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The socio-political thought of José Martí : his plans for the liberated Patria Kirk, John M. 1977

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THE SOCIO-POLITICAL THOUGHT OF JOSE MARTI : HIS PLANS FOR THE LIBERATED PATRIA by JOHN M. KIRK B.A. , U n i v e r s i t y of S h e f f i e l d M.A. , Queen's U n i v e r s i t y , Kingston A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Hispanic and I t a l i a n Studies We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1977 John M. K i r k , 1977 In presenting th i s thesis in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree l y ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thes is for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion. Department of Hispanic and Italian Studies The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date April 1, 1977 ABSTRACT Jose Marti (1853-1895) is commonly accepted by Cubans and foreigners alike as the creator of the Republic of Cuba. No such agree-ment exists as to the meaning of his social and p o l i t i c a l thought: Marti has been represented as advocating the most diverse of p o l i t i c a l , social and economic theories. The two most common interpretations are of Marti as an id e a l i s t i c l i b e r a l or as a radical revolutionary. The prolixity and variety of Marti's writings permit the selection of direct quotations to support v i r t u a l l y any pre-determined ideological interpretation, and in Cuban po l i t i c s over the last forty years Marti's writings have been used to legitimise t o t a l l y opposing p o l i t i c a l regimes. An escape from such a treatment of Marti's writings is clearly essential i f his thoughtvis to be properly understood, since only a fresh, objec-tive examination of the t o t a l i t y of Marti's writings and, in particular, an investigation of Marti's plans for the independent Cuba he so long and nobly struggled to liberate, w i l l give an understanding of Marti's thought and i t s development. Based upon a close examination of the twenty-five volumes of the most recent edition of Marti's writings and upon a careful analysis of a l l significant c r i t i c a l studies of Marti's works, this dissertation has concentrated upon analysing Marti's socio-political thought and particularly his plans for the liberated patria. The dissertation also seeks .to explain the sources of Marti's thought and to investigate the development, i f any, that occurred in his thought over a period of some twenty-five years. The extraordinary importance of Marti's childhood and adoles--cence is considered in Chapter I which demonstrates how decisive in the formation of his thought were his experiences both within his family and during his savage mistreatment hy the Spanish authorities. Chapter II investigates the importance of his personal experience during his adult l i f e in Latin America and in the United States and shows how these experiences led to a further development and, in his f i n a l years, to a radicalisation of his thought. The following four chapters contain an analysis of Marti's plans for the liberated Cuban Republic. Each chapter concentrate's upon a' specific aspect of. these plans—the "moral imperatives" guiding the new Republic, i t s p o l i t i c a l structure, i t s social organisation, and i t s economic development. These chapters reveal that, i f Marti did not present specific blueprints, he did adopt a coherent approach to.the formation of the new Republic-and the pro-blems i t would face. His plans were based upon moral p r i o r i t i e s rather than upon any abstract theory of government and society. The Conclusion restates the main findings of the dissertation,' underlining the uniqueness of Marti, a man capable of inspiring, more than sixty years after his death, a new vision of Cuban society. The dissertation closes with two appendices, one summarising biographical details of Marti's l i f e , and the other analysing the historical.portrayal of Marti who has v i s i b l y passed from the position of "Apostle" to that of "Revolutionary." i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . 1 NOTES TO INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 CHAPTER I THE ORIGINS OF MARTI' S REVOLUTIONARY CAREER 1 0 NOTES TO CHAPTER I . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . 3 9 CHAPTER II THE EVOLUTION OF MARTI'S SOCIO-POLITICAL THOUGHT h6 NOTES TO CHAPTER II . . . 7 5 \ CHAPTER III POLITICAL ASPECTS OF MARTI'S PATRIA 8l NOTES TO CHAPTER III . . . . . . . . . 1 1 0 CHAPTER IV THE MORAL FOUNDATION OF THE LIBERATED PATRIA . . . . . . . . . 1 1 5 NOTES TO CHAPTER IV • • 1^3 CHAPTER V SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF MARTI'S LIBERATED REPUBLIC 1^9 NOTES TO CHAPTER V . . . . . . 181+ CHAPTER VI ECONOMIC THEORIES AND POLICIES OF MARTI . . . . .' . . . . . . . 1 9 1 NOTES TO CHAPTER VI . . . . . . . 2 1 9 CONCLUSION 2 2 U BIBLIOGRAPHY 2 3 2 APPENDIX 'A' BIOGRAPHICAL DETAILS OF MARTI'S LIFE . . . . . . . . 2 6 0 APPENDIX 'B' JOSE MARTI, APOSTOL OR REVOLUTIONARY? 2 6 7 V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the staff of the Inter-Library Loan office at U.B.C.,- who helped in obtaining much of the bibliographical material consulted, and to Elizabeth Howarth, who typed the f i n a l version of this dissertation in her normal impeccable fashion. I would also like to acknowledge the invaluable assistance of my thesis director Roderick Barman and also of Jean Barman, both of whom constantly offered advice and personal encouragement during the gestation of this work. Finally, and most important of a l l , thanks must go to my wife Margo, truly a perfect companion during the long hours spent on the thesis. She, has consistently given me her complete love and understand-ing, while at a l l times bearing graciously the extremes of my "Marti-mania." To a l l of the people responsible for the appearance of this doctoral thesis, my heartfelt gratitude. INTRODUCTION 1 To explain the importance that Jose Marti possesses for the Cuban nation and people is no easy task. In his contribution to the formation and development of Cub c l c i S c l nation, Jose Marti may f a i r l y be compared to other great hi s t o r i c a l figures who played similar roles in their respective countries, such as Mahatma Gandhi in India, Abraham Lincoln in the United States, Simon Bolivar in Venezuela and, most recently, Mao Tse-Tung in China. Such a comparison does not, however, ill u s t r a t e the true importance of Marti, so multifarious were his contributions to his patria. Within the last three decades Marti has truly been "discovered" by the Cuban nation as a whole, and there he is now generally regarded as a hero of truly epic proportions."'" Based solely upon a study of his multifaceted talents—and leaving aside momentarily his dramatic personal contribution to the liberation of Cuba—such an estimate appears com-pletely j u s t i f i a b l e , since Marti in his time was indeed a remarkable individual. By training Marti was a lawyer, although never permitted by the Spanish authorities to exercise his profession in Cuba. He followed a variety of other professions, as a professor of philosophy and modern languages, an accomplished vdiplomat (being consul in New York for A4Kge.nib:ina,, Paraguay and Uruguay), a ski l l e d orator and f i n a l l y , in regard to his best known extra-political achievements, Marti was also an outstanding writer. Marti's l i t e r a r y accomplishments are, by themselves, sufficient to warrant his being considered one of the masters of Latin American letters. As a poet he was outstanding, and is widely considered the 3 founder of the continent's f i r s t truly indigenous li t e r a r y movement, Modernising. Marti also engaged in other genres , drama and, more particularly prose, of which his most notable work was undoubtedly the collection of newspaper reports on North American l i f e , his famous "Escenas Norteamericanas," which he contributed to a number of news-2 papers m South America. Jose Marti was f i r s t seriously studied in Cuba in the early 1 9 3 0 ' s . Since that time public attention has been increasingly focussed upon him, with the result that this veneration of Marti has gradually become "una de las fuerzas centripetas de l a nacionalidad cubana." The culmination of this increasing public exposure of Marti occurred in 1 9 5 3 , the centennial of his birth, during which time coins bearing the portrait of the Apostol were minted, sets of postage stamps were issued, and hundreds of monuments were dedicated to him. By 1 9 5 3 , then, i t was d i f f i c u l t for Cuban citizens not to be aware of the basic biographical details of Marti's l i f e , so widespread had been this publicity campaign.^ It was, ironically, also in 1 9 5 3 that the beginning of a new and very different level of interest in Marti was announced after a young lawyer was arrested while attempting to storm the Moncada barracks in Santiago de Cuba. When asked who had instigated the revolt in which he had participated this lawyer, Fidel Castro, informed the astonished court that i t had been no less than Marti himself.^ Several years later, after assuming the presidency of Cuba, Castro formally acknowledged his debt to Marti as the "autor intelectual" of the Revolution, and by doing so caused an understandable flurry of excitement in the camp of a l l k martianos. The revolutionary movement in Cuba, initiated in 1 9 5 9 , ' thus proved to be a dramatic stimulus for a new and invigorated interest in Marti and, more particularly, i n his social and p o l i t i c a l leanings. At. the present time i t may be said that the various interpreta-tions of Marti's work f a l l into two distinct groups, as is explained in greater detail in Appendix 'B'.,' On the one side is situated what may be termed the "traditional" (and in effect the continuation of the pre-1 9 5 9 portrayal of Marti) interpretation, chiefly represented by the Miami-based Cubans who, adhering" s t r i c t l y and .firmly to the pre-Castro— and therefore "low profile"—view of Marti, consistently portray him as a resolute admirer of the North American people and institutions, a devoutly religious man (He is consistently referred to in religious terminology )', in economic matters he is presented as a l i b e r a l , and f i n a l l y at a l l times he is seen as a determined opponent of despotism (which is usually presented by this group as being best personified by the present regime of Fidel Castro). On the other side is the "revolutionary" interpretation, developed and refined in Cuba since Castro's accession to power in 1 9 5 9 - Speaking in general terms, i t appears that since that time Marti has been presented as a committed revolutionary, profoundly a n t i c l e r i c a l , essentially radical in his p o l i t i c a l beliefs, a defender of the working 1 masses, and an outspoken enemy of the excesses of capitalism. Moreover— and once again in total opposition to the "traditional" approach—he is now presented generally as a man completely disillusioned because of the abuse of once noble institutions in the United States, and a patriot who 5 had eventually condemned that country in a most vigorous fashion, after discerning i t s imperialist designs on "Nuestra Americ El 3 clS Marti termed Latin America. For the "traditionalists" Marti was generally understood as a l i b e r a l (but essentially moderate) reformer, while the "revolutionary" interpretation presents him as espousing a variety of radical left-wing views. In short, Jose Marti appears to have become " a l l things for a l l men," a situation which makes a fresh, essentially "objective" study both desirable and necessary. In this dissertation, fortunately removed from the p o l i t i c a l pressure of either of the common interpretations, I have concentrated my attention on the Obras completas of Marti. The most complete edition of Marti's work is that published in Havana from 1 9 6 3 to 1 9 6 6 by the Editorial Nacional de Cuba,N comprising altogether some twenty-five volumes (excluding the last two tomes which constitute the Indices of . the work), each volume of which contains about ^00-1+50 pages: i t is this edition which I have used. Because of the variety of Marti's talents, this collection is composed of a wide variety of genres i n -cluding poetry, drama, novel, short stories, translations into Spanish of various works, p o l i t i c a l speeches, the children's magazine La Edad  de Pro that he edited, his hundreds of newspaper reports and articles for a variety of publications, a l l of his private correspondence, p o l i t i c a l documents that he dictated, exercise books and personal note-books. A l l this material has been closely examined in the preparation of the present study. 6 By a careful analysis of this edition of Marti's Obras completas I have deliberately sought to avoid placing any p o l i t i c a l "labels" on Marti, and thus have not situated him directly in the mainstream of either of the two principal interpretations. Instead, because i t appears f a i r l y clear as a result of my examination that Marti in fact did possess important and f a i r l y substantial plans for his patria after i t had been liberated from Spain, in essence I have allowed Marti's thought to speak for i t s e l f . Consequently, after a close study of Marti's writings I have arrived at a synthesis of the type of p o l i t i c a l and social structures that he desired for post-Independence Cuba. In short, this study goes back to the basic material of Marti, his Obras completas, but instead of following the more traditional approach of analysing Marti's work from a s t r i c t l y theoretical p o l i t i c a l viewpoint, i t follows.a new ^method.i;TaThus:juthe1:,dissertation-doestnot-concentrate on Marti's p o l i t i c a l thought per se, but rather examines his designs and aspirations for the type of country that he hoped to found after winning Independence from Spain. Moreover, since both of the most common interpretations claim to have been inspired by Marti's example, this "blueprint" of Cuban society as seen through Marti's eyes w i l l also reveal the consistencies and/or inconsistencies of these claims. In this way, not only w i l l earlier theorizing in regard to Marti's p o l i t i c a l thought be c l a r i f i e d , but also a more concrete approximation to his notion of patria w i l l emerge. Though there have been l i t e r a l l y thousands of studies written about different aspects of both Jose Marti's l i f e and his work, 7 remarkably l i t t l e attention has been paid to either the thought of Marti (and more specifically, his aspirations for an independent Cuba) or the way in which these plans evolved. The most important of these concerns— the fundamental changes that Marti advocated being implemented in his country—will be examined from Chapters III to VI inclusive, as an analysis is provided of the kind of society he hoped would result from the struggle for independence, the necessary type of economic development envisaged by Marti, the emergence of a new national conscience, and f i n a l l y the necessary p o l i t i c a l system he recommended for the patria. The f i r s t two chapters w i l l preface this master-plan, explaining why Marti developed into a revolutionary at such an early age, and subse-quently i l l u s t r a t i n g the noticeable stages in-the development of his thought. \ 8 NOTES INTRODUCTION """Hence1 the claim hy Carlos Alberto Montaner: "Para los cubanos todo es discutible, todo es parcelable en antagonismos, menos. la. figura del Apostol. Esta subordinacion total y absoluta se explica en e l fenomeno mencionado: negar a Marti es tanto como renunciar a un ingrediente—tal vez el basico—della cubania." Carlos Alberto Montaner, E l pensamiento de Marti (Madrid: Plaza Mayor Ediciones, 1 9 7 1 ) , P. 3 . 2 In a l l of.his literary work Marti revealed his determination that literature should convey an. important, essentially moralistic "message" to his reader: the idea of delectare, of. appealing to one's aesthetic inclinations was of course found, but generally this was subordinated to the concept of prodesse, of harnessing literature to the benefit of Humanity. In his Versos sencillos, Marti explained the need for his literary work to be committed to such a socially-oriented goal: Callo, y entiendo, y me quito La pompa del rimador; Cuelgo- de un arbol marchito Mi muceta de doctor (XVI, 6'5) In particular Marti's versos are of great importance in attempting to decipher the essence of his thought, since as one c r i t i c has correctly noted, Marti's poetry, "iluminada por su vasta produccion en pros a es l a unica y. cabal manera. de captar lo que por. ser cubanidad honda y sublimada aparece como expresion de valores universales." Otto Olivera, Cuba;en su poesia (Mexico: Ediciones de Andrea, 1 9 & 5 ) , p. 1 9 ^ Marti himself, in the prologue to his Versos libres , admitted that he had poured his most personal sentiments into his poetry: Tajos son estos de mis propias entranas— mis guerreros.—Ninguno uie ha salido recalentado, a f t i f i c i o s o , recompuesto de l a mente; sino como las. lagrimas salen de los \ ojos y l a sangre sale a borbotones de l a herida. 9 No zurci de este y aquel, sino saje en mi mismo. Van escritos, no en ti n t a de academia, sino en mi propia sangre. Lo que aqui doy a ver lo he visto antes (Yo lo he visto yo), y he visto mucho mas, que huyo sin darme tiempo a que copiara sus rasgos (XVI, 131). Consequently, in order to il l u s t r a t e various aspects of Marti's thought, where occasion warrants i t his poetry w i l l be quoted in this disserta-tion. It is to be hoped that both through this material and through a study of his personal diaries and notebooks, a more thorough understand-ing of Marti w i l l result. ( A l l quotations from Marti's Obras completas are from the edition published in. Havana by the Editorial Nacional de Cuba, between 1 9 6 3 and 1 9 6 6 . The numbers of both the volume"and page w i l l be indicated in the text by Roman and Arabic numerals respectively.) 3 Montaner, p. 3 . h In a recent a r t i c l e , Roberto Fernandez Retamar explained how a l l Cuban citizens (at times forcibly) participated in these celebrations: "Otra ley-decreto. anterior, l a numero h21, de 25 de septiembre de 1 9 5 2 , autodenominada 'Ley-Decreto del Homenaje del Pueblo de Cuba a Jose Marti', estipulaba que 'con destino a engrosar los fondos de l a Comision Organizadora creada por l a Ley-Decreto numero 3 1 5 de 1 9 5 2 . . . se • establecen . . . los siguientes impuestos': un dia de haber para cada empleado, dos pesos para cada profesional, diez centavos para cada cabeza de ganado sacrificada, cada quintal de cafe o cada tercio de tabaco, cincuenta centavos por cada finca, l a dieta correspondiente a una sesion de trabajo para cada miembro del Consejo Consultivo (isalvaje sacrificio.'), una contribution, voluntaria de un centavo como minimo para cada nifio escolar." Roberto Fernandez Retamar, "La conmemoracion del Centenario de Marti en Cuba," Bohemia, 31 Aug. 1 9 7 3 , p. 6 . ^In his defence speech (later published as La historia me  ab solver a.), Fidel Castro explained his debt to Jose Marti: "De igual manera se prohibio que llegaran a mis m'anos los libros de Marti; parece que l a censura de l a prision los considero demasiado subversivos. 10 sera porque yo dije que Marti era el autor intelectual del 2 6 de julio? Se impidio, ademas, que trajese a este juicio ninguna obra de consulta sobre cualquier otra materia. INo importa en absolute' Traigo en e l corazon las doctrinas del Maestro y en el pensamiento las nobles ideas • de todos los hombres que han defendido l a libertad de los pueblos." Fidel Castro, La historia me absolvera (La Habana: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1 9 7 3 ) , p. 2 5 . 1 0 CHAPTER I THE ORIGINS OF MARTI'S REVOLUTIONARY CAREER Jose Julian Marti y Perez was born in Havana on January 2 8 , 1 8 5 3 , the son of two peninsulares of humble birth, Mariano Marti and. Leonor Perez. During his short, but extremely f u l l , l i f e Jose Marti managed to accomplish far more than most men ever do, fighting for many long years to i n s t i l l a sense of patriotic dignity in his co-revolutionaries, while steadfastly encouraging them to liberate (in the fullest sense, of'-the term) their patria. 'When Marti's l i f e was cut tragically short in 1 8 9 5 , much s t i l l remained to be done in Cuba, but at least the path along which the Revolution would have to follow had been blazed. In short, as this thesis w i l l show, the basic plans for this process of liberation had been carefully l a i d by Marti, a fact of which he himself was certain, as he noted the very month in which he was k i l l e d in a skirmish with a party of Spanish troops: Se desaparecer. Pero no desapareceria mi pensamiento, ni me agriaria mi oscuridad. Y en cuanto tengamos forma, obraremos, cumplame esto a mi o a otros (XX, 1 6 3 ) . Ironically Marti's father had come to Cuba as a sergeant in the Spanish army, and for the majority of his l i f e served various o f f i c i a l peace-keeping bodies on the Island. Obviously don Mariano's o f f i c i a l position, as well as his firm allegiance to the Spanish Crown, were both unacceptable to the young Marti. In fact, in order to .understand pro-11 perly the original motivation for his extraordinary revolutionary career, his notable obsession to liberate Cuba, and indeed his whole approach to l i f e , an examination in some detail of Marti's childhood and adolescence is absolutely essential: Indeed, based upon a close study of Marti's early work (and of course including his personal correspondence, notebooks, etc.) i t is possible to explain much of his thought not by means of any supposed intellectual influences, but rather through an examination of the extremely unusual chain of personal experiences Marti went through during this period. A thorough study of this time in Marti's l i f e thus greatly assists our understanding of the intensely moral and id e a l i s t i c foundation for his thought, one of the key elements i n his planned liberation campaign. Of exceptional importance in the formation of Jose Marti's character was the influence (or rather the reaction to that influence) exercised upon him by his parents, and particularly by don Mariano. Marti's relationship with his mother appears to have been extremely deep, as .can be seen from his poem, "A mi madre," written in 1869, and generally considered to be the f i r s t verse he ever wrote."'" Indeed, during his traumatic prison experiences in 1869 and 1870, significantly Marti did not write to his father, but instead wrote consistently to his mother, even sending her a photograph of himself i n prison garb, accompanied by a poem (XVTI, 29) , while he indicated to her on numerous . . . 2 occasions the harsh conditions in prison. There was thus a very profound love between the young Marti and his mother. In his letters, dona Leonor appears as an extremely tender 12 and. loving woman who, despite her lack of sympathy with, or even proper understanding of, the lofty goals for .which her son was fighting, never-theless suffered immensely during his unfortunate experiences in San Lazaro. Marti himself, writing to his Mexican friend Manuel A. Mercado in March of 1878, summarized well this aspect of his mother's character: Mi madre tiene grandezas , y se. las estimo, y l a amo—U lo sahe—hondamente, pero no me perdona mi salvaje independencia, mi brusca in f l e x i b i l i d a d , ni mis opiniones sobre Cuba (XX, 1*5). However, despite the obvious love that Marti f e l t for his mother, the key psychological relationship in his childhood appears quite clearly to have been that between himself and his father, and in fact i t is not too extreme to claim that during his adolescence, Marti's character evolved largely as a result of the clear rejection by him of his father. By nature don Mariano appears to have been a s t r i c t and rather harsh individual, scrupulously honest and totally unyielding when he considered himself in the right, who on several occasions was 3 disciplined by superiors because of this lack of f l e x i b i l i t y . In short he was a man whose gruff manner and reticent character gradually alienated his young, sensitive (and equally single-minded) son. Mariano Marti's military background, compounded by a lack of formal education, obviously conditioned his outlook on l i f e , since in essence he knew no other l i f e than that of the barracks. In general, then, Pedro N. Gonzalez Veranes' sketch of Marti's father seems a f a i r representation: "su caracter era fuerte, despotico y rustico en extremo; era un trasunto del pater familia CsicH romaho, en lo moral y en lo material; cumplidor celoso de sus de"beres hogarenos y mantenedor sempiterno de su omnimoda autoridad entre los suyos."^ Certainly Marti's own comments on his father support the commonly-held view that, during his adolescence,,they both enjoyed a rather strained relationship. It is also highly significant that on the few occasions later in his l i f e when Marti does write about his father, i t is frequently accompanied by an allusion to this early " d i f f i c u l t " period, when they did not understand, much less respect, each other f u l l y . Typical of this late appreciation of don Mariano was Marti's letter to his sister Amelia in 1880: Tu no sabes., Amelia ml a, toda l a veneracion y respeto. ternisimo que merece nuestro padre. A l i i donde lo^ves^,lleno-de_vejeces-y„ capri-chos , es un hombre de una virtud extraordinaria. Ahora que vivo, ahora se todo el-valor de su energla. y los raros y excelsos meritos de su naturaleza pura y franca (XX, 278-288). Similar sentiments are expressed several times by Marti, in a letter to Jorge Garcia (XX, 319), for instance, and again to Fermin Valdes Dominguez, in which he again refers to his tardy understanding of his father: "Tu no sabes como llegue a quererlo luego que lo conoci" (XX, 32l). It thus appears f a i r to claim that Marti did not i n i t i a l l y respect or appreciate his father u n t i l the late-l8'70' s , when he discovered what he later termed "un orgullo que crecia cada vez que en e l pensaba, porque a nadie le toco v i v i r en tiempos mas viles ni nadie a pesar de su sencillez aparente, salio mas puro en pensamiento y obra de ellos" (XX, 319). •lh Understandably, then, the young Marti—so obviously different in temperament from don Mariano—did not pass through the normal childhood stage of introjection, ^  clearly refusing to imitate or "identify with" the attributes of his father's character. The somewhat rude and uncompromising attitude of his father must have appeared totally unacceptable to Marti who, noting the military position of don Mariano as well as his unquestioning acceptance of the many injustices committed in Cuba in the name of the Crown may well have identified his father's uncompromising and rigidly authoritarian approach with that of the o f f i c i a l Spanish policy. It is therefore quite plausible that Marti, unconsciously comparing his father's attitude with the repression practised in the name of the Crown (and increasingly dissociating him-self from don Mariano), became a potential revolutionary earlier than is generally thought. When Marti was only nine years old his father, recently appointed to a minor o f f i c i a l post in the town of Hanabana (in the province of Oriente) took Jose along with him. Scarcely competent to handle a l l the paper work involved with the position, and desirous too of providing the young Jose with some valuable work experience, don Mariano had decided to employ his son as a general clerk-secretary. It was during this stay in Hanabana that an experience usually depicted as having roused his social conscience took, place,---.as Marti became"quite.._noticeably shocked at the cruel treatment he saw meted out to the negro slaves on the surround-ing plantations. And, although i t may seem rather extreme to claim that "at this point Marti resolved to fight Spanish oppression against Cubans, 15 regardless of race, color or creed,"^ nevertheless this time spent in Hanabana did represent an important formative experience in Marti's growing awareness of the many i l l s and injustices of colonial Cuba, as can be seen from an observation found in his later Fragmentos: £Y los negros? iQuien que ha visto azotar a un. amigo no se considera para siempre un deudor? Yo. lo. v i , lo v i cuando era. nino, y todavia no se me ha apagado en las mejillas l a vergiienza (XXII, 189). On another important lev e l , Marti's stay in Hanabana also increased the r i f t between himself and his father since don Mariano, despite his influence in the d i s t r i c t , refused to intervene to stop such cruelties, something which his son could never accept. Meanwhile dona Leonor, convinced that exposure of her son to the harsh conditions of l i f e away from the capital could only prove to his detriment, f i n a l l y persuaded her husband to let Jose return to Havana. Soon after he returned to the capital, Marti's mother entered him in the school of San Anacleto, where he was a remarkably successful student. Ironically his success in school only served to increase the tension between Marti and his father, who insisted that Marti leave his "book learning" and instead concentrate on finding himself a job. The further education which Marti longed for was regarded by don Mariano as both unnecessary and wasteful, especially since the young Marti had already .proved himself' an exceptional accountant and general clerk, and would therefore have few d i f f i c u l t i e s in finding a well-paid commercial position. Fortunately Marti's mother was able to dissuade her husband from this course of action, and so in March of I 8 6 5 Marti entered the 1 6 "Escuela Superior Municipal de Varones," the director of which was Rafael Maria de Mendive, a poet of some fame on the Island and a man viewed by the ...Spanish as .harbouring dangerous and "seditious" ideas. A-new and important part-:of JMartiis ..life was how to begin. When Jose Marti began to attend the school of Rafael Mendive, the maestro had already gained an impressive reputation in Cuba, having edited two journals in the l a t e - l 8 ^ 0 ' s , and founded the prestigious Revista de La Habana in 1 8 5 3 . Moreover he had published several volumes of poetry in the Island, and was generally regarded as one of the leading Cuban men of letters of that time. Mendive was also known as a firm believer in the necessity of Cuba winning her p o l i t i c a l independence from an apparently increasingly-demanding 'madre patria,' 1 and was a fervent admirer of the man generally regarded as being the f i r s t revolutionary intellectual of Cuba, Father Felix Varela, whom he met in New York in l 8 * i 8 . After returning to Cuba in 1 8 5 2 , Mendive busied himself with his literary concerns, eventually turning to teaching, as he opened two institutes, a private college called San Pablo, and the famous "Escuela Superior de Varones" that Marti attended. At this point he was not particularly active p o l i t i c a l l y in Havana!, (nor, i t can be argued, did he have any particularly revolutionary plans for Cuban society after independence had been won). Indeed, despite his great respect for the leading proponents of independence in nineteenth-century Cuba—Felix ^ ^ 7 Varela, Jose Antonio Saco and Jose de l a Luz y Caballero, i t is quite l i k e l y that, had i t not been for -the refusal of the Spanish 'Junta de. IT Informacion' in 1865 to allow badly-needed tax r e l i e f and some minor reforms for the colony, Mendive would probably not have concerned him-self too deeply with the movement for independence. However, with the failure of the Spanish government to alleviate the tax burden on the Cubans (and instead to actually increase direct taxation on the Island's citizens during 1866 and 1867). many middle-class islanders became deeply antagonistic to Spamn:,liseekihgginstead a more radical solution to their problems than that afforded by this mild attempt at•reformism—political o independence. If we turn our attention momentarily to the young Marti, i t is not d i f f i c u l t to imagine the confused state of his mind as he entered Mendive's school. There were several obvious clashes between his own lofty patriotic ideals and the lacklustre reality afforded by his home l i f e , between his own intense desire for knowledge and his parents' lack of education. Furthermore, the rebellious, inquisitive nature of his temperament clashed quite, noticeably with the stern, unflinching loyalty of his parents (and in particular of his father) to an established set of values, as typified by the Crown., It was thus Jose Marti's extremely good fortune to come across Mendive's school at this time of c r i s i s . ' Indeed, faced with a lack of understanding on the part of his family, and convinced that he was essentially very "different" from them, Marti gratefully accepted Mendive's much-needed understanding, for he saw in the maestro a s p i r i t very similar to his own. Moreover, the possibilities of a normal process of identification with, his father having been exhausted, Marti 18 willingly turned to Mendive as a "father substitute" for guidance and o affection. However, not only did he internalize Mendive's attributes into himself, but also became intrigued by Mendive's interest in p o l i t i c a l independence for Cuba, later developing to a degree never even considered by don Rafael, the ideas of the maestro. Based upon a study of a l l of Marti's references to Mendive, i t is clear that he recognized in Mendive a truly kindred s p i r i t , a genuine maestro in the fullest sense of the Spanish word:, who would gradually shape his literary and moral potential into a strongly humanistic cosmovision. Mendive's role as a substitute father to the young Marti is perhaps best shown in Marti's own words. In 1868, for example, he concluded a letter to Mendive in this way: "Hasta manana, Sr. Mendive, y mande a su discipulo que lo quiere como un hijo, Jose Marti" (XX, 2^ 4-^ 4-). Even more il l u s t r a t i v e of this obvious devotion, to Mendive was his reply to a c r i t i c a l note from his adviser: Yo no se que un padre, generoso tenga que recordar a un hijo que le adora, sus deberes: Por eso me asombro tanto su recado, cuando a cada instante daria por Vd. mi vida que es de Vd. y solo de Vd. . y otras mil s i las tuviera (XX, 2^5). Marti could not have helped comparing.the harsh.., somewhat resent-f u l attitude of his father with the gentle, affectionate nature of Mendive. Moreover, unlike his father,, Mendive stimulated and encouraged his young charge, heaping lavish praise upon him, while gradually building up both his self-confidence and his moral conscience. To understand Marti's undying devotion to Mendive, and at the same time his displeasure at his own father, i t is interesting to cite another 19 observation of this time made by Marti in a letter to his teacher. Apparently don Mariano, s t i l l intent upon making his son abandon his studies altogether in order to contribute in a more tangible fashion to the Marti household, had driven the young Jose to the point of desperation: Trabajo ahora de seis de l a manana a. 8 de l a noche y gano-U onzas y media que entrego a mi padre. Este me hace sufrir cada dia mas, y me ha llegado a lastimar tanto que confieso a Vd. con toda l a franqueza ruda que Vd. me conoce que solo l a esperanza de volver a verle me ha impedido matarme (XX, 2k6). As a result of his father's actions, Rafael Maria de Mendive became Jose Marti's true padre espiritual, paying for his education when Marti's own father refused to, personally teaching his young protege and continually encouraging him to appreciate his cubanidad. What is particularly interesting in the Mendive-Marti relation-ship is that the maestro's influence on Marti was not just restricted to timenspent in school ,Es:inc:e Marti was a frequent v i s i t o r to Mendive's home where he was accepted almost as one of the family. Especially important in the formation of Marti's fervently patriotic outlook were the many , famed tertulias that he eagerly attended at Mendive's h o u s e . A s hasj been'mentioned ,c.Mendive' s • outspoken ,.defence-,-of the need to liberate Cuba from Spain was well-known, and i t is therefore not surprising that at these evening meetings not only were there discussions about l i t e r a -ture and art, but also that the ideadof an independent Cuba was seriously studied. At these tertulias, Marti cultivated veritable passions for 2 0 justice and beauty and, faced with the rather dry background of unquestioning espaholismo at his father's house, willingly immersed himself in the heady atmosphere of revolutionary cubanismo. In 1 8 6 8 the f i r s t important Cuban revolt against Spain occurred, led by Manuel C e s p e d e s T h i s rebellion (commonly known as the "Grito de Yara" after the small town where the uprising broke out) caused the evening discussions in Mendive's home to take on an increasingly p o l i t i c a l nature. By this time Marti had been "adopted" by the maestro, and participated actively in these sessions, remembering many years later how he feverishly joined the discussions on the Cespedes uprising, while he "seguia, de codos en e l piano, l a marcha de Cespedes en l a manigua" (V, 2 5 l ) . (He also recalled how on another occasion a l l the tertulianos conspired to hide a Cuban rebel, recounting how "Jose de Armas y Cespedes, huyendo de l a p o l i c i a , estaba escondido en el cuarto mismo de Rafael Mendive" (V, 2 5 1 ) ) . Meanwhile, in Mendive's school i t s e l f the students composed and recited poetry that was c r i t i c a l of the Spanish Governor of Cuba, Francisco Lersundi ("en e l patio, a l pie de los platanos, recitabamos los muchaehos.-el.soneto del 'Senor<Mendive' a Ler'sundi" (V, 251.), as he wrote later). Indeed, for the f i r s t time in Cuban history there was a general feeling of rebellion, of national awareness, in the a i r , as Julio Le 1 2 Riverend has indicated. As a result, then, of this widespread desire for a liberated Cuba and of the strongly nationalist and separatist views of Mendive, as well as the extremely close ties between Mendive and his young charge,-.itiseems impossible for Marti not to have been imbued with this new-found revolutionary zeal. 21 But while the struggle against Spain had become a holy crusade for Mendive, for whom the conduct of the madre patria was totally^ unacceptable, Mariano Marti steadfastly continued to support the Spanish point of view. Mendive interpreted the ruthless suppression of progressive ideas (which for him included the notion of p o l i t i c a l independence) in Cuba as a dastardly crime, a vicious attempt to protect Spain's brutal exploitation of the Island, while Marti's father continued to pledge his seemingly unquestioning allegiance to the Crown. It was at this point that the young Marti clearly decided to spurn the way of l i f e typified by his father's conduct, preferring instead to follow the path shown him by Mendive. Consequently, Mendive's influence on Jose Marti should not be underestimated. For after a signally unhappy home l i f e (and Marti refers in fact to "las amargas memorias de mi casa"'(XX, 32), while Mendive's house was described by him as "una casa que era toda de angeles" (V, 25l)), Marti willingly allowed himself to be taken under the wing of his padre espiritual. It was then that the vague feelings of discontent aroused by seeing the slaves whipped at Hanabana, his dis-like of the blind acceptance on the part of his father of the many injustices committed in the name of Spain, and f i n a l l y his' growing indignation at the prevailing atmosphere of oppression, a l l coalesced, and ultimately found their form in the fervent desire for independence shared by Rafael Mendive. At this particular stage, then, in Marti's somewhat vague p o l i t i c a l aspirations, the dominant influence upon him 22 had been the convictions of Mendive that the p a t r i a would have to be l i b e r a t e d before there could be any manner of n a t i o n a l d i g n i t y . Under the maestro's tutelage Jose Marti thus became a convinced b e l i e v e r i n p o l i t i c a l independence for Cuba, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two men being admirably described by P a n f i l o D. Camacho: "de un padre e s p i r i t u a l como Mendive no podia s a l i r nada d i s t i n t o a l o que s a l i o : 13 un poeta y un revolucionario." Under the guidance of Rafael Maria de Mendive, Marti b a s i c a l l y learned three valuable lessons: the a b i l i t y to compose b e a u t i f u l and yet e s s e n t i a l l y simple, poetry; to i n s p i r e h i s fellow Cubans to believe i n the necessary p o l i t i c a l independence from Spain; and f i n a l l y — a n d perhaps most important of a l l — t o preach without r e s p i t e d e t a i l s of the s e l f l e s s and humanitarian s o c i e t y that had to be i n s t i t u t e d i n Cuba a f t e r p o l i t i c a l independence had been won. Moreover, Marti was never to forget the importance of these lessons taught to him by his padre  e s p i r i t u a l , even a f t e r the a p p l i c a t i o n of Mendive's teachings l e d to the a r r e s t , imprisonment and eventual deportation of the young boy. Grate-f u l to Mendive f o r both h i s i n s t r u c t i o n and love, and f u l l y apprised of the enormous influence that Mendive had exercised upon him, Marti wrote to the maestro sh o r t l y before being deported from Cuba i n January of 1871: De aqui a dos horas embarco desterrado para Espafla. Mucho he s u f r i d o , pero tengo l a conviccion de que he sabido s u f r i r . Y s i he. tenido fuerzas para tanto y s i me siento con fuerzas para ser verdaderamente. hombre, solo a Vd. l o debo y de. Vd. y solo de Vd. es cuanto bueno y carinoso tengo . . . Muchisimos 23 v abrazos a Mario, y de Vd. toda e l alma de su hijo y discipulo Marti (XX, 2hf). The year 1869 constituted an extremely important stage in Marti's embrace of the separatist cause. On January ht 1869 a new and more li b e r a l Captain-General, Domingo Dulce, arrived in Havana to replace the l i t rather harsh administration of General Lersundi. He had arrived with the express intention of introducing a programme of moderate reform in Cuba, including token representation in the Cortes or Spanish Parliament, the freedom of assembly, and f i n a l l y that of the press. As a result of these new-found l i b e r t i e s , within eighteen days (from January 10 to 28) no less than seventy-seven periodicals and newspapers sprang up, the vast majority of which appear to have been c r i t i c a l of the Spanish control of the Island."^ Two of these journals were the direct work of Jose Marti. On January 19 Marti published the journal E l Diablo Cojuelo, which he had directed with Fermin Vaides Dominguez, another student of Mendive. Four days later Marti's second work, La Patria Libre, appeared, the costs of which were paid by Mendive. Meanwhile Marti's relations with his father had continued to deteriorate and don Mariano, realizing the dangers to which his son was exposing himself by adopting this defiantly anti-Spanish attitude, tried hard to dissuade him from such a course of action. A l l was in vain, however, since Marti willingly embraced the revolutionary cause. Don Mariano could then only watch helplessly as his son, increasingly convinced of the inherent need for an independent Cuba, plunged headlong towards the inevitable confronta-tion with the Spanish forces. 2h Both of these i n i t i a l publications of Jose Marti are important for they reveal the degree of commitment f e l t by him at this time toward the idea of an independent Cuba, and i t i s therefore worth glancing bri e f l y at them. Moreover, both understandably revolved around the young Cuban's fervent patriotism, which i s probably best expressed in his drama Abdala, published in La Patria Libre, by the character of the same name: En l a Nubia nacidos, por l a Nubia Morir sabremos: hijos de l a patria Por e l l a moriremos, y e l suspiro Que de mis labios postimeros saiga Para Nubia sera, que para. Nubia . Nuestra fuerza y valor fueron creados (XVIII, lh).1® In both E l Diablo Cojuelo and La Patria Libre there appear to be two fundamental levels on which Marti based his opposition to the Spanish domination of Cuba. On the one side there is the objective appreciation of the "Cuban situation," in which Marti praised the establishment by General Dulce of many basic liberties previously un-known in Cuba: "A Dios gracias, que en estos tiempos dulces hay distancia y no poca de su casa a l Morro.. En los tiempos de don Paco CLersundi] era otra cosa" (I, 3 l ) . On the other side can be clearly seen Marti's subjective feelings in regard to the hist o r i c a l moment in which he was l i v i n g , as well as to his own family situation. For, consistently c r i t i c i z e d by his parents because of his-strong interest in the cause of Cuban independence, and yet attracted by a deeply-patriotic longing to help his country, Marti's personal anguish is portrayed by a remarkably similar set of 25 circumstances in Abdala. In this drama the protagonist is presented as being torn between his mother's pleas that he disregard his country's fate and concentrate instead upon his family obligations, and between a profound desire to fight for the independence of his country, Nubia, and to defend the patria with his l i f e i f necessary. Abdala eventually decides in favour of the latter course of action, and in fact dies fighting for Nubia—in much the same way as Marti would be k i l l e d while struggling for his nation's independence in 1895-It i s important to note, however, that although the message of patriotism is mercilessly underlined throughout the drama, i t is easy to detect that Abdala's noble love for his country also stems largely from the expectations of personal glory that he w i l l receive in the aftermath of battle. Typical of this 1-attitude is his immediate reaction upon hearing that he had been selected to lead the Army against the foreign invaders: IPor fin. mi frente se orlara de gloria; Sere qui en libre ami angustiada patria, Y quien le arranque al opresor e l pueblo Que empieza a destrozar ante sus garrasl. (XVIII, 15). Indeed, in this early period of Marti's work, i f patriotism is viewed as an obviously desirable quality, i t is not considered to be totally selfless, since one of the prime reasons for such dedication to the patria is the thirst for gloria and personal renown. At this stage, then, the juvenile Marti possessed rather romantic and vague ideas about such patriotic emotions: following his traumatic experiences in p o l i t i c a l prison, his attitude would change quite dramatically. 26 The tone of these e a r l y publications i s cautious but firm. Marti was, however, f u l l y aware of the d e f i n i t e need for a r a d i c a l s o l u t i o n to.Cuba's problems and i n E l Diablo Cojuelo he c a t e g o r i c a l l y stated: "A ser yo orador . . . no sentaria por base de mi p o l i t i c a eso que los franceses llamarian afrentosa h e s i t a t i o n . 0 Yara o Madrid" ( I , 32). Yet despite t h i s apparent conviction of M a r t i , the reader of these early works receives the impression, when comparing them to a l l of the work written a f t e r h i s imprisonment, that Marti was i n fa c t speaking from a somewhat distant and inexperienced p o s i t i o n . I t was as i f he were accepting the teachings of Mendive p r i n c i p a l l y because of his great devotion to the maestro, without understanding p r e c i s e l y what had to be changed i n Cuba. Consequently Marti at t h i s point can be classed as a t h e o r e t i c a l revolutionary, searching both f o r a d e f i n i t i v e explanation f o r his p a t r i o t i c leanings, and f o r a platform of reforms with which to support his w i l l i n g acceptance of the cause. Shortly a f t e r the p u b l i c a t i o n o f ' E l Diablo Cojuelo an incident occurred which changed the l i v e s of both Mendive and M a r t i . At t h i s time i n Cuba, despite the attempts at moderate reform by Governor Dulce, the dominant p o l i t i c a l body on the Island were the p a r a m i l i t a r y v o l u n t a r i o s , who outnumbered the members of the regular Spanish Army by 17 33,500 to 7,000. They attacked Dulce because of what they int e r p r e t e d as the lack of a fi r m approach toward the Cubans and harassed him into suspending a l l the e a r l i e r l i b e r t i e s — l e s s than a month a f t e r his a r r i v a l . The Cubans, a f t e r the welcome ta s t e of these moderate reforms, were understandably b i t t e r . 27 Then on the night of January 22, 1869, during an evening per-formance at the Villanueva Theatre, one of the actors broke forth in a patriotic outburst, after which a band of Spanish soldiers stormed the l8 theatre, arresting and k i l l i n g many of the spectators. Neither Marti nor Mendive were present at the performance, but the teacher's p o l i t i c a l feelings were well known, and.an example was needed at this point to show the more militant Cubans that such conduct would not be tolerated. Accordingly, Rafael Maria de Mendive was arrested, and subsequently deported. Jose Marti's respect and devotion to Mendive now entered a new phase, for at great personal risk he applied for a special pass to v i s i t the maestro during his five-month stay in prison. Marti also helped to take care of Mendive's family and assisted actively in the running of his school. However, when Mendive was deported to Spain, Marti became inconsolable. It was at this point that he and his former schoolmate Fermin Valdes Dominguez discovered that another student from Mendive's school had joined the hated Spanish voluntarios, and so they composed a sharply-worded note c r i t i c i z i n g his thoughtless and selfish 19 disregard for the memory of Mendive. Finally, however, they decided not to send him the letter. Soon afterwards the two young Cubans were forced to experience personally the excesses of Spanish 'justice',! and, as in the case of Mendive once again the slightest of evidence was used to prove their "seditious" intent. For, a party of voluntarios, suspecting themselves to be the object of laughter heard coming from the Valdes Dominguez' 28 house, hurst into the room and discovered the l e t t e r . As a r e s u l t , Marti and Valdes Dominguez were arrested. Taken i n t o custody on October 21, 1869, Marti was accused of treason, a charge based e x c l u s i v e l y upon the offending l e t t e r , and on March 7 of the following year was convicted. However, because Marti accepted f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the l e t t e r and also because of h i s d e f i a n t l y Cuban attitud e toward the court, he was sentenced to no l e s s than 6 years of hard labour i n San Lazaro p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n , whereas FerminVV.aldes Dominquez received only a six-month sentence. A new, and v i t a l l y important period of Marti's l i f e now began. • Marti's imprisonment—particulary the time spent i n the p r e s i d i o p o l i t i c o of San Lazaro—was of exceptional importance from the point of view of h i s revolutionary "apprenticeship,"' since i t c l e a r l y represented the watershed between his early i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the theories of n a t i o n a l independence and his subsequent decision to f i g h t a c t i v e l y f or the l i b e r a t i o n of Cuba. His imprisonment, r i g h t l y c a l l e d the "modelador ^ 20 supremo de su personalidad" by Ezequiel Martinez Estrada, proved to Marti the need f o r a r a d i c a l l i b e r a t i n g process i n the p a t r i a , while at the e same time convincing him that he personally should accept the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of bringing about t h i s l i b e r a t i o n . Consequently when Marti l e f t San Lazaro, as Andres Iduarte has c o r r e c t l y noted, he was indeed a changed man f o r , although p h y s i c a l l y d e b i l i t a t e d a f t e r h i s rigorous experiences there, he had now acquired a noticeable determina-t i o n to lead his country to i t s independence: Seis meses de sus d i e c i s i e t e afios l o s paso Marti picando piedras, bajo e l s o l t r o p i c a l , 29 con una cadena al pie; barbaro castigo que para siempre le dejo huellas fisicas y morales: un sarcocele del que nunca euro, dos cicatrices en los tobillos y una conviccion p o l i t i c a . ^ l It was thus while he was in prison that Marti obtained the necessary overall view of the many problems of Cuba. Indeed, the reader of Marti's works of this period, and in particular of both E l presidio politico de Cuba and La Republica Espanola ante l a Revolucion  Cubana, realises that Marti now saw the Island as one huge p o l i t i c a l prison, since the cruelties and manifest injustices that he had seen while in captivity really only represented to him a microcosm of the severe injustices and lack of essential liberties suffered by the country as a whole. Moreover his experiences in San Lazaro dramatically complemented the earlier lessons of Mendive: from a discontented and patriotic young Cuban, Marti had emerged a committed revolutionary, f u l l y prepared to give his l i f e selflessly for the liberation of his patria. Now he-most definitely realised that not only did this p o l i t i c a l independence constitute the f i r s t necessary step for Cuba, but also that the entire socio-political structure of the Island would have to be totally replaced. More important, he now saw that i t was his obligation to contribute to this necessary liberation by directing the interest and the endeavours of his compatriots. This change in Marti is well i l l u s -trated by the dramatic development in his literary work: the uncertainty of La Patria Libre now being replaced by the conviction of E l presidio  politico eh Cuba, Marti's next work, published in January of 1871. 30 Marti was aware that the struggle to attain the f i r s t of these goals, that of p o l i t i c a l independence from Spain, would be both long and severe, for the Crown had too much to lose in Cuba, and would obviously punish—in brutal and exemplary fashion—any threat to i t s continued exploitation of the Island: the extremely severe sentences given to both himself and Mendive were ample evidence of this. Undaunted, however, Marti continued with this firm desire, having already made a conscious resolve to offer himself as a victim on what he now interpreted to be the "altar" of the patria. And, as i f to remind himself always of this all-important vocation, he afterwards carried with him a ring, fashioned out of a link of the chain that he had worn during his stay in San Lazaro as "No. 113," inside which he-had engraved the word "CUBA." Consequently i f — a s Marti's own testimony shows—it is possible to claim that the young boy's profoundly emotional interest, in his home-land originated from his personal devotion to Rafael Mendive, a close study of his l i t e r a r y works written shortly after his captivity reveals the extent to which Marti's thought had subsequently evolved. In a l l he was imprisoned for a l i t t l e more than twelve months, of which the last six months, spent in the presidio politico of San Lazaro, constituted part of his original six-year sentence. Afterwards, weak and infirm, his sentence was commuted to one of exile and on January 15, 1871, the youth (for Marti had not yet reached his eighteenth birthday) was deported to Spain. 31 A comparison of Marti's li t e r a r y production both before and shortly after his prison experiences reveals several important develop-ments. For, although there is the same general desire for sweeping reforms in Cuba and for the awarding of basic liberties to the people— in short for long-term solutions to Cuba's many problems—the tone of Marti's work is now very different from his earlier writing. Marti's pamphlet E l presidio politico en Cuba, which he is reputed to have started on the voyage from Havana and which he published shortly after arriving in Spain, offers an,emotional, highly personal, interpretation of l i f e and conditions in p o l i t i c a l prison, a l i f e so brutal that Marti claims, " s i exisitiera el Dios providente, y lo hubiera visto, con l a una mano se habria cubierto el rostro, y con l a otra habria hecho rodar al abismo aquella negacion de Dios" (I, ^ 5). The measured, somewhat a r t i f i c i a l l y rebellious tone of Abdala has now been replaced by one of righteous indignation. On one level Marti preached to the Spanish people on the s t i f l i n g oppression imposed upon Cuba by the 'madre patria,' which continued to exploit the Island to the limit of i t s endurance. Taking f u l l advantage of his position in the heart of what could possibly be•conceived as the "enemy camp," Marti presented to his Spanish readers a disturbing picture of prison l i f e , challenging them to explain their continued selfish interests"in the Island, which he saw as being the fundamental reason for the existence of such miserable institutions: ipor que firmais con vuestro asentimiento el exterminio de l a raza que mas os ha . sufrido, que mas se os ha humillado, que mas os ha esperado, que mas sumisa ha sido 32 hasta que l a desesperacion o l a descorifianza en l a s promesas ha hecho que sacuda l a cerviz? iPor que sois injustos y tan crueles? ( I , 50). * On a more personal l e v e l Marti c r i t i c i z e d the b l a t a n t l y unjust Cuban l e g a l system, which was f u l l y prepared to take whatever measures i t deemed necessary to suppress any form of dissent. Marti's personal imprisonment had obviously moved him g r e a t l y , but despite t h i s , he spent l i t t l e time discussing his own "case h i s t o r y , " p r e f e r r i n g instead to r e l a t e d e t a i l s of the a t r o c i t i e s committed on the other inmates, the most d i s t u r b i n g treatment being that to which Nicolas d e l C a s t i l l o , a 22 seventy-six year old fellow prisoner, was subjected. For M a r t i , though, much worse than the deplorable prison condi-t i o n s and the lack of compassion shown the prisoners by t h e i r guards, was the simple fact that most of the inmates, including Marti himself, appeared to have been incarcerated for manifestly unjust reasons. Their s u f f e r i n g was thus a l l the more damnable, since they had done nothing to deserve such b r u t a l treatment i n the f i r s t place. The young Martiy indignant and angry, thus learned from his own personal experiences the extent to which the Spanish government was prepared to go i n order to suppress even the suspicion of dissent: "Aquel p r e s i d i o , " Marti wrote, "era e l p r e s i d i o de Cuba, l a i n s t i t u c i o n d e l Gobierno" ( I , 6 l ) — o b v i o u s l y a Government that had to be d r a s t i c a l l y changed. Another measure of the change i n Marti's thought af t e r his harsh p r i s o n experiences was his presentation of the noble p r a c t i c e of p a t r i o t i s m . Marti i n h i s e a r l i e r work Abdala had placed great emphasis upon the value of "patriotism," which at that time, for him, was based 33 upon a romantic and somewhat melodramatic appreciation of his native land and a strongly adolescent concern with the idea of g l o r i a . More-over, "before experiencing at f i r s t hand the rigours of San Lazaro, Marti had l o y a l l y supported Mendive's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the need to overthrow Spanish oppression without r e a l l y understanding the fundamental problems fa c i n g Cuba. In other words, Marti's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the concept of the p a t r i a before being imprisoned (and as can be seen i n h i s e a r l i e s t works), was almost a f l i r t a t i o n with patriotism: the o f f i c i a l "wedding" was to r e s u l t a f t e r his disturbing experiences i n San Lazaro. There-a f t e r , no longer would he associate t h i s p a t r i o t i s m with the concepts of fama and g l o r i a , p r e f e r r i n g instead to employ a new vocabulary composed of such terms as deber, s a c r . i f i c i o and m a r t i r i o . This new "evangelising" intent of M a r t i — n e v e r before seen i n his e a r l i e r p u b l i c a t i o n s — a p p e a r e d very noticeably i n h i s f i r s t two works aft e r leaving San Lazaro. As i n h i s two s h o r t - l i v e d j o u r n a l s , Marti e s s e n t i a l l y revealed the basic immorality and i n j u s t i c e of the Spanish domination of the Island, but i n h i s l a t e r works he was not content, as he had been i n E l diablo cojuelo, simply to present a record of these i l l s . Instead he chastised the Spanish people f o r t h e i r previous lack of i n t e r e s t i n the " u n c h r i s t i a n " way i n which t h e i r colony was governed. Moreover, faced with counter-claims on the part of the Spanish government that i n essence Spain was only protecting i t s "integridad nacional" by t h i s conduct i n Cuba, Marti of f e r e d i n reply a moving d e s c r i p t i o n of prison l i f e , concluding "ahi teneis l a integridad nacional; ahi teneis e l Gobierno que habeis aprobado, que habeis sancionado, que habeis 3h unanimemente aplaudido" ( I , 63). In both of his post-presidio works , E l p r e s i d i o p o l i t i c o en Cuba-and La Republics Espanola ante l a Revolu-cion Cubana, written i n 1873, M a r t i a c t u a l l y confronted the Spanish people, h u r l i n g out a challenge to them: how i n the name of J u s t i c e , could Spain claim to be a freedom-loving country, and yet sanction such opprobious conduct: Ahora aprobad l a conducta del Gobierno de Cuba. Ahora, los padres de l a p a t r i a , decid en nombre de l a patria. que sancionais: l a v i o l e n c i a mas i n i c u a de l a moral, y e l olvido mas completo de todo sehtimiento de j u s t i c i a . • Decidlo, sancionadlo, aprobadlo, s i podeis ( i , 7*0. I t therefore appears true to say that a f t e r h i s imprisonment, Jose Marti had c l e a r l y accepted the image of the p a t r i a as the c e n t r a l axis of his existence, around which the rest of his l i f e would revolve. With an astonishing degree of s e l f l e s n e s s , Marti thereafter dedicated himself t o t a l l y t o what he now interpreted as the immediate necessity of his country—the p o l i t i c a l independence of Cuba. For M a r t i , every-thing now had to be subordinated to t h i s goal, including his most personal desires. His message had become one of exemplary C h r i s t i a n i t y , to help both his fellow Cuban and the p a t r i a i t s e l f and can be summarised by an entry made l a t e r i n a pr i v a t e notebook: "Pero no hay maldad, n i responsabilidad, como l a s de senti r s e capaz de hacer, con dano propio, bien ajeno, y, por gozar de paz ego i s t a , dejar de hacer e l bien ajeno" (XXI, 166). Marti's dedication to achieving t h i s goal, as Manuel Pedro Gonzalez has r i g h t l y noted, was complete: 35 Al ideal de libertar a su patria se consagro desde entonces su actividad y su genio. Este -anhelo se le convirtio en obsesion y en su ara l a inmolo todo: fortuna, bienestar, familia, gloria l i t e r a r i a y, por ultimo, l a vida.23 "Marti revolucionario" was born. While the influence of these early formative experiences on Marti's thought appears quite clear, one must also bear in mind that Marti was known to have read extremely widely. There have been many interesting hypotheses advanced to show the influence upon Marti by a variety of l i t e r a r y , philosophical and p o l i t i c a l schools of thought: Marti has been linked to a multitude of possible influences, from Plato to Krause, from Marx to Whitman and, most recently Jose L. Mas . . 2k has attempted to show the influence on Marti of Social Romanticism. However, while admitting that Marti was an extremely well-read man, and despite too traces o f — o r at least similarities with, amongst other things—stoicism, Platonism, Spanish mysticism, transcendentalism, Krausism and a basic spiritualism, Marti definitely appears to have been less touched by these reputed influences than by the experiences 25 of his early years. This claim is supported by almost a l l reputable studies made on Marti's thought, including the works of Medardo Vitier,' , 2 7 28 , 2 9 Manuel Isidro Mendez, Raoul Alpizar Poyo, Antonio Martinez Bello, , 3 0 and Andres Iduarte. Typical of the reaction of these c r i t i c s i s Martinez Bello's summary of such influences: Idealismo,. kraussismo CsicH, emersonianismo o trascendentalismo, senequismo, estoicismo, spencerismo, teosofismo, idealismo. y muchos 'ismos' filosoficos mas, son t a l vez f a c i l y parcialmente localizables en su obra mul-tanime. Pero fue a todas las doctrinas 3 6 f i l o s o f i e a s , precisamente, como medio mejor de no pertenecer a ninguna, como e l mismo d i j e r a . Las abarco amorosa y omnicompren-sivamente, para tomar de e l l a s las esencias propi c i a s a su propia aspiracion i d e a t o r i a . ^ Moreover, since a l l the c r i t i c s who have studied t h i s question of p h i l o s o p h i c a l or i n t e l l e c t u a l a f f i l i a t i o n have commented on Marti's voracious reading h a b i t s , and, indeed, that he read everything from booklets on modern s c i e n t i f i c and a g r i c u l t u r a l techniques to Hindustani mythology, from the Spanish c l a s s i c s to the poetry of Emerson, from Darwin to Oscar Wilde, i t seems u n l i k e l y that any p a r t i c u l a r i n t e l l e c -t u a l influence gained o v e r a l l pre-eminence. Furthermore, as Marti himself wrote: "Adoro l a s e n c i l l e z , pero no l a que proviene de l i m i t a r  mis ideas ja este o_ aquel c i r c u l o o_ escuela, sino l a de decir l o que veo, siento o medito con e l menor numero de palabras p o s i b l e s , de palabras poderosas, g r a f i c a s , energicas y armoniosas" (XXII, 101) (My under-T • ^ 3 2 l i n i n g ) . Marti i s thus best understood as a true p h i l o s o p h i c a l e c l e c t i c , reading extremely widely, and extracting from a l l the works that he studied anything which he considered of value, yet never l i m i t i n g him-s e l f to "este o aquel c i r c u l o " as he put i t . • The view of the Mexican c r i t i c Andres Iduarte perhaps best r e f l e c t s the generally-accepted i n t e r p r e t a t i o n concerning the dominant influences on M a r t i : todo l o demas—lo que Marti adquiere en Espafia., en Mexico, en los Estados Unidos , y a traves de sus multiples l e c t u r a s — e s agregacion, suma,. enriquecimiento, r a t i f i c a c i o n , perfeccionamiento; pero l a medula sera, hasta su muerte l o que saca del colegio de Mendive.33 I t i s u s e f u l i n t h i s respect to compare both the tone and content of Marti's early works, examined i n t h i s chapter, with those he would write towards the end of h i s l i f e , for there appear to be t r u l y i n c r e d i b l e s i m i l a r i t i e s . A close examination, for instance, of E l p r e s i d i o p o l i t i c o en Cuba and his l a s t famous l e t t e r to Manuel Mercado, written a few days before Marti's death, reveals the same moral base, and the same s e l f l e s s dedication to the p a t r i a , as can be found i n the e a r l i e s t of h i s works. Consequently, despite a d i f f e r e n c of some twenty-four years, the Marti of E l p r e s i d i o p o l i t i c o en Cuba i indeed the d e f i n i t i v e M a r t i , who would l a t e r compose the numerous c o l l e c t i o n s of poetry, the revolutionary exhortations found i n h i s journal P a t r i a , the famous declaration of pride i n Nuestra America, and the magazine f o r children,'La '-Edad de Pro. Commenting upon t h i s astounding s i m i l a r i t y of a l l of Marti's post-presidio work, J u l i o Le Riverend, echoing the opinion of his colleague Manuel I s i d r o Mendez, accurately noted: " e l Maestro aparece formado cabalmente e l ano 1870. Marti's revolutionary energy and indeed h i s e n t i r e approach to l i f e can thus be explained l a r g e l y as a r e s u l t of the extraordinary events that b e f e l l him before 1870, and i n p a r t i c u l a r by both the unusual circumstances surrounding h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p with Mendive and h i subsequent imprisonment. Faced with a lack of understanding at home, the young Marti turned instead to Rafael Maria de Mendive, his padre  e s p i r i t u a l , whose teachings both on the sad p l i g h t of Cuba and on the human condition i n general, deeply impressed the young M a r t i . These lessons were l a t e r i l l u s t r a t e d more f u l l y to Marti as a r e s u l t of h i s own traumatic experiences i n p r i s o n , a f t e r he had been arrested on 38 c l e a r l y unfounded charges. Through these two experiences Marti assimilated a series of moral values that would remain "basically un-al t e r e d f o r the remainder of h i s l i f e — h e n c e the s i m i l a r i t y i n a l l of his work. Writing with his c h a r a c t e r i s t i c c l a r i t y to h i s future co-revolutionary Maximo Gomez, the young Marti explained to the general the major formative experiences i n h i s "brief career. A l l was extremely straightforward, he claimed: "de mi, t a l vez nadie l e de razon, Rafael Mendive fue mi padre: de l a escuela f u i a l a c a r c e l y a un p r e s i d i o , 35 y a un d e s t i e r r o , y a otro" (XX, 263). Thereafter Marti devoted himself t o t a l l y to the ap p l i c a t i o n of h i s high i d e a l s to the struggle f o r the f u l l and meaningful l i b e r a t i o n of his p a t r i a . His revolutionary apprenticeship was now complete. 39 NOTES CHAPTER I 1"Madre del alma, madre querida, Son tus natales, quiero cantar; Porque mi alma, de amor henchida, Aunque muy joven, nunca se o l v i d a De l a que v i d a me huba de dar" (XVII, 13). 2 • • ' See' for. instance his dramatic-letter : .-tO; his mother of November 10, 1869: "Mucho siento estar metido entre r e j a s ; — p e r o de mucho me si r v e mi pr i s i o n . — B a s t a n t e s . lecciones me ha dado para mi v i d a , que ha de ser c o r t a , y no las dejare de aprovechar . . . Esta es una fea escuela; porque aunque vienen mujeres decentes, no f a l t a n algunas que no l o son •. . . • A Dios gracias e l cuerpo de las mujeres se hizo para mi de piedra" ( I , U 0-iil). (Marti's parents had eight children i n a l l , of whom he was both the oldest and the only male. There are extremely few. references to his s i s t e r s , and i n f a c t such mention as i s made of them deals with minor "family"; concerns , such as the death of Mariana Matilde "Ana" (XVII, U2-U7), congratulations to his s i s t e r Amelia upon her engagement (XX, 307), and references to Antonia, recuperating a f t e r an i l l n e s s (XX, 38). In f a c t , i t i s interesting, to note tha t , a f t e r his f i r s t - e v e r l e t t e r to his mother (written when he was. nine years old) sent from Hanabana, i n which he asks his mother to give h i s best regards to "las ninas" (XX, 2l+3) , the only other references to his s i s t e r s are at le a s t a decade l a t e r , when he was i n Mexico. There was, then., no p a r t i c u l a r l y strong r e l a t i o n s h i p between Marti and his s i s t e r s : he was exceptionally mature for his age while they, several years younger, were not i n the l e a s t i n t e r e s t e d i n h i s p a t r i o t i c concerns). 3 . . . One f r e q u e n t l y - c i t e d incident i n which don Mariano was involved took place during the time he worked as a celador. In a narrow Havana street he came across a dispute between a carter and an a r i s t o c r a t i c lady, both of whom demanded the r i g h t of way: "Requerido e l celador para d i s c e r n i r l a p r i o r i d a d del paso, actuo, segun l a denuncia de l a sefiora, 'de una manera que armoniza muy poco con e l caracter y l a h i d a l -guia espanola'., pues 'comprendiendo que no era posible l l e v a r a cabo e l deseo del carretonero, que cejara e l caballo que t i r a b a d e l carruaje de l a exponente, l e arremetio, baston en mano, y. descargo sobre e l pobre animal golpes tan furibundos, que violentado este por l a s o l i d e z de l a argumentacion, a l f i n vejo.' As a r e s u l t of t h i s incident don Mariano 1+0 l o s t h i s p o s i t i o n and, when he applied for another post, was refused because of the o f f i c i a l report of h i s superior on t h i s p a r t i c u l a r incident and. also because of '"otras f a l t a s de no menos consideracion..., que no parecen intencionadas, sino efecto de su l i m i t a d a capacidad y f a l t a de buenos modales.'" Jorge Manach, Marti e l apostol (197^-j r p t . Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1968) , pp. 17-18. ^Pedro W. Gonzalez Veranes , I Quien fue e l progenitor e s p i r i t u a l  de Marti? (La Habana: E d i t o r i a l Luz-Hilo, I9U2), p. 11. ^ I n t r o j e c t i o n i s defined as "an unconscious mechanism by which the external world and i t s objects may be incorporated into the i n d i - . . . -v i d u a l . Thus the c h i l d i d e n t i f i e s with loved objects, i t s parents f o r instance, b y , i d e n t i f y i n g with them, i n t r o j e c t i n g t h e i r q u a l i t i e s i n t o i t s own mental l i f e . " Encyclopedia of Psychiatry for General P r a c t i - t ioners , edited by Denis Leigh, C.M.B. Pare and John Marks (Vaudreuil, Quebec: Hoffman La Roche, 1972), 22, p. 230. See also the study by Ephraim Rosen and Ian Gregory, Abnormal Psychology (Philadelphia: ¥. B. Saunders Company, I966), p. 72. ^William D. Isaacson, "What motivated Marti's l i f e , " The Havana  Post,.28 Jan.31953, p. 13. 7 Por a b r i e f but thorough summary of the l i f e and ideas, of these Cuban i n t e l l e c t u a l s , see Salvador Bueno, Figuras cubarias: breves  b i o g r a f i a s de grandes cubanos de l s i g l o XIX (La Habana: Comision Nacional Cubana de l a 'UNESCO, - 196LTT^ g For more d e t a i l e d information on the f a i l u r e of t h i s Reformista movement, see J u l i o Le Riverend, "Marti en l a revolucion de 1868," Casa  de l a s Americas, 9 (Sept.-Oct. 1968), pp. 97-99. Hugh Thomas also comments on t h i s d u p l i c i t y of the Spanish government that alienated many Cubans who would otherwise have supported the o f f i c i a l Spanish p o s i t i o n : "The commission adjourned i n A p r i l . I867, having apparently accomplished an immense amount of work. Every demand of the representatives had been discussed . . . The Cubans were l e d to believ e that action would follow. It did not. Narvaez had never intend-ed the commission to be more than a talking-shop. By t h i s time a new and vigorous reactionary captain-general, Lersundi., had established him-s e l f i n Cuba . . . The Reform Movement of moderate men and r i c h planters cracked. They no longer had any solutions to o f f e r . Back in. Cuba i t appeared, i r o n i c a l l y , that one at lea s t of the proposals of the Reformers was going to be f u l f i l l e d . On 12 February I867 Captain-General Lersundi imposed a new tax of 6% on income, giving himself the a l t e r n a t i v e of a 12% tax ' i f necessary'. This appeared to be a f i n a l i n s u l t , since the Reformers had proposed t h i s instead of, 1+1 and not as w e l l as, the o l d customs and other taxes." Hugh Thomas, Cuha, or The Pursuit of Freedom (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1 9 7 1 , p. 2k0. Q Mendive even paid f o r Marti to continue h i s education at the " I n s t i t u t o de Segunda Ensenanza" and l a t e r , when Marti won a p r i z e f o r mathematics, "Mendive ha hecho pu b l i c a r en E l S i g l o y eri E l Eco de La Hahana, unos sueltos muy elogiosos." F e l i x L i z a s o , Proyeccion humana  de Marti (Buenos A i r e s : E d i t o r i a l R a i g a l , 1 9 5 3 ) , p. U 5 -"^For an understanding of Marti's undying devotion to Mendive, one has only to read h i s l e t t e r to Enrique T r u j i l l o more than twenty years l a t e r : "Y, icomo quiere. que en algunas l i n e a s diga todo lo. "bueno y nuevo que pudiera yo decir de aquel enamorado de l a b e l l e z a , que l a queria en las l e t r a s como en l a s cosas. de l a vida., y no escribio.jamas sino sobre verdades de su corazon o sobre penas de l a p a t r i a ? . . . Como junto, con el. carino que emanaba de su persona, a cuantos, des-agradecidos o sinceros para con el., amaban como el. l a p a t r i a , y como e l e s c r i b i a n de e l l a . . . Los angeles se sentaban de noche con nosotros, bordando y cuchicheando, a o i r l a clase de h i s t o r i a que nos daba, de gusto de ensefiar, Rafael Mendive" (V, 2 5 0 - 2 5 1 ) . i : LThe centre for t h i s revolutionary a c t i v i t y was i n eastern Cuba, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Oriente province,. where the leading protagonists were low-income farmers who deeply resented the increased taxation recently imposed by Spain. The war l a s t e d f o r some ten years, i n f l i c t i n g heavy casualties, on both s i d e s , and eventually ending i n a v i r t u a l stalemate. For more d e t a i l e d information see Thomas, pp. 2 1 * 5 - 2 7 0 . 1 2 "Una nueva caida economica. hacia mas necesarias l a s reformas, y, a l no producirse estas, una parte de los terratenientes quedaba desposeida de l o s medios adecuados para capear l a tormenta que se gestaba en l a s entranas de l a sociedad e s c l a v i s t a . . . Toda l a I s l a comenzo a agit a r s e . La Habana no. fue ninguna excepcion. . . . Cuando resono e l g r i t o de independencia en La Demajagua [estate of CespedesU ( 1 0 de octubre), l a c a p i t a l se conmovio." J u l i o Le Riverend, pp. 9 8 - 9 9 . 13 P a n f i l o D. Camacho, "Marti: una vida en perenne angustia," Archivo Jose M a r t i , 1* (Jan.-July I 9 U 8 ) , p. 1 3 6 . ik A f t e r replacing Lersundi as Captain-General on January 1+, 1 8 6 9 , Domingo. Dulce attempted to q u e l l popular anger by. introducing the basic l i b e r t i e s l i s t e d i n the text. Unfortunately these reforms were unacceptable either to the Spanish inhabitants i n Cuba or. to the i n f l u e n t i a l pro-Spanish voluntarios., "who were able by sheer force of ' numbers to cow Dulce into acceptance of t h e i r views . . . Their journal La voz de Cuba, accused Dulce of working for the. rebels. Within a month the captain-general had c a p i t u l a t e d to the habaneros. P o l i t i c a l 1+2 guarantees were suspended. Anyone suspected of "being favourable to the rebels was interrogated and imprisoned. The press was censored. The volunteers had a free r e i n . " Thomas, pp. 21+8-21+9. Stanley Payne reaches s i m i l a r conclusions, claiming that Prim was " i n c l i n e d to be c o n c i l i a t o r y and would have favored tax r e l i e f and some form of p a r t i a l autonomy, but the government's hand was forced by the conservative landowning, slave-holding i n t e r e s t s i n Cuba." Stanley G. Payne, A History of Spain and Portugal (Madison, Wisconsin: Univer-s i t y of Wisconsin Press, 1 9 7 3 ) , I I , h65. 1^See Manach, p. 30. " ^ I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Marti chose a black hero f o r his drama, which i n f a c t can be i n t e r p r e t e d as c o n s t i t u t i n g a pro-a b o l i t i o n i s t stand by him. This was an. important decision f or M a r t i , p a r t i c u l a r l y since there appears to have been a complete s p l i t i n the movement for Cuban independence, b a s i c a l l y , because of the a b o l i t i o n issue. Marti's l a t e r plans for a " c o l o u r l e s s " society (to be examined i n f u l l i n the d i s s e r t a t i o n ) can thus be taken as the l o g i c a l conclusion of t h i s stand. 17 Figures quoted by Thomas, pp. 2l+7 and 2l+9 r e s p e c t i v e l y . l 8 " E l asalto a l teatro V i l l a n u e v a se debio a que l a Compania de Bufos Habaneros, de v u e l t a de su g i r a por Santiago de Cuba, adquirio l a p e l i g r o s a fama de 'insurrecta', a l o cual contribuyo e l 'guarachero' del e l e n c o — J a c i n t o Valdes—cuando una. noche avanzando hacia e l publico l e dio una v i v a a Carlos Manuel CCespedesIl,. coreado por los espectadores. La noche del 2 2 de enero actuaba en. e l teatro r e f e r i d o l a compania llamada l o s Caricatos , y bajo l a presidencia d e l Regidor Fernandez Bramosio se representaba e l sainete EI perro huevero. Como los volun-t a r i e s estaban predispuestos, se habian dado c i t a en l a s afueras del teatro para atacarlo con cualquier pretexto. A l o i r que. se decia por uno de los personajes: 'Pues yo digo que no tiene vergiienza, n i poca n i mucha, e l que no diga que v i v a l a t i e r r a que produce l a cana,' e l publico rompio en aplausos y los v o l u n t a r i o s , en l a c a l l e , respondieron con vivas a Espafia marchando sobre e l t e a t r o , desde e l cual respondieron con disparos algunos jovenes . . . • En t o t a l : catorce muertos y numero-sisimos heridos. Marti cuenta que l a turba, l a s p a n d i l l a s — a cuyo carg estaba e l 'honor de Espana'—'llenaron de cadaveres l a calzada de Monte y la s c a l l e s de Jesus M a r i a l ' " J u l i o Le Riverend, p. 1 0 1 . "^The l e t t e r , dated October h, 1 8 6 9 , was addressed to Carlos de Castro y Castro: "Companero, iHas sonado tu. alguna vez con l a g l o r i a de l o s apostatas? iSabes t i l como se castigaba en l a antiguedad l a apostasia? Esperantos 0 ^3 que un d i s c i p u l o del Sr. Rafael Maria de Mendive no ha de dejar s i n contestacion esta carta. Fermin Valdes Dominguez Jose M a r t i " ( I , 39)-20 Ezequiel Martinez Estrada, M a r t i , revolucionario (La Habana: Casa d e l a s Americas, 196?)» p. 75-21 Andres Iduarte, M a r t i , e s c r i t o r (Mexico: Ediciones Cuadernos Americanos, I9I+I+) , p. -23. ^^Marti described v i v i d l y the deplorable condition of the o l d man: "Vi una l l a g a que con escasos vacios cubria casi todas l a s espaldas del anciano, que destilaban sangre en. unas partes, y materia pu.trida y verdinegra en otras. Y en los. lugares menos llagados , pude contar l a s senales recientisimas de 33 ventosas . . . Me espantaba que hubiese manos sacr i l e g a s que manchasen con sangre aquellas canas" ( I , 57). ^^Manuel Pedro Gonzalez, Indagaciones martianas (La Habana: Universidad Central de las V i l l a s , 196l) , p. 57-2h , • . Based on his doctoral thesis written at UCLA m 197^ and t i t l e d "Perspectiva i d e o l o g i c a de Jose Marti en sus cronicas sobre l o s Estados Unidos," Jose L. Mas has published two a r t i c l e s i n Cuadernos Americanos: "Jose Marti y e l Romanticismo S o c i a l (F. R. Lamennais: una posi b l e i n f l u e n c i a en e l joven Jose M a r t i , ) " 193 (Mar.-Apr. 197h) , PP- l 6 0 - l 8 l , and "En torno a l a i d e o l o g i a de Jose Marti (su identifi'cacion con F. R. Lamennais y e l Romanticismo s o c i a l ) " Cuadernos Americanos, 199 (Mar.-Apr. 1975), pp. 82-111*. 25 In order to appreciate Marti's desire that he not be l a b e l l e d a follower of any of these movements , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to quote h i s r e -action to one of the major p h i l o s o p h i c a l influences most commonly a t t r i b u t e d to him, that of krausism. Writing i n the f i r s t notebook he used a f t e r being deported to Spain, Marti developed an imaginary con-versation oncthe influence of krausism: "—Krause no es toda verdad. Este es simplemente lenguaje. s i m p l i f i c a d o r , d i v i s o r , castellano d e l que me valgo y uso porque me parece mas adecuado para r e a l i z a r en l a expre-sion e x t e r i o r (expresar) mis ideas. — i S u s ideasl — I d e a s mias. La independencia r a c i o n a l , solo de l a verdad natural incambiable y de l a deduccion l o g i c a exacta,—dependiente, es muy noble y e s e n c i a l condicion del a l t o e s p i r i t u humano" (XXI, 98). 26 Medardo V i t i e r , Las ideas en Cuba (La Habana: E d i t o r i a l Tropico, 1938). 27 ^ Manuel I s i d r o Mendez' "Introduccion" to his e d i t i o n of Marti's Ideario (La Habana: E d i t o r i a l C u l t u r a l , 1930). kk 28 Raoul A l p i z a r Poyo, Ideario f i l o s o f i c o de Jose Marti (La Haba-na: Imp. Ojeda, lgkk). 29 >• , , Antonio Martinez B e l l o , Ideas so c i a l e s yecoriarnicas de Jose Marti (La Habana: La Veronica, 19k0). 30 , Andres Iduarte, "Ideas r e l i g i o s a s , morales, f i l o s o f i c a s de Marti," La Nueva Democracia, 25 (Feb. 19kk), pp. 3-7, 26-32. 3 1 M a r t ine;Z' B e l l o , p. 28. 32 Indeed, as early as September of 1875, Marti had claimed that there was no such thing as. "a" philosophy, since every way of looking at l i f e was i n essence based upon a hybrid of various other "philoso-phies": "No puede haber una f i l o s o f i a , como no. puede haber una r e l i g i o n : hay l a f i l o s o f i a y l a r e l i g i o n : aquella. es e l volver constante de los ojos del hombre hacia l a s causas de l o que en s i sie n t e , y en torno suyo y mas l e j o s muevese y ve" (VI, 325). Thus, when.talking about any such " p h i l o s o p h i c a l " or " i n t e l l e c t u a l " influences upon M a r t i , i t i s worth bearing i n mind t h i s rather wide i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the whole concept of what constitutes any given "philosophy" f o r M a r t i . Also i n t e r e s t i n g i s a report written by Marti on the death of the North American poet Emerson, whom Marti greatly admired. In many ways the sentiments expressed i n t h i s obituary can be equally attrdbuteddtboMartilhimselft'. Inntheecontexttofftheepresent discussion, at the very l e a s t i t shows that one.of the main features that Marti admired about Emerson was his determination not to become ensnared by any "sistema," while i t can also be argued that t h i s objective was also what Marti was himself seeking to a t t a i n : " E l no conocio l i m i t e s n i trabas. Ni fue hombre de su pueblo, porque l o fue del pueblo, humano. Vio l a t i e r r a , l a h a l l o inconforme a s i , s i n t i o e l dolor de responder las preguntas que los hombres no hacen, y se plego en s i . Fue t i e r n o •para los hombres, y f i e l a s i propio . . . No obedecio a ningun sistema, l o que l e pareci a acto de ciego y de si e r v o ; n i creo ninguno, l o que l e parecia acto de mente f l a c a , baja y envidiosa" (XIII, 20). 33 Iduarte, M a r t i , e s c r i t o r , p. 29. 3k J u l i o Le Riverend, "Teoria martiana d e l partido p o l i t i c o , " Vida y pens ami ento de Ma r t i . Homenaje de- la. ciudad de La Habana 'eri-'el cincueritenario de l a furidaciori del F a r t i d o Revolucioriario Cubano. 1892- I9I+2 • (La Habana: Coleccion H i s t o r i c a Cubana y Americana, 19k2), I , -' • p. 88. 1+5 "^In a s i m i l a r v e i n , Marti.described i n "Yugo y e s t r e l l a " the conscious decision taken by him during his youth to devote himself to the cause of Cuban independence: Cuando naci,. s i n s o l , mi madre d i j o : F l o r de mi seno, Homagno generoso, Mir a estas dos, que con dolor te brindo, Insignias de l a v i d a : . ve y escoge. Este, es un yugo: quien l o acepta, goza. Hace de manso buey, y como presta S e r v i c i o a los. senores, duerme en paja Caliente, y tiene r i c a y ancha avena. Esta que alumbra y mata, es una e s t r e l l a . Como que r i e g a l u z , l o s Pescadores Huyen de quien l a l l e v a , . y en l a v i d a , Cual un monstruo de crimenes cargado, Todo e l que l l e v a luz se. queda solo. Pero e l hombre. que a l buey s i n pena i m i t a , Buey torna a s e r , y en apagado bruto La escala u n i v e r s a l de nuevo empieza. E l que l a e s t r e l l a s i n temor se cine, Como que erea, i c r e c e l —Dame e l yugo., oh. mi madre, de manera . Que puesto en. e l de p i e , luzca en mi- frente Mejor l a e s t r e l l a que ilumina y mata. ( x v i , 161-162). 1+6 CHAPTER I I THE EVOLUTION OF MARTI'S SOCIO-POLITICAL THOUGHT In the f i r s t chapter i t was shown how, following a series of di s t u r b i n g experiences—and i n p a r t i c u l a r his harrowing in c a r c e r a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n — J o s e Marti's p o l i t i c a l awareness developed ex-tremely quickly during h i s adolescence. Indeed, a strong case can be made to show how, almost by force of circumstances, Marti was forced to adopt a mature, r a d i c a l and a r t i c u l a t e p o l i t i c a l consciousness unusual i n one so young. Moreover i t was suggested that i f we compare the c e n t r a l p o l i t i c a l ideas of Marti at t h i s time with those found i n his f i n a l works, i t i s possible to encounter remarkable s i m i l a r i t i e s i n tone, purpose and, most noticeably, i n moral content. Thus as one c r i t i c has'accurately noted, "a. los quince anos—en -1869—el joven Marti se nos aparece con l o fundamental de su pensamiento y su accion debida-mente d e f i n i d o s . " 1 Since a study of Marti's works reveals that there was no single incident e s p e c i a l l y responsible f o r the development of Marti's thought 2 a f t e r he l e f t San Lazaro, and since too i t i s equally obvious that i t i s neither possible nor representative of Marti to divide the develop-3 ment of his thought into " c l e a r l y - d i v i d e d " periods, I have opted instead to follow the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of J u l i o Le Riverend, who r i g h t l y outlines the two fundamental conditioning factors on Jose M a r t i — t h e e f f e c t upon him of his personal experiences i n Cuba before h i s deporta-t i o n , and that of his t r a v e l s abroad, p a r t i c u l a r l y his f i f t e e n - y e a r stay i n the United States: Hubo dos etapas definidas en l a formacion de M a r t i : . una primera—fundamental—en que el. pensamiento y la. accion adquieren algunos de sus. caracteres permanentes a l compas de l a experiencia propia., nacional; y. una segunda, en que aquellos elementos se vieron enrique-cidos por los aportes de una u n i v e r s a l con-templaeion del mundo de l a epoca. Y es pre-cis o subrayar que e l conocimiento de l a America Latina, el. asomarse a Europa, y e l penetrar profundamente en l a s desgarradas entranas d e l puehlo norteamericano cuando esta surgiendo agresivo y voraz e l c a p i t a l -ismo f i n a n c i e r o , constituyeron hechos de s u s t a n c i a l importancia en este fenomeno de u n i v e r s a l i z a c i o n d e l pensamiento de M a r t i . ^ Based upon t h i s type of approximation to Marti's thought-—and with the inten t i o n of preparing the reader f o r the s a l i e n t d e t a i l s of Marti's asp i r a t i o n s f o r the p a t r i a , to he studied l a t e r — t h i s chapter proposes to examine the broad development of Marti's thought during the almost quarter of a century following the f i r s t deportation to Spain, while at the same time o f f e r i n g an explanation as to why these changes occurred. The key to understanding the development of Jose Marti's socio-p o l i t i c a l thought d e f i n i t e l y l i e s i n h i s many unusual experiences i n the "New World," where he spent twenty of h i s l a s t twenty-five years. Undoubtedly the time spent by Marti i n Europe (from January 1871 to January 1875) was of importance i n the o v e r a l l development of h i s character and, as was mentioned i n the f i r s t chapter, Marti i s known to have read extremely widely. Nevertheless, based upon the remarkable paucity of l i t e r a r y work, whether of a p o l i t i c a l or a l i t e r a r y nature, by M a r t i from the time he a r r i v e d i n Spain u n t i l h i s a r r i v a l i n Mexico some four years l a t e r , i t appears that during t h i s time Marti's socio-p o l i t i c a l thought experienced l i t t l e change,^ On the other hand, a more dramatic set of i n c i d e n t s — r e s u l t i n g i n a noticeable progression of h i s ideas—"was to occur also immediately a f t e r Marti returned t o Lati n America. • C i n t i o V i t i e r c o r r e c t l y emphasises the qu a s i - r e l i g i o u s e f f e c t upon Marti's p o l i t i c a l consciousness that re s u l t e d from his "peregrina-cion por America Lat i n a , " ^ since Marti t r u l y underwent a mystical experience as he t r a v e l l e d through Spanish America. His f l i g h t from the a r i d and rather un i n s p i r i n g background of Spanish scholasticism (and also from an e s s e n t i a l l y reactionary p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n ) was suddenly and dramatically replaced by a return to " h i s " continent, as Marti j o y f u l l y discovered his L a t i n American roots. In p a r t i c u l a r , as Andres Iduarte has demonstrated, t f i i s reawakening of Marti's passionate i n t e r e s t i n L a t i n America was.especially encouraged by h i s experiences i n Mexico, where he spent the f i r s t two years a f t e r leaving Spain: La importancia de Mexico en l a v i d a s e n t i -mental, i n t e l e c t u a l y p o l i t i c a del cubano . es muy grande: v i v i o f e l i z como hombre, se gano bien e l pan, amo y fue amado, se s i n t i o ciudadano s i n perder un apice de su cubanidad — e n torno a l a independencia de Cuba sostuvo continuas p o l e m i c a s — , sumo a su formacion l a de los hombres de l a Reforma j u a r i s t a , v i o he-lada a l a raza i n d i a y sono con deshelarla, convivio con indios sabios e i l u s t r o s — I g n a c i o Ramirez e Ignacio. Manuel. Altamirano—y hablo de la. capacidad de su pueblo, toco los restos . •imponentes de l a s culturas azteca y maya quiche y. h a l l o en todo e l l o — p a s a d o grandioso, pre-sente b a t a l l a d o r , finura. indigena, revolucion p o l i t i c a l — l a base fundamental para levantar su fe americanista.7 The years that Marti spent i n Mexico, together with the eighteen months he l i v e d i n Guatemala, and to a l e s s e r extent h i s five-month h9 stay i n Venezuela i n 1 8 8 0 , were t r u l y of inestimable importance for Marti both as a L a t i n American and as a budding revolutionary. He took i n s p i r a t i o n from the example of these former Spanish colonies, now sovereign nations, and became convinced too of h i s a b i l i t y to complete the L a t i n American epic i n i t i a t e d by Simon B o l i v a r , since, as he noted d e f i a n t l y i n l 8 8 l , "se sabe que a l poema d e l l 8 l 0 f a l t a una e s t r o f a " (VII, 28k). His was at a l l times a balanced stock-taking of L a t i n American r e a l i t y — i t s needs and wants, i t s numerous problems, and i t s many inherent q u a l i t i e s . Moreover, before any other w r i t e r of t h i s modern era Marti saw the necessity of e s t a b l i s h i n g close commercial, p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l t i e s between a l l members of the L a t i n American community, while he also discouraged i n no uncertain terms the t r a d i t i o n of many nations of "Nuestra America" to- regard themselves e s s e n t i a l l y as Argentinians, Mexicans or any other n a t i o n a l i t y , before L a t i n Americans. For him there was one—and only o n e — s p i r i t u a l a f f i n i t y between a l l the countries of L a t i n America, for as he proudly proclaimed: "Nuestra p a t r i a es una, empieza en e l Rio Grande, y va a parar en l o s montes fangosos de l a Patagonia" (XI, kQ). In short, during t h i s time Marti learned that he too was a L a t i n American. I t cannot however be termed a case of "rediscovery," since Cuba—because of i t s status as a colony of Spain—had always been encouraged to i d e n t i f y with the madre p a t r i a , rather than with i t s r e b e l l i o u s L a t i n American neighbours. Marti also discovered that his continent, besides possessing an abundance of natural beauty and un-tapped wealth, could also draw upon an amazingly r i c h t r a d i t i o n of cultures and peoples. In sum, f o r the f i r s t time i n his l i f e Marti f e l t proud, not only because he could ' i d e n t i f y ' with t h i s hitherto-unknown L a t i n American c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n , but also because he most d e f i n i t e l y admired the apparently l i m i t l e s s p o t e n t i a l of the continent, h i s continent. With some j u s t i f i c a t i o n , then, Marti can be said to have experienced i n a deeply personal way what another Cuban, Alejo Carpen-t i e r , would l a t e r come to define as l o r e a l maravilloso, the. magic r e a l i t y of L a t i n America. Jose Marti's dramatic personal i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with "Nuestra America" also a s s i s t e d g r eatly the development of his own p o l i t i c a l consciousness which, during his time i n Spain, appears to have l a i d dormant. Suddenly he found himself, i n 1875, i n an emotion-charged atmosphere, the t w i l i g h t of Lerdo de Tejada.'s presidency. Moreover, a f t e r seeing the manoeuvres of P o r f i r i o Diaz to wrest c o n t r o l from President Lerdo, Marti suddenly f e l t himself p o l i t i c a l l y i i n v o l v e d ' ( b a s i c a l l y f o r the f i r s t time since his deportation more than four years e a r l i e r ) , and therefore condemned the high-handed s e l f i s h actions of Diaz. Thus, j u s t as he had r e b e l l e d i n Cuba against what he saw as a c r u e l and e s s e n t i a l l y immoral domination of the Island by Spain, Marti now reacted with righteous indignation at General Diaz' u n j u s t i f i a b l e "strong arm" t a c t i c s . The subsequent demise of Lerdo de Tejada and the triumphant entry into Mexico C i t y by P o r f i r i o Diaz i n November:of 1876 convinced Marti that he could not i n a l l conscience remain i n such an oppressive environment. Writing i n 1878 to his f r i e n d Manuel Mercado, Marti explained the reason for his departure. In Mexico he had been extremely contented, Marti explained, and, but f o r the usurpation of power by Diaz, would have been delighted to stay there. However, because he loathed the methods employed by Diaz i n Mexico, Marti f e l t the need to leave, defending his actions by claiming "Con un poco de luz en l a frente no se puede v i v i r donde mandan t i r a n o s " (XX, kj). Accordingly he l e f t the country (as he would l a t e r leave Guatemala and Venezuela, again a f t e r seeing the unfortunate r e s u l t s of caud i l l i s m o) , but not without a r e v i t a l i s e d i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c a l reform: the revolutionary s p i r i t , flagging i n Spain, had been reconfirmed i n Marti after h i s stay i n Mexico, and the process of r a d i c a l i z a t i o n had thus been renewed. The f i v e years that Marti l i v e d i n Lat i n America allowed him to probe beneath the surface r e a l i t y of his continent, to discover f o r himself the reasons behind the t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t a b i l i t y i n both s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e , and f i n a l l y to p r o v i d e — i n many cases—suggestions that would help solve such grave d e b i l i t i e s . During t h i s time, then, he became aware of the many continental-wide problems that he knew would have to be solved before L a t i n America would be able to r e a l i z e i t s vast untapped p o t e n t i a l . More important, when t h i s consciousness was added to his determination t o f i g h t f o r p o l i t i c a l independence i n Cuba, they represented the basis f o r his s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l aspirations f o r the future Cuban Republic, as Marti gradually began to piece t o -gether a rudimentary programme of reform f o r both Cuba and "Nuestra America." Consequently, whereas before he had experienced an e s s e n t i a l -l y passionate urge to f i g h t against the Spanish fo r c e s , and to free h i s country from the clutches of the 'madre p a t r i a , ' a f t e r his peregrinacion Marti had reached a furth e r stage i n his "apprenticeship," since now he was aware of many of the s p e c i f i c problems that would have to be 52 solved not only i n Cuba, but also i n " h i s " America. Among many of the s p e c i f i c lessons that Marti had learned during these f i v e c r u c i a l years spent i n L a t i n America was the necessity of avoiding at a l l costs the dangers of caudillismo, which i n f a c t he had witnessed at f i r s t hand i n a l l of the countries i n which he resided, as w e l l as the accompanying necessity of preventing a l l forms of m i l i -t a r y governments i n L a t i n America. His observations on General Diaz i n Mexico had convinced him that such regimes were to be vigorously d i s -couraged, and h i s personal separation i n l8Qh from Generals Gomez and Maceo, a f t e r he had detected i n t h e i r behaviour an intent to impose a m i l i t a r y government on the Cuban people a f t e r the Island's "liberation," shows the firmness of t h i s conviction. Moreover, as w i l l be shown i n Chapter I I I , i t was also during his stay i n Mexico that Jose Marti expressed h i s u n q u a l i f i e d support f o r the concept of an active and e f f e c t i v e democracy. In Mexico, then, Marti became a convinced democrat and, as h i s s t r i c t adherence—almost twenty years l a t e r — t o the demo-c r a t i c p r i n c i p l e s of the Partido Revolucionario Cubano shows, i t i s probable that he hoped to c u l t i v a t e t h i s form of government i n the l i b e r a t e d Republic. -Marti also made su b s t a n t i a l observations on a v a r i e t y of economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l reforms that he deemed necessary f o r the f u l l development of L a t i n America. To give some idea of the wide-range of reforms planned by Marti during h i s stay i n L a t i n America, i t i s only necessary to glance b r i e f l y at the far-reaching s o c i a l changes envisaged by him. A l l of these reforms w i l l be examined i n some d e t a i l i n the following chapters. Among the most important of these reform 53 programmes were the need, f or a l l c i t i z e n s , regardless of wealth or s o c i a l standing, to obtain a decent and n e c e s s a r i l y p r a c t i c a l education; the need f o r a l l L a t i n American countries to follow p r i m a r i l y an a g r i -c u l t u r a l economy; the pressing need f o r s o c i a l harmony and f o r a f a i r and equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth, since t h i s would guarantee true s o c i a l j u s t i c e i n "Nuestra America"; the need of workers' organizations, of the r i g h t to s t r i k e , and f i n a l l y of workers' s o l i d a r i t y i n order to achieve a ju s t reward f o r t h e i r labours; the need f o r the Church to be str i p p e d of a l l power and influence within the community and also t o be prevented from o f f e r i n g any form of r e l i g i o u s education. A l l of these programmes would be dealt with i n f a r greater d e t a i l by Marti during his residence i n North America, when he would develop and r e f i n e these o r i g i n a l ideas. I t i s important to note, however, that i t was i n "Nuestra America," based upon the r e a l i t y of L a t i n American s o c i e t y , that Marti f i r s t conceived and planned these necessary reform programmes. Equally important i s the fac t that at t h i s point Marti saw t h e i r relevance p r i m a r i l y to L a t i n America as a continent, and to a l e s s e r extent to his own country. In every sense of the word, Jose Marti appeared in t o x i c a t e d by the v i t a l dramatic r e a l i t y of " h i s " . America, and appears to have temporarily concentrated his attention upon o f f e r i n g much-needed solutions to urgent problems faced by the already-independent nations of the sub-continent. Nevertheless, the-, lessons he learned i n connection with L a t i n Ameri whole, when combined with his determination to win p o l i t i c a l independence f o r Cuba, represented an important foundation f o r his renewed l i b e r a t i o n campaign, 5^ which began soon a f t e r he a r r i v e d i n New York i n January of 1 8 8 0 . The b a s i s , then, f o r Marti's s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l aspirations f or an independent Cuba was thus established long before h i s a r r i v a l i n the United States. For the next f i f t e e n years, supported l a r g e l y by his observations on the, changing nature of North American so c i e t y , Marti would continue to develop the rudiments of his n a t i o n a l programme, convinced that a f t e r p o l i t i c a l independence had been won from Spain a t o t a l l y new d i r e c t i o n would have t o be followed i f Cuba were t o be t r u l y " l i b e r a t e d . " I t i s important to r e a l i s e t h a t , despite his pronouncements on the urgent need f o r s o c i a l j u s t i c e , on the r i g h t of a l l those who worked the land to own i t , on the need f o r workers' s o l i d a r i t y , and a-host of other progressive proposals, Jose Marti was e s s e n t i a l l y at t h i s point ( 1 8 8 0 ) a generous, i d e a l i s t i c — a n d somewhat n a i v e — l i b e r a l . . In fact his p o l i t i c a l programme ( i f such i t can be termed at t h i s p a r t i c u -l a r stage of generalizations) resembled quite c l o s e l y many of the ideas of the s o - c a l l e d French Utopian s o c i a l i s t s of the beginning of the g nineteenth century. It i s also i n t e r e s t i n g to note that at t h i s time Marti was s t i l l not concerned at showing the relevance of these programmes to the p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n of Cuba: i n actual f a c t , i n i t i a l l y — a n d perhaps understandably—he appears to have had few s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s f o r his own country other than winning p o l i t i c a l independence. Over the course of the next f i f t e e n years, which Marti spent i n the United States while following a v a r i e t y of p u r s u i t s — a s teacher, reporter, diplomat and revolutionary—Marti's- p o l i t i c a l thought c l e a r l y matured, as did h i s plans f o r the type of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l innovation 55 that he aspired to introduce i n t o an independent Cuba. Indeed, a f t e r the impression made upon him by h i s stay i n San Lazaro, t h i s period spent i n the United States probably represented the most intense series of experiences i n h i s e n t i r e l i f e and, without any doubt, constituted the most s i g n i f i c a n t influence on the formation of his s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l thought. Consequently a new—and c r u c i a l l y important—period began for Marti i n the l 8 8 0 ' s : based upon his unflagging scrutiny of North American l i f e and s o c i e t y , he i n t e n s i f i e d his analysis of the needs and problems of both "Nuestra America" and Cuba, while at the same time r e k i n d l i n g h i s determination t o lead Cuba to independence. Marti the L a t i n American poet and statesman was soon to become Marti the i n t e r -n a t i o n a l revolutionary. From an objective standpoint i t appears f a i r l y obvious that Jose Marti's p o l i t i c a l consciousness developed dramatically during h i s stay i n the United States. By May of 1 8 8 0 , just f i v e months a f t e r a r r i v i n g i n North America, he had been appointed acting head of the New York Revolutionary Committee, and was increasing s t e a d i l y .his influence among a l l sectors of Cuban e x i l e s l i v i n g i n the United States. But as w e l l as a renewed revolutionary z e a l , v i s i b l e i n a l l Marti's work written i n the United States , there were also several noticeable stages i n the degree of r a d i c a l i z a t i o n of his plans f o r a l i b e r a t e d Cuba, as Marti himself became affected by a v a r i e t y of s t i m u l i i n North America. This did not n e c e s s a r i l y a f f e c t his basic plans f o r the p a t r i a , since by 1880 Marti had already decided on the predominant c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s he wanted f o r the society of a l i b e r a t e d Cuba. Instead, there was a general i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of these same plans as M a r t i — b a s i n g his arguments on events and general observations of North American society—became in c r e a s i n g l y convinced of the v a l i d i t y of his e a r l i e r observations, and at the same time i n c r e a s i n g l y determined that they would be im-plemented i n an independent Cuba. There appear to be two fundamental, explications behind these developments: on the one side was Marti's disillusionment with the United States, which can be deduced from his extensive correspondence and numerous reports on the subject, whereas on the other side were the unfortunate implications that Marti gradual-l y r e a l i s e d that t h i s conduct of the United States held f o r L a t i n America as a whole, A close study of Marti's l i f e and work i n North America thus shows a. process of steady disillusionment with the United States as a country, from which o r i g i n a l l y he had expected so much, soon to be p a r a l l e l e d by an increasing fear that the many basic changes (unfortunately f o r the worse) i n the n a t i o n a l character of the United States could not help but have adverse e f f e c t s on his own continent. More than any other single f a c t o r , then, i t would be t h i s obviously s e l f i s h i n t e r e s t of the United States i n "Nuestra America," Marti's America, which would prove responsible f o r the r a d i c a l i z a t i o n of his thought. To appreciate the extent of Jose Marti's disillusionment i t i s only necessary to study his i n i t i a l impressions of the United States which he published i n a series of a r t i c l e s , "Impressions of America (by a very fresh Spaniard)" f o r a New York newspaper, The Hour. In the f i r s t of these a r t i c l e s , published on J u l y 10, 1880, M a r t i expressed ( i n English) h i s pleasure at b e i n g — f i n a l l y — i n a free country: "I. am, 57 at l a s t , i n a country where every one looks l i k e h i s own master. One can breathe f r e e l y , freedom being here the foundation, the s h i e l d , the essence of l i f e " (XIX, 103). Closely l i n k e d with t h i s admiration f o r the many basic freedoms av a i l a b l e to a l l Americans was Marti's astonish-ment at the industrious and energetic character of the New York inhabitants: A c t i v i t y , devoted to trade, i s t r u l y immense. I wasr.never surprised in. any country of the world I have v i s i t e d . Here I was surprised . . . I remarked that no one stood q u i e t l y i n the corners, no door was shut, an i n s t a n t , no man was quiet. I stopped myself, I looked r e s p e c t f u l l y on t h i s people, and I sa i d good-bye f o r ever to that lazy l i f e and p o e t i c a l i n u t i l i t y of our European countries (XIX, 103). I t i s extremely important to note, then, that when Marti a r r i v e d i n the United States i n 1 8 8 0 , h i s was an e n t i r e l y p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e , since he had come to a land that he admired and respected deeply, and from which, i n short, he expected so much. The t r a d i t i o n of American freedom that had sprung from the struggle to win Independence from the B r i t i s h overlords had thus l e f t a l a s t i n g impression on M a r t i , who saw an obvious p a r a l l e l between the U.S. defeat of the B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l i s t system and the l i b e r a t i o n campaign that he s t i l l f i r m l y aspired to lead against the Spanish madre p a t r i a i n order to restore d i g n i t y and freedom to his own country. Unfortunately t h i s p a r a l l e l was not to be observed by the United States which, as Marti was soon to conclude, had departed o dramatically from i t s o r i g i n a l t r a d i t i o n of freedom. One of the p r i n c i p a l reasons f o r t h i s dramatic change i n the American character, as Marti c l e a r l y noted, was the huge i n f l u x of European immigrants to the United States during the l 8 8 0 ' s , people whom 58 Marti described as bringing with them " t h e i r odiums, t h e i r wounds, t h e i r moral u l c e r s " (XIX, 1 0 6 ) . 1 < ~ ) Unlike the "true Americans" (descen-dants of the o r i g i n a l s e t t l e r s ) , t h i s " t h i r s t y foreign population, that must not be confounded with the true American people, shows that anxious desire f o r money" (XIX, 105) which he regarded as being un-healthy. From t h i s surge of European immigrants a "new American" had already begun to a r i s e , t o t a l l y d i s i n t e r e s t e d i n the noble o r i g i n s upon which the Republic had been founded (and which Marti at a l l times admired), and instead concerned p r i m a r i l y with the a c q u i s i t i o n of material goods. In a l a t e r report i n t h i s series Marti revealed his apprehensions i n regard to these obvious m a t e r i a l i s t i c concerns: "What w i l l t h i s l i t t l e g i r l , so fond of jewelry at seven years, do for i t at sixteen? Slavery would be better than t h i s kind of l i b e r t y ; ignorance would be better than t h i s dangerous science" (XIX, 122). In many respects these "Impressions of America" can be taken as a scaled-down p a r a l l e l of Marti's disillusionment with the United States and, by extension, vas an • i l l u s t r a t i o n of . ~ th'e~radicalisation . of h i s socio-p o l i t i c a l thought. Some months a f t e r claiming that freedom was "the essence of l i f e , " i n another report M a r t i t o l d of the "many p i t i f u l s i g h t s " he had observed during h i s evening walk: "a poor woman knelt on the sidewalk, as i f looking f o r her grave" (XIX, 123); and while walking around Madison Square he claims to have seen a hundred men, a l l without work, and_:pos ses sing neither adequate c l o t h i n g nor food. These people, "evidently s u f f e r i n g from the pangs of misery" .(.XIX, 123) mark the beginning of a new phase i n Marti's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the United 59 States. From abundant praise he passed now to a thorough and uncom-promising study of the major s o c i a l problems faced by North America, and t h i s examination of American society i n turn afforded him a further understanding of the many fraudulent p o l i t i c a l p r actices i n the United States. By the end of I 8 9 O , disillusionment with the United States had f i r m l y set i n , and that country no longer appeared to Marti as the Beacon of Hope, and the i n s p i r a t i o n f o r a l i b e r a t e d Cuba that he had e a r l i e r conceived i t to be. I f i t appears that Marti's disillusionment with U.S. society began i n the l a t t e r h a l f of 1880, i t can be claimed with some j u s t i f i c a -t i o n that a year l a t e r Marti had a r r i v e d at what would l a t e r prove to be h i s d e f i n i t i v e stance on North American p o l i t i c a l l i f e , an i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n that i n fact could be s u b t i t l e d "What to avoid i n a l i b e r a t e d Cuba." Writing i n October of I88l, Marti informed his L a t i n American readers of the existence of powerful business i n t e r e s t s that c o n t r o l l e d the o f f i c i a l p o l i c i e s of both the Republican and Democratic p a r t i e s , and b l a t a n t l y manipulated these p a r t i e s i n order to further t h e i r own ends: Estas corporaciones directoras q u e s o l i a n v e n i r a escandalosos t r a f i c o s . para asegu-rarse mutuamente l a v i c t o r i a en l a s e l e c -ciones para determinados empleos, impedian que i n t e r v i n i e s e n en l a direccion de los partidos hombres sanos y austeros, cuya pureza no hubiera permitido los usuales •• manejos, o cuya competencia se temia (IX, 6k). With a few exceptions (the most notable being the e a r l y years— I 8 8 5 and 1886—of Grover Cleveland's f i r s t presidency, when Marti wholeheartedly supported the President's attempts to escape from the clutches of t h i s 6o powerful r u l i n g bloc)"'""'" t h i s would prove to be the general reaction of Marti to p o l i t i c s as p r a c t i s e d i n the United States. His understanding of the major s o c i a l issues and fundamental problems of U.S. society-would also develop during t h i s time, eventually reaching i t s peak with the Haymarket r i o t s i n Chicago and the r e s u l t i n g t r i a l i n 1886 and 1887, a l l of these lessons serving to i l l u s t r a t e to Marti the p i t f a l l s of North American " L i b e r t y . " The profound disappointment of Jose Marti at the apparent over-looking of the noble t r a d i t i o n s of the United States by the nation as a whole, the many major s o c i a l problems and flagrant abuse of p o l i t i c a l power ( i n May of 188U, r e f e r r i n g to the Democrats as "tenido por mejor, por e l hecho e f i c a z de no estar en e l gobierno" (X, 31)) a l l combined to increase both his disillusionment at the United States f o r squander-ing t h i s p o t e n t i a l , and too his determination that such mistakes must 12 at a l l costs be avoided i n the l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a . He had a r r i v e d m 1880 hoping that the United States would prove a valuable i n s p i r a t i o n f o r h i s own master-plan for the-.liberated Cuban Republic, but by 1885 at the very l a t e s t Marti was t o t a l l y convinced that i n fact he had been gravely mistaken. He s t i l l advocated studying the r e a l i t y of North America, but now instead of seeking i n s p i r a t i o n , Marti advised his . fel rlow L a t i n Americans to use the United States as a model of what to avoid i n the future Cuban Republic: En lo. que peca., en l o que y e r r a , en l o que tr o p i e z a , es. necesario estudiar a este pueblo, para no tropezar como el. . . , Gran pueblo es este, y e l unico donde e l hombre puede s e r l o ; pero a fuerza de enorgullecerse de su prosperidad y andar siempre alcanzando para 1 6 i mantener sus apetitos, cae en un pigmeismo moral, en un envenenamiento del j u i c i o , en una culpable adoracion de todo exito (X, 299). Based upon h i s observations of the problems faced by North American s o c i e t y , Marti s t e a d i l y became aware that h i s hopes had been i l l - f o u n d e d , and that the United States (which he had e a r l i e r viewed as an invaluable s o c i a l experiment with great relevance f o r the future of mankind) had c a r e l e s s l y abused i t s vast p o t e n t i a l . R a c i a l problems were rampant, and Chinese, Indians and black Americans were widely discriminated against; p o l i t i c a l l i f e was both c y n i c a l l y regarded and widely abused; i n d u s t r i a l magnates and powerful labour groups faced each other menacingly, a l l leading Marti to pr e d i c t i n March of 1882 that i n the United States "se l i b r a r a l a b a t a l i a s o c i a l tremenda" (IX, 278). The grand s o c i a l experiement had f a i l e d , Marti concluded: "este Norte es como momia galvanizada a puro ejemplo y teson, y t i e r r a de donde todo nos expulsa" ( i l l , 111). For M a r t i , then, the United States had f l a g r a n t l y ignored i t s great t r a d i t i o n of freedom and d i g n i t y , d e l i b e r a t e l y ) r e p l a c i n g i t with a c u l t of materialism: a new American <had thus a r i s e n , one who was f a r removed from the noble o r i g i n s of the Republic. Moreover, as Marti came to realise.-that the United States d i d not represent the shining example of hope f o r humanity that he had e a r l i e r conceived i t to be, he began to analyse the basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the new American nation, concluding i n 1886 that the common t r a i t of t h i s society was "esta rudeza' general de e s p i r i t u que aqui a f l i g e tanto a l a s mentes expansivas y delicadas. Cada cual para s i . La fortuna como unico objeto de l a v i d a " (.X, 375). But disturbing as t h i s may be, 62 Marti became more concerned as he probed beneath the surface of t h i s aggressive n a t i o n a l character, and of t h i s seemingly amoral p o l i t i c a l conscience, f i n a l l y beginning to understand the reasons f o r such conduct. Moreover, on the horizon there loomed an even more f r i g h t e n i n g prospect for M a r t i , one that could only have an adverse e f f e c t on "Nuestra America." Consequently, added t o Marti's displeasure at the i n t e r n a l U.S. structure was h i s eventual conviction that the United States were also becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y i n t e r e s t e d i n extending t h e i r dominion over L a t i n America, and his r e p o r t s — o r rather warnings now— accordingly adopted a more concerned tone. Indeed, as early as January of 1882 Jose Marti had informed his fellow L a t i n Americans about t h i s over-fond i n t e r e s t f e l t by many sectors of U.S. society i n "Nuestra America": Los h i j o s de l o s peregrinos tuvieron tambien su f i e s t a : mas lay.' que ;ya-no son humildes, n i pisan las nieves- del Cabo Cod con borceguies de trabaj adores, sino que se ajustan a l pie rudo l a bota m a r c i a l ; y ven de un lado a l Canada, y del otro a Mexico . • Decia a s i e l Senador Hawley: "Y cuandb hayamos tornado a Canada y a Mexico,, y reinemos s i n r i v a l e s sobre e l continente., ique especie de c i v i l i z a c i o n vendremos a tener en l o futuro?" iUna t e r r i b l e a f e : l a de Cartago! (IX, 205-206). Mindful of t h i s i n c r e a s i n g l y dubious i n t e r e s t of :'the United States i n L a t i n America, an e n t i r e l y new perspective was added to Marti's outlook as he redoubled h i s e f f o r t s not only to inform readers about North American l i f e i n general, but also now to warn them of possible incursions into h i s continent. Thus Marti's task became one df " d e f i n i r , a v i s a r , poner en guardia, revelar los secretos del e x i t o , en 63 a p a r i e n c i a — y en apariencia s o l o — m a r a v i l l o s o s de este p a l s " (VIII, 268). Before he had been personally disturbed by the i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c s of the United States, and by the materialism-oriented d i r e c t i o n i n which i t appeared determined to move, but now—after seeing a firm i n t e n t i o n on the part of many U.S. i n t e r e s t groups to e x p l o i t the countries of "Nuestra America"—Marti found himself forced to adopt, 13 quite noticeably, a more r a d i c a l stance. There were thus two major conditioning elements i n the obvious r a d i c a l i z a t i o n of Marti's socio-p o l i t i c a l thought. On the one hand ./was,: his - deeply-felt f r u s t r a t i o n at what he c l e a r l y interpreted as the United States f l a g r a n t l y spurring i t s noble heritage and immense p o t e n t i a l , p r e f e r r i n g instead to sub-scribe to a " s u r v i v a l of the f i t t e s t " philosophy. On the other hand Marti could d e f i n i t e l y see how t h i s widely-accepted p o l i c y would eventually have dire consequences for a l l of L a t i n America, since U.S. industry would ult i m a t e l y need both a cheap source of raw materials and a market f o r the r e s u l t i n g surplus of i t s manufactured goods—and L a t i n America was the obvious choice to s a t i s f y both needs. From 1881' u n t i l 1889 these two obsessive preoccupations combined to encourage i n Marti a s t e a d i l y - i n c r e a s i n g process of r a d i c a l i z a t i o n . A new and highly s i g n i f i c a n t phase i n t h i s process was i n i t i a t e d i n March of I889, one that would i n f a c t l a s t u n t i l Marti's death i n 1895- Concerned les s now with preparing his famous "Escenas norte-americanas" for h i s L a t i n American readers (By e a r l y 1892 Marti had ceased to write for the multitude of L a t i n American p e r i o d i c a l s to which he had e a r l i e r contributed) Marti now busied himself with preparations f o r the campaign that he hoped would l i b e r a t e Cuba. This campaign was 6k threatened s e r i o u s l y , though, i n 1 8 8 9 as t a l k resurfaced i n the United States as to whether that country should purchase Cuba from the Spanish government and convert the Island into a U.S. protectorate. Then on March l 6 , I 8 8 9 , the Ph i l a d e l p h i a Manufacturer published a highly c r i t i c a l a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Do we want Cuba?"(later r e p r i n t e d i n the Evening Post of New York), to which Marti wrote a b l i s t e r i n g r e p l y . Marti considered these a r t i c l e s to be of extreme importance, since he wanted his fellow Cubans to see the l i t t l e regard i n which they were held by many i n f l u e n t i a l Americans. Accordingly he t r a n s l a t e d a l l of the pertinent documents in t o Spanish, publishing them soon afterwards i n a pamphlet c a l l e d Cuba y l o s Estados Unidos. Of p a r t i c u l a r concern to Marti was the conclusion of the o r i g i n a l a r t i c l e which, given his h e a r t f e l t d i s t r u s t of U.S. i n t e r e s t i n Cuba, and by extension i n "Nuestra America," was t o t a l l y unacceptable for him: "La unica esperanza que pudieramos tener de h a b i l i t a r a Cuba para l a dignidad de Estado, s e r i a americanizarla por completo, cubriendola con gente de nuestra propia raza" ( I , 23k). For M a r t i , any attempt to s e l l his p a t r i a , h i s nation, as i f i t were some negotiable a r t i c l e , and of course without taking i n t o account the wishes of the people, was completely u n a c c e p t a b l e — p a r t i c u l a r l y when the prospective purchaser was the United States. Marti f e l t that he knew t h i s society w e l l enough to know that such a change of overlords could only r e s u l t to the detriment of Cuba, and so he redoubled his e f f o r t s f o r the l i b e r a t i o n of the p a t r i a . The six-page r e p l y of M a r t i , "Vindicacion de Cuba1^" can t r u l y be taken as representing accurately the beginning of t h i s l a s t , and 65 most r a d i c a l , stage i n his s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l thought. In f a c t , now that his own p a t r i a was being bandied around as i f i t were some piece of merchandise to be bought and s o l d at w i l l , Marti's f r u s t r a t i o n s at the United States f i n a l l y exploded. Before he had been deeply troubled both by the cold-blooded attempts to disregard the best i n t e r e s t s of "Nuestra "America" and subsequently by the growing U.S. economic penetration i n t o L a t i n America i n general. Now, however, that the United States was s e r i o u s l y considering the idea of•purchasing the Island and of "americanizarla por completo," M a r t i spoke out loudly and bravely against such a c t i o n , s t a t i n g the opinion of many Cubans on the United States of America: ' Admiran esta nacion, l a mas. grande de cuantas e r i g i o jamas l a l i b e r t a d ; pero desconfian de los elementos que., como gusanos en l a sangre, han comenzado en esta Republica portentosa su obra de destruccion. Han hecho de l o s heroes de. este pais sus propios. heroes . . . pero no pueden creer honradamente que e l individualismo excesiVo, l a adoracion de l a riqueza, y e l j u b i l o prolongado de una v i c t o r i a t e r r i b l e , . esten preparando a l o s Estados Unidos para ser l a nacion t i p i c a de l a l i b e r t a d , donde no ha de haber opinion basada en e l apetito inmode-rado d e l p o d e r , n i adquisicion o t r i u n f o s contrarios a l a bondad y a l a j u s t i c i a . Amamos a l a p a t r i a de L i n c o l n , tanto como tememos a l a p a t r i a de Cutting ( I , 23T)• This tone of consternation at the attempt of the United States to extend i t s influence i n t o L a t i n America became i n c r e a s i n g l y n o t i c e -able i n Marti's work a f t e r t h i s revived i n t e r e s t i n purchasing Cuba from Spain, since he now r e a l i s e d t h a t , i n order to win p o l i t i c a l independence f o r the p a t r i a not only did he have to defeat the Spanish forces but also to keep the United States f i r m l y at bay. Writing i n 66 April of I889 (a month after publishing this reply to U.S. interest in Cuba) Marti expressed his profound distress at such a selfish desire to purchase the Island, a l l the more damnable, Marti reminded his readers, because only a century earlier the United States had embarked upon a similar struggle for freedom: "iQuien medita siquiera en e l pro-yecto ya publico de l a compra de Cuba, donde no se ha secado todavia l a sangre que e l vecino astuto vio derramar, por l a misma carta de principios con que se rebelo e l contra sus duenos, sin tender un manojo de hilos, sin tender los brazos?" (XII, 1 6 8 ) . The events of 1889 would completely dispel any remaining doubts that Marti might have entertained concerning U.S. interest i n "Nuestra America," while at the same time encouraging him to develop an even more radical position, as can be deduced from his letter to Enrique Estrazulas: ...ahora que estoy fuera de mi, porque lo que desde. anos vengo temiendo y anunciando se viene encima, que es l a p o l i t i c a con-quistadora de los Estados Unidos, que ya anuncian oficialmente por boca de Blaine y Harrison su deseo de tratar de mano alta a todos nuestros paises, como dependencias naturales de este, y de comprar a Cuba (XX, 203). Two other major contributing factors to the radicalization of Marti were the f i r s t Inter-American Conference, held in Washington from the end of 1889 u n t i l t A p r i l I89O (upon which Marti reported in great de t a i l ) , and the International Monetary Conference in I89I, at which he acted as the o f f i c i a l representative for the Uruguayan government. The f i r s t of these two conferences gathered together for the f i r s t time representatives of almost a l l of the Latin American countries. From the beginning of the Conference everything was geared towards convincing the representatives of the value of having closer t i e s with the most powerful country of the Americas, the United States: there was an elaborate 5,500-mile t r a i n journey intended to impress the delegates with an e x h i b i t i o n of American society and industry, the American press c o n t i n u a l l y l i s t e d the advantages to be gained by the Lat i n American countries through closer t i e s with the United States, while at the same time advocating a hard-line treatment i n dealing with the countries south of the Rio Grande,"^ and the delegates appeared f l a t t e r e d by the constant attention they received from the host country. (At one point Marti described how "los negros van y vienen, diez para cada huesped, c e p i l l o en mano" (VI, 1+2)). Faced with t h i s high-powered campaign to win the allegiance of the countries of "Nuestra America," Marti could only urge the L a t i n American representatives to probe beneath the veneer of progress and material wealth found i n the United States. He was by t h i s time t o t a l l y convinced of the rather dubious motives that l a y behind the organization of t h i s conference, and explained these personal fears i n some d e t a i l to h i s readers. There was no longer any doubt i n his mind when discussing U.S. i n t e r e s t i n L a t i n America, nor did he tr e a t the United States as any great power worthy-of i m i t a t i o n : Jamas hubo en America, de l a independencia aca, asunto que requiera mas sensatez, n i obligue a mas v i g i l a n c i a , n i pida examen mas claro y minucioso,. que e l convite que l o s Estados Unidos potentes, repletos de produc-tos invendibles, y determinados a extender sus dominios. en. America, hacen a las naciones americanas de menos poder, ligadas por e l 68 comercio l i b r e y u t i l con los pueblos europeos, para ajustar una l i g a contra Europa y cerrar tratos con e l resto del mundo. De l a t i r a n i a de Espana supo salvarse l a America espanola; y ahora, despues de ver con ojos j u d i c i a l e s los antecedentes, causas y factores del con-v i t e , urge d e c i r , porque es l a verdad, que ha llegado para l a America espanola l a hora de declarar su segunda independencia (VI, h6). Although on a much lower key, Marti's d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n at the International Monetary Conference (held i n Washington from January to A p r i l of 1 8 9 1 ) was of even greater importance i n warning the L a t i n American delegates against any l a s t i n g t i e s that they might make with the United States. The Conference had been summoned with two purposes i n mind: f i r s t to win the support of the L a t i n American delegates on the subject of bimetallism, which would allow gold and s i l v e r to be c i r c u l a t e d on equal terms (instead of the t r a d i t i o n a l system which set only gold against paper currency) and second, to encourage the L a t i n American nations to sever t h e i r economic t i e s with Europe (which continent was opposed to any such change i n currency matters), and subsequently to increase t h e i r trade with North America. 1'' I f the United States' proposal was accepted, the r e s u l t would be p a r t i a l l y b e n e f i c i a l to Mexico and Peru (and of course t o the United States, at that time the world's leading s i l v e r manufacturer), while almost a l l of the remaining L a t i n American countries would receive l i t t l e , i f any, be n e f i t . More important, i f the proposal of the United States was accepted, t h i s could very p o s s i b l y lead to a d r a s t i c cut-back i n trade. between La t i n America and Europe, with the r e s u l t that "Nuestra America" would become in c r e a s i n g l y dependent on the United States f o r her trade. 69 An examination of the Minutes of the Monetary Conference reveals the active r o l e played by M a r t i , who was a leading member of two important committees, one to study the credentials of the representa-t i v e s , and the other to debate the proposal of the U.S. delegates on bimetallism. It was i n t h i s second r o l e that he delivered one of the most important speeches of the Conference. Marti was i n short con-vinced that few L a t i n American countries would benefit from the suggested changes, and was most d e f i n i t e l y concerned about the loss of sovereignty that he saw might w e l l r e s u l t i f the proposal dealing with bimetallism was approved. He claimed that t h i s was not the appropriate time to exert pressure on the great European commercial powers, so that they would enter into such an agreement. - As a result,, the committee i n which Marti played such an active r o l e recommended that: While f u l l y recognizing t h a great convenience and importance to commerce of the creation of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l coin or coins, i t . i s . not deemed expedient at present to recommend the same, i n view of the. attitude of some of the great, commercial powers of Europe toward s i l v e r as one of the m e t a l l i c currencies.- 1-" This l a s t phase i n the r a d i c a l i z a t i o n of Marti's thought, i n i t i a t e d by his l e t t e r to the Evening Post, was characterised by an i i n c r e a s i n g l y m i l i t a n t tone, as Jose Marti devoted hi s attention both to the task.of overthrowing the Spanish c o n t r o l of Cuba and of making his fellow L a t i n Americans aware of U.S. i n t e r e s t i n "Nuestra America." As l a t e as OctoberBof 1889 Marti was s t i l l prepared to allow the United States the benefit of the doubt (in a l e t t e r to Gonzalo de Quesada he stated how the United States "esta a nuestra puerta como un enigma, por l o menos" ( I , 250)), although soon afterwards (and p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the two Conferences) he l o s t a l l hope of Cuba ever r e c e i v i n g a f a i r hearing from the North, which he now c a l l e d "un pueblo diverso, formi-dable y agresivo, que no nos tiene por i g u a l suyo, y nos niega l a s condiciones de igualdad . . . un pueblo que se tiene por su superior y l o quiere para fuente de azucar, y ponton es t r a t e g i c o " (IV, k2h). The e f f e c t of the two Inter-American Conferences upon Marti should not be underestimated, since i n many ways they proved to him that his e a r l i e r longstanding mistrust of U.S. i n t e r e s t i n Cuba had been t o t a l l y j u s t i f i e d . A f t e r the Conferences he appears to have been i n f i n i t e l y more aware of the d e f i n i t e danger posed to the .future of the Republic by t h i s rather obvious American intent to purchase the Island. On a more personal l e v e l , he now reacted a n g r i l y against the open harassment of the revolutionary groups l i v i n g i n the United States, since he r e a l i s e d that without the support of the Cuban e x i l e s his hopes f o r l i b e r a t i n g the p a t r i a would be g r e a t l y c u r t a i l e d . In p a r t i -cular he was disturbed at the breaking up of the s t r i k e of tobacco -workers at "La Rosa Espanola" Factory i n Key West through t h e - i l l e g a l 18 importation of Spanish workers from Cuba by the factory owners. More important, however, was Marti's apparent conviction a f t e r I 8 9 I that not only d i d the United States intend to purchase Cuba and Puerto Rico from Spain, but also that they planned to use the two islands as a base upon which to launch an offensive action against the r e s t of L a t i n America, thus f u l f i l l i n g the o l d dream of continental supremacy. Writing i n P a t r i a i n 1893 Marti claimed that i n fa c t the two islands were "indispensables para l a seguridad, independencia y caracter d e f i n i t i v o de l a f a m i l i a hispanoamericana en e l continente, donde lo s vecinos de habla i n g l e s a codician l a clave de l a s A n t i l l a s para cerrar con e l l a s todo e l Norte por e l istmo, y apretar luego con todo este peso por e l Sur" ( I I , 3 7 3 ) . Before 1 8 9 1 , as Alberto Andino has c l e a r l y shown, Marti's character was inherently opposed to any manifestation of " e l c o l o n i a l i mo, l a explotacion de l o s humildes por los poderosos.""^ I t was t h i s same highly-developed moral conscience that l e d him to f i g h t f i r s t against the Spanish domination of Cuba, and l a t e r to condemn i n such 20 outspoken form U.S. involvement i n "Nuestra America." A further stage i n Marti's seemingly i n e v i t a b l e r a d i c a l i z a t i o n was now reached, since a f t e r discerning an increased desire on the part of the American government to annex the two islands , Marti now revealed himself as a committed a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t revolutionary, concerned now not only with winning independence for his own p a t r i a , but also with protecting the equilibrium of the Americas, and indeed of the world: En el. f i e l de America estan l a s A n t i l l a s , que s e r i a n , s i esclavas, mero ponton de l a guerra de una republica imperial contra e l mundo celoso y superior que se prepara ya-i a negarle e l poder,—mero f o r t i n de la . Roma americana ;-ryGsi^libres~yr-dignas:;"de.«.serlo por e l orden de l a l i b e r t a d e q u i t a t i v a y trabajadora, serian en e l continente l a garantia d e l e q u i l i b r i o , l a de l a indepen-. dencia. para l a America espanola aun amenazada y l a d e l honor para l a gran r e p u b l i c a d e l Norte, que en e l d e s a r r o l l o de su t e r r i t o r i o — p o r desdicha, feudal ya, y repartido en secciones. h o s t i l e s — h a l l a r a mas segura gran-deza que en l a innoble conquista de sus vecinos menores, y en l a pelea inhumana que con l a posesion de e l l a s a b r i r i a contra l a s 72 potencias del orbe por e l predominio del mundo.—No a mano l i g e r a , sino como con conciencia de s i g l o s , se ha de componer l a vida nueva de las A n t i l l a s redimidas. Con. augusto temor se ha de entrar en esa grande responsabilidad. humana . . . Es un mundo l o que estamos equilibrando: no son solo dos i s l a s las que vamos a l i b e r t a r ( i l l , 11+2). In t h i s dramatic way did Marti o u t l i n e h i s revolutionary hopes. At f i r s t glance such a scheme to stop the "republica imperial" from doing irreparable harm not only to L a t i n America but also to humanity at large appears t r u l y i n c r e d i b l e . Indeed, as Roberto Fernandez Retamar has r i g h t l y noted, Marti "se habia propuesto nada menos que salvar a todo e l continente, e incluso c o n t r i b u i r a l e q u i l i b r i o aun vac i l a n t e d e l mundo. Probablemente nadie en sus cabales, con medios tan exiguos ( l a i s l a de Cuba t e n i a entonces algo como mas de m i l l o n y 21 medio de habitantes) se ha propuesto nunca hazana tan desmesurada." It i s important to note, however, that f a r from c o n s t i t u t i n g a reckless or foolhardy;'venture, t h i s plan of Marti i n actual f a c t i s the natural r e a c t i o n to what he f i r m l y believed to be an inherently harmful and e v i l p o l i c y , one which could have had adverse e f f e c t s on the enti r e world. For M a r t i , then, an independent Cuba, while rewarding Cuban aspirations f o r a vigorous and e s s e n t i a l l y m o r a l i s t i c form of govern-ment , would also protect the rather shaky foundations of North American i n t e g r i t y : "Las A n t i l l a s l i b r e s salvafan l a independencia de Nuestra America, y e l honor ya dudoso de l a America i n g l e s a , y acaso aceleran y f i j a r a n e l e q u i l i b r i o de mundo" (IV, 1 1 1 ) , as he wrote i n 1895-Consequently t h i s b e l l i g e r e n t denunciation of "lo s Imperialistas de a l i a " (IV, 1 6 8 ) , issued by Marti i n l 8 9 5 , can indeed be interpreted 73 as having o r i g i n a t e d from the same righteous indignation that had l e d him to condemn the Spanish c o l o n i a l i s t p o l i c y i n KL p r e s i d i o p o l i t i c o  en Cuha almost a quarter of a century e a r l i e r . The very substance of Marti's thought had thus changed remarkably l i t t l e since 1 8 7 0 , for i n essence his own rigorous moral conscience would never have allowed him to condone any p o l i t i c a l act that he considered ei t h e r unjust or 22 . s e l f i s h . Seen i n t h i s l i g h t , h i s condemnation, among others, of P o r f i r i o Diaz ( 1 8 7 6 ) , of Maximo Gomez ( l 8 8 U ) and of Secretary of State Blaine ( 1 8 8 9 ) can a l l be viewed as furth e r examples of t h i s highly m o r a l i s t i c outlook of M a r t i , which remained constant throughout his l i f e . Therefore, while the substance of Marti's thought d i f f e r e d very l i t t l e indeed during the course of his l i f e , i t appears obvious that there was instead a fundamental change i n the degree i n which i t was held by Mart i . In other words the many important and at times traumatic experiences i n his l i f e d i d not so much e f f e c t the essence of his thought, but rather influenced the degree to which he supported these fundamental b e l i e f s . In t h i s way then, the honest, i d e a l i s t i c and h i g h l y - s e n s i t i v e Marti found himself i n e x t r i c a b l y — a n d perhaps one can say inexorably—bound to a path of gradual r a d i c a l i z a t i o n . Jose Marti's e n t i r e p o l i t i c a l career can thus be viewed as a continuous enrichment, based upon these formative experiences, of the o r i g i n a l high ideals exhibited i i i La P a t r i a Libre i n I869. Of p a r t i c u l a r importance i n the development of Marti's socio-p o l i t i c a l thought, as has been indi c a t e d i n t h i s chapter, were the many years he spent both i n "Nuestra America" and i n the United States. 7^ The r e s u l t i n g knowledge from his stay i n the Americas, together with his f i r m l y - e s t a b l i s h e d code of ethics v i s i b l e from his e a r l i e s t work, convinced him that his aspirations for the l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a were t r u l y j u s t . In the famous l e t t e r to Manuel Mercado i n May of 1895, written just a few days before Marti met his death i n b a t t l e against, the Spanish forces at Dos Rios, Marti explained the necessity of a long arduous struggle against both the 1 Spanish and the "Norte revuelto y 23 b r u t a l que Cnosj desprecia" (IY, 168). Fortunately, however, they would u l t i m a t e l y win, claimed M a r t i , i n essence because honour was with the Cuban cause. Marti the revolutionary, a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t and i n t e r -n a t i o n a l i s t of 1895 was thus the natural culmination of a process which sta r t e d when he emerged from San Lazaro prison i n 1870: the degree of his r a d i c a l i z a t i o n might have changed, but the e s s e n t i a l nature of his thought had remained constant. 75 NOTES CHAPTER II "'"Julio Le Riverend, "Marti: e t i c a y accion r e v o l u c i o n a r i a , " Casa de l a s Americas, 10 (Nov.-Dec. 1 9 6 9 ) , p. ^ 0 . Ezequiel Martinez Estrada arrives at s i m i l a r conclusions: "Cuando Marti va a Espafia nada tiene que aprender sino que a s i m i l a r ; posee l a s claves y normas y nada podra desviarlo de e l l a s . " Martinez Estrada, p. 19. See also Emilio Roig de Leuchsenring's support of I s i d r o Mendez' statement that "desde sus primef.os • e s c r i t o s Marti define sus ideas p o l i t i c a s en notas de E l  Diablo Cojuelo." •XEmilio Roig de Leuchsenring, "El americanismo de M a r t i , " Memoria del congreso de e s c r i t o r e s martianos (feb. 20 a_ 2J_ de 1953) (La Habana: Publicaciones de l a Comision Nacional Organizadora de los Actos y Ediciones d e l Centenario y del Monumento de M a r t i , 1 9 5 3 ) , p. 2 8 7 . 2 I therefore do not accept the v a l i d i t y of the famous claim made by Antonio Martinez* B e l l o that the r a d i c a l i s a t i o n of Marti was i n i t i a t e d by h i s observations on the lack of j u s t i c e received by the defendants i n the Haymarket t r i a l (pp. 1 5 9 - 1 6 0 ) . Jose Antonio Portu-ondo agrees with t h i s view i n h i s "Introduccion a l estudio de las ideas s o c i a l e s de M a r t i , " Vida v_ pensamiento de Marti. Homenaje de l a cludad  de La Habana en e l cincuentenario de l a fundacion d e l Partido Revolu- cionario Cubano. 1892-19^2 (La Habana: Coleccion H i s t o r i c a Cubana y Americana, I9I+2), I I , p~ 2 X 3 . In a more recent a r t i c l e , Jaime Diaz Rozzotto claims that i t was the coup of P o r f i r i o Diaz that was i n fa'ct responsible f o r t h i s r a d i c a l i s a t i o n : "De aqui en adelante e l Apostol cubano, tropezando aqui, atinando a l i a , l l e g a a c o n s t i t u i r e l puente que va del l i b e r a l i s m o moribundo a l a revolucion a n t i m p e r i a l i s t a d e l s i g l o veinte americano." Jaime Diaz Rozzotto, "Nuestra America, l a plena l i b e r t a d y Jose Marti," Cuadernos Americanos, 3k (May-June. 1 9 7 5 ) , p. 8 5 . 3 This i s despite the view expressed by-.-.Pedro :Pablo Rodriguez i n his a r t i c l e , "La idea de l a l i b e r a c i o n nacional en Jose M a r t i , " Anuario  martiano, h ( 1 9 7 2 ) i n which he grossly o v e r s i m p l i f i e s the development of Marti's thought, by attempting to show the three basic stages i n t o which i t can be "divided," namely 1871-1881+; 1 8 8 ^ - 1 8 8 9 ; and 1 8 9 0 - 1 8 9 5 (p. 1 7 9 ) - S i m i l a r l y unconvincing are the d i v i s i o n s o u t l i n e d by C i n t i o V i t i e r and Fina Garcia Marruz, who claim that there were i n f a c t s i x e s s e n t i a l periods i n the evolution of Marti's thought. See C i n t i o V i t i e r and F i n a Garcia Marruz, "Etapas en l a accion p o l i t i c a de M a r t i , " published i n Temas martianos (La Habana: I n s t i t u t o d e l L i b r o , 1 9 6 9 ) . 76 ^ J u l i o Le Riverend, "Marti en l a revolucion de 1 8 6 8 , " pp. 1 0 9 -1 1 0 . study of Marti's work of t h i s period shows that i n f a c t he devoted himself to h i s studies, obtaining two degrees i n law- and philosophy. P o l i t i c a l l y , , apart from a l e c t u r e on the harsh e x p l o i t a t i o n to which Cuba was subjected by the 'madre p a t r i a ' — a t which he was given the nickname "Cuba l l o r a " a f t e r repeating t h i s dramatic f l o u r i s h many times during h i s d i s c o u r s e — , Marti was r e l a t i v e l y i n a c t i v e . His i n t e r e s t , both i n p o l i t i c s i n general, and i n the s i t u a t i o n of Cuba, thus may be s a i d to have l a i d fallow f o r t h i s period, being awakened only a f t e r he journied to L a t i n America. ^ C i n t i o V i t i e r , "Imagen de M a r t i , " Anuario martiano, 3 ( 1 9 7 1 ) , p. 238. Andres Iduarte, "America," Revista Hispanica Moderna, 18 (Jan.-Dec. 1 9 5 2 ) , p. 8 8 . g In p a r t i c u l a r there were several s i m i l a r i t i e s between Marti's thought of t h i s time and that of Louis Blanc, who himself appears to have u t i l i s e d quite extensively ideas of Charles Fourier and Saint-Simon. For a discussion of the d i f f e r e n t platforms of these "Utopian S o c i a l i s t s , " see Chapter l 6 , "The Genius i n P o l i t i c s , " of Theodore Z e i t l i n ' s recent study, France l 8 L 8 - 1 9 ^ 5 ; V o l . 1, Ambition, Love and  P o l i t i c s (Oxford: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 7 3 ) . 9 • Carlos Rafael Rodriguez has described w e l l t h i s d i s i l l u s i o n -ment of M a r t i : "Llego a l o s Estados Unidos creyendo que entraba en e l pais d e l futuro, y quien lee las primeras cronicas. norteamericanas se da cuenta inmediatamente de l a admiracion y de l a espectativa. que los Estados Unidos crean en e l . Pero tan pronto va adentrandose en l a v i d a americana, va viendo que l o s d e s e q u i l i b r i o s y. l a s monstruosidades de aquella sociedad que e l habia creido una sociedad ejemplar, en l a que un tipografo podria l l e g a r a Presidente. . . . se da cuenta, a l poco tiempo, de que esa sociedad sonada por. e l no. e x i s t e , de que. e l monopolio ha corroido l a entrana de aquella sociedad j e f f e r s o n i a n a que nunca e x i s t i o en l a p r a c t i c a , y empieza poco a poco a r a d i c a l i z a r sus a n a l i s i s p o l i t i c o s . " Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, "Jose M a r t i , contemporaneo y companero," Universidad de La Habana, 1 9 6 - 1 9 7 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , p. 15-"^Marti's stand on the idea of immigration was quite simple, as he noted i n February of 188L. E s s e n t i a l l y he was not opposed to the basic concept of immigration, although he did s t i p u l a t e that only the " r i g h t kind" of immigrant should be admitted (to any society) , the d e c i s i v e f a c t o r being that the prospective immigrant should not be of a s p i r i t which would clash with that of. the society he wanted to enter: . "Se piden inmigrantes en muchas de nuestras Republicas . . . Solo debe 77 procurarse l a inmigracion cuyo d e s a r r o l l o natural c o i n c i d a , y no choque, con e l e s p i r i t u del p a i s . — V a l e mas v i v i r s i n amigos, que v i v i r con enemigos. Importa poco l l e n a r de t r i g o los graneros, s i se des-f igura,.-ehturbia "y desgrana e l caracter nacional . . -. No se debe estimular una inmigracion que no pueda asimilarse a l pais" (VIII, 3 8 4 ) . For further information concerning Marti's views on immigration to the United States, see Judith Ginsberg, "Los j u i c i o s de Jose Marti acerca de l a inmigracion a los Estados Unidos," The B i l i n g u a l View/La Revista  B i l i n g u e , 1 (May-Aug. 197*0, pp. 1 8 5 - 1 9 2 . "'""'"Marti f u l l y supported President Cleveland at. t h i s p o i n t , and appears i n t o t a l agreement with his views on the dangers faced by the United States: " E l ["Cleveland] sostiene que e l gobierno democratico de los Estados Unidos . . . corre p e l i g r o , s i no se pone coto a l v i c i o norteamericano de t r a t a r l a p o l i t i c a no como santuario, sino como una profes i o n , como un t r a f i c o , como un 'trade' en que se coalizan para d i r i g i r en su provec.ho los asuntos piiblicos todos aquellos abundantes y voluminosos holgazanes que no tienen v a l o r , conocimientos o vergiienza s u f i c i e n t e s para ganar su pan en un trabajo duro y honrado: la. p o l i t i c a es e l deber de todo e l mundo, y e l derecho de todo e l mundo, y e l amarla es senal de nobleza y e l abandonarla es senal de innobleza . . . Todo e l mensaje es como e l Presidente: prudente, de una pie z a , inspirado en ese noble v a l o r que p r e f i e r e caer con la. honradez desatenida que prosperar por l a complicidad con los que atentan a e l l a " ( x , 3 6 6 - 3 6 7 ) . 12 Lest i t be deduced that Marti was g u i l t y of harbouring any base "anti-yanqui" f e e l i n g s per se, one has only to study hi s many reports f u l l of admiration f o r the "founding fathers" of the United States. In 1 8 8 5, for instance, he wrote: "Yo e s c u l p i r i a en porfido las estatuas de los hombres maravillosos que fraguaron l a Constitucion de lo's Estados Unidos de America . . . y cada c i e r t o numero de anos, e s t a b l e c e r i a una semana de peregrinacion nacional" (X, 1 8 3 ) . Some f i v e years l a t e r , Marti expressed his profound displeasure with the d i r e c t i o n being taken by p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n the United States, while showing his undying f a i t h i n the p o l i t i c a l judgement of Abraham Li n c o l n : "De partido redentor que fue en su cuna; de levantamiento admirable—dice, un republicano d i s i d e n t e — h a pasado e l partido republicano a mera. maquina de gobierno . . . Gobernara con l o s r i c o s o con los ignorantes. Vera donde hay deseos, y los halagara; donde hay rencores, y l e s ' prometera s a t i s f accion" (XII, 1+03). Later he concludes: "a v i v i r L incoln hoy., no e s t a r i a con los que l e sucedieron, n i con l o s democratas hibridos e indecisos, sino con los que, preparando cosa mejor j oyen con alarma y asombro que un partido p o l i t i c o , e l partid o de l a . mayoria, proclame . . . esta frase t i p i c a y. temible: ' E l pais quiere resultados, y se cuide poco del modo con que se consigan" (XII, 1+05). Typ i c a l of his g r a d u a l l y - r a d i c a l i s i n g p o s i t i o n was h i s moral indignation at what appeared to be the o f f i c i a l U.S. p o s i t i o n on Central 78 America, and i t s intent to e x p l o i t the countries of that area: " E l Sunday Herald l o decia, por hoca de un miembro del gohierno, que tendra mas o menos que hacer con las miras del Presidente sobre l a America C e n t r a l : — ' V a l e mas que se sepa desde ahora'—ha dicho e l miembro de l gobierno . . . 'que aunque no se proyecta plan alguno de anexion, n i ha tornado aun e l gobierno en consideracion e l establecimiento de guarni-ciones m i l i t a r e s permanentes en l a America Cen t r a l , sea l o que quiera l o que l a s circunstancias demanden, eso sera hecho. La p o l i t i c a e x t e r i o r de los Estados Unidos sera, a l a vez guiada por los p r i n c i p i o s mas humanitarios, y en acuerdo con l a s necesidades de l a c i v i l i z a c i o n anglo-sajona'" (VIII, 9 7 ) . Later i n h i s report Marti gave his own analysis of the p o s i t i o n , concluding: "Por v i o l e n c i a confesada, nada tomaran. Por v i o l e n c i a o c u l t a , acaso. Por l o menos, se acercaran hacia todo aquello que desean. A l istmo l o desean. A Mexico no l o quieren bien" (VIII, 9 9 ) . ^ " E l Tribune" dice: 'ha llegado l a hora de hacer s e n t i r nuestra i n f l u e n c i a en America: e l aplauso de los delegados a l discurso de Blaine fue una ovacion'. Dice e l Star: ' e l Congreso americano es de Blaine'. Y e l Sun dice: . 'Estan vendidos a l o s ingleses estos sud-americanos que se l e oponen a Blaine'" (VI, hi}. In his next report to La 'Nacion, Marti quoted the Sun again, showing his t o t a l opposition to the hard-line t a c t i c s supported by the North. American press: . " E l Sun de Nueva York, l o d i j o ayer: ' E l que no quiera que l o aplaste e l . Juggernaut, subase en su carro'. Mejor sera, c e r r a r l e a l carro e l camino" (VI, 5 U ) . "^Writing i n La Revista I l u s t r a d a of New York i n May of. 1 8 9 1 , Marti t o l d of the disadvantages of overly close p o l i t i c a l , and economic t i e s with the United States: " S i l o s paises de Hispanoamerica vehden, principalmente, cuando no exclusivamente, sus frutos a Europa, y reciben de Europa emprestitos y creditos., ique conveniencia puede haber. en entrar, por un sistema que quiere v i o l e n t a r e l europeo, en sistema de moneda que no se r e c i b i r i a , o se r e c i b i r i a despreciada en Europa?" ( v i , 1 6 1 - 1 6 2 ) . 16 Minutes of the International Monetary Commission. Washington, 1 8 9 1 , pp. ^ 9 - 5 0 . 17 Marti asked h i s readers to evaluate the U.S. proposal care-f u l l y , while warning them, of many fundamental aspects of the U.S. n a t i o n a l character: "Creen en l a necesidad, en e l derecho barbaro, como unico derecho: 'esto sera, nuestro, proque l o necesitamos'. Creen en l a superioridad incontrastable de ' l a raza anglosajona contra l a raza l a t i n a ' . Creen en l a bajeza de l a raza negra, que. esclavizaron ayer y vejan hoy, y de l a i n d i a que exterminan. Creen que los pueblos de Hispanoamerica estan formados, principalmente, de indios y negros. Mientras no sepan mas de Hispanoamerica los Estados Unidos y l a respeten 79 mas . . . ipueden l o s Estados Unidos convidar a Hispanoamerica a una union sincera y u t i l . para Hispanoamerica? iConviene a Hispanoamerica l a union p o l i t i c a y economica de los Estados Unidos?" (VI, l 6 o ) . 18 In P a t r i a of January 5, l89^» while t a l k i n g about t h i s deliberate attempt to break the s t r i k e of the tabaqueros, Marti wrote: "Nadie disputara, e l derecho de cualesquiera hombres, espanoles. o de eualquier otro p a i s , a desembarcar libremente en suelo nortearnericano; pero cuando, so capa de defensa de l a imparcialidad de los Estados Unidos, se intenta importar contra sus leyes una suma de obreros advenedizos que priven de trabajo a los obreros arraigados en l a l o c a l i d a d , e l derecho violado no es e l d e l advenedizo a quien se va a buscar fuera del pais sino e l de l a l o c a l i d a d en que se importa una suma de obreros que no pueden h a l l a r empleo s i n desalojar a los r e s i -dentes y fundadores del. lugar" ( i l l , 31). He. concluded: "iAh cubanos.' e l extranjero que nos. debe su pan, nos quita e l pan de l a boca" ( i l l , 32). (See also his - report "A Cuba," published i n the January 27 e d i t i o n of P a t r i a ( i l l , pp. ^7 -5^) ) . Also i n t e r e s t i n g i s the account of the Cubans' lawyer, Horatio Rubens, who i n h i s memoirs r e c a l l e d an encounter that he had with the l o c a l judge: "He CJudgel then remarked that I had no business to take up the cause of 'those Cubans,' and I suggested tha t , as a lawyer admitted to p r a c t i c e i n the Supreme Court of the United States , I had always the r i g h t to defend a c r i m i n a l i n a Federal Court, although he be accused of the foul e s t crime. He then launched into a t i r a d e , charging the Key West Cubans were c r i m i n a l s , r a i s i n g funds, he was c r e d i t a b l y informed, to s t a r t a rev o l u t i o n i n Cuba against Spain. 'You should a l l of you be i n j a i l ! ' he c r i e d , and I r e a l i z e d that at l a s t , i n an open court of law, we had the r e a l objective, of the s i t u a t i o n r e v e a l e d , — t h e breaking up, by i n t i m i d a t i o n , of the Marti organization." Horatio Rubens, L i b e r t y : ' the story of Cuba (New York: Brewer, Warner and Putman, 1932) , p. 42. "^Alberto Andino, Marti y Espana (Madrid: Coleccion Plaza Mayor, 1973), p. 151. 20 While commenting on the m o r a l i s t i c basis of Marti's thought, Manuel Pedro Gonzalez r a i s e s an i n t e r e s t i n g point: " I f the s i t u a t i o n had been reversed and the United States had been the weak nation and Cuba or L a t i n America the oppressing, power, he would, have struggled with equal fervor and heroism i n defense of the United States against the abusive country. J u s t i c e and freedom were i n d i v i s i b l e f o r him. In spite of h i s intense p a t r i o t i s m , he would never have, endorsed the. doctrine of 'my country, r i g h t . o r wrong.' Such a creed would have been repugnant and barbarous to him, proper only to p r i m i t i v e t r i b e s . " Manuel Pedro Gonzalez, Jose M a r t i , Epic Chronicler of the United States  i n the Ei g h t i e s (North Carolina: U n i v e r s i t y of North Carolina Press, 1953), p. -21. 80 "^"Roberto Fernandez Retamar, "Introduccion," Marti (Montevideo: B i b l i o t e c a de Marcha, 1 9 7 0 ) , p. 32. ^^Marti's plans 'for the l i b e r a t i o n of "Nuestra America" r e f l e c t t h i s moral base of h i s thought, for as he explained i n 1 8 9 1 : "Ni mayordomos de raza ajena, n i mayordomos de nuestra raza. No es .cuestion de razas, sino de independencia o servidumbre. Ni pueblos fuertes rubios, para su b e n e f i c i o y moral, sobre los pueblos meritorios y capaces de America; n i pueblos fuertes triguenos, para su poder i n j u s t o , sobre l a s naciones a f l i g i d a s de l a America d e l Sur" (VI, 9 1 ) • 23 . . Given the fundamental importance, of t h i s l e t t e r to Mercado, i t seems advisable to reproduce the oft-quoted dramatic beginning: "Mi hermano queridisimo . . . ya estoy todos l o s dias en p e l i g r o de dar mi v i d a por mi pais y por mi deber—puesto que l o entiendo y tengo animos con que r e a l i z a r l o — d e impedir a tiempo con l a independencia de Cuba que se extiendan por. l a s A n t i l l a s los Estados Unidos y caigan, con esa fuerza mas, sobre nuestras t i e r r a s de America. Cuanto hice hasta hoy, ^ y hare, es para eso. En s i l e n c i o ha tenido que ser y como i n d i r e c t a -mente, porque hay cosas que para l o g r a r l a s han de andar ocultas, y de proclamarse en l o que son, levantarian d i f i c u l t a d e s demasiado rec i a s para alcanzar sobre e l l a s e l f i n . Las mismas obligaciones menores y publicas de los pueblos . . . mas vitalmente interesados en impedir que en Cuba se abra, por l a . anexion de los Imperialistas de alia, y los espanoles., e l camino que se ha de cegar, y con nuestra sangre estamos cegando, de l a anexion de los pueblos de nuestra America, a l norte. revuelto y b r u t a l que los des-p r e c i a , — l e s habrian impedido l a adhesion ostensible, y ayuda patente a este s a c r i f i c i o , que se hace en bien inmediato y de e l l o s . -Vivi en ,.el^monstruo_y l e conozco l a s entranas :—y.mi honda es l a de David" (IV, 1 6 7 - 1 6 8 ) . 81 CHAPTER I I I POLITICAL ASPECTS OF MARTI'S PATRIA Having outlined the o r i g i n s of Marti's p o l i t i c a l career, as w e l l as the p r i n c i p a l influences upon the development of his thought, i t i s now necessary to study i n greater d e t a i l the character of society that Jose Marti aspired to introduce into an independent Cuba. Accordingly, t h i s chapter i s intended as an introduction to the type of p o l i t i c a l reforms that Marti viewed as necessary f o r the p a t r i a , a f t e r more than three centuries of c o l o n i a l i s t r u l e . In attempting to o u t l i n e the basic p o l i t i c a l structure desired by Marti f o r Cuba, i t i s perhaps advisable at the outset to eliminate those aspects of government which Marti's views d e f i n i t e l y , and most obviously, forbade. Although t h i s may be somewhat s e l f - e v i d e n t , i t must be stated that e s s e n t i a l l y Marti wanted a Republican form of government f o r his p a t r i a . Having already experienced at f i r s t - h a n d the i n j u s t i c e of an oppressive monarchy i n Cuba, he was determined that t h i s form of government should never'again be i n s t i t u t e d i n the Island. His campaign to l i b e r a t e Cuba was therefore based upon the very c l e a r understanding that a monarchic government was u n j u s t — a s w e l l as being manifestly outdated—and would not be t o l e r a t e d i n Cuba. His thoughts on the subject were exemplified by an a r t i c l e published i n the Caracas newspaper La Opinion Nacional on September 1 7 , l 8 8 l . •• Leon Gambetta had r e c e n t l y been elected Prime M i n i s t e r of France, and Marti was c l e a r l y overjoyed with the r e s u l t s : "Esta es l a conquista d e l 82 hombre moderno: ser mano y no masa; ser j i n e t e y no c o r c e l ; ser su rey y su sacerdote; r e g i r s e por s i propio" (XIV, 5 8 ) . 1 France was indeed fortunate, Marti emphasised f o r , "desde que no tiene rey este pueblo, es en verdad un pueblo-rey" (XIV, 5 8 ) . In short, as he wrote i n 1 8 7 7 , " e l primer deber de un hombre de estos d i a s , es ser un hombre de su tiempo" (VII, 9 7 ) . At the same time i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Marti d i d not b l i n d l y accept the Republican system per se, nor did he apparently intend to base the Cuban Republic upon any p a r t i c u l a r model then i n existence. Marti had observed the frequent abuse of Republican p r i n c i p l e s i n other parts of the w o r l d — i n Spain, i n various countries of L a t i n America,.and most noticeably i n the United States, where he spent so many years. His report on the "behind-the-scenes" a c t i v i t i e s of Praxedes Sagasta i n Spain summarised what Marti saw as the many p o t e n t i a l abuses facing any nascent Republic: Sagasta, e s p i r i t u perspicaz .... . h a t a l l a , indudablemente., a l a sombra de l a monarquia, para preparar e l advenimiento de l a repub-l i c a , mas no de l a energica, p r a c t i c a y ac-t i v a republica . . . sino es esa otra. r e p u b l i c a nominal, r e p r e s i v a , heterogenea, t r a n s i t o r i a . . . (XEV, 3 7 ) . Marti was therefore w e l l aware that the Republican system did not constitute an automatic answer to a l l nat i o n a l problems. I t was quite simply that he considered such a form of government to o f f e r the best foundation on which to b u i l d his desired so c i e t y , i n order to make i t , l i k e Gambetta's France, "un pueblo-rey." As w e l l as being a f i r m Republican, Marti was also convinced that the government which he hoped to i n s t i t u t e i n Cuba would of 83 necessity be a c i v i l one, e n t i r e l y free of any vestige of m i l i t a r y control. This l a t t e r danger had to be avoided at a l l costs, since f o r him i t could u l t i m a t e l y lead to a form of oppression not unlike that which he had already witnessed under Spanish r u l e i n Cuba. In a l e t t e r to h i s f r i e n d Manuel A. Mercado, written on November 1 0 , 1877, Marti v i v i d l y described the n e c e s s a r i l y a n t i - m i l i t a r i s t i c nature of any v i a b l e government i n Cuba: " e l poder de l a s Republicas solo debe estar en manos de los hombres c i v i l e s . Los sables, cortan.—Los fracs apenas pueden hacer l a t i g o s de sus cortos f a l d o n e s . — A s i s e r a — " (XX, 3 7 ) . Seven years l a t e r Marti was to see t h i s very danger loom ominously before him as he made preparations f o r the l i b e r a t i o n of the Island. His p r i n c i p a l associates i n the venture were Maximo Gomez and Antonio Maceo, both of whom were popular m i l i t a r y heroes because of t h e i r a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the 1 8 6 8 - 7 8 struggle against Spain. By 1884 Marti was the accepted leader of the Cuban immigrants i n New York, and his assistance was therefore greatly needed by Gomez and Maceo. Marti o r i g i n a l l y appears to have respected t h e i r genuine p a t r i o t i c i n t e n t , although he gradually came to suspect that both men were i n f a c t motivated by the idea of t h e i r own personal gains a f t e r Independence had been won. As a r e s u l t of h i s d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t , Marti r e l u c t a n t l y — f o r i n e f f e c t i t meant the collapse of a l l h i s dreams of an independent Cuba at t h i s point—withdrew his support from the campaign. His l e t t e r to Maximo Gomez i n October of 1884 showed his displeasure with what he interpreted as t h e i r s e l f i s h desire to e x p l o i t the revolutionary struggle of the Cuban people as a whole f o r t h e i r own personal b e n e f i t : 8h Y es mi determinacion de no c o n t r i b u i r en un apice, por amor ciego a una idea en que me esta yendo l a v i d a , a t r a e r a mi t i e r r a a un regimen de despotismo personal, que s e r i a mas vergonzoso y funesto que e l des-potismo p o l i t i c o que ahora soporta . ... Un pueblo no se funda, General, como se manda en un campamento ( I , 1 7 7 ) . ^ The bravery of Marti's stand on t h i s issue should not be under-estimated. Not only was he forced to postpone his planned campaign for the l i b e r a t i o n of Cuba i n 1 8 8 4 , but M a r t i also incurred the wrath of the majority of the Cuban r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s l i v i n g i n the United States. Marti was subsequently accused of being a megalomaniac, prepared to h a l t i n d e f i n i t e l y the e n t i r e revolutionary struggle simply because he was jealous of the way i n which Gomez and Maceo were taking charge of the expedition. (in actual f a c t , a c a r e f u l examination of Marti's pronouncements concerning'all m i l i t a r y governments, both before and a f t e r t h i s i n c i d e n t , shows that his a t t i t u d e was constant throughout h i s revolutionary career). Consequently, at a l l times M a r t i regarded m i l i t a r y c o n t r o l as being e s s e n t i a l l y incompatible with a true form of Republican government. Marti appeared w e l l aware that the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and duties inherent i n governing a country f a i r l y constituted an exceptionally d i f f i c u l t task, one that could only be undertaken by an experienced and e s s e n t i a l l y honest p o l i t i c a l leader. For, as he noted on another occasion, "no hay faena mas complicada y s u t i l que l a d e l gobierno, n i cosa que requiera mas p r a c t i c a del mundo, sumision y c i e n c i a " (XIII, 106). Consequently career m i l i t a r y men, because of t h e i r very back^ ground, were f a r removed from a proper understanding of the i n t r i c a c i e s and compromises needed to convince—and not to order—the members of that society to comply with o f f i c i a l policies. Referring to the presidency of General Ulysses Grant, an excellent military tactician but a poor p o l i t i c a l leader, Marti showed how the general typified the dangers of the career soldier-turned-politician: Mascaba fronteras cuando mascaba en silencio su tabaco. La s i l l a de l a Presidencia le parecia caballo de montar; l a Nacion, regimiento; el ciudadano, recluta . . . concebia l a grandeza cesarea, y queria entra-nablemente a su pais, como un triunfador romano a su carro de oro (XIII, 82). Thus Marti accepted wholeheartedly that the military had an extremely important role to play in the winning of independence for Cuba, but at the same time he clearly stipulated that, after the triumph of the liberation .movement j 1-all military power..was to be„transf erred, to'- the civilrauthorities. After determining that Jose Marti envisaged both a Republican and c i v i l form of government for an independent Cuba, i t is now interesting to consider the type of p o l i t i c a l l i f e that he hoped to implement in the Republic, in particular the relationship between the government and the people, as well as the roles and obligations expected of them both. It must also be ascertained how exactly Marti understood the emotion-laden term "Democracy," and whether he expressly supported a system whereby a l l citizens would vote in regular elections or whether he planned a selective democracy in which only some Cubans f u l f i l l i n g certain conditions (wealth, revolutionary background, education, etc.) would be allowed a voice in government. Based upon 8 6 such an examination i t w i l l "be possible to determine whether Marti's thoughts.on the desired democratic society were vague and. l o o s e l y worded, or whether they i n fa c t constituted a consistent, and well-planned reform programme. S u r p r i s i n g l y enough, and despite h i s early revolutionary determination to l i t e r a t e Cuba from Spanish oppression, few i f any references to the idea of democracy appear i n Marti's work written 3 during h i s younger years. Spanish domination of the Island was so r u t h l e s s , the Cuban people as a whole had so l i t t l e confidence i n t h e i r h own a b i l i t i e s to govern the homeland, and there were so many immediate i n j u s t i c e s to condemn'that Marti understandably-concentrated h i s attention on the immediate goal of defeating the Spanish forces. However d e s i r -able a democratic government may have appeared to him, he r e a l i s e d that any opposition group had of necessity to concentrate on a convincing m i l i t a r y defeat of the Spanish Administration as i t s f i r s t objective. Marti therefore devoted himself r e l i g i o u s l y to t h i s necessary f i r s t step i n the l i b e r a t i o n process. In a c t u a l f a c t , the f i r s t major references t o the theory and p r a c t i c e of democracy to be found i n Marti's Obras completas date from his a r r i v a l i n Mexico i n 1 8 7 5 . I t was then that he discovered the government of President Lerdo de Tejada, which he viewed as a f a i r approximation to the democratic i d e a l . At the same time M a r t i was aware that the shady manoeuvres of General P o r f i r i o Diaz, whom he considered both r u t h l e s s l y ambitious and f u l l y intent upon wresting the government from Lerdo by whatever means he deemed necessary, could very 87 w e l l rob Mexico of a l l s o c i a l progress made i n that country since the presidency of Benito Juarez. Consequently, i n an a r t i c l e s i g n i f i c a n t l y e n t i t l e d "Catecismo democratico," published by the Mexican newspaper E l F e d e r a l i s t a i n December of I 8 7 6 , Marti l e f t no doubts as to h i s wholehearted support of the democratic process. He vehemently denounced a l l m i l i t a r y take-overs of the kind envisaged by P o r f i r i o Diaz, claiming that such an action had been c l e a r l y planned by Diaz as a means of fur t h e r i n g his own ambitions , while also warning that i f a c a u d i l l o of t h i s type were appointed, the country would s u f f e r g r e a t l y . Marti therefore urged a l l Mexicans not to support t h e i r candidates with weapons, since t h i s would only plunge Mexico into a state of senseless anarchy from which—he ( c o r r e c t l y ) p r e d i c t e d — a s e l f i s h and m i l i t a r i s t i c regime would emerge. Instead he advised them to follow the a l t e r n a t i v e s o l u t i o n afforded by the next e l e c t i o n , when they could vote f o r the leader of t h e i r choice. This was of fundamental importance f o r Marti who claimed: " l a voluntad de todos, pacificamente expresada: he aqui e l germen generador de las repu b l i c a s " ("VIII, 5*0 • Thus i n a country which possessed the necessary e l e c t o r a l machinery f o r e f f e c t ing^a-meanirigful ' ipolitical.change by t r u l y representative means—as Marti conceived Mexico i n the mid - l870's to b e — t h i s type of m i l i t a r y takeover was, f o r him, t o t a l l y unacceptable. Marti's i n t e r e s t i n the^practice of democracy, awakened by h i s stay i n Mexico, was further strengthened a f t e r his a r r i v a l i n the United States i n 1880. Prom that time onwards, while he was s t i l l i n favour of the theory of democracy, h i s appreciation of the p r a c t i c a l . ap p l i c a t i o n of that t h e o r y — a t least i n the North American context—was 88 highly c r i t i c a l . As i n Mexico he contrasted the v i c t o r i e s r e s u l t i n g from a democratic e l e c t i o n with those won by force of arms: " a l i i donde con un e j e r c i t o de p a p e l i l l o s doblados se logran v i c t o r i a s mas rapidas y completas que l a s que logro jamas e j e r c i t o de lanzas" (X, 123) as he wrote i n I885. However, when describing the p r a c t i c e of democracy i n Worth America, at times he accepted with reservations, while more often he roundly condemned, the fraudulent p r a c t i c e s surrounding the p o l l i n g booth. Writing f o r La Opinion Nacional i n l 8 8 l , f o r example, he c r i t i c i s e d severely the phenomenon of "bossism," the c o n t r o l l i n g of p o l i t i c s by i n f l u e n t i a l party leaders: A l i i estaba d e s c r i t o e l boss odioso; e l c a b e c i l l a de partido;. e l que prepara l a s elecciones, l a s tuerce, l a s aprovecha, la s da a sus amigos, las niega a sus enemigos, las vende a sus adversarios; e l que domina los cuerpos e l e c t o r a l e s ; e l que exige a los empleados dinero para l l e v a r a cabo las elecciones que han de conservarlos en sus empleos (IX, 97). What i s perhaps a f a i r summary of t h i s ambivalent approach, of Marti i s his report written for La NaCion of Buenos Aires i n 1885, which i s c i t e d above. While admitting the many obvious i n j u s t i c e s that r e s u l t e d from the i r r e g u l a r i t i e s at the p o l l , M a r t i s t i l l considered t h i s unfortunate system i n f i n i t e l y more acceptable than the t o t a l lack of democracy to be found at that time i n Cuba. His conclusion w asthat such corrupt p r a c t i c e s , while r e g r e t t a b l e , at l e a s t constituted a step i n the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n : "iOh! muchos votos se venden; pero hay mas que no se venden" (X, 123). From his severe c r i t i c i s m s of p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n the United 89 States i t is thus possible to make several important deductions concerning the type of p o l i t i c a l practices that Marti advocated implementing in an independent Cuba. What had to be avoided at a l l costs in the patria was the selfish approach to pol i t i c s which Marti interpreted as typifying the attitude of the U.S. electorate at large, and in particular that of both major p o l i t i c a l parties. In general he remarked that in Worth America the idea of working selflessly for the well-being of the nation had clearly been completely subordinated to the protection of personal interests. Honesty and true merit had become totally irrelevant in the North American context, Marti noted, since deceit and corruption—at least in the p o l i t i c a l area—had become the order of the day. For Marti, then, p o l i t i c a l l i f e in the future Republic had to be channelled away from this model represented by the infamous politicos de oficio ,^  and instead had to spring from a new highly moral, and necessarily honest, source. It has been suggested by several martianos that, following the Haymarket riots and subsequent t r i a l in Chicago in 1887, Marti's attitude shifted suddenly and dramatically away from the bourgeois l i b e r a l approach that he had followed u n t i l that date. However, based upon an examination of his writing on both the theory and practice of democracy i t appears that his attitude was l i t t l e , i f at a l l , changed by the Haymarket incident. Indeed, writing in 1889 for the Mexican news-paper El_ PjirjtJ ;^ Lrbe^l_ on a contemporary study entitled La democracia  practica, Marti re-iterated his total support for the democratic process, despite the d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent in implanting i t in a Latin 90 environment: "Nada es tan autocratico como l a raza l a t i n a , n i nada es  tan jus to. como l a democracia puesta en accion: por eso no es tan f a c i l a los americanbs convencernos de l a bondad del sistema democratico e l e c t i v o " (VII, 3^7) (My under l i n i n g ) . Some three years l a t e r , i n an a r t i c l e f o r P a t r i a , the o f f i c i a l j ournal f or the Partido Revolucionario Cubano, Marti again underlined h i s intent t o f i g h t "con alma democratica" ( i l , lH'7) f o r the l i b e r a t i o n of Cuba. It i s important to note, however, that there were few-s p e c i f i c recommendations made by Marti as to the actual form of democracy, since f o r him the need to awaken—and subsequently to m o b i l i z e — t h e support of the Cuban e x i l e s f o r the independence struggle was of f a r greater importance at t h i s time. Democracy at t h i s stage thus represented b a s i c a l l y an abstraction that was eminently d e s i r a b l e , and that w o u l d — i n one form or another—be implemented i n revolutionary Cuba. Moreover, based upon the many abuses that he had observed i n the United States' democratic system, M a r t i was convinced that a necessary f i r s t step before democracy could be introduced i n any form into Cuba would be to r a i s e the l e v e l of p o l i t i c a l consciousness of a l l Cuban voters, "mejorar l a masa votante" (X, h3-) as he put i t , so that the population at large would be more adequately prepared to understand the platforms of the p o l i t i c a l aspirants i n an independent Cuba, and the theory of democracy i t s e l f . Marti thus demanded that a l l Cubans should question every p o l i t i c a l candidate and every o f f i c i a l p o l i c y , t h e i r co-operation i n t h i s matter being t r u l y c r u c i a l f o r M a r t i . In t h i s way he hoped to end the Spanish habit of "favoreciendo entre l o s obreros 91 e l desamor a l a p o l i t i c a para que no haga e l obrero p o l i t i c s cubana" ( I I , 2 0 1 ) , changing t h i s apathetic attitu d e towards p o l i t i c a l l i f e i nto an active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n n a t i o n a l a f f a i r s , f o r as Marti himself wrote: "vale mas un rebelde que un manso. Un r i o vale mas que un lago muerto" (XXI, ll+ 2 ) . Again using the U.S. p o l i t i c a l system to i l l u s t r a t e h i s a s p i r a -tions f o r the l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a , Marti i n his Fragmentos c l e a r l y emphasised the need f o r h i s compatriots to take an a c t i v e , and neces-s a r i l y s e l f l e s s , i n t e r e s t both i n n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s and i n p o l i t i c a l theory, hoping that i n t h i s way they would avoid being manipulated as were t h e i r American counterparts: Quierb que e l pueblo de mi t i e r r a no sea como este [United States!]-, una masa ignorante y apasionada, que va donde quieren l l e v a r l a , con ruidos que e l l a no entiende, los que tocan sobre sus pasiones como un p i a n i s t a toca sobre e l teclado. E l hombre que halaga las pasiones populares es un v i i . — E l pueblo que- abdica del uso de l a razon, y que deja que se explote su p a i s , es un pueblo v i i (XXII, 73). There should not be, however, any s i n i s t e r implications of thought co n t r o l i n respect to t h i s desire of Marti to r a i s e the p o l i t i -c a l consciousness of h i s fellow Cubans. Quite simply, Marti hoped that as a r e s u l t of t h e i r own p a t r i o t i c and s e l f l e s s reasoning, a l l Cubans would be able to decide the best form and system of government, as w e l l as the most suitable p o l i c i e s , f o r the Island. Thus he expected (perhaps somewhat over-optimistically) that, following an honest study of the n a t i o n a l s i t u a t i o n , the Cuban voters would be able to choose between the p a t r i o t i c statesmen (among whom he d e f i n i t e l y numbered him-s e l f ) and those people i n t e r e s t e d i n personal gain, the p o l i t i c o s de 92 o f i c i o . Marti's hopes i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n were extremely straightforward, as can be seen from a l e t t e r to Jose Dolores Poyo i n December of 1 8 9 1 : Es mi sueno que cada cubano sea hombre p o l i t i c o enteramente. l i b r e , como entiendo que e l cubano es, y obre en todos sus actos por sus simpatias j u i c i o s a s y su eleccion independiente, s i n que l e venga de fuera de s i e l i n f l u j o danino de algun interes disimulado ( I , 2 7 6 ) . In a l i b e r a t e d Cuba, then, Marti was determined that a l l forms of manipulation, l a r g e l y a t t r i b u t a b l e to the p o l i t i c a l ignorance of the masses, had to be avoided at a l l costs, so that then a dedicated, s e l f l e s s and honest government could emerge, supported and t o t a l l y understood by the Cuban people as a whole. Jose Marti thus considered p o l i t i c a l consciousness—or at the very l e a s t an objective appreciation of p o l i t i c s — a s an absolute necessity f o r h i s Republic. Equally important f o r him, though, were the concepts of an e f f e c t i v e and l e g a l opposition to the government and of freedom of expression, whether i t be of press or speech. A l l Cubans had to be conscious of every p o l i t i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e before e l e c t i n g t h e i r representatives, and as a r e s u l t M a r t i was adamant at a l l times that freedom of expression should be guaranteed: "tres grandes vias tiene l a oposicion en los paises l i b r e s : l a palabra, las camaras, y l a prensa" (VI, 2 4 2 ) . This early view (which was expressed i n June of 1875) was cons i s t e n t l y defended by M a r t i , who always appeared aware of the n e c e s s i t i e s of such basic l i b e r t i e s . Indeed, some fourteen years l a t e r M a r t i , i n a report to La Nacion, stated c l e a r l y that " l a primera l i b e r t a d , base de todas, es l a de l a mente" (XII, 3 4 8 ) . He saw the p o t e n t i a l danger that some teachers might exp l o i t t h e i r p o s i t i o n to indoctrinate students l e s s p o l i t i c a l l y - a w a r e than themselves, and warned that t h i s would not he t o l e r a t e d i n the future Republic. The teacher, he stated, was not to act as a mould that shaped the students' minds, but rather was to be "un guia honrado, que ensena de buena fe l o que hay que ver" (XII, 3hQ). I l l u s t r a t i v e of t h i s determination of Marti that a l l Cubans p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c a l discussion was h i s desire that every c i t i z e n of the Republic should have the r i g h t to c r i t i c i s e any aspect of nat i o n a l government, since t h i s was both a p r i v i l e g e and a duty. There was, however, one p r o v i s o — t h e c r i t i c i s m l e v e l l e d at the adminis-trationawas of necessity to be an honest attempt to o f f e r constructive suggestions on methods of improving the government: "Los pueblos han de v i v i r c r i t i c a n d o s e , porque l a c r i t i c a es l a salud, pero con un solo pecho y una s o l a mente" (VI, 2 1 ) , as he wrote i n 1 8 9 1 . I t i s therefore possible to conclude, without reservations, that freedom of expression was e s s e n t i a l f o r M a r t i , who i n h i s Fragmentos (mostly written between 1885 and 1895) f i r m l y defended t h i s p o l i c y , claiming that "me parece que matan un h i j o cada vez que privan a un hombre de l derecho de pensar" (XXII, Ilk). For Marti the d i r e c t r e s u l t of these two basic n e c e s s i t i e s — a high l e v e l of p o l i t i c a l consciousness and t h i s fundamental freedom of expression—was the d e f i n i t e o b l i g a t i o n for a l l c i t i z e n s to vote i n every e l e c t i o n i n the p a t r i a . In the same report to La Nacion i n which he spoke of the need to "mejorar l a masa votante," Marti also outlined h i s theories on the common moral o b l i g a t i o n of the e n t i r e country to 9h cast t h e i r b a l l o t : "Deber es e l sufragio, como todo derecho; iy e l que f a i t a a l deber de votar debiera ser castigado con no menor pena que e l que abandona su arma a l enemigo!" (X, h3) Marti's stance on t h i s issue was quite c l e a r l y that anybody who ignored t h i s c i v i l and moral o b l i g a t i o n by f a i l i n g t o vote i n an e l e c t i o n , whatever h i s p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n , was abdicating from one of his most sacred r e s p o n s i b i l i -t i e s , and should be imprisoned, for as Marti noted, "es un ladron" (XI, 125). At a l l times, then, Marti warned his fellow Cubans that t h e i r active co-operation was not only desirable but also o b l i g a t o r y . I t was t h e i r duty to take an active i n t e r e s t i n a l l l e v e l s of government, to question every o f f i c i a l p o l i c y , and to vote-in a l l e l e c t i o n s . Even then, they were expected to vote not n e c e s s a r i l y f o r what was i n t h e i r personal best i n t e r e s t , but rather f o r what would most benefit the p a t r i a . Understandably, t h i s e s s e n t i a l l y s e l f l e s s and highly respon-s i b l e a t t i t u d e that Marti expected of his fellow Cubans was even more fir m l y demanded of those prospective leaders who would guide them. Marti's profound disillusionment with the manner i n which the noble democratic i n s p i r a t i o n of North American p o l i t i c s had been p r o s t i t u t e d by an ever-increasing number of greedy and self-seeking p o l i t i c i a n s had u l t i m a t e l y convinced him that a t o t a l l y new d i r e c t i o n had to be followed 7 i n Cuba, one that would be dedicated to the wellbeing of a l l Cubans. Writing i n 1883 Marti c l e a r l y summarised the two very d i f f e r e n t approaches that could be followed i n Cuba a f t e r independence had been won. On the one side was what Marti considered the example of the North American p o l i t i c a l system, at that time c o n t r o l l e d by large corporations and r i c h i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , and seemingly unconcerned about the problems facing the le s s fortunate members of t h e i r society. E s s e n t i a l l y t h i s appeared to him a c o l d , unfeeling system whose maxim, based upon Marti's reports, could well have been "Might i s Right." On the other side was the approach to p o l i t i c s that Marti favoured, one that can be described as a s e n s i t i v e and "caring" a t t i t u d e . He was determined that p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n Cuba should not revolve s o l e l y around the economic development of the nation and t h a t , instead of regarding p o l i t i c s as a profession, an o f i c i o , the Cuban people should always consider i t a sacred vocation, a sacerdocio: La p o l i t i c a es un sacerdocio cuando empujan a e l l a gran p e l i g r o p a t r i o , o alma grande. Hay c r i a t u r a s que se salen de s i , y rebosan de amor, y necesitan darse, y traen a l a t i e r r a una espad a ' i n v i s i b l e , siempre a l t a en l a mano, que enciende con su fulgor los campos de b a t a l i a . . . Pero suele ser v i l l a n i a l a p o l i t i c a , cuando decae a o f i c i o . Este espectaculo ofrece este pueblo . . . (IX, 355) . In the l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a , then, everything would have to be subordinated to the wellbeing of the nation as a whole, as a new form of p o l i t i c s — a s e l f l e s s and p a t r i o t i c one—would be introduced. Another i n t e g r a l feature of the p o l i t i c a l structure that Marti hoped to i n s t i t u t e i n Cuba was i t s e s s e n t i a l l y L a t i n American nature. For, despite any charge of being an i d e a l i s t i c dreamer that could p o s s i b l y be l e v e l l e d at M a r t i , he was well aware that any form of government implanted on the Island had to make a d e f i n i t i v e break with a l l of i t s a r t i f i c i a l (and p r i m a r i l y Spanish) t r a d i t i o n s and customs, r e v e r t i n g instead to a system based d i r e c t l y upon the r e a l i t y of Cuba. 96 For Marti the government i n s t i t u t e d a f t e r independence had been won from Spain had to be " l a copia l e g i t i m a " of the nation that- had elected i t , i n both i t s objectives and t r a d i t i o n s , "y s i no l o es, ha de tenderse a que l o sea" (XIV, 3 6 4 ) , he urged. Writing i n 1 8 9 1 Marti was even more adamant about t h i s need for a form of government based upon the r e a l i t y of the p a t r i a : • e l buen gobernante en America, no es e l que sabe como se gobierna e l aleman o e l frances, sino e l que sabe- con que elementos esta hecho su p a i s , y como puede. i r guiandolos en junto, para l l e g a r , por metodos e i n s t i t u c i o n e s nacidas d e l pais mis-mo, a aquel estado apetecible donde cada hombre se conoce y ejerce . . . E l gobierno ha. de. nacer del p a i s . E l e s p i r i t u del gobierno ha de ser e l del p ais. La forma del gobierno ha de avenirse a l a constitucion. propia del p a i s . E l gobierno no es. mas que e l e q u i l i b r i o de los elementos na-turales d e l pais (VI, 1 ? ) . In summary, p r i o r to the organisation of the Partido Revoluciona-r i o Cubano (of which he was the Delegado or l e a d e r ) , Marti's plans f o r the type of government he aspired to introduce i n an independent Cuba revolved around two basic programmes, upon each of which he placed equal emphasis. The f i r s t programme, his desire f o r an e s s e n t i a l l y just and a c t i v e l y democratic s o c i e t y , was, because of a lack.of concrete planning, both sincere and somewhat s i m p l i s t i c . The second broad plank i n Marti's reform programme was the need f o r "Cuban content" i n a l l spheres of l i f e i n the patria—economic, s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l — a n d i n f a c t h i s a t t i t u d e can be w e l l summarised by h i s famous dictum: " E l v i n o , de platano; y s i sale agrio ies nuestro vino!" (VI, 20). These programmes, Marti claimed, would together ensure that the p o l i t i c a l structure emerging a f t e r the l i b e r a t i o n of the Island 97 i •would constitute an e s s e n t i a l l y new—and t r u l y Cuban—Administration: "Hombres somos, y no vamos a querer gobiernos de t i j e r a s y de f i g u r i -nes, sino trabajo de nuestras cabezas, sacado del molde de nuestro p a i s " (IV, 275). P r i o r to I89I, Marti's actual revolutionary e f f o r t s were of a somewhat fragmented nature. He was demanding nothing l e s s than the l i b e r a t i o n of the p a t r i a and the introduction (for the f i r s t time i n Cuba's h i s t o r y ) of a democratic and Cuban form of government—yet he had remarkably l i t t l e experience i n an undertaking of t h i s magnitude. The year I 8 9 I saw a redoubling of Marti's attempts to gain the support of large numbers of the Cuban e x i l e s , and more important, to organise > 8 them into a cohesive revolutionary party. The subsequent founding of the Partido Revolucionario Cubano i n January of 1 8 9 2 , arid the e l e c t i o n of Jose Marti as the leader of the Party would thus a f f o r d him the opportunity to unite the Cuban e x i l e s l i v i n g i n the United States, and by doing so, to develop valuable orga n i s a t i o n a l experience. The inauguration of the Partido Revolucionario Cubano (hence-forward to be r e f e r r e d to as the PRC), and the r o l e of Marti within the Party s t r u c t u r e , provide a new and v i t a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t source of evidence with which to analyse the type of p o l i t i c a l structure envisaged f o r the l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a by Marti. Indeed, because Marti d i d not l i v e to see an independent Cuba, h i s r o l e i n the PRC i s r e a l l y the sole p r a c t i c a l evidence of h i s views on the workings of democracy, or on the desired nature of post-independence Cuban society. The v a l i d i t y of such an examination i s indicated by Marti himself, who claimed that the Party t r u l y represented a microcosm of the type of democratic society 98 that he hoped to found in Cuba: La. grandeza es esa del Partido Revolucionario: que para fundar una republica, ha empezado con la republica. Su fuerza es esa: que en l a obra de todos, da derecho a todos (II, 278). The success of Marti in consolidating the diverse interests of the exiles into a powerful p o l i t i c a l party was a very considerable achievement. At that time some thirty-four clubs were in existence, 9 according to one source. And, while the vast majority of these were in Florida, particularly in the towns of Key West (usually referred to by the Cubans as "Cayo Hueso") and Tampa, there were also sizeable clubs in New York, Philadelphia and New Orleans. Marti thus had the task not only of winning the goodwill and co-operation of these clubs, obviously at great distances from each other, but also of channelling their support into effective and concerted p o l i t i c a l action in an attempt to overthrow the might of Spain. Moreover, since many of the clubs had been formed principally as cultural and social centres rather than as hives of conspiracy, Marti also had to impress upon them a l l the urgent need for complete revolutionary solidarity among a l l Cuban exiles. Another serious problem faced by Marti in the task of uniting these diverse associations into a common united front was the wide range of social levels, of religious and p o l i t i c a l persuasions, and of r a c i a l origins that the members of the many Cuban clubs came from. 1^ And, as i f these obstacles were not of themselves insurmountable, Marti was also faced with the constant problem of keeping in communication with a l l of the revolutionary associations, for he. was well aware that any successful revolutionary effort would have to depend upon the active 99 support of as many of his fellow Cuban e x i l e s as he could muster. Marti's a b i l i t y to win the support of so many clubs and i n d i v i d u a l Cubans, and to d i r e c t t h i s support i n t o an e f f e c t i v e and extremely well-planned l i b e r a t i o n campaign, reveals a great deal not only about his personal charisma and p a t r i o t i c c o n v i c t i o n , but also about h i s organizational a b i l i t y , an aspect r a r e l y mentioned by martianos. Consequently, Marti t r u l y appears to have been an organizer and a propagandist of the f i r s t order, f a r removed from the romantic and i d e a l i s t i c poet that pre - 1 9 5 9 i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s generally depicted him as. The type of s e l f - d e n i a l and dedication t o the revolutionary cause that Jose Marti expected from his fellow Cubans can i n many ways be gauged from h i s own w i l l i n g devotion to the cause of independence, and i n p a r t i c u l a r from 1 8 9 1 . His home l i f e had long ago collapsed since h i s wife Carmen Zayas Bazari, f a i l i n g to understand his p a t r i o t i c zeal much les s his apparent determination to wrest control of the Island from the Spanish, had already returned to Cuba several years before, taking with her t h e i r young son Jose (the object of so many of Marti's poems i n Ismaelillo.). In 1891 Marti renounced a l l of his o f f i c i a l posts, as w e l l as the income that he received from his teaching and from h i s l i t e r a r y work. Consequently, without family t i e s or o f f i c i a l commitments i n New York, Marti was then able to d i r e c t h i s f u l l attention to the task of u n i t i n g the Cuban population of the United States, and u n i t i n g them into a revolutionary force capable of l i b e r a t i n g t h e i r homeland. Since morale among revolutionary groups i n Cuba i t s e l f was so 100 low and since the Spanish control of the colony was as repressive as ever, Marti r e a l i s e d that the necessary f i r s t step i n the l i b e r a t i o n process had to be taken among the Cubans l i v i n g abroad. I t i s important to note, though, that the type of expedition that Jose Marti hoped to form i n Worth America was e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t from any e a r l i e r campaign planned by Cuban r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s . Instead of the t r a d i t i o n a l f i l i b u s t e r i n g type of scheme—such as that planned i n iQQk with Maximo Gomez—which i n essence was intended to o f f e r arms and m i l i t a r y leaders with which to provide the necessary revolutionary spark i n Cuba, Marti's plans were f a r more ambitious. In .fact what Marti hoped to accomplish was the u n i f i c a t i o n of a l l the Cuban e x i l e s i n the United States into a cohesive p o l i t i c a l party, with the i n t e n t i o n then of exporting to Cuba not only the necessary spark f o r the r e v o l u t i o n but also the f i r m l y -established outline (within the PRC i t s e l f ) of revolutionary s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l structures which he subsequently hoped to found i n Cuba a f t e r independence had been won. In other words Marti d i d not plan simply to overthrow the Spanish f o r c e s , but r a t h e r — a n d f a r more important—to o f f e r to the p a t r i a the broad o u t l i n e f or the future socie t y and p o l i t i c a l administration of the Island. In many ways the charismatic form of democracy favoured by Marti fo r the l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a can be seen from the manner i n which he organized the Cuban e x i l e s . Invited by the Cuban population of Tampa to speak i n the Ignacio Agramonte Club, Marti t r a v e l l e d down from Hew York and addressed h i s fellow Cubans on November 26 and 27. Marti's presence whipped up such a frenzy of m i l i t a n t p a t r i o t i s m among the 101 Cuban e x i l e s that the next day he helped to draw up a s e r i e s of recommendations, the "Resoluciones tomadas por l a Emigracion Cubana de Tampa," which summarised the w i d e l y - f e l t longing among these Cubans f o r the l i b e r a t i o n of t h e i r country. Marti had thus acted as a stimulus to t h e i r p a t r i o t i c yearnings, and w i t h i n two months the Partido Revolu-cionario Cubano had been formed, the revolutionary c o n s t i t u t i o n of t h i s party (the "Bases de l Partido Revolucionario Cubano") c l e a r l y being based upon the e a r l i e r "Resoluciones.""^ Both of these b r i e f documentsthe "Resoluciones tomadas por l a Emigracion Cubana de Tampa" and the "Bases del Partido Revolucionario Cubano" were extremely important, since f o r the Cuban r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s they represented something s i m i l a r to the "Declaration of Independence" f o r John Hancock and h i s co-firmants. The "Resoluciones" were p a r t i c -u l a r l y noteworthy, since u n t i l t h i s time revolutionary fervour among the e x i l e d Cubans had been of an e s s e n t i a l l y fragmentary nature, with most of the clubs of Cuban e x i l e s tending to consider themselves rather i s o l a t e d from each other, while a l l lacked a common i d e n t i t y or sense of purpose. The presence of M a r t i among these same Cuban e x i l e s dramatically, remedied t h i s s i t u a t i o n as h i s sincere p a t r i o t i s m , his personal fame as an exceptional poet and newspaper reporter, and f i n a l -l y h i s abundant.encouragement and energy combined to create a stimulat-. ing atmosphere, the end r e s u l t of which was a single revolutionary party, determined to u n i t e , as the f i r s t Resolution stated "en accion comun republicans y l i b r e , todos l o s elementos revolucionarios honrados" ( I , 272). Marti personally drew up t h i s revolutionary charter and, 102 because of his obvious s i n c e r i t y and great personal charisma, immediately established himself as a symbol around whom to r a l l y , while at the same time he was accepted e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y by his compatriots as t h e i r undisputed leader. Moreover, the "Resoluciones" are p a r t i c u l a r l y important because they represented a s i g n i f i c a n t f i r s t step towards f o r m a l i s i n g , i n a single document, Marti's fundamental reform programme for the p o l i t i c a l structure of a l i b e r a t e d Cuba: i n other words Marti's own broad aspirations f o r the future Republic had now been accepted as the o f f i c i a l p o l i c y of - the majority of Cuban e x i l e s and, a couple of months l a t e r , with the foundation of the Partido Revolucionario Cubano, these objectives were to be unanimously accepted as the o f f i c i a l goal of the entir e Party. Marti had thus gained the wholehearted support of the Cuban e x i l e s , while at the same time had convinced them that his ideas on the necessary l i b e r a t i o n struggle should form the basis f o r the future society of the p a t r i a : the PRC, a united party of Cuban e x i l e s , a l l of whom had agreed to the revolutionary c o n s t i t u t i o n of the "Bases," f i n a l l y represented an e f f e c t i v e revolutionary force. The "Resoluciones" are composed of four very b r i e f recommenda-t i o n s , a l l of which were developed i n the "Bases" a f t e r the founding of the PRC. The most important of these was the t h i r d r e s o l u t i o n , which repeated several f a m i l i a r themes of M a r t i , in c l u d i n g the need t o accommodate a l l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y of the Cuban e x i l e s to the nature of Cuban r e a l i t y and, more important, the heed to ensure that the Revolution was to be fought for the benefit of the ent i r e country: 103 La organizacion revolucionaria no ha de des-conocer las necesidades practicas derivadas de l a constitucion e historia del pais , ni ha de trabaj-ar directamente por el predominio actual o venidero de clase. alguna;. sino por l a agrupacion, conforme a metodos democraticos, de todas las fuerzas vivas de l a patria; por l a hermandad y accion comun de los cubanos residentes en e l extranjero; por e l respeto y auxilio de las republicas del mundo, y por l a creacion de una Republica justa y abierta, una en e l t e r r i t o r i o , en e l derecho, en e l trabajo y en la: cordialidad, levantada con todos y para bien„de -todos . (I., ,272.) < . Bearing in mind that these brief "Resoluciones" represent the core of the subsequent "Bases del Partido Revolucionario Cubano" (and, by extension, of the type of Republic that Marti aspired to found in an independent Cuba), i t is possible to make some general, but pertinent, observations on several key items of his p o l i t i c a l hopes for Cuba. Above a l l i t is clear that Marti wanted an inherently egalitarian society, "levantada con todos y para bien de todos," in which no partic-ular class or group would receive preferential treatment. The inclusion of a l l Cubans, and not just the white exiles, deserves special attention, since in the 1868-78 revolutionary struggle initiated by Cespedes the rebels—fearing a possible uprising against them of the freed negro slaves, and desperately needing the support of the rich plantation owners—had decided to refrain from condemning slavery. Now, however, Marti's projected plans for the liberation of the patria clearly stated that a l l Cubans were to be equal before the law, a concept never before accepted in Cuba. The fulfillment of Marti's desire to "reunir en accion comun republicana y l i b r e , todos los elementos revolucionarios honrados" ( i , 10 h 272) was taken a step further less than two months l a t e r with the foundation of the PRC, once again i n F l o r i d a . On January 2 , l 8 ° 2 , Marti was presented to the population of Cayo Hueso, a f t e r which there followed a meeting of Marti with the leaders of the Cuban sepa r a t i s t groups. Within three days Marti had drawn up the "Bases del Partido Revolucionario Cubano" (as w e l l as a supplement d e t a i l i n g matters of procedure, the "Estatutos secretos d e l P a r t i d o " ) , which were approved unanimously by the presidents of the various associations, and the PRC was inaugurated. The "Bases" t r u l y represented an i n t e r e s t i n g summary of Marti's e a r l i e r p o l i t i c a l statements, now united i n a sing l e revolutionary manifesto, and regarded as the fundamental reform programme for the l i b e r a t i o n of Cuba. In a l l there were only nine "Bases," although each of them c l e a r l y showed a determination to change-radically the en t i r e s p i r i t of l i f e on the Island, r a p i d l y replacing " e l e s p i r i t u a u t o r i t a r i o y l a composicion b u r o c r a t i c a de l a colonia" ( I , 279) with a f a r more equitable type of society from which a l l Cubans would b e n e f i t . Moreover i t appeared that a f t e r what Marti termed "una guerra generosa 12 y breve" C l , 2 7 9 ) , there would be i n s t i t u t e d i n the Republic an honest and ne c e s s a r i l y democratic p o l i t i c a l system. One phrase that sums up admirably the broad sweep of these intended reforms i s taken from A r t i c l e 5 of the "Bases'."' . A f t e r the war of l i b e r a t i o n ("que se ha de hacer para e l bien y decoro de todos los cubanos"), the plans of the PRC were e s s e n t i a l l y to "entregar a todo e l pais l a p a t r i a l i b r e " ( I , 2 8 0 ) . 1 3 The objectives of the PRC, as presented i n the "Bases," were 105 straightforward: to obtain the t o t a l and uncompromising independence of Cuba (and to a s s i s t Puerto Rico i n her struggle for independence), and subsequently to i n s t i t u t e a t o t a l l y new l i f e s t y l e i n a f u l l y - l i b e r a t e d country: fundar en e l e j e r c i c i o franco y c o r d i a l de las capacidades legitimas del hombre, un "pueblo nuevo y de s i n c e r a democracia,. capaz de veneer, por e l orden del trabajo r e a l y e l e q u i l i b r i o de l a s fuerzas s o c i a l e s , los peli g r o s de l a l i b e r t a d repentina en una sociedad compuesta para l a e s c l a v i t u d ( I , 2 7 9 ) . In t h i s way, then, the "Bases" represented an a m p l i f i c a t i o n of the o r i g i n a l goals of the "Resoluciones," since the l a t e r document also constituted a "statement of i n t e n t , " almost an approximation to a revolutionary n a t i o n a l c o n s t i t u t i o n , as w e l l as a general o u t l i n e of the type of society to be founded i n a l i b e r a t e d Cuba. One of the most i n t e r e s t i n g aspects of the p o l i t i c a l structure of the PRC, as Leonardo Grinan P e r a l t a has i n d i c a t e d , i s the p o s i t i o n of Marti as the Delegado of the Party. The choice of t h i s word by Marti h i m s e l f — i n s t e a d of the more common term of P r e s i d e n t e — r e v e a l s a great deal about the way i n which Marti viewed his r o l e i n the revolu-t i o n a r y struggle, and indeed by implication the r o l e of any future leader i n the l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a . Marti at a l l times stressed the need for a highly s e l f l e s s and e s s e n t i a l l y m o r a l i s t i c form of government—from a l l c i t i z e n s of the Republic, and i n p a r t i c u l a r from the Delegado: Ni en este deber, n i en ningun otro, entiende esta Delegacion que sea su puesto mera ocasion de levantar en s i una persona, r e v o l u c i o n a r i a opuesta a otros . . . Todo debe s a c r i f i c a r l o a Cuba un p a t r i o t a s i n c e r o — h a s t a l a g l o r i a de caer defendiendola ante e l enemigo ( I I , k3). io6 I n d i c a t i v e of the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c and s e l f l e s s form of democracy advocated by Marti was h i s conviction that he had not only been elected by his corevolutionaries, but also had been "delegated" with the task of f r e e i n g h i s homeland from Spanish domination. He d i d not regard t h i s task as an imposition, nor too d i d he consider t h i s an opportunity to win personal glory or renown. Quite simply, as he wrote to Federico Henriquez y Carvajal i n March of 1895, he interpreted h i s r o l e of Delegado as being based upon two fundamental premises—great personal s a c r i f i c e and unbounded pat r i o t i s m : "Para mi l a p a t r i a no sera nunca t r i u n f o sino agonia y deber" (IV, 111). I d e a l l y , then, any r u l e r of the p a t r i a , whatever his t i t l e , had of necessity to subordinate a l l personal triumph to the c o l l e c t i v e well-being of the Republic. And, although one can detect a desire on the part of Jose Marti to continue serving his country as a d i r e c t o r of the nation's destiny a f t e r independence had been won, nevertheless i t i s very obvious that he had not the l e a s t i n t e n t i o n of imposing himself upon the Cuban people. Above a l l e l s e , Marti considered him-s e l f an instrument of the people, the one delegated by them to l i b e r a t e the p a t r i a . Writing i n 1893 Marti expressed very c l e a r l y that he was t o t a l l y dependent upon the w i l l of h i s fellow r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s : "es una idea l o que hay que l l e v a r a Cuba: no una persona. No es Marti e l que va a desembarcar: es l a union magnif ica :~de l a s emigraciones" . ( I I , 278). Prom a close examination of both the "Bases" and the accompany-ing "Estatutos secretos" i t appears f a i r l y obvious that M a r t i favoured a highly personal form of government, e s s e n t i a l l y r a d i c a l i n nature, and i n which supreme authority lay with one person, the Delegado. Equally i n t e r e s t i n g i s the fact that the leader of the PRC was elected annually by a l l members of every associated organization and, should a l l of his counselling bodies (the "cuerpos de consejo," co n s i s t i n g of the leaders of the various revolutionary clubs) so decide, he could be asked to resign before his term of o f f i c e expired. (Marti himself was re-elected twice a f t e r h i s i n i t i a l appointment.) Consequently the "Estatutos secretos" of the PRC, with t h e i r extremely precise regula-t i o n s , r e v e a l a r i g i d adherence to democratic p r a c t i c e s , providing d e t a i l e d information on the duties of the Delegado, the Treasurer, and the various cuerpos de conse.jo, as w e l l as on terms of o f f i c e and e l e c t i o n procedures. These d e t a i l s provide a valuable insight into the workings and i n t e r n a l structure of the PRC, p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l — a s has been stated—because of Marti's determination to base the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l structure of the Republic on that of the Party i t s e l f . Thus, although the PRC cannot s t r i c t l y be c l a s s i f i e d as following a p a r l i a -mentary democratic system, nevertheless i t i s obvious that i t strongly favoured a form of democratic centralism, with the f i n a l decision i n any matter being taken by the Delegado. In an independent Cuba, and of course had Marti survived, i t thus appears f a i r l y c l e a r that he would have s t r i v e n to ensure a s i m i l a r p o l i t i c a l model being established i n the Republic, one i n which a l l Cubans would have been a c t i v e l y encouraged to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the decision-making process, and i n which the chosen leader (whether i t had been Marti himself or another) would at a l l times have been accountable to the people at l a r g e , who i n turn would have been at l i b e r t y to vote on the leader's performance at r e g u l a r l y - s t i p u l a t e d i n t e r v a l s . I t i s equally important to note, however, that" there are extremely few concrete proposals f o r the actual means of providing the "sincera democracia" promised by Marti i n the fourth a r t i c l e of the "Bases." This i s l a r g e l y due to the many d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent i n any attempt to "unir en esfuerzo continuo o comun l a accion de todos l o s cubanos residentes en e l extranjero" ( I , 280), since the Cuban e x i l e s belonged to such a wide v a r i e t y of backgroundstand b e l i e f s . Conse-quently Marti understandably had to maintain a low p r o f i l e , h i n t i n g at many reforms—although not always d i r e c t l y s t a t i n g t h e m — l e s t he alienate the support of any one of the diverse groups that belonged to the PRC. Yet despite the apparent lack of e x p l i c i t and minutely-planned schemes f o r the co n t r o l of the Island a f t e r independence had been won, there-were many d e f i n i t e intentions of the Party, and a general o v e r a l l plan was obviously i n evidence. What i s contained i n both these important documents (the "Resoluciones" and the "Bases") are the barest e s s e n t i a l s , the lowest common denominator as i t were, of the revolutionary p o l i t i c s that M a r t i envisaged f o r a l i b e r a t e d Cuba. There were obviously more immediate concerns to Marti (even had he so desired) than the drawing up of a d e t a i l e d p o l i t i c a l c o n s t i t u t i o n , and h i s f i r s t — a n d most c r u c i a l — t a s k was to u n i t e the Cuban e x i l e s , convincing them that h i s scheme for the defeat of the Spanish forces by t h e i r comparatively l i m i t e d resources 109 was in fact feasible. Moreover Jose Marti had to reshape the sense of national confidence, obviously at a low ebb after more than three and a half centuries of Spanish colonialism, promoting a sense of cubanidad, in short of nation-building. 1'' Of fundamental importance in Marti's programme for p o l i t i c a l reform was his deeply patriotic and at the same time highly moralistic approach to government.1^ The whole s p i r i t of p o l i t i c a l l i f e had to be changed, he consistently argued, so that a l l Cubans (and not just a limited nucleus of upper-class C r e o l e s , representatives of the Spanish controlling forces) would benefit from the wealth of their country. Moreover, i f Marti had been allowed his way in the liberated patria, an entirely new approach to p o l i t i c s would obviously have resulted, in which a l l citizens of the Republic would have been expected to take an active interest in po l i t i c s at a l l levels. The result that Marti clearly appears to have expected from such an approach was the con-struction of a newsociety—necessarily honest and j u s t — f o r the f i r s t time in Cuba's history. Marti's dream, then, completely supported by a l l of his p o l i t i c a l pronouncements, and neatly summarised i n the "Resoluciones," was for " l a creacion de una Republica justa y abierta, una en el t e r r i t o r i o , en e l derecho, en e l trabajo y en l a cordialidad, levantada con todos, y para bien de todos" ( i , 272). His concept of the patria was really nothing more than this—but neither was i t anything less. 110 NOTES CHAPTER I I I "'"Marti was thus convinced t h a t , apart from being e s s e n t i a l l y immoral, the Spanish domination of Cuba was also t o t a l l y anachronistic. He therefore wanted the Island to "move with the times," i n an attempt to f i g h t f or the same Independence already won by her s i s t e r republics more than s i x t y years e a r l i e r . Speaking to a meeting of Cuban e x i l e s i n New York on January 31, 1 8 9 3 , he poured scorn on those Cuban Autono-mists, who had spoken at the l a s t session of the Cortes i n Spain, and concluded i r o n i c a l l y : "iporque todavia, en esta grandiosa America, como hombres en pahales, estamos hablando de Cortes!" (IV, 313). He again took up the theme of the "new age" l a t e r that year, "claiming that Cuba would ulti m a t e l y defeat the Spanish government, "porque no puede un pueblo perezoso, d i v i d i d o , retardado, lejano y . c r u e l , r e g i r , eri e l crucero'del mundo moderno, en l a puerta misma de l a nueva humanidad, a un pueblo a g i l , unido en el. afan de.mejora y e l concepto de un mundo mejor, ya a n i v e l con l a edad mbderna" (V, 336) (My underlining).. 2 . . . His l e t t e r to Mercado s h o r t l y a f t e r his break, with Generals Gomez and Maceo underlines the same p o i n t , and. concludes: "No v i , en suma, mas que a dos hombres decididos a hacer esta guerra d i f i c i l a que tantos contribuyen, una empresa propia" (XX, 7 5 ) . "Democracy" i s defined by The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary as "Government by the. people; that form of government in. which the sovereign power resides, i n the people, and i s exercised e i t h e r d i r e c t l y by them or by o f f i c e r s elected by them." k In order to appreciate the d e e p l y - f e l t f r u s t r a t i o n s of the Cuban-born c i t i z e n s because of. t h e i r exclusion from power on the Island, i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to study some tables recently compiled by Hortensia Pichardo. In i 8 6 0 , , for instance, there were 5 1 3 , 4 6 1 Cubans o f f i c i a l l y r e g i s t e r e d on the Island, as opposed to 8 2 , 9 9 7 periirisulafes (p. 3 6 5 ) . Yet despite being quite c l e a r l y i n the majority, these same, c r i o l l o s were co n s i s t e n t l y discriminated against by t h e i r Spanish overlords, causing Pichardo to comment: "es ostensible no solo l a desproporcion de empleados cubanos respecto a los procedentes de Espaha, sino que los del pais no figuran o figuran en forma minima en los cargos mas impor-tantes y mejor pagados de l a Administracion. (En l a ensenanza, mal I l l r e t r i b u i d a , de personal de c u l t u r a superior, nada tenian que buscar en Cuba los inmigrantes espanoles salvo honrosas excepciones.)" (p. 3 6 8 ) . On the following page these observations are supplemented by a l i s t portraying the "D i s t r i b u c i o n de los empleos publicos en Cuba en 1 8 6 8 " : "Organismos / Espanoles Cubanos 1 Direccion General Administrativa . . . . . . 17 7 Consejo de Administracion . . . . . . • . 7 h . . . . 8 1 _ Ih 6 8 Catedraticos, de l a Universidad • . •. . . . . . 7 29 Catedraticos de Segunda Ensenanza . . . . . . 15 52 . . . . 8 13 Academia de Pintura y Escu l t u r a . . . . . . . h — it Hortensia Pichardo, Documentos para l a h i s t o r i a de Cuba (La Habana: I n s t i t u t o Cubano del L i b r o , 1 9 7 3 ) , I , p. 3 6 9 . Hence h i s remarks i n La Opinion Nacional, i n February of 1 8 8 3 : "iQue son los pueblos en manos de l o s p o l i t i c o s de o f i c i o ? Estos los mueven como s i fuesen escudos de b a t a l l a , y se sientan sobre e l l o s , luego d e l t r i u n f o , o l e s ponen en a l t o , en l a hora de l a derrota, como banderin de pelear . . . iCuando habra de ser que se fatiguen los hombres de esas t i e r r a s v i e j a s de ser gobernados por vanidosos logreros" (XIV, 3 7 3 ) . ^In 1885 Marti again r e f e r r e d to t h i s duty, a f t e r c r i t i c i z i n g General Grant f o r h i s lack of i n t e r e s t or p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n e a r l i e r p r e s i d e n t i a l e l e c t i o n s , since "en una Republica, un hombre que no vota es como en un e j e r c i t o un soldado que deserta" (XIII, 8 8 ) . As early as l 8 8 l Marti had predicted the growing menace a f f o r d -ed by what he termed the " a r i s t o c r a c i a p o l i t i c a " i n the United States, which he saw as s t e a d i l y destroying the noble foundation of the land of Li n c o l n : "Una a r i s t o c r a c i a p o l i t i c a ha nacido de esa a r i s t o c r a c i a . pecuniar i a , y domina periodicos, vence en elecciones, y suele imperar en asambleas" (IX, 1 0 8 ) . Obviously t h i s was t o t a l l y unacceptable to M a r t i , and i t appears obvious that i n the l i b e r a t e d Republic he would have attempted to c u r t a i l the power and influence of such an " a r i s t o -c r a c i a . " 112 ^Indicative of t h i s redoubling of Marti's e f f o r t s to organize the resistance of the Cuban e x i l e s was the amount of t r a v e l l i n g under-taken by him i n the United States p r i o r t o , and subsequent t o , 1 8 9 1 . Martinez Estrada o f f e r s a d e t a i l e d l i s t of a l l of Marti's t r a v e l s , i n which the period from 1882 to I89O i s characterised by the observation, "se ignora que v i a j a r a . " Afterwards, between Marti's v i s i t to Tampa in November of 1 8 9 1 and h i s a r r i v a l on Cuban s o i l on A p r i l 1 1 , 1 8 9 5 , there are more than 50 journeys through the United States and parts of L a t i n America. Ezequiel Martinez Estrada, pp. 2 2 5 - 2 2 8 . 9 s Leonardo Grinan P e r a l t a , M a r t i , l i d e r p o l i t i c o (La Habana: I n s t i t u t o Cubano de l L i b r o , 1 9 7 0 ) , p. 8 9 . ~^In regard to the widely-ranging p o l i t i c a l tendencies of the various groups of Cuban e x i l e s that Marti was attempting to u n i t e , i t i s only necessary to consider, the v a r i e t y of i d e o l o g i c a l b e l i e f s held by 'many of the leading figures of the PRC. They range from regular republicans l i k e Varona, through a large gathering of anarquists, t o the s o c i a l i s t group comprising Diego Vicente Tejera and Fermin Valdes Dominguez and other r a d i c a l s , the best known of which was Carlos Balino, l a t e r one of the main founders of the Communist Party of Cuba. With reference to this,extremely wide background of i d e o l o g i c a l tenden-c i e s , Bias Roca has noted w e l l the importance of Marti as a u n i f y i n g factor i n the PRC: "En e l Partido Revolucionario Cubano une M a r t i , en un verdadero frente de unidad nacional, a los clubes de mas diversa i d e o l o g i a y composicion s o c i a l : desde e l 'Enrique Roig', donde se cobijan s o c i a l i s t a s principalmente, hasta e l 'Mercedes Varona', de mujeres. En e l Partido Revolucionario Cubano junta Marti a l indepen-d i s t a s i n mas preocupaciones, con e l revolucionario r a d i c a l que ve en l a independencia l a etapa necesaria para u l t e r i o r e s conquistas: a l r i c o y a l obrero; a l negro y a l bianco; a l a s fuerzas nuevas de l a revolucion y a los representatives de l a guerra d e l 6 8 . " Bias Roca, "Jose Marti: revolucionario r a d i c a l de su tiempo," Casa de las Americas, 13 (Jan.-Feb. 1 9 7 3 ) , p. 1 5 . "'""'"For a more d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of Marti's s t a r t l i n g e f f e c t on the Cuban workers i n F l o r i d a , and of the subsequent founding of the Partido Revolucionario Cubano, see Carlos J . Diaz' a r t i c l e , "Marti y e l Partido Revolucionario Cubano," Verde O l i v o , 27 Jan. 1963, pp. 3 3 - 3 ^ . Grinan P e r a l t a describes well t h i s e f f e c t that Marti had upon the Cuban e x i l e s , s t atinggin e f f e c t that his charisma cannot ever be underestimated: "Su premio fue poder decir con orgullosa s a t i s f a c c i o n . que actuaba en nombre de residentes vde l a i s l a y emigrados que, ademas de su voz, l e habian dado su corazon. Y s i se pregunta como logro premio t a l , digase que fue haciendose amar: amando y agradando a todos." Grinan P e r a l t a , p. 1 2 5 . 113 """This idea of a "generous -war" can he seen to comply with Marti's concept of r e v o l u t i o n . For, while there was any hope at a l l of meaningful reforms being introduced into Cuba, Marti was i n i t i a l l y prepared to abandon h i s revolutionary p r o j e c t s . I t was only a f t e r he r e a l i s e d that the Spanish Republic ( i n s t i t u t e d a f t e r Amadeo I) intended to continue i t s repression of the Island, that Marti r e a l i s e d the absolute necessity of a revolutionary war. In f a c t , Marti appears to have delayed mention of t h i s f o r as long as he could, probably because, despite his conviction/that_.a_revolutionary war o f f e r e d the only-d e f i n i t i v e s o l u t i o n to Cuba's many problems, he continued to hope that t h i s would not be necessary. Consequently, despite the apparent contra-d i c t i o n , Marti can i n many ways be considered a p a c i f i s t - r e v o l u t i o n a r y , for indeed he was both. "'""'With regard to t h i s necessary "decoro," an. i l l u s t r a t i v e example of Marti's determination that t h i s should be implemented i n the Republic i s his r e f u s a l of a large sum of money, contributed to the l i b e r a t i o n cause by a Cuban highway robber. M a r t i , as Jorge Ibarra and many other martianos have shown, d i d not accept the c o n t r i b u t i o n , despite a pressing need for funds., claiming instead that a l i b e r a t e d Cuba would have to spring from clean roots. Indeed, as Ibarra accur-a t e l y claims, "todo esto nos hace pensar necesariamente que M a r t i no concibio e l Partido solamente como un instrumento para l i b e r a r a Cuba de l a dominacion espanola, sino para transformar radicalmente l a sociedad cubana." Jorge Ibarra, "Jose Marti y e l Partido Revoluciona-r i o Cubano," Ideologia mambisa (La Habana: I n s t i t u t o Cubano de l L i b r o , 1 9 7 2 ) , p. 1 7 2 . l L "Delegado, no presidente, quiso ser M a r t i , porque, aunque fuese c i e r t o que todo l i d e r obra solo por impulso o cuenta propia . . . siempre sera bueno que sus. seguidores l e vean. convencido de que obra por mandato o d e l e g a c i 6 n de e l l o s . " Grinan P e r a l t a , p. 8 5 . "'"^Speaking i n 1 8 9 6 , Marti's corevolutionary, Enrique Jose Varona explained the achievements of Marti i n u n i t i n g the Cuban e x i l e s , given the national psyche at that time: "Rebelarse parece siempre f a c i l . Rebelarse en los momentos y la s condiciones en que l o hizo e l p a t r i o t a cubano, r e s u l t a , s i n embargo, extraordinario. Cuba y a c i a desangrada e inerme despues de dos luchas tremendas. S i algo parecia f l o t a r sobre e l l a era e l anhelo. de paz, para restaurar^las heridas,y recuperar las fuerzas . . . E l lema era reconstruccion." Enrique Jose Varona, "Marti y su obra p o l i t i c a , " (reprinted in)C@asa"de''las Americas', 13 (Jan.-Feb. 1 9 7 3 ) , p. 9 3 . J u l i o Le Riverend, t a l k i n g about Marti's r o l e on the PRC, also h i g h l i g h t s Marti's great p o l i t i c a l a b i l i t y : "Por encima de todo fue. consecuente y h a b i l p o l i t i c o ; su p o l i t i c a no era, desde luego, simple maniobra, ayuna de contenido, pero, a l cabo, era maniobra, f i n a , en que e l amor neutralizaba l a incomprension de los hombres." J u l i o Le Riverend "Teoria martiana del partido p o l i t i c o , " p. 1 0 8 . Ilk "Writing about t h i s m o r a l i s t i c form of government, Alfonso Bernal d e l Riesgo terms Marti an "etocrata": "Parte de su verbo, y de sii obra y va derecha., como una saeta, contra los v i c i o s de l a c o l o n i a que perduran en l a Republica. Y esto ocurre naturalmente, s i n necesi-dad de convertir a Marti a. ninguna doctrina p o l i t i c a moderna. Fue un e t o c r a t a — d e eptos, caracter, moralidad y cratos , autoridad, g o b i e r n o — " Alfonso Bernal d e l Riesgo, "Estampa p s i q u i c a de M a r t i , " Revista B i - mestre Cubana, kl (1968), p. 2kl. 115 CHAPTER IV THE MORAL FOUNDATION OF THE LIBERATED PATRIA E s s e n t i a l to Jose Marti's new approach to p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n a l i b e r a t e d Cuba were the innovations that he hoped to introduce i n what can be termed the human dimension of the Republic. Marti was well aware of the pressing need f o r sweeping p o l i t i c a l reforms i n the p a t r i a , but also r e a l i s e d t h a t , i n order for them to be s u c c e s s f u l l y i n s t i t u t e d , i t would be ".necessary from the outset to inculcate into every Cuban c i t i z e n c e r t a i n moral q u a l i t i e s which together would r e s u l t , he hoped, i n a heightened moral consciousness , and would eventually lead to the formation of a "new man." M a r t i , then, wanted to reshape-completely, the Cuban na t i o n a l character, i n j e c t i n g into h i s compatriots f i r s t a measure of confidence — i n both t h e i r own p o t e n t i a l as w e l l as that of the nation as a whole— and then b u i l d i n g upon t h i s self-assurance by encouraging them to adopt a deeply p a t r i o t i c and, more important, humanitarian i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r fellow man. For Marti t h i s new humanitarian consciousness was ab-s o l u t e l y e s s e n t i a l i n order to complement—and ulti m a t e l y to guarantee— the a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s revolutionary s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l programme. Consequently t h i s moral foundatibn, so r i g o r o u s l y defended by M a r t i , o f f e r s an i n t e r e s t i n g i n s i g h t into h i s plans f o r a l i b e r a t e d Cuba, since i n fa c t i t underlies a l l aspects of his p o l i t i c a l thought. Marti was w e l l aware, however, that the necessary f i r s t step 116 before even attempting to introduce these rather dramatic changes into Cuban society was to convince his fellow Cubans of t h e i r common a b i l i t y — u n i t e d as the Cuban n a t i o n — t o f u l l y r e a l i s e these programmes. This r o l e of "nation-building" (for indeed i t was nothing less than t h i s ) , as w e l l as Marti's achievements i n promoting a united front among his co- r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s , should never be underestimated, since Cuba had been r u t h l e s s l y exploited by Spain f o r more than three hundred years, during which time the Creole population had been forced to bear the brunt of o f f i c i a l Spanish d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . In e f f e c t they had a l -ways been regarded as "second-class c i t i z e n s , " r e c e i v i n g few p r i v i l e g e s from t h e i r Spanish overlords, while t h e i r country was v i r t u a l l y held i n contempt by the Spanish forces on the Island. Moreover, although these many i n j u s t i c e s had always been deeply resented, the Cuban people as a whole had never accepted a common goal i n r e l a t i o n to the form of p o l i t i c a l l i b e r a t i o n they desired, nor had a common method f o r achiev-ingt-their'independence-ever been-derived. rJMarti-thus saw his i n i t i a l task i n the awakening of a nat i o n a l consciousness, i n promoting a sense of n a t i o n a l i t y , of common " i d e n t i t y , " and subsequently i n making h i s compatriots proud of t h e i r d i s t i n c t cubanidad. Because of t h e i r status as a colony of the madre p a t r i a , most native-born Cubans had never considered t h e i r homeland as anything other than an appendage of Spain: from the cradle they had been reared i n a "Spanish" environment, had been educated i n "Spanish" t r a d i t i o n s , and had been encouraged to i d e n t i f y with the "Spanish" system of government, with a l l attempts at straying from t h i s norm being harshly 117 suppressed. Marti's i n t e n t i o n to f o s t e r a s p i r i t of d i g n i t y and s e l f -confidence, i n short (as he wrote about another "pueblo abrumado," the North American Indians) to "devolver a todo un pueblo abrumado e l respeto y l a conciencia propia" (VI, 3 4 ) , therefore had to overcome three centuries of what can r i g h t l y be termed a na t i o n a l i n f e r i o r i t y complex. Writing i n 1 8 9 4 , Marti noted the pressing need to overcome t h i s complex, and indeed to promote a deserved pride i n Cuba's vast p o t e n t i a l : iTaberna nada mas ha de ser Cuba, u holgazana cerveceria de San Jeronimo, y fonda de l a s Cuatro Naciones? 10 gueblo propio, trabajador y americano? Esta , y no menos , es l a obra de Cuba. ( I l l , 3 5 9 ) . Indeed, i f Jose Marti had been successful s o l e l y i n t h i s g o a l , h i s achievements would have been remarkable. Marti's e a r l i e s t writings revealed his clear understanding of the needs of the p a t r i a to develop i t s own nationa l i d e n t i t y , as can be judged from his p a t r i o t i c composition "110 de octubre!" w r i t t e n s h o r t l y before his sixteenth birthday to honour the Cespedes r e b e l l i o n . This poem, apparently his e a r l i e s t plea to h i s compatriots to l i b e r a t e themselves from t h e i r Spanish shackles and, at l a s t , to appreciate t h e i r d i s t i n c t n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y , portrayed Cuba as " E l pueblo que tr e s s i g l o s ha s u f r i d o / Cuanto de negro l a opresion e n c i e r r a " (XVII, 20). Fortunately, however, Marti took hope from the a c t i v i t i e s of the Cespedes expedition, and encouraged his fellow Cubans to emulate t h i s desire not only to grasp the true importance of their'cubanidad, but also to l i b e r a t e the p a t r i a from Spanish domination: 118 i a l f i n con entereza Rompe Cuba e l dogal que l a oprimia ^ Y a l t i v a y l i b r e yergue su cabeza! (XVII, 2 0 ) . Writing more than twenty years l a t e r , a f t e r the f a i l u r e of several m i l i t a r y expeditions that had attempted to b r i n g about t h i s much-needed Independence, Marti i n d i c a t e d how, for the vast majority of Cubans, l i f e i n the Colony was s t i l l as oppressive and as demeaning as i t had been some three centuries e a r l i e r . He examined the b a s i c lack of human and n a t i o n a l d i g n i t y i n c o l o n i a l Cuba, concluding: "lEso es Cuba ahora, una rosa mustia, empolvada y comida, una.-.rosa regada con lagrimas y sangre!" ( I V , , 3 9 2 ) . Quite obviously, Marti's task i n e s t a b l i s h i n g any sort of n a t i o n a l pride was fraught with many serious problems. Jose Marti's ambitious plans to arrest both t h i s lack of n a t i o n a l self-assurance and the trend toward s e l f - d e n i g r a t i o n , while at the same time promoting a sense of "belonging" to a l l Cubans, had two d e f i n i t e and self-complementing objectives. F i r s t , by overcoming t h i s n a t i o n a l i n f e r i o r i t y complex he hoped to make h i s compatriots proud of t h e i r cubanidad and subsequently to act (preferably against the Spanish control of the Island) i n order to defend the much-maligned nationa l i d e n t i t y . Second he was convinced that oneeCCubans became conscious of t h e i r c u l t u r a l heritage, they would be more i n c l i n e d to t r e a t t h e i r compatriots, and ult i m a t e l y t h e i r fellow man, with the d i g n i t y that he f e l t they r i c h l y deserved. There would thus be a dramatic change of temperament i n his fellow Cubans, Marti reasoned, since once they were l i b e r a t e d from the oppressive c o l o n i a l i s t system, they would ' '_ be more prepared to t r e a t t h e i r c ompatriotsand- i o f course themselves, with both respect and esteem. Consequently, the conditions would be 119-r i p e to f o s t e r an appreciation of the inherent d i g n i t y of one's fellow man, the necessary i n i t i a l step i n the long complicated procedure of creating a "new man." The importance that the concepts of dignidad and s e l f - r e s p e c t held for Marti can be gauged from his much-cited statement made i n a speech i n I89I to the Cuban e x i l e s l i v i n g i n Tampa: "Yo quiero que l a le y primera de nuestra r e p u b l i c a sea e l culto de los cubanos a l a dignidad plena del hombre" (IV, 2 7 0). In his famous l e t t e r to the editor of the New York Herald, dated May 2 , 1 8 9 5 , Jose Marti further revealed h i s high regard for t h i s concept of dighidad, while explaining that one .of the fundamental intentions of the l i b e r a t i o n campaign was to e s t a b l i s h — a n d to protect by l aw—the doctrine of human di g n i t y . In the l e t t e r Marti r e l a t e d the moral depression into which his country had been plunged: E l h i jo de Cuba ... . padece, en indecible-amargura, de ver encadenado en suelo f e r a z , y en e l su sofocante dignidad de hombre, a. l a obligacion de pagar, con sus manos l i b r e s de americano, e l t r i b u t o casi integro de. su produccion, y e l d i a r i o y mas doloroso de su honra, a l a s necesidades y v i c i o s de l a monarquia (IV, 1 5 2 ) . I t must be stressed that t h i s attempt by Marti to erase the n a t i o n a l i n f e r i o r i t y complex, while at the same time c u l t i v a t i n g t h i s necessity of " l a dignidad plena del hombre," was not the r e s u l t of any b l i n d nationalism. Marti's aspirations f o r a moral regeneration of Cuba were unquestionably r e l a t e d with his hopes of re-awakening the p a t r i o t i c z e a l of h i s compatriots, since t h i s would obviously f a c i l i t a t e his far-reaching plans f o r the revolutionary struggle. At the same 120 time, i t i s important to note that Marti was also f e r v e n t l y intent upon e n c o u r a g i n g — v i r t u a l l y f o r the f i r s t time i n the realm of L a t i n American "belles l e t t r e s — a close s p i r i t u a l union with the other countries of the continent, since he was convinced t h a t , with regard to his master plan f o r the l i b e r a t i o n of Cuba, there was much that the Island could learn from h e r — a l r e a d y i n d e p e n d e n t — s i s t e r republics i n La t i n America. Therefore i n order to protect t h i s concept of dighidad, Marti was c e r t a i n that a c e r t a i n s p i r i t u a l i t y — w h i c h he had discovered on his t r a v e l s through various L a t i n American countries—would have to be introduced i n t o Cuba. This fervent desire f o r a s p i r i t u a l union with " l a t i e r r a americana, hermana y madre m-ia" (VI, 362) became f a r more noticeable a f t e r he began to reside i n the United States i n 1 8 8 0 . Less than two years l a t e r Marti was t o t a l l y convinced t h a t , because of t h e i r very d i f f e r e n t o r i g i n s , -"his"-America should avoid being unduly i n f l u -enced by North America: Y hay razas avarientas que. son las d e l Norte, cuya hambre formidable, necesita pueblos v i r -genes. Y hay razas f i e l e s , que son. las del Sur, cuyos h i j o s no h a l l a n que caliente mas s o l que e l s o l p a t r i o , n i anhelan mas riqueza que l a naranja de oro y l a azucena blanca que se c r i a en e l j a r d i n de sus abuelos (IX, 2 2 4 ) . Based upon h i s observations of the United States, Marti became inc r e a s i n g l y disturbed by the obvious preoccupation of a large sector of the North American population with accumulating vast hoards of money. Writing for La Nacion i n May of 1884 he informed h i s readers: "iEn l a medula, en l a medula esta. e l v i c i o en que l a v i d a no va teniendo en esta t i e r r a mas objeto que e l amontonamiento de l a fortuna" 121 (X, 3 9 ) - The r e s u l t of t h i s widespread l u s t f o r money was aptly termed the " m e t a l i f i c a c i o n del hombre" (XXI, 1 6 ) hy M a r t i — a process which 3 obviously had to be avoided i i i the future Republic. In another a r t i c l e i n La Nacion two years l a t e r , and again using the United States as a model of-the p i t f a l l s to be avoided i n the p a t r i a , Marti explained the very d e f i n i t e need for the Cuban nation to develop s p i r i t u a l l y as w e l l as economically: esta rudeza general de e s p i r i t u que aqui. a f l i g e tanto a l a s mentes expansivas y de-l i c a d a s . Cada. cual para s i . La fortuna como unico objeto de l a v i d a . . . no hay alma s u f i c i e n t e en este pueblo gigantesco: y s i n esa juntura m a r a v i l l o s a , todo se viene ' en los pueblos,, con gran c a t a s t r o f e , a t i e r r a . . . De este empequefiecimiento es necesario sacar estas almas. En e l hombre debe c u l t i v a r s e e l comerciante-—si;, pero debe c u l t i v a r s e tambien e l sacerdote (X, 3 7 5 - 3 7 6 ) . In many ways Jose Marti's pride i n the achievements and r i c h s p i r i t u a l nature of "Nuestra America" acted as a f o i l to h i s desire f o r the development of a sense of i d e n t i t y , of n a t i o n a l d i g n i t y , i n Cuba i t s e l f — w h i c h explains h i s continuous references to the achievements of " h i s " America. Comparing "Nuestra America" to the United States i n 1 8 8 7 , Marti noted how: "Mas han hecho nuestras t i e r r a s en subir a donde estan, que los Estados Unidos en mantenerse, decayendo t a l vez en l o e s e n c i a l , de l a m a r a v i l l a de donde v i n i e r o n " (VII, 330). Four years l a t e r i n h i s famous report e n t i t l e d "Nuestra America," Marti heaped abundant praise on the independent republics of L a t i n America, claiming: "De factores tan descompuestos jamas, en menos tiempo h i s t o r i c o , se han creado naciones tan adelantadas y compactas" (VI, 1 6 ) . ^ Consequently 122 the Cuban people as a whole should take heart, Marti i n s i s t e d , f o r they sought the same goals already fought f o r — a n d d e c i s i v e l y won—by the other republics of L a t i n America. Marti's respect f o r both the achievements and e s s e n t i a l s p i r i t u -a l i t y of "Nuestra America" was thus intended by him to serve as an example of what Cuba too could hope to accomplish i f she were prepared to take the i n i t i a l step towards independence. I t seemed obvious to him that without a fir m commitment made by a l l his fellow c i t i z e n s , a commitment to promote t h i s awareness of n a t i o n a l d i g n i t y while attempt-ing to develop the desired L a t i n " s p i r i t u a l i t y , " Marti's subsequent plans c a l l i n g f o r se l f l e s s n e s s and for great personal s a c r i f i c e i n order that the p a t r i a at large might b e n e f i t , were i l l - f o u n d e d . The i n i t i a l step i n Marti's master plan, and indeed an absolute p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r a "new" l i b e r a t e d s o c i e t y , was therefore to increase the l e v e l of na t i o n a l consciousness among h i s compatriots: only by respecting the p a t r i a ' s great p o t e n t i a l would i t be possible to over-come the deeply-rooted c o l o n i a l i s t mentality. Having achieved t h i s awareness of t h e i r cubanidad, Marti was c e r t a i n that h i s fellow country-men would at l a s t respect t h e i r own c a p a b i l i t i e s and, apprised of these hitherto-unseen t a l e n t s , would unite to overthrow the Spanish overlords. For Marti t h i s was the e s s e n t i a l base f o r a l l future revolutionary a c t i v i t y , f o r without t h i s pride i n t h e i r n a t i o n a l i t y , and without too t h i s b e l i e f that they were capable of defeating the Spanish forces , the Revolution would be s h o r t - l i v e d , and h i s ambitious plans f o r the "new soc i e t y " would be of no a v a i l . Conversely, informed of t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e 123 L a t i n American s p i r i t u a l i t y and f e e l i n g themselves c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to t h e i r s i s t e r r e p u b l i c s , Marti was c e r t a i n that the Cuban people as a whole would be prepared to embark upon the programme of reforms which he saw as e s s e n t i a l f o r the necessary l i b e r a t i o n of the Island. Jose Marti appeared w e l l aware of the many problems that h i s nascent Republic would face a f t e r p o l i t i c a l independence had been won. Accordingly he devised a programme of rather severe contingency measures which, i f s u c c e s s f u l l y applied, he was c e r t a i n would'guarantee both the immediate s t a b i l i t y and the subsequent development of the p a t r i a . His desires to promote a f e e l i n g of dignidad among his fellow Cubans having proved s u c c e s s f u l , he then hoped to b u i l d upon t h i s newly-found n a t i o n a l confidence, impressing upon hi s co-revolutionaries the urgent need for great personal s a c r i f i c e i n order to f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h the Republic. I t was obvious to Marti t h a t , unless an e n t i r e l y new approach to a l l major problems facing the Republic was adopted—an approach i n which a l l members would be expected to p a r t i c i p a t e a c t i v e l y — t h e freedom won a f t e r independence would vanish quickly. Therefore he advocated con-t i n u a l l y that a l l Cuban c i t i z e n s should work together conscientiously and s e l f l e s s l y i n order to undertake the many r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s that would r e s u l t a f t e r independence had been won. This exhortation f or a l l Cubans to co-operate, at a l l times pla c i n g the best i n t e r e s t s of the State before t h e i r own, he termed s o c i a b i l i d a d , and i n fact as early as 1875 Marti underlined i t s fundamental importance for the complete r e s t r u c t u r i n g of Cuban society: "La s o c i a b i l i d a d es una l e y , y de e l l a nace esta otra de l a concordia" .("VI, 307). 12 h There does not appear to he any suitable equivalent i n E n g l i s h to Marti's concept of s o c i a b i l i d a d ; c e r t a i n l y the d e f i n i t i o n of " s o c i a b i l i t y " given by The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary as "The character or q u a l i t y of being sociable; f r i e n d l y d i s p o s i t i o n or i n t e r -course" i s inadequate. The I n t e r n a t i o n a l Encyclopedia of the S o c i a l  Sciences disregards the term, although the t h i r d usage of the word " s o c i a l i z a t i o n " i s reasonably close to Marti's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : Narrowly conceived, p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n i s the deliberate, i n c u l c a t i o n of. p o l i t i c a l information, values, and. practices by i n s t r u c -t i o n a l agents who have been formally charged with t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . A broader concep-t i o n [which i s necessary i n the case of MartiH would encompass a l l p o l i t i c a l l e a r n i n g , f o r -mal and informal, deliberate and unplanned, at every stage of the l i f e c y c l e , i n c l u d i n g not only e x p l i c i t l y p o l i t i c a l learning but also nominally n o n p o l i t i c a l learning that, a f f e c t s p o l i t i c a l behavior, such as the l e a r n -ing of p o l i t i c a l l y relevant s o c i a l attitudes and the acquisition, of p o l i t i c a l l y relevant personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . 5 Yet even t h i s explanation does not f u l l y express Marti's understanding of the concept of s o c i a b i l i d a d . For him i t was quite simply a case of exemplary s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y , of persuading a l l Cubans to lead t h e i r l i v e s i n an exemplary, n e c e s s a r i l y s e l f l e s s , fashion, at a l l times subordinating t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s to the pressing needs of Society at large. Or, as Marti himself explained the essence of the term i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y d i r e c t language: " V i v i r en l a T i e r r a no es mas que un deber de hacerle bien. E l l a muerde y uno l a a c a r i c i a . Despues l a conciencia paga. Cada uno haga su obra" (VII, 118). S o c i a b i l i d a d meant for Marti the process of shared adversity, / 125 and of mutual assistance, by a l l Cubans which, he hoped, would c o n s t i -tute the basis for a new revolutionary society. I t would, he was c e r t a i n , unite h i s compatriots i n a common plan of personal s a c r i f i c e , while o f f e r i n g them a l l a b r i g h t — a n d of necessity j u s t — f u t u r e a f t e r the Island had been s t a b i l i s e d . Marti further hoped to develop the i n d i v i d u a l consciousness of his fellow Cubans i n order to ensure the \ continued success of such a p o l i c y , f o r just as he'expected;them to make a determined e f f o r t to r a i s e the l e v e l of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l aware-ness, so too did he hope t h a t , a f t e r studying the strengths and needs of t h e i r s o c i e t y , they would decide of t h e i r own v o l i t i o n to contribute 7 to the s o c i a b i l i d a d programme. This obviously depended upon many v a r i a b l e s — d i s p a s s i o n a t e reasoning on the part of the Cuban people, the necessity of an honest personal conscience and, f i n a l l y , the a b i l i t y of Marti to persuade the Cuban nation as a whole to subject themselves to t h i s rigorous soul-searching, and subsequently to commit themselves to placi n g the'community's best i n t e r e s t s before t h e i r own. Yet Marti appeared undaunted by these rather imposing obstacles, apparently s t e a d f a s t l y b e l i e v i n g t h a t , based upon t h e i r appreciation of the need f o r human dignidad i n a l i b e r a t e d Cuba, and perhaps a f t e r r e -f l e c t i n g on Marti's own exemplary conduct, an honest and dispassionate appreciation of the needs of t h e i r society could be reached by a l l Cuban c i t i z e n s , and that eventually a l l would agree to p a r t i c i p a t e . i n t h i s new co-operative doctrine.' B a s i c a l l y , then, Marti wanted a fir m c o l l e c t i v e consciousness to appear which, a f t e r taking into account the nec e s s i t i e s of the Republic, would afterwards lead to the Republic's c i t i z e n s becoming what Marti termed hombres r a d i c a l e s , f o r as he explained i n 1 8 9 3 : A l a r a i z va e l hombre verdadero. Radical no . es mas que eso: e l que va a las r a i c e s . No se llame r a d i c a l quien no vea l a s cosas en su fondo. Ni hombre quien no ayude•a l a seguridad y dicha de los demas hombres ( I I , 3 7 7 ) . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that t h i s desire to convince his--' f e llow Cubans of the v a l i d i t y of s o c i a b i l i d a d was not restricted"merely to Cuban or L a t i n American c i r c l e s , f o r as he claimed i n 189^» there was only one "superior" race: " l a de los que consultan, antes que todo, e l interes humano" (IV, 3 2 5 ) . Therefore he d i d not h e s i t a t e to include i n h i s preferred group George Washington ("el anciano de Mount Vernon" (VI, 198)) alongside B o l i v a r and Hidalgo, since a l l three had obeyed s i m i l a r duties toward t h e i r fellow man. Indeed, his report on the death of the American i n d u s t r i a l i s t - p h i l a n t h r o p i s t Peter Cooper showed how, even i n the heady world of High Finance, i t was possible to follow t h i s s t r i c t doctrine of s o c i a b i l i d a d since the obituary written by Marti i n many ways embodied the e s s e n t i a l q u a l i t i e s of these a s p i r a t i o n s : Creia que. l a vida humana es un sacerdocio, y e l bienestar egoista una apostasia . . . Solo una l l a v e abre l a s puertas de l a f e l i -cidad: Amor . . . y e l v i o que quien se encierra en s i , vive con leones: y quien se saca de s i , y se da a l o s otros, vive entre palomas (XIII, 5 0 ) . Thus the two key elements of t h i s programme of s o c i a b i l i d a d are nothing l e s s than a reawakened s o c i a l conscience, supported by t o t a l l y s e l f l e s s conduct. In actual f a c t , then, as J u l i o Le Riverend has noted w e l l , Marti's revolutionary plans, intended to bring not only major s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l innovations to the l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a , but also to 127 change the very nature of the members of contemporary Cuban society: v Objetivamente, l a revolucion necesita no solamente un hacer para d e s t r u i r e l viejo. regimen, sino tambien y sobre.todo una pre-paracion para construir toda una nueva vi d a . Lo que se n e c e s i t a , en suma, es una creacion de conciencia que produzca cambios sustan-c i a l e s en l a conducta d e l hombre i n d i v i d u a l . . . Marti i n t e n t a , y l o l o g r a en su n i v e l h i s t o r i c o , educar a unos, convencer. a otros, de que l a Revolucion no es cambio de nombre  sino del hombre (Myunderlining).o But l e s t t h i s a s p i r a t i o n of Marti to bring about a "cambio de hombre" be regarded as the rantings of an i d e a l i s t i c , but e s s e n t i a l l y i m p r a c t i c a l , dreamer who hoped that h i s fellow Cubans would suddenly, and as i f by magic, decide to work together f o r the well-being of the nation, i t i s only necessary to consider Marti's d e t e r m i n a t i o n — . reflected'; i n h i s intent to introduce l e g i s l a t i o n - i f n e c e s s a r y — t o ensure •that t h i s "co-operative work e t h i c " was a most d e f i n i t e success. Since i t appeared obvious that an immense amount of reconstruction would be required a f t e r p o l i t i c a l independence had been won, Marti was deter-mined that h i s compatriots of necessity would have to share i n the task of l a y i n g the foundation of t h i s new Republic. Indeed i n t h i s task none would be allowed to shirk t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and duties: a l l would be obliged to follow the dictates of t h i s programme of s o c i a b i l i d a d . Marti frequently emphasised the fundamental immorality of a l l forms of s e l f i s h behaviour, even claiming i n 1888 that "es un ladron e l hombre egoista" (XII, 4 3 ) . In the context of the r e - b u i l d i n g of the p a t r i a , Marti stated that anybody found g u i l t y of s e l f i s h n e s s should be 128 treated as a t h i e f , f o r i n essence the g u i l t y party was depriving the Republic of a much-needed contribution. Moreover, given the urgent need for a l l Cubans to co-operate i n the l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a Marti r e l e n t -l e s s l y e x t o l l e d the vi r t u e s of work, "llegado a ser considerado por e l una nueva santidad"^ as one c r i t i c has noted. The message that Marti preached was extremely c l e a r , since he never departed from the premise that a l l men possessed an absolute o b l i g a t i o n to dedicate t h e i r t a l e n t s — whatever they may b e — t o the betterment of the Society to which they belonged. Any a b i l i t i e s that they possessed, Marti claimed, r e a l l y only represented "una deuda que se ha de pagar, l a a n t i c i p a e l Creador y los hombres l a cobran" (XIV, 2 7 3 ) . Marti maintained at a l l times that t h i s debt to Society had to be paid by each and every compatriot: there were to be no exceptions. Moreover, anybody who attempted to avoid paying h i s "contribution" to the common good was not only to be severely reprimanded, but also to be p h y s i c a l l y forced to work for the benefit of h i s Society. Laziness, as he stated very c l e a r l y , was t r u l y a heinous offence, "un crimen publico" . (VIII, 3 79 ) » and a l l non-productive members of t h e i r Society would be forced to contribute to the p a t r i a . La holganza es crimen publico. Como no' se tiene derecho para, ser c r i m i n a l , no se tiene derecho para ser perezoso. Ni i n d i r e c t a -mente debe l a sociedad humana alentar a quien no t r a b a j a directamente. en e l l a . . . Se debe abominar a los perezosos, y compelerlos a l a vida limpia y u t i l ( V I I I , 3 7 9 - 3 8 0 ) . Marti never presented a chronological outline of the order i n which he wanted h i s plans for t h i s moral foundation of the Republic to be implemented, although i t ap p e a r s " f a i r l y obvious that the i n i t i a l 129 n e c e s s i t i e s f o r h i s country were f i r s t to r a i s e the l e v e l of n a t i o n a l awareness and second to encourage the formation of a s t r i c t moral conscience i n h i s fellow Cubans which, he hoped, would ulti m a t e l y lead to a general nation-wide acceptance of h i s far-reaching s o c i a b i l i d a d programme. The r e s u l t i n g mixture of s e l f l e s s n e s s and of p a t r i o t i s m would thus constitute the basis of what, as early as 1 8 7 8 , Marti saw as the e s s e n t i a l "nueva r e l i g i o n " of the Republic: "La nueva r e l i g i o n ; no l a v i r t u d por e l castigo y por e l deber; l a v i r t u d por e l patriotismo, e l convencimiento y e l trabajo" (VIII, 1 2 0 ) . In order to s t a b i l i s e t h i s innovative programme, Marti hoped to fuse other fundamentally important features into the d a i l y l i f e of the p a t r i a — t h e l o f t y concepts of J u s t i c e and Freedom. Both of these terms obviously contain a multitude of possible meanings and nuances, and can be used to support v i r t u a l l y any.individual or group action or b e l i e f . There i s simply no d e f i n i t i v e explanation of what constitutes e i t h e r of these concepts. In the case of M a r t i , however, i t i s quite obvious exactly what he understood these terms to mean, since both stem from the same profoundly m o r a l i s t i c , and inherently s e l f l e s s , thought of Mar t i . J u s t i c e f o r Marti was never simply a high-sounding r h e t o r i c a l slogan, used to arouse the masses and subsequently secure t h e i r support. Rather, he always viewed J u s t i c e i n a personal perspective, a q u a l i t y which he hoped to inculcate into h i s compatriots so that eventually t h i s search f o r lo_ justo would a s s i s t them i n developing t h e i r own highly-attuned moral consciousness. J u s t i c e was thus a concept which Marti urged his fellow Cubans to develop for t h e i r own s e l f - r e a l i s a t i o n , and which he f i r m l y advocated using as the y a r d s t i c k f o r a l l major 130 p o l i t i c a l decisions taken i n the Republic. Once again, as has been noted i n r e l a t i o n to Marti's desires f o r popular acceptance of s o c i a - b i l i d a d , Marti's aspirations for a thorough natio n a l awareness of l o  .justo required, perhaps o v e r - o p t i m i s t i c a l l y , the conscious determination by the Cuban people as a whole to s e l f l e s s l y enact the theories that he had presented to them: by means of dispassionate reasoning and s e l f l e s s conduct, Marti thus hoped to e s t a b l i s h a foundation to the Republic centred on the perpetual search for Justice.. In essence, then, Marti's p o l i c y of Ju s t i c e offered h i s co-revo l u t i o n a r i e s no more and no le s s than a chance t o be honest with themselves and f a i r to each other. Based upon t h i s determination to construct the l i b e r a t e d Republic upon a fresh and n e c e s s a r i l y compas-sionate foundation, Marti interpreted t h i s programme of J u s t i c e as a necessary means of strengthening h i s doctrine of s o c i a b i l i d a d , since i n actual f a c t both features were dependent upon each other. Given Marti's conviction that there was never automatically a morally " r i g h t " or " j u s t " cause, i t appears f a i r l y obvious that he could never i n conscience a f f o r d "blanket support" to any i n d i v i d u a l or cause: the i n d i v i d u a l merits of a l l p o s s i b i l i t i e s had of necessity to be considered before any decision could be taken. J u s t i c e thus implied for Marti the necessity, yet again, of a fundamentally honest examina-t i o n of any problem, i n order that an unbiased and e s s e n t i a l l y " j u s t " s o l u t i o n could be found. Perhaps an example w i l l serve to i l l u s t r a t e t h i s apparently s i m p l i s t i c , yet fundamentally honest, i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of what i n fact constituted 16 justo for M a r t i . In h i s many years of providing h i s 131 L a t i n American readers with the famous "Escenas Norteamericanas," one of the themes most commonly found was that of the i n c r e a s i n g l y h i t t e r struggle between C a p i t a l and Labour, and the multitude of r e l a t e d s o c i a l problems that r e s u l t e d from t h i s c o n f l i c t . Marti's support f o r the humble and exploited sectors of Society had always been obvious , as indi c a t e d i n h i s famous l i n e s of poetry "Con l o s pobres de l a t i e r r a / Quiero yo mi suerte echar" (XVT, 6 7 ) . I t would thus appear n a t u r a l f o r Marti to defend the noble actions of the exploited workers i n t h e i r struggle f o r a decent working wage, while at the same time condemning t h i s unfeeling and immoral e x p l o i t a t i o n by their, employers. However, t h i s was not the case, since Marti's approach to such c o n f l i c t s , and indeed to a l l major s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l issues, depended e n t i r e l y upon a conscientious appraisal of the claims and counterclaims of both the p a r t i c i p a t i n g f a c t i o n s . His report on a tram d r i v e r s ' s t r i k e i n 1883 i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s c a r e f u l weighing-up of a l l arguments both for and against the s t r i k e : "Hay huelgas i n j u s t a s . No basta ser i n f e l i z para tener razon . . . Pero l a huelga de l o s conductores era j u s t a " (X, 3 9 6 ) , and as a r e s u l t Marti supported t h e i r case. In essence, then, there was no shortcut to J u s t i c e . The e s s e n t i a l ingredients f o r a proper a p p l i c a t i o n of J u s t i c e were thus s e l f l e s s conduct and an objective process of reasoning, obviously a p o l i c y that was "easier s a i d than done." Indeed at f i r s t t h i s concept of Marti appears to s u f f e r from an overabundance of im-p r a c t i c a l d e t a i l s , since according to Marti i t was an absolute necessity to consider a l l possible facets of any i n d i v i d u a l problem before decid-ing which, i f indeed any, s o l u t i o n to a p a r t i c u l a r problem was correct 132 or " j u s t . " T h i s , however, was not as impractical as i t may seem since eventually the "new man" (Marti never estimated how long i t would take for his master-plan to develop) imbued with a heightened awareness of his many s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , and of his-innate d i g n i t y as a c i t i z e n of the Republic, would learn to appreciate quickly the inherent J u s t i c e of any p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n and would thus be able to decide accordingly. I d e a l l y , Marti hoped that t h i s sense of J u s t i c e would be imple-mented by h i s compatriots i n a l l everyday s i t u a t i o n s , and i n a l l dealings with t h e i r fellow c i t i z e n s . This understanding of J u s t i c e was thus an ongoing process over which, Marti warned his fellow Cubans, they could never become complacent. Nor werer:there to be any s p e c i a l r i g h t s or p r i v i l e g e s f o r any p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l or group, since a l l c i t i z e n s would be expected to follow c l o s e l y t h i s preoccupation with j u s t i c e , and of course to base t h e i r conduct upon i t . Eventually, Marti was f i r m l y convinced, an objective communal a p p l i c a t i o n of J u s t i c e would r e s u l t , one-that would then b e n e f i t a l l members of the p a t r i a : "A los obreros [and by extension a l l members of Cuban society1 razona-dores , mesuradores, a c t i v a , l e n t a y tremendamente energicos , no los vencera jamas, en l o que sea jUsto nadie" (VIII, 352-353) . (My under-l i n i n g ) . The second major feature of Marti's "nueva r e l i g i o n " was nothing l e s s than Freedom i t s e l f , regarded by him as being of paramount impor-tance for the s t a b i l i t y , and the s e l f - r e s p e c t , of the Republic. P o l i t i c a l independence was obviously the f i r s t necessary step i n the l i b e r a t i o n process, but as Jorge Manach has c o r r e c t l y noted t h i s same 133 p o l i t i c a l independence r e a l l y constituted only one manifestation of the wider concept of Freedom, of the many basic l i b e r t i e s that would be available to a l l Cubans i n the Republic.. 1^ Freedom, then, along with J u s t i c e and Dignity, three i n t a n g i b l e — b u t e s s e n t i a l — c o n c e p t s , would be for the f i r s t time ever within the reach of a l l c i t i z e n s . The determination to implement Freedom i n the p a t r i a represented fo r Jose Marti even more of a personal crusade than his preoccupation with the concept of J u s t i c e . This may w e l l be explained by h i s experiences i n Cuba when no attempt was ever made by the Spanish a u t h o r i t i e s to claim that t h e i r domination of the I s l a n d — i n a l l p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , economic and even c u l t u r a l matters—was " j u s t . " (On the other hand the Spanish administration did make an attempt, a l -b e i t at i r r e g u l a r i n t e r v a l s , to promote a facade of L i b e r t y — t h e most noteworthy example being the t r a g i c a l l y s h o r t - l i v e d r u l e of Governor Dulce.) Marti's b i t t e r disappointment at t h i s pretense of " L i b e r t y , " . withdrawn almost as soon as i t had been introduced, thus made him more determined than ever that i n a l i b e r a t e d Cuba t h i s exceedingly t h i n veneer would be replaced by a true form of p o l i t i c a l freedom. Marti openly despised the a r t i f i c i a l p h ilanthropic .-pose:,of the madre patria," and frequently condemned the few meagre l i b e r t i e s "generously" bestowed upon the Island as "migajas de l i b e r t a d " (XIV, 183) and "merienda de ratones" (XIV, 4 6 2 ) , which he claimed were an affront to the i n t e l l i -gence of the Cuban people. In t h e i r place he proposed a new and e f f e c t i v e concept of f r e e -dom such as his countrymen had never before experienced. Writing f o r La America i n I 8 8 3 he explained the nature of the " l i b e r t a d i l u s t r a d a " 131+ (VIII, 3 8 l ) that he offe r e d them. I t was not, he took great pains to explain, that rather s i m p l i s t i c view of the domination of the p r i v i l e g e d e l i t e by the working classes, since as he explained, "ya se sabe que esa es nueva y t e r r i b l e t i r a n i a " (VIII, 3 8 l ) . Nor was i t to be what he termed " l a l i b e r t a d nominal, y proclamaria, que en ci e r t o s labios parece . . , l o que l a cruz de Jesus bueno en los estandartes i n q u i s i t o r i a l e s " (VIII, 3 8 1 ) . Instead i t was to be an e s s e n t i a l l y p r a c t i c a l l i b e r t y , based upon the needs of the p a t r i a and upon a general respect f o r the ri g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s of our fellow man, a respect which, Marti i n s i s t e d , would r e s u l t from a s e l f l e s s appreciation of our society: aquella l i b e r t a d en las costumbres y l a s leyes, que de l a competencia y e q u i l i b r i o de derechos v i v e , que traye de suyo e l r e s -peto general, como garantia mutua, que l i b r a su mantenimiento a ese supremo e i n f a l i b l e d i r e c t o r de l a naturaleza humana: e l i n s t i n -to de l a conservacion (VIII, 3 8 l ) . The appeal which the idea of Freedom held for Marti i s probably best judged by h i s l y r i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n , published i n La America i n September of 1 8 8 3 , i n which he described Freedom as " l a esencia de l a s ^ 12 v i d a . . . l a condicion i n e l u d i b l e de toda obra u t i l " (IX, 1+51). Yet despite t h i s emotional p u l l exercised upon him by the idea of i n t r o -ducing the noble doctrine of Li b e r t y i n t o h i s country, Marti was w e l l aware that there were several p o s s i b l e ; i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of' that term. As The Encyclopedia of Philosophy points out: When men speak of t h e i r being free or claim freedom f o r themselves, they are r e f e r r i n g not only to the absence of. coercion and r e s t r a i n t imposed by others (freedom, from) but. also to that on behalf of which freedom i s being claimed-(freedom f o r ) . ^ 3 135 As t h i s observation r e l a t e s to Marti's desires f o r a " l i b e r a t e d Cuba," i t appears quite obvious that Marti wanted both freedoms f o r the p a t r i a , the f i r s t desired to free his country from the clutches of Spanish domination, from the oppressive c o l o n i a l i s t system which ex-p l o i t e d the Island so r u t h l e s s l y , from a general p o s i t i o n of s e r v i l i t y not far removed from slavery. This i s s e l f - e v i d e n t . On the p o s i t i v e side of the balance ("freedom for") M a r t i also possessed very e x p l i c i t ideas i n regard to what he desired his compatriots to be able to a t t a i n . Among the b e n e f i t s that he f i r m l y b e l i e v e d would accrue from an honest a p p l i c a t i o n of h i s concept of freedom was an i n t e l l e c t u a l and p o l i t i c a l freedom, which would o f f e r h i s fellow Cubans—again for the f i r s t time i n t h e i r h i s t o r y — t h e opportunity to discuss both the v a l i d i t y and the defects of o f f i c i a l p o l i c y , to o f f e r constructive c r i -t i c i s m as to how the government could be improved, and thus to p a r t i c i -pate i n the governmental decision-making process. In short, as one c r i t i c has noted, Marti's plans were e s s e n t i a l l y to convert h i s fellow c i t i z e n s into "entes conscientes, c u l t o s , responsables, capaces de l l e v a r sobre s i l a carga de una gigantesca t a r e a . " 1 ^ The. p h y s i c a l benefits of Freedom with which Marti hoped to provide his compatriots w i l l be outlined i n some d e t a i l i n the next chapter on Marti's s p e c i f i c plans f o r the revolutionary .society of Cuba. In general, however, i t appears f a i r l y c l e a r that Freedom was again not 'merely an empty concept for M a r t i , since he made i t obvious that the e n t i r e struggle for p o l i t i c a l independence r e a l l y only constituted a means of bringing about a more healthy, educated and just s o c i e t y . 1 ^ .136 Indeed Marti's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Freedom was e s s e n t i a l l y a s o c i a l -oriented view that at times was rather vague and naive, while at others was t r u l y thought-provoking because of i t s quite s t a r t l i n g relevance to modern times (as f o r instance his plans f o r a concentrated mass l i t e r -acy campaign, upon which an almost i d e n t i c a l scheme was modelled by the Castro government i n 1961, "Year of Education"). A study of a l l the basic freedoms that Marti dreamed of implementing i n a l i b e r a t e d Cuba further reveals that a l l had to be subordinated to what Marti considered the most pressing needs of s o c i e t y , thus emphasising even more the s o c i a l o r i e n t a t i o n of h i s p o l i c i e s . In other words, a f t e r the l i b e r a t i o n of the Island there would be many hitherto-unknown l i b e r t i e s a v a i l a b l e to a l l Cubans, l i b e r t i e s which, Marti stated, would respond to fundamental s o c i a l needs. There-a f t e r Cubans would be able not only to enjoy the intangible benefits (dignidad, pride i n t h e i r n a t i o n a l o r i g i n s , colour and c u l t u r e , a; sense of " i d e n t i t y " ) , but would also be "fr e e " to enjoy s o c i a l p r i v i l e g e s previously reserved for the peninsulares: a thorough education, an-.; honourable and respected p o s i t i o n i n s o c i e t y , and f u l l - t i m e employment. These were a l l new freedoms f o r Cuba, and a l l were planned to reshape totality- the structure and the very f a b r i c of Cuban soc i e t y . Moreover, i t i s important to note that, should h i s compatriots choose to ignore a programme regarded by Marti as e s s e n t i a l f o r the development of the p a t r i a , and of course i f he had been elected Delegado, he was f u l l y prepared to a c t u a l l y force t h e i r acceptance through l e g i s l a t i o n . This can be deduced from his determination that a l l Cubans should of neces-s i t y co-operate i n the r e b u i l d i n g of the Republic, and thus i n the 137 l i b e r a t i o n process. Consequently these new-found freedoms, a v a i l a b l e to a l l Cubans regardless of colour or s o c i a l standing, were not without severe s o c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s , to be imposed on a l l c i t i z e n s . The success of Marti's plans to introduce such ambitious reforms in t o the Republic obviously hinged c l o s e l y upon the popular acceptance of the rigorous s a c r i f i c e s inherent i n h i s s o c i a b i l i d a d programme, yet Marti was confident that h i s fellow Cubans would, "upon mature r e f l e c t i o n , accept the v a l i d i t y of his theories. Nevertheless Marti was w e l l aware, from his f i f t e e n - y e a r stay i n the United States, of the f a c i l i t y with which seemingly excellent human and s o c i a l l i b e r t i e s could be abused, and r e a l i s e d that these many new freedoms that he hoped to implement i n Cuba would require much care and attention. Once again, then, as i n so many other aspects of l i f e i n revolutionary Cuba, the successful a p p l i -cation of an important governmental p o l i c y depended almost e n t i r e l y upon the co-operation and goodwill of a l l c i t i z e n s . A l l Cubans would therefore be expected to ensure that these new l i b e r t i e s were not subject to manipulation or abuse, while at the same time constantly exercising them i n order that they be better appreciated, f o r as Marti g r a p h i c a l l y explained i n l88l:^ En l a gimnasia nacional, como en l a i n d i -v i d u a l , no se l l e g a a alzar pesos mayores sino despues de haber alzado gradualmente por largo tiempo pesos menores. Crecen las fuerzas por. su e j e r c i c i o constante y regular: pierdense cuando se les compele a extemporaneas explosiones. No es fuerza galvanica ocasional, f i c t i c i a , externa, l a que los. pueblos hecesitan para prosperar seguramente; sino fuerza muscular,. bien e j e r c i t a d a , bien r e p a r t i d a , permanente, i n -terna, propia. La l i b e r t a d es un. premio que l a H i s t o r i a da a l trabajo. :. No puede ser 138 que se entre en e l goce de una recompensa, si n haberla antes merecido por una labor s o l i d a y u t i l (XII, lh6) In order to better appreciate Marti's dedication to achieving t h i s " l i b e r t a d verdadera," i t i s u s e f u l to study h i s reaction to the campaigns waged by two m i l d opposition groups i n Cuba—the Autonomists and the Annexationists—both of whom he saw as t r y i n g hard to f o i s t o f f upon the Cuban people a p a r t i a l l i b e r t y , one that would leave the vast majority of Cubans under an equally unsympathetic regime. For M a r t i , . Freedom was a p r i v i l e g e to be enjoyed by a l l Cubans, and was not merely the p r i z e possession of any s e l f i s h minority group. This conviction l e d him to condemn v o c i f e r o u s l y the s e l f - c e n t r e d attempts of both the Autonomists and the Annexationists to maintain t h e i r own advantageous economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n , while paying l i t t l e attention IT to the best in t e r e s t s of the country at large. The Autonomists, a monied Cuban e l i t e with even greater s o c i a l and f i n a n c i a l prospects to look forward to i f t h e i r plans proved successful, were attempting at t h i s time to convince the Cuban people tha t , rather than r i s k the well-being and economic s t a b i l i t y of the Island by plunging into a needless and n e c e s s a r i l y v i o l e n t war against Spain,iinstead they should submit to the well-intentioned dictates of the^madre patria? since the benevolent motherland had promised that gradually Cuba would be allowed to adopt an autonomous p o s i t i o n , s i m i -l a r i n status to that bestowed upon the Dominion of Canada by Great 18 B r i t a i n . M a r t i fought vigorously against t h i s group, f o r he could c l e a r l y see the danger of what he termed " e l funesto imperio de una 13?' o l i g a r q u i a c r i o l l a " ( I I , 2 6 4 ) , determined to preserve t h e i r s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s at a l l costs, as they gradually f i l l e d the l u c r a t i v e posts vacated by the Crown's representatives, and continued to e x p l o i t the vast majority of the c i t i z e n s of an "autonomous" Cuba. Freedom, Marti countered, should not be a hollow-sounding term tossed around high-handedly by t h i s i n f l u e n t i a l group, but instead should o f f e r p r a c t i c a l applications to everyday l i f e s i t u a t i o n s , and should of necessity be enjoyed i n a l l of i t s forms by every Cuban c i t i z e n . For s i m i l a r reasons Marti v i o l e n t l y condemned those other members of the creole e l i t e , the Annexationists, who also attempted to dissuade t h e i r fellow Cubans from forging a path towards f u l l p o l i t i c a l indepen-dence, claiming that Cuba was i n no condition to govern i t s e l f , since i t lacked both the economic s t a b i l i t y and the n a t i o n a l maturity-.for such an undertaking. Their s o l u t i o n was instead to encourage the country to change masters, allowing i t s e l f to be absorbed by the nearby United 19 States of America, and thereby become a protectorate of that country. The Annexationists also enjoyed a favoured status on the Island and so, convinced that annexation of the Island by the United States could only improve t h e i r own standard of l i v i n g (since i n e f f e c t they would simply replace a l l the Spanish administrators and owners), they consistently preached to t h e i r compatriots that they should forget the short-term need of p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y and instead r e f l e c t upon the economic advan-. tages to be enjoyed as a dependency of the United States. This condition of exchanging one n a t i o n a l dependency for another was completely un-acceptable to M a r t i , who c a l l e d the Annexationists " l a minoria soberbia, •. que entiende por l i b e r t a d su predominio l i b r e sobre l o s conciudadanos a quien juzga de e s t i r p e menor" ( i l l , 10^). Again, Freedom for him not only had to he d e c i s i v e l y won as a r e s u l t of the determined e f f o r t of a l l Cubans (Marti frequently r e f e r r e d to the need for " e l respeto con-quistado por l a propia emancipacion" ( I I , 3^7)), but also had to be enjoyed equally by a l l of h i s compatriots. Indeed, as the opening paragraph of the "Resoluciones tomadas por l a Emigracion Cubana de Tampa" st a t e s , Marti quite simply wanted to "fundar, con los restos de una colonia de esclavos sobre esclavos, un pueblo u t i l y p a c i f i c o de hombres verdaderamente l i b r e s " ( i , 271)-Manuel Pedro Gonzalez, commenting upon the vast m o r a l i s t i c and humanitarian essence of Jose Marti's plans f o r s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l reform i n Cuba, and i n p a r t i c u l a r upon Marti's " l o v i n g " or "caring" a t t i t u d e , has voiced a common reaction of many people who attempt to unravel the foundation of Marti's work: Tan i n u s i t a d a y de tan,noble j e r a r q u i a es l a t r i n i d a d de valores que en e l se dio que e l l e c t o r — o e l oyente—no i n i c i a d o en su cono-cimiento se torna esceptico y suspicaz, y reputa como l o a de adepto o hiperbole l o que es mero recuento de excelsitudes autenticas i n t e l e c t u a l e s , a r t i s t i c a s y e t i c a s . ^ Marti the I d e a l i s t , i t i s f e l t by many, was t o t a l l y removed from the r e a l i t y of his time, a b l a t a n t l y u n j u s t i f i a b l e o ptimist, s i m i l a r i n many ways to the stereotyped concept that we have of Cervantes' Don Quixote—noble but quite mad. It further appears that because of the amazing v a r i e t y of talents and ideas of M a r t i , t h i s unusual blend of v i v i d l y r i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n , of great poetic a b i l i t y , with a programme of r a d i c a l s o c i a l - reform—and i n p a r t i c u l a r because of his determination to create a s e l f l e s s "new man"—, that Jose Marti has been widely misunderstood. In actual fact the key to understanding t h i s deeply-rooted idealism, which i n the modern era seems somewhat out of place, l i e s i n Marti's fundamental concept of the new man, whom he obviously i n t e r -preted as a being with boundless p o t e n t i a l . M a r t i , as Carlos Alberto Montaner has pointed out, f i r m l y held "una v i s i o n antropocentrica del cosmos. Para e l e l hombre es e l centro del orden cosmico y l a j u s t i f i -21 cacion de todo l o creado." Indeed Marti's firm b e l i e f s i n the e s s e n t i a l v i r t u e of Man can be seen in h i s reply to a fellow Cuban e x i l e when he was asked why he pursued such l o f t y goals: "No hay quien 22 -no tenga algo b u e n o — d e c i a — ; f a i t a saberlo descubrir."- Given the f a i t h i n h i s fellow man that Marti most d e f i n i t e l y possessed, as w e l l as h i s conviction that the best guarantee for the success of h i s r a d i c a l reform programme was a r e v i t a l i s e d moral consciousness, his campaign to b u i l d a "new man," and by doing so to b u i l d the l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a upon a moral foundation, appears quite sound. His planned r e v o l u t i o n , unlike that of the other Spanish colonies, was then not simply a move to gain p o l i t i c a l independence: "Para Marti no hay revolucion s i n creacion de 23 una conciencia e t i c a , en l a que l a persona juega un papel p r i m o r d i a l . " Without t h i s necessary moral foundation i t was quite probable that the more r a d i c a l of his plans would have come to naught, while conversely with the creation of what Marti c l e a r l y saw as a "new revolutionary man," the Revolution would have had an excellent chance of s u r v i v i n g . Seen i n t h i s l i g h t , the creation of the "nueva conciencia e t i c a " was lk2 the very keystone to the Revolution that Marti aspired to lead a f t e r p o l i t i c a l independence had been won, while too i t constituted an absolute p r e r e q u i s i t e f or h i s extensive programme of s o c i a l reform, to be studied i n the next chapter. The l i b e r a t i o n of the p a t r i a thus had to begin with a r a i s i n g of n a t i o n a l and s o c i a l consciousness, i n short the l i b e r a t i o n of the Cuban c i t i z e n . 1U3 NOTES CHAPTER IV ^ S i m i l a r sentiments are expressed by Marti i n h i s short play written on the struggle for Guatemalan independence, P a t r i a y l i b e r t a d . One of the characters, Coana, narrates how an Indian f r i e n d of hers, Martino, i s prepared to f i g h t to the death i f necessary, i n order that the p a t r i a i n general might at l a s t possess t h i s necessary dignidad: Martino ansia l a muerte una y m i l veces a esclavo ser, s i n p a t r i a n i bandera (XVIII, 131). 2 I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note Marti's views on what he considered the absolute duty of a l l honourable men to f i g h t f o r t h e i r s e l f - r e s p e c t , t h e i r sense of dignidad, whenever they see l i b e r t y threatened: "Todo hombre de j u s t i c i a y honor pelea por l a l i b e r t a d dondequiera que l a vea ofendida, porque eso es pelear. por su entereza de hombre; y e l que ve l a l i b e r t a d ofendida, y no pelea por e l l o , p ayuda a l o s que l a ofenden, — n o es hombre entero" (IV, 39l). In the context of contemporary Cuba, Marti stated that t h i s duty c l e a r l y revolved around, replacing the im-moral and uncaring administration of Spain with a new, moral and n e c e s s a r i l y Cuban form of government. ^Marti described the de-humanising e f f e c t of l i f e i n North American society i n a poem e n t i t l e d "Amor de ciudad grande," written i n New York i n A p r i l of 1 8 8 2 : iAsi. e l amor, s i n pompa. n i misterio Muere, apenas nacido, de s.aciado! i J a u l a es l a v i l l a de palomas muertas Y avidos cazadores! S i l o s pechos Se rompen de los hombres, y l a s carnes Rotas por t i e r r a ruedan I no han de verse Dentro mas que f r u t i l l a s estrujadas! Se ama de p i e , en l a s c a l l e s , entre e l polvo De los salones y las. plazas; muere La f l o r e l d i a en que nace. Pues, iquien tiene Tiempo de ser hidalgo? . . . iQue es l o que f a i t a ( ihh Que l a ventura f a l t a ? Como l i e b r e Azorada, e l e s p i r i t u se esconde, Tremulo huyendo a l cazador que r i e , Cual en seto selvoco, en nuestro pecho ( x v i , 1 7 0 - 1 7 1 ) . k . . In a s i m i l a r vein i s an entry made m a personal notebook of Marti i n 189k: "Y yo pregunto cuando se t r a t a de Espana . . . i v a l i a mas l o que habia en America cuando expulsamos- a los conquistadores que l o que habia cuando v i n i e r o n ? — E n poesia, ique. versos de l a colonia valen l o que l a unica oda u odas, que se conocen de Netzahualcoyotl? En arquitectura, ique pared de i g l e s i a o celebrado f r o n t i s p i c i o , n i aun e l del churrigueresco Sagrario de Mexico, vale l o que una pared de M i t l a o de l a Casa del Gobernador?" (XXI, 3 7 5 ) . Marti's pride i n "Nuestra,America," as w e l l as his determination to help the people of his continent i s confirmed by a l e t t e r to Valero P u j o l dated November 2 7 , 1877= "Estoy orgulloso, ciertamente, de mi amor a los hombres, de mi apasionade- afecto a todas estas t i e r r a s , preparadas a comun destino por iguales y cruentos dolores. Para e l l a s t r abajo, y les hablare siempre con e l entusiasmo y la. rudeza . . . de un h i j o amantisimo, que no quiere que sus amigos llamen a l a energia necesaria, inoportunidad; a l a s r e s i s t e n c i a s sordas, circunstancias. V i v i r humildemente,. t r a b a j a r mucho, engrandecer a America, estudiar sus fuerzas y r e v e l a r s e l a s , pagar a los pueblos e l bien que me hacen: este es mi o f i c i o . Nada me a b a t i r a , nadie me l o impedira," (VII, 1 1 2 ) . ^International Encyclopedia of the S o c i a l Sciences, ed. David L. S i l l s (New York: Cromwell, C o l l i e r and Macmillan Inc., 1 9 6 8 ) , lh, p. 5 5 1 . ^Manuel I s i d r o Mendez, r e f e r r i n g to Marti's astonishing capacity fo r s e l f - s a c r i f i c e , claims that t h i s manifestly s e l f l e s s a t t i t u d e was the basis of Marti's plans f o r a l l forms of s o c i a l and human progress: " F i l o s o f i a s , r e l i g i o n e s y credos de toda indole tenian que caer n a t u r a l -mente bajo su afanosa proposicion de culto a l progreso de l a humanidad, que solo se redime por e l s a c r i f i c i o constante y desinteresado de los hombres, los cuales, a medida que se c u l t i v a n , comprenden mejor tan grave y hermosa mision." Manuel I s i d r o Mendez, p. x v i i i . 7 In short, what Marti wanted to inculcate into his compatriots was the same highly m o r a l i s t i c consciousness that he already possessed. . As he had already discovered, Marti e s s e n t i a l l y wanted his fellow Cubans to r e a l i s e that " E l . genero humano no tiene mas que una m e j i l l a : . Idonde-quiera que un hombre recibe un golpe en su m e j i l l a , todos l o s demas hombres l o reciben.'" (X, 2 8 8 ) . It is interesting to note that Marti was a consistent proponent of a l l men making a conscious effort to overcome temptation in general, sacrificing their own comfort in order to "purify" themselves. Indeed a close study of his l i f e reveals that Marti's claims in this regard were no idle boast. As he wrote in a letter in 1882, Marti was truly "good": "Dime que no soy bueno, o que no vivo enamorado del bien de los hombres, y me enojare, porque seria i n j u s t i c i a " (XX, 30l). Perhaps the most l y r i c a l summary of this faith in his personal abi l i t y to overcome potential e v i l or selfish impulses was his poem in Versos  sencillos: No me pongan en lo oscuro A morir como un traidor: iYo soy bueno, y como bueno Morire de cara a l sol! (XVI, 98). g Julio Le Riverend, "Marti: etica y accion revolucionaria," P . . J < 8 . . . . . / . . . • ' 9 Willy de Blanck, "Jose Marti, e l gran politico cubano que se adelanto a su tiempo," Archivo Jose Marti, 5 (July-Dec. 1950), p. 228. "^Manach states that "aunque l a independencia p o l i t i c a era para Marti esa condicion indispensable, l a palabra 'independencia' aparece muy rara vez en sus escritos. Se trataba de un valor menor, de un valor implicito en el concepto mas amplio de l a libertad." Jorge Manach, E l pensamiento politico y social de Marti (La Habana: Edicion Ofici'al del.Senado, 19^1), p. 17-"'""'"See Marti's report to La Opinion Nacional of November 18, l 8 8 l "De las colonias, imiseras colonias! hablo con halagadoras promesas de reforma, y dijo que l a Constitucion habia sido promulgada, y l a censura de l a prensa abolida. Y decia esto e l rey de Espaha, ante las Camaras, en e l instante en que 'por considerar ineficaz l a ley de imprenta', e l Capitan General de Cuba suprimia tres periodicos, y enviaba a sus redac tores, que habian escrito •amparados por l a ley, desterrados a Espana" (XIV, i k l ) . Some four months later, again writing for La Opinion. Nacional, Marti related how "ya tiene el jefe de l a Isla autoridad, que le envia e l rey, de mirar como no concedidas aquellas leyes de libertad de prensa y de garantias de persona que, como don raro y generoso, habia enviado el gobierno de Sagasta a los cubanos" (XIV, Finally, Marti's own experiences in Cuba, during the extremely brief administra-tion of Cuba by Captain-General Dulce had convinced him. of the sheer impossibility of the Island being awarded any form of meaningful free-dom by the Crown. ih6 1 2 "Sin, a i r e l a t i e r r a muere. Sin l i b e r t a d , como s i n ai r e propio y e s e n c i a l , nada vive . . . Como e l hueso a l cuerpo humano, y e l eje a una rueda, y e l a l a a un pajaro, y e l air e a l a l a , — a s i es l a l i b e r t a d l a esencia de l a vida. Cuanto s i n e l l a se hace es imperfecto, mientras en mayor grado se l a goce, con mas f l o r y mas fruto se viv e . Es l a condicion i n e l u d i b l e de toda obra u t i l " (IX, L51). 13 The Encyclopedia of Philosophy, ed. Paul Edwards (New York: Cromwell, C o l l i e r and MacMillan I n c . , ' 1 9 6 7 ) , 3 , p. 223. lk J u l i o Le Riverend, "Marti y Lenin," P o l i t i c a I nternacional, 8 . ( 1 9 7 0 ) , p. 6 2 . Jaime S u c h l i c k i , studying t h i s intent of Marti to b u i l d such a model s o c i e t y , i s correct when he affirms: "Marti can only be under-stood i f we think of him as a student of s o c i a l problems, rather than a purely p o l i t i c a l d o c t r i n a i r e . " Jaime S u c h l i c k i , "The P o l i t i c a l Ideolo-gy of Jose Marti," Caribbean Studies, 6 (Apr. 1 9 6 6 ) , p. 3 1 . 1 6 Marti was t r u l y determined that Freedom was to be constantly exercised i n a l i b e r a t e d Cuba: "Lo que ha de hacerse es tener ince-santemente l a l i b e r t a d en e j e r c i c i o ; por donde e l bueno se f a t i g a , e l malo entra: l a r e p u b l i c a no puede dormir: e l t i r a n o o' e l bribon solo se levantan sobre los pueblos v i c i o s o s o i n d i f e r e n t e s " (XII, L 7 2 ) . 1 7 For M a r t i , a l l was exceptionally c l e a r : "Amamos a l a l i b e r t a d porque en e l l a vemos l a verdad. Moriremos por l a l i b e r t a d verdadera, no por l a l i b e r t a d que s i r v e de pretexto para manterier a unos hombres en e l goce excesivo, y a otros en e l dolor innecesario" ( I I , 255). 1 8 "Con respecto a Espafia, los miembros de este partido p o l i t i c o predicaban l a autonomia de Cuba 'bajo l a nacionalidad espafiola', iden-t i f i c a n d o s e a s i con e l programa de los l i b e r a l e s espafioles que pedian l a i n c l u s i o n de Cuba en e l Estado espanol, con e l caracter de una pr o v i n c i a f e d e r a l pero s i n l l e g a r a concederle su independencia." Agustin Cue Canovas, M a r t i , e l e s c r i t o r y su'epoca (Mexico: Ediciones Centenario, I961) , p. 3 5 • 1 9 Cue Canovas notes w e l l t h e i r p o s i t i o n : "Los anexionistas argumentaban que para s a l i r d e l dominio de Espana y lograr l a seguridad i n t e r i o r y l a paz, no quedaba otro camino que buscar un aliado poderoso incorporando Cuba a los Estados Unidos. Estas aspiraciones eran alen-tadas por declaraciones y propuestas de compra que con respecto a Cuba habian hecho gobernantes y p o l i t i c o s norteamericanos. Desde l 8 l 2 e l notable p o l i t i c o Jefferson habia declarado que Cuba debia pertenecer, tarde o temprano, a los Estados Unidos." Ibid.., p. - 2 5 . Marti parodied the attempts, of the Anexationistas to take control of Cuba i n an amusing poem e n t i t l e d "Tengo que contarles..." Tengo que contarles Una f a b u l i t a . A los caballeros Anti-anexionistas. Cierto enamorado Fuese de v i s i t a A l a casa hermosa De su novia l i n d a . Le p i d i o l a mano Da l a mano nina, — iNo mas que la. mano! ™ | N o mas! Y que f i n a Tiene l a muneca Esta novia l i n d a —IDejame que bese La muneca l i n d a ! —No mas que l a muneca. Y a los nueve meses— Les nacio una nina. Cuentoles e l caso Sin mayor m a l i c i a A los caballeros Anti-anexionistas (XVII, 2 7 4 - 2 7 5 ) . On a more sombre note, Marti tackled the same theme of t h i s annexationist movement, revealing now h i s despair at t h i s attempt to unite Cuba and the "barbaro extranjero": Hoja t r a s hoja de papel consumo: . Rasgos ,. consejos , i r a s , l e t r a s f i e r a s Que parecen espadas: l o que escribo, Por compasion l o borro, porque e l crimen, E l crimen es a l f i n de mis hermanos . . . i A l l i , mas solo a l i i , decir pudiera Lo que dicen y viven!, que mi p a t r i a Piensa en unirse a l barbaro extranjero (XVI, 2 5 5 ) . 20 , Manuel Pedro Gonzalez, Iridagaciones martianas, p. 5 3 . 21 Carlos Alberto Montaner, p. 7. 22 , Blanca Z. de B a r a l t , E l Marti que yo conocl (New York: Las Americas, 1 9 6 8 ) , p. kl. ll+8 t J J u l i o Le Riverend, "Marti: etica y accion revolucionaria," p. 1+8. Le Riverend concludes that in many ways. Marti can indeed he regarded as a true humanist:. "Es un humanista en e l sentido de que tiene confianza en los homhres, los cree capaces de superar sus propias limitaciones, y en f i n , de ser conducidos para bien de ellos mismos, adquiriendo en base a l a realidad que se transforme, una mayor altura moral" (p. 1+8). Ih9 CHAPTER V SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF MARTf'S LIBERATED REPUBLIC Although Jose Marti was k i l l e d before he was able to put h i s reform programmes in t o e f f e c t (which therefore means that we have to base our analysis of Marti's intentions i n regard to s o c i a l reform upon what he said he would do, and not what he a c t u a l l y d i d ) , i t appears f a i r l y obvious t h a t , had he survived the war against the Spanish f o r c e s , he would have fought t i r e l e s s l y to i n s t i t u t e sweeping s o c i a l changes i n the p a t r i a . Indeed, a study of Marti's exemplary s e l f l e s s l i f e , when compared with the strength of h i s convictions, reveals quite dramatically that he d i d i n fact "practice what he preached," thus bearing out a commonly-cited claim that Jose Marti was " e l hombre mas puro de l a ..1 raza. Turning now to the type of soc i e t y and s o c i a l structure that Marti aspired to found i n a l i b e r a t e d Cuba, there appear to be four basic and extremely c l e a r l y - d e f i n e d s o c i a l innovations that Marti supported wholeheartedly, and undoubtedly would have s t r i v e d to i n t r o -duce a f t e r independence had been won. ( i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that a l l of these programmes can i n f a c t be viewed as the l o g i c a l conclusion of Marti's desires f o r a new and n e c e s s a r i l y moral basis of the p a t r i a , since t h e i r successful a p p l i c a t i o n was dependent l a r g e l y upon a natio n a l determination to implement such previously unheard-of reforms.) F i r s t , Marti was determined to eliminate a l l r a c i a l i n e q u a l i t y i n an independent Cuba. Second, he was equally convinced that a meaningful form of s o c i a l equality should be introduced, thus reducing the g l a r i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s , and hence the grave s o c i a l tensions that he had observed i n North America. The t h i r d broad plank of Marti's s o c i a l reform programme was to ensure that the highly i n f l u e n t i a l Catholic Church be stripped of a l l i t s earthly power i n the Island, while at the same time Marti strongly encouraged h i s compatriots to develop a l a y , a n t i - c l e r i c a l perspective. F i n a l l y , as the keystone to a l l of these p o l i c i e s , Marti s t i p u l a t e d that a l l c i t i z e n s should be both informed and well-educated, so that they would better appreciate the j u s t i f i c a t i o n for these necessary programmes, and thus would be more w i l l i n g to co-operate i n t h e i r implementation. In regard to Marti's concern with the blatant i n j u s t i c e of r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , i t was shown i n Chapter I how, when he was a young boy, Marti had been deeply aff e c t e d by the sight of negro slaves being maltreated. His a t t i t u d e toward r a c i a l prejudice was thus condi-tioned both by his experiences i n Cuba and, more noticeably, by the extensive period of his residence i n the United States, where he con-demned dis c r i m i n a t i o n p r a c t i s e d against Indian, black and o r i e n t a l Americans. In the North America of that period the rate of immigration had soared dramatically as m i l l i o n s of oppressed and poverty-striken people seeking to s t a r t a "new l i f e " flocked into the continent every year. Understandably t h i s f l o o d of immigrants, the "huddled masses" as 2 A l i s t a i r Cook d e s c r i p t i v e l y termed them, placed enormous pressures 151 upon both the economy and the society of the United States, particularly in the port-cities where they f i r s t arrived. Incentives were subse-quently offered to the recent arrivals to encourage them to leave the citi e s for the virgin wastes and settle on farming land in the more remote areas: money was often awarded such settlers and a substantial parcel of land was usually given to them. This solution may well have relieved much of this social pressure within the cities but unfortunately, as Marti lost no opportunity to indicate'; ain.athe.;vas.ttmajority/of icas.es_th"is;-.landJ.so_graciously award-ed to the settlers in fact belonged solely to the original settlers of Worth America, the indigenous Indian tribes, who in one f e l l swoop saw themselves deprived of both their land and their principal means of livelihood. Thus, Marti pointed out, the Indian tribes were the f i r s t "Americans" against whom racial discrimination was widely practised in the United States. Writing for La Opinion Nacional in l 8 8 l , Marti c r i t i c i z e d the crude and callous attempts by the American government to force the Indian people "a que abandone para siempre sus risuenos poblados, frondosos bosques y valles alegres" (IX, 37). Equally dis-turbing for Marti were the alternative arrangements instituted by the federal government since the Indians were subsequently herded together on reserves, where the government agents appointed to ensure their well-being in fact paid l i t t l e attention to their charges, concentrating instead on devising schemes to steal the money provided for the Indians' maintenance (IX, 297). Marti detested the cruel treatment meted out to the Indian peoples by their supposed protectors, and violently condemned the 1 5 2 supercilious attitude of these white agents toward a people who, he constantly reminded his readers, were also human beings, and who there-fore merited at the very least their respect and compassion, i f not their understanding and support: No los miran cual debieran los agentes, como a una. raza rudimentaria y. simpatica, estancada en flor por e l choque. subito con l a acumulada civilizacion de los. eu-ropeos de America; sino que los tienen como a bestias (X, 2 8 7 ) . Marti's grief at this brutal form of r a c i a l discrimination and his firm opposition to allowing i t in the liberated patria can be deduced from a report published in La Nacion in August of 1 8 8 5 , in which he presented a harrowing description of l i v i n g conditions for the Indians, and con-cluded: "IComo podemos andar, historia adelante, con ese crimen a l a espalda, con esa impedimenta?" (X, 2 7 3 ) . In his chronicles to La Nacion, and despite an infrequent spark of optimism at the raci a l harmony that might result from the commonly-held belief in the "melting pot" theory, Marti also revealed his strong personal disgust at the obvious abuse of other non-white minority groups in the United States and in particular the black and Chinese immigrant sectors. In Marti's view the black population in North America was really in a similar situation to their black counterparts in Cuba, since both groups were exploited to the limits of their endurance, while being maltreated by their white "superiors." Consequently, given Marti's uncompromising opposition to the p i t i f u l conditions that black Cuban workers were forced to l i v e under on the Island, i t i s not surprising to see his fierce condemnation of the immoral treatmented received by black 153 Americans, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the South: l a caza de negros. que va de creces en e l Sur . . . Crece e l negro en e l Sur, y e l bianco indigena no crece como e l n i van a l Sur que solo por donde. toca a l Norte r e s u c i t a , l a s arribadas de inmigrantes blancos. Y e l bianco d e l p a i s , antes que verse dominado por e l negro o mezclarse con e l de hembra o varon, decide extermi-n a r l o , espantarlo, echarlo de l a comarca como a l zorro (XII, 3 3 5 - 3 3 6 ) . Later i n the same month, November 1 8 8 9 , La Nacion published another report of Marti i n which, to give his L a t i n American readers some idea of the extent of r a c i a l d i s crimination i n the United States, Marti r e l a t e d the case concerning a former Senator named Douglass, who had recently been sent by the U.S. government as M i n i s t e r to H a i t i . Unfortunately h i s mission had been plagued with i l l fortune from the outset since on the t r i p to H a i t i , "los o f i c i a l e s republicanos del buque de guerra en que i b a Douglass se negaron a i r de v i a j e con e l , porque 'no podian sentarse a l a mesa con un mulato'" (XII, 3 5 l ) . C l e a r l y the "land of opportunity" was not without serious r a c i a l problems.^ The other "non-white" minority group which Marti defended against the abuses of widespread discrimination were the Chinese immi-grants, f o r whom Marti expressed great personal admiration. By dint of hard work and f r u g a l l i v i n g they generally managed to save s u f f i c i e n t money to buy property wherever they s e t t l e d , a fact which unfortunately aroused the envy and subsequently the resentment of other l e s s i n d u s t r i -ous, workers: "Llega e l chino a l a mina: levanta casas, fonda, lavanderia, tienda, teatro y con menos dinero, vive prospero, de l o que 154 e l minero europeo se encona y encela" (X, 3 0 6 ) . Even more dis t u r b i n g f o r Marti, however, was the decision of the American Congress, i n an attempt to release much of t h i s d i s t r u s t and r a c i a l tension, to a c t u a l l y prevent a l l Chinese immigration to the most popular centre of settlement f o r immigrants from the Orient, San Francisco: Era e l duelo mortal de una ciudad contra una raza. Por mantener l a e s c l a v i t u d de los negros hizo una guerra e l Sur. Pues por l o g r a r l a expulsion de l o s chinos hubiera hecho una guerra e l Oeste . . .. es l a i r a de una ciudad de menestrales que nan menes-t e r de altos s a l a r i o s contra un pueblo, de trabajadores que los vencen, porque pueden trabajar a sueldos bajos. Es e l rencor d e l _ hombre fuerte a l hombre d o c i l (IX, ' 2 8 2 - 2 8 3 ) . From a l l these reports of Marti on r a c i a l s t r i f e i n the United States i t i s f a i r l y easy to see h i s fervent disapproval o f a l l attempts by any majority group to impose i t s e l f upon, or to discriminate against, any r a c i a l m i n o r i t i e s . Marti was s p e c i f i c a l l y r e f e r r i n g to the United States, but h i s impassioned pl e a for r a c i a l equality was p e r f e c t l y c l e a r , and was obviously applicable to the Cuban s i t u a t i o n as w e l l : i n the l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a , then, a l l Cubans regardless of colour would thus be assured of equal p r i v i l e g e s . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Marti himself, because of his s i t u a t i o n as a C r e o l e or person born i n L a t i n America^ was automatically relegated to the status of "second-class c i t i z e n " within h i s own country, since the vast majority of high-ranking administrative posts were reserved for Spanish-born residents of the Island. Moreover, since Marti was planning to overthrow completely the Spanish domination of his homeland, i t would not therefore be e n t i r e l y s u r p r i s i n g to f i n d 155 "anti-Spanish" references i n h i s work. M a r t i , however, took extreme care to ensure that no r e p r i s a l s would he taken against the Spanish inhabitants of Cuba, and continually expressed his desire t h a t , a f t e r p o l i t i c a l independence had been won, a l l inhabitants of Cuba, regardless of colour or r a c i a l background, would be able to l i v e i n harmony.^ To a c e r t a i n degree, however, Marti's a t t i t u d e can also be a t t r i b u t e d to his desire to maximize the basis of his support on the Island, since i n his campaign to l i b e r a t e Cuba Marti obviously needed a l l the help that he could muster. Consequently, his overtures to the Spaniards l i v i n g i n Cuba could, t h e o r e t i c a l l y at l e a s t , be inte r p r e t e d as an adroit p o l i t i c a l manoeuvre to acquire a d d i t i o n a l support. More probable than t h i s explanation, though, was Marti's patently c l e a r conviction (repeated on a number of occasions) that a l l human beings, regardless of race or n a t i o n a l i t y , were e s s e n t i a l l y and innately equal, and therefore a l l deserved the same common respect and recogni-t i o n from t h e i r fellow man. When viewed i n t h i s l i g h t , even "the enemy" were to be accorded the f u l l e s t respect, both during and a f t e r the struggle f o r independence, and eventually were to be c o r d i a l l y i n v i t e d to remain i n Cuba, should they so desire. Marti's intentions were thus quite c l e a r : "pelear con e l l o s hasta morir, para convidarlos luego a quedarse, l i b r e s como nosotros, en nuestra casa l i b r e " (IV, 2 5 3 ) . Consequently, although the Cuban Creoles had been con s i s t e n t l y discrim-inated against during the three centuries of Spanish domination of the Island, Marti was adamant that there should be no repercussions against those Spaniards who chose to stay on the Island as Cuban c i t i z e n s , since both c r i o l l o s and peninsulares shared a s i m i l a r c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n , and 156 a l l would be guaranteed equal opportunities i n an independent Cuba: Soy cubano y he padecido mucho por s e r l o ; pero mi padre fue valenciano, y mi madre es canaria, y a s i como e l l o s me tuvieron en mi t i e r r a , a s i tengo en mi un ardenti-simo carino para mis dos p a t r i a s , s i n e l odio y l a i n j u s t i c i a que los afearian (XXII, 12). In short, as Marti stated on at l e a s t two separate occasions, "Los espanoles buenos, son cubanos" (XX, 371 and IV, 389). Marti further defined h i s p o s i t i o n i n regard to the issue of r a c i a l e q u a l ity i n several a r t i c l e s written i n the early l890's. - In essence, his plans c a l l e d f or a l l Cubans to be judged on t h e i r moral q u a l i t i e s and on t h e i r contribution to the p a t r i a , . and by extension to t h e i r fellow Cubans, rather than on the colour of t h e i r s k i n . For, as he wrote to S e r a f i n B e l l o , " E l hombre de color tiene derecho a ser tratado por sus cualidades de hombre, s i n r e f e r e n d a alguna a su c o l o r " ( I , 255). In an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Basta," published i n P a t r i a i n March of 1892 he further c r i t i c i z e d a l l attempts to categorize c i t i z e n s on the basis of t h e i r colour, both m i l i t a n t black and white groups, since f o r him t h i s was both i r r e l e v a n t and obnoxious: "Debiera bastar. Debiera cesar esa alusion continua a l color de l o s hombres" ( I , 338). Marti discounted, i n f r a n k l y u n s c i e n t i f i c fashion, the p o s s i -b i l i t y of r a c i a l tension i n a l i b e r a t e d Cuba, claiming that "no hay odio de razas, porque no hay razas" (VI, 22) , while poking fun at attempts made by anthropologists to c l a s s i f y r a c i a l o r i g i n and i d e n t i t y . A l l such e f f o r t s to l a b e l the d i f f e r e n t r a c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s appeared to him e n t i r e l y a r t i f i c i a l , and i n f a c t he haughtily c a l l e d them the "razas 157 de l i b r e r l a " (VI, 2 2 ) . Such a high-handed and summary dismissal of the distinct r a c i a l types is very important for i t obviously reflected his extremely strong personal desires to ensure racial harmony and equality in the Republic. In sum,'all divisions on the basis of colour would thus be unacceptable to Marti's Republic. • Probably the best synthesis of Marti's thoughts on the question of racial equality, and by extension the basis for his future "colour-less" society, was his article "Mi raza," also published in Patria. Marti f i r s t c r i t i c i z e d a l l attempts to label any other human group or raci a l identity as inferior, since as he noted somewhat iro n i c a l l y , even "los galos blancos de ojos azules y cabellos de oro se vendieron como siervos, con l a argolla al cuello, en los mercados de Roma" (II, 2 9 8 ) . ' Marti then explained 'in~no uncertain terms his personal views on the subject of r a c i a l "identity," showing how he disagreed vehemently with these attempts to classify human beings: E l hombre no tiene ningun derecho especial -porque pertenezca a una raza u otra: digase hombre, y ya se dicen todos los derechos. E l negro, por negro, no es inferior ni superior a ningun otro hombre: peca por redundante. e l bianco que. dice 'mi raza'; peca por redundante e l negro que dice 'mi raza'. Todo lo que divide a los hombres, todo lo que los especifica, aparta o acor-- ralay. es un pecado contra l a humanidad (II, 2 9 8 ) . Consequently, both from the pragmatic point of view—since Marti definitely required the help of as many of his fellow Cubans as possible—and, more important, from the moral viewpoint, Marti made i t extremely clear that not only would r a c i a l tolerance be encouraged in Cuba, but also that he fervently hoped to see a cessation of a l l references to Cuban c i t i z e n s by t h e i r colour or r a c i a l o r i g i n : i n the l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a , a l l were to be equal c i t i z e n s , and r a c i a l d i s c r i m i -nation was to be unacceptable. Thus, as Jesus Sabourin has r i g h t l y noted, "toda l a obra de Marti constituye un hermoso, incuestionable y u t i l testimonio de antirracismo." E s s e n t i a l l y , then, what Marti passionately desired f o r a l i b e r a t e d Cuba was the emergence of a true hombre, and a true cubano: "Hombre es mas que bianco, mas que mulato, mas que negro. Cubano es mas que bianco, mas que mulato, mas que negro" ( I I , 299). Therefore, based both upon an examination of Marti's chronicles dealing with r a c i a l tension i n the United States, and upon his d i r e c t references to the desired nature of Cuban s o c i e t y , i t can be shown how Marti was determined that revolutionary Cuba should not be divided by the question of colour or r a c i a l o r i g i n s of the Republic's c i t i z e n s . By means of a s i m i l a r method i t i s possible to show how i n essence Marti not only demanded a " c o l o u r l e s s " Republic, but desired a " c l a s s -l e s s " s o c i e t y , one i n which a l l Cubans would belong to the same s o c i a l l e v e l , and i n which no s o c i a l class (be i t " r i c h " or "poor"), would dominate. Marti's awareness of, and displeasure with, the fundamental i n j u s t i c e of c l a s s d i v i s i o n s can be seen i n h i s "Diario de M o n t e c r i s t i a Cabo Haitiano," i n which he poked fun at one of the more f a r c i c a l manifestations of class i n e q u a l i t y i n Cuba: E£ Es iArtui-oeque " seoTacaba de...casar, y - l a mujer s a l i o a tener e l h i j o donde su gente de Santiago. De Arturo. es esta pregunta: iPor que s i mi. mujer tiene un muchacho d i -cen que mi mujer p a r i o , — y s i l a mujer de Jimenez tiene e l suyo dicen que ha dado a luz? (XIX, 1 8 6 ) . 159 At f i r s t glance t h i s desire for a c l a s s l e s s s o c i e t y , the second fundamental reform programme of Marti for the p a t r i a , clashes with the general impression given hy Marti's "Escenas Norteamericanas," since almost i n v a r i a b l y he defended the p o s i t i o n of the workers i n t h e i r c o n f l i c t s within the c a p i t a l i s t system. Certa i n l y an analysis of the number of i n d u s t r i a l disputes treated by Marti would support t h i s view. I t must be remembered, however, tha t , as has been shown i n Chapter IV, f o r Marti there was never any p a r t i c u l a r viewpoint that was morally " r i g h t . " Every i n d i v i d u a l dispute thus had to be dispassionate-l y judged on i t s i n d i v i d u a l merits before any.decision could be made. This obsession of M a r t i with ensuring that i n a l l c o n f l i c t s J u s t i c e he wrought can be gauged from his views on the most valuable of weapons possessed by the worker—the r i g h t to s t r i k e . Once again f o r Marti there was never any.such thin g as an automatic defence of a s t r i k e movement, since as he explained when commenting upon " e l d i f i c i l pro-blema de l a s huelgas," the act of s t r i k i n g was "reprochable cuando si r v e de organo a exageradas peticiones de los obreros, Salvador y necesario cuando se usa para rechazar exageradas exigencias de los c a p i t a l i s t a s " (VI, 2 2 9 ) . In short, Marti d i d not defend e i t h e r of the two sides without f i r s t examining c a r e f u l l y the central issues, and then deciding which of them was morally j u s t i f i a b l e . S o c i a l j u s t i c e , with the emphasis being placed.Iupon " J u s t i c e , " would thus be applied to a l l members of the l i b e r a t e d patria., and would be based d i r e c t l y upon the i n d i v i d u a l moral conscience as noted i n Chapter IV. In the context of North American society of the l880's, which l6o constituted the fundamental laboratory f o r most of Marti's s o c i a l "deductions," i t seems f a i r to say that Marti was greatly disappointed by what he interpreted as the "money c u l t " of that society. Equally t r o u b l i n g to Marti was the seemingly i n e v i t a b l e struggle i n North America between C a p i t a l and Labour i n w h i c h — a l b e i t with many reserva-t i o n s — h e generally supported the l a t t e r . Eor Marti there was an obvious s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e being perpetrated when he contemplated the massive p r o f i t s being p i l e d up by e n t e r p r i s i n g c a p i t a l i s t s , almost a l l of whom were t o t a l l y unconcerned that t h e i r employees were hard-pressed to earn a decent l i v i n g wage. Commenting upon a s t r i k e of railway porters i n 1882, Marti emphasised the fundamental i n j u s t i c e of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n : Para e l c a p i t a l i s t a , unos cuantos centimos en l i b r a en l a s cosas de comer son apenas una c i f r a en l a balanza anual. Para e l obrero, esos. centavos acarrean en su e x i s t e n c i a de centavos, l a p r i v a c i o n i n -mediata de a r t i c u l o s elementales e imprescindibles.. E l obrero pide s a l a r i o que l e de modo de v e s t i r y comer. E l c a p i t a l i s t a se l o niega (IX, *322). In sum, Marti undoubtedly experienced immense personal sympathy fo r the exploited workers, and indeed f o r the oppressed and l e s s f o r -tunate members of American society i n general.• As lie noted i n La America i n September of 1883, "No se puede ver a un obrero de estas grandes ciudades s i n s e n t i r l a s t i m a , respeto y cariho" (VIII, 1+37). However, despite t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Jose Marti with the l o t of the workers—and not the "working c l a s s " as w i l l be^seen- s h o r t l y — a n d despite his despair at the path of b l i n d materialism upon which American i 6 i society as a whole seemed bent, Marti at a l l times refused to sanction the use of v i o l e n t means to r e c t i f y t h i s s i t u a t i o n and bring deserved Q benefits to the workers. S o c i a l justice,.however.desirable i t may be, was of necessity to be implemented by p a c i f i c means. Marti's views on the immorality of violence to b r i n g about s o c i a l j u s t i c e are seen i n an undated a r t i c l e , "Un v i a j e a Venezuela," i n which he sharply c r i t i c i z e d both the selfishness of the upper c l a s s , and the means advocated by the lower classes to wrest co n t r o l from t h e i r "superiors," r e f e r r i n g to t h i s i n f a c t as " l a lucha p u e r i l e indigna entre una casta desdenosa y dominadora que se opone a l adveni-miento a l a v i d a de las clases i n f e r i o r e s , — y esas clases i n f e r i o r e s que enturbian con sus excesqs de pasiones l a fuente pura de sus derechos" (XIX, 155-156). That Marti was opposed to the use of violence as a means of bringing about s o c i a l j u s t i c e i s further borne out by h i s reports on the infamous Haymarket Incident i n Chicago i n which many innocent bystanders were k i l l e d a f t e r several bombs were thrown during a workers' r a l l y . Although Marti l a t e r changed his opinions quite dramatically about the supposed authors of the crime ( a f t e r he became convinced that there was c l e a r l y i n s u f f i c i e n t evidence to incriminate the accused), he could never forget the b a r b a r i t y of the c r i m e . H i s rev u l s i o n was further strengthened a f t e r m a t e r i a l was located replete with d e t a i l e d i n s t r u c t i o n s i n the art of preparing explosives: "mucho texto donde se ensena, por diez centavos, e l modo de incendiar y de matar. IA1 mas noble de e s p i r i t u , da arrebatos de i r a esta perversion de l a naturaleza humanaj" (X, U 5 0 ) . 162 Marti was thus, i n the context of t h i s period, unable to condone the use of hate or violence as a means of bringing about s o c i a l change, no matter how j u s t i f i e d t h i s change may be. Instead at a l l times he preferred a constructive p o l i t i c a l approach, since for him—as he wrote i n 1 8 8 6 — " s o l o los que desesperan de l l e g a r a l a s cumbres, quieren echar las cumbres abajo . . . Ese odio a todo l o encumbrado, cuando no es l a l o c u r a del dolor, es l a r a b i a de l a s b e s t i a s " (X, i + 5 l ) . 1 1 I t was f o r t h i s reason that Marti condemned attempts to change society by v i o l e n t means, while f u l l y endorsing both the goals and the non-violent conduct of workers' groups such as the "Orden de los Caballeros de Trabajo" (XI, 1 8 ) . In regard 1 to t h i s preoccupation with the use of violence as a means of bringing about s o c i a l j u s t i c e , his moving epitaph on the death of K a r l Marx can be taken as best exemplifying Marti's views. On the one side Marti praised i n glowing terms Marx's boundless humanitarian f e e l i n g s , his sincere determination to help the oppressed (Marti r e l a t e d how at a l l times Marx "se puso del lado de los d e b i l e s " (IX, 3 8 8 ) ) , and his acute s o c i a l conscience, describing Marx as an "hombre comido del ansia de hacer bien" (IX, 3 8 8 ) . On the other side, Marti could not support e i t h e r Marx's theories concerning the necessity of class struggle or h i s defence of violence as a means,'of implementing s o c i a l j u s t i c e . Marti thus possessed a t r u l y d i a l e c t i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Marx with whom, although he might not have.agreed completely, nevertheless he obviously admired deeply: K a r l Marx estudio los modos de asentar a l mundo sobre nuevas bases, y desperto a los dormidos, y l e s enseno e l modo de echar a 163 t i e r r a los puntales rotos. Pero anduvo de prisa, y un tanto en l a sombra, sin ver que no nacen v i a b l e s n i - de seno-de pueblo en l a historia, ni de seno de mujer en el ho-gar, los hijos que no han teni-do gestacion natural y laboriosa (IX, 388).12 Moreover, just as Marti denied the very existence of "races" in Cuba, so too did he attempt to convince his followers that there were no natural social "classes," at a l l times preferring to emphasise his determination that in a liberated Cuba, as Manuel Pedro Gonzalez and Ivan A. Schulman have correctly noted, a l l Cubans would possess the same rights and privileges, and would thus a l l belong to the same "class": La que el propugna es una sociedad horizon-t a l , una sociedad sin privilegiados y sin castas dominadoras ya sean plutocraticas o miserrimas . . . una sociedad sin clases, culta y economicamente nivelada.13 In short Marti was aspiring to introduce " l a libertad ilustrada" (VIII, 3 8 l ) , which would guarantee equal rights to a l l Cuban citizens, regardless of colour or social standing. Writing in Patria in l 8 ° 4 Marti took great pains to explain that the vast majority of his fellow Cubans, previously blatantly discrimin-ated against because of their Creole status, would benefit from this innovative programme, while at the same time notifying a l l of his supporters that there would not be preferential treatment for any sector of the population: "Si desde'la .sombra entrase en ligas , con los humildes o con los soberbios, seria criminal l a revolucion, e indigna de que muriesemos por e l l a . . . Sea nuestro lema: libertad sin i r a " ( i l l , l V l ) . In the liberated Republic, Marti thus hoped to l6h prevent both "los soberbios" and "los humildes" from e x p l o i t i n g the country to t h e i r own advantage (as the Spanish overlords had previous-l y done and as the Autonomists and Annexationists also desired): both sectors of Cuban society would therefore be awarded equal s o c i a l p r i v i -leges , and i n return would be expected to devote both t h e i r time and t h e i r attention to the well-being of the p a t r i a . Between 1892 and 189^ Marti developed t h i s concept of " l i b e r t a d s i n i r a , " p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the journal P a t r i a , o f f i c i a l organ of the Partido Revolucionario Cubano, which Marti edited. His platform, a l -though of a low-key nature, nevertheless was p e r f e c t l y c l e a r i n i t s o b j e c t i v e s , or rather i n i t s a s p i r a t i o n s , for a l i b e r a t e d Cuba. In particular,bbased once again upon his observations on the C a p i t a l versus Labour struggle at that time being enacted i n North America, Marti c r i t i c i z e d a l l endeavours to apply labels denoting class o r i g i n s or s o c i a l p o s i t i o n , since for him—as i n the case of the r a c i a l . l a b e l s — -such an act was both unnecessary and demeaning. In fact i n the very f i r s t issue of P a t r i a , i n an important a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Nuestras ideas," Marti c l e a r l y showed his displeasure at even the idea of class d i v i s i o n s i n an independent Cuba: Apena ver a los hombres reducirse., por e l mote exclusivo de obreros, a una estrechez mas danosa que benigna; porque este a i s l a -miento de los hombres de una ocupacion. o de determinado c i r c u l o s o c i a l , , fuera de los acuerdos propios y j u i c i o s o s del mismo i n -teres , provocan l a agrupacion y r e s i s t e n c i a de los hombres de otras ocupaciones y otros c i r c u l o s ( I , 320).!^  I t could w e l l be argued, as i n the case of the "race" i s s u e , that t h i s desire of Marti to s t i f l e a l l references to s o c i a l class was 165 intended p r i m a r i l y as a p r a c t i c a l means of d i r e c t i n g the attention of his compatriots to the singular task of l i b e r a t i n g the Island. Cer-t a i n l y the task of protecting the unity of the revolutionary group must have been a prime concern of Marti. Another possible p r a c t i c a l explanation for h i s "low-key" references to "los soberbios" i s that Marti wanted to avoid scaring o f f p o t e n t i a l r i c h contributors to h i s campaign. This l a s t point i s extremely doubtful, however, since the vast majority of the funds*collected by Marti for the l i b e r a t i o n campaign came from small offerings gathered by low-income Cuban workers r e s i d i n g i n the United States, and p a r t i c u l a r l y from the tobacco workers i n F l o r i d a . 1 ' ' I t thus appears probable t h a t , i n formulating h i s plans f o r the future s o c i e t y of the Republic, Jose Marti denied the necessity of a class structure not only because he wanted to stave o f f a l l p o s s i b i l i -t i e s of d i v i s i o n among the Cuban e x i l e s at a time when unity was an absolute necessity, but a l s o — a n d undoubtedly the underlying reason f o r t h i s stance—because Marti f i r m l y desired a l i b e r a t e d p a t r i a i n which a l l Cubans would be able to p a r t i c i p a t e a c t i v e l y . As he wrote i n October of 189*+, "de los derechos y opiniones de sus h i j o s esta hecho un pueblo, y no de los derechos y opiniones de una so l a clase de sus h i j o s " ( I I I , 3 0 3 M o r e o v e r , a f t e r l i v i n g i n the United States during a period of such astronomic economic growth c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l e d , as he took great pains to convey to his L a t i n American readers, by an ever-increasing s p i r a l of r a c i a l and s o c i a l tension, Marti most d e f i n i t e l y o wanted to avoid the p o s s i b i l i t y that Cuba might f a l l into the same 166 unfortunate s i t u a t i o n . His d e s c r i p t i o n of American society i n 1893 showed very c l e a r l y the type of tensions that he knew at a l l costs would have to he avoided i n the Republic of Cuba: "Aqui se amontonan lo s r i c o s de una parte y los desesperados de otra. E l Norte se c i e r r a y " 17 esta l l e n o de odios. Del Norte hay que i r saliendo" ( I I , 3 6 7 ) . Marti's observations on the many s o c i a l problems of the United States explain to a large extent h i s strong personal aversion to the very idea of allowing separate c l a s s e s , and i n July of 1 8 9 2 , Marti confessed how "se nos queman los l a b i o s , de estas palabras innecesarias de 'obreros' y de 'clase'" ( I I , 5 2 ) . He c o n t i n u a l l y emphasised the basic immorality of anybody being exploited by t h e i r fellow human beings, and on at l e a s t three occasions promised that i n the case of Cuba, i f he was allowed h i s way, a l l forms of unduly harsh e x p l o i t a t i o n would be made i l l e g a l ( I I , 86 i n a l e t t e r to Gerardo Castellanos; and i n a r t i c l e s published i n P a t r i a , I I , 255 and I I I , 303). Probably h i s most outspoken condemnation of the whole idea of' any type of class system was that .. found i n P a t r i a i n June.of 1 8 9 2 , which i n many ways resembles c l o s e l y his angry and categoric denunciation of the "razas de l i b r e r i a " : E l r i c o que cumplio con su deber, y hubo muchos ' r i c o s que l o ;icumplieron , sera hon-rado en P a t r i a . Y e l pobre que cumplio con su deber, y hubo muchos pobres que. l o cumplieron, sera honrado en P a t r i a . Her-nanar es. nuestro o f i c i o . No hay mas que  dos clases entre l o s hombres : l a de_ l o s  buenos y_ l a de_ l o s malos. Eno.j a o i r hablar  de clases. Reconocer que existen es c o n t r i -b u i r a e l l a s . - Negarse a reconocerlo, es / ayudar a d e s t r u i r l a s (V, 5 2 - 5 3 ) (My under-l i n i n g ) . 1 ^ 167 The t h i r d major feature of Marti's intended reform programme was his determined a n t i - C a t h o l i c , and i n fact a n t i - c l e r i c a l , stance, since had he been allowed, undoubtedly Marti would have attempted to make massive inroads into the Church's influence i n Cuba. The e a r l i e s t c r i t i c a l references to the Church can be found i n Marti's f i r s t personal notebook which dated from h i s i n i t i a l deportation to Spain following his stay i n San Lazaro p o l i t i c a l prison. In t h i s notebook Marti stated very b l u n t l y his desires f o r a n e c e s s a r i l y secular state i n Cuba: "Yo quiero educar a un pueblo que salve a l que va a ahogarse, y que no vaya nunca a misa" (XXI, l 6 ) . Later i n the same notebook Marti was even more e x p l i c i t i n h i s c r i t i c i s m of the Church, while at the same time p r o f f e r -ing his hopes f or s p i r i t u a l regeneration i n the Republic: E l catolicismo fue una razon s o c i a l . — A n i -quilada aquella sociedad, creada otra socie-dad nueva, l a razon s o c i a l ha de ser d i s t i n t a , e l catolicismo ha de morir . . . Una s o l a cosa no ha de morir.^-El Dios. Con-c i e n c i a , l a dualidad sublime del amor y d e l honor, e l pensamiento inspirador de todas l a s r e l i g i o n e s , e l germen entero de todas l a s creencias . . . he aqui e l eje del mundo mo-r a l ; — h e aqui a nuestro Dios omnipresente y sapientisimo . . . Este Dios y e l Dios P a t r i a , son en nuestra sociedad l a s unicas cosas ado-rabies (XXI, 2 8 - 2 9 ) . Marti's' writings on the Church contain at a l l times a highly b i t t e r , almost vengeful, a t t i t u d e toward the Church's interference i n n o n - s p i r i t u a l matters. T y p i c a l of these was h i s comment i n 1 8 7 5 : " E l cristianismo ha muerto a manos del catolicismo. Para amar a C r i s t o , es necesario arrancarlo a las manos torpes de sus h i j o s " (VI, 3 1 3 ) . Of p a r t i c u l a r ongoing concern to Mar.tilwas2>the-doctrine .ofIresignation preached by the Church, which he a n g r i l y depicted as f e e l i n g "fuerte 168 entre l a s masas por una fe que no pregunta" (XI, 11*3). The Church's suppression of the process of reasoning was t o t a l l y unacceptable to the free-thinking M a r t i , who.was convinced even by t h i s early stage t h a t , i n order to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a l i b e r a t e d Cuba, the Church's a t t i t u d e would have to change dramatically. Marti's v i t r i o l i c attacks on the Catholic Church continued una-bated for the rest of his l i f e ^ 7durdng£which time.-his stance v a r i e d remarkably l i t t l e . In essence he claimed at a l l times that "nos han ensenado a creer en un Dios que no es e l v e r d a d e r o — E l verdadero impone e l trabajo como medio de l l e g a r a l reposo, l a i n v e s t i g a c i o n como medio de l l e g a r a l a verdad, l a honradez como medio de l l e g a r a l a pureza" (XIX, 3 6 3 ) . His i n t e r e s t i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l abuses dropped somewhat af t e r he a r r i v e d i n the United States i n 1 8 8 0 , but resurfaced i n drama-t i c fashion i n 1887 when a Catholic p r i e s t , Father McGlynn, went against the wishes of h i s Archbishop i n order to defend the economic and s o c i a l programme of a progressive p o l i t i c a l candidate, Henry George, and was subsequently summoned to. Rome af t e r the archbishop complained about the p r i e s t ' s insubordination and lack of respect. Apparently based s o l e l y upon his support of Henry George (According to Marti the Catholic hierarchy supported another more conservative candidate), the unfortun-ate p r i e s t was excommunicated. In two scathing, a r t i c l e s ("El cisma de los c a t o l i c o s en Nueva York" and " E l c o n f l i c t o r e l i g i o s o en los Estados Unidos") Marti denounc-ed the s e l f i s h meddling of the Church leaders i n p o l i t i c a l matters over which they d i d not, or rather should not, have any c o n t r o l . Moreover 169 i n view of Marti's f i r m defence of the democratic i d e a l , described i n Chapter I I I , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g therefore that he should become even more disturbed a f t e r seeing the Church leaders suppressing a l l competi-t i o n f o r t h e i r " o f f i c i a l " candidate, while advising t h e i r " f l o c k s " to support t h e i r candidate. Marti was shocked by t h i s t r a f f i c k i n g i n votes and by the blatant forming of dubious a l l i a n c e s of these c l e r i c s with both "los poderosos por l a a l i a n z a que les o f r e c i a para la- pro-teccion de los bienes mundanos, y entre los p o l i t i c o s por l a necesidad que estos tienen d e l voto c a t o l i c o " (XI, lh3) Father McGlynn obviously owed obedience to h i s archbishop i n a l l e c c l e s i a s t i c a l matters, Marti argued, although the p r i e s t ' s opinion on p o l i t i c s and economic theory were, or at the very l e a s t should be, h i s own concern. Writing i n a personal notebook some seven years l a t e r , Marti's indignation at such u n j u s t i f i e d i n t e r f e r e n c e • i n n o n - l i t u r g i c a l matters had s t i l l not abated: Pues eso (curas en p o l i t i c a ) de meterse en la s casas con l a autoridad i n d i s c u t i b l e e i n f a l i b l e de l a s cosas de Dios, esenciales y eternas, para i n f l u i r en l a s cosas. p o l i -t i c a s , l o c a l e s y de mero accidente, es un robo peor que cualquier otro, y usurpacion de almas (XXI, h09). For M a r t i , then, the conduct of the Catholic hierarchy, which he c l o s e l y i d e n t i f i e d with the interference of Church o f f i c i a l s i n the McGlynn case, was unforgivable on two counts: f i r s t i t tended to deprive people of t h e i r r i g h t to choose t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l a f i l i a t i o n s by applying undue pressure upon the " f a i t h f u l , " and second because the Church was obviously prepared, when faced by an a l t e r n a t i v e stance, to 170 e x p l o i t i t s r e l i g i o u s p o s i t i o n i n order to suppress dissent and thereby eliminate a l l competition. Such an usurpation of what Marti regarded as e s s e n t i a l freedoms would d e f i n i t e l y not be t o l e r a t e d i n a l i b e r a t e d Cuba: the Church, i n order to survive there, would have had to change quite d r a s t i c a l l y . ^ In contrast to Marti's v i r u l e n t attacks on the Catholic Church, the Protestant r e l i g i o n s tended to fare quite favourably on the few occasions that they were mentioned. To a large extent t h i s was quite simply because they d i d not wield the same dominating influence over t h e i r congregation, and by i m p l i c a t i o n were thereby unable t o manipulate the p o l i t i c a l leanings of the f a i t h f u l i n the same way that t h e i r Catholic counterparts could. On the p o s i t i v e s i d e , though, Marti also praised the. Protestant Churches f o r t h e i r a b i l i t y to present G h r i s t i a n -i t y i n a t r u l y modern, highly relevant l i g h t . T y p i c a l of t h i s attitude of Marti was his a r t i c l e , published i n La Nacion i n 1890, on a Methodist community i n Chatanqua which he interpreted as being successful because " a l i i tomo f i l a con los humildes, y abrio sus flancos a los tiempos, que no quieren f e r u l a dominical n i puerta cerrada, n i estan por guerras de "topo, por credo mas o credo menos, sino que piden a l a naturaleza e l secreto de e l l a . . . Las I g l e s i a s aca, para no perecer en e l mundo, andan con e l " (XII, U38). This theme of the necessity f o r r e l i g i o n to "move with the times" i s also encountered i n Marti's moving report on the a c t i v i t i e s of a famous American m i n i s t e r , Henry Ward Beecher. C h r i s t i a n i t y as i t had been t r a d i t i o n a l l y presented, claimed M a r t i , was l o s i n g a l l relevance 171 to the modern era, and therefore was.'gradually dying out. Moreover, he stated, i t was no longer possible for r e l i g i o n s to stand i s o l a t e d simply because of matters of dogma. Marti therefore advocated the u n i f i c a t i o n of a l l churches i n order to attack the p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l problems of the day, hoping eventually to see the emergence of " l a I g l e s i a nueva donde, con e l c i e l o por techo, se sentara, e l C r i s t o c a t o l i c o junto a l C r i s t o hindu, con Confucio de un lado y Wotan de otro, s i n mas c l e r i g o que e l sentimiento d e l deber" (XII, kl8). Marti Isiimoving^interpretation^of ..Christ,'"basically an attempt to demystify the t r a d i t i o n a l image and to present the C h r i s t f i g u r e i n a more modern l i g h t , reveals h i s personal conviction that true C h r i s t i a n -i t y was p o t e n t i a l l y a constructive force: Fue un hombre sumamente pobre., que queria que los hombres se quisiesen entre si., que e l que t u v i e r a ayudara a l que no tuviera,. que los h i j o s respetasen a l o s padres, siem-pre que los padres cuidasen a l o s h i j o s ; que cada uno trabajase, porque nadie tiene dere-cho a l o que no t r a b a j a ; que se h i c i e r a bien a todo e l mundo, y que no q u i s i e r a mal a nadie. C r i s t o estaba l l e n o de amor para los hom-bres. Y como e l venia a decir. a los e s c l a -vos que no debian ser mas que esclavos de Dios, y como los pueblos l e tomaron un gran carino, y por donde i b a diciendo estas cosas, se iban t r a s el"., los despotas que gobernaban entonces l e tuvieron miedo y l o h i c i e r o n mo-r i r en una cruzada (XIX, 381-382). T h e o r e t i c a l l y at l e a s t , Marti appeared confident that i f the power of the C h r i s t i a n movement could he harnessed to a p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n , a new e s s e n t i a l l y relevant r e l i g i o n would emerge, one that would be wel-comed i n the l i b e r a t e d patria.. Unfortunately however, Marti saw the 172 C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n s , and i n p a r t i c u l a r the Catholic Church, openly-r e j e c t i n g t h i s opportunity to channel t h e i r resources to the common benefit of s o c i e t y , p r e f e r r i n g instead to follow more m a t e r i a l i s t i c 21 pursuits while hiding behind a fagade of r e l i g i o u s dogma. Writing i n La Nacion i n J u l y of 188U, Marti revealed his aspirations for t h i s new (and t r u l y "Christian") Church: £No e s t a r i a n mejor los f i e l e s de l a s i g l e s i a s levantando estas almas, y calzando a estos desnudos y apartando estas b o t e l l a s de los l a b i o s , que oyendo estos comentarios sobre l a b e s t i a d e l A p o c a l i p s i s , y regocijandose en l o s picotazos que se dan los pastores de los templos r i v a l e s del d i s t r i t o ? iQuieren . levantar templo? Pues bajense a este i n -f i e r n o , no con limosnas que envilecen, sino con las artes del ejemplo (X, 6o).22 Jose Marti frequently despaired of C h r i s t i a n i t y moving onto t h i s n e c e s s a r i l y s o c i a l l y - o r i e n t e d and therefore n e c e s s a r i l y p r a c t i c a l path, and i n fact even before h i s f i r s t deportation from Cuba i n January of 1871, had severed t i e s with Catholicism i n order to j o i n a l o c a l f r e e -23 mason group. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Marti never boasted about belonging to any p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o u s group, nor did he ever praise excessively any r e l i g i o u s f a i t h . Instead he praised i n d i v i d u a l s whom he viewed as p r a c t i s i n g i n t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s a t r u l y C h r i s t i a n f a i t h , which i n fact c l o s e l y resembled a b a s i c a l l y humanist set of b e l i e f s . Thus i t was the p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n of one's r e l i g i o u s f a i t h (what- ever i t may be), and never the l a b e l applied to any p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o u s leaning, which Marti praised and vigorously defended. Commenting upon the foundation of Marti's r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , Ezequiel Martinez Estrada outlines w e l l the maj-or-''aspects : 173 E l c ristianismo de Marti es humanitarismo mas que r e l i g i o n especulativa. Es e l p r e - c r i s -tianismo que Simone Weil averiguo y explico en su l i b r o v l n t u i t i o n s pre-chretiennes, pues l o e s e n c i a l en e l cristianismo de Marti no es l o que C r i s t o c a t a l i z a en d i r e c c i o n a un credo y dogma r e l i g i o s o s , sino l o que era anterior a e l y que subsiste fuera d e l ambito r e l i g i o s o y m i s t i c o , l o que rodea a su persona y su do c t r i n a , y que se confunde con otras f o r -mas analogas de sabiduria r e v e r e n c i a l y piadosa, como e l budismo y los moralistas griegos. Los p r i n c i p i o s d e l cristianismo de Marti no son los de l a fe y l a obediencia, sino l a limpieza de alma, l a r e c t i t u d de conducta y e l s a c r i f i c i o de s i , por amor, en bien del p r o j i m o . ^ I t appears quite obvious that by the time of h i s f i r s t deporta-t i o n to Spain, Jose Marti already possessed a f a i r l y c l e a r set of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , which would remain with him—with remarkably l i t t l e a l t e r a t i o n — f o r the rest of h i s l i f e . On the one side he was out-spokenly a n t i - C a t h o l i c , and by extension opposed to what may be termed the " t r a d i t i o n a l " approach to r e l i g i o n i n general, while on the other he had developed a d e e p l y - f e l t confidence that the only meaningful and true r e l i g i o n was to be found within the boundless p o t e n t i a l of Man himself. Thus, as he wrote as early as 1 8 7 5 , Man "no ha de volver a 25 Dios los ojos: t i e n e a Dios en s i " (VI, 2 8 6 ) . This rather unorthodox claim i s obviously c l o s e l y - r e l a t e d to Marti's desire for a more p r a c t i -c a l form of C h r i s t i a n i t y , since both d e l i b e r a t e l y deny the relevance of r e l i g i o u s dogma i n the v i t a l process, while at the same time pla c i n g enormous emphasis not only upon the s o c i a l obligations of man, but also upon his a b i l i t y to meet them: Hay un Dios: e l hombre;<—hay una fuerza : d i v i n a : todo. E l hombre es un pedazo del cuerpo i n f i n i t o , que l a creacion ha 17 h enviado a l a t i e r r a . vendado y atado en busca de su padre, cuerpo propio (VI, 226). As to the type of r e l i g i o u s l i f e that Marti would have l i k e d to see i n the l i b e r a t e d Republic, i t appears f a i r l y c l e a r that he would have a c t i v e l y encouraged the established r e l i g i o n s to tone down t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l content and instead concentrate upon pursuing a more p r a c t i c a l goal, adapting t h e i r f a i t h to help solve major s o c i a l prob-lems. I t i s highly doubtful i f there would have been any o f f i c i a l state r e l i g i o n i n the p a t r i a . Disturbed by the rather immoral l i a i s o n s be-tween the powerful landowning ^ classes and the ^ Ghurch-.-which^Marti had observed i n almost a l l of the countries that he had v i s i t e d , i t seems a f a i r l y l o g i c a l step f o r him to have advised against having an " o f f i c i a l " r e l i g i o n p a r t i c u l a r l y when, as was noted e a r l i e r , he strongly recommend-ed the union of a l l r e l i g i o u s groups, C h r i s t i a n and non-Christian (XII, In conclusion, i t must however be stated t h a t , despite Marti's obvious abhorrence of the corruption that he saw i n most established r e l i g i o n s and despite too h i s determination to encourage the Churches t o a s s i s t the Republic i n a t o t a l l y p r a c t i c a l fashion, Marti would never have moved to c u r t a i l freedom of worship. Admittedly he was d e f i a n t l y outspoken when considering the idea of Catholic e d u c a t i o n — o r f o r that matter any form of r e l i g i o u s education—being taught i n the Republic's schools, claiming i n fact "Ni r e l i g i o n c a t o l i c a hay derecho de ensefiar en las escuelas, n i r e l i g i o n a n t i c a t o l i c a . . . Sea l i b r e e l e s p i r i t u d e l hombre y ponga e l oido directamente sobre l a t i e r r a " (VII, kl6). Nevertheless, as a report published -in P a t r i a as l a t e as September of ' 175 1 8 9 ^ i n d i c a t e d , Marti f e l t that r e l i g i o u s freedom was an absolute necessity f o r a l l those Cubans who desired i t , whatever t h e i r r e l i g i o u s persuasion: _^ Venerese a lo s hombres de l a r e l i g i o n , sean ca t o l i c o s o tarahumaras: todo e l mundo, l a c i o o lanudo, tiene derecho a su plena conciencia: t i r a n o es e l c a t o l i c o que se pone sobre un hindu, o un metodista que s i l b a a un c a t o l i c o (VIII, 2 5 7 ) . For M a r t i , then, r e l i g i o u s , l i f e c l e a r l y would need to be t o t a l l y r e -shaped i n the Republic. Consequently, while guaranteeing an e s s e n t i a l freedom of worship to a l l Cubans, Marti obviously would : have s t r i v e n to guide the various Churches towards s o c i a l l y - o r i e n t e d goals. In t h i s way Marti would have attempted to make the various r e l i g i o u s denominations contribute i n a p r a c t i c a l manner to the common good, i n essence a compilation of the C h r i s t i a n and humanist e t h i c s . The fourth, and f i n a l , major c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the society that Marti hoped to e s t a b l i s h i n a l i b e r a t e d Cuba was the ne c e s s a r i l y informed and generally educated •nature-of _its.-.members . Some .mention was made i n Chapter I I I of the way i n which Marti urged his fellow Cubans, and indeed people everywhere, to c u l t i v a t e an active i n t e r e s t i n both p o l i t i c a l theory and p r a c t i c e , since he saw i n t h i s process an important guarantee of a healthy and balanced p o l i t i c a l l i f e f a r removed from the machinations of the infamous " p o l i t i c o s de o f i c i o . " This necessary p o l i t i c a l education, however, only represented one element of his ambitious plans f o r the formulation of a t o t a l l y new and far-reaching educational p o l i c y , as can be seen from h i s notes on the theme of "Educacion popular": 176 I I . — E d u c a c i o n popular no quiere decir exclu-sivamente de. l a clase pobre; sino que todas las clases de l a nacion, que es l o mismo que e l pueblo, sean bien educados. A s i como no hay ninguna razon para que e l r i c o se eduque, y e l pobre no, ique razon hay para que se eduque e l pobre y no e l r i c o ? Todos son iguales . . . I V . — E l pueblo mas f e l i z es e l que tenga mejor educados a sus h i j o s , en l a instruccion. del pensamiento, y en l a d i r e c c i o n de los sen-timientos . . . V . — A l venir a l a t i e r r a , todo hombre tiene derecho a que se l e eduque, y despues, en pago, e l deber de c o n t r i b u i r a l a educacion de l o s demas. V I . — A un pueblo ignorante puede enganarsele con l a s u p e r s t i c i o n , y hacersele s e r v i l . • Un pueblo i n s t r u i d o sera, siempre fuerte y l i b r e (XIX, 3 7 5 ) . A f u l l education of a l l c i t i z e n s was regarded by Marti not only as an i n v i o l a b l e r i g h t of every Cuban, regardless of colour or s o c i a l standing, but a l s o — a n d far more i m p o r t a n t — i t constituted an absolute necessity f o r the successful founding of the Republic. The t o p i c of education was a true obsession of M a r t i , so con-vinced was he that i n essence i t represented a guarantee of the success-ful, implementation of h i s other s o c i a l programmes i n the p a t r i a . This concern of Marti helps to explain why there are references to an amazingly wide v a r i e t y of topics dealing with education, amongst which the most commonly .found are the need for a p r a c t i c a l a g r i c u l t u r a l education (VII, l6k:; V I I I , 2 8 6 - 2 7 8 ; V I I I , 3'80;„,XIV,^229); f o r the'develop-ment of a carefully-planned mechanical education (VIII, 2 7 8 - 2 7 9 ; X, 3 7 5 ; XI, 8 0 ; XI, 8 5 ) ; the need f o r i n s t i t u t i n g night schools so that workers could receive a decent education (XII, h59)^the^need.to -avoid .looking• abroad automatically for solutions to Cuban problems (VII, 3 2 5 ) ; and 177 also to avoid educating L a t i n American students abroad (V, 2 6 0 - 2 6 2 ) ; the need for s p e c i a l care i n the education of children (XVIII, 302; XVIII, 3 8 2 ) ; and the need for e s t a b l i s h i n g kindergartens, free to the p u b l i c , and s i t u a t e d p a r t i c u l a r l y i n poorer d i s t r i c t s (XII, l+ll+); and f i n a l l y the fundamental need, given the lack of f a c i l i t i e s outside the c i t y , to provide a well-balanced education to the r u r a l dwellers, the g u a j i r o s , by means of a system of t r a v e l l i n g teachers, the "maestros ambulantes" (VIII, l 6 ; XVIII, 281+; V I I I , 2 8 9 - 2 9 1 ) . In short, as he wrote i n La America.in August of 1 8 8 3 , the modern era demanded a new, and e s s e n t i a l l y p r a c t i c a l , formr..of education: LI Elijmundo rnuevo-iKequiere l a " es.cuela. nueva. Es necesario s u s t i t u i r a l e s p i r i t u l i t e -r a r i o de l a education, e l e s p i r i t u c i e n t i f i c o . . . Quien abona bien su t i e r r a , t r a b a j a me-nos , tiene t i e r r a para mas tiempo, y gana mas (VIII, 2 9 9 ) . Of p a r t i c u l a r note i s Marti's desire to provide an education to people who otherwise would be unable to receive any formal t r a i n i n g , e i t h e r because they d i d not possess s u f f i c i e n t funds to study, or be-cause they l i v e d i n i s o l a t e d parts of the Island. As an educational observer,, Marti i s s u r p r i s i n g both i n his ins i g h t i n t o the needs of h i s Cuba, and i n the programmes he designed to meet these needs. Indicative of t h i s goal of implementing a s o c i a l l y - o r i e n t e d education were his plans f o r educating the workers. In general he saw that both i n Cuba and i n the United States the poor uneducated workers were e a s i l y ex-p l o i t e d , and.Marti therefore concluded: "hasta que los obreros no sean hombres c u l t o s , no seran f e l i c e s " (VIII, 3 5 2 ) . To t h i s end, that of converting the workers into "hombres cultos, " he drew up plans for a 178 large-scale development of the North American idea of free night-schools for a l l those who would otherwise he deprived of the chance to le a r n . Since Marti himself had taught for several years i n an i n s t i t u t i o n organised hy "La Liga," a society; of ^ .Black Cuban workers .living- in- the-United States, he thus had f i r s t - h a n d knowledge of the benefits that r e s u l t e d from these night schools: l a s escuelas de noche, donde e l educando que s a l i o de l a s de d i a para ganarse e l pan, o e l que no ha tenido tiempo n i l u -gar de educarse de d i a , va, despues d e l trabajo a aprender l o mas f i n o y compli-cado del entendimiento a l a s primeras l e t r a s (XII, 1+59) • Equally impressive i n Marti's programme f o r assuring a l l c i t i z e n s of the Republic a decent standard, of education were h i s plans to "crear en los b a r r i o s pobres kindergartens g r a t u i t o s " (XII, hh). In order to s o l i d i f y the gains made by the Revolution, i t appeared obvious to Marti that i t would be necessary to provide the future generation with the immediate benefits of the l i b e r a t i o n struggle, so that they would be better able to continue the revolutionary process. This emphasis that Marti placed upon the education of the young can be judged by his opinion t h a t , before providing even food to h i s compatriots, i t would be necessary f i r s t to guarantee the young members of the Republic the r i g h t to an education: "Pan no se puede dar a todos l o s que l o han menester, pero los pueblos que quieren salvarse han de preparar a sus h i j o s contra e l crimen: en cada c a l l e , un kindergarten" (XII, L]_L). F i n a l l y , to ensure that there would be s u f f i c i e n t s t a f f to supervise these much-needed schools, Marti advocated a system of d r a f t i n g teachers i n t o an i n s t r u c t i o n a l corps and o b l i g i n g them to work i n the newly-179 constructed schools: se han de r e e l u t a r soldados para e l e j e r c i t o y maestros. para los. pobres: debe ser o b l i g a -t o r i o e l s e r v i c i o de maestros, como e l de soldados: e l que no haya ensenado un ano, que no tenga e l derecho de votar: preparar un pueblo para defenderse, y para v i v i r con honor, es e l mejor modo de defenderlo (XII, U lU— U l 5 ) . Moreover, for Marti i t was also a moral o b l i g a t i o n to ensure that even i n the-most remote areas of the Island h i s fellow Cubans should have the r i g h t to a basic education. He was deeply aware of the many dangers inherent i n the existence of an ignorant mass of people, and at one point even intended to write a study on "La educacion de campo, para e v i t a r que se cree e l c a u d i l l a j e " (XVIII, 2 8 U). In two a r t i c l e s p u b l i s h -ed i n La America i n 188U he argued the need for the establishment of "un cuerpo de maestros v i a j e r o s " (VIII, 1 6 ) , who would teach a mixture of a g r i c u l t u r a l sciences and basic philosophy'to the country-dwellers: "He a h i , pues, l o que han de l l e v a r los maestros por los campos. No solo explicaciones agricolas e instrumentos mecanicos, sino l a ternura que hace tanta f a l t a y tanto bien a los hombres" (VIII, 2 8 9 ) . Marti's plans of opening scores of schools, "para cregarlos luego por v a l l e s , montones y rincones" ("VIII, 291) was thus intended to place a fundamental education for the f i r s t time i n Cuban h i s t o r y within the grasp of a l l c i t i z e n s of the Republic, who would thus have the opportunity to become "hombres c u l t o s . " Having determined that education was intended for a l l Cubans, i t i s now i n t e r e s t i n g to study the general nature of the education that Marti desired for the Republic. As early as l 8 8 l he had decided that "Nuestra America" badly needed to adopt an education based upon " l a s 180 fuerzas vivas y productoras de l a t i e r r a en que han de ser" (XIV, 2 2 9 ) , namely a sound a g r i c u l t u r a l t r a i n i n g : "Habituar a l hombre a l a u t i l i -zacion de s i y a l comercio e f i c a z con l a naturaleza productora; . . . he aqui e l que ha de ser objeto de los esfuerzos de los educadores nuevos" (XIV, 2 2 9 ) . Marti was p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s t r e s s e d to see the many serious blunders being made i n L a t i n America where, despite having an economy based almost e n t i r e l y upon a g r i c u l t u r e , the educational systems of the. former Spanish colonies s t i l l pursued a path of c l a s s i c a l education, p r e f e r r i n g to ignore the needs of t h e i r respective countries, and d e l i b e r a t e l y spurning the opportunity to o f f e r a more p r a c t i c a l form of education. Marti was p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned that courses were not given i n a g r i c u l t u r a l sciences. As a r e s u l t , he explained i n 188U, "se esta, poniendo una cabeza de gigante a un cuerpo de hormiga. Y cada d i a , con l a educacion puramente l i t e r a r i a que se viene dando en nuestros paises, se aiiade a l a cabeza, y se quita a l cuerpo" (VIII, 3 6 9 ) . Marti's many years i n the United States also afforded himoia valuable i n s i g h t into the type of education that he advocated f o r the Republic , since i t revealed to him other ways i n which a modern, more p r a c t i c a l form of teaching could be established. In an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Reforma e s e n c i a l en e l programa de l a s universidades americanas" he summarised t h i s new d i r e c t i o n : La educacion tiene un deber i n e l u d i b l e 1 para con e l hombre—no cumplirlo es un -crimen: conformarlo a su t i e m p o — s i n desviarle de l a grandiosa y f i n a l ten-dencia humana. Que e l hombre v i v a en analogia con e l universo, y con su epo-ca; para l o cual no sirven e l L a t i n n i e l Griego (VIII, 1+30). 181 Thus the dominant note of Marti's philosophy of education was that i t should he of an inherently relevant, p r a c t i c a l nature, or as he wrote i n September of 1 8 8 3 : "Que l a ensenanza elemental'sea ya elemen-talmente c i e n t i f i c a : que en vez de l a h i s t o r i a de Josue se ensene l a 26 de l a formacion de l a t i e r r a " ("VIII, 2 7 8 ) . Marti was i n i t i a l l y very excited by the many.educational-reforms being introduced i n t o the" United States, although he appeared unable to decide whether L a t i n 27 American students should study there. In p a r t i c u l a r he was enthu-s i a s t i c about the use of manual labour i n some of the American colleges he v i s i t e d , and g r a t e f u l l y emphasised the words of the Director of Michigan A g r i c u l t u r a l College, when claiming that "no hay v i r t u d a g r i -cola a que no ayude e l trabajo manual en l a Escuela" (VIII, 2 8 6 ) . Yet despite t h i s desire f o r an invigorated and e s s e n t i a l l y p r a c t i c a l system of education, Marti was aware too of the many p o t e n t i a l p i t f a l l s inherent i n such an approach. He was thus an ardent admirer of the American intent of f a m i l i a r i s i n g young students with the r e a l i t y of t h e i r country, but at the same time recommended against an exclusive-l y pragmatic form of education: "Tiene muchos abogados, fanaticos tiene ya, esta que llaman i n d u s t r i a l o manual, s i n ver que esa es tambien una educacion p a r c i a l " (XI, 8 0 ) . On other occasions he c r i t i c i s e d also t h i s "over-reaction" to the former c l a s s i c a l education, showing how the materialism-oriented society of North America forced i t s ch i l d r e n to 28 count before learning anything els e . The r e s u l t s of t h i s over-concern with the p r a c t i c a l approach were, according to M a r t i , as disturbing as those of the t r a d i t i o n a l L a t i n American system: " E l hombre, maquina, r u t i n a r i a , habilisimo en e l ramo a que se consagra, cerrado por completo 182 fuera de e l a todo conocimiento, comercio y simpatia con l o humano. Ese es e l resultado di r e c t o de una i n s t r u c c i o n elemental y ex c l u s i v a -mente p r a c t i c a " (X, 375). Jose Marti's comments on an extraordinary range of education-r e l a t e d topics show c l e a r l y h i s deep concern with ensuring, a l l Cubans the opportunity to receive an adequate, free education. But t h i s was not merely a well-intentioned and magnanimous gesture, f o r Marti also r e a l i s e d that the successful introduction of h i s other programmes into revolutionary Cuba depended heavily upon having a well-informed, aware pub l i c which, a f t e r r e f l e c t i n g upon the v a l i d i t y and the necessity of the measures proposed by M a r t i , would not he s i t a t e . t o support them wholeheartedly. Therefore, together with Marti's doctrine of s o c i a b i l i -dad, t h i s wide-ranging educational p o l i c y of Marti constituted the e s s e n t i a l and necessary foundation for his ent i r e programme of s o c i a l reform—hence h i s obsession with ensuring that i t reach the most f a r -flung corners of the Republic, and h i s desire to conscript an "army" of 29 i n s t r u c t o r s . The four reform programmes studied i n t h i s chapter, namely h i s intent to change Cuba into a "c o l o u r l e s s , " c l a s s l e s s , l a y and w e l l -educated so c i e t y , a l l r e v e a l Jose Marti's f i r m determination to construct i n the p a t r i a a l i f e - s t y l e t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t from anything ever witnessed before i n Cuba. Marti was thus attempting to r e b u i l d the ent i r e s o c i a l structure of Cuba, as he explained to Nestor Ponce de Leon i n October of 1 8 8 9 : En l a p a t r i a de mi amor Quisie r a yo ver nacer 183 E l pueblo que puede ser , Sin odios y s i n c o l o r . Q u i s i e r a en e l juego franco Del pensamiento s i n t a s a , Ver fabricando l a casa Rico y pobre, negro y bianco (XVI, 3 5 7 ) . Each of these major s o c i a l reform programmes studied i n t h i s chapter was of c r u c i a l importance to the r a d i c a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g of Cuban society intended by Marti i n post-independence Cuba, since a l l were designed to develop i n an inherently p r a c t i c a l form the major elements of the e s s e n t i a l moral foundation studied e a r l i e r . Therefore, based upon the successful i n c u l c a t i o n of these programmes, Marti was c e r t a i n that a "new man" would gradually emerge from the reconstruction process, one who, Marti hoped, would subsequently unite with h i s peers to eventu-30 a l l y create a new, revolutionary society. Marti's fundamental dream to " l l e n a r nuestras t i e r r a s de hombres o r i g i n a l e s , criadas para ser r f e l i c e s en l a t i e r r a en que viven . . . hombres de su tiempo, y hombres de America" (XX, 1^7) would thus be.accomplished and the new s o c i e t y , both inherently just and t o t a l l y comprehending the necessary continual reshaping of the p a t r i a , would then be i n s t i t u t e d . NOTES 181+ CHAPTER V 1 T h i s quotation was taken from an. i n s c r i p t i o n i n a Cuban g i r l ' s autograph album written by the Chilean poetess Gabriela M i s t r a l . The actual contents of the message were: "No te olvides , s i tienes un hermano o un h i j o , de que v i v i o en tu t i e r r a e l hombre mas puro de l a raza, Jose M a r t i , y procura formarlo a su semejanza, ba t a l l a d o r y limpio como un arcangel." Cited by Gaspar M o r t i l l a r o i n h i s a r t i c l e , "Jose M a r t i , e l hombre mas puro de l a raza," Archivo Jose M a r t i , 1 (July-Aug. 1 9 ' U O ) , p. 5 7 . 2 For a l i g h t , but thorough, introduction, to the. p l i g h t of immigrants to the United States of t h i s time, see Chapter 9 ("The Huddled Masses") of A l i s t a i r Cook's America (New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf Inc. , 1 9 7 3 ), pp. 273-301.• 3 ""En l o s Estados Unidos hierve ahora una humanidad nueva; l o que ha venido amalgamandose durante e l s i g l o , ya fermenta: ya los hombres se entienden en Babel . . . va eliminando e l fotografo l a s facciones d e s i -guales e indecisas, hasta que quedan en uno f i n a l l o s rasgos energicos y dominantes en e l t i p o , t a l en esta hornada grandiosa,—que e s t a l l a r a acaso por f a l t a de levadura de bondad,—razas, credos y lenguas se con-funden, se mezclan los misteriosos ojos azules a los amenazantes ojos negros , b u l l e n juntos e l p l a i d escoces y e l panuelo i t a l i a n o , se des-hacen, l i c u a n , y evaporan l a s d i f e r e n c i a s f a l s a s y t i r a n i c a s que nan tenido apartados a los hombres, y se acumula y acendra l o que hay en e l l o s de j u s t i c i a " (XI, 1 7 2 ) . ^Writing for La Nacion i n J u l y , 1 8 8 7 , Marti included d e t a i l s on the problems encountered by both Indian and black minority groups: "Los i n d i o s , donde aun le s quede un arbol a que acogerse y un adivino que los cure, viendo como es vano que l a l e y los ampare cuando en v i r t u d de e l l a l o s echa e l bianco ambicioso de su hogar . . . Los negros, t r i s t e s , porque ya no hay s o l que no saiga sobre e l cadaver de uno de e l l o s , muerto a manos de los blancos del Sur por tener amistad o consor-cio con mujeres blancas" (XI, 2 6 3 ) . ^Marti described the t r a g i c s i t u a t i o n of the Chinese immigrants to the United States i n a report published i n December of 1 8 8 8 : " E l hombre amarillo l l e v a e l ojo de l a f i e r a cazada: va mirando a su a l r e -dedor, como para precaverse de una ofensa: va blasfemando a media voz, ll e n o e l ojo de fuego: va con l a cabeza baja, como para que l e perdonen l a culpa de v i v i r " (XII, 7 8 ) . ^Gabriela M i s t r a l ' s o r i g i n a l d e s c r i p t i o n of Marti as a "luchador s i n odio" ( i n her moving a r t i c l e , "La lengua de M a r t i , " Ariales de l a Universidad de C h i l e , 111 ( 1 9 5 3 ) , p. lll+) appears to have acted as a cat a l y s t to the discussion of Marti's a t t i t u d e towards the Spanish inhabitants of Cuba. On the one side are Emilio Roig de Leuchsenring, f 185 J u l i o Le Riverend and Leonardo Grinan. P e r a l t a who claim, i n the words of Roig de Leuchsenring., that "no se encuentra eh ningun trabajo de Marti frase alguna de rencor u. h o s t i l i d a d contra e l pueblo espafiol, n i aun contra los espanoles de Cuba en. general; porque no ve en aquel, sino en e l Estado espafiol, e l culpable de los males de su patria!' Emilio Roig de Leuchsenring, "La r e p u b l i c s de M a r t i , " Vida ypehsamiento.de  Marti : Homenaje de l a ciudad de .La Habana en e l cincuentenario de l a fundacion del Partido Revolucionario Cubano. 1 8 9 2 - 1 9 ^ 2 (La Habana: Coleccion H i s t o r i c a Cubana y Americana, I 9 L 2 ) , I I , L17.' -; On the other side i s the viewpoint sustained by Roberto Fernan-dez Retamar, c a r r i e d to unnecessary extremes by Jose Ignacio Rodriguez, who claims that Marti "a l o s cubanos que t e n i a cerca de s i , e s p e c i a l -mente a l o s pobres y mas ignorantes, los ayudaba en sus necesidades y l e s daba clases por l a s noches, ensenandoles gratuitamente a l e e r , a e s c r i b i r , e t c . , etc.: y a todos y de todos modos, en cuanto estaba a su alcance, l e s predicaba e l odio a Espafia, e l odio a los cubanos auto-nomistas, . . . e l odio a l hombre r i c o , cultivado y conservador . . . e l odio a l o s Estados Unidos de America*" Jose Ignacio Rodriguez, "Marti y e l Partido Revolucionario Cubano," Casa de l a s Americas, 13 (Jan.-Feb. 1 9 7 3 ) , p.T) 9 9 - This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n I f i n d t o t a l l y unacceptable and, i n the context of h i s supposed "odio a Espafia," can only o f f e r Marti's own words i n P a t r i a : "Ni e l espafiol es enemigo de Cuba . . . Como a hernia- . -nos los t r a t a r a l a revolucion" ( i l l , 3 5 1 - 3 5 2 ) . Even more e x p l i c i t was h i s a r t i c l e , "Nuestras ideas," published i n the f i r s t e d i t i o n of P a t r i a : "No es e l nacimiento en l a t i e r r a de Espaha l o que abomina en e l espafiol e l a n t i l l a n o oprimido; sino l a ocupacion agresiva e insolente del pais donde amarga y a t r o f i a l a v i d a de sus propios h i j o s . Contra e l mal padre es l a guerra, no contra e l buen padre; contra e l esposo aventurero, no contra e l esposo l e a l . . . La guerra no es contra e l espafiol, sino contra l a c o d i c i a e incapacidad de Espaha" ( I , 3 2 l ) . 7 Jesus Sabourin, "Marti: raza y humanidad," Casa de las  Americas, 13 (Jan.-Feb. 1 9 7 3 ) , p. 6 8 . In t h i s regard see also Juan Ma r i n e l l o , "Marti, maestro de unidad," Actualidad de Marti (La Habana: E d i t o r i a l Paginas, I 9 L 3 ) , p. 9 . g One of the most damning of Marti's (many) reports on the intr i g u e s of^a group of c a p i t a l i s