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Rural-urban migration : a case study of the People’s Republic of China Chung, Frances Po-Chu 1977

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RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION: A CASE STUDY OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA by FRANCES PO-CHU CHUNG . S . S c , The Chinese U n i v e r s i t y o f Hong Kong, 197^ A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the S c h o o l o f Community and R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1977 f<T) Frances Po-Chu Chung, 1977 In p resent ing t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements fo r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e fo r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree tha t permiss ion fo r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l ga in s h a l l not be a l lowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of Community and R egional Planning The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 D a t e 2nd May, 1977-( i i ) ABSTRACT The People's R e p u b l i c of China i s s t i l l a paradox: an old country yet a new nat ion , a soc iety i n evolut ion from a revo lu t ion while i t i s s t i l l i n r e v o l u t i o n . Before 19^9» China was a war-torn country. Deject ion and hunger p r e v a i l e d . Today, there i s a c l e a r l y apparent f e e l i n g of s e c u r i t y , w e l l -being and na t iona l p r i d e . This thes is i s p r i m a r i l y based on l i b r a r y research to f i n d out more about China, focussing on China's response to i t s r u r a l - u r b a n movement. The theme i s : "Has China, as a s o c i a l i s t economy p r a c t i s i n g command planning, been able to better contain and manage urban growth, p a r t i c u l a r l y that due to r u r a l - u r b a n migrat ion , than Third World market economies."" The Republic of Indonesia i s se lected as a contro l because i t too gained independence and f u l l sovereignty i n 1949. I t i s also c l a s s i f i e d as a Third World developing country which inher i t ed a backward economy and a b ig popula-t i o n . The major di f ference i s that China i s a s o c i a l i s t economy v\hile Indonesia i s a market economy. A comparison of the urbanizat ion record of the two countries reveals the fo l lowing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : 1) The annual rate of urban growth i s not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i s s i m i l a r . 2) The stage of urbanizat ion i s s i m i l a r . ( i i i ) 3) The two countries d i f f e r i n the management of the dis-t r i b u t i o n of urban growth. China managed to reduce i t s primacy index and control tlie growth of i t s two largest c i t i e s : Shanghai and Peking. Indonesia i s s t i l l struggling with the primacy of Djakarta. 4-) After the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, I 966 -68 , China adopted the bottom-up "agropolitan" approach to bring industry and s o c i a l services to the r u r a l communes. Indonesia has begun discussing the concept, but has not implemented the strategy yet. In other words, China adopted two major strategies i n d i r e c t i n g the d i s t r i b u t i o n of i t s urban growth: 1) Concentrated Decentralization: d i r e c t i n g growth away from the largest c i t i e s ( p a r t i c u l a r l y former treaty ports) to medium-sized urban centres i n the inland; 2) The Agropolitan Approach: dispersing industry and other urban functions more widely into the r u r a l areas through the i n s t i t u t i o n of the commune. The conclusion drawn i s that China, as a s o c i a l i s t economy, achieved r e l a t i v e l y better r e s u l t s i n managing and containing urban growth than Indonesia, a market economy. China may not be able to model the world i n i t s response to rural-urban migration, but the strategies i t implemented are worthy of serious consideration by other Third World countries. (iv) TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES LIST OF MAPS .. Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 Purpose and Scope 1 Source Materials 1 Defi n i t i o n s 2 I I . URBANISATION AND HUMAN SETTLEMENTS Urbanization i n 1st and 3rd worlds Primacy and Economic Development Regional Planning Strategies 10 I I I . CHINA IN CONTEXT 18 Land of China 18 China i n 19^9 18 Government and Administration 20 Marxism-Leninism i n China 2k The Chinese Marxist Solution to Development 27 Summary 33 IV. URBANISATION IN CHINA 37 Rate of Urban Growth 37 Sources of Urban Growth 37 Di s t r i b u t i o n of Urban Growth 39 Page v i i v i i i (v ) V. CHINA'S TWO LARGEST CITIES: SHANGHAI AND PEKING 53 Shanghai 53 Peking 58 VI. CHINA'S RESPONSE TO RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION 66 The C o n t r a d i c t i o n between A g r i c u l t u r e and Industry 67 The C o n t r a d i c t i o n between C i t y and Countryside 77 The C o n t r a d i c t i o n between Mental and Manual Labour 88 V I I . ASSESSMENT OF CHINA'S ACHIEVEMENTS 96 China's Record of A chievement 96 Comparison with Indonesia 97 Reasons f o r China's B e t t e r Performance 101 V I I I . SUMMARY AND CONCLUDING COMMENTS 106 Summary 106 Suggestions f o r Further Research 109 BIBLIOGRAPHY 110 (vi ) LIST OF TABLES Table Page I. Growth of Urban Population i n China, 1949-1957 3 ? I I . Growth of China's Population, 19^9-1956 38 I I I . China's Top 4- C i t i e s i n 194-8 4-1 IV. China's Top 4- C i t i e s i n 1958 4-1 V. Population of 17 Largest C i t i e s , 194-8, 1953, 1958 44 VI. 17 Largest C i t i e s Ranked by 194-8, 1953 and 1958 Populations 4-5 VII. 17 Largest C i t i e s Ranked by Population Growth Rates, 194-8-1958 4-7 VIII. 17 Largest C i t i e s Ranked by Number of I n d u s t r i a l Plants, 194-9. i960 4-9 IX. 17 Largest C i t i e s Ranked by Percentage Increase of In d u s t r i a l Plants, 194-9-1960 51 X. Hsia-hsiang Flow from Jan. I969 "to July 1971 82 ( v i i ) LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1 Comparative Urbanization 6 2 Population of Shanghai, 1948-1971 ... 57 3 Population of Peking, 19^-8-1971 63 ^ Model of the Development of Rural and Urban Areas 77 5 Population of Djakarta, I95O-I97I ... 99 ( v i i i ) LIST OF MAPS Map Page 1 Contemporary Map of China 21 2 M i l l i o n C i t i e s i n 1953 ^2 3 M i l l i o n C i t i e s i n i 960 42 k Shanghai: Major Areas 55 5 Peking: Major Areas 60 6 Walled C i t y of Peking 61 ( i x ) CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION - 1 -1 .1 Purpose and Scope of the Study As more and more people v i s i t and r e p o r t t h e i r impressions of the People's Republic of China (h e r e a f t e r r e f e r r e d to as China,) some of the mystery and i n s c r u t a b l e n e s s behind the "bamboo c u r t a i n " i s being d i s p e l l e d . China i s s t i l l a paradox: an o l d country yet a new n a t i o n , a s o c i e t y i n e v o l u t i o n from a r e v o l u t i o n while i t i s s t i l l i n r e v o l u t i o n . Before 194-9» China was a war-torn country. D e j e c t i o n and hunger p r e v a i l e d . Today, there i s a c l e a r l y apparent f e e l i n g of s e c u r i t y , w e l l - b e i n g and n a t i o n a l p r i d e . The goal of t h i s t h e s i s i s to f i n d out more about China by f o c u s i n g on China's response to i t s r u r a l - u r b a n movement. The p e r i o d covered i s from 194-9 to 1975» j u s t about a year before Mao Tse-Tung's death. The theme of the study i s : "Has China, as a s o c i a l i s t economy p r a c t i s i n g command planning, been able to b e t t e r c o n t a i n and manage urban growth, p a r t i c u l a r l y that due to r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n , than Third World market economies." 1 . 2 Source M a t e r i a l s 7 Since the study, i s based p r i m a r i l y on l i b r a r y research, every e f f o r t i s made to cover the whole p o l i t i c a l spectrum e x i s t i n g i n the l i t e r a t u r e , from the p e j o r a t i v e to the t o t a l l y sympathetic. Of course, n e i t h e r i s f r e e from e r r o r s but such an approach increases the l i k e l i h o o d of balance being achieved. - 2 -W h i l e the p e r s p e c t i v e has been l a r g e l y shaped by documented m a t e r i a l , i n s i g h t s have a l s o been g a i n e d from c o n v e r s a t i o n s , i n t e r v i e w s , and s l i d e p r e s e n t a t i o n s w i t h v a r i o u s C h i n a s c h o l a r s ; r e s i d e n t s o f C h i n a who d i d n o t l e a v e the c o u n t r y u n t i l I 9 6 8 ; and p l a n n e r s o f the Canada-C h i n a F r i e n d s h i p A s s o c i a t i o n who v i s i t e d C h i n a i n the summer o f 1 9 7 6 . 1 .3 D e f i n i t i o n o f Term i n o l o g y D e f i n i n g " r u r a l " and "urban" w i t h i n the r u r a l - u r b a n continuum has always been d i f f i c u l t . However, on November 7, 1955• "the t w e n t i e t h m e e t i n g o f t h e S t a t e C o u n c i l o f t h e Pe o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c o f C h i n a e s t -a b l i s h e d the c r i t e r i a f o r d e f i n i n g the urban p o p u l a t i o n . An urban a r e a was to meet one o r more o f t h e f o l l o w i n g " c r i t e r i a : 1.3*1 s e r v e as the s e a t o f the m u n i c i p a l p e o p l e ' s commit-tee o r p e o p l e ' s committee above the h s i e n ( c o u n t y ) l e v e l ; 1 .3*2 have a p o p u l a t i o n o f 2 , 0 0 0 o r more, o f whom 5 0 $ o r more are n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l ; 1 . 3 . 3 have a p o p u l a t i o n between 1 , 0 0 0 and 2 , 0 0 0 , o f whom 75$ are n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l . I t i s u n c e r t a i n whether o r n o t thes e c r i t e r i a a r e p r e s e n t l y s t r i c t l y f o l l o w e d by t h e government, b u t a t l e a s t i t s e r v e s as a g u i d e . ^ R u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i s the f l o w o f pe o p l e from r u r a l - 3 -t o urban a r e a s . I t can be s u b d i v i d e d i n t o s e a s o n a l m i g r a t i o n and permanent m i g r a t i o n . S e a s o n a l m i g r a t i o n o c c u r s d u r i n g s l a c k p e r i o d s o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n . R u r a l p e o p l e m i g r a t e t o t h e c i t i e s i n s e a r c h o f work t o supplement t h e i r incomes, but r e t u r n when the busy season s t a r t s a g a i n . Permanent m i g r a t i o n i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by r u r a l p e o p l e moving to t h e urban a r e a s w i t h the i n t e n t i o n t o pe r m a n e n t l y l i v e and work t h e r e . T h i s s t u d y i s m a i n l y concerned w i t h the l a t t e r t y pe o f i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n . Though r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n c o n t r i b u t e s t o u r b a n i z a t i o n , the meaning a s s i g n e d t o t h e word u r b a n i z a t i o n i s b r o a d . On the one hand, u r b a n i z a t i o n i s t h e p r o c e s s whereby an i n c r e a s -i n g p r o p o r t i o n o f a c o u n t r y ' s p o p u l a t i o n l i v e s i n u r b a n a r e a s . T h i s i n c r e a s e can be t h e r e s u l t o f any c o m b i n a t i o n o f t h r e e f a c t o r s : i n t e r n a t i o n a l m i g r a t i o n , i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n , n a t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n growth. The p r o c e s s proceeds i n two dimen-s i o n s : the i n c r e a s i n g i n s i z e o f urban c o n c e n t r a t i o n s , and the m u l t i p l i c a t i o n o f the p o i n t s o f c o n c e n t r a t i o n . I n d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s , t h e r e i s a l s o a tendency f o r u r b a n i z a -t i o n t o o c c u r f a s t e s t i n the l a r g e s t c i t i e s ; t h e end p r o d u c t o f t h i s p r o c e s s i s r e f e r r e d t o as p r i m a c y . On the o t h e r -.hand, u r b a n i z a t i o n a l s o r e f e r s t o t h e d i f f u s i o n o f urbanisrn: t h e s p r e a d i n g o f urban'modes o f p r o d u c t i o n , l i v i n g , and t h i n k i n g from the o r i g i n a t i n g u r b an c e n t r e s t o o u t l y i n g towns and r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n s . - ^ The p r e s e n t t h e s i s i s more concerned w i t h the f o r m e r , t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f numbers, t h a n t h e l a t t e r , t h e d i f f u s i o n o f i d e a s . CHAPTER I FOOTNOTES Chang-S iang Chen, " P o p u l a t i o n Growth and U r b a n i z a t i o n i n C h i n a , I953-I97O," E k i s t i c s , 226 (September, 197k), I92-I98. B r i a n J . L . B e r r y , The Human Consequences o f U r b a n i z a t i o n (London: The M a c M i l l a n P r e s s L t d . , 1973), p .27. -Vohn Fr iedmann and Rober t W u l f f , The Urban T r a n s i t i o n .  Comparat ive S t u d i e s o f Newly I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g S o c i e t i e s (London: Edward A r n o l d P u b l i s h e r s L t d . , 1975) • p .4. - 4a -CHAPTER I I U R B A N I Z A T I O N AND HUMAN S E T T L E M E N T S \ - 5 -This chapter represents an attempt to summarize the recent l i t e r a t u r e on u r b a n i z a t i o n processes i n the Third World. In the context of the t h e s i s , i t would be q u i t e impossible, i n such a r e s t r i c t e d chapter, to do f u l l j u s t i c e to the many i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and i n s i g h t s of sc h o l a r s who have w r i t t e n i n t h i s f i e l d . 2.I U r b a n i z a t i o n i n F i r s t and Third Worlds According t o Ki n g s l e y Davis, u r b a n i z a t i o n s t a r t e d i t s course around 1800. Before 1850, no s o c i e t y could be des-c r i b e d as predominantly urbanized. By 1 Q00, only Great B r i t a i n could be described as predominantly urbanized. By I 9 6 5 , a l l -the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d nations were h i g h l y urbanized. Davis also observed t h a t , i n general, the l a t e r a country became i n d u s t r i a l i z e d , the f a s t e r was i t s u r b a n i z a t i o n . (see graph below.) - 6 -Figure 1. Comparative U r b a n i z a t i o n 1 loo HHP w*U5S Source: Adapted from King s l e y Davis, "The U r b a n i z a t i o n of the Human Pop u l a t i o n , " S c i e n t i f i c American, • V o l . 2 1 3 , No .3 (September, 1 9 6 5 ) , 41 - 5 4 . A survey of 9 European count r i e s d u r i n g t h e i r p e r i o d of f a s t e s t urban po p u l a t i o n growth (mostly i n l a t t e r h a l f of 19 th century) showed an average ga i n of 2.1% per year. The f r o n t i e r i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s , such as the United States of America, Australia-New Zealand, and Canada, who recorded the f a s t e s t urban growth i n the f i r s t h a l f of the 2 0 t h century, showed an average annual gain of 4 .2 f« . For U.S.S.R. and Japan, the two latecomers i n t o the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d t 2 camp, the r a t e was even hi g h e r , k.y/o and 5.kfo r e s p e c t i v e l y . Against t h i s background, the average urban growth of 6-7% per annum f o r the developing c o u n t r i e s should not be a cause f o r alarm, assuming c i t i e s i n these c o u n t r i e s are merely r e p e a t i n g the past h i s t o r y of c i t i e s i n the now indus-t r i a l i z e d n a t i o n s . However, such an assumption i s i n c o r r e c t . The growth of c i t i e s i n the developing c o u n t r i e s today d i f f e r s i n fundamental ways from past h i s t o r y . " During the l a t e 19th and e a r l y 20th c e n t u r i e s , people were j u s t l e a r n i n g how to keep crowded populations i n c i t i e s from dying from epidemics. Because of the higher m o r t a l i t y r a t e i n the c i t i e s , t h e i r r a t e of n a t u r a l increase was lov/er than that of the countryside. C i t i e s , t h e r e f o r e , needed the surplus labour from the farms and could put i t to work pro-ducing goods and s e r v i c e s that i n t u r n helped to modernize a g r i c u l t u r e . The stream of r u r a l out-migration o f t e n caused the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n to d e c l i n e i n absolute as w e l l as r e l a t i v e terms. The s i t u a t i o n i s now reversed f o r the developing c o u n t r i e s where u r b a n i z a t i o n gained momentum only w i t h i n the l a s t two decades. I t i s now the c i t i e s that have b e t t e r h e a l t h s e r v i c e s and a lower m o r t a l i t y r a t e . Hence the r a t e of n a t u r a l increase i s higher i n the c i t i e s than i n the countryside. Furthermore, i n t h e i r eagerness to modernize, developing nations o f t e n - 8 -adopted the "hand-me-down," "century-skipping" process of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , importing the most up-to-date technology from abroad. The r e s u l t i s the mushrooming of c a p i t a l -i n t e n s i v e i n d u s t r i e s w i t h low job c r e a t i o n p o t e n t i a l . C i t i e s i n the Third World, t h e r e f o r e , proved incapable of absorbing the huge labour f o r c e increase r e s u l t i n g from n a t u r a l popu-l a t i o n growth and r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n , a phenomenon r e f e r r e d to as o v e r - u r b a n i z a t i o n . At the same time, though the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n i s d e c l i n i n g i n r e l a t i v e terms, i t i s s t i l l g a i n i n g m absolute numbers. In c o n c l u s i o n , developing nations are u r b a n i z i n g more r a p i d l y than developed nations now, mainly because u r b a n i z a -t i o n i s a f i n i t e process. For example, i n the United S t a t e s , the rural-ux^ban m i g r a t i o n process has v i r t u a l l y ended because by 1970, l e s s than 5fo of i t s p o p u l a t i o n i s l e f t on the farms.^ In West Germany, the m i g r a t i o n flow i s even beginning to r e v e r s e . ^ Developing nations are also u r b a n i z i n g more r a p i d l y than developed c o u n t r i e s d i d i n the heyday of t h e i r urban growth. On the one hand, most of the Third World i s s t i l l i n an e a r l y stage of u r b a n i z a t i o n . Roughly 80$ of the p o p u l a t i o n i s s t i l l engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r e . On the other hand, they are over-urbanized, because the r a t e and volume of r u r a l out-m i g r a t i o n f a r exceed the current absorptive c a p a c i t i e s of Q t h e i r p r i n c i p a l c i t i e s . - 9 -2 . 2 Primacy and Economic Development Students of u r b a n i z a t i o n have recognized two kinds of c i t y s i z e d i s t r i b u t i o n s : r a n k - s i z e , according to which the d i s t r i b u t i o n of c i t i e s by p o p u l a t i o n s i z e c l a s s w i t h i n c o u n t r i e s i s truncated lognormal; and primate, whereby a stratum of small towns and c i t i e s i s dominated by one or more very l a r g e c i t i e s and there are d e f i c i e n c i e s i n numbers of c i t i e s of intermediate s i z e s . Rank-size r e g u l a r i t i e s have been associated with economically advanced c o u n t r i e s , whereas primate c i t i e s have been ass o c i a t e d w i t h e x - c o l o n i a l , economically under-developed c o u n t r i e s . ^ B r i a n Berry i n h i s paper " C i t y Size D i s t r i b u t i o n s and Economic Development""*"^ q u a l i f i e d the gross g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s of the above a s s o c i a t i o n s . According to Berry, c o u n t r i e s w i t h strong urban t r a d i t i o n s and long h i s t o r i e s of u r b a n i z a t i o n , such as I n d i a , though economically underdeveloped, also e x h i b i t l o g n o r m a l i t y . On the other hand, there are economically developed c o u n t r i e s such as Japan and Sweden that e x h i b i t primacy i n t h e i r urban h i e r a r c h i e s . Without c o n t r a d i c t i n g Berry's c l a r i f i c a t i o n s , i t i s s t i l l v a l i d to say t h a t a l l developing c o u n t r i e s , i r r e s p e c t i v e of primacy or l o g n o r m a l i t y , are concerned about the r a p i d and l a r g e i n f l u x of migrants i n t o t h e i r b iggest c i t i e s . I n s t r i v i n g f o r a r a p i d r a t e of economic growth through i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , they have accentuated the primacy of t h e i r p r i n c i p a l c i t i e s . - 10 -W i l l i a m Alonso has provided a convincing r a t i o n a l e why-i n v e s t o r s would want to l o c a t e manufacturing e n t e r p r i s e s i n l a r g e c i t i e s of the Third World. The reasons i n c l u d e t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n network c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of markets, time-distance r e l a t i o n s h i p s , amenity preferences of managers and t e c h n i c i a n s , the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of i n f o r m a t i o n , and e x t e r n a l economies."^ Concomitant with- t h i s growing geographic imbalance i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of population and income, there i s a growing d e s i r e to combine n a t i o n a l growth with r e g i o n a l growth, to achieve e f f i c i e n c y and e q u i t y . E f f i c i e n c y i s the r a t e of n a t i o n a l economic growth, o f t e n measured i n terms of the growth of n a t i o n a l product. Eq u i t y i s the spread of t h a t growth, that i s , the d i s t r i b u t i o n a l dimension. 2 . 3 Regional Planning S t r a t e g i e s In response to the concern f o r e f f i c i e n c y and e q u i t y , three main streams of planning s t r a t e g y have evolved. 2 . 3 . 1 The Growth Poles Strategy Francois Perroux introduced the concept of "growth pole s " i n t o economic l i t e r a t u r e i n 1950, and gave the 12 term meaning i n a b s t r a c t economic space. "Poles" are f i r m s or i n d u s t r i e s , or groups of f i r m s or i n d u s t r i e s , where economic growth i s i n i t i a t e d . A f i r m or i n d u s t r y would be termed as a "growth pole" i f i t possesses the three d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s of a ' p r o p u l s i v e ' i n d u s t r y , - 11 -namely, high i n t e r - s e c t o r a l l i n k a g e s w i t h many other 13 f i r m s or i n d u s t r i e s ; a high degree of dominance -; and great s i z e . When John Friedmann and other s c h o l a r s t r a n s f e r r e d the concept to r e g i o n a l p l a n n i n g t h e o r i e s by l i n k i n g s e c t o r a l to s p a t i a l development, they gave the p r o p u l s i v e i n d u s t r y or i n d u s t r i e s l o c a t i o n ( s ) i n geographic space, and "growth centres" became i d e n t i f i e d as the space where "growth p o l e s " are located."1"-' The "growth pol e s " s t r a t e g y focuses investment on a r e l a t i v e l y small number of s e l e c t e d centres at which there e x i s t or can e a s i l y be created the necessary c o n d i t i o n s f o r expanding employment opportunity, and e s p e c i a l l y the p u b l i c i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and the e x t e r n a l economies that most a c t i v i t i e s r e q u i r e . Such "growth centres"-are then expected to a t t r a c t commuters and migrants from surrounding areas of labour s u r p l u s , and at the same time to s t i m u l a t e secondary growth of employment i n some of those areas. I t i s assumed th a t economic growth i n i t i a t e d i n these centres w i l l e v e n t u a l l y " f i l t e r down" the urban h i e r a r c h y and spread out from each centre i n t o i t s immediate periphery. Concentration of p u b l i c investment at "growth centres" i s also j u s t i f i e d on the ground that those are the only l o c a t i o n s where adequate p u b l i c s e r v i c e s can be provided at reasonable cost, and where there i s a prospect that p r o s p e r i t y and - 12 -growth can e v e n t u a l l y be s e l f - s u s t a i n i n g without permanent subsidy. While the e f f i c i e n c y argument may be v a l i d , evidence of " t r i c k l e down" e f f e c t s i s very tenuous. Ru r a l areas surrounding i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g c i t i e s p a r t i c i p a t e , i f at a l l , to only a very l i m i t e d extent i n the expansion of the urban economy. " T r i c k l i n g down" may occur because of pur-chases of raw m a t e r i a l s made by the c i t y , but these may be more than o f f s e t by the " t r i c k l i n g up" of consumer s a l e s to the "growth centre." The r e l a t i o n s h i p between centre and periphery then becomes one/of f u r t h e r e x p l o i t a t i o n i n s t e a d of development. W i l l i a m Alonso termed t h i s "growth poles" s t r a t e g y as "concentrated d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . " He pointed out that while i n t e r - r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s may decrease, i n t r a -r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s may in c r e a s e . Even i f i n t e r - r e g i o n a l income averages are brought w i t h i n a common range, no improvement may be obtained i n the i n t r a - r e g i o n a l 17 d i s t r i b u t i o n of income and s e r v i c e s . ' 2.3.2 The "Do-Nothing" Approach W i l l i a m Alonso argued that developing nations may be o v e r - r a a c t i n g to the phenomenon of primacy. By a n a l y z i n g the h i s t o r y of u r b a n i z a t i o n i n the F i r s t World and r e l a t i n g 1R i t to Rostow's 'stages of economic growth*, , he observed that primacy was very r a r e i n very under-developed - 1.3 -economies, rose during the t a k e - o f f stage, and decreased t h e r e a f t e r . He added t h i s did. not mean the l a r g e s t c i t i e s would stop to grow i n the mature stage of the economy, hut that secondary centres would grow much faster." 1"^ Alonso's theory was buttressed by J e f f r e y Williamson's t h e s i s that r e g i o n a l income d i f f e r e n t i a l s tend to grow l a r g e r d u r i n g the e a r l y stages of economic development, then l e v e l o f f , only to d e c l i n e again w i t h the growing 20 m a t u r i t y and s p a t i a l i n t e g r a t i o n of the economy. For l a c k of a b e t t e r terminology, I have termed t h i s s t r a t e g y the "Do-nothing" approach. "Do-nothing" s c h o l a r s are saying that an i n v i s i b l e hand may be at work, and, given world enough and time enough, i t may r e c o n c i l e the e f f i c i e n c y and equity c o n f l i c t s . The crux i s time. I f developing nations simply l e t nature take i t s course and do nothing, the time p e r i o d r e q u i r e d f o r the r e d u c t i o n of r e g i o n a l i n e q u a l i t i e s through 'spontaneous' market f o r c e s might take a century or longer. Then, even i f high l e v e l s of u r b a n i z a t i o n , i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and per c a p i t a incomes p r e v a i l , i n t e r -r e g i o n a l and i n t r a - r e g i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s may be the cause f o r wide-spread a g i t a t i o n . 2.3.3 The A g r o p o l i t a n Approach During the recent "Symposium on Regional Development Planning i n A s i a " sponsored by the United Nations Centre - 14 -f o r Regional Development h e l d i n 1975 i n Nagoya, Japan, Kenneth Ruddle, John Friedmann and other s c h o l a r s propounded the concept of an " a g r o p o l i t a n approach" to r e g i o n a l 21 planning i n developing c o u n t r i e s . In essence, t h i s s t r a t e g y c a l l s f o r investment i n s m a l l - and medium-sized i n d u s t r i e s i n s m a l l r u r a l towns using appropriate technology and l o c a l manpower. The i n d u s t r i e s are to s a t i s f y l o c a l consumer needs and a l s o the needs of the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r f o r such products as f e r t i l i z e r s and farm t o o l s . In other words, the d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s of t h i s approach are the s e l e c t i o n of l a b o u r - i n t e n s i v e i n d u s t r i e s , the closeness to the a g r a r i a n p o p u l a t i o n , and the s e n s i t i v i t y to l o c a l needs. This l i n e of t h i n k i n g i s strengthened by the concept of "dependent c a p i t a l i s m " expounded i n i t i a l l y by Terry 22 McGee, and the i d e a of " s t r u c t u r a l t r ansformation of 23 r u r a l areas" expounded by M.I. Logan. J According to these t h e o r i s t s , the i n s e n s i t i v e t r a n s f e r of advanced technology from the f i r s t world to the t h i r d world w i l l only make the r e c i p i e n t s t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y , economically, and p o l i t i c a l l y more dependent and v u l n e r a b l e . Only a s e l f - r e l i a n t , autonomous form of development based on n a t i v e i n g e n u i t y i n s m a l l - s c a l e production, c a r e f u l l y mixed w i t h f o r e i g n technology on a h i g h l y s e l e c t i v e b a s i s , may be capable :of reducing primacy and producing an i n t e g r a t e d space economy. - 15 -Among the three s t r a t e g i e s , current wisdom seems favour the l a s t one. We s h a l l now turn to examine the approach or approaches that China has adopted. - 16 -CHAPTER I I FOOTNOTES 1 K i n g s l e y Davis, "The Urb a n i z a t i o n of the Human Pop u l a t i o n , " S c i e n t i f i c American, Volume 2 1 3 , No.3 (September, 1 9 6 5 ) . 41-54. . 2Ibid-3 I b i d . 4 I b i d . ^ I b i d . B r i a n J.L. Berry, The Human Consequences of Ur b a n i z a t i o n (London: The MacMillan Press L t d . , 1 9 7 3 ) . PP- 46-4-7. ^ J . Gorynski, v i s i t i n g p r o f e s s o r to the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, s e s s i o n on "Planning i n a S o c i a l i s t Country" d e l i v e r e d on February 8, 1977-o Rhoads Murphey, "Urbanization i n A s i a , " E k i s t i c s , Volume 2 1 , No.122 (January, I 9 6 6 ) , 8-I7. ^B r i a n J.L. Berry, " C i t y Size D i s t r i b u t i o n s and Economic Development," Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change, Volume 9, No.4, Part I ( J u l y , I 9 6 I ) , 5 7 3 - 5 8 8 . I b i d . 1 1 John Friedmann and Robert V/ulff, The Urban T r a n s i t i o n . Comparative Studies of Newly I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g S o c i e t i e s (London: Edward Arnold P u b l i s h e r s L t d . , 1975)» p.18. ' 12 D.F. Darwent, "Growth Poles and Growth Centres i n Regional Planning - A Review," Environment and Planning, Volume 1 ( I 9 6 9 ) , 5 - 3 2 . "^Dominance i s s a i d to occur when the flow of goods and se r v i c e s from i n d u s t r y A to i n d u s t r y B i s a greater p r o p o r t i o n of A's output than i s the flow from B to A of B's output. In t h i s case, f i r m B i s s a i d to be 'dominant', f i r m A dependent. 14 Rate of economic growth i s assumed to be r e l a t e d to s i z e of i n d u s t r y : the bigger the i n d u s t r y , the more dominance. - 1 7 -"^Darwent, op_. c i t . 1 6 E 2nd ed.-' (New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf, Inc., 1 9 7 5 ) , PP- 276-290 Edgar M. Hoover, An I n t r o d u c t i o n to Regional Economics,  pp. ^ W i l l i a m Alonso, "Urban and Regional Imbalances i n Economic Development," (Berkeley: I n s t i t u t e of Urban and Regional Development), r e p r i n t #42. l ft W.W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, I 9 7 I . ) "^Alonso, pp. c i t . uFriedmann, Wulff, op. c i t . , p.2 0 . 21 Kenneth Ruddle, "The A g r o p o l i t a n Approach to Regional Planning: A View from the H i n t e r l a n d " , prepared f o r Symposium on Regional Development Pla n n i n g i n A s i a , sponsored by the United Nations Centre f o r Regional Development, Nagoya, 1975* John Friedmann and Mike Douglass, " A g r o p o l i t a n Development: Towards a New Strategy f o r Regional Planning i n A s i a " , prepared f o r Seminar on I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n S t r a t e g i e s and the.Growth Pole Approach to Regional Planning and Development: the Asian Experience, sponsored by the United Nations Centre f o r Regional Development, Nagoya, 1975* Friedmann, Wulff, O B . c i t . , p. 3 6 . 2-^M.I. Logan, "The S p a t i a l System and Planning S t r a t e g i e s i n Developing Countries," The Geographical Review, Volume 62 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 229-244. - 17a -CHAPTER I I I CHINA IN CONTEXT - 13 -3 . 1 The Land of China China i s o f t e n compared wi t h the United States of America, since both are about equal i n area. China has n a a r l y 3-7 m i l l i o n sq. m i l e s ; the United States approximately 3 . 6 m i l l i o n sq. m i l e s . Both occupy s i m i l a r latitudes." 1" D i f f e r e n c e s , however, are more important than s i m i l a r i t i e s , the two most important being: 3 . 1 . 1 the higher p r o p o r t i o n of land i n China unsuited f o r i n t e n s i v e a g r i c u l t u r e and settlement; 3 . 1 . 2 China's huge p o p u l a t i o n . Most of China c o n s i s t s of h i l l s , mountains, and h i g h 2 plateaus. I t s landform e l e v a t i o n s range from the 8,880-meter peak of Mount Everest to the Turfan Depression, 154 meters below sea l e v e l . ^ Of the t o t a l land area, only 11$ i s arable l a n d , which i s a l l under c u l t i v a t i o n now. An a d d i t i o n a l 2 0 . 5 $ of the land i s a c c e s s i b l e f o r pasture, and 5 ' 1 $ i s f o r e s t e d and a c c e s s i b l e 4 f o r timber. The settlement p a t t e r n i n general corresponds to the country's t e r r a i n and c l i m a t e : sparse i n the western deserts and mountains, but dense i n the eastern c o a s t a l provinces, the North China P l a i n , and the Yangtse d e l t a . 3• 2 China i n 1949 According to h i s t o r i c a l records, China's c i v i l i z a t i o n dated back to the year 2670 B.C. For over 4 , 0 0 0 years, China - 19 -j was i t s own world, an enormous, ancient, i s o l a t e d , i n t r o s p e c -t i v e and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t empire which considered i t s e l f as the centre of c i v i l i z a t i o n . This p o l i c y of aloofness was pursued r i g h t up to the outbreak of the Opium War i n 1 8 4 0 , when B r i t a i n used f o r c e to i n s i s t on i t s " r i g h t " to trade opium f o r China's t e a and s i l k . The sovereignty of the i s o l a t i o n i s t kingdom was suddenly challenged by guns and cannons i n s t e a d of swords and arrows. China found i t s e l f i l l equipped f o r modern warfare. The Opium War marked the beginning of a century of t u r m o i l f o r China - f o r e i g n i n t e r -ventions, forced trade, c i v i l wars, and n a t u r a l c a l a m i t i e s . ' When the Communist Government assumed c o n t r o l on October 1 s t , 1949, China was an economically backward, war-torn country. "The economy i n h e r i t e d by the new regime was a shambles. Since the f a l l of the Manchu dynasty i n I 9 H , extensive areas of China had been wrecked by r e v o l u t i o n , war l o r d i s m , c i v i l war, f o r e i g n i n v a s i o n , and f l o o d and famine. Industry and commerce had almost come to a s t a n d s t i l l i n major urban centres. ... Dams, i r r i g a t i o n systems and canals were i n a s t a t e of d i s r e p a i r . R a i l r o a d l i n e s had been cut and r e c u t by the contending armies. I n f l a t i o n had ruined, confidence i n the money system. And f i n a l l y , the p o p u l a t i o n had s u f f e r e d enormous c a s u a l t i e s from both man-made and n a t u r a l d i s a s t e r s and^was d i s o r g a n i z e d , h a l f starved, and exhausted." A general f e e l i n g of f a t a l i s m , submissiveness and hopelessness loomed over the n a t i o n . China's leaders i n 1949 i n h e r i t e d only two types of - 20 -resources: labour and land, no c a p i t a l . As: f o r labour, i t was l a r g e i n q u a n t i t y but low i n s k i l l s . Of the 475 m i l l i o n i n 1949, 80$ were i l l i t e r a t e , 87$ were peasants. At l i b e r a t i o n , the Chinese Communist Party (hereafter r e f e r r e d to as CCP) i t s e l f was overwhelmingly peasant. There was a great d e f i c i e n c y of managerial, t e c h n i c a l and l i t e r a t i s k i l l s . 3•3 Government and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n One of the major challenges c o n f r o n t i n g the CCP i n I949 was to a s s e r t p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l over a vast a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y . Although there had been a few boundary changes duri n g the period I949- I975 , b a s i c a l l y the country i s t e r r i t o r i a l l y d i v i d e d i n t o : 21 provinces (excluding Taiwan) 5 autonomous regions 3 independent m u n i c i p a l i t i e s (Peking, the c a p i t a l , Shanghai and T i e n t s i n ) (see Map No.l) Map No.l Contemporary Map of China Ti0e.T\ K/fNSl/ trlrtCM l I ! I I I "J i v . i - i> • » * t — * > \ I • *p -—— littCffULt'ek&f **t*Juxry o n region* 0 lnJty**4»t»i flaniei^abt>'» Source: Adapted from Chiao-Min Hsieh, A t l a s of China„ p.260. - 22 -In "terms of command, one could speak of a t r i n i t y of power, made up of government (or the s t a t e , ) p a r t y , and army. G r a p h i c a l l y , i t can be depicted as f o l l o w s : THE NATIONAL PEOPLE'S CONGRESS Cen t r a l Committee of CCP Chairman: Mao Tse-Tung People's L i b e r a t i o n Army P r o v i n c i a l P arty Commitee State C o u n c i l Premier: Chou E n - l a i Province P r e f e c t u r e County Commune Brigade Work Team Peking/Shanghai/ T i e n t s i n ( M u n i c i p a l i t y D i s t r i c t S t r e e t Neighbourhood Rural Urban The N a t i o n a l People's Congress i s the supreme source of governmental a u t h o r i t y . I t i s formed by the e l e c t e d represen-t a t i v e s of the 2 1 provinces, the 5 autonomous r e g i o n s , the Q 3 independent c i t i e s , and the People's L i b e r a t i o n Army (PLA). The PLA r e p o r t s d i r e c t l y to the Chairman of the C e n t r a l Committee of the CCP. Under s o c i a l i s m , State and Party are l i n k e d , but not i d e n t i c a l . Both Soviet and Chinese Communist l i t e r a t u r e makes i t c l e a r that " s t a t e " means the formal o r g a n i z a t i o n which dominates s o c i e t y . The s t a t e i s the instrument of the ruli n g -c l a s s . In the d i c t a t o r s h i p of the p r o l e t a r i a t , the s t a t e i s the instrument of the p r o l e t a r i a t . Since i t i s an instrument, i t has a s t r u c t u r e . The s t a t e i s therefore equivalent to the o governmental bureaucracy. 7 The "party", on the other/hand, i s the organized expression of the w i l l of s o c i e t y . The p a r t y a c t u a l i z e s the c o n t r o l of s o c i e t y over the s t a t e . T h e o r e t i c a l l y , however, formal command must flow from the s t a t e . The par t y may propound p o l i c y , but t e c h n i c a l l y i t cannot i s s u e orders. Orders must come from an organ of the state." 1" 0 Since Mao i s a s t r i c t M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t , a U t o p i a n theoret-i c i a n , he c l a r i f i e d the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between the s t a t e and party i n d i a l e c t i c a l terms. To Mao, the Party i s the instrument t h a t forges the - 24 -r e s o l u t i o n of the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between bureaucracy and masses, or more broadly, s t a t e and s o c i e t y i n s o c i a l i s m . ^ By the t r i n i t y of powers, i t i s meant not only that these three are the main branches of power, but that they play i n t e r l o c k i n g r o l e s i n the d i r e c t i o n of China. This t r i n i t y has become more apparent i n recent years: the p a r t y has i n e f f e c t supplanted the j u d i c i a r y as the instrument of law, and the army has begun to p l a y an i n c r e a s i n g l y v i t a l 12 r o l e i n the c i v i l l i f e of the n a t i o n . 3•^ Marxism-Leninism i n China From 1949 to 1975» China was l e d by Chairman Mao Tse-Tung, who wanted to transform China i n t o a prosperous, power-f u l country i n the context of a new s o c i a l i s t order i n accord-ance with Marxism-Leninism. I t was Mao's determined adherence to and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h i s philosophy which gave China's approach to r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n some d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s . I t i s therefore necessary to b r i e f l y examine the philosophy of Marxism-Leninism and Mao's s i n i c i z a t i o n of Marxism-Leninism. 3 . 4 . 1 Marxi sm-Lenini sm The two main f a c e t s of Marxism-Leninism are d i a l e c t i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m and h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m . D i a l e c t i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m i n c o r p o r a t e s : ( i ) Realism - Mar x i s t s h o l d m a t e r i a l things e x i s t •independently o f ' p e r c e p t i o n of, or thought - 25 -about them; ( i i ) Naturalism - Matter e x i s t e d before minds e x i s t e d , minds develop out of matter; ( i i i ) D i a l e c t i c s - Matter cannot be adequately understood i n mechanical terms, but needs to be 13 understood xn c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . H i s t o r i c a l and d i a l e c t i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m i s an a n t i -metaphysical, p o s i t i v i s t i c approach of a n a l y z i n g mankind's h i s t o r i c a l developments. I t denies the e f f i c a c y of meta-p h y s i c a l s p e c u l a t i o n , and emphasizes e m p i r i c a l observations and experimentations. I t holds that the bas i c cause of development l i e s i n i t s i n t e r n a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s ; development i s viewed as a u n i t y of oppos i t e s . " ^ 3 . 4 . 2 Mao's S i n i c i z a t i o n of Marxism-Leninism Mao adopted the t h e o r i e s of Marxism as pure ideology to provide the Chinese people w i t h a "c o r r e c t " w o r l d view. He d i d more. He modified and a p p l i e d the Ma r x i s t philosophy to solve l o c a l p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic problems. What t h i s meant was that he g r a d u a l l y replaced the p r a c t i c a l ideology of Leninism by h i s own works, the Thoughts of Mao Tse-Tung. These Thoughts t r a n s l a t e d a b s t r a c t M a r x i s t t h e o r i e s i n t o p r a c t i c a l g u i d e l i n e s f o r a c t i o n , norms of behaviour f o r the whole country. Here l i e d h i s IS" i n g e n u i t y and h i s l e a d e r s h i p . - 26 -Contrary to the b u r e a u c r a t i c m e n t a l i t y of the S o v i e t Union, Mao was a f e r v e n t advocate of the theory of permanent r e v o l u t i o n . In h i s view, man and s o c i e t y would be re-shaped i n a never-ending process of s t r u g g l e which would continue even a f t e r f u l l communism had been e s t a b l i s h e d , because according to h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m , c o n t r a d i c t i o n s were inherent i n s o c i e t y . The way to solve c o n t r a d i c t i o n s was to s t r u g g l e , c r i t i c i z e and transform. Mao a l s o d i f f e r e n t i a t e d two types of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , a n t a g o n i s t i c and non-antagonistic. In h i s famous August 1937 l e c t u r e at the Anti-Japanese M i l i t a r y and P o l i t i c a l College i n Yenan, "On C o n t r a d i c t i o n , " Mao c i t e d the f o l l o w i n g example: "Economically, i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y (where the .town under bourgeois r u l e r u t h l e s s l y e x p l o i t s the countryside) ... the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the town and the countryside i s one of extreme antagonism. But i n a s o c i a l i s t country and i n our r e v o l u t i o n a r y bases, such an a n t a g o n i s t i c c o n t r a d i c t i o n becomes a non-antagonistic c o n t r a d i c t i o n ; ..."^ This passage revealed Mao's consciousness of the r u r a l -urban c o n t r a d i c t i o n as e a r l y as 1937 . a c o n t r a d i c t i o n he c o n s t a n t l y t r i e d to u n i f y t i l l h i s death. 1 He r e a l i z e d China was s t i l l an a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y ; i n the peasantry l i e d h i s s t r e n g t h . - 27 -3•5 The Chinese M a r x i s t S o l u t i o n to Development Upon the u n i f i c a t i o n of China, the CCP promulgated two goals f o r the n a t i o n : ( i ) to develop China's backward economy i n t o a modern, i n d u s t r i a l i z e d economy; ( i i ) to e s t a b l i s h a new s o c i a l order i n accordance w i t h Marxism-Leninism. In planning f o r China's development, and experimenting towards a pure communist s o c i e t y , the country t o date had passed through a number of episodes of c o n t r a s t i n g nature. A b r i e f review of these episodes w i l l provide a b e t t e r understanding of the seemingly o s c i l l a t i n g p o l i c i e s of the country towards r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n . 3 • 5• 1 19^9-1952 - Per i o d of Reconstruction The most notable achievements of t h i s p e r i o d were the r e s t o r a t i o n of law and order, the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a s t a b l e currency, and the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of l a n d . By 1952 , China became a country of small o w n e r - c u l t i v a t o r s . The land reform was s i g n i f i c a n t i n that i t l i b e r a t e d peasants from the p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e against the r u r a l landed gentry; and the personal s t r u g g l e against an i n h e r i t e d hopelessness ] P, and t a c i t acceptance of i n f e r i o r s t a t u s . 3 . 5 . 2 I 9 5 3 - I 9 5 7 - The F i r s t Five Year P l a n The S o v i e t model of economic development was adopted. - 28 -I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was emphasized at the expense of a g r i c u l t u r e . Heavy i n d u s t r y r e c e i v e d p r i o r i t y over l i g h t i n d u s t r y . R u r a l v i l l a g e s were f o r c e d to pay f o r the development of heavy i n d u s t r i e s through high t a x a t i o n , biased p r i c e p o l i c i e s , 19 and high r e n t a l s to the t r a c t o r s t a t i o n s . -This p e r i o d was also c h a r a c t e r i z e d by Russian a i d i n terms of loans and e x p e r t i s e . Taking the Russians' advice, m a t e r i a l i n c e n t i v e s and p r o f i t a b i l i t y t e s t i n g were i n i n c r e a s i n g use. Investment was concentrated i n modern, l a r g e - s c a l e i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s . Education was o r i e n t e d towards examinations, c r e a t i o n of an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e l i t e of cadres and i n t e l l e c t u a l s , and a p r o f e s s i o n a l e l i t e of t e c h n i c i a n s and managers. The d i s p a r i t i e s between the c i t y and i t s h i n t e r l a n d i n t e n s i f i e d , e s p e c i a l l y i n the p r o v i s i o n of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s such as medical care, education, water and sewage, and e l e c t r i c power. For example, i n 1949, there were only 10,000 modern ph y s i c i a n s i n China. By 1963, 25,000 doctors were graduating annually, but n e a r l y a l l of them remained i n the c i t i e s . In economic terms, the F i r s t F ive Year P l a n was considered a success. According to o f f i c i a l f i g u r e s , the gross output value of a l l i n d u s t r y increased at an average annual r a t e of 18%. Scholars i n the west, f o r v a r i o u s reasons, considered t h i s an overestimate, and r e v i s e d the f i g u r e to Ikfo. Even at t h i s lowered estimate, the achievement was q u i t e impressive. - - 29 -3 - 5 - 3 1958-1960 - The Great Leap Forward The CCP, p a r t i c u l a r l y Mao, was encouraged "by the success of the F i r s t Five Year P l a n , and aimed to achieve a higher growth r a t e f o r the Second Fi v e Year Pla n . By the end of the F i r s t Five Year Plan, however, Sino-Soviet r e l a t i o n s began to d e t e r i o r a t e . Fundamentally, the i s s u e was a dispute over a u t h o r i t y . The Communist Par t y of the Soviet Union (CPSU) viewed China as a new and dangerous challenge to i t s l e a d e r s h i p i n the Communist world. China, on the other hand, viewed the Soviet Union's i n c r e a s i n g i n t e r f e r e n c e i n i t s i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s as a t h r e a t to i t s 21 sovereignty and independence. Imbued with notions of n a t i o n a l i s m , s e l f - r e l i a n c e , and a f a i t h i n the masses, Mao i n i t i a t e d the Great Leap Forward Movement i n 1958- This movement was a mass campaign to m o b i l i z e every c i t i z e n to help China to i n d u s t r i a l i z e more r a p i d l y with l e s s dependence on Soviet a i d . Indigenous methods of production and s m a l l - s c a l e i n d u s t r i e s were encouraged i n 'backyard f a c t o r i e s . ' O f f i c i a l l y termed as "walking w i t h two l e g s , " t h i s p o l i c y of dual i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n -modern, l a r g e - s c a l e i n d u s t r i e s i n s t a t e f a c t o r i e s : indigenous, s m a l l - s c a l e i n d u s t r i e s i n backyard f a c t o r i e s - represented a departure from the p r e v i o u s l y adopted Soviet model of sole emphasis on high-technology, c a p i t a l - i n t e n s i v e 22 techniques. However, the Great Leap Forward was g e n e r a l l y r a t e d by Western s c h o l a r s as a stumble, r a t h e r than a leap of the - 30 -Chinese economy. Upon c l o s e r examination, t h i s stumble might not be due to the p o l i c y per se, but to poor pla n n i n g and other extraneous f a c t o r s , such as: ( i ) Because the movement was improvised r a t h e r than well-planned, i t created bottlenecks i n the supply of raw m a t e r i a l s and i n the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system; ( i i ) Many of the backyard furnaces e v e n t u a l l y closed down because of i n e f f i c i e n c y and l a c k of s k i l l s . At best, the s t e e l and i r o n produced were of low grade. ( i i i ) P roduction q u a n t i t y was emphasized to the ne g l e c t of maintenance and r e p a i r of e x i s t i n g c a p i t a l and machinery. ( i v ) 1958 was also the year when cooperatives were merged i n t o communes. P r i v a t e land t i t l e s were a b o l i s h e d . Even small p r i v a t e garden p l o t s were c a n c e l l e d . Many peasants were not ready f o r t h i s abrupt i n s t i -t u t i o n a l change. As a r e s u l t , there was an apparent drop i n work m o t i v a t i o n among the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n . A g r i c u l t u r a l production d e c l i n e d from the 1957 l e v e l , (v) The movement coincided w i t h the c l i m a t i c d i s a s t e r s of 1 9 5 9 - 6 1 , with droughts i n the north and f l o o d s and typhoons i n the south. ( v i ) By i 9 6 0 , the Sino-Soviet c o n f l i c t culminated i n the complete withdrawal of loans and t e c h n i c i a n s by U.S.S.R.23 To r e c a p i t u l a t e , the Great Leap was an economic f a i l u r e . I t d i d , however, disseminate industrial/know-how to the masses - 31 -and pioneered experimentations w i t h s m a l l - s c a l e i n d u s t r i e s . 3 . 5 . 4 I 9 6 I - I 9 6 5 - The New Economic P o l i c y Rebuffed by the set-backs of the Great Leap, China again relapsed i n t o the previous Soviet model of m a t e r i a l incen-t i v e s and p r o f e s s i o n a l e l i t i s m . P r i v a t e p l o t s were r e s t o r e d . Control over the " f r e e " market was re l a x e d . A g r i c u l t u r a l and i n d u s t r i a l production was i n c r e a s i n g l y c o n t r o l l e d by managers, planners, technocrats and cadres. 3 . 5 • 5 I 9 6 6 - I 9 6 8 The Great P r o l e t a r i a n C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n J u s t when China's economy was s t a b i l i s i n g , production was again i n t e r r u p t e d by the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . Some c r i t i c s viewed the movement as a personal power st r u g g l e between L i u Shao-Chi and Mao Tse-Tung. In a broader pers-p e c t i v e , i t could' be viewed as a struggle between revisionism and pure M a r x i s t s o c i a l i s m . During the year of the New Economic P o l i c y , two counter-f o r c e s against s o c i a l i s m gained momentum: ( i ) the o l d e l i t e of bourgeois p r o f e s s i o n a l s , i n t e l l e c t u a l s , and l a n d l o r d s t r i e d t o wrest back the i n i t i a t i v e a f t e r the hardships of I 9 5 9 - 6 I ; ( i i ) the tendency of the "new" bur e a u c r a t i c leaders - the Party cadres - to form a1new e l i t e divorced from peasants. Liao and h i s f o l l o w e r s wanted to give r e c o g n i t i o n f o r i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r t i s e i n s p e c i a l i z e d f i e l d s , s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s - 32 -and e x t r a compensation, mental but no p h y s i c a l labour to the educated i n t e l l i g e n s i a . Mao and h i s f o l l o w e r s were of the op i n i o n t h a t i t mattered l i t t l e i f the means of production was owned by the people. What mattered was t h a t l e a d e r s h i p must be i n c o r r u p t i b l e and that c o n t r o l of the means of production must r e s t i n the hands of the masses. Bureaucratism and e l i t i s m were considered symptoms of c a p i t a l i s t r e s t o r a t i o n and e x p l o i t a t i o n . To check the counter-forces to s o c i a l i s m , the e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n v/as encouraged to challenge and examine every f a c e t and p r i n c i p l e , every t h e o r e t i c i a n and a d m i n i s t r a t o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y leaders i n the CCP who were t a k i n g the c a p i t a l i s t road. By the economic y a r d s t i c k , the movement undoubtedly d i s r u p t e d the economy again. Schools and u n i v e r s i t i e s c l o s e d f o r two years. F a c t o r i e s e i t h e r closed down or ran at l/j to 1/2 of ca p a c i t y . Red guards monopolised the already inadequate r a i l w a y system. Managers, technocrats, p r o f e s s o r s , mayors, and cadres were c r i t i c i z e d , challenged, and kept i n a s t a t e of f e a r and u n c e r t a i n t y . Excesses were rampant, oh f o r example, the B r i t i s h O f f i c e i n Peking was burnt i n I 9 6 7 . 3 . 5 . 6 I 9 6 9 - I 9 7 5 - Post C u l t u r a l Revolution E ra Though the C u l t u r a l Revolution d i s r u p t e d and slowed China's economic production, i t d i d h a l t the trend towards - 3 3 -r e v i s i o n i s m , bureaucratism, and e l i t i s m . The Post C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n era was one of experimen-t a t i o n and change i n every f a c e t of l i f e : i n d u s t r y , a g r i -c u l t u r e , h e a l t h , education; even a r t , poetry and music. The c o n t r a d i c t i o n of red versus expert was wid e l y discussed. The s o l u t i o n reached was to i n t e g r a t e i n t e l l e c t u a l and manual labour, p r o f e s s i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l consciousness. 3 • 6 Summary To sum up, the v i c i s s i t u d e s of the CCP l e a d e r s h i p seem to stem from the d i f f e r e n t o r i e n t a t i o n s w i t h i n the p a r t y . Crudely, the CCP could be p o l a r i z e d i n t o two i d e a l types. They have been v a r i o u s l y named as r a d i c a l s and conservatives; U t o p i a n s and pragmatists; e g a l i t a r i a n s and economic maximizers. Both camps agree on the two promulgated n a t i o n a l g o a l s : ( i ) economic - to modernize and i n d u s t r i a l i z e China; ( i i ) non-economic - to achieve a new S o c i a l i s t order i n accordance with Marxism-Leninism. They d i f f e r , however, i n the o r d e r i n g of the p r i o r i t i e s , and the means to the ends. - 3 ^ -E g a l i t a r i a n s - non-economic goals f i r s t , even at the expense of s t a l l i n g economic growth - e q u a l i t y now, concerned with the spreading of growth - continued r e v o l u t i o n basic to l i f e - anti-bureaucratism, a n t i - e l i t i s m - moral i n c e n t i v e s only, demand the "Yenan s p i r i t " from the people: e q u a l i t y ; comradeship; s e l f - s a c r i f i c e ; d e d i c a t i o n to the country. Pragmatists - economic goals f i r s t - e q u a l i t y l a t e r , concerned wi t h o v e r a l l macro growth - s t a b i l i z a t i o n and peace are p r e - r e q u i s i t e s f o r growth - temporary t o l e r a n c e f o r bureaucratism and e l i t i s m moral and m a t e r i a l i n c e n t i v e s , w i l l i n g to bend from the "Yenan" way. I t must be r e i t e r a t e d that the above c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s merely compiled f o r ease of understanding. V/ithin the CCP, there are c e r t a i n l y more than two p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s , and w i t h i n the same person, h i s t h i n k i n g may change over time. For example, Mao h i m s e l f declared he belonged to the centre of the l e f t i s t camp, i . e . , a c e n t r a l l e f t i s t , and denounced the e x t r e m i t i e s of the u l t r a - l e f t i s t s during the C u l t u r a l 25 R e v o l u t i o n . J This chapter has provided a backdrop to the Chinese scene. The s t a g e - i s set f o r an examination of China's u r b a n i z a t i o n since 1949. - 35 -CHAPTER I I I FOOTNOTES "'"U.S. Ce n t r a l i n t e l l i g e n c e Agency, China (U.S.A.: Rand. McNally & Co. , 1972), p. 5-2 l b i d , ^Chiao-Min Hsieh, A t l a s of China (New York: McGraw-Hill Inc., 1973), P- 81. 4 Ibid. ^Douglas Hurd, The Arrow War. An Anglo-Chinese Confusion (New York: The MacMillan Co., I967), pp. I7O-I7I. Arthur G. Ashbrook, J r . , An Economic P r o f i l e of Mainland  China (New York: Praeger, I968), p. 18. ^Hsieh, op. c i t . , p. 260. Q Franz Schurmann, Ideology and Organization i n Communist China, 2nd ed., (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, I970), pp. 173-221. ^ I b i d . , pp. I05-I72. I b i d . 1 1 I b i d . , pp. 109-112. ± 2 I b i d . , p. 180 1 % . B . Acton, The I l l u s i o n of the Epoch: Marxism-Leninism  as a P h i l o s o p h i c a l Creed, 2nd ed., (London: Cohen & West L t d . , 1962), p. ~-^ I b i d . ^Schurmann, op. c i t . , pp. 24-57' -1 s Jerome Ch'en, Mao. Great Li v e s Observed (New Jersey: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc.', 1969), p . l 6 l . 17 (New York: I n t e r n a t Mao Tse-Tung, Selected Works., Volume I I I937-I938, r n a t i o n a l P u b l i s h e r s Co., Inc. ,. 195*4-), p. 51. - 36 -i ft Bob and Maggi Vvhyte, "The Chinese Commune," Community  Development J o u r n a l , Volume 9,. No.l (January, I974}, 3 3 - 3 9 . " ^ L i Choh-Ming, "Economic Development," Communist  China, ed. Franz Schurmann and O r v i l l e S c h e l l (Middlesex: Penguin Books, I 9 6 7 ) , 189-208. 2 0 Matthew H. Liang, et a l , "Chinese Health Care: Determinants of the System," E k i s t i c s , 2 2 0 (Blarch, 1 9 7 ^ ) » 2 0 6 - 2 1 1 . 2 1 Harry Gelman, "The Sino-Soviet C o n f l i c t , " Communist China ,ed. Franz Schurmann and O r v i l l e S c h e l l (Middlesex: Penguin-Books, I 9 6 7 ) , 262-284. 22 Kang Chao, "The Great Leap," Communist China, ed. Franz Schurmann and . O r v i l l e S c h e l l (Middlesex: Penguin Books, I 9 6 7 ) , 402 - 2 1 1 . 2 3 I b i d . Oh, Ross T e r r i l l , 8 0 0 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 The Real China (New York: D e l l P u b l i s h i n g Co., Inc., 1 9 7 1 ) . P-67-2 5 I b i d . r CHAPTER IV URBANIZATION IN CHINA - 37 -^ • 1 Rate of Urban Growth Detai led s t a t i s t i c a l data on the growth of China's urban population are ava i lab le up to 1957• Table I . Growth of Urban Population i n China 19^9-1957 ( in ' 0 0 0 s )  Year Tota l Population Urban Population Urban (%) 1949 541 ,670 57^50 1 0 . 6 1950 551 ,960 61 ,690 1 1 . 1 1951 563 ,000 66 ,320 11.8 1952 57^,820 71 ,630 1 2 . 5 1953 587 ,960 77,670 1 3 . 2 1954 , 601 ,720 81 ,550 1 3 . 6 1955 614,650 82 ,850 1 3 . 5 1956 %627,800 89 ,150 14 .2 1957 642,000 92 ,000 14 .3 Source: Pi-Chao Chen, "Overurbanization, Rus t i ca t ion of Urban-educated Youths , - and P o l i t i c s of Rural Transformation: The Case of China", Comparative P o l i t i c s , No.4 ( A p r i l , 1 9 7 2 ) , 361T386 . Exact f igures for the years a f ter 1957 are not a v a i l a b l e . I t i s estimated that i n 1975 , China's t o t a l population was 7 7 0 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 ± 3 0 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 , with approximately 20$ u r b a n . 1 Based on t h i s estimate, China's urban populat ion grew at an annual rate of 6 . 7 6 $ from I 9 4 9 - I 9 7 5 . 4 .2 , Sources of Urban Growth Urban populat ion growth occurs from four sources: 4 . 2 . 1 na tura l increase i n urban areas; 4 . 2 . 2 i n t e r n a l rura l -urban migrat ion; - 38 -4 . 2 . 3 extension of urban boundaries; 4 . 2 . 4 i n t e r n a t i o n a l m i g r a t i o n to urban areas. Since i n t e r n a t i o n a l m i g r a t i o n i s outside the scope of t h i s t h e s i s , only the f i r s t three sources w i l l be examined. 4 . 2 . 1 N a t u r a l Increase When the GCP assumed c o n t r o l i n 1 9 ^ 9 , they were i n f l u e n c e d by the Mar x i s t philosophy of c l a s s s t r u g g l e s and d i d not consider China's huge po p u l a t i o n as a handicap f o r r a p i d economic development. Mao, i n p a r t i c u l a r , was of the op i n i o n that the problem was not one of po p u l a t i o n , but a matter of m o b i l i z a t i o n of resources and eq u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n of growth. Because of t h i s i n i t i a l M a r x i s t bras, b i r t h c o n t r o l programs were given low p r i o r i t y i n the e a r l y 1950s , and China's p o p u l a t i o n r e c e i v e d a boost during the years of r e c o n s t r u c t i o n and the F i r s t Five Year Plan, (see Table I I . ) Table I I . Growth of China's Population 1949-56 End of Year Population number i n ' 000 J % Increase 1949 541 ,670 -1950 5 5 L 9 6 0 1.9 1951 563 ,000 2 . 0 1952 574,820 2 . 1 1953 587 ,960 2 . 2 9 1954 601 ,720 2 . 3 4 1955 614 ,650 2.14 1956 627,800 | 2.14 Source: Leo A. Orleans, Every F i f t h C h i l d : The Popu l a t i o n of China,p. 3 0 . - 39 -While the r a t e of n a t u r a l increase from 1949-1956 was recorded at 2 .27$ Ver annum f o r the whole p o p u l a t i o n , the urban r a t e of n a t u r a l increase was higher than the n a t i o n a l average, approximating 3-5$ Based on t h i s r a t e , i t could be c a l c u l a t e d that 45 . 7$ of the urban p o p u l a t i o n growth f o r the p e r i o d I949-I957 came from n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e s . 4.2.2 Rural-urban M i g r a t i o n Since no n a t i o n a l f i g u r e s on urban t e r r i t o r i a l changes are a v a i l a b l e , and i n t e r n a t i o n a l m i g r a t i o n to China f o r the same per i o d was very l i m i t e d , i t could be assumed that 54.3$ of the urban population grov/th f o r the p e r i o d was a t t r i b u t a b l e to r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n . 4.2.3 T e r r i t o r i a l Extensions Although n a t i o n a l f i g u r e s are not a v a i l a b l e , l o c a l f i g u r e s are a v a i l a b l e f o r Shanghai and Peking, and w i l l be discussed i n the next chapter. ^•3 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Urban Growth As mentioned i n Chapter I I I , China was an inward-looking, s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t kingdom u n t i l B r i t a i n used force to i n s i s t on i t s " r i g h t " to trade with China, The Opium War of 1840 ended i n the Treaty of Nanking, 1842, with China being f o r c e d at gun-point to open f i v e t r e a t y ports f o r trade: C nton, Shanghai, Amoy, Foochow and Ningpo. A f t e r the s i g n i n g of the t r e a t y , China very soon resumed i t s a t t i t u d e of aloofness, \ - 40 -which l e d to the Second Anglo-Chinese War i n I 8 6 0 . This war ended i n another t r e a t y , the Treaty of T i e n t s i n , I 8 6 0 . -By that t r e a t y , China agreed to open an a d d i t i o n a l 11 treaty-ports f o r commerce. Out of the 16 t r e a t y p o r t s , only f i v e gained prominence, namely, Shanghai, Canton, T i e n t s i n , Nanking, and Wuhan. A l l are l o c a t e d i n the eastern c o a s t a l p rovinces. Of the f i v e , Shanghai was the l a r g e s t and could be .called the primate c i t y of China i n 1949• When the CCP took c o n t r o l i n 1 9 4 9 , they found a heavy concentration of urban p o p u l a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l p roduction i n the eastern t r e a t y p o r t s . The leaders were anxious to r e c t i f y such a l o p s i d e d d i s t r i b u t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y when the t r e a t y ports were remnants of China's s e m i - c o l o n i a l past. The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s assess China's performance i n t h i s regard according to three i n d i c e s : 4 . 3 - 1 the primacy index; 4 . 3 . 2 the 'population' index - changes i n p o p u l a t i o n i n the 17 l a r g e s t c i t i e s from 1 9 4 8 - 1 9 5 8 ; 4 . 3 . 3 "the ' i n d u s t r i a l p l a n t s ' index - changes i n the a l l o c a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l p l a n t s among the 17 l a r g e s t c i t i e s from 1 9 4 8 - 1 9 6 0 . 4 . 3 . 1 The Primacy Index The primacy index i s the r a t i o of.the p o p u l a t i o n of the l a r g e s t c i t y to the combined p o p u l a t i o n of the top four c i t i e s . ^ The top f o u r c i t i e s i n 1948 and I 9 5 8 r e s p e c t i v e l y - 41 -are shown i n the f o l l o w i n g t a b l e s . Table I I I . China's Top 4 C i t i e s i n 1948 C i t y 1948 Pop i n ' 0 0 0 s Shanghai 4,423 T i e n t s i n 1,686 Peking- 1 , 603 Canton 1,414 Table IV. China's Top 4 C i t i e s i n 1958 C i t y 1958 Pop . i n ' 0 0 0 s Sh angh a i 6 ,977 Peking 4,148 T i e n t s i n 3,278 Shenyang 2,423 Source: Yuan-Li V:u, The S p a t i a l Economy of Communist China, pp. 2 0 9 - 2 1 5 -The primacy index f o r 1948 was O .49 . By 1958 , i t was reduced to 0.41, which meant that d u r i n g that i n t e r v a l , China achieved a more balanced spread of urban growth. A c l e a r e r p i c t u r e of that spread can be obtained by t r a c i n g the growth of China's m i l l i o n c i t i e s . In 1948 , there were 7 c i t i e s w ith populations of over 1 m i l l i o n . The number increased to 9 i n 1953> 15 i n 1958 , and 17 i n i 9 6 0 , (see Maps No. 2 and 3 . ) Map No.3 MILLION CITIES IN i 9 6 0 (TOTAL=17) Source: Adapted from K. Buchanan, Trans formati on the Chinese E a r t h , pp. 270-274". - 43 - . From the maps, i t i s apparent that there i s a westward d i s p e r s i o n of urban centres away from the eastern c o a s t a l provinces towards the i n l a n d provinces. Of the 17 m i l l i o n c i t i e s i n i 9 6 0 , only f i v e are former t r e a t y p o r t s : Shanghai, T i e n t s i n , Nanking, Canton, and Wuhan. 4 . 3 . 2 The 'Population' Index - Changes«in Pop u l a t i o n i n the 17 Largest C i t i e s from 1948-1958  A d e t a i l e d chart of the pop u l a t i o n growth of China's 17 l a r g e s t c i t i e s i n 1948 , 1953 and 1958 i s shown i n Table V. The ranking of the 17 c i t i e s by po p u l a t i o n over time (1948 , 1953 , 1958) i s depicted i n T a b l e VI. Shanghai was s t i l l the l a r g e s t c i t y i n 1958 , but T i e n t s i n ' s second place was replaced by the n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l , Peking. Three of the f i v e t r e a t y p o r t s dropped i n rank, namely, T i e n t s i n , Canton and Nanking. _ ZJ4 -TABLE V. POPULATION GROWTH OF 1? LARGEST CITIES, 1948, 1953, 19 56 ( i n 'OOOs) C i t y Province 1948 Pop 1953 Pop 1958 Pop Shanghai Kiangsu 4,423 6,204 6,977 T i e n t s i n Hopeh 1,686 2 , 6 9 4 3 , 2 7 8 Peking- Hopeh 1,603 2 , 7 6 8 4,148 Canton Kwangtung 1,414 1,599 L 8 6 7 Nanking Kiangsu 1,230 1,092 1 .455 Shenyang- Lia o n i n g 1,121 2 , 3 0 0 2,423 Chungking Szechwan 1,040 1,847 2 , 1 6 5 Wuhan ( t r i - c i t i e s of Wuchang, Hanchow and | Hanyang) Hupeh 910 1,427 2 , 2 2 6 Tsingtao Shantung 788 917 1,144 Harbin Heilungkiang 760 1,163 1 ,595 I Cheng-tu Szechwan 727 857 1,135 Chang-chun K i r i n 630 855 988 Lu-ta (combines Port Arthur and Dairen) L i a o n i n g 569 892 1,590 Fu-shun L i a o n i n g 513 679 1,019 Sian Shensi 503 787 1,368 Lanchow Kansu 204 397 732 Tai-yuan Shansi 200 | 721 1,053 Source: Yuan-Li Wu, The S p a t i a l Economy of Communist China, pp. 2 0 9 - 2 1 5 . Note: former t r e a t y ports are underlined. - . 4 5 -TABLE VI. 17 LARGEST CITIES RANKED BY 1948, 1953 AND 1958 POPULATIONS  Rank No. Rank of C i t i e s i n 1948 Rank of C i t i e s . i n 1953 Rank of C i t i e s i n 1958 1 Shanghai Shanghai Shanghai 2 T i e n t s i n Peking- Peking 3 Peking- T i e n t s i n T i e n t s i n 4 Canton Shenyang Shenyang-5 Nanking Chungking Wuhan 6 Shenyang Canton Chungking 7 Chungking Wuhan Canton 8 Wuhan Harbin Harbin 9 Tsingtao Nanking Lu-ta 10 Harbin Tsingtao Nanking 11 Cheng-tu Lu-ta Sian 12 Chang-chun Cheng-tu Tsingtao 13 Lu-ta Chang-chun Cheng-tu 14 Fu-shun Sian Tai-yuan 15 Sian Tai-yuan Fu-shun ' 16 Lanchow Fu-shun Chang-chun 17 Tai-Yuan Lan cho v/ j Lanchow Note: Former t r e a t y p orts are underlined. - 46 -The growth of China's i n l a n d c i t i e s "becomes more impressive i f we take a look at the ranking of the 17 c i t i e s by po p u l a t i o n growth r a t e s . Table VII ranks the 17 l a r g e s t c i t i e s by po p u l a t i o n growth r a t e s , 1 9 4 8 - 1 9 5 8 . In terms of growth r a t e s , the top 2 c i t i e s i n 1948 , Shanghai and T i e n t s i n , receded to 1 1 t h and 1 2 t h i n 1 9 5 8 . The bottom two c i t i e s i n 1948 , Lanchow and Tai-yuan, surfaced to f i r s t and second i n 1958 . Four of the f i v e t r e a t y p o r t s dropped i n ran k i n g . Canton and Nanking experienced the lowest r a t e s of growth f o r the per i o d 1 9 4 8 - 1 9 5 8 . - 4? -TABLE VII 17 LARGEST CITIES RANKED BY POPULATION GROWTH RATES, 1948-1958 =  Rank No. Rank i n 1948 (according to 1948 pop.) Rank i n 1958 (according to column (a) ) Average annual growth rate 1948-1958 (a) $age increase of 1958 pop over 1948 pop (1948-100$) 1 Shanghai Tai-yuan 42 . 7$ 527$ 2 T i e n t s i n Lanchow 2 5 . 9 $ 359$ 3 Peking L u - t a 1 7 . 9 $ 279$ 4 Canton Sian 1 7 . 2 $ 272$ 5 Nanking Peking- 1 5 . 9 $ 259$ 6 Shenyang Wuhan 14. 5$ 245$ 7 Chungking Shenyang 1 1 . 6 $ 216$ 8 Wuhan Harbin 1 1 . 0 $ 210$ 9 Tsingtao Chungking 1 0 . 8 $ 208$ 10 Harbin Fushun 9 . 9 $ 199$ 11 Cheng-tu T i e n t s i n 9 . 4 $ 194$ 12 Chang-chun Shanghai 5 . 8 $ 158$ 13 L u - t a Chang-chun 5 - 7 $ 157$ 14 Fushun Cheng-tu 5 . 6 $ 156$ Sian Tsingtao 4 . 5 $ 145$ 16 Lanchow Canton 3 - 2 $ 133$ 17 Tai-yuan 1 Nanking 1 . 8 $ 118$ Note: Former treaty ports are under l ined. - 48 -4 . 3 - 3 T h e ' I n d u s t r i a l P l a n t s ' Index - Changes i n the A l l o c a t i o n of I n d u s t r i a l P l a n t s among the l a r g e s t 17 C i t i e s from 1948-1960 D o l l a r values of i n d u s t r i a l investments are not a v a i l -able, but the number of i n d u s t r i a l p l a n t s i s a v a i l a b l e . Table V I I I i s the r a n k i n g of the 17 c i t i e s by number of i n d u s t r i a l p l a n t s i n 1949 and i 9 6 0 . Shanghai was the lead i n I949 and maintained the lead i n i 9 6 0 . She was s t i l l the l a r g e s t i n d u s t r i a l centre i n i 9 6 0 . - 4-9 -TABLE V I I I 17 LARGEST CITIES RANKED BY NUMBER OF INDUSTRIAL PLANTS, 19^9 , I960  Rank No. Rank of C i t i e s i n 1949 No. of Plant s i n 1949 P l a n t s Added since 1949 Rank of C i t i e s i n i 9 6 0 T o t a l No. of P l a n t s i n i 9 6 0 1 Shanghai 168 43 Shanghai 212 2 Peking 40 66 Peking 106 3 T i e n t s i n 40 37 T i e n t s i n 77 4 Shenyang 37 34 Canton 73 D Canton 35 38 Shenyang 71 6 Harbin 28 21 Harbin 49 7 Lu-ta 23 10 Wuhan 47 8 Wuhan 17 29 Chungking 41 9 Chungking 15 25 Luta 33 10 Fushun 13 6 Tai-yuan 33 11 Chang-chun 13 16 Nanking 32 12 Tai-yuan 11 22 Sian 32 13 Nanking 8 24 Changchun 29 14 Sian 7 24 Fushun 19 15 Tsingtao 7 11 Tsingtao 18 16 Lanchow 3 15 Lanchow 18 17 Cheng-tu 2 12 | • , .1: Ch engtu 14 Source: Sen-Dou Chang, "The M i l l i o n C i t y of Main-land China", P a c i f i c Viewpoint, Volume 9, No.2 (September, I968), 128 - 1 5 3 . Note: Former t r e a t y ports are und e r l i n e d . - 50 -A g a i n , the growth o f i n d u s t r i a l c a p a c i t y i n China's i n l a n d c i t i e s becomes more i m p r e s s i v e i f we t a k e a l o o k a t the r a n k i n g o f the 17 c i t i e s by p e r c e n t a g e i n c r e a s e o f i n d u s t r i a l p l a n t s , 1949 to i 9 6 0 , (see Table IX.) • I t can be seen t h a t t h e h i g h e s t a b s o l u t e number o f new p l a n t s added, 66 , was i n P e k i n g , r e f l e c t i n g the reg i m e ' s d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o t r a n s f o r m the c a p i t a l i n t o a s t r o n g i n d u s t r i a l base. The h i g h e s t p e r c e n t a g e growth, however, o c c u r r e d i n the t h r e e i n l a n d c i t i e s o f Cheng-tu, 700$ ; Lanchow, 600$; v. and S i a n , 4 4 3 $ . Shanghai e x p e r i e n c e d the l o w e s t p e r c e n t a g e growth, 26%.$ Shanghai, the number one c i t y i n 1949 , sank to the bottom i n i 9 6 0 . The bottom two c i t i e s i n 1949, Lanchow and Cheng-tu, r o s e t o f i r s t and second i n i 9 6 0 . - 51 -TABLE IX 17 LARGEST CITIES RANKED BY PERCENTAGE INCREASE OF INDUSTRIAL PLANTS, 1949 TO i 9 6 0  Rank No. Rank i n I949 (according to no. of e x i s t -ent p l a n t s ) Rank i n i 9 6 0 (according to column (a) ) Pl a n t Increase i n i 9 6 0 (1949-100$) (a) 1 Shanghai Cheng-tu 700$ 2 Peking Lanchow 600 3 T i e n t s i n S i a n 443 4 Shenyang Nanking 400 5 Canton Tai-yuan 300 6 Harbin Wuh an 271 7 Lu-ta Chungking 267 8 V.uhan Peking 265 9 Chungking Tsingtao 257 10 Fushun Chang-chun 223 11 Chang-chun Canton 209 12 ' Tai-yuan -Shenyang 192 13 Nanking T i e n t s i n 192 14 Sian Harbin 175 15 Tsingtao Fushun 146 16 Lanchow Lu-Ta 143 17 Cheng-tu | Shanghai 126 Note: Former t r e a t y ports are underlined. - 52 -CHAPTER IV FOOTNOTES """Cheng-slang Chen, "Population Growth and U r b a n i z a t i o n i n China, 1 9 5 3 - 1 9 7 0 , " E k i s t i c s , 226 (September, 1974), I92-I98. 2 Pi-Chao Chen, "Overurbanization, R u s t i c a t i o n of Urban-educated Youths, and p o l i t i c s of Rural Transformation: The Case of China", Comparative P o l i t i c s , 4 ( A p r i l , I972), 361-86. -^Douglas Hurd, The Arrow War (New York: The MacMillan Co., I 967 ) , pp. I7O-I7I. ^ B r i a n J.L. Berry, " C i t y S i z e D i s t r i b u t i o n s and Economic Development," Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change, Volume"9, No.4, Part I ( J u l y I96I), 5 7 3 - 5 8 3 . -'Sen-Dou Chang, "The M i l l i o n C i t y of Mainland China," P a c i f i c Viewpoint, Volume 9 , No.2 (September, I 9 6 8 ) , 128 -153-- 52a -CHAPTER V CHINA'S TWO LARGEST CITIES: SHANGHAI AND PEKING . . - 53 -The previous chapter traced China's u r b a n i z a t i o n r e c o r d on a n a t i o n a l s c a l e . This chapter w i l l focus on the urban growth of China's two l a r g e s t c i t i e s , Shanghai and Peking. 5 • 1 Shanghai 5 - 1 . 1 B r i e f H i s t o r y Shanghai, China's h i s t o r i c a l l y outward-looking " i n t e r -n a t i o n a l c i t y " bears the impress of the country's semi-c o l o n i a l past. The c i t y grew as a r e s u l t of the f o r c e d opening by B r i t a i n i n the 1 9 t h century. For many years, the c i t y was d i v i d e d i n t o B r i t i s h , French, American and Japanese conces-s i o n s , whose r e s i d e n t s enjoyed e x t r a - t e r r i t o r i a l r i g h t s on Chinese s o i l . 5 . 1 . 2 Rate of Growth, 1948-1958 Today, Shanghai i s s t i l l the country's number one c i t y . The p o p u l a t i o n on December, I 9 7 I , was recorded at 10,820 , 0 0 0 . This f i g u r e of 1 0 . 8 m i l l i o n , though f r e q u e n t l y quoted, i s seldom elaborated, and gives a very incomplete p i c t u r e of the c i t y ' s growth. In 1 9 4 8 , Shanghai's p o p u l a t i o n was 4 , 4 2 3 , 0 0 0 . By mid 1958, i t was 6 , 9 7 7 , 0 0 0 , an absolute increase of 2 , 5 5 4 , 0 0 0 1 or an average annual growth r a t e of 5.8%. 5 . 1 . 3 Sources of Growth, 1948-1958 For the year I956, the b i r t h r a t e i n Shanghai was - 54 -4 0 . 3 per thousand, the dea t h r a t e 6 .7 p e r thousand, r e s u l t i n g 2 i n a n e t n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e o f 3 3 - 6 p e r thousand or 3 - 3 6 $ . One can assume, t h e r e f o r e , t h a t w i t h i n t h e p e r i o d 1 9 4 8 - 1 9 5 8 , l e s s t h a n h a l f o f the c i t j r ' c p o p u l a t i o n growth was caused oy r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n . 5 . 1 . 4 Boundary E x t e n s i o n , 1 958 I n 1 9 5 8 , Shanghai extended h e r m u n i c i p a l boundary and i n c o r p o r a t e d a l a r g e t r a c t o f a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d . The major a r e a s o f Shanghai i n I 965 i s shown on Map No. 4 . - 55 -MAP NO. 4 SHANGHAI: MAJOR AREAS coast-line municipal boundary-urban core • r u r a l Shanghai suburban Shanghai Source? L. Alan Eyre, "Shanghai - World's Second City?" FrnffifiiH nn»1 flanpwph^-volume 13, No. 1 (January, 1971) 28-30. - 56 -Three zones are c l e a r l y d i s c e r n i b l e : ( i ) E x - i m p e r i a l Shanghai - This i s the h i s t o r i c densely populated core r e p r e s e n t i n g the o u t l i n e of the c i t y some t h i r t y years ago, an area l e s s than 47 sq. km. D e n s i t i e s i n t h i s core may reach 4 8 , 2 6 2 persons per sq. km. ( i i ) Semi-rural Shanghai - This i s the suburban r i n g of i n d u s t r y , s a t e l l i t e towns, and r u r a l communities. Density i s much lower, about 6 , 9 5 0 persons per sq. km. This r i n g encompasses .approximately 414 sq. km. ( i i i ) Rural-Shanghai - This i s the r u r a l h i n t e r l a n d of vegetable and r i c e communes, with s m a l l - s c a l e r u r a l i n d u s t r i e s . This area covers 5335 sq. km.-' Upon c l o s e r examination, only the C i t y Proper of Shanghai, i . e . e x - i m p e r i a l Shanghai plus s e m i - r u r a l Shanghai, can be c l a s s i f i e d as being t r u l y urban. R u r a l Shanghai was incorporated i n t o independent Shanghai shih ( c i t y ) i n 1958 based on the theme of l o c a l s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y to provide the C i t y Proper with food: r i c e , vegetables, m i l k e t c . Of the 1 0 . 8 m i l l i o n people reported i n Shanghai i n I 9 7 I by the China Cartographic I n s t i t u t e , Peking, the d i s t r i b u t i o n between C i t y Proper and Rur a l Shanghai was 4 -about 5-7 m i l l i o n to 5 ' 1 m i l l i o n . C o l l a t i n g the data and a d j u s t i n g f o r t e r r i t o r i a l - 57 -expansion, the trend of Shanghai's urban growth i s depicted i n the f o l l o w i n g graph: Figure 2. POPULATION OF SHANGHAI, 1948-1971 IN MiU40tiS | 1 » — > Yf&K IW i1S$ '1X1 The s t a t i s t i c s suggest that by 1971 , Shanghai's urban growth i s under c o n t r o l and that the C i t y Proper has a c t u a l l y l o s t p o p u l a t i o n . From 1948 -1958 , the annual growth r a t e was 5.8%. From 1958-1971* the annual growth r a t e was negative, a - 1 . 4 $ . - 58 -> 5 .2 Peking 5 . 2 . 1 B r i e f H i s t o r y Peking has been the n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l of China f o r various d y n a s t i e s . The c i t y grew as an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , p o l i t i c a l , and c u l t u r a l centre r a t h e r than an economic centre. Before 1949 , the only i n d u s t r y present i n Peking was the manufacture of labour- and s k i l l - i n t e n s i v e a r t h a n d i c r a f t s , e.g., the manufacture of f i n e p r o c e l a i n and d e l i c a t e l y carved s c u l p t u r e s of jade and i v o r y . In 1949 , Peking was made the c a p i t a l of China. In sharp contrast to Shanghai, Peking i s the symbol of the new inward-looking n a t i o n a l s p i r i t . The government d e l i b e r a t e l y wanted to transform Peking i n t o ' a n i n d u s t r i a l , as w e l l as an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l centre. 5 - 2 . 2 Rate of Growth, 1948-1958 In 1948, the p o p u l a t i o n of Peking was 1 , 6 0 3 , 0 0 0 . In 1958, the number was 4,148 , 000 , an absolute increase of 2 , 5 ^ 5 . 0 0 0 or an annual average growth r a t e of 1 5 . 9 $ . ^ This was very/much higher than the 5.8$ comparable s t a t i s t i c f o r Shanghai f o r the same p e r i o d . 5 . 2 . 3 Sources of Growth, 1948-1958 In I 9 5 6 , the b i r t h rate i n Peking was 39•3 per thousand, the death r a t e 6 .7 per thousand, r e s u l t i n g i n a net n a t u r a l increase of 3 2 . 6 per thousand or 3.26$ per annum. This meant that about 75$ of the urban growth i n Peking d u r i n g that p e r i o d was the r e s u l t of r u r a l m i g r a t i o n This was p a r t l y due to the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of Peking - 59 -and p a r t l y due to the i n f l u x of cadres to s t a f f the c e n t r a l government. 5 - 2 . 4 Boundary E x t e n s i o n , 1958 In 1958 , P e k i n g a l s o extended i t s m u n i c i p a l boundary to i n c o r p o r a t e l a r g e areas o f farm l a n d . The form o f the c a p i t a l c i t y bears resemblance to Shangha i , (see maps No. 5 and 6) . - 60 -MAP. No. 5 PEKING: MAJOR AREAS Source: Adapted from Sen-Dou Chang, "Peking: The Growing M e t r o p o l i s of Communist China," Geographical R eview, Volume 55 ( 1 9 6 5 ) , 313-327° - 61 -MAP No. 6 WALLED CITY OF PEiilNG W A L L E D CITY OF PEKING £ \ Old city gats New gale after 1949 Railroad "hfeOAN Wu' MEN ALTAR OF EARTH AN TING MEN ' STREET -CHIEN MEN-TSAI SHIH K'OU TIEN CH'IAO ALTAR OF , AGRICULTURE! /ALTAR OF HEAVEN f ' N. SUAN SHIH K'OU TSO AN MEN Source: Adapted from Sen-Dou Chang, "Peking: The Growing Metropolis of Communist China," Geographical Review, Volume 55 ( I 9 6 5 7 T 3 T 3 - 3 27. - 62 -Three zones can be i d e n t i f i e d : ( i ) C e n t r a l C i t y - This i s the walled c i t y which contains o l d China's I m p e r i a l C i t y and Forbidden C i t y . This core, with i t s government b u i l d i n g s , commercial d i s t r i c t s and o l d r e s i d e n t i a l areas, i s the most densely populated and covers approximately 71 sq. km. ( i i ) Suburbs - This i s the suburban f r i n g e of new f a c t o r i e s , schools and workers' d o r m i t o r i e s , and occupies about 1 ,353 sq. km. ( i i i ) R ural Peking - This i s the newly incorporated area of i n t e n s i v e farmland p r o v i d i n g the c i t y with g r a i n , vegetables, milk and f r u i t s . The area i s about 1 6 , 3 7 6 sq. km. Again, only the C i t y Proper of Peking, i . e . the Cent r a l C i t y plus the Suburbs, can be c l a s s i f i e d as being t r u l y urban. In 19?1» the C i t y Proper's p o p u l a t i o n was 4:-..2 m i l l i o n , while R u r a l Peking was i n h a b i t e d by 3 -5 m i l l i o n people.' 7 A d j u s t i n g f o r the t e r r i t o r i a l expansion i n 1958 , the trend of urban growth i n the c a p i t a l i s shown i n the graph below, (see f i g u r e 3 - ) - 63 -Figure 3 . POPULATION OF PEKING, 1948-1971 ?o? \H MiOL/oHS A Peking has not been depopulated, but s t a b i l i z e d . From 1 9 4 8 - 1 9 5 8 , the average annual growth r a t e was 1 5 . 9 $ . From 1958-1971» the equivalent growth r a t e was a meagre 0 . 1 9 $ . 5 . 3 Summary In c o n c l u s i o n , t h i s comparison of Shanghai with Peking suggests the f o l l o w i n g : 5 - 3 - 1 For the two l a r g e s t c i t i e s i n China, p o p u l a t i o n has a c t u a l l y decreased i n one and been held almost' constant i n t h e other 5 - 3 - 2 The lar g e c i t i e s o f t e n enlarge t h e i r perimeters to incorporate a g r i c u l t u r a l areas so as to be s e l f -s u f f i c i e n t i n food. The p a t t e r n i s u s u a l l y composed - 64- -of four concentric r i n g s : , <•' ( i ) the c e n t r a l core ( i i ) the suburb communities organized around f a c t o r i e s ( i i i ) vegetable communes ( i v ) r i c e communes - 65 -CHAPTER V FOOTNOTES Yuan-Li Wu with H.C. L i n g and Grace Hsiao Wu, The  S p a t i a l Economy of Communist China (New York: F r e d e r i c k A. Praeger, P u b l i s h e r s , I967;, pp. 2 0 9 - 2 1 5 . ^Etsuzo Onoye, "Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n of Urban P o p u l a t i o n i n China, "Developing Economies, 8 (March, I97O), 9 3 - I 2 7 . 3 ^L. Alan Eyre, "Shanghai - World's Second C i t y ? " P r o f e s s i o n a l Geographer, Volume 2 3 , No.l (January, 19-7!) , 28 - 3 0 . ^Ross T e r r i l l , Flowers on a Iron Tree (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1 9 7 5 ) , pp. 6 - 7 . ^Wu, et a l , op. c i t . ^Sen-Dou Chang, "Peking: The Growing M e t r o p o l i s of Communist China," Geographical Review, Volume 55 ( 1 9 ° 5 ) , 3 1 3 - 3 2 7 . ^Han Suyin, "Population Growth and B i r t h C o n t r o l i n China," Eastern Horizon, Volume X I I , No.5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) , 8-16. - 65a -CHAPTER VI CHINA'S RESPONSE TO RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION - 66 -A f t e r having dealt w i t h the r a t e of China's urban growth, the sources, and spread of that growth, t h i s chapter w i l l d e a l with the "how" i s s u e , the p o l i c i e s and programs adopted by the government th a t i n f l u e n c e i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n . However, i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to i s o l a t e China's p o l i c i e s on r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n from i t s p o l i c i e s on economic development, because i n China's recent h i s t o r y , u r b a n i z a t i o n i s an e f f e c t of d e l i b e r a t e i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . I t i s a l s o v i r t u a l l y impossible to divorce China's economic system from her s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l systems, because the three i n t e r a c t as a whole. One of the g r e a t e s t dilemmas of Mao's l e a d e r s h i p was hov; to f o s t e r r a p i d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , how to cope with s c a r c i t y , w h i l e b u i l d i n g and perpetuating a s o c i a l i s t , and h o p e f u l l y , e v e n t u a l l y a communist, s o c i e t y . Throughout China's l a s t quarter century, the c r u c i a l i s sues that d i v i d e the top policy-makers are: 1 ) the pace of economic development 2) the r a t e of investment 3) the i n t e r - s e c t o r a l p a t t e r n ( p r i o r i t i e s ) of investment 4) the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the generative and non-generative aspects of growth 5) the s t r u c t u r e of i n c e n t i v e s 6) the importance of t e c h n i c a l s k i l l s and t e c h n i c a l i n p u t s i n general i n the development process In search f o r d i r e c t i o n , the l a s t quarter century i n China was marked by f l u c t u a t i n g p o l i c i e s and d i r e c t i v e s , as b r i e f l y o u t l i n e d i n Chapter I I I . In order to h i g h l i g h t the r e l e v a n t p o l i c i e s w i t h impacts - 6? -on i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n , the author proposes to organize t h i s chapter along Mao's three great c o n t r a d i c t i o n s : 6 .1 the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between a g r i c u l t u r e and i n d u s t r y 6 .2 the c o n t r a d i c t i o n betv/een c i t y and countryside 6 .3 the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between mental and p h y s i c a l labour 6 . 1 The C o n t r a d i c t i o n betv/een A g r i c u l t u r e and Industry 6 . 1 . 1 Phase I - The Paramountcy of Industry, 194-9-1957 In i t s eagerness to modernize, China adopted the Soviet model of economic development i n i t s F i r s t F i v e Year Plan, 1953-1957• Industry was given precedence over a g r i c u l t u r e , heavy i n d u s t r y over l i g h t i n d u s t r y . Through t a x a t i o n and biased p r i c e p o l i c i e s , the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r was i n t e n t i o n a l l y x^ressured to provide c a p i t a l f o r the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r . During the F i r s t Five Year P l a n , 45. 3 2 . 6 b i l l i o n yuan were invested i n manufacture, tra d e , t r a n s p o r t and c o n s t r u c t i o n ; but only 3 -5 b i l l i o n yuan' were inv e s t e d i n a g r i c u l t u r e . ^ As to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l investment, the CCP was caught i n a dilemma. From the s t a r t , Chinese leaders r e a l i z e d that i n d u s t r i a l investment a l l o c a t e d to the biggest c i t i e s would y i e l d the maximum economic payoffs i n the sho r t e s t time span, due to the i n t e r p l a y of the fo r c e s of i n t e r n a l economies of sca l e and e x t e r n a l economies of u r b a n i z a t i o n . However, the decision-makers *1 Renmenbi Yuan =2= US$0.515 - 68 -harboured r e s e r v a t i o n s . Nearly a l l of the country's biggest c i t i e s i n 1949 were l e g a c i e s of the t r e a t y - p o r t system of s e m i - c o l o n i a l f o r e i g n p r i v i l e g e s . As such, they remained as symbols of China's past h u m i l i a t i o n . Further, they were a l l concentrated i n 1ke c o a s t a l r e g i o n s . To r e s o l v e t h i s dilemma between economic e f f i c i e n c y and n a t i o n a l p r i d e , China adopted a p o l i c y equivalent to the one termed by W i l l i a m Alonso as "concentrated decen-t r a l i z a t i o n . " Investment was to be d i v i d e d between the biggest treaty/ports on the coast, and medium-sized urban centres i n the i n l a n d with growth p o t e n t i a l s . An examination of various p o l i c y statements would f u r t h e r c l a r i f y t h i s s t r a t e g y . In a r e p o r t to the f i r s t s e s s i o n of the F i r s t N a t i o n a l People's Congress on September 2 3 , 1954, Chou E n - l a i s t a t e d that the F i r s t Five-Year Plan would give China new i n d u s t r i a l regions and bases, and thereby mark the beginning of a change i n ihe i r r a t i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of Chinese i n d u s t r y . TheFirst Five-Year Pla n , published i n 1955 , contained a statement on the general p r i n c i p l e s of i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n : "We s h a l l l o c a t e the productive f o r c e s of i n d u s t r y i n d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of the country i n such a way that they w i l l be close to producing areas of raw m a t e r i a l s and f u e l and also to consumer markets. They w i l l a l so s a t i s f y the requirements f o r the strengthening of n a t i o n a l s e c u r i t y , lead to the gradual improvement of the i r r a t i o n a l l o c a t i o n a l p a t t e r n , and elevate the economic l e v e l of the backward areas. In Hie establishment of i n d u s t r i a l areas, we s h a l l , f i r s t of a l l , - 69 -u t i l i z e , r e c o n s t r u c t , and transform the e x i s t i n g i n d u s t r i a l "bases so as to avoid over-concentration of e n t e r p r i s e s and to "bring about a s u i t a b l e measure of d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . " In l i n e with t h i s l o c a t i o n a l p o l i c y , 55$ of c a p i t a l investment f o r the F i r s t F ive Year Plan was d i r e c t e d toward 3 i n t e r i o r medium-sized urban centres. The c r i t e r i a adopted i n s e l e c t i n g growth centres were e i t h e r p r o x i m i t y to a n a t u r a l resource, such, as c o a l ; or geographic n o d a l i t y , 4 the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of most e x i s t i n g p r o v i n c i a l centres. Two examples of the growth of i n l a n d urban centres are Pao-t'ou i n Inner Mongolia and Lanchow i n Kansu. In 1938 , Pao-t'ou had only 55>536 people. I t was p r i n -c i p a l l y a c o l l e c t i n g centre f o r l i v e s t o c k products, e s p e c i a l l y wool, from the provinces of northwest China. Today, Pao-t'ou i s one of the m i l l i o n - p l u s c i t i e s and i s the t h i r d l a r g e s t s t e e l producer i n China, ranking a f t e r Anshan and Wuhan. The r i s e of Lanchow from a c i t y of 80,000 i n 194-2 to one of more than 2 m i l l i o n today i s also the r e s u l t of well-planned and coordinated development of i n d u s t r y and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Before 1952 , Lanchow was not served by a r a i l w a y . Today, i t i s the j u n c t i o n where four major r a i l w a y s meet.-' However, t h i s " i n d u s t r y paramount" p o l i c y of the F i r s t Five Year Plan d i d not improve centre-periphery i n e q u i t i e s . Instead, s o c i a l and economic d i s p a r i t i e s between c i t y and countryside i n t e n s i f i e d . C i t y d w e l l e r s - 70 -enjoyed higher incomes, b e t t e r s o c i a l , e d u c a t i o n a l , and r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . At the same time, c o l l e c t i v i -z a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e was g a i n i n g speed i n the r u r a l areas, from mutual aid teams to advanced mutual a i d teams, to cooperatives, and to advanced cooperatives. The c i t i e s , there-f o r e , became magnets a t t r a c t i n g a c o n t i n u a l stream of , mi g r a t i o n from the farms. s While the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the stream of out-migration was to a c e r t a i n extent d i r e c t e d t o the i n l a n d growth centres, the absolute numbers of r u r a l out-migration plus n a t u r a l urban increase were s t i l l too much f o r the government to handle. The growth of urban employment could not keep pace w i t h the growth of the urban labour f o r c e . For example, between 1953 and 1957» n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l employment increased from 3 6 . 5 m i l l i o n persons to 4 0 . 9 m i l l i o n persons, an absolute increase of 4 . 4 m i l l i o n or an annual average increase of 2.2$. The urban p o p u l a t i o n f o r the same p e r i o d increased from 7 I . 6 m i l l i o n to 9 4 . 4 m i l l i o n , an absolute increase of 22.8 m i l l i o n or an average annual increase of 5 » 9 $ - D Even assuming a l l n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l employment growth occurred i n urban areas, which was h i g h l y u n l i k e l y , the gap was s t i l l very obvious; China was exper-i e n c i n g the problems of ov e r - u r b a n i z a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y urban unemployment or underemployment, though evidence was unclear as to which was the case. The reason f o r t h i s was because emphasis was placed on heavy i n d u s t r y , a h i g h -- 71 -technology, capital-consumptive i n d u s t r y w i t h low job c r e a t i o n p o t e n t i a l . 6 . 1 . 2 Phase I I " A g r i c u l t u r e as the Foundation and Industry as the Lead" -By the end of the F i r s t Five Year Plan, Mao became i n c r e a s i n g l y uneasy \;ith the Soviet model of economic dev-elopment, i . e . i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n at the expense of a g r i c u l t u r e In 1957, Mao wrote: "As China i s a great a g r i c u l t u r a l country, v/ith over QOfo of i t s population i n the v i l l a g e s , i t s i n d u s t r y and a g r i c u l t u r e must be developed simultaneously. Only then w i l l i n d u s t r y have raw m a t e r i a l s and a market, and only so w i l l i t be p o s s i b l e to accumulate f a i r l y l a r g e funds„for the b u i l d i n g up of a powerful heavy i n d u s t r y . ' Hence, a f t e r 1957 , China departed from the S o v i e t model and began experimenting f o r a model of i t s own, aiming to s t r i k e a balance between a g r i c u l t u r e and i n d u s t r y , and heavy i n d u s t r y and l i g h t i n d u s t r y . ( i ) Hui-hsiang However, though Mao h i m s e l f propagandized the slogan " a g r i c u l t u r e as the foundation and i n d u s t r y as the l e a d " i n 1 9 5 7 i he was at the same time encouraged by the economic achievements of the F i r s t Five Year Pla n . This l e d to h i s i n i t i a t i o n of the Great Leap i n 1958 , with the aim of achieving an even higher r a t e of growth i n a s h o r t e r time span. When the "leap" became a "stumble", China's o v e r - u r b a n i z a t i o n problems were i n t e n s i f i e d . - 72 -Because the campaign was i l l - p l a n n e d and p o o r l y organized, l i t t l e governmental as s i s t a n c e - i n terms of i n d u s t r i a l know-how and c a p i t a l - was given t o the r u r a l areas to set up small i n d u s t r i e s . As a r e s u l t , the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n took the occasion to flocktothe c i t i e s i n search of .opportunities. A reported 20 m i l l i o n peasants migrated to the c i t i e s i n 1953. When the Great Leap f a i l e d and the c i t i e s proved incapable of absorbing the huge i n f l u x , the Chinese a u t h o r i t i e s implemented the most massive d e u r b a n i z a t i o n p o l i c y ever recorded, the hui-hsiang movement, (meaning r e t u r n to the v i l l a g e . ) W i thin one year, I 9 6 2 , a reported 20 m i l l i o n were returned to the hsiangs ( v i l l a g e s ) where they came from. The People's L i b e r a t i o n Army was deployed. Ration cards were c a n c e l l e d . The r e s i d e n t s ' household r e g i s t r a t i o n s were transferred/back to the hsiangs. There was no way f o r the intended transmigrants to o b t a i n food i n the c i t i e s even i f they chose to disobey. This h u i - h s i a n g movement was corroborated by circum-s t a n t i a l evidence. In the same year, I962, there was a great exodus of Chinese refugees i n t o Hong Kong, l a r g e l y because of d e l i b e r a t e r e l a x a t i o n of emigration c o n t r o l s by the Peking government. The Hong Kong government found i t s e l f unable and u n w i l l i n g to absorb the sudden i n f l u x of l e g a l migrants from China, and had to i n i t i a t e nego-t i a t i o n s w i t h Peking to curb the flow.9 - 73 -Although the hui-hsiang was a one-time emergency program adopted i n 1962 to r e t u r n peasants who f l o c k e d to the c i t i e s i n 1958 , i t was s i g n i f i c a n t i n that i t demonstrated that the Chinese government would not h e s i t a t e to employ coercive measures i f circumstances warranted such coercion. As mentioned i n Chapter I I I , the Great Leap pioneered experimentations w i t h s m a l l - s c a l e i n d u s t r i e s . This experiment evolved i n t o the p o l i c y of "walking w i t h two l e g s , " which meant: a) the a l l o c a t i o n of modern c a p i t a l - i n t e n s i v e i n d u s t r i a l investments to the c i t i e s ; and b) indigenous l a b o u r - i n t e n s i v e i n d u s t r i e s to the communes. The p o l i c y of "walking With two l e g s " was f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d as a c e n t r a l d i r e c t i v e a f t e r the C u l t u r a l R e volution. One of the dimensions of the p o l i c y , the d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of i n d u s t r y to r u r a l areas, i s i n f a c t s i m i l a r to the " a g r o p o l i t a n " approach advocated by Kenneth Ruddle and others i n 1975• I t must be pointed out, however, that the Chinese began implementing t h i s p o l i c y i n I 9 6 9 , and therefore the i d e a o r i g i n a t e d with the Chinese. ( i i ) Tlie A g r o p o l i t a n Approach E s s e n t i a l l y , t h i s p o l i c y r e s u l t e d i n the establishment of s m a l l - and medium-sized f a c t o r i e s i n market towns of 5 ,000 or so p o p u l a t i o n s e r v i c i n g an approximate 5 0 , 0 0 0 - 7 4 -people i n the h i n t e r l a n d a g r i c u l t u r a l communes. To e f f e c t i v e l y promote i n d u s t r y i n these settlements i n the lowest l e v e l of the urban h i e r a r c h y , a "Five Smalls" p o l i c y was promulgated: small machinery f a c t o r i e s , s m all f e r t i l i z e r p l a n t s , small cement f a c t o r i e s , s m a l l i r o n and s t e e l p l a n t s , s m a l l c o a l mines. 1 (^ The f a c t o r i e s were s m a l l not only i n s i z e , but also i n Hie f a c t t h a t they were run and owned by the l o c a l communes. C h i e f l y , the i n d u s t r i e s were to serve l o c a l needs, such as manu-f a c t u r i n g f e r t i l i z e r s and a g r i c u l t u r a l machinery. A few-were ex p o r t - o r i e n t e d , such as basket weaving. The most important f e a t u r e , however, was the government's a c t i v e encouragement to the l o c a l people to innovate appropriate technology. A good example was the manufacture of semi-trans-p l a n t e r s i n the commune f a c t o r i e s . By hand, r i c e shoots could be tr a n s p l a n t e d at a maximum rat e of 1 mou (O . I 6 5 acres) per day. With an advanced, t r a n s p l a n t e r , the r a t e could be increased to 20 -30 mou per day. With a semi-t r a n s p l a n t e r , the rat e was 3 -4 mou per d a y . 1 1 Among these three a l t e r n a t i v e s , the semi-transplanter technology was encouraged, which was a s e n s i b l e p o l i c y f o r China with abundant manpower but scarce c a p i t a l . The cost i n v o l v e d was lower than the advanced t r a n s p l a n t e r ; the j o b - d i s p l a c e -ment e f f e c t caused by such semi-mechanication was r e l a t i v e l y low; but gains i n p r o d u c t i v i t y were ' p o s i t i v e , though modest. - 75 -As f o r the d i s p l a c e d a g r a r i a n labour, they were absorbed by i n d u s t r y ; and a l s o by s i d e - l i n e occupations, such as: orchards, f i s h e r i e s , surveying and e x p l o i t i n g l o c a l mineral resources, land reclamation, water conservancy, f o r e s t r y , , 12 etc. Some minor r e s i s t a n c e from the larg e urban f a c t o r i e s had been documented i n the l i t e r a t u r e . The managers were d i r e c t e d by the c e n t r a l government to send t e c h n i c i a n s to make rounds i n the v i l l a g e s as consultant/resource personnel. Fees chargeable f o r the s e r v i c e s were very minimal, much to the di s p l e a s u r e of those f a c t o r y managers 13 who were p r o f i t - c o n s c i o u s . ^ This opens up one of the f a v o u r i t e counter arguments against the a g r o p o l i t a n approach to r e g i o n a l development, which i s : s m a l l - and medium-scale i n d u s t r i e s are not as e f f i c i e n t as l a r g e - s c a l e i n d u s t r i e s i n economic terms. This argument i s v a l i d i f we only take a short-term, nothing-but-economic p e r s p e c t i v e . I f we consider the long-term, costs may be r e l a t i v e l y favourable and b e n e f i t s great, not only i n accelerated economic growth but also i n d i s t r i b u t i n g i t s rewards more e q u i t a b l y . I f we evaluate N v i a c o s t / b e n e f i t a n a l y s i s , i n c o r p o r a t i n g economic as w e l l as s o c i a l costs and b e n e f i t s , the b e n e f i t s may outweigh the costs i n t i a t the experience of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , both problems and b e n e f i t s , are spread more wide l y among the n a t i o n as a whole. In essence, t h i s means a l e v e l l i n g i n the d i s p a r i t i e s of l i v i n g standards between urban and - 76 -r u r a l areas. To date, the top nine c i t i e s i n China s t i l l account . , 14 f o r 60$ of the t o t a l i n d u s t r i a l output. I t i s estimated the r u r a l i n d u s t r i e s would at most account f o r only 10$ , but the r e s u l t becomes more meaningful i f we examine the d i s t r i b u t i o n of that 1 0 $ . In 1972 , the r u r a l i n d u s t r i e s accounted f o r : a) 16$ of the generating c a p a c i t y of hydro-power s t a t i o n s b) 60$ of chemical f e r t i l i z e r production c) 40$of cement production d) 80$ of the t o t a l value of farm machinery. I t i s immediately apparent that the r u r a l i n d u s t r i e s are r i g h t on t a r g e t , producing the products r e q u i r e d by l o c a l communes. The e f f e c t s of t h i s " a g r o p o l i t a n " approach on r u r a l -urban m i g r a t i o n are very p o s i t i v e . I t deals d i r e c t l y with the r o o t s of over-urbaniz.ation. Jobs are brought to the people, thereby stemming the r u r a l exodus i n the place of o r i g i n . - 77 -6.2 The C o n t r a d i c t i o n Between C i t y and Countryside When faced w i t h the r u r a l - u r b a n continuum, one i s o f t e n tempted to question the reason f o r the r e l a t i v e p o l a r i z a t i o n . Without probing i n t o d e t a i l s , Swedner's graph provides a h e l p f u l v i s u a l e x p l a n a t i o n : Figure 4. Model of the Development of Rura l and Urban Areas  f Maximum of Urbanism Maximum of Ruralism * r Source: Adapted from T.G. McGee, The Ur b a n i z a t i o n  Process i n the Third "world, p. 14. Even when Mao was s t i l l f i g h t i n g g u e r i l l a wars back i n the I93°s, he was already acutely aware of the d i f f e r e n c e s between the core and the periphery, the c i t y and the country-side. To Mao, c i t i e s exert c o r r u p t i n g i n f l u e n c e s over s o c i a l i s t men, and surv i v e by e x p l o i t i n g the r u r a l h i n t e r l a n d . This anti-urbanism a t t i t u d e p e r s i s t e d t i l l h i s death. During h i s e n t i r e r u l e , Mao devoted a vast amount of energy to t r y to close the gap, to u n i f y the c i t y and the countryside. Two of the most important p o l i c y responses i n t h i s respect are: Development of urban areas Development of r u r a l areas Time - 78 -6 . 2 . 1 the h s i a - h s i a n g movement; and 6 . 2 . 2 the barefoot doctors. 6 . 2 . 1 The Hsia-hsiang Movement The f u l l name of t h i s p o l i c y i s the "hsia-hsiang shang- shan yun-tung", which means the "down-to-the-country-side and up-to-the-mountain movement". I t has v a r i o u s l y been l a b e l l e d as the h s i a - h s i a n g movement, the r u s t i c a t i o n movement, or the down-to-the-countryside movement. ( i ) The Target P o p u l a t i o n Hsia-hsiang as an o f f i c i a l p o l i c y was i n i t i a t e d i n 1957 i n response to the gap between urban p o p u l a t i o n growth and urban employment growth. The t a r g e t p o p u l a t i o n of the movement are: (a) graduates of urban primary schools, secondary schools, u n i v e r s i t i e s and t e c h n i c a l c o l l e g e s who have termin-ated education and not assigned jobs i n c i t i e s ; (b) s t r e e t youths - young urban r e s i d e n t s not i n school and without a job; (c) cadres of par t y , government or i n d u s t r i a l - c o m m e r c i a l e n t e r p r i s e s , whose s k i l l s are not needed i n urban areas but desperately needed i n r u r a l a r e a s . ^ ( i i ) Objectives Although the movement p r i m a r i l y attempts to reverse the r u r a l outflow, i t s o b j e c t i v e s are manifold: (a) In l i n e with the p o l i c y of " a g r i c u l t u r e as the foundation", h s i a - h s i a n g aims at re-educating urban youths by the masses, i . e . China's peasantry. - 79 -(b) Equipped w i t h b e t t e r education, the youths can act as c a t a l y s t s f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l and i n d u s t r i a l develop-ment ; (c) By r e a s s i g n i n g cadres to r u r a l and border areas, governmental c o n t r o l over these areas i s f u r t h e r strengthened; (d) Some youths are assigned to marginal areas f o r land reclamation p r o j e c t s such as water conservancy, i r r i g a t i o n and terracing,- or to f r o n t i e r regions to j o i n the People's L i b e r a t i o n Army; (e) Tlie program lowers unemployment r a t e s i n the c i t i e s . The Chinese a u t h o r i t i e s were being very r e a l i s t i c when they launched the h s i a - h s i a n g movement. They were t h i n k i n g of both the areas of o r i g i n and the areas of d e s t i n a t i o n . Hsia-hsiang i s not only a deur b a n i z a t i o n mechanism. I t i s also a means to d i f f u s e technology and know-how. This p o l i c y complements the p o l i c y of "walking with two l e g s . " ( i i i ) Implementation of the Hsia-hsiang Movement In 1957, Peking issued a d i r e c t i v e t h a t a l l graduates of primary and secondary schools who came to c i t i e s , but f a i l e d to enter higher e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s or get a job, should r e t u r n to the v i l l a g e s where they o r i g i n a l l y came from. From September, 1957 "to February, 1958 , an estimated one m i l l i o n were r e s e t t l e d i n the countryside. With the Great Leap i n 1958, h s i a - h s i a n g was - 80 -suspended and was not r e - i n s t a t e d u n t i l I962. Caution must be exe r c i s e d to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the h s i a - h s i a n g movement from the hui - h s l a n g movement mentioned e a r l i e r . The hui-hsiang movement was an emergency one time measure to r e t u r n the twenty m i l l i o n peasants who f l o c k e d to the c i t i e s during the Great Leap. Hsia-hsiang i s a long-term program d i r e c t e d p r i m a r i l y at the urban educated young, and serves purposes other than m i g r a t i o n c o n t r o l . From I962, when the program was r e - i n s t a t e d , to August, I965, an estimated 942,000 were r e l o c a t e d to agr a r i a n farms. An O f f i c e of R e s e t t l i n g Youth i n the Country-3 Pi side was set up to implement the program. •7ith the i n i t i a t i o n of the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n in' I 9 6 6 , the program was once more i n t e r r u p t e d . In f a c t , the urban / r u r a l movement was reversed. Many r u s t i c a t e d youths v/ho were formerlyfirelocated to the countryside took the opportunity to go back to the c i t i e s and j o i n the Red Guards to make r e v o l u t i o n . From i 9 6 0 to I968, m i l l i o n s of Red Guards - composed of students of secondary schools, c o l l e g e s and u n i v e r s i t i e s - roamed the country to make r e v o l u t i o n and to exchange r e v o l u t i o n a r y experience. When the Revolution was f i n a l l y brought to order by 'the army and the part y i n l a t e I968, hsia-hsiang-was r e v i v e d w i t h added vigour. R e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r implementing the program was s h i f t e d to the "Workers' Mao Tse-tung Thought Propagating Teams" dispatched to educational - S i -l o i n s t i t u t i o n s . ' Between January I969 and J u l y I 9 7 I , more than 4 m i l l i o n were reassigned to the countryside to s e t t l e down and take r o o t , (see Table X ). - 82 -TABLE X. HSIA-HSIANG FLOY/ FROM JAN 1969 TO JULY I 9 7 I (IN PERSONS) Province Place of O r i g i n Place of D e s t i n a t i o n Hopeh 542 , 173 +- 6n 5 0 2 , 1 0 1 + 3 n Shansi 220 2 2 6 , 9 7 6 + n L i a o n i n g 2 3 1 , 9 7 2 303,404-K i r i n 1 3 2 , 0 3 0 5 6 , 4 8 7 + n Heilungkiang 23 228,397+- n Shensi 24-7,010 2 1 7 , 2 1 7 t n Honan 28 524,028 Kiangsu 973,04-9 i - 3 n 7 2 5 , 1 9 3 + n Anhv/ei 264-,000 + 3n 3 3 0 , 0 0 0 + 3n Chekiang 2 0 2 , 3 2 9 2255 Pukien 2 n n Hup eh 2 3 1 , 6 1 7 277 + n Hunan 3 0 0 , 3 5 0 & n 350 + n K i a n g s i 12,754- & n 6 7 , 2 9 3 + 3 n Kwangtung 34-9,5661 2n 1 6 , 5 5 1 t 2 n Kwangsi Chuang A.R. 220 2049 Szechwan 7 5 0 , 1 8 5 2 5 6 , 3 7 0 Kweichow 0 2 6 5 , o 0 0 Yunnan 0 3 0 1 , 0 0 0 + 2 n Inner Mongolia A.R. 0 71,286 + 2 n Kansu & Ninghsia Hui A.R. 5171 7041 Tibet 200 0 U n s p e c i f i e d 1 0 , 3 8 2 & 3n 8 3 , 5 0 0 + n Totals 4 , 2 5 3 , 0 6 9 + I 7 n 4,047,575 + 2 2 n n a group v/ith u n s p e c i f i e d number i Source: Christopher L. S a l t e r , "Hsia-Fang: The Use of M i g r a t i o n by.the Chinese i n t h e i r Quest f o r a C l a s s l e s s S o c i e t y " , Proceedings of the A s s o c i a t i o n  of American Geographers, Volume 4 (1972)1 9 6 - 9 9 Table X r e v e a l s that the primary places of o r i g i n were ths urban centrer.. The top three provinces v/ere Kiangsu, Hopeh and Kv/angtung. Kiangsu has Shanghai; Hopeh has Peking and T i e n t s i n ; Kv/angtung has Canton. Tlie l e s s developed provinces and border r e g i o n s , such as Kweichow, Yunnan and Inner Mongolia, had zero out-migration but 20 s u b s t a n t i a l m - m i g r a t i o n . Tlie f i g u r e s also r e v e a l that i n t r a - p r o v i n c i a l flows were stronger than i n t e r - p r o v i n c i a l flows. The provinces of Hopeh, Li a o n i n g , Shensi, Kiangsu, Anhvei and Szechwan were haavy d e s t i n a t i o n as w e l l as o r i g i n areas. This r e f l e c t s the f a c t t h a t urban youths were g e n e r a l l y sent to the r u r a l areas w i t h i n t h e i r own province r a t h e r than to a d i f f e r e n t province. From I 969 to 1975 , an estimated t o t a l of 10 -15 m i l l i o n urban youths were r u s t i c a t e d . Tlie exact f i g u r e s are unknown. Compared to the t o t a l urban p o p u l a t i o n , the number was not massive. Nevertheless, i t represented a s i g n i f i c a n t reverse m i g r a t i o n stream back t o the r u r a l , 21 s e c t o r . (IV) Management of Resistance However, as h s i a h s i a n g became i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d as a long-term program, r e s i s t a n c e g r a d u a l l y surfaced. There were instances when the r u s t i c a t e d youths became - 84 -ta r g e t s f o r the peasants' h o s t i l i t y and envy toward c i t y 22 d w e l l e r s . Some brigade leaders and v i l l a g e r s s t i l l h e l d d i s t r u s t and resentment. They thought the students were a nuisance,must-have done something wrong, and that the c e n t r a l government was "dumping" bad elements and s o c i a l 23 ' m i s f i t s i n t o t h e i r communes. - Conversely, the urban youths found i t hard to adapt to the hard work and simple l i v i n g of the countryside. 'They also complained of d i f f i c u l t i e s i n communication with the po o r l y educated peasants, aid the v i l l a g e r s ' unappreciative a t t i t u d e s f o r 24 t h e i r t a l e n t s . To l e s s e n r e s i s t a n c e and promote understanding between the students and peasants, r u r a l cadres yere given s p e c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to follow-up and look a f t e r the progress and welfare of the students, at the same time c o r r e c t i n g the misconceptions of the v i l l a g e r s . A l s o, the government had d e l i b e r a t e l y on occasions promoted some dedicated and competent students to j o i n l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , from production brigade up the s o c i a l ladder to p r o v i n c i a l government. Many were admitted to the CCP as r e c o g n i t i o n of merit . Others were chosen to be t r a i n e d as barefoot doctors. Thus there was a t a c i t but observable channel of upward s o c i a l m o b i l i t y to sus-t a i n the d e d i c a t i o n and commitment of students to the 25 h s i a - h s i a n g program. J I t i s p e r t i n e n t to mention here t h a t the h s i a - h s i a n g - 85 -program was complemented by a change i n admission p o l i c y i n the educational system. Before the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n , admission i n t o c o l l e g e s and other i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher-education was based on academic marks obtained i n f i n a l s e n i o r high school examinations. A f t e r the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n , high school graduates could not immediately apply f o r admission, but had to work f o r two years i n a f a c t o r y , or i n the communes, or i n the army. The d e c i s i o n to apply f o r admission to higher education was no longer i n d i v i d u a l . The student had to be recommended by h i s comrades on the work team; the assessment was based on h i s job performance, p o l i t i c a l consciousness, s o c i a l behaviour, and v o c a t i o n a l a b i l i t i e s . Thus, the students had another reason to work hard and c o n t r i b u t e when they 26 were r u s t i c a t e d , at l e a s t f o r the i n i t i a l two years. According to the l i t e r a t u r e , the h s i a - h s i a n g p o l i c y i s s t i l l implemented today. G e n e r a l i z i n g , the program has proven i t s e l f to be e f f e c t i v e i n curbing p o p u l a t i o n conc e n t r a t i o n i n the l a r g e s t c i t i e s , such as Shanghai and Peking. More important, however, i s the r o l e of the students as agents of change i n the r e c e i v i n g areas. Educated and/or s k i l l e d manpower i s d i r e c t e d away from c i t i e s where there i s a surplus of educated people to communes v.nere there i s a d e f i c i e n c y , places where t h e i r s k i l l s can be put to use. - 86 -6 . 2 . 2 The Barefoot Doctors One of the major d i f f e r e n c e s between r u r a l and urban areas i n China i s the l e v e l of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s a v a i l a b l e . Mao was very unhappy that the 2 0 $ urban dwellers continued to enjoy b e t t e r s e r v i c e s than t h e i r 80$ r u r a l counterparts. In I965, he p e r s o n a l l y i n d i c t e d the Health M i n i s t r y f o r i t s biased concentration of medical d e l i v e r y f a c i l i t i e s . On June 25 of the same year, he issued a d i r e c t i v e which e s s e n t i a l l y s t a t e d h e a l t h d e l i v e r y must be implemented i n r u r a l areas. The d i r e c t i v e speeded up the Barefoot Doctor program. In the 1 9 3 0 s , Dr. Norman Bethune, a Canadian p h y s i c i a n who served w i t h the Communist Eighth Route Army, s t a r t e d to t r a i n peasants to ca r r y out simple paramedical d u t i e s . In the 1 9 5 0 s , the number of paramedics s t a r t e d to grow, but i t was a f t e r Mao-s d i r e c t i v e of I 965 that the movement gained momentum.^ Barefoot doctors are paramedics who r e c e i v e t r a i n i n g from 3 months to 2 years. The curriculum and per i o d of t r a i n i n g v a r i e s from r e g i o n to r e g i o n , depending on l o c a l needs. B a s i c a l l y , i i e i r d u t i e s i n c l u d e environmental s a n i -t a t i o n , h e a l t h education,.immunizations, f i r s t a i d , simple i 2 8 primary medical care, a f t e r - c a r e , and t h e r a p e u t i c s . The d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f a c t i s that they are h a l f p h y s i c i a n , and .half worker or farmer. They devote only p a r t of t h e i r - 87 -time to medical care. Apart from that, they work r e g u l a r l y as f a c t o r y workers or farmers i n the paddies. In l i n e with the p o l i c y of " s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y " , Chinese h e r b a l medicine as v/ell as Western medicine are dispensed f o r treatments. This program i s a s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e step i n e q u a l i z i n g one of the important d i f f e r e n t i a l s between r u r a l and urban areas - medical care. Before the C u l t u r a l Revolu-t i o n , the p h y s i c i a n / p o p u l a t i o n r a t i o i n r u r a l areas was 1 : 8 , 0 0 0 . By 1 9 7 5 i w i t h the increase of paramedics, the r a t i o had improved to 1 : 7 0 0 . 2 ^ This deconcentration of h e a l t h d e l i v e r y helps to mi t i g a t e the r u r a l "pushes" and the urban " p u l l s " of rur a l / u r b a n m i g r a t i o n . - 88 -6 .3 The C o n t r a d i c t i o n Between Mental and Manual Labour 6 . 3 . I I n i t i a t i o n of Hsia-fang The s t r a t i f i c a t i o n between sc h o l a r s and peasants, between mental and p h y s i c a l labour, has always been r i g i d i n Chinese c u l t u r e , more so than i n Western s o c i e t i e s . An educated s c h o l a r does not do any manual work. His v a l e t c a r r i e s h i s books and serves him l e f t and r i g h t . Since China i s 8 0 $ a g r a r i a n , Mao was determined to break t h i s t r a d i t i o n , t h i s "bourgeois e x p l o i t a t i v e " value system. The hsia-fang movement i s a d e l i b e r a t e attempt to u n i f y t h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n . "Hsia-fang" means a "downward t r a n s f e r " . I t has two f a c e t s : a downward t r a n s f e r of top cadres and p r o f e s s i o n a l s to lower l e v e l s w i t h i n the same o r g a n i z a t i o n ; or a t r a n s f e r to the bottom-most l e v e l , e i t h e r farms or f a c t o r i e s , to engage i n p h y s i c a l labour. As d i s t i n c t from h s i a - h s i a n g , i n which migrants are expected t o " s t r i k e r o o t s " and stay, h s i a - f a n g i s a temporary t r a i n i n g of at l e a s t one month per year i n lower labour, but the t r a i n e e s are expected to r e t u r n to t h e i r former p o s i t i o n s i n the c i t i e s . In February of 1957» i n h i s speech on "On the Correct Handling of C o n t r a d i c t i o n s Among the People, Mao s a i d : "Of l a t e , there has appeared a dangerous tendency among l e a d e r s h i p personnel not to share the s u f f e r i n g s of the masses but r a t h e r to be™ mindful of personal p o s i t i o n and p r o f i t . " J - 89 -In the f a l l of the same y e a r , ' f o l l o w i n g the Third Plenum of the Eighth C e n t r a l Committee i n October, the hs i a - f a n g system was i n i t i a t e d . 6 . 3 - 2 Target Population The t a r g e t population of the program are: (i) young i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n power, the cadres and p r o f e s s i o n a l s , who have not s u f f e r e d or p e r s o n a l l y witnessed the oppression and e x p l o i t a t i o n from which the masses formerly s u f f e r e d at the hands of the landed gentry and c a p i t a l i s t s ; ( i i ) other cadres and technocrats who are divorced from manual production and who i n c r e a s i n g l y show d i s d a i n towards manual labour. 6 . 3 - 3 'Objectives The o b j e c t i v e s of the program are: ( i ) to temper t a l e n t v/ith redness, to u n i f y theory and p r a c t i c e : Hsia-fang i s an experiment m a n i f e s t i n g Mao's b e l i e f i n the continuing value to be gained from primary cognizance of r u r a l r e a l i t y , labour p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s considered as a major method of ensuring t h a t e x p e r t i s e be tempered with•"redness", or v i r t u e . Hsia-fang i s to re-educate i n t e l l e c t u a l s , to r e c t i f y t h e i r bourgeois tendencies, and ensure "that knowledge i s used to serve the people r a t h e r than f o r s e l f i s h ends. - 90 -Hsia-fang also marks the beginning of the red and expert debates: those who are t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y p r o f i c i e n t but p o l i t i c a l l y uncommitted to China's s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n a r y i d e a l s ; and the . p o l i t i c a l l y committed model workers and peasants 'without high education; ( i i ) to stimulate tlie enthusiasm of the masses: By d i s p a t c h i n g senior cadres to work and mix wit h the masses, the government hopes t o r a i s e t h e i r morale 32 and encourage t h e i r z e a l f o r production. 6 . 3 . 4 Implementation of the Program From October 1957 through February 1958 , an estimated 1.3 m i l l i o n cadres were t r a n s f e r r e d . - ^ Contrary to the h s i a - h s i a n g movement, h s i a - f a n g was not i n t e r r u p t e d during the Great Leap years. Another m i l l i o n were t r a n s f e r r e d by the end of 1958 . There was a marked d e c l i n e , however, i n the New Economic P o l i c y era when L i u Shao-chi advocated more r e l i a n c e on p r o f e s s i o n a l s and technology. The program r e v i v e d again a f t e r the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n . The r e i n s t a t e -ment was i n d i c a t e d by Mao i n h i s speech on N a t i o n a l Day, Oct-ober 1, I 9 6 8 . He s a i d : "Going down to do manual labour gives vast numbers of cadres an e x c e l l e n t opportunity to study once again. This a p p l i e s to a l l cadres except those who are o l d , weak, i l l or d i s a b l e d . A l l cadres presently-f u n c t i o n i n g should also go down by turns to do manual labour. " 3/|" -91-6 . 3 - 5 Extent of Success With the founding of the f i r s t May 7th cadre school 3 5 i n Heilungkiang Province on May 7th, 1 9 6 8 , - ^ h s i a - f a n g became e s t a b l i s h e d as a permanent national-program. Cadre schools mushroomed i n suburban s a t e l l i t e towns and r u r a l communes. Ever since the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the program, there had been r e p o r t s that some cadres pa i d l i p s e r v i c e to the t r a i n i n g , and merely observed r a t h e r than p a r t i c i p a t e d i n p h y s i c a l labour. Other rep o r t s s t a t e d that the peasants i n charge of the cadre schools were i n t i m i d a t e d by the impor-tant personages sent from government o f f i c e s to the 36 v i l l a g e s , and l e t the cadres have t h e i r way.-' On the other hand, there had been cases of true enlightenment. For i n s t a n c e , a bioLogy teacher assigned to clean l a t r i n e s , and the D gputy D i r e c t o r of the East D i s t r i c t of Peking, assigned to c o l l e c t refuse aid garbage, f i n i s h e d t h e i r t r a i n i n g w i t h broadened horizons and a deepsr concern f o r the d a i l y l i v e s of the masses who. supported 37 t h e i r urban l i v i n g . " ' One cadre who had returned from a ten months' s t i n t i n a commune wrote the f o l l o w i n g l i n e s : I was a c i t y man From t i p to toe Things on the farm I j u s t d i d n ' t know But the peasants gave me a warm h e l l o Before I l e a r n t to w i e l d a hoe - 92 -A f t e r t e n months I wasn't the same I l e f t w i t h much more th a n I came I f i l l e d i n the gaps o f my s c h o o l e d u c a t i o n L e a r n t t h a t l a b o u r makes the n a t i o n Today i t ' s back to the c i t y once more 0g An i n t e l l e c t u a l who knows t i e s c o r e . J 6 . 3 - 6 Summary I n summary, the h s i a - f a n g system i s an i n n o v a t i v e program to p r e s e r v e t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y z e a l o f s o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , t o p r e v e n t the f o r m a t i o n o f a new e l i t e o f t e c h n o c r a t s and cadre b u r e a u c r a t s , d i v o r c e d from he masses. E x p e r t s w i t h o u t "rednees" tend to r e g a r d knowledge as t h e i r own p e r s o n a l p r o p e r t y . They are not p r e p a r e d to respond to the c a l l o f mother c o u n t r y . T h i s i s e s p e c i a l l y the case w i t h 1he younger g e n e r a t i o n o f " t h r e e - d o o r s " cadres - f rom door o f home, t o door o f s c h o o l , t o door o f 39 government o f f i c e . ' H s i a - f a n g i s a l s o a v e h i c l e to u n i f y t i e c o n t r a d i c t i o n o f m e n t a l and manual l a b o u r . The program attem p t s t o a c c e n t the v a l u e and importance o f a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r ; however, the impact on d e u r b a n i z a t i o n i s m i n i m a l . I n the case where cadres and e x p e r t s are "downgraded" t o the c o u n t r y s i d e , t h e y are s c h e d u l e d t o r e t u r n t o t h e c i t y . I n the case where th e y are"downgraded" t o l o w e r l e v e l s o f the o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h i n the c i t y , the program has no d e u r b a n i z a t i o n , impact - 93 -V CHAPTER VI FOOTNOTES ^•Ralph W. Huenemann, "Urban Rationing i n Communist China," The China Quarterly, No.26 (April-J une, I 966) , 4 5 - 5 7 . 2Yuan-Li Wu with H.C. Ling and Grace Wu.The S p a t i a l  Economy of Communist China (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, I967) , p.16. 3 I b i d . 4 Sen-Dou Chang, "The M i l l i o n City of Mainland China," P a c i f i c Viewpoint, Volume 9, No.2 (September, I968), 128-153. •^Cheng-Siang Caen, "Population Growth and urbanization i n China, I953-I97O," E k i s t i c s , 226, (September, 1974) , I92-I98. ^John P h i l i p Emerson, 'Manpower Absorption i n the Non-agricultural Branches of .the Economy of Communist China, 1953-58, " The China Quarterly, No.7 (July-September, 1 9 6 1 ) , 69-84. ^Reeitsu Kojima, "Development of the Ideas of the Great Leap Forward After the Cultural Revolution," E k i s t i c s , 226 (September, 1974), 209-216. o Franz Schurmann, Ideology and Organization i n Communist  China, 2nd ed. (Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, I97O), pp. 366-400. ^Stanley Karnow, "Why They Fled: Refugee Accounts," Communist China, ed. Franz schurmann and o r v i l l e S c h e l l . (Middlesex: Penguin Books, I967) , 454-467. 1 0Roland Berger, "The Mechanization of Chinese Agriculture," Eastern Horizon. Volume XI, No.3 (1972), pp. 7 -26. i : L l P i d . 1 2 I b i d . 13 •^ Leo Goodstadt, China's Search f o r plenty - Economics  of Mao (New York: Weatherhill, 1973). p. 204. - 94 -14 Brian J.L. Berry, Edgar C. Conkling and D. Michael Ray, The Geography of Economic Systems (New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1 9 7 6 ) , p.457. "^Rhoads Murphey, "Aspects of Urbanization i n Contempor-ary China: A Revolutionary Model", Proceedings of the Associa-t i o n of American G eographers, Volume 7 (1975)» PP* I65-I68. "^Berger, op. c i t . Pi-Chao Chen, "Over-urbanization, Rustication of Urban-educated Youths, .and P o l i t i c s of Rural Transformation: The Case of China," Comparative P o l i t i c s , 4 , ( A p r i l , I 9 7 2 ) , 361-286. 1 8 I b i d . l 9 I b i d . ^Christopher L. Salter, "Hsia-fang: The Use of Migration by the Chinese i n th e i r Quest f o r a Classless Society,? Proceedings of the Association of American Geographers,/ Volume 4 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 9 6 - 9 9 . 21 Laurence J.C. Ma, "Anti-Urbanism i n China," Proceedings  of the Association of American Geographers, Volume .8 1 , 1976) , 114-118. 22 y John Wilson Lewis (ed.), The City i n Communist China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, I 9 7 I ) , p. 2 7 3 . 2-^Ross T e r r i l l , Flowers on a Iron Tree (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1 9 7 5 ) . P-217. 24 Rhoads Murphey, "City and Countryside as Ideological Issues: India and China," Comparative studies i n Socidty and History, Volume 14 (June, 1 9 7 2 ) , 25©-267. 2^Goodstadt, op. c i t . , p. 2 3 0 . 2 ft Peter Kwong-ming New, "Barefoot Doctors & Health Care i n the People's Republic of China," E k i s t i c s , 226 (September, 1 9 7 4 ) , 220-224. 2 ? I b i d . - 95 -o Q Matthew H. Liang, et a l , "Chinese Health Cares Determinants of the System," E k i s t i c s , 220 (March, 197-4), 206-211. 2^Rodney Tasker, (ed.), Far Eastern Economic Review.  Asia 1976 Yearbook (Hong Kong: South China Morning Post Ltd., 1976), pp. 138-156. •^Rensselaer W. Lee, "The Hsia-fang System: Marxism and Modernization," The China Quarterly, No.28 (October-December, I966), kO-Z2~. -^Lewis, op. c i t . pp. II7-H8. 32 Lee, op. c i t . 3 3 I b i d . 34 J Salter, op. c i t . 3-'Paul Pickowicz, "Teaching the Teachers," Eastern  Horizon, Volume XI, No.3.(1972), 42-47. 3 6Goodstadt, op. c i t . . pp. I92-I99. 37pickowicz, pp. c i t . 3 8 L e e , p_p J t_cit. 39pickowicz, op... c i t j . CHAPTER VII ASSESSMENT OF CHINA'S ACHIEVEMENT - 96 -China's record of urbanization has been examined i n i s o l a t i o n . This chapter assesses China's performance r e l a t i v e to other developing countries. The Republic of Indonesia i s chosen as a control because i t too gained independence and f u l l sovereignty i n 194-9. I t i s also c l a s s i f i e d as a Third World developing country which inherited a backward economy and a big population. The major difference between the iwo i s that China i s a s o c i a l i s t economy p r a c t i s i n g command planning while Indonesia i s a market economy p r a c t i s i n g i n d i c a t i v e planning. This comparison would throw l i g h t on the theme of t h i s t h e s i s . 7.1 China's Record of Achievement There are two widely held views about China's urbanization. One expressed by Peter Wiles i n "The P o l i t i c a l Economy of Communism" i s that China has achieved i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n without urbanization. This statement i s an overly-generous compliment. China's urban population has grown at an average annual rate of 6.76$ f o r the past 26 years. The second view, which the author tends to agree with, i s represented by Nevi l l e Maxwell. He i s of the opinion that China has succeeded i n stemming urban d r i f t by l i m i t i n g migration, by b i r t h control, and by creating conditions of prosperity i n the countryside. 1 This view i s supplemented by Rhoads Murphey's observation that China's most challenging departure from Western i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n models i s the e f f o r t to disperse industry and other urban functions more - 97 -widely into the r u r a l areas through the i n s t i t u t i o n of the commune. In Murphey's a r t i c l e on the "Aspects of Urbanization i n Contemporary China: A Revolutionary Model", he wrote the following about the commune in d u s t r i e s : "A great deal has been accomplished i n t h i s .connection and I have no intention whatever of denigrating i t or of implying that i t i s window dressing. On the contrary,' i t stands i n my view as one of the t r u l y significant^and innovative achievements of t h i s century." Having said a l l t h i s , we s h a l l now compare China with Indonesia. The points of comparison are: (a) the rate of urbanization (b) the stage of urbanization (c) the d i s t r i b u t i o n of urbanization 7.2 Comparison with Indonesia 7.2.I The Rate of Urbanization The o f f i c i a l estimated population of Indonesia i n 1950 was 77.2 m i l l i o n 3 , 9-05$ urban.^ In 1971. the census figure was 118 m i l l i o n , 17.4$ u r b a n . T h i s amounts to an average annual urban growth rate of 8.6$ over a 21 year period. Compared with China's 6.76$, Indonesia has been urbanizing at a f a s t e r rate. However, since both countries' figures involved estimates, and there may also be variances i n the d e f i n i t i o n of urban and r u r a l , the author prefers to take the view that there does not seem to be too s i g n i f i c a n t a difference i n the rate - 98 -of urban growth f o r China and Indonesia. 7.2.2 The Stage of Urbanization The stage of urbanization f o r the two countries i s also very s i m i l a r . In both cases, approximately 80$ of the population i s engaged i n agriculture today. 7.2.3 The D i s t r i b u t i o n of Urbanization Two aspects of d i s t r i b u t i o n w i l l be explored: i n t e r -regional d i s t r i b u t i o n , and int r a - r e g i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n . ( i ) Inter-regional D i s t r i b u t i o n (a) The Primacy Index From 194-8 to 1958, China managed to decrease i t s primacy index from 0.4-9 to 0.4-1, thereby achieving a more balanced spread of urban growth. From I96I to 1971, Indonesia increased i t s primacy index from 0.55 to 0 .57. which meant urban growth was further polarized instead of decentralized. (b) Management of the Largest City(ies) As mentioned previously, China managed to depo-pulate Shanghai, the largest c i t y , and to s t a b i l i z e the population of Peking, the second largest c i t y . The r e s u l t s are quite impressive considering that there are two major sources of urban growth,^ given that municipal boundaries are held constant: net i n t e r n a l migration and net natural increase. - 99 -Thus, i t can be deduced that there must have been a stream of reversed rural-urban migration from Shanghai and Peking during the period I 9 5 8 - I 9 7 I , at l e a s t s u f f i c i e n t to counter the net natural increase i n the two urban areas f o r the same i n t e r v a l . In Indonesia, the government i s s t i l l struggling with the continual urban growth i n i t s primate c i t y , Djakarta, (see Figure 5.) Figure 5. POPULATION OF DJAKARTA 1950-1971 \<\So mi - 100 -(c) Concentrated Decentralization - Growth of Inland Urban Centres  Because of China's semi-colonial past, the CCP since 1949 d e l i b e r a t e l y directed growth away from the coastal treaty ports to inland growth centres. As a r e s u l t of this deliberate strategy, by i960, the national c a p i t a l and most other p r o v i n c i a l ca p i t a l s were developed into i n d u s t r i a l , as well as regional d i s t r i b u t i o n and c o l l e c t i o n centres. Turning to Indonesia, 1he Dutch legacy of urban primacy i s s t i l l b a f f l i n g decision-makers. Urban and i n d u s t r i a l growth i s s t i l l most concen-trated i n Djakarta, followed by Surabaya and Bandung. If this condition of primacy continues to e x i s t , there w i l l be a contraction rather than a dispersion of development as national'economic growth proceeds. ( i i ) Intra-regional D i s t r i b u t i o n Intra-regional d i s t r i b u t i o n i s concerned with d i s t r i b u t i o n of economic and s o c i a l growth between "the c i t y and i t s hinterland. Two issues w i l l be dealt with under this sections the generative aspects of economic d i s t r i b u t i o n , and 1he a l l o c a t i v e aspects of s o c i a l 0 weLfare d i s t r i b u t i o n . (a) Generative D i s t r i b u t i o n - Tae Agropolitan Approach  While the Indonesian government only recently started to talk about the agropolitan bottom-up - 101 -approach to regional development, China began experimenting with the concept i n 1969. Although hard s t a t i s t i c s are not available, most China observers concur that some market towns i n the communes have been developed into agropolitan centres, dhis does not mean r u r a l industry w i l l replace urban industry; i t w i l l supplement i t . (b) A l l o c a t i v e Distribution - Tne Barefoot Doctors In this respect, China can only claim substantial improvements i n one area - the delivery of health care. With the assistance of paramedics, the di s p a r i t y i n the l e v e l of health care between the c i t y and i t s hinterland has been d r a s t i c a l l y reduced. The Indonesian government, however, has no comparative program i n t h i s area nor i n any other area of social services. 7.3 Reasons f o r China's Better Performance According to the above comparison, China managed to control urban growth better than Indonesia. The reasons f o r 1iie better performance are, of course, many and varied, but the following three are the most important: 7.3.1 Control of Investment Funds China i s a s o c i a l i s t country p r a c t i s i n g command planning. Uherefore, the central gDvernment has complete control over 1he a l l o c a t i o n of investment c a p i t a l . - 102 -Indonesia, as a market economy, i s primarily dependent upon foreign aid and private investment, domestic or foreign. The government has v i r t u a l l y no d i r e c t control over the a l l o c a t i o n of investment c a p i t a l , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the secondary and t e r t i a r y sectors. According to a 1972 survey, 45$ of pot e n t i a l investors (non-extractive industries only) wanted to locate i n Djakarta. Such behaviour would undoubtedly exacerbate Indonesia's primacy problem. 7.3.2 Connectivity Of prime importance i n d i f f u s i o n of development i s the transportation system. Between I95O-I97I, China b u i l t 11,000 miles of new railway trackage, r e s u l t i n g i n a t o t a l of 25,000 miles. With the exception of Tibet, every province and autonomous region has d i r e c t access to a main l i n e . 8 Indonesia, on the other hand, has not been able to develop a comparable transportation system to support the nation's economic development. The best roads and railways are s t i l l concentrated i n Java. The country i s further handicapped by the waters separating the various islands within the archipelago. 7.3.3 Ideology and Organization In coping with s c a r c i t y and s o c i a l change, China's solution i s to substitute ideology and organization f o r inadequate c a p i t a l and technology: ideology as the motive force, organization as resource mobilization. - 103 -Within the regime's f i r s t 20 years, the Communists achieved a fundamental i n s t i t u t i o n a l breakthrough. For the f i r s t time i n Chinese hi s t o r y , they developed an "octopus" p o l i t i c a l system strong enough "to control and transform society: communes in the countryside and neighbourhoods i n the c i t i e s . Major economic, c u l t u r a l , educational and r u r a l a c t i v i t i e s are brought within the scope of governmental management. In contrast to individualism and competition, the S o c i a l i s t ideology stressed c o l l e c t i v i t y and cooperation. In implementing p o l i c i e s , "carrots and s t i c k s " are used. Wiere moral suasion f a i l s , t h i n l y concealed coercion i s employed, but even then, i t i s psychological coercion rather than physical coercion. Group pressure i s often used to breed conformity. In Indonesia, the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l system and i n s t i t u t i o n a l system are breaking down under the impact of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , but the leadership has f a i l e d to f i l l i n the resul t i n g vacuum. For instance, tie governmental bureaucracy i s plagued with corruption, whereas the S o c i a l i s t ideology i n China has la r g e l y eliminated this problem. Another example i s i n the organization of agriculture. Back i n 1952, when land reform was completed i n China, the average houshold farmwas about 0.6 hectares. By c o l l e c t i v i z i n g agriculture, China's communes now average - 104 -1,900 hectares per farrn^, and operations have become much more e f f i c i e n t . In Indonesia, the average farm size has dwindled to about 0.5 hectares. The food produced from such a small plot has proved incapable of supporting families even at the minimum subsistence l e v e l . Perhaps the Indonesian government should also give serious thought to the advantages of a g r i c u l t u r a l c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n . - 105 -CHAPTER VII FOOTNOTES "*"Peter Wilsher and Rosemary Righter, The Exploding  C i t i e s (London: Andre Deutsch Ltd., 1975)» pp. 184-185. 2 Rhoads Murphey, "Aspects of Urbanization i n Contemporary China: A Revolutionary Model," Proceedings of the Association  of American Geographers, Volume 7 (1975)» 165-168. -^Widjojo N i t i s a s t r o , Population Trends i n Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, I97O), p. 124. 4 Sugijanto Soegijoko and Budhy T. Sugijanto, "Urban Areas i n Indonesia as Development Catalyst," Prisma, No.3 ( A p r i l , 1976), 52-62. 5 1 bid. ^International migration to Qiina's urban areas since I949 has been very l i m i t e d . The exact fig u r e i s not known. Since i n t e r n a t i o n a l migration i s outside the scope of 1his thesis, i t w i l l not be expored in the comparison. 'Selo Soemardjan, Imbalances i n Development: The  Indonesian Experience "(Ohio: Ohio University Centre for International Studies, I972), p.20. Q Brian J.L. Berry, Edgar C. Conkling, and D. Michael Ray, Tne Geography of Economic Systems (New Jersey: Prentice-H a l l , Inc., 1976), pp. 413-453. 9 Ace Leroy Hollibaugh, "The Geographical, S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l Implications of De-urbanization and De-centralization i n the People's Republic of China" (unpublished Master's thesis, Department of G ography, Simon Fraser University, 1975), P. 15. e - 105a -CHAPTER V I I I SUMMARY AND CONCLUDING COMMENTS - i o 6 -8.1 Summary As an overview, we can summarize China's record of modernization, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , aid urbanization i n 1he following paradigm. National Goals \ System -of P r i o r i t i e s (dissensions within CCP leadership) Fluctuation in Developmental P o l i c i e s (leadership struggles) Impacts on Urbanization Implementation of Various P o l i c i e s to Manage Urbanization 1) to modernize China into a strong, i n d u s t r i a l , sovereign state 2) to achieve an e g a l i t a r i a n S o c i a l i s t . society within human and natural resource constraints, p a r t i c u l a r l y c a p i t a l , land and labour s k i l l s • 1) economic development f i r s t , or 2) so c i a l development f i r s t , or 3) mix between 1) and 2) 1949-58 * Soviet model of economic development 1959-68 - period of r e v i s i o n and experi-mentation; leadership struggle between Mao and L i u camps 1969-75 - Mao's camp i n firm control; a more balanced mix between economic and s o c i a l development Pre Cultural Revolution era: forced urban-rural migration: 1957 - i n i t i a t e d hsia-hsiang and hsiafang I962 - huihsiang Post Cultural Revolution era: emergence of a more coherent p o l i c y set to unify the three contradictions between agriculture and industry, countryside and c i t y , and manual and mental labour - 107 -The p o l i c i e s adopted by China to manage urban growth can be grouped under three headings: 8.1.1 Directed Transmigration to Reverse the Rural-Urban Flow ; Tnree programs have been adopted: huihsiang, hsia-hsiang, and hsia-fang. Hui-hsiang was a temporary proggam implemented i n I962 to return the twenty m i l l i o n peasants who flocked to the c i t i e s during the Great Leap. Hsia-hsiang i s a permanent program i n i t i a t e d i n 1957 and i s s t i l l i n force today. I t i s directed at urban educated youths. Upon graduation, most students w i l l be assigned jobs i n the countryside. Qhey are expected to l i v e there permanently and contribute to the s o c i a l i s t reconstruction of the r u r a l economy. Hsia-fang i s also a permanent program i n i t i a t e d i n the same year, 1957* However, this program i s directed at cadres and professionals. Uhey may be transferred to the countryside to learn from "the peasants , but the period of transfer i s spe c i f i e d ; or they may be transferred to lower l e v e l s in :;the organization within the c i t y . Uherefore, the reversed r u r a l -urban flow created by this program, i f any, i s of minimal impact i n r e l i e v i n g the population pressures of the c i t i e s . - 108 -8.1.2 C o n c e n t r a t e d D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n By a d o p t i n g the "growth p o l e s " s t r a t e g y , C h i n a managed to d i r e c t a p o r t i o n o f r u r a l o u t - m i g r a t i o n t o medium-sized urban c e n t r e s i n the i n l a n d . 8.1.3 R u r a l A g r o p o l i t a n C e n t r e s By a d o p t i n g t h e " a g r o p o l i t a n " s t r a t e g y , C h i n a i s i n f a c t i m p r o v i n g j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s i n "the r u r a l a r e a s . Tne long-term e f f e c t i s a convergence i n l i v i n g s t a n d a r d s between tie c i t y and i t s h i n t e r l a n d . Tne p u l l f o r c e s o f the c i t y become l e s s a t t r a c t i v e . At "the same t i m e , the push f o r c e s o f t h e h i n t e r l a n d l e s s e n i n s e v e r i t y and become t o l e r a b l e . P e o p l e are encouraged t o s t a y i n "the r u r a l a r e a s . The a u t h o r i s o f the o p i n i o n t h a t the r e l a t i v e s u c c e s s o f C h i n a over I n d o n e s i a i n managing and c o n t r o l l i n g u r b a n growth i s a t t r i b u t a b l e t o t h e a d o p t i o n o f the s e t h r e e s t r a t e g i e s . China may not be a b l e to model t h e w o r l d i n i t s r e s p onse t o r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n , b u t t h e s t r a t e g i e s i t adopted are c e r t a i n l y worthy of s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n by o t h e r l e a d e r s o f t h e T h i r d World. - 109 -8.2 Suggestions f o r Further Research Before closing, a word of caution may he i n order for future researchers who may be interested to pursue t h i s f i e l d . Hard s t a t i s t i c a l data on urbanization is available u n t i l i 9 6 0 , but after that date, there has been a r e a l paucity i n o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l data. Ohis does not mean that there are no data available. After i 9 6 0 , many volumes of s t a t i s t i c s have been oompiled by Eastern and Western scholars who follow China's developments very clo s e l y , but the data presented are based on guestimates, not o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l releases. However, ihi s l i m i t a t i o n i n data w i l l not apply to scholars who are w i l l i n g and able to devote time and energy to conduct primary research i n China. It would be i n t e r e s t i n g to trace 1he development of agropolitan centres i n the communes; or a l i f e history of a rusticated youth; or the p o l i c y changes i n China after the death of Chairman Mao Tse-Tung. When Mao died in I976, China suffered the loss of a great leader. 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Films sponsored by the Canada-China F r i e n d s h i p A s s o c i a t i o n during H a b i t a t Forum (United Nations Conference on Human Settlements), Vancouver, 1976 : "The Barefoot Doctors of Rura l China" "Communes" "The Great Treasure House" "People's China" "Subdueing Kharst Mountain" 

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