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Unmasking frontlet headdresses : an iconographic study of images in Northern Northwest Coast ceremonial… McLaren, Carol Sheehan 1977

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I U N M A S K I N G F R O N T L E T H E A D D R E S S E S A n I c o n o g r a p h i c S t u d y o f I m a g e s i n N o r t h e r n N o r t h w e s t C o a s t C e r e m o n i a l H e a d d r e s s e s b y C A R O L S H E E H A N M c L A R E N B . A . H o n o u r s A n t h r o p o l o g y , 1 9 7 4 T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S IN THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES ( i n t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f A N T H R O P O L O G Y A N D S O C I O L O G Y ) W e a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A S e p t e m b e r , 1 9 7 7 © Carol Sheehan McLaren, 1977 In presenting this thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representatives. It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of this thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Carol S. McLaren Department of Anthropology and Sociology The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date: September 1, 1977 ABSTRACT This thesis i s about the iconography of f r o n t l e t headdresses. These objects were part of a spectacular r i t u a l costume worn by high-ranking people on the Northwest Coast of North America. Iconographic analysis ( f i r s t developed by Panofsky) i s based on i d e n t i f y i n g c u l t u r a l notions and themes associated with v i s u a l images by probing the c u l t u r a l contexts of objects. This i s the mode of analysis used i n the thesis to explore the image and the meaning of f r o n t l e t head-dresses. Data used to support t h i s i n q u i r y were gathered from h i s t o r i c a l accounts, museum records, and ethnographies. I t i s established that f r o n t l e t headdresses were worn and used i n p r e c i s e l y the same fashion by d i f f e r e n t groups of coas t a l people and that a l l of these headdresses were constructed with an i n v a r i a n t set of constituents. Therefore, i t i s suggested that these headdresses are comprised of a c o n s t e l l a t i o n of symbols having fans of multi-vocal referents ( a f t e r Turner, 1967) and furthermore, that the spatio-temporal consistency i n t h e i r use points to a shared framework of symbolic r e f e r -ents among neighbouring people. The ceremonial contexts i n which the headdress was worn by the Tsimshian, T l i n g i t and Haida i s explored and cons i s t e n t l y one theme emerges: the person wearing a f r o n t l e t headdress represents an i d e a l synthesis by an i n d i v i d u a l of supernatural and s o c i a l power. This theme, i t i s argued, forms a simple, yet eloquent, equation. Its very s i m p l i c i t y interconnects a spectrum of meanings about man's re l a t i o n s h i p to the l i f e and death forces i n the universe, about man's r e l a t i o n s h i p with the supernatural and with other men, and about man's re l a t i o n s h i p to the material world. These r e l a t i o n s h i p s are symbolized not only i n the ceremonial contexts, but i n the i n d i v i d u a l constituents of the f r o n t l e t headdress. The analysis i s c a r r i e d a step further by o u t l i n i n g the p a r a l l e l sets of r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the image of a f r o n t l e t headdress, a corpus of myths concerning supernatural wealth-bringing monsters, and the r i t u a l presentation of the f r o n t l e t headdress. From these cogent sets of r e l a -tions , i t i s argued that the dancer i n a f r o n t l e t headdress i s an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c image of the i d e a l s t r u c t u r i n g of the universe. His successful quests i n the world of men and i n the world of s p i r i t s are symbolized by the f r o n t l e t headdress he wears, and i n t h i s sense, he i s the image of those f r u i t f u l actions. This thesis demonstrates that iconographic studies of Northwest Coast a r t i f a c t s may involve the questioning, i f not the d i s c a r d i n g , of established designations for p a r t i c u l a r corpora of a r t i f a c t s . I t e n t a i l s a rethinking of the metaphors that past ethnographers, i n t h e i r act of t r a n s l a t i o n , used to e s t a b l i s h the i d e n t i t y of a r t i f a c t s . F i n a l l y , i t requires a methodical mapping of the s o c i a l , r i t u a l , and mythological contexts of the use of these objects, i n order to i l l u m i n a t e the symbolic spectrum condensed i n t h e i r image. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT LIST OF TABLES LIST OF MAPS LIST OF FIGURES ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER ONE - THE FRONTLET HEADDRESS: CONFORMATION, CONFORMITY, AND THE VARIABLE CONSTITUENT 8 Introduction 8 1. The mask that wasn't; the questions we never asked. 11 2. The var i a b l e constituent: the f r o n t l e t . 22 CHAPTER TWO - THE TSIMSHIAN CASE 25 Introduction 25 1. Early H i s t o r i c a l Accounts: Tip of the iceberg. 27 2. Later Ethnographic Accounts and Descriptions. 30 3. The Halpin Analysis of F r o n t l e t Headdresses or amhala.'its 38 4. The Ceremonial Contexts. 52 i. Welcoming Dances: peace of power. 53 ii. First Power Ceremonies and Secret Society Initiations. 60 A. First Power Ceremonies: the T'"si.k and, the SQmhala.'it. 61 B. The Secret Society Initiations. 68 a. The dancers (mita) and the Dog Eaters (nuiim). _ 73 b. The Cannibals (xg.Edt or u'lala), Hie Destroyers (wi'nanai) and The Fire-Throwers (ludzisf-'E') : Personal, hereditary prerogatives. 83 iii. Mortuary Rituals. 90 iv. Summary. 94 CHAPTER THREE - THE TLINGIT CASE 97 Introduction 97 1. The Early Accounts: An o r i g i n myth and a dawning hi s t o r y . 99 2. Later Accounts: Collectors of culture, c o l l e c t o r s of souls. 105 Page i v v v v i i i continued. i v Page 3. Frontlet Headdresses: occasions for t h e i r display. 122 i. Welcoming or greeting ceremonies. 122 ii. The ipotlatch. 124 iii. Lying-in-state rites. 128 CHAPTER FOUR - THE HAIDA CASE 135 Introduction 135 1. E a r l y H i s t o r i c a l and Ethnographic accounts. 136 2. The Ceremonial Contexts. 143 i. Welcoming ceremonies: act of joy; act of peace. 143 ii. Potlatch and initiations: acts of wealth; acts of enlightenment. 148 iii. Lying-in-state: the final act. 167 CHAPTER FIVE - THE ICONOGRAPHY OF FRONTLET HEADDRESSES 171 Introduction 171 1. The f r o n t l e t headdress downing: towards a new metaphor. 172 A. A methodological note: the point of inquiry. 174 B. Eagle down: peace of chaos. lid i. eagle down as medicine: curative and preventive. 176 ii. eagle down as supernatural possession, supernatural protection. 183 iii. eagle down as wealth. 188 Summary 196 2. The f r o n t l e t headdress: image i n a r t , i n myth and i n r i t u a l . 198 A. The Kaigani frontlet: image of GonaquAde't. 201 B. The GonaquAde't myth: the legitimate claim to supernatural power. 210 C. The socio-ritual presentation of the frontlet headdress: the synthesis of social and supernatural power. 220 Summary 227 CONCLUSION 230 BIBLIOGRAPHY 236 APPENDIX 244 ~N V LIST OF TABLES Page Table I. Constituents of the F r o n t l e t Headdress. 14 Table I I . F r o n t l e t Headdresses Used as Crests. 43 Table I I I . The Dancers'-. 79 Table IV. The Dog Eaters. 81 Table V. The Cannibals. 84 Table VI.;. The Destroyers. 88 Table VII. The Fire-Throwers. 89 Table VIII,. Haida Secret Society I n i t i a t i o n s . 161 LIST OF MAPS To face page Map .1. Northwest Coast People Who Manufactured and Used F r o n t l e t Headdresses. 8 Map I I . Tsimshian V i l l a g e s . 25 Map I I I . T l i n g i t V i l l a g e s . 97 Map IV. Haida V i l l a g e s . 135 LIST OF FIGURES Page 1.1 The f r o n t l e t headdress. 13 2.1 General type of Tsimshian, Haida, and T l i n g i t Chief's costume. 31 2.2 " F i r s t Chief Skadeen of Gitlakdamiks." 33 2.3 "Menesk or Menaesk of Gitlakdamiks." 35 2.4 Chief Laknits of Gitwanga. 40 vx 2.5 Laxk"ibu'chiefs at Gitlaxda'.mks. 2.6 James P e r c i v a l or kstiya.'ox. 2.7 Tsimshian chief of Kitwanga. 2.8 Chief Wee-lezgu and Chief Gwass-lam. 2.9 Head r i n g of Me'ila. 3.1 T l i n g i t people at Klawock. 3.2 T l i n g i t people at Hoonah. 3.3 "Hoohah natives i n dance costume." 3.4 "Chief of the Huna [Hoonah] with h i s wife." 3.5 "Sitka chief, Kitch-kook, i n dress costume." 3.6 Hoonah Indians dressed i n ceremonial robes. 3.7 Hoonah Indians dressed i n ceremonial robes. 3.8 T l i n g i t of K i l l i s n o o . 3.9 Categories of headdresses worn by the T l i n g i t . 3.1.0 Chief Shakes V l y i n g i n state. 4.1 "Haida C h i e f t a i n . " 4.2 Haida a r t i s t s Tom Pric e and John Robson. 4.3 Haida a r t i s t John Robson. 4.4 Kasaan. Baronovitch and Maggie. 4.5 Kasaan. Samahat's new house at Kasaan. 4.6 "Alaska potlatch dancers, Indian v i l l a g e of Klinkwan. 4.7 Klinkwan. Potlatch dancers. 4.8 Paraphernalia used by the Haida U l a l a dancers. 4.9 "Mortuary display of the body of Chief Skowl. 5.1 Depictions of foam and eagle down i n drawings by Northwest Coast Indians. 5.2 Leather "whale f l u k e s " i n s i d e a f r o n t l e t headdress crown. Page 44 45 54 58 77 facing 100 100 100 106 109 112 112 116 120 130 141 142 142 149 149 150 150 159 168 190 192 VIX Page 5.3 Examples of "whale's t a i l " design element on three Tsimshian f r o n t l e t s . 195 5.4 The Kaigani f r o n t l e t . 202 5.4a-d The Kaigani f r o n t l e t reproduced i n a serie s of related l i n e drawings. 203-206 5.5 GonaquAde /t houseposts i n house at Old Kasaan. 208 5.6 Poles i n f r o n t of Chief Skowl's house at Old Kasaan. 224 5.7 The image of a copper i n the forehead of GonaquAde t and i n the f r o n t l e t . f a c e . 225 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I w i s h t o acknowledge my debt t o t h e l a t e W i l s o n D u f f f o r b e i n g my mentor, f a c u l t y a d v i s o r , and f r i e n d f o r a l l the y e a r s I s p e n t a t U.B.C. I t was under h i s d i r e c t i o n t h a t t h i s t h e s i s was begun. I a l s o w i s h t o thank the members o f my committee: Dr. K.O.L. B u r r i d g e f o r a g r e e i n g t o become the c h a i r p e r s o n o f my t h e s i s committee and f o r p r o v i d i n g c a r e f u l g u i d a n c e and h e l p f u l c r i t i c i s m s ; Dr. M i c h a e l Kew f o r f i l l i n g t he v a c a n c y on my committee on s h o r t n o t i c e , and f o r p r o v i d i n g t h o u g h t f u l l e t t e r s o f encouragement; and Dr. M a r j o r i e H a l p i n f o r s u g g e s t i n g and s h a p i n g so many of the i d e a s i n t h i s t h e s i s . I owe an i n t e l l e c t u a l d ebt t o many a n t h r o p o l o g y g r a d u a t e s t u d e n t s who a t t e n d e d f o r m a l and i n f o r m a l s e m i n a r s on N o r t h w e s t C o a s t ethnography and m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e . I e s p e c i a l l y w i s h t o thank my f e l l o w p a r t i c i p a n t , J e n n i f e r G o u l d , i n t h e s e s e m i n a r s . F o r t h e i r c o n t i n u a l s u p p o r t and u n f a i l i n g encouragement, I w i s h to thank my f a m i l y and Dr. Jean-Marc P h i l i b e r t . I am e s p e c i a l l y i n d e b t e d t o Dr. P h i l i b e r t f o r h i s generous e f f o r t s i n r e a d i n g the v a r i o u s rough d r a f t s f o r t h i s t h e s i s and s u g g e s t i n g e d i t o r i a l r e v i s i o n s . To Dr. Chet C r e i d e r and P r o f e s s o r George E l l i s I owe a s p e c i a l thank you f o r d o i n g t h e t e d i o u s j o b o f p r o o f r e a d i n g the f i n a l d r a f t . I w i s h t o thank T e r r y S l a t t e r f o r t y p i n g t h e m a n u s c r i p t . I g r a t e f u l l y acknowledge t h e f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t p r o v i d e d me by the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . I am a l s o t h a n k f u l f o r t h e a s s i s t a n c e and e x p e r t i s e o f t h e f o l l o w i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n d i v i d u a l s : B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Languages Project: Randy Bonchard Doe Kennedy B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum Ethnology D i v i s i o n : Alan Hoover Peter Macnair Kevin Neary Dan Savard Conservation D i v i s i o n : P h i l i p Ward L i n g u i s t i c s D i v i s i o n : Barbara E f f r a t Robert Levine B r i t i s h Columbia Native Studies Centre, Vancouver C i t y College: G.A. ("Bud") Mintz Canadian Conservation I n s t i t u t e : Lynn Ogden Mrs. Yvana C h r i s t i e David E l l i s Norman Feder F i e l d Museum: P h y l l i s Rabineau V i c k i e Jensen, Photographer National Museum of Canada Judy H a l l C.W. Kirby Portland Art Museum K i t t u Gates B i l l Reid Dr. Alan Sawyer R. Stevens, Language Instructor, Hazelton Secondary School, Hazelton, B.C. H i l l a r y Stewart Wayne Suttles Norman Tate Vancouver Centennial Mus Lenore Johnston Barbara Lawson Lynn Maranda Welcome I n s t i t u t e C A . Sizer 1 INTRODUCTION I n i t i a l l y , t h i s essay was designed to present a study of the iconography of " f r o n t l e t s " , those small and complex carved wooden plaques of a spectacular, but l i t t l e understood, ceremonial headdress worn by Indians of the Northwest Coast. Early i n the research stages, a f t e r amassing and looking at hundreds of photographs of f r o n t l e t s , one f a c t became cl e a r : before one could begin to unravel the highly condensed images and meanings of f r o n t l e t s , one had to attend to the meanings contained i n the ges t a l t of the e n t i r e headdress. This essay then, i s about the l o g i c and meaning - or the iconography - of f r o n t l e t headdresses. The scope of the study has been narrowed to manageable s i z e by examining the manufacture and use of these head-dresses by the three northern Northwest Coast groups - the Tsimshian, T l i n g i t and Haida. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , ethnographers, a r t h i s t o r i a n s , and museologists have approached the material culture of the Northwest Coast as f u n c t i o n a l categories. These categories were based on the morphology of the objects and were elaborated by describing the d i s t i n c t i v e designs that t y p i c a l l y embellished much of Northwest Coast material culture. Boas wrote the f i r s t d e f i n i t i v e guide f o r i d e n t i f y i n g these "decorative designs" (1897a). He demonstrated how c e r t a i n design elements i n combination represented "Raven", or "Hawk", or "Eagle", or "Beaver", etc. The problem with h i s a n a l y t i c a l model and with the kinds of categorizations made i n dealing with Northwest Coast material culture, i s that the question, 'What does i t represent?' was pushed to the point of bankruptcy. " I t represents "Hawk", or " I t i s a f r o n t l e t headdress", are no longer 2 s a t i s f y i n g answers. The complexity and the eloquence of these c u l t u r a l images demand that we ask, "What does Hawk represent?" and "What i s a f r o n t l e t headdress?" The simple i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of a design or of a category cannot answer questions about the meanings those images and those objects held within t h e i r c u l t u r a l context. A model for the analysis of meaning i n v i s u a l images was f i r s t developed by the a r t h i s t o r i a n , Erwin Panofsky (1939/1962). His theore-t i c a l framework evolved three l e v e l s of studying v i s u a l images. B r i e f l y , they are: 1) "pre-iconographic d e s c r i p t i o n " : the d e s c r i p t i o n of "primary or natural subject matter" which involves the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of form and s t y l e ; 2) "iconographical a n a l y s i s " : the d e s c r i p t i o n of "secondary or conventional subject matter" (motifs) v i s - a - v i s t h e i r connection with s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l themes and/or concepts; 3) "Iconographical i n t e r p r e t a t i o n or iconology": the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and d e s c r i p t i o n of the " i n t r i n s i c meaning or content" i n a v i s u a l image (Panofsky, 1962:3-7; see also Gould, 1973:2-4). Though Panofsky's studies i n iconology were grounded i n analyses of European Renaissance painting, h i s methodology was adapted by Wilson Duff and h i s students Jennifer Gould and Marjorie Halpin to study meanings i n Northwest Coast v i s u a l images (Duff, 1975; Gould, 1973; Halpin, 1973, 1975). Duff's work (much of i t regrettably unpublished) set the stage f o r iconographic analysis of Northwest Coast images by assembling 3 corpora of a r t i f a c t s and exploring what he described as t h e i r "hidden agendas" (Duff, pers. comm.). Halpin (and to a l e s s e r degree, Gould) combined Panofsky's mode of analysis with V i c t o r Turner's ideas about the analysis of symbols i n r i t u a l . Gould (1973) probed the meanings depicted i n the condensed and highly complex images of the raven r a t t l e -an object which was associated with the same ceremonial costume as the f r o n t l e t headdress. Halpin's (1973) study of the Tsimshian crest system employed iconographic analysis and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n to delineate the important d i s t i n c t i o n between crest and non-crest images i n Tsim-shian a r t i f a c t s . Later, she probed the iconographic content of a corpus of Tsimshian non-crest a r t , the masks used i n naxnox r i t u a l s and a l l i e d the meanings of t h e i r images with the s o c i o - r i t u a l context of t h e i r presentation (1975). E s s e n t i a l l y t h i s thesis follows the same l i n e of inquiry as the iconographic studies of various corpora of northern Northwest Coast material culture i n i t i a t e d by Duff, Gould, and Halpin. A corpus of materials was selected - i n t h i s case, f r o n t l e t headdresses. The analysis began by i d e n t i f y i n g c u l t u r a l notions and themes associated with these v i s u a l images by probing the c u l t u r a l contexts surrounding the objects. The f i r s t problem i n the analysis was to answer the question "What i s a f r o n t l e t headdress?" F r o n t l e t headdresses, as a category of Northwest Coast material culture, were i m p l i c i t l y subsumed under the larger category "masks" by ethnographers and museologists a l i k e . Though they were accorded a d i s t i n c t designation, almost no d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was made between these headdresses and masks at the l e v e l of explaining 4 t h e i r use and t h e i r meaning. The pre-iconographic d e s c r i p t i o n formulated i n the beginning of t h i s analysis f a c i l i t a t e d a r e s t r u c t u r i n g or a r e d e f i n i t i o n of the category by making e x p l i c i t that not only was a f r o n t l e t headdress not a mask, but as an image and as a r t i f a c t i n the sphere of r i t u a l action, i t was the a n t i t h e s i s of a mask and masking. The question "What i s a f r o n t l e t headdress?" was given a new response, and the analysis then proceeded to questions about the iconographical i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the corpus: "What do f r o n t l e t headdresses mean?" "How are they re l a t e d to masks and masking?" The iconographic analysis of f r o n t l e t headdresses required new materials to aid i n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . This thesis introduced a methodology that had not been employed i n previous studies of Northwest Coast a r t . F r o n t l e t headdresses were viewed from the perspective that they were depictions of symbolic thought. The components of the headdress - i . e . the many parts that make up the whole headdress such as f l i c k e r feathers, ermine skins, the f r o n t l e t , the cage of sea - l i o n b r i s t l e s , etc. - were considered as multi-vocal symbols, each having a fan of referents. Using V i c t o r Turner's ideas about the nature of multi-vocal symbols, the sets of r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the headdress as a c o n s t e l l a t i o n of symbols and i t s presentation i n a r i t u a l context were suggested. Using a d i f f e r e n t tack, the analysis was extended by defining the headdress as an image i n action, an image with meaning: i n Wilson Duff's terms, the f r o n t l e t headdress was "imaging",(Duff, 1975:16). Interpretation of the f r o n t l e t headdress r e l i e d on a l i g n i n g the image of the a r t i f a c t with images i n the recorded mythologies and r i t u a l s . In 5 a d d i t i o n , l i n e drawings made by Northwest Coast Indians of m y t h o l o g i c a l creatures and of a f r o n t l e t headdress being worn were shown to be v i s u a l l y r e l a t e d to the image of f r o n t l e t headdresses. This technique of demonstrating the v i s u a l t h i n k i n g i n Northwest Coast images through the metalanguage of l i n e drawings was a major c o n t r i b u t i o n to the iconographic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of v i s u a l images. In t h i s way the t h e s i s enlarges our knowledge about the meaning of f r o n t l e t headdresses and demonstrates new methodological aid s i n the iconographic a n a l y s i s of a r t i f a c t s . The t h e s i s i s d i v i d e d i n t o f i v e chapters. Chapter One expands on the minimal ethnographic d e s c r i p t i o n s of f r o n t l e t headdresses by developing a pre-iconographic d e s c r i p t i o n of these o b j e c t s . The idea i s stres s e d that f r o n t l e t headdresses were manufactured and used i n p r e c i s e l y the same f a s h i o n by three groups of people who had d i s t i n c t s o c i o - r i t u a l , l i n g u i s t i c and a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s . The f i r s t s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter examines the consistency i n the conformation of the e n t i r e f r o n t l e t headdress and sets the framework f o r l o o k i n g at i t s c o n s t i t u e n t s as a c o n s t e l l a t i o n of symbols. The second s e c t i o n b r i e f l y examines the v a r i a b l e c o n s t i t u e n t s of the headdress - the f r o n t l e t i t s e l f . The point i s then made th a t , i n order to explore the iconography of t h i s headdress, the f r o n t l e t must not be separated from the human face. E s s e n t i a l l y , the v i s i b l e human face i s a c o n s t i t u e n t of the headdress, bonded, i n a very r e a l and symbolic sense, to the f r o n t l e t . The f i r s t chapter, then, moves the question from "What i s a f r o n t l e t headdress?" to "Why a f r o n t l e t 6 headdress?" Chapters Two, Three, and Four are the presentation of ethno-graphic data concerning the wearing of f r o n t l e t headdresses among the Tsimshian, T l i n g i t and Haida, r e s p e c t i v e l y . The 'Tsimshian context i s presented f i r s t , because the Haida and T l i n g i t maintain that they obtained the f r o n t l e t headdress (and i t s concomitant costume items: the Chilkat blanket, raven r a t t l e , dance apron, and leggings) from the Tsimshian. The Tsimshian chapter also sets the organizational pattern for the data to be presented i n the subsequent Haida and T l i n g i t chapters. Generally a l l chapters begin with early and l a t e ethnographic accounts of f r o n t l e t headdresses. The following sections deal with the three ceremonial contexts i n which f r o n t l e t headdresses appear to have been cons i s t e n t l y used: 1) welcoming dances; 2) "potlatches" and/or winter ceremonials which included secret society i n i t i a t i o n s ; 3) l y i n g - i n - s t a t e and mortuary r i t u a l s . The ethnographic chapters may appear long and at times repe-t i t i o u s , but i t i s hoped that the reader w i l l appreciate that the s a l i e n t feature of the thesis may be i t s methodology rather than i t s conclusions, which could conceivably have been reached through i n t u i t i o n . The method-i c a l tracking of the s o c i a l , r i t u a l , and mythological contexts of the wearing of f r o n t l e t headdresses i n a l l three groups of people was deemed e s s e n t i a l to a d e l i n e a t i o n of the symbolic frames of reference associated with t h e i r presentation. Chapter Five, the concluding chapter, addresses i t s e l f to the iconography of f r o n t l e t headdresses. The question i s approached from two 7 o p t i c s . F i r s t , the f r o n t l e t headdress i s examined as a c o n s t e l l a t i o n of parts. In so doing, we are extending the pre-iconographic d e s c r i p t i o n l a i d out i n Chapter One by viewing each part or constituent as symbol-i z i n g a range of meaning, a semantic domain. Eagle down i s a r b i t r a r i l y selected as a dominant symbol or image and i t s m u l t i - v o c a l i t y i s explored thereby pointing out the l i n k s and boundaries i t shares with the other constituents. In the second part of t h i s chapter, the f r o n t l e t headdress i s examined as a ' t o t a l ' image, as the perspective s h i f t s from looking at the parts to looking at the whole. The approach used here i s also s t r u c t u r a l i n that cogent .themes or sets of r e l a t i o n s are shown to be concurrent i n the image of the f r o n t l e t headdress, i n a corpus of myths about wealth-bringing sea monsters, and i n the r i t u a l presentation of the f r o n t l e t headdress. In Mauss' terms, we have attempted to see the ' t o t a l s o c i a l f a c t ' of the wearing of a f r o n t l e t headdress by examining the object as a bundle of symbols and showing i t s analogy to a mytho-l o g i c a l structure and to the structure of s o c i o - r i t u a l actions. page 8 Map I. Northwest Coast People Who Manufactured and Used F r o n t l e t Headdresses. (Map based on Duff, 1965:13). Scale: one inch equals approximately 150 miles. 8 CHAPTER ONE THE FRONTLET HEADDRESS: CONFORMATION, CONFORMITY AND THE VARIABLE CONSTITUENT Introduction The f r o n t l e t headdress was not given the attention i t deserved by the various ethnographers of Northwest Coast culture (see for example, Boas 1890, 1916; Dawson 1880; Emmons 1914; Swanton 1905a; Gunther 1972; e t c . ) . These writers were s a t i s f i e d to state the obvious, that f r o n t l e t headdresses were a feature of the material culture expressing clan a f f i l i a t i o n and were worn as part of a ceremonial dancing costume. At the l e v e l of observing t h i s category of a r t i f a c t , of providing a "pre-iconographic d e s c r i p t i o n " (after Panofsky, 1962:14-15) of the headdress by a d e s c r i p t i o n of i t s p h y s i c a l conformation and the materials used i n i t s construction, the ethnographers' reports have been cursory at best. The purpose of t h i s chapter i s to expand on the ethnographic descriptions of the f r o n t l e t headdress. In developing and expanding on the pre-iconographic d e s c r i p t i o n of the f r o n t l e t headdress i n general, and the f r o n t l e t or carved plaque portion of the headdress i n p a r t i c u l a r , I wish to move the problem from "What i s a f r o n t l e t headdress?" to "Why a f r o n t l e t headdress?" In the f i r s t section of t h i s chapter I stress two fundamental ideas about t h i s kind of ceremonial headgear. F i r s t , f r o n t l e t headdresses, unlike other categories of ceremonial a t t i r e - the best example being masks - were constructed using a l i m i t e d set of materials i n a uniform pattern of construction. Second, the constituents of the'headdress and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between these parts to the whole were constant. Further-more, t h i s homeostatic r e l a t i o n s h i p between the parts and the whole can be 9 extended to ttie e n t i r e costume with which the f r o n t l e t headdress was associated, for the headdress was always worn with a Chilkat blanket, dancing apron, and raven rattle."*" An important element of t h i s exegesis, and the one which forms the point of departure for t h i s chapter, i s understanding why ethnographers never asked the obvious and fundamental question, "Why did a l l the people of the Northwest Coast who manufactured and used the f r o n t l e t headdress construct i t i n p r e c i s e l y the same fashion and display i t i n nearly i d e n t i c a l contexts?" Given the r e l a t i v e l y heterogeneous s o c i o - r i t u a l l i f e of the various Northwest Coast groups, how can we explain the homo-geneity of the contextual and morphological appearance of t h i s a r t i f a c t ? Part of the explanation centers on the idea that the f r o n t l e t headdress (and indeed, the e n t i r e costume with which i t i s associated) forms a configuration of symbols. The spatio-temporal consistency i n design and use of f r o n t l e t headdresses suggests a shared framework of symbolic reference among neighbouring people. This i s a l l the more s u r p r i s i n g since these groups are known to show a whole range of v a r i a t i o n s i n terms of r i t u a l s and symbols. F r o n t l e t headdresses have not been described i n t h i s manner previously, nor has the p r o b a b i l i t y of t h e i r symbolic content been explored or explained. To set the framework for doing so i s the task of th i s chapter. From the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e , i t i s possible to delineate Dance leggings of the same f a b r i c and manufacture as the Chilkat blanket and dancing apron were usually - though I cannot state this unequivocally - associated with t h i s costume. 10 some of the symbolic referents of the materials used to construct a f r o n t l e t headdress and to postulate that these symbols are "multi-vocal" i n the sense that a s i n g l e symbol may stand for many things. (Turner, 1967:50). Certain dominant or focal symbols conspicuously possess this property of multivocality which allows for the economic representation of key aspects of culture and belief. Each dominant symbol has a "fan" or "spectrum" of referents, which are interlinked by what is usually a simple mode of association, its very simplicity enabling it to interconnect a wide variety of significata. (Ibid.) The f i r s t section of t h i s chapter w i l l be devoted to pre-iconographic d e s c r i p t i o n of the f r o n t l e t headdress. The question of why these par-t i c u l a r c o n s t e l l a t i o n s of symbols are nested i n the configuration of a f r o n t l e t headdress w i l l best be dealt with a f t e r searching the Tsimshian, T l i n g i t and Haida ethnographies f o r the contexts i n which these head-dresses were worn.(Chapters Two, Three and Four). I w i l l address myself to the iconographic aspect of the problem i n Chapter Five. The second problem i n t h i s chapter i s to explore the highly v a r i a b l e element i n th i s otherwise isomorphic category of ceremonial headgear - that i s , the f r o n t l e t carving i t s e l f . The f i r s t question must be "Why i s th i s part of the headdress v a r i a b l e - indeed uniquely so to each headdress - i f there i s such a high degree of s t r i c t conform-i t y i n the other constituents and i n the organization of those parts?" Also, "How does the v a r i a b i l i t y of the iconography or symbolic content of the f r o n t l e t integrate and/or r e l a t e to the complex of symbols i n the whole headdress?" At t h i s point, the questions become more complex: "What do 11 f r o n t l e t s mean?" "What are the boundaries of t h e i r v a r i a b i l i t y and how can we best handle them i n a systematic ana l y s i s ? " At the present the data w i l l not support answers to a l l of these questions. A study of the iconography of f r o n t l e t s i s required - one departing from conventional methodology and theory. At present, t h i s thesis w i l l make contributions toward understanding the meaning of f r o n t l e t s by o f f e r i n g suggestions f o r the meanings associated with the ent i r e headdress. 1. The mask that wasn't: the questions we never asked. When I f i r s t began examining the data f o r t h i s essay - looking at and c o l l e c t i n g photographs of a great number of the b e a u t i f u l and d i s t i n c t i v e f r o n t l e t headdresses from a l l over the Northwest Coast - the perception of a subtle f a c t escaped my attention for months, j u s t as i t has been overlooked by generations of ethnographers who wrote about the material culture of the coast. The ethnographers had long been cognizant of the f a c t that many groups of people who comprised t h i s c u l t u r a l area used a r i c h v a r i e t y of ceremonial a t t i r e s p e c i f i c to t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t s o c i o - r i t u a l contexts. However, the point that was missed was that of a l l these groups, the ones who manufactured and used f r o n t l e t headdresses did so i n pre-c i s e l y the same fashion. The isomorphic presence of t h i s a r t i f a c t among groups of people having otherwise heterogeneous categories of ceremonial materials did not go unnoticed by those compiling inventories and w r i t i n g descriptions of Northwest Coast material c u l t u r e . One finds i n museum catalogues and art books statements to the e f f e c t that f r o n t l e t head-dresses were widely used among Northwest Coast people, while nobody 12 perceived the s i g n i f i c a n c e of th i s singular phenomena (see Map I ) . C l e a r l y , ethnographers saw f r o n t l e t headdresses and recorded descriptions of them (eg. Boas 1890, 1916; Dawsonl880; Emmons 1914; Barbeau 1959; e t c . ) . But t h e i r descriptions are cursory and s u r p r i s i n g -l y i n d i f f e r e n t to an a r t i f a c t as elaborate and as impressive as the f r o n t l e t headdress. Erna Gunther's d e s c r i p t i o n , though by f a r the most attentive and d e t a i l e d , i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c : (See Figure 1.1 for a diagram of the parts she describes) The headdress... is built on a framework of small wooden staves or pieces of whale bone (baleen). These are often wrapped in old pieces of cloth and sometimes covered with, or used in conjunction with, the crown of an old felt hat. The outside of this framework is covered with a broad strip of swans-down. The carved frontlet is placed in the center front and flanked on both sides either with a ver-tical band of red cloth or two ermine skins. Above the carved frontlet there is often a row of tail feathers of the red flicker and, back of these and continuing around the top, a row of sea lion whiskers or bristles. The more elaborate headdresses had a strip of cotton cloth or canvas attached to the back which fell to the shoulders or continued down the back to form a trailer which might sometimes be as long as thirty-eight inches. This cloth was spread by means of small cedar sticks sewed across at intervals of one inch. Ermine skins were ar- ^  ranged on the cloth in rows of eight to ten each. The following observation, which would amplify descriptions l i k e Gunther's and give r i s e to questions about the iconography of f r o n t l e t headdresses was never made: a l l of them were constructed i n the same fashion and there i s a consistency i n the ordering and Gunther, Erna. Art i n the L i f e of the Northwest Coast  Indians. Portland, Ore.: The Portland Art Museum. 1966:100. Her desc r i p t i o n , while s p e c i f i c a l l y r e f e r r i n g to the PAM c o l l e c t i o n , i s generally applicable to a l l the headdresses I have examined. Figure 1.1. The f r o n t l e t headdress (Based on BCPM photograph PN 1040; f r o n t l e t : BCPM, 9534). 14 Table I. CONSTITUENTS OF ALL FRONTLET HEADDRESSES Sets of r e l a t i o n s h i p s between constituents are formed here - the next step i s iconographic analysis. CONSTITUENT MATERIAL SENSORY QUALITY POSSIBLE SUBSTITUTE 1. f r o n t l e t wood, carved & painted sometimes i n l a i d n a tural wood f i n e grain/smooth paint: red/black/ blue-green.(Among southerly t r i b e s polychrome paints used). inlay:abalone (blue-green;light r e f l e c t i v e ) ; copper (copper colour r e f l e c t i v e when polished) none 2. f r o n t l e t corona abalone (some-times small carvings &/or copper added, esp. among Tsimshian blue-green highly i r i d e s c e n t mirror 3. space flanking f r o n t l e t f e l t &/or f l i c k e r feathers &/or ermine skins red; red & black with copper shaft; white; v e r t i c a l axis stressed any of these may be exclusive to the other two or a l l may be pre-sent. Surrogates for ea. i n c l . red cotton; wooden feathers painted red & black and rabbit fur 4. band or "crown" swansdown white; amorphous ermine, rabbit 5. t r a i l e r or " t r a i n " ermine skins white; v e r t i c a l axis b r i g h t ; g l i s t e n i n g rabbit 6. crown b r i s t l e s s e a l i o n whiskers (sometimes aug-mented with f l i c k e r feathers -esp. among T l i n g i t ) yellow/orange -"copper" colour red/ black feathers brass wire (Gunther,1966: 221);amber-coloured whale baleen (Holm, 1972:29) none: i . e . absent or present 1 5 j u x t a p o s i t i o n of the constituent materials. (Please r e f e r to the data presented i n the Appendix to support t h i s observation.) Given t h i s perspective, i t becomes possible to look at a large corpus of f r o n t l e t headdresses and to chart some of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s 3 between t h e i r various constituents. In so doing (see Table I ) , the pre-iconographic d e s c r i p t i o n of t h i s category of headdress i s not only enhanced, but one can r e a d i l y a s c e r t a i n that r e l a t i o n s h i p s between com-ponents are structured ( i . e . by factors such as colour, texture, q u a l i t y of l i g h t r e f l e c t i o n , e t c . ) . At t h i s l e v e l , the framework i s now con-structed f o r the iconographic analysis of f r o n t l e t headdresses through exploration of the symbolic referents f o r each of the constituents and th e i r bonding to one another. In true Boasian fashion, the ethnographers treated the f r o n t l e t headdress as simply an object or a t r a i t . The questions they asked were not about "meaning", but about "representation." Given that Boas had deduced that a l l the images i n Northwest Coast Indian art "represented" clan c r e s t s , f r o n t l e t headdresses were accounted f o r as being a "crest d i s p l a y " - l i k e masks, face paintings, r a t t l e s and Chilkat blankets, etc. The ethnographic data indicated that the headdress probably originated i n the north among the Tsimshian, and a l l the people from the Kwagiul northward made and used these headdresses. Having described the headdress as a crest object, the ethnographers used t r a i t 3 V a r i a t i o n i n the materials ( i . e . s i z e , amount, q u a l i t y , etc.) have been considered here as ideosyncratic as they are r e l a t i v e to date and place of construction as w e l l as to the talent and v i r t u o s i t y of the maker. However, v a r i a t i o n i n the materials of construction, that i s to say, the s u b s t i t u t i o n of one f a b r i c f o r another is_ s i g n i f i c a n t , for i t i s through noting these exceptions that one can point to the r u l e . 16 di f f u s i o n i s m as the core and substance of t h e i r exegesis. Questions about the meaning of cres t s , the symbolic content of the headdress, and 4 the phenomena of shared symbolic configurations were never asked. Regrettably, l i k e Boas' c l a s s i c question, 'What does i t represent [ r e f e r r i n g to images]?', i t was a l i n e of inquiry that soon reached the point of bankruptcy. One cannot simply note with d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n that these ethno-graphers did not recognize the isomorphic aspect of f r o n t l e t headdresses, that they did not ask the obvious questions about the s i g n i f i c a n c e of that f a c t , and leave i t at that. Instead, i t i s necessary to probe the larger question: "Why were these questions never asked?" I t i s important to deal with t h i s problem here; not only i s i t something I eventually had Even as l a t e as the seventies, ethnologists would p e r s i s t i n d i f f u s i o n i s t explanations. Gunther wrote, "...when the extensive trade i n these headdresses i s taken into account i t i s understandable that often the person using one had very l i t t l e knowledge of the true character of the symbolic meaning." (1972:29). Holm, w r i t i n g about Kwagiul f r o n t l e t s , concurred: "...the f r o n t l e t s were so frequently a part of potlatch d i s t r i -butions that the i n d i v i d u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e has usually been l o s t . " (1972:29). Neither statement takes into account a gestalt i n Northwest Coast meaning systems that would f a c i l i t a t e the transfer of a set of symbolic configurations (eg. a f r o n t l e t headdress) from one group of people to another. Nor does ei t h e r w r i t e r r e a l i z e the implications of the fa c t that t h i s a r t i f a c t was d i f f u s e d without a l t e r a t i o n or r e s t r u c t u r -ing i t s o r i g i n a l form. How can we explain the spread of t h i s headdress without considering a shared knowledge of "the true character of [ i t s ] symbolic meaning?" The f a c t that the f r o n t l e t headdress pe r s i s t e d through time and space indicates that at some l e v e l , d i f f e r e n t Northwest Coast populations were able to accommodate t h i s r i t u a l headdress as a v i a b l e and cogent configuration of symbols. Holm and Gunther might be j u s t i f i e d i n making these statements v i s - a - v i s contemporary native c u l t u r e . More generally though, they r e f l e c t the state of our knowledge. We have a tendency to assume the symbolism i n f r o n t l e t headdresses was " l o s t " mostly because ethnographers never inquired into the subject. The assumption that the people using the headdress had also l o s t t h i s symbolic knowledge i s perhaps more a projection than a simple statement of ethnographic f a c t . 17 to cope with i n forming my ana l y s i s , i t also represents a t h e o r e t i c a l and a n a l y t i c a l perspective which has persisted f o r too long i n anthro-p o l o g i c a l approaches to material culture. At one l e v e l the problem i s one of communication. I n i t i a t i n g the research f o r t h i s study, I i m p l i c i t l y used a conventional set of c r i t e r i a for i d e n t i f y i n g a c e r t a i n category of Northwest Coast material culture c a l l e d " f r o n t l e t headdress" by ethnographers and museum c o l l e c -tors a l i k e . They and I used t h i s categorization without being f u l l y conscious that i t was only an imposed a n a l y t i c a l device, and without being f u l l y aware of the etiology of i t s use. In doing so, we e f f e c t i v e l y screened our perception of not only the uniqueness of an e n t i r e corpus of a r t i f a c t s , but also of the assumptions and meanings i t held concomi-ta n t l y . This idea, which b a s i c a l l y has to do with the discordant aspects of emic and e t i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s i s not new (see Har r i s , 1968:568-592). Nonetheless, i t i s a d i f f i c u l t p roposition to accept, e s p e c i a l l y when dealing with 'things', with the deceptively evident and tangible r e a l i t i e s of material culture. Material objects are no more, and for that matter, no l e s s " r e a l " than other c u l t u r a l " f a c t s " : t h e i r sensible properties do not guarantee that they w i l l be seen for what they are. The consequences are serious. By implication, a whole aspect of material culture may be ignored because a cataloguer did not recognize i t s d i s t i n c t i v e a t t r i b u t e s or q u a l i t i e s , or because i t was subsumed under another category. F i g u r a t i v e l y , square pegs are f i t into round holes by w h i t t l i n g down the corners. This i s evidently what happened to f r o n t l e t 18 headdresses, and i n part explains why c e r t a i n questions about t h i s head-dress were never asked. Much can.be understood by looking at the h i s t o r i c a l evolution of " f r o n t l e t headdress" as an ethnographic category and by recognizing the implications of t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n as an ana-l y t i c a l device. Early catalogues and records i n d i c a t e that Northwest Coast ethnographers observed that the headdress of flowing ermine with i t s down-filled cage of sea- l i o n b r i s t l e s and carved plaque was a d i s t i n c t i v e feature i n coastal ceremonial a t t i r e . At t h i s time, presumably because the headdress was associated with the winter ceremonials i n which masks played a predominant r o l e , and because the headdress bore a small, mask-l i k e carving, the headdress was placed i n the category "mask"."' In l a t e r years, writers took a closer look at these carved "headdress orna-ments" and r e a l i z e d they were somewhat smaller than masks and did not cover the e n t i r e face of the wearer. A sub-category,• "maskettes" (presumably, 'small or le s s e r masks'), evolved and encompassed the carved plaques on these headdresses as well as a v a r i e t y of "forehead masks" and other wooden head coverings (excluding of course "hats" which were a separate category altogether). As c o l l e c t i o n s expanded and ethnographic inventories indicated a wide d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h i s " s t y l e " of headdress, new appellations were attempted i n an e f f o r t to s a t i s f a c t o r i l y describe and categorize the headdress which was not a mask. They ranged from broad generalized Indeed, to the present date, i t i s not unusual to f i n d i n c o l l e c t i o n s of Northwest Coast art - e s p e c i a l l y European ones - f r o n t l e t s and f r o n t l e t headdresses catalogued as "masks". 19 descriptions such as "chief's dancing paraphernalia" and "ceremonial dancing headdress" to more s p e c i f i c ones such as "sea-lion b r i s t l e headdress" and "headdress with forehead (or f r o n t a l ) plaque". " F r o n t l e t headdress" - the term conventionally employed at present and the one used i n t h i s essay - seems to be a condensation of the l a t t e r . Etymologically the word " f r o n t l e t " i s obscure ( l i k e l y a combination of the adjective f r o n t a l and the diminutive -ette) and h i s t o r i c a l l y i t i s unclear when the term came into use or who introduced i t . Unfortunately, an enhancement i n the p r e c i s i o n of describing objects and categories was not matched by the a b i l i t y to apprehend the function or meaning of a given corpus of material cu l t u r e . While " f r o n t l e t headdress", as a new genus of Northwest Coast material culture acquired an exclusiveness of i t s own (at the l e v e l of morphological d e s c r i p t i o n ) , the idea " f r o n t l e t " was s t i l l c o g n i t i v e l y linked by ethnographers to the idea "mask". Reviewing the d e s c r i p t i v e l i t e r a t u r e on Northwest Coast material culture, the ' l o g i c ' of " f r o n t l e t headdresses" as a category seems to have been postulated i n these i m p l i c i t assumptions: 1. The f r o n t l e t headdress has as i t s d i s t i n g u i s h i n g element a carved wooden plaque which v i s u a l l y resembles a mask; f u n c t i o n a l l y then, t h i s head-dress i s part of the same category as masks - i . e . "ceremonial headgear". 2. Both masks and f r o n t l e t s are carved with n a t u r a l / supernatural zoomorphic images i d e n t i f i e d by Boas as representing " c r e s t s " . 3. As a "crest a r t " , these ceremonial head coverings or decorations function to display the wearer's crests to other people. This apparent l o g i c does not hold. I t i s fraught with e r r o r s , 20 the most compelling of which i s that f r o n t l e t s - and indeed the e n t i r e headdress - are perceived as masks. By simply looking at the form and apparent function of f r o n t l e t headdresses and masks i n Northwest Coast society, as indicated i n the ethnographic record, s i g n i f i c a n t d i s t i n c -tions can be made between f r o n t l e t headdresses and masks. For example: a) unlike masks, f r o n t l e t headdresses have a consistent form of presentation. b) masks conceal the wearer's face while the f r o n t l e t headdress does not conceal the face (but i n a sense enhances i t ) . c) masks and f r o n t l e t headdresses are neither worn at the same ceremonies, nor are they worn concurrently. d) masks are polymorphic and are usually s p e c i f i c to one group of people (eg. to a family, clan, secret society, or ' t r i b e ' ) ; f r o n t l e t headdresses are isomorphic and are worn by high-ranking people of many neighbouring Northwest Coast groups. Hence, f r o n t l e t headdresses were an anomaly i n Northwest Coast ceremonial costumes because they were not made and used d i f f e r e n t l y by groups of people having otherwise d i s t i n c t categories of r i t u a l m aterial. I suggest that the reason ethnographers missed t h i s point, and therefore did not concern themselves with the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the f r o n t l e t headdress, i s linked to t h e i r reluctance to perceive t h i s a r t i f a c t as a unique and d i s t i n c t category of ceremonial a t t i r e . Instead, f r o n t l e t headdresses were absorbed into the category "mask" and t h e i r function explained accordingly. Another fundamental error i s the assumption that " c r e s t " or "crest representation" i s i n any sense an explanation of meaning i n i t s e l f . An analogous error would be to i d e n t i f y something as a symbol and f a i l to i n d i c a t e i t s symbolic referent. 21 Following Gregory Bateson's ideas about conventions i n communi-cation and the c o d i f i c a t i o n of information i n the external world (Bateson, 1972:279-308), i t i s not d i f f i c u l t to extend h i s notions about networks of perception to the ethnographic endeavour of cataloguing material culture. Bateson has postulated that our networks of perception - and our c o d i f i c a t i o n of those perceptions - are often based on the world as we i d e a l l y perceive i t . The phenomena we encounter and cannot apportion into our " i d e a l world" model are what form the "negated world". I t i s into t h i s realm we relegate undefinable phenomena. There are three ways of handling or coping with rundefinable or anomalous e n t i t i e s . We either a) do not perceive them, or b) the anomaly i s absorbed or suppressed, or c) the anomaly w i l l open up a new set of perceptions. The l a t t e r , i n Bateson's terms, comprises the framework for learning. Indeed, i t seems i r o n i c that the ethnographic record gave testimony to the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n and d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of the f r o n t l e t headdress to the extent that a d i s t i n g u i s h i n g category of ceremonial headgear evolved i n Northwest Coast inventories. Yet, at the same time, writers did not r e f i n e t h e i r a n a l y t i c a l framework to probe the reason for making t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n or for explaining the reasons for the isomorphic d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h i s headdress. In t h i s section, I have postulated that ethnographers did not ask c r i t i c a l questions about f r o n t l e t headdresses because these items were not recognized as a d i s c r e t e category from that of "masks". However, the ethnographers can only be held accountable for t h i s neglect to the extent that inquiry i n t o the realm of masks and masking i n the Northwest Coast culture had also been neglected. 22 2. The v a r i a b l e constituent: the f r o n t l e t . In the previous section, the f r o n t l e t headdress was examined as a set of materials or constituents c o n s i s t e n t l y assembled i n the same fashion. The only v a r i a b l e constituent was the carved, wooden portion of the headdress - the f r o n t l e t i t s e l f . To be more pr e c i s e , the s i z e , method of construction, and materials used for f r o n t l e t s were generally the same, but the "subject" or image contained i n the f r o n t l e t dimensions were a l l d i f f e r e n t . A f t e r c o l l e c t i n g data and photographs for over two-hundred f r o n t l e t s , i t seems remarkable that no two are i d e n t i c a l . (This data comprises the Appendix to t h i s essay.) Descriptions of the f r o n t l e t are non-existent i n the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e on the northern Northwest Coast. Vague descriptions of i n d i v i d u a l f r o n t l e t s are, however, found i n e x h i b i t i o n catalogues, art books, and i n museum records. To my knowledge, d e t a i l e d analysis or icon-ographic d e s c r i p t i o n of f r o n t l e t s have not been made.^ A compact, generic d e s c r i p t i o n of the f r o n t l e t has been made by Erna Gunther: The. frontlet is usually rectangular, in which case i t s longer side is placed vertically, or i t is oval or round in shape. The rectangle may have straight sides, or be somewhat flared; the top is almost invariably rounded off. The carving is always done on a slightly convex base from which the figures project - sometimes as much as three and one half inches. Although the frontlet is never a mask, i t s dimensions vary only slightly from traditional mask measurements ranging from six and one half to nine and three quarters in height and five and one half to eight and one half inches in width. The wood used is principally alder or yellow cedar. The choice of paints is limited - red, black, and green [a blue-green produced from ground azurite] being used most frequently.... The majority of frontlets are inlaid with abalone (haliotis) shell of a deep blue-green colour. (1966:99). The exception, of course, i s a p a r t i a l analysis of Tsimshian f r o n t l e t s contained i n Marjorie Halpin's 1973 d i s s e r t a t i o n . I w i l l make s p e c i f i c reference to t h i s aspect of her work i n Chapter Two of t h i s essay. 23 To her d e s c r i p t i o n should be added: 1) Northern Northwest Coast f r o n t l e t s are usually of the rectangular shape, while many of the southern groups, e s p e c i a l l y the B e l l a Coola, manufactured many oval f r o n t l e t s . Few, i f any, f r o n t l e t s are t r u l y c i r c u l a r i n shape. 2) Smaller carved f i g u r e s , e i t h e r i n pairs or i n rows along the top and/or sides, may augment the larger c e n t r a l f i g u r e ( s ) . 3) The dimensions of a f r o n t l e t are usually - within the range of v a r i a t i o n given as an example by Gunther -one to two inches greater i n height than i n width. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , these dimensions approximate the dimensions of the human face that i s v i s i b l e when a f r o n t l e t headdress i s worn - i . e . from the middle of the forehead to the edge of the chin. 4) The woods used to make f r o n t l e t s were alder, maple, and occasionally, yellow cedar. A l l of these woods are f i n e -grained and are a more su i t a b l e material than a large-grained wood, such as red cedar, for rendering f i n e d e t a i l s r e q u i r i n g d e l i c a t e angles and gentle moulding. Paint was applied sparingly to northern f r o n t l e t s , and did not completely cover the carving so that the pale, natural colour of the wood was also v i s i b l e . The only unpainted f r o n t l e t s I have seen have been documented as being "unfinished". The iconography of f r o n t l e t subjects i s a lengthy and d e t a i l e d g study i n i t s e l f - which precludes i t s i n c l u s i o n here. However, a f t e r looking at hundreds of these complex, highly condensed v i s u a l presentations, the overriding impression i s that t h e i r meanings';are as i n d i v i d u a l as the people who wore them. The search for t h e i r iconographic content must take into consideration the fa c t of t h e i r t o t a l presentation - f r o n t l e t + face. I have already begun a study of the iconography of f r o n t l e t s which w i l l hopefully appear i n essay-form i n the near future. 24 The great majority of f r o n t l e t s depict supernatural scenarios, or complex monsters, or human faces (as may be seen i n the Appendix and as noted i n the Tsimshian case by Halpin, below, p. 48); f r o n t l e t s r a r e l y depicted what ethnographers described as " c r e s t s " . I t i s important to remember that the f r o n t l e t was worn above the human face - and moreover, both had approximately the same dimensions. In the t o t a l presentation, then, the f r o n t l e t + face was a v i s u a l dichotomy. At one end of t h i s v e r t i c a l a xis, the f r o n t l e t depicted a p a r t i c u l a r supernatural a f f i l i a t e . At the other end, the human face i d e n t i f i e d a d i s t i n c t s o c i a l actor. The i n d i v i d u a l -i s t i c nature of the person wearing a f r o n t l e t headdress was the i n v e r s i o n of the anonimity of a person wearing a mask. The v i s u a l equation of f r o n t l e t + face exposed the balance of power between a supernatural i d e n t i t y and a s o c i a l one. As we w i l l see i n the following chapters, t h i s balance was at once sacred and i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c . ige 25 v r Gitksan (MoseVWO */ Gi+lakc)o.m'(X w KiVwancocA i c f t J ^ * A n a u o t x e , _ Niska / K i ^ a o N ^ UxVwAiap (Oyeawttle) ' Kincoliih ( 6 . C . ) AO. Coast Tsimshian Map I I . Tsimshian V i l l a g e s . (Map based on Garner and MacDonald, 1972:n.p.) Sc one inch equals approximately 37 miles. 25 C H A P T E R T W O T H E T S I M S H I A N C A S E I n t r o d u c t i o n T h i s i s t h e f i r s t o f t h r e e c h a p t e r s d e a l i n g w i t h t h e e t h n o -g r a p h i c d a t a c o n c e r n i n g t h e w e a r i n g o f f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s e s a m o n g t h e n o r t h e r n N o r t h w e s t C o a s t g r o u p s . T h e r e i s a l a r g e a m o u n t o f m a t e r i a l t o b e c o v e r e d i n d e a l i n g w i t h t h r e e m a j o r T s i m s h i a n g r o u p s - t h e N i s k a , t h e C o a s t T s i m s h i a n , a n d t h e G i t k s a n - a n d t h i s c h a p t e r w i l l s e t t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p a t t e r n f o r t h e d a t a t o b e p r e s e n t e d i n t h e s u b s e q u e n t T l i n g i t a n d H a i d a c h a p t e r s . T h e e t h n o g r a p h i c l i t e r a t u r e o n t h e T s i m s h i a n , a s c a n b e s e e n i n t h e f i r s t t w o s e c t i o n s d e a l i n g w i t h e a r l y h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d s a n d l a t e r e t h n o g r a p h i c a c c o u n t s , i s n o t e x t e n s i v e - e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e a r e a o f m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e d e s c r i p t i o n s . I n t h e l a t t e r s e c t i o n , a s u b s t a n t i a l a m o u n t o f t h e m a t e r i a l - o n f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s e s c o m e s f r o m u n p u b l i s h e d m u s e u m a c c e s s i o n n o t e s a n d a f e w n o t e s a c c o m p a n y i n g a m h a l a ' i t ( t h e T s i m s h i a n w o r d f o r f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s ) s o n g s . S u b s e q u e n t s e c t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e c e r e m o n i a l u s e o f t h e f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s i n w e l c o m i n g c e r e m o n i e s , h a l a . ' i t p o w e r a n d i n i t i a t i o n c e r e m o n i e s , a n d i n m o r t u a r y r i t u a l s a r e b a s e d o n f r a g m e n t a r y r e f e r e n c e s t o f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s e s i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e . I s o l a t e d , t h e d a t a s u m m a r i z e d i n t h e s e s e c t i o n s a d m i t -t e d l y p r e s e n t a t h i n v e n e e r o f e v i d e n c e f o r t h e u s e o f a m h a l a ' i t s i n T s i m s h i a n s o c i e t y . I n d e e d , i t s e e m s r e m a r k a b l e t h a t t h e r e a r e s o m a n y T s i m s h i a n f r o n t l e t s a n d f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s e s i n m u s e u m c o l l e c t i o n s , a n d y e t , t h a t s o . l i t t l e e t h n o g r a p h i c d a t a h a s b e e n c o l l e c t e d t o e x p l a i n t h e i r m a n u f a c t u r e , u s e , a n d m e a n i n g . 26 S t i l l , I have presented the data a v a i l a b l e , i n d i c a t i n g i n some instances where i t was not provided - t h i s was e s p e c i a l l y true of the section dealing with the ceremonial use of the headdress. The;, purpose i n handling the material i n t h i s fashion was to glean those few references to the use of amhala.'its i n order to place i n r e l i e f - i n a sense to emphasize - the somewhat more sub s t a n t i a l ethnographic evidence to be found i n contemporaneous T l i n g i t and Haida s o c i e t i e s . L o g i c a l l y , the Tsimshian case must be made f i r s t . Despite the fac t that the Tsimshian maintain that they obtained from t h e i r southerly neighbours the ceremonies i n which the f r o n t l e t headdress was used, the T l i n g i t and the Haida maintain that they acquired the headdress from the Tsimshian. While the T l i n g i t have a myth s t a t i n g that the f i r s t f r o n t l e t headdress was given to a Nass River c h i e f , the Tsimshian themselves have no such myth of o r i g i n for the amhala'it. The patient reader w i l l see that the T l i n g i t and Haida data p a r a l l e l to some extent the use of the f r o n t l e t headdress i n Tsimshian society and w i l l thus discover what amounts to a firmer Tsimshian case, i f mostly by im p l i c a t i o n . The backbone of t h i s chapter i s the section concerning the Halpin analysis of f r o n t l e t headdresses. Her exhaustive ethnological analysis of the Tsimshian crest system drew attention to important d i s t i n c t i o n s between the secular aspects of crest a r t and the sacred aspects of non-crest a r t . Her unprecedented work provides us with an exemplary framework for exploring the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the f r o n t l e t headdress i n Tsimshian society. This, i n addition to her l a t e s t work with naxno 'x masks and r i t u a l s , provides a model for not only the Tsimshian chapter, but for t h i s e n t i r e essay. 27 1. Early H i s t o r i c a l Accounts: Tip of the iceberg. The post-contact records of maritime explorers and traders on the Northwest Coast are f a r r i c h e r i n t h e i r accounts of i n t e r a c t i o n s with T l i n g i t and Haida people than they are for meetings with the Tsimshian, the region occupied by the l a t t e r being o f f the usual waterways. Captains Duncan and Colnett encountered Tsimshian people i n 1788 but t h e i r logs do not contain descriptions of the people. The Spanish Captain Caamano traced the voyage of Duncan and Colnett into Tsimshian waters, using Colnett's maps which had been seized by the Spaniards i n 1789 (Gunther, 1972:92,104). Gunther describes t h i s voyage made i n August 1792 as "the f i r s t opportunity for gaining any knowledge of the Tsimshian and Northern Kwakiul since Colnett's accounts i n 1788, and because of the meagerness of these Caamano's notes are of s p e c i a l value." (Ibid.:104). One finds i n Caamano's account the d e s c r i p t i o n of several ceremonial costumes. As Gunther explains: When the explorers saw the Indians, they were always in ceremonial clothing, and for this they chose their trade goods and used all possible decorative materials.... Their quick adoption of European manners is remarkable, but i t is in keeping with their own culture, for all the North-west Coast tribes were ceremonious people and were trained to observe mannerly procedure. (Ibid.:104-105) Caamano's f i r s t encounter was^with a Tsimshian c h i e f : "Arctander makes a s i m i l a r observation: " I f there was any-thing that the Tsimsheans prized more than a parade and d i s p l a y of what they had, i t must have been the observation of the s t r i c t e s t rules of etiquette. They were worse s t i c k l e r s on etiquette than the Lord Chaimberlain of a European Imperial Court." 28 ...this chief wore a long blue cloth overcoat reaching to his heels, surmounted by a cloak of similar colour and material, such as usually worn by them. This cloak was trimmed with an edging five or six inches wide, painted with^various figures and grotesque faces, made of deerskin. • On his head was a large cap fashioned of some black fur. This was stiffened, so that two ears stood upright for about eight inches at each side. From these several long golden coloured threads (or hairs of some animal) hung down the back, and over his shoulders were two large burnished iron rings, twisted in rope fashion....He informed me he was the "Samoquet" of the village;....(Caamano, 1849 i n G r e n f e l l , 1938: 272-273) . Caamano's d e s c r i p t i o n of the chief's ("Samoquet" presumably being Sam-o ' i | E t as noted by G a r f i e l d , 1939:177, meaning " r e a l person, chief") costume may be a d e s c r i p t i o n of the bear's ears headdress worn by chiefs i n the Dog Eaters or nulim secret society (see Boas, 1895:655, see also Table IV, p. 81). Other descriptions record how Tsimshians, dressed ceremonially, boarded Caamano's ship and sprinkled the Europeans with eagle down, chanting "Peace-Peace". (Caamano, Ibid.:280,284,288). Caamano l e f t the ship, b r i e f l y , to attend an elaborate ceremony. Several masks and costumes were displayed, though from h i s de s c r i p t i o n s , i t i s not clear whether or not a f r o n t l e t headdress was viewed. One of the older men (the editor Newcombe suggests that, from the d e s c r i p t i o n of the man's behaviour and dress, he was a shaman) blew feathers at Caamano, "so that they should f a l l upon myself and my immediate neighbours" (Ibid.: 290). His host, "Jammisit" then began a dance and the d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s 'The editor of the Caamano t r a n s l a t i o n , W.A. Newcombe notes, "A very rare type of cloak i n museums today. The c l o t h used was of native manufacture and not secured from traders, as the context might imply." This cloak may have been a variant of the Chilkat blanket and may have looked l i k e the painted blanket worn with a f r o n t l e t headdress as i l l u s -trated i n Arctander, 1909: facing p. 76: "Regalia of a Tsimshian Chief". 29 costume gives the impression that he may have been wearing a f r o n t l e t headdress. On his head was a large well-imitated representation of a seagull's head, made of wood and coloured blue and pink [?], with eyes fashioned out of polished tin; while from behind his back stuck out a wooden frame covered in blue cloth, and decked out with quantities of eagles ' feathers and bits of whale bone, to complete the representation of a bird. (Ibid.:291) Caamano describes the r e s t of the costume - a cloak of white c a l i c o trimmed with brown edging, a deerskin apron with deer hoof f r i n g e , a smaller, ornamented apron, painted dance leggings - and the dance of h i s host. Then, the chief removed his "mantle", "appeared with a h a l f - l e n g t h 3 wooden d o l l on h i s head', and was followed by attendants. (This sounds l i k e the headdresses worn i n the U ' l a l a or x-gEdat (cannibal) secret society described by Boas, 1895:653-654; i l l u s t r a t i o n s of s i m i l a r head-dresses used i n the corresponding Haida secret society are i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 4.8, p.159). The host completed the dance and changed costumes, again aided by attendants. ...he again appeared, this time wearing a heavy wooden mask on his head, of which the snout or upper jaw was moveable. Ee also carried a blue cloth mantle, such as distinguishes the chiefs, and the timbrel (or "jingles') that my men had noticed when they were captured. (Ibid.:292) The dance concluded, Caamano l e f t the feast and a few days l a t e r , s a i l e d south. His descriptions, though lengthy, are not e s p e c i a l l y enlightening except for the fa c t that they describe headdresses which are recognizably associated with Tsimshian secret s o c i e t i e s . (It i s possible 3 "See Caamano's d e s c r i p t i o n of how the attendants animated the " d o l l " . Ibid.:292. 30 that they also saw a f r o n t l e t headdress, but of t h i s we cannot be certain.) S i g n i f i c a n t l y , s i m i l a r headdresses and masks would be described by Boas and Gunther - over a hundred years l a t e r . 2. Later Ethnographic Accounts and Descriptions. In 1888, Ensign Niblack published a drawing of a "general type of Tsimshian, Haida, and T l i n g i t c h i e f ' s costume". The drawing, based on his own photographs and sketches, features a man dressed i n a f r o n t l e t headdress, Chilkat blanket and s h i r t , leggings and carrying a raven r a t t l e (see Figure 2.1; see also p.108). In 1895, Boas l i s t e d " c r e s t s " (based on Henry Tate's notes) that belonged to Tsimshian groups. The l i s t included "crest representations as they appeared on "carved headdresses", "carved hats", "hats", and "helmets", but he does not specify what distinguishes these categories, nor i s the l i s t complete (Boas, 1895:506-507). In the same volume Boas and Tate described events for which f r o n t l e t headdresses were used (I w i l l r e f e r to these again, below), and a f r o n t l e t headdress was i l l u s t r a t e d with the caption, "Head-mask attached to frame set with s e a - l i o n b r i s t l e s , and with t r a i l e r ornamented with weasel skins" (Ibid.:540). In the F i e l d Museum's accession notes for objects c o l l e c t e d at Port Simpson around the turn of the century by Mrs. 0. Morrison, we f i n d 4 more e x p l i c i t data about f r o n t l e t headdresses. In notes accompanying two "Mrs. Morrison, according to Halpin (1973:42-43), was h a l f -Tsimshian and "...made th i s c o l l e c t i o n of some 50 pieces i n 1892, commis-sioned by Boas for the 1893 Chicago World's Columbian Exposition. ...She provided r i c h documentation i n English and i n Tsimshian (although the orthography i s somewhat i d i o s y n c r a t i c ) . " I am indebted to M. Halpin for making copies of the Morrison accession notes a v a i l a b l e to me. Figure 2.1. "General type of Tsimshian, Haida, and T l i n g i t chief's costume." (From photographs and sketches by the author.) In Niblack, 1888/1970:Plate IX. Note the f r o n t l e t headdress i l l u s t r a t e d by Niblack i s the same or i s s i m i l a r to the f r o n t l e t i n the Glennbo c o l l e c t i o n , //AA-1014. See Appendix. 32 f r o n t l e t headdresses and a raven r a t t l e , she recorded: These masks are worn at all solemn dances, especially at "Potlatches, " the performance being s t r i c t l y in  accordance with what their ancestors did and wore. A very large price is paid for the making of one of these masks, but the most expensive things were the "Chief's  Headdresses" [she r e f e r s to FM 18127 and FM 18132 - not i n Appendix]j dancing robes and chief's rattles. Fre-quently slaves were paid to those who made them. Each  mask has a name and their own particular chant....All these were owned and used only by the chiefs and their families. The others were not allowed to use them un-less they were descendants of Chief's families, and their relations had worn them before them. (Mrs. Morrison, F i e l d Museum Accession 60 notes, ca. 1892; emphasis added.) Four important ideas are contained i n her d e s c r i p t i o n : 1) headdresses and other items of c h i e f s ' costumes were expensive; 2) headdresses had i n d i v i d u a l names; 3) headdresses had i n d i v i d u a l songs associated with them; and 4) the wearing of headdresses was a long established, c h i e f l y prerogative that was inh e r i t e d with rank. Marius Barbeau, i n an unpublished manuscript dated 1927^ confirms that f r o n t l e t headdresses were a "fashionable ... object i n d i -cating c h i e f t a i n s h i p " and that they had i n d i v i d u a l names (Barbeau, 1927: n.p. and notes to ROM HN-747). "The headdress (amhallaait) of Sqateen", he recorded, "bore the name of N i g y i d i h l . The old f o l k had seen that (supernatural) animal and had known i t by name - i t belongs to the past" (Alfred Sqateen to Barbeau, 1927, n.p.). Chief Sqateen t o l d him, It was used as a crest on the head, in the Ho 'yerh, that *I am indebted to the l a t e Wilson Duff for making h i s copy of the manuscript a v a i l a b l e to me. ^""Sqateen" was also written as "Sqatin" by Barbeau. See Figure 2.2. Halpin writes the name as "sqat'i.'n, laxk'ibu' head chief at g'itlaxda.'mks." (Halpin, 1973:265) 3 3 Figure 2.2. " F i r s t Chief Skadeen of Gitla k d a m i k s . " W r i t t e n on reverse of the o r i g i n a l photo: "taken about 30 years ago" - a t y p i c a l Barbeau phrase. BCPM photo #PN4193. F r o n t l e t on head-dress now i n BCPM c o l l e c t i o n ; see Appendix, BCPM 1529.^ H a l p i n (1973: 265) notes that he was the head c h i e f of the l a x k ' i b u ' (wolf) c l a n . 34 is in the highest grade of chieftanship. A man cannot become a chief without giving a ho 'yerh. The last time Sqateen used it was over thirty years ago (before 1927). The old man was arrested because he had given a potlatch, and Alfred (the informant) had to complete the feast while his uncle was taken away. So he used the headdress himself, while replacing his uncle at home. He also wore a gushallaait, chief's garment. He appeared before the chiefs who had been invited and gave away presents - a big p i l e of blankets: before the white people came i t was moose skins (hliyawn). Before making the d i s t r i b u t i o n the chief stood on this pile, facing his guests. His family would sing the lemaw 's, the song of Harho.... This headdress (amhallaait) was carved over thirty years ago (before 1927) by Charlie Na'us, of Gitwinksihl (the Canyon tribe). The n i g y i d i h l must have been a land being, because its hands and feet are like a man's. But the head is like a wolf's (the p h r a t r i c crest). Alfred Sqateen got his chief's name at a hayaerh [ho'yerh?~\, as a chief's name is bestowed only on such occasions. (Ibid.:Figure 2.2) In the same manuscript, Barbeau describes two headdresses that he c o l l e c t e d from Menssk, head chief of Gitladamix.^ They are i d e n t i f i e d by name: (1) The-Crown-of-the-GyebeIk (Amhallaaiden Gyebelk) was the foremost crown of Men&sk. The barbs of the sea-lion on it have been a family possession for generations. But the weasel train has often been renewed. The little carved faces a l l around are represented just like those f i r s t seen on the 'GyebeIk, according to the adaorh, the myth. It was  made by amgyls 'i, a very good carver of the past, whose reputation has come down to us. He was a Wolf, in the household of Negwa'on 'and Nalarhsz's, on the upper river (Gigysnih). He must have died way before the white man came. Once in a while, we have cleaned it with sand paper, . before it was brought out in a feast; it always is kept looking as new. The blue paint on it is the rhutsa; it was found on the upper river, about 9 miles above here; but the exact spot has been lost. I could not find it, nor have the others. It was mixed with f i s h eggs, like the red ochre, before it could be applied. The feathers on the headdress are from the semgy&k (flicker), in their natural colour. (Barbeau, 1927, n.p.: See Figure 2.3 for a photo-graph of Mensesk and the "Amhallaaiden Gyebelk; see also 'Halpin writes the name of the headdress as amala'idem g'i.'balk. (Halpin, 1973:299). 35 Figure 2.3. "Menesk or Menaesk of Gitlakdamiks", NMC Photo 69696 B-109 with caption reading "Old Menesk (Eagle Head-chief) of Gitladamix with the costumes of Chilka t of Sqatin." Barbeau photo, 1927. Headdress was c a l l e d "Crown of the Gyebelk" (Amhallaaiden Gyebelk) and "was the foremost crown of Menaesk" (Barbeau, 1927, n.p.). It was c o l l e c t e d by Barbeau. Coat of s h e l l , (under Chilkat blanket) now i n ROM c o l l e c t i o n (ROM HN-769), was also c o l l e c t e d by Barbeau i n 1927. Halpin notes that "menE'sk", was a laxsk'i.'k head chief (1973:299). Appendix: ROM-HN-825 (927.37.146).) (2) The Whole-Man (Trhakyawlem-Gyet: one man)3 a carved headdress, Men&sk 's other crest, was carved by P&t-n&h (a Thunderbird of Gitlarhdamks), who preceded the present Menssk as head of the clan, a long while ago. The plaque was made of maple, and it is decorated with native paint. That is d i f f e r e n t from store paint. It was chewed with cedar bark together with steelhead (salmon) eggs. It is this mixture that makes the paint red. To the glue is added the ground stone. (Ibid.) Barbeau published four l i n songs which he a l t e r n a t e l y terms h a l l a i t , amhallait, or semha ' l a i t , and describes as "Chief songs" that were sung while f r o n t l e t headdresses were being worn. Barbeau recorded the songs on wax d i s c s , noted t h e i r name (which may have also been the name of the f r o n t l e t associated with the song), and had them translated into English. He made b r i e f but informative notes for each. Four of the songs are reproduced below, a f i f t h may be seen on p.056. Song No. 38. Temyetihl. [i n t e r p r e t e d by Benjamin Munroe; t r a n s l a t i o n l a t e r revised by William Beynon], I w i l l sing the song of the sky. This is the song of the tired - the salmon panting as they swim up the swift current. I walk around where the water runs into whirlpools. They talk quickly, as if they are in a hurry. The sky is turning over. They c a l l me. This was described as a lin song, or better still, a hallait or chief's song; later the term semhallait, "real  chief's song" was added. It is ancient, and it is the p r i n c i p a l chief's song of Tralahmt with whom it was recorded. It was used in the potlatch before the d i s t r i b u t i o n of gifts. The singer began the song by announcing its title in spoken words: "I w i l l sing the song of the sky!" (Barbeau, i n G a r f i e l d , 1951:132-133; emphasis added.) Song No. 39. Yadzaygya'nin. I strike, you! I beat the uneven beats of the song (these are, one two three - one and two are beaten, and three is silent). There is no one to hayaw me (exclaim with surprise) as I appear, when I pretend to jump (like a salmon) at the end of the f i s h fence meant to catch men. You cannot see me 37 as I run about, a l l excited. This is a l l the Little-Hummingbird is good for. She goes about getting husbands for herself in the villages abroad. This Nass River song was described as a lin song for the appearance in a feast of the chief who owned it. It was also said to be a yadzegya 'nin (I-strike-you!) song, from its f i r s t words. Tralah&t learned it from a sister of Weegy&t after he had died, and he used it in a potlatch when  distributing food, goods, and money. Although this song was the exclusive p r i v i l e g e of a chief, it is not too surprising to see it pass from Weegy&t to Tralahst, as both chiefs belong to interrelated Eagle clans. There must, however, have been other reasons - such as personal friendship or services ren-dered- to bring about its transfer from one to the other. (Ibid.:133; emphasis added.) Song No. 40. Hlayuktem Dedawt. [inter p r e t e d by Benjamin Munroe; revised by William Beynon.] The wind w i l l soon take me away into the sky. And I shall not come back. Do not let your hearts grieve for me, if the evil spirits have done this to me and keep me from coming back. It is not well that I should be lost. (This is addressed to him who sings): Bo not despair, do not lose heart'. (An evil woman speaks to him): What are you trying to get from me? Why do you follow me about? I w i l l take you with me to the place where you w i l l become crazy and do f o o l i s h things. I w i l l paint a red mark on your face. When you go back, you w i l l gladden the hearts of a l l the villagers. This chieftanship song (amhallait) is the exclusive property of Haimas, the leader of a Raven family at G i t r h a t i n on the lower Nass. It was described by the singer, Tralah®t (whose father was of Haimas' family), as a lin song, to dance  with the amahallait (the i n s i g n i a of the chief), in a feast  or when a totem pole was erected, or when a tombstone was put up. As Haimas danced to the tune of this song, he painted a red mark on his face (such as is spoken of in the last phrases), and it made everybody happy. ( I b i d . : 134; emphasis added.) Song No. 43. Kamnit Hligye. [Interpreted, by William Beynon.] (This song expresses what Hrkwawyem, a chief of that name, had seen in a vision): "Just what said the voice of the humming bird w i l l be heard on my head in the springtime (amidst much wealth). My spirit has gone where the Nass flows." Hrkwawyem was a Gitksan chief of the Kispayaks tribe and the Fireweed phratry. He used to send his nephews to hunt bears, 38 as he had visions of great wealth. Indeed, his dream came true, for he had a charm or s p i r i t , the humming bird,. that helped him. When he was s t i l l poor and a small chief, his visions could not travel a long distance. But as soon as he acquired wealth and became a great chief (hallait) his visionary powers extended as far as the Nass. This hallait or chief's song was recorded in 1920 with Kweeyaihl, or John Brown, of Kispayaks, a Gitksan village, on the Upper Skeena. (Ibid.:134; emphasis added.) Barbeau's comments provide some i n t e r e s t i n g i n s i g h t s i n t o : 1) the occasions for which f r o n t l e t headdresses were worn (which w i l l be discussed more f u l l y below); 2) the chiefs who wore and owned f r o n t l e t g headdresses and t h e i r accompanying songs; 3) the carvers who made 9 f r o n t l e t headdresses; 4) the wood and paints used to construct the f r o n t -l e t s ; 5) the exclusiveness of the p r i v i l e g e of wearing a c h i e f ' s headdress or "amhallait"; and 6) the semantic range of the term " h a l l a i t " . 3. The Halpin Analysis of F r o n t l e t Headdresses or amhala.'its. In M. Halpin's doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n on the Tsimshian crest *In the songs, note the references made by the c h i e f s to salmon, whirlpools (where supernatural monsters reside, e s p e c i a l l y the Gyebelk, a creature associated with wealth, reincarnation, and f r o n t l e t headdresses (see Halpin, 1973:234; and Gould, 1973:122)), and red paint. I discuss these items as symbols of reincarnation/regeneration i n r e l a t i o n to f r o n t l e t headdresses i n Chapter Five. 9 "To the carvers of f r o n t l e t headdresses he mentioned (Amgyls ' i and Paet-nash) , another can be added: "Qaguhlsn, of Angyedag, a Wolf, was also a great carver. There were l o t s of them i n the old days. Qaguhlaen died about ten years ago. He carved masks, hasaerh, b i r d r a t t l e s , and ch i e f ' s headdresses. To make these requires a good carver, because they have to be carved overnight." [??] (Barbeau, 1927, n.p.; from informant Charles Barton, or Pahl, head chief of a Wolf clan i n K i n c o l i t h . ) I do not know i f Barbeau meant 'during' night hours or 'over' the winter. I asked several contemporary carvers i f a f r o n t l e t could be carved overnight and they a l l responded with one word: "Impossible'." 39 system (Halpin, 1973) i s found the most comprehensive treatment of f r o n t l e t headdresses ever written. Her data, based on the l i t e r a t u r e , f i e l d data recorded by Marius Barbeau and William Beynon between 1914 and 1957, as w e l l as museum catalogue data and photographs, not only corroborates much of the Tsimshian data presented e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter, but provides one of the f i r s t ethnological analyses of Tsimshian material culture. I t allows us to take the analysis a step further i n reaching a deeper understanding of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the f r o n t l e t headdress. Halpin discusses the widespread d i s t r i b u t i o n of the ch i e f ' s costume: the complex of f r o n t l e t headdress, Chilkat blanket, raven r a t t l e , dancing apron and leggings. She notes that the complex did have important and well-established associations with the role of chief among the Tsimshian. It is my hypothesis that i t was worn by, i f not developed  for, Tsimshian chiefs in order to symbolize the developing  wihala.it aspect of their roles. An important corollary of this is that although certain crest associations might  s t i l l have been present, the costume was not a crest  costume, but rather expressed high rank and control of  supernatural power. (Halpin, 1973:212; emphasis added.) She supports t h i s hypothesis by noting the Tsimshian names for the costume items (see Figure 2.4): Chilkat blanket: Gwashala.'it or "Dancing robe: (Gwas: robe, garmet; ^oU.6^. ,HJ hala.'it: dance). Barbeau glosses gushhallaait as: " c h i e f ' s 0 l,^$t^ garmet"; 1927:n.p.; see p.34 above. 1 Raven r a t t l e : Has am samhala.'it (hasam from hasE.x: r a t t l e ; sam: r e a l ; h a l a T i t : dance) (From Barbeau catalogue notes, NMC, VII-C-1394) [Russel Stevens, a teacher of Gitksan language i n Hazelton, B.C., glosses haseex as "raven r a t t l e " ] F r o n t l e t headdress: amhala.'it (am: good; hala.'it: dance). [Russel Stevens glosses am'hal^ayt as " f r o n t l e t headdress"; Barbeau, as noted above, glosses amhallait as "chieftanship song".] Dancing apron: ambalan (am: good; balan: ?) also napalE' nam hala.'it (from Barbeau catalogue notes, ,NMC, VH-C-7,02) though ambalan 40 Figure 2.4. Chief Laknits ("Frog Crest") of Gitwanga (K'itwang.E) wearing a gwashala.'it, an ambelan (or nepalE nem h a l a . i t ) , saxsikssmsE, and an amhalaCit. He i s carrying a hasam samhala.it. BCPM photo #PN 3831. Photograph by Procter, n.d. 41 i s the more common name. [Stevens glosses ambl'an and (gwns)  hi'aks as "dancing apron" while noting that the former i s the most commonly used.] Leggings: saxsiksamsE ("wraps one side of leg") from Barbeau catalogue notes, ROM, HN-754). She notes that a l l these items are stored i n a: Chief's chest: ' anda amhala.'it or "box for headdress" ('anda: medicine bag or k i t ; amhala.'it: f r o n t l e t headdress) (from Barbeau catalogue notes, ROM, HN-812) (Ibid.:213). S i g n i f i c a n t l y , as she points out, each item (except the leggings, though these were often made from pieces of Chilkat blankets) has the word hala.'it i n i t . Hala.'it, she t e l l s us, " i s a very important word that cannot be e a s i l y translated but can be taken as a s i g n a l that supernatural forces are involved" (Ibid.:74). E a r l i e r we noted that Barbeau glossed " h a l l a i t " (hala.'it) as "great c h i e f " and chi e f ' s song" (see pp..36-38 above) . Halpin enlarges the semantic range of hala.'it to include: "dancer", "shaman", "dance", "power", "power dramatization", and " i n i t i a t i o n " as well as "sacred". (Ibid.) A ch i e f ' s wihala.'it ( p l u r a l wut'a-hala.'it, G a r f i e l d , 1939:335) or "great (wi-) dancer (-hala.'it)", according to Halpin, was "perhaps the chief's strongest control over the t r i b e , and a source of considerable wealth " (Ibid.) When acting this vole, he was addressed by a super-natural "power" name. The basic premise of the wihala'.it role was that the chief had greater supernatural powers than others and could impart this power to his people. Such great power was dangerous3 and the chief was l i b e r a l l y compensated by xkE't or "non-returnable" gifts for control-ling i t to the benefit of his people ( I b i d . ) . Halpin contrasts the chief's wihala'.it r o l e with h i s other r o l e 42 as semo'oig'Et (sem: " r e a l " ; g*Et: "person"). E s s e n t i a l l y , the d i s t i n c t i o n i s between a chief's powerful secular i d e n t i t y (as a " r e a l person") and an i d e n t i t y imbued with great supernatural powers (as a great "dancer".... "power"...."initiator", e t c . ) : The chief's two voles, as samo'''oig''Et and wihala'.it ave thus separable, and correspond to two structural orders of Coast Tsimshian society: one r i t u a l l y expressed in hala'.it symbolism; the other, the structure of descent groups and affinal ties, r i t u a l l y expressed in the potlatch. Rank permeates both, but is less explicit in the hala'.it order. . . .Advancement in both orders is necessary to properly assume one's place in Tsimshian society (Ibid.:84-85) Halpin maintains that the ch i e f ' s costume "was worn by, i f not developed f o r " the chief i n h i s wihala.'it r o l e and that i t "was not a crest costume, but rather expressed high rank and control of supernatural power." (op. c i t . ) . She also uses a second l i n e of evidence to support her view: ...the striking absence of these costume items from the rules of use in the crest l i s t s summarized in Appendix II. No rattles or dancing aprons were mentioned at a l l , and only two Chilkats (Ibid.:214). However, i n Appendix II of her d i s s e r t a t i o n where she l i s t s a sample of 11 12 Tsimshian crests (ayuks) and t h e i r use, she also includes f r o n t l e t s and amhala .'its ( f r o n t l e t headdresses), t h e i r appellations, the t r a n s l a t i o n s of these names, t h e i r owners, and the v i l l a g e and clan to which they belonged. "Boas writes t h i s as sEm'ag.id, p l u r a l : sEmg•ig.a /d; 1916: 496. G a r f i e l d records i t as sem-o igEt; 1939:335. A ^ ' H a l p i n describes the diffe r e n c e between ptEx (the clan, and the crest animal) and the "ayuks": "ayuks i s the crest i t s e l f . It i s the named totemic e n t i t y that i s owned by a house and represented on c e r t a i n of i t s possessions. Whereas ptEx i s the animal species from which c e r t a i n p r i n c i p l e crests are derived, ayuks are those symbolic derivations them-selves. A dozen or more ayuks may be based on or derived from a si n g l e ptEx animal." (Halpin, 1973:114). She notes that dzepk i s a more concrete term than ayuks, and s p e c i f i c a l l y r e f e r s to "the material representation of a crest, the man-made thing or a r t i f a c t . " (Ibid.) 12 ""More s p e c i f i c a l l y " , she writes, " t h i s information has been extracted from Wilson Duff's copy of the Barbeau/Beynon f i e l d data, a copy he made i n 1958-59 with Barbeau's assistance." (Ibid.:328) 43 Table II i s a sampling of her data on f r o n t l e t headdresses used as cr e s t s . (I have altered her presentation of the material s l i g h t l y , i n order to .13 save space.) TABLE II. FRONTLET HEADDRESSES USED AS CRESTS. (pp.) Clan, Name, des c r i p t i o n Place, clan d i v i s i o n t r a n s l a t i o n owner (341) laxk'ibu', 1) sma.'x, headdress with wea-sles behind head (amhala.'it?) [other examples i n foot-note below #14] g' itlaxda.'mks, Niska "black bear" kystiya.'ox (344) y 2)naxnag.am so.q "supernatural robin" an amhalaTit, looks l i k e a human face same as above (348) 3)a.t, "fungus" the amhala.'it of the ghosts which turned to black fungus g" itlaxda.'mks, k'Exk U & to.q (349) 4)wila'? .o "Large la'?.o" (Photo, Figure 2 . 5 ) 1 5 an amhala.'it, looked l i k e a human face g" itlaxda.'mks, kystiya.'ox J " J * I have only entered those c i t a t i o n s d e f i n i t e l y described as being used on amhala.'its. Other entries - f a l l i n g mostly under HD: headdress -are sometimes equivocal. In some instances t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n sounds l i k e an amhala.it, while i n others, headdress may in d i c a t e a "hat" or merely a ha i r ornament. "^"Other examples of Bear crests are l i s t e d i n the Appendix:(NMC, VII-C-146«7; NMC, VII-C-96). "'""'"See Figure 2.5 below. Halpin notes: "la'?.o: 'carver's pattern of what he i s going to make' (template?). In a photograph [which I believe to be Figure 2.5], kstiya.'ox [James P e r c i v a l ] i s i n centre wearing weasel head-dress; on his l e f t i s ksedo'ol, h i s successor,wearing amhala.'it wila'?.o." See Figure 2.6 for a photo of kstiya.'ox. 44 Figure 2.5. Laxk'ibu' chiefs at G'itlaxda.'mks. L e f t to r i g h t (adults): Andrew Nash, John Nash or Ksedo'ol (successor to kstiya'ox; wearing the wila'?.o amhala.'it; ( i n Halpin, 1973:349), James P e r c i v a l or kistiya.'ox (owner of the w i l a ^ . o crest; I b i d . ) . Mrs. E l i z a Brown, Matilda (Brown) Peal; Chiefs of Wolf cr e s t . BCPM photo: PN4330 i d e n t i f i e d by "Matilda Peal, aunt of Nash." Note: f r o n t l e t headdress lower r i g h t ( i n BCPM c o l l e c t i o n : BCPM 953) has leather "whale's t a i l " leather tong inside crown b r i s t l e s ; see pp. 191-192 and Figure 5.2. 45 Figure 2.6. James P e r c i v a l or kstiya.'ox, Chief of laxk i b u ' at G'itlaxda.'mks, Nass River. BCPM photo: PN 4329; ^ documentation: "bought from Indian at Inverness cannery, 1903." Amhala.'it at lower r i g h t i n BCPM c o l l e c t i o n : BCPM 9683. Kstiya.'ox was the owner of the w i l a ?.o amhala.'it crest (not shown h e r e — s e e Figure 2.5, t h i s paper). 4 6 Table II - ...continued (pp.) Clan, Name, de s c r i p t i o n Place, clan d i v i s i o n t r a n s l a t i o n owner (379) g'ispawudwa 1) "xsk.e.'msam" b i r d l i k e an eagle, but more of a re-curved beak; very large claws a ) g " i t w i l g o ' t s Coast ? I rank (p.284) b) g'inax'angi Tk I & II rank (p.285) c) g"ina ' d D .ks I rank (p.285) (379) 2)xsk. e 'msam used...as a head-dress at dances or feasts; represents a large b i r d s i m i -l a r to the eagle but with longer beak and very large claws. Eyes are of Pearl....has sea-l i o n whiskers over i t and weasel fur behind. [sounds l i k e an amhala.it] a) g " i t z a x l E ' l VI: VII rank (p.284) b) g* i t w i l g o ' t s I rank (p.284) (384) 3 ) migamaamhala.'i t represented as human with pearl eyes, teeth & ears g ' i t x a ' i a "shower amhala.'it' I rank (p.283) (386) 4)mi'ag.amam-h a l a . i t "black amhala.'it" a square wooden plaque charred and rubbed with grease u n t i l very black same as above (394) G.isg.a.'st l ) p i s t E ' ' i a totem pole & amhala.'it k* i t s a g 'u 'kla Gitksan "grouse" wi.g'Et (398) 2)log.omba'laq"^ an amhala.'it k" i t s a g 'u 'kla "decayed corpse" "moth", or " d i s -garded ghost" beaked l i k e a b i r d ... as many beings on amhala.'it. a) ksg.og.omlaxE' b) haxpagw:''tu "In a footnote Halpin records, "Barbeau (1929:93) puts these two meanings together: "ghost-like moth"; name i s Tsimshian; i n a myth monster moth i s seen feeding on carcasses of two mountain goats by survivors of a famine: ' i t must be the ghost of one of our dead r e l a t i v e s partaking of food'." (Ibid.:398). See example i n Appendix: NMC, VII-C-1171, crest of xsg.og.omlaxE , g.isg.a.st of Kitsegukla. 4 7 Table II - ...continued (pp.) Clan, Name, des c r i p t i o n Place, c l a n ' d i v i s i o n t r a n s l a t i o n owner (399) 3)lax'o'm "being above" a kind of b i r d with returned beak same as above (b) 4)tk*agE.'q "hanging down" ref e r s to the ermine hanging down from the amhala.'it same as above (441) laxse.'l l)mo '.dzaks i n the myth i t was l i k e a man from Heaven, not c l e a r -l y seen i n the mist on the mountain chicken hawk k'itwang.E' Gitksan (another proble-matical b i r d ; usually said to be a hawk or ^ chicken hawk. h a l a i s t t'haku wo.dax g"it&anma'ks lu t k u d z i us (454) laxsk'i.'k l ) t x a ' k o l k or g ' i t s a l a ' s a Coast Tsimshian wi txa'kolkamg"Et "whole being" "large whole person" (g'tlaxdzo 'ks) I rank (p.297) (455) 2)g'i.'balk 1 8 ...said to have a short b i r d - l i k e beak and small human forms on i t s back and around i t s face. gunhu.t " B i r d - l i k e sea monster" (463) Niska l)paxk'o'.1 s i n g l e human figur e g ' i t x a t ' i ' n "one person" axata.'t "Halpin remarks, "Barbeau says mo.dzaks was another name for eagle (1929:57); t h i s person said the house of lutkudzi'us, IV [rank], g*itan'maks, also c a l l e d i t mo /?o: same as eagle, used amhala.it f o r dances. (Ibid.:441) For examples see Appendix: ROM, HN-900; NMC, VII-X-1147; MAI, 1/4297; BCPM, 1528. 48 As noted above, her l i s t of crest (ayuks) amala .'its i s only a 19 sampling. She further divides t h i s l i s t into two major categorxes: 1) monster and human crests and 2) other crests - noting that "while primary and secondary crest animals could be represented on amhala.'its, a larger category of representations were of human faces and monsters" (1973:220). The point she establishes very c l e a r l y i s : ...that white these items may include realistic representations of crest animals, such as bears, the greater number of them are found in highly conventionalized forms which are ambiguous and almost impossible to "read". Where precise iconographic docu-mentation was available, the frontlet representations were said to be heavenly phenomena and complex monsters such as the De-cayed Corpse and g' i'.balk. Most of the heavenly phenomena crests in the crest lists were said to be represented by the human face or figure and most of the complex monsters were said to have human as well as other forms. In addition, a number of the complex monsters were said to have human beings on them. The g'i'.balk was said to have "human forms around its face and on its back", and the most indeterminate of all the monster crests, Over Ten, was a variable large monster with small ones in a row over its head. It sounds like a description of the amhala'.it. ...the functional significance of the complex monsters was  that, since their forms were ambiguous and subject to trans- formation, they could serve as unifying chiefly symbols for tribesmen of different clans. In other words, while being  treated as crests and used in crest contexts, they could serve  essentially as non-crests, in that they did not celebrate any  one kin-group over the others. Similarly, the conventionalized faces on the amhala'.it, whether the "human" faces or the ones with long beaks, were not in visual "conflict" with those headdresses representing primary and secondary crest animals. Furthermore, the chief  wore it in dance or hala'.it contexts, which cut across clan 'She also presents a diagnostic sampling of Tsimshian f r o n t l e t s that were i d e n t i f i e d either by crest or by owner and divides them into two " s t y l e s " : " s c u l p t u r a l " and "painting" s t y l e s (which she acknowledges as having "no corresponding iconographic d i f f e r e n c e s " . (1973:221-223;224). These f r o n t l e t s , other than the ones referred to above, may be found i n the Appendix. They are: ROM, HN-913; HN-902; HN-914; HN-825. BCPM, 10032; 1529; 1304; 1530. NMC, VII-C-87; VII-C-1811; VII-C-1169; VII-C-97; VII-C-177; VII-X-1147. UBC, A1734. 49 lines as integrative sodalities. In these contexts, what was important was that he was Chief, riot whether he was laxsk i.k or laxk ibu . (Halpin, 1973:234-235; emphasis added). The seeming contradiction between amhala.'its being used as crest representations and amhala.'its as an i n t e g r a l part of the ch i e f ' s develop-ing wihala.'it r o l e i s solved when Halpin explains that amhalafits could be "treated as crests and used i n crest contexts", as w e l l as serving " e s s e n t i a l l y as non-crests i n that they did not celebrate any one k i n group over another". (op. c i t . ) If I have read her c o r r e c t l y , the point that appears ambiguous i n her analysis of f r o n t l e t headdresses centres on her hypothesis that "when the object i n question i s a headdress - i t s iconography r e f e r s to a " c r e s t " and conversely, a mask's iconography ref e r s to a naxno 'x. (Ibid.: 135). Iconographic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of headdresses and masks, she says, i s linked to the presentation or concealment of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s face. When the wearer's face i s v i s i b l e he i s di s p l a y i n g a cr e s t ; when the wearer's face i s concealed, he i s displaying a naxno 'x. She notes that because chiefs sometimes hi r e d other members to perform t h e i r naxno x for them, the s o c i a l and i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y of the person was not s i g n i f i c a n t . "This would have been inconceivable i n the display of a crest headdress." (Ibid.) She c a l l s attention to the problem of d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between crest and non-crest representations: ...some of the same animals claimed as crests and represented on headdresses were also claimed as crests and represented on masks. The problem is complicated by what appear to be care-less statements on the part of some collectors that certain masks represented their owners ' crests or were worn in pot-latches, both of which claims can be seriously questioned as being incompatible with the basic rules of the crest-potlatch complex. (Ibid. : 187-188) . 50 The question I have i s : how can a f r o n t l e t headdress, as part of a ch i e f ' s costume that "was not a crest costume" (op.cit.) and that served ' e s s e n t i a l l y as a non-crest item' (paraphrased, op.cit.) f i t into her formulations, crest:headdress :: naxno'xmask? (Ibid.:248). If she i s r e f e r r i n g e x c l u s i v e l y to the naming of these objects - i . e . the names of headdresses and masks - then her formulation appears unequivocal. However, since Halpin i s discussing (1) the display and (2) the iconography of these objects, I f i n d her formulation at variance with her hypothesis that the f r o n t l e t headdress was not part of a- crest costume. While Halpin's formulation i s adequate for the purpose of her analysis, her category "headdress" becomes much too i n c l u s i v e for a study of the f r o n t l e t headdress. If we exclude f r o n t l e t headdresses (amhala.'its) from her category of "headdresses" and relegate them to a category separate from (and i n a sense mediating) both the categories crest "headdress" and naxno'x "mask", then part of the problem i s resolved. C l e a r l y , the Tsim-shian used many other headdresses i n addition to amhala.'its, and her data support her formula as f a r as they are concerned. However, since her data ind i c a t e that most Tsimshian f r o n t l e t iconography may be interpreted as complex monsters ("their forms were ambiguous and subject to trans-formation, they could serve as unifying c h i e f l y symbols for tribesmen of d i f f e r e n t clans"; o p . c i t . , p.48above.), a d i f f e r e n t formula depicting the set of r e l a t i o n s h i p s between amhala.'its and naxno 'xs i s required. In f a c t , Halpin i m p l i c i t l y makes a c a t e g o r i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n between amhala.'its and crest headdresses which p a r a l l e l s the contrast between halaTit and ya*ok U events. (Idem., p.118). She contrasts the most diagnostic features of these two events: 51 hata'it features potlatch [ya'ok ] features chief addressed as wi h a l a . i t ["great dancer"] no myth r e c i t e d i n i t i a t e s wear cedar-bark neck rings and head rings ( i n sec-r e t society) [ i n i t i a t e s addressed as 'hala.'its' . ] eshala.'it c h i e f ' s costume: (C h i l k a t ) , amhala.'it ( f r o n t l e t ) [headdress], Raven r a t t l e [ has em samhala.'it. ] [Note: use of round r a t t l e s also mentioned.] use of trumpets and whistles actors wear masks ( i n naxno'x) name i s dramatized ( i n naxno'x) chief addressed as semo'oig'Et ["real person"] myth r e c i t a t i o n prominent r e c i p i e n t of name wears crest robe and headdress; [addressed with the name corresponding to hi s new status.] c h i e f ' s costume: crest robe and headdress [Barbeau's data accompanying the l i n songs in d i c a t e amhala^it and Chilkat worn here.] trumpets and whistles absent p r i n c i p a l s wear headdresses; t h e i r faces are not covered name never dramatized (although there may be a dramatization of a crest [ ? ]) By extending her statements that much of amhalaCit iconography derives from "representations of the complex monsters previously d i s -covered i n crest l i s t s " , (Ibid.:248,235) and that "these were crests of  int e g r a t i o n f u n c t i o n a l l y r e l a t e d to the developing r o l e of the c h i e f " , (Ibid.; emphasis added) a formula more appropriate for our purpose would be: ya'ok U:. p o t l a t c h ^ PROFANE 'samo'oig TEt : crest headdress : I crests of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n I 21 image: s o c i a l i d e n t i t y as clan member hala.'it: dances or power demonstrations 20 SACRED wih a l a . i t : amhala.it i ~ naxno x : mask crests (used i n non-crest context) 1 of integration^-*- i image: s o c i a l i d e n t i t y + super-natural i d e n t i t y image: supernatural i d e n t i t y ( s o c i a l i d e n t i t y e x p l i c i t l y negated) Footnote #20 and #21 are on the following page. 52 A c o r o l l a r y to t h i s formula i s another which follows Halpin's o r i g i n a l thinking, but within the context of the hala.'it events: synthesis of supernatural supernatural , /. i d e n t i t y with / . , . , : amhala.it : : • '• naxno x i d e n t i t y and s o c i a l i d e n t i t y s o c i a l i d e n t i t y negated The question then becomes: why does the halaTit as a r i t u a l s e r i e s have these two contrasting sets of v i s u a l displays? In other words, why are f r o n t l e t headdresses and masks contextually d i s t i n c t w i t h i n the hala.'it performances? In order to answer t h i s question, we must f i r s t examine the contexts i n which the Tsimshian chiefs wore amhala.'its. 4. The Ceremonial Contexts Generally, there were three contexts i n which the Tsimshian wore f r o n t l e t headdresses: "Halpin points out that t h i s i s an emic d i s t i n c t i o n . She out-l i n e s the conceptual d i f f e r e n c e between the two: "The use of naxno x whistles i n these events [ i . e . - name dramatizations, c h i e f ' s power demonstrations and secret society i n i t i a t i o n s ] i s s i g n i f i c a n t of a basic conceptual d i f f e r e n c e between name dramatization and crest display: s p i r i t s or supernatural beings were believed to be present when t h e i r voices were heard. Their immediate and continuing power was demonstrated i n the event. Crests, on the other hand, were bestowed by or taken from supernatural beings i n myth time, and the crest display was i n commemoration of that past supernatural event. I f one were to evoke the sacred/secular dichotomy which i s t r a d i t i o n a l i n North-west Coast studies, hala.'its (including naxno'x's [and the w i h a l a f i t r o l e s ] were sacred; potlatches (including crest displays) were. •. .tsecular: "(Tbid. : 127) 21 ' "These terms are taken d i r e c t l y from Halpin's f i n a l analysis (pp. 249-252) of the Tsimshian crest system i n which she notes the "general and p a r t i c u l a r i z e d crests are crests of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n : the p a r t i c u l a r i z e d crests being extensions of the basic totemic system", and the simple and complex monster crests are "interpreted as crests of i n t e g r a t i o n i n that they symbolized amalgamation of descent groups from d i f f e r e n t environmental areas... [and]...at the t r i b a l l e v e l . " (Ibid.:251). 53 1) i n "welcoming" dances for various occasions - such as pole r a i s i n g s and marriage ceremonies. A l l of the descriptions i n d i c a t e that the host chief wore a f r o n t l e t headdress at t h i s time. Eagle down was dispersed from the crown of the headdress and covered the_guests. These dances were preliminary to ya'ok U f e a s t i n g . 2) i n " f i r s t power ceremonies" and secret society i n i t i a t i o n s , as well as i n i n d i v i d u a l power manifestations held during the h a l a ' i t season. The ch i e f , i n h i s wihala.'it r o l e , wore the f r o n t l e t headdress or amhala.'it. 3) i n mortuary r i t u a l s , including l y i n g - i n - s t a t e r i t e s and possibly i n cremation. We w i l l examine each of these, i n d e t a i l , below. However, i t should be pointed out that most of th i s data i s based on Coast Tsimshian and Niska sources. From accounts i n the l i t e r a t u r e , the data appear 22 almost co n s i s t e n t l y p a r a l l e l . Drucker's b r i e f account of Gitksan dancing s o c i e t i e s i s unfortunately the only one i n the l i t e r a t u r e on Gitksan society, and I have included h i s data where possi b l e . i. Welcoming Dances: peace of power. The data presented below reveal that f r o n t l e t headdresses were not always exclusive to hala.'it events, but may have been used i n a pre-feast context i n which strangers and/or outsiders were welcomed to a host's v i l l a g e or house. An important feature of these dances was the d i s p e r s a l of eagle down from the crown of the amhalafit-(see Figure 2.7). In the data notes accompanying a Tsimshian bag used to store eagle "Drucker's informants t o l d him that the dancing s o c i e t i e s "were introduced among the Gitksan 'not very long ago' - i n l a t e p r o t o h i s t o r i c times....Previous to t h i s time, the Gitksan had only the amhalait or "c h i e f ' s dances", i n which the chief danced wearing a forehead mask f i l l e d with eagle down, and displayed h i s clan c r e s t . " (1940:222, emphasis added). I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the head chief of each Gitksan dancing society prays to the menhalait, or Chief Dancer, "supernatural being who controls the r i t u a l . " (Ibid.:223). Figure 2.7. Tsimshian chief of Kitwanga i n ceremonial costume. BCPM photo //PN1181. Newcombe c o l l e c t i o n . Photograph by Rev. P r i c e . Note the b i t s of eagle down s t i l l c l i n g i n g to the Chilkat blanket. Also, i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the dance leggings have been cut from a Chilkat weaving and are i n the shape of salmon or whale's t a i l s . 55 down Barbeau recorded: Gut bag for eagle's down: Mi$g.af.x (nE.ts) [Stevens glosses kaax as "eagle down"] used in the chief's dance. The down was placed in the crown of his headdress. While the chief danced, he jerked his head, and the down flew in a l l directions as a sigh of peace and good-w i l l . This process was called ssma'amg.ask: "make  friends of those f a l l e n out." It was also used in  great feasts in which the chief appeared and danced. He gave the mixg.a.x (eagle's down) to his guests which was called mixg.a'.masku. By this he disclosed his  i n t e n t i o n of giving g yuku, a feast of promotions. Made of the throat of a sea lion: t^i.ban. Very old. (Alfred Sqat i . n , head chief of Gitlaxdamks to Barbeau, 1927: notes to ROM, HN-754(119); emphasis added.) Barbeau's account of the sema'amg.esk event i s s i m i l a r to episodes i n marriage ceremonies among the Niska described i n Boas i n 1894. In t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n , the prospective bridegroom and several slaves journey to h i s future bride's v i l l a g e . When they a r r i v e , members of her clan attack the slaves, and smash the groom's canoe. Then a f t e r a serious b a t t l e , ...the bridegroom and his companions are carried into the bride's house. Then her friends strew on the companions of the bridegroom eagle down, which is kept in a bag made of sea-lion's intestines. Her father puts on his headdress and dances, while her friends sing. Then a feast is given during which the young man pays the remainder of the purchase money. (Boas, 1916:531-532; emphasis added.) Boas also recorded "War Tales" of the Tsimshian i n which welcome dances are e x p l i c i t l y mentioned. In one, "War between the Tsimshian and T l i n g i t " , the Tsimshian chief LEg.e'^x dances before the high-ranking Haida c h i e f , Sdx'j:da, and h i s entourage: When everything had been brought in, the great chief [LEg.e''°x~\ wore his dancing blanket and his headdress  and a rattle and he danced the welcome dance for his r e l a t i v e who had brought back his nephew from captiv-ity ... .They [Leg.e'°x's people] served food; and after 56 the meal Sdi'Ida danced. (Boas, 1916:388; emphasis added.) In another, "War Between the Haida and the G*Ispa-x-la'°ts", a welcoming dance i s mentioned, and although no e x p l i c i t reference to a headdress i s made, the use of feathers (In connection with a copper; see Chapter Five) suggests the.same kind of costume used i n the welcome dance c i t e d above: Chief LEg.e'°x ordered a l l his companions to go to his nephew's house [that is, to Gui-qd'q's house at G.it.anda'~]3 and the warriors went up. After Gui-qd'q's welcome dance two of his men lifted a copper and said, "These are the feathers, chief; these are the feathers, chief; these are the feathers." ( I b i d . : 386, emphasis added.) The themes of peace and friendship that are i m p l i c i t i n the Boas data are echoed i n an amhala.'it song recorded in.'1924 at Kitwanga by Marius Barbeau. "Weehawn or George Derrick of Gitwinlkul [or Kitwancool] was the singer, and William Beynon the i n t e r p r e t e r . " (Barbeau, i n G a r f i e l d , 1951:135-136). Song No. 42. Nawhltemdee. Who w i l l pursue me into the sky? Your little song - this song - really never pauses. (It is always being sung: This  is a taunt, as it is a hint to some chiefs that they never give a feast, and their songs are never heard.) You are straight-forward princes who never owned an abalone pearl! (It is inferred that the chief who sings this song is not like them. Ee is powerful and wealthy. Ee uses his songs in feasts.) The slave is ashamed who would have been greater than I. Cease chattering you proud people! Cease chattering, a l l you members of the Luhlim^ fraternity. Are you trying  to bring down the pillars of the sky? Who w i l l run among the people? Who w i l l follow me through the hole in the sky into the bright mirage beyond? When they see my footprints white as those of the Raven (in the snow), they w i l l try to imitate me. This is a chief's (hallait) song of Weehawn (of the Raven-Frog phratry), one of the leaders of the Gitwinlkul tribe of the Gitksan. When it is sung the chief dances with his 23 / 'Luhlim f r a t e r n i t y i s presumably the LoLE'm or Dog Eaters society. 57 headdress and paraphernalia, shakes his bird rattles, nods his head and the eagle's down from his crown f i l l s the air in sign of peace and friendship. ( I b i d . ; emphasis added.) Almost i d e n t i c a l words were used by one of Duff's Kitwancool teachers to describe a 1910 photograph of "Chief Wee-lezqu, of the Kitwancool", wearing a f r o n t l e t headdress and carrying a raven r a t t l e (see Figure 2.8). This is very important. Whenever there is trouble, the chief  puts on his headdress called am-a-lite. It has a carved  wooden crest- on..the front. • -It is f i l l e d with eagle^down (mek-gaik). He bows his head over the people so that the eagle-down f a l l s on them, and this means friendship and  peace. Whenever mek-gaik f a l l s on you, you must be a  peaceful person. When people of another village are  invited to attend a feast, the chief dons his headdress  f i l l e d with eagle-down and dances a dance of welcome, spread-ing i t over his visitors. (Duff, 1959:38; Figure 2.8 t h i s paper; emphasis added.) Although the Nawhltemdee song, l i k e the other amhala.'it songs recorded by Barbeau (see pp.36-37), are c a l l e d " h a l l a i t s " and are indeed associated with f r o n t l e t headdresses, i t i s unclear whether or not they were exclusive to hala.'it events. From his notes, i t would appear that they were used i n pre-feast or pre-potlatch (ya'ok U) a c t i v i t i e s , which based on my_ reading of these descriptions - could be interpreted as "welcoming dances" performed for feast guests. Using Halpin's d i s t i n c t i o n s between secular potlatch (ya'ok U) events and sacred r i t u a l series (hala.'it) and between the ch i e f ' s semo'oig.Et and wihala.'it r o l e s , the welcoming dance (sama'amg.ask) may be considered a secular a c t i v i t y performed by a chief i n h i s 2 A samo'oig.Et r o l e . The data, unfortunately, are not e x p l i c i t on t h i s 'During these dances he c a r r i e s a raven r a t t l e : hasam samhalaTit. Figure 2.8. Chief Wee-lezgu (right) of Kitwancool wearing an amhala.'it. Chief Gwass-lam ( l e f t ) . BCPM photo, PN 3928. See also, Duff, 1959: plate #7. 59 point. Moreover, a closer examination of the welcoming dance would 25 indic a t e that f or these events, the d i s t i n c t i o n s are not cle a r - c u t . F i r s t , as I i w i l l discuss i n more d e t a i l below, the ch i e f ' s actions and costume i n the welcoming dances and i n the h a l a ' i t contexts are nearly i d e n t i c a l . Second, looking at the above data, i t i s evident that the process of "welcoming" feast guests involves more than extending wishes of well-being and fr i e n d s h i p . We note that i t i s a time for making "friends of those f a l l e n out" (Barbeau, 1927:op.cit., p.55 ), for singing a taunting song, for admonishing guests to "Cease chattering....Are you trying to bring down the p i l l a r s of the sky?" (Barbeau, ,1951:op.cit., p. 56) and "whenever there i s trouble" to make feast guests "peaceful." (Duff, 1959: o p . c i t . : 57). The dances are performed by a c h i e f , a person who i s p u b l i c l y recognized as being not only wealthy, but powerful as w e l l . To be wealthy i n Tsimshian society i s , of course, to imply that one i s powerful by v i r t u e of one's s o c i a l p o s i t i o n and a b i l i t y to amass and d i s t r i b u t e resources. However, commensurate with that wealth i s one's degree of s p i r i t u a l enlightenment - i . e . one's control of supernatural powers. To be powerful i n Tsimshian society implies the a b i l i t y to d i r e c t supernatural forces. One way of viewing the chief's welcoming dances then, i s to see them as r i t u a l a c t i v i t i e s which "set the stage", so to speak, for serious events to follow. The welcoming dance i s a display of power - i n both a secular and a sacred sense - over the p o t e n t i a l l y d i s r u p t i v e presence of outsiders. I t i s an act of coercion as much as an i n v i t a t i o n to 25 "I believe Halpin saw t h i s problem as w e l l , though given the scope of her paper, she chose not to address the question at that time. 60 "peace and fr i e n d s h i p " ; i t i s a display that signals the host chief's t o t a l control over a l l that i s to follow and over the orderly p a r t i c i -pation of h i s guests. "Whenever mek-gaik f a l l s on you, you must be an 26 orderly person." Whether i n the r o l e of semo'oig.Et or wihala.'it (though, i t w i l l be remembered, the chief welcoming Caamano defined h i s r o l e as semo'oig.Et), the chief welcoming h i s guests i s the " r e a l person" or "great dancer" i n the sense thatVlie i s the " i d e a l " person. Having both the power of wealth and of the supernatural, he exemplifies the i d e a l balance between the secular and sacred spheres of the Tsimshian universe. i i . First Power Ceremonies and Secret. Society Initiations. This section covers the wearing of f r o n t l e t headdresses i n the hala .'it season, c a l l e d gwEndasem hala.'it ( " a r r i v a l /on earth /hala.'it) . (Halpin, 1973:78). This season, which ran for the e n t i r e winter and some-times into the spring, was c a l l e d the "time of tabu" (ha'wE'iks: "tabu"). (Ibid.) The ceremonies were planned by a council of all hala'.it chiefs of the tribe, known collectively as wutahala'.it (pi. of wihala'.it) , or "great dancers".. "The council was held in the greatest secrecy, in a house completely surrounded by cedar bark rings ( l u ' i x ) , a warning to all that i t meant death to enter, naxno'x whistles of all the secret societies were sounded continually while the council was going on. All the people stayed in their own houses, such was the fear of the wutahala'.it" (Joseph Starr) .27 While people did not say so specifically, the council of the wutahala'.it must have been similar in composition to the council of headmen dakag'ig' Et) which advised the chief on secular matters. (Ibid.) '(Duff, 1959:38; op.cit.) This idea i s given a f u l l e r treatment i n Chapter Five. 27. 'Informant c i t e d i n the Barbeau-Beynon fi e l d n o t e s used by Halpin. 61 A l l members of a t r i b e p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the hala.'it r i t u a l series which, Halpin notes, was a s e r i e s of "steps" or elevations i n the posses-sion of supernatural power. (Ibid.) The f i r s t of these i n i t i a t i o n s , the " f i r s t power ceremonies", were d i s t i n c t from l a t e r secret society i n i t i a t i o n s . A. First Power Ceremonies: the T* si.k and the Samhala'it The f i r s t step i n hala.'it elevation took place when Tsimshian c h i l d r e n were very small. This was the f i r s t contact of c h i l d r e n with the supernatural s p i r i t s whose powers would "protect" them. The power was received from an "adult intermediary", usually a chief of e i t h e r the maternal or paternal clan ( G a r f i e l d , 1939:298), and the c h i l d was sponsored by either h i s father or h i s mother's brother. Most descriptions of these two early ceremonies note that they are "throwing ceremonies", an appel-l a t i o n which stems from the action of the c h i e f , as the p r i n c i p a l actor i n the i n i t i a t i o n s , summoning h i s supernatural power, "capturing" i t i n hi s hands, and "throwing" the power into the i n i t i a t e . ("Throwing" power i s also part of secret society i n i t i a t i o n s and welcoming ceremonies. See below and see also Tate i n Boas, 1916:539). The chief who throws power into the c h i l d r e n , wears a f r o n t l e t headdress. Boas recorded that at the beginning of the winter ceremonies, 2 8 the chief summons a supernatural power to the house: 2 8 'This chief's power was also found i n Tate's l i s t of c h i e f ' s supernatural names. (Tate, i n Boas, 1916:513). As Halpin notes, the l i s t "includes some naxno'x names, but seems to include another category of names, those r e f e r r i n g to the heavens, (laxha), which might have been s p e c i a l wihala.'it names." (1973:74). 62 Txal-ks-gd-gum lax-ha'. (First of Heaven). This is the f i r s t supernatural power that is called in the ceremonial of i n i t i a t i o n . They call i t with the words "Great power Txal-ks-ga-gum lax-ha', open the powers of heaven for the supernatural helpers of these great chiefs'." [The chief dances, shouts. People respond with cries and the clapping of hands as a drum beats. All of this activity is repeated four times. ] The chief now sings, "Hu''iitgu&lax-haya!'" that means "This call from Heaven." After he has danced, he says, "Now the supernatural powers from heaven are ready to come down." (Boas, 1916:557-558). The account does not describe the c h i e f s costume. However, because the chief i s i n h i s wihala.'it r o l e , i t would not be u n l i k e l y that he danced i n a f r o n t l e t headdress on t h i s occasion rather than i n a " c r e s t " head-dress or a mask. The " f i r s t and e s s e n t i a l " ceremony i n the h a l a ' i t system was the t ' s i . k ( G a r f i e l d , 1939:298, says t h i s i s untranslatable; Halpin, 1973:78, glosses i t as "dentalium") or the t ' s i . k hala.'it ( G a r f i e l d glosses t h i s as "supernatural power ceremony"; Ibid.:198). In her d e s c r i p t i o n of the 30 t ' s i . k ceremony, G a r f i e l d indicates that i t was performed twice: once when the c h i l d was very young and again when the c h i l d could take a more active r o l e i n the ceremony: G a r f i e l d , i n a footnote, comments that there i s a s i m i l a r i t y between the Nootka ceremony tse'yeq and the Kwakiutl t'sa.' eqa, both of which sound remarkably l i k e t ' s i . k . She says that they are "connected with shamanistic p r a c t i c e s . " The Kwakiutl use a f r o n t l e t headdress i n the t'sa.eqa (or Tseyka) and c a l l i t a yekwiwey ("dancing forehead mask") (Holm, 1972:11 and 32). Halpin points out that, "...the hala.'it performance and idiom of expression are derived from shamanism. One meaning of the word h a l a . i t i s "shaman"...naxno x and s p i r i t name dramatizations are also c a l l e d h a l a . i t ' s and include c e r t a i n performances i n which chiefs e x p l i c i t l y act the r o l e of swansk hala.'it or "curing shaman." (1973: 7 7 ) . 63 The supernatural power received by children was that of the chief who conveyed it. He, being strong, could cope with a spirit that would have destroyed the weaker child, hence he regulated and controlled the influence through him. This f i r s t ceremony prepared the child for seeking a supernatural power through his own efforts and gave him the necessary strength for coping with it when he did receive one by himself. In the f i s . k ceremony very young chiIdren, often babes in arms, received the power from the chief before the assem-bled members of their tribe and often of their father's tribe as well. The chief was addressed by his supernatural (naxnox). name throught the ceremony and was spoken of as 'great dancer' (wi-hala'it) and not as 'chief (sam-o'igEt). He danced, dramatizing his name, and the songs belonging to it were sung. He enticed his spirit power to him and finally threw it into the children who were hidden under a mat in the corner of the house with their mothers. As he threw the power a whistle was blown which was the voice of the 'spirit ' (naxnox) taking possession of the children. The second conveying of power into children was done when they were somewhat older and could take some active part in the ceremony. The chief again threw his power into the children who then disappeared. The people were informed that they had been taken by the spirits but would return. The next day they were brought dressed in garments decorated to represent the supernatural powers and crests belonging to their lineage. If old enough they sang the songs belonging to these powers or dramatized the names of them themselves. If not, they were assisted by their paternal aunts. A power name was often given each child also, who dramatized it while the history of it was being explained to the guests. ( G a r f i e l d , 1939:229). Tate described a t ' i s .k (or perhaps i t was a sem-hala.'it - see below, p. 67) or "throwing dance" that was conducted by Chief Dzeba'sa — 31 (Ganha'da; Git-qxala): DiVogii [ "Boiling Words" ~\ was the chief supernatural helper of Dzeba'sa. When any chief made a great potlatch, and the people were assembled in his house on the evening preceding 'Elsewhere, he added that the raven r a t t l e was also used i n the "throwing dance" - but i t i s not clear whether or not t h i s i s the t ' s i . k , semhala 7.it or a secret society i n i t i a t i o n (or a l l three). He writes, "This r a t t l e i s used i n the "throwing dance", i n the house of some other chief, and a f t e r each dance he received pay. I t was also used i n a dance i n the house of a member of h i s own t r i b e . " (Tate, i n Boas, 1916:515). 64 great d i s t r i b u t i o n of property, this helper of Dzeba'sa was called to initiate a candidate. The mask would  appear, and the people would sing its song. At the end of this song it would disappear again, and Dzeba 'sa,  dressed with his head-mask, the puffin-beak apron,  puffin-beak leggings, and with a ceremonial blanket,  came forth. The song-leader started the dancing song, and the chief danced, jerking his head with the beats  of the wooden drum, so that the eagle down would fly out  of the hollow receptacle formed by the top of the head- dress. Ee accompanied his dance with the rattle. Before the end of the dancing-song, the chief caught his super-natural power above his head and closed his hands over it. Then the people clapped their hands, beat the drum, and shouted. When they stopped, Dzeba'sa shouted. "Ohi!" to which the people replied "Houstst."' This was repeated four times. Then Dzeba'sa walked up to one side of the door, where the children of the chief's family (that is, the nephews and nieces of the host) were sitting, and threw his supernatural power on one of the children. At once the whistle of DTlogii was heard among the children. Then the chief's nephews paid Dzeba'sa for his dance, saying, "Your supernatural power walked over these costly things, sir." This speech was repeated four times. Then the people would call for Txa-g'a'ksEm lax-ha' ["Heaven Body"], the supernatural helper of LEg'e'°x, to initiate several of the young people. This helper was used only for youths of high rank. (Tate, In Boas, 1916:514; emphasis added.)1 In another account, Tate describes what sounds l i k e a t ' s i . k ceremony. From his d e s c r i p t i o n we can get an idea of the duration of these prelim-inary ceremonies: ...all the d i f f e r e n t chiefs are assembled in the house of the head chief to perform what is called the throwing -dance. Then each chief of each tribe dances by himself with  his own mask. The f i r s t chief, after the dance of his own mask, w i l l dance with his dancing-garment and his carved  headdress inlaid with abalone, wearing his dancing-apron  with the bills of beautiful puffins, leggings of the same  kind, and carrying the welcome rattle. Then, while the chief's own people are singing, and while he is dancing, he catches his supernatural power in the air and goes towards the child of the chief, holding the supernatural power be-tween the palms of his hands, and throws it into the chief's child or into his niece or nephew. Then a l l the chiefs who  are guests have each one night for their own throwing-dance. 65 Each has the name of a supernatural power, besides his own chief's name. So, when they c a l l one of these chiefs to dance, they c a l l him by his sacred name. The dances end when it is nearly daylight, and then a l l the princes and princesses have supernatural powers and have become dancers. Therefore after four days have passed and a l l the children have dances, their father kills some slave or gives away much property or breaks a costly copper. The head chief pays each chief who performed the throwing-dance with three or four elk skins. If there are seven  or ten children in a chief's family, then each of the  visiting chiefs performs his dance seven or ten times,  once for each of the children. (Ibid.:515; emphasis added.) G a r f i e l d provides a s i m i l a r , though somewhat f u l l e r d e s c r i p t i o n , of another t ' s i . k ceremony given by Nies-ganeTs and h i s brother f o r the three c h i l d r e n of t h e i r s i s t e r . A l l the members of the G^nado'iks t r i b e were i n v i t e d - including the maternal and paternal clans of the i n i t i a t e s . A dance was performed by three of the children's aunts and the property to be d i s t r i b u t e d at t h i s feast was brought into the house, counted and displayed; then: ...Nies-gima, Raven Gvnado' iks, called out to Chief Nias-we'xs, "Now, Now, great hala'it, A l l Bright Heavens, put your breath (power) on this u n i n i t i a t e d one." Chief Ni^s-we'xs, who was called by his power name, 'All Bright Heavens' (Txa-la'uksam laxha ) throughout the whole ceremony, was standing behind a box containing his ceremonial blanket,  headdress and rattle [this was probably an , anda amhala.'it or "box for headdress" - see p. 41 ]. On one side of him was a Raven assistant, on the other a Wolf, guarding him. He  put on his garments, then started his power song very faintly  at first. This was a song of the myth type called, 'where the ice strikes', which belonged to Chief Nias-we xs and his lineage relatives. The Wolf assistant began to beat the drum. The professional song leader led the women singers by announcing a line of the song at a time, directing the tempo in which it was to be sung. The singers took up the song from Nias-we'xs as he began to dramatize it. Suddenly he cried, Har), haq, and grasped something in the air. Immediately the whistles were heard, the sound coming from the small room in the rear of the. house. The chief strug-gled with the power in his hands, commenting on its strength and greatness as he danced. The audience called out, "he' 'vts", in admiration. As the chief danced he 66 approached the spot where the children were hidden under the mat. Finally he blew the power toward them with a prolonged u""pf. Then the whistle was heard under the mat and the power was known to have entered the children, who responded by crying out o lololo, expressing pain from the power which had entered them. The chief returned to the rear of the house completely exhausted by the struggle with his s p i r i t . Nies-gane'.s went to him with a blanket which he gave to him saying, "Take this, wi-hala'.t, this is the robe the s p i r i t walked on". Any gift presented to the chief is called h a ^ l i - i a l naxnox (ha-, instrumental prefix; 'li- 'on'; ia, 'to walk'; I connective; naxnox, ' s p i r i t ' ) . ( G a r f i e l d , 1939:299-30; emphasis added.) 3 2 At the end of the t ' s i . k ceremony, each chief would declare that the c h i l d r e n were no longer " u n i n i t i a t e d ones", but now "stood i n hala.'it" i n d i c a t i n g that they had f u l f i l l e d the p r e r e q u i s i t e for future contacts with the supernatural (Ibid.:302). Halpin writes that "the 33 c h i l d was known as amg'Et (am: "good"; g*Et: "person"). (1973:79.) The data surrounding the samhala'it ceremony are unclear. Boas'. de s c r i p t i o n of t h i s ceremony seems to match the data presented above for the t ' s i . k ceremony: The sEmhala'it are in so far a preparatory step to the societies, as everybody who wants to enter them must have acquired the sEmhala'.it f i r s t . .. .Those who have passed twice through the sEmhala'it ceremonies are called ts 'e'ik. [ f s i . k in Garfield], (Boas, 1895:660; emphasis added). 'Later the children's father c a l l e d upon the chief to convey his powers to the c h i l d r e n a second time. "Thus each c h i l d received the power twice, which made i t stronger than the ordinary ceremony....(Ibid.) G a r f i e l d also gives descriptions of two other t ' s i . k ceremonies i n which masks•and-probably f r o n t l e t headdresses are used. B a s i c a l l y , they resemble the account quoted above. (See e s p e c i a l l y the account of Lage.'x's "throwing" performance and h i s accompanying h a l a . i t song i n which the chief r e f e r s to salmon. 33 'Halpin indicates i n a footnote that amg'Et also referred to the "second step a f t e r the throwing ceremony", though, as she points out, there i s no recorded d e s c r i p t i o n of such a ceremony. Amg Et was also a s p e c i f i c referent to "the status or condition of a person ready to enter a dance society." (1973:79). 67 In other words, what G a r f i e l d c a l l s the t ' s i . k ceremony, Boas uses the a p p e l l a t i o n sam. hala.'it. Where Boas uses the term ts 'e'ik to describe those who have undergone t h i s step i n the hala.'it i n i t i a t i o n s , Halpin provides another term: amg'Et. G a r f i e l d maintains that her Tsimshian teachers "stated that the t ' s i . k was the f i r s t ceremony and was necessary for everyone before any other s p i r i t powers could be acquired" (1939:298ff). According to her data, the sam-hala'it was a second ceremony and given i n a d d i t i o n to the t ' s i . k " i f the family could a f f o r d i t " ( I b i d . ) . The 'real dance' (sam-hala'it) ceremony was very similar to {.the fsi.k ceremonies]. It was not essential to a child's well-being as the t'si.k was, but did give the child added prestige and stronger s p i r i t powers. Even wealthy families sometimes omitted i t in favor of giving the child a definite guardian s p i r i t , such as that received by the Dog Eaters or Dancers. (Ibid.:303). Drucker equates the samhala.it with the koxumhalait (g.o'g.am, "nodding" hala.'it or "head shaking" dance) (1940:222), which we have described e a r l i e r as a 'welcoming dance'. Halpin notes the a c t i v i t y and costume of the chief for both occasions are "very s i m i l a r " - i f not i d e n t i c a l - and suggests that "an e a r l i e r samhala.'it became part of both the potlatch and h a l a ' i t system". (1973:79). If her suggestion i s correct, then the d i s t i n c t i o n s between the secular nature of the ya'ok U and the sacred nature of the hala.'it become even l e s s c l e a r . Moreover, we f i n d a paradox i n the data: i n both the welcoming dance i n which power i s demonstrated over 'outsiders' and i n the f i r s t power ceremonies i n which power i s thrown into ' i n s i d e r s ' , the chief wears a f r o n t l e t headdress that spews eagle-down. The paradox may be resolved, i f we consider that on both 68 occasions the chief i s enacting h i s w i h a l a ' i t r o l e , while the eagle-down which he dispenses from h i s amhala'it has d i f f e r e n t symbolic references. Eagle-down, as a dominant symbol for the possession of supernatural power, i s multidimensional: i n the context of the welcoming dance, eagle-down symbolizes the protective nature of the great supernatural powers "owned" or controlled by a chief. In the context of the preliminary hala.'it ceremonies, eagle-down symbolizes the transformative (which i s generally a 'curative' manifestation, see below, Chapter Five) nature of h i s supernatural powers. In the preliminary i n i t i a t i o n s , the c h i l d r e n are transformed into 'good persons'; they have been transformed into a state of being " i n h a l a ' i t " where they then can enter one of the two mandatory secret s o c i e t i e s - a step c a l l e d h i l a x E ' or "ascending into the heavens'.'. (Halpin, 1973:80). We w i l l return to t h i s discussion i n Chapter Five. B. The Secret Society Initiations. The second step i n supernatural elevation was to j o i n one of 34 the secret s o c i e t i e s . A l l Tsimshian people who had gone through the 35 t* s i . k ceremonies were expected to j o i n either the Dog Eaters (nulim) "Halpin (1973) and Drucker (1940) r e f e r to these as "dancing s o c i e t i e s " though Boas and G a r f i e l d c a l l them "secret s o c i e t i e s " . I w i l l maintain the l a t t e r term i n order to keep the data i n t h i s chapter con-s i s t e n t with the Haida and T l i n g i t data below. 35 "Boas provides the Niska glosses for the society names (a), G a r f i e l d i ndicates Coast Tsimshian glosses (b), and Drucker supplies some Gitksan glosses ( c ) . A l l the s o c i e t i e s have p a r a l l e l s i n Kwagiul as noted by a l l the above authors (d). For consistency, I w i l l use Halpin's orthography and footnote the others. EG. nulim: (a) loLE m, (b) nulem or no 'lem, (c) galulim, (d) no'nLEm or no'ntiem. 69 3 6 or the Dancers (mila) s o c i e t i e s . Everyone was expected to join one or the other society. If they didn't they would be told by the wutahala'.it that they would be l i ' s n (killed at an early age by the powers of the hala'.it).. . .Membership in the dancing societies had the effect of dividing Coast Tsimshian tribes [and from her data, Niska and Gitksan tribes as well] into two groups, cross-cutting clan membership. The two groups were said to be about equal in membership. (Halpin, 1973:79-80). Chiefs had the exclusive p r i v i l e g e of j o i n i n g both the Dog Eaters and the Dancers s o c i e t i e s (Boas, 1895:660). In addition, c h i e f s could be i n i t i a t e d by supernatural powers into three other orders. These powers, described by Boas as "exclusive lineage prerogatives", were: the Cannibals 37 (u ' l a l a or xg'Edt: x-: "to partake or consume; g*Et: "person"); the / 38 Destroyers ( l u d z i s t ' E ' , l i t e r a l l y , "Very Crazy Person Dance"); and the 39 wi'nanal ( l i t e r a l l y "Strong Breath"; t h i s i s also a "destroyer" society equivalent to the l u d z i s t ' E ' ) . G a r f i e l d notes that these three "were not s o c i e t i e s among the Tsimshian, they were lineage prerogatives belonging to persons of c h i e f l y rank and o r i g i n a l l y secured from the B e l l a B e l l a by each lineage". (1939:295-296). The Tsimshian people and anthropologists agree that the secret s o c i e t i e s and powers were borrowed from the south, mostly from the B e l l a B e l l a (Heiltsuq). L i n g u i s t i c data as well as s i m i l a r i t i e s i n the 36 'Miia: (a) meiLa', (b) mT/t^a or me'la, (c) qamiLa, (d) me'itla. 37 / 'u ' l a l a : (a) o l a l a or 0~'lala, (b) u ' l a l a or x-gEdet, (d) o ' l a l a . A 38 'l u d z i s t ' E : (a) nanlsta't, (b) l u d z i s t E ' ; l i t e r a l l y , "Very Crazy Person Dance", (d) noh t s i s t a l a L . 39 — f f *wi 'nanal: (a) honana L, (b) wi 'nanai:, (c) winanal ("war dance"), (d) ha-wT nalatH:: "war dance". 70 t r a d i t i o n s surrounding the ceremonies indi c a t e the adoption of an e n t i r e , well-formed r i t u a l s e r i e s ( G a r f i e l d , 1939:293; Boas, 1916:546; Boas, 1895:621, 651, e t c . ) . Boas notes that "the t r a d i t i o n s r e l a t i n g to t h e i r a c q u i s i t i o n state that they were acquired through intermarriage with the B e l l a b e l l a t r i b e s , and introduced among the Tsimshian and l a t e r on among the Haida and T l i n g i t . . . . " (Boas, 1916:546). G a r f i e l d ' s informants t o l d her that the Metlakatla and Port Simpson people had received the powers from the Gitamat who i n turn had acquired them from the B e l l a B e l l a (1939:293). She records the o r i g i n myth of the powers i n which four youths, two of noble rank and two of lower rank obtain, r e s p e c t i v e l y , the ri g h t s to the xg'Edt, the l u d z i s t ' E ' , the mita and the nulim. B r i e f l y , the young men prepared themselves to defeat a large lake monster. The monster appears to them, t r a v e l i n g at great speed, and carrying on i t s back four men "who seemed to be a l i v e " (1939:293). The youths follow the monster to the head of the lake where they see four houses suddenly emerge from the lake (a theme reminiscent of the Haida and T l i n g i t gonaquAde't, a wealth-bringing sea monster that sometimes appears as a housefront emerging from the sea; the T l i n g i t ascribe the o r i g i n of the f r o n t l e t headdress to t h i s monster, who gave i t to a Nass River chief (see p.99 below; also Chapter Five, p.191), The youths moved toward the houses: As they approached the houses a man came from one of them. Ee started to dance3 and the dancing was as of a crazy man, and the movements were those of a lame man. When they saw him dancing as though he were lame they called the dance mi'tia. When this man finished dancing he went into his house. From the next house came a man also, dancing with actions crazier than the first. He jumped about like a dog, and the calls he made and the song he sang sounded like the noises of puppy dogs. The G%tamat called this dance nuiEm, meaning in Bella Bella, crazy person, in the sense of being possessed by animals. ... 71 This man after finishing his dancing, went inside also. The four men saw another Being come from the third house. This man 's dance movements were even crazier than the f i r s t two, and they recognized from the words of his song that he  was a chief. This dance they termed ludzistE , very crazy person, one who goes about destroying at random. Among the young men was a head chief's nephew who said, 'I am going to take this dance to give to my uncle for his own'. When this man was through dancing he went inside as the others had done. From the fourth house came a man who  started to dance and sing in a strange manner. He sang in  a tongue unknown to the Gitamat. Suddenly he sprang into the air and in his hands there was a small child which he began to devour. The eldest of., the Gitamats was also a nephew of a chief of the Eagle clan, and, as the dancer wore a chief's head- dress, he said, 'I shall take this dance to be my uncle's  exclusive property'. This dance they called x-qEdat (x-, 'consume'; gEt, 'person'). Thezdancer. finished.and went into the house. The four young men went toward the houses, but they sud-denly sank out of sight, and in their stead was the huge monster with four men on its back. It went further up towards a large mountain and when close to the shore it sank. Since then it has never been seen again. (Henry Pierce, Eagle of the G^spaxl^'.ts t r i b e , to G a r f i e l d , 1939:293-294; emphasis added.) The myth continues, explaining that the two lower rank men became leaders of the mila and nulim and as they were "not of noble rank everyone was p r i v i l e g e d to become a member. The nephews of the head chiefs gave the l u d z i s t ' E ' and the xg.Edt dances to t h e i r uncles and "whence [these dances] became the exclusive r i g h t of c h i e f s . . . . " ( I b i d . ) . "This was the way the h a l a ' i t came into the G^tamat, who i n turn introduced i t 40 into the other t r i b e s of the Tsimshian" ( I b i d . ) . "Boas records a Niska myth for the o r i g i n of secret s o c i e t i e s , though there i s but one youth i n t e r a c t i n g with one supernatural being, the events i n the two myths are s i m i l a r (1916:652-653; see also Ib i d . : 353). 72 Before discussing these s o c i e t i e s and personal power dances, I w i l l digress f o r a moment to discuss the a r t i s t s who created objects, songs, and dramatizations for the hala.'it s e r i e s . This powerful group was c a l l e d the g* i t ' s o 'ntk ( g ' i t : "person"; son: " i n s e c l u s i o n " ) ^ and they ass i s t e d and advised the wihala.'it (Halpin, 1973:74-75). G a r f i e l d describes them as: The professional- group of artists, song composers, and organizers of the dramatizations were all men who had received supernatural powers. Not all of them were members of. . . [ the Dog Eaters or the Dancers ~\, the  acquisition of personal aides or guardian s p i r i t s being  considered of equal importance. The a b i l i t y to carve,  plan and operate novel mechanical masks or other objects  was considered a manifestation of the powers which an  individual had received (1939:304). This statement i s nearly i d e n t i c a l to one made by Herbert C l i f t o n i n the Barbeau-Beynon f i e l d n o t e s : The g'ifso 'ntk were the song composers, the naxno 'x makers, the makers of contrivances used by the i n i t i a t e s on their return from the sky. They were the advisors of the chiefs, hala'.it's, and were a most powerful group. Their influence was much greater than any other group, in the tribal organization. They had the powers of l i f e and death (quoted i n Halpin, 1973:75). The g* i t ' s o ' n t k were paid handsomely for t h e i r services and t h e i r status was much higher than that of the ukgihla, the a r t i s t s who carved totem poles and " c r e s t " a r t . The g'it'so 'ntk carved masks and hala.'it para-phernalia (including, of course, amhala'its) i n secret; the ukgihla were not permitted to carve these objects (Barbeau, 1950:790; c i t e d by "Halpin reports that among the Niska t h i s group was c a l l e d the sig*idzon: "the people behind the scene",(1973:90; from Barbeau). Her museum data for the Gitksan i n d i c a t e that a s i m i l a r society of a r t i s t s was also operative there, though no name was recorded f o r the organization (Ibid.:96). 73 Halpin, I b i d . ) . Halpin adds an i n t e r e s t i n g note: The g''ifso 'ntk 's "power over life and death" oame from their right to kill or to force to j o i n a dancing society, any non-initiate who witnessed their making or operating of hala'.it contrivances. This could be used to their ad-vantage, of cover se, by forcing r e c a l c i t r a n t r e c r u i t s to buy their services for an initiation. There seems to be a paradox here. On the one hand, the great secrecy of the gi'it*so 'ntk's operations, and the threat of death to any non-initiate intruding upon them or witnessing their malfunction, suggests that the super-natural power displays were believed indeed to be the result of non-human actions or supernatural intervention inhuman affairs. On the other hand,- all the members of the tribe except apparently, the g''it*so'ntk were expected to be initiated into either the Dog Eaters or Dancers dancing societies, and hence to have participated in the dramatizations by which supernatural events, such as ascent into the heavens, were simulated. The paradox, then, is that people can believe to be true those same events which they knowingly simulate in order to "deceive" others (1973: 76). She suggests that t h i s paradox i s the same Levi-Strauss (1967: 169, 176) investigates i n an a r t i c l e on Kwakiutl shamanism. " L e v i -Strauss sees the paradox related to the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the audience i n the curing drama. As "actors" the audience can p a r t i c i p a t e i n emotional states and b e l i e f s which they would r e j e c t i n everyday l i f e " (Halpin, 1973:77). The g * i t ? so'ntk then, formed a kind of "secret society" of a r t i s t s i n Tsimshian society. As creators and supervisors of the images and events of the hala.'it season they helped to shape the ambience for the "time of tabu" i n which the b e l i e f s of everyday l i f e were suspended and a separate r e a l i t y ensued. a. The Dancers (miia) and the Dog Eaters (nuiim). A l l members of Tsimshian society were required to j o i n e i t h e r the Dancers or the Dog Eaters s o c i e t i e s . I have summarized the accounts 74 i n the l i t e r a t u r e concerning these s o c i e t i e s i n Tables I I I and IV. The data revealing e x p l i c i t d e t a i l s of costumes and a c t i v i t i e s are fragmentary, but as seen i n the Tables, they suggest that i n i t i a t i o n ceremonies f o r both were quite s i m i l a r . G a r f i e l d ' s and Drucker's accounts c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e that t h i s was the case f o r the Coast Tsim-shian, and Drucker states that for the Niska and Gitksan the procedure of both r i t u a l s were very much a l i k e , the differences being minor d e t a i l s . I t should be noted that i n d i v i d u a l s belonged to one society or the other, with the exception of c h i e f s ; also, the r i t u a l s were not held simultaneously, though, i f two separate dancing houses were used they could have been performed concurrently. An important idea to remember i s that: Membership in the societies cut across kinship lines, so that persons of all clans and many lineages worked together carrying out any one ceremonial. Each lineage considered i t desirable to have members in both societies. Each function given was paid for, not by members of the society, but by the lineage relatives of the person or persons being initiated ( G a r f i e l d , 1939: 297). The a c t i v i t i e s of the mila and the nulim may be generalized as follows. 1) A meeting of the society i s c a l l e d ; chiefs possessing the powers of the society are c a l l e d to dance i n d i v i d u a l l y ; they are c a l l e d wihala.'its and are addressed by t h e i r supernatural names; 2) a f t e r the chief dances and sings his ' s p i r i t ' song, he "throws" or "puts" the supernatural power he has summoned " i n t o " the novice or novices hiding under mats; 3) the naxno 'x or ' s p i r i t ' whistles are heard; the novice c r i e s out and sometimes f a l l s down ("unconscious" or "as i f dead"); 4) the members of the society conduct the novice (who i s sometimes naked) through the v i l l a g e a f t e r which, 5) the novice 75 disappears (length of disappearance i s commensurate with rank - the higher the rank, the longer the novice stays away). 6) The novice returns from the 'heavens' or ' c e l e s t i a l regions' or from 'supernatural places', amid whistles and upon the back of a f l o a t i n g image of a " c r e s t " animal. He or she wears cedar bark head and neck ri n g s . 7) The nulim novices become excited, catch dogs and eat them. 8) The novices are secluded for a short time and are 9) gradually returned to the dance house and either dance or are exhibited by the members who have 'tamed' them. 10) At the conclusion of the i n i t i a t i o n , the novice i s once again permitted to wear normal clothing and h i s cedar bark rings are eventually burned. 11) A f t e r the novice i s i n i t i a t e d , g i f t s are d i s t r i b u t e d to those attending the ceremonies by the novice's sponsors. Boas provides a general account of a Tsimshian i n i t i a t i o n ceremony into the Dancers. (Except f o r omitting episodes i n which the i n i t i a t e consumes dog f l e s h , the d e s c r i p t i o n i s very s i m i l a r to accounts of Dog Eater i n i t i a t i o n s . ) The ent i r e account i s quoted, f o r i t p a r a l l e l s somewhat lengthier accounts of mi3:a and nu3:im ceremonies recorded by G a r f i e l d and shorter accounts recorded by Drucker. During the dancing season a feast is given, and white the women are dancing the novice is suddenly said to have dis-appeared. It is supposed that he goes to heaven. If he is a child, he stays away four days; youths remain about six days, and grown-up persons several months. Chiefs are sup-posed to stay in heaven during the fall and the entire winter. When this period has elapsed, they suddenly reappear near the beach, carried by an artificial monster belonging to their crest. Then all the members of the secret society to which the novice is to belong gather and walk down in grand procession to the beach to fetch the child. At this time his parents bring presents, particularly elk skins, strung upon a rope as long as the procession, to be given at a subsequent feast. The people surround the novioe and lead him into every house in order to show that he has returned. Then he is taken to the house of his parents, and a large bunch of red cedar bark is fastened over the door to show that the house is tabooed and nobody is allowed to enter. The chief sings while the cedar bark is being fastened. In the afternoon the sacred house is prepared for the dance. A section in the rear of the house is divided off by means of curtains; it is to serve as a stage on which the dancers and the novice appear. When a l l is ready, messengers, carrying large carved batons are sent around to invite the members of the society, the chief first. The women sit down in one row, nicely dressed up in button blankets and their faces  painted red. The chief wears the amhalait - a carving  rising from the forehead, set with sea-lion barbs, .and  with a long drapery of ermine skins - the others, the  cedar bark rings of their societies. Then the women begin to dance. After a while a prominent man r i s e s to deliver a speech. He says: "All of you know that our novice went up to heaven; then he made a mistake and has. been returned; now you w i l l see him." Then he begins the song; the curtain is drawn and masked dancers are seen surrounding  the novice and representing the spirits which he has encountered in heaven. At the same time eagle down is  blown into the air. After the dance is over the presents which were strung on the rope are distributed among the members of the secret society. The novice has a beautifully painted room set apart for his use. He remains naked during the dancing season. He must not look into the fire. He must abstain from food and drink and is only allowed to moisten his lips occasionally. He wears his head ring continually. After the ceremonies are a l l finished the f e s t i v a l of "clothing the novice" is celebrated. He sits in his room quietly singing while the people assemble in the house. His song is heard to grow louder, and at last he makes his appearance. He has put off his ring of red cedar bark. Then, the people try to throw a bear skin over him, which they succeed in doing only after a severe struggle. A l l the societies take part in this feast, each sitting grouped together. The unitiated stand at the door. This ends the ceremonies (1895:659-660; emphasis added). 77 The data concerning the costumes for the mita and the nulim are few. However, f r o n t l e t headdresses or amhala.its were apparently appropriate apparel for c e r t a i n actors i n both. In the mila, Boas describes and i l l u s t r a t e s a f r o n t l e t - l i k e headdress worn by society members (see Figure 2.9, see also Appendix, Royal Ethnological Museum, B e r l i n , IV A, No. 1029). Figure 2.9 Head r i n g of Me'ila. Their headdress i s a heavy r i n g of red cedar bark, with a beaver t a i l standing up i n i t s middle. The r i n g i s studded with small s t i c k s which represent arrows (1895:654, 655). 78 I t i s not stated whether or not the mila members c a l l e d t h i s an amhala.'it. I have only seen drawings of t h i s one mila headdress, c o l l e c t e d by Jacobsen, and have, as yet, to encounter s i m i l a r head-dresses i n the l i t e r a t u r e or i n museum c o l l e c t i o n s . Because i t seems to lack an ermine t r a i n , swansdown band, f l i c k e r feathers, and sea-l i o n b r i s t l e s , I hesitate to categorize i t as an amhalafit. Headdresses made to resemble bear's ears (mu.m-sE'mi; G a r f i e l d , 1939:305) were worn by members of both s o c i e t i e s , as were head rings made of woven cedar bark (see Chief Gwass-lam's costume, Figure 2.8 t h i s chapter; also Halpin, 1973:82-83, Plates 1 and 2). In the Niska nujzim ceremony (loLE'm) members of noble rank may wear bear's ear headdress (see Appendix NMC VII-X-788) or (what appears from Boas' descriptions) an amhala.'it and i t s associated paraphernalia (Boas, 1895: 655). S i m i l a r l y , G a r f i e l d reports that the i n i t i a t i n g c h i e f s f or the Coast Tsimshian nutim (nulEm) and the mila (mi'tla) are addressed as w i h a l a ' i t - f o r which an amhala f i t i s the appropriate dress - though t h e i r costume may also consist of a bear's ears-headdress, ceremonial blanket and r a t t l e (1939:305-306). Drucker's accounts of the Gitksan Dancer and Dog Eater s o c i e t i e s (the gami-La and qalutim, respectively) e x p l i c i t l y mention that the "master of ceremonies" ( i . e . the chief who introduces the other i n i t i a t i n g c h iefs and d i r e c t s the proceedings) wears an amhala'it and a robe,(1940:223). In summary then, the appropriate dress f o r high-ranking members of the mila and nulim s o c i e t i e s was some form of headdress; ei t h e r a bear's ears or mu.m-sE 'mi headdress woven cedar bark rings, a beaver-t a i l head r i n g , or an amhala.'it. S i m i l a r l y , chiefs who acted as i n i t i a t o r s i n these s o c i e t i e s wore eit h e r a mu.m-sE'mi or an amhalafit. TABLE III TEE DANCERS THE DANCERS I n i t i a t o r I n i t i a t e Society Members Ad d i t i o n a l Data NISKA Boas, (1) 1895 (1) meiLa' ("teasing") (4) mxLa 1. throws power into novice.(4:222) (1:660) 2. chief wears amhala.'it. (1:660) 1. whistles sound; i n i t i a t e disappears, brought back by supernatural being -novice r i d e s on image. (4:222) 2. secluded. 3. masked (naxno'x) dancers surround the novice.(1:660) 4. novice i s clothed i n s p e c i a l ceremony. (Ibid.) 1. dance i n 3-part rhythm (1:654) 2. headdress worn; heavy r i n g of red cedar bark with bea-ver t a i l standing up i n middle; r i n g stud-ded with small s t i c k s representing arrows (1:654). faces red. (1:660) 3. r a t t l e s are round. (Ibid.) 4. red r i n g ; white r i n g , red r i n g etc. of cedar bark twis-ted together.(1:654) (1:660) 1. large bunch of cedar bark fastened over door of i n i t i -ate's house to in d i c a t e the house i s taboo.(1:659) 2. eagle down blown into the a i r when masked dancers appear with the novice. (1:660) 3. presents, espec-i a l l y elk skins, are given as g i f t s by the parents. Boas & Tate (2) 1916 (2) M e ^ l a .1. Tate describes t h i s as the " F i r e -Thrower" society. (2:546) COAST TSIMSHIAN G a r f i e l d , (3) 1939 (3) mT'tJra ("teasing") (4) mila 1. person of c h i e f -l y rank - c a l l e d wi 'nanal .(3:296); (Note t h i s i s the same a p p e l l a t i o n as the supernatural power which i s a c h i e f l y prerogative - see Table below) (3:296) (continued. ..) 1. c a r r i e d clappers instead of r a t t l e s . (3:295) 2. hidden under mats; s p i r i t whistles sound. (3:306) 3. appears nude; dances with society members around f i r e twice; disappears. (3:306-307) (continued. . . ) 1. those under i n f l u -ence of other super-natural powers c a r r i e d r a t t l e s . (3:295) 2. members wear cedar bark rin g s . ( I b i d . ) 1. were dancers; had no destructive p r i v -i l e g e s (3:295) -refutes Tate, above. Table I I I - (continued) THE DANCERS I n i t i a t o r I n i t i a t e Society Members A d d i t i o n a l Data COAST TSIMSHIAN ...eontinued 2. p o s i t i o n heredi-tary i n house of chief - acquired with aid and cooperation of Dancers - but not a part of Dancers soc i e t y . ( I b i d . ) 3. c a l l e d w i ' h a l a ' i t or " A l l Bright Hea-vens"; see r e s t of d e t a i l s under nulem. 4. secluded i n house behind painted boards. (3:307) 5. appeared naked on reef.(Ibid.) 6. brought back, exhibited i n every house (3:308); wears cedar bark r i n g on head (3:309) and neck.(4:221) 7. eventually wears clothes; cedar bark r i n g burned. (3:309) GITKSAN Drucker, (4) 1940 (4) gami-La 1. same as galulim, except that eagle down i s dyed red. 1. same as galulim, except: - cedar bark rings are a l l red. - " d o l l " i s burned i n f i r e with grease of-f e r i n g to 'bring back' i n i t i a t e , -when reappears, i s accompanied by dan-cer wearing a costume of h i s crest animal (a naxno'x?). (4:223) 1. same as galulim. 1. dance concluded by dance s p i r i t (laxnox) being sent away: chief grasps s p i r i t i n hands; throws i t to each mem-ber; l a s t person 'throws' s p i r i t back to chief; chief 'throws' s p i r i t out of smoke hole. 2. t h i s society linked to Destroyers.(Halpin, 1973:92) TABLE IV THE DOG EATERS THE DOG EATERS I n i t i a t o r I n t i a t e Society Members Ad d i t i o n a l Data NISKA Boas, (1) 1895 (1) loLE'm (2) nulam 1. described only as "chief".(1:665) 2. throws power into novice.(4:222) 1. f a i n t s , c a r r i e d i n elk skin, disappears (1:655). 2. members dance to summon s p i r i t s to return i n i t i a t e . 3. reappears on back of k i l l e r whale or other animal " f l o a t " on r i v e r . 4. enters v i l l a g e , attacks and eats dogs; i s naked. (1:657; 4:222) 5. dances i n house (1:656), wears cedar bark rings.(4:222). 6. c a l l e d Laamg.a t "Perfect Man" (1:656) 1. dance i n 2-part rhythm using round rattles.(1:654). 2. wear red cedar bark rings ; rings placed one on top of other. ( I b i d . ) . 3. members wear white eagle down on heads. (1:655). 4. n o b i l i t y wears "head ornaments of t h e i r clans" t h e i r r a t t l e s , dancing blankets, aprons, or leggings ( I b i d . ) . 5. or bear's ears headdress.(Ibid.) 1. museum data note for ROM HN-695 by Barbeau indicates name of society i s l u l i m ; male and f e -male c h i l d r e n i n i t i -ated into i t . ( H a l p i n , 1973:89). 2. members may also wear masks - i d e n t i -f i e d by Halpin as naxno x masks.(1:655) 3. small human f i g u r e or " d o l l " burned i n f i r e with grease offering.(1:656). Boas & Tate (2) 1916 (2) No'lEm 1. novice k i l l s and eats dogs, face "smeared with dog's blood"; " h i s mouth i s f u l l of dog meat." (2:550) 1. each c h i e f and each prince has own mask. (2:551). 2. women wear woven s k i r t of red and white cedar bark; no blanket; l a t e r put on g r i z z l y - b e a r blankets. (2:551). 3. chief wears mask representing b i r d with a very long b i l l which has dog heads attached to i t . ( I b i d . ) 1. name of power i s Hanatana; d e s c r i p t i o n of Leg '° ox's power. (2:550). 2. dogs wearing cedar bark rings are spared. (2:551). TABLE IV - (continued) THE DOG EATERS I n i t i a t o r I n i t i a t e Society Members Ad d i t i o n a l Data COAST TSIMSHIAN Ga r f i e l d , (3) 1939 (3) nulEm (4) nulam 1. addressed as wihala.'it or as Txa-la'uksam-laxha': " A l l Bright Heavens" (3:305-306). 2. wears bear's ears headdress or mu.m-se'mi, ceremon-i a l blanket, r a t t l e . (3:306). 3. power represented by large, white, quartz c r y s t a l (tkwa'). (Ibid.) 1. hidden under mat; s p i r i t whistle sounds (3:306). 2. appears nude; dan-ces with members around f i r e 4 times; disappears (3:307). 3. secluded i n small room ( I b i d . ) . 4. returned on back of "wolf" (3:308). 5. brought back, ex-h i b i t e d i n every home (3:308). 6. wears blanket over face; followed by the "wolf" ( I b i d . ) . 7. eventually allowed to wear clothes; r i n g burned (3:309). 1. " f u l l - f l e d g e d mem-bers" had to demon-st r a t e contact with s p i r i t twice (3:303). 2. member blows eagle down around house to "placate" s p i r i t sum-moned by wihala'. i t (3:306). 3. Lege'°x was one of most powerful Dog Eater members; wore headdress of move-able dog's ears. (3:310-311). 1. witnesses to posses-sion paid; 4 s p i r i t contacts i n a l i f e -time - with payments to witnesses each time - necessary before person could " r e t i r e with honours from society".(3:303). 2. men and women, boys and g i r l s i n i t i a t e d into society.(3:304). GITKSAN Drucker, (4) 1940 (4) qalulim 1. "master of cere-monies" wears amhala.'it and robe (4:223) c a l l s chief to sing and dance and blow eagle down i n the a i r . (4:223). 2. Chief Dancer sum-mons supernatural being. 1. i n i t i a t e hears whistles, f a l l s un-conscious, makes supernatural sounds. (4:223). 2. i s nude, c a r r i e d around f i r e and d i s -played i n a l l houses. 3. concealed i n dance house.(Ibid.). 4. a f t e r eagle down spread, novices ap-pear (Ibid.) then disappear. 5. are eventually captured.(Ibid.) 6. wears bearskin robe dance apron, head & neck rings of red & white cedar bark(Ibid 1. Sing; make super-natural noises to "blow the novice away" (4:223). 2. men, wearing head and neck rings of cedar bark, bear robes and dance aprons (4:233), a t -tend the i n i t i a t e . 1. supernatural being of t h i s dance i s menhalait.(4:223). 2. not concluded i n same manner as cjamxLa. 3. t h i s s o c i e t y linked to Cannibals (Halpin, 1973:92). 83 b. The Cannibals (xg.Edt or U'lala), The Destroyers (wi'nanai)and The Fire-Throwers dudzist'E'): Personal, hereditary prerogatives. The x g . E d t , w i ' n a n a l , and l u d i z s t ' E ' were n o t , p r o p e r l y s p e a k i n g , s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s among the T s i m s h i a n . R a t h e r , t h e y were e x c l u s i v e , c h i e f l y p r e r o g a t i v e s i n h e r i t e d by a few p e r s o n s . U s u a l l y o n l y one p e r s o n p e r l i n e a g e had t h e r i g h t t o be p o s s e s s e d by one o f t h e s e powers and o n l y one p e r s o n h e l d t h e p o s i t i o n a t any one t i m e (see Boas, 1895:657; G a r f i e l d , 1939:295-296, 311 e t . s e q . ; D r u c k e r , 1940:221-223). However, when a c h i e f d i d assume one o f t h e s e powers and i n subsequent d e m o n s t r a t i o n s o f them, he was a t t e n d e d to by c e r t a i n groups o f h i g h -r a n k i n g i n d i v i d u a l s who had p u b l i c l y a c q u i r e d t h e p r i v i l e g e o f t h e s e p o s i t i o n s . Whether o r n o t t h e s e i n d i v i d u a l s c o n s t i t u t e d a " s o c i e t y " i s u n c l e a r . The d a t a s u g g e s t t h e s e e x c l u s i v e c h i e f l y powers were de m o n s t r a t e d i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h , b u t n o t as a p a r t o f t h e Dancers and Dog E a t e r s s o c i e t i e s ( H a l p i n , 1973:92). I have summarized a l l t h e a v a i l a b l e d a t a c o n c e r n i n g the Can-n i b a l s , t h e D e s t r o y e r s , and t h e F i r e - T h r o w e r s i n T a b l e s V, V I and V I I . As i s n o t e d t h e r e , none of t h e d e s c r i p t i o n s e x p l i c i t l y m e n t i o n amhala.'its. Boas (1895:658) and G a r f i e l d (1939:313) i n d i c a t e t h a t i n t h e C a n n i b a l Dance, t h e p o s s e s s e d c h i e f i s a t t e n d e d by the wut ' a - h a l a T i t ( p i . o f w i .'hala.'it) and t h e r e f o r e , we may assume t h a t i n t h e s e r o l e s , i t may have been a p p r o p r i a t e f o r t h e s e h i g h - r a n k i n g members to wear amhal a . ' i t s . The d a t a n e i t h e r s u p p o r t n o r c o n t r a d i c t t h i s a s s u m p t i o n . TABLE V THE CANNIBALS THE CANNIBALS Possessed Person (Chief) Attendants A d d i t i o n a l Data NISKA Boas, (1) 1895 (1) o l a l a ' (4) xakyet 1. friends pretend to quarrel; draw knives and pretend to k i l l i n i t i a t e ; i n i t i a t e ' s body replaced by dummy; head cut o f f ; regular funeral held (1:657). 2. lays i n grave, wrapped i n blanket with corpse f o r one night; other o l a l a ' watch ( I b i d . ) . 3. i n i t i a t e disappears for a year (Ibid.); i n i t i a t e reappears - f i r s t on roof, then " i n " f i r e on a h i l l (1:658). 4. appears again on back of "totem" animal, or "walks" on water, dancing and carrying a corpse which he devours upon reaching shore ( I b i d . ) . 5. has own spoon, bowl wound with red cedar bark; during a l l feasts of the hala.'it season, he eats f i r s t . 6. when he ceases to b i t e people, wears heavy r i n g of red cedar bark; i s led slowly around the f i r e : cere-mony c a l l e d "making him heavy", or sEp a l y i x ; thus prevented from " f l y -ing" away again and becoming wild (1:659). 1. i n s i g n i a - red cedar bark rings placed one on top of the other (1:654). 2. headdresses represent a corpse: whistles carved or painted with corpse (hollow or closed o r b i t s ) r a t t l e s of s i m i l a r design are c a r r i e d by dancer's companions (1:653) r a t -t l e s are round (1:654). 3. nephew i n v i t e s members to bring i n i t i a t e (his uncle) back ( I b i d . ) . 4. members dress as f o r lSlE'in (perhaps amhala.'its worn) (1: 658). 5. become servants of the new o l a l a 7 a n d bring him food. 1. s e r i e s owned by only one chief of a l l Tsim-shian - head chief of Gitando (4:222) included i n t h i s s e r i e s i s the nunsista ( I b i d . ) . 2. members must have been shamans f i r s t (1:657). 3. Laxk* ebo i n i t i a t e car-r i e d by a bear; LaxskT- yek on back of an eagle r i s i n g from underground; Qanha 'da on back of a frog. 4. o l a l a always use emetics and induce vom-i t i n g . 5. o l a l a ' i n i t i a t e chews " d e v i l s club" or woo'mst a f t e r b i t i n g - i t acts as a purgative (1:659). Boas & Tate, (2) 1916 (2) D"lala 1. a l l d e t a i l s same as 1895 account (1) with additions: 2. novice naked (2:547). 3. returns to house; whistles and singing heard there; novice goes "wild", leaves home 3 or 4 times a day. 4. f i r s t dance: appears from behind curtain; eats corpse, eyes r o l l i n g . ....(eontinued) 1. attendants put t h e i r arms i n h i s mouth to "feed" him - i . e . they are b i t t e n . (2:547). 2. % members blow whistles (Ibid.) h a i r strewn with eagle down, hold up t h e i r blankets to s h i e l d faces from f i r e ; stand with backs to f i r e ( I b i d . ) 1. supernatural protec-tor: H a i a l i l a q s ("Pes-t i l e n c e woman")(2:546). 2. long pole erected i n front of the Cannibal society house, covered with red and white cedar bark; i t i n d i -cates breath of novice has supernatural power; Table V - (continued) THE CANNIBALS Possessed Person (Chief) Boas & Tate ... (continued) 5. second dance: to "marching song", leaps around f i r e ; one hand stretched upwards. Bites attendants - they pre-vent him from attacking people (2:548). 6. t h i r d dance: i n g r i z z l y bear skin, large twisted cedar bark r i n g , decor-ated with 2 rows of abalone s h e l l s ; wears b i r d mask - bird's beak 12' long - must be c a r r i e d by two society members. 7. l a t e r cedar bark rings are red and white (2:549); gets smaller and smaller rings; when returned to nor-mal, gets clothes (2:549). COAST TSIMSHIAN G a r f i e l d , (3) 1939 Drucker, (4) 1940 (1) u l a l a or x-gEdat A (2) wulala or xakEt 1. chief i n s p i r e s , a f f e c t s disappear-ance of i n i t i a t e (his heir) i n much the same way as i n the mila p e r f o r -mance - (note: chief may have worn amhala f i t ; G a r f i e l d says chief i n wihala' i t role f o r mila) (4:221). 2. f i r s t time s p i r i t enters him, does not crave human f l e s h ; becomes sub-dued by merely b i t i n g attendants; l a t e r must have human f l e s h to devour i n order to q u e l l frenzy (3:314). 3. teeth f i t t e d with large t i p s of eagle feathers - to give appearance of huge pointed teeth (3:314). 4. i n i t i a t e often appears nude and blood smeared i n h i s i n i t i a l state of possession (3:316). ....(continued) Attendants A d d i t i o n a l Data 3. (J members carry long plank, c a r r i e s baton, beats time on plank. when novice c r i e s , pole i s turned (2:548). 1. men associated with chief who became canni-bal : men c a l l e d by the general term (wut'&- hala.'it) - p l u r a l of wihala.'it or "great dancer". A l l men who had acquired s p i r i t powers -eit h e r through mita or nulim or independently -were c a l l e d wut'a'hala'itj Only chief could become cannibal - but these men aided and attended him -p a r a l l e l i n g t h e i r a c t i v -i t i e s i n the secular sphere of p o t l a t c h events (3:313). 1. few persons had p r i v i -ledge of acquiring t h i s s p i r i t (3:313). 2. p o s i t i o n assumed by a successor who came under influence of s p i r -i t and was subdued; only a f t e r p u b l i c l y assuming name of predecessor could t h i s be done (Ibid.) 3. women ch i e f s could be i n i t i a t e d as cannibals (3:314). 4. short pole, painted red, topped with red cedar bark r i n g , erected i n v i l l a g e . This "song pole" was named ganem  kse-na^k ("pole of breath" or "power"). Pole moves to drum beat and singing as i f i t were dancing (3:315). Table V - (continued) T H E C A N N I B A L S P o s s e s s e d P e r s o n ( C h i e f ) C O A S T T S I M S H I A N ... (continued) 5. p a t t e r n g e n e r a l l y : p o s s e s s i o n , d i s a p p e a r a n c e i n t o ' h e a v e n ' , r e -a p p e a r a n c e , f a i l u r e t o c a p t u r e h i m ; s u c c e s s i n c a p t u r i n g h i m a n d s u b -d u i n g c a n n i b a l ; c a n n i b a l i s e x h i b -i t e d i n a l l t h e h o u s e s . M o r e i n i t i a t i o n s o f t e n f o l l o w ( 3 : 3 1 4 ) . 6 . i n i t i a t e h i d e s f o r a m o n t h o r t w o i n a h u t o r c a v e s i n b u s h , s u r r o u n d -e d b y c o r p s e s ( 4 : 2 2 1 ) . 7 . w h i s t l e s s i g n a l r e a p p e a r a n c e ( I b i d . ) . 8 . a f t e r " m u m m y f e a s t " n o v i c e w e a r s p a k p a k w o l a m a s k ( K w a k i u l : b a k b a k w o l a n u i s w a ) ( 4 : 2 2 2 ) . 9 . d a n c e r s e c l u d e d ; r i n g s e x c h a n g e d f o r s m a l l e r o n e s ( I b i d . ) . ...(continued) A t t e n d a n t s A d d i t i o n a l D a t a 2 . a s s o c i a t e d w i t h c a n n i -b a l s w e r e w i v e s a n d / o r d a u g h t e r s o f c h i e f s w h o o w n e d p o w e r s . P a r t i n d r a - ] m a t i z a t i o n : t o c a l m c a n n i -b a l b y o f f e r i n g a r m s t o b e b i t t e n ; s a m e p r i v i l e g e a s O * a t t e n d a n t s h a v e . S c a r s e x h i b i t e d a s m a r k s o f h o n - ] o u r . T h i s p r i v i l e g e p u b l i c l y a s s u m e d ( 3 : 3 1 3 ) 3 . w e a r r e d c e d a r b a r k r i n g d i p p e d i n s a l t w a t e r , u r i n e , a n d p e r h a p s h e l l e -b o r e o v e r b i t t e n a r m ( 3 : 3 1 4 ) . W o u n d s w e r e e n -l a r g e d b y b u r n i n g o r r u b b i n g a s h e s i n t o t h e m ( 3 : 3 1 3 ) . 4 . s o c i e t y m e m b e r s c a p t u r e i n i t i a t e o n h i s r e t u r n ; m a k e h i m d a n c e ( 4 : 2 2 1 ) . 5 . n o v i c e c a u g h t ; t i e d u p ; c o r p s e s a r e b r o u g h t t o f e e d h i m ( I b i d . ) . 6 . c e r t a i n m e n o w n t h e r i g h t t o p r o c u r e b o d i e s ; p a r t y o f f o u r < $ a l w a y s g e t s b o d i e s ; o n e c o r p s e p e r i n i t i a t e ( I b i d . ) . 5. f a k e s a l m o n - b e r r i e s ( c a l l e d n a t u r a l f o o d o f g h o s t p e o p l e ) w e r e s e r v e d i n m i d w i n t e r ( o u t o f s e a s o n f o r r e a l o n e s ) " D e a t h " w a s r e f e r r e d t o o n l y a s " s a l m o n - b e r r i e s " ( I b i d . ) . 6 . i n f o r m a n t s s t a t e d C o a s t T s i m s h i a n , K i t ' i s u , H a r t l e y B a y a n d t h e K i t k a h t l a T s i m s h i a n h a d r i g h t s t o t h i s d a n c e ( 4 : 2 2 2 ) . 7 . s e r i e s i n c l u d e d n u t s i s t a ( I b i d . ) . 8 . p e r f o r m a n c e s t a r t e d i n s a m e w a y a s m i l a . ( 4 : 2 2 1 ) . D a n c e s a r e " e v i l " , p e o p l e h a v e d i e d f r o m t h e m ( 4 : 2 2 2 ) . 9 . i n i t i a t e s n o t p e r m i t t e d t o s e e a l l o f c e r e m o n y ( I b i d . ) 1 0 . n o a c c o u n t s o f w o m e n a c q u i r i n g f u l l c a n n i b a l p o w e r s - b u t t h e y a c t e d a s h e l p e r s ( 3 : 2 9 7 ) - w i t h e x c e p t i o n s . 1 1 . w o m e n h a d t o g o t h r o u g h s p e c i a l p o w e r c e r e m o n y t o h a v e p r i v i -l e g e o f b e i n g b i t t e n ( 3 : 2 9 7 ) . THE CANNIBALS Possessed Person (Chief) Attendants Ad d i t i o n a l Data GITKSAN Drucker, (4) 1940 1. no Cannibal dances among upper-most v i l -lages - though i n d i v i d u a l chiefs at K i t s i y u k l a , Kitwankul, and perhaps Kitwanga owned r i g h t s to this performance. \ 00 TABLE VI THE DESTROYERS THE DESTROYERS Possessed Person (Chief) Attendants A d d i t i o n a l Data NISKA Boas, (1) 1895 (1) honana'L 1. same as #1 & 2 i n Table VII: Fire-Throwers (1:654). 1. see #1, Table VII, Fire-Throwers (1:654). 2. "an importation"(l:652) Boas 1916 & Tate, (2) (2) wT'nanal 1. supernatural power takes i n i t i a t e by head; drags him on beach (2:552). 2. i n i t i a t e disappears (2:552). 3. great swan comes from sea carrying i n i t i a t e on back (2:552); he i s naked (2:556). 4. novice goes wild, breaks house doors, boxes, canoes (2:552) 5. he walks around dance house carrying club on shoulder ( I b i d . ) . 6. mask of novice represents swan, club represents beaver t a i l (2:553). 7. gradually, l i k e Cannibal, i n i t i a t e "takes up normal p o s i t i o n " (2:554). 1. of society wear red cedar bark head and neck rings; walk to and f r o , carrying and shaking 'clappers' (2:552). 2. members ("princes and princesses") wear red cedar bark around necks and on heads; wear masks; carry clubs representing 'raven b i l l ' or ' k i l l e r whale f i n s ' or 'crane b i l l s ' , or 'sunbeams' (2:553). 3. people make o f f e r i n g s of red ochre and eagle down to supernatural power (2:554). 1. Protector: Txa-ga'xsEm  hax'ha (2:551), i s repre-sented by masked dancer: mask i s of o l d man (2:554). 2. " f i t only f o r young people" - need to be strong to break up canoes, etc. (2:551). 3. dance house decorated with " b e a u t i f u l pole"; no one may pass (2:553). 4. ceremonies ending i n i t -i a t i o n s i m i l a r to Cannibal society (2:554). COAST TSIMSHIAN G a r f i e l d , (3) 1939 (3) wi'nanal 1. i n i t i a t e -young g i r l (stand-in i s older young boy) - r i d e s naked on neck of swan (canoe made to resemble swan); holds heads of "angels" (wooden faces with white wings on sides) as proof of heaven v i s i t (3:311). 2. novice wears hat with moveable parts; small deer s k i n robe trimmed with martin (3:312). 1. " c h i e f s " sing power songs to honour the i n i t i a t e (3:312). 1. only one man held p o s i -t i o n at any one time; new wi nanal elevated before Dancers but not during Dancers ceremony (3:296). 2. s p i r i t acquired with a i d of Dancers ( I b i d . ) . GITKSAN Drucker, (4) 1940 (4) winanal 1. novice c a r r i e s long k n i f e or pike (4:223). 1. glosses as "War Dancer" (4:223). 2. performed on l a s t night of qamTLa. TABLE VII THE FIRE THROWERS THE FIRE THROWERS Possessed Person (Chief) Attendants A d d i t i o n a l Data NISKA Boas, (1) 1895 (1) nanesta't (4) nunsista Boas & Tate, (2) 1916 (2) l u d z i s t E ' COAST TSIMSHIAN G a r f i e l d , (3) 1939 (3) l u d i s t E ' ("very crazy person dance") (4) n u t s i s t a 1. members of Destroyers and of Fire-Throwers both throw fire-brands and destroy anything i n sight (1:654). 2. carry lances, round r a t t l e s ( I b i d . ) . 3. i n s i g n i a , red cedar, bark rings ( I b i d . ) . 1. nanesta't and honana'l correspond to no'nt s i s t a l a L of Kwakiul (1:654). 2. "an importation" (1:652). 1. novice acts insane: s c a t t e r s ashes and o f f a l ; t r i e s to burn with f i r e brands (3:295-296). 2. c a r r i e s club carved with " c r e s t f i g u r e s " (3:295). 1. informants knew l i t t l e of t h i s supernatural power (3:296). 2. only one person w i t h i n each lineage held i t at one time ( I b i d . ) . 3. informants i n s i s t e d i t belonged to B e l l a B e l l a and not Tsimshian (Ibid.). 4. exclusive possession of Gitamat lineages ( I b i d . ) . GITKSAN Drucker, (4) 1940 90 iii. Mortuary Rituals. The e t h n o g r a p h i c d e s c r i p t i o n s o f f u n e r a l and m o r t u a r y p r a c t i c e s 42 for. t h e T l i n g i t , H a i d a , and e s p e c i a l l y the T s i m s h i a n a r e m i n i m a l . However, f o r a l l t h r e e o f t h e s e n o r t h e r n g r o u p s , t h e r e i s e v i d e n c e t h a t f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s e s were a p p r o p r i a t e r e g a l i a f o r t h e s e o c c a s i o n s , and t h a t t h e y were worn by h i g h - r a n k i n g mourners as w e l l as by t h e h i g h -r a n k i n g deceased. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the T s i m s h i a n e i t h e r cremated t h e i r dead o r p l a c e d them i n l a r g e p a i n t e d g r a v e boxes t h a t were p u t i n t o c a v e s . Shamans' b o d i e s were ne v e r b u r n e d , b u t were b u r i e d i n c a v e s o r i n t h e woods,(Boas, 1916:534-535). I n p o s t m i s s i o n a r y t i m e s b u r i a l o f t h e dead 43 was i n t r o d u c e d . G a r f i e l d comments t h a t : A death in a Tsimshian village immediately brought, and still brings, into action well-defined and complicated lineage and clan loyalties and duties. Nowhere in native custom is the relationship between own and father's lineage so clear or the meaning of lineage and house membership more forceful than in the formalities which follow a death. As in all other crises and changes in status in the life of an individual member of society, death involved potlatching;....(1939:235). An i m p o r t a n t a s p e c t o f T s i m s h i a n f u n e r a l p o t l a t c h e s was the l y i n g - i n - s t a t e w h i c h was u s u a l l y r e s e r v e d f o r h i g h - r a n k i n g p e o p l e . I n p r e p a r a t i o n f o r t h e f u n e r a l , the women o f t h e p a t e r n a l l i n e a g e b a t h e d and d r e s s e d the body w h i l e the men dug the g r a v e and a t t e n d e d t o t h e ''''As can be seen i n s t u d i e s by H.C. Yarrow (1881) and W.C. C h r i s t i e (1925). 43. ' G a r f i e l d n o t e s t h a t , "Mr. Duncan s t a t e d i n a l e t t e r i n 1859 t h a t t h e n a t i v e s t h e n cremated t h e i r dead. He remarks on t h e s p e c i a l r e q u e s t of a c h i e f t o have h i s d a u g h t e r b u r i e d i n t h e F o r t e n c l o s u r e . Quoted i n Mayne, Four Y e a r s i n B.C., p. 272." (1939:239). b u r i a l or cremation. Formerly the face was painted and the body dressed in ceremonial garments immediately after death...A chief's body was seated in state where he might remain two to three days, a person of lower rank less time, according to the circumstances. (Ibid.; emphasis added; see also, Boas, 1196:536). Boas recorded s i m i l a r data: The body lies in state for a number of days. It is washed immediately after death, placed upright, and painted with the crest of the clan. His dancing orna- ments and weapons are placed by his side. The body is put in a box which is tied up with lines made of elk skins (1916:534; emphasis added). whether or not the 'ceremonial garments' and 'dancing ornaments' mentioned i n these accounts included f r o n t l e t headdresses i s not spec-i f i e d . However, i t does seem possible that t h i s was the case given the descriptions of T l i n g i t and Haida chiefs l y i n g i n state a t t i r e d i n f r o n t l e t headdresses and associated paraphernalia (see pp.128-32? 167-170). C l e a r l y , masks were not worn by the deceased because the face was painted. G a r f i e l d indicates that some of the ceremonial paraphernalia were burned, while some were d i s t r i b u t e d to successors and other r e l a t i v e s . On the way [to a cremation] songs connected with the  elevation ceremonies of the deceased were sung. If the person had been a secret society member the cedar bai'k ring of his group was placed on a stick over his ashes. All other ceremonial paraphernalia are said to have been burned with him. This is certainly true of the cedar bark rings worn during secret society dances, [- except f o r the one placed over the ashes?] and may have been of all regalia connected with his acquisi-tion of supernatural power in secret societies. These could not be inherited but must be acquired by each individual from his own experience. Crest garments 92 were not burned as there are many instances of inheritance and use of these by the younger members of the clan. Some of the -personal, effects were burned, others were distributed to relatives. (1939:239; emphasis added). Unfortunately, G a r f i e l d does not specify whether f r o n t l e t headdresses were categorized as "crest garments" or as "ceremonial paraphernalia". From other descriptions i n her ethnography (1939), I assume they were considered ceremonial paraphernalia. Halpin, as we have noted above, made a d i s t i n c t i o n between f r o n t l e t headdresses with crest and non-crest representations. Were some f r o n t l e t head-dresses burned and others i n h e r i t e d by survivors? The problem admittedly l i e s i n semantics; i t remains unclear whether or not f r o n t l e t head-dresses were cremated with the dead. Boas, however, records at l e a s t one instance i n which a death, cremation and the burning of a f r o n t l e t headdress took place simultan-eously. The account i s contained i n a "war t a l e " concerning the f i g h t between the G * I . s p a - x - l a t s and the G*it-dxT/°s: [Chief Haima gives a feast to stop people from mocking his s i s t e r Dzagam-ta-n!e'x who was bewitched and had "disturbed bowels".] He made a very large fire; and he said to his attendants, "Dress my sister nicely. Take my best  dancing-blanket and my costly headdress set with  abalone shells1." and his attendants did what he had said. Then he said, "Now take one of my good wide boards and let her sit on it!" and ....They took the plank on which the princess was sitting and burned her alive in the large fire. Then he said, "Nobody shall weep for her. " And when the princess was con-sumed, he spat into the fire, and said, "As I des-troyed my poor sister I will destroy Nes-galas and all his warriors and all his brothers." (1916:362; emphasis added). Fr o n t l e t headdresses were also worn by the high-ranking members 93 attending a funeral and the ceremonies surrounding the funeral potlatch. "The lineage r e l a t i v e s of the deceased have very d e f i n i t e duties to perform i n the f o r m a l i t i e s following death which are set o f f from those of the lineage to which the father of the deceased belongs." ( G a r f i e l d , 1939:236). G a r f i e l d describes a feast given by Chief Dzi'basa (Gitxaia) for Lagefx::. (Gispaxlo fts) to atone for the embarrassingly small sum paid to the l a t t e r for performing the funeral services for Suda'l (Lagefx's daughter). The feast occurred around 1926 and the following i s a de s c r i p t i o n of what took place a f t e r Lagefx and h i s party were formally welcomed and presented with g i f t s : For this oocasion Dzi 'basa had cut a smoke hole through the roof of his house and removed the partitions and furniture to make it look like the old dwellings. In the centre he built a fire and. put olachen grease on it to make it blaze. For entertainment [?] Dzi'basa  danced in his ceremonial garments of Chilcat blankets  and headdress filled with eagle down. The women of his tribe sang for him and he danced. Each chief of the tribe then entertained for Lage.'x in return. Each gave him gifts which Lage'.x would be obliged to return at some future time since they were not part of the compensation ( G a r f i e l d , 1939:248-249; emphasis added). In summary, f r o n t l e t headdresses appear to have been appropriate r e g a l i a f o r those attending funerals and the associated ceremonies. This headdress may have also been worn by the deceased while l y i n g - i n - s t a t e ; possibly the f r o n t l e t headdress was burned with the body. Unfortunately the data are not s p e c i f i c about the costumes worn i n the mortuary r i t u a l s . As mentioned e a r l i e r , we can explain t h i s gap i n the l i t e r a t u r e by noting that few h i s t o r i c a l accounts of Tsimshian l i f e were made by early mari-time t r a v e l e r s . This was, of course, not the case for the Haida and T l i n g i t , for we have records of mortuary r i t u a l s i n these s o c i e t i e s -94 records which s p e c i f i c a l l y mention the use of f r o n t l e t headdresses. It does not seem an u n l i k e l y assumption, then, that early Tsimshian mortuary practices p a r a l l e l e d those of t h e i r c l o s e s t neighbours -es p e c i a l l y i n l i g h t of the f a c t that these people borrowed the f r o n t l e t headdress and many of the occasions f o r i t s use from the Tsimshian. By the time ethnographers arr i v e d on the scene many Tsimshian groups had been missionized and t r a d i t i o n a l funeral potlatches were but a memory as old ways r a p i d l y gave way to new ones. iv. Summary. In t h i s section, I have examined the s o c i o - r i t u a l context of the wearing of f r o n t l e t headdresses i n Tsimshian society. B a s i c a l l y , there were three important contexts i n which the amhalafit was worn: i n welcoming ceremonies, during the various i n i t i a t i o n s i n the h a l a f i t season, and i n mourning r i t u a l s . Paramount i n a l l three of these con-texts was the image of the high-ranking i n d i v i d u a l wearing a f r o n t l e t headdress: the jux t a p o s i t i o n of a human face and carved f r o n t l e t representing complex supernatural monsters. The simultaneous presen-t a t i o n of an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c human or s o c i a l i d e n t i t y and a supernatural i d e n t i t y was a symbol of the synthesis of power i n the secular and sacred spheres of the Tsimshian universe. The actor wearing a f r o n t l e t headdress was more than a wealthy i n d i v i d u a l , he was a c o n t r o l l e r of supernatural s p i r i t s . In the 'welcoming dances' the chief, wearing an amhala f i t offered not only friendship, but demanded acquiescence. His dance, i n which he spread eagle down, smothered "trouble" (Duff, o p . c i t . ) . 95 The powers r e s t i n g i n h i s s o c i a l and supernatural r o l e s were apparent. "Cease chattering....Are you t r y i n g to bring down the p i l l a r s of the sky?" (Barbeau, o p . c i t . ) . The admonition was almost a threat from the dancer whose s o c i a l c r e d i b i l i t y i n the world of men was unimpeachable and whose a b i l i t y to summon s p i r i t s from the supernatural world had been proven i n secret society i n i t i a t i o n s . His stand was that of a " p i l l a r of society": high-ranking and wealthy on one hand, and i n touch with the heavens on the other. He was a " r e a l person", a c u l t u r a l i d e a l . In the f i r s t power ceremonies and i n the i n i t i a t i o n s into the Dancer and Dog Eater s o c i e t i e s , the chief wearing an amhala'it was an actor manipulating the same symbols as he did i n the welcoming dance context. In the hala.'it s e r i e s , a greater emphasis was placed on h i s supernatural r o l e ; he was c a l l e d "great dancer" - wihala.'it - and he was addressed, not by h i s secular name, but by a supernatural one. In council with another powerful group, whose supernatural powers were manifested i n t h e i r a r t , the g'it'so 'ntk, the "great dancers" (wutahala.'it) charted the events of the gwEndesem hala.'it - the " a r r i v a l on earth" of the s p i r i t s (Halpin, o p . c i t . ) . The chief, wearing an amhalafit, summoned his s p i r i t and 'threw' i t s power into the i n i t i a t e s . As Halpin reminds us, i n these hala.'it contexts, "...which cut across clan l i n e s as i n t e g r a t i v e sodalities...what was important was that he was Chief, not l a x s k ' i . k ' or laxk'ibu'" (1973:235). In the Dancer and Dog Eater contexts the wihala.'it c o n t r o l l e d and directed powers from 'heaven'. In the Cannibal, Destroyer, and F i r e -Thrower contexts, the wutahala.'it c o n t r o l l e d and directed the supernatural powers incarnated i n a s i n g l e , high-ranking i n d i v i d u a l . In the Dancer and 96 Dog Eater ceremonies, the c h i e f wearing an amhala f i t was an intermediary between the s p i r i t s (represented and animated by masked dancers) and the novice (who appeared naked - a human s t r i p p e d of c u l t u r e ) . The r o l e of the w i h a l a . i t was symbolized by h i s human and s p i r i t u a l i d e n t i t i e s , v i s u a l l y a l i g n e d along the a x i s of face and f r o n t l e t . S i m i l a r l y , the w i h a l a f i t was the intermediary between the possessed Cannibal (or Destroyer or Fire-Thrower) and the p u b l i c . The possessed i n d i v i d u a l , o f t e n masked, behaved i n an e r r a t i c , f r e n z i e d manner; he was the embodiment of a supernatural power that was unleashed and out of c o n t r o l . The w i h a l a f i t , a c t i n g i n conjunction w i t h other p r i v i l e g e d persons of high rank, was " i n c o n t r o l " and r e - d i r e c t e d the cannibal's a t t a c k s on the p u b l i c u n t i l the d e s t r u c t i v e s p i r i t w i t h i n him could be subdued, and returned to a normal s t a t e . In a l l of these h a l a f i t contexts, the c h i e f i n an amhala f i t was at once medium and message: a person of s u b s t a n t i a l m a t e r i a l and s p i r i t u a l means, one w i t h a l a r g e f o l l o w i n g of both men and s p i r i t s a l i k e . He s y m b o l i c a l l y o u t l i n e d and r e c o n c i l e d i n h i s person the dual nature of power i n Tsimshian s o c i e t y . age 97 97 CHAPTER III THE TLINGIT CASE Introduction The ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e on the T l i n g i t i s indeed substan-t i a l , beginning with the accounts of seafaring explorers i n the early eighteenth century and continuing to the present with studies done by h i s t o r i a n s and anthropologists. Much of the l i t e r a t u r e i s extensive, providing ample descriptions of nearly every facet of T l i n g i t l i f e . These accounts, augmented with sketches, photographs, and hundreds of specimens . i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l museums, t e s t i f y to the r i c h and varied material culture produced by the T l i n g i t . However, at t h i s point the l i t e r a t u r e and the museum data become inadequate, f o r d e t a i l s about the manufacture, use, and meaning of T l i n g i t material culture were r a r e l y recorded. Moreover, the a v a i l a b l e descriptions are based on indetermin-ate categories which r e s u l t i n an impoverishment of the data. It i s a problem anthropologists studying art and material culture are a l l too f a m i l i a r with. Data concerning T l i n g i t ceremonial costumes and paraphernalia being the case i n point, we f i n d an opaqueness i n the l i t e r a t u r e des-c r i b i n g the tremendous v a r i e t y of masks, blankets, r a t t l e s , s h i r t s , aprons, headdresses and other costume accessories used by these people. H i s t o r i c photographs and sketches, to say nothing of the quantity of T l i n g i t ceremonial objects i n museum c o l l e c t i o n s evidence that there were, for example, several categories of blankets, many classes of aprons and dancing s h i r t s , and a v a r i e t y of s t y l e s of headgear (see Figures 3.1, 3.2 and 3.3). The l a t t e r being the s p e c i a l concern of t h i s paper, i t was 98 disconcerting to f i n d that the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e did not discriminate i n the d e s c r i p t i o n among the many kinds of ceremonial headgear worn by the T l i n g i t . Having seized on the notion that the art of these people -l i k e the art of other Northwest Coast Indians - was pr i m a r i l y a " c r e s t " a r t oriented toward the display of "totems" or " c r e s t s " a f f i l i a t e d with a given clan or group, ethnographers consolidated a l l headgear under the obscure c l a s s i f i c a t i o n "clan hat" or "crest hat". Some authors, notably Louis Shotridge, a T l i n g i t ethnographer and museum c o l l e c t o r , wrote about T l i n g i t "crest helmets", "ceremonial hats", and "dance hats", but no attempt was made to provide a d e f i n i t i v e vocabulary f o r the mul t i f a r i o u s categories of ceremonial headdresses. Swanton, one of the major ethnographers of the T l i n g i t culture, made repeated references to "cla n " or "dancing" hats, but i n h i s ethno-graphy and i n his tr a n s l a t i o n s of T l i n g i t myths and texts, he glosses a l l the terms as s .'ax": "hat' !. S i m i l a r l y , data accompanying the objects i n early ethnographic c o l l e c t i o n s make a perfunctory d i s t i n c t i o n between hat or helmet and mask. I t was not u n t i l 1972, when Frederica de Laguna published her encyclopedic 3-volume monograph on the Yakutat T l i n g i t , that some i n d i c a t i o n of the d i f f e r e n t categories and contexts of cere-monial headgear became apparent. The term she recorded as the gloss f o r what t h i s paper has described as " f r o n t l e t headdress" was cAki'At. This word corroborates with shakeyet, the ap p e l l a t i o n used by the Portland Art Museum i n t h e i r catalogue f o r f r o n t l e t headdress. In t h i s chapter, I w i l l survey some of the ethnographic l i t e r a -ture and attempt to describe the use of the f r o n t l e t headdress or cAki'At 99 by the T l i n g i t . By examining the data concerning the wearing of t h i s headdress, ( i . e . , when and how i t was worn, who wore i t , and on what occasions, e t c . ) , i t may be possible to generate some ideas about the l o g i c of using t h i s p a r t i c u l a r kind of ceremonial adornment. 1. The Early Accounts: An o r i g i n myth and a dawning h i s t o r y . The T l i n g i t explained the o r i g i n of the f r o n t l e t headdress i n a myth recorded by Swanton at Wrangel i n 1904. The myth i s about a "head chief of the people l i v i n g at the head of the Nass River". The chief came down to the ocean with h i s nephews i n a large canoe. The canoe capsized, and the chief was the only survivor; the others were swallowed by the GonakAde't, a sea-monster associated with good fortune and great wealth. In an e f f o r t to recover h i s nephews, the man i n v i t e d the GonakAde' t and h i s people to a feast. When the sea monster arrived, the nephews were nowhere to be seen, u n t i l : ...the GonakAde't called loudly to one of his men, "Bring me my box from over yonder. " The box was beautifully carved and painted, and it was from it that the Tsimshian came to know how to carve and paint boxes. Then he took out a chief's dancing  hat with sea-lion bristles and a rattle and gust as soon as he had done so the chief's eldest nephew stood beside him. He put the headdress upon him and gave him the rattle, and the GonakAde 't people sang songs for him. They sang four songs and the GonakAde't said, "This hat, this rattle, and these songs are yours." (Swanton, 1909:173: emphasis added.) In a s i m i l a r manner, the GonakAde't restored a l l twenty of the Chief's nephews to l i f e and gave each a f r o n t l e t headdress, a r a t t l e , and four songs. The myth concluded with a statement acknowledging that the f r o n t l e t headdress and other c h i e f ' s ceremonial paraphernalia came to C o f a c e p a g e 1 0 0 F i g u r e 3 . 1 . ( a b o v e ) . T l i n g i t p e o p l e a t K l a w o c k i n c e r e m o n i a l d r e s s . B C P M P h o t o # 1 5 4 1 . F r o m B . C . P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s C o l l e c t i o n , n o . 1 6 3 7 1 . F i g u r e 3 . 2 . ( o p p . p a g e , t o p ) . T l i n g i t p e o p l e a t H o o n a h i n c e r e m o n i a l d r e s s . B C P M P h o t o # 1 7 8 6 . N e w c o m b e c o l l e c t i o n . F i g u r e 3 . 3 . ( o p p . p a g e , b o t t o m ) . " H o o n a h n a t i v e s i n d a n c e c o s t u m e . " B C P M P h o t o # 1 5 4 3 . F r o m : A r t i n t h e L i f e o f t h e N o r t h w e s t C o a s t I n d i a n , P o r t l a n d A r t M u s e u m . 1 9 : 1 4 5 . B . C . P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s C o l l e c t i o n , n o . 1 6 3 7 0 . 100 101 the T l i n g i t from the south: "The chie f ' s headdress with s e a - l i o n b r i s t l e s also came from the GonakAde't, and so i t happened that the Nass people wore i t f i r s t " (Ibid.)."*" We do not know when GonakAde't gave the f r o n t l e t headdress to the Nass chief, nor when i t was adopted by the T l i n g i t , but we do know i t was worn before the f i r s t European explorers v i s i t e d the rugged Alaskan coast. Russian explorers arr i v e d f i r s t . The Bering-Chirikov expedition a r r i v e d i n 1741 and was followed i n 1788-1791 by Shelikhov, B i l l i n g s and Sarychev expeditions. Records of t h e i r encounters with the T l i n g i t were kept and c o l l e c t i o n s of a r t i f a c t s (including f r o n t l e t headdresses) were made. From 1820 to 1850 several ethnographic studies of the T l i n g i t were made, most notably those by Khlebnikov, Wrangel, V'eniaminov, Voznesensky, and Zagoskin (see Siebert and Forman, 1967:9-26 f o r a summary). Regret-tably, the language and the s p e c i a l status of the documents i n Soviet archives precluded t h e i r examination i n t h i s study. However, there were other European t r a v e l e r s who v i s i t e d the T l i n g i t i n the l a t e eighteenth and ea r l y nineteenth centuries, and t h e i r accounts included several descriptions of f r o n t l e t headdresses. Some of the e a r l i e s t c o l l e c t i o n s of f r o n t l e t headdresses were made among the T l i n g i t by Russian and Spanish explorers, while French and English accounts of these i n i t i a l encounters contain the f i r s t published accounts 1 l n "The Chilka t Blanket" by Emmons, he noted: "To the Tsimshian i s a t t r i b u t e d the f i r s t knowledge of the Chilkat blanket ; and from them the Tongass, the Sti k i n e , and l a t e r on the Chilkat learned the a r t " (1907: 329). The o r i g i n of the blanket according to the Chilkat, was stated i n a Tsimshian myth i n which a daughter of a chief (and i n another version -Raven) received the blanket from the benevolent sea-monster GonakAde t (Ibid., p. 330). The b e a u t i f u l l y carved and painted box referred to i n the above myth was probably a reference to a chie f ' s chest or 'anda amhala.it used to contain a chi e f ' s ceremonial costume. 102 of people wearing t h i s impressive headgear. Malaspina v i s i t e d the Yakutat T l i n g i t l a t e i n June of 1791. Of the thirty-one pieces he c o l l e c t e d , eighteen have been i d e n t i f i e d by Erna Gunther as d e f i n i t e l y being of T l i n g i t manufacture (Gunther, 2 1972:161, 162). One of the objects, now located i n the Archaeological Museum of Madrid, was the plaque from a f r o n t l e t headdress (see Appendix entry, Madrid Archaeological Museum, 1310, for i l l u s t r a t i o n and data). Early Russian expeditions to the Northwest Coast made c o l l e c -tions of T l i n g i t a r t i f a c t s . The Soviet ethnographer, Sternberg, noted that the a r t i f a c t s from T l i n g i t v i l l a g e s brought to St. Petersburg and housed i n the Leningrad Museum were "the e a r l i e s t and most authentic of a l l c o l l e c t i o n s of i t s type" (In: Siebert and Forman, 1967:10). A small, though equally valuable c o l l e c t i o n of s i m i l a r items i s found i n the Anthropological Museum of Lomonosov State U n i v e r s i t y i n Moscow (Ibi d . ) . Both c o l l e c t i o n s contain headdresses c o l l e c t e d i n the early nineteenth century. Almost a l l of the f r o n t l e t s i n Soviet c o l l e c t i o n s were made before Russia sold Alaska to the United States i n 1867. Some of the people who c o l l e c t e d them were Lisiansky, Chudnovsky, Voznesensky and Doroshin. The Russian explorer, Capt Lisiansky, c o l l e c t e d "miniature wooden masks" from ceremonial headdresses i n 1806 (Ibid.:12,16). Missionary George Chudnovsky made a c o l l e c t i o n of T l i n g i t objects, i n c l u d -ing shamans' headdresses. His c o l l e c t i o n was pr i m a r i l y from Admiralty 2. 'Gunther's l i s t was compiled from Anna Rustow's Die Objekte  der Malaspina-Expedition, Baessler Archiv, Beitrage zur Volkerkunde. 22:4:173-204, 1939. De Laguna wrote that the objects came from Port Mulgrave (1972:144). 103 Island and, according to Siebert and Forman, pre-dates 1830 (Ibid.:16). An early nineteenth century c o l l e c t i o n of T l i n g i t a r t i f a c t s which includes several " f r o n t a l masks" was made by Voznesensky, a zoologist (Ibid.:43). The Doroshin c o l l e c t i o n i n Leningrad contains a f r o n t l e t headdress c o l l e c t e d from the T l i n g i t around 1850. (For plates and data f o r the above objects see Appendix, entries for Leningrad MAESAS and Moscow AMLSU.) Marchand v i s i t e d the T l i n g i t at Sitka Sound i n 1791 and described a ceremonial costume that was put on by a young T l i n g i t man at the European's request. It was not without some difficulty that they pre-vailed on him to display part of his wardrobe which he kept carefully put by in a little box ... The first piece of this whimsical attire is a sort of grenadier's cap, or rather the fore part of a mitre, which is placed on the forehead and flattened by strings tied behind the head; the sides of it are bordered with long hair of men and beasts. On the exterior part of this head-dress, are represented figures of men, quadrupeds, and birds, painted in a grotesque manner; and braids, composed of hair of beasts, and filaments of tree or shrub-bark, like flax, hang down behind as long trailing tail. . . . [The rest of the costume, including a painted s h i r t , dance apron and r a t t l e s was also described].... This character dress was not the only one that he possessed; his wardrobe contained a great number, no doubt for different parts, and was remarked above all, for a varied collection of caps. It may be imagined that national vanity had induced him to display, to the eyes of strangers, the dress to which he attached the most importance...; whatever entreaty they made, whatever price they offered, they could not prevail on him to part with any articles of his wardrobe ( F l u r i e u , 1801:1: 333-334). "The whole f i g u r e " , wrote Erna Gunther, " i s e a s i l y recognized as the f r o n t l e t headdress worn by c h i e f s " (Gunther, 1972:164). The "mitre" portion was a carved f r o n t l e t ; the "beasts" h a i r hanging down the back and 104 sides was the ermine t r a i n flowing over shredded cedar-bark ("shrub-bark, l i k e f l a x " ) . The account indicated that the crew members had seen other, older men wearing t h i s costume, for they were surprised to see a young man "of about twenty-five years of age" wearing the head-dress. The costume was obviously so valuable that the wearer could not be pursuaded to s e l l i t to the Frenchmen. Four years l a t e r , English seamen had the opportunity to view a s i m i l a r costume. While moored i n Cross Sound during l a t e July of 1974, the Discovery, under Capt. Vancouver's command, sent out several exploring expeditions. One of these small expeditions, under the d i r e c t i o n of L t . Whidbey went to the v i l l a g e at the entrance of Lynn Canal; there they encountered T l i n g i t people. Vancouver recorded i n h i s journal the meeting between Whidbey and a Chilkat chief. The chief, "a t a l l t h i n e l d e r l y man", was dressed i n a Chilkat blanket: Eis external robe was a very fine large garment that reached from his neck down to his heels, and of wool from the mountain sheep, neatly variegated with several colours, and edged, and otherwise decorated with little tufts or frogs of woolen yarn, dyed of various colours (Vancouver, 1789:111:249). ... and a f r o n t l e t headdress... Eis headdress was made of wood, much resembling in its shape a crown, adorned with bright copper and brass plates, from whence hung a number of tails or streamers, composed of wool and fur wrought together, dyed of various colours and each terminating in a whole ermine skin (Ibid.:249-250). 3 'The Portland A r t Museum has i n i t s c o l l e c t i o n a f r o n t l e t headdress which has various colours of wool streamers attached to the ermine t r a i n i n a manner which f i t s Vancouver's d e s c r i p t i o n . See Appendix entry, PAM, 48.3.433. 105 2. Later Accounts: C o l l e c t o r s of culture, c o l l e c t o r s of souls. Aurel Krause, a German geographer, wrote about the southern T l i n g i t i n 1885. In t h i s f i r s t extensive account of T l i n g i t l i f e and culture, he devotes a very small chapter to "Arts and Handicrafts"; i t i s i n t h i s chapter that we f i n d a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of T l i n g i t "ceremonial garb". Like most ethnographers i n t h i s area, he was fascinated with "the a r t and sophisticated taste" of the T l i n g i t as exemplified i n the Chilkat blanket (which he glosses as dschenu) (Krause, 1885/1956:138-139). Although he i l l u s t r a t e d h i s account with a sketch of the "Chief of the Huna with h i s wife i n ceremonial r e g a l i a (with dance masks)" (see Figure 3.4), which portrayed the chief wearing a mask and a f r o n t l e t headdress, Krause never e x p l i c i t l y made reference to 4 f r o n t l e t headdresses. He simply stated, with c h a r a c t e r i s t i c economy of desc r i p t i o n : The masks, rattles, drums, and dance wands used for ceremonial and shamanistic performances are found in extraordinarily large numbers. The masks are either face masks with eye and mouth holes or they represent  the heads of animals, principally birds or any fantas- tic combination.... (Ibid.:139; emphasis added). Krause's d e s c r i p t i o n of a shaman's paraphernalia and costume was equally b r i e f : "Notes i n the introduction i n d i c a t e that the sketches may have been done by the Krause's brother Arthur. This unusual combination of mask and f r o n t l e t headdress may have been "staged" for the white man's sketch pen or camera. An account by Barnett stated that a "mask" was worn with a f r o n t l e t headdress by a deceased chief l y i n g - i n - s t a t e , but i t i s not c l e a r whether or not t h i s was a r e a l mask or simply a face covering. I know of only one other example - a photograph (BCPM //5232) depicting a f i g u r e wearing both kinds of headgear. The photograph was taken i n V i c t o r i a , B.C. at an Indian c r a f t s f a i r and was obviously staged for the occasion. I t i s uncertain i f the f i g u r e i n the photograph was white or Indian. 106 Figure 3.4. "Chief of the Huna [Hoonah] with His Wife i n Ceremonial Regalia (with Dance Masks)." From Krause, 1885/ 1956:165. Note chief wears a mask and a f r o n t l e t headdress. 107 On a rack close to him hung all the regalia of the shamans, heavy with teeth, beaks and other kinds of rattles, which they wore around the neck, their  headgear with its ermine which cascaded down the  back, the dance aprons woven of mountain goat wool, various masks and many other things (Ibid.:202; emphasis added). It i s indeed unfortunate that while Krause saw and i l l u s t r a t e d f r o n t l e t headdresses, as well as several other kinds of masks and ceremonial headgear, he did not write about them i n d e t a i l . Ensign Niblack, on the other hand, wrote about and i l l u s t r a t e d the ch i e f ' s ceremonial costume worn by the Tsimshian, T l i n g i t and Haida (see Figure 2.1). Niblack observed that the T l i n g i t used various s t y l e s of headdresses for d i f f e r e n t formal occasions, depending on the s i g n i f i -cance of the dance (Niblack, 1888/1970:363). However, he did not i d e n t i f y any of the categories of headgear other than to i l l u s t r a t e "masks", "ceremonial headdresses", and "helmets" and "hats". John Swanton, as I mentioned e a r l i e r , glossed a l l headgear -ceremonial or otherwise - as "hat" or s!ax". His descriptions of "c l a n hats" or "valuable hats" are few and none of them i s s u f f i c i e n t l y d e t a i l e d to i n d i c a t e that he was describing f r o n t l e t headdresses. However, a l a t e r ethnographer, de Laguna, thinks Swanton was r e f e r r i n g to a cAkiA / 1 i n h i s account taken from Katishan of Wrangel about a T l i n g i t dance DekT/na Al.'e x ( l i t e r a l l y "common" or "Haida dance")~* i n which a headdress, probably a f r o n t l e t headdress, was worn: 'De Laguna noted that the Yukatat T l i n g i t glossed these impor-ted tunes as "Haida mouth songs". She also wrote that Swanton's account "sounds l i k e the chief i n i t i a t i n g the singing at a potlatch" (De Laguna, 1971:567). 108 When the chief was going to dance, he has to be very careful not to say anything out of the way. He dances wearing a headdress with weasel skins, a Chilkat blanket and leggings and carrying a raven rattle. He is the only one whose voice is heard, and he speaks very quietly (Swanton, 1909, Tale 31: 141) . L t . Emmons, a museum c o l l e c t o r and ethnographer of the northern Northwest Coast people for many years, was p a r t i c u l a r l y interested i n T l i n g i t , Haida, and Tsimshian ceremonial a r t and costumes. He wrote two monographs on the Chilkat blanket, describing how i t was made, who wore i t , and the occasions on which i t was worn (see Emmons, 1907 and 1908). The thoroughness of h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r aspect of T l i n g i t material culture has seldom been equalled. He noted that the Chil k a t blanket (or naxi'n - a T l i n g i t word also used by the Haida) was a neces-sary part of a chief's ceremonial costume and that t h i s b e a u t i f u l l y woven garment gave r i s e to other woven ceremonial garments such as: the apron or waist-robe (ket: "front s h i e l d " ) ; the long sleeveless s h i r t (qeka: "cover" or "protector", more often c a l l e d k.'udAs or naxi'n kludAs: "sleeveless s h i r t " ) ; the dance leggings (q.'oske't: "foot s h i e l d s " ) . (Emmons, 1907:345,346,347). While he included a photograph of the Sitka chief "Kitch-kook" (figure 3.5) wearing a naxi'n kludAs or sleeveless s h i r t and a f r o n t l e t headdress i n h i s 1908 a r t i c l e "Use of the Chilkat Blanket", neither of h i s a r t i c l e s dealt with the elaborate headdresses associated with the c h i e f ' s ceremonial costume. Jones, a missionary among the T l i n g i t f o r many years, was also fascinated with the b e a u t i f u l C h i l k a t blankets and ceremonial garments, though he did not neglect to describe other parts of the costume. E v i -dently he attended several feasts and dances, and provided a d e s c r i p t i o n Figure 3.5. "Sitka chief, Kitch-kook, i n dress costume." BCPM Photo #1568-A. Newcombe/G.T. Emmons c o l l e c t i o n . Photographer: Emmons, 1888. Published i n Emmons, 1908:71. "Kitch-kook i s the chief of the Kuse-ka-dee or more properly the Kharse-ka-dee or Karse-hit-ton family of the Sitka t r i b e . He i s shown i n h i s family sleeveless s h i r t of elaborate blanket work bearing the family emblem, the bison.... The man wears on h i s head an elaborate shaman's or c h i e f ' s headdress and has a shaman's r a t t l e on h i s r i g h t hand." (Note, the f r o n t l e t i n this photograph i s very s i m i l a r to PAM 48.3.711. See Appendix entry.) 110 of a f r o n t l e t headdress being danced with: The dance is highly spectacular and dramatic. Striking and singular costumes are worn, some of which are high-ly valued. Tribal heirlooms in the way of wooden hats, masks, ear drops, headgear, robes, etc., which have been handed down from generation to generation are much in evidence.... Some of the leading actors wear headpieces with flexible projections six or eight inches long sticking out of the top. These prongs are filled between with eagle 's down and every once in a while during the dance the proud wearer of this peculiar headgear gives his head a terrific shake sending the down flying through the air like a snow storm (Jones, 1914:144-145). A T l i n g i t man, Louis Shotridge, was one of the f i r s t ethno-graphers to write s p e c i f i c a l l y about the ceremonial headgear used by his people. Shotridge worked f or the Phi l a d e l p h i a Museum from 1912 to 1930 as an ethnographer and c o l l e c t o r . He published numerous a r t i c l e s about T l i n g i t and Tsimshian culture, several of which dealt with the si g n i f i c a n c e of the ceremonial objects he c o l l e c t e d . In his 1919 a r t i -c l e "War Helmets and Clan Hats of the T l i n g i t Indians", Shotridge commented on the o r i g i n of the f r o n t l e t headdresses or "head-top-ornaments". A number of odd shaped women's headdresses, included in the collection are good examples of bits of fine carv-ings. ... This style of headdress was borrowed from the  Kwakiutl Indians of British Columbia, who were said, for some reason of their own, to have made first a head-dress and then to have flattened the head during infancy to fit it. Only for a period of time or while the  novelty of them lasted these odd shaped headdresses were  used by the high caste Tlingit women, and with the exception of a few they were recognized only as works of  art and were thus classed with personal property (Shotridge, 1919:47; emphasis added). "See Shotridge's a r t i c l e s published i n The Museum Journal, 1913-1930. See also McLaren's biography "Louis Shotridge: The White Part of Me; the Kagwantan Part of Me" (1973), and Carpenter's i n t r o -duction to the FORM AND FREEDOM catalogue (1975) f o r a closer look at the turbulent and impressive career of th i s t r a g i c and c o n t r o v e r s i a l f i g u r e . I l l Given the ethnographic data on the Kwagiul which c l e a r l y establishes that the f r o n t l e t headdress (yukwiwey) was obtained by them through marriage with c e r t a i n Tsimshian f a m i l i e s , we may dismiss Shotridge's claim f o r a Kwagiul o r i g i n of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r kind of headgear. Other ethnographers have noted that T l i n g i t women wore f r o n t -l e t headdresses, but they also i n d i c a t e , as do h i s t o r i c a l photographs, that men and c h i l d r e n as well wore these ceremonial items (see f i g u r e 3.6 and 3.7). In the same a r t i c l e , Shotridge elaborated further on h i s point that with few exceptions, f r o n t l e t headdresses were considered "works of a r t " (though the T l i n g i t , l i k e other Northwest Coast Indian people had no word i n t h e i r vocabulary for " a r t " , nor any category of material culture or behaviour to f i t i t ) . S p e c i f i c a l l y , he directed h i s comments to two of the three f r o n t l e t headdresses he c o l l e c t e d for the Philadelphia Museum (see Appendix e n t r i e s , under Penn. U.M., f o r data on these three). One, he wrote, represented "Marmot with i t s prey a bat", and the other, "Sea l i o n taking a plunge from i t s rock". A brief note... may explain how these were taken into the olan and house group oolleetions. The one repre-senting the Marmot, like most headdresses of this style  was made more for show than for its history, hence it may not necessarily be classed as a possession of the house group who owned it. At the same time, the one representing the sea-lion has been recognized as a clan possession, because it was made for a young lady who  happened to be the only right heir to the head chief  office of her clan, when an important ceremony was to  be performed. Since there was nothing suitable for  feminine use in the clan collection, it became neces- sary to have the foreign style of headdress made, and in order to have i t worthy of her use, i t was carved to represent a sea-lion, the crest of her clan. Many valuable slaves were given their freedom after they performed the crowning of the princess with the new "Head-top-ornament." This act is said to have  been the beginning of providing headdresses for the o Face Page 112 F i g u r e s 3.6 and 3.7. "Hoonah I n d i a n s d r e s s e d i n c e r e m o n i a l r o b e s . " F i g u r e 3.6 d e p i c t s men w e a r i n g c e r e m o n i a l costumes and F i g u r e 3.7 shows women w e a r i n g t he same costumes: Man #1 and Woman #7 wear same h e a d d r e s s and s h i r t . Man #2 and Woman #8 wear same h a t and s h i r t . Man #3 and Woman #10 wear same f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s and C h i l k a t b l a n k e t . She wears same n e c k - p i e c e as Man #2. Man #4 and Woman #9 wear same s h i r t ; she wears h e a d d r e s s worn by Man #5. Man #6 and Woman #11 wear the same shaman's h e a d d r e s s , t h e same s h i r t and c a r r y the same f e a t h e r wands. From t h i s p h o t o , and o t h e r s too numerous t o i n c l u d e h e r e , i t may be c o n c l u d e d t h a t men, women, and c h i l d r e n a l l wore t h e v a r i o u s s t y l e s o f c e r e m o n i a l d r e s s . 112 113 women members of elans, which formerly had been a •problem in many cases as stated (Ibid.:47-48; emphasis added). Kalervo Oberg, an ethnographer who did h i s fieldwork among the T l i n g i t during the same years Shotridge was c o l l e c t i n g , perhaps sheds some l i g h t on Shotridge's confusing statement about ownership and status of ceremonial headdresses. All dancers [ i n a T l i n g i t • p o t l a t c h ] wear hats or head ornaments of various forms. These hats often repre-sent the emblems of the clan and house, and even the phratry. They are not the sacred totemic objects around which the presentation of goods took place but were the private property of the individuals using them (Oberg, 1933/1973:120). The sacred totemic objects were, according to Oberg, "the totemic emblems and crests represented by the hats worn by the ch i e f s and head-men of these various clans present".^ Potlatch goods gave value to the clan and house crest s , making these emblems cen t r a l to the whole potlatch process (I b i d . ) . The point being that the status of 'a ceremonial head-dress was commensurate with the rank of the wearer rather than being, an i n t r i n s i c q u a l i t y of the object. Further to Shotridge's contention that f r o n t l e t headdresses were generally and with few exceptions "recognized only as works of a r t " , Oberg noted that the value of any object f o r the T l i n g i t i s subject to considerations that most humans make, i . e . evaluations of economic u t i l i t y , aesthetic s a t i s f a c t i o n s , personal associations and display for prestige, and magical or r e l i g i o u s e f f i c a c y . " I t i s of course d i f f i c u l t ^"Regrettably, Oberg did not d i s t i n g u i s h f r o n t l e t headdresses from clan hats, nor did he describe or i l l u s t r a t e a f r o n t l e t headdress. 114 to separate these elements i n a s i n g l e object", wrote Oberg, " l i k e the T l i n g i t harpoon, which s a t i s f i e d at l e a s t economic, aesthetic and magical needs, or a crest hat, which served as an index of rank, gave aesthetic s a t i s f a c t i o n and had r e l i g i o u s meaning" (Ibid.:103). Frederica de Laguna published a d e s c r i p t i o n of the f r o n t l e t headdress that stated who wore i t , how i t was danced with, and how i t was d i f f e r e n t from other headgear. Dancers, men or women, and even children might wear the square wooden masklike headdress, surmounted by sea lion whiskers and flicker feathers, and trail-ing a veil of ermine skins.... This type of head-dress (cAki'At) was probably made by the Tsimshian although it was referred to as a "Haida head piece," because it was worn when dancing at a potlatch to "Haida mouth" type songs (de Laguna, 1971:442-443). She wrote about a T l i n g i t dance i n which the cAki'At was worn. The account corroborates Swanton's notation that f r o n t l e t headdresses were worn during a Haida dance (DekT'na Al.'e'x) . (see p. 107 above). The dance took place on a crowded f l o o r and the dancers' movements were r e s t r i c t e d . Young men, even small boys, of the host sib danced from time to time in cAki 'At, the headdress with the square masklike plaque above the forehead de-picting the sib totem. The songs to which they danced were Tlingit songs addressed to sib-children but called "Haida mouth songs: (Dekina xa ciyi), because they were supposed to be in the same rhyth-mic style as Haida love songs or dance songs (Ibid.: 633). De Laguna was t o l d by her Yukatat informants, "Mostly Haida have cAki'At and dance with i t to songs l i k e these" ( I b i d . ) . The T l i n g i t u t i l i z e d such songs and dances as a s p e c i a l feature i n t h e i r potlatch events, which w i l l be described i n d e t a i l l a t e r . Another Yukatat informant commented on dancing i n a cAki 'At: 115 "You have to have a strong book to dance with that. The way they dance, they supposed to imitate a  halibut flopping. That 's how come they land on their knees and bend back and almost touch the floor. They bend backwards and forward. The feathers fly all over. You have to move fast. ... (the feathers are) chopped down inside the hat (behind the crown of sea lion shiskers and flicker feathers). " This informant believed that this dancing was traditionally done on the bench (tax), although he had never seen an old-style house with a bench. "When they dance at a pot-latch, he 's dancing up there, and all they can see is that little feather (flicker feathers on the cAki'At?) when he sit down. That's the, most important part of  the dance, when they sit down. Just the feathers on  his head they could see. ... That's when he bends down in the dance." (Ibid.:634). De Laguna dismissed the notion, however, that some of the dances were acrobatic d i s p l a y s . Some of the dances, " e s p e c i a l l y those performed by vigorous young men i n wooden headdresses (cAki'At) or i n heavy wooden crest hats must have been strenuous and required consider-able muscle c o n t r o l " (Ibid.:567,633). She also noted that the dancers wearing cAki'At and crest hats also wore a Chilkat blanket which " e f f e c t i v e l y pinioned the arms," but t h i s was not always the case f o r "some dances apparently took place behind a blanket so that only the moving c r e s t hat or headdress could be seen" (Ibid.:568). The headdresses were worn by women, l i t t l e c h i l d r e n and chiefs as well as young men and de Laguna wrote, "since the wearer may have a r a t t l e i n h i s hand, I believe that the r a t t l e accompanies t h i s dance" (Ibid.:634). ( H i s t o r i c a l photographs show dancers wearing a l l of these objects; see Figure 3.8.) While having established that the cAki At was worn with a Chilkat blanket and r a t t l e , she also noted that wooden hats, or helmets, surmounted with the totem of the s i b , were also used f o r dancing. The crest hats (sax W) and helmets (xis) were worn by chiefs (Ibid.:443). Figure 3.8. T l i n g i t of K i l l i s n o o . According to Emmons' notes on a s i m i l a r p r i n t : "Manhas beaver hat, beaver dish, frog hat; Dasheton of Angoon i n dance dress." Frederica de Laguna i d e n t i f i e d the three people as "Hootzahtah chiefs i n dance costume". Note that a l l are wearing crest hats or cAki 'At, a Chilka t blanket or s h i r t , and are carrying raven r a t t l e s . Two cAki'At headdresses and possibly a t h i r d r e s t on chairs next to the dancers. BCPM photo. #1545. C o l l e c t i o n of Newcombe and G.T. Emmons. Photographer: Vincent Sabaleff, n.d. (Same people appear i n a s i m i l a r photo, i n Waterman, 1925:133.) 117 She recorded: "They dance with i t gust like cAki'At," said one infor-mant, r e f e r r i n g to a Kagwantan Killer-whale Helmet.... I believe that this refers to the exhibition of the helmet by the hosts of a potlatch, rather than to the type of dance performed by the wearer (Ibid.:634). Having noted the difference between hat or helmet and cAki'At, 8 ' de Laguna described the headgear worn by shamans. The tlugu or 1 ukA headdress appears to be nearly i d e n t i c a l to a cAki'At, the only d i f -ference may be that the small "maskette" or carved f i g u r e on a shaman's headdress was more three-dimensional than the figures carved i n high-r e l i e f on a f r o n t l e t plaque. She noted: The shaman also had several headdresses, called "thlu-gu" (Emmons),, possibly tlugu or even % fukA, "power". These also represented his s p i r i t s . These were sometimes made of shredded cedar bark and human hair, more often of swansdown or eagledown, with a crown of eagle tail feathers or eagle tail and magpie tail feathers. One, belonging to Qadjuse, formerly consisted of the skin from the head and neck of a mallard drake....In front of  these headdresses, over the forehead, was a wooden  maskette, or a small carved head or some other small f i g - ure. (In many cases these detached carvings can be i d e n t i f i e d . ) Emmons noted that these headdresses were worn for "general dances", for dancing in the evening after a day of fasting to bring good fortune to the shaman's family, and also for dancing around the sick and bewitched. Probably the occasion determined which  s p i r i t was to be summoned and therefore which headdress  would be worn (Ibid.:693; emphasis added). In a d d i t i o n to the tlugu or 1 'uka type of headdress, T l i n g i t shamans also wore a headdress c a l l e d yek t c i n i (or "yake cheenee") which de Laguna wrote, "was made of ermine skin, eagle t a i l feathers, and perhaps *In the ethnography, de Laguna l i s t e d by name several shamans who owned t h i s kind of headdress. In addition, she i l l u s t r a t e d several of these objects that are now part of the American Museum of Natural History c o l l e c t i o n s of T l i n g i t a r t i f a c t s . 118 braids of human h a i r f a l l i n g behind. I t was ornamented with the feathered shafts of arrows and small carved heads or maskettes",(Ibid.; 9 emphasis added). From De Laguna's descriptions and photographs i t i s clear that shaman's headdresses c l o s e l y resembled cAki 'At headdresses worn by c h i e f s . Swanton noted that a T l i n g i t shaman's costume had other components i n common with a c h i e f ' s ceremonial garb: the Chilkat blanket, raven r a t t l e , dance leggings and a headdress: Besides oval Tattles, such as Haida shamans always employed they sometimes used the large chief's rattles, with  figures of a raven and other animals upon them.... The chief's rattle came to them originally from the south and on the head [they wore] a particular hat, often adopted by common people, especially by warriors and people at feasts. The shaman's body was usually covered with...a Chilkat blanket, and his legs were encased in dance leggings (Swanton, 1908:464; emphasis added). 1 0 Swanton surmised that chiefs and shamans wore the same cere-monial costume unlike t h e i r counterparts i n the Haida culture, "because T l i n g i t shamans were generally of higher s o c i a l rank than those among the Haida" ( I b i d . ) . De Laguna concurred: "A shaman might own a crest hat, but perhaps t h i s was more a r e f l e c t i o n of h i s s o c i a l rank than of his p rofessional standing, since many T l i n g i t shamans were lineage heads or house owners." (De Laguna, 1971:695-696). In summarizing the data i n t h i s section, l e t me f i r s t diagram 9. *"In a ddition to these complete headdresses, shamans might also have unattached maskettes or other ornaments which could be put on such headgear." ( I b i d . ) . (For example see Appendix, Leningrad, 536-21a & b.) "^"De Laguna noted that a shaman did not dance or perform i n h i s Chilkat blanket but "stripped naked or p r a c t i c a l l y so for h i s performances" (De Laguna, 1971:568). 119 some of the categories of headdresses worn by the T l i n g i t . The drawings are based on De Laguna's data and h i s t o r i c a l photographs (figure 3.9). From the data presented i n t h i s section, we know that these headdresses, e s p e c i a l l y cAki'At headdresses, were worn since the time of European contact with the T l i n g i t , and that t h e i r use continued through the twentieth century. Moreover, throughout t h i s h i s t o r i c a l period, the f r o n t l e t headdress or cAki'At was associated with and worn with a costume con s i s t i n g of a Chilka t blanket, dancing s h i r t or apron, dance leggings and a raven r a t t l e ; t h i s costume was often referred to as a "chief's dancing costume". H i s t o r i c a l photographs as well as ethnographic data revealed that men, women and c h i l d r e n wore the cAki'At. Men and women who were chief s , as well as members of t h e i r clan, wore these crest items. Children of the host lineage were often c a l l e d upon by t h e i r chief to wear the cAki'At and other clan heirlooms at potlatches. However, the in s i g n i a of the lineage heads and house owners was the en t i r e " c h i e f ' s dancing costume". As high-ranking people, shamans also wore t h i s costume, but whereas a chief might substitute a crest hat (sax W) or helmet (xis) for a cAki'At, only a shaman could wear a tlugu (luka) or a yek t c i n i instead of the f r o n t l e t headdress. The cAki'At and tlugu (iuka) were nearly i d e n t i c a l , the difference being that the f r o n t l e t headdress had more of the two-dimensional or plaque-like carving, whereas the _tlugu (luka) had a three dimensional, smaller carving, often c a l l e d a "maskette". F r o n t l e t or cAki'At plaques were usually carved to represent two or more supernatural creatures (or c r e s t s ) , while the tlugu "maskette" usually represented a single anthropomorphic face. To Face Page 120 F i g u r e 3.9. C a t e g o r i e s o f h e a d d r e s s e s worn by t h e T l i n g i t a c c o r d i n g t o De Laguna. Page numbers i n d i c a t e De Laguna, 1971 r e f e r e n c e s . 1. n i n g E n i n tawn: most common men and women's headgear: b l a c k s i l k k e r c h i e f w i t h c o c k a d e s o f dyed c h i c k e n f e a t h e r s ( p . 4 4 0 ) . l i t e r a l l y : " C a n a d i a n f e a t h e r s " . 2. h a t w i t h beaded f r i n g e : S t y l e s a i d to have been c a p t u r e d f r o m the R u s s i a n s . Worn by men and women (p . 4 4 0 ) . 3. ' i x t ' cAda xagu: shaman's crown of goat h o r n s ; l i t e r a l l y "shaman's head c l a w s " (pp.693-694). 4. t l u g u o r l u k a : shaman's h e a d d r e s s ; l i t e r a l l y means "power" shaman's h e a d d r e s s o f s i m i l a r d e s c r i p t i o n h a v i n g b r a i d s o f human h a i r f a l l i n g b e h i n d and ermine t a i l s c a l l e d yek t c i n i ( p . 6 9 3 ) . 5. c A k i ' A t : worn by men, women and c h i l d r e n . Worn by h i g h - r a n k i n g p e o p l e i n c l u d i n g shaman's w i t h c e r e m o n i a l d a n c i n g costume c o n -s i s t i n g o f C h i l k a t b l a n k e t , d a n c i n g a p r o n o r s h i r t , d a n c i n g l e g g i n g s , r a v e n r a t t l e (pp.442-443). 6. x u t s gAgue: W a r r i o r ' s h e a d d r e s s a l s o worn by shaman's and c h i e f ' s ; b e a r ' s e a r s h e a d d r e s s ( p . 6 9 4 ) . ' w ' 7. sax cAdakux: C e r e m o n i a l h a t o f woven s p r u c e r o o t ; worn by h i g h -r a n k i n g p e o p l e who have g i v e n p o t l a t c h e s ; l i t e r a l l y : " h a t w i t h r i n g s " ( p . 6 9 5 ) . 8. s a x W ; C h i e f ' s c r e s t h a t of woven s p r u c e r o o t ; p a i n t e d w i t h c r e s t d e s i g n s ( p . 4 4 3 ) . 9. s a x W : same as above, e x c e p t c a r v e d o f wood w i t h woven s p r u c e r o o t r i n g s i n d i c a t i n g number o f p o t l a t c h e s g i v e n . 10. x i s : C h i e f ' s c r e s t helmet o f c a r v e d wood. (Note #8, 9, & 10 may be worn by shaman's as w e l l ) ( p . 4 4 3 ) . 1. ningEnin tawn 2 ' h a t w i t h b e a d e d f r i n § e 121 The headdresses i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 3.9 a l l share something i n common. None of the categories to which they belong may be described as a mask (tlAxkEt or t l x k e t ) . Also, they were a l l headdresses worn over the forehead, thus permitting the human face to be e n t i r e l y v i s i b l e . The headdresses worn as a part of a " c h i e f ' s ceremonial costume" ( i . e . the cAki At, sax , x i s , and sax cAdakux) and the headdresses worn by the shaman (tlugu or luka, and yek t c i n i ) have an a d d i t i o n a l element i n common. Not only were these headdresses worn over the forehead, but a l l had e i t h e r carved or painted representations of supernatural creatures on the brim or crown. The image of the supernatural e n t i t y portrayed on the headdress was thus juxtaposed with the image of the wearer's human face. Hence, a wearer of these clan headdresses synthesized h i s a f f i n i t y with a super-natural e n t i t y (the lineage emblem) and h i s i d e n t i t y as a s o c i a l being (a person of c e r t a i n rank and p r e s t i g e ) . Both supernatural and s o c i a l images were conjoined, symbolizing the t o t a l image of the i n d i v i d u a l within the T l i n g i t universe. The homology between the supernatural and s o c i a l symbols contained i n the image of the wearer of a headdress i s perhaps best exemplified by the shaman wearing a tlugu headdress. The shaman was usually a person of high rank - a person with access to, as well as the a b i l i t y to generate s o c i a l power. He was also a person with access to and a b i l i t y to control great supernatural power. The headdress he wears, as an exclusive i n s i g n i a of his shamanistic r o l e , was c a l l e d a tlugu, which l i t e r a l l y translates as "power" (De Laguna, 1971:693). This headdress, worn over h i s forehead, did not conceal h i s s o c i a l i d e n t i t y . For the audience witnessing t h i s display, i t also i d e n t i f i e d the s o c i a l 122 source of a s p i r i t u a l power. The shaman became the s o c i a l being who had command over a s p i r i t , or was the s o c i a l incarnation of the s p i r i t , i t s concretion, while at the same time depicting the s p i r i t claimed by the shaman as the locus of h i s supernatural power. The two faces - that representing the yek or s p i r i t depicted on the maskette of the tlugu and the shaman's own face - were commensurate e n t i t i e s , juxtaposed to symbolize s o c i a l and supernatural authority. 3. F r o n t l e t Headdresses: occasions f o r t h e i r display. In preceding sections we have seen that the T l i n g i t wore f r o n t l e t headdresses, and how they wore them. In t h i s section, we s h a l l examine some of the occasions i n which they were worn. Generally, there were three contexts i n which the wearing of t h i s headgear would have been appropriate: i ) welcoming or greeting ceremonies i i ) the potlatch i i i ) l y i n g - i n - s t a t e r i t e s . In the l a t e r two categories, f r o n t l e t headdresses were e x p l i c i t l y worn; i n the f i r s t , however, t h e i r presence i s only i m p l i c i t . By examining the data concerning the occasions on which the cAki'At was worn, i t i s possible to speculate about the l o g i c of wearing such an adornment. i. Welcoming or greeting ceremonies. The data on T l i n g i t welcoming ceremonies are inconclusive, and there are no e x p l i c i t mentions of cAki'^.ts being worn. The d e s c r i p t i o n 123 of one welcoming or greeting occasion performed by the T l i n g i t i s , however, s i m i l a r to descriptions of Tsimshian and Haida events i n which f r o n t l e t headdresses were worn by hosts and guests. Krause noted that the ceremonies and songs which were used as greetings "on meeting strangers to assure f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s " were not conducted as frequently i n the 1880's as they were i n former times (Krause, 1885/1956:168). He described the ceremony conducted when one T l i n g i t group met another for trade or " f o r some other purpose" - probably f o r a feast or potlatch: They [the v i s i t o r s ] stop before a landing is made and the chiefs put on their ceremonial regalia. Then standing up in a canoe and holding a rattle, they start to sing a song of peace which a chorus accom-panies by raising the hands, palms forward, and the paddlers stroke rhythmically. From time to time they join the song of the leader. At the close of the ceremony, usually bird down is blown into the  air (Ibid.:169; emphasis added). Krause also noted that this was the method used to greet -Europeans, "as long as t h e i r large vessel was a r a r i t y i n these waters" (Ibi d . ) . He mentioned that v i s i t i n g Russian and other foreign warships established a custom of giving the T l i n g i t a feast. At such occasions the Indians brought forth all their traditional ritual. Dressed in fantastic regalia, singing and gesticulating, they proceeded around the ship before they went aboard. Here they were served, usually rice and molasses, as well as with a highly diluted grog..., after which they expressed their thanks to their hosts by dancing ( I b i d . ) . R e c a l l i n g that Krause i l l u s t r a t e d a "Huna" chief with a f r o n t l e t headdress and described i t as a chief i n "ceremonial r e g a l i a " , and given the descriptions of Tsimshian and Haida people performing s i m i l a r ceremonies while wearing f r o n t l e t headdresses, i t would not be an u n l i k e l y assumption that the T l i n g i t wore the cAki 'At on these occasions as well. 124 ii. The potlatoh. The potlatch i n T l i n g i t society combined several functions and the motives f o r giving a potlatch were also complex. " A l l of these purposes and functions were, however, conceived as memorializing the dead, ei t h e r d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y by carrying on the t r a d i t i o n s which the ancestors had established." (De Laguna, 1971:612). There was an intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p between the mortuary aspects of the potlatch and succession to the o f f i c e formerly held by the deceased. Though c l o s e l y linked to the death of any i n d i v i d u a l or the death of a chief, the potlatch had other apparent public functions a l l of which were directed toward the continuity of the clan: the b u i l d i n g , r e b u i l d i n g , or dedi-cation of a lineage house; the assumption of a dead chi e f ' s t i t l e by his successor; the honouring and accession of status by c h i l d r e n of the deceased's s i b ; the formal display of crest prerogatives owned by the dead i n d i v i d u a l ' s group; the formal acknowledgement and g i f t d i s t r i b u t i o n to the members of the opposite moiety who had a s s i s t e d i n the funeral; and the performance of secret society dances (Ibid.:606-612; Rossman and Rubel, 1971:48-49; Olson, 1967:58-68). "The f e a s t - p o t l a t c h " , wrote Olson, " i s c a l l e d gatt.a.1 ' t i h . The nearest t r a n s l a t i o n i s something l i k e 'feast f o r the l i v i n g c h i l d r e n ' " (Olson, 1967:68). In t h i s way, potlatches, which are i n i t i a t e d to mourn and honour the dead, were also occasions i n which a man could honour the c h i l d r e n of h i s moiety. This i s an important aspect of the potlatch, for unless one or more of these ceremonies were given for a c h i l d , he could never be a member of the highest rank (anya'ddi), "no matter how r i c h or how high-born he was" ( I b i d . ) . "Thus the big names or t i t l e s of 125 the dead members o f t h e l i n e a g e were r e v i v e d t h r o u g h t h e i r f o r m a l b e s t o w a l upon t h e l i v i n g " (De Laguna, 1971:612). The p o t l a t c h was an eve n t m e m o r i a l i z i n g the deceased and h o n o u r i n g h i s l i v i n g d e s c e n d a n t s , though as De Laguna n o t e d , " t h e o c c a s i o n i s m a g n i f i e d by c e r e m o n i a l i n t o t h e most i m p o r t a n t i n T l i n g i t l i f e , f a r t r a n s c e n d i n g the i m p o r t a n c e f o r whom i t i s h e l d " ( I b i d . : 6 0 7 ) . More t h a n any o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n , t he p o t l a t c h b r o u g h t t o g e t h e r t h e most i m p o r t a n t a s p e c t s o f T l i n g i t l i f e : Chiefs and commoners and slaves all play roles approp-riate to their stations.... It is the foremost occasion on which the position of chiefs and the legal ownership of sib prerogatives are demonstrated.... The potlatch stimulates the composition and performance of the finest songs and dances, the production and display of the most beautiful costumes, carvings, and paintings, including those of the house itself. Yet the signifi-cance of" these transcends their purely aesthetic appeal since they serve to symbolize the whole social order, the relation of man to man and of men to their totemic counterparts, while the oratory of the chiefs and poetry of the songs evoke the legendary history of the sib ancestors and myths of the world's establishment. The emotional stresses range from the heartbroken grief of a child mourning a dead mother, to the gay mimicking of foreigners in a dance, or the warlike challenges of rivals ( I b i d . ) . One o f t h e f u n c t i o n s o f t h e T l i n g i t p o t l a t c h , t he e t h n o g r a p h e r s o b s e r v e d , was the f o r m a l d i s p l a y o f c r e s t p r e r o g a t i v e s and emblems. F r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s e s , v e h i c l e s f o r t h e v i s u a l p r e s e n t a t i o n of c r e s t s o r c l a n emblems, were worn by men, women and c h i l d r e n a t p o t l a t c h e s . The c r e s t p a r a p h e r n a l i a , o f w h i c h f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s e s were a p a r t , s i g n i f i e d more t h a n c l a n a f f i l i a t i o n ; i t s y m b o l i z e d an i m p o r t a n t l i n k between the dead and t h e l i v i n g . The h e a d d r e s s e s and o t h e r c e r e m o n i a l r e g a l i a formed p a r t o f the v i s u a l e x p r e s s i o n o f t h e c o n t i n u i t y o f t h e l i n e a g e a c r o s s t i m e and space. As De Laguna n o t e d : 126 Just as the host chief introduced his 'nephews and nieces ' and his 'grandchildren' [ c h i l d r e n of his own moiety] to the guests by the honourable names they were henceforth to bear, so he himself succeeded to the position of his dead predecessor as head of the lineage or sib. The garments (blankets, coats, hats,  headdresses) that had been worn by the dead at  earlier ceremonials were placed upon these, their  living representatives, and even the children of the dead might be called before the guests to. display such regalia ( I b i d . ) . De Laguna described how the cAki'At and other crest headgear were danced with (see p.115 below ) and indicated the s i g n i f i c a n c e of displaying these heirlooms: There are traditional songs (and perhaps dances) that are supposed to accompany the exhibition of each sib heirloom of this kind: hat, helmet, blanket drum, and so forth. Sometimes the chief himself displays the emblem or calls on his nephew to do so, and sometimes he calls on his paternal grandchild [both of which belong to his c l a n ] . The greater the importance of  the object displayed and of its song, the more wealth  would be contributed when it was shown, and this in  turn enhances the value of the object and the prestige  of the sponsor and of the junior who exhibits the  crest. (Ibid.: 634; emphasis added). Dancing at potlatches was done pr i m a r i l y by the host women according to De Laguna (1971:633). Their dances accompanied the singing of the host and for t h i s occasion they often wore f r o n t l e t headdresses. Their faces were painted with designs associated with the sib crest. ... They wore blankets, usually the button blankets of blue serge with red borders, although some had Chilkat blankets. Blankets were... considered essential for dancing . Host women might wear a silk kerchief and a Hudson's Bay Company coc-kade, or the wooden headdress, cAki 'At (Ibid.:634; emphasis added). Swanton's account of a feast given by the Raven people of Klukwan at Chilkat corroborates the fac t that host women wore f r o n t l e t headdresses: 127 Next morning the Sitka people were all taken into their hosts' houses to talk with them about taking up the boxes of the dead, putting them in a box, and erecting a carving over them. .. . Now is when the host takes charge of the sport, so next morning two cannons were fired off, and the host told the  women of his clan to dress up. So all the women  of that clan put on carved headdresses ornamented  with abalone shell, and other good clothing (Swanton, 1908:441; emphasis added). 1 1 These two accounts remind us that women, as well as men and chi l d r e n of the host clan, danced wearing f r o n t l e t headdresses. As we have seen i n the ethnographic and photographic records evidenced e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter, c h i e f s and other high-ranking people (including shamans) wore the f r o n t l e t headdress i n as s o c i a t i o n with other exclusive i n s i g n i a of t h e i r rank: the Chilkat blanket, dancing apron or s h i r t , dance l e g -gings, and the raven r a t t l e . From a l l accounts, i t i s unclear what costumes the v i s i t o r s wore, except that these were t h e i r "best clothes". It i s also unclear what ceremonial apparel was worn for the "secret society" or dance society events which were a part of the T l i n g i t potlatch. The ethnographers r a r e l y commented on the substance of the T l i n g i t secret s o c i e t i e s , or luqAna', except to note that the dances were imported from the south and that the dances retained " d i r e c t s i m i l a r i t i e s " to the secret s o c i e t i e s of the Kwagiul, Tsimshian, and Haida (Olson, 1967:118). But, as Swanton noted, " t h e i r observance by no means reached the importance attained among the Kwakiutl" (Swanton, 1908:436). He 'Swanton's informant Dekina 'k! U did not s p e c i f i c a l l y mention men wearing f r o n t l e t headdresses, though he did say they wore "cl a n hats" and other "valuable hats". One of the Klukwan host c h i e f s , Yelxa'k, "wore a hat provided with ears and covered with abalone s h e l l " . 128 observed that the luqAna' performances were better known and existed i n greater v a r i e t y at Wrangel than at Sitka ( I b i d . ) . Olson commented that "most of the features" of the secret s o c i e t i e s "were avowedly of Tsim-shian o r i g i n " and that " i t i s quite clear that none of the T l i n g i t north of Sitka had acquired the songs, dances, whistles and other paraphernalia associated with these s p e c i a l dances" (Olson, 1967:118). Given that the ethnographers who commented on T l i n g i t secret society dances did not systematically describe them, but merely noted that they resembled or were i d e n t i c a l to Haida, Tsimshian and Kwagiul secret society dances, and given that among those southerly people, f r o n t l e t headdresses were worn on those occasions, I assume that f r o n t l e t headdresses were also 12 used by the T l i n g i t i n the luqAna' performances. iii. Lying-in-state rites Upon the death of a chief or.other high-ranking person, the Haida and T l i n g i t dressed the body i n ceremonial a t t i r e and surrounded i t with the emblems of wealth and prestige of the deceased. The ceremonial a t t i r e for l y i n g - i n - s t a t e usually consisted of a f r o n t l e t headdress, """^"It should be noted that Olson learned of one " s p e c i a l head-dress" used i n these dances, and further that "masks were not used". He continued by describing the headdress: " I t i s c a l l e d "kun (a bird) s i t t i n g on a stump." (Olson, 1967:120). I t was owned by Chief Cedesti'h of Wrangel and was traded along with a "Lukana" (Swanton's luqAna?) dance and a " s p e c i a l r a t t l e " to Chief Skauwuyetl of the Kiksadi of Sitka for a " f i n e copper named t i n a k t l e ' n (big copper). ( I b i d . ) . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Kun i s translated by Swanton as ' f l i c k e r ' (Kun) and that he l i s t s a f l i c k e r mask as being owned by the KiksA d i at Wrangell. (Swanton, 1908:436). I t i s possible that the "Kun s i t t i n g on a stump" headdress was a f r o n t l e t headdress, and that the " s p e c i a l r a t t l e " was a raven r a t t l e - both would have been commensurate,in value to a copper, and both would have been c h i e f l y possessions. 129 a button blanket or beaded clan s h i r t . A Chi l k a t blanket was often draped over the body's knees or hung on the wall behind i t (see fi g u r e 3.10). Krause included i n h i s ethnography an account of the ceremonies which took place a f t e r the death of a Sitka chief as i t appeared i n the New York Herald of A p r i l 16, 1881: The corpse was ceremonially prepared and placed in a sitting position in the center of the hack wall of the house. On his head he wore a wooden hat, carved with figures of the raven, his face was painted, and around his body a woolen blanket decorated with but-tons was draped. Two beautiful Chilkat blankets were laid on his knees and on these was a package of let-ters of recommendation given him by the commanders and other important white people, and a dagger in a carved sheath. To one side of him lay his treasure, mostly woolen blankets packed in several trunks; on the other side stood his wife, wrapped in a woolen blanket (Krause, 1885/1956:156). A few years l a t e r , during the winter of 1886-1887, George Barnett, a Marine lieutenant witnessed the display of a body i n state at Si t k a . He described the scene to Niblack: For several days after death the body was lying in state, surrounded by all articles of value which had been the property of the deceased. The face was covered with a mask, and on the head was a handsome headdress trimmed with ermine skins which hung down the back; the body, which was in a sit-ting posture, was covered with Chilkat blankets (Niblack, 1888/1970:359). The missionary Jones provided a s i m i l a r d e s c r i p t i o n of the mortuary ceremonies for a chief, noting that the display of personal and clan emblems served to indicate the high-standing of the person i n l i f e (Jones, 1914:147). The memorial r i t e s changed l i t t l e over the years, the major innovation being that with the advent of C h r i s t i a n i t y , bodies were inte r r e d rather than cremated. Olson's account of the r i t e s f o r Figure 3.10. a. Sketch made from a photograph by Niblack, depicts the body of Chief Shakes, l y i n g i n state at Ft. Wrangell, Alaska. (Niblack, 1888/1971:Plate LXVIII). b. "Taken i n 1878 i n Fort Wrangell, t h i s photo shows Chief Shakes V l y i n g i n state surrounded by the symbols of h i s t r i b e and c l a n . " (Keithahn, 1945/1963:27). 131 a high ranking man i s nearly i d e n t i c a l to l a t e nineteenth century reports. The body was placed on a seat or box at the "head" of the house, the end opposite the door, by members of the opposite moiety, usually the wife's brothers (kanigan). Four men dressed him [the deceased] in his ceremonial costume, and his face is painted with red ochre. Among the northern Tlingit a Canadian flag is draped to one side. A blanket is draped to cover the face and a button blanket across the shoulders. A dance headdress or hat is placed on the head. . . . A Chilkat blanket is also hung on the wall (Olson, 1967:59). S i m i l a r l y , De Laguna records that as soon as a death had occurred among the Yukatat T l i n g i t , a l l the members of the opposite moiety (gunEtkAnayi) hastened to the house and dressed the deceased. It was formerly wrapped in a Chilkat blanket, with a headdress (cAki'At) on the head, and was propped up to sit at the back of the house. Important heirlooms and other property owned by the deceased were piled by the body (De Laguna, 1971:532). 1 3 During the period of mourning, while the deceased was l y i n g - i n -state, r e l a t i v e s stood with faces painted black, h a i r cut short, and the i r *De Laguna's informant, Minnie Gray Johnson, to l d her: "The body was always s i t t i n g up against the wall on a chair or a box.... they never l a i d the body down f l a t because i t would have been too hard f o r the s p i r i t to get up. The s p i r i t had to get up and walk to S p i r i t Town (sege qawn'ani)." She also t o l d De Laguna that the corpse was dressed with strong shoes and gloves "because [the corpse was] going to go through a l o t of devi l - c l u b s and bushes and n e t t l e s . If they don't put no gloves on you, you never get through." ( I b i d . ) . Swanton's Sitka informants t o l d him that people learned about the regions souls inhabit from men who have died and come back to l i f e again. "In olden days a c e r t a i n person died and thought i t was so hard to walk up to the ghosts' country that he came back. Then he said to the people, 'I haven't any moccasins. I haven't any gloves on. That i s a very hard place to go through, f o r there are l o t s of d e v i l clubs and other kinds of bushes i n the way. You must also sing songs when anybody dies. I t i s the same as a road for him and w i l l lead him....' He also said there were many houses up there and t o l d them to dress him up, put red paint on h i s face, and eagle down on his h a i r . " (Swanton, 1908b:461). 132 heads sprinkled with eagle down (Krause, 1885/1956:158; Niblack, 1888/ 1970:358; Olson, 1967:60; e t c . ) . The r e l a t i v e s removed the body from the house and i n e a r l i e r times took i t to a funeral pyre; i n l a t e r years, they placed i t i n a c o f f i n . Generally the ceremonial clothing was removed, though i n some instances, the Chil k a t blanket of a dead chief would be na i l e d to the outside of h i s grave house. De Laguna noted at l e a s t one instance i n which a chief was buried with h i s headdress, but i n her d e s c r i p t i o n of the Yakutat potlatch she stated that the ceremonial costumes worn by the dead at e a r l i e r ceremonials were placed upon t h e i r l i v i n g 14 representatives (De Laguna, 1971:612). There i s no mention i n the l i t e r a t u r e of deceased shamans l y i n g - i n - s t a t e . T l i n g i t shamans, l i k e most Northwest Coast shamans, were never cremated, but rather t h e i r bodies were bound i n a f e t a l p o s i t i o n and placed i n decorated grave boxes, which were i n turn, placed i n caves or s p e c i a l grave houses. The shaman's body was surrounded by much of h i s paraphernalia. In a d e s c r i p t i o n by Seaton-Karr of the discovery of a shaman's grave near Port Mulgrave i n 1886, the following items were found: "a shaman's wand, three mountain goat horns from a crown [probably an ixt'cAda xagu], maskettes for headdress. . .etc.',' (In De Laguna, 1971:687). De Laguna corroborated t h i s account with another l i s t of objects found i n a shaman's grave house: "...grave guardian image, box to hold h i s o u t f i t and a d d i t i o n a l containers for small items, masks, headdresses (of down 14 / 'De Laguna i l l u s t r a t e d a "Golden Eagle" cAki At, "said to have been owned by Kax-da-xet±, Teqwedi chief of Shark House, probably Chief Minaman or Daqusetc, who died i n 1890" (De Laguna, 1971:1074; plate 157a). She maintains that the headdress was c o l l e c t e d from h i s grave. \ 133 feathers or cedar bark) with maskette (t l g u ) , headdress of ermine skin (yek _ t c i n i ) , extra maskettes....bear's ears headdress, crest hat..., etc." (Ibid.:686). She noted: "Normally the paraphernalia of a shaman were never destroyed, but l i k e h i s corpse would be kept above ground i n order to i n s p i r e another doctor i n h i s own lineage" ( I b i d . ) . In summary, deceased T l i n g i t c hiefs and persons of high-rank were dressed i n ceremonial clothing for l y i n g - i n - s t a t e r i t e s . The person l y i n g - i n - s t a t e was placed i n a s i t t i n g p o s i t i o n and h i s clan emblems and treasures were placed around him. Members of h i s own clan and those of the opposite moiety witnessed the scene - the deceased's l a s t public proclamation and v a l i d a t i o n of h i s clan's prerogatives. A few days l a t e r , the body was either cremated or i n t e r r e d , and unlike the shaman, the prestigious person's ceremonial paraphernalia remained with the l i v i n g members of h i s clan. The prestigious clan emblems, including f r o n t l e t headdresses, crest hats, and blankets, of a high-ranking person or chief were kept i n a s o c i a l sphere - the land of the l i v i n g - to be further enhanced i n value and prestige. These items, along with t h e i r accompanying songs and dances, formed the symbols and i n s i g n i a of the deceased and of h i s successors. The ceremonial costumes, l i k e the names and r i g h t s to clan p o s i t i o n s , were inh e r i t e d heirlooms, passed from one generation to another. The continuity of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l p o s i t i o n was symbolized by the preservation and continuation of h i s clan emblems, songs, and dances. These ideas of ensuring the continuity (and enhancement) of clan and clan p o s i t i o n were c l e a r l y linked to ideas about the r e i n c a r -nation of the deceased's soul i n the body of a c h i l d of the same moiety (see Swanton, 1908:429; De Laguna, 1971:776-781). De Laguna noted: 134 Every baby embodies the spirit of a deceased relative who has returned to the living. ... In reincarnation, the dead person's spirit is said to return to the "nearest relative" to be reborn as her child. This woman most property belongs to the same lineage, and sib as the deceased, and to judge from alleged instances, may be a sister,. sister's daughter, daughter's daughter, or sometimes a son's daughter or even a sib "sister"... .The mother may even be a woman in an allied sib in the same moiety (De Laguna, 1971:777). Thus, by potlatching, v a l i d a t i n g and enhancing crest pre-rogatives, and by honouring the c h i l d r e n of one's own moiety, a person ensured: a) that the valuable emblems of h i s clan as well as h i s p o s i t i o n would be in h e r i t e d by worthy h e i r s ; b) that these heirs would continue to claim and v a l i d a t e clan prerogatives; c) that new i n d i v i d u a l s or members of the moiety with appropriate a f f i l i a t i o n and hig h - b i r t h would be provided f o r the reincarnation of the deceased's soul. Another way of looking at personal wealth and rank from the point of view of the deceased would be: "you can't take i t with you, but you can always come back and claim i t " . 135 Map IV. Kaigani Haida and Haida V i l l a g e s . (After Duff, n.d.; Anthropology 301 handout, U.B.C.) Scale: one inch equals approximately 38 miles. 135 CHAPTER FOUR THE HAIDA CASE Introduction In the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e , there i s l i t t l e d e s c r i p t i o n of the personal adornment used by the Haida people i n the elaborate r i t u a l s of the winter ceremonials and feasts. Compared to c o l l e c t i o n s of ethnographic data from other parts of the Northwest Coast, the l i t e r a -ture concerning the Haida i s e s p e c i a l l y bereft of d e t a i l s about r i t u a l clothing, masks, headdresses, and other ceremonial paraphernalia."*" From the few scattered accounts a v a i l a b l e , there i s nothing that e x p l i -c i t l y deals with when and how these a r t i c l e s were used, nor with t h e i r meaning or s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the s o c i o - r i t u a l context. Data i n photographic archives and museum catalogues are no more i l l u m i n a t i n g than the l i t e r a t u r e . H i s t o r i c a l photographs substantiate that Haida people wore f r o n t l e t headdresses, and that the headdress was part of a dramatic costume cons i s t i n g of Chilkat blanket, dancing apron, leggings and raven r a t t l e . The large quantity of f r o n t l e t headdresses c o l l e c t e d from these people, documented, and stored on museum shelves suggest that they were * I am at a loss to explain why there i s such a dearth of data concerning t h i s aspect of Haida l i f e and material culture, I suspect however, that t h i s may be a t t r i b u t e d to the f a c t that with one exception, a l l the ethnographers did t h e i r fieldwork during the summer months when the Haida r a r e l y held potlatches. Dawson, who v i s i t e d Haida v i l l a g e s during the summer of 1879, was fortunate to attend one feast from which he wrote an eyewitness account. Swanton, on the other hand, l i v e d with the Haida during the winter of 1900-1901, but h i s accounts of the winter ceremonials were not f i r s t - h a n d . While missionaries and s e t t l e r s may have l i v e d i n or near Haida v i l l a g e s year round, they were either ambiv-alent about Haida r i t u a l , or they were not i n v i t e d to attend potlatches. Their writings ind i c a t e an awareness of Haida ceremonialism without describing or explaining the phenomena. 136 indeed an important part of Haida ceremonialism. In t h i s chapter I w i l l survey the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e and attempt to a l i g n some of the fragmented data concerning the wearing of f r o n t l e t headdresses i n Haida r i t u a l . However, given the nature of the data, i t i s impossible to present an aggregate d e s c r i p t i o n of the Haida use of these objects. Rather, the goal w i l l be to generate ideas about the l o g i c of using t h i s kind of raiment by consolidating shreds of data that reveal how the f r o n t l e t headdress was worn, who wore i t , and the occasions on which i t was displayed. 1. Early H i s t o r i c a l and Ethnographic accounts. George M. Dawson wrote one of the f i r s t major monographs on 2 the Haida. Although based on f i r s t - h a n d observations made during the summer of 1879, h i s work did include data about the dances of the winter ceremonials and about some of the ceremonial garb worn on those occasions. He described the dancing costume of which the f r o n t l e t headdress i s an i n t e g r a l p art: 3 The Chilkat blanket (naxin): A cloak or blanket very much prized by the Haidas and called naxin is obtained in tvade from the Tsimshians. It is shaped somewhat like a shawl, with a blunt point behind, and surrounded by a deep and thick fringe of twisted wool. Finely shred cedar bark is used as a basis or warp, on which the wool of the mountain goat is worked in. The cloaks are made in many small separate 2. "Written in 1880, the ethnographic portion comprises Appendix A (pp. 103-175) of the larger work Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands contained i n the Geological Survey of Canada for 1878-1879. 3. "(The Skidegate d i a l e c t w i l l be used for the Haida glosses unless otherwise specified.) Dawson, 1880:107, 137; or na'Hin according to Boas, 1881:184. Boas says t h i s word i s borrowed from the T l i n g i t language. 137 pieces, which are afterwards artfully sewn together. The colours of wool used are white, yellow, black and brown and the pattern bears a relation to the totem, so that an Indian can tell to what totem the cloak belongs. These cloaks or blankets are valued at about $30. (Dawson, 1880:107). v 4 ...the f r o n t l e t headdress ( j i t k ' 1 ) : [The naxin] are used specially in dancing, and then in conjunction with a peculiar head-dress, which consists of a small wooden mask ornamented with mother-of-pearl. This stands up from the forehead, and is attached to a piece fitting over the head, ornamented with feathers, &c., and behind supporting a strip of cloth about two feet wide, which hangs down to the feet, and is covered with skins of the ermine ( I b i d . ) . ...and... [The headdress worn at the same time with the naxin] consists essentially of a small, nearly flat mask (one in my possession is 6 inches long by 5 3/4 wide ...), fixed to an erection of cedar bark, feathers, &c, in such a manner as to stand erect above the forehead of the woman. At the back depends a train, which, may be made of cloth, but should have ermine skins sewn on it. These masks are frequently well carved to represent a human face not unpleasant in expression, and have the teeth and eyes formed of inlaid Haliotis shell (Ibid.:137). ...the dance leggings (gy'atl gya):^ Leggings ornamented with puffin beaks have been referred to as occasionally adopted as a part of the dancing costume (Ibid.) ...and the raven r a t t l e ( s i s a / ) : ^ Rattles are also used chiefly in dancing. These are ^'Levine, 1976: personal communication. According to David E l l i s , the Masset gloss for f r o n t l e t headdress i s J i i L h K ' i i . (1976: personal communication). Deans (1895 :XVH (March):62) wrote the Haida ( d i a l e c t • unspecified) word for t h i s object was c h i l l k a . "''Boas, 1881:186. L i t e r a l l y : " l e g dancing ornament". *Ibid.:190. David E l l i s supplies the Masset term Sisga? meaning any r a t t l e . (1976 personal communication.) 138 of two principle types First and most usual are plain spheroidal or oval rattles, generally consid-erably flattened in shape... .The second species of rattle is much more elaborate in form, is highly prized, and apparently used only by persons of some distinction. These are made in the form of a bird the handle being in a position corresponding with the bird's tail. Accessory carving of a very elab-orate character is sometimes found on these rattles.... ( I b i d . ) . Ensign A.P. Niblack and James Deans saw f r o n t l e t headdresses, and while i t i s not c l e a r whether or not they witnessed f i r s t - h a n d ceremonies i n which the dancing costume was worn, t h e i r records indicated who wore the f r o n t l e t headdress and how i t was danced with. N i b l a c k 1 s notes, compiled over three consecutive summers (1885-1887) among the Kaigani Haida, contained the following data: Chief's ceremonial headdress. In connection with [the C h i l k a t ] blanket and coat or gown, a conventional head-dress is worn by the chiefs in this northern region. These... consist of a cylin-drical wooden frame about 10 inches high, with an elaborately carved front of hard wood, beautifully polished, painted, and inlaid with abalone shell and copper. Pendent behind is a long cloth, on which are closely sewn the skins of ermine, which  form an important item in a chief's outfit. Around the upper periphery of the head-dress is an elaborate fringe of seal-whiskers. In ceremon-ial dances the space within this fringe and the top of the headdress is filled with eagle or other bird's down, which falls like snow in the motions of the dance. This costume is completed by leggings of deer's hide, ornamented with the beaks of puffins, which rattle with the movements of the wearer (Niblack, 1890/1970:264; emphasis added). James Deans was a minor ethnographer of Haida cul t u r e , and although a p r o l i f i c writer on the subject for over f o r t y years, he made his f i r s t t r i p to the islands i n 1869.^ His d e s c r i p t i o n of how the "Deans, James. "On the Copper Images of the Haida Tribes." Proceedings of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia. 1886:1:14-17. 139 f r o n t l e t headdress was used by the Haida of the Queen Charlotte Islands corroborates the data given by Niblack for the northern v i l l a g e s i n Alaska: A chief3 or a person of high standing, had  to wear a sort of cloak, attached to a head-dress. On the front of the head-piece was carved one of the crests of the wearer. Set into its face were a number of abalone shells. Fixed into the top of this head-gear, standing upright, were a number of sea-lion bristles. These were put into form a small circle, within which were placed a lot of eagle down-feathers. While dancing and jumping about and shaking their heads, this down would fly about,covering. everything. Attached to this head-gear was a yard or two of calico. This had a large number of ermine skins sewed to it. This usually hung down the back of the wearer. The Eidery name for this is chillka. The Tsimshians call it am halloid, (good or nice halloid). (Deans, 1895:XVII (March):62; emphasis added). From these accounts i n the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e and from h i s t o r i c a l photographs, i t i s evident that the dancing costume used by high-ranking Haida people was i d e n t i c a l to the dancing r e g a l i a of Tsimshian and T l i n g i t c h i e f s . Unfortunately, the l i t e r a t u r e does not supply a name for the Haida c h i e f ' s dancing costume nor does i t indi c a t e a s p e c i a l term for the dancer who wore i t . Neither do ethnographic records reveal the o r i g i n of the f r o n t l e t headdress. However, the C h i l -kat blankets and the raven r a t t l e s as well as the ceremonies i n which f r o n t l e t headdresses were worn were said to have been obtained from the g Tsimshian. Dawson wrote: "See Dawson's quote (p. 136) on the o r i g i n of the Chilkat blanket. As Gould noted i n her thesis on raven r a t t l e s , " i t i s probable that the majority of the r a t t l e s of Tsimshian manufacture [used by the Haida] were acquired i n the region of the Nass". The Haida frequently went there to trade for oulachon o i l , a major staple i n t h e i r d i e t . In museum cata-logue data she found a statement by Barbeau which indicated that most raven r a t t l e s were carved by the Tsimshian and "were sold and exported elsewhere for the use of foreign c h i e f s " (Barbeau, 1927, notes to ROM HN-747; i n continued 140 The Tshimsians say that the Haidas had originally no religion whatever, but adopted their ceremonies not a very great while ago. This may account for the use of Tshimsian words in the dances among the Haidas, and the high esteem in which the Tshimsian language is held by them. ...The dance is closely connected with the potlatch ceremonies, but also takes place in some instances without the occasion of a giving away of property. In most of the dances the Tshimsian language is used in the song, which would appear to indicate that the ceremonial has been borrowed from these people. Notwithstand-ing the old-time h o s t i l i t y of the Haidas and Tshimsians, the former profess a great l i k i n g for the Tshimsians ' language, and many of them speak i t fluently (Dawson, 1880:120, 127-128). John R. Swanton, a u t h o r o f t h e major e t h n o g r a p h y o f H a i d a c u l t u r e , r e c o r d e d o r i g i n myths about H a i d a s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s f r o m Masset and S k i d e g a t e i n f o r m a n t s (Swanton, 1905a:156-160). Many o f t h e s o c i e t i e s i n c o r p o r a t e d t h e use o f t h e f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s i n t o i n i t i a t i o n p e r f o r -mances h e l d d u r i n g t h e w i n t e r c e r e m o n i a l s . "These s t o r i e s a g r e e i n one i m p o r t a n t p a r t i c u l a r ; " w r o t e Swanton, " t h e y a s s i g n t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e s e c r e t s o c i e t y t o t h e same p e o p l e , t h e T s i m s h i a n around K i t k a t l a " ( I b i d . : 1 6 0 ) . I t i s n o t an u n l i k e l y a s s u m p t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t t h e use o f t h e c h i e f ' s d a n c i n g costume - t h e C h i l k a t b l a n k e t , a p r o n , l e g g i n g s , f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s , and r a v e n r a t t l e - as w e l l as the c e r e m o n i a l c o n t e x t i n w h i c h i t was worn, were o b t a i n e d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y f r o m t h e T s i m s h i a n . 8. ( c o n t i n u e d ) G o u l d , 1973:138). Museum d o c u m e n t a t i o n f o r a n o t h e r r a t t l e i n c l u d e d a myth t o l d t o C.F. Newcombe by a H a i d a c h i e f , C h a r l i e Edenshaw. The myth t o l d o f t h e o r i g i n o f t h e sTsa'and a t t r i b u t e d t h e m a n u f a c t u r e o f t h e f i r s t one t o a T s i m s h i a n c h i e f , T c a m i s k ' s . (C.F. Newcombe, 1902, n o t e s t o a c c . 832 a t C h i c a g o Museum o f N a t u r a l H i s t o r y ; i n G o u l d , 1973:138). Figure 4.1. "Haida c h i e f t a i n . " BCPM Photo. 5314 -Copied from B.C. Nativ e Heritage Series I , V o l . 4: "Our Na t i v e Peoples". BCPM Photo #1040 i s n e a r l y i d e n t i c a l and i d e n t i f i e s the person as Amos Watson (Newcombe Photo 1907). F r o n t l e t i s i n BCPM c o l l e c t i o n : BCPM 9534 (see Appendix.) To f a c e page 142 F i g u r e 4.2. " H a i d a a r t i s t s Tom P r i c e ( l e f t ) and John Robson ( r i g h t ) . BCPM Photo #5304. Same pho t o , a t Vancouver C e n t e n n i a l Museum d e f i n i t e l y i d e n t i f i e d as F l e m i n g b r o t h e r s p h o t o , 1895-1900. I n a d d i t i o n , same p h o t o , appears i n The I n d i a n s o f t h e Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s by Rev. B.C. Freeman ( c . 1910). C a p t i o n r e a d s : "A N a t i v e L o c a l P r e a c h e r and A Steward i n A n c i e n t D a n c i n g Costume." Newcombe d i a r y f o r 1901 c o n t a i n e d t h e n a t i v e names f o r t h e s e two men: J o h n Robson was c a l l e d G w a i s k u n a g i a t ^ e n s o f Naikungeowe (p. 95 o f t h e d i a r y f o r 1 9 0 1 ) ; Tom P r i c e was c a l l e d X a i dekuns. ( I b i d . : 1 0 1 ) . ~~ _ F i g u r e 4.3. H a i d a a r t i s t John Robson. C l o s e up o f BCPM Ph o t o . #5304. "John Robson was P e t e r K e l l y ' s mother's u n c l e - d i e d a f t e r 1910 maybe 1914-15. When P e t e r K e l l y l e f t i n 1910 he was p e r h a p s 75. He was a l o c a l p r e a c h e r i n t h e M e t h o d i s t Church - was a s l a t e and wood c a r v e r , n o t s i l v e r and g o l d . " BCPM Photo. #5444. P h o t o , by F l e m i n g B r o t h e r s , 1895-1900. 143 2. The Ceremonial Contexts. Generally, there were three contexts i n which the f r o n t l e t headdress was worn: 1) for ceremonies welcoming v i s i t o r s and guests. Both the "host" chief and the "guest" c h i e f s wore the f r o n t l e t headdress or "dancing hat". I include i n t h i s category dances which were performed at the feasts given a f t e r a l l the guests had assembled and before the po t l a t c h began. 2) for the Wa Igal (house-raising) and Sik!A (funerary or grave-post r a i s i n g ) potlatches of which secret society dances and i n i t i a t i o n s were an i n t e g r a l part. Both c h i e f s and (pre-sumably high-ranking), n e w l y - i n i t i a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s wore the f r o n t l e t headdress. 3) for l y i n g - i n - s t a t e . A deceased chief was dressed i n f u l l ceremonial r e g a l i a - including a f r o n t l e t headdress. The accounts describing the ceremonial contexts i n which f r o n t l e t headdresses were worn are found p r i m a r i l y i n Harrison (1925), Dawson (1880, 1882), and Swanton (1905a). i. Welcoming ceremonies: act of joy, act of peace. Dawson i d e n t i f i e d what he considered to be s i x classes or categories of dancing ceremonies among the Haida. They were: 1) Ska-ga; 2) Ska-dul; 3) Kwai-o-guns-o-lung; 4) Ka-'ta-ka-gun; 5) Ska-rut; and 6) H i - a t l (Dawson, 1880:129; 1882:405). From h i s d e s c r i p t i o n s , the Ska-ga was a dance performed to welcome guests and v i s i t o r s from other v i l l a g e s : ' S i g n i f i c a n t l y , Dawson also translated ska-ga as "medicine or mystery man, or shaman". He notes that t h i s person "functions as a prophet, sorcerer, and physician" and i s chosen or accepted for the p o s i t i o n because of dreams or v i s i o n s from the supernatural (Dawson, 1880:121-122). Swanton (1905a:13) translated shaman as sga ga and members of a secret society continued 144 Ska-ga is performed on occasions of joy, as when friendly Indians arrive at a village in their canoes, and it is desired to manifest pleasure. A chief performs this dance. Ee takes his stand in the house at the side of the central fire furthest from the door. Ee should wear over his shoulders one of the na-xin or Tshimsian blankets, made of fine cedar bark and the wool of the moun-tain goat. Ee wears, besides, the best clothes he may happen to have, and on his head an ornament made of the stout bristles from the whiskers of the sea-lion. These are set upright in a circle, and between them feather-down is heaped, which as he moves is scattered on all sides, filling the air and covering the spectators. Ee dances in the usual slouching way common among the Indians, bending his knees, but not lifting his feet far from the ground. The people, sitting around in the fire-light, all sing, and the drum is contin-ually beaten. This dance may last half an hour. (Dawson, 1880:127-128). Harrison described two dances which may also f i t the category of the Ska-ga. These dances took place before property d i s t r i b u t i o n s , when a l l the guests had been assembled. As i n the Ska-ga described by Dawson, the s c a t t e r i n g of eagle or swan down over the audience by dancers wearing f r o n t l e t headdresses was an important aspect of the performance. The dancing dresses they wore on these occasions were fitted with a wooden headpiece beautifully carved or painted, and sea-lions' bristles were ingeniously inserted in a circle at the top and inside this circle a quantity of eagles' or swans' down was stored; as the dancer shook his head and jumped about the down became scattered over the assembly and was a sign of goodwill and peace. 9. (continued) ( l i t e r a l l y , "the inspired") as sga gadas. Boas translated shaman as sk.a'ga, but noted that the word also meant k i l l e r whale (Delphinus  Orca), (Boas, 1891:186). Swanton recorded that sqa na or sga nAgua (Masset, sean) glossed as "power" and also as " k i l l e r whale" (Swanton, I b i d . ) , and the words referred to "power from some supernatural being", (Ibid.:13, 38). Elsewhere he indicated that k i l l e r whales and supernatural beings are synonymous i n the Haida mind (Ibid.:17, 158). 145 Frequently during the dancing they blew the down into the air at intervals through painted tubes until everyone present was bestrewn as with a fall of snow (Harrison, 1925:71). ...and... On the occasion of a great potlatch a feast took place before the distribution of property, and after the feast there was a wild dance. The performers were especially decked out for the occasion, their drums being made for the occasion; some wore wind masks and wooden headdresses orna-mented with the bristles of the sea-lion, others had their faces painted black or Vermillion. They danced with great frenzy round the camp fire, and their excitement often culminated in a sudden collapse in a heap on the ground (Ibid.:66). Harrison also noted that welcoming dances of a s i m i l a r nature were performed for some of the great white people to v i s i t Haida v i l l a g e s : It has also been reported that when the Haidas met the first white explorer they performed some of their dances on boards laid across the bows of canoes, and when close to the ship quantities of this down were blown over the vessel as a sign of friendship and welcome (Ibid.:71). Dawson corroborates t h i s data with an account given to him by Chief Edenshaw: . ..It was near winter, he said, a very long time ago, when a ship under sail appeared in the vicinity of North Island. The Indians were all very much afraid. The chief [Edenshaw's predecessor: Coneehaw] shared in the general fear, but feeling that it was necessary for the sake of his dignity to act a bold part, he dressed himself in all the finery worn in dancing, went out to sea in his canoe, and on approach-ing the ship performed a dance (probably the Ska-ga) (Dawson, 1880:160-161). Swanton's lengthy account of the feasts and ceremonies which comprised the Wa'lgal po t l a t c h included descriptions of v i s i t o r s a r r i v i n g at t h e i r host's v i l l a g e . The "dancing hat" referred to i n t h i s excerpt was 146 evidently a " c h i e f ' s dancing hat" or f r o n t l e t headdress."*"^ ...Then they embarked, and landed near the host's town. There the guests painted up, and people oame down to see them from the village. The guests danced for them on their canoes. They called this "coming dancing towards the town in canoes. " ...On the canoes, too, one person danced, wearing a dancing hat (Swanton, 1905a:168). This dance, performed by p o t l a t c h guests and corresponding to the host's welcoming dance, was not named i n the l i t e r a t u r e . From Swanton's account i t was not evident whether or not b i r d ' s down was scattered by the dancer who wore the headdress. In the account of a : Sxk!A (or funerary) p o t l a t c h Swanton's Masset informant described the ceremonial which took place a year a f t e r a man died. The c h i e f s of the opposite c l a n t r a v e l l e d by sea to the v i l l a g e and... When the canoes came together towards the town, the occupants sang, and in every one they danced. On shore the host and his wife came down fully  dressed (dancing the xa'da). After they had gone up again, the town people came down in rows dancing the "going down towards canoes" dance (s^a dets) (Ibid.:177; emphasis added). This account did not mention what the v i s i t i n g c h i e f s wore, nor did i t i n d i c a t e whether or not b i r d down was a part of the xa'da as i t was i n the dance Dawson categorized as the Ska-ga. To summarize the data i n t h i s section, f r o n t l e t headdresses 'Swanton never used the term " f r o n t l e t headdress" i n h i s ethnographies. From his descriptions of potlatches, I assume that he chose instead to use the a p p e l l a t i o n " c h i e f ' s dancing hat" (some-times shortened to "dancing hat"). Elsewhere he wrote: "I use the expression 'dressing up' to t r a n s l a t e a Haida word which includes the potlatch a t t i r e and accompanying face paintings" (1905a:109). 147 were worn on occasions when v i s i t o r s arrived at a host's v i l l a g e . These headdresses were worn by the hosts and they may have been worn by the high-ranking guests. Both the xa'da and the Ska-ga were dances of welcome performed by ch i e f s hosting potlatches. The appropriate apparel for t h i s event was the prestigious c h i e f ' s dancing costume (sometimes referred to as "best clothes" by the ethnographers) which was crowned by a f r o n t l e t headdress. Like the Koxumhala.it (g.o'g.am "nodding", hala.'it) or "head shaking" dance of peace and welcome performed by the Tsimshian, a s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of these Haida dances was the sca t t e r i n g of eagle or swan's down. Correspondingly, the i n v i t e d c h i e f s responded to the xa 'da and Ska-ga with a s i m i l a r dance. While i t i s l i k e l y that the v i s i t i n g dancer also wore a f r o n t l e t headdress or " c h i e f ' s dancing hat", i t i s unclear whether or not bi r d down was dispensed from the crown of sea-l i o n b r i s t l e s . Dances s i m i l a r to the xa'da and the Ska-ga were performed by the Haida on t h e i r canoes as they greeted the f i r s t white explorers to v i s i t t h e i r i s l a n d s . On these occasions, b i r d down was scattered before the v i s i t o r s . Ethnographers described these dances as expressions of joy and welcome. They connected the use of white bird's down with ideas about goodwill, f r i e n d s h i p , welcome and peace, and compared i t s d i s p e r s a l with the f a l l i n g of snow: symbolic associations which have long been a part of Western l i t e r a r y and a r t i s t i c imagery. Indeed, the Haida may have made the symbolic associations between b i r d down and ideas about peace and welcome i n the context of the dances l i k e the Ska-ga and the xa'da. However, I believe that a f t e r examining the other contexts i n which the Haida wore f r o n t l e t headdresses, much r i c h e r symbolic l i n k s may be made. 148 The deeper meanings b e h i n d t h e w e a r i n g of t h i s e l a b o r a t e headgear w i l l be found i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e power o f t h e p e r s o n who wore i t , how i t was worn ( t h e "image" o f t h e d a n c e r ) , and when i t was worn. The w e l c o m i n g dances were p e r f o r m e d by c h i e f s - p e r s o n s w i t h g r e a t s o c i a l and s u p e r n a t u r a l powers. D r e s s e d i n a p r e s t i g i o u s costume b e f i t t i n g h i s r a n k , t h e c h i e f danced, spewing f o r t h w i s p s of w h i t e down from t h e crown o f h i s h e a d d r e s s . The down, we a r e t o l d , e n v e l o p e d t h e s p e c t a t o r s l i k e snow. Does t h e down s y m b o l i z e an a l l - e n g u l f i n g o m n i presence o f a c h i e f ' s g r e a t s o c i a l and s u p e r n a t u r a l powers as much as i t s y m b o l i z e d i d e a s about peace? I t h i n k t h i s i s l i k e l y . However, i t i s n e c e s s a r y f i r s t t o examine o t h e r s o c i o - r i t u a l c o n t e x t s i n w h i c h t h e c h i e f danced i n t h i s costume b e f o r e s p e c u l a t i n g on t h e p o s s i b l e s y m b o l i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f t h e s c a t t e r i n g o f b i r d down, t h e s o c i a l and s p i r i t u a l r o l e o f t h e d a n c e r , and t h e image o f t h e d a n c e r . ii. Potlatch and initiations: acts of wealth; acts of enlightenment. The d a t a p e r t a i n i n g t o t h e w e a r i n g of f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s e s i n the r i t u a l i z e d c o n t e x t o f t h e p o t l a t c h ( i n c l u d i n g t h e accompanying s e c r e t s o c i e t y dances a r e found p r i m a r i l y i n Dawson (1880, 1882) and Swanton ( 1 9 0 5 a ) ^ Because Dawson's d e s c r i p t i o n s of p e o p l e w e a r i n g f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s e s were l i m i t e d t o s i x " k i n d s o f d a n c i n g c e r e m o n i e s " , w h i l e Swanton w r o t e about p a r t i c i p a n t s w e a r i n g h e a d d r e s s e s i n s e c r e t s o c i e t y 'He a l s o n o t e d , "The p o t l a t c h , o r g i v i n g away o f p r o p e r t y , i s t o be c a r e f u l l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d from t h e f e a s t , o f w h i c h i t m i g h t be s a i d t o be a ' r i t u a l i z e d ' form" ( I b i d . : 1 5 5 ) . To face page 149 Figure 4.4. Ksaan. "Baronovitch [ l ] and Maggie [4]. Brother or son of Charles Vincent Baronovitch who died i n V i c t o r i a i n A p r i l 1879." re. V i r g i n i a McGillvray. "Samahat's new house", w r i t t e n on reverse of p r i n t . Newcombe Photo. 1902. BCPM Photo. #202. Figure 4.5. Ksaan. "Samahat's new house at Kasaan." Note people wore same f r o n t l e t s as those appearing i n above photo (BCPM 202). Figures 4 and 7 are wearing the same f r o n t l e t headdress. S i m i l a r l y figures 1 and 5 are wearing the same f r o n t l e t headdress. Figures 7 and 1 are holding the same dagger. BCPM Photo.#5422. 1 4 9 To f a c e page 150 F i g u r e 4.6. " A l a s k a p o t l a t c h d a n c e r s , I n d i a n v i l l a g e o f K l i n k w a n . " "Boy i n f r o n t [ 8 ] i s Ben Duncan. Second f r o m l e f t [ 2 ] C o l l i s o n , t h i r d f r o m l e f t [ 4 ] Edwin S c o t t . P i c t u r e t a k e n because c h a n g i n g o v e r t o w h i t e man's way", p e r . M. Lawrence, August 1975. BCPM Photo #9588. Donated by W i l l F. T a y l o r . Man a t extreme back [ ? ] w e a r i n g b l a n k e t i n BCPM c o l l e c t i o n . F i g u r e 4.7. K l i n k w a n . P o t l a t c h d a n c e r s . Same p e o p l e as above, p l u s man on f a r l e f t [ l ] was i d e n t i f i e d a s Edenshaw by M. Lawrence, August 1975. W i n t e r and Pond p h o t o , i n BCPM c o l l e c t i o n [#9197] r e c e i v e d f r o m C.F. Newcombe, March 21, 1902 fr o m Edwin S c o t t . 151 i n i t i a t i o n s without naming but a few dances, there i s l i t t l e overlap i n t h e i r data. However, the l i t e r a t u r e , sparse though i t may be, does y i e l d s i g n i f i c a n t i n s i g h t s into the wearing of f r o n t l e t headdresses by high-ranking people. Swanton described the Haida p o t l a t c h as a great event upon which a Haida's s o c i a l l i f e turned (1905a:155). Given that the p o t l a t c h was the s e t t i n g for Haida secret society dances and i n i t i a t i o n s (Swanton wrote that secret s o c i e t i e s were the "indispensable accompaniment" to the p o t l a t c h ) , one might extend that statement to read, 'the potlatch was a great event upon which a Haida's s o c i a l and s p i r i t u a l l i f e turned' (Ibid.:156). The Haida had two major types of potlatches: the Wa"'igal and the SikIA. Often described as the greater of the two, the Wa 3:gal was p r i m a r i l y the occasion for a c h i e f ' s house-raising. Qther events that took place while the host's lineage b u i l t the house, were the tatooings, ear, nose and l i p p i e r c i n g , and i n i t i a t i n g of youths of the wife's lineage - the c h i l d r e n of the host c h i e f . A The Sik'.A potlatch was held on the occasion of the r a i s i n g of a grave post (sa'j:in xat, "grave father") for a dead chief by h i s successor. It began with- the observance of funeral obsequies and culminated with the r a i s i n g of the memorial pole a year l a t e r by the ch i e f ' s h e i r . The accession of the new chief was p u b l i c l y v alidated at t h i s time by members of the opposite lineage. In t h i s p o t l a t c h , youths of the host's lineage were i n i t i a t e d into secret s o c i e t i e s by c h i e f s of the opposite moiety. From the perspective of the host-donor, "The funeral p o t l a t c h marks the beginning of the career of a new chief and the 152 house b u i l d i n g potlatch marks i t apogee" (Rosman, Rubel, 1971:186). I n i t i a t i o n s into secret society dances were presided over by chiefs during potlatches. The town ch i e f s exercised the power of making supernatural s p i r i t s "come through" or " i n s p i r e " novices (Swanton, 12 1905a:38). There was a c o r r e l a t i o n between the number of times a person had been i n i t i a t e d and his or her rank. "A man high enough i n rank could be inspired by a new s p i r i t at each successive potlatch, provided they were not owned by a chief of the opposite c l a n " (Ibid. : 161). Certain c h i e f s owned c e r t a i n dances and t h e i r prestige figured on the number of dances owned and the rank of the dances (for some dances ranked higher than others). Among the people of the southern towns a man who was inspired could act in any way....People in the southern towns high enough in rank could act in any one of the various ways, from either clan indifferently. At other northern towns, each sort of possession seems to have been more strictly the property of some chief who would permit only those of his own family to use it. In both sections the spirit was put into a per-son by the town chief ( I b i d . ) . Thus, the "career" of a chief might also be seen as a consol-i d a t i o n of two kinds of power: con t r o l over the s o c i a l world, the world of men and material goods; and control over the supernatural world, the world of s p i r i t beings and actions. Success i n amassing and r e d i s t r i b u t i n g property was, according "Swanton noted: "I have chosen to denominate the entire body of those possessed, or "the i n s p i r e d " (sga'gadas) as they were c a l l e d , the "secret society".... Elsewhere he noted persons who had never been i n i t i a t e d were referred to as "those whose minds were stopped up". Such a person was said to have "had a dark face", or to be "one whose mind, nose, and ears were stopped up" (1905a:165, 170). 153 to Swanton, "the f i r s t r e q u i s i t e " of an h e i r to a chief '(Ibid.:38). A chief demonstrated h i s a b i l i t y to control property by financing both the demonstration of his prerogatives and the conferring of prerog-atives on i n i t i a t e s . Hence, secret society dances and i n i t i a t i o n s were another aspect of the Haida system of e s t a b l i s h i n g and v a l i d a t i n g rank and 13 prestige. To be i n s p i r e d or enlightened i n a s p i r i t u a l sense and to be wealthy i n a material sense were two sides of the same coin. In other words, to be insp i r e d and wealthy, a person had to balance, and to some degree c o n t r o l , the s o c i a l and the supernatural spheres of the Haida universe. Of the s i x categories of dancing ceremonies named by Dawson (see p.143 ), two were occasions for which high-ranking p a r t i c i p a n t s wore f r o n t l e t headdresses. The f i r s t , the Ska-ga, a dance of welcome performed by a host chief before h i s guests, has already been described at length. The next two dancing ceremonies he described, the Ska-dul and the Kwai-o-guns-o-lung, appeared to him to be linked. C l e a r l y one and perhaps both of these dances were occasions for which f r o n t l e t head-dresses were worn: The donee distinguished as Ska-dul, appears to be merely the beginning of that known as the (3) Kwai- o-guns-o-lung. Any man who knows the mode of singing starts the dance alone, when it is called Ska-dul, soon others join in, and it becomes No. 3. This is performed by no particular number of people, the more the better, and occurs only when a man  desires shortly to make a house. The man himself *0f course, the system applied to people other than c h i e f s as w e l l . The i n i t i a t i o n of a youth by a town chief was generously remunerated by the people of h i s or her mother's lineage. The number of) times a person was " i n s p i r e d " was commensurate with the lineage's a b i l i t y to r e d i s t r i b u t e property. 154 does not dance nor does any giving away of property take place. The women occupy a prominent place in  this dance, being carefully dressed with the little  masks and na-xin or cloaks previously described. One man performs on a drum or tamborine to which all sing, or grunt in time, shuffling about with a jerky motion as they do so. There is a master of  the ceremonies who leads off the chorus. Rattles are freely used. The song is in praise of the man who intends to build and also of the dancers. It  eulogises his strength, riches, and so on, and is in the Tsimshian language (Dawson, 1880:128; emphasis added). The Kwai-o-guns-o-lung was the only dance Dawson witnessed f i r s t - h a n d . In h i s eyewitness account which appeared i n a popular j o u r n a l , there was a more de t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of the dancers and what they wore: The performers, in this instance about twenty in number, were dressed according to no uniform plan, but attired in their best clothes, or at least their most showy ones, with the addition of  certain badges or ornaments appropriate to the occasion. All, or nearly all, wore headdresses,  variously ornamented with feathers, or, as in one  case, with a bristling circle of the whiskers of  the sea lion. Shoulder girdles made of cedar bark, colored, or ornamented with tassels, with puffin beaks strung together, which rattled as he moved. Many, if not all held sprigs of fresh spruce in the hand, and were covered about the. head with downy feathers, which also floated in abundance in the warm air of the house. . . . Rive  women took part in the dance, standing in front in a row, and were dressed with some uniformity, several having the peculiarly valuable cedar bark or goat's-wool shawls made by the Tshimsiens. The head-dresses of the women were all alike,  consisting in each case of a small mask or sem- blance of a face carved neatly in wood, and inlaid  with pearly haliotis shell. These, attached to a cedar-bark frame, and trimmed with gay feathers and tassels, stood before the forehead, while at the back in some cases depended a train with ermine skins. The faces of both men and women engaged in the dance were gayly painted, Vermillion being the favorite color (Dawson, 1882:405, 406; emphasis added). 155 The d e t a i l s of two dances described by one of Swanton's Skldegate informants are remarkably s i m i l a r to those i n Dawson's account of the Ska-dul and the Kwai-o-guns-o-lung. The sq'.a 'dal ("coming i n streams") followed by the "dancing mingled while they sing" were two dances which occurred just before a man hosted a Wa'igal or house-bu i l d i n g potlatch. The conjunction of these two dances formed the series of events which took place before the poeple who went a f t e r the house timbers returned to the host's v i l l a g e . I submit that these dances are i d e n t i c a l to those described by Dawson as the Ska-dul and the Kwai-o- guns-o-lung : Before the people who went after the timbers re-turned, he who was about to give the potlatch called his friends. Those who were sent to summon them said, "They ask the chief to dress up," then they arrayed themselves, and painted their faces. They wore deer-skin blankets, and had feathers and  weasel-skins in their hair. That completed, the whole town was called in with these words: "They tell the chief to look on. " Then before the whole town they danced together into one house the dance called "coming in streams" (sq'.a'dal). Before entering, they struck the house-front with the palms of their hands. The song-leader stood up high on a box turned bottom-side up. When he began the songs, all joined in. All the women danced as . well. That was called "dancing mingled while they sing." When they got the timbers up to the village the chief again called in the people for tobacco, and having smoked awhile, they sang a spirit-song. They kept time for the town chief, who sang and danced around the fire with feathers in his hands and all of his dancing-costume on (Swanton, 1905a: 163; emphasis added). The fourth category of dancing ceremony i d e n t i f i e d by Dawson in which headdresses were probably worn i s the Ka-ta-ka-gun. Though the account does not e x p l i c i t l y mention frontlet, headdress, "dancers a t t i r e d i n t h e i r best" and t h e i r best clothes may be taken to r e f e r to 156 the entire dancing costume - including the f r o n t l e t headdress. This dance appears to have been performed near the end of a Wa /lgal potlatch. Ka-ta-ka-gun. This is performed by the male  relatives of a man's wife, and takes place when a house has been finished, the owner at the same time making a distribution of property. The dancers are attired in their best, ornamented and  with faces painted, but no bird down is used. It is performed in the newly finished house, and may occupy half an hour or an hour. The man who makes the distribution does not dance. All sing in the Tsimshian language (Dawson, 1880:128; emphasis added). Neither Swanton nor Dawson reported the wearing of f r o n t l e t headdresses beyond what has already been stated. However, i n accounts of the several secret society i n i t i a t i o n s , Swanton repeatedly mentioned " c h i e f ' s dancing hat", "dancing hat and dancing blanket", and " c h i e f ' s dancing costume". Given the contexts i n which these objects were noted, I believe these to be appellations f o r the f r o n t l e t headdress and the 14 costume with which i s was associated. There were f i v e secret society i n i t i a t i o n s i n which young i n i t i a t e s concluded t h e i r possession by the dance s p i r i t while wearing a c h i e f ' s dancing hat. They were: the u ' l a l a (also c a l l e d the WA'lala), 'See e s p e c i a l l y Swanton's d e s c r i p t i o n of the Gagixi't (1905a:173 and p. 158 below) where, "From the dancing hat, feathers flew about the house". The only other " c h i e f ' s hats" described i n the ethno-graphic l i t e r a t u r e f o r the Northwest Coast were c o n i c a l , woven or carved hats with spruce root "potlatch r i n g s " . These rings were in d i c a t i o n s of the number of potlatches a chief had given. I do not believe these hats were worn by people other than c h i e f s . The " c h i e f ' s dancing hats" i n Swanton's descriptions were not worn by c h i e f s but by young i n i t i a t e s who had been " i n s p i r e d " by a s p i r i t possession. T h e o r e t i c a l l y , the i n i t i a t e would not be e n t i t l e d to wear a c o n i c a l hat with p o t l a t c h rings, although he or she would be e n t i t l e d to wear a f r o n t l e t headdress as a high-ranking person. 157 xuwodze (the G r i s l y Bear Dance), the Gagixi't, the Ga s i ' d j i d a s ("Club Bearers"), and the Klu'yan sga'nagw-i ("Dress S p i r i t " ) (See Table VIII). The basic format of these i n i t i a t i o n s were as follows:''""' The town chief of the host's v i l l a g e danced, then " i n s p i r e d " the p r i n c i p l e novices by "throwing power" into them. This action took place as he threw a handful of eagle down on each one (Swanton, 1905a: 163., 171-174. See also, Drucker, 1940:224). A noise was heard i n the chief's body, ( s p i r i t ) whistles were sounded and the novice f e l l to the ground and "something made a noise in s i d e him" (Ibid. :164). When the novice was revived, he or she usually ran from the house and dashed w i l d l y around the v i l l a g e . This was c a l l e d a " s p i r i t c i r c u i t " (Ibid.:164, 171-174). The novice usually disappeared from the v i l l a g e and sometimes remained i n the bush for several days. He or she reappeared near the v i l l a g e and his "spirit-companions" (those who had previously been " i n s p i r e d " by the same s p i r i t ) captured him with cedar bark rings. Together, they re-entered the dancehouse, or the "s p i r i t - h o u s e " as i t was sometimes c a l l e d ( I b i d . ) . At t h i s time, many blankets were ripped to shreds by the novice and the companions i n an act which they c a l l e d the " s p i r i t b e l t " ( I b i d . ) . Those who had already been i n i t i a t e d danced and the novice re-entered society as an " i n s p i r e d " person, a member of the secret society. While the re-entry by the novice f o r each of the i n i t i a t i o n s varied s l i g h t l y from dance to dance, there i s concurrence of several elements i n each: 1) For the u ' l a l a dance (equated by Swanton to the Kwagiul "See also Drucker, 1940:224. He has provided a s i m i l a r , although less s p e c i f i c summary. 158 Cannibal dance) the novice was returned to the s p i r i t house and ... Some time after this they called the people to dress up. [Figure 4.8 i l l u s t r a t e s some of the para-phernalia used i n the U ' l a l a . ] They called both clans indiscriminately twice. The whole town entered the spirit house.... Those already initiated danced in  curved lines, wearing dancing blankets and dancing hats.... (Ibid.:165-166; emphasis added.) Next day in the evening they called the people twice.,- and putting on their good clothing, they went to look on. When the "spirits" (secret society) were ready to dance, the novice came out from behind the curtain. Ee wore cedar-bark rings around his head and neck, a dancing skirt and dance leggings (Ibid.: 166). The novice was r i t u a l l y " k i l l e d " , h i s body taken behind the dance c u r t a i n i n s i d e the s p i r i t house. A f t e r s p i r i t songs were sung for him, he began to sing. Then they sang a song for him called Q'.d'igT' Igah, while he stood around and shook his rattle. After that was over, they put a dancing hat on him. Ee also wore  a dancing blanket, and carried a rattle. . .. When they had sung two spirit-songs, they stopped and the spec-tators went home (Ibid.; emphasis added). 2) For the xuwodze or G r i s l y Bear Dance, the novice usually a female) returned to the dance house a f t e r being possessed. When the dancing was started, they sang in a low voice repeating it twice. The novice held a rattle and a drum was beaten for her. They sang a song to rapid time for her. The novice, singing alone in a low voice, used a song owned by her family. After  that they danced, wearing chief's dancing hats and  dancing blankets. When they had sung two spirit-songs they stopped dancing (Ibid.:172; emphasis added). 3) For the dance c a l l e d the GagixT't, the novice became a wild person, and then re-entered the dance-house. The novice became the GagixT't s p i r i t f i r s t : Then the GagixT't came in, a true Gagixi't (i.e. one wearing a Gagixi t mask) with nose raised high up, D F F i g u r e 4.8. P a r a p h e r n a l i a used by t h e H a i d a u ' l a l a d a n c e r s . (From Boas, 1895:653; f i g u r e s 201-204.) Boas n o t e d t h a t " a l l t h e n o r t h e r n t r i b e s use h e a d d r e s s e s w h i c h r e p r e s e n t c o r p s e s " ( I b i d . ) . A l l t h e specimens were c o l l e c t e d by J.G. Swan ( d a t e unknown), and a r e i n t h e U.S. N a t i o n a l Museum, S m i t h s o n i a n I n s t i t u t i o n ( S . I . ) . (A) " H a i d a wood c a r v i n g r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e U ' l a l a (S.I.#89039); (B) H a i d a U ' l a l a w h i s t l e (S.I.#89158); (C) H a i d a h e a d d r e s s o f U ' l a l a (S.I.#89038); (D) H a i d a U ' l a l a w h i s t l e (S.I.#89062); (E) P a r t o f H a i d a h e a d d r e s s r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e U ' l a l a (S.I.#89073); (F) H a i d a U ' l a l a w h i s t l e (S.I.#89063). 160 teeth protruding forward, Ka'un fish and torn cod spines around his lips, eyes deep-set, and bony cheeks. When he got halfway in, he said "Cxu cxu" (like the blowing of wind), and went backward behind the curtain (Ibid.:173). Behind the c u r t a i n , the novice sang alone i n a low voice, then... ...When he had finished, they ("the inspired") sang a song for him (while he stood still, shaking a rattle).- Ee wore cedar bark rings, and a dancing skirt, and he carried a rattle. When that was over, they put a chief1s dancing hat, on his head, and began to sing a spirit song. A l l in the house, both men and women, began a spirit song for him. From the dancing hat, feathers flew about the  house. They finished two s p i r i t songs, and stopped; and the dance was over ( I b i d . ; emphasis added). 4) For the Ga s i ' d j i d a s or Club-Bearer dance, the novice began the ''closing dance" : The novice came in, wearing a mask which they always kept in the "spirit box".^ Ee (the novice) also sang alone in a low voice, and shook a rattle, the drum also sounded. That over, the song leader stood up with his baton and sang a song for him. Then they put a dancing hat upon him. Ee had on a dancing skirt and cedar bark rings, and carried a rattle. The song leader began singing a s p i r i t song, where upon all in the house - men and women -joined in. When the end of the spirit song was reached, he stopped dancing, and returned to his senses (literally, "became a l i v e " ) (Ibid.:174; emphasis added). 5) For the Dre s s - S p i r i t or KlU'yan sga'nagw - i dance, the novice wears a dancing hat before re-entering the s p i r i t house: The one through whom the Dress spirit spoke went about the town. She wore a chief's dancing  hat and a dancing blanket. She sang alone, holding a rattle. When the companions came in (to a house), they said "Look on" (i.e., "Do not be frightened"). 'Swanton recorded that, "Masks and rings l a y i n the " s p i r i t box" behind the cu r t a i n . No one who "had a dark face" ( i . e . was not i n i t i a t e d ) could look into the ' s p i r i t box'." (1905a:165). 161 TABLE VIII - Haida Secret Society Initiations Name of Secret Society (Skidegate d i a l e c t ) Costume of I n i t i a t e Sex of I n i t i a t e Miscellaneous Data U ' l a l a (Wa'lala) 2 1) naked 2) cedar-bark rings, dancing s k i r t , l e g -gings. 3) dancing hat, blanket, r a t t l e . Male (Swanton says possibly exclu-s i v e l y f o r males). 1) Those already i n i t i a t e d wore dancing blankets & dancing hats. 2) Haida counter-part of Kwagiul Cannibal S p i r i t . 3. Also included Dog Eaters.3 xuwodze (G r i s l y Bear Dance) 4 1) black bear skins; faces concealed; dancing s k i r t s . 2) c h i e f ' s dancing hat, dancing blan-ket, new cedar bark rings. Male or Female (Kloo informant said females only) 1) s p i r i t compan-ions wore: a) dancing s k i r t s , rings of cedar bark; large oval r a t t l e s . b) c h i e f ' s danc-ing hats, and dancing blankets. Gagixi't (Masset: Gagx'd) 1) GagixT't mask. 2) cedar bark rings, dancing s k i r t , r a t t l e . 3) c h i e f ' s dancing hat f i l l e d with feathers. Males only 1) s p i r i t i s men-tioned outside of the society as well as i n i t . Ga s i ' d j i d a s (Club-Bearers) 1) mask and r a t t l e . 2) dancing hat,cedar bark rings, dancing s k i r t and r a t t l e . Males only 1) Only those be-longing to the wife's clan were in s p i r e d . K. u yan sqa'nagw-i (Dress-Spirit) 1) c h i e f ' s dancing hat, blanket, r a t t l e . Female only 1) Chief wore dance-leggings, a dancing s k i r t ; shook a large round r a t t l e . 2) Town people danced with masks. (1) Drucker notes that "The dances of the Masset Haida may not have constituted a r e a l society, but merely i n d i v i d u a l l y owned p r i v i l e g e s (1940:224). (2) Drucker glosses t h i s as u l a l a (Ibid.). (3) The woman's order of t h i s dance was c a l l e d sxala ( I b i d . ) . (4) The Dog-Eaters (Xagatal) was not, according to Drucker, performed i n the company of members of other s o c i e t i e s . "The Dog-Eaters," he continues, "may have been an order rather than a r e a l society among the Haida." ( I b i d . ) . 162 She shook a rattle as she came in. "A la la la la!" she said, and the companions said the same. At that time the spirits made a noise. When she had said this twice, they went out of doors and entered all the houses in the village (Ibid.:172; emphasis added). To sum up data provided i n t h i s section, f r o n t l e t headdresses f A were worn during Wa Ig a l and Sik!A potlatches as well as during secret society i n i t i a t i o n s associated with these events. The headdresses were worn by ch i e f s and other high-ranking people who had been i n i t i a t e d into various secret s o c i e t i e s . For at le a s t two dances, the Ska-dul (which Swanton transcribed as sq'.a 'dal) and the Kwai-o-guns-o-lung (translated by Swanton as "dancing mingled while they s i n g " ) , several p a r t i c i p a n t s wore f r o n t l e t headdresses. References to these two dances, which were performed i n conjunction with one another i n the feast preceding a house b u i l d i n g p o t l a t c h , provided the only e x p l i c i t mention of f r o n t l e t headdresses being worn during potlatches. However, other references i n Swanton's ethnography suggested that "dancing hats" or "c h i e f ' s dancing hats" (the terms apparently being used interchangeably) worn by novices and members of secret s o c i e t i e s appear to be what t h i s paper has described as f r o n t l e t headdresses. Keeping i n mind that Swanton's accounts of the secret society performances were based on l i t e r a l t r a n s l a t i o n s from Masset and Skidegate informants, the d i f f e r e n c e i n the appellations for t h i s kind of headgear seems to be merely terminological. The s i g n i f i c a n t d e s c r i p t i o n which gave r i s e to the conclusion that " f r o n t l e t headdress" and " c h i e f ' s dancing hat" were synonymous was i n Swanton's account of the G a g i x i ' t dance. He noted that the members of the society "...put a c h i e f ' s dancing hat on [the novice's] 1 6 3 head...[and] from the dancing hat feathers flew about the house" (Swanton, 1905a:173; emphasis added). Given that q u a l i f i c a t i o n , I conclude that i t i s p l a u s i b l e that the four other secret society dances i n which "dancing hats" or " c h i e f ' s dancing hats" were mentioned were occasions for the wearing of f r o n t l e t headdresses. These four dances or s o c i e t i e s were: the U ' l a l a (or Dog-Eaters), the xuwodze (or G r i s l y Bear Dance), the Ga s i ' d j i d a s (or Club Bearers), and the K'.u'yan sga'nagw-i (or D r e s s - S p i r i t ) . Each of these dances followed a s i m i l a r pattern i n the pro-gression of e v e n t s . A n d as Table VIII i n d i c a t e s , the novice i n each of the f i v e dances concluded h i s or her i n i t i a t i o n by wearing a " c h i e f ' s dancing hat" as well as a (chief's or dancing) blanket and s k i r t , cedar-bark r i n g s , and by shaking a r a t t l e . This d e s c r i p t i o n i s concordant with those descriptions i n Haida ethnography of the dancing costume which included the f r o n t l e t headdress and was worn by c h i e f s and other persons of high rank. Given the data gathered i n t h i s section, i t might now be appropriate to amend that d e s c r i p t i o n to read that ' f r o n t l e t headdresses were worn by c h i e f s and other high ranking i n d i v i d u a l s who had been i n i t i a t e d into c e r t a i n secret s o c i e t i e s ' . The next step i s to ask the question, "Why were f r o n t l e t head-dresses worn on these occasions and what do they mean?" The answer i s not e x p l i c i t i n the data. However, I believe there are two important aspects of the r i t u a l process which allow us to speculate on the answer. "^'With the exception of the K.'u'yan sga 'nagw-i or d r e s s - s p i r i t dance. The data ind i c a t e the young woman began the i n i t i a t i o n wearing a dancing hat and costume. At t h i s time, I do not know how to i n t e r p r e t t h i s progression of events for the data are incomplete. 164 The f i r s t i s the use of b i r d down by the chief and, at le a s t i n one case, by the newly i n i t i a t e d person. The second i s an over-view of the actions of the pa r t i c i p a n t s juxtaposed with a general d e s c r i p t i o n of the cl o t h i n g worn at d i f f e r e n t stages of the event. The problem here i s to l i n k the images of c h i e f , i n i t i a t e , and s p i r i t companions with the images of b i r d down, cedar-bark r i n g s , dancing hat ( f r o n t l e t headdress), blanket and r a t t l e . Why were c e r t a i n materials or costumes associated with c e r t a i n actions and what i s the s i g n i f i c a t i o n of these associations? The f i v e dances described i n t h i s section were events marking the transfer of supernatural power from one person to another. The chief - a person with the highest s o c i a l rank as well as the greatest super-natural power "threw" the power or influence of a supernatural s p i r i t into an i n i t i a t e . The transference of power was symbolized by s c a t t e r i n g b i r d down, a symbol of great supernatural power, on an i n d i v i d u a l . The power was so great that the i n i t i a t e s f e l l into a state of unconsciousness followed by a period of wildness. The i n i t i a t e s were out of c o n t r o l : they were stripped of the garment of cult u r e . (In some instances, the i n i t i a t e was stripped of clothing.) As persons possessed, they required the assistance of s p i r i t companions to help them to manage t h e i r behaviour, i n e f f e c t , to con t r o l the supernatural power a f f e c t i n g t h e i r mind and body. Those already " i n s p i r e d " by the same s p i r i t , the other members of the secret society, assuaged the possessed persons by performing the " s p i r i t c i r c u i t " of the v i l l a g e , tearing blankets and making the " s p i r i t b e l t " , and by singing appropriate songs. As they "captured" the wild persons with cedar-bark r i n g s , and clothed them i n a dancing s k i r t , and leggings, the i n i t i a t e s began to 165 regain control. When they became persons " i n c o n t r o l " , they were then clothed i n a dancing headdress and given a r a t t l e . Dressed i n t h i s ceremonial paraphernalia, they began to sing and to shake the r a t t l e . The s p i r i t whistles no longer sounded and the s p i r i t house was f i l l e d with human voices. At this concluding stage, the i n i t i a t e s were said to have returned to t h e i r senses, or l i t e r a l l y , as the Haida sai d , they "became a l i v e " . (Ibid.:174). Transference of supernatural power i n the r i t u a l process of the secret society was an event predicated upon the c u l t u r a l death of the i n i t i a t e s and t h e i r r e s t o r a t i o n to a new l i f e . As f u l l y i n i t i a t e d or " i n s p i r e d " i n d i v i d u a l s , they were transformed from one s o c i a l and r i t u a l status to a higher one. Symbolically the transformation was marked by an evolution i n r i t u a l c l o t h i n g . Metaphorically the i n d i v i d u a l s were "clothed" i n the s p i r i t of a great supernatural power - and they "died". The i n i t i a t e s ' 'clothing' at t h i s stage was the thrown power, symbolized by white b i r d down. The symbols of t h e i r c u l t u r a l death were nakedness and wild or animal-like behaviour. As events marked t h e i r gradual return to l i f e , they were clothed i n cedar-bark r i n g s , then a dancing s k i r t and leggings. The sound of the r a t t l e they shook replaced the sound of hidden s p i r i t whistles. The headdress worn above t h e i r forehead depicted a supernatural creature or scenario; the i n i t i a t e s ' faces were v i s i b l e . The image, as they shook the r a t t l e and began to sing t h e i r own song, was of a s o c i a l e n t i t y imbued with great supernatural power. Not only were they restored to l i f e , but they were transformed i n d i v i d u a l s with a new s o c i a l and s p i r i t u a l i d e n t i t y . Swanton's account of the G a g i x i ' t provides an e x p l i c i t example. 166 The i n i t i a t e became a wild person a f t e r a chief threw power in t o him. He raged through the v i l l a g e , smashing things, then escaped to the bush. When he returned, he was masked, his s o c i a l i d e n t i t y concealed, submerged beneath the image of a supernatural monster. As the wild s p i r i t i n him was brought under c o n t r o l , he re-entered the world of men. The culmin-ation of t h i s movement from a s o c i a l state to a possessed state to an " i n s p i r e d " one occurred when the novice was f u l l y i n i t i a t e d . He returned to a c u l t u r a l state as a s o c i a l e n t i t y i n possession of and mastering great supernatural power. Appropriately he was dressed ( l i k e other members of the secret society) i n a ceremonial headdress. His face (or s o c i a l i d e n t i t y ) was exposed and above his forehead he wore a carved plaque representing a supernatural e n t i t y . From the headdress, b i r d down, symbolizing supernatural power, flowed f r e e l y . His image was one of possession of supernatural power synthesized with access to s o c i a l power. Generally the transformation may be represented as: 1. s o c i a l e n t i t y 2. a - s o c i a l e n t i t y 3. transformed e n t i t y ( c u l t u r a l ) (non-cultural) ( c u l t u r a l ) " a l i v e " "dead" "restored to l i f e " 'normal clothes' covered with down " f u l l y dressed" - no ceremonial garb - naked or masked -dancing s k i r t , l e g -- cedar-bark r i n g s , gings, cedar-bark dance s k i r t , l e g - rings gings. - f r o n t l e t headdress, blanket, r a t t l e s o c i a l rank f a c i l i - l i m i n a l state - a l l s o c i a l and s p i r i t u a l tated i n i t i a t i o n s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l rank v a l i d a t e d and into secret society a f f i l i a t i o n s suspended prestige increased The key element here i s not power, but control over power. In 167 order to be i n i t i a t e d , one had to have access to s u f f i c i e n t s o c i a l prestige to be e l i g i b l e for and to pay for p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a secret society dance. In order to be an inspired person, one had to manage the possessing s p i r i t . The image of a dancer with control over both super-natural and s o c i a l power was the presentation of a s o c i a l e n t i t y - the dancer's face - synthesized with a supernatural e n t i t y - the 'face' of the f r o n t l e t . One face appeared over the other - conjoined i n a sin g l e , yet d u a l i s t i c image: the head crowned with a f r o n t l e t headdress. From the head of the dancer spewed white b i r d down: the symbol of h i s amal-gamated powers. iii. Lying-in-state: the final act. The t h i r d context i n which the f r o n t l e t headdress was worn by the Haida was for l y i n g - i n - s t a t e . The ethnographic data c o l l e c t e d on the d e t a i l s of t h i s r i t u a l event are minimal. However, the data do reveal that a deceased chief was dressed i n f u l l ceremonial r e g a l i a -including a f r o n t l e t headdress - and was placed i n h i s house, surrounded by the possessions and accoutrements which were i n d i c a t i v e of h i s rank and wealth (figure 4.9). Harrison noted: When a chief was on the point of death all his goods were brought forth and placed around him so he could see his wealth....The day after the death, the corpse was placed on a trestle and covered with a white cloth, and his effects were placed around him (Harrison, 1925:78). Niblack's d e s c r i p t i o n of the mortuary ceremonies f o r the T l i n g i t and Kaigani Haida noted that while the methods of sepulture had changed since contact, the attendant ceremonies had not altered much. 168 Figure 4.9. "Mortuary Display of the Body of Chief Skowl, inclosed i n a Casket and l y i n g i n State i n his House at Kasa-an, surrounded by h i s Personal E f f e c t s and the Tokens of his Wealth." [Drawing from a photograph by Niblack.] Niblack recorded: "Chief Skowl died i n the winter of 1882-'83, and, according to the custom of the region, h i s body was f i r s t displayed i n state dressed i n the ceremonial robes of a c h i e f . Later i t was inclosed i n a casket and deposited, as shown, on a p i l e of boxes containing his c l o t h i n g and ceremonial dance paraphernalia. The group i s at the end of the b u i l d i n g , opposite the entrance, between the two carved posts holding the r a f t e r s of the house. The p i l e s of boxes, a l l f u l l of valuables, the row of coppers, the bronze howitzer, etc. , a l l indicate the rank and wealth of the deceased. Just below the casket are grouped his personal household u t e n s i l s , c o n s i s t i n g of porcelain bowls, p l a t t e r s , wooden buckets, spoons, etc., which are cared for as personal r e l i c s of the deceased. The figure on the l e f t i s that of a former slave of the c h i e f ; that on the r i g h t a Kaigani i n f u l l dance r e g a l i a , with painted body and hair bedecked with eagle's down." (1888/1970:Plate LXVII). 169 C l e a r l y , from h i s account, l y i n g - i n - s t a t e ceremonies were not reserved e x c l u s i v e l y for c h i e f s : On the demise of an important personage in this region, it is customary to array the body in cere-monial apparel and surround it with the tokens of his or her wealth. Thus laid out in state, the relatives and friends of the deceased view the remains. In the case of the death of a great and well-known chief, Indians come from other villages, and the body is thus displayed until in an advanced stage of decompo-sition (Niblack, 1880/1970:357). Swanton's Skidegate and Masset informants indicated that a f r o n t l e t headdress was part of the costume of the deceased for the mortuary ceremonies: At Skidegate, after a man died, his body was set up on a box in the rear of the house, his face painted and a dancing hat placed upon his head. Then his friends came in and passed by, and if he were a chief, they sang a crying song, the men in this case joining with the women (Swanton, 1905a:52). ...and... In Masset the funeral of a person was conducted by members of the opposite clan from that to which the dead belonged, and they were paid for their services. When a chief died, they painted his face, put his head-dress on, his rattle in his hand, and his blanket around him, as if he were going to the dance, and set him up on a box, while the people came to visit him (Ibid. :54). The body of the deceased, arrayed i n headdress and dancing costume, remained i n public view for four to s i x days at Skidegate and from three to ten days at Masset. When the body was placed i n a large covered box - a grave box - most of the elaborate costume was removed. At Skidegate, Swanton recorded, " I f he were a c h i e f , they wrapped his body i n a dancing blanket." (Ibid:52). At Masset t h i s seems to have been the exception. 170 In rare -instances a chief's dancing blanket and other paraphernalia were placed with him. This was only in the case of chiefs who were much thought of (Ibid.:54). Apparently, however, the length of time the body of a deceased important personage was l a i d out i n state was longer before the turn of the century than i t was during the years Swanton v i s i t e d the Haida. Niblack, w r i t i n g i n 1888, noted: It is the present custom, however, amongst the Kaigani Haida, and southern Tlingit when a chief or very wealthy person dies, to display the body in state for a while and enclose it in a casket, which remains in the house where the deceased lived, the other occupants moving out and finding quarters elsewhere. The casket is surrounded by the boxes containing the ceremonial apparel of the deceased, his household utensils, personal property, and tokens of wealth in general, and thus left for several years, admission being given from time to time to visitors to view the spectacle (Niblack, 1888/1970:360). In summary, ch i e f s and other high-ranking people had the r i g h t to l i e - i n - s t a t e wearing a dancing costume. The costume would have been p a r t i c u l a r l y appropriate i n that i t would symbolize - along with a l l the other wealth displayed around the body - the s o c i a l and s p i r i t u a l pre-rogatives the i n d i v i d u a l had attained i n h i s l i f e . Evidently, except i n spe c i a l instances, i t was not e s s e n t i a l that an i n d i v i d u a l be entombed arrayed i n h i s e n t i r e dancing costume. It was important, however, that for the ceremonies commemorating h i s high b i r t h and prowess i n l i f e , the deceased appeared i n h i s or her l a s t public presentation i n apparel appropriate to the wealth and prestige attained through the successful manipulation of s o c i a l and supernatural power. In t h i s sense, l y i n g - i n -state r i t e s would have been a f i n a l testimonial by the deceased as well as a l a s t t r i b u t e to them by the members of h i s society. 171 CHAPTER FIVE THE ICONOGRAPHY OF FRONTLET HEADDRESSES Introduction In the previous chapters, we have explored the s o c i a l or ethno-graphic r e a l i t y of the use of f r o n t l e t headdresses among the Tsimshian, T l i n g i t , and Haida. We summarized i n those descriptions where and how f r o n t l e t headdresses were worn. The task now becomes to suggest why a f r o n t l e t headdress was appropriate i n these contexts. This chapter w i l l move to answer questions about the iconography of the f r o n t l e t headdress: viewed i n the action context of i t s public presentation, what does a f r o n t l e t headdress mean? I have approached t h i s problem i n two ways. F i r s t , the f r o n t l e t headdress w i l l be examined as a c o n s t e l l a t i o n of parts, each part or constituent symbolizing a range of meaning, a semantic domain. In t h i s section, the constituents are discussed as images and as such are treated as fonts of meaning. However, not a l l of the parts are examined, nor are a l l the meanings 'revealed'. To do so would require a lengthy treatment that i s i n the l a s t analysis superfluous. By s e l e c t i n g one dominant image - I have chosen eagle down - and by exploring i t s m u l t i v o c a l i t y and the l i n k s and overlapping boundaries i t shares with the images of other constituents, i t i s p o s s i b l e to approach some of the profundity of these v i s u a l thoughts without doing violence either to t h e i r eloquence or to t h e i r elegance. The second approach uses an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t tack. The f r o n t l e t headdress, as a ' t o t a l ' image ( i . e . the 'whole' of i t s 'parts') i s placed within the s t r i c t u r e s of a systematic a n a l y s i s . In t h i s section, the analysis becomes s t r u c t u r a l as i t a l i g n s concurrent 'elements' 172 i n the image of the f r o n t l e t headdress, the GonaquAde't myth, and the r i t u a l presentation of the f r o n t l e t headdress. 1. The f r o n t l e t headdress downing: towards a new metaphor. One of the most remarkable things a f r o n t l e t headdress did (in a p h y s i c a l , action sense) was to emit or spew f o r t h eagle down."'' Accounts by t r a v e l l e r s , traders, missionaries and ethnographers reveal that they were a l l e s p e c i a l l y impressed by t h i s feature of the f r o n t l e t headdress. The eagle down, coming out of the cage of sea - l i o n b r i s t l e s , f i l l i n g the house and covering everyone with white f l u f f y p a r t i c l e s , struck a f a m i l i a r note i n t h e i r European metaphoric s e n s i b i l i t i e s ; they described i t as being l i k e snow. The metaphor, a l o g i c a l one i n Euro-pean t r a d i t i o n , f i t the explanation native informants gave for the f r o n t l e t headdress ceremonial presentation: i t was a dance of peace. The ethnographers' exegesis, using eagle down as a f o c a l point or key idea, i m p l i c i t l y set up a l o g i c a l sequence of symbolic r e l a t i o n s : White/ silent/ amorphous/ light: Snow :: Purity/ goodness/ calm: Peace This explanation su f f e r s not only from ethnocentrism, but also from an uninteresting, l i n e a r , and somewhat s i m p l i s t i c set of associations which o f f e r no r e a l explanation at a l l . To begin with, the keystone of t h e i r l o g i c a l sequence i s i n c o r r e c t : nowhere i n the ethnographic record 'Eagle down glosses: T l i n g i t = q!aL'. (Swanton, 1908b:479) or q'.oa'Lli (Swanton, 1909:383); Haida = ItA'ngo (Swanton, 1908b:479); Tsimshian = mixg.'aix (Barbeau, 1927 : ROM notes to HN-754) ; mek-gaik (Duff, 1959:38). 173 of the Haida, T l i n g i t or Tsimshian does eagle down have a symbolic reference to snow. Moreover, the eagle down/ snow c o r r e l a t i o n was not the main weakness of t h e i r 'explanation'. Rather, i t was t h e i r f a i l u r e to explore and probe the idea 'peace' given by t h e i r informants as the meaning of the f r o n t l e t headdress dance. I m p l i c i t l y , t h e i r explanations followed the l o g i c that the headdress was presented i n a competitive s o c i a l context: i n the presence of p o t e n t i a l l y c o n f l i c t i n g groups, the snowy eagle down f l o a t i n g from the headdress symbolized an absence of h o s t i l i t y , and signaled s o c i a l equilibrium or peace between groups of people. While I do not dispute t h e i r r a t i o n a l e , t h e i r l o g i c i s marked by the s i m p l i c i t y of u n i d i r e c t i o n a l thought. The point i s that they did not pursue what t h e i r informants meant by 'peace', nor how t h i s idea correlated to the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s involved. Once again ethnographers had become victims of t h e i r own metaphors. The splendid f r o n t l e t headdress dance was tagged a "peace dance" and the showy headdresses, b i t s of eagle down s t i l l c l i n g i n g to the crowns, were tucked away on museum shelves. Ethnographers used eagle down as the f o c a l point for t h e i r understanding of the f r o n t l e t headdress and i t s use. In t h i s section, I s h a l l also use eagle down as the focus of analysis, though with a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t tack. By unravelling the metaphoric and symbolic referents of eagle down, and by showing concomitant r e l a t i o n s between i t and other components of the headdress, the analysis moves to a multi-dimensional framework i n which c o n s t e l l a t i o n s of symbols place i n r e l i e f sets of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and actions. The analysis w i l l conclude by inducing the spectrum of meanings associated with the idea 'peace' as 174 i t i s l i n k e d t o t h e t o t a l s o c i a l r e a l i t y o f how and why f r o n t l e t head-d r e s s e s were worn. There a r e two f u n d a m e n t a l s h i f t s i n p e r s p e c t i v e r e q u i r e d by t h i s a n a l y s i s o f t h e f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s . F i r s t , i n o r d e r t o apprehend t h e use o f t h e f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s , we must l o o k a t i t as a h e a d d r e s s b e i n g danced w i t h - a h e a d d r e s s , made of v a r i o u s components, i n a c t i o n . E a g l e down fr o m t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e i s n o t a t h i n g , a noun, b u t a p r e d i c a t e : t h e h e a d d r e s s b e i n g danced w i t h i s downing. To u n d e r s t a n d t h e l o g i c o f t h e f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s we must b e g i n by p e r c e i v i n g i t s components as b e i n g s y m b o l i c a l l y i n t e r r e l a t e d - as images l i n k e d i n a c t i o n . S e c o n d l y , t h e components - and h e r e we a r e u s i n g t h e e a g l e down component as a f o c a l p o i n t - do n o t have s i n g u l a r s y m b o l i c o r m e t a p h o r i c r e f e r e n t s , but ( i n T u r n e r ' s sense) a r e m u t i v o c a l symbols w i t h a f a n o f r e f e r e n t s . The a n a l y s i s t h e n , b e g i n s w i t h t h e s e p e r s p e c t i v e s and moves t o a v o i d c o m m i t t i n g t h e e r r o r o f p r e v i o u s e t h n o g r a p h e r s who have l i n k e d t h e s e r e f e r e n t s t o the s o c i a l r e a l i t y o f t h e n o t i o n 'peace' e x p r e s s e d by t h e i r i n f o r m a n t s . E a r l i e r e t h n o g r a p h e r s d i d n o t b r i d g e t h a t i n t e l -l e c t u a l gap; t h e p r e s e n t a n a l y s i s w i l l o f f e r s u g g e s t i o n s toward t h a t end by c o n s t r u c t i n g ( i n G e e r t z ' s terms) a ' t h i c k e r ' d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s as a s y m b o l i c c o n s t e l l a t i o n l i n k e d t o t h e s e m a n t i c domain 'peace'. A. A methodological note: the point of inquiry. The f r o n t l e t h e a d d r e s s b e i n g danced w i t h i s downing. The image o f t h a t a c t i o n i s so s t r o n g , so i m p r e s s i v e , t h a t i t seems l o g i c a l t o b e g i n d e c i p h e r i n g t h e meanings o r t h e i c o n o g r a p h i c c o n t e n t o f t h e o t h e r 175 headdress components from the perspective of eagle down as the dominant symbol. In making t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n , I am forming an a n a l y t i c a l t o o l as much as I am committing an act of i n t u i t i o n . I do not know and cannot know i f eagle down was a dominant symbol i n Haida, T l i n g i t or Tsimshian thought. But used as a convenient handle for grasping l e v e l s of meaning, eagle down - i n analysis - can be appended to the iconographic content of other constituents: s e a - l i o n b r i s t l e s ; weasel skins, abalone s h e l l , f l i c k e r feathers, etc. This analysis makes no pretense to present the o v e r - a l l blue-p r i n t of the e n t i r e c o n s t e l l a t i o n of symbols i n a f r o n t l e t headdress: the attempt to do so would only 'muddy the canvas'. In addition, no si n g l e optic or no one sighting based on a singular constituent would h i g h l i g h t a l l the i n t r i c a c i e s and s o p h i s t i c a t i o n of a mental construction that has, over time, blended harmonies of many i n t e l l e c t u a l i z a t i o n s on a common theme and placed them i n such a spectacular image. Instead, t h i s analysis i s i n pursuit of the l o g i c of the funda-mental symbolic a s s o c i a t i o n i n the constituents as they are organized into a f r o n t l e t headdress. By following t h i s tack, the l o g i c of t h e i r interrelatedness can be roughly diagramed, even though we may only capture glimpses of t h e i r symbolic and metaphoric i d e n t i t i e s . Once that step i s completed, the next step i s to r e l a t e t h i s l e v e l of knowledge to ideas these people had about themselves, the society they l i v e d i n , and i n short, the order of t h e i r universe - based, as i t were, i n the i d e o l o g i c a l theme: peace. At th i s point we have moved the state of the inquiry to answering the question, "Why a f r o n t l e t headdress?". 176 B. Eagle down: peace of chaos. On the Northwest Coast, as elsewhere i n North America, eagle feathers and eagle down were associated with things sacred. In the myths and r i t u a l s of the northern Northwest Coast, eagle down had at least three e x p l i c i t l e v e l s of symbolic a s s o c i a t i o n with the supernatural: 1) as a medicament (both c u r a t i v e and preventive aspects being present); 2) as an in d i c a t o r of the possession and protection of great supernatural power; and 3) as an ind i c a t o r of wealth. To examine these associations separately i s an a r t i f i c i a l construct, but i t w i l l enable us to sketch the interrelatedness of ideas symbolized by eagle down and to consequently r e l a t e the notions expressed i n the symbol 'eagle down' to the idea 'peace'. i. Eagle down as medicine: curative and preventive. Those s p e c i a l i n d i v i d u a l s i n northern Northwest Coast s o c i e t i e s who were i n con t r o l of supernatural power dispensed down to e f f e c t cures and to prevent disease (cf. Swanton, 1908b:464; De Laguna, 1972:721-722). In a de s c r i p t i o n of how a Tsimshian shaman protected v i l l a g e populations from disease, Boas provided a graphic example of eagle down being used as preventive medicine: ...they invite in all the people of the village, and when they are in the house, the shaman opens his rattle bag; takes out a small leather bag filled with red ochre, and passes it around among all the people in the house to paint their faces - men, women, and children. After all the people have painted their faces, the shaman takes a dried sea-lion bag filled with eagle down, passes it about among the people to put the down on their heads (Boas, 1916:560). 177 Similar incidents were reported for the Haida and T l i n g i t . A theme equally predominant was the use of eagle down not only to • cure ailments, but to e f f e c t the ultimate cure of r e s t o r i n g l i f e to the dead. Swanton noted that "Eagle down and red paint were much used by shamans and are spoken of i n the s t o r i e s as the p r i n c i p l e media in r e s t o r i n g the dead to l i f e " (Swanton, 1908b:455; also Swanton, 1908b: 2 464 and Boas, 1916:558, e t c . ) . Boas recorded v a r i a t i o n s among a l l three northern groups of a myth about a g i r l who married a supernatural lake being; she died and was restored to l i f e by the creature who placed eagle feathers on her body (Boas, 1916:839). Moreover, as Swanton recorded i n the T l i n g i t v ersion of t h i s myth, t h i s i s the reason "eagle feathers are used a great deal at dances and i n making peace" (Swanton, 1909:128; Boas, I b i d . ; emphasis added). The a s s o c i a t i o n between eagle down and regeneration may be extended to ideas about reincarnation. For example, i n 1901 at Wrangell, Swanton recorded from a T l i n g i t man named Katishan "speeches delivered at a feast when a pole was erected for the dead". The text contained t h i s address given by the Talqoe'di: I hope you will be saved at onoe in your grandfather's canoe. But we who are dancing here for you are not really ourselves. It is our. long dead uncles who are dancing for .you. [ i n the l i t e r a l text: "Here f o r you ...we are dancing not we i t i s we are dancing. Long ago our uncles i t i s who are dancing here."] This eagle down will descend among  you from their heads and will save you like "He continued, "At the same time there appears to have been no spe c i a l veneration paid to the eagle, as such, except by c e r t a i n f a m i l i e s l i k e the NexA'di, which made a s p e c i a l i t y of the eagle emblem." For a sim i l a r theme, see Boas' discussion of Tsimshian shamans, (1916:558-559) i n which red ochre and eagle down are used. 178 good medicine. I hope you sleep welt in all these feathers. That is all (Swanton, 1901: 383; l i t e r a l text, p. 385; emphasis added).3 Thus f a r we have seen i n myth and r i t u a l the shamanistic uses of eagle down to e f f e c t and symbolize curative, preventive and regenera-t i v e acts. Eagle down, as a dominant symbol i n these acts, represented more than a medication, for As usual among Indians, the potency of medicines depended rather on supernatural rather than on medicinal properties, and their functions were fully as much to obtain positive advantages as to counteract sickness. That certain medicines and certain methods of treatment were of medi-cinal value is not doubted. ... In most medicines, however, the symbolic and supernatural play a much greater part than the empirical (Swanton, 1908b:445-446). How can the symbolic notions concerning the use of eagle down be rel a t e d to the wearing of a f r o n t l e t headdress? One key i s to look at the shaman-like r o l e of the chief as he conducted the f i r s t i n i t i a t i o n ceremonies. The d u a l i s t i c nature of his p o s i t i o n i s apparent: he was a shaman as he co n t r o l l e d and directed supernatural power; he was a high-ranking chief - a fact emphasized by the s o c i a l recognition of a high l e v e l of s p i r i t u a l ' i n s p i r a t i o n ' commensurate with h i s a b i l i t y to amass great material wealth. His s o c i a l and s p i r i t u a l status was synthesized and t h i s synthesis was symbolically represented by the f r o n t l e t head-dress he wore i n the i n i t i a t i o n ceremonies. A chi e f ' s supernatural "Eagle down i s elsewhere associated with regeneration/rein-carnation themes (cf. Swanton, 1909:127, 373, 442, 462). Swanton, for example, noted that "Eagle feathers are often referred to nowdays i n speeches. Thus people w i l l say to one who i s i n mourning, 'You have been cold. Therefore I bring you these feathers that have been handed down from generation to generation.'" (Swanton, 1908b:451). 179 i d e n t i t y and h i s s o c i a l i d e n t i t y were brought into symmetry when he wore a f r o n t l e t headdress: the supernatural scenario on the f r o n t l e t juxta-posed with an unmasked human face was the image of t h i s d i a l e c t i c . As has been shown i n the ethnographic data presented i n pre-vious chapters, curing/regeneration/reincarnation were pervasive themes i n secret society i n i t i a t i o n s among the three northern Northwest Coast groups. In these i n i t i a t i o n s , eagle down was often a dominant symbol. In the beginning of many of these r i t u a l s , the shaman/chief danced with a f r o n t l e t headdress f i l l e d with eagle down. The 'power1 he 'threw' into the u n i n i t i a t e d novices was usually symbolized by the scat t e r i n g of eagle down. The novices were unable at f i r s t to cope with the power that had been thrown into them and entered a l i m i n a l state i n which they exhibited a n t i - or non-social behaviour. In t h i s state they were c u l t u r a l l y 'dead'. With the help of other members of the society, and by following prescribed procedures of t h e i r organization, the i n i t i a t e s learned to co n t r o l t h e i r newly acquired power and returned to the c u l t u r a l sphere. From a Haida viewpoint, they had been 'cured' of the "dark face" or "stopped up mind" of the u n i n i t i a t e d . The newly i n i t i a t e d persons were regenerated from a symbolic death to the new l i f e of the s p i r i t u a l l y " i n s p i r e d " . This stage of the ceremony was usually accompanied by the d i s p e r s a l of more eagle down -by the shaman/chief and/or the newly in s p i r e d i n d i v i d u a l . Often, the new secret society members wore a f r o n t l e t headdress. Like the shaman/ chief who began t h e i r i n i t i a t i o n , the new members sang a ' s p i r i t song 1. Their voice was soft and low, the words were precise and c l e a r ; there was no error as they sang - t h e i r d e l i v e r y was well c o n t r o l l e d . They had 180 evolved from the chaos of l i m i n a l i t y to a state of peace. They had been cured of the dark ignorance of the u n i n i t i a t e d and regenerated or reborn into the ranks of the s p i r i t u a l l y enlightened. How does eagle down with i t s symbolic connotations of both curative and preventive medicine coincide with the i d e o l o g i c a l notion of 'peace'? Using 'peace' i n the sense of being i n harmonious or calm re-l a t i o n s with any aspect of the t o t a l environment, then to be without sickness and i n good health i s to be at peace with one's body, with one's family or k i n , and with society. Conversely, to be i l l i s to be i n a state of disharmony or p a r t i a l chaos. To be cured i s to be restored to an equilibrium, to metaphorically remove a l l p a r t i c l e s of chaos. S i m i l a r l y , to prevent disease i s to ensure that equilibrium p r e v a i l s and that disease i s abated. To be dead (or insane, which i s to s u f f e r a c u l t u r a l death) i s , of course, the ultimate chaos. Correspondingly, to e f f e c t regeneration or reincarnation would be the ultimate curative act. Again, the symbolic action i s the same: chaos i s transformed into peace. Eagle down as medi-cine symbolizing peace i s a statement about man's r e l a t i o n s h i p to l i f e and death. Because eagle down also symbolizes the den i a l of death - i . e . regeneration - i t i s also an expression of man's r e l a t i o n s h i p to the universe. Other constituents of the f r o n t l e t headdress may also be linked to 4 ideas about shamans and chiefs and t h e i r curing and healing a c t i v i t i e s . 4. 'For example, among northern Northwest Coast people, frogs were associated with healing and with shamans (cf. D a l l , 1881-2:111; De Laguna, 1972:698; McClellan, 1963:127). Swanton noted that "there was a curious b e l i e f that frogs turned into abalones...." (1905a:28). Abalone i n l a y i s usually found on the f r o n t l e t i t s e l f - i n the corona, i n the eyes, and/or i n the teeth of the carved figu r e s . 181 However, the pervasive theme of reincarnation (as the ultimate cure -the 'cure' for death) which has been shown to be symbolically connected to eagle's down, may also f i n d i t s symbolic expression i n the feather of a d i f f e r e n t b i r d : the f l i c k e r . F l i c k e r feathers were a major constituent of Haida, Tsimshian and T l i n g i t f r o n t l e t headdresses. The feathers, which came from the wing and t a i l of t h i s woodpecker, were predominantly red, having a black t i p and an almost m e t a l l i c copper-coloured s h a f t . I n the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e and i n the mythology, I have not found e x p l i c i t references to f l i c k e r s or to t h e i r feathers as having curative properties. However, given (1) t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e red colour, (2) the fact that on the headdress t h e i r only replacement was red f e l t , and (3) that red paint was a p r i n c i p l e media i n curative acts, i t i s not an u n l i k e l y assumption that f l i c k e r feathers c a r r i e d symbolic connotations of curing, regeneration, and r e i n -carnation. At t h i s l e v e l then, the redness of the feather i s more important than the f a c t that i t i s a f l i c k e r feather. F l i c k e r feathers were also, as I w i l l show below, symbols of ""'The colours of a f l i c k e r feather form a t i g h t bundle of sym-b o l i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Black on the Northwest Coast was the colour of death and mourning (mourners painted t h e i r faces b l a c k ) ; black was the symbolic colour f o r human death. Red, as we have noted above, was the colour symbolizing supernatural help, preventive medicine, and along with eagle down, "was the p r i n c i p l e media i n r e s t o r i n g the dead to l i f e " (see p. 176 above); red was the colour of l i f e and of l i f e beyond death. The shaft of the feather was a b r i l l i a n t , m e t a l l i c - l o o k i n g orange - the colour of new copper. Copper, of course, was the symbol of wealth on the Northwest Coast. As we have noted above, wealth was synthesized with the control of supernatural power. Red and black at the semantic l e v e l are symbolic oppositions, while red and copper are coextensive. For example, the Haida describedProperty Woman's c h i l d : " I t s f i n g e r s , were red, l i k e copper" (Swanton, 1905a:30; see also p. 146 for a d e s c r i p t i o n of "thumbs and fingers of copper"). 182 wealth and of the supernatural, but at another l e v e l - within the semantic domain of red - I believe that the f l i c k e r feather had a symbolic r e f e r -ence to reincarnation. Red was the colour of paint used i n r i t u a l s having regeneration themes; i t was also the colour used to describe the appearance of copper. In the mythology of the Northwest Coast, copper i s frequently associated with salmon and reincarnation. In the natu r a l , b i o l o g i c a l world of the West P a c i f i c Coast, red i s the colour of the bodies of salmon returning to fresh water streams a f t e r l i v i n g f o r four or more years i n the ocean. The salmon return to the s i t e of t h e i r b i r t h to generate new l i f e and then to di e . ^ The point of a salmon's death, metaphorically speaking, i s the point of his regeneration. In the mythological world of the Northwest Coast people, i t i s the moment of his g reincarnation (cf. Swanton, 1905a:16). ""See e s p e c i a l l y the Tsimshian myth about the son-in-law of Tsauda (the father of Moon), who goes to Copper Creek at the head of the Skeena, seeking copper. He spears salmon. The salmon turn to