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The British Columbia woman suffrage movement, 1890-1917 Hale, Linda Louise 1977

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THE BRITISH COLUMBIA WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT 1 8 9 0 - 1 9 1 7 by LINDA LOUISE HALE B. A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 7 1 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (History) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1 9 7 7 © L i n d a Louise Hale, 1 9 7 7 In present ing th i s thes is in p a r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree l y ava i lab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for scho la r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h is representat ives . It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is fo r f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permission. Department of History The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date October 3 , 1977 Abstract This thesis focuses on the examination of the motives and t a c t i c s of the B r i t i s h Columbia s u f f r a g i s t s i n t h e i r campaign from 1890 to 1917 to secure p o l i t i c a l equality with men. Also investigated are the nature of the leadership and membership of the movement and the perspectives of the su f f r a g i s t s ' a l l i e s and opponents. Ad d i t i o n a l l y , the B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement i s studied i n the context of the general reform impulse i n the province, Canada and other western nations during the l a t e nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage campaign was clo s e l y linked throughout i t s duration to a general campaign to remedy the subordinate l e g a l status of women i n the province. Yet, while united by t h i s common theme, the campaign can be divided into two d i s t i n c t phases. P r i o r to 1910 e f f o r t s to secure the school board, municipal, p r o v i n c i a l and federal franchises were conducted primarily by s u f f r a g i s t s who subscribed to the view that women were natur a l l y endowed to exercise a beneficent influence within the home, the l o c a l community and the nation as nurturers, preservers of virtue and p u r i f i e r s . They argued that by pa r t i c i p a t i n g i n government women could activate the moral regeneration of society and thereby combat what they perceived to be the adverse effects of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , i i i urbanization, immigration and the persistence of f r o n t i e r s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the saloon. By 1910, however, the s o c i a l reformers were joined by a group of new s u f f r a g i s t s who emphasized that women should be granted p o l i t i c a l equality as i t was the democratic r i g h t of a l l c i t i z e n s . Demanding a wider scope for women's a c t i v i t i e s than the majority of the f i r s t generation of s u f f r a g i s t s , these women maintained that they should be able to u t i l i z e the vote on behalf of t h e i r various and sometimes divergent i n t e r e s t s as homemakers,< consumers, wage-earners, philanthropists and professionals. Despite these differences of perspective, a l l the su f f r a g i s t s maintained that the problem of women's sub-ordinate status could be solved by l e g i s l a t i v e means. They believed that an equal partnership between men and women i n public and private l i f e would occur automatically following the winning of the b a l l o t . S i m i l a r l y , the s u f f r a g i s t s p r i n c i p a l l y interested i n s o c i a l reforms thought that they could be most e f f e c t i v e l y enacted by l e g i s l a t i o n . The su f f r a g i s t s also viewed state intervention i n the form of l e g i s l a t i o n as necessary to preserve the l i b e r t y of the in d i v i d u a l , either by granting him s p e c i f i c r i g h t s such as the b a l l o t or by r e s t r i c t i n g the s o c i a l behaviour of persons not conforming to the general norm. In t h i s respeet the B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement can be characterized as a l i b e r a l movement. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Acknowledgement v Preface v i i Introduction 1 Chapter 1 The B r i t i s h Columbia Woman Suffrage Movement 1890 - 1909 9 Chapter 2 The B r i t i s h Columbia Woman Suffrage Movement 1910 - 1917 52 Chapter 3 Community Reaction to the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman Suffrage Movement 1890 - 1917 96 Conclusion 121 Selected Bibliography 128 Appendix I Biographies of the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman Suffrage Leaders 1890 - 1917 1^5 i v Acknowledgement The completion of t h i s study i s , i n large measure, due to the ongoing support offered by my supervisor, Dr. Wm P. Ward. His i n t e r e s t i n the project either i n the form of provocative discussion or considered c r i t i c i s m helped me throughout the exercise. To him I express my sincere gratitude. Assistance of a more general nature was also f o r t h -coming from other members of the History department. In p a r t i c u l a r , I am indebted to Dr. C. Humphries for h i s i n i t i a l sponsorship of the thesis and f o r h i s determined e f f o r t s to communicate h i s enthusiasm f o r s o c i a l history to h i s students. The s t a f f of the Special C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Li b r a r y consistently offered encouragement and aid throughout the course of my research. E s p e c i a l l y helpful were Anne Yandle, the d i v i s i o n head, George Brandak, the manuscript a r c h i v i s t and Frances Woodward, an expert on the d i v i s i o n ' s B r i t i s h Columbia holdings. A l l of these indiv i d u a l s gave f r e e l y of t h e i r time and knowledge and provided me with useful suggestions concerning obscure or uncatalogued material. The a r c h i v i s t s at the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Archives also greatly f a c i l i t a t e d my research. Leonard Delozier's kindness i n o f f e r i n g me his handwritten index v v i of the premiers' papers was very welcome as were Terry Eastwood's i n i t i a t i v e s i n l o c a t i n g sources. The a r c h i v i s t s at the C i t y Archives of Vancouver c o r d i a l l y assisted me. The contribution of my colleague and f r i e n d , A l l a n Salo, remains immeasurable. To a l l of these persons and to my parents I o f f e r my thanks. Their e f f o r t s have enriched the thesis while i t s shortcomings are, of course, s o l e l y a t t r i b u t a b l e to me. Preface This study of the B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement was la r g e l y prompted by the growing inter e s t of histo r i a n s and students i n Canadian s o c i a l h i s t o r y . P a r t i c u l a r l y relevant to t h i s project i s the expanding body of new l i t e r a t u r e addressing various aspects of the a c t i v i t i e s of Canadian women and t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n society.* This thesis i s most d i r e c t l y linked to those studies 2 investigating the motives of the Canadian s u f f r a g i s t s , but i t i s also c l o s e l y related to other areas of h i s t o r i c a l research concerning women. The examination of B r i t i s h Columbia women's organizations undertaken here was f a c i l i t a t e d by the forays of several authors into the previously unexplored areas of the national women's club movement and women's philanthropic a c t i v i t i e s . S i m i l a r l y , the investigation of the attitudes of B r i t i s h Columbia feminists towards the family, the workplace and community l i f e i s connected to the recent work of several scholars. In i t s concern with leadership, as well, t h i s paper p a r t i c i p a t e s , to some extent, i n the current inquiry into the nature of the leadership of the Canadian women's movement i n the la t e nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While the hist o r y of the B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement can be viewed within the context of women's history, t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s i n s u f f i c i e n t as i t overlooks the fact that the campaign to extend the franchise v i i v i i i to women was an i n t e g r a l part of a more general s o c i a l reform movement. As a r e s u l t of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p , the l i t e r a t u r e exploring various aspects of the other reform movements suggests why th e i r members often supported the s u f f r a g i s t s and why a l l the reformers frequently confronted s i m i l a r opponents. The l i t e r a t u r e on the s o c i a l gospel movement, the p r o h i b i t i o n i s t s and the urban reformers^ i s p a r t i c u l a r l y valuable i n t h i s regard. The reverse process applies as well, f o r the study of the woman suffrage movement con-tr i b u t e s to the comprehension of other reform movements and to an interpretation of the nature of the general reform sentiment. Broadening the perspective offered by research i n Canadian s o c i a l h i s t o r y i s the larger body of l i t e r a t u r e which examines the corresponding B r i t i s h and American s o c i a l reform movements which influenced, i n varying degrees, t h e i r Canadian counterparts. Useful f o r comparative purposes are the numerous works which evaluate the 7 B r i t i s h and American woman suffrage campaigns.' In addition, more general studies of the contemporary reform persuasion c l e a r l y indicate that the c o a l i t i o n of reformers 8 found i n B r i t i s h Columbia was found elsewhere. This body of l i t e r a t u r e also demonstrates the pervasiveness of the t r a d i t i o n a l stereotype of women confronted by B r i t i s h Columbia feminists and the vari e t y of feminists' and t h e i r o opponents'responses to these attitudes. Footnotes 1 . With the exception of some biographies of prominent women, the intere s t of historians i n Canadian history has only recently been directed towards women's his t o r y . As a re s u l t of t h i s s i t u a t i o n , most of the l i t e r a t u r e currently available i s i n the form of a r t i c l e s , unpublished papers, theses and rep r i n t s of early feminist authors. For discussions of why the a c t i v i t i e s and attitudes of women have been l a r g e l y neglected by Canadian his t o r i a n s see S. Mann Trofimenkoff and A. Prentice, eds., The Neglected  Majority*• Essays i n Canadian Women's History (Toronto t McClelland and Steward, 1 9 7 7 ) , 7 - 1 3 ? G. R. Cook, "Introduction," to The Canadian Woman Suffrage Movement by C. Cleverdon ( 1 9 5 0 r p t t r Toronto» University of Toronto Press, 197*0» v i i i - i x and J . Acton et a l . , eds., Women at Work* Ontario 1 8 5 0 - 1 9 3 0 (Toronto t Canadian Women's Educational Press, 1 9 7 4 ) , 1 - 4 . 2 . Considerable interest has recently been expressed by several authors i n various aspects of the Canadian woman suffrage movement. Few, however, are primarily concerned with the motivations of the s u f f r a g i s t s . The most e f f e c t i v e study i n t h i s group i s C. L. Bacchi-Ferraro, -The Ideas of the Canadian Woman Su f f r a g i s t s , 1 8 9 0 - 1 9 2 0 " (M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1 9 7 0 ) . She focuses primarily on the Ontario s i t u a t i o n . 3 . See, for example, V. Strong-Boag, The Parliament of  Women, the National Council of Women of Canada 1 8 9 3 - 1 9 2 9 . National Museum of Man Mercury Series, History D i v i s i o n , Paper no. 1 8 . (Ottawai National Museums of Canada, 1 9 7 6 ) j W. Mitchinson, "The Woman's Ch r i s t i a n Temperance Unioni A Woman's Reform Organization, 1 8 7 4 - 1 9 0 0 , " paper presented at Mount Saint Vincent University, A p r i l 1 9 7 6 and J. Stoddart and V. Strong-Boag, " . . . 'And Things Were Going Wrong at Home'," A t l a n t i s I ( F a l l 1 9 7 5 ) » 1 3 8 - 1 4 4 . 4 . See, f o r example, T. Morrison, "Their Proper Spherest Feminism, the Family and Child-Centered S o c i a l Reform i n Ontario, 1 8 7 5 - 1 9 0 0 , " Pt. I Ontario History LXVIII (March 1 9 7 6 ) i 4 5 - 6 4 ; N. Sutherland, Children i n English-Canadian Societvt: Framing the Twentieth Century  Consensus (Torontoi University of Toronto Press, 1 9 7 6 ) » Trofimenkoff and Prentice, i b i d , and Acton et a l . , i b i d . 5 . See, for example, V. Strong-Boag, i b i d . j Mitehinson, ibid.» W. L. Thorpe, "Lady Aberdeen and the National Council of Women of Canada" (M.A. thesis, Queen's University, 1 9 7 3 ) and R. Stamp, "Adelaide Hoodless, Champion of Women's Rights" i n P r o f i l e s of Canadian Educators, eds. R. S. Patterson et a l . (n. p l . t D. C". Heath Canada Ltd., X 1974), 213-232. 6. See, for example, R. All e n , The S o c i a l Passion.  Rel i g i o n and So c i a l Reform i n Canada 1914-1928 (Toronto» University of Toronto Press, 1971)t S. Mosher, "The So c i a l Gospel i n B r i t i s h Columbia* S o c i a l Reform as a Dimension of Religion, 1900-1920" (M.A. thesis, University of V i c t o r i a , 1974) j P. Rutherford, "Tomorrow's Metropolis* The Urban Reform Movement i n Canada, 1880-1920," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Association H i s t o r i c a l Papers 1971, 203-224$ J . H. Thompson, "'The Beginnings of Our Regeneration'* The Great War and Western Canadian Reform Movements," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Association H i s t o r i c a l Papers 1972, 227-245. 7. See, for example, M. Ramelson, The Petticoat  Rebellion* A Century of Struggle f o r Women's Rights"" (London* Lawrence and Wishart. 1967)* C. Rover. Women's  Suffrage and Party P o l i t i c s i n B r i t a i n 1866-1914 (London* Routledge and Kegan Paul. 1967)* A. Kraditor. The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement 1890-1920 (Garden C i t y , New York* Doubleday and Company 1971 ed.) and A. Grimes, The Puritan Ethic and Woman Suffrage (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967). In p a r t i c u l a r , Kraditor's examination of the American s u f f r a g i s t s ' contribution to American i n t e l l e c t u a l history suggested a worthwhile approach to the study of the B r i t i s h Columbia s u f f r a g i s t s while Grimes' emphasis on the p o l i t i c a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t of the grantors of p o l i t i c a l equality f o r women provided a caution r e a d i l y applicable to the B r i t i s h Columbia s i t u a t i o n . 8. Most useful i n t h i s category were R. Hofstader, The Age of Reform (New York* Random House Inc., I960) and H. Wiebe. The Search For Order. 1877-1920 (New York* H i l l and Wang, 1967). 9. See, for example, M. Vicinus, "The Perfect V i c t o r i a n Lady" i n Suffer and Be S t i l l . Women i n the  Vi c t o r i a n Age, ed. M. Vicinus (Don M i l l s , Ontario* Fitzhenry and Whiteside Limited, 1972), v i i i - x v * B. Welter, "The Cult of True Womanhood, 1820-1860," American Quarterly XVIII (Summer 1966)* 151-174 and J . Conway, "Women Reformers and American Culture, 1870-1930," Journal of So c i a l History •V (Winter 1971-1972)«: 164-177. Introduction The B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement formed an i n t e g r a l part of the general reform impulse i n Canada and other western nations during the l a t e nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This reform impulse or progressive movement was motivated by a desire on the part of numerous groups and individuals to correct what they perceived to be s o c i a l problems created by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , urbanization and immigration. In order to achieve t h e i r proposed ends the reformers, including the s u f f r a g i s t s , launched a var i e t y of campaigns designed to tackle s p e c i f i c problems such as drunkenness, gambling, overcrowded housing, p o l i t i c a l corruption, p r o s t i t u t i o n , contagious diseases and crime. Linking many participants i n these diverse a c t i v i t i e s was the notion of a C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l conscience as expressed through the s o c i a l gospel movement. As a r e s u l t of i t s influence the various reform campaigns were frequently interconnected by shared aspirations and personnel. Within the context of the various forms of reform a c t i v i t y during that period, the B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement was most c l o s e l y connected to the international campaign to enfranchise women.1 This campaign was at the forefront of a general attempt i n several western nations to secure equal r i g h t s for women i n s o c i a l , 2 economic and p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s . The B r i t i s h Columbia 1 s u f f r a g i s t s were comparative latecomers to t h i s arena as American, English and other European feminists had been f i g h t i n g for equal access to the b a l l o t and other r i g h t s f o r at least the previous s i x t y years. Some feminist a g i t a t i o n had also occurred i n Canada pr i o r to 1890, although i t had been confined primarily to expanding the educational opportunities for women and guaranteeing married women access to t h e i r property. Thus, as a re s u l t of the e f f o r t s of other women, the B r i t i s h Columbia s u f f r a g i s t s became heirs to a t r a d i t i o n of women's activism and debate concerning the appropriate s o c i a l r o l e for women p a r t i c u l a r l y as i t was expressed i n English-speaking countries. The knowledge that they were participants i n both a national and an international women* s movement also provided an important support for t h e i r morale i n the long struggle f o r p o l i t i c a l equality. Yet, while the B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement was linked to the national and inte r n a t i o n a l drive for s o c i a l reform and shared many of the concerns of s u f f r a g i s t elsewhere, the B r i t i s h Columbia campaign f o r the enfranchis ment of women was generated l a r g e l y by conditions within the province. Women resi d i n g i n B r i t i s h Columbia addressed the problems of the s o c i a l , l e g a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l status of women and children i n t h e i r home province because they were d i s s a t i s f i e d with these conditions, not because they were a r t i f i c a l l y attempting to emulate the a c t i v i t i e s . 3 of others. S i m i l a r l y , the s o c i a l reforms proposed by the su f f r a g i s t s were necessitated, i n t h e i r view, by l o c a l circumstances including .widespread drunkenness, to choose only one example.^ As a re s u l t of t h i s s i t u a t i o n the B r i t i s h Columbia drive f o r women's p o l i t i c a l equality was characterized by an amalgamation of l o c a l and imported concepts and t a e t i e s . The woman suffrage movement became the central focus of reform energy for early women a c t i v i s t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia primarily because they believed that the s o c i a l reforms they envisioned could be most e f f e c t i v e l y achieved by l e g i s l a t i v e action. They also recognized that the l e g a l i n e q u a l i t i e s which r e s t r i c t e d women's ri g h t s i n several areas including the family, the workplace and government could only be r e c t i f i e d by l e g i s l a t i o n . As a r e s u l t of t h i s perspective they thought i t imperative that women pa r t i c i p a t e d i r e c t l y i n the p o l i t i c a l process as voters and candidates i n order to influence the nature of the laws adopted. In addition, the campaign f o r access to the franchise at a l l l e v e l s assumed central significance because feminists regarded the ri g h t to vote as the most important symbol of equality and c i t i z e n s h i p . The B r i t i s h Columbia s u f f r a g i s t s ' concentration on a p r o v i n c i a l rather than a national campaign to secure the enfranchisement of women derived from the a l l o c a t i o n of l e g i s l a t i v e powers i n the B r i t i s h North America Act. 4 Under t h i s act the pr o v i n c i a l governments obtained j u r i s -d i c t i o n i n most Of-the areas d i r e c t l y a f f e c t i n g the c i v i l status of i t s residents. Thus, women de s i r i n g the r e v i s i o n of laws r e l a t i n g to areas such as the care and guardianship of children, the solemnization of marriage, property r i g h t s , estate procedures, municipal a f f a i r s , working conditions, education, the treatment of p r o v i n c i a l prisoners, or the provision for the care of the sick necessarily addressed 7 themselves to the pr o v i n c i a l government. Consequently, the s u f f r a g i s t s viewed access to the p r o v i n c i a l b a l l o t as e s p e c i a l l y valuable. This emphasis was reinforced by the 1898 Revision of the Dominion Elections Act which abolished the uniform national franchise f o r federal elections and proclaimed that henceforth the pr o v i n c i a l electorate would also be the federal electorate within the o boundaries of that province. As a r e s u l t of t h i s s i t u a t i o n the B r i t i s h Columbia s u f f r a g i s t s , l i k e t h e i r counterparts i n the other provinces, campaigned p r i n c i p a l l y within one province.^ Because of t h i s focus the various woman suffrage campaigns i n Canada r e f l e c t e d to a considerable extent the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the area i n which they were conducted. As well as being an in t e g r a l part of the impulse for s o c i a l reform, the woman suffrage movement i n each of the Canadian provinces constituted the l a s t phase of the nineteenth century trend i n Great B r i t a i n and her former colonies to expand the franchise to include the majority of the adult population. Like many other developments i n Canada, the expansion of the male franchise was a product of Canada's c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p to Great B r i t a i n and her proximity to the United States. The o r i g i n a l B r i t i s h d e f i n i t i o n of the franchise as "a p r i v i l e g e bestowed on the c i t i z e n by the state i n i t s wisdom and magnaminity" was moderated i n B r i t i s h North America by a more democratic American interpretation of the suffrage as a " r i g h t inherent i n each man from his very n a t u r e " . 1 0 The amalgam of these two interpretations resulted i n a view that the r i g h t of access to the franchise should be tempered by "an emphasis on the worthiness of the i n d i v i d u a l as demonstrated through property — v i s u a l indications of the s e l f - r e l i a n c e of t h e i r possessors". 1 1 The i n i t i a l a v a i l a b i l i t y of land i n B r i t i s h North America meant that the great majority of men i n the nineteenth century were able to q u a l i f y as freehold electors, i f not as candidates (which required greater holdings). The precedent of v i r t u a l manhood suffrage was not reversed as inexpensive or free land became l e s s av a i l a b l e . Rather, " i n every case where t h i s happened the 12 franchise was extended" to meet new occupation and residency patterns. R e f l e c t i n g these attitudes, the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a t i v e assembly enacted manhood suffrage i n 1872 but retained property-based municipal and school board franchises. Under the 1873 Municipal 6 Elections Act women were permitted to q u a l i f y as feme sole voters i n municipal elections provided they possessed the required property i n t h e i r own name.1-^ Women householders were granted the urban school board franchise i n 1889, but t h i s r i g h t was revoked i n 1892.^ The s u f f r a g i s t s challenged the basis of the franchise insofar as they demanded the termination of the exclusion of women from the p r o v i n c i a l and, afte r 1892, the school board franchises. In addition, they requested the expansion of the i n t e r -pretation of the property q u a l i f i c a t i o n i n municipal and school board elections to include the wives of propertied men. They also objected to the exclusion of women from contesting any elections. Their motives and methods f o r securing woman suffrage form the ^ central focus of t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n . 7 Footnotes 1. See, f o r example, I. M. Aberdeen, ed., International  Council of Women Report of Transactions of the Fourth  Quninquennial Meeting (Londoni Constable and Co., Ltd., 1910)t A. Kraditor, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890-1920t E. S. Pankhurst. The Suffragette (Londoni Gray and Hancock Ltd., 1911) and C". Rover, Women's Suffrage and Party P o l i t i c s i n B r i t a i n l666-19lh~". 2. See, for example, A. Kraditor, ed., Up From the Pedestal (Chicagoi Quadrangle Books, 1968) j T. Lloyd, Suffragettes International. The World Wide Campaign for  Women's Rights (Londoni BPC Unit 75» 1971) and M. Ramelson, The Petticoat Rebellion. 3» M. MacLellan, "History of Women's Rights i n Canada" i n C u l t u r a l T r a d i t i o n and P o l i t i c a l History of Women  i n Canada, M. Dumont-Jbhnson et a l . Studies of the Royal Commission on the Status of Women i n Canada, no. 8 (Ottawai Information Canada, 1972), 4 and 6-8. 4. See, f o r example, J:. S. M i l l , The Subjection of  Women (1869 rptt Londoni Longmans, Green and Co., 1909); K. M i l l e t t , "The Debate Over Women" i n Suffer and Be  S t i l L Women i n the V i c t o r i a n Age. 121-139 and B. Welter, "The Cult of True Womanhood, 1820-1860". 5. See, for example, E. P h i l l i p s Edge, "Report of the Vancouver Local Council, " National Council of Women of Canada Report (1904)» xv. "Here i n Vancouver, we may have been looked upon i n the past, as a somewhat i n s i g n i f i c a n t , and overambitious band of women, but those of us, who understand even i n a small degree, the importance of t h i s work at the present time, and s t i l l more the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of i t s future, are already conscious, that i n a l l c i v i l i z e d countries, some of the greatest women of the age are with us, or rather we should say we are honoured i n fe e l i n g that we are with them and through the National and Inter-national Councils, are associated with the true aristocracy of Womanhood, whether of noble b i r t h , as many of them are, or of more humble o r i g i n . " 6. In 1891 B r i t i s h Columbia had the highest alcohol consumption per capita of a l l provinces. See R. Popham and W. Schmidt, S t a t i s t i c s of Alcohol Use and Alcoholism  i n Canada 1875-1956 (Toronto» University of Toronto Press, 1958), 15-23. 7. B r i t i s h North America Act, 1867, s. 92 as cit e d i n Canadian History i n Documents, 1763-1966, J . M. B l i s s , ed. (Torontoi Ryerson Press, 1966;, 137-139. 8 8. Canada, Revised Statutes. 6 Ed. 7» c. 6, s. 6 and 10. 9. The B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement has been characterized as the most insular or self-contained one i n Canada. See Cleverdon, The Woman Suffrage Movement  i n Canada, 84 and Bacchi-Ferraro, "The Ideas of the Canadian Su f f r a g i s t s , 1890-1920," 27. 10. J . Garner, The Franchise and P o l i t i c s i n B r i t i s h  North America, 1755-1867. Canadian Studies i n History and Government, no. 1 3 ( T o r o n t o i University of Toronto Press, 1969), 6. 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid., 3» For a discussion of the preconfederation B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island franchises see i b i d . , 118-126. 13. For the p r o v i n c i a l franchise see B r i t i s h Columbia, Statute^,. 35 V i c t . , c. 39. The major groups of men prohibited from voting were Native Indians and Asians. See i b i d . , 58 V i c t . , c. 20, s. 2 and i b i d . , 7 Ed. 7, c. 16, s. 3. For the municipal electorate and women's voting r i g h t s see i b i d . , 36 V i c t . , c. 5» s. 1, 2 and 6. For the school board franchise see i b i d . , 49 V i c t . , c. 30, s. 23. 14. Ibid., 52 V i c t . , c. 25 and Ibid., 55 V i c t . , c. 40. Chapter 1 The B r i t i s h Columbia Woman Suffrage Movement 1890 - 1909 Pr i o r to 1910 e f f o r t s to secure woman suffrage i n B r i t i s h Columbia were conducted primarily by women's organizations whose objectives were broader than that of simply achieving woman suffrage. For each of these organizations, access to the franchise was viewed as necessary to achieve the reformed society i t envisioned. The Woman's Ch r i s t i a n Temperance Union (WCTU) i n i t i a l l y championed the cause of woman suffrage i n the hope of strengthening the pr o h i b i t i o n cause by adding large numbers of temperance women to the electorate. Augmenting the franchise e f f o r t s of the WCTU, the l o c a l branches of the National Council of Women of Canada i n V i c t o r i a , Vancouver and New Westminster began to advocate the enfranchisement of women as part of t h e i r o v e r a l l program to a l t e r the economic, l e g a l and s o c i a l status of women i n the province. After the turn of the century women supporters of the S o c i a l i s t Party of B r i t i s h Columbia endorsed woman suffrage as a recognition of women's equality with men. Sharing many of the goals of the l o c a l councils, the University Women's Club also investigated the l i n k s between woman suffrage and l e g i s l a t i o n regarding women's l i v e s . For the three most active of 9 these groups, the WCTU, the l o c a l councils of the National Council of Women and the University Women's Club, woman suffrage constituted "not only a reform i n i t s e l f but an instrument for further reform within the pr e v a i l i n g p o l i t i c a l conception of s o c i a l goals."* For the far les s i n f l u e n t i a l s o c i a l i s t women, woman suffrage was regarded as a t o o l to help overthrow the pr e v a i l i n g p o l i t i c a l order. The ongoing WCTU support f o r woman suffrage, from the Union's inception i n the 1880s u n t i l 1918, derived from i t s membership's e s s e n t i a l l y conservative and p a r t i a l l y defensive reaction to the rapid a l t e r a t i o n s occuring within society at both the p r o v i n c i a l and national l e v e l s during t h i s period. WCTU members were intensely concerned about the ramifications for family l i f e and women's pos i t i o n i n society occasioned by urbanization, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , immigration and, i n some cases, by the persistence of f r o n t i e r s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the saloon. Fear of the i l l - e f f e c t s of these influences recurred throughout the l i t e r a t u r e of the WCTU. The imminent moral decay of society r a p i d l y emerged as a dominant theme which i s constantly reinforced by references to the prevalence of alcoholism, p r o s t i t u t i o n , venereal disease, gambling, drug addiction and a host of le s s e r ' e v i l s ' including cigarette smoking, swearing, d i s t r i b u t i o n of obscene 2 l i t e r a t u r e and lack of curfew laws. Operating from the 11 premise that "the power next to prayer i s the b a l l o t " several WCTU women decided i n 1888 that woman suffrage would be the most e f f e c t i v e way to grapple with the "strongholds of Satan"^ generally and alcohol p a r t i c u l a r l y . The WCTU su f f r a g i s t s * f a i t h i n the power of woman suffrage to activate the moral regeneration of society derived d i r e c t l y from t h e i r b e l i e f that women were the natural moral superiors of men. Working from t h i s supposition, they claimed that women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government would exert a "beneficent influence . . . i n the u p l i f t i n g of humanity. "-* I n i t i a l l y , the WCTU suffragists did not aspire to exert women's puri f y i n g influence by holding o f f i c e but rather sought to ensure the el e c t i o n of "men who are not only i n t e l l e c t u a l l y , but morally capable to f i l l t h e i r o f f i c e . Men whose p r i n c i p l e s are pure, whose l i v e s are upright and whose word i s sacred."^ With the securing of the r i g h t f o r women to contest urban school board elections i n 1895^ the WCTU s u f f r a g i s t s altered t h i s attitude to include the sponsorship of women candidates wherever q u a l i f i e d women could be found. Laudatory descriptions of the b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t of woman suffrage i n j u r i s d i c t i o n s outside Canada eneouraged an i d e a l i s t i c attitude regarding the potential of enfranchising women. Residents of Wyoming, for example, were portrayed as l i v i n g i n a reformed community as changes proposed by women voters allegedly resulted i n the elimination of poverty and crime, "except by strangers." Implicit i n the su f f r a g i s t s ' argument that the standards of conduct i n public l i f e required r a i s i n g was the contention that the a l l male p r o v i n c i a l electorate had either d e l i b e r a t e l y lowered them or simply acquiesced i n t h e i r decline. These s u f f r a g i s t s saw women's enfranchisement as a way to correct the imbalance of moral forces i n p o l i t i c s and therefore i n the community. A d i r e c t c o r o l l a r y of the WCTU s u f f r a g i s t s ' position regarding women's moral su p e r i o r i t y was t h e i r endorsement of the notion of d i v i n e l y ordained separate spheres of a c t i v i t y f o r men and women. C e c i l i a Spofford, a long-time executive member of the V i c t o r i a and P r o v i n c i a l WCTU and an active s u f f r a g i s t s , c l e a r l y summarized t h e i r shared perspective, "to subdue the physical was man's work, to Q subdue the moral and s p i r i t u a l was women's work."^ According to t h i s d i v i s i o n of labour, women's work should focus on domestic a f f a i r s to create harmonious, moral and pleasant homes for t h e i r husbands and children. By the la t e nineteenth century, however, several WCTU s u f f r a g i s t s f e l t that t h e i r e f f o r t s to nurture and educate t h e i r children to become " i n t e l l i g e n t and enterprising" with "r i g h t p r i n c i p l e s and pure thoughts i n t h e i r hearts"*^ were being increasingly subverted by the environment outside the home, over which women had l i t t l e control. This perception that the home or family, "the important i n s t i t u t i o n i n the country" and women's r i g h t f u l domain, was being threatened by s i n i s t e r forces formed the basis for the WCTU women's defensive reaction which has been characterized, i n connection with another women's group, 12 as "maternalistic activism". WCTU s u f f r a g i s t s demanded the vote so that "the home and the domestic side of things could count f o r more i n p o l i t i c s and i n the administration of public a f f a i r s than they do at present." 1-^ Thus women needed the vote, not because they saw themselves as the peers of men i n a l l aspects, but because of fundamental differences between the sexes» I f men and women were exactly a l i k e , the representation of men would represent us? but not being a l i k e ^ that wherein we differ., i s unrepresented under the present system. These differences, however, were confined to the moral sphere as women were constantly asserted to possess "as much refinement, education and wealth, as many of the sterner sex". 1^ As guardians of domestic l i f e , WCTU su f f r a g i s t s considered themselves w e l l - q u a l i f i e d to enter public l i f e . S k i l l s developed while managing the home economy, adjudicating family disputes, r a i s i n g children and creating a healthy environment were regarded as r e a d i l y transferable to the public a r e n a . ^ Federal, p r o v i n c i a l and municipal a f f a i r s , they contended, could be far more e f f i c i e n t l y managed by the application of 'good housekeeping' techniques which would eliminate corruption, waste, the s e t t i n g of f a l s e p r i o r i t i e s and mismanagement. In t h i s way, any negative side e f f e c t s of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urban-i z a t i o n could be removed by appropriate l e g i s l a t i v e action. A n t i - s o c i a l behavior was, i n t h e i r estimation, due to personal f a i l u r e and not symptomatic of a larger malaise i n the ov e r a l l organization of society. Accordingly, drunkenness could be lar g e l y eliminated by the s t r i c t control of li q u o r l i c e n s i n g and the eventual securing of proh i b i t i o n . P r o s t i t u t i o n , gambling and drug addiction could be stopped by the active enforcement of laws prohibiting these practices. S i m i l a r l y , the a c t i v i t i e s of juveniles could be controlled by r e s t r i c t i o n s . By applying t h e i r standards fo r domestic l i f e to the community through p o l i t i c a l action, the WCTU s u f f r a g i s t s hoped to remove what they regarded as moral b l i g h t s . The WCTU s u f f r a g i s t s ' attempts to extend the influence of women from the home into the community was motivated by a desire to exert a form of s o c i a l control over others. They sought to impose t h e i r way of l i f e upon what they regarded as the increasingly heterogeneous population of the province by enshrining t h e i r viewpoints i n law. By systematically banning a c t i v i t i e s such as the sale of liq u o r , Sunday sports and gambling they hoped to force residents and newly arrived immigrants to accept t h e i r pattern of l i f e which focused on the p r o h i b i t i o n i s t , s e l f -supporting, English-speaking, Protestant, Anglo-Canadian family. Anyone who did not conform to thi s norm was regarded by the women as a potential threat to the nation, the i n s t i t u t i o n of the family and subsequently to themselves since they defined t h e i r own i d e n t i t i e s i n terms of family ro l e s — as wife, mother, s i s t e r and daughter. In defence of t h e i r p o s i t i o n , WCTU s u f f r a g i s t s launched n a t i v i s t and r a c i s t attacks at the most vulnerable member of society, the new immigrant who perhaps can neither read or write, but who by re s i d i n g on Canadian s o i l one year and taking the oath of allegiance, though he may know nothing of our laws, nothing of the men who aspire to o f f i c e , perhaps he cannot speak one word of English, and yet he can say, who s h a l l be our l e g i s l a t o r s , while we women are placed side by side with i d i o t s , l u n a t i c s and children.17 Woman suffrage, by enfranchising family women, would help to minimize or control the influence of 'undesirable' persons, p a r t i c u l a r l y single non-temperance men. While concerned about the moral q u a l i t i e s of other persons, the WCTU s u f f r a g i s t s expressed no doubts about the morality of t h e i r aspiration f o r s o c i a l c o n t r o l . Dedicated 19 to "God and Home and Native Land", these women saw themselves as C h r i s t i a n p a t r i o t s charged with the task of in j e c t i n g C h r i s t i a n standards into everyday l i f e . Drawing from the nineteenth century evangelical sentiment which 20 emphasized "a r e s t r i c t i v e personal and s o c i a l morality" they viewed as r e l i g i o u s reforms those secular changes which coincided with t h e i r moral proscriptions. Thus, they defined as Ch r i s t i a n laws measures which prohibited the consumption of a l c h o l i c beverages, gambling, p r o s t i t u t i o n and cigarette smoking. As a r e s u l t of t h i s perspective, they viewed the b a l l o t as t h e i r weapon i n a holy crusade which they o p t i m i s t i c a l l y argued could not f a i l since i t 21 was d i v i n e l y authorized. The WCTU suff r a g i s t s * endeavour to i n j e c t t h e i r version of C h r i s t i a n i t y into the secular world was cl o s e l y a l l i e d to the s o c i a l gospel movement i n some Protestant churches i n the la t e nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The temperance women shared with s o c i a l gospel ministers the b e l i e f that " C h r i s t i a n i t y was a s o c i a l r e l i g i o n concerned 22 . . . with the qua l i t y of human r e l a t i o n s on t h i s earth." As a r e s u l t of the common perspective of the s o c i a l gospellers and the WCTU s u f f r a g i s t s , the e f f o r t s of the two groups to seek solutions within the context of C h r i s t i a n i t y to the urban and i n d u s t r i a l problems confronting the provine were often mutually supportive. They shared with the proponents of s o c i a l gospel "a generalized sense of progress 23 and were influenced by "evolutionary concepts" J which they interpreted as j o i n t l y i n d i c a t i n g the eventual triumph of th e i r world view. Also commonly held with the s o c i a l gospellers was the " b e l i e f i n the p o s s i b i l i t y of personal 24 perfection beyond the temptation of s i n " , p a r t i c u l a r l y i f the environment i n which people l i v e d was improved. Consequently the WCTU s u f f r a g i s t s did not s t r i v e to a l t e r 17 fundamentally the r o l e of women i n society but rather sought to modify and enlarge the environment within which women performed t h e i r functions as mothers and wives. They argued that as the a c t i v i t i e s of the home moved into the community so too must the a c t i v i t i e s of women, the guardians of the home and public morality. This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the function of women was supported by s o c i a l gospel ministers, J During the mid 1890s the reform e f f o r t s of the WCT¥~ were greatly strengthened by the formation of l o c a l councils of women i n V i c t o r i a (1894), Vancouver (1894), New Westminster (1898), Vernon (1895) and Nelson (1900). The l o c a l councils attempted to at t r a c t a l l organizations of women within t h e i r communities to jo i n together i n a loose federation which could speak a u t h o r i t a t i v e l y , on behalf of women, on l o c a l issues. The l o c a l councils were i n turn a f f i l i a t e d to the National Council of Women of Canada and through t h i s body to the International Council of Women. The National Council of Women of Canada, founded i n 1893, strove to represent the consensus of opinion of the majority 26 of Canadian women on issues a f f e c t i n g t h e i r l i v e s . The favorable reception accorded the formation of the National Council of Women of Canada and the l o c a l councils r e f l e c t s one aspect of the increasingly public r o l e of women i n Canada i n the l a t e nineteenth century as numerous clubs were formed by women for s o c i a l , philanthropic and economic 18 purposes. Seeking solutions to the problems confronting them, a c t i v i s t women, l i k e many other groups, adopted an increasingly c o l l e c t i v i s t approach i n the hope of maximizing t h e i r influence on l e g i s l a t o r s . 2 ' ' The founding of the National Council of Women of Canada and i t s l o c a l s i s also i n d i c a t i v e of the advancing s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of Canadian society and, correspondingly, of Canadian women's groups. The women's councils strove to eliminate factionalism by welcoming a l l women irr e s p e c t i v e of f a i t h , occupation, cl a s s , age, marital status, r a c i a l or ethnic origins and p o l i t i c a l viewpoint. Their p o l i c y of nondenominationalism was p a r t i c u l a r l y important as i t attracted large numbers of Canadian women not cl o s e l y aligned with the once predominant, religiously-based reform groups such as the WCTU or the women's missionary s o c i e t i e s of the various C h r i s t i a n churches. Encouraged by the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of joi n t action B r i t i s h Columbia women a c t i v i s t s responded e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y to the National Council of Women of Canada r e c r u i t i n g campaigns for l o c a l councils i n several locations throughout the province. Although the women i n the small l o c a l councils i n Vernon and Nelson confined t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s primarily to volunteer work for t h e i r l o c a l h o s p i t a l or l i b r a r y , members of the larger V i c t o r i a and Vancouver Island Local Council of Women, Vancouver Local Council of Women and New Westminster Local Council of Women submitted to no such r e s t r i c t i o n s . Sharing the WCTU women's b e l i e f that s o c i a l improvement could best be brought about by l e g i s l a t e d s o c i a l controls, the councils began to undertake a re -evaluation of numerous laws, p a r t i c u l a r l y those r e l a t i n g to women and to children. Echoing Maria Grant's 1888 plea for "protection" for women, children and the home, each council established a Committee on Laws for the Protection 30 of Women and Children. Under the auspices of t h i s committee, ongoing investigations were conducted i n four general areas* the l e g a l status of women as individuals and as family members, the s i t u a t i o n of women i n the work-force, the care and custody of children and the treatment 31 of women and juvenile criminal offenders. Having thus accumulated evidence which they interpreted as indi c a t i n g that the interests of women and children were i n s u f f i c i e n t l y represented i n the province, the l o c a l councils i n i t i a t e d a series of campaigns to a l t e r some aspects of family law, factory regulations and the treatment of juvenile and 32 women offenders. On the whole, the members of the l o c a l councils of women i n B r i t i s h Columbia shared the WCTU women's conviction that the quality of family l i f e c l o s e l y affected the fate of the nation. As an a f f i l i a t e of the National Council of Women of Canada, each l o c a l council of women pledged i t s e l f to defend the hbme and the family. This p o s i t i o n was stated i n the co n s t i t u t i o n a l preamble which declared* 20 We, Women of Canada, sincerely b e l i e v i n g that the best good of our homes and nation w i l l be advanced by our own greater unity of thought, sympathy, and purpose, and that an organized movement of women w i l l best conserve the greatest good of the Family and the State, do hereby band ourselves together to further the application of the Golden Rule to society, custom and law. 33 Thus, i n common with the e a r l i e r religiously-based women's reform organizations the National Council of Women of Canada and the l o c a l councils accepted the p r e v a i l i n g notion that women were naturally (although not necessarily d i v i n e l y ) endowed to exercise a beneficent influence within the home, community and nation as preservers of virtue and p u r i f i e r s . As a r e s u l t of t h i s general coincidence of perspective, the WCTU and the l o c a l councils of women i n B r i t i s h Columbia frequently joined forces i n pursuit of common goals. One of the f i r s t manifestations of t h i s point of view was the campaign undertaken by the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women to expand women's influence i n government at the most elementary l e v e l , the school board. In January 1895» only two months a f t e r the formation of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women, i t s executive "on behalf of twenty l a d i e s ' societies'* successfully petitioned the p r o v i n c i a l government "to allow women to become members of the School Board of Trustees" i n urban areas. Their subsequent nominee, Maria Grant (chosen i n conjunction with the WCTU which had 3 < petitioned the government on th i s matter i n 189*0, and her successors secured one and sometimes two of the four seats on the V i c t o r i a School Board for the next quarter century. S i m i l a r l y , the Vancouver Local Council of Women and the New Westminster Local Council of Women successfully 36 f i e l d e d candidates for t h e i r respective school boards. This act also granted women householders and freeholders the r i g h t to vote i n school board ele c t i o n s . Although the l o c a l councils of women i n the province frequently collaborated with the WCTU i n the advopacy of s p e c i f i c l e g i s l a t i o n , the two organizations d i f f e r e d considerably i n the p r i o r i t y each accorded the attainment of p r o v i n c i a l and consequently federal woman suffrage. While the p r o v i n c i a l WCTU organized a large p e t i t i o n 37 favouring woman suffrage i n 1885 and passed a woman suffrage resoltuion at i t s annual convention as early as 1889"^ none of the l o c a l councils of women act i v e l y advocated a p r o v i n c i a l woman suffrage platform p r i o r to 1908, when the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women f i r s t passed 39 such a res o l u t i o n . This discrepancy can be p a r t i a l l y attributed to differences i n the motivation and goals of the two organizations. Having designated woman suffrage as a probable prerequisite f o r achieving prohibition, t h e i r primary goal, the WCTU consistently lobbied f o r the women's franchise. The l o c a l councils of women, however, were not dedicated to achieving one s p e c i f i c goal but rather sought to improve women's economic, l e g a l and s o c i a l p o s i t i o n 22 through a variety of l e g i s l a t i v e changes. This generalist approach and the passage of some women's l e g i s l a t i o n delayed f o r a time an awareness on the part of some l o c a l council of women members of the p o l i t i c a l impotence of nonvoters. P o l i t i c a l activism on the part of the l o c a l councils of women was also retarded by the lack of unanimity on t h i s subject since some members held r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s which did not sanction women's involvement i n p o l i t i c s . The coincidence'- between the revocation of the municipal franchise from women i n V i c t o r i a i n 1908, only two years a f t e r i t had been inadvertently enlarged to include most women, and the l o c a l council's o f f i c i a l endorsement of p r o v i n c i a l woman suffrage suggests that the government's action prompted the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women to adopt the WCTU's contention that p o l i t i c a l pressure was more e f f e c t i v e when exerted within the p o l i t i c a l system. By June 1908 the l o c a l councils of women i n the lower mainland and on Vancouver Island agreed with the WCTU that women's posi t i o n i n the province was insecure as long as they 40 remained disfranchised. The difference i n timing between the WCTU and the l o c a l councils of women also derived from the d i s s i m i l a r i t y of t h e i r parent organizations' viewpoints on woman suffrage. Both the Dominion WCTU and the American WCTU worked for woman suffrage i n conjunction with t h e i r p r o h i b i t i o n e f f o r t s . ^ 1 Conversely, the National Councils of Women of 2 3 Canada consistently refused to sponsor a pr o h i b i t i o n platform and therefore never linked woman suffrage and pr o h i b i t i o n . From i t s inception under the leadership of Lady Aberdeen, the National Council of Women of Canada c l e a r l y disassociated i t s e l f from the advocacy of s p e c i f i c causes such as woman 42 suffrage and only gradually adopted a supportive p o s i t i o n with respect to certa i n demands for women's right s such as equal access to educational i n s t i t u t i o n s , J Dominated by a conservative hierarchy and composed of a larger hetero-geneous membership, the National Council of Women of Canada attempted to avoid issues as controversial as woman suffrage. As a r e s u l t of t h i s reticence to tackle disputed issues, the d i s p a r i t y between the positions of the National Council of Women of Canada and the three main B r i t i s h Columbia l o c a l s was occasionally considerable. Their involvement i n school board elections remained unrecognized f o r seven years u n t i l the National Council of Women's formation i n 44 1902 of a Standing Committee on Women on School Boards. The e f f o r t s of the V i c t o r i a and Vancouver l o c a l councils to secure the municipal franchise for women on the same basis as that granted to men remained unsanctioned by the National Council of Women u n t i l the narrow passage of a woman suffrage 45 resolution by the National Council of Women m 1910. J Thus, although the B r i t i s h Columbia l o c a l councils of women were slower to engage a c t i v e l y i n woman suffrage campaigns than the WCTU i n the province, they were 24 considerably i n advance of the National Council of Women of Canada's p o l i c y . Closely a l l i e d with the women's reform groups were the professional women's clubs which began to appear i n the province i n 1908. The f i r s t of these organizations, the University Women's Club with branches i n V i c t o r i a and Vancouver, immediately undertook a joint study with the l o c a l councils on the l e g a l status of women and children in the province. Like the l o c a l councils of women, the members of the University Women's Club interested themselves i n the campaigns to secure better working conditions f o r women and sponsored the f i r s t debate i n the province on a 46 minimum wage for women. The club also organized i t s e l f as a gathering and clearing house for information on l e g i s l a t i o n i n the United States, Great B r i t a i n , A u s t r a l i a 4 and New Zealand regarding the treatment of women offenders. According to Helen Gregory MacGill, a founding member of the Vancouver University Women's Club, the "backward state of the l o c a l l e g i s l a t i o n brought home to most 48 un i v e r s i t y women the need of woman suffrage." Although the University Women's Club did not become a suffrage society, i t s e f f o r t s lent an aura of r e s p e c t a b i l i t y to the cause. Many of i t s members became important leaders i n the second phase of the woman suffrage campaign i n the province 2 5 commencing i n 1910. The fourth group of women interested i n the B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement prior to 1909 was the women members of the S o c i a l i s t Party of B r i t i s h Columbia. Unlike the other s u f f r a g i s t s , these women expressed a desire for p o l i t i c a l equality with men i n order to overthrow rather than reform the government. Despite t h i s revolution-ary orientation, however, many of the claims and complaints made by these women were very s i m i l a r to those uttered by the more orthodox WCTU, l o c a l councils of women and University Women's Club s u f f r a g i s t s . They subscribed to the notion that women as mothers had p a r t i c u l a r talents to off e r government. Like the WCTU and the l o c a l councils of women members, t h e i r spokeswoman asserted* Only a mother can properly sympathize with the •growing pains' of developing youth, and women should have an equal voice with men i n the management of a l l our educational i n s t i t u t i o n s . To that end they should be interested and informed on world events as well as on c i t y or v i l l a g e happenings; on foreign a f f a i r s as well as domestic t a t t l e ; on matters of state as well as on matters of stewing. . . i n cleaning the door-yards of c i v i l i z a t i o n as well as i n brushing the l i t t e r from her own l i t t l e premises.49 Just as the woman s u f f r a g i s t reformers chaffed at t h e i r exclusion from p o l i t i c s , the woman s o c i a l i s t s u f f r a g i s t s worried about the ramifications for socialism and for women s o c i a l i s t s of the male domination of t h e i r party.^° The women s o c i a l i s t s ' i n s e c u r i t y about the possible r e s u l t of woman suffrage, however, found no p a r a l l e l among the woman suffrage reformers. Sure of t h e i r cause and goals, the reformers were convinced that woman suffrage would bring about t h e i r desired reforms. S o c i a l i s t women, on the other hand, expressed qualms that woman suffrage could merely multiply the number of opponents of socialism.-* 1 These doubts combined with the small number of women s o c i a l i s t s , t h e i r loose organization, t h e i r l i m i t e d access to persons of power and the lack of public r e c e p t i v i t y to socialism to rerider the s o c i a l i s t women peripheral to the main woman suffrage movement. Leadership i n the woman suffrage movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia p r i o r to 1910 was exercised by a small r e l a t i v e l y 52 homogeneous group of nine women. Each of these women, working under the auspices of either the WCTU or a branch of the l o c a l council of women, a c t i v e l y campaigned f o r woman suffrage i n a variety of ways including c i r c u l a t i n g p e t i t i o n s , l e c t u r i n g , contesting school board elections and forming delegations to confront government a u t h o r i t i e s . A l l of the s u f f r a g i s t leaders were members of the l o c a l councils of women i n t h e i r communities, frequently serving as executive o f f i c e r s or chairmen of the Committee on Laws for the Protection of Women and Children. In addition, seven of the nine women were also active WCTU members working i n various capacities including management, 27 r e c r u i t i n g , operating the WCTU Refuge Home and superintending the Department of L e g i s l a t i o n , P e t i t i o n and Franchise. Reflective of t h e i r organizations' a c t i v i t i e s and t h e i r own outlooks, a l l of these women pursued the goal of woman suffrage while simultaneously working f o r other reforms. Since the s u f f r a g i s t leaders were a l l dealing i n sim i l a r ways with the problem of women's secondary status as epitomized by th e i r r e s t r i c t e d access to various franchises, i t i s not surprising that they shared, to some extent, similar ways of l i f e . A l l of these women were urban residents, cognizant of the problems of c i t y l i f e i n V i c t o r i a , Vancouver and New Westminster. Most of the su f f r a g i s t s conducted t h e i r l i v e s within a family context, either as wives, s i s t e r s , or daughters. Of the f i v e married leaders at least four were mothers. Maria Grant and Margaret Jenkins, long-time s u f f r a g i s t campaigners, had p a r t i c u l a r l y large families of seven and sixteen children respectively. Of the four unmarried s u f f r a g i s t leaders, at leas t two resided with t h e i r r e l a t i v e s , Edith Perrin managed the household of her brother, Bishop Perrin, while Susan Crease l i v e d with her s i s t e r and brother at her family's home, Pentrelew. With the exception of Agnes Deans Cameron, school p r i n c i p a l and jo u r n a l i s t , none of the s u f f r a g i s t leaders engaged i n paid employment outside of t h e i r homes during the period of t h e i r personal suffrage activism. Rather they l i v e d on private personal incomes or 28 r e l i e d on t h e i r male r e l a t i v e s for support i n spite of the fact that four of them were q u a l i f i e d teachers. Thus, most of these women l i v e d i n circumstances s u f f i c i e n t l y affluent to exempt them from the need to par t i c i p a t e i n the work-force. Their freedom from the need to work outside the home allowed them to devote more time to philanthropic and volunteer a c t i v i t y than otherwise would have been possible. In addition, t h e i r strong l i n k s to family l i f e conditioned the nature of t h e i r approach to the status of women. This s i m i l a r i t y of experience i n B r i t i s h Columbia was reinforced by a shared c u l t u r a l heritage. At lea s t f i v e of the s u f f r a g i s t leaders were born of B r i t i s h parents i n Canada while another three were born i n England. A l l of the s u f f r a g i s t s leaders underwent public or private education i n Canada or England and shared similar c u l t u r a l values. Eight of the leaders were residents of B r i t i s h Columbia by the l a t e 1880s while the other one arrived i n the 1890s. As a r e s u l t , most of these leaders had first-hand experience with B r i t i s h Columbian conditions and attitudes p r i o r to t h e i r involvement i n suffrage a c t i v i t i e s and therefore addressed themselves d i r e c t l y to B r i t i s h Columbian problems. While these facts indicate points of shared exper-ience amongst the s u f f r a g i s t leaders and suggest some prerequisites for activism such as available l e i s u r e time, the question of why these p a r t i c u l a r women became the leaders of the woman suffrage movement remains unanswered.^ J The r e l a t i v e l y recent a r r i v a l of white women i n the province combined with the previously private nature of 'respectable* women's l i v e s to prevent the formation of a t r a d i t i o n of women's leadership i n the public l i f e of the province. As a r e s u l t , the leadership of the various facets of the woman suffrage movement was open to anyone who had a considerable i n t e r e s t i n woman suffrage, the personal freedom to engage i n such a c t i v i t i e s , the talent required to'become a public figure and s u f f i c i e n t tenacity to pe r s i s t despite numerous defeats. A l l of the woman suffrage leaders i n the province seem to have possessed a heightened sense of personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y towards society generally and women and children p a r t i c u l a r l y . This may i n part have derived from family t r a d i t i o n s of public leadership. Most of these women, either before or af t e r marriage, were connected with families which undertook r e l i g i o u s , economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l leadership r o l e s i n various communities i n Canada and Great B r i t i a n . Five of the s u f f r a g i s t leaders were c l o s e l y linked through family t i e s to r e l i g i o u s leaders or were themselves lay church administrators. In addition, s i x of the leaders were a f f i l i a t e d with s o c i a l gospel denominations. This close connection to persons with strong r e l i g i o u s convictions possibly accounts for the zeal with which some of the s u f f r a g i s t leaders pursued t h e i r goal and p a r t i a l l y explains why they i n i t i a l l y 30 became involved i n woman suffrage. Both Helen Grant and Agnes H i l l were members of p o l i t i c a l l y prominent families i n the Maritimes, while Agnes H i l l enjoyed the further d i s t i n c t i o n of being the second cousin of a former B r i t i s h Columbia premier, Amor de Cosmos. The p o l i t i c a l activism of t h e i r families may have spurred them to advocate p o l i t i c a l careers f o r women, sett i n g the example themselves by becoming school trustees. Susan Crease and Edith Perrin, as female members of the s o c i a l e l i t e , had the opportunity to f a m i l i a r i z e themselves with community leaders and perhaps subsequently to chaffe at the r e s t r i c t i o n s placed on them because of t h e i r sex. Thus i t i s possible that these nine women assumed the leadership of the f i r s t phase of the woman suffrage movement not so much because they were intensely interested i n woman suffrage, as because they possessed the necessary personal attributes and were fa m i l i a r with male leadership. The continuity of t h e i r leadership suggests that woman suffrage supporters on the whole found these women to be acceptable public spokesmen for t h e i r cause. The absence of suffrage s o c i e t i e s i n the province p r i o r to 1910 complicates the task of determining the composition of the membership of the woman suffrage movement. Although the WCTU as an organization c l e a r l y supported the various woman suffrage campaigns, no precise i n d i c a t i o n can be gained from the annual reports of the number of members working for woman suffrage. One possible indicator i s the presence or absence of a Department of L e g i s l a t i o n , P e t i t i o n and Franchise i n a l o c a l union. By 1888 Vancouver, V i c t o r i a , New Westminster and Chilliwack WCTUs a l l had franchise departments and with the exception of Chilliwack, maintained them u n t i l woman suffrage was f u l l y secured. However, as the WCTU gradually expanded on Vancouver Island and into the Okanagan, Kootenays and Cariboo, there i s l i t t l e evidence that the new unions undertook sustained woman suffrage a c t i v i t y p r i o r to 1910. The small membership of the pr o v i n c i a l WCTU^ and the even smaller number of dedicated s u f f r a g i s t s within the organizations did not, however, prevent the organization from mustering considerable support throughout the province f o r woman suffrage on various o c c a s i o n s . A s Weppler points out, the WCTU*s "superb organizational s k i l l s p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r use of the press, allowed the group to wield much 57 more influence than t h e i r numbers warranted."^' The other major bodies of s u f f r a g i s t s i n the province during t h i s period were those l o c a l council of women members not a f f i l i a t e d with the WCTU.58 Unlike the WCTU, the l o c a l councils of women did not compile membership figures i n terms of individuals but rather i n terms of a f f l i l i a t e d s o c i e t i e s . Consequently, i t i s not possible to estimate either the number of members i n each l o c a l 32 59 council -^ or the nunber of s u f f r a g i s t members. Similar to the s i t u a t i o n which pertained i n the WCTU, the i n t e r i o r l o c a l councils of women i n Vernon and Nelson did not i n i t i a t e a Committee on Laws f o r the Protection of Women, the committee responsible f o r franchise work. Nevertheless, the frequent demonstrations of active support for woman suffrage on the part of the three main l o c a l councils of women suggests that many of t h e i r members endorsed woman suffrage. The wider perspective of the l o c a l councils of women as compared to the WCTU also contributed to the gradual process of expanding the woman suffrage movement to. include working and career women. The tactics u t i l i z e d by the s u f f r a g i s t s r e f l e c t e d t h e i r desire to a l t e r some aspects of the status of women "without simultaneously appearing to demand a more funda-mental modification of values"^ 0 which would have precipitated an even more adverse reaction to t h e i r cause on the part of a n t i - s u f f r a g i s t s . Indeed, most of the suffragists of t h i s period did not envision an extensive reorganization of society and would not have supported any cause advocating that position. Operating from t h e i r premise that the inequities of women's pos i t i o n i n society could be corrected by l e g i s l a t i v e action, the s u f f r a g i s t s developed an arsenal of t a c t i c s to educate, persuade, pressure, cajole or humiliate p o l i t i c i a n s into granting woman suffrage. They j reinforced t h e i r attacks on h o s t i l e p o l i t i c i a n s by simultaneously engaging i n various a c t i v i t i e s designed to att r a c t more support f o r t h e i r cause from the public. "~ One of the f i r s t and most consistently practised techniques employed by the s u f f r a g i s t s was the recruitment i of sympathetic private members to introduce woman suffrage ' as a private member's b i l l i n the l e g i s l a t i v e assembly. Since no government p r i o r to Brewster's administration was w i l l i n g to introduce a b i l l granting p r o v i n c i a l woman suffrage as a government measure, t h i s was the only option available to the s u f f r a g i s t s wanting to force a vote on the issue. (The debates on the nine private member's suffrage b i l l s from 1890 to 1909 sparked l i v e l y exchanges on the -alleged effects of woman "suffrage i n the province and thereby helped to keep the issue i n public view. As the urban newspapers published e i t h e r verbatim or summarized accounts of the debates, readers had the opportunity to f a m i l i a r i z e themselves with the controversy. The su f f r a g i s t s wrote l e t t e r s to the editors of the l o c a l papers to explain further t h e i r p o s i t i o n and refute the arguments of t h e i r opponents. Since a major goal of the su f f r a g i s t s was to f a m i l i a r i z e the public with t h e i r point of view and thereby win converts to t h e i r cause, t h i s technique was viewed as p a r t i c u l a r l y valuable. The defeat of p r o v i n c i a l woman suffrage i n 1899 by a margin of Co only one vote reinforced the s u f f r a g i s t s ' perception of private member's b i l l s as an appropriate t a c t i c f o r t h e i r campaign. The content of the debate provoked by the private member's b i l l s was si m i l a r to that occurring simultaneously i n eastern Canada.^ The mental competence of women to vote was roundly contested as some opponents of woman suffrage contended that women were the i n t e l l e c t u a l i n f e r i o r s of men,^ too emotional to judge the issues r a t i o n a l l y ^ 5 66 and incapable of making decisions. In addition, women were alleged to be encumbered by an innate physical weakness which could possibly hinder them at the b a l l o t box and 67 prevent them from defending t h e i r country i n wartime. These allegations were countered with f l a t denials and 68 sarcasm. More fundamental and therefore more d i f f i c u l t to refute were allegations that the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women i n public l i f e ran counter to the natural order of the world. Numerous p o l i t i c i a n s argued that women's p a r t i c i -pation i n p o l i t i c s would r e s u l t i n the destruction of the home,^ the desertion of helpless children'' 0 and domestic 71 quarrels. According to t h i s point of view, women's attendance at public meetings and the p o l l s would culminate i n women becoming "amazons" who had **change([d3 t h e i r lovely and bewitching nature, unsex[[ed] themselves and embrace[d] malthusianism . . . , n ^ Z The s u f f r a g i s t s rebutted these claims by i n s i s t i n g that the married women's vote would represent the interests of the home and children 3 5 73 7k differences between spouses since women i n c i v i l i z e d and that families could function despite possible p o l i t i c a l 7 5 7 6 countries should have the r i g h t to think for themselves. Considerable e f f o r t was also expended to reassure the public that the act of voting was i n no way unfeminine. Refl e c t i n g the diverse motivations of the s u f f r a g i s t s , demands for suffrage based on the moral sup e r i o r i t y of women were sometimes accompanied by requests f o r the female franchise framed i n terms of the ju s t i c e due white B r i t i s h c i t i z e n s . S u f f r a g i s t s objected to being bound by laws which they did not help to formulate and could not 77 r e v i s e . They also expressed resentment at t h e i r lack of representation despite the fact that some women were 78 taxpayers either as land owners or business managers. They argued that i t was inconsistent and unjust to grant women the municipal and sehool board franchise but not 79 the p r o v i n c i a l vote. To reinforce t h e i r appeals variously based on j u s t i c e , recognition of special talents and 80 class p r i v i l e g e some s u f f r a g i s t s attempted to a t t r a c t persons sharing a common interest with them by suggesting that the enfranchisement of women would expedite the O-l securing of t h e i r common goals. 1^ In order to strengthen t h e i r position, the s u f f r a g i s t s frequently organized p e t i t i o n s and delegations to accompany ]the introduction of private member's b i l l s f o r woman suffrage or to bring t h e i r campaign to the attention of the l e g i s l a t i v e assembly. This t a c t i c attempted to exert pressure on the p o l i t i c i a n s to respond to the requests for the extension of the franchise expressed by the numerous signators, frequently including enfranchised men. It was hoped that p e t i t i o n s containing the signatures of a large number of women would help to refute the constantly reasserted charge that the majority of women were either O p opposed or,apathetic towards woman suffrage. In addition to the p u b l i c i t y generated by t h e i r dealings with p o l i t i c i a n s , the s u f f r a g i s t s simultaneously undertook several other a c t i v i t i e s to e n l i s t the support of the community and defuse allegations that woman suffrage was a revolutionary measure.8-^ They organizad-J. parlour s o c i a l s and booths at a g r i c u l t u r a l f a i r s to f a m i l i a r i z e women with t h e i r motivation for seeking the vote and to QL acquaint them with women's a c t i v i t i e s elsewhere. They wrote women's editions of the V i c t o r i a D aily Colonist and V i c t o r i a Daily Times which c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e d t h e i r assess-ment of women's position i n B r i t i s h Columbia and the 85 remedies ava i l a b l e . J Personal interviews and l e t t e r s planned by s u f f r a g i s t s encouraged those women e l i g i b l e to vote f o r school board and municipal elections to exercise t h e i r franchise r i g h t s and thereby vindicate the claims that women would vote i f they had the opportunity. D Public meetings, sometimes featuring foreign feminist speakers, drew large crowds and provided a forum to present t h e i r case, to denounce opponents and to reassert the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of woman suffrage since, they argued, the suffrage movement constituted the vanguard of a world wide movement to free women.®^ Not content with propagandistic a c t i v i t i e s , the WCTU su f f r a g i s t s also intervened d i r e c t l y i n elec t i o n campaigns. The f i r s t tentative step of encouraging those women e l i g i b l e to vote to select reformist candidates was supplemented i n 1897 by interviewing members of the l e g i s l a t i v e assembly to obtain t h e i r views on woman suffrage and n o t i f y the op electorate of th e i r positions. This t a c t i c was designed to increase the p o l i t i c a l pressure on candidates as some members of the male electorate supported the s u f f r a g i s t p o s i t i o n . By 1908 t h i s t a c t i c was expanded to include sending l e t t e r s to a l l candidates requesting t h e i r positions on "the enfranchisement of women," "the manu-facture and sale of cigarettes," M fthe r a i s i n g of the age of protection for g i r l s i n Canada" and the "further curtailment of the li q u o r t r a f f i c . " The women promised to "use t h e i r influence" for or against candidates on the basis of t h e i r r e p l i e s . ^ By d i r e c t l y intervening i n elect i o n campaigns, the s u f f r a g i s t s also aspired to deflate the j o c u l a r i t y which t y p i f i e d the response of some p o l i t i c i a n s . ^ During the f i r s t period of concerted campaigning B r i t i s h Columbia s u f f r a g i s t s secured only small l e g i s l a t i v e advances. By 1896 adult women householders or freeholders 91 i n urban areas 7 or resident householders, freeholders 92 or t h e i r wives i n r u r a l areas 7 were e l i g i b l e to contest and vote i n school board elections i n the province. This r e l a t i v e success on the school board l e v e l possibly r e f l e c t s the pervasiveness of the notion that children were r i g h t l y the concern of women (most school d i s t r i c t s offered only lementary schooling). By the l a t e 1890s women were also be^innln'gs?^o^dominate elementary school teaching i n the province, thereby r e i n f o r c i n g the connection between womenNand the education of young children. Another possible influentiaLv^factor was the r e l a t i v e l y low p r i o r i t y accorded education i n the province. Compulsory school attendance l e g i s l a t i o n remained f r e q u e n t l y unheeded as les s than 60$ of children aged seven to twelve were enrolled i n 93 school p r i o r to 1892. ^  The position of school board trustee was al s o J t h e l e a s t desirable public o f f i c e as i t commanded l i t t l e prestige due to the li m i t e d power i t conferred, as well as i t s unpaid status. Men were thus perhaps more w i l l i n g to surrender t h e i r monopoly i n t h i s area\_than i n others since women* s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n school 0 board elections as voters or candidates did not seriously impinge on the 'male* world of p o l i t i c s and business. Much l e s s progress was achieved i n the more contentious area of the municipal franchise. The d i f f i c u l t y of making 1° inroads into the municipal electorate was further exacerbated / by the fact that some municipalities including Vancouver ^ and New Westminster were constituted under t h e i r own charters and consequently were exempt from p r o v i n c i a l acts governing municipal electorates. Nevertheless, by 1890 a few women q u a l i f i e d to exercise a municipal^vote although no women were permitted tow contest municipal elections u n t i l 1917.' In Vancouver and New Westminster, single women were permitted to vote providing they could meet the residency 94 ' • and property q u a l i f i c a t i o n s imposed on men. In V i c t o r i a , ( ' " ' " . „ Nanaimo and other d i s t r i c t s and municipalities affected by * the municipalities a c t e ^ women, q u a l i f i e d as electors on the same basis as men ir r e s p e c t i v e of t h e i r j n a r i t a l status,^ The e f f e c t of t h i s apparent gain, however, was small as few women possessed s u f f i c i e n t property, paid enough ren$ or owned business licences i n t h e i r own names. This s i t u a t i o n was r a d i c a l l y altered i n 1906 by an amend-ment to the Municipal Elections Act, The term "house-holder" was redefined to include any person of the f u l l age of twenty-one years who occupies a dwelling, tenement, hotel or boarding-house, or any part or portion of a dwelling, tenement, hotel or boarding-house, and who s h a l l , unless exempt by a Statute or Municipal By-law, have .paid d i r e c t l y to the Municipality rates, taxes or fees of not less than two d o l l a r s for the current year.96 This a l t e r a t i o n meant that married women could q u a l i f y for the municipal franchise upon payment of a two d o l l a r tax, including a dog licence fee. The pr o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c i a n s had not, however, intended to extend an almost unqualified municipal franchise to women "but merely to include again those militia-men inadvertently excluded by a 1905 amend-ment. The r e s u l t i n g rush of women to r e g i s t e r f o r the municipal franchise provoked an intense struggle between the opponents and proponents of woman suffrage including p e t i t i o n s , public r a l l i e s , l e t t e r s to the editors of the l o c a l newspapers and two court b a t t l e s . ^ The woman su f f r a g i s t s and t h e i r a l l i e s including the Mayor of V i c t o r i a and the majority of his council were, however, defeated by the combined opposition of the Licensed V i c t u a l l e r ' s Association, the Property Owner's Association and the Conservative government of Richard McBride. The 1908 session of the l e g i s l a t u r e re-enacted the pre-1906 q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r electors which excluded the vast majority of women. The f a i l u r e of the s u f f r a g i s t s to expand the municipal franchise from a property or professional basis to include most women i s r e f l e c t i v e of t h e i r weak pos i t i o n i n the community. As a p o l i t i c a l pressure group, the s u f f r a g i s t s possessed few di r e c t weapons with which to threaten the intransigent McBride government. As women they enjoyed no influence i n the Conservative party, nor had they the wealth to a f f e c t the development of the p r o v i n c i a l economy and thereby influence the party i n power. Personal access 41 to p o l i t i c i a n s was formal and i n e f f e c t i v e as none of the leading s u f f r a g i s t s were close female r e l a t i v e s of current government members. In thi s period, as well, the s u f f r a g i s t s were not accorded intensive, sustained support by any strong men's pressure groups, either p r o v i n c i a l or national, but rather gradually won converts among men interested i n various reforms or i n seeking potential a l l i e s . The su f f r a g i s t s were also unable to overcome the al l e g a t i o n that they represented only a lunatic fringe of women. Despite the thousands of signatures accumulated on petiti o n s and the l , l 6 l women who registered to vote i n V i c t o r i a i n one 98 day i n 1906, the government continued to dismiss t h e i r demands as unrepresentative of a general sentiment. This attitude r e f l e c t e d the McBride administration's determination to exclude women from municipal and p r o v i n c i a l decision-making. The government was confirmed i n i t s stand by the p o l i t i c a l impotence of the s u f f r a g i s t s and entrenched notions of women's position. Women negotiating with municipal governments such as the c i t y of Vancouver fared no better. Although the s u f f r a g i s t s encountered repeated defeat during t h i s period of campaigning, t h i s problem was i n s u f f i c i e n t to deter them. They accomplished t h e i r goal of arousing public awareness on the issue while simultaneously r e f i n i n g t h e i r own s k i l l s as advocates. Buoyed by l e g i s -l a t i v e successes i n other areas a f f e c t i n g women, the s u f f r a g i s t s remained convinced that t h e i r basic premise^ need not be altered. By the end of t h i s period, however, some s u f f r a g i s t s had begun to re-evaluate the u t i l i t y of t h e i r various t a c t i c s and to search f o r more e f f e c t i v e means to approach the government. Their cumulative experiences constituted an important element i n determining the future course of the woman suffrage movement i n the province. Footnotes 1. A. Grimes, The Puritan Ethic and Woman Suffrage. 100. 2. As the membership and a c t i v i t i e s of the p r o v i n c i a l WCTU gradually expanded during the 1890s, s p e c i f i c committees were appointed to assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for eliminating each of these ' b l i g h t s ' . 3. M. Grant, "Franchise," Report of the Woman's  Ch r i s t i a n Temperance Union (1888)i 33 (hereafter c i t e d as WCTU ReportH 4. The WCTU was not the only temperance organization i n B r i t i s h Columbia at th i s time but i t was the only temperance organization with a predominantly female member-ship, an exclusively female executive and a considerable inter e s t i n women's a c t i v i t i e s . For a discussion of the other temperance organizations and b r i e f references to the WCTU see J . A. Hiebert, "Prohibition i n B r i t i s h Columbia" (M.A. thesis, Simon Fraser University, 1969). 5. V i c t o r i a D a ily Times. 2? May l895t Women's E d i t i o n . 6. M. Grant, "Franchise," WCTU Report (1888)t 34. 7. B r i t i s h Columbia, Statutes. 58 V i c t o r i a , c. 48, s. 9. 8. Daily Colonist. 29 A p r i l 1897. For simi l a r references regarding other locations see WCTU Report (1908)t 96. 9. V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 25 March 1907. 10. M. Grant, "Franchise," WCTU Report (1888)t 33. 11. Mrs. Spain, "Home and P o l i t i e s , " WCTU Report (1899): 62. 12. V. Strong-Boag, The Parliament of Woment The  National Council of Women of Canada. 1893-1929. 71. 13. Spain, i b i d . , 62. 14. Ibid. 15. M. Grant, "Franchise," WCTU Report (1888)t 33. 16. A p a r t i c u l a r l y clear exposition of t h i s viewpoint 44 can be found i n Spain, i b i d . , 63. Also see "The Mother i n Public L i f e , " Daily Colonist. 6 November 1909. 17. M. Grant, "Franchise," WCTU Report (1888)i 33. 18. While women, es p e c i a l l y women whose c u l t u r a l backgrounds varied from that the the WCTU s u f f r a g i s t s , could pose a threat to the WCTU's world order, t h i s was usually discounted on the grounds of common sisterhood. A l l women were presumed to vote for the family and therefore 'naturally* oppose l i q u o r . 19. WCTU Report (1889)« 1. 20. R. A l l e n , "The So c i a l Gospel and the Reform Tradi t i o n i n Canada, 1890-1929," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review XLIX (December 1968): 384. 21. For a d i r e c t reference to the b a l l o t as a weapon see, f o r example, M. Grant, "Franchise," WCTU Report (1888)i 34. 22. A l l e n , i b i d . , 381-382. 2 3 . Ibid., 384. 24. Ibid. For a discussion of the connection between s o c i a l gospel and reform darwinism see i b i d . , 387. 2 5 . S. J . Thompson,"The Relation of the Women's Franchise to Moral Reform" as ci t e d i n WCTU Report (I908)i 16-17. 26. The National Council of Women of Canada never achieved i t s proposed goal of representing a l l Canadian wonm since membership i n the organization was contingent on belonging to a club or a women's group. This c r i t e r i o n automatically excluded a l l women who either did not have the opportunity or the i n c l i n a t i o n to j o i n a group a f f i l i a t e d with the national council. The leadership of the organization represented an even narrower group of Canadian women, those who were by b i r t h or marriage members of the Canadian s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l e l i t e . For a discussion of the leadership of the national council see V. Strong-Boag, The Parliament of Women. 1-7 and 134-168. Strong-Boag's detailed findings were anticipated i n Bacchi-Ferraro's more cursory study "The Ideas of the Canadian Su f f r a g i s t s , 1890-1920," 14-21; 27. Examples of other c o l l e c t i v i s t attempts at reform i n Canada at t h i s time include the grain growers' associations, trade unions and the Soeical Service Congress 45 of Canada. 28. For a discussion of the r e l i g i o u s l y based reform groups see V. Strong-Boag, i b i d . , 5 6 - 7 9 . 2 9 . The narrow scope of a c t i v i t i e s undertaken i n Vernon and Nelson probably r e f l e c t s the small population of the towns, the limi t e d time available to women for a c t i v i t i e s outside the home and the r e s t r i c t e d scope of the secular club movement i n small communities p r i o r to 1910. See the "Report of the Vernon Local Council of Women," National Council of Women of Canada Report ( 1 8 9 6 ) t 61 (hereafter c i t e d as NCWC Report): i b i d . , (1904)t xv and i b i d . , ( 1 9 0 7 ) » xv and the "Report of the Nelson Local Council of Women," i b i d . , ( 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 0 0 ) « 8 3 . The Nelson chapter seems to have lapsed shortly thereafter as no further reports were received by the National Council of Women of Canada u n t i l 1 9 0 8 . 3 0 . M. Grant, "Franchise," WCTU Report (1888)i 3 3 . Although the Committee on Laws f o r the Protection of Women and Children was formed i n response to a request from the national council, the coincidence of approach between the B r i t i s h Columbia WCTU and the national council on th i s issue suggests that t h i s point of view may have been held by many women reformers throughout Canada. The WCTU's declarations c e r t a i n l y helped to create a receptive atmo-sphere f o r t h i s proposal. I t i s noteworthy that the f i r s t co-ordinators of t h i s committee i n both the V i c t o r i a and Vancouver l o c a l councils of women were also active WCTU workers. For an account of the d i r e c t i v e to form the committee see the "Report of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women," NCWC Report ( 1 8 9 5 ) » 5 6 . 31. The investigations of the committee were usually confined to three or four s p e c i f i c issues at any one time rather than searching for o v e r a l l patterns. Within the general category of l e g a l status could be included invest-igations of the dower law, estate d i s t r i b u t i o n , property holding, homestead access, deserted wives, marriage and divorce. For examples see the Daily Colonist, 2 5 February 1 8 9 5 and Spofford, " B r i t i s h Columbia" i n "Laws f o r the Protection of Women and Children," NCWC Report ( 1 9 0 1 ) t 1 0 1 . Beginning i n 1 9 0 6 the New Westminster Local Council of Women began a series of lectures on "Women's Legal Standing", see "Report of the New Westminster Local Council of Women," i b i d . , ( 1 9 0 6 ) i x v i i and i b i d . , ( 1 9 0 7 ) « x v i i . Investigations of women i n the workforce dealt with the a c t i v i t i e s of wage-workers and professional women. For examples see the "Report of the V i c t o r i a Local Council," i b i d . , ( 1 8 9 5 ) » 5 6 ; i b i d , , ( 1 8 9 9 ) « 7 9 ; i b i d . , ( 1 9 0 2 ) t x i i ; i b i d . , ( 1 9 0 6 ) t x i i i ; "Report of the Vancouver Local Council of Women," i b i d . , 46 (1908): 105. The care and custody of children investigations ranged from attempts to secure a juvenile court to a c h i l d protection act, a curfew law, equal quardianship r i g h t s f o r both parents, elimination of the concept of i l l e g i t i m a c y and introduction of compulsory c h i l d support. For examples see "Report of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women," i b i d . , (1909)« x v i i i i i b i d . , (1900): xv; i b i d . , (1897)• 136 and i b i d . , (1904): x i i ; "Report of the Vancouver Local Council of Women," i b i d . , (1901): xv $ i b i d . , (1898): 80 and i b i d i , (1903)i 30; "Report of the New Westminster Local Council of Women," i b i d . , (1903)» x x i i i j "Report of the Committee on Cit i z e n s h i p , " i b i d . , (1909)« 26. Treatment of criminal offenders included numerous attempts to secure a reformatory, police matrons, campaigns to r e h a b i l i t a t e women prostitutes, demands f o r harsher treatment of convicted r a p i s t s and the elimination of an age of consent for women. For examples see the "Report of the Vancouver Local Council of Women," i b i d . , (1903)* 30 and "Report of the Subcommittee on Laws fo r the Protection of Women and Children," _ i d . , (1896)t 311-326. 32. See. f o r example, B r i t i s h Columbia, Journals of the  Le g i s l a t i v e Assembly (1896), 53; "An Act Respecting the Maintenance of Wives Deserted by Their Husbands," i b i d . , (1901), 21 "An Act Respecting the Support of Il l e g i t i m a t e Children," i b i d . , (1903)» 18 and "An Act f o r the Protection of Persons Employed i n Factories," i b i d . , (1907), 36. 33. "Constitution," NCWC Report (1894): 22. 34. B r i t i s h Columbia, Journals of the L e g i s l a t i v e  Assembly (1895)» lxxxix. 35. Ibid., (1894), x x i i i . 36. The women School Trustees i n the urban centres p r i o r to 1918 were: V i c t o r i a Vancouver Maria Grant 1895- 1896 and 1899-1900 Helen Grant 1896- 1903 Margaret Jenkins 1897- 1898 and 1902-1919 Agnes Deans Cameron 1906 Mrs. D. Reid 1897-1898 Marie McNaughton 1912-1914 Irene Moody 1915-1916 and 1917-1920 three major New Westminster Agnes H i l l 1900-1902 Mrs. J.R. G i l l e y 1912-1917 Mrs. G.B> Cross 1912-1913 Each of these women, with the exception of Agnes Deans 47 Cameron, was sponsored by the l o c a l council of women i n her community. In addition, several women served on r u r a l or town school boards a f t e r 1896. For example, i n 1905 f i v e women were serving on r u r a l school boards on Vancouver Island, see "Women on School Boards," NCWC Report ( 1 9 0 5 )t 94. 37. B r i t i s h Columbia, Sessional Papers ( 1885) , 323-327. The p e t i t i o n was signed by 1,268 persons from V i c t o r i a , New Westminster, Wellington, Comox, Sumas, Chilliwack and Maple Ridge. 3 8 . WCTU Report (1889)« 34. 39 . V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 16 December 1908 and A. Stowe-Gullen, "Committee on Citizenship? NCWC Report (1909) i 27. 40. ^Report of the Local Council of Women of Vancouver," NCWC Report (1909)t xix. 41. R. Spence, P r o h i b i t i o n i n Canada (Toronto» William Briggs, 1919), 69; A. Grimes, The Puritan Ethic and Woman  Suffrage. 84-85 and A. Kraditor, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement. 1890-1920. 46-477 42. See, for example, the NCWC Report (1894)« 172 or i b i d . , (1895)« 253. Bacchi-Ferraro suggests that the disassociation of the National Council of Women of Canada from the American s u f f r a g i s t s i n the International Council of Women was undertaken to ensure " r e s p e c t a b i l i t y " for the Canadian organization. See Bacchi-Ferraro, i b i d . , 14. 4 3 . NCWC Report (1907)» 78 and 80. 44. Although j u s t i f i e d by a traditional view of women's aptitude f o r c h i l d care, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women on school boards was by no means a generally accepted policy of a l l national council members. For examples of the nature of the debate see "Women on School Boards," i b i d . , ( 1 9 0 4 )t 58-63 and i b i d . , (1905)« 93-99. None of the dissenters were B r i t i s h Columbia delegates. 4 5 . "Report of the Committee on Cit i z e n s h i p , " i b i d . , (1910) t 94-104. Although no l o c a l council of women was committed by the favorable passage of the resolution to work for woman suffrage, considerable opposition was expressed by the delegates from Hamilton, Halifax, St. John, Ottawa and East Pictou. The resolution passed by a margin of 71 to 51 . 46. H. G. MacGill, "The Story of Vancouver S o c i a l Service" (Vancouver, typescript, 1943), 31. 4 7 . Ibid., 32. 48. Ibid., 30. 49. The Western Clar i o n . 20 August 1904. 5 0 . Ibid., 5 November 1903; 51. See, for example, i b i d . , 28 September 1 9 0 3 . 5 2 . Miss Sarah Bowes, Vancouver; Miss Agnes Deans Cameron, V i c t o r i a ; Miss Susan Crease, V i c t o r i a ; Mrs. Helen (William) Grant, V i c t o r i a ; Mrs. Maria (Gordon) Grant, V i c t o r i a ; Mrs. Agnes (Albert) H i l l , New Westminster; Mrs. Margaret (David) Jenkins, V i c t o r i a ; Miss Edith Perrin, V i c t o r i a ; Mrs. C e c i l i a (William) Spofford, V i c t o r i a . See Appendix I fo r a b r i e f biography of each of these women. These women were designated leaders because they f u l f i l l e d at l e a s t 3 of the following 4 c r i t e r i a * held the position of head of a committee responsible f o r woman suffrage i n a woman's organization; frequent and prominent campaigner; leader of suffrage delegations; elected to public o f f i c e . 53. The problem of exploring the personal motivations of these women to become leaders i s seriously complicated by the fact that only Susan Crease's diary i s accessible. Unfortunately, the remnants of t h e i r correspondence on woman suffrage represents only t h e i r contacts with govern-ment o f f i c i a l s , not family or friends. The following analysis i s therefore tentative. 54. For example, C e c i l i a Spofford, Maria Grant, Margaret Jenkins, Sarah Bowes and Susan Crease became t h i r t y year veterans of the woman suffrage campaign i n the province. 55. In spite of the WCTU's expansion into the i n t e r i o r of the province i n 1899 and 1900, the group's membership remained r e l a t i v e l y constant from 1890 to 1906, f l u x -uating between approximately 3 2 5 and 4 5 0 members. The doubling of membership from approximately 517 people i n 1907 to 1,0.16 i n 1908 r e f l e c t s the surge of a c t i v i t y i n the l o c a l option campaign rather than i n t e r e s t i n woman suffrage. See the WCTU Report (1890); 36; i b i d . , (1906): 14-18; i b i d . , (1907)* 11-14 and i b i d . , (1908): 37-51. 5 6 . For example, a membership of approximately 280 women managed to secure the signatures of 2,408 adult women 49 throughout the province for the p r o v i n c i a l woman suffrage p e t i t i o n i n 1897. See the WGTU Report (1897)« 36-40 and 49 and B r i t i s h Columbia, Journals of the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly (1897)« c i x - e x v i i . 57. Doreen Weppler, "Early Forms of P o l i t i c a l A c t i v i t y AmongWhite Women i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1880-1925" (M.A. thesis, Simon Fraser University, 1971), 48. 58. These findings vary considerably from Weppler's claim that "the close i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between suffrage and pr o h i b i t i o n was never questioned i n B r i t i s h Columbia, primarily because no suffrage force independent from the pro h i b i t i o n movement existed." Ibid., 47. 59. One possible way of circumventing t h i s d i f f i c u l t y would be to consult the membership records of the a f f i l i a t e d s o c i e t i e s . Unfortunately, very few of them have been preserved for t h i s period. Also problematic i s the tendency of the women to belong to more than one organ-i z a t i o n . 60. N. Smelser, Theory o f ' C o l l e c t i v e Behavior (New Yorki Free Press, 1962), 278. 61. Woman suffrage b i l l s were presented i n 1891, 1893, 1897, 1898, 1899» 1902, 1904, 1906 and 1909. 62. B r i t i s h Columbia, Journals of the L e g i s l a t i v e  Assembly ( 1899) . 92. 63. See, f o r example, Goldwin Smith, "Female Suffrage," The Canadian Monthly and National Review VI (July 1874)1 68-78; Edith Luke, "Woman Suffrage i n Canada," Canadian  Magazine V (August 1895)s 328-336; R. E. MacNaughten, "A Plea f o r Woman Suffrage i n Canada," i b i d . , XXIX (June 1907)« 146-152; Authur Hawkes, "Why I Am a Suffragette," i b i d . , XXXIII (May 1909); 17-21 and James Hughes, Equal Suffrage (Toronto: McClelland and Goodchild, 1910). 64. D a i l v C o l o n i s t . 22 A p r i l 1898. Major Mutter, the member for Cowichan-Albernie suggested that women were u n f i t to be voters because of the " s c i e n t i f i c fact . . . that the brain of woman was two ounces l i g h t e r than that of man." 65. Ibid., 24 A p r i l 1897. 66. This frequently repeated charge appeared as early as 1871. See Daily B r i t i s h Colonist. 26 October I871i 50 6 7 . Daily Colonist. 24 A p r i l 1897. 68. See, for example, M. Grant, "Should Men Vote?" V i c t o r i a D a ily Times. 27 May 1895t Women's E d i t i o n . 69. Daily Colonist. 22 A p r i l 1898. 70. Ibid., 10 February 1893. 71. Ibid., 2k A p r i l 1897. 7 2 . Ibid., these remarks echoed sentiments expressed 2 5 years e a r l i e r , see the Daily B r i t i s h Colonist. 23 June 1872. 73. Daily Colonist. 21 March 1897; i b i d . , 2 5 A p r i l 1897 and i b i d . , 29 A p r i l 1897. 7k. Ibid., k November 1897 and i b i d . , 2 5 A p r i l 1897. 75. Ibid. 7 6 . I b i d . 77. The Western Clarion,. 10 February 1906; Daily News-Advertiser, 28 February 1899 and Daily Colonist. 2 5 February 1899. 78. Daily Colonist. 21 March 1897 and i b i d . , k November 1897. 79. Ibid., 2 February 1906. 80. Ibid., 1 6 March 1897 and i b i d . , k November 1897. 81 . These appeals were directed primarily towards men's temperance groups but also towards n a t i v i s t s . See i b i d , , 2k A p r i l 1897 and i b i d . , 21 March 1897. 82. V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 2 February 1906 and i b i d . , 3 0 January 1908. 83 . Daily Colonist. 5 March 1899. 84. See, fo r example, Province. 28 October 1909. 85. V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 27 May 1895; Daily Colonist. 28 May 1895 and i b i d . , 6 November 1909. 86. WCTU Report (1893) . 37; i b i d . , (1894); 24 and i b i d . , (1906)t 19. 87. Susan Anthony spoke i n V i c t o r i a as early as 1871. See the Daily B r i t i s h Colonist. 26 October 1871. For l a t e r instances see, f o r example, WCTU Report ( 1904)» 12 f o r the v i s i t of Mrs. Pettigue from A u s t r a l i a and the Daily Colonist. 31 January 1906 f o r the speech of Mrs. Irene Smith from Washington state. 88. See, f o r example, WCTU Report ( 1897) » 5 0 . 89. The text of the l e t t e r sent to E. T. Kingsley, the s o c i a l i s t candidate i n Vancouver, was reproduced i n The Western Clarion, 17 October 1908. 90. Typical of t h i s s t y l e was Henderson's remark i n the l e g i s l a t u r e that he "did not believe there was a single lady i n t h i s province over the age of twenty-one years." Daily Colonist. 2 5 February 1899. 91 . B r i t i s h Columbia, Statutes. 58 V i c t o r i a , c. 48, s. 9 . 92. Ibid., 59 V i c t . , c. 42 , s. 5 . These r i g h t s were gained only a f t e r several reversals, see i b i d . , 47 V i c t o r i a , c. 2 7 , s. 10 and i b i d . , 55 V i c t . , c. 40 , s. 4 and 9 . Weppler i n c o r r e c t l y states that r u r a l women did not achieve the r i g h t to become trustees u n t i l 1911. See Weppler, i b i d . , 54. Rural women were inadvertently deprived of the r i g h t to become school trustees i n 1913. This mistake was ^ r e c t i f i e d i n the following session. See, B r i t i s h Columbia, Statutes, 3 George 5t c. 67, s. 3 and i b i d . , 4 George 5 i c. 68, s. 3 . 93 . H. Johnson, A History of Public Education i n B r i t i s h Columbia ( V i c t o r i a * Morriss P r i n t i n g Company, Ltd., 1964) , 56. 94. B r i t i s h Columbia, Statutes. 49 V i c t o r i a , c. 32 s. 5 and 6 and i b i d . , 5 1 V i c t o r i a , c. 42 , s. 6 and 7. 95 . Ibid., 5 2 V i c t o r i a , c. 18, s. 33 and 34. 96. Ibid., 6 Edward 7, c. 18, s. 2 . 97. For a detailed narrative of these events see Weppler, i b i d . , 55-68. 98. V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 30 October 1906. Chapter 2 The B r i t i s h Columbia Woman Suffrage Movement 1910 - 1917 The formation i n December 1910 of the f i r s t P o l i t i c a l Equality League, an organization devoted s o l e l y to securing woman suffrage, marked the commencement of the second and f i n a l phase of the woman suffrage movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia. During t h i s stage of the campaign the e f f o r t s of the WCTU, the l o c a l councils of women and the University Women's Club to obtain equal access to the b a l l o t f o r women were augmented and frequently surpassed by those of the P o l i t i c a l Equality League and other new franchise organiz-ations. Frustrated at the f a i l u r e of the l e g i s l a t i v e committees or departments within e x i s t i n g women's organizations to improve women's access to the municipal and p r o v i n c i a l franchises, several s u f f r a g i s t s decided i n 1910 to r e v i t a l i z e the movement by forming organizations s p e c i f i c a l l y designed to lobby for p o l i t i c a l equality f o r women. This concept appealed to numerous women throughout the province. As a r e s u l t , branches of the P o l i t i c a l Equality League and other new woman's franchise organizations such as the Women's Freedom Union, the Equal Franchise Association and the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League began to appear i n various p r o v i n c i a l c i t i e s and 52 towns during the next s i x years. C o l l e c t i v e l y , these s o c i e t i e s attracted the necessary membership, fresh leader-ship and powerful a l l i e s to secure the p r o v i n c i a l franchise f o r women i n 1917. The impetus to seek new means to approach the govern-ment f o r p o l i t i c a l equality f o r women derived from several sources both inside and outside of the province. For Maria Grant and C e c i l i a Spofford, V i c t o r i a ' s most active temperance s u f f r a g i s t s , disappointment at the withdrawal of the municipal franchise from the majority of V i c t o r i a women by the pr o v i n c i a l government was compounded by the McBride government's handling of the l o c a l option r e f e r -endum i n November 1909. 1 Throughout 1908 and 1909 energy and funds which the WCTU would normally have directed towards suffrage a g i t a t i o n were diverted to the l o c a l option law campaign. McBride*s r e f u s a l to recognize the r e s u l t i n g majority vote, on the grounds that the l o c a l option law did not receive a majority of a l l the votes i n the general e l e c t i o n , embittered the temperance s u f f r a g i s t s . In addition, Maria Grant's experience as superintendent of the L e g i s l a t i o n , P e t i t i o n and Franchise department of the WCTU during the l o c a l option law campaign indicated to her the d i f f i c u l t y of simultaneously pursuing active suffrage and temperance campaigns within an organization whose f i r s t goal was not suffrage but temperance and whose 54 membership was not e n t i r e l y united behind the suffrage cause. 2 Vancouver s u f f r a g i s t s and women a c t i v i s t s were also encountering d i r e c t opposition from the McBride government at t h i s time. As a r e s u l t of t h e i r joint investigations i n 1909 the Vancouver Local Council of Women and the recently formed University Women's Club of Vancouver concluded that "domestic l e g i s l a t i o n was more antiquated i n B r i t i s h Columbia than anywhere else i n Canada, i n 3 Great B r i t a i n or the United States." Resolved to remedy the s i t u a t i o n , the two organizations petitioned the attorney-general to revise the inheritance laws to guarantee widows one-half of marital property. They also requested that he sponsor l e g i s l a t i o n to accord mothers equal guardianship r i g h t s with the fathers of t h e i r legitimate children and to allow deserted wives access to the earnings of t h e i r minor children without a court order. With the exception of some of t h e i r suggestions for a change i n the dower law, a l l of the requests of the women were f l a t l y rejected by the government. The indignation of the women at t h i s response was further compounded by the government's r e f u s a l to sponsor a modified dower b i l l which subsequently floundered. According to A l i c e Ashworth Townley, the f i r s t president of the Vancouver P o l i t i c a l Equality League, the government's indifference to the perceived i n j u s t i c e of the current dower act prompted the formation of that group, the c i t y ' s f i r s t woman suffrage society.^ Yet, while i n f l u e n t i a l , these factors are i n s u f f i c i e n t to account for the decision to form groups s p e c i f i c a l l y designed to secure woman suffrage. For the previous twenty years the s u f f r a g i s t s had met the problems of government rebuffs and operating within general organizations with renewed resolve to continue the campaign through the same channels. The s u f f r a g i s t s ' decision to create a more ef f e c t i v e pressure group separate from other a f f i l i a t i o n s was d i r e c t l y linked to important changes i n the membership of the suffrage movement i n the province. Unlike the majority of the e a r l i e r s u f f r a g i s t s , several of the new su f f r a g i s t s were career women. As no v e l i s t s , j o u r n a l i s t s , trade union organizers, doctors and business women, these women determined to further women's influence i n economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l f i e l d s . To t h i s end they lobbied to remove l e g i s l a t i o n p r o h i b i t i n g women from p r a c t i c i n g i n professions such as law and formed clubs to promote s p e c i f i c career goals — f o r example, the Canadian Women's Press Club. They also organized clubs to sanction a c t i v i t i e s not generally associated with women such as the Alpine Club, f o r women mountain climbers. Aware of the value of pursuing economic and s o c i a l goals through pressure groups s p e c i f i c a l l y designed to achieve such ends, L s e v e r a l of these women decided to apply the same technique to the p o l i t i c a l sphere by forming suffrage s o c i e t i e s . ^ The s t i m u l i generated within the province to experiment with suffrage s o c i e t i e s was reinforced by the upsurge of suffrage a c t i v i t y i n other areas. In November 1910 the women of Washington state regained the vote af t e r campaigning through suffrage s o c i e t i e s . Since Washington was the f i r s t American state to grant the franchise to women since 1896, i t s t a c t i c s were c a r e f u l l y s c r utinized by B r i t i s h Columbia 7 s u f f r a g i s t s . This v i c t o r y inspired an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of suffrage a c t i v i t y i n 1910 by the National American Woman Suffrage Association and other suffrage groups throughout the United States. In England the Women's Soc i a l and P o l i t i c a l Union and the Women's Freedom Union accelerated t h e i r campaign i n the hope of influencing the 1909 general e l e c t i o n . This upsurge of a c t i v i t y through various suffrage organizations encouraged the l o c a l s u f f r a g i s t s to redouble t h e i r labours through suffrage s o c i e t i e s . Responding to these circumstances, the ©itizenship Committee of the V i c t o r i a and Vancouver Island Local Council of Women inv i t e d a l l interested persons to attend a meeting on December 14, 1910 to co-operate i n organizing a P o l i t i c a l Equality League the aim of which s h a l l be to secure the removal i n B r i t i s h Columbia of the d i s -a b i l i t i e s which r e s t on women as a voter and c i t i z e n and to secure her p o l i t i c a l enfranchi sement•8 Seventy-two persons including Harlan Brewster, the future L i b e r a l premier of the province, responded to the l o c a l Q council of women's i n v i t a t i o n . Unlike the suffrage committees of the WCTU and the l o c a l councils of women, the P o l i t i c a l Equality League welcomed men as members since these s u f f r a g i s t s maintained, " i t i s only by working side by side that we can b u i l d most e f f e c t i v e l y and successfully i n the inte r e s t s of our children, our homes and our Province."*^ The successful formation of the V i c t o r i a P o l i t i c a l Equality League was duplicated the following 11 month i n Vancouver. Four months l a t e r , i n May, 1911, the executives of the — V i c t o r i a and Vancouver P o l i t i c a l Equality Leagues j o i n t l y decided that the goal of woman suffrage could be more e f f e c t i v e l y sought under the auspices 12 of one large suffrage organization. The r e s u l t i n g B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r determining general p o l i c i e s and t a c t i c s and co-ordinating the a c t i v i t i e s of the various l o c a l leagues. The c o n s t i t u t i o n of the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League declared i t s fundamental principle to be "the establishment of the P o l i t i c a l , S o c i a l and I n d u s t r i a l 13 Rights of Women and Men." ^  To t h i s end the members pledged to expose i n every way possible to us, the dual standard ex i s t i n g f o r men and women, to demon-strate the e v i l r e s u l t i n g therefrom, and to force public recognition to (sic) the d i r e c t connection between t h i s dual standard and the p o l i t i c a l d i s a b i l i t y of women. Sharing the attitudes of the e a r l i e r s u f f r a g i s t s , the 58 League's constitution further proclaimed "that the causes of i n d i v i d u a l cases of i n j u s t i c e can only be s a t i s f a c t o r i l y dealt with by l e g i s l a t i o n i n which women have a d i r e c t s h a r e . " 1 5 Unlike the e a r l i e r s u f f r a g i s t s , however, the League_suffragists declared themselves devoted to "working primarily f o r Woman Suffrage" 1^ rather than attempting to influence the government regarding other l e g i s l a t i o n a f f e c t i n g women before they secured the vote. The declarations of the League's co n s t i t u t i o n indicate that d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the unequal treatment of women i n the province remained a primary motive for s u f f r a g i s t s . They continued to champion the suffrage cause i n terms of j safeguarding the int e r e s t s of women and children. Similarly? the proposed necessity of presenting the d i s t i n c t i v e women's point of view on a l l public issues s t i l l found staunch supporters among the League s u f f r a g i s t s . The old theme of demanding equal j u s t i c e f o r female and male B r i t i s h c i t i z e n s was also frequently r e i t e r a t e d i n the League's l i t e r a t u r e and r h e t o r i c . Appeals f o r woman suffrage based on c o n t r o l l i n g the 'foreign element' i n the province by enfranchising Anglo-Saxon women also recurred, a l b e i t 17 infrequently. These s i m i l a r i t i e s , however, should not be allowed to obscure the important changes which occurred i n the emphasis and complexity of the s u f f r a g i s t s ' arguments a f t e r 1910. The League's i n t e r e s t i n safeguarding the l e g a l r i g h t s \ 59 of women and children i n industry introduced a new facet of the suffrage movement. P r i o r to 1910 s u f f r a g i s t s had lobbied to ameliorate conditions f o r women and children i n the workplace through campaigns fo r half-day holidays, women factory inspectors and the l i m i t a t i o n of working hours. In the second phase of suffrage a c t i v i t y , t h i s emphasis on securing l e g i s l a t i o n to regulate employers was gradually replaced by demands that women workers > 18 d i r e c t l y "regulate the conditions under which they work" by u t i l i z i n g the b a l l o t . This view of working women as active participants i n the suffrage campaign rather than passive r e c i p i e n t s of the philanthropic endeavours of others l a i d the foundation f o r co-operation between the j primarily middle class suffrage s o c i e t i e s and working c l a s s suffrage groups. ^ Changes also occurred i n the p r i o r i t i e s accorded previous pro-suffrage arguments. The plea of Dora Kerr t secretary of the Kelowna P o l i t i c a l Equality League, that "the woman's point of view should be d i r e c t l y represented i n the control of L e g i s l a t i o n and a l l a f f a i r s of the Nation"*^ was favourably received by many s u f f r a g i s t s . However, agreement on what constituted the "woman's point of view" ssas no longer almost unanimous. In l i n e with the WCTU posi t i o n , some League s u f f r a g i s t s continued to assert "Woman's sphere i s the Home and i t i s time she 2 had a voice i n making the Laws which i n t e r f e r e with i t . " While not denying that women should have a voice i n matters a f f e c t i n g home l i f e , other League s u f f r a g i s t s pointed out that many women either by force or by choice worked outside 21 of the home. In addition, they reminded the more t r a d i t i o n a l s u f f r a g i s t s that some women were v o l u n t a r i l y choosing careers other than motherhood. As a r e s u l t of these developments, they argued, woman's sphere could no longer be completely defined i n terms of the home. Closely related to the r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by some su f f r a g i s t s of women's ro l e i n society was the more vigorous demand for suffrage based on demands for the just treatment of a l l persons. Proponents of t h i s point of view claimed women's ri g h t to "recognition as human beings, 22 with f u l l and responsible c i t i z e n s h i p . " Rather than claiming the b a l l o t as morally superior or special i n d i v i d u a l s , these s u f f r a g i s t s emphatically declared that "women are people" and therefore should have a d i r e c t influence on "a government of the people; by the people 23 and f o r the people." J More extreme proponents of t h i s school of thought warned the government that "slavery must lead to r e b e l l i o n and war, and sex-slavery must 24 eventually lead to sex-rebellion and sex-war." This "disaster" would be prevented only by the "enfranchisement of the sex-slaves." J Thus, i n the view of thse s u f f r a g i s t s , the recognition of women's equality and the termination of women's p o l i t i c a l subjugation would be achieved by the granting of woman suffrage. They e x p l i c i t l y postulated that t h i s action would eliminate the dual standard for men and women i n p o l i t i c s , society and industry by giving women equal access with men to the l e g i s l a t i v e process. As enfranchised persons, women would u t i l i z e the vote on behalf of t h e i r various and sometimes divergent interests as homemakers, parents, consumers, wage-earners, philanthropists, professionals or business persons. Intertwined with the plea f o r the just recognition oTf women* s equality was a renewed and more vigorous demand ^ than that made previously f o r f u l l c i t i z e n s h i p for women. J Asserting that the woman "bears her share of the burdens 2 6 of l i f e " , these s u f f r a g i s t s requested that women be all-owed to enjoy the p r i v i l e g e s of c i t i z e n s h i p rather than merely be subject to the law. As members of the community they i n s i s t e d that government re s t on the "consent of the 27 governed". Conscious of the powerlessness of women as a r e s u l t of the contemporary franchise laws, the ; su f f r a g i s t s demanded redress. They asserted that women were as capable as men of making responsible decisions a f f e c t i n g the welfare of t h e i r communities, the province and the nation. R e f l e c t i n g t h i s s p i r i t , a writer i n the League's o f f i c i a l magazine, The Champion, declared that the r i g h t of access to the b a l l o t " s p e l l s c i t i z e n s h i p , l i b e r t y , self-respect and the power to help share the nation's destiny." The members of the League made no attempt to resolve yf the inconsistencies between the newly proposed arguments f o r woman suffrage and those already popular i n suffrage c i r c l e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia p r i o r to 1910. Rather, the league presented an amalgam of a l l positions advocating woman suffrage to the public i n order to a t t r a c t as wide an audience as possible. The s u f f r a g i s t s displayed no concern that potential supporters might be offended by the inconsistency of t h e i r appeals. S i m i l a r l y , i n an attempt to minimize i n t e r n a l dissension and draw as many persons as possible, members were permitted to interpret the League's mandate to eliminate the dual standard between men and women i n the province within t h e i r own frames of reference. This attitude r e f l e c t e d the s u f f r a g i s t s ' attempt to create a broadly based c o a l i t i o n i n order to maximize i t s influence as a p o l i t i c a l lobby. Consequently,, devotion to the goal of achieving woman suffrage constituted the prime q u a l i f i c a t i o n f o r membership and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The contradictory points of view within the League r e a d i l y became apparent i n the group's publications, proclamations and correspondence. For example, the editors of The Champion accorded claims f o r woman suffrage on the basis of women's rol e s as mothers and guardians of the home an important status. Nevertheless, they did not allow motherhood and homemaking to become as predominant an issue as i t was i n the f i r s t twenty years of the campaign. On the other hand, proclamations issued by the League such as "Why Women Ought to Have the Vote i n B. C." stressed the r o l e of women as the "mothers of the race" and t o t a l l y 29 ignored any mention of working women. 7 S i m i l a r l y , the suffrage movement * s previous emphasis on the alleged moral supe r i o r i t y of women was l e s s frequently mentioned by The Champion than by the broadsheets and l e t t e r s to the premier issued by the League. C o n f l i c t also existed between the temperance and nontemperance s u f f r a g i s t s within the League. Although the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League never o f f i c i a l l y advocated p r o h i b i t i o n , occasional references to a d i r e c t connection between woman suffrage and proh i b i t i o n appeared i n i t s publications such 30 as "The Experinee of A u s t r a l i a " ^ and i n l e t t e r s to the 31 premier from l o c a l Leagues. The willingness of the majority of the members of the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League to accept the d i v e r s i t y of views expressed by the organization was not shared by a l l . A minority of conservative women seceded from the Vancouver League i n 1912 to form the B r i t i s h Columbia Equal Franchise Association. The i n i t i a l members of t h i s group, while supporting woman suffrage, disapproved of overtly public r o l e s f o r women. They main-tained that educational meetings conducted i n private homes constituted more appropriate behavior f o r women than the League's practice of a c t i v e l y campaigning f o r the suffrage 32 i n public forums. - 7 I t i s possible that as a r e s u l t of t h e i r viewpoint on t h i s matter, the majority of the founding members also supported the contention of t h e i r leader, A l i c e Ashworth Townley, that women desired only the vote 33 and not access to public o f f i c e . However, the presence of a c t i v i s t women such as Helen Gregory MaeGill i n the group indicated that, l i k e the League, t h i s organization was unable to achieve t o t a l uniformity of opinion and approach to the suffrage. Although the B r i t i s h Columbia Equal Franchise Association eventually established small branches i n Nelson and Kelowna, i t s insistence on working 34 "q u i e t l y " ^ precluded i t from assuming as prominent a r o l e i n the B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement as several other organizations. Dissension also arose among League members re s i d i n g i n V i c t o r i a . In December 1913 Dorothy Davis, the former p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l organizer of the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League and co-editor with Maria Grant of The Champion, announced the formation of the Women's 3*5 Freedom Union. J This group, also known as the Go-Aheads, stated a willingness to compromise on the issue of granting women the franchise on the same basis as men. The Women's Freedom Union indicated that i t would accept an extension of the franchise to include married women 21 years and over 65 36 and single women over 25 y e a r s i ^ The implied r e j e c t i o n of the s u f f r a g i s t s ' arguments f o r the vote on the basis of women's humanity, women's contribution to the nation and women's claims to the f u l l benefits of B r i t i s h c i t i z e n s h i p was not popular with V i c t o r i a s u f f r a g i s t s and consequently the Women's Freedom Union soon floundered. While the Equal Franchise Association and the Women's Freedom Union members found the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League objectionably r a d i c a l , at le a s t one member 34 of the Vancouver based Pioneer P o l i t i c a l Equality League^ found the League's stance too conservative. Although some P o l i t i c a l Equality League s u f f r a g i s t s adopted a more c o r d i a l p o l i c y towards working-class women than t h e i r predecessors and the Pioneer branch formed an Evening Work Committee to 38 reach a larger cross-section of the public, the League remained primarily a middle-class organization. D i s s a t i s f i e d with the League's i n a b i l i t y to r e c r u i t working-class women, Helena Gutteridge, trade union organizer and secretary of the Vancouver Trades and Labour Congress, decided to form a new suffrage society, the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League. Like the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League, the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League was advertised as "an organization formed f o r the purpose of obtaining votes f o r women on the same terms as i t i s granted to men."-^ Unlike the already established 66 suffrage s o c i e t i e s , however, t h i s group "proposed to deal not only with votes for women but a l l matters connected with the inte r e s t s of women, p a r t i c u l a r l y with those things 40 that a f f e c t the woman out i n the labour market." The B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League distinguished i t s e l f from the other suffrage organizations p r i n c i p a l l y by t h i s emphasis on the necessity of forming a connection between the woman suffrage movement and working women i n B r i t i s h Columbia. To further t h i s end, Helena Gutteridge edited a woman suffrage page i n the B. G. Federationist to explain the basis of her claim that "the need of p o l i t i c a l power for the working woman i s greater than that of any other class,!' because "only when she i s able to influence i n d u s t r i a l l e g i s l a t i o n w i l l she cease to be exploited and 41 forced into starvation or shame." Gutteridge argued that the p o l i t i c a l organization of women i n the suffrage movement and the economic organization of women into trade unions were complementary a c t i v i t i e s necessary to create p o l i t i c a l l y active women conscious of t h e i r p o s i t i o n as workers. According to t h i s point of view, these women 42 would become a " c o l l e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l voting force" capable of securing s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n i n d u s t r i a l l e g i s l a t i o n governing working conditions and pay rates, thereby eliminating sweated labour, the undervaluing of 43 women's work and poverty-induced p r o s t i t u t i o n . J The theme of using the b a l l o t to r i g h t i n e q u i t i e s perceived i n society was common to a l l of the B r i t i s h Columbia s u f f r a g i s t s . Differences Qf opinion arose more frequently over the p r i o r i t y to be accorded a s p e c i f i c reform than over whether a s p e c i f i c measure constituted a reform. Like the other s u f f r a g i s t s , the members of the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League firml y expressed the conviction that women would u t i l i z e the franchise to ameliorate the negative aspects of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , urbanization and immigration. In addition to t h e i r special interest i n the si t u a t i o n of working women, members of this group voiced the concerns of many other s u f f r a g i s t s regarding unsanitary l i v i n g conditions, the marketing of impure foods, the l e g a l i z a t i o n of "crime and vice", i proh i b i t i o n and the alleged moral turpitude of Asian Lb immigrants. In l i n e with t h e i r conviction that the granting of woman suffrage would lead d i r e c t l y to improvements i n the quality of family and community l i f e i n the province, the members of the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League expressed considerable i n t e r e s t i n the l e g a l status of women i n the province. Their i n t e r e s t i n t h i s area, however, was limi t e d to topicss of p a r t i c u l a r relevance to the experiences of working-class women. As a r e s u l t , the group concentrated i t s attention on the l e g a l r i g h t s of women as service and i n d u s t r i a l workers, wives and mothers. While lobbying f o r alt e r a t i o n s i n l e g i s l a t i o n a f f e c t i n g working women, these s u f f r a g i s t s r e a l i z e d that t h e i r chances of success were poor, p a r t i c u l a r l y on those issues not f u l l y backed by male trade u n i o n i s t s ^ or other 46 s u f f r a g i s t s . They were more optimistic, however, about improving the le g a l status of wives and mothers since t h e i r position on t h i s topic c l o s e l y corresponded to the one generally adopted by s u f f r a g i s t s i n the province. They staunchly supported the appeals of other women's groups to amend the laws regarding inheritance and dower, the guardianship of children, the maintenance of deserted and destitute women and children, the age of ^ e l i g i b i l i t y f o r marriage, mother's pensions, and numerous other s i m i l a r 47 issues. The f a i l u r e of the 1913 amendment to the Infant's Act to grant mothers equal guardianship with fathers of t h e i r legitimate children strengthened the resolve of these women to secure the franchise i n order to gain 48 appropriate recognition as wives and mothers. The spokesmen of this organization also p e r i o d i c a l l y mentioned the standard points included i n demands fo r for woman suffrage based on recognizing women's innate equality with men and securing the consent of the governed. The r e l a t i v e l y infrequent use of these arguments as compared to those mentioned above r e f l e c t e d the group's intention to a t t r a c t the attention of working-class women through s p e c i f i c pragmatic appeals c l e a r l y relevant to t h e i r l i v e s . This may also explain the general lack of s o c i a l i s t 69 analysis of the s i t u a t i o n i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League's publications. Although these suffrage organizations dominated the woman suffrage movement i n the province a f t e r 1910, the l o c a l councils of women and the WCTU also continued to campaign. As a r e s u l t of the pressure exerted by the Vancouver Local Council of Women, the Vancouver c i t y council unanimously voted i n November 1910 to amend the c i t y charter to allow married women the same voting p r i v i l e g e s as men and to permit single women to qual i f y fo r the franchise on the same basis as men. The New Westminster, Vancouver and V i c t o r i a l o c a l councils of women also successfully continued to sponsor women candidates fo r t h e i r respective school boards. 5 0 The Vancouver and New Westminster l o c a l councils of women did not, however, take part i n the campaign to secure p r o v i n c i a l woman suffrage other than passing supportive resolutions and occasionally i n v i t i n g speakers on the subject. Under the perennial leadership of Susan Crease, the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women remained somewhat more active i n the quest f o r the pr o v i n c i a l franchise than the mainland councils by endorsing woman suffrage resolutions, writing to the government and sporadically p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n suffrage delegations to the premier. 5 1 The f a i l u r e of the l o c a l councils to undertake a prominent r o l e i n the campaign to secure the p r o v i n c i a l franchise derived from t h e i r member-ship' s lack of unanimity regarding woman suffrage and a determination on the part of several members to avoid a l l issues which could be construed as p o l i t i c a l . 5 2 Rather than engaging i n constant disagreements, the majority of the su f f r a g i s t members of the l o c a l councils of women simply conducted t h e i r public campaign fo r the suffrage through one of the suffrage s o c i e t i e s . The WCTU continued i t s a g i t a t i o n f o r woman suffrage as i t had over the previous twenty years. Under the leader-ship of Maria Grant u n t i l 1915* the Department of Le g i s l a t i o n , P e t i t i o n and Franchise advanced those arguments i n favour of the cause developed during the f i r s t phase of the movement. Cognizant of the necessity of amassing as strong a pressure group fo r woman suffrage as possible, Grant constantly urged the WCTU to co-operate with the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League. Reassuring the temperance women that the League's "work has been our 53 work,"-'-' Grant was able to arrange several joint endeavours between the two organizations.. The WCTU, however, main-tained i t s autonomy and did not a f f i l i a t e with any s p e c i f i c suffrage society. The leadership of the second phase of the woman suffrage movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia was exercised by thirteen women.5^ A l l of them campaigned frequently and prominently for t h e i r cause and were executive members either of suffrage s o c i e t i e s or of those women's organizations which participated i n the campaign. One woman, Marie McNaughton, also held a seat on the Vancouver School Board, the only public o f f i c e open to women. Only two of these women, Susan Crease and Maria Grant, had held positions of leader-ship i n the previous twenty years of the campaign. Further, only a few of these women participated i n woman suffrage a c t i v i t i e s i n the province p r i o r to 1909 and therefore most did not come up through the ranks of s u f f r a g i s t s . J Rather, the majority quickly assumed positions of influence in the movement through t h e i r i n i t i a t i v e i n forming and di r e c t i n g various new woman suffrage s o c i e t i e s . The question of why these thirteen women became the most prominent spokesmen of the movement remains d i f f i c u l t to answer. The lack of biographical information on them precludes a l l but the most cursory analysis of the personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which motivated them to become leaders. E l s i e MacGill characterized her mother, Helen Gregory MacGill, as " c l e a r l y marked by temperament to be the leader of mutineers.• The careers of several of the suffrage leaders suggest that t h i s assessment might also be applied to them. However, while the area of personality remains to be examined, i t i s clear that these women possessed the s k i l l s necessary f o r leadership, a fact which distinguished them from the majority of women of t h e i r era. A l l of these women were e f f e c t i v e public 57 s p e a k e r s . T o w n l e y , Smith, H a l l , Gutteridge, Glark and MacGill were part-time j o u r n a l i s t s and authors adept at using t h e i r t r a i n i n g to lead campaigns to expand the public roles available to women. The post-secondary education undertaken by McConkey, MacGill, Jamieson, Gutteridge and Clark was also not a t y p i c a l experience for women at that time and may have assisted them i n a r t i c u l a t i n g t h e i r case. The s k i l l demonstrated by these women i n f o r e e f u l l y representing the position of t h e i r groups may also have derived from t h e i r previous leadership experience. Crease, Grant, Smith, MacGill, Clark-: and Gutteridge had held positions of leadership or prominence i n the woman suffrage movement, although not necessarily i n B r i t i s h Columbia. A l l of the s u f f r a g i s t leaders were a c t i v e l y engaged i n other reform groups and women's clubs and frequently occupied key positions i n these organizations. As i n the case of the pre-1910 leaders, a family t r a d i t i o n of public leadership may also have been instrumental i n promoting several of these women to positions of leadership. As the wives and daughters of lawyers, judges, p o l i t i c i a n s , business executives, ministers, doctors and m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s , most of these women were aware of the value and sometimes the necessity of assuming leadership positions. Family connections also 73 linked some of the suffrage leaders to male reformers, including trade unionists, temperance advocates and s o c i a l gospellers. Their f a m i l i a r i t y with these persons strengthened t h e i r a b i l i t y to lead women sympathetic to the various causes represented by the male reformers. As members of prominent f a m i l i e s , several of these women were part of the s o c i a l e l i t e i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a , a posi t i o n which further enhanced t h e i r a b i l i t y to lead some segments of the woman suffrage movement. The membership of the second phase of the woman suffrage movement d i f f e r e d from that of the f i r s t phase i n several important ways. Most obvious were the quantitative changes evident by 1913. As a r e s u l t of the e f f o r t s of the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League^® and to a les s e r CO extent those of the WCTU, 7 the suffrage movement expanded to include men and women from numerous areas i n the province including the Okanagan, the Cariboo and the Kootenays. In addition to the growth of the movement i n non-urban areas, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of men and women i n V i c t o r i a and Vancouver also grew i n response to the r e c r u i t i n g e f f o r t s of the various suffrage s o c i e t i e s and the increasing awareness of the suffrage issue generated by newspaper accounts of the movement elsewhere. While the determination of the actual number of members of the woman suffrage organizations i n the province i s precluded by the absence of complete records, an estimate can be made f o r 1914. The 1914 membership l i s t of the Vancouver based Pioneer P o l i t i c a l Equality League included the names of 142 p e r s o n s . T o t h i s can be added the 21 persons designated as either executive members or committee chairmen by the Mount Pleasant Woman's Suffrage League as well as a portion of i t s average turnout of 40 members. 6 1 Since the V i c t o r i a P o l i t i c a l Equality League grew from 72 members at i t s formation i n December 1910 to 100 members i n August 1911, i t i s quite possible that i t had maintained or expanded 62 th i s number by 1914. These figures provide a rough t o t a l of 300 persons. This number i s inadequate however, as i t does not include any of the province's suffrage s o c i e t i e s f o r which no data i s av a i l a b l e . Excluded are the 36 branches of the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League registered by February 1913.^ the B r i t i s h Columbia Equal Franchise Association and i t s branches i n Kelowna and Nelson, the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League and i t s Fraserview branch and the Women's Freedom Union. Also not counted i n t h i s assessment were those s u f f r a g i s t s who worked s o l e l y through the l o c a l councils of women, the WCTU or the University Women's Club. An estimate of between 500 and 800 active members of the suffrage campaign may not be excessive for 1914. The membership of the movement also became represent-ative of a greater cross-section of the community than previously. The 1914 membership l i s t of the Pioneer P o l i t i c a l Equality League included persons employed i n numerous occupations ranging from seamstress to mayor and 64 re s i d i n g throughout Vancouver. The B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League and i t s small branches i n Mount Pleasant and South Vancouver catered to working-class women as did the Cedar Cottage and South Vancouver branches of the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League. Persons with professional or business backgrounds were well-repre-sented i n various branches of the Equal Franchise Association and the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League.^ Aware of previous f a i l u r e s , the majority of the post 1910 s u f f r a g i s t s adopted a more aggressive approach towards securing general and p o l i t i c a l support for the further enfranchisement of women. Under the auspices of the various suffrage s o c i e t i e s , they undertook to r a i s e public awareness of t h e i r p o s i t i o n through the extensive use of a l l available media. The most ambitious of these projects was the publication.of the monthly suffrage magazine, The Champion, by the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l 66 Equality League from 1912 to 1914. In addition to covering B r i t i s h Columbia suffrage news, The Champion featured excerpts from Votes for Women, a r t i c l e s by prominent B r i t i s h s u f f r a g i s t s including Emmeline and S y l v i a Pankhurst and Emmeline and Frederick William 7 6 Pethick-Lawrence and reports of suffrage v i c t o r i e s around the world. The editors of The Champion also r e g u l a r l y included accounts of women pioneering i n professions , previously barred to women and indictments of conditions confronting women i n d u s t r i a l workers i n various countries. Each month 6 5 0 copies of the magazine were di s t r i b u t e d throughout the province. 6'' The League also issued a variety of broadsides and l e a f l e t s . The Pioneer P o l i t i c a l Equality League i n Vancouver began a suffrage newsletter, 6 8 Pioneer Woman, i n March 1913. The B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League's page i n the B. C. Federationist reported the l o c a l suffrage campaign from i t s perspective and featured extensive a r t i c l e s on the l e g i s l a t i v e reforms enacted i n A u s t r a l i a and New Zealand following the granting of woman suffrage and as well as reports supporting 6Q the a c t i v i t i e s of the m i l i t a n t B r i t i s h s u f f r a g i s t s . The su f f r a g i s t s also sought to increase t h e i r public v i s i b i l i t y by p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n parades and l o c a l f a i r s , performing suffrage plays and encouraging theatre managers to 70 screen pro-suffrage films and boycott anti-suffrage ones.' Assuming that more women would j o i n the suffrage cause i f they became aware of t h e i r l e g a l p o s i t i o n , the s u f f r a g i s t s also undertook an extensive informational campaign. Lectures on the l e g a l status of women were delivered by su f f r a g i s t s and sympathetic lawyers i n a l l available forums. More important, however, was the compilation for the f i r s t time of the laws regarding women i n a r e a d i l y available and comprehensible form. The f i r s t movement i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n was the pamphlet Points i n the Laws of 71 B r i t i s h Columbia Regarding the Legal Status of Women issued i n 1911 by the Vancouver branch of the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League. This e f f o r t was super-ceded by s u f f r a g i s t Helen Gregory MaeGill's authoritative 72 pamphlet, Daughters. Wives and Mothers i n B r i t i s h Columbia f i r s t published i n 1913. The professionalism evident i n MaeGill's work indicated the c a p a b i l i t i e s and approach of the new generation of s u f f r a g i s t s . Another important facet of the attempt to secure more support was an extensive campaign to address d i r e c t l y as many residents of the province as possible. In her p o s i t i o n as p r o v i n c i a l organizer for the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League, Dorothy Davis held successful suffrage r a l l i e s throughout the Okanagan and Kootenay d i s t r i c t s i n the autumn and winter of 1912-1913. 7 3 Florence H a l l and Mary E l l e n Smith received s i m i l a r l y enthusiastic receptions at suffrage meetings they conducted on behalf of the League 74 i n the Fraser Valley and Cariboo d i s t r i c t . S u f f r a g i s t s from a l l groups organized extensive programs of speaking to men's and women's clubs, trade unions, church groups and general meetings on the lower mainland and on Vancouver Island i n order to r e c r u i t supporters from as wide a cross-section of the population as possible. They 78 also held public and private meetings featuring prominent s u f f r a g i s t s including Emraeline Pankhurst, Barbara Wylie,'' 6 Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence,'''' N e l l i e McClung''8 and several 79 women from Washington s t a t e , ' 7 thereby connecting themselves d i r e c t l y with the suffrage movement elsewhere. The differences of perspective expressed by the various organizations supporting woman suffrage did not deter the su f f r a g i s t s from undertaking j o i n t campaigns or from forming c o a l i t i o n s of suffrage organizations. The su f f r a g i s t s ' a b i l i t y to suppress t h e i r differences temporarily and thus, present a united front to the a n t i -s u f f r a g i s t s , derived not only from the p o l i t i c a l pragmatism inherent i n t h i s t a c t i c . Equally important for many su f f r a g i s t s was t h e i r consciousness of being participants i n an international woman suffrage movement directed by persons dedicated to improving the p o l i t i c a l , l e g a l , s o c i a l and economic status of women i n t h e i r respective countries. Viewed from t h i s perspective, l o c a l disputes over p r i o r i t i e s and t a c t i c s assumed smaller proportions since they a l l agreed on the common goal of extending the franchise to women. The expansion of programs to engage the int e r e s t of the public i n woman suffrage was accompanied throughout t h i s period by an escalation of pressure on p o l i t i c i a n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y Premier Richard McBride. Determined to demonstrate a widespread demand for t h e i r cause, the s u f f r a g i s t s and t h e i r supporters deluged the government throughout the l e g i s l a t i v e sessions of 1913 and 1914 with resolutions and telegrams demanding the enfranchisement 80 of women. The attention of p o l i t i c i a n s was directed to the affirmative r e s u l t of a woman suffrage referendum conducted i n conjunction with"the V i c t o r i a municipal e l e c t i o n of 1914. In a further attempt to inform each p o l i t i c i a n of the strength of support f o r woman suffrage i n his constituency, annual delegations of s u f f r a g i s t s presented large peti t i o n s to the l e g i s l a t i v e assembly Q p D O during the 1913 and 1 9 1 4 J sessions of the l e g i s l a t u r e . McBride's continued r e f u s a l to make woman suffrage a government po l i c y i n spite of these large demonstrations of support caused numerous s u f f r a g i s t s to adopt a be l l i g e r e n t attitude towards the McBride government and the Conservative Party. In February 1913 Dorothy Davis warned the premier that a continued r e f u s a l to extend the vote to women might cause the " f l u i d p o l i t i c a l f e e l i n g " of men and women i n the province to move towards the 84 S o c i a l i s t Party which had frequently introduced woman suffrage b i l l s . Infuriated by McBride's dismissal of a 10,000 signature p e t i t i o n supporting p o l i t i c a l equality for women and the defeat of the private member's b i l l on the issue, Grant informed McBride that the s u f f r a g i s t s "propose now to deal with p o l i t i c a l questions by p o l i t i c a l methods. " ^ Subscribers to The Champion were regu l a r l y reminded that the L i b e r a l Party had adopted woman suffrage 86 as a party plank at i t s convention i n 1912 while the Conservative Party had engaged i n numerous t a c t i c s to prevent the question from being discussed at i t s 1914 Qrp convention. Members of the WCTU were also reminded of the respective positions of the L i b e r a l and Conservative 8ft parties on the matter. The B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League reported that the L i b e r a l s of ward f i v e i n 89 Vancouver were conducting debates favouring the measure. By 1914 the editors of The Champion were s u f f i c i e n t l y frustrated with the McBride government to muse p u b l i c l y "we understand better why some of the English women 90 became m i l i t a n t s . " 7 The s u f f r a g i s t s * opposition to McBride was temporarily weakened by the outbreak of the f i r s t world war. The pre-session campaigning t y p i c a l of other years was d r a s t i c a l l y c u r t a i l e d i n the autumn and winter of 1914-1915. Instead, many of the s u f f r a g i s t s directed t h e i r attention to personal matters and p a t r i o t i c work under the auspices of the Red Cross, the Imperial Order of Daughters of the Empire, the WCTU and numerous other organizations. None of the province's woman suffrage s o c i e t i e s or women's organizations approached the government on behalf of woman suffrage during the 1915 session. Although the suffrage movement remained l a r g e l y dormant throughout 1915» one important change occurred during the year which affected i t s future course. Attracted by the L i b e r a l Party's endorsement of woman suffrage and i t s increased p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , several women decided to form a Women's L i b e r a l Club i n the spring of 1 9 1 5 « The inc l u s i o n of several prominent s u f f r a g i s t s i n i t s member-ship and executive d i r e c t l y introduced an element of partisanship into the woman suffrage campaign. Although an a l l i a n c e between the L i b e r a l Party and the woman 91 suffrage movement was not welcomed by a l l s u f f r a g i s t s , i t was to be instrumental i n obtaining t h e i r enfranchise-ment. Agitation f o r woman suffrage recommenced along f a m i l i a r l i n e s i n December 1 9 1 5 with a request from the 92 United Suffrage Societies of Vancouver'7 that the new premier, William Bowser, meet with them and the represent-atives of the l o c a l councils of women, the Women's Forum,^ the Trades and Labour Council, the University Women's Club and the King's Daughters to discuss h i s oh p o s i t i o n on woman suffrage. Bowser declined the i n v i t a t i o n . As a representative of the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League, Grant also renewed the demand for woman suffrage by requesting a government b i l l l i k e the onesrecently passed i n Manitoba, Alberta and Saskatchewan.^ This pattern of i n t e r a c t i o n between the su f f r a g i s t s and the Conservative government was abruptly altered, however, by Bowser's announcement that a referendum on woman suffrage would be held i n conjunction with the next general el e c t i o n i n the p r o v i n c e . ^ The Bowser government's decision to hold a woman suffrage referendum coincided with changing p o l i t i c a l conditions i n the province. The security enjoyed by the Conservative Party following i t s overwhelming v i c t o r y i n the 1912 pr o v i n c i a l election was gradually eroded through-out 1915* Serious allegations about gross mishandling of 97 lands, resources and contracts by the government, a strong p r o h i b i t i o n lobby, continued high unemployment and 98 an enormous p r o v i n c i a l debt plagued the government throughout the year. The major b e n e f i c i a r i e s of these developments were the L i b e r a l s who succeeded i n winning two of three seats contested i n bye-elections i n February and March, 1916.^ Aware of these events, the Conservative Party urged Bowser to adopt woman suffrage as a government pol i c y i n order to divert some of the reformers from the L i b e r a l P a r t y . 1 0 0 Rather than completely reverse the government's previous stand, Bowser offered a referendum to placate the s u f f r a g i s t s just as McBride had offered a referendum to appease the p r o h i b i t i o n i s t s . 1 0 1 The s u f f r a g i s t s reacted to the announcement of a 102 referendum with unanimous disapproval and indignation. A large delegation of s u f f r a g i s t s from throughout the province urged the government to recognize women's r i g h t 103 to the franchise and pass a b i l l accordingly, ^ but the Bowser government remained firm. Unable to secure the preferred measure of a government b i l l or passage of the private member's woman suffrage b i l l before the house, the majority of the s u f f r a g i s t s resolved to campaign a c t i v e l y for the successful passage of the referendum. Only the B r i t i s h Columbia Equal Franchise Association refused to 104 pa r t i c i p a t e i n the "hazard of a referendum vote," Throughout the summer of 1916 the s u f f r a g i s t s worked to present t h e i r case to as large a portion of the male electorate as possible p r i o r to the September 14 elec t i o n and referendum. To f a c i l i t a t e t h e i r campaign and fund-r a i s i n g the s u f f r a g i s t s formed c o a l i t i o n s , the Woman's Suffrage Referendum Campaign Association i n Vancouver and the Woman's Suffrage Referendum League i n V i c t o r i a , They spoke at suffrage r a l l i e s and at p o l i t i c a l meetings held by the L i b e r a l and Conservative pa r t i e s , they campaigned door to door, wrote l e t t e r s to the editors of the l o c a l press, published broadsides stat i n g t h e i r p o sition and urged sympathetic ministers to endorse woman suffrage. In addition to the arguments developed by the s u f f r a g i s t s p r i o r to the war, they now pleaded that women should receive the vote as recognition of t h e i r eontribtuion to the war e f f o r t . 1 0 - ' The passage of the woman suffrage referendum by an ov e r a l l two to one margin g r a t i f i e d the s u f f r a g i s t s . The leading veteran s u f f r a g i s t , Maria Grant, attributed t h i s v i c t o r y to the men's desire to acknowledge women's c i t i z e n s h i p as a r e s u l t of t h e i r war work. 1 0^ While t h i s factor was i n f l u e n t i a l and i n some cases allowed formerly staunch opponents to reverse t h e i r stand without incurring adverse comment, other factors were more decisive. The second phase of the woman,suffrage movement succeeded i n arousing considerable inte r e s t i n the cause throughout the province, p a r t i c u l a r l y among persons sympathetic to the a c t i v i t i e s of the province's reform community, including s o c i a l gospellers, p r o h i b i t i o n i s t s , trade unionists and other secular s o c i a l reformers. In addition to the support offered by these s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t groups, the s u f f r a g i s t s received help for t h e i r cause from many L i b e r a l candidates^ S i m i l a r l y , s u f f r a g i s t s , p r o h i b i t i o n i s t s and other reformers frequently worked fo r the L i b e r a l Party since the Conservatives had consistently expressed h o s t i l i t y toward them p r i o r to 1916., In t h i s respect the passage of the woman suffrage referendum was part of the general r i s e of reform sentiment i n p o l i t i c s i n B r i t i s h Columbia and other parts of English-speaking Canada. Some voters may also have been convinced to vote f o r woman suffrage as a r e s u l t of the reception given the s u f f r a g i s t s on the p r a i r i e s where they had won p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l equality 109 the previous year. The successful passage of the woman suffrage referendum did not, however, r e s u l t i n the enfranchisement of women on January 1, 1917 as promised. Delays i n counting the overseas s o l d i e r s ' vote on the referendum prevented the compilation of an o f f i c a l t o t a l . Eager to r e g i s t e r f o r the upcoming bye-elections f o r cabinet ministers and for a possible federal election, a large delegation of . su f f r a g i s t s prevailed upon the new L i b e r a l government to overrule the referendum l e g i s l a t i o n by introducing a woman suffrage b i l l as a government measure. The government complied and the Pr o v i n c i a l Elections Act was amended on A p r i l 5i 1917 to grant women the p r o v i n c i a l franchise on the same basis as men.*** The act also empowered women to contest elections, subject to the same r e s t r i c t i o n s which applied to men. The Municipal Elections Act was also amended to allow women who q u a l i f i e d f o r the municipal franchise as property or business owners to contest 112 municipal elections. But the B r i t i s h Columbia s u f f r a g i s t s were soon chagrined to discover i n 1917 that access to the p r o v i n c i a l franchise no longer simultaneously secured the federal franchise for them. They had not previously taken an active part i n attempting to influence the federal government i n t h i s matter because they had not thought such action necessary. The announcement that the War-Times E l e c t i o n Act would supercede the Dominion Elections Act for the 113 duration of the war and demobilization was greeted with a mixed response from the s u f f r a g i s t s . In the atmosphere 86 of the war, some s u f f r a g i s t s accepted the terms of the new act which stated that only "the wives, the widows, the mothers, the s i s t e r s , and the daughters of members past or present of the actual overseas force s h a l l have the right 114 to vote i n the war-time el e c t i o n . " However, several other B r i t i s h Columbia s u f f r a g i s t s protested to Prime Minister Borden that women were persons i n t h e i r own r i g h t , not merely r e l a t i v e s of men and therefore a l l adult women c i t i z e n s should be f u l l y e n f r a n c h i s e d . 1 1 5 Borden r e p l i e d that women were enfranchised under his b i l l s o l e l y to speak f o r the men overseas and the d e a d . 1 1 6 Powerless to reverse t h i s decision, the s u f f r a g i s t s awaited further opportunities to approach the federal government f o r the enfranchisement 117 of a l l adult women c i t i z e n s . Thus, the s u f f r a g i s t s enjoyed considerably more success i n r e a l i z i n g t h e i r goal during the second phase of the movement. To the r i g h t s secured i n connection with the school board franchise during the f i r s t phase of the move-ment were added equal access with men to the p r o v i n c i a l and Vancouver municipal franchise. No progess was made i n enlarging the interpretation of the property q u a l i f y i c a t i o n s of the Municipal Elections Act to include the wives of q u a l i f i e d men so the number of women e l i g i b l e to vote i n V i c t o r i a and other municipalities under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the act remained small. Women also gained the r i g h t to become candidates i n p r o v i n c i a l and municipal elections provided they q u a l i f i e d as voters and possessed any necessary property requirements. The s u f f r a g i s t s ' f a i l u r e to expand the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the property q u a l i f i c a t i o n to include wives r e f l e c t e d the strength of the Property Owners' Association lobby which was opposed to any compromise on the issue. I r o n i c a l l y , i t also accorded with the views of those s u f f r a g i s t s who argued that women should receive the same treatment as men. The r e s t r i c t e d access to the b a l l o t i n federal elections, while disappointing many, s t i l l represented a q u a l i f i e d v i c t o r y i n that area. Thereafter, the s u f f r a g i s t s turned t h e i r attention primarily to securing those a l t e r a t i o n s i n women's le g a l status and those s o c i a l reforms which had i n t i a l l y prompted many of them to j o i n the movement. Footnotes 1. For an account of the i r r e g u l a r i t i e s i n connection with the referendum and McBride's attitude throughout see A. Adams, "A Study of the Use of P l e b i s c i t e s and Refer-endums By the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia" (M.A. thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1958), 24-37. 2. Grant, "L e g i s l a t i o n , P e t i t i o n and Franchise," WCTU Report (1910)t 62-63. In addition to working "eight hours each day" for "four months" Maria Grant loaned the suffrage campaign almost one t h i r d of i t s budget. Ibid., 63. 3. E. MacGill, Mv Mother The Judge. 119. 4. "Committee on Laws f o r Women and Children," NCWC Report (1911)* 33 and [ A l i c e Ashworth Townley], Points  i n the Laws of B r i t i s h Columbia Regarding the Legal Status  of Women (n. p i . * Vancouver P o l i t i c a l Equality League, L 1 9 1 1 J ) , 8-9. 5. Townley, i b i d . , 1 0 . 6. E. MacGill, i b i d . , 1 2 3 . 71 Daily Colonist. 3 August 1911 and i b i d . , 2 August 1911. 8. Woman Suffrage F i l e , B r i t i s h Columbia Public Archives V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia (hereafter c i t y as BCPA). The idea of a P o l i t i c a l Equality League was f i r s t suggested at the annual meeting of the NCWC i n 1910, although the NCWC did not endorse the idea. V i c t o r i a was the f i r s t l o c a l council to t r y the experiment. 9. V i c t o r i a Daily Times, 1 5 December 1910. 1 0 . Ibid. 11. Province, 14 January 1911. Unlike the V i c t o r i a P o l i t i c a l Equality League, the Vancouver branch was organized "independent of the Council". See NCWC Report (1911)* 74.. 1 2 . Province. 5 May 1911 and Vancouver World, 6 May 1911. 13. The Champion I (August 1912)* 6. 14. Ibid. 1 5 . Ibid. 8 9 1 6 . Ibid. 1 7 . See, f o r example, Janet Kemp to Richard McBride. n.d. McBride Papers, O f f i c i a l , Correspondence Inward, 1913, F i l e 9 7 , BCPA. 1 8 . The Champion II (February 1914)t 1 0 . 19. Dora Kerr to Richard McBride. 2 February 1 9 1 3 . McBride Papers, 1913, F i l e 9 7 . 2 0 . [ B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League], "Why Women Ought to Have the Vote i n B. G.," McBride Papers, 1 9 1 3 , F i l e 9 7 . For examples of t h i s sentiment see Province. 1 5 February 1913; V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 18 February 1 9 1 3 and Sun. 19 March 1 9 1 3 , Women's Ed i t i o n . 2 1 . See, for example, "The Referendum," The Champion II (February 1914)» 4. 2 2 . Maria Grant to Premier of B r i t i s h Columbia. 14 February 1 9 1 3 . McBride Papers, 1 9 1 3 . F i l e 9 7 . 2 3 . "The Woman's Reason — Because," The Champion I (October 1912)« 17. See also D a i l y Colonist 16 February 1913 and V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 18 February 1913. 24. "Why Women Ought to Have the Vote i n B. C , " ibid.. 2 5 . Ibid. 2 6 . "The Referendum," i b i d . 2 7 . P e t i t i o n , McBride Papers, 1 9 1 3 . F i l e 9 7 . 28. "The Referendum," i b i d . 2 9 . "Why Women Ought to Have the Vote i n B. C.," i b i d . 3 0 . B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League, "The Experience of A u s t r a l i a , " McBride Papers, 1 9 1 3 , F i l e 9 7 . 31. New Westminster P o l i t i c a l Equality League to McBride. 1 0 March 1 9 1 5 . McBride Papers, O f f i c i a l , Correspondence Inward, 1 9 1 5 . F i l e 2 9 8 , BCPA. 3 2 . E. MacGill, i b i d . , 1 2 5 . 3 3 . Townley, i b i d . , 1 1 . 3 4 . Sun, 19 March 1 9 1 3 . Women's E d i t i o n . 90 35. The Champion I (December 1913)« 5. 36. Ibid., 4. 37. Weppler, "Early Forms of P o l i t i c a l A c t i v i t y Among White Women i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1880-1925," 84 claims that the Vancouver P o l i t i c a l Equality League "severed connections with the p r o v i n c i a l group and became the Pioneer P o l i t i c a l Equality League." I can fi n d no trace of such a d i v i s i o n . 38. D a i l y News-Advertiser. 27 March 1913. 39. B. C. Federationist. 3 October 1913. 40. Ibid. 41. Ibid. 42. Ibid., 17 October 1913. 43. See, for example, i b i d . , 10 October 1913s i b i d . , 5 December 1913; i b i d . , 12 December 1913. 44. See, for example, i b i d . , 7 January 1916; i b i d . , 10 July 1914} i b i d . , 7 November 1913; i b i d . , 17 October 1913; i b i d . , 31 July 1914. 45. See, for example, i b i d . , 21 November 1913. 46. For example, the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League's support of the Domestic Workers' Union was not necessarily shared by those s u f f r a g i s t s employing servants. 47. See, for example, B. C. Federationist, 10 October 1915; i b i d . , 24 October 1913; i b i d . , 7 November 1913; i b i d . , 3 October 1913; Vancouver Local Council of Women, Minutes, 5 October 1914, Special C o l l e c t i o n s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. 48. See, for example, B. C. Federationist, 21 November 1913. 49. B r i t i s h Columbia, Statutes. 1 Geo. 5. c. 75» s. 1 and 4. 50. For a l i s t of those elected see Chapter 1, footnote 36. 51. See, for example, The Champion II (February 1914)«: 6. 52. See, for example, Vancouver Local Council of Women, 9 1 Minutes, 7 August 1 9 1 6 . 5 3 . Grant, "Le g i s l a t i o n , P e t i t i o n and Franchise," WCTU Report ( 1 9 1 1 ) « 7 6 . 5 4 . Mrs. Susie Lane (James) Clark, Vancouver; Miss Susan Crease, V i c t o r i a ; Miss Dorothy Davis, V i c t o r i a ; Mrs. Maria (Gordon) Grant, V i c t o r i a ; Miss Helena Gutteridge, Vancouver; Mrs. Florence (William Lashley) H a l l , Vancouver; Mrs. Laura (John) Jamieson, Vancouver; Mrs. Janet Kemp, Vancouver; Mrs. Elizabeth (William) McConkey, Vancouverj Mrs* Helen Gregory (James) MacGill, Vancouver; Mrs. Marie (Peter) McNaughton, Vancouver; Mrs. Mary E l l e n (Ralph) Smith, Vancouver; Mrs. A l i c e Ashworth (Charles) Townley, Vancouver. See Appendix I f o r abrief biography of each of these women. These women were designated leaders because they f u l f i l l e d at lea s t three of the following four c r i t e r i a j executive member of a suffrage society or woman's organization campaigning f o r woman suffrage; frequent and prominent campaigner; leader of suffrage delegations; elected to public o f f i c e . 5 5 . Eight of the eleven new leaders resided i n B r i t i s h Columbia f o r several years p r i o r to 1 9 0 9 . Of these, three worked for suffrage within the Vancouver Local Council of Women. The f a i l u r e of the remaining f i v e to become extensively involved can be attributed to domestic obligations including c h i l d b i r t h , ehildcare and t r a v e l l i n g with t h e i r husbands i n the course of t h e i r husbands' occupations. 5 6 . E. MacGill, i b i d . , 1 1 8 . 5 7 . See, for example, B r i t i s h Columbia P i c t o r a l and  Biographical (Vancouver, Winnipeg, etc» S. J". Clarke Publishing Company, 1 9 1 4 ) , 5 3 6 . 5 8 . See, f o r example, The Champion I (January 1 9 1 3 ) * 6 - 1 4 f o r an account of Davis' and Ha l l ' s recruitment a c t i v i t i e s . 5 9 . See, f o r example, "Okanagan D i s t r i c t Convention," WCTU Report ( 1 9 1 1 ) » 5 2 - 5 3 . 6 0 . "Pioneer P o l i t i c a l Equality League," Vancouver  So c i a l Register and Club Directory 1 9 1 4 (Vancouver* Welsh and Gibbs, 1 9 1 4 ) , 9 2 - 9 3 . 6 1 . B. C. Federationist. 3 July 1 9 1 4 ; i b i d . , 3 1 July 1 9 1 4 ; i b i d . , 1 7 October 1 9 1 3 . 6 2 . V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 1 5 December 1 9 1 0 and Daily Colonist. 2 February 1911. 63. The Champion I (May 1913)« 5. 64. Henderson's Greater Vancouver C i t y Directory 1914 (Vaneouvert Henderson Publishing Company Limited L i a b i l i t y , 1914). 65. Based on the occupations or spouses' occupations of known members as l i s t e d i n Henderson** s D i r e c t o r i e s (variously t i t l e d ) 1910-1915. 66. Surviving copies of The Champion cover the period from August 1912 to A p r i l 1914. 6 7 . The Champion II (June 1913)» 4. 68. Da i l y News-Advertiser. 21 March 1913. Since no copies of Pioneer Woman are held i n public r e p o s i t o r i e s , i t s subsequent fate i s unknown. The B. C. Federationist. 4 A p r i l 1913 reprinted a section of the f i r s t e d i t i o n . 69. See, f o r example, B. C. Federationist. 24 October 1913; i b i d . , 7 November 1913s i b i d . , 2 3 November 1914; i b i d . , 17 October 1913. 7 0 . See, f o r example, The Champion I (August 1913)« 4; i b i d . , (March 1913): 18. 71. Townley, i b i d . 72. H. G. MacGill. Daughters. Wives and Mothers i n B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouveri Moore P r i n t i n g Co. Ltd., 7 3 . The Champion I (January 1 9 1 3 ) » 6 - 1 3 . 7 4 . Ibid., 13 and B. C. Federationist. 21 August 1 9 1 4 . 7 5 . V i c t o r i a D aily Times. 21 December 1911 and Daily  Colonist. 22 December 1911 . 76. The Champion I (February 1 9 1 3 ) « 9 7 7 . E. MacGill, i b i d . , 1 2 4 . 7 8 . Vancouver World. 3 0 August 1 9 1 5 . 7 9 . See, f o r example, The Champion I (March 1 9 1 3 )t 8 ; i b i d . , (August 1913) s 9s WCTU R e p o r " t T l 9 1 2 ) > 2 3 ; Daily  Colonist. 2 August 1911 ; Daily News-Advertiser. 5 June 1 9 1 3 . 1 9 1 3 ) . 93 80. McBride Papers, 1913, F i l e 97 and McBride Papers, O f f i c i a l , Correspondence Inward, 1914, F i l e 77, BCPA. 81. "The Referendum," i b i d . 82. See McBride Papers, 1913, F i l e 97. A small woman suffrage p e t i t i o n was also submitted by the residents of Greenwood E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t the previous year. See McBride Papers, O f f i c i a l , Correspondence Inward, 1912, F i l e 173, 14 March 1912, BCPA. 83. B r i t i s h Columbia, Journals of the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly (1914), 42. 84. Dorothy Davis to Premier of B r i t i s h Columbia. 13 February 1913. McBride Papers, 1913, F i l e 97. 85. Maria Grant to McBride. 22 February 1913. McBride Papers, 1913. F i l e 97. 86. See, f o r example, " L i b e r a l Convention," The  Champion II (March 1914)i 7-8. 87. "Conservative Convention," i b i d . , 8-9. 88. WCTU Report (1912)i 56. 89. B. G. Federationist, 24 July 1914. 90. The Champion II (March 1914)t 7. 91. See, f o r example, B. C. Federationist. 11 June 1915. 92. A loose c o a l i t i o n of the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman's Suffrage League, the Mount Pleasant Woman's Suffrage League, the Pioneer P o l i t i c a l Equality League, the South Vancouver P o l i t i c a l Equality League and the Equal Franchise Association formed as a r e s u l t of Gutteridges e f f o r t s i n 1913. I t s a c t i v i t i e s were r e s t r i c t e d to sending delegations to the government. 93* The Women's Forum was organized i n 1912 to unite and inform the women : ratepayers of Vancouver. I t s executive included Kemp, MacGill, McConkey and Smith. See Sun. 19 March 1913, Women's Ed i t i o n . 94. United Suffrage Societies to Bowser. 15 December 1915. Bowser Papers, O f f i c i a l , Correspondence Inward, 1916, F i l e 293, BCPA. 95. Grant to Bowser. 25 March 1916. Bowser Papers, 1916, F i l e 293. 9 4 96. Province. 14 A p r i l 1916* Dai l y Colonist. 14 A p r i l 1916; V i c t o r i a D aily Times. 14 A p r i l 1916. 9 7 . M i n i s t e r i a l Union of the Lower Mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia. C r i s i s i n B. C. An Appeal for Investigation (Vancouver! Saturday Sunset Presses, 1916). 98. J . C. Hopkins, ed., Canadian Annual Review 1916 (Toronto* Annual Review Publishing Company Ltd., 1916), 6 9 7 and 7 3 0 - 7 3 5 . 9 9 . J . C. Hopkins, ed., Canadian Annual Review 1916 (Toronto* Annual Review Publishing Company Ltd., 1917), 7 5 5 . 100. Vancouver Conservative Association to Bowser. 10 March 1916. Bowser Papers, 1916. 101. Canadian Annual Review 1915. 7 3 3 . 102. See, for example, Bowser Papers, 1 5 A p r i l 1916 to 1 5 May 1916, F i l e 293* V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 17 A p r i l 19l6 f  Province. 19 A p r i l 1 9 1 6 T 103. See, for example, V i c t o r i a D aily Times. 2 6 A p r i l 1916 and Dai l y Colonist. 27 A p r i l 1916. 104. Province. 1 5 May 1916. 1 0 5 . Daily Colonist, 14 July 1916. The c i v i l i a n vote for woman suffrage was 43,619 for and 18,604 against. The s o l d i e r s ' vote was 8,273 for and 6,002 against. Canadian Annual Review 1916. 781. 106. V i c t o r i a D aily Times. 16 September 1916. 1 0 7 . See, for example, V i c t o r i a D a i l y Times, 12 July 1916. 108. This co-operation with the L i b e r a l s on the part of some s u f f r a g i s t s prevented the Vancouver Local Council of Women from entering the suffrage referendum campaign. See, Vancouver Local Council of Women, Minutes, 8 January 1917. 109. This point was raised i n Vancouver C i t y Central Woman's Suffrage Referendum Campaign Association. Broadside. C i t y Archives of Vancouver, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. 110. B r i t i s h Columbia, Statutes. 6 Geo. 5» c. 7 6 , s. 2.. 9 5 111. Ibid., 7 and 8 Geo. 5, c. 2 3 . 112. Ibid., c. 2 3 , s. 2. Most women, however remained excluded from the property based municipal franchise u n t i l 1920. See i b i d . , 10 Geo. 5, c.26, s. 2. 1 1 3 . Canada, Commons Debates. 1917, v o l . 6, 5 4 1 5 . 114. Ibid., 5 4 1 6 . 1 1 5 . Province. 20 September 1917. 1 1 6 . Ibid. 117. Women were granted the federal franchise on the same basis as men by the federal parliament i n 1918, to be e f f e c t i v e January 1, 1919. Canada, Statutes. 8 Geo. 5» c. 20. According to Cleverdon "with no appreciable amount of pressure from any source, either inside or outside parliament, the r i g h t of women to be elected to the federal House was quietly inserted into the Dominion By-Elections Act of July 1919." See Cleverdon, i b i d . , 1 3 6 and Canada, Statutes. 9 Geo. 5, c. 48. Chapter 3 Community Reaction to the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman Suffrage Movement 1890 - 1917 The reaction of the residents of B r i t i s h Columbia to the woman suffrage movement can be most e f f e c t i v e l y determined by examining the positions of those groups claiming to speak i n the public interest on the issue. Throughout the campaign opposition to the women's demands for p o l i t i c a l equality was voiced primarily by p o l i t i c i a n s and those newspapers which shared t h e i r perspective. Roman Catholic clergymen occasionally denounced the measure but did not otherwise p u b l i c l y oppose the 1 movement. No group of women or men organized an anti-suffrage society. In sharp contrast to the b a s i c a l l y s t a t i c group opposed to the extension of the franchise to women, the number and d i v e r s i t y of the movement's supporters increased considerably throughout the campaign. Apart from drawing aid from numerous women's groups, the s u f f r a g i s t s also attracted the favourable attention of p o l i t i c a n s , s o c i l a l i s t s , clergymen, newspaper editors, trade unionists and members of the general public. The decision of members of the B r i t i s h Columbia community to support, oppose or ignore the B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement was determined 96 by the degree of coincidence between t h e i r world view and the goals of the s u f f r a g i s t s . The number and d i v e r s i t y of the suffragists' supporters indicated the breadth of the progressive sentiment i n B r i t i s h Columbia of which the s u f f r a g i s t s formed an in t e g r a l part. I t also t e s t i f i e d to the s u f f r a g i s t s ' growing s k i l l i n forming a broad-based c o a l i t i o n to confront entrenched government opposition. The f a i l u r e of the campaign to achieve i t s major goals p r i o r to 1917 indicated the strength of i t s opposition. The major opponents of the B r i t i s h Columbia s u f f r a g i s t s were the province's successive governments. A l l govern-ments pr i o r to the Brewster administration refused to sponsor the extension of municipal and p r o v i n c i a l voting p r i v i l e g e s to women on the same basis as men. This intransigent attitude can be attributed primarily to a reluctance on the part of government members to a l t e r the electorate which placed them i n positions of power. P a r t i c u l a r l y worrisome to p o l i t i c i a n s i n t h i s regard were the declarations of some of the movement's leaders that women would not be swayed by party l o y a l t y or patronage but would cast t h e i r vote f o r the most appropriate candidate, man or woman, available i n th e i r constituency. Some of these men may have feared that t h e i r personal conduct would not be acceptable to women who claimed to judge candidates i n terms of th e i r personal morality and temperance rather than t h e i r position, wealth and power. Unable to predict what percentage of the female vote they could a t t r a c t , most government and some opposition members preferred the e l e c t o r a l status quo. The d i s i n c l i n a t i o n of various B r i t i s h Columbia govern-ments to involve women i n the p o l i t i c a l process was heightened during the McBride years by the acrimony between many of the s u f f r a g i s t s and some Conservative party supporters. Amongst those p o t e n t i a l l y endangered by the s u f f r a g i s t s ' moral reform programs were the province's brewers and saloon proprietors whose interests 2 were protected by the Conservative government. During the 1907-1908 controversy regarding the p r o v i n c i a l govern-ment's inadvertant extension of the municipal franchise to most women, one of the p r i n c i p a l complainants was the Licensed - V i c t u a l l e r s Association which represented the tavern owners of V i c t o r i a . These men objected to the enfranchisement of women because they feared that the majority of women would favour the closer r e s t r i c t i o n of the l i q u o r trade, i f not i t s a b o l i t i o n . In view of the al l i a n c e between the Conservative government and the liq u o r interests i t i s not surp r i s i n g that the McBride government assiduously ignored a l l further a g i t a t i o n to accord women f u l l municipal and p r o v i n c i a l voting p r i v i l e g e s following the revocation of the women's 99 municipal franchise by a court decision. Government opposition to p o l i t i c a l equality for women also stemmed from the divergence of in t e r e s t s between the two groups. On the one hand, the s u f f r a g i s t s ' attention focused on issues d i r e c t l y related to women's l i v e s and the q u a l i t y of community l i f e * They tendered proposals f o r improving the l e g a l status of women, a l t e r i n g the moral standards of the community, regulating conditions i n the workplace and providing more adequate s o c i a l services. Government p o l i t i c i a n s , on the other hand, concentrated on constructing railways, dispensing timber, mineral, f i s h i n g and land r i g h t s , a t t r a c t i n g industry and commerce and demanding better terms from the federal government. As a r e s u l t of these p r i o r i t i e s , government members frequently deemed most of the s u f f r a g i s t s ' demands ir r e l e v a n t , inappropriate or undesirable. Neither side i n t h i s dispute expressed i n t e r e s t i n the other's p r i o r i t i e s and consequently successive p r o v i n c i a l governments had no incentive to include women i n the electorate. In addition to these pragmatic considerations, some p o l i t i c i a n s r e s i s t e d attempts to enfranchise women because they believed that woman's nature and r o l e i n society precluded her from active involvement i n p o l i t i c s . Representative of t h i s group was Albert McPhillips, a member of McBride's cabinet, who argued that i t was "incompatible with womanhood to be responsible for c i v i l 100 government since womanhood i s constituted not to debate or reason, but to influence and persuade."^ Others maintained that woman suffrage was contrary to the divine order of re l a t i o n s between the sexes and consequently would, at the very l e a s t , destroy family harmony and d e f i l e the purity of women by entangling them i n the mire of p o l i t i c s . -Some parliamentarians proclaimed that women should be excluded because they would not fi g h t on behalf of t h e i r country or because they were allegedly b i o l o g i c a l l y i n f e r i o r to men. The number of p o l i t i a n s sincerely subscribing to any of these claims i s d i f f i c u l t to determine however, since these positions may have been voiced by members attempting to disguise more pragmatic considerations. The impression that some p o l i t i c i a n s were disguising t h e i r actual motives i n t h i s manner i s strengthened by the r e p e t i t i v e and t r i t e character of such statements as these. During the Conservative regime the tendency of members not to state t h e i r objections i n the l e g i s l a t u r e before r e g i s t e r i n g a negative vote adds to the problem of determining the motives of opposing p o l i t i c i a n s . In conjunction with the parliamentary opposition to p o l i t i c a l equality for women several of the province's newspapers, at various times, expressed h o s t i l i t y toward woman suffrage. The most frequent opponents were those 101 newspapers which supported the Conservative party, particularly the V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist a f t e r 1906, the Vancouver Province and, to a lesser extent, the Vancouver Daily News-Advertiser. However, L i b e r a l newspapers such as the V i c t o r i a Daily Times also p e r i o d i c a l l y displayed s i m i l a r sentiments p r i o r to the L i b e r a l party's adoption of a woman suffrage plank. The close r e l a t i o n s h i p between the p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n of each paper and i t s point of view on t h i s issue suggests that the editors' stands were motivated primarily by partisan considerations. Press h o s t i l i t y to the extension of the franchise to women usually assumed one of three forms. The most d i r e c t method used was the p r i n t i n g of e d i t o r i a l s which announced that women were not yet ready to vote and therefore i t was i n the best interests of a l l concerned not to pass enabling l e g i s l a t i o n . This type of e d i t o r i a l usually conceded that women eventually would be prepared (by an undefined process) and therefore would vote at an unidentified time i n the f u t u r e . 6 However, the majority of editors shunned t h i s technique, possibly because they wanted to avoid offending subscribers and advertisers sympathetic to the women's cause. Far more popular with newspaper editors was the subtler and possibly more e f f e c t i v e t a c t i c of attempting to di s c r e d i t the reputation of the province's s u f f r a g i s t s by puporting to report objectively the a n t i - s o c i a l behaviour 102 of women seeking the vote elsewhere. Sensationalized accounts of the a c t i v i t i e s of the suffragettes i n Great B r i t i a n appeared regularly on the front pages of the V i c t o r i a Daily Times, the Province and the Daily News-Advertiser from 1908 to 1913. 7 No explanation of the motives of the suffragettes nor reports of t h e i r imprison-ment were printed. The readers were not informed that the l o c a l supporters of p o l i t i c a l equality for women disapproved of these vi o l e n t t a c t i c s ; rather they were l e f t with the impression that s i m i l a r s o c i a l disruption could occur i n B r i t i s h Golumbia. This impression was reinforced by the publication of warnings to B r i t i s h m i l -i t a n t s t r a v e l l i n g i n Canada that t h e i r t a c t i c s would not be ft tolerated. The lawful conduct of these women i n Canada was ignored. In addition to t h i s attempt to d i s c r e d i t the l o c a l suffrage movement, these opposing papers also reprinted a r t i c l e s from the American and B r i t i s h press which characterized women who were interested i n pa r t i c i p a t i n g i n the governmental process as unfeminine o and i n f e r t i l e . Some papers also undertook to minimize the eff e c t of the l o c a l campaign by publishing only b r i e f notices of major suffrage events i n the province and i n Canada. This t a c t i c was p a r t i c u l a r l y popular with the editor of the Daily Colonist from 1909 u n t i l the Conservative government's announcement of a woman suffrage referendum i n 1916. ± X J The Vancouver Province also frequently adopted t h i s procedure. The editor of the New Westminster B r i t i s h  Columbian, a pro-Conservative newspaper, extended t h i s t a c t i c even further by allowing only one reference to t h i s issue during the month p r i o r to the referendum. The e f f e c t of the opposing press campaign on the ef f o r t s of the campaigners i s d i f f i c u l t to ascertain, just as the influence of newspapers on a l l readers remains unclear. The s u f f r a g i s t s , however, viewed the enmity of t h i s section of the press as p a r t i c u l a r l y vexatious since they were to a considerable extent dependent upon the goodwill of the various editors to pu b l i c i z e t h e i r point of view. It i s possible that the r e f u s a l of these editors to prin t the s u f f r a g i s t s ' point of view r e s t r i c t e d t h e i r audience and subsequently the number of converts to t h e i r cause. The suffragists' frequent assertions that they did not advocate the violence of the English m i l i t a n t s suggests that they feared that many women were s u f f i c i e n t l y alarmed by the press coverage of the English s i t u a t i o n to r e f r a i n from joining the movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia. 1 1 The h o s t i l e press campaign also served to reinforce the opinions of those persons already opposed to p o l i t i c a l equality for women. I t may also have attracted the allegiance of some some persons previously undecided on the issue. Thus, the editors of the opposing newspapers were able to counter public sentiment i n favour of woman 104 suffrage. Pear and apathy combined to create a type of opposition to p o l i t i c a l equality f o r women which the s u f f r a g i s t s found d i f f i c u l t to combat. Their i n a b i l i t y to involve the majority of the province's women i n t h e i r movement remained, i n t h e i r view, an extremely serious obstacle to securing 12 f u l l franchise r i g h t s . Their f a i l u r e i n t h i s regard stemmed p a r t i a l l y from t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to dissuade women from the notion that they would be severely c r i t i c i z e d f o r opposing the status quo of p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s between men and women. Some women feared the negative reaction of r e l a t i v e s and friends i f they p u b l i c l y expressed inte r e s t i n woman suffrage by attending 13 a meeting or signing a p e t i t i o n . Others remained r e t i c e n t l e s t t h e i r involvement jeopardized t h e i r husband's business 14 or s o c i a l connections. These considerations may have been reinforced by the r e l i g i o u s t r a i n i n g received by many women which stressed the necessity of women's submission to the w i l l of men. For some women these factors were s u f f i c i e n t either to prevent them from p a r t i c i -pating i n the campaign or from accepting the v a l i d i t y of the s u f f r a g i s t s ' claims. Problems i n building the numerical strength of the movement also derived from more mundane, yet pressing, d i f f i c u l t i e s . Many women were l a r g e l y occupied with matters centered i n the home and had l i t t l e time or opportunity to pursue matters other than those of immediate importance. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y true of women with large families and women who had i n s u f f i c i e n t funds to purchase labour saving commodities. Country women were, on the whole, precluded from active involvement or sometimes from an awareness of the campaign by the number of t h e i r tasks and t h e i r geographical i s o l a t i o n . The s u f f r a g i s t s ' attempts to overcome these obstacles confronting women by various means, including increased p u b l i c i t y and welcoming children at meetings, remained inadequate to r e c r u i t the majority of women. The apathetic response presented by some residents of the province to the woman suffrage campaign may also have r e f l e c t e d a more generalized notion that the p o l i t i c a l process was remote from d a i l y l i f e and therefore unworthy of sustained i n t e r e s t . The s u f f r a g i s t s , l i k e the trade unionists, were unable to overcome t o t a l l y t h i s point of view. Despite the considerable opposition to the woman suffrage movement, several sections of the community not d i r e c t l y connected with women's organizations gradually offered t h e i r support. The continued r e f u s a l of successive B r i t i s h Columbia governments to extend the p r o v i n c i a l and a f u l l municipal franchise to women f a i l e d to deter p o l i t i c i a n s from acting on behalf of the campaigners. From 1891 to 1916 seven men sponsored twelve private member's b i l l s designed to grant p r o v i n c i a l woman suffrage. The actions of Ralph Smith (1899), Smith Curtis (1902), James Hawthornthwaite (1906 and 1909) and John Place (1913» 1914 and 1916) i n t h i s matter derived from t h e i r a f f i l i a t i o n s with B r i t i s h Columbia labour and s o c i a l i s t groups which backed equal p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s for women. John Cunningham Brown (1891 and 1893), Harry D. Helmcken (1897 and 1898) and Richard H a l l (1904) acted as individuals sympathetic to the cause. The d i v i s i o n s i n the l e g i s l a t i v e assembly on these b i l l s indicate that p o l i t i c i a n s of d i f f e r i n g p o l i t i c a l perspectives from various regions of the province voted i n favour of pr o v i n c i a l woman s u f f r a g e . 1 ^ Before the introduction of party government i n 1903, members of both the opposition and government factions endorsed t h i s change according to t h e i r personal preferences since none of the factions o f f i c i a l l y adopted a pos i t i o n on the issue. The vote i n the f i r s t three d i v i s i o n s a f t e r the ele c t i o n of the McBride government indicated that L i b e r a l s and S o c i a l i s t s were c l e a r l y more i n c l i n e d to support the measure than Conservatives. The favourable response expressed by the majority of the L i b e r a l s r e f l e c t e d a variety of motivations including a desire to oppose the Conservative government wherever possible and the association of woman suffrage with l i b e r a l attitudes i n England, the United States of America and Canada. Following the complete defeat of the L i b e r a l s i n the 1912 election, the b i l l s were supported by the S o c i a l i s t s and nine Conservatives who disagreed with the majority of t h e i r 17 colleagues. ' The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the L i b e r a l party with the extension of the franchise to women was further strengthened by i t s adoption of a woman suffrage plank i n i t s 1912 platform. While t h i s action could be construed as the l o g i c a l outcome of the voting record of L i b e r a l members i n the l e g i s l a t u r e , i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that o f f i c i a l recognition of the women's demand was forthcoming only when the party had reached the nadir of i t s p o l i t i c a l influence i n the province. The p o s s i b i l i t y of a t t r a c t i n g a large numer of women as campaign workers who would l a t e r become - voters may have been i n f l u e n t i a l i n t h i s decision* However, the growing a l l i a n c e between various reform groups and the L i b e r a l party was l i k e l y as important as pragmatic considerations i n creating a majority opinion i n favour of promoting p o l i t i c a l equality for women. The endeavours and statements of L i b e r a l p o l i t i c i a n s i n t h i s regard were f u l l y reported by the V i c t o r i a D a ily Times from 1914 to 1917 and to a les s e r extent by the Vancouver Sun and the Vancouver World from 1913 to 1917. Nominal and sometimes active backing f o r the s u f f r a g i s t s was also forthcoming from several small parties with labour and s o c i a l i s t "backing. The Na t i o n a l i s t Party resolved i n 1894 "that a l l c i t i z e n s , i r r e s p e c t i v e of sex, over the age of 21 years, be enfranchised, and that no other q u a l i f i c a t i o n be required for any elec t i o n , municipal, 18 p r o v i n c i a l , or federal." The Nanaimo Workingman's Platform of 1894 also advocated the extension of the 19 franchise to women on the same basis as men. While the motivation of these two groups i n adopting t h i s stance i s unclear, such a change would have expanded the number of voters from the working-class, a matter i n which they were v i t a l l y interested. Furthermore, t h i s p o s i t i o n accorded with t h e i r professed democratic ideology. The United S o c i a l i s t Labour Party of B r i t i s h Columbia furthered t h i s trend by including the "universal and equal r i g h t of 20 suffrage" i n i t s platform f o r 1900. The Pr o v i n c i a l Progressive Party meeting i n Kamloops i n 1902 also decided to recommend the in c l u s i o n of women i n the province's electorate i n spite of opposition from some s o c i a l i s t 21 delegates. E. T. Kingsley, the delegate from Nanaimo, argued that woman suffrage was " i r r e l e v a n t " since the 22 "class struggle was the r e a l issue." - Delegate Bulmer of Rossland voiced the fear that women were i n t r i n s i c a l l y conservative and therefore should be l e f t p o l i t i c a l l y 23 powerless. These men, however, represented a minority opinion among s o c i a l i s t s as the advocacy of adult suffrage 109 remained a permanent p o l i c y of the B r i t i s h Columbia S o c i a l i s t 24 Party. The s o c i a l i s t s ' stand on t h i s issue derived from t h e i r nominally e g a l i t a r i a n ethic, and t h e i r desire to maximize the number of th e i r e l e c t o r a l supporters. The fact that numerous European s o c i a l i s t parties demanded f u l l voting r i g h t s f o r a l l c i t i z e n s may also have been i n f l u -e n t i a l . Local p o l i t i c i a n s gradually began to lobby for the extension of the franchise to women at a l l l e v e l s . The B r i t i s h Columbia School Trustess Association n o t i f i e d Premier McBride that they supported the 1913 suffrage delegation to the l e g i s l a t u r e and warned him that public opinion was "strongly s e t t l i n g i n t h i s b e h a l f " . 2 5 In February 1909 Mayor H a l l of V i c t o r i a presented the pr o v i n c i a l government with a resolution unanimously passed by the V i c t o r i a c i t y council which declared that the municipal franchise should be accessible to a l l adult 2& women c i t i z e n s upon the payment of a $2 .00 tax. The Vi c t o r i a c i t y council r e i t e r a t e d i t s backing f o r an expanded female franchise by pe t i t i o n i n g the 1914 session of the pr o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e to a l t e r the r e s t r i c t i o n s placed 27 on women i n municipal ele c t i o n s . Some Vancouver municipal p o l i t i c i a n s also championed woman suffrage. They recommended the re v i s i o n of the c i t y ' s charter to include women on the voters' l i s t and took an in t e r e s t i n the p r o v i n c i a l campaign by joining suffrage organizations 110 28 and addressing meetings on the topi c . The interest of l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s i n t h i s issue may have r e f l e c t e d the strength of the movement i n these c i t i e s . Also i n f l u e n t i a l was the fac t that some women q u a l i f i e d f o r the municipal and school board franchises and therefore possessed a degree of p o l i t i c a l power at these l e v e l s . The s u f f r a g i s t s found additional a l l i e s i n various sections of the reform community primarily i d e n t i f i e d with men. The most longstanding support from t h i s area was that tendered by clergymen of various Protestant denom-inations i n the province. During the f i r s t two decades of the campaign, in d i v i d u a l ministers endorsed p o l i t i c a l equality for women as a chaage conducive to the moral improvement of the community. Bishop Perrin, head of the Anglican Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia, championed woman suffrage by claiming " i f society i s to be purged, i t must 29 be by women . . . we need women di r e c t o r s . " 7 Expanding on t h i s theme, Congregationalist Reverend John Simpson exorted the e l i g i b l e women i n his church to vote i n the upcoming municipal e l e c t i o n "with C h r i s t i n mind . . . 30 f o r the welfare of t h e i r homes and the c i t y . " ^ Several s o c i a l gospel ministers defended the s u f f r a g i s t s i n the V i c t o r i a municipal franchise controversy by arguing that property ownership and payment of taxes were not neeessary prerequisites f o r creating a moral electorate and consequently I l l women should he e l i g i b l e to vote.-' 1 In 1913 the Methodist Conference of B r i t i s h Columbia o f f i c i a l l y endorsed p o l i t i c a l equality for women as " i t would greatly aid i n the moral u p l i f t of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s f o r which we are 32 a l l working."-7 The following year the favourable attitude on t h i s issue previously demonstrated by i n d i v i d u a l ministers and the B r i t i s h Columbia Methodist Conference was o f f i c i a l l y endorsed by a l l the major protestant denominations 33 i n the province and Canada. J M i n i s t e r i a l i n t e r e s t i n the extension of the franchise to women was frequently prompted by the association of serveral s u f f r a g i s t s with temperance endeavours. Reverend J . C. Speer, pastor of V i c t o r i a Metropolitan Methodist Church, presented a woman suffrage p e t i t i o n to the l e g i s l a t u r e i n his capacity as president of the B. C. Al l i a n c e , a men's proh i b i t i o n organization.- 7^ Clergymen informed the annual meetings of the WCTU of t h e i r simultaneous support of the women's temperance and p o l i t i c a l campaigns and argued p u b l i c l y that women should , share equal franchise r i g h t s with men i n order to express 35 an opinion on the li q u o r t r a f f i c . J From 1913 to 1916 the strongest support f o r the su f f r a g i s t s came from those .denominations most c l o s e l y associated with the s o c i a l gospel and p r o h i b i t i o n i s t movements. The Western Methodist Recorder published the "Suffrage Sermonette" from February 1914 u n t i l October 1915 i n which Florence H a l l argued that p o l i t i c a l equality was 36 not a v i o l a t i o n of the divine order^ but a step towards establishing "the Kingdom of God r i g h t here and now,"^^ the major goal of the s o c i a l gospel ministers. She assured her readers that enfranchised women would s t r i v e to eliminate the influence of the bartender and "every e v i l 3fi that would produce moral p o l l u t i o n . " R e f l e c t i n g a si m i l a r point of view, the editor of the Presbyterian Westminster H a l l Magazine and Farthest West Review lamented "there has been too much tendency . . . to forget that national as well as domestic l i f e i s a partnership 39 between the s e x e s . H e predicted that a f t e r the granting of woman suffrage "the race would at once take the b i g step forward which must in e v i t a b l y ensue when woman has a d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l influence i n the s o c i a l and moral conditions of the country and people."^® Ministers of the Methodist, Presbyterian, Baptist and Congregationalist churches regularly continued to n o t i f y t h e i r parishoners, the public and the government of t h e i r p o s i t i o n on the issue and request t h e i r support i n the campaign and the referendum. The majority of the s u f f r a g i s t s viewed the sanctioning of t h e i r e f f o r t s by the various Protestant denominations i n the province as p a r t i c u l a r l y valuable i n influencing those members of the public opposed to changes i n t r a d i t i o n a l r e lationships between men and women. Some secular reformers, most notably the trade unionists, expressed t h e i r support f o r the extension of the franchise to women. In accordance with the e a r l i e r l a b o u r - s o c i a l i s t sponsorship of woman suffrage b i l l s , the Vancouver Trades and Labour Council endorsed "adult suffrage including the franchise f o r women" i n 1910. The following year the f i r s t annual meeting of the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Federation of Labour passed a sim i l a r 43 resolution introduced by a V i c t o r i a delegate. ^ The position of organized labour i n the province i n t h i s regard was well i n advance of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada which did not issue a d i r e c t i v e to a s s i s t i n the woman suffrage campaign u n t i l 1913. P r i o r to the 1914 session of the l e g i s l a t u r e , sixteen Vancouver trade unions n o t i f i e d the pr o v i n c i a l government that t h e i r membership of over 1,100 men and women unanimously backed f u l l p o l i t i c a l equality for women.^ The 1914 convention of the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour r a t i f i e d i t s e a r l i e r stand on the matter on the grounds that women voters would "support and expand working class pressure", p a r t i c u l a r l y as ;women increasingly entered the work f o r c e . ^ Although organized labour o f f i c i a l l y upheld the goal of woman suffrage, i t s support was not unqualified. The extension of the franchise to women was never a v i t a l concern of the province's trade unions and consequently t h e i r support waned whenever they perceived a possible c o n f l i c t of intere s t between trade unionists and s u f f r a g i s t s . The strengthening of t i e s between some s u f f r a g i s t s and the L i b e r a l Party during 1915 reaffirmed the contention of some trade unionists that enfranchised women would not 4 7 support labour candidates and issues. f Thereafter, t h e i r involvement i n the campaign was d r a s t i c a l l y c u r t a i l e d . The 1916 and 1917 conventions of the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour did not discuss woman suffrage. R e f l e c t i n g t h i s attitude, the B. C. Federationist terminated i t s considerable and sympathetic coverage of suffrage events with a h o s t i l e editorial which declared that the c a p i t a l i s t s would enfranchise women i n order to gain t h e i r support 48 against union men, p a r t i c u l a r l y returned veterans. With the exception of a b r i e f notice i n A p r i l 1917 that working-class women should r e g i s t e r to vote i n pr o v i n c i a l elections, organized labour's silence was not revoked; u n t i l the announcement of a r e s t r i c t e d federal female franchise under the terms of the War-Times Elections Act. On the recommendation of Helena Gutteridge, the Vancouver Trades and Labor Council passed a resolution condemning the act and demanding equal access to the b a l l o t f o r a l l 4 9 adult women c i t i z e n s . Apart from Helena Gutteridge, the Council members expressed inte r e s t i n t h i s issue primarily because they feared that the federal government was de l i b e r a t e l y manipulating the electorate to strengthen 1 1 5 i t s p o s i t i o n on conscription which was unpopular with organized labour.-' 0 Throughout the campaign to secure p o l i t i c a l equality for women, the s u f f r a g i s t s also received demonstrations of support from members of the public not necessarily connected with special i n t e r e s t or p o l i t i c a l groups. This backing usually took the form of signing p e t i t i o n s . In 1891 1,00$ residents of V i c t o r i a ^ 1 and 549 residents of 62 New Westminster^ - signed a p e t i t i o n to extend the p r o v i n c i a l franchise to women. By 1897 2,411 women i n the lower mainland were w i l l i n g to endorse the measure. J The following year 2,577 men and women indicated their approval 54 in t h i s manner."^ Much larger p e t i t i o n s were presented by the s u f f r a g i s t s i n the f i n a l stages of the campaign to refute McBride*s charge that there was no general i n t e r e s t i n the issue. In 1913^ and 1914^ the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League presented p e t i t i o n s containing 10,000 and 7,000 signatures respectively. While the petitions were never signed by a majority of the electorate, they did show that large numbers of men and women i n the province were neither opposed nor i n d i f f e r e n t to the cause.^ The s u f f r a g i s t s ' claims i n t h i s regard were confirmed by the overwhelmingly affirmative endorsement of the woman suffrage referendum i n 1916. The residents of B r i t i s h Columbia i n i t i a l l y exhibited a mixed reaction to the B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement which ranged from outright h o s t i l i t y to active support. The a b i l i t y of the s u f f r a g i s t s to expand t h e i r active supporters from a small group of women i n 1890 to a large percentage of the male electorate i n 1916 indicated the success of t h e i r campaign to a l t e r the attitude that p o l i t i c s was r i g h t f u l l y the concern only of men. The favourable response of a large segment of the B r i t i s h Columbia population also r e f l e c t e d the growing popularity of the progressive movement i n the province, p a r t i c u l a r l y amongst groups and individ u a l s which did not have a vested i n t e r e s t i n the status quo. Footnotes 1. See, f o r example, The Champion I (July 1913)» 4. 2. For example, the McBride government's handling of the 1909 l o c a l option referendum and the 1915 p r o h i b i t i o n i s t movement. See Adams, "A Study of the Use of P l e b i s c i t e s and Referendums By the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia," 24-37 and Hopkins, ed., Canadian Annual Review 1915. 732. 3. B. C. Federationist. 31 October 1913. 4. Ibid., 12 December 1913. 5. Daily Colonist. 24 A p r i l 1897. 6. See, for example, Daily Colonist, 26 March 1907 and V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 30 January 1908. 7. See, for example, Province, 7 March 1913, Daily  N ews-Advert i s er. 25 May 1913. 8. See, f o r example, Daily News-Advertiser, 13 January 1912 and i b i d . , 28 October 1912. 9. See, f o r example, V i c t o r i a Daily Times, 10 January 1908 and Province, 2 November 1910. 10. See, for example, the Daily Colonist's b r i e f coverage of Mrs. Emmeline Pankhurst's V i c t o r i a v i s i t , 22 December 1911. 11. See, for example, The Champion II (February 1914)t 5. 12. See, for example, B. C. Federationist 11 June 1915. 13; Interview with Mary .Norton,suffragist, 1974. 14. Interview with Frances Barr, daughter of Maria Grant, 1973. 15. The d i v i s i o n s , a l l against woman suffrage, were; 1891 10-17; 1893 10-22; 1897 12-16; 1898 10-18; 1899 15-17; 1902 12-15; 1904 16-20; 1906 12-24; 1909 13-23; 1913 9-23; 1914 10-23; 1916 6-24. B r i t i s h Columbia Journals of the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly (1891), 79; i b i d . , (1893), 10; i b i d . , (1897), 93; i b i d . , (1898), 120; i b i d . , (1899), 65; i b i d . , (1902), 84; i b i d . , (1904), 36; i b i d . , (1906),5; i b i d . , (1909), 30; i b i d . , (1913), 55; i b i d . , (1914), 27; i b i d . , (1916), 23. 118 1 6 . The L i b e r a l s voted 1904, 9 yea-4 nay; 1906 9 yea-6 nay; 1909 9 yea-2 nay while the Conservatives voted 1904 1 yea-15 nay; 1906 0 yea-18 nay; 1909 1 yea-21 nay. The S o c i a l i s t s voted s o l i d l y a f firmative. 17. The absence of a p r o v i n c i a l hansard and poor newspaper coverage of woman suffrage debates severely complicates the task of determining why in d i v i d u a l members supported or rejected the measure. The f a c t that 3 of the 9 Conservative dissidents represented constituencies i n which the previous members had voted f o r the b i l l s may have influenced t h e i r voting record. Four of the Conserva* t i v e suffrage advocates reversed t h e i r previous opposition to the measure either i n response to the demands of t h e i r constituents or to t h e i r own change of attit u d e . 18. Vancouver^World. 14 May 1894 as c i t e d i n T. Loosmore, "The B r i t i s h Columbia Labor Movement and P o l i t i c a l Action, 1879-1906" (M.A. thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1954), v i i i . 19. Nanaimo Free Press. 7 March 1894 as cited i n Loosmore, i b i d . , x i . 20. The Independent. 26 May 1900. 21. Ibid., 9 A p r i l 1902. This decision was reaffirmed the following year. See Minutes of the P r o v i n c i a l Progressive Party, New Denver, August 19©3 a s c i t e d i n Loosmore, i b i d . , xxix. 22. The Independent, 4 A p r i l . 1902. For l a t e r examples of t h i s sentiment see The Western Clarion , 10 December 1910; i b i d . , 27 September 1913; i b i d . , February 1916 and i b i d . , June 1917. 2 3 . The Independent. 4 A p r i l 1902. 24. See, for example, The Western Clar i o n . 12 January 1907. 2 5 . J . J . Dougan to McBride. 15 February 1913. McBride Papers, 1913, F i l e 97. 26. V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 11 February 1909. 27. B r i t i s h Columbia, Journals of the L e g i s l a t i v e  Assembly (1914), 45. 28. See, for example, Province. 5 May 1911; Vancouver World, 6 May 1911, Vancouver S o c i a l Register and Club 119 Directory 1914. 9 2 and B. C. Federationist. 3 July 1914. 2 9 . Daily Colonist. 5 February 1899. 3 0 . Province, 8 January 1906. 31. See, for example, Daily Colonist. 24 March 1907. 32. R. F. Stillman to McBride. 16 February 1914. McBride Papers, 1914, F i l e 77. See also Methodist Church, Department of Soc i a l Service and Evangelism, Report 1913-1914 (n. p l . t n. pub., n.d.), 5 2 . 33. S o c i a l Service Congress, Report of Addresses  and Proceedings. 1914 (Toronto: S o c i a l Service Council of Canada, n.d.), 358. 34. B r i t i s h Columbia, Journals of the L e g i s l a t i v e  Assembly (1899), x x x i i i . 35. See, for examples, WCTU Report (1908): 16-17 and V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 9 November 1909. Secular temperance organizations with r e l i g i o u s connections such as the Sons of Temperance and the Local Option League l a t e r endorsed woman suffrage but did not work on the s u f f r a g i s t s 1 behalf. See E. MacGill, My Mother the Judge. 1 2 5 and C. Cleverdon, The Woman Suffrage Movement i n Canada. 90. 36. See, for example, Western Methodist Recorder (September 1914)i 19-21. 37. Ibid., (March 1914)* 9. 38. Ibid. 39. Westminster H a l l Magazine and Farthest West  Review III (February 1913)* 2 3 . 40. Ibid., 22. 41. See, f o r example, E. M. Fenner to McBride. 28 February 1914. McBride Papers, 1914, F i l e 77; Methodist Church, Department of Social Service and Evangelism, Report 1915-1916 (Toronto* n. pub., n.d.), 55; ». E. Runnals, "A History of Knox United Church Prince George," 1945, Special C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n , Library, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, 32; V i c t o r i a Daily Times, 31 July 1916 and Daily News-Advertiser, 3 September 1916. 120 4 2 . Vancouver World. 30 A p r i l 1 9 1 0 . 4 3 . Ibid., 2 5 March 1911 . 4 4 . M. Draper to Vancouver Trades and Labour Council. 20 March 1 9 1 3 . Vancouver Trades and Labour Council, Minutes of Regular Meetings 1912-1916 , Special Collections D i v i s i o n , Library, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. 4 5 . McBride Papers, 1 9 1 3 . F i l e 97 and McBride Papers, 1914 , F i l e 7 7 . 4 6 . B. C. Federationist. 6 February 1914 . 4 7 . See, for example, i b i d . , 2 A p r i l 1 9 1 5 . 4 8 . Ibid., 14 A p r i l 1 9 1 6 . 4 9 . I b i d . , 9 July 1917 and Province 17 September 1917 . 50< Ibid. 51. B r i t i s h Columbia, Sessional Papers ( 1 8 9 1 ) , 3 9 7 . 5 2 . Ibid., 4 1 7 . 5 3 . B r i t i s h Columbia, Journals of the L e g i s l a t i v e  Assembly ( 1 8 9 7 ) , c i x - c x v i i and 7 1 . 5 4 . Ibid., ( 1 8 9 8 ) , l i x and 7 6 . 5 5 . The Champion I (March 1 9 1 3 ) « 7 . 5 6 . B r i t i s h Columbia, Journals of the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly ( 1 9 1 4 ) , 52 and 5 4 . 5 7 . T a c i t recognition of the growing strength of the s u f f r a g i s t cause also came inadvertantly from some merchants i n V i c t o r i a and Vancouver. Hoping to e l i c i t a favorable response from t h e i r c l i e n t e l e , they placed commercial advertisements based on woman suffrage themes i n the d a i l y press. See, f o r example, Daily Colonist. 21 December 1911 ; Province, 1 5 December 1915 and i b i d . , 7 January 1 9 1 6 . Conclusion Women i n B r i t i s h Columbia were motivated to seek woman suffrage for two primary reasons. Some s u f f r a g i s t s — a minority p r i o r to 1910 but one which increased i n strength thereafter — demanded equal access to the franchise as the democratic r i g h t of a l l adult c i t i z e n s . This p o s i t i o n derived from English and American t r a d i t i o n s of l i b e r a l individualism. The majority of the s u f f r a g i s t s , however, sought equal p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s not only as a recognition of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l equality with men but as a means to enable them to promote s p e c i f i c s o c i a l reforms and to secure equal ri g h t s for women within family law. This group drew on the l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n insofar as i t maintained that the ar b i t r a r y standard which automatically accorded women a secondary status was unjust. In t h e i r emphasis on laws for the protection of women and children, however, the reformers t a c i t l y conceded that women and children constituted a s p e c i f i c group which was p a r t i c u l a r l y vulnerable to exploitation unless protected by s p e c i f i c l e g i s l a t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , they argued that family and community l i f e required protection from such adverse influences as alcohol abuse and p o l i t i c a l corruption. Consequently they held that the state should intervene 121 i n areas of s o c i a l behaviour where i n d i v i d u a l interests had become c o l l e c t i v e ones. In t h i s sense the B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement could be characterized as a campaign to preserve and extend the in d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y of those members of the community who shared the su f f r a g i s t s ' world view. A l l of the s u f f r a g i s t s believed that the problem of the subordinate status of women would be solved by l e g i s l a t i v e action. The majority of the campaigners f a i l e d to r e a l i z e that the basis of t h e i r subordination to men had more fundamental causes than those created by le g a l r e s t r i c t i o n s . On the whole they did not regard marriage and the family as obstacles to women's equality. Rather, they argued that both private and public l i f e should represent an equal partnership between the sexes, a s i t u a t i o n which, they alleged, would occur automatically once women were accorded equal p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s with men. Indicative of t h e i r f a i t h i n l e g i s l a t i v e solutions, several Vancouver s u f f r a g i s t s formed the Women's New Era League shortly after the successful passage of the woman suffrage referendum i n order to lobby for the r e v i s i o n of laws which they deemed unfair to women and children. The s u f f r a g i s t s attempted to apply s i m i l a r l y shallow solutions to other s o c i a l problems confronting t h e i r society. In conjunction with many other reformers of t h e i r era, they advocated a campaign of persuasion backed by r e s t r i c t i v e l e g i s l a t i o n to force t h e i r standards upon the increasingly heterogeneous population of the province. The naivete of the s u f f r a g i s t s ' and t h e i r fellow reformers' b;elief i n the eff i c a c y of l e g i s l a t i o n derived from t h e i r overly optimistic view of the p o s s i b i l i t y of human perfection and t h e i r " s o c i a l Christian's confidence i n the 2 force of good." This easy acceptance of the l e g i s l a t i v e remedy was ch a r a c t e r i s t i c of the progressive movement i n general. In common with other sections of the Canadian progressive movement, some B r i t i s h Columbia s u f f r a g i s t s , while seeking l e g i s l a t i v e solutions to t h e i r problems, renounced the party system i n government. They maintained that women could best p a r t i c i p a t e i n government as voters and p o l i t i c i a n s by remaining nonpartisan and judging each issue on i t s merits. The f i r s t women to contest p r o v i n c i a l elections i n B r i t i s h Columbia demonstrated the strength of t h e i r commitment of t h i s i d e a l . C e c i l i a Spofford, a t h i r t y year veteran of the province's woman suffrage campaign ran as a candidate of the Women's Independent P o l i t i c a l Association i n the V i c t o r i a r i d i n g vacated by the death of Premier Brewster i n 1918. Despite her defeat, the group also sponsored women i n the 1919 V i c t o r i a municipal and school board elections. Spofford enjoyed more success i n these elections as she was elected a L trustee on the V i c t o r i a school board. Mary E l l e n Smith, 124 the f i r s t woman elected to the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e , i n i t i a l l y campaigned as an independent i n Vancouver i n 1918, 5 Although she subsequently joined the L i b e r a l Party and was re-elected as a L i b e r a l i n 1920, she continued to rebel .against party d i s c i p l i n e . In 1921 she resigned her cabinet p o s i t i o n i n the John Oliver govern-ment on the grounds that I have been i n the unfortunate p o s i t i o n of having to assume the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of (sic) acts of the government without being i n a position to c r i t i c i z e or advise* I am after a l l primarily interested i n women and children and no matter what government has the power, as long as I can serve the people who I have the honour to represent, then I s h a l l f i n d the happiness that public l i f e gives," This insistence on remaining outside of the regular p o l i t i c a l process paradoxically increased the obstacles which prevented women from p a r t i c i p a t i n g more f u l l y i n govern-ment. As the progressive movement declined i n the 1920s, women subscribing to t h i s point of view were increasingly i s o l a t e d i n p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s . The p o s s i b i l i t y of a more equitable and public r o l e for women as a r e s u l t of securing equal access to the b a l l o t was also hindered by the tendency of many s u f f r a g i s t s to demand greater autonomy for women i n p o l i t i c s i n order that women might defend more e f f e c t i v e l y t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the family. By arguing that women must enter the p o l i t i c a l process s o l e l y because many of the former concerns of the family had moved into the public sphere, these s u f f r a g i s t s reinforced the t r a d i t i o n a l notion that women were 'naturally* concerned only with domestic a f f a i r s . As a re s u l t of t h i s perspective they f a i l e d to recognize that campaigning f o r the vote or any other measure represented a d i s t i n c t departure from the behavior t r a d i t i o n a l l y designated appropriate for women. As J i l l Conway points out i n reference to the American reformers, "the consequence of t h i s f a i l u r e to question t r a d i t i o n a l views of femininity meant that the genuine changes of behavior and the impact of women's s o c i a l 7 c r i t i c i s m were short-lived."' During the 1920s B r i t i s h Columbia women, i n common with most women i n Canada, g remained primarily i d e n t i f i e d with the home. The B r i t i s h Columbia woman suffrage movement accomplished l i t t l e change i n the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of women aside from securing for them the r i g h t to vote. The Women's Independent P o l i t i c a l Association collapsed as the reform impulse which supported the woman suffrage movement declined. Women candidates remained exceptional o i n elections for a l l l e v e l s of government.^ Many of the reforms envisioned by the s u f f r a g i s t s f a i l e d to materialize. Despite these shortcomings, however, the movement was successful i n i t s immediate goal of securing the vote and with i t the recognition of women's equal c i t i z e n s h i p . The s u f f r a g i s t s were also instrumental i n promoting the passage of l e g i s l a t i o n which granted women new ri g h t s i n family law and i n the workplace, thereby ameliorating many problems. The lim i t e d scope of the s u f f r a g i s t s ' reform v i s i o n prevented them from undertaking more fundamental changes. 127 Footnotes 1. H. G. MacGill, "The Story of Vancouver Social Service," 5 4 - 5 5 . 2 . V. Strong-Boag, Introduction to In Times Like  These by N e l l i e McClung (rpt. 1915J Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1972)./ 3 . M. Cramer, " B r i t i s h Columbia Woman Suffragei A V i c t o r i a Viewpoint" (M.A. thesis, University of V i c t o r i a , 1 9 7 3 ) . 4 7 . 4 . V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 18 February 1 9 3 8 . 5 . B. C. Federationist, 18 January 1 9 1 8 . 6 . As c i t e d i n C. Roberts and A. Tunnell, eds., A Standard Dictionary of Canadian Biographyt Canadian  Who Was Who, v o l . 2 (Torontot Trans-Canada Press, 1 9 3 8 ) , 7 . J . Conway, "Women Reformers and American Culture, 1 8 7 0 - 1 9 3 0 , " Journal of Soc i a l History V (Winter 1 9 7 1 - 1 9 7 2 )t 1 7 4 . 8 . For a discussion of t h i s trend see " i . . 'And Things Were Going Wrong at Home*," A t l a n t i s I ( F a l l 1975)» 3 8 - 4 4 . 9 . For example, only 16 women had been elected to the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a t u r e by March 1 9 6 8 , 51 years a f t e r women won that r i g h t . See Vancouver News Herald. 5 October 1946 and Sun. 19 March 1 9 6 8 . No B r i t i s h Columbia c i t y has elected a woman mayor. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY I. Published A Government Documents 1 Federal Canada. Census of Canada. 1891» 1901, 1911, 1921. . Commons Debates. 1885, 1900, 1906, 1916-1919. . Department of Labour. Legal Status of Women i n Canada. 1924. . 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Garner, J„ The Franchise and P o l i t i c s i n B r i t i s h North  America 1755-1^67. Canadian Studies i n History and Govern-ment, no. 13. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969. Gemmill, J . A. et a l . , eds. The Canadian Parliamentary  Companion. 1890-1900. Ottawa: J . Durie and Sons and others, 1890-1900. Gosnell, R. E. A History of B r i t i s h Columbia, n. p l . r H i l l Binding Co., 1906. 138 ^ The Yearbook of B r i t i s h Columbia and Manual of Pr o v i n c i a l Information!, 5 v o l . V i c t o r i a * n. pub., 1897-1914": Gould, J . Women of B r i t i s h Columbia. Saanichton, B r i t i s h Columbia* Hancock House, 1975. Gregson, H. The History of V i c t o r i a . 1842-1970. V i c t o r i a * V i c t o r i a Observer Publishing, 1970. Grimes, A. The Puritan Ethic and Woman Suffrage. New York* Oxford University Press, 1967. Harper, E. H., ed. The History of Woman Suffrage. Vol. VI. New York* J . J . L i t t l e and Ives Company, 1922. Harrison, B. Drink and the Victorians* The Temperance  Question i n England 1815-1872. London* Faber and Faber, , 1971. Hofstader, R. The Age of Reform. New York* Random House Inc., I960. Hopkins, J . , ed. Canadian Annual Review. 1902-1917. Toronto* Annual Review Publishing Company, 1903-1918. Howay, F. W. B r i t i s h Columbia The Making of a Province. Toronto* Ryerson Press, 1928. International Council of Women. Hi s t o r i e s of the A f f i l i a t e d National Councils. 1888?1938. Brussels* n. pub., 1938. Johnson, H. A History of Public Education i n B r i t i s h  Columbia... V i c t o r i a * Morrass P r i n t i n g Company Ltd., 1964. Kerr, J . B. Biographical Dictionary of Well-Known B r i t i s h  Columbians. Vancouver* Kerr and Begg, 1890. Kesterton, W. H. A History of Journalism i n Canada. Toronto* McClelland and Stewart, 1967. Kraditor, A. The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement.  1890-1920. Garden C i t y , New York* Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1971. ., ed. Up From the Pedestal. Chicago* Quadrangle Books, 1968. Lloyd, T. Suffragettes International, The World Wide  Campaign for Women's Rights"! London* BPC Unit 7 5 . 1971 139 MacGill, E. My Mother the Judge. Torontot Ryerson Press, 1955. MacGill, H. G. Laws for Women and Children i n B r i t i s h  Columbia. Vancouver: B. C. Equality League, 1925. . Laws for Women and Children i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Vancouvert McBeath-Campbell, Ltd., 1928. Magurn, A. J . , et a l . , eds. The Canadian Parliamentary  Guide. 1901-1918, 1927, 1940, 1953. Ottawat Mortimer Company Limited Printers and Others, 1901-1918, 1927, 1940, 1953. M i t c h e l l , 0. The Fighting Pankhursts. Londoni Cape, 196?. Grmsby, M. A. B r i t i s h Columbiat A History. Student Edition. Vancouver! Evergreen Press, 1971. Ni c o l , E. Vancouver. Toronto! Doubleday Canada Ltd., 1970. Parker, C. w . , ed. Who's Who i n Western Canada. Vancouver, Winnipeg, etci Canadian Press Association, Ltd., 1911. . Who's Who^and Why. Vancouver, Winnipeg, etc.! Canadian Press Association, Ltd., 1912. P h i l l i p s , P. A. No Power Greater! A Century of Labour i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Vancouver! B. C. Federation of Labour Boag Foundation, 1967. Pope, J . Memoirs of the Right Honourable S i r John Alexander  Macdonald, G. C. B., F i r s t Prime Minister of the Dominion  of Canad"a. 2 vols. Londoni Edward Arnold, 1894.-Popham, R. and Schmidt, W. S t a t i s t i c s on Alcohol Use and  Alcoholism i n Canada 1875-1956. Toronto! University of Toronto Press, 1958. Raeburn, A. The M i l i t a n t Suffragette. Londoni Michael Joseph, 1973. Ramelson, M. The Petticoat Rebellion. Londoni Lawrence and Wishart, lWF» Ridley, H, A Synopsis of Woman Suffrage i n Canada. [Toronto]! n. pub., L 1 9 3 7 J . Roberts, G. and Tunnell, A., eds. A Standard Dictionary  of Canadian Biography. Vol. I I . Torontoi Trans-Canada Press, 1938. 140 Rover, C. Women's Suffrage and Party P o l i t i c s i n Great  B r i t a i n . 1866-1914. Londont Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1967.' Seholefield, E. 0. S. and Howay, F. W. B r i t i s h Columbia  from E a r l i e t Times to the Present. Vancouver! S. J . Clarke Publishing Company, 1914. Shaw, P. Proud Heritage. A History of the National Council  of Women of Canada. Torontot Ryerson Press, 1957. Skelton, 0. D. L i f e and Letters of S i r W i l f r i d Laurier. Vol. I I . 1921: r p t . Torontot McClelland and Stewart, 1965. Spence, R. Pr o h i b i t i o n i n Canada. Torontot William Briggs, 1919. Smelser, N. The Theory of C o l l e c t i v e Behaviour. New York* Free Press, 1962. Smith, P. Come Give a Cheer! Vancouvert Evergreen Press, 1976. Strachey, R. The Cause. Londont G. B e l l and Sons, Ltd., 1928. . M i l l i e e n t Garrett Fawcett. Londont J . Murray, 1931. Strong-Boag, V., The Parliament of Woment The National  Council of Women of Canada. 1893-1929. Ottawat National Museums of Canada, 1976. Sutherland, N. Children i n English-Canadian Societyt: Framing the Twentieth Century Consensus. Toronto: Univer-s i t y of Toronto Press, 1976, Trofimenkoff, S. Mann and Prentice, A., eds. The Neglected  Majorityt Essays i n Canadian Women's History. Torontot McClelland and Stewart, 1977. Vicinus, M., ed. Suffer and Be S t i l l t Women i n the  Vic t o r i a n Age. Bloomingtont Indiana University Press, 1972. Who's Who i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Vol. IX. V i c t o r i a t Admark Ltd., 1953. Wiebe, H. The Search For Order, 1877-1920. New Yorkt-H i l l and Wang, 1967. II A r t i c l e s I L ± A l l e n , R. "The So c i a l Gospel and the Reform T r a d i t i o n i n Canada, 1 8 9 0 - 1 9 2 9 . " Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review XLIX (December 1968)i 381-399. Ault, N. A. "The Earnest Ladies1" P a c i f i c Northwest  Quarterly XLIII (1951)» 123-137. Careless, J . M. S. "Aspects of Urban L i f e i n the West, 1870-1914." i n P r a i r i e Perspectives. Vol. I I , 25-38. Editors A. Rasporich and H. C. Klassen. Toronto* Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada, [l973] i Conway, J . "Women Reformers and American Culture, 1870-1930." Joufcnal of Soc i a l History V (Winter 1971-1972)*: 164-177. Dobie, E. "Party History i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1903-1933." P a c i f i c Northwest Quarterly XXVIII ( A p r i l 1936)* 153-166. . "Some Aspects of Party History i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1903-1933." P a c i f i c H i s t o r i c a l Review I (June 1932)* 235-251. Gorham, D. "English Militancy i n the Canadian Suffrage Movement." A t l a n t i s I ( P a l l 1975)« 83-112. Haybell, G. "Agnes Deans Cameron, 1863-1912." B. C.  H i s t o r i c a l News VII (June 1974)* 18-25. Lasch, C. "What the Doctor Ordered." New York Review of  Books. XXII (11 December 1975)« 50-54. MacDonald, C. "How Saskatchewan Women Got the Vote." Saskatchewan History I (October 1948)* 1-8. MacDonald, N. "A C r i t i c a l Growth Cycle f o r Vancouver, 1900-1914." B.C. Studies XVII (Spring,1973)* 26-42. McGeer, A. "Agnes Deans Cameron, A Memory." B.C.  H i s t o r i c a l News VIII (November 1974)* 16-17. MacLean, U. "The Famous Five." Alberta H i s t o r i c a l Review^ X (Spring 1962)* 1-4. Mahood, S. "The Women's Suffrage Movement i n Canada and Saskatchewan." i n Women Unite! 21-30. Toronto* Canadian Women's Education Press, 1972. Menzies, J". "Votes for Saskatchewan's Women." i n P o l i t i c s i n Saskatchewan, 78-92. Editors N. Ward and D. Spafford. Lindsay, Ontario*;, Longmans Canada Ltd., 1968, 142 Morrison, T. "Their Proper Spheresi Feminism, the Family and Child-Centered So c i a l Reform i n Ontario, 1 8 7 5 - 1 9 0 0 . " Pt. I. Ontario History LXVIII (March 1 9 7 6 )t 4 5 - 6 4 . Morton, W. L". "The Extension of the Franchise i n Canada* A Study i n Democratic Nationalism." Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Association Report. 1943* 7 2 - 8 1 . Perry, A. "Is Woman Suffrage a F i z z l e ? " Maclean's Magazine (February 1 9 2 8 )t 6 - 7 , 5 8 - 5 9 , 6 3 . Rutherford, P. "Tomorrow's Metropolis! The Urban Reform Movement i n Canada, 1 8 8 0 - 1 9 2 0 . " Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Association H i s t o r i c a l Papers. 1971* 2 0 3 * 2 2 4 . Stamp, R. "Adelaide Hoodless, Champion of Women's Rights." i n P r o f i l e s of Candian Educators. 213-232. . Editors R. S. Patterson et a l . N. p l . t D. C. Heath Canada Ltd., 1 9 7 4 . Stoddard, J . and Strong-Boag, V. " . . . 'And Things Were Going Wrong At Home'." A t l a n t i s I ( F a l l 1975)* 3 8 - 4 4 . Strong-Boag, V. "Cousin C i n d e r e l l a . A Guide to H i s t o r i c a l L i t e r a t u r e Pertaining to Canadian Women." i n Women i n  Canada. 2 6 3-290. Editor M. Stephenson. Toronto* New Press, 1 9 7 3 . . "The Roots of Modern Canadian Feminism, The National Council of Women, 1 8 9 3 - 1 9 2 9 . " Canada A H i s t o r i c a l  Magazine III (December 1 9 7 5 ) « 2 2 - 3 3 . Tennyson, B. "Premier Hearst, the War and Votes f o r Women." Ontario History LVII (September 1965)» 1 1 5 - 1 2 1 . Thompson, J . H. "'The Beginnings of Our Regeneration'1 The Great War and Western Canadian Reform Movements." Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Association H i s t o r i c a l Papers. 1972* 2 2 7 - 2 4 5 . Voisey, P. "The 'Votes for Women' Movement." Alberta  History XXIII (Summer 1 9 7 5 ) » 1 0 - 2 3 . Welter, B. "The Cult of True Womanhood, 1 8 2 0 - 1 8 6 0 . ! ' American Quarterly XVIII (Summer 1 9 6 6 ) * 1 5 1 - 1 7 4 . "The Woman's Issue." Urban Reader I I I . 143 III Theses and Essays Adams, A. "A Study of the Use of P l e b i s c i t e s and Referendums By the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia." M.A. thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 5 8 . Bacchi-Ferraro, C. "The Ideas of the Canadian S u f f r a g i s t s , 1 8 9 0 - 1 9 2 0 . " M.A. thesis, M c G i l l University, 1 9 7 0 . C h r i s t i e , E. A. "The O f f i c i a l Attitudes and Opinions of the Presbyterian Church i n Canada With Respect to Public A f f a i r s and S o c i a l Problems, 1 8 7 5 - 1 9 2 5 . M M.A. thesis, University of Toronto, 1 9 5 5 * Cramer, M. " B r i t i s h Columbia Woman Suffrage« A V i c t o r i a Viewpoint." M.A. thesis, University of V i c t o r i a , 1 9 7 3 . Dwyer, M. J . "Laurier and the B r i t i s h Columbia L i b e r a l Party 1 8 9 6 - 1 9 1 1 . " M.A. thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 6 1 . E l l i s , W. "Some Aspects of Religion i n B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i e s . " M.A. thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 5 9 . Grantham, R. "Some Aspects of the S o c i a l i s t Movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 8 9 8 - 1 9 3 3 . " M.A. t h e s i s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 4 2 . Hiebert, J . A. "Prohibition i n B r i t i s h Columbia." M.A. thesis, Simon Fraser University, 1969'. Hunt, P. R. " T h e P o l i t i c a l Career of S i r Richard McBride." M.A. thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 5 3 . Kennedy, M. "The History of Presbyterianism i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 8 6 1 - 1 9 3 5 . " M.A. thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 3 8 . Lamb, B. "Origin and Development of Newspapers i n Vancouver." M.A. t h e s i s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 4 2 . Loosmore, T. "The B r i t i s h Columbia Labor Movement and P o l i t i c a l Action." M.A. thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 5 4 . Mercer, E. B.- " P o l i t i c a l Groups i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 8 8 3 -1 8 9 8 . " M.A. thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 3 7 . Mosher, S. "The Social Gospel i n B r i t i s h Columbia* S o c i a l Reform as a Dimension of Religion, 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 2 0 . " M.A. thesis, 144 University of V i c t o r i a , 1 9 7 4 . Nilsen, D. "The 'Social E v i l ' t P r o s t i t u t i o n i n Vancouver, 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 2 0 . " B.A. essay, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 7 6 . Richards, J . "Baptists i n B r i t i s h Columbia* A Struggle to Maintain 'Sectarianism"." M.A. thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 6 4 . Royce, M. "The Contribution of the Methodist Church to Social Welfare i n Canada.!' M.A., thesis, University of Toronto, 1 9 4 0 . Smith, B. R. D. " S i r Richard McBridet A Study i n the Conservative Party of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1903-1916." IT.A. thesis, Queen's University, 1959. Thorpe, W. L. "Lady Aberdeen and the National Council of Women of Canada." M.A. the s i s , Queen's University, 1 9 7 3 . U n d e r h i l l , Harold Fabian. "Labor L e g i s l a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia." PhD. di s s e r t a t i o n , University of C a l i f o r n i a , 1 9 3 6 . Weppler, D. "Early Forms of P o l i t i c a l A c t i v i t y Among White Women i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 8 8 0 - 1 9 2 5 . " M.A.. thesis, Simon Fraser University, 1 9 7 1 . I V Papers MacGill, H. G. "The Story of Vancouver So c i a l Service." Vancouver, 1 9 4 3 . Typescript held by Special Collections D i v i s i o n , Library, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. Mitchinson, W. "The Woman's Ch r i s t i a n Temperance Union* A Woman's Reform Organization 1 8 7 4 - 1 9 0 0 . " Paper presented at Mount Saint Vincent University, A p r i l 1 9 7 6 . Nelson, L. "Vancouver's Early Days and the Development of Her S o c i a l Services." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the So c i a l Worker's Club, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, May 1 8 , 1 9 3 4 . Runnals, F. E. "A History of Knox United Church Prince George." 1 9 4 5 . Paper held by Special C o l l e c t i o n s Div-i s i o n , Library*' University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. Appendix I Biographies of the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman Suffrage Leaders, 1890 - 1917 Bowes, Sarah organizer f o r the Woman's Ch r i s t i a n Temperance Union; single. Arrived i n Vancouver 1886. Organizer f o r the Woman's Chr i s t i a n Temperance Union from eastern Canada. F i r s t c i t y missionary f o r the WCTU i n Vancouver. Formed branches of the WCTU i n Vancouver and throughout the i n t e r i o r of the province. Vice-president of the Vancouver Local Council of Women 1905-1911 and convener of the Committee on Laws for the Protection of Women and Children 1909-1910. Methodist. H. G. MacGill, "The Story of Vancouver S o c i a l Service"; NCWC Report (1905-1911); WCTU Report (1886-1900). Cameron, Agnes Deans author, l e c t u r e r , educationalist and p o l i t i c i a n ; b. V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia, 1863, fa'. Duncan Cameron, miner and contractor, mo. b. Jessie Anderson; single; d. V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia, 1912. School teacher i n V i c t o r i a , Vancouver and Comox during the 1880s.' F i r s t woman teacher at V i c t o r i a High School, 1890-1894. F i r s t woman school p r i n c i p a l i n B r i t i s h Columbia at South Park School, V i c t o r i a , 1894-1905. Resigned over a d i s c i p l i n e dispute. Elected to the V i c t o r i a School Board 1906. A r t i c l e s published i n the l o c a l press, Century, A t l a n t i c Monthly. Saturday Evening Post and other journals, 1893-1912. Travelled extensively i n the North West T e r r i t o r i e s i n 1908, published The New North (1909) and The Outer T r a i l (1910). Lecturer and writer f o r the federal government i n Canada and i n Europe to encourage immigration, 1909-1911. Vice-president of the Canadian Women's Press Club 1911. Member of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women, the Society to Prevent Cruelty to Animals, the B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Society, the Ladies of the Macabees, the Young Women's Ch r i s t i a n Association and the B r i t i s h A g r i c u l t u r a l Association. Presbyterian. E. Forbes, Wild Roses at Their Feet (Vancouver, 1971); G. Haybell, "Agnes Deans Cameron, 1863-1912," B. C.  H i s t o r i c a l News VII; A. McGeer, "Agnes Deans Cameron, a Memory," i b i d . VIII; C. Parker, ed., Who's Who i n Western  Canada, 1911 (Vancouver, 1911); NCWC Report (1901. 1905. 1906); G. Roberts and A. Tunnell, eds., A Standard  Dictionary of Canadian Biographyt Canadian Who Was Who 145 146 v o l . 2 (Toronto, 1938); P. Smith, Come Give a Cheer! (Vancouver, 1976). Clark, Susan Lane teacher, j o u r n a l i s t , p o l i t i c i a n and housewife; b. San Francisco, C a l i f o r n i a , 1880s, f a . Nathaniel Lane, supervisor, C i t y of San Francisco; hus. James Al l a n Clark, p r i n t e r , 1 daughter and 3 sons; d. Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, 1956. Taught i n elementary, secondary and business schools i n the United States a f t e r completing a un i v e r s i t y extension course f o r teachers. Secretary of the f i r s t suffrage organization i n San Francisco formed by Susan Anthony. Emigrated to Canada i n 1907 with her Canadian husband. President of the Mount Pleasant Woman's Suffrage League 1913-1917. Co-editor of the B. C. Federationist suffrage page, 1913-1914. Chairman of the Vancouver C i t y Central Woman's Suffrage Referendum Campaign Committee, 1916. President of the New Era League, 1916-1917 and v i c e -president 1925. Member of the Mother's Pensions Board, the Vancouver Local Council of Women, the Parent-Teacher Association, the Federated Labour Party, the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada and the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation. During World War I B r i t i s h Columbia representative on the Canada Food Board. Advocate of a minimum wage for women, women probation o f f i c e r s , women factory inspectors, women judges and better conditions fo r orphans. Elected to the Vancouver Park Board 1938-1939. S o c i a l i s t . McBride Papers, 1914-1917 (BCPA); NCWC Report (1915)f Vancouver Women's Building Diary 1925 (Vancouver, 1925); B. C. Federationist. 1913-1914; Province. 28 November 1956; Sun. 10 May 1941; i b i d . , 28 November 1956. Crease, Susan Reynolds philanthropist; b. Cornwall, England, 1856, f a . S i r Henry Pering Pellew Crease, B r i t i s h Columbia Attorney-General 1864-1870 and Supreme Court Judge i n B r i t i s h Columbia, mo. b. Sarah Lindley; single; d. V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia, 1947. Emigrated to V i c t o r i a i n i860 with parents, 1862-1868 resided i n New Westminster, 1868-1947 l i v e d i n V i c t o r i a . Educated i n V i c t o r i a ' s private schools. Founding member of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women, president 1911-1921, 1923-1932, f i r s t l i f e member 1928. Executive member of the National Council of Women of Canada. Instrumental i n the v i s i t of Emmeline Pankhurst to V i c t o r i a i n 1912. 14? Union? m A n g l i c a ^ ° h r i S t C h u r c h ' v i c t o r i a and the Scripture S. Crease, Letters and Diaries I865-1943 (BCPA) p ! n K e ^ r » Biographical Dictionary of Weil-Known B r i t i s h Columbians (Vancouver, 1890) % NCWC Report (l895-TQ3?T7 D | i l y _ C ^ n i s t , 16 July 1947; VlotoHaBaliv TimesT 10 November 1945; i b i d . , 16 July 1947. — Davis, Dorothy author and housewife; b. England; hus. Capt. R. P. Bishop, surveyor. Pounding member of the V i c t o r i a P o l i t i c a l Equality League. P r o v i n c i a l organizer of the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League 1911-1913. Co-editor of The Champion 1912-1913. Founder of the Women's Freedom Union, V i c t o r i a , December 1913. Member of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women and the Colo n i a l International League. P o l i t i c a l l y non-partisan. The Champion 1912-1913; Correspondence, C i t y Archives, V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia; McBride Papers, 1913-1914 (BCPA); NCWC Report (1913). Grant, Helen Maria p o l i t i c i a n and housewife; b. Maitland, Nova Scotia, 1853» f a . George Smith; hus. William Grant, captain, trader and sealer, 2 sons; d. V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia, 1943. Following marriage i n 1873 l i v e d the next 13 years on the sea t r a v e l l i n g to South America, Europe, A f r i c a and Asia. Trained navigator. Settled i n V i c t o r i a with her family i n 1886. Charter member of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women, treasurer 1896-1917 and 1921 and vi c e -president 1922-1927. L i f e member of the National Council of Women of Canada. Member of the V i c t o r i a WCTU and active on i t s Home Committee 1909-1913. Member of the Home for Aged Women Society, the Protestant Orphanage and the Friendly Help Society. Elected to the V i c t o r i a School Board 1896-1902. Accorded the V i c t o r i a Best C i t i z e n ' s Award, 1929. Cousin, Amor de Cosmos (William Alexander Smith) Premier of B r i t i s h Columbia December 1872 to February 1874. Uncle, Judge Jonathan McCully, Senator. Baptist. NCWC Report (1895-1917, 1921-1927); Da i l y Colonist. 24 May 1929; i b i d . , 10 December 1933; V i c t o r i a D aily Times 27 October 1943. 148 Grant, Maria Heathfield p o l i t i c i a n , j o u r n a l i s t , minister and housewife? b. Quebec C i t y , Quebec, 1854, f a . Reverend William P o l l a r d , D i s t r i c t Supervisor of the Methodist Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia: hus. Gordon Grant, engineer, 5 daughters and 2 sons; d. V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia, 1937. Arrived i n V i c t o r i a i n 1867 with her parents. Founding member of the V i c t o r i a WCTU (1883) of which her mother was the f i r s t president. Charter member of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women 1894. Supervisor of the WCTU Department of P e t i t i o n , L e g i s l a t i o n and Franchise 1887-1915. President of the P r o v i n c i a l WCTU 1903-1905. Recording Secretary of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women 1895-1903, executive member of the ad hoc woman suffrage committee 1908-1909, chairman of the Committee on C i t i z e n s h i p 1909-1910 and chairman of the Committee on Laws f o r the Protection of Women and Children. 1916. Supporter of Susan Anthony's v i s i t to V i c t o r i a , 1871. F i r s t president of the V i c t o r i a P o l i t i c a l Equality League and the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League. Co-editor, l a t e r sole editor, of The Champion 1912-1914. Executive member of the Canadian Suffrage Association 1914. Elected to the V i c t o r i a School Board 1895-1896 and 1899-1900. Active supporter of the Children's Aid Society. Member of the Woman's Independent P o l i t i c a l Association 1917. Minister, V i c t o r i a Unity Centre 1917-1933. P o l i t i c a l l y non-partisan. Methodist.: rSrwn- C^A g h?S^7 h^ H i s t G r y of the Organization fej£?y'' ( B C ? A A 1 9 2 5 ) 5 Forbes, Wild Roses At Their p f t f it,. NCWC R|£or| (1895-1917);.Ross Bay Cemetery Records, ' V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia; WCTU Report (1885-1917), Daily Colonist, 31 March 1937; i b i d ; , 1 A p r i l 19371 3 1 i ^ C h 1 ? 3 7 , . ^ g t o r i a D a i 1 r ^ m m a 2 2 February 1919; SX2" i 5 , 5 f S e m b e r Wo; i b i d . , 14 December 1909; i b i d ; . 30 March 1937; Western Methodist Records (May 1937) Gutteridge, Helena Rose trade union a c t i v i s t , p o l i t i c i a n , j o u r n a l i s t , welfare o f f i c e r and farmer; b. London, England, 1879 or 1880; single; d. Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, I960; Attended the Regent Street Polytechnic and the Royal Sanitary I n s t i t u t e i n London, England. London suffragette 1908-1911. Emigrated to Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia 1911. Founder of the B r i t i s h Columbia Woman* s Suffrage League and co-editor of the B. G. Federationist woman suffrage page. Secretary of the United Suffrage Societies, 1915 and 1916. Secretary of the Vancouver C i t y Central Woman's 149 Suffrage Referendum Campaign Committee, 1916. Member of the Pioneer P o l i t i c a l Equality League and the Vancouver Local Council of Women. Served the Vancouver Trades and Labour Council as an organizer, secretary, business agent, treasurer, s t a t i s t i c i a n , vice-chairman and trustee. Correspondent for the Labour Gazette 1913-1921. Chairman of the Women's Minimum Wage League 1917. Active supporter of the Mother's Pension Act. Elected f i r s t woman alderman i n Vancouver i n 1937, sponsored by the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation. Re-elected 1939, defeated 1940. Chairman of the Vancouver Town Planning and Parks 1937. Secretary of the New Era League 1937. Contested the Van-couver Point Grey constituency i n 1941, defeated. Poultry farmer i n the Fraser Valley 1921-1932. Supervisor of the welfare o f f i c e of the Japanese internment camp at Slocan C i t y f o r the duration of World War I I . At the time of her death chairman of the Women* s International League f o r Peace. S o c i a l i s t . No denominational a f f i l i a t i o n . McBride Papers, 1915-1916 (BCPA); Vancouver Trades and Labour Council, Minutes of Regular Meetings, 1912-1920; B. C. Federationist 1913-1920; P a c i f i c Tribune 8 March 1957s Province. 3 October I960; Sua, 3 1 March 1937« i b i d . , 3 October I960; Vancouver News Herald, 1 5 October 1941. H a l l , Florence j o u r n a l i s t , educationalist and housewife; b. United States; hus. Reverend William Lashley H a l l , Methodist Minister. Superintendent of the WCTU Department of Evangelistic Work including hospitals, j a i l s and c i t y missions 1909-1 9 1 6 . . Active supporter of prisonn reform, women matrons and court procedure reforms. Member of the Vancouver Local Council of Women and the Vancouver P o l i t i c a l Equality League. Recruiter for the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League i n the Cariboo and Kootenay d i s t r i c t s of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1912-1915. Author of the "Suffrage Sermonette" column i n the Western Methodist  Recorder 1914-1915* Professional advisor to the Vancouver School Board p r i o r to 1925. Accompanied her husband to his various parishes throughout the province from 1 8 9 3 u n t i l 1 9 2 5 . Husband was a co-worker of the Booths i n the Salvation Army i n the 1880s and president of the B r i t i s h Columbia Methodist Conference i n 1914 which endorsed woman suffrage. Methodist. The Champion 1912-1914; McBride Papers 1914 (BCPA); WCTU Report (1909-1916); Western Methodist Recorder 1914-1915? B r i t i s h Columbian 23 January 1960; Province 19 December 1942. 150 H i l l , Agnes p o l i t i c i a n and housewife; b. St. John, New Brunswick, 1840s, f a . Alexander Lawrence; hus. Albert J . H i l l , geological surveyor and c i t y engineer New Westminster, B r i t i s h Columbia, 2 daughters and 2 sons. Moved to B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1882 with husband. President of the New Westminster Local Council of Women 1901-1902. Member of the National Council of Women of Canada Committee on Women on School Boards, 1904. Representative of the New Westminster Benevolent Society, the Baptist Missionary Society and the Ladies Baptist Aid at the New Westminster Local Council of Women 1903-1910. Elected to the New Westminster School Board 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 0 3 . Brother, W. Lawrence involved i n New Brunswick p o l i t i c s . Baptist. J . Kerr, Biographical Dictionary of Well-Known B r i t i s h  Columbians; NCWC Report (1900-1910). Jamieson, Laura Emma judge, p o l i t i c i a n , author and housewife; b. Head Park, Ontario, 1 8 8 3 , f a . Joseph Marshall, mo. b. Lucy Smith; hus. John Stuart Jamieson, juvenile court judge, 1 daughter and 1 son; d. Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 6 4 . Graduated from the University of Toronto 1 9 0 8 , Married John Stuart Jamieson i n 1911 and moved to Vancouver. A leading proponent of woman suffrage through the Vancouver University Women's Club, president 1 9 1 5 - 1 9 1 6 . Member of the Vancouver Local Council of Women 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 6 4 and vice-president 1 9 5 2 . Organized the Vancouver branch of the Women's International League f o r Peace and Freedom 1 9 2 1 and was corresponding secretary 1 9 2 5 . Secretary of the Vancouver Young Women's C h r i s t i a n Association 1926. Member of the B r i t i s h Columbia Public Library Commission 1 9 2 7 - 1 9 3 8 . Member of the Business and Professional Women's Club and the C i v i l L i b e r t i e s Union. Executive member of the Vancouver Women's Building Limited ( 1 9 2 5 ) , the Vancouver Housing Association, the Vancouver Branch of the Community Planning Association and the Women's School for C i t i z e n s h i p . Elected to the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e for Vancouver Centre 1939-1945 and 1952-1953, sponsored by the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation Party. Alderman i n Vancouver 1948 to 1 9 5 0 . Vice-president of the p r o v i n c i a l Co-operative Commonwealth Federation Party 1 9 5 0 - 1 9 5 1 . Author of Women Dry Those Tears (1940).. S o c i a l i s t . Unitarian. Canadian Parliamentary Guide, 1940; i b i d . , 1953; L. Jamieson, Correspondence and Personal Documents, 1921-19 (BCPA); Vancouver Women's Building Diary 1925; Who's Who 151 i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I X ( V i c t o r i a , 1 9 5 3 ) ; D e m o c r a t . 1 A u g u s t 1 9 6 4 : S u n 3 J u l y 1 9 6 4 . J e n k i n s , M a r g a r e t t e a c h e r , p o l i t i c i a n and h o u s e w i f e : b . E n g l a n d , 1 8 4 3 , f a . D e a c o n Townsend, C o n g r e g a t i o n a l M i n i s t e r : f i r s t h u s . F o x , s e c o n d h u s . D a v i d J e n k i n s , 7 c h i l d r e n and 9 s t e p - c h i l d r e n : d . V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1 9 2 3 . I n d e n t u r e d as a p u p i l t e a c h e r i n E n g l a n d a t age 1 4 . T r a v e l l e d t o C o l u m b o , C h i l e i n 1866 t o t e a c h . M a r r i e d F o x i n C h i l e , widowed 1876 w i t h 4 y o u n g c h i l d r e n . M a r r i e d D a v i d J e n k i n s i n 1 8 7 9 , c a r e d f o r t h e i r 16 c h i l d r e n . E m i g r a t e d t o V i c t o r i a i n 1 8 8 2 . F o u n d i n g member o f t h e V i c t o r i a WCTU i n 1883 and was t h e f i r s t p r o v i n c i a l . c o r r e s p o n d i n g s e c r e t a r y . V i c e - p r e s i d e n t o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l WCTU 1 8 8 7 - 1 8 8 8 . P r e s i d e n t o f t h e V i c t o r i a WCTU 1 9 0 0 . C h a r t e r and l i f e member o f t h e V i c t o r i a L o c a l C o u n c i l o f Women, r e c o r d i n g s e c r e t a r y 1 9 0 4 - 1 9 1 0 , v i c e - p r e s i d e n t 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 1 4 . E l e c t e d t o t h e V i c t o r i a S c h o o l B o a r d 1 8 9 7 -1898 and 1 9 0 2 - 1 9 1 9 , s p o n s o r e d b y t h e V i c t o r i a L o c a l C o u n c i l o f Women and t h e WCTU. Member o f t h e V i c t o r i a Women's C a n a d i a n C l u b , t h e C y m r o d i a n S o c i e t y , t h e M e t r o p o l i t a n M e t h o d i s t C h u r c h L a d i e s A i d , t h e Home N u r s i n g S o c i e t y , t h e L a d i e s A u x i l i a r y t o t h e Young M e n ' s C h r i s t i a n A s s o c i a t i o n and t h e V i c t o r i a Women's C o n s e r v a t i v e C l u b . C o n s e r v a t i v e . M e t h o d i s t . NCWC R e p o r t ( 1 8 9 5 - 1 9 1 7 ) ; WCTU R e p o r t ( 1 8 8 3 - 1 9 0 0 ) ; D a i l y C o l o n i s t 7 J u n e 1923t V i c t o r i a D a i l y T i m e s . 7 J u n e 1 9 2 3 . Kemp, J a n e t h o u s e w i f e ; b . 1 8 6 4 ; h u s . Kemp, 2 s o n s and 1 d a u g h t e r ; d . V a n c o u v e r , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I 9 6 0 . A r r i v e d i n V a n c o u v e r i n 1 8 8 9 . V i c e - p r e s i d e n t o f t h e V a n * c o u v e r L o c a l C o u n c i l o f Women 1905-1915 and c o n v e n e r o f t h e C o m m i t t e e on Laws f o r t h e P r o t e c t i o n o f Women and C h i l d r e n , 1 9 1 0 - 1 9 1 4 . L i f e member o f t h e N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l o f Women o f C a n a d a . P r o v i n c i a l c o n v e n e r o f t h e L e g i s l a t i v e C o m m i t t e e o f t h e B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a P o l i t i c a l E q u a l i t y L e a g u e , 1 9 1 3 - 1 9 1 4 . F o u n d i n g member o f t h e P r e s b y t e r i a n M i s s i o n C h u r c h i n Mount P l e a s a n t , V a n c o u v e r . L i f e member o f t h e U n i t e d C h u r c h Women's M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y . Member o f t h e A l e x a n d r a O r p h a n a g e , t h e L a d i e s o f t h e Macabees and t h e I m p e r i a l O r d e r o f D a u g h t e r s o f t h e E m p i r e . P r e s i d e n t o f t h e Widows, W i v e s and M o t h e r s o f G r e a t B r i t a i n H e r o e s ' A s s o c i a t i o n , 1 9 2 5 . A d v o c a t e o f m o t h e r ' s p e n s i o n s . D u r i n g W o r l d War I o r g a n i z e d 1800 women t h r o u g h women's g r o u p s f o r f a r m l a b o u r . Husband R i e l 152 Rebellion hero. Conservative. Presbyterian. McBride Papers 1913 (BCPA); NCWC Report (1905-1915); Vancouver Local Council of Women, Minutes, 1910-1917; Province 24 March 1947; i b i d . , 28 January I960; Sun 18 March 1947. McCbnkey, Mary Elizabeth housewife; b. Winnipeg, Manitoba, 1880s, f a . Sibbald, homesteader, mo. b. Blacki hus. William McConkey, teacher and physician, 1 daughter and 1 son. Honor graduate i n Arts, University of Manitoba. Married i n 1908 and moved to Vancouver 1908-1909. President of the Pioneer P o l i t i c a l Equality League, 1914. Member of the Vancouver Local Council of Women, the Vancouver University Women's Club and the Westminster Presbyterian Church. L i b e r a l . Presbyterian. B r i t i s h Columbia P i c t o r a l and Biographical (Vancouver, 1914); McBride Papers 1913 (BCPA)t Vancouver S o c i a l Register and Club Directory 1914 (Vancouver. 1914); Sun. 3 December 1966.. MacGill, Helen Gregory j o u r n a l i s t , judge, author and housewife; b. Hamilton, Ontario, 1864, f a . S i l a s Gregory, businessman, mo. b. Emma O'Rielly; f i r s t hus. Lee Flesher, physician* second hus. James MacGill, lawyer, 2 daughters (MacGill) and 2 sons , (Flesher); d. Chicago, United States of America, 1947. F i r s t woman granted a Bac. Mus. (1886 f i r s t c l a s s ) , B. A. (1888) and W. A. (1890) by Tr i n t y College, University of Toronto. Contributed a r t i c l e s on the Canadian West, Japan and other topics to the Toronto Globe, Cosmopolitan. A t l a n t i c Monthly. Harper's and other magazines. 1892 moved to San Francisco with her husband Flesher and her mother. Reporter f o r the San Francisco Morning C a l l . Co-editor with her mother of the San Francisco suffrage newspaper The Searchlight. Moved to Minnesota and continued suffrage a c t i v i t i e s there. Reporter f o r the St. Paul Globe. Widowed 1901. Married J . MacGill i n 1902 and moved to Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. Founding member of the Vancouver University Women's Club 1908, the Vancouver Women*s Press Club 1909* the Vancouver Creche 1909-1910 and the Vancouver Business and Professional Women* s Club 1922. The major promoter of the Vancouver Women's Building Limited 1911 and member of the Board of Directors u n t i l the 1930s. Member of the Quebec Press Association 1887, 1 5 3 the Vancouver Women's Canadian Club, the Women's I n s t i t u t e , the Imperial Order of Daughters of the Empire, the Women's Musical Club, the Canadian Daughters League, the Red Cross* the Neighbourhood House and Phi Delta. Member of the Vancouver Local Council of Women 1909-1947, convener of the Press Committee 1909-1910, convener of the Cit i z e n s h i p Committee 1911-1912 and vice-president 1934. Executive member of the B r i t i s h Columbia Equal Franchise Association 1912-1917. Campaign manager f o r Marie McNaughton 1912-1913. Convener of the Laws Committee of the Vancouver University Women's Club 1916 and president 1917. President of the New Era League 1925. Appointed f i r s t woman judge of juvenile court i n B r i t i s h Columbia at Vancouver, served 1917-1928 and 1934-1945. Only woman member of the f i r s t minimum wage commission i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Author of Daughters. Wives and Mothers i n B r i t i s h Columbia (1913, 1914), Laws fo r Women and Children i n B r i t i s h Columbia (1925, 1928. 1935. 1939). How to Conduct Public Meetings i n Canada (19?, 1939) and The Work of the Juvenile Court and How to Secure Such a Court i n a Canadian Community (1943). Granted an honorary LLD. by the University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1938. Conservative u n t i l 1915-1916. L i b e r a l thereafter. Anglican. McBride Papers, 1912-1917 (BCPA)j E. MacGill, My Mother  the Judget H. MacGill, "The Story of Vancouver Social Service"; Vancouver Local Council of Women, Minutes 1910-1914; Vancouver Women's Building Diary 1925. McNaughton, Marie Henerietta p o l i t i c i a n and housewife; b. Glengarry, Ontario, i860; hus. Peter McNaughton, 1 daughter and 2 sons; d. V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia, 1946. Arrived i n Vancouver i n 1888 with her parents. Married i n 1891. Vice-president of the Vancouver Local Council of Women 1904-1910 and president 1910-1913. Elected to the Vancouver School Board 1912-1914, sponsored by the Council. Founding d i r e c t o r of the Vancouver Women's Building Limited, 1911. Charter member of the Vancouver Women's Canadian Club, the Vancouver Art Gallery, the Vancouver General Hospital Board of Governors and St. Andrew's Presbyterian Church. Organized the Women's A u x i l i a r y to Westminster H a l l . Moved to V i c t o r i a i n 1914. President of the V i c t o r i a Women's Canadian Club, 1928. Member of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women. Presbyterian. NCWC Report 1905-1914; Vancouver Local Council of Women, Minutesj 1910-1914; i b i d , Membership L i s t s , 1904-1914; Daily Colonist, 9 January 1946; Province. 9 January 1946; V i c t o r i a Daily Times, 9 January 1946. 154 Perrin, Edith b. England, f a . Thomas Perrin, mo. Margaret; sin g l e . Arrived i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1893 with her brother, Bishop Perrin. Founding member of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women. F i r s t convener of the Council's Committee on Laws for the Protection of Women and Children, 1895* Undertook an invest i g a t i o n of the conditions of working women and g i r l s i n V i c t o r i a 1895-1899. President of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women 1899-1903. Vice-president of the National Council of Women of Canada 1895. Member of the National Council of Women of Canada's Committee on Laws for the Protection of Women and Children, 1899. National Council of Women of Canada delegate to the International Council of Women convention 1897. Secretary of the V i c t o r i a WCTU? Refuge Home 1897. President of the Canadian Branch of the G i r l s Friendly Society. Returned to England 1904. Brother William Perrin, Bishop of Columbia, supporter of temperance and woman suffrage. Anglican. R. Gosnell, The Yearbook of B r i t i s h Columbia 1897 (Victoria, 1897); NCWC Report 1895-1903; Parker, Who's Who i n Western  Canada 1911; V i c t o r i a Daily Times. 11 February 1909. Smith, Mary E l l e n p o l i t i c i a n , author and housewife; b. Devonshire, England, 1861, fa.. Richard Spear, mo. b. Mary Jane Jackson; hus. Ralph Smith, p o l i t i c i a n and trade union a c t i v i s t ; 1 daughter and 4 sons; d. Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, 1933.-Arrived i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1892. L i f e member of the National Council of Women of Canada. Member of the Vancouver Local Council of Women, the Women's In s t i t u t e , the Red Cross, the Suffrage League of Canada and the Pioneer P o l i t i c a l Equality League. O r i g i n a l member of the Vancouver Women's Forum. Founding member of the Vancouver C i t y Creche 1909-1910. Regent of the Imperial Order ©f Daughters of the Empire. President of the Vancouver Women's Canadian Club 1915-1917. Founder and president of the Women's Aux i l i a r y Hospital at Nanaimo. Organizer of the Returned Soldiers Club of Vancouver. Honorary president of the Vancouver Women's L i b e r a l Association, 1917, founder of the Laurier L i b e r a l Club, chairman of the B r i t i s h Columbia L i b e r a l caucus f o r f i v e years and chairman of the 1927 B r i t i s h Columbia L i b e r a l convention. Elected to the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a t u r e as an Independent from Vancouver i n 1918 (the constituency represented by her la t e husband). Re-elected i n 1920, 1924, 1930 as a L i b e r a l . F i r s t woman cabinet minister i n the B r i t i s h Empire, president of the Council March to November 1921. F i r s t woman speaker i n 1 5 5 the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a t u r e , February 1 9 2 8 . Closely associated with l e g i s l a t i o n f o r old age pensions, minimum wages, appointment of women juvenile court judges, maintenance of deserted wives, a b o l i t i o n of i l l e g i t i m a c y , family maintenance, mother's allowance, widow's inheritance, protection of neglected and delinquent children and regulation of night employment. Member of the Dominion Board of Mental Hygiene, Federal T a r i f f Commission 1925, and the select commission to inquire into the practice of the Workmen's Compensation Act (1926). Toured Europe on behalf of the federal government to encourage emigration to Canada, 1923. Canadian delegate to the League of Nations A p r i l 1929. Author of Is I t Just? (1912). Husband president of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada f o r f i v e years, member of the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a t u r e 1898-1900 and 1 9 1 6 - 1 9 1 7 (Minister of Finance), Member of Parliament 1900-1911. L i b e r a l . Methodist. B r i t i s h Columbia, Journals of the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly (1918-1933); Canadian Parliamentary Guide. 1918; i b i d . , 1 9 2 7 ; C. Roberts and A. Tunnell, eds., A Standard  Dictionary of Canadian Biography; CanadTan Who Was Who, v o l . 2. Spofford, Anne C e c i l i a teacher, p o l i t i c i a n and housewife; b. Sydney, Nova Scotia, 1859, f a . Duncan McNaughton; hus. William Spofford, contractor, 1 daughter and at least 1 son; d. V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia, 1938. Arrived i n V i c t o r i a i n 1876 with her parents. Married i n 1883. Taught i n early schools on the Saanieh Peninsula and Salt Spring Island. Founding member of the V i c t o r i a WCTU 1883, p r o v i n c i a l vice-president of the WCTU 1886, recording secretary 1887, president of the V i c t o r i a WCTU 1887. Founding member of the V i c t o r i a Local Council of Women 1894, corresponding secretary 1903-1908, convener of the Committee on Laws for the Protection of Women and Children 1904, member of the L e g i s l a t i v e Committee 1909-1910 and vice-president 1933-1936. Organizer of the V i c t o r i a P o l i t i c a l Equality League 1910 and member of the B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c a l Equality League. Elected to the V i c t o r i a School Board 1919-1921. Charter member of the V i c t o r i a Women's Canadian Club and the Women's Union F i r s t Baptist Church. Member of the V i c t o r i a Young Women's Chr i s t i a n Association, Ladies of the Macabees and the Children's Aid Society, president 1915. Baptist Convention president 1929. P r o v i n c i a l Council of Women president 1937-1938. Member of the So c i a l Welfare Commission and the Minimum Wage Board i n V i c t o r i a . Candidate f o r the Woman's Independent P o l i t i c a l Association i n a p r o v i n c i a l r 156 bye-election 1918, defeated. Mother charter member of the New Westminster WCTU, i n i t i a t o r of the Band of Good Hope School and the WCTU P r o v i n c i a l D i s t r i c t organizer for the 1880s. P o l i t i c a l l y non-partisan. Baptist. C. Cleverdon, The Woman Suffrage Movement i n Canada; Cunningham, "The History of the Organization[WCTU]"; J . Gordon, "History of the Women's Canadian Club" (BCPA, 1959); L. MacPherson, " H i s t o r i c a l Sketch of the WCTU of B. C." (BCPA, 1953)5 NCWC Report (1895-1936); C. Spofford, Miscellaneous Papers, 1877, 1879, 1880 (BCPA); Daily  Colonist. 18 February 1938; Province. 18 February 1938; V i c t o r i a Daily Times, 14 December 1909; i b i d . , 18 February 1938": Townley, A l i c e Ashworth author, p o l i t i c i a n and housewife; b. QuebecCity, Quebec, 1870, f a . William Henry Ashworth, mo. b. Jane Moray; hus. C;. R. Townley, r e a l t o r ; d. Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, 1941 Arrived i n Vancouver i n 1903* Founding member of the Vancouver Women's Press Club, president 1910-1911. Organizer of the Vancouver Women's Canadian Club, 1909. Vice-president of the Vancouver Local Council of Women 1911 and convener of the Committee on Cit i z e n s h i p 1914. Member of the Imperial Order of Daughters of the Empire, the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, the Women's Musical Club, the King Edward Parent-Teacher Association, The New Westminster Academy of Arts, the Vancouver Art Gallery, the Vancouver Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, the Child Welfare Association, the Women's Inst i t u t e and the Women's A u x i l i a r y to Disabled Veterans. Member of the f i r s t Board of Directors of the Vancouver Women's Building Limited 1911. President of the Vancouver P o l i t i c a l Equality League 1911. Founder and president of the B r i t i s h Columbia Equal Franchise Association, 1912-1917. President of the League of Women Voters, 1918. Elected to the Vancouver Park Board 1928-1935. Author of Points i n the Laws of B r i t i s h Columbia Regarding the Legal  Status of Women (1911). Opinions of Mary (1909). Just a  L i t t l e G i r l (1907). Just a L i t t l e Boy (1897) and numerous newspaper and magazine a r t i c l e s . Conservative. Anglican. Mrs. J . Macaulay, Women's Canadian Club, Vancouver, B. C ,  1909-1930' (City Archives of Vancouver, 1930); C. Parker, Who's Who and Why 1912 (Vancouver, 1912); E. Stoddard, "The Feminine Side of the Western West," Man to Man Magazine VI; Vancouver Local Council of Women, Minutes 1910-1917; V. Vectis, "Women Writers of the West," B r i t i s h Columbia  Magazine V I I ; Province, 6 January 194l;""Sun 6 January 1941. 

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