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The pursuit of power, profit and privacy : a study of Vancouver’s west end elite, 1886-1914 Robertson, Angus Everett 1977

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THE PURSUIT OF POWER, PROFIT AND PRIVACY: A STUDY OF VANCOUVER'S WEST END ELITE, 1886 - 1914 by ANGUS EVERETT ROBERTSON B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Geography We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March, 1977 '(§) ANGUS EVERETT ROBERTSON 1977 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requ i rement s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumb ia , I ag ree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s tudy . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d that c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i thout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f GEOGRAPHY  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumbia 2075 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1W5 D a t e March 14th, 1977. i i . ABSTRACT Vancouver's West End, l o c a t e d between S t a n l e y Park and the c o m m e r c i a l / a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e n t e r p r i s e s o f the c e n t r a l b usiness d i s t r i c t , q u i c k l y emerged as the c i t y ' s prime r e s i d e n t i a l neighborhood d u r i n g the l a t e 1880's. U n t i l approximately 1912 Vancouver's l e a d i n g c i t i z e n s r e s i d e d i n the West End, shaping i t s growth and t h a t o f much of the c i t y . Coming predominantly from E a s t e r n Canada and Great B r i t a i n and a r r i v i n g i n Vancouver be f o r e or j u s t a f t e r the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y , Vancouver's West End e l i t e c r e a t e d a r e s i d e n t i a l landscape t h a t r e f l e c t e d the a r c h i t e c t u r e , i n s t i t u t i o n s and urban images o f the l a t e V i c t o r i a n Age. The t r a n s p l a n t of a s o p h i s t i c a t e d and e s t a b l i s h e d urban c u l t u r e to a p r i s t i n e urban environment allowed Vancouver's upper c l a s s q u i c k l y to c r e a t e a comfortable r e s i d e n t i a l environment i n a new, West Coast urban s e t t i n g . In s h o r t , the West End was an i d e n t i f i a b l e neighborhood t h a t r e f l e c t e d the processes o f s o c i a l and s p a t i a l s o r t i n g common throughout the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century i n d u s t r i a l urban world, and i t p r o v i d e d a secure s o c i a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l base where the ambitious upper c l a s s c o u l d b u i l d and manoeuver to s t r u c t u r e t h e i r f u t u r e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. While the West End p o r t r a y e d s t a t u s and f u n c t i o n e d as an environment i n which upper c l a s s s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and c o h e sion c o u l d be i n i t i a t e d and s u s t a i n e d , i t was only p a r t o f the l a r g e r c i v i c arena w i t h i n which the e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n operated. T h i s l a r g e r s e t t i n g i n c l u d e d the e l a b o r a t e i n s t i t u t i o n a l network of c o r p o r a t i o n s , e x c l u s i v e c l u b s and recreational associations within which members of the e l i t e consolidated t h e i r socio-economic ascendancy. An understanding of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l basis of e l i t e power i n Vancouver i s es s e n t i a l to gaining an understanding of the e l i t e ' s impact on the s o c i a l and geographical environment of the c i t y . Chapter three concentrates on the development of the e l i t e ' s network of voluntary associations while chapter four examines the corporate connections and a c t i v i t i e s of the e l i t e . In conclusion, the study examines the b e l i e f s and commitments that helped to endorse the vast socio-economic power of the business dominated e l i t e i n early Vancouver. It i s suggested that most immigrants to pre-1914 Vancouver saw the c i t y as the land of private opportunity, a place where prosperity could be attained by everyone who adhered to the rules of hard work, t h r i f t and common sense. A widely shared commitment to material progress and urban expansion helped to i n s p i r e a d e f e r e n t i a l attitude towards those businessmen who were leaders of expansion i n the c i t y ' s private sector and, more s p e c i f i c a l l y , i t sanctioned the rapid demise of the West End as an upper class single-family neighborhood. i v . TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. THE WEST END BEFORE 1912 - VANCOUVER'S RESIDENTIAL LANDSCAPE OF PRIVILEGE 1 BACKGROUND TO WEST END SETTLEMENT 4 The L o c a l Urban S e t t i n g 4 The Late Nineteenth Century C i t y and the Suburban Movement 9 THE WEST END IN ITS PRIME 12 The Shape of the West End's B u i l t Landscape 12 The West End's S o c i a l M i l i e u 31 C o n c l u s i o n 51 I I . BACKGROUND OF VANCOUVER'S WEST END ELITE...... 65 I n s t i t u t i o n a l E l i t e s D e f i n e d . . . . . 67 S o c i a l O r i g i n s and Background Experience o f the E l i t e 72 General P a t t e r n s o f Success i n Vancouver 87 C o n c l u s i o n 102 I I I . FORMAL ASSOCIATIONS OF THE ELITE, 1886-1914. . .105 The I n s t i t u t i o n a l B a s i s o f the West End E l i t e 108 C r e a t i o n of an Upper Cl a s s Network of Voluntary A s s o c i a t i o n s 116 C r e a t i o n of a S p e c i f i c E l i t e S o c i a l Network 154 C o n c l u s i o n 166 IV. THE ELITE CORPORATE WORLD - FINANCIAL CONNECTIONS AND INVESTMENT PATTERNS IN THE URBAN LANDSCAPE 168 THE CORPORATE WORLD OF NINETEENTH CENTURY VANCOUVER 171 The Eastern Canadian Corporate E l i t e . . . . 1 7 1 The "Pre-CPR" E l i t e 177 B l e n d i n g o f "Pre-CPR" and E a s t e r n Canadian Corporate A c t i v i t i e s 227 THE ELITE CORPORATE WORLD, 1900-1914 237 The On-going C o n c e n t r a t i o n o f Economic Power i n Vancouver 238 Growth of L o c a l Corporate Power 246 Conclus i o n 257 V . CHAPTER PAGE V. WEST END ELITE SOCIETY AND THE ENVIRONMENT OF PRIVATE OPPORTUNITY 262 E l i t e S o c i e t y and the Demise o f the West End 263 E l i t e S o c i e t y and the General Urban Community - Some Concluding Remarks 274 FOOTNOTES 282 BIBLIOGRAPHY 311 APPENDIX A 321 Appendix B 327 V i LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE .1. Governors o f the Vancouver Gen e r a l H o s p i t a l , R e s i d e n t i a l D i s t r i b u t i o n 3 3 . I I . R e s i d e n t i a l L o c a t i o n o f Vancouver Club Members i n 1908 and 1 9 1 4 61. I I I . R e s i d e n t i a l M o b i l i t y o f Vancouver Club members, 1 9 0 8 - 1 9 1 4 . 6 3 . IV. P l a c e o f B i r t h , T o t a l E l i t e Sample 7 3 . V. Pla c e o f B i r t h o f E l i t e Sample Compared to T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n o f Bancouver, 1 9 1 1 7 6 . VI. P l a c e o f B i r t h o f V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n E l i t e , 1 8 8 6-1915. 8 1 . V I I . P l a c e o f B i r t h , Fathers o f Native Born V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n E l i t e 82. V I I I . E d u c a t i o n a l L e v e l A t t a i n e d P r i o r to Vancouver, T o t a l Sample 84. IX. E d u c a t i o n a l L e v e l A t t a i n e d P r i o r to Vancouver, Voluntary A s s o c i a t i o n E l i t e . 84. X. F a t h e r ' s Occupation, T o t a l E l i t e Study P o p u l a t i o n 8 6 . XI Stopovers Before Vancouver A r r i v a l 8 8 . XII. Occupation Before and A f t e r Vancouver A r r i v a l 8 9 . X I I I . Date o f A r r i v a l by Date o f P e r s o n a l Success 9 4 . XIV. Date of A r r i v a l by Date of P u b l i c Success, V o l u n t a r y A s s o c i a t i o n E l i t e 9 7 XV. Pla c e of B i r t h by Age a t A r r i v a l i n Vancouver, T o t a l Sample 1 0 1 , XVI P l a c e o f B i r t h by Age a t A r r i v a l i n Vancouver, Voluntary A s s o c i a t i o n E l i t e 1 0 3 . XVII. Place o f B i r t h by Age at P u b l i c Success, Voluntary A s s o c i a t i o n E l i t e 1 0 3 Selected Economic Interests of Early Board of Trade Promoters Connections between Metropolitan Club Executive and Mayor's Off i c e Dominant Vancouver Club Nominators i n 1894 P r i n c i p a l Property Owners i n Vancouver, 1887. The Hastings Sawmill Company, 1887 Directors and Shareholders V l l l , LIST OF MAPS MAP PAGE 1. The West End - S i t u a t i o n 3. 2. ?-!ultiple Dwellings i n the West End, 1910 21. 3. Value o f S i n g l e - F a m i l y B u i l d i n g Permits i n the West End, 1904 23. 4. Value o f S i n g l e - F a m i l y B u i l d i n g Permits i n the West End, 1909 and 1910 24. 5. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Vancouver General H o s p i t a l L i f e Governors i n the West End, 1903 34. 6. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Governors o f the Vancouver General H o s p i t a l Resident i n the West End, 1903 35. 7. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f "At Home" Days i n the West End, 1908 42. 8. General D i v i s i o n o f "At Home" Days i n the West End, 1908 43. 9. West End Apartments, 1911 and 1913 54. 10. S u i t e C a p a c i t y o f West End Apartments, 1913 55. 11. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f West End Apartments, 1922 57. 12. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f West End Apartments, 1927 58. 13. 1892 R e s i d e n t i a l D i s t r i b u t i o n o f E l i t e Club Promoters and O f f i c e r s (1891-1898) 129. 14. The Geo g r a p h i c a l Center o f the E l i t e r s P r i v a t e Club Network, 1912 130. 15. R e s i d e n t i a l L o c a t i o n o f Canadian Club O f f i c e r s and I n f l u e n t i a l Committee Members, 1906-1913 147. 16. The Coal Harbor R e c r e a t i o n a l S e c t o r o f the West End, 1912 155. 17. Land Grants to the C.P.R. 175. 18. Vancouver C i t y T e r r i t o r i a l Expansion, 1886-1952. 179. 19. Vancouver C i t y L o c a l Areas 180. Hastings Sawmill Property P r o v i n c i a l Government Land A u c t i o n , 1888 Property o f Tramway Promoter H.V. Edmonds I n t e r i m Zoning Map f o r Vancouver's West S i d e , 1926 Zoning Map f o r Vancouver's West S i d e , 1927 FIGURE LIST OF FIGURES x. PAGE 1. Connections Between Board of Trade O f f i c e r s (1887-1914), E l i t e S o c i a l Clubs and C i v i c P o l i t i c s 120. 2. Major Voluntary A s s o c i a t i o n Links of Canadian Club O f f i c e r s 146. 3. Members of the Royal Vancouver Yacht Club Who Served as P r e s i d e n t or V i c e P r e s i d e n t of o t h e r Powerful I n s t i t u t i o n s P r i o r to 1921 153. 4. P a i r s Who Acted Together on Three or More Nominations, Vancouver Club, 1894 160. 5. C o n n e c t i v i t y M a t r i x o f a l l Dominant Vancouver Club Nominators, 1894 164. 6. The Dominant Landholding Network i n 1888 Vancouver 196. 7. Some Major South Vancouver Landholders and T h e i r I n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s * 1893-1896) 199. 8. I n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s o f S e v e r a l Nineteenth Century Loan and B u i l d i n g S o c i e t i e s 207. 9. Corporate Links of the Vancouver Improvement Company, 1896-1900 216. 10. Vancouver E l e c t r i c Railway and L i g h t Company, D i r e c t o r s , 1893 222. 11. Vancouver Land and Improvement Co., 1910 236. 12. The "Heart" of the West End E l i t e Corporate World, 1905 240. 13. Corporate Cbnnections o f the CPR/B.C. Sugar/B.C. M i l l s T r i u m v i r a t e , 1905-1912 242. 14. S e l e c t e d S h a r e h o l d e r s , D i r e c t o r s and Corporate Connections o f the Hendry Land Company 244. 15. Real E s t a t e Connections o f the Hendry Family 245. X I . FIGURE PAGE 16. Founders o f the Vancouver Stock Exchange 248. 17. Corporate Connections of the Dominion T r u s t Company 250. 18. I n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s of S e v e r a l L o c a l l y Based T r u s t and Investment Concerns 253. 19. Bank of Vancouver, O f f i c e r s and D i r e c t o r s , 1910-1914 256. x i i . LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS  ILLUSTRATION PAGE 1. Vancouver's West End i n Approximately 1891 14. 2. 1100 Haro Street, 1890 15. 3. Looking East on Burnaby Street, from J e r v i s , 1906 18. 4. Junction of Chilco and Robson Streets, by Stanley Park (1942) 19. 5. Residence of William Salsbury (C.P.R.), 1340 Burnaby Street 27. 6. West End Home Near Stanley Park (ca. 1910) 28. 7. 1100 Block Harwood Street (ca. 1909) 29. 8. Crofton House School 49. 9. The Vancouver Club, 901 West Hastings 134. 10. The Vancouver Lawn Tennis Club (1905) 151. 11. Holdings of the B r i t i s h Empire Trust Company 210. x i i i . ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would l i k e to warmly thank my a d v i s e r s , Dr. Cole H a r r i s and Dr. David Ley o f the U.B.C. Geography Department, f o r t h e i r t h o u g h t f u l and i n s p i r i n g a s s i s t a n c e d u r i n g the research and w r i t i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s . T h e i r encouragement and p a t i e n c e w i l l never be f o r g o t t e n . I am a l s o g r a t e f u l to Dick Copley, Dr. Marwyn Samuels, Dr. La r r y McCann and Dr. Norbert MacDonald f o r t h e i r u s e f u l s uggestions d u r i n g the w r i t i n g o f the t h e s i s . Very s p e c i a l thanks go to Deryck Holdsworth, a c o l l e a g u e and f r i e n d , f o r h i s moral support as w e l l as h i s v a l u a b l e advice r e g a r d i n g t h e s i s r e s e a r c h and socio-economic s u r v i v a l d u r i n g my years as a graduate student. The e n e r g e t i c a s s i s t a n c e o f f e r e d by the s t a f f o f the Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s , e s p e c i a l l y B i l l McKee and Lyn Ogden, was a l s o much a p p r e c i a t e d . Deepest thanks a l s o go to my pa r e n t s , my Aunt P e a r l , and J u d i , Gerry and Doug, f o r t h e i r s t e a d f a s t encouragement throughout the w r i t i n g o f the t h e s i s . The w r i t e r i s a l s o indebted to numerous f r i e n d s and co l l e a g u e s who helped him mai n t a i n a c e r t a i n degree of s a n i t y w h ile he completed h i s t h e s i s . Thanks to Mary P., Ke i t h M. and K e i t h N., Pe t e r S. and Pe t e r 0., Warren S., C h r i s , Adriane, Roz, Paul, Meg and John B.. I n s p i r a t i o n and m o t i v a t i o n was a l s o d e r i v e d from the " C l a r k d a l e Gang," "Den Norske" happening, the H a r r i s Ranch i n New Denver and "Jake's Caboon" i n Hedley. Very s p e c i a l thanks go to R i t a Hagman f o r her a s s i s t a n c e with t y p i n g the t h e s i s , and so much e l s e . F i n a l l y , and with a p o l o g i e s to Yehudi Cohen, I a l s o would l i k e to d e d i c a t e t h i s work to those who d i d n ' t make as w e l l as those who d i d . 1 CHAPTER ONE THE WEST END BEFORE 1912 - VANCOUVER'S RESIDENTIAL LANDSCAPE OF PRIVILEGE. "Westward the course of Empire takes i t s way. That i s not a mere b i t o f l i t e r a r y e x p r e s s i o n ; i t i s a b s o l u t e l y and i n v e r i t y a law t h a t God has w r i t t e n i n human h i s t o r y , you cannot get r i d of i t . I have v i s i t e d every c i t y o f importance on t h i s c o n t i n e n t , and i n the o l d country, and I g i v e you t h i s : Never does any c i t y s t a r t i n any p a r t and not go westward. I f you f i n d me one t h a t grows i n any other d i r e c t i o n , I w i l l f i n d you the reason why. While East London i s i n many ways r o t t e n , West London i s another world a l t o g e t h e r . Here i n Vancouver the western p a r t i s p e c u l i a r l y important. I am not f i n a n c i a l l y i n t e r e s t e d ; I don't want to s e l l any l o t s i n the West End. Mine i s s o l d . " (:".The Future of Vancouver and Why," Address to the Vancouver Canadian Club by Dr. Roland Grant, June 7 t h , 1 9 1 0 , i n -The Canadian Club of Vancouver;  Addresses and Proceedings, 1 9 0 6 - 1 9 1 7 , Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s . ) 2. CHAPTER ONE THE WEST END BEFORE 1912 - VANCOUVER'S RESIDENTIAL LANDSCAPE OF PRIVILEGE. From the late 1880's u n t i l 1912 most successful Vancouverites s e t t l e d into the West End, a fashionable r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t l y i n g between Stanley Park and the commercial and i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y of the central business d i s t r i c t (see Map 1). These individ u a l s quickly established a r e s i d e n t i a l landscape and urban l i f e s t y l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the c i t i e s they had l e f t behind. Coming predominantly from Eastern Canada and Great B r i t a i n , and a r r i v i n g i n Vancouver before or just a f t e r the turn of the century, they transplanted general modes of architecture, i n s t i t u t i o n s and urban images associated with the late V i c t o r i a n Age i n Eastern Canada and Great B r i t a i n . The aspirations of these West Enders were perhaps most c l e a r l y expressed i n t h e i r homes. D i f f e r i n g l i t t l e i n s t y l e from those b u i l t at the same time i n Southern Ontario, B r i t a i n or the United States, these mansions were contemporary urban statements of success and status. Along with architecture came techniques of landscape design and domestic gardening, approved modes of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , such as "At Home" days and, i n general, a way of l i f e that r e f l e c t e d MAP 1 TIIK VEST END - SITUATION 3. e s t a b l i s h e d m e t r o p o l i t a n s o c i a l values and i n s t i t u t i o n s , and that allowed Vancouver's upper c l a s s q u i c k l y to c r e a t e a comfortable l a t e V i c t o r i a n r e s i d e n t i a l environment i n a new, West Coast urban s e t t i n g . The West End was an i d e n t i f i a b l e neighborhood t h a t p r o v i d e d a secure s o c i a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l base where the ambitious upper c l a s s c o u l d b u i l d and maneuver to s t r u c t u r e t h e i r f u t u r e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. BACKGROUND TO WEST END SETTLEMENT The l o c a l urban s e t t i n g When i n c o r p o r a t e d i n A p r i l , 1086, Vancouver was not an urban community wi t h a l o c a l h e r i t a g e . The a c t of i n c o r p o r a t i o n f o r m a l l y marked a break from the i n l e t ' s e a r l i e r h i s t o r y as a pion e e r resource v i l l a g e dependent on l o g g i n g and s a w m i l l i n g . I n h a b i t a n t s of the t i n y , sawmill-dominated s e t t l e m e n t o f G r a n v i l l e had f e l t l i t t l e attachment to p l a c e as they logged the f o r e s t or l a b o r e d i n the m i l l s t h a t c l u n g to the edge o f Bu r r a r d I n l e t . T h i s predominantly male p o p u l a t i o n comprised the backwash of the go l d rush, disbanded members o f the Royal Engineers, former Hudson's Bay Company t r a p p e r s , Coast S a l i s h I n d i a n s , and d e s e r t e r s from the s a i l i n g s h i p s t h a t s e r v i c e d the s m a l l timber export trade 1. conducted by the Hastings and M o o d y v i l l e s a w m i l l s . Most of these e a r l y r e s i d e n t s , l i k e those who came a f t e r 1884 i n a n t i c i p a t i o n o f the CPR, had come simply to make some money. F r o n t i e r , l o g g e r s were not concerned to e s t a b l i s h a new and l a s t i n g community; t h e i r 2. commitment to the area was determined by the a v a i l a b i l i t y of l o g s . S o c i a l c l a s s and e t h n i c i t y were of minor importance i n the d a i l y o p e r a t i o n o f t h i s s o c i e t y . With the e x c e p t i o n o f s e v e r a l m i l l managers and merchants, i n d i v i d u a l worth was measured by the a b i l i t y to perform and s u r v i v e i n the f o r e s t i n d u s t y . I n t e r -marriage between the white male p o p u l a t i o n and female Coast S a l i s h was common. Money was spent i n e s t a b l i s h m e n t s such as "Gassy Jack" Deighton's s a l o o n , r a t h e r than i n v e s t e d i n l a n d or houses. Only three l o t s had been s o l d at the government's f i r s t 3. land s a l e i n G r a n v i l l e i n 1870, f o r the thought of i n v e s t i n g i n land made l i t t l e sense to a t r a n s i t o r y p o p u l a t i o n of l o g g e r s . By l a t e 1884, however, when i t became c l e a r t h a t the CPR would by-pass Port Moody i n f a v o r of a terminus on Coal Harbor or E n g l i s h Bay, the B u r r a r d P e n i n s u l a began i t s sudden and r a p i d t r a n s f o r m a t i o n from a s m a l l l o g g i n g s e t t l e m e n t i n t o a complex c o m m e r c i a l / i n d u s t r i a l urban environment with the a s s o c i a t e d s o c i a l s t r u c t u r i n g and s p a t i a l s o r t i n g common to the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century c i t y . Vancouver d i d not evolve out of the s m a l l r e s o u r c e -based s e t t l e m e n t s e s t a b l i s h e d on the i n l e t i n the 1860's; r a t h e r i t was c r e a t e d o v e r n i g h t by the a r r i v a l of the CPR. The development of the West End was only one, but i n many ways the most s i g n i f i c a n t m a n i f e s t a t i o n of Vancouver's entrance i n t o the l a t e V i c t o r i a n urban world. As a r e s u l t of the n e g o t i a t i o n s between the CPR and the B.C. government over the e x t e n s i o n o f the r a i l w a y to Coal Harbor the CPR a c q u i r e d s u b s t a n t i a l land g r a n t s . As w e l l as the p r o v i n c i a l government's grant of D i s t r i c t Lots 541 and 526, the CPR r e c e i v e d t i t l e to o n e - t h i r d of the l o t s h e l d by p r i v a t e l a n d h o l d e r s i n D i s t r i c t Lots 185, 196 and 181 (see Chapter F o u r ) . When the r a i l r o a d ' s l a n d commissioner, L.A. Hamilton, a r r i v e d to survey and l a y o u t the p e n i n s u l a ' s s t r e e t p a t t e r n i n 1885 he was c o n f r o n t e d with two r e g i s t e r e d g r i d plans - one i n the o l d G r a n v i l l e Townsite 6. and one i n D.L. 185 - around which he had to plan the CPR's f u t u r e t e r m i n a l c i t y . In the G r a n v i l l e Townsite, surveyed and p l o t t e d i n 1870, enough c o n s t r u c t i o n a l r e a d y had taken p l a c e to prevent any quick r e p l o t t i n g o f the s t r e e t s . West of Burrard S t r e e t however, the o l d " C i t y o f L i v e r p o o l " survey, r e g i s t e r e d i n 1882 by the o r i g i n a l pre-emptors, was s t i l l f o r e s t e d i n 1885. However, any hope Hamilton may have had of r e - a l i g n i n g the West End's s t r e e t s to make them p a r a l l e l to and more c o n s i s t e n t with the CPR's e n v i s i o n e d commercial c o r r i d o r along G r a n v i l l e S t r e e t was thwarted by the o p p o s i t i o n of West End s p e c u l a t o r s and by the company's d e s i r e to complete s u r v e y i n g r a p i d l y . Hamilton adapted h i s p l a n as best he c o u l d to the o r i g i n a l 1882 survey and, as a r e s u l t , the West End was l e f t with only s i x s t r e e t s running through i n t o the h e a r t o f what soon became a dynamic commercial landscape. The o t h e r nine terminated a t Burrard S t r e e t and the t e n t h , which ran along E n g l i s h Bay and F a l s e Creek, terminated at G r a n v i l l e S t r e e t . Consequently i n a t o t a l l y unplanned, even undes i r e d manner, the West End was to manifest a r e l a t i v e l y d i s c r e t e g r i d on the edge of the c i t y ' s f u t u r e business c e n t e r . In 1886, however, i t was s t i l l an u n s e t t l e d slash-and-burn landscape when a CPR c l e a r i n g f i r e i n the West End ran out of c o n t r o l to d e s t r o y most o f the c i t y . Immediately a f t e r the f i r e the G r a n v i l l e Townsite area was r e - e s t a b l i s h e d as the commercial nucleus of the c i t y with the main r e s i d e n t i a l areas growing up south of the Hastings M i l l , a l o n g Oppenheimer and Alexander S t r e e t s and Westminster Avenue. But the CPR, whose major land grants on the Burrard P e n i n s u l a were l o c a t e d west of Hamilton S t r e e t , q u i c k l y took up the task of promoting the westward expansion o f the c i t y ' s business and r e s i d e n t i a l s e c t o r s . Company ex e c u t i v e s and sha r e h o l d e r s such as S i r Donald Smith, W i l l i a m Van Home and S i r George Stephen i n v e s t e d i n b u i l d i n g l o t s a l o n g G r a n v i l l e , and each f i n a n c e d the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a major o f f i c e b u i l d i n g (the S t r a t h c o n a Block, the Van Home Block and the New York Block r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . The CPR b u i l t a temporary depot at the f o o t o f Howe S t r e e t and midway between t h i s b u i l d i n g and t h e i r work yards on F a l s e Creek, on the h i g h e s t p o i n t o f land on the p e n i n s u l a ( G r a n v i l l e and Geo r g i a ) , the CPR b u i l t the f i r s t H o t e l Vancouver i n 1887- T h i s 100 room l u x u r y h o t e l was "intended as the s t o p p i n g p l a c e f o r the f i r s t - c l a s s t o u r i s t trade who t r a n s f e r r e d from the CPR P a c i f i c L i n e r (Empress Ship s ) to the CPR t r a n s - c o n t i n e n t a l r a i l w a y . " S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , i n 1890, the CPR c o n s t r u c t e d the el e g a n t Vancouver Opera House next door to i t s h o t e l on G r a n v i l l e S t r e e t . L o c a l l y based CPR o f f i c i a l s a l s o engaged i n the e a r l y c r e a t i o n o f 5. a p r e s t i g i o u s b u s i n e s s area west o f the o l d G r a n v i l l e Townsite. The CPR's attempt to promote the development o f t h e i r B u r r a r d P e n i n s u l a l a n d grant as a p r e s t i g i o u s commercial and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s e c t o r was s u c c e s s f u l ; w i t h i n a s h o r t span o f time o f number o f l e a d i n g f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , law fi r m s and r e t a i l o u t l e t s had moved t h e i r o p e r a t i o n s i n t o the ce n t e r o f CPR p r o p e r t y . West o f the CPR depot on Howe S t r e e t company o f f i c i a l s began i n 1887 to purchase the l o t s deeded to the CPR as home b u i l d i n g s i t e s . On a very s m a l l s c a l e the i n i t i a l r e s i d e n t i a l development i n t h i s area was a l s o a d i r e c t r e s u l t of a CPR b u i l d i n g investment s t r a t e g y . An e l a b o r a t e General Superintendent's house was b u i l t f o r H.B. Abbott a t the corner o f Howe and Ha s t i n g s . When he 8. r e t i r e d i n 1 8 9 7 , Abbott b u i l t h i s own West End home at J e r v i s and Georgia and h i s replacement, Richard Marpole, moved i n t o the Hastings S t r e e t mansion. On the corner o f Burrard and Georgia, another e l a b o r a t e house was b u i l t by the CPR and occupied by a number of high r a n k i n g company e x e c u t i v e s , the f i r s t r e s i d e n t being J.M. Browning who had r e p l a c e d Hamilton as CPR Land Commissioner i n 1 8 8 8 . Other CPR e x e c u t i v e s , such as C h i e f Engineer Henry Cambie and Doctor J.M. L e f e v r e , c o n s t r u c t e d t h e i r own homes 6. on l o t s which they obtained at a reduced p r i c e from the CPR. With the CPR and t h e i r e x e c u t i v e s s e t t i n g r e l a t i v e l y high r e s i d e n t i a l standards i n the are a , and with the H o t e l Vancouver, the Opera House, and l a t e r the Hudson's Bay Tea Room, c r e a t i n g a tone o f refinement and p r o s p e r i t y along a r e a d i l y a c c e s s i b l e G r a n v i l l e S t r e e t , o t h e r s u c c e s s f u l V a n c o u v e r i t e s soon began b u i l d i n g t h e i r houses i n the n o r t h e a s t e r n s e c t o r o f the West End. Once t h i s process had been i n i t i a t e d , the West End r a p i d l y became a s t a t u s r e s i d e n t i a l neighborhood. Whether or not a CPR exe c u t i v e p r e v i o u s l y had been s o c i a l l y i n f l u e n t i a l , once i n the t e r m i n a l c i t y he was immediately looked upon as a man of i n f l u e n c e and power. Consequently, those who co u l d a f f o r d to equal or surpass the houses b u i l t by the CPR e x e c u t i v e s tended to do so i n the f a s h i o n a b l e West End, r a t h e r than i n East Vancouver or south of F a l s e Creek. In f a c t , many of the e a r l y West End e l i t e r e s i d e n t s were a c t u a l l y t r a d i n g o f f a c c e s s i b i l i t y to t h e i r east s i d e commercial and development i n t e r e s t s i n order to en t e r more e a s i l y the s o c i a l m i l i e u o f the West End e l i t e s o c i e t y (see Chapters Three and F o u r ) . In many r e s p e c t s , the West End was an obvious area f o r upper c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t l e m e n t . The l i f e s t y l e of the m i l l hands and e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s i n the East End c o n t r a s t e d s h a r p l y with the more s o p h i s t i c a t e d , g e n t e e l l i f e style, to which Vancouver's upper c l a s s a s p i r e d . Without any p r i o r s e t t l e m e n t a c t i v i t y , the West End was c l e a r l y more amenable to development i n l i n e with the contemporary image of an a t t r a c t i v e upper c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l neighborhood. Moreover, the West End was c o n v e n i e n t l y l o c a t e d adjacent to but separate from the c i t y ' s expanding c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t and the i n d u s t r i e s a l o n g F a l s e Creek and B u r r a r d I n l e t . T h i s s e p a r a t i o n , coupled with the f a c t s t h a t the West End was high ground t h a t o f f e r e d a panaramic view of harbor and mountains and t h a t i t had a drainage p a t t e r n s u p e r i o r to t h a t of the p e n i n s u l a ' s l o w - l y i n g east s i d e , a l l helped to ensure t h a t the West End would emerge as the c i t y ' s f i r s t q u a l i t y r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a. These same a t t r a c t i o n s a l s o brought a s u b s t a n t i a l middle c l a s s p o p u l a t i o n , mainly CPR c l e r k s , agents and other downtown 7. o f f i c e employees, i n t o the West End. However, the f a c t t h a t the West End was not r e s t r i c t e d to upper c l a s s home owners must not obscure the f a c t t h a t between 1887 and approximately 1912 the West End was the g e o g r a p h i c a l base of the c i t y ' s e l i t e . Powerful Vancouverites l i v e d i n the West End, shaping i t s growth and t h a t of much of the c i t y . The l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century c i t y and the suburban movement Once the CPR had decided to make Vancouver i t s western terminus an e s t a b l i s h e d B r i t i s h and E a s t e r n Canadian urban i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y was t r a n s f e r r e d to the new c i t y on the P a c i f i c c o a s t . Lessons about urban' l i v i n g and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n that had been taught i n other c i t i e s , techniques of promoting growth that had been worked out i n E a s t e r n Canada and the United S t a t e s , and 10. i m a g e s o f w h a t a c o m f o r t a b l e a n d e f f i c i e n t u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t s h o u l d a n d s h o u l d n o t be w e r e q u i c k l y t r a n s p l a n t e d . T h i s was t h e v i c a r i o u s b a s e u p o n w h i c h t h e c i t y g r e w a s , i n d e e d , h a d v i r t u a l l y t h e e n t i r e u r b a n s y s t e m i n W e s t e r n C a n a d a . B u t c o m i n g i n t o e x i s t e n c e l a t e r t h a n m o s t o t h e r w e s t e r n c i t i e s , a t t h e s t r a t e g i c b r e a k - i n - b u l k p o i n t o f a g l o b a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s y s t e m , V a n c o u v e r was s e t t l e d by i m m i g r a n t s h a v i n g a p a r t i c u l a r l y b r o a d r a n g e o f u r b a n e x p e r i e n c e , i n d u s t r i a l t e c h n o l o g y , a n d e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l e x p e r t i s e . T h i s was t r u e n o t o n l y o f u p p e r c l a s s s o c i e t y b u t a l s o o f m i d d l e c l a s s w h i t e c o l l a r w o r k e r s a n d , j u s t as i m p o r t a n t , o f t h e s k i l l e d l a b o r c l a s s e s . M o s t o f t h e s e i m m i g r a n t s w e r e w e l l a w a r e o f t h e s t r e n g t h s a n d w e a k n e s s e s o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l c i t y , o f i t s a b i l i t y t o c r e a t e s e c u r e a n d p r o f i t a b l e e c o n o m i c o p p o r t u n i t i e s as w e l l a s s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n , a l i e n a t i o n a n d e n v i r o n m e n t a l s q u a l o r . I n s h o r t , V a n c o u v e r ' s l a t e e n t r y i n t o t h e N o r t h A m e r i c a n u r b a n a r e n a m e a n t t h a t m o s t s e t t l e r s a r r i v e d w i t h a f e a r o f t h e h e a l t h a n d s o c i a l p r o b l e m s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e u r b a n i n d u s t r i a l s l u m , a s w e l l as a common c o n v i c t i o n t h a t c i t y l i f e was m o s t a t t r a c t i v e i n s i n g l e f a m i l y homes l o c a t e d away f r o m t h e c i t y ' s i n d u s t r i a l 8. c o r e . T h i s was t h e age o f t h e new " s c i e n c e " o f s t a t i s t i c s ; t h e f a c t s a n d f i g u r e s o f u r b a n p o v e r t y a n d d e p r i v a t i o n w e r e b e i n g w i d e l y r e p o r t e d , a n d t h e c i t y was b e c o m i n g t h e f o c u s o f a l l 9. m i d d l e c l a s s t h e o r i e s o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n t r o l . The West E n d e l i t e u n d o u b t e d l y b r o u g h t a f e a r o f t h e s l u m a n d a d i s t r u s t o f t h e l a n d l e s s w o r k i n g c l a s s e s t o t h e t a s k o f c i t y b u i l d i n g , a l o n g w i t h t h e c o n v i c t i o n t h a t a c i t y o f s i n g l e f a m i l y homes made f o r g r e a t e r s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y a n d c o n t e n t m e n t , a s w e l l a s p r o f i t s f o r t h o s e who c o n t r o l l e d t h e u r b a n r e a l e s t a t e m a r k e t . F o r t h e f i r s t t w e n t y - f i v e y e a r s o f V a n c o u v e r ' s e x i s t e n c e t h e 11. West End was a l a t e V i c t o r i a n s i n g l e f a m i l y suburb bound up i n m e t r o p o l i t a n s o c i a l va lues and a r c h i t e c t u r a l s t y l e s tha t d i f f e r e d l i t t l e from those i n E a s t e r n Canada or B r i t a i n . The major d i f f e r e n c e between Vancouver ' s West End and the s i n g l e f a m i l y suburbs o f B r i t a i n o r E a s t e r n Canada was t h a t the West Enders were not r e t r e a t i n g from massive i n n e r c i t y deg rada t i on i n Vancouver. I f a n y t h i n g , they were r e t r e a t i n g from the s q u a l o r o f c e n t r a l c i t i e s e x p e r i e n c e d i n or a s s o c i a t e d wi th o t h e r p l a c e s at o ther t imes . As obv ious as t h i s p o i n t must seem, i t under scores how deep ly i n g r a i n e d was the d e s i r e f o r a suburban l i f e s t y l e among Vancouve r ' s w e l l - t o - d o p o p u l a t i o n . The " c u l t o f suburban l i v i n g " was nutured by more than the d e s i r e f o r w o r k / r e s i d e n c e s e p a r a t i o n , or the f e e l i n g tha t contentment c o u l d be found i n a suburban " r u r a l " atmosphere t h a t would h e l p ba l ance the c h a o t i c l i f e i n the c i t y ' s bus ines s s e c t o r . Ra ther , the g e o g r a p h i c a l l y d i s c r e t e s i n g l e f a m i l y suburb had become an impor tant d imens ion through which the upwardly mobi le middle c l a s s e s o f the i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g wor ld were d e f i n i n g t h e i r s o c i a l e x c l u s i v e n e s s as a group as w e l l as t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - i m p o r t a n c e i n a r a p i d l y chang ing w o r l d . As H . J . Dyos argues i n V i c t o r i a n Suburb: I t was not on l y the sea t o f r e s p e c t a b i l i t y b u t . . . a wor ld o f f an ta sy i n which dreams o f s e l f importance c o u l d become t a n g i b l e i n the management o f some d o l l ' s house e s t a t e and i n the o c c u p a t i o n o f a unique s o c i a l n i c h e . 10. Or, as Deryck Holdsworth has p o i n t e d o u t , . . . t h e midd le c l a s s f e l t e q u a l l y a l i e n a t e d by the c o n f u s i n g dynamism o f a f l u i d i n d u s t r i a l o r d e r . One way to overcome such u n c e r t a i n t y was to be i n c o n t r o l o f some l i m i t e d c e r t a i n t y ; the s o c i a l d i s p l a y o f suburban v i l l a , i t s management through a broad s e t o f home s t a n d a r d s , and through the r e g u l a t i o n o f s o c i a l i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h i n a s a fe group. 11. 12. Looked at from a s o c i a l p e r s p e c t i v e , t h e r e f o r e , i t might be argued t h a t the West End's importance as a neighborhood l a y l e s s as a r e t r e a t from the c i t y c e n t e r and more i n the f a c t t h a t i t was a c o l l e c t i v e a s s a u l t on p e r s o n a l a l i e n a t i o n heightened i n a new urban s e t t i n g where s t r a n g e r s abounded and p e r s o n a l bonds had been weakened by time and d i s t a n c e . This does not mean t h a t Vancouver's West End embodied a p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s t i n c t i v e attempt at l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century suburban l i v i n g ; c l e a r l y i t d i d not. However, g i v e n the f a c t t h a t Vancouver was a newly c r e a t e d and dynamic urban c e n t e r , i t does seem p o s s i b l e t h a t many of the West Enders were p a r t i c u l a r l y a p p r e c i a t i v e o f the s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s s u r r o u n d i n g the West End. The tendency of West Enders to view t h e i r s e t t i n g as a g e o g r a p h i c a l means to a s o c i a l end r a t h e r than a g e o g r a p h i c a l end i n i t s e l f would, i n the longer run, leave the West End t o t a l l y v u l n e r a b l e to redevelopment. THE WEST END IN ITS PRIME The shape o f the West End's b u i l t landscape The f i r s t and o l d e s t r e s i d e n t i a l environment i n the West End c o n s i s t e d of the upper c l a s s homes t h a t were c o n s t r u c t e d i n the north e a s t e r n s e c t o r o f the West End p r i o r to 1 8 9 8 . The b u i l d e r s of these houses, l i k e the vast m a j o r i t y of new V a n c o u v e r i t e s , had a r r i v e d i n the c i t y with the c o n v i c t i o n t h a t s i n g l e - f a m i l y detached houses, i s o l a t e d from the commerical and i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r s o f the c i t y , were requirements of a h e a l t h y and s o c i a l l y v i a b l e urban environment. The e l e g a n t row houses of London or New York, popular among the upper c l a s s u n t i l at l e a s t 12. the 1 8 6 0 ' s , t o t a l l y f a i l e d to pe n e t r a t e Vancouver's s t a t u s r e s i d e n t i a l environment. Those few among Vancouver's upper c l a s s 13. who f e l t no d e s i r e to i n v e s t i n t h e i r own home could f i n d permanent and s o c i a l l y p r e s t i g i o u s accomodation i n the H o t e l Vancouver or, by the mid 1890's, i n the Vancouver Club. For most, however, investment i n a West End home was an important, i f not mandat/bry, step i n t o Vancouver's e l i t e s o c i a l c i r c l e s . The houses c o n s t r u c t e d d u r i n g t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d were o f t e n expensive and ornate, yet the gardens a s s o c i a t e d with the houses r a r e l y e q u a l l e d the grandeur o f the homes. Rarely set-back, the houses were o f t e n on the s t r e e t border i n an attempt to d e f i n e a s t r e e t p a t t e r n t h a t , i n r e a l i t y , was l i t t l e more than a system o f narrow d i r t roads (see I l l u s t r a t i o n 1). In a f u r t h e r attempt attempt to b r i n g some semblence of o r d e r to a rugged and c h a o t i c landscape, houses were o f t e n fenced i n , the fence e n c l o s i n g only a s m a l l p o r t i o n of the l o t on which the house was l o c a t e d . In essence, the fence d e f i n e d what was to be c o n s i d e r e d the domesticated r e s i d e n t i a l landscape and d i v i d e d i t from a d j a c e n t , untamed land (see I l l u s t r a t i o n 2 ) . Those with one complete l o t (66 f e e t by 132 f e e t ) , and those with more than one l o t , r a r e l y c r e a t e d expensive, manicured grounds around t h e i r homes. During the f i r s t few years o f Vancouver's development time was too s h o r t and money too v a l u a b l e to spend on e x t e n s i v e l a n d s c a p i n g . The house stood as the prime, v i s i b l e symbol of p o s i t i o n i n the urban s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y . Between 1893 and approximately 1898 Vancouver s u f f e r e d t h r o u g h . i t s f i r s t economic d e p r e s s i o n and there was l i t t l e upper c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l expansion o u t s i d e of the West End's nor t h e a s t e r n s e c t o r . To be sure, the depressed economy had only a minor impact on most of the e s t a b l i s h e d p r o f e s s s i o n a l and managerial e l i t e i n Vancouver although i t r u i n e d many s m a l l The ,nitf of y fli,rhewv, aWiTn eCOT * i f h n ^ n ^ ^ ^ r — ILLUSTRATION 1. VANCOUVER'S WEST END IN APPROXIMATELY 1 8 9 1 . (Source: Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s ) ILLUSTRATION 2. nfi!t»i.< m ( S o u r c e : Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s ) 16. businessmen and land s p e c u l a t o r s . I t d i d make the c i t y l e s s a t t r a c t i v e to p r o s p e c t i v e upper c l a s s immigrants, as w e l l as f o r e i g n and E a s t e r n Canadian c a p i t a l , and i t o b v i o u s l y r e s t r i c t e d the upward m o b i l i t y of Vancouver's middle c l a s s . The ranks of the upper c l a s s d i d not i n c r e a s e s i g n i f i c a n t l y and the upper c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l environment d i d not expand d r a m a t i c a l l y d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . E a r l y i n the 1890's W i l l i a m Godfrey, manager of the Bank of B r i t i s h North America, and R.V. Winch, p r e s i d e n t of Ward and Company, had s e t t l e d south of Nelson S t r e e t . In so doing, these powerful businessmen a n t i c i p a t e d the e x t e n s i v e e l i t e r e s i d e n t i a l development that took plac e on the E n g l i s h Bay s l o p e s d u r i n g the l a t e 1890's and e a r l y 1900's. Godfrey's house, at the corner of N i c o l a and Burnaby, was completed by 1893 and was one of only 13. three houses south of Davie S t r e e t at t h i s time. F u r t h e r n o r t h , R.V. Winch's house at 1205 Comox e x e m p l i f i e d both the extravagant t a s t e and the degree of f i n a n c i a l investment that went i n t o the upper c l a s s West End mansions. B u i l t i n 1 8 9 4 , when others l e s s f o r t u n a t e were f e e l i n g the e f f e c t s of the d e p r e s s i o n , Winch's house and f u r n i s h i n g s i n c l u d e d ten tons of s t e e l beams, two 600 pound antique marble bathtubs, mahogany s t a i r c a s e s , and s o l i d 14. oak b i l l i a r d t a b l e s . The e x t e n s i v e gardens and lawns surrounding Winch's home were to become commonplace f e a t u r e s of the e l i t e r e s i d e n t i a l landscape a f t e r 1898. In 1898 p r o s p e r i t y had r e t u r n e d to the c i t y . B u i l t p r i m a r i l y along the E n g l i s h Bay - S t a n l e y Park perimeter of the VJest End, the homes and landscapes e s t a b l i s h e d by the upper c l a s s a f t e r 1898 now conformed c l o s e l y to a mansion-estate t r a d i t i o n with the l a r g e home l o c a t e d on one or more l o t s surrounded by garden shrubs and c a r e f u l l y manicured lawns. Often a house would be l o c a t e d i n the middle o f s e v e r a l l o t s , s e t back from the s t r e e t and above s t r e e t l e v e l , thereby e n s u r i n g a degree of p r i v a c y from adjacent developments and c u r i o u s p e d e s t r i a n s . M u l t i p l e l e v e l landscape s e t t i n g s became popular as the r e s i d e n t s sought to a t t a i n the i n f o r m a l and i r r e g u l a r r e s i d e n t i a l appearance a s s o c i a t e d with the V i c t o r i a n p e r i o d ' s p i c t u r e s q u e 15. s t y l e (see I l l u s t r a t i o n 3). A comparable e f f e c t was achieved by s i t i n g houses at i r r e g u l a r angles to the s t r e e t . To f u r t h e r accent the p i c t u r e s q u e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the house, and to help blend the n a t u r a l with the man-made environment, the w a l l s of the houses were o f t e n covered with v i n e . In the same v e i n , shrubs, hedges, and stone became popular as l o t d i v i d e r s , although s m a l l wooden fences continued to be used. Trees were pl a n t e d around the houses and along the s t r e e t borders (see I l l u s t r a t i o n 4 ) . Monkey puzzle t r e e s , e v o c a t i v e reminders o f the f o r e i g n and e x o t i c c u l t u r e s t h a t had been penetrated by B r i t i s h s h i p p i n g and t r a d e , became a popular f e a t u r e of the domestic landscapes. Apparently upper c l a s s r e s i d e n t s p a i d heed to i m p e r i a l i s t i c sentiments such as those espoused by a speaker at the Vancouver Canadian Club i n 1910: You are p a r t o f a world movement which w i l l go on f o r hundreds of y e a r s . When you l a y out your s t r e e t s , when you e r e c t your b u i l d i n g s , please make your l o t s l a r g e r with t h i s i n view. 16. These l a v i s h , s i n g l e - f a m i l y e s t a t e s , c r e a t e d p r i m a r i l y a f t e r the turn of the century along the E n g l i s h Bay and Stan l e y Park per i m e t e r s , were the second upper c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l environment i n the West End. ILLUSTRATION 3 . LOOKING EAST ON BURNABY STREET, FROM JERVIS, 1 9 0 6 . (Source: Vancouver P u b l i c L i b r a r y ) 20 . The th i r d single-family r e s i d e n t i a l environment i n the West End, that of the middle and lower income groups, was i n i t i a l l y concentrated i n the east-central portion of the West End. 3y 1910 however, af t e r the expansion of street car service throughout the area, these houses had penetrated v i r t u a l l y a l l areas of the West End. B u i l t by t h e i r owners or by speculative developers, these houses imitated, on a modest scale, the houses and landscapes of the upper cl a s s . The fourth r e s i d e n t i a l environment i n the West End, that of apartments and comparable multiple dwelling structures such as lodges and converted houses, was of r e l a t i v e l y minor importance i n the West End u n t i l a f t e r 1910. Eventually such buildings were to dominate the West End but i n 1910 only seven apartments were l i s t e d i n the Vancouver City Directory, f i v e of them i n the West End (see Map 2). There were also several hotels and rooming houses i n the West End - for example, the Olencoe Lodge, Earlscourt, The Mansions, and the Bellview House - but before the f i r s t world war single-family structures e a s i l y dominated the West End's b u i l t landscape. With the exception of the Bellview House at 1560 Nelson, the multiple dwelling structures were confined to the north eastern sector of the West End. Further, these dwellings were occupied primarily by v i s i t o r s to the c i t y or by middle and upper class Vancouverites. These groups did not pose any threat to the b e l i e f that single-family homes were the key to s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y i n Vancouver, esp e c i a l l y since successful Vancouverites rarely took up permanent residence in an apartment. In fact, when comparing Vancouver apartment l i f e p r i o r to and a f t e r the f i r s t world war, Edwin Orr has argued: The pre-war apartment houses were very MAP 2. MULTIPLE DWELLINGS IN THE WEST END, 1910. • Apartment s • B o a r d i n g houses A H o t e l s d i f f e r e n t from the type which i s e r e c t e d now.... At t h a t time apartments were r e g a r d e d much as h o t e l s - o n l y b u i l t as a c o n v e n i e n c e f o r those people who might not be permanent r e s i d e n t s o f the c i t y . They were never r e g a r d e d as a home. 17. I n f o r m a t i o n o b t a i n e d from the Vancouver C i t y B u i l d i n g 18. P e r m i t s o f 1904, 1909 and 1910 p r o v i d e a u s e f u l g u i d e t o p r o c e s s e s t h a t were s h a p i n g the b u i l t l a n d s c a p e i n the West End d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . As the f o l l o w i n g maps i n d i c a t e (Maps 3 and 4 ) , by 1904 the more e x p e n s i v e s i n g l e - f a m i l y h o u s i n g u n i t s were b e i n g c o n s t r u c t e d i n two g e n e r a l a r e a s , one a d j a c e n t t o S t a n l e y P a r k and the o t h e r on t h e s l o p e o v e r l o o k i n g E n g l i s h Bay, e s p e c i a l l y west o f Bute S t r e e t and s o u t h o f Comox S t r e e t . B u i l d i n g a c t i v i t y i n 1909 and 1910 f o l l o w e d t h i s same g e o g r a p h i c a l t r e n d . Very few s i n g l e - f a m i l y u n i t s were b e i n g c o n s t r u c t e d i n the n o r t h e a s t e r n s e c t o r o f the West End by 1904, and those t h a t were tended t o be v a l u e d a t under $2500.00. S i m i l a r i l y , s i n g l e -f a m i l y developments i n the s t r i p o f l a n d between B u r r a r d and Bute S t r e e t s were p r e d o m i n a n t l y o f a low c o s t n a t u r e i n 1904. Y e t i t i s q u i t e c l e a r t h a t the o v e r a l l tone o f b u i l d i n g a c t i v i t y was b a s i c a l l y one o f i n t e g r a t i o n r a t h e r than s e g r e g a t i o n . The l a c k o f z o n i n g r e g u l a t i o n s , c o u p l e d w i t h the f i r m l y h e l d b e l i e f t h a t p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y owners s h o u l d be a b l e to d evelop t h e i r l a n d as they saw f i t , c r e a t e d a l a n d s c a p e t h a t , i n r e t r o s p e c t , appears r a t h e r c h a o t i c . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the l a n d u s e mix t h a t d e v e l o p e d d u r i n g the f i r s t decade o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y was by no means s e v e r e enough t o pose a t h r e a t t o the f u n c t i o n o f the West End as a s t a t u s n e i g h b o r h o o d , e s p e c i a l l y a l o n g the S t a n l e y Park - E n g l i s h Bay s e c t o r where c o n t i g u o u s mansions, each s e t i n s u b s t a n t i a l grounds, s e r v e d t o r e p e l any s i g n i f i c a n t MAP 3. 2 3 . VALUE OP SINGLE-FAMILY BUILDING PERMITS IN THE Y/EST END, 1 9 0 4 . •Over $4500.00 9$2500.00 - $4500.00 *$1500.00 - $2499.00 AUnder $1500.00 I JAP 4. 24. VALUE OP SINGLE-FAMILY BUILDING PERMITS, 1909 and 1910. • Over $5,000.00 • $3,000.00 - $5,000.00 * $2,000.00'- $2,999.00 A Under $2,000.00 25. i n t r u s i o n s of lower income housing. Furthermore, landuse p a t t e r n s are only one index of the manner i n which the West End's environment was o r g a n i z e d . A r c h i t e c t u r a l s t y l e s and, to a f a r g r e a t e r e x t e n t , the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d s o c i a l environment, were an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f the West End's e x i s t e n c e as a comfortable, upper c l a s s neighborhood. Vancouver's s t a t u s as a dynamic, modern urban c e n t e r was c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d i n the West End's r e s i d e n t i a l a r c h i t e c t u r e . Prosperous people c o u l d a f f o r d to b u i l d or purchase homes that met the contemporary c r i t e r i a o f success i n the l a t e V i c t o r i a n Age. The ornate a r c h i t e c t u r a l forms of l a t e V i c t o r i a n England, f r e q u e n t l y by way of Southern O n t a r i o and C a l i f o r n i a , dominated the West End landscape. In an age of optimism and p r o s p e r i t y , these V ancouverites sought to d i s p l a y t h e i r wealth and s t a t u s as, from Los Angeles to Toronto, the newly wealthy f a m i l i e s of the i n d u s t r i a l e r a turned to the grandeur and excesses of e c l e c t i c V i c t o r i a n a r c h i t e c t u r e to demonstrate a new-found s o c i a l 19. prominence. V i c t o r i a n a r c h i t e c t u r e emphasized d i v e r s i t y through s t y l i s t i c c o n t r a s t , an a r c h i t e c t u r a l mode that has been r e f e r r e d to as p i c t u r e s q u e r e v i v a l i s m and e c l e c t i c i s m . Exuberant and o f t e n o s t e n t a t i o u s V i c t o r i a n a r c h i t e c t u r e had sprung from a d e l i b e r a t e r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t what was c o n s i d e r e d to be the d u l l , monotonous and uniform a r c h i t e c t u r e of Georgian England. As Asa B r i g g s has e x p l a i n e d : They i d e n t i f i e d Georgian a r c h i t e c t u r e not only with formal d u l l n e s s but with l a c k of i m a g i n a t i v e i n v e n t i v e n e s s , and once they had fought out i n c o n c l u s i v e l y t h e i r own famous ' b a t t l e of s t y l e s * between the Greek and G o t h i c , they allowed f o r a l i m i t e d 2 6 . s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . . . or s e t t l e d down to a comfortable e c l e c t i c i s m . 2 0 . T h i s e c l e c t i c s t y l e , i n s p i r e d by many p l a c e s and times, aimed to suggest the passage of time and the c o n t i n u i t y o f human c u l t u r e . While Greek, Roman, Egypt i a n and other s t y l e s were r e v i v e d and o f t e n blended together on one b u i l d i n g , the Gothic and I t a l i a n a t e forms of the Middle Ages e v e n t u a l l y proved to be more popular than o t h e r s . T h i s d i v e r s i t y and b l e n d i n g of s t y l e s not only evoked a mood o f romantic n o s t a l g i a f o r the pa s t , but i t expressed the exuberance and, to some ex t e n t , the i n d i v i d u a l i t y o f the V i c t o r i a n Age ( see I l l u s t r a t i o n s 5 and 6 ) . 3 u i l d i n g s were "imposed" with p r e t e n s i o n , symbolism was important, and both i n d i v i d u a l i t y and s t a t u s s e e k i n g were expressed i n the 2 1 . v i l l a s o f the middle and upper c l a s s e s . A v a r i e t y o f Queen Anne and I t a l i a n a t e houses, many f i n i s h e d with s h i n g l e s , soon dominated the West End's landscape. In the West End, as elsewhere i n the urban world d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , the h e i g h t of the b u i l d i n g , the amount of ging e r b r e a d t r i m , and the number of chimneys and s t a i n e d g l a s s windows were symbols of the owner's p r e s t i g e i n the community. The m a j o r i t y of homes were two and on e - h a l f s t o r i e s , and the use of steep p o i n t e d g a b l e s , a tower, t u r r e t s and chimneys gave the i l l u s i o n of added h e i g h t . In a d d i t i o n , these f e a t u r e s helped to c r e a t e an i r r e g u l a r s i l h o u e t t e important to the the p i c t u r e s q u e s t y l e . Large verandas were common (see I l l u s t r a t i o n 7), as were bay windows..The m a j o r i t y of the homes were c o n s t r u c t e d of wood on stone f o u n d a t i o n s , a f a c t t h a t made a deep imp r e s s i o n on v i s i t o r s to the c i t y who were accustomed to the b r i c k urban world of Eas t e r n Canada or B r i t a i n . One E n g l i s h w r i t e r , a f t e r admiring the (Source: Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s ) ILLUSTRATION 6. WEST END HOME NEAR STANLEY PARK ( c a . 1910) (Source: Vancouver P u b l i c L i b r a r y ) ILLUSTRATION 7. 1100 BLOCK HARWOOD STREET ( c a . 1909) (Source: Vancouver P u b l i c L i b r a r y ) 3 0 . f i n e craftmanship i n the West End's housing s t o c k , thought i t "almost a p i t y to b u i l d such b e a u t i f u l s t r u c t u r e s i n such an 2 2 . impermanent m a t e r i a l as wood." Only a few s t r u c t u r e s , such as B.T. R o g e r s ' " G a b r i o l a " on Davie S t r e e t , used stone or b r i c k throughout. Designed and b u i l t s e p a r a t e l y or i n s m a l l groups by s p e c u l a t i v e d e v e l o p e r s , the housing of the middle c l a s s g e n e r a l l y echoed the s t y l e of the upper c l a s s , b r i n g i n g a c e r t a i n degree of s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n to the v e r n a c u l a r a r c h i t e c t u r e of the 'West End. Within a s h o r t span of time the two and o n e - h a l f s t o r e y timber b u i l d i n g , with gable end presented to the s t r e e t , a covered porch, o f t e n a corner t u r r e t , and one or more bay windows on the facade, dominated the West End landscape. While the amount of ging e r b r e a d and the number of t u r r e t s , porch supports and bay windows c r e a t e d v a r i a t i o n s on a common s t y l i s t i c theme, and although many examples of o s t e n t a t i o u s wealth dotted the landscape, there was an o v e r a l l b l e n d i n g of s t y l e s t h a t served to c r e a t e an i d e n t i f i a b l e b u i l t landscape between S t a n l e y Park and the c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t , a landscape that was one of the p r i d e s of e a r l y Vancouver. The West End i n i t s prime, r e p l e t e with l u s h and expansive gardens, ornamental t u r r e t s , r i c h c o l o r s , s t r i k i n g a r c h i t e c t u r e , stood as the c l e a r e s t e x p r e s s i o n of a l l t h a t was c o n s i d e r e d good and d e s i r a b l e i n Vancouver's V i c t o r i a n Age. When Dr. Roland Grant urged the Vancouver Canadian Club members to "see that t h i s 2 3 . i s to be a land of homes as w e l l as commerce" he h i g h l i g h t e d two b a s i c goals that had been s a t i s f i e d i n the West End. The area was an a f f l u e n t , s i n g l e - f a m i l y environment, and i t was supported by 31. an expanding commercial and i n d u s t r i a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . E x p r e s s i n g success and f i n a n c i a l commitment i n an age concerned with m a t e r i a l achievement and i n a new c i t y obsessed with p r o g r e s s , the s t a t e l y homes and landscapes of the West End captured the i m a g i n a t i o n of most V a n c o u v e r i t e s . A c c o r d i n g to one r e p o r t e r f o r the P r o v i n c e , the West End p e r s o n i f i e d the q u a l i t y of l i f e a t t a i n a b l e i n Vancouver: J u s t as the raiment with which a man c l o t h e s h i m s e l f presents a very f a i r index whereby the observant may study h i s c h a r a c t e r , so do the p r i v a t e d w e l l i n g s i n which the people o f a c i t y house themselves o f f e r to the person who wishes to l e a r n something about these people, a u s e f u l guide i n f o r m u l a t i n g a t r u e estimate as to t h e i r t a s t e s , h a b i t s and a s p i r a t i o n s . . . . In the area l y i n g west o f G r a n v i l l e S t r e e t , and extending between F a l s e Creek and the i n l e t , stand the s t a t e l y homes of the Terminal C i t y , a l l and s i n g u l a r p r e s e n t i n g e x t e r n a l l y the c h i e f a t t r i b u t e s of p r o s p e r i t y - elegance, a r t i s t i c refinement, and l u x u r i o u s comfort. 24. The e x t e r n a l " a t t r i b u t e s of p r o s p e r i t y " d i s c u s s e d by the w r i t e r were, of course, p a r t of the h i g h l y o r g a n i z e d and r e l a t i v e l y v i s i b l e l i f e s t y l e through which Vancouver's e l i t e s o c i e t y d e f i n e d t h e i r s o c i a l e x c l u s i v e n e s s as a group as w e l l as t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l sense of s t a t u s and s e c u r i t y i n a r a p i d l y changing world. The West End's s o c i a l m i l i e u The West End was d e s c r i b e d i n 1900 as "That s p e c i a l p o r t i o n of the c i t y where dwell the 'upper t e n , ' the wearers of purple and f i n e l i n e n , those upon whom the s m i l e s of good f o r t u n e have 25. f a l l e n . " A more p r e c i s e measure of the high degree of l o c a l i z a t i o n of Vancouver's e l i t e i n the West End i s provided by the Vancouver E l i t e D i r e c t o r y , p u b l i s h e d i n 1908. Of those l i s t e d 32. i n the D i r e c t o r y 86* were r e s i d e n t s of the West End, 6% were r e s i d e n t s o f the downtown area, and the remaining B% were s c a t t e r e d i n P o i n t Grey, K i t s i l a n o , F a i r v i e w , and the East End . 26. s e c t i o n s o f the c i t y . Almost t h r e e - q u a r t e r s (224) of the 307 members of the p r e s t i g i o u s Vancouver Club r e s i d e d i n the West End i n 1900, another 13* r e s i d e d downtown between Hamilton and B u r r a r d S t r e e t s , and three percent were s c a t t e r e d a c r o s s 27. K i t s i l a n o , F a i r v i e w and Mount P l e a s a n t . West Enders a l s o dominated the Terminal C i t y Club. Sixty-one percent or 234 of the 381 l o c a l members r e s i d e d i n the West End, another 61 (16/5) r e s i d e d downtown and 43 or 11.1* co u l d not be l o c a t e d i n the c i t y d i r e c t o r i e s i n 1908. Nine of the 16,people who served as mayor between between 1886 and 1914 l i v e d i n the West End while i n o f f i c e , f i v e l i v e d downtown adjacent to the 'West End, one r e s i d e d i n Mount P l e a s a n t and one i n E a s t Vancouver. Between 1893 and 1914 a l l but one of the 12 p r e s i d e n t s of the Vancouver Canadian Club l i v e d i n the West End d u r i n g h i s stay i n o f f i c e and, i n 1910, 13 of the 14 l i v i n g past p r e s i d e n t s o f the Board o f Trade r e s i d e d i n the West End, as d i d fo u r o f the f i v e men who would serve as p r e s i d e n t between 1910 and 1915. A s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t view of the power anchored i n the West End emerges when one examines the degree to which f i n a n c i a l support f o r and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l of the newly c r e a t e d Vancouver- General H o s p i t a l was c o n c e n t r a t e d i n the West End. In 1903, the 28. i n a u g u r a l year of the V.G.H., 62 or 70?* of the l i f e governors and 82 or 62% of the V.G.H. governors were r e s i d e n t s of the VJest End (see Table I and Maps 5 and 6 ) . The reasons f o r the West End's p o p u l a r i t y as an u p p e r . c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l area o b v i o u s l y went f a r beyond i t s a t t r a c t i v e TABIE I GOVERNORS OF THE VANCOUVER GENERAL HOSPITAL, RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTION Life Governors of the V.G.H. ($100.00 donations to the hospital, 1903) Location Number % West End 62 70.4 Eiowntown 15 17.1 East End 4 4.5 Fairview 1 1.1 New Westminster 1 1.1 Unknown 5 5.7 Total 88 100.0 Governors for 1903 ($10.00 donations to the hospital, 1903) Location Number % West End 82 62.1 Downtown 25 18.9 East End 8 6.1 Fairview 4 3.1 New Westminster 1 0.7 Unknown 12 9.1 Total 132 100.0 Source: Annual Report of the V.G.H. f o r 1903, Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s , Uncatalgued. MAP 5 34. DISTRIBUTION OF VANCOUVER GENERAL HOSPITAL LIFE GOVERNORS IN THE 7/EST END, 1903. (Note: households with more than one governor have been r e c o r d e d o n l y once.) MAP 6. 35. DISTRIBUTION OP GOVERNORS OP THE VANCOUVER GENERAL HOSPITAL RESIDENT IN THE WEST END, 1903. (Note: households with more than one governor have been recorded only once.) 36. n a t u r a l a m e n i t i e s . Rather, the West End provided a s e t t i n g i n which Vancouver's wealthy r e s i d e n t s could begin to o r g a n i z e themselves i n t o a r e l a t i v e l y cohesive s o c i a l group. P r i v a t e c l u b s and i n t e r l o c k i n g c o r p o r a t e concerns a l s o f o s t e r e d s o c i a l cohesion among the e l i t e , but the West End's r o l e as an e l i t e neighborhood was an i n t e g r a l p a r t of t h i s m u l t i f a c e t e d p r o c e s s . " E l i t e S o c i e t y " centered on the West End and on the 'West End houses; i t was there t h a t time and space could most r e a d i l y be s t r u c t u r e d d u r i n g Vancouver's f o r m a t i v e years to provide a base f o r the e l i t e ' s o p e r a t i o n s i n the wider urban arena. In the West End, Vancouver's upper and middle c l a s s e s e s t a b l i s h e d an o r g a n i z e d , V i c t o r i a n l i f e - s t y l e t h a t served as a s o c i a l " b u f f e r " a g a i n s t the s o c i a l and s p a t i a l c o n f u s i o n of a CPR "boom town." Elsewhere at the end of the n i n e t e e n t h century the s i n g l e f a m i l y suburb had become an important means whereby the middle and upper c l a s s e s of the i n d u s t r i a l world found a measure of s o c i a l cohesion and i n d i v i d u a l s e c u r i t y i n the face of what appeared to be the growing c o m p l e x i t i e s of urban s o c i e t y . Vancouver's newness and i t s i s o l a t i o n from e s t a b l i s h e d s o c i e t y i n E a s t e r n Canada may have accentuated the concern with e s t a b l i s h i n g s o c i a l order, d e f i n i n g s t a t u s groups, and r e g u l a t i n g s o c i a l i n t e r c o u r s e through formal i n s t i t u t i o n s and r u l e s of s o c i a l e t i q u e t t e . Yet any d i f f e r e n c e i n t h i s r e s p e c t was of degree r a t h e r than k i n d ; West Enders adopted l a t e V i c t o r i a n s o c i a l techniques to a s s e r t t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e sense of g e o g r a p h i c a l and s o c i a l p l a c e . The West End house was a focus of t h i s a c t i v i t y . Here the break between p u b l i c and p r i v a t e - between c i t y and suburb -3 7 . reached i t s c o n c l u s i o n with the d e t a i l e d r e g u l a t i o n o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n the p r o t e c t i v e c o n f i n e s o f the p r i v a t e home. As Holdsworth has suggested: ...the house...was the umbrella f o r a p r i v a t e world o f f a m i l y l i f e beyond the business o f p r o f i t and p u b l i c s e r v i c e with which the whole neighborhood concerned i t s e l f . Such a p r i v a t e world was breached only on s t r i c t r u l e s : the home of f a m i l y f r i e n d s h i p s became the monitored venue of p u b l i c f r i e n d s h i p , with c o d i f i e d r u l e s f o r "home" beh a v i o r . 29. And, as D a v i d o f f e x p l a i n s i n her e x c e l l e n t study o f V i c t o r i a n s o c i a l mores and e t i q u e t t e , " . . . V i c t o r i a n gentlemen regarded t h e i r homes not as a temple to t a s t e but to domestic v i r t u e s , 3 0 . one o f which was engaging i n S o c i e t y f u n c t i o n s . " The s a n c i t y of the p r i v a t e home was a s e r i o u s matter; an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s t a t u s i n the community could be measured by the number o f homes to which he had r e l a t i v e l y f r e e a c c e s s . S t a t u s equals were "allowed" to v i s i t one another on s h o r t n o t i c e or even unannounced i f they were on f r i e n d l y terms, and members of the top s o c i a l stratum c o u l d i n i t i a t e v i s i t s with those lower down the s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y i f they so d e s i r e d . Conversely, i t was c o n s i d e r e d to be i n "bad t a s t e " f o r someone to i n i t i a t e a v i s i t a t a more p r e s t i g i o u s household without having been f o r m a l l y i n v i t e d , although i t was a c c e p t a b l e to leave an "At Home" card i n the hope t h a t a formal i n v i t a t i o n would f o l l o w or th a t the r e c i p i e n t o f the card would a c t on the 3 1 . i n v i t a t i o n to atte n d the sender's "At Home" f u n c t i o n . Although Vancouver was a comparatively new c i t y where wealth and business success were c r i t i c a l determinants o f s o c i a l s t a n d i n g , the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d r i t u a l s t h a t s t r u c t u r e d access to the p r i v a t e home were c l o s e l y adhered t o . "At Home" days and garden parties quickly became important functions through which proper s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n was generated with the West End neighborhood. Garden p a r t i e s , lawn bowling tournaments, and comparable functions i n the gardens of the private home, became an important part of e l i t e s o c i a l l i f e i n England during the 1880's and 1890's. During these years, the hectic days of the l a t e V i c t o r i a n age, London society was expanding and problems of s o c i a l d e f i n i t i o n were becoming more acute. The garden party allowed d i f f e r e n t categories of guests to be included i n an event without the implication that f u l l s o c i a l acceptance would automatically follow since participants 32. were denied the inner sanctum of the drawing room. There can be l i t t l e doubt that garden parties f u l f i l l e d a comparable function i n Vancouver's e l i t e society, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r 1898 as the population rapidly expanded and many new applicants vied for f u l l acceptance within the c i t y ' s e l i t e s o c i a l network. Looked at from th i s perspective, i t can be seen that the estates established i n the West End a f t e r 1898 f u l f i l l e d a s o c i a l function that went far beyond t h e i r pleasing picturesque q u a l i t i e s . Even the spacious verandas surrounding most upper class homes were an intimate part of t h i s elegant l i f e s t y l e of garden p a r t i e s , front lawn orchestral r e c i t a l s , and bowling tournaments. As a c o l o r f u l part of the e l i t e ' s summer "Social Season," the outdoor garden party also had an important and complex display function. On the one hand i t impressed the general populace with the splendour and elegance of the successful l i f e and, h o p e f u l l y , i n s p i r e d the ambitious to work towards a comparable l e v e l of l i v i n g . S i m i l a r i l y , i t r e v e a l e d proper and c i v i l i z e d s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , thereby s e r v i n g as an example to the lower c l a s s e s who were o f t e n regarded as u n s t a b l e , u n c i v i l i z e d , a t h r e a t to the dominant s o c i a l o r d e r . The tone o f c i v i l i z e d refinement t h a t the West End garden party attempted to p o r t r a y to the c i t y as a whole i s captured r a t h e r n i c e l y i n the f o l l o w i n g e x c e r p t frpm the B.C. Saturday Sunset. The hostess was Mrs. W i l l i a m S u l l y , w i f e of a very s u c c e s s f u l f i n a n c i e r and manufacturer: The f i r s t garden par t y o f the season was g i v e n by Mrs. S u l l y at her l o v e l y home, on (1335) Davie S t r e e t , on Wednesday. The grounds were l o o k i n g t h e i r very best and with p l e n t y of garden c h a i r s and g a i l y decorated t a b l e s p l a c e d about a p r e t t i e r s i g h t would be hard to imagine. Many b e a u t i f u l gowns were shown to advantage on the smooth green lawn.... The p o l i s h e d t a b l e was e x q u i s i t e l y done with l i l i e s o f the v a l l e y i n s i l v e r vases on b i l l o w s o f c h i f f o n . . . . Harpur's o r c h e s t r a gave gr e a t p l e a s u r e to the g u e s t s . 33. T h i r t y - e i g h t of the 48 guests l i s t e d i n the newspaper's r e p o r t of the p a r t y were a l s o l i s t e d i n the e l i t e d i r e c t o r y of 1908. The o t h e r women at the p a r t y were perhaps t a k i n g p a r t i n a s i g n i f i c a n t " S o c i e t y " f u n c t i o n f o r the f i r s t time, and t h e i r performance would have some b e a r i n g on t h e i r acceptance i n t o the e l i t e c i r c l e s o f the c i t y . In t u r n , t h i s would bear on the connections t h e i r husbands could make i n t h e i r business and p r o f e s s i o n a l c a r e e r s . The "At Home" played a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t r o l e i n e l i t e s o c i e t y although, l i k e the garden p a r t y , i t was not n e c e s s a r i l y a v e h i c l e f o r i n t i m a t e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n between c l o s e f r i e n d s . In the f i r s t p l a c e , the "At Home" was somewhat more p e r s o n a l than the garden p a r t y i n t h a t the guests were brought i n t o the p r i v a c y o f the home, u s u a l l y the drawing room, where t e a and cakes would be served. U n l i k e the garden p a r t y however, attendance was not always c o n t r o l l e d by an o f f i c i a l i n v i t a t i o n to a s p e c i f i c "At Home" event. "At Home" days were p r i n t e d i n the s o c i a l d i r e c t o r i e s and o f t e n i n the newspapers so th a t those who f e l t e n t i t l e d to 34. a t t e n d might do so. O r i g i n a t i n g i n London, t h i s system had not always been so impersonal. During the mid—nineteenth century a host o r hostess had i s s u e d c a l l i n g cards to the people i n v i t e d to an "At Home." With the growing s i z e o f London " S o c i e t y " i n the 1880's "At Home" days began to be p r i n t e d i n s o c i a l d i r e c t o r i e s such as Boyles Court Guide "so 35. t h a t anyone might at t e n d who wished to do so." This was e s s e n t i a l l y the system t r a n s p l a n t e d i n Vancouver f o r , although c a l l i n g cards continued to be p e r s o n a l l y i s s u e d , Vancouver's newness and i t s r a p i d l y growing p o p u l a t i o n presented problems o f s o c i a l d e f i n i t i o n t h a t c o u l d most r e a d i l y be handled through f o r m a l i z e d s o c i a l mechanisms. C e r t a i n l y the pre-war p u b l i c a t i o n o f e l i t e d i r e c t o r i e s or 'Blue Books,' wherein s o c i a l l y a c c e p t a b l e names were chosen by committees o f s o c i a l l e a d e r s , i n d i c a t e s the concern to e s t a b l i s h secure, d e f i n e d and, to some exten t , c l o s e d s t a t u s groups. Because Vancouver's upper c l a s s "At Home" system was a f a i r l y f o r m a l i z e d s o c i a l r i t u a l , the p a t t e r n o f "At Home" days i n the West End i s an i n t r i g u i n g example of how the use 11. of time and space c o u l d be organized to promote s o c i a l cohesion w i t h i n the West End. As the f o l l o w i n g maps would i n d i c a t e (Maps 7 and 8), "At Home" days can be d i v i d e d i n t o a r e l a t i v e l y c l e a r cut s p a t i a l p a t t e r n r e f l e c t i n g both the s o c i a l makeup of and the pace o f se t t l e m e n t w i t h i n the West 36. End. A c c o r d i n g to the E l i t e D i r e c t o r y o f 1908, the o l d s o c i a l core o f the West End alo n g the " B l u f f " was dominated by F r i d a y "At Homes." Along with high r a n k i n g CPR o f f i c i a l s , such as Richard Marpole and Henry Cambie, t h i s group i n c l u d e d such long e s t a b l i s h e d e l i t e f a m i l i e s as the Campbell Sweenys, the B e l l - I r v i n g s , the F.C. Wades, the Boultbees, the Von Cramers and the S.O. Ri c h a r d s . The Tuesday group, c o n c e n t r a t e d south o f P e n d r e l l S t r e e t , and the Monday group, c o n c e n t r a t e d west o f B i d w e l l , occupied the high amenity s e c t i o n s o f the West End th a t experienced r a p i d e l i t e s e t t l e m e n t a f t e r the mid 1890's. I t would seem c l e a r t h a t the e a r l y e l i t e s e t t l e r s i n these two d i s t r i c t s c o n s c i o u s l y decided to e s t a b l i s h two separate "At Home" days t h a t would not c o n f l i c t with each other or with the F r i d a y group i n the o l d e l i t e core o f the West End. In ci r c u m v e n t i n g any major c l a s h o f "At Home" days, the e l i t e assured t h a t no one s e c t o r o f the West End would become s o c i a l l y i s o l a t e d from the r e s t . T h i s view i s supported by a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the r e s i d e n t i a l and s o c i a l p r o f i l e s o f the r e s i d e n t s o f the St a n l e y Park and E n g l i s h Bay s e c t o r s o f the West End. Many of the e a r l i e s t upper c l a s s s e t t l e r s south o f P e n d r e l l S t r e e t had moved out of the north e a s t e r n s e c t o r o f the West End, most notably W i l l i a m Godfrey, W i l l i a m S a l s b u r y , B.T. Rogers, Osborne P l u n k e t t and E . J . McFeely. These people MAP 7 . DISTRIBUTION OP "AT HOME" DAYS IN THE WEST ENDf 1908, COAL HARBOUR I ™ 1 c 1 f Qo] I nonnnd [ Si ^ C 3 L J ? g P^TOi L 60007 f AAOO i —i-"-.-^——1 ->.-.——> .1— / £ H £ 2 3 1 3 2 3 / • T * l IZJ3 ( T ^ V T ! 3>L IB • 3 C Z 3 C " "XT 3 C 29 f ™ ! 1 a SISZJ L a 3 £553 m r E N G L I S H B A Y * Monday o Tuesday oWednesday nThursday AFriday MAP 8. GENERAL DIVISION OP "AT HOME" DAYS IN THE WEST END, 1908, were not a s o c i a l network separate from the F r i d a y group r e s i d e n t on the " B l u f f " o v e r l o o k i n g B u r r a r d I n l e t . S a l s b u r y was t r e a s u r e r o f the CPR and Rogers and P l u n k e t t were t i e d to the CPR by i n t e r l o c k i n g investments i n the B.C. Sugar R e f i n e r y as w e l l as by marriages. The f a c t t h a t these f a m i l i e s a l l had a Tuesday r a t h e r than a F r i d a y "At Home" h i g h l i g h t s the manner i n which t h e i r s o c i a l f a m i l i a r i t y enabled them to order the use of time and space i n a r a t i o n a l manner so as to f a c i l i t a t e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a c r o s s the e n t i r e West End neighborhood. That i s to say, i t was not p a r t i c u l a r l y important i f i n t i m a t e f r i e n d s l i v i n g a d j a c e n t to each other shared the same "At Home" day, f o r p r i v a t e d i n n e r p a r t i e s and c a s u a l v i s i t s p r o v i d e d a convenient and more meaningful venue f o r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . Rather, i t was more important to maintain the o p p o r t u n i t y to v i s i t former neighbors.and c a s u a l acquaintances d u r i n g t h e i r "At Home" days along the " B l u f f " on F r i d a y or adjacent to St a n l e y Park on Monday. A s i m i l a r process o c c u r r e d a l o n g the S t a n l e y Park perimeter where e a r l y s e t t l e r s such as Fred Buscombe, Charles Douglas, Henry McDowell and W i l l i a m Dalton moved out o f the o l d West End core area and e s t a b l i s h e d a Monday "At Home" p a t t e r n t h a t would not c o n f l i c t with v i s i t s to the more remote F r i d a y and Tuesday groups. The Wednesday and Thursday "At Homes" were l e s s s p a t i a l l y d i s c r e t e than the o t h e r s , but even here i t i s c l e a r t h a t g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c a t i o n played some p a r t i n dete r m i n i n g one's "At Home" day. The b a s i c p o i n t to a p p r e c i a t e i s t h a t the "At Home" r i t u a l d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y c o n s i s t o f 45. an i n t i m a t e g a t h e r i n g o f c l o s e f r i e n d s , but i t d i d p r o v i d e an important means whereby West Enders s t r u c t u r e d access to t h e i r p r i v a t e homes. At a broader s c a l e , i t enhanced s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n throughout the West End by c o n v e n i e n t l y p a r t i o n i n g the area i n t o d a i l y "At Home" s e c t o r s . The p r i v a t e homes o f the e l i t e were the c e n t e r of f a m i l y l i f e , a symbol o f s o c i a l s t a n d i n g , and an important l o c a t i o n of proper s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . T h e i r mansions a l s o played an important r o l e i n the o f f i c i a l e n t e r t a i n i n g o f famous and i n f l u e n t i a l v i s i t o r s to the c i t y . T h i s , i n t u r n , enhanced the p r e s t i g e of the e n t i r e e l i t e community and heightened Vancouver's p e r c e p t i o n o f i t s e l f as a m e t r o p o l i t a n c e n t e r . O f f i c i a l e n t e r t a i n i n g i s perhaps best i l l u s t r a t e d by the s o c i a l d u t i e s performed by H.B. Abbott while he was s u p e r i n t e n d e n t o f the CPR. N a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l f i g u r e s who v i s i t e d Vancouver were not expected to stay i n the CPR's Ho t e l Vancouver, i n s p i t e of i t s p r e s t i g i o u s r e p u t a t i o n . Rather, they were gi v e n l e t t e r s of i n t r o d u c t i o n to Abbott and r e s i d e d as h i s p e r s o n a l guest i n the mansion c o n s t r u c t e d f o r Abbott on west Hastings S t r e e t . As a house guest, the v i s i t o r ' s s t a t u s was p r o p e r l y acknowledged and h i s f u l l acceptance i n t o Vancouver's e l i t e s o c i e t y was c l e a r l y s t a t e d . The CPR's h o s p i t a l i t y was f a r from a l t r u i s t i c , however, as Abbott's son p o i n t s out i n a p e r s o n a l account of the Abbott f a m i l y i n Vancouver: A l l t r a v e l l e r s of not Vancouver was i n i t s l e t t e r s of i n t r o d u c t i e x e c u t i v e on the west e i n the days when i n f a n c y were giv e n on to the CPR's c h i e f c o a s t . The r a i l w a y company's p o l i c y was n e c e s s a r i l y one c a l c u l a t e d to enhance the road's r e p u t a t i o n f o r h o s p i t a l i t y . 37. As the b r o t h e r o f S i r John J . Abbott, mayor o f Montreal from 1887 to 1888 and Canadian Prime M i n i s t e r from 1891 to 1892, H.B. Abbott was i d e a l l y s u i t e d f o r the r o l e as host to famous Vancouver t o u r i s t s , a task t h a t helped to shape f a v o r a b l e world o p i n i o n about the r a i l r o a d and the c i t y as w e l l as to generate c a p i t a l and s e t t l e r s f o r Vancouver. Guests at the Abbott household i n c l u d e d F r a n c i s Ferdinand - Archduke of A u s t r i a , S i r Henry S t a n l e y - e x p l o r e r and author, Edward Blake - l e a d e r o f the f e d e r a l l i b e r a l p a r t y , and S i r Robert Baden-Powell. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , Bank o f Montreal and CPR ex e c u t i v e s such as W i l l i a m Van Home, Lord Shaughnessy and 38. Lord S t r a t h c o n a (Donald Smith) were a l s o frequent v i s i t o r s . Without doubt the West End home was a key component o f a complex s o c i a l system t h a t s t r u c t u r e d e l i t e p e r s o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n and ch a n n e l l e d i n f o r m a t i o n flows i n Vancouver. Acceptable s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l s o took p l a c e w i t h i n p r i v a t e c l u b s l o c a t e d i n and adjacent to the West End. The p r i v a t e c l u b complemented the p r i v a c y o f the home f o r married men, without the same r i g i d f o r m a l i t y o f s o c i a l e t i q u e t t e imposed by women, and i t allowed s i n g l e men to operate i n the proper s o c i a l c i r c l e s without the n e c e s s i t y of m a i n t a i n i n g t h e i r own 39. homes. The clu b a l s o acted as an a c c e p t a b l e s e t t i n g f o r formal dances and din n e r s that were too l a r g e to be h e l d i n the home. U n l i k e the home, the c l u b was the e x c l u s i v e space o f a c o l l e c t i v i t y o f d e f i n e d s t a t u s equals and i n t h i s r e s p e c t 47. i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the Vancouver Club or Terminal C i t y Club acted as very c r u c i a l i n t e g r a t i v e elements i n e l i t e s o c i e t y . R e c r e a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the Vancouver Tennis Club and the Royal Vancouver Yacht Club served a s i m i l a r f u n c t i o n o f d e f i n i n g s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n the proper s o c i a l c i r c l e (see Chapter T h r e e ) . P r i v a t e s c h o o l s were another dimension' of the e l i t e ' s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d c o n t r o l of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y as they gave young women a proper E n g l i s h e d u c a t i o n and a sound background i n the r u l e s o f s o c i a l e t i q u e t t e . Two o f the more important p r i v a t e s c h o o l s e s t a b l i s h e d i n the West End dur i n g the 1890's were the G r a n v i l l e S c h o o l , e s t a b l i s h e d a t 1175 Haro i n 1896, and Miss Gordon's School ( l a t e r C r o f t o n House), e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1898 at 1219 Georgia. The c u r r i c u l u m c i r c u l a r f o r the G r a n v i l l e School notes t h a t " S p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n i s p a i d to the manners and g e n e r a l b e a r i n g of p u p i l s " and t h a t "The terms f o r board, i n s t r u c t i o n s i n the e s s e n t i a l s of a sound E n g l i s h E d u c a t i o n , with an e x t e n s i v e course of French, Mathematics, Music, L a t i n , N a t u r a l Science and C a l i s t h e n i c s 40. are $25.00 per month." C r o f t o n House was e q u a l l y concerned with t e a c h i n g s o c i a l e t i q u e t t e to i t s young s t u d e n t s : I t has always been the aim o f the s t a f f to m a intain a standard of p r o f i c i e n c y and d i s c i p l i n e which should compare f a v o r a b l y with t h a t of the best s c h o o l s i n England and E a s t e r n Canada. The p r e s e r v a t i o n of a h e a l t h y tone among the g i r l s i s an o b j e c t o f s p e c i a l s o l i c i t u d e . Great a t t e n t i o n i s p a i d to manners and deportment, as w e l l as to g e n e r a l h e a l t h . 41. I n d i c a t i v e of the demand f o r p r i v a t e s c h o o l e d u c a t i o n , C r o f t o n House had to move i n t o newer and l a r g e r q u a r t e r s two years a f t e r i t s founding i n 1898. This new s i t e , at the cor n e r o f Nelson and J e r v i s (see I l l u s t r a t i o n 8), was d e s c r i b e d as "The h i g h e s t and h e a l t h i e s t p o r t i o n o f the West End, 42. commanding a b e a u t i f u l view o f E n g l i s h Bay and the Mountains." In c o n j u n c t i o n with t h e i r p r i v a t e homes these s o c i a l , r e c r e a t i o n a l and e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , a l l l o c a t e d i n or adjacent to the West End, c o n t r o l l e d s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n to enhance the e l i t e ' s e x c l u s i v e n e s s and p r i v a c y . When one c o n s i d e r s t h a t c h a r i t a b l e o r g a n i z a t i o n s and churches, the l a t t e r overwhelmingly A n g l i c a n , P r e s b y t e r i a n or Methodist, were a c c e p t a b l e , even o b l i g a t o r y c e n t e r s o f e l i t e a c t i v i t y , then i t i s c l e a r t h a t the use o f time and space was h i g h l y ordered f o r members of Vancouver's upper c l a s s . Some sense o f the manner i n which a f u l l s o c i a l program made up the d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s o f the upper c l a s s comes through i n The Innocent T r a v e l l e r , E t h e l Wilson's s e m i - a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l n o v e l about a w e l l - t o - d o E n g l i s h f a m i l y who s e t t l e i n Vancouver's West End at the t u r n o f the cent u r y . Upon a r r i v a l i n Vancouver from S t a f f o r d , England, Aunt Topaz q u i c k l y j o i n e d the L a d i e s ' A i d , the Women's A u x i l l i a r y , the Women's C o u n c i l o f the Y.W.C.A., the V i c t o r i a n Order o f Nurses, the a n t i - T u b e r c u l o s i s S o c i e t y and the L a d i e s ' Minerva Club. These c l u b a c t i v i t i e s were rounded out by "At Homes," promenades, and lunches at the Hudson's Bay Lunch Room. C l e a r l y , being "In S o c i e t y " d u r i n g the V i c t o r i a n Age was a complex, time consuming b u s i n e s s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Vancouver where f a m i l i a r i n s t i t u t i o n s and r u l e s o f e t i q u e t t e were an important aspect o f the e l i t e ' s growing sense o f pl a c e and s e c u r i t y i n ILLUSTRATION 8. 4 9 . CROFTON HOUSE SCHOOL, NELSON AND JERVIS. CROFTON HOUSE an a l i e n g e o g r a p h i c a l s e t t i n g . Being an accepted p a r t of e l i t e s o c i e t y o f f e r e d an i n d i v i d u a l s e c u r i t y , a sense of b e l o n g i n g , and a f e e l i n g t h a t he or she had a t t a i n e d an e l e v a t e d n i c h e w i t h i n a c l e a r l y d e f i n e d s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y . For many, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the e l i t e i n n e r c i r c l e was important because i t gave access to a vast and p r o f i t a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n network: i n f o r m a t i o n about jobs, investment p o s s i b i l i t i e s o r backroom p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s . To be an accepted member of e l i t e s o c i e t y i n v a r i a b l y advanced or c o n s o l i d a t e d an i n d i v i d u a l ' s w e l l - b e i n g . Yet, to some extent a t l e a s t , the e l i t e s . j u s t i f i e d t h e i r l i f e - s t y l e and t h e i r conspicuous p a t t e r n s o f consumption i n other than e g o c e n t r i c terms. Many assumed t h a t there was a c e r t a i n degree o f s o c i a l u t i l i t y i n extravagance, f o r i f " a l l men were to t u r n misers, commerce would be b l i g h t e d , and c i v i l i z a t i o n 43. would recede." That c i t y boosters c o n t i n u a l l y noted with p r i d e t h a t Vancouver was capable of s u p p o r t i n g the West End's l a v i s h mansions undoubtedly helped to r e i n f o r c e the n o t i o n t h a t an opulant l i f e - s t y l e was v i r t u a l l y p a r t of the e l i t e ' s c i v i c duty i n Vancouver. For the West End d i d not simply express f i n a n c i a l success and s o c i a l s e c u r i t y i n Vancouver, r a t h e r , from i t s a r c h i t e c t u r e to the " s o u f f l e a f t e r the b a l l , " the West End symbolized the progress o f c i v i l i z a t i o n : Now i s the g l o r i o u s Indian clam-guzzle of the years gone by, on the beach at E n g l i s h Bay, or i n the woods near by, superseded by the p r o g r e s s i v e euchre p a r t y , the s t a g d i n n e r , the i c e cream and s o u f f l e a f t e r the b a l l . The t r a n s f o r m a t i o n has been complete. Vancouver's West End a t t r a c t s the a t t e n t i o n of the c u l t u r e d s t r a n g e r , and high p r a i s e i s heard when i t s r e s i d e n t i a l a r c h i t e c t u r e i s mentioned. 44. 5 1 . C o n c l u s i o n During the f i n a l decade of Queen V i c t o r i a ' s r e i g n B r i t a i n a t t a i n e d i t s z e n i t h as a world power, and Vancouver, an outpost o f the B r i t i s h Empire and an urban by-product of the steam technology and g l o b a l marketing system t h a t s u s t a i n e d B r i t a i n ' s i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n , began i t s climb to p r o s p e r i t y w i t h i n the Canadian urban system. The emergence of the West End as Vancouver's e l i t e r e s i d e n t i a l s e c t o r r e p r e s e n t e d a c l e a r e x p r e s s i o n o f the f a c t t h a t the a r r i v a l of the CPR had c a t a p u l t e d Vancouver i n t o the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century urban world. Notions about the need f o r s o c i a l s t r u c t u r i n g and s p a t i a l s o r t i n g i n the h e c t i c i n d u s t r i a l urban arena had been t r a n s p l a n t e d i n Vancouver once i t became c l e a r t h a t the CPR's western terminus would be l o c a t e d on the B u r r a r d P e n i n s u l a , and an u n i n h a b i t e d slash-and-burn landscape l o c a t e d west of the c i t y c e n t e r was q u i c k l y converted i n t o an e l e g a n t s i n g l e - f a m i l y neighborhood. R e f l e c t i n g the l a t e s t i n high V i c t o r i a n a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e sign and s o c i a l customs, the West End p r o v i d e d an i d e n t i f i a b l e g e o g r a p h i c a l s e t t i n g where members of the upper c l a s s c o u l d begin to d e f i n e s o c i a l e x c l u s i v e n e s s as a group as w e l l as t h e i r own i n d i v i d u a l s e c u r i t y and sense of s e l f -importance. To be sure, the West End r e p r e s e n t e d only a s m a l l p a r t of the stage upon which Vancouver's e l i t e s o c i e t y a c t e d . Yet, along with a wide a r r a y of formal i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t were e s t a b l i s h e d i n Vancouver, the West End's neighborhood f u n c t i o n played a c o n s i d e r a b l e p a r t i n n u t u r i n g the development of a r e l a t i v e l y cohesive e l i t e s o c i e t y i n Vancouver. To speak of the West End, t h e r e f o r e , i s to speak of much more than a g e o g r a p h i c a l s e c t o r o f the c i t y where the e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n happened to r e s i d e . Rather, the West End neighborhood was an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f e l i t e s o c i e t y and i t r e f l e c t e d t h e i r c o n f i d e n c e that Vancouver would be a g r e a t Canadian c i t y w i t h i n the B r i t i s h Empire. In f a c t , as E t h e l Wilson so a p t l y p o r t r a y s i n The Innocent T r a v e l l e r , to be p a r t o f the comfortable V i c t o r i a n s o c i e t y t h a t f l o u r i s h e d i n the West End p r i o r to the f i r s t world war was to be assured o f a secure p r e s e n t f o r o n e s e l f and a prosperous f u t u r e f o r a l l members o f the B r i t i s h Empire: The houses a l l had wooden trimmings and verandahs, and on the verandah steps when day was done the f a m i l i e s came out and s a t and t a l k e d and counted the box p l e a t s on the backs o f f a s h i o n a b l e g i r l s ' s k i r t s as they went by; and v i s i t o r s came and s a t and t a l k e d . . . . And then they a l l went i n and made cocoa. I t was very p l e a s a n t and there seemed to be no t r o u b l e anywhere upon the face o f the e a r t h , t h a t you could d i s c e r n . 45. S t a b l e as i t seemed, the West End was soon to d i s i n t e g r a t e . To some ex t e n t , i t s r a p i d demise stemmed from the f a c t t h a t i t q u i c k l y became an outdated model of the very suburban i d e a l t h a t the e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n had t r a n s p l a n t e d i n Vancouver d u r i n g the f i r s t decade of the c i t y ' s growth. Not only was the West End a f t e r 1910 becoming outdated i n the face of newer e x p r e s s i o n s o f upper c l a s s suburbs that were emerging throughout the i n d u s t r i a l world but, by the second decade of the tw e n t i e t h century, i t s i n n e r c i t y l o c a t i o n had made the area somewhat l e s s a t t r a c t i v e than the working c l a s s suburbs t h a t the West Enders had helped to promote and f i n a n c e 53. on the o u t s k i r t s o f the c i t y . Located adjacent to the expanding urban core, and r e p r e s e n t i n g the e a r l i e s t s i g n i f i c a n t e x p r e s s i o n , of Vancouver's sudden entrance i n t o the l a t e ' n i n e t e e n t h century V i c t o r i a n world, the West End was a l s o the f i r s t major c a s u a l t y o f Vancouver's growth and the on-going process o f m e t r o p o l i t a n "up-dating." T h i s "up-dating" c r e a t e d new e l i t e r e s i d e n t i a l suburbs i n P o i n t Grey and, p a r a d o x i c a l l y , once the West End was no longer f u n c t i o n i n g as "home" to the m a j o r i t y of the urban e l i t e i t s el e g a n t s i n g l e - f a m i l y environment q u i c k l y crumbled, i t s land was turned over to the p u r s u i t o f p r i v a t e p r o f i t and the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f apartments. By 1911 there were 49 apartments l i s t e d i n the C i t y D i r e c t o r y , 25 of them l o c a t e d i n the West End. F u r t h e r , as Map 9 i n d i c a t e s , the apartment zone was making a concerted westward p e n e t r a t i o n along the c e n t r a l c o r r i d o r o f the West End. By 1913 there were 122 apartments i n Vancouver, 51 o f them i n the West End ( see Map 9). More important than t h e i r number however was the f a c t t h a t by 1913 apartments had s t a r t e d to penetrate the p r e v i o u s l y e x c l u s i v e Stanley Park -E n g l i s h Bay s e c t o r s of the West End. With the e x c e p t i o n o f the 44 s u i t e Englesea Lodge, c o n s t r u c t e d i n 1912 at 2046 Beach, i n 1913 a l l o f the apartments west of B i d w e l l had l e s s than 20 s u i t e s (see Map 10 and Appendix A). N e v e r t h e l e s s , the f a c t t h a t s m a l l e r apartments spearheaded the westward p e n e t r a t i o n o f the West End had very l i t t l e to do with the a b i l i t y or even the d e s i r e of the West End e l i t e to p r o t e c t the s i n g l e - f a m i l y q u a l i t y o f t h e i r neighborhood. For example, the massive H o l l y Lodge (1210 J e r v i s ) was c o n s t r u c t e d MAP 9. WEST END APARTMENTS, 1911 AND 1913. 54. • I n o p e r a t i o n by 1911 a In o p e r a t i o n by 1913 MAP 10. SUITE CAPACITY OP WEST END APARTMENTS, 1913. AUnder 20 suites • 20 - 45 suites •46 - 70 suites "&0ver 70 suites across the l a n e from John Hendry's Burnaby S t r e e t r e s i d e n c e i n s p i t e of the f a c t t h a t Hendry was one o f the most powerful men i n the c i t y . Rather, there was a d i m i n i s h i n g demand f o r apartment accomodation with i n c r e a s i n g d i s t a n c e from the c i t y c e n t e r . This s i t u a t i o n , coupled with the f a c t t h a t the Davie S t r e e t t r a m l i n e terminated a t Denman S t r e e t , u l t i m a t e l y meant th a t the r e s i d e n t i a l area west o f Denman S t r e e t would ma i n t a i n i t s upper c l a s s c h a r a c t e r l o n g e r than any other s e c t o r o f the West End. The apartment "boom" t h a t had begun i n approximately 1909 came to a v i r t u a l h a l t with the end of the l a n d "boom" i n 1913, and t h i s depressed market continued throughout the war y e a r s . By the e a r l y 1920's however, the impact of a post-war recovery p e r i o d was being f e l t i n Vancouver and the West End underwent i t s most dramatic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n as a r e s i d e n t i a l neighborhood. By 1922 there were 62 apartments i n the West End and, as Map 11 r e v e a l s , high d e n s i t y apartments were b u i l t a d jacent to S t a n l e y Park. S y l v i a Court, Englesea Lodge and the Morton Apartments p r o v i d e d over 130 apartment s u i t e s i n the area west of Denman and south of Comox s t r e e t s . During the next f i v e years apartment c o n s t r u c t i o n and home conver s i o n s proceded even more r a p i d l y u n t i l , by 1927, 107 apartments were s c a t t e r e d a c r o s s the West End (see Map 12). At the same time the c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t was expanding r a p i d l y along s e v e r a l of the West End's major c o r r i d o r s . The c i t y ' s f i n a n c i a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s e c t o r had s t a r t e d to expand along west Hastings S t r e e t and Pender S t r e e t MAP 12. 58. DISTRIBUTION OF WEST END APARTMENTS, 1927. 59. p r i o r to the f i r s t world war, and t h i s process was a c c e l e r a t e d d u r i n g the 1920's. S i m i l a r i l y , the a r t e r i a l r e t a i l and s e r v i c e landuse p a t t e r n s t h a t had been i n i t i a t e d a long the Davie, Denman and Robson t r a m l i n e s p r i o r to 1914 became much more i n t e n s i v e d u r i n g the 1920*s, and s m a l l s p e c i a l i t y shops t h a t c a t e r e d to the v a r i o u s needs of the expanding West End p o p u l a t i o n began to be c o n s t r u c t e d on the f r o n t lawns of houses t h a t bordered the t r a m l i n e , f u r t h e r mixing the landuse of the West End. The t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the West End's b u i l t landscape between 1910 and the mid 1920's was accompanied by an e q u a l l y r a p i d s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . Many o f the e l i t e abandoned t h e i r West End homes f o r more remote r e s i d e n c e s i n K i t s i l a n o , P o i n t Grey and Shaughnessy He i g h t s . I n c r e a s i n g r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y , c o n f l i c t i n g landuse p a t t e r n s , h i g h e r p r o p e r t y taxes and, u l t i m a t e l y , the West Ender's b a s i c commitment to urban growth, were a l l important "push" f a c t o r s t h a t c o n t r i b u t e d to the d e c l i n e of the West End as an e l i t e neighborhood. Land c l e a r i n g , road b u i l d i n g and land s a l e s throughout the P o i n t Grey p e n i n s u l a by powerful p r i v a t e and p u b l i c i n t e r e s t s , most notably the CPR i n K i t s i l a n o and the P r o v i n c i a l Government i n West P o i n t Grey, were s i g n i f i c a n t developments t h a t s t a r t e d to a t t r a c t the i n t e r e s t of p r o s p e c t i v e upper c l a s s s e t t l e r s as e a r l y as 1905. The CPR's c r e a t i o n and promotion of Shaughnessy Heights as an e l i t e r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t , b e g i n n i n g with l a n d s c a p i n g and s e r v i c e i n s t a l l a t i o n s i n 1910, a l s o helped to usurp the West End's r e s i d e n t i a l primacy p r i o r to World War I . Designed by L.E. Davick and Montreal landscape a r c h i t e c t Fred Todd, Shaughnessy•s broad c u r v i n g s t r e e t s , a t t r a c t i v e boulevards, l a r g e l o t s and $6,000.00 minimum b u i l d i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s p r o v i d e d a c o n c r e t e l o c a l example o f what an i d e a l t w e n t i e t h century upper c l a s s neighborhood should be l i k e . By the time Vancouver's r e a l e s t a t e and b u i l d i n g market c o l l a p s e d i n 1913-14, the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f e l i t e s o c i e t y a l r e a d y r e f l e c t e d a d w i n d l i n g e l i t e i n t e r e s t i n the West End as a p l a c e of r e s i d e n c e . The extent of the West End's d e c l i n e i s r e v e a l e d by a comparison of names i n the E l i t e D i r e c t o r y of 1908 and i n 46. the Vancouver S o c i a l and Club R e g i s t e r of 1927. Whereas 86% of those l i s t e d i n the D i r e c t o r y of 1908 were r e s i d e n t s o f the West End, only 2*\% of those l i s t e d i n 1927 were West End r e s i d e n t s . More than 70% of the members o f the Vancouver Club were r e s i d e n t s o f the West End i n 1908 and, s i x years l a t e r , j u s t over o n e - h a l f of the Vancouver Club's members s t i l l r e s i d e d i n the West End (see Table I I ) . Club members who r e s i d e d i n Mount P l e a s a n t , F a i r v i e w , K i t s i l a n o and P o i n t Grey had climbed a p p r e c i a b l y from 3% i n 1908 to 1U% of the t o t a l i n 1914, while the newly c r e a t e d Shaughnessy Heights had i n c r e a s e d from zero to *\6% o f the membership. Although i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t the West End was s t i l l a popular r e s i d e n t i a l area i n 1914, the P o i n t Grey suburbs i n g e n e r a l , and Shaughnessy Heights i n p a r t i c u l a r , had made s i g n i f i c a n t i n r o a d s i n t o the West End's e l i t e s t a t u s p r i o r to World War I Approximately one t h i r d o f the West End e l i t e moved out of the West End between 1908 and 1914. For example, McAfee TABLE I I RESIDENTIAL LOCATION OF VANCOUVER CLUB MEMBERS IN 1908 and 1 9 1 4 V a n c o u v e r C l u b i n 1908 (307 l o c a l members) L o c a t i o n Number %_ West End 224 72.9 Downtown 40 13.0 P o i n t G r e y , F a i r v i e w , 10 3.2 K i t s i l a n o , Mount P l e a s a n t E a s t E n d , S o u t h V a n c o u v e r 2 0.7 Unknown 31 10.1 T o t a l 307 100.0 V a n c o u v e r C l u b i n 1914 (477 l o c a l members) L o c a t i o n Number % West End 244 51.1 Downtown 39 8.2 P o i n t G r e y , Dunbar H e i g h t s 13 2.7 K i t s i l a n o , T a l t o n P l a c e 24 5-0 M a r i n e D r i v e , K e r r i s d a l e , 1 ? „ j -S o u t h l a n d s 0 F a i r v i e w 8 1.7 Mount P l e a s a n t 10 2.1 S h a u g h n e s s y H e i g h t s 76 15-9 V a n c o u v e r H e i g h t s 1 0.2 E a s t Van., S o u t h Van. 3 0.6 N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , B u r n a b y 6 1.3 Unknown 4l 8.6 T o t a l 477 100.0 62. has compared the 1908 E l i t e D i r e c t o r y l i s t i n g s to those f o r 1914. Her c a l c u l a t i o n s i n d i c a t e t h a t 48% of the e l i t e who were l i s t e d i n both the 1908 and 1914 d i r e c t o r i e s remained at the same West End address, 22% moved to another address i n the West End, and 3Q% moved to another l o c a t i o n o u t s i d e of the West End. Of those who moved out of the West End, 62% moved to Shaughnessy Heights, 18% moved to K i t s i l a n o , 12% moved to Po i n t Grey, and 9% moved to other areas of Vancouver and sur r o u n d i n g d i s t r i c t s . Looking at the r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y p a t t e r n s of Vancouver Club members d u r i n g t h i s same p e r i o d f a i r l y s i m i l a r f i n d i n g s emerge. Table I I I p r o v i d e s a d e t a i l e d breakdown o f r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y p a t t e r n s generated by those powerful men who belonged to the Vancouver Club i n both 1908 and 1914. As the data i n d i c a t e , 264 or 87% of the 1908 members were s t i l l members o f the c l u b i n 1914 and, of t h i s group, j u s t under o n e - h a l f r e s i d e d i n the West End i n 1914. Of t h i s group o f 1914 West Enders only f i v e had moved i n t o the West End between 1908 and 1914, 70 were a t the same West End address as i n 1908, and 44 had moved to a new West End l o c a t i o n between 1908 and 1914. Approximately 43% o f the Vancouver Club members who had r e s i d e d i n the West End i n 1908 had l e f t the area by 1914. Of t h i s group, 90 or 37% had r e l o c a t e d downtown ( i n an apartment, h o t e l or p r i v a t e c l u b ) or i n a suburb of Vancouver, while 15 or 6% had l e f t the c i t y e n t i r e l y . Shaughnessy Heights was by f a r the most popular d e s t i n a t i o n o f the 90 Vancouver Club members who had r e l o c a t e d i n an a l t e r n a t i v e r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t , housing 47% of the former West Enders who s t i l l 63. TABLE III RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY OF VANCOVER CLUB MEMBERS, 1908 to 1914. 264 or 87.1% of the 1908 Vancouver Club membership were s t i l l members i n 1914. Of t h i s group of 264, 22 or 8.3% did not reside i n the West End i n either 1908 or 1914. Of the remaining 242 i n d i v i d u a l s , the following r e s i d e n t i a l mobility patterns occurred between 1908 and 1914: Total number i n West End i n 1914 = 119 or 45.0% of a l l 1908 - 1914 members. Total number who moved out of thp West End into Downtown or suburb = 90 or 34.1% of a l l 1908 -1914 members. Total number who moved out of the West End to another c i t y = 15 or 5.7% Unknown = 18 or 6.8% Of those who resided i n the West End i n 1914 (119): Remained at the same address as i n N 1908 = 70 % of 242 28.9 % of 119 58.8 Moved to a new address between 1908 and 1914 = 44 18.2 36.9 Moved into the West End = 5 2.1 4.2 Total = 119 49.2 100.0 Of those who moved out of the suburbs (90): West End into ] Downtown or To Shaughnessy Heights N = ^3 % of 242 17.8 % of 90 47.7 To Point Grey = 10 4.1 11.1 To K i t s i l a n o = 8 3.3 8.9 To Marine Drive, Southlands Kerrisdale = 8 3.3 8.9 To Fairview, Mount Pleasant = 6 2.5 6.7 To North Vancouver = 4 1.6 4.4 To Vancouver Heights = 1 0.4 1.1 To Downtown = 10 4.1 11.1 Total = 90 37.2 100.0 64. r e s i d e d i n Vancouver i n 1914. I f the ten Vancouver Club members who moved i n t o the downtown core are excluded from t h i s a n a l y s i s , than the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Shaughnessy Heights and suburban m i g r a t i o n out of the West End becomes even more s t r i k i n g . In t h i s case, Shaughnessy Heights housed approximately 54% of a l l Vancouver Club members who had moved out of the West End between 1908 and 1914 i n f a v o r o f a more g e o g r a p h i c a l l y detached suburb of the c i t y . In b r i e f , there can be no doubt t h a t the West End underwent a dramatic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n between 1910 and the mid 1920's. In f a c t , i t i s the pace o f the change t h a t i s so s t r i k i n g . Beginning i n ea r n e s t i n 1912, with the opening of the CPR's e x c l u s i v e Shaughnessy Heights, and c u l m i n a t i n g i n 1927, with the p a s s i n g o f an i n t e r i m zoning by-law which d i d not pro v i d e f o r s i n g l e - f a m i l y housing i n the West End, the demise o f Vancouver's f i r s t powerful e l i t e neighborhood was l a r g e l y consummated i n a 14 year p e r i o d . 65. CHAPTER TWO BACKGROUND OF VANCOUVER'S ELITE, 1886 - 1915 "Canada today faces the g r e a t e s t immigration problem t h a t has ever c o n f r o n t e d any n a t i o n . . . . Of the Anglo-Saxon we are not i n the l e a s t a f r a i d , but when we c o n s i d e r t h a t l a s t year over twenty-one per cent of a l l the incomers to Canada were non-Anglo-Saxon, who can not speak our language, have no sympathy with our i d e a l s , and are f o r e i g n e r s i n every sense of the term, then we begin to understand what a task i s ours as a n a t i o n . One man out of every f i v e who lands on our shores i s a f o r e i g n e r . He comes here with a f o r e i g n tongue, f o r e i g n i d e a l s , f o r e i g n r e l i g i o n . . . w i t h c e n t u r i e s of ignorance and o p p r e s s i o n behind him, o f t e n b r i n g i n g with him problems that the best statesmen o f Europe have f a i l e d to s o l v e . " (Reverend V/. Reid, Montreal, "The Non-Anglo-Saxons i n Canada - T h e i r C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n and N a t i o n a l i z a t i o n . " Pre-Assembly Congress of the P r e s b y t e r i a n  Church i n Canada, Toronto, 1913, pp. 119-126T} CHAPTER TWO BACKGROUND OF VANCOUVER'S ELITE, 1886 - 1915. While Vancouver's West End was a d i v e r s e r e s i d e n t i a l environment i t was most noteworthy up to approximately 1912, as an upper c l a s s , s i n g l e - f a m i l y neighborhood o f the l a t e V i c t o r i a n p e r i o d . The g e n t e e l l i f e s t y l e o f the West Enders - t h e i r p r i v a t e clubs and s o c i a l events, t h e i r ornate mansions and manicured landscapes - c r e a t e d an ordered and i d e n t i f i a b l e r e s i d e n t i a l environment on the western border o f the c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t . W i t h i n t h i s s e t t i n g , i t i s important to c o n s i d e r the extent to which Vancouver's e l i t e s o c i e t y was a homogeneous and i n t e g r a t e d s o c i a l group. In t h i s and the f o l l o w i n g two chapters the study focusses p a r t i c u l a r l y on a segment of the upper c l a s s p o p u l a t i o n o f the West End, those who may be thought o f as the i n s t i t u t i o n a l e l i t e . The attempt w i l l be made to examine t h i s group's s o c i o -economic background and the i n s t i t u t i o n a l context w i t h i n which they i n t e r a c t e d , made d e c i s i o n s , and through which they s t r o v e to extend t h e i r i n f l u e n c e i n t o the broader urban arena. Only i n t h i s l i g h t i s i t p o s s i b l e to assess not only the pl a c e t h a t was the West End p r i o r to 1914 but a l s o the West End's f i t w i t h i n Vancouver's o v e r a l l development. U l t i m a t e l y of course, i t i s only through understanding the workings and commitments,of e l i t e s o c i e t y t h a t one can a p p r e c i a t e why the West End f a i l e d to s u r v i v e as the e l i t e ' s r e s i d e n t i a l neighborhood. I n s t i t u t i o n a l e l i t e s d e f i n e d Whether i n the form o f c o r p o r a t i o n s , p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , or v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s of any type, i n s t i t u t i o n s are capable o f p r o v i d i n g the orga n i z e d s o c i a l and f i n a n c i a l support t h a t i s needed to get th i n g s done i n a democratic c a p i t a l i s t i c s o c i e t y . An i n d i v i d u a l ' s e f f i c a c y i s l a r g e l y determined by h i s p o s i t i o n w i t h i n a l a r g e r i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework and i t i s those i n d i v i d u a l s who s k i l f u l l y use c o l l e c t i v e means to f u r t h e r i n d i v i d u a l ends who f l o u r i s h i n a democracy. In The World of the Urban Working Cl a s s Marc F r i e d h i g h l i g h t s t h i s b a s i c i r o n y o f the democratic system when he suggests t h a t the attainment o f power and p r i v i l e g e r e l i e s p r i m a r i l y on the e x i s t e n c e o f i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t s t r u c t u r e and support i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e : The amalgamation of p r i v i l e g e i n i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s . . . i s not merely a consequence of i n d i v i d u a l s t r i v i n g s . The a v a i l a b i l i t y o f power, c o n t r o l , and i n f l u e n c e i n p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l l i f e i s l a r g e l y s t r u c t u r a l l y determined and o f t e n f u l f i l l e d through o r g a n i z a t i o n s , a s s o c i a t i o n s and group a f f i l i a t i o n s . Such combined endeavors... may pro v i d e enormous funds and massive c o n c e n t r a t i o n s of e f f o r t to o b t a i n l e g i s l a t i o n , p r e f e r e n t i a l c o n t r a c t s , j u d i c i a l d e c i s i o n s , or i n f l u e n c e i n l o c a l , r e g i o n a l and n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s . 1. Many ot h e r s have a l s o p o i n t e d out t h a t even with a l i b e r a l c a p i t a l i s t i c democracy i n d i v i d u a l achievements g e n e r a l l y r e s t on i n s t i t u t i o n a l s u p p o r t s . For example, i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n of the people who occupy the "command p o s t s " i n the major s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f the United S t a t e s , C.W. M i l l s argues t h a t i t i s over i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d means of power that the t r u l y powerful are , i n the f i r s t i n s t a n c e , powerful. Not a l l power, he p o i n t s out, i s anchored i n and e x e r c i s e d by means o f economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , but i t i s only w i t h i n them and through them t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l ' s power can be a more or l e s s continuous and important f e a t u r e o f 2. the broader s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and p o l i t i c a l economy. In The V e r t i c a l Mosaic John P o r t e r emphasizes t h a t the a b i l i t y to implement, s t r u c t u r e or i n h i b i t change i s anchored i n a broad number of i n s t i t u t i o n s o f which p o l i t i c s i s a powerful, but by no means unique, d e c i s i o n making sub-system of the t o t a l s o c i a l system. "Rather i t [power] i s found i n a l l the s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s which over time have been c r e a t e d by a s o c i e t y as 3. a means of g e t t i n g c e r t a i n e s s e n t i a l tasks accomplished." In b r i e f , w h i l e the q u e s t i o n of how power i s a t t a i n e d and maintained i n a democracy i s very complex, these b a s i c n o t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the i n s t i t u t i o n a l b a s i s of power and p r i v i l e g e can serve as u s e f u l g u i d e l i n e s i n the s e l e c t i o n o f a study p o p u l a t i o n whose c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are f a i r l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of Vancouver's e l i t e s o c i a l spectrum. For the purpose of t h i s a n a l y s i s , the e l i t e i s c o n s i d e r e d to comprise those people who assumed the major decision-making r o l e s i n i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t were dominant p a r t s of Vancouver's 69. socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . These e l i t e s can be c o n s i d e r e d as the most powerful and p r e s t i g i o u s members of the l a r g e r upper c l a s s component o f Vancouver's s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y , i n d i v i d u a l s who had a t t a i n e d the r e c o g n i z e d r i g h t to make e f f e c t i v e d e c i s i o n s on b e h a l f o f o t h e r s . As used here t h e r e f o r e , the term "powerful" means t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l had d i r e c t access to important i n s t i t u t i o n s which enabled him to i n f l u e n c e a decision-making process, even i f others r e s i s t e d him. Such i n s t i t u t i o n s may have been h i s own business e n t e r p r i s e , a number of important business and s o c i a l c l u b s , and/or p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . In s h o r t , wealth and e l i t e s t a t u s are not n e c e s s a r i l y synonymous i n t h i s study; a man i s c o n s i d e r e d to be powerful, and hence to be among the e l i t e , i f he has the a b i l i t y through h i s c o n t r o l or m a n i p u l a t i o n o f i n s t i t u t i o n s , to i n f l u e n c e decision-making. Having s e l e c t e d a v i a b l e study p o p u l a t i o n , the primary concern o f t h i s chapter w i l l be the a n a l y s i s of the socio-economic background of these decision-makers and an examination of t h e i r c a r e e r p a t t e r n s p r i o r to and j u s t a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Vancouver. Chapters three and four w i l l c o n s i d e r the i n s t i t u t i o n a l context w i t h i n which these powerful men operated and through which they c o n s o l i d a t e d t h e i r power and extended t h e i r i n f l u e n c e over the s o c i a l , g e o g r a p h i c a l and f i n a n c i a l growth o f Vancouver. The f i r s t step must be to i d e n t i f y the e l i t e study p o p u l a t i o n . T h i s has been done as f o l l o w s . Anyone who served as mayor of Vancouver, or as p r e s i d e n t or v i c e p r e s i d e n t of the Board o f Trade, the Vancouver Club, the Terminal C i t y 70. Club or the Canadian Club between 1886 and 1915 i s c o n s i d e r e d to be among the e l i t e . Those gentlemen who pla y e d a c e n t r a l r o l e i n o r g a n i z i n g one o f the above v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s , yet who never served as i t s p r e s i d e n t o r v i c e p r e s i d e n t , have a l s o been added to the l i s t f o r t h e i r a c t i o n s had helped to cr e a t e the s t r u c t u r a l b a s i s f o r ongoing power i n Vancouver. The businessmen who j o i n e d t ogether i n 1907 to form the Vancouver Stock Exchange, an i n s t i t u t i o n which helped to e s t a b l i s h Vancouver's f i n a n c i a l primacy i n B r i t i s h Columbia, are a l s o c o n s i d e r e d to have been among the e l i t e . T h i s s e l e c t i o n procedure, which centered on i n f l u e n t i a l v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s and urban p o l i t i c s , gave a l t o g e t h e r 102 people, and from a v a r i e t y o f sources i t was p o s s i b l e t o gather f a i r l y comprehensive 4. b i o g r a p h i c a l data on 80 o f them. Next the v a r i o u s b i o g r a p h i c a l sources were c o n s u l t e d to gather data on businessmen who d i d not serve as mayor or on the top e x e c u t i v e board of any of the above v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s but who, because o f the important businesses they c o n t r o l l e d , deserve to be co n s i d e r e d among the e l i t e . Here l i n e s were d i f f i c u l t to draw but, borrowing i n p a r t from the c r i t e r i a used by MacDonald i n "The 5. Business Leaders o f S e a t t l e , 1880-1910," c e r t a i n b a s i c q u a l i f i c a t i o n s served as a g u i d e l i n e i n s e l e c t i o n . F i r s t , an attempt was made to i n c l u d e i n d i v i d u a l s who promoted and/or c o n t r o l l e d some form o f economic a c t i v i t y which had r e l a t i v e l y s i g n i f i c a n t consequences f o r Vancouver's t o t a l employment or p r o d u c t i v i t y . Thus heads of manufacturing e n t e r p r i s e s (such as B.T. Rogers - sugar, or John Hendry - lumber), investment and t r u s t e x e c u t i v e s (such as F. C a r t e r - C o t t o n ) , bank p r e s i d e n t s and wholesale merchants (such as the Oppenheimers, the M a l k i n s , Robert K e l l y ) were i n c l u d e d i n our e l i t e study p o p u l a t i o n . Vancouverites who succeeded i n e s t a b l i s h i n g prominent and durable r e t a i l e n t e r p r i s e s , such as Charles Woodward and C h r i s Spencer, were a l s o i n c l u d e d . L o c a l c h i e f e x e c u t i v e s o f powerful n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l firms and e n t e r p r i s e s (such as CPR e x e c u t i v e s , B.C. E l e c t r i c Railway managers, managers of n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l banks) were a l s o i n c l u d e d , f o r the f a c t t h a t these c o r p o r a t e e x e c u t i v e s were r e s o n s i b l e to f o r e i g n or E a s t e r n Canadian boards o f d i r e c t o r s d i d not d e t r a c t from, and i n many ways enhanced, the power and p r e s t i g e they enjoyed i n Vancouver. I n d i v i d u a l s who promoted and/or served s i m u l t a n e o u s l y on the d i r e c t o r s h i p boards of a l a r g e number of c o r p o r a t e concerns were a l s o c o n s i d e r e d to be among the e l i t e . Heads of major r e a l e s t a t e firms and c o n t r a c t i n g companies were i n c l u d e d , but r e a l e s t a t e agents and independent c o n t r a c t o r s were excluded. P r o f e s s i o n a l s were not c o n s i d e r e d to be economic e l i t e s unless they met one of the above c r i t e r i a . In sum, 84 l e a d i n g businessmen who d i d not a t t a i n a "command po s t " i n urban p o l i t i c s or i n an important v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n were added to the study p o p u l a t i o n , b r i n g i n g the t o t a l group f o r whom b i o g r a p h i c a l data are a v a i l a b l e to 164 (see Appendix B). Thi s study p o p u l a t i o n i s not a s t a t i s t i c a l l y r i g o r o u s sample, although the term "sample" w i l l be used at v a r i o u s p o i n t s i n the d i s c u s s i o n , nor i s any c l a i m made t h a t every i n d i v i d u a l who deserved i n c l u s i o n i n the a n a l y s i s has been 72. i d e n t i f i e d . I t i s f e l t t h a t enough c r i t i c a l people have been analysed so t h a t t h e i r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , when aggregated, g i v e a f a i r l y a c c urate p i c t u r e o f the socio-economic back-ground o f Vancouver's e l i t e . Furthermore, f o r the purposes o f t h i s study the somewhat s u b j e c t i v e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n used here has the advantage o f f o c u s s i n g a t t e n t i o n on a group o f i n f l u e n t i a l people whose e l i t e s t a t u s has been o p e r a t i o n a l l y d e f i n e d by t h e i r p o s i t i o n s i n the upper echelons o f key urban i n s t i t u t i o n s . Regardless o f the method used to i d e n t i f y them, the 164 men con s i d e r e d here almost c e r t a i n l y would form the nucleus o f any sample o f the Vancouver e l i t e between 1886 and 1915. S o c i a l o r i g i n s and background experience of the e l i t e One o f the more o u t s t a n d i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h i s group o f powerful Vancouverites i s the f a c t t h a t n a t i v e born B r i t i s h Columbians were completely outnumbered by E a s t e r n Canadian and f o r e i g n - b o r n immigrants t o the c i t y . As Table IV r e v e a l s , out o f 164 men only two n a t i v e B r i t i s h Columbians, R.H.H. Alexander and C h r i s Spencer, had a t t a i n e d p o s i t i o n s o f prominence by 1915. Both had been born i n V i c t o r i a i n the mid 1860's, both were the sons o f s u c c e s s f u l B r i t i s h Columbian businessmen, and both had f o l l o w e d f a m i l y t r a d i t i o n i n t h e i r b usiness c a r e e r s . Appointed manager of the B.C. Lumber and Sh i n g l e M i l l s L t d . i n 1903, at the age of 36, R.H.H. Alexander complemented the r o l e of h i s f a t h e r who served as manager of the Hastings Sawmill and S e c r e t a r y o f the powerful manufacturing conglomerate known as the B.C. M i l l s , Timber and T r a d i n g Company. A graduate o f the p r e s t i g i o u s Upper Canada C o l l e g e i n Toronto, 73. TABLE IV PLACE OF BIRTH - TOTAL ELITE SAMPLE, 1886 - 1915* Canadian Born (101) Province Ontario New Bruns. Nova Scotia Quebec B.C. P.E.I. Manitoba Newfoundland Sub t o t a l N 61 14 13 7 2 2 1 1 101 % of Native 60.39 13.86 12.87 6.93 1.98 1.98 0.99 0.99 100.00 -% of t o t a l (164) 37.19 8.53 7.92 4.26 1.21 1.21 0.60 0 .60 61.52 Foreign Born (62) Country N % of Foreign % of t o t a l England 21 33.87 12.80 Scotland 14 22.58 8.53 Ireland 7 11.29 .4.26 Wales 3 4.83 1.82 U.S. 10 16.12 6.09 Germany 4 6.45 2. 43 France 1 1.61 0.60 A u s t r a l i a 1 1.61 0.60 Sub t o t a l 62 100.00 37.73 Total Number 163 99-30 Unknown: 1 Total sample 164 * S i n c e d a t a a r e m i s s i n / f o r o n l y one o f t h e s t u d y p o p u l a t i o n , p e r c e n t a g e s have b e e n c a l c u l a t e d on t h e b a s i s o f t h e t o t a l number o f p e o p l e i n t h e sample (164). . as was h i s f a t h e r , Alexander a l s o served as s e c r e t a r y o f the B.C. Lumber and S h i n g l e Manufacurers A s s o c i a t i o n , an o r g a n i z a t i o n p r e s i d e d over f o r many years by John Hendry, o r g a n i z e r and p r e s i d e n t o f the B.C. M i l l s , Timber and T r a d i n g Company. C h r i s Spencer, the son o f prominent V i c t o r i a r e t a i l e r David Spencer, entered i n t o the f u l l time employment of h i s f a t h e r ' s f i r m a f t e r g r a d u a t i n g from high s c h o o l and i n 1907, at the age of 39, he e s t a b l i s h e d a Vancouver branch of h i s f a t h e r ' s department s t o r e b u s i n e s s . Both Spencer and Alexander e v e n t u a l l y assumed important p o s i t i o n s i n v a r i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s o u t s i d e o f t h e i r own business c a r e e r s . Alexander served as v i c e p r e s i d e n t o f the Canadian Club i n 1912-13, as d i d Spencer i n 1916-18. Spencer a l s o served as Canadian Club p r e s i d e n t i n 1918-19, d u r i n g which time he was v i c e p r e s i d e n t o f the Vancouver Board of Trade and the f o l l o w i n g year he became i t s p r e s i d e n t . Both Alexander and Spencer were a l s o r e s i d e n t s o f the West End f o r a number o f y e a r s . The f a c t t h a t the only two n a t i v e born B r i t i s h Columbians to p e n e t r a t e the upper s t r a t a o f Vancouver's s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e came from such p r i v i l e g e d f a m i l y backgrounds h i n t s at the e x i s t e n c e of a s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y t h a t was f a r l e s s f l u i d than might be expected i n a new urban s e t t i n g . Of the remaining 162 men i n the study p o p u l a t i o n , 99 were born elsewhere i n Canada, 62 were f o r e i g n born, and the b i r t h p l a c e of one cannot now be determined. As Table IV i n d i c a t e s , O n t a r i o was the most h e a v i l y r e p r e s e n t e d p r o v i n c e among the Canadian born members of the study group, a c c o u n t i n g f o r 61 members of the e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n . The Maritimes f o l l o w e d with 75. 30, Quebec with seven and Manitoba one. In t o t a l , i n d i v i d u a l s from O n t a r i o , Quebec and the Maritimes accounted f o r 97.3% of the n a t i v e born e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n . Of t h i s group of Canadian born, j u s t over h a l f had been born i n t o a Canadian f a m i l y as 6. d e f i n e d by f a t h e r ' s n a t i o n a l i t y . Immigrants from Great B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d dominated the f o r e i g n born members o f Vancouver's e l i t e s o c i e t y , with 45 of the 62 f o r e i g n born i n the study p o p u l a t i o n being n a t i v e s o f England, S c o t l a n d , I r e l a n d and Wales. Of the remainder, only ten were from the United S t a t e s , f o u r were from Germany, one was from France, one was from A u s t r a l i a and one, of S c o t t i s h p a r e n t s , was born i n Japan. In s h o r t , B r i t i s h immigrants and E a s t e r n Canadians of B r i t i s h descent c l e a r l y dominated the upper echelons o f Vancouver's s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y . The data i n Table V compare the b i r t h p l a c e o f the e l i t e with t h a t o f Vancouver's t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i n 1911-Compared to t h e i r n umerical importance i n Vancouver's t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i t i s c l e a r t h a t E a s t e r n Canadians were d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y r e p r e s e n t e d i n the e l i t e ranks of the c i t y . People born i n O n t a r i o and the Maritimes accounted f o r approximately 50% of a l l Canadian born V a n c o u v e r i t e s and 22% o f the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n y e t 90% o f the Canadian born e l i t e s and 55% of the t o t a l e l i t e study group were n a t i v e s of O n t a r i o or the Marit i m e s . The s t r o n g showing of these E a s t e r n Canadians p a r t i a l l y accounts f o r why the n a t i v e born dominated the e l i t e study group y e t were outnumbered by the f o r e i g n born i n the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n o f the c i t y . On the other hand, the p r o p o r t i o n o f f o r e i g n born among the e l i t e corresponded c l o s e l y V a n c o u v e r p o p u l a t i o n , 1Q11 = 100,401. N a t i v e b o r n = 43,978 F o r e i g n born= 56,423 % o f % o f N a t i v e b o r n N N a t i v e T o t a l (100,401) M a r i t i m e s 5698 12.95 5.67 Quebec 2170 4.93 2.16 O n t a r i o 16663 37.88 16.59 P r a i r i e s 3925 8.92 3-90 B.C. and o t h e r s . 15522 35.29 15.46 S u b - t o t a l 43978 100.00 43.78 F o r e i g n N % o f F o r e i g n % o f T o t a l E n g l a n d and Wales 18414 32.63 18.34 S c o t l a n d 9650 17.10 9.61 I r e l a n d 2625 4.65 2.61 Germany 733 1. 29 0.73 U.S. 10401 18.43 10.35 F r a n c e 266 0.47 0.26 O t h e r s 14334 25.40 14. 27 S u b - t o t a l 56423 100.00 56.22 T o t a l s 100401 100.00 TABLE V. BIRTH PLACE OF E L I T E SAMPLE COMPARED TO TOTAL POPULATION E l i t e p o p u l a t i o n : = 164. N a t i v e b o r n = 101 F o r e i g n born= 62 (1 unknown) N % o f N a t i v e : % o f T o t a l 30 29.70 18.29 7 6.93 4.26 61 60.39 •37.19 1 0.99 0.60 2 1.98 1.21 101 100.00 61.55 N % o f F o r e i g n % o f T o t a l 24 38.70 14.63 14 22.58 8.53 7 11.29 4.26 4 6.45 2.43 10 16.12 6.09 1 1.61 0.60 2 3-22 1.21 62 100.00 37.75 163 99.40 OF VANCOUVER, 1911. 77. to t h e i r p r o p o r t i o n o f of Vancouver's t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n . In 1911 immigrants from Great B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d accounted f o r 30.5% of Vancouver's t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n and 27.4% of the e l i t e sample. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t remains obvious t h a t f o r e i g n immigrants d i d not share an equal o p p o r t u n i t y to advance up the c i t y ' s socio-economic h i e r a r c h y . T h i s i s u n d e r l i n e d most s h a r p l y by the f a c t t h a t immigrants from Great B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d made up j u s t over h a l f o f the c i t y ' s f o r e i g n born r e s i d e n t s y e t they accounted f o r approximately 73% of the f o r e i g n born e l i t e i n the study p o p u l a t i o n . Almost 90% o f a l l f o r e i g n born e l i t e s came from Great B r i t a i n , I r e l a n d and the United S t a t e s . The remainder were fo u r s u c c e s s f u l German e n t r e p r e n e u r s , three o f whom were from the same f a m i l y , a powerful S c o t t i s h f i n a n c i e r born i n Japan, an A u s t r a l i a n businessman and a French f i n a n c i e r . Whether among the n a t i v e or f o r e i g n born t h e r e f o r e , power and i n f l u e n c e were l a r g e l y r e s t r i c t e d to the white Anglo-Saxon segment of Vancouver's p o p u l a t i o n . As noted p r e v i o u s l y , the B.C. n a t i v e born were d r a m a t i c a l l y outnumbered by the E a s t e r n Canadians and f o r e i g n e r s among the e l i t e s t r a t a of Vancouver s o c i e t y . The data i n Table V would make t h i s imbalance a l l the more noteworthy s i n c e the percentage o f B.C. born i n the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n of Vancouver i n 1911 was roughly comparable to the percentages f o r O n t a r i o or England and Wales. F u r t h e r , i n both 1891 and 1901 n a t i v e born B r i t i s h Columbians had a c t u a l l y outnumbered immigrants from O n t a r i o 7. or England and Wales. A major f a c t o r i n the u n d e r - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f B r i t i s h Columbians among the e l i t e was, o f course, the 78. f a c t t h a t they r e p r e s e n t e d a r e l a t i v e l y y o u t h f u l demographic p r o f i l e out of which few a c c e p t a b l e e l i t e c andidates c o u l d be expected to emerge. For example, i f one c o n s i d e r s t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l born i n 1885 would only be 30 years of age i n 1915 and t h a t , as w i l l be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r , success was r a r e l y a t t a i n e d t h i s e a r l y i n l i f e , the l a c k o f l o c a l l y born e l i t e s becomes l e s s s u r p r i s i n g . N e v e r t h l e s s , the r e l a t i v e u n d e r - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f B.C. born i n the e l i t e ranks of Vancouver stands out as a b a s i c v e r i f i c a t i o n o f the c i t y ' s m e t r o p o l i t a n connections to E a s t e r n Canada and B r i t a i n , p a r t i c u l a r l y when i t i s remembered th a t both V i c t o r i a and New Westminster had developed reasonably mature urban economies p r i o r to the CPR's c r e a t i o n of Vancouver i n 1886. Yet, with the e x c e p t i o n of Spencer and Alexander, the l o c a l l y born o f f s p r i n g o f r e s i d e n t s of these urban centers had not p e n e t r a t e d Vancouver's e l i t e s o c i e t y . As w e l l as the age f a c t o r t h e r e f o r e , the upward m o b i l i t y o f the B.C. born was undoubtedly h i n d e r e d by the steady flow of immigrants from E a s t e r n Canada and B r i t a i n who were not only a g g r e s s i v e and experienced e n t r e p r e n e u r s , p r o f e s s i o n a l s and s k i l l e d tradesmen, but a l s o f i n a n c i a l l y s o l v e n t and i n some cases w e l l connected to e x t r a - p r o v i n c i a l sources o f c a p i t a l . Frank Musgrove's study o f B r i t i s h e m i g r a t i o n p a t t e r n s a f t e r i860 shows t h a t an expanding c o l o n i a l outpost such as Vancouver would be l i k e l y to r e c e i v e more than i t s share of s k i l l e d middle c l a s s emigrants from B r i t a i n , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the t u r n of the century. In The M i g r a t o r y E l i t e Musgrove e x p l a i n s t h a t by the 1860's r a p i d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n B r i t a i n was b e g i n n i n g to "detach the p r o f e s s i o n a l , managerial and white c o l l a r worker from l o c a l and f a m i l y t i e s , from the 8. l o c a l i t y of h i s e a r l y l i f e and u p b r i n g i n g . " As the process o f s o c i a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s l o c a t i o n a s s o c i a t e d with i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n gathered momentum m i g r a t i o n became an a c c e p t a b l e o u t l e t f o r middle c l a s s i n i t i a t i v e ; a burgeoning c o l o n i a l c i t y l i k e Vancouver undoubtedly a t t r a c t e d many o f 9. t h i s educated, raonied and ambitious group. John F o s t e r ' s a n a l y s i s of i n d u s t r i a l expansion and e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n B.C. tends to s u b s t a n t i a t e the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n t h a t i n f i l l by immigration r a t h e r than upward m o b i l i t y met much of the demand f o r management as w e l l as s k i l l e d l a b o r demands i n B.C. p r i o r to World War I. As F o s t e r n o t e s : "The e a r l y i n d u s t r i e s i n B.C., based on f o r e i g n or e a s t e r n c a p i t a l , almost always imported managerial and s k i l l e d s t a f f from o u t s i d e the 10. P r o v i n c e , u s i n g l o c a l l a b o r f o r u n s k i l l e d and menial t a s k s . " Such a process allowed f o r very l i t t l e upward m o b i l i t y among the v a s t m a j o r i t y of the B.C. n a t i v e born, even w i t h i n the s k i l l e d l a b o r f o r c e , s i n c e f i n a n c i a l investment i n the t r a i n i n g of s k i l l e d l a b o r , t e c h n i c i a n s and managers was deemed unnecessary. L a c k i n g l o c a l e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s , e x p e r t i s e s u i t e d to an i n d u s t r i a l economy, and investment c a p i t a l , i t i s h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g t h a t few B.C. born had achieved e l i t e s t a t u s p r i o r to 1915. The two who d i d so had been born i n t o p r i v i l e g e , and r e p r e s e n t e d an e x t e n s i o n of e x i s t i n g f a m i l y power r a t h e r than newly won p r e s t i g e . I f the 80 men i n c l u d e d i n the e l i t e sample because of t h e i r l e a d e r s h i p r o l e i n urban p o l i t i c s or one of f i v e v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s are examined s e p a r a t e l y from the t o t a l study p o p u l a t i o n the p l a c e o f o r i g i n percentages change only s l i g h t l y . As Table VI i n d i c a t e s , i n d i v i d u a l s from O n t a r i o , Quebec and the Maritimes account f o r approximately 97% o f the Canadian born e l i t e ( i d e n t i c a l to t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n the t o t a l sample of 164), and 52% of a l l the e l i t e s i n t h i s s m a l l e r study p o p u l a t i o n (compared to 59.5% i n the t o t a l e l i t e study group). Again, i n d i v i d u a l s born i n O n t a r i o dominated the Canadian c o n t r i b u t i o n to the e l i t e ranks o f the c i t y . J u s t over h a l f o f the Canadian born were from Canadian f a m i l i e s , the remainder b e i n g f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n Canadians o f parents who had been born i n England, S c o t l a n d or I r e l a n d (see Table V I I ) . Immigrants from the Uni t e d Kingdom e a s i l y dominated the f o r e i g n born among the v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n e l i t e s , c o m p r i s i n g 77% of the f o r e i g n born and 36% of the 80 v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n e l i t e s examined i n t h i s study (see Table V I ) . Whether n a t i v e or f o r e i g n born the e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n was overwhelmingly P r o t e s t a n t . Of the 129 people i n the t o t a l study group f o r whom r e l i a b l e data have been o b t a i n e d 123 11. were P r o t e s t a n t , three were C a t h o l i c and three were Jewish. Among the P r o t e s t a n t s 84 i n d i v i d u a l s can be i d e n t i f i e d by denomination and these i n c l u d e d 42 A n g l i c a n s ( i n c l u d i n g Church of England and E p i s c o p a l i a n s ) , 28 P r e s b y t e r i a n s , nine Methodis f o u r B a p t i s t s , and one member of the United E v a n g e l i c a l Church The d i s t r i b u t i o n o f churches i n the West End c l e a r l y r e f l e c t s t h i s r e l i g i o u s breakdown. By 1910 there were two A n g l i c a n churches, two P r e s b y t e r i a n churches, and a Methodist church, whereas the only l o c a l p l a c e o f worship f o r West End C a t h o l i c s 81. TABLE V I PLACE OF BIRTH OF VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATION E L I T E , 1886 - 1915. N a t i v e b o r n = 43 F o r e i g n born= 36 Unknown = 1 T o t a l = 80 N a t i v e b o r n : P r o v i n c e N % o f Native(43) ul 10 o f t o t a l ( 8 0 ) O n t a r i o 21 48.83 26.25 Nova S c o t i a 8 18.60 10.00 Quebec 6 13.95 7-50 New B r u n s . 6 13.95 7-50 B.C. 1 2.32 1.25 P . E . I . 1 2.32 1.25 Sub t o t a l 43 100.0 53-75 F o r e i g n b o r n C o u n t r y _N % o f F o r e i g n (36) % o f t o t a l (80) E n g l a n d 13 36.11 16. 25 S c o t l a n d 9 25.00 11.25 I r e l a n d 5 13.88 6. 25 U.S. 4 11.11 5.00 Germany 3 8.33 3-75 Wales 1 2.77 1.25 J a p a n - 1 2.77 1.25 Sub t o t a l 36 100.00 45.00 Unknown: 1 T o t a l 80 10Q.00 TABLE VII ° PLACE OP BIRTH, FATHER'S OF NATIVE BORN VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATION ELITE. Country o f b i r t h Number Canada 16 England 6 S c o t l a n d 4 I r e l a n d 4 Unknown 13 T o t a l 43 12. was i n the Chapel o f S t . Paul's H o s p i t a l . Data on the e d u c a t i o n a l background o f Vancouver's e l i t e are a v a i l a b l e f o r 132 o f the 164 i n d i v i d u a l s i n the t o t a l study group. When s p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n has not been a v a i l a b l e i t has been assumed t h a t anyone s t a r t i n g work by the age o f 16 had attended grade s c h o o l o n l y . As Table V I I I i n d i c a t e s , 55 o f Vancouver's e l i t e had attended u n i v e r s i t y or c o l l e g e p r i o r to moving to Vancouver. Another 17 had undergone a p p r e n t i c e s h i p t r a i n i n g i n s p e c i a l i z e d t e c h n i c a l f i e l d s such as marine e n g i n e e r i n g , p h a r m a c e u t i c a l work, or s u r v e y i n g . Those who had attended high s c h o o l and elementary s c h o o l appear to have been q u i t e evenly d i v i d e d although i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t the m a j o r i t y o f "unknowns" had attended grade s c h o o l o n l y . Probably the most noteworthy and r e l i a b l e s t a t i s t i c here i s the r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e number of i n d i v i d u a l s who had attended u n i v e r s i t y o r c o l l e g e p r i o r to moving to Vancouver. These people account f o r 33.5% of the 164 people i n the e n t i r e group and 42% o f those f o r whom e d u c a t i o n a l data are a v a i l a b l e . I f the 80 v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n e l i t e s are analysed s e p a r a t e l y from the t o t a l study group the p r o p o r t i o n o f people with a U n i v e r s i t y or c o l l e g e e d u c a t i o n i s even h i g h e r (see Table I X ) : 36.3% o f the whole group o f 80 and 44.7% o f the 65 people f o r whom e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l can be a s c e r t a i n e d . The upper echelons o f s e v e r a l of the formal v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s examined here were dominated by u n i v e r s i t y graduates. E i g h t o f the 13 Vancouver Club p r e s i d e n t s and v i c e p r e s i d e n t s had graduated from u n i v e r s i t y or c o l l e g e , as had 12 of the 19 Canadian Club p r e s i d e n t s and 84. TABLE V I I I EDUCATIONAL LEVEL ATTAINED PRIOR TO VANCOUVER, TOTAL SAMPLE. L e v e l N U n i v e r s i t y o r c o l l e g e 55 S p e c i a l i z e d a p p r e n t i c e 17 High s c h o o l Grade s c h o o l Unknown 34 26 32 ( I n c l u d i n g 8 i n d i v i d u a l s who had at t e n d e d a t e a c h e r or busi n e s s c o l l e g e ) ( R e f e r s t o a p p r e n t i c e t r a i n i n g o f over two y e a r s i n "non-labor" o c c u p a t i o n a l f i e l d s such as s u r v e y i n g , marine e n g i n e e r i n g ) ( I n c l u d i n g p r i v a t e academies) (Age at which these people s t a r t e d work too vague to a l l o w f o r an estimate of education) T o t a l 164 TABLE IX EDUCATIONAL LEVEL ATTAINED PRIOR TO VANCOUVER, VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATION ELITE. L e v e l U n i v e r s i t y o r c o l l e g e S p e c i a l i z e d a p p r e n t i c e High s c h o o l Grade s c h o o l Unknown T o t a l N 29 7 18 11 15 80 ( I n c l u d i n g t e a c h e r or b u s i n e s s c o l l e g e ) ( I n c l u d i n g p r i v a t e academies) v i c e p r e s i d e n t s . Without doubt, the imp r e s s i v e e d u c a t i o n a l c r e d e n t i a l s m a n i f e s t e d by a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n o f the e l i t e i n d i c a t e t h a t secure and even prosperous f a m i l y backgrounds had pr o v i d e d f a v o r a b l e " t a k e - o f f " p o s i t i o n s f o r 13. many of Vancouver's f u t u r e l e a d e r s . An examination o f f a t h e r ' s o c c u p a t i o n a l s o r e v e a l s t h a t many o f Vancouver's e l i t e came from comfortable i f not p r i v i l e g e d f a m i l y backgrounds. Although data on f a t h e r ' s o c c u p a t i o n was gathered f o r onl y 104 o f the t o t a l study group, Table X c l e a r l y shows t h a t many o f Vancouver's e l i t e were the sons of p r o f e s s i o n a l and businessmen. I f these f i g u r e s do not prove t h a t Vancouver's e l i t e came predominantly from wealthy backgrounds, they do i n d i c a t e t h a t the g r e a t m a j o r i t y were f a m i l i a r w i t h the v a l u e s and a s p i r a t i o n s o f the urban middle c l a s s p r i o r to s t a r t i n g t h e i r own p e r s o n a l c a r e e r s . R e l a t i v e l y few brought only memories o f l i f e on the farm to the task o f c i t y b u i l d i n g . Regardless o f f a m i l y background, v i r t u a l l y everyone who a t t a i n e d e l i t e s t a t u s i n Vancouver p r i o r to 1915 was wid e l y t r a v e l l e d and o c c u p a t i o n a l l y e x p e r i e n c e d (although not n e c e s s a r i l y s u c c e s s f u l ) before h i s a r r i v a l i n Vancouver. R e l a t i v e l y few o f the e l i t e came d i r e c t l y to Vancouver from the country or pro v i n c e where they had been born. Looking at the 80 v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n e l i t e s , 20 had t r a v e l l e d d i r e c t l y to Vancouver while the r e s t had t e m p o r a r i l y r e s i d e d i n a wide a r r a y o f 14. l o c a l i t i e s p r i o r t o s e t t l i n g i n Vancouver. Although there i s no easy method to c o n c e p t u a l i z e the aggregate g e o g r a p h i c a l 8 6 . TABLE X FATHER'S OCCUPATION . OCCUPATION. A r i s t o c r a c y P r o f e s s i o n a l Businessman, merchant, manufacturer C l e r i c a l Farmer S k i l l e d l a b o r Unknown T o t a l TOTAL STUDY POPULATION Number 4 29 ( i n c l u d i n g army o f f i c e r s , l a w y e r s , t e a c h e r s , d o c t o r s ) 42 1 23 5 60: 164 87. m o b i l i t y o f these people, Table XI attempts to show the number o f s t o p o v e r s accumulated i n v a r i o u s l o c a l i t i e s as the c i t y ' s f u t u r e l e a d e r s migrated to Vancouver. Because the t a b l e i s concerned with the i n t e n s i t y o f m o b i l i t y r a t h e r than d i s c r e t e m o b i l i t y p a t t e r n s the t o t a l number o f i n t e r -mediate stopovers i s the sum o f a l l the stops made by the e l i t e s as they t r a v e l l e d to Vancouver. Undoubtedly, Vancouver's e l i t e were a w i d e l y t r a v e l l e d group. More important, perhaps, i s the f a c t t h a t t h e i r e xperience had been overwhelmingly urban. General p a t t e r n s of success i n Vancouver Upon a r r i v a l i n Vancouver, most of the e l i t e took up occupations i d e n t i c a l or c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to t h e i r p r e v i o u s employment. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i f an i n d i v i d u a l ' s l a s t known oc c u p a t i o n p r i o r to h i s Vancouver a r r i v a l i s compared to h i s f i r s t known steady o c c u p a t i o n i n Vancouver i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t c e r t a i n o c c u p a t i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s d i d e x p e r i e n c e a r e l a t i v e s h i f t i n patronage. As Table XII i n d i c a t e s , 60 of the t o t a l e l i t e study p o p u l a t i o n had entered i n t o d i f f e r e n t occupations s h o r t l y a f t e r they s e t t l e d i n Vancouver. To be sure, the f i g u r e s g i v e only a crude approximation of an extremely complex p r o c e s s . For example, none of the three i n d i v i d u a l s l i s t e d as u n s k i l l e d l a b o r e r s p r i o r to t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Vancouver remained i n t h a t category a f t e r they s e t t l e d i n the c i t y . T.S. Baxter, the one man among the e l i t e who worked as an u n s k i l l e d l a b o r e r i n Vancouver long enough to warrant i n c l u s i o n i n t h i s category, had p r e v i o u s l y been a s c h o o l teacher i n O n t a r i o . He e v e n t u a l l y a t t a i n e d h i s B.C. Teacher's c e r t i f i c a t e , and l a t e r became a lawyer as w e l l as mayor of Vancouver i n 1913 Origin The route to Vancouver* 1 Ont. Queb. Mar i -times P r a i r i e . s B.C. Great B r i t a i r \ U . S . Other F o r e i g n Tota] D i r e c t : 6 2 4 © 0 7 1 0 20 I n d i r e c t ^ 15 4 11 0 \ 21 3 4 59 1 or more stops Ont. or Queb. 4 0 3 0 1 10 1 0 1 or more -^laritimes 1 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 t or more P r a i r i e s 8 1 4 0 0 7 1 0 1 or more B.C. 3 2 4 0 1 5 0 4 1 or more Western U . S . 2 2 3 0 0 0 1 4 1 or more Eastern U . S . 1 1 0 0 0 2 0 3 1 or more B r i t a i n 1 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 1 or more Europe 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 1 or more lukon/N.V.T. . . . . ., 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 * D a t a on 79 o f 80 (20 d i r e c t t o V a n c o u v e r , 59 i n d i r e c t ) . P l a c e o f b i r t h l i s t e d as s t o p o v e r i f i n d i v i d u a l moved away t h e n r e t u r n e d t o p r o v i n c e o r c o u n t r y o f o r i g i n p r i o r t o m o v i n g t o V a n c o u v e r . TABLE XI STOPOVERS BEFORE. VANCOUVER TABLE X I I OCCUPATION BEFORE AND AFTER VANCOUVER ARRIVAL, TOTAL SAMPLE. 89. O c c u p a t i o n a l L a s t o c c u p a t i o n F i r s t o c c u p a t i o n D i f f e r e n c e c a t e g o r i e s b e f o r e V a n c o u v e r i n V a n c o u v e r N N P r o f e s s i o n a l 28 28 0 M a n u f a c t u r e r s , C o r p o r a t e mgrs., (CPR, BCER, Ba n k s ) 26 33 +7 R e a l E s t a t e F i n a n c e C o n t r a c t o r s 18 41 + 23 M e r c h a n t s B u s i n e s s m e n 35 31 — 4 A c c o u n t a n t s B o o k k e e p e r s C l e r k s J o u r n a l i s t s S h i p p i n g C l e r k s 18 8 -10 S t u d e n t s A p p r e n t i c e s 8 0 -8 S k i l l e d l a b o r 10 5 -5 U n s k i l l e d l a b o r 3 1 -2 F a r m e r s 1 0 -1 T o t a l s 147 147 60 D a t a on 147 o f a p o s s i b l e 164 i n d i v i d u a l s . 90. and 1914. Baxter's example p o i n t s out the d i f f i c u l t y o f d e c i d i n g what c o n s t i t u t e s an i n d i v i d u a l ' s f i r s t steady Job i n Vancouver. As f a r as p o s s i b l e , an attempt" has been made t o l i s t the f i r s t job o f more than one year's d u r a t i o n . Even so, the q u e s t i o n of d e c i d i n g when a c a r p e n t e r such as Jonathan Rogers had a t t a i n e d the more p r e s t i g i o u s p o s i t i o n of c o n t r a c t o r and d e v e l o p e r poses problems, while people l i k e the Oppenheimers were I n v o l v e d In many a c t i v i t i e s from the moment they a r r i v e d i n the c i t y . Keeping these d i f f i c u l t i e s i n mend, i t i s f e l t t h a t the data i n Table XII s t i l l p r e s e n t a f a i r l y v a l i d p i c t u r e of g e n e r a l o c c u p a t i o n a l trends as the c i t y ' s f u t u r e e l i t e s e t t l e d i n t o Vancouver. P r o f e s s i o n a l s were the most o c c u p a t i o n a l l y s t a b l e group i n the e l i t e i n so f a r as only one lawyer, P.R. R u s s e l l , a c t u a l l y p r a c t i c e d law f o r the f i r s t time a f t e r moving to Vancouver. The most n o t a b l e s h i f t i n o c c u p a t i o n a l patronage was a s s o c i a t e d with the number of people who immediately became i n v o l v e d w i t h Vancouver's p r o p e r t y i n d u s t r y or r e l a t e d f i n a n c i a l e n t e r p r i s e s . To be sure, a number o f i n d i v i d u a l s may have been a s s o c i a t e d i n d i r e c t l y w i t h s i m i l a r a c t i v i t i e s p r i o r to t h e i r move to Vancouver, but i n Vancouver these p u r s u i t s became t h e i r primary a v o c a t i o n . Por example, R.K. Houlgate was manager o f the London C i t y and Midlands Bank at Morely, Y o r k s h i r e , England from 1894 to 1898. In 1898 he moved to Vancouver as a s s i s t a n t manager f o r B.C. o f a p o w e r f u l E n g l i s h t r u s t and Investment concern, the Y o r k s h i r e Guarantee and S e c u r i t i e s C o r p o r a t i o n . W i t h i n the year he was appointed manager o f the company and I t s s u b s i d i a r y l a n d development concerns. In f a c t , 91. the i n c r e a s e In the number of people a s s o c i a t e d with f i n a n c i a l c o r p o r a t i o n s and r e a l e s t a t e companies was even more dramatic than the above data would i n d i c a t e s i n c e a number o f s u c c e s s f u l merchants, such as the Oppenheimers, or p r o f e s s i o n a l s , such as the Brydone-Jack b r o t h e r s (one a lawyer, the other a d o c t o r ) , were deeply i n v o l v e d i n p r o p e r t y and f i n a n c i a l e n t e r p r i s e s . Many ot h e r s s p e c u l a t e d p r i v a t e l y i n l a n d , the extent of which i s examined l a t e r i n the study. These data lend weight to the argument t h a t the m a j o r i t y of Vancouver's f u t u r e e l i t e a r r i v e d i n the c i t y as a r e l a t i v e l y e x p e r i e n c e d group of e n t r e p r e n e u r s and p r o f e s s i o n a l s . Perhaps onl y 12 men out o f the t o t a l study group had to come to g r i p s w i t h the c o m p l e x i t i e s of an e n t i r e l y new c a r e e r while they attempted to e s t a b l i s h themselves i n a new urban s e t t i n g . T h i s group was composed o f s t u d e n t s , u n s k i l l e d l a b o r e r s and one farmer. The r e s t , i n c l u d i n g the s k i l l e d l a b o r e r s , r e - e s t a b l i s h e d p r e v i o u s o c c u p a t i o n s or used f a m i l i a r s k i l l s In s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t o c cupations and e n t e r p r i s e s . The sudden s h i f t to o c c u p a t i o n s r e l a t e d t o the p r o p e r t y i n d u s t r y I s i n d i c a t i v e of the e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l experience of Vancouver's e l i t e and t h e i r s e n s i t i v i t y to p r o f i t making o p p o r t u n i t i e s . The c i t y ' s c r e a t i o n as the western terminus o f the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway had suddenly turned l a n d Into a p r o f i t a b l e s p e c u l a t i o n and the new a r r i v a l s were q u i c k to t u r n t h i s to t h e i r advantage. Understanding the socio-economic s t r u c t u r e o f a modern c i t y they were q u i c k l y able to a s s e r t t h e i r i n f l u e n c e i n the e v o l v i n g landscape. In c o n t r a s t many e a r l y l a n d h o l d e r s , such as the o r i g i n a l pre-emptors o f the c i t y ' s f u t u r e West End, were l e s s f a m i l i a r w i t h the techniques of a modern urban environment and were q u i c k l y outmanoeuvered by newcomers. Although i t i s p o s s i b l e to develop a f a i r l y p r e c i s e p i c t u r e of the e l i t e ' s o c c u p a t i o n a l background, i t i s f a r more d i f f i c u l t to determine how s u c c e s s f u l they had been b e f o r e moving to Vancouver. Those who a r r i v e d as l o c a l e x e c u t i v e s o f n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s can be s a f e l y assumed to have been w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d people who merely added t o t h e i r socio-economic p r e s t i g e i n Vancouver. Bank managers, C.P.R. and B.C.E.R. e x e c u t i v e s would f i t t h i s group most c l e a r l y ; these people had a l r e a d y a t t a i n e d a p o s i t i o n o f I n f l u e n c e w i t h i n a powerful i n s t i t u t i o n which gave them immediate p r e s t i g e I n Vancouver's s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y . I t can a l s o be argued t h a t those 15. who a r r i v e d as p r o f e s s i o n a l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the lawyers, were r e l a t i v e l y s u c c e s s f u l people to the extent t h a t t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n a l category gave them a degree o f s o c i a l p r e s t i g e and o p p o r t u n i t y f o r r a p i d economic advancement, whether or not p r o f e s s i o n a l s became e l i t e s In the sense d e f i n e d here depended of course on t h e i r a b i l i t y t o a t t a i n top p o s i t i o n s i n the urban i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework. I n d i v i d u a l s who had been connected w i t h the management of s u c c e s s f u l manufacturing concerns p r i o r to t h e i r Vancouver a r r i v a l , and who q u i c k l y e s t a b l i s h e d s i m i l a r e n t e r p r i s e s i n Vancouver, a l s o a r r i v e d as r e l a t i v e l y s u c c e s s f u l men. For the r e s t however, i t Is f a r more d i f f i c u l t t o e v a l u a t e p r e v i o u s l e v e l s of s u c c e s s . One approach that might be used to give some i n d i c a t i o n of p r e v i o u s s t a n d i n g e n t a i l s an examination o f the " l a g time" between an i n d i v i d u a l ' s date of a r r i v a l In Vancouver 93. and the date at which he f i r s t a t t a i n e d success i n the c i t y . The assumption made here i s t h a t a man who was s u c c e s s f u l enough to be c o n s i d e r e d among the e l i t e w i t h i n f i v e or s i x years o f moving to Vancouver l i k e l y a r r i v e d as a s k i l l e d a d m i n i s t r a t o r w i t h i n a l a r g e r c o r p o r a t e body or had access to investment c a p i t a l , h i s own or o t h e r s , which he immediately put to work i n the c i t y . What i s of s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t here i s the date at which the i n d i v i d u a l a t t a i n e d success i n h i s b u s i n e s s or p r o f e s s i o n a l c a r e e r . Thus i t i s important to know when he e s t a b l i s h e d h i s own company, when he assumed a top managerial p o s i t i o n i n a n a t i o n a l , i n t e r n a t i o n a l or l o c a l c o r p o r a t i o n , or when he set up h i s own l e g a l f i r m or m e d i c a l p r a c t i c e . Table XIII attempts to set out t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n . In s e v e r a l cases, the date when an i n d i v i d u a l took over a top p o s i t i o n i n one o f the v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i s c o n s i d e r e d to be the date o f s u c c e s s , but as much as p o s s i b l e the year of i n d i v i d u a l success i n b u s i n e s s or p r o f e s s i o n a l l i f e has been s e l e c t e d . Most of Vancouver's e l i t e had s e t t l e d i n the c i t y p r i o r to 1898 (107 o f 158 known). Of t h i s group, 67 had a t t a i n e d success w i t h i n the f i r s t f i v e years o f t h e i r a r r i v a l . Furthermore, Table XIII shows t h a t the great m a j o r i t y o f people i n the t o t a l e l i t e study group had a t t a i n e d success w i t h i n approximately f i v e years o f t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Vancouver (107 o f 158). Compared to the o t h e r groups, e a r l y a r r i v a l s were the l e a s t q u i c k l y s u c c e s s f u l ; o n l y 53 of the 89 who a r r i v e d between 1886 and 1891 were immediately s u c c e s s f u l . E a r l y a r r i v a l s had more TABLE XIII FREQUENCY CHART - DATE OF ARRIVAL BY DATE OF PERSONAL SUCCESS Dat e o f s u c c e s s Date o f a r r i v a l 1886-1891 1892-1897 I898-1902 1903-1908 1909-1915 T o t a l 1886-91 53 26 5 3 2 89 1892-97 X 14 1 3 0 18 1898-02 X X 14 3 2 19 1903-08 X X X 18 6 24 1909-15 X X X X 8 8 T o t a l s 53 40 20 27 18 158 ( D a t a on 158 o f 164 i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h e t o t a l s t u d y g r o u p ) 95. time to move g r a d u a l l y up the socio-economic l a d d e r and a t t a i n success by 1915, hence they dominated the t o t a l e l i t e population.' But i t i s a l s o c l e a r that the number o f men who a t t a i n e d success each decade between 1886 and 1915 d i d not i n c r e a s e as the c i t y grew i n s i z e and p o p u l a t i o n . N i n e t y - t h r e e o f the e l i t e had a t t a i n e d success p r i o r to I898 compared wi t h on l y 65 a f t e r 1898. T h i s , c o n s i d e r e d a l o n g s i d e the f a c t t h a t a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n o f post 1891 a r r i v a l s tended t o a t t a i n success very r a p i d l y , g i v e s the i m p r e s s i o n t h a t o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r upward m o b i l i t y i n t o the e l i t e s t r a t a d e c l i n e d as the c i t y expanded. In f a c t however, l o c a l upward m o b i l i t y d i d not d e c l i n e so much as i t became a much more g r a d u a l and d e l i b e r a t e process while r a p i d success became i n c r e a s i n g l y r e s t r i c t e d to those who a r r i v e d as s u c c e s s f u l , w e l l - f i n a n c e d men. For example, between 1903 and 1908 27 people i n the e l i t e sample a t t a i n e d success i n Vancouver. Of t h i s group, 18 had a r r i v e d i n Vancouver between 1903 and 1908, the same p e r i o d i n which they a t t a i n e d power. Only s i x of the i n d i v i d u a l s had been s e t t l e d i n Vancouver b e f o r e 1898. C o n v e r s e l y , between 1892 and 1897 40 i n d i v i d u a l s i n the sample f i r s t a t t a i n e d s u c c e s s . Out of t h i s group, 26 had been here f o r over f i v e years and o n l y 14 had j u s t a r r i v e d . As Vancouver's socio-economic s t r u c t u r e grew In s o p h i s t i c a t i o n , the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r r a p i d upward m o b i l i t y were becoming more r e s t r i c t e d . As e a r l y as 1898 i t was becoming much more d i f f i c u l t than had been the case a few years b e f o r e f o r an independent entrepreneur to t u r n a s m a l l b u s i n e s s i n t o a powerful f i r m . The pre-1898 a r r i v a l s e i t h e r moved to Vancouver as s u c c e s s f u l men or enjoyed an o p p o r t u n i t y to work t h e i r way to the top of 96. the socio-economic h i e r a r c h y by 1915. A f t e r 1898, a man e i t h e r was s u c c e s s f u l when he a r r i v e d or stood very l i t t l e chance o f a t t a i n i n g e l i t e s t a t u s by 1915. I f the study o f success r a t e s Is c o n f i n e d s o l e l y to the people who c o n t r o l l e d the command p o s i t i o n s i n the c i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l arena and v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s s e v e r a l f a c t o r s emerge which help to c l a r i f y the c h a r a c t e r o f Vancouver's e v o l v i n g s o c i a l environment. The f o l l o w i n g frequency c h a r t (Table XIV) compares the date o f a r r i v a l w i t h the date at which an I n d i v i d u a l was f i r s t e l e c t e d to serve as p r e s i d e n t o r v i c e p r e s i d e n t o f the Board o f Trade, the Vancouver Club, the Terminal C i t y Club, the Canadian Club or as mayor o f Vancouver. The data c l e a r l y show t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s who a r r i v e d when (Vancouver was a sm a l l community had a b e t t e r o p p o r t u n i t y t o a t t a i n the top p o s i t i o n s i n I n s t i t u t i o n s o u t s i d e o f t h e i r p e r s o n a l c a r e e r s than d i d newer a r r i v a l s . Two-thirds o f t h i s group had s e t t l e d i n Vancouver b e f o r e 1892. Th r e e - q u a r t e r s had a r r i v e d i n the c i t y b e f o r e 1898, p r i o r to the economic boom that s t r e t c h e d from the t u r n o f the century u n t i l approximately 1912. The major paradox a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h i s p a r t i c u l a r p r o f i l e o f e l i t i s m Is t h a t the c i t y ' s i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework, and hence the o p p o r t u n i t y to a t t a i n e l i t e s t a t u s as d e f i n e d here, expanded q u i t e d r a m a t i c a l l y between 1886 and 1915- The form a t i o n o f a m u n i c i p a l government i n 1886 was f o l l o w e d by the c r e a t i o n o f the Board of Trade In 1887, the Vancouver and Terminal C i t y Clubs i n the mid 1890's, and the Vancouver Canadian Club i n 1906. Yet the c o n t r o l o f these formal a s s o c i a t i o n s was l a r g e l y i n the hands o f the e a r l y a r r i v a l s , people who had s e t t l e d i n 97. TABLE XIV DATE OF ARRIVAL BY DATE OF PUBLIC SUCCESS, VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATION ELITES. Date of success Date of a r r i v a l 1886-1891 1892-1897 1898-1902 1903-1908 1909- i T o t a l s 1915 1 N % N % N % N % N % ! N % -1886-91 6 100 7 100 11 73.3 12 66.6 9 39.1 45 65.2 1892-97 X X 0 0 2 18.1 2 11.1 4 17.3! 8 11.5 1898-02 X X X X 2 18.1J 1 22.2 2 6.81 8 11.5 1903-08 X X X X X X 0 0 6 20.7 6. 8.7 1909-15 X X X X X X X X 2 6.8 2 2.8 T o t a l s 6 100 7 100 15 100 18 100 23 100 69* 100 *(The nine founders who d i d not serve as a c h i e f e x e c u t i v e of a v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n have been omitt e d , as has the one B.C. n a t i v e . One unknown.) Vancouver when the c i t y was a s m a l l and r a t h e r u n s t a b l e commercial town. As Table XIV i l l u s t r a t e s , i t was not u n t i l the 1909-1915 p e r i o d t h a t post 1891 a r r i v a l s ' o u t n u m b e r e d the 1886-1891 a r r i v a l s among the c i t y ' s newly s u c c e s s f u l v o l u n t a r y i n s t i t u t i o n a l e l i t e s . None o f those who a r r i v e d between 1892 and 1897 a t t a i n e d success v/ i t h i n the v o l u n t a r y i n s t i t u t i o n a l e l i t e d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . Two o f the e i g h t who a r r i v e d between 1892 and 1897 achieved success d u r i n g the f i r s t f i v e years o f t h e i r Vancouver a r r i v a l , but the s i x who a r r i v e d between 1903 and 1908 d i d not a t t a i n a command p o s i t i o n i n a v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n u n t i l the 1909-1915 p e r i o d . In s h o r t , the command p o s i t i o n s i n the c i t y ' s p o w erful v o l u n t a r y i n s t i t u t i o n a l network, i n c l u d i n g m u n i c i p a l government, remained mainly i n the hands o f the e a r l y a r r i v a l s . As examined l a t e r , t h i s s i t u a t i o n r e f l e c t s the cohesive nature o f e l i t e s o c i e t y , and t h e i r tendancy to r e c r u i t f a m i l i a r and t r u s t e d f a c e s f o r l e a d e r s h i p p o s i t i o n s . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , the great m a j o r i t y o f these v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n e l i t e s had a t t a i n e d p e r s o n a l success i n t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n or b u s i n e s s p r i o r to 1898 (6l o f 76 known). The r e s t had s e t t l e d a f t e r I898 and a t t a i n e d p e r s o n a l success w i t h i n a very s h o r t p e r i o d a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l . Comparing success r a t e s to p l a c e of o r i g i n d a t a , i t seems apparent t h a t Immigrants from the U n i t e d Kingdom were p a r t i c u l a r l y s u c c e s s f u l i n c a p t u r i n g the top p o s i t i o n s i n the c i t y ' s v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s d u r i n g Vancouver's f o r m a t i v e y e a r s . Of the s i x I n d i v i d u a l s who f i r s t a t t a i n e d pov/er i n a v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n between 1886 and 1891, three were from B r i t a i n , two from the M a ritimes, and one from Germany. Of the seven people who were I n i t i a l l y s u c c e s s f u l between 1892 and 1897, two were from B r i t a i n , two from the M a r i t i m e s , two from Germany and one from O n t a r i o . Out o f the next group of 15, s i x were from B r i t a i n , f i v e from O n t a r i o and Quebec, thr e e from the Ma r i t i m e s , and one from the U n i t e d S t a t e s . In the next group o f 18 there were e i g h t immigrants from the Un i t e d Kingdom, seven from O n t a r i o and Quebec, two from the Mari t i m e s , and one from the United S t a t e s . I t i s not u n t i l the 1909-1915 p e r i o d that E a s t e r n Canadians c l e a r l y dominated the ranks of the newly s u c c e s s f u l v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n e l i t e s . In t h i s case t e n of the 23 i n d i v i d u a l s were from O n t a r i o and Quebec, f i v e from the M a r i t i m e s , s i x from Great B r i t a i n , and two from the Un i t e d S t a t e s . That a r r i v a l s from the United Kingdom were p a r t i c u l a r l y , s u c c e s s f u l i n c o n t r o l l i n g the c i t y ' s command p o s t s d u r i n g the e a r l y years of Vancouver's development s t r o n g l y suggests t h a t these immigrants were o f g r e a t e r importance to Vancouver's development than t h e i r n u m e r i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n among the e l i t e would i n d i c a t e . Given the prominent r o l e t h a t e a r l y a r r i v a l s p l a y e d i n the upper echelons o f Vancouver's s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y u n t i l at l e a s t 1915, I t i s a p p r o p r i a t e t h a t age be c o n s i d e r e d i n some d e t a i l . Age not only h e lps t o e x p l a i n the d u r a b i l i t y o f the e a r l y s e t t l e r s among the e l i t e , but a l s o bears d i r e c t l y on any attempt t o understand the a c t i o n s and a s p i r a t i o n s o f Vancouver's e l i t e and t h e i r a t t i t u d e towards the urban environment. The great m a j o r i t y o f the people who a t t a i n e d e l i t e s t a t u s by 1915 had been 40 years of age or younger 100. when they f i r s t s e t t l e d i n Vancouver (Table XV). Well over h a l f were between 25 and 40 years of age when they f i r s t a r r i v e d , another 21% were under age 25. C o n v e r s e l y , o n l y 15% o f the e l i t e were over age 40 and o n l y 4%, a l l E a s t e r n Canadians, were over 50 when they took up r e s i d e n c e i n Vancouver. None o f the f o r e i g n born e l i t e were over 50 when they moved to Vancouver. I t i s q u i t e c l e a r t h a t , as a group, the members o f Vancouver's top s o c i a l s t r a t a were o c c u p a t i o n a l l y experienced yet r e l a t i v e l y y o u t h f u l and presumably a g g r e s s i v e as they set out i n p u r s u i t o f p r o f i t and s e c u r i t y i n Vancouver. In g e n e r a l they were a h i g h l y mobile, westward moving p o p u l a t i o n t h a t s e t t l e d i n Vancouver at a c r i t i c a l p e r i o d o f t h e i r l i f e c y c l e . No l o n g e r young, but f a r from b e i n g o l d , t h e i r y o u t h f u l dreams o f e v e n t u a l success somewhere were changing to a commitment t o success i n Vancouver. For many, a p e r s o n a l commitment to success was t r a n s l a t e d I n t o a p e r s o n a l commitment to p l a c e f o r the f i r s t time i n t h e i r l i v e s , a d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o succeed i n Vancouver r a t h e r than move on at the f i r s t s i g n o f h a r d s h i p . In t u r n , they began to a s s o c i a t e t h e i r own o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r success w i t h Vancouver's p r o s p e r i t y and expansion. Most were convinced t h a t no new c i t i e s w i t h Vancouver's economic p o t e n t i a l would be c r e a t e d d u r i n g t h e i r l i f e t i m e and the a l t e r n a t i v e o f r e t u r n i n g e a s t and s t a r t i n g over grew l e s s a p p e a l l i n g with advancing age. I s o l a t i n g the 80 v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n e l i t e s from the t o t a l study group, but i n t h i s case a l s o e x c l u d i n g the nine men who helped c r e a t e but d i d not d i r e c t any o f the c i t y ' s formal v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s , some f u r t h e r i n s i g h t can be Place of o r i g i n Age at A r r i v a l Eastern Canada * Prairies United Kingdom * ft 0 u 3 M United States Australia T otals N. . % N % N % N % N 5* N io N % Under 25 25 27.5 0 0.0 6 14.6 1 ;2o.p 0 0.0 0 0.0 32 21 .6 25-40 57 62.6 1 100.0 2? 65.8 2 40.0 6 66.6 1 100.0 94 63.5 41-50 3 3.3 0 0.0 8 19.5 2 40.0 3 33.3 0 0.0 16 10.8 51-60 6 , 6.6 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 6 4.1 60 plus • 0 0 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 T 6 t a l s 91 100 1 100.0 41 100.0 5 100.0 100.0 1 100.0 48 100.0 *Data on 148 of 164 people i n sample The two B.C. born were omitted. TABLE XV PLACE OP BIRTH BY AGE AT ARRIVAL IN VANCOUVER, TOTAL SAMPLE. 102. gained i n t o the s t r u c t u r e of the d e v e l o p i n g s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y . As w i t h the t o t a l study p o p u l a t i o n , the m a j o r i t y o f t h i s group s e t t l e d i n Vancouver between the ages of 25 and 40 (Table XVI). S e t t l e r s born i n E a s t e r n Canada made up approximately one-h a l f o f t h i s age group and s e t t l e r s from the U n i t e d Kingdom accounted f o r approximately 40%. When age o f success i n the c i t y ' s v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n network i s measured a g a i n s t the p l a c e o f o r i g i n d a t a , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that a r r i v a l s from the U n i t e d Kingdom were p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y the youngest group of e l i t e s (Table XVII). J u s t over 86% of the B r i t i s h and I r i s h immigrants were under age 51 when they became the l e a d e r o f an Important v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n or mayor o f the c i t y , o n l y 63.6% of the M a r i t i m e r s f i t t h i s c a t e g o r y , as d i d o n l y 60.8% o f the a r r i v a l s from O n t a r i o and Quebec. Put another way, Immigrants from B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d accounted f o r 44.4% o f a l l those who a t t a i n e d power between age 25 to 40 and 42.3% o f those who f i r s t a t t a i n e d power between 41 and 50 years o f age. C l e a r l y , y o u t h f u l and ambitious immigrants from the United Kingdom enjoyed a h i g h degree o f success i n Vancouver's s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y . C o n c l u s i o n The above chapter has been concerned w i t h the s o c i a l background and c a r e e r p a t t e r n s o f Vancouver's e l i t e s o c i e t y between 1886 and 1915. In sum, the e l i t e were overwhelmingly B r i t i s h o r E a s t e r n Canadian, they had f a t h e r s i n b u s i n e s s or p r o f e s s i o n a l f i e l d s , they were predominantly P r o t e s t a n t , and most were q u i t e w e l l educated. Most were b r o a d l y t r a v e l l e d and 103. TABLE XVI PLACE OP BIRTH BY AGE AT ARRIVAL, VOLUNTARY. ASSOCIATION ELITE. Age at a r r i v a l B i r t h Under j 1 p l a c e 25 25-40 41--50 : 51 -60 ! 60 p l u s T o t a l * N % . N % N of /' i N %• : N /*> N t O n t a r i o & Quebec il 50.0 15 35.7 1 14.3 3 60.0 0 0.0 23 37.-Maritimes 2 25.0 6 14.3 1 14.3 2 40.0 0 0.0 11 17. * U.S. 0 0.0 3 7.1 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 3 4 . c Gt. B r i t a i n 2 25.0 17 40.5 3 42 . 8 0 0.0 0 0.0 22 35.* Europe 0 0.0 1 2.4 2 28.6 0 0.0 0 0.0 3 4 . c T o t a l 3 100 42 100 7 100 5 100 0 0.0 62 100 * The nine founders have been excluded, l e a v i n g a t o t a l o f 71 p r e s i d e n t s , v i c e p r e s i d e n t s or mayors. B i r t h p l a c e data are a v a i l a b l e f o r 70 of these people. However, f o r seven of these people i n f o r m a t i o n on b i r t h d a t e or date of a r r i v a l I s m i s s i n g , l e a v i n g a t o t a l o f 6 3 . In t h i s t a b l e the one B.C. n a t i v e (R.H.H.Alexander) has a l s o been excluded, l e a v i n g a t o t a l of 6 2 . TABLE XVII PLACE OF BIRTH BY AGE AT PUBLIC SUCCESS, VOLUNTARY ASS'N ELITE. Age at success B i r t h p l a c e under 25 25--40 41 -50 51 - 6 0 60 p l u s T o t a l N % li W % N % N % N % U n t a r i o & Quebec 6 3 3 . 3 8 3 0 .H 7 4 3 . 7 2 6 b . 6 23 3 6 . ' Maritimes 3 16.6 4 1 5 . 4 3 1 8 . 7 1 3 3 . 3 11 1 7 . ' B.C. 1 3 . 8 1 l . ( U.S. 1 5 . 5 2 1 2 . 5 3 4.1 Gt. B r i t a i n 8 4 4 . 4 11 4 2 . 3 3 1 8 . 7 22 3 4 . ! Europe 2 7 . 7 1 6 .3 3 4.1 •rot-ai i d 1 0 0 . j 26 100. 16 1 0 0 . 3 1 0 0 . 63 100. The nine founders have been omitted. E i g h t unknown. The B.C. n a t i v e Included here, u n l i k e Table XVI. 104. and a r r i v e d In Vancouver as experienced businessmen or p r o f e s s i o n a l s and, based on the " l a g time" between date o f a r r i v a l and date o f su c c e s s , many a r r i v e d as s u c c e s s f u l men or at l e a s t with a s u b s t a n t i a l amount o f p e r s o n a l or c o r p o r a t e investment c a p i t a l . These c o n c l u s i o n s , although important, r e p r e s e n t o n l y the f i r s t step i n the a n a l y s i s o f the s t r u c t u r e of power i n Vancouver. Por the data presented here p r o h i b i t a l l but the most t e n t a t i v e i n f e r e n c e s t o be made r e g a r d i n g the u n d e r l y i n g s u b j e c t i v e p r e f e r e n c e s t h a t may have been i n f l u e n c i n g 16. the e l i t e r e c r u i t m e n t process i n Vancouver. However, i t does seem c l e a r t h a t Vancouver was a n y t h i n g but an open s o c i e t y i n which a l l people enjoyed an equal o p p o r t u n i t y t o r i s e to the top o f the socio-economic h i e r a r c h y . Rather, c e r t a i n groups o f B r i t i s h and E a s t e r n Canadian immigrants enjoyed a p a r t i c u l a r access t o poller t h a t became more c o n t r o l l e d and r e s t r i c t e d as the c i t y ' s socio-economic environment grew i n s o p h i s t i c a t i o n and i n s t i t u t i o n a l completeness. CHAPTER THREE FORMAL ASSOCIATIONS OF THE ELITE, 1886-1914. "The people of the upper class may be conceived of as members of a top s o c i a l stratum, as a set of groups whose members know one another, see one another s o c i a l l y and at business, and so, i n making decisions, take one another into account.... They form a more or less compact s o c i a l and psychological e n t i t y ; they have become self-conscious members of a s o c i a l c l a s s . . . . They accept one another, understand one another, tend to work and think, i f not together, at least a l i k e . " (C.W. M i l l s , The Power E l i t e , New York: Oxford University Press, 1956, p.11) 1 0 6 . CHAPTER THREE FDRMAL ASSOCIATIONS OP THE ELITE, 1 8 8 6 - 1 9 1 4 . In the West End the e a r l y e l i t e c r e a t e d and l i v e d i n a f a m i l i a r , i d e n t i f i a b l e r e s i d e n t i a l environment, a world i n which t h e i r r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n from o t h e r urban c e n t e r s was d i m i n i s h e d , the w i l d e r n e s s c o u l d be i g n o r e d , and t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n s i n urban s o c i e t y c o u l d be c l e a r l y demonstrated. The f a m i l i a r p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l t r a p p i n g s o f the VJest End e s t a b l i s h e d a sound b a s i s f o r the development o f upper c l a s s s o c i a l cohesion i n a r a p i d l y changing urban arena. The l a v i s h homes and l i f e s t y l e s o f the West End p r o v i d e d r e c o g n i z a b l e guideposts to the upper c l a s s edge o f Vancouver s o c i e t y . To b u i l d or purchase a West End mansion was a c l e a r i n d i c a t o r o f the f i n a n c i a l w e l l - b e i n g t h a t was c e n t r a l to a t t a i n i n g upper c l a s s . r e c o g n i t i o n . . F u r t h e r , i n the pre-automobile e r a , the s p a t i a l c o n c e n t r a t i o n and r e s i d e n t i a l p r o x i m i t y of the e l i t e w i t h i n the West End f a c i l i t a t e d l o c a l s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . T h i s was important i n d e v e l o p i n g f a m i l i a r i t y and s o c i a l cohesion f o r , i n s p i t e of t h e i r e t h n i c homogeneity, the upper c l a s s covered a wide spectrum o f r e g i o n a l , s o c i a l and o c c u p a t i o n a l backgrounds. But w h i l e the West End p o r t r a y e d s t a t u s and f u n c t i o n e d as an 107. environment i n which upper c l a s s s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and cohesion c o u l d be i n i t i a t e d and s u s t a i n e d , i t was only p a r t o f the l a r g e r c i v i c arena w i t h i n which the e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n operated. T h i s l a r g e r s e t t i n g i n c l u d e d the e l a b o r a t e i n s t i t u t i o n a l network of c o r p o r a t i o n s , e x c l u s i v e c l u b s and r e c r e a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h i n which the e l i t e c o n s o l i d a t e d t h e i r socio-economic ascendancy. For the e l i t e there was no c o n t r a d i c t i o n between t h e i r sense of i n d i v i d u a l achievement and t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s to c r e a t e , indeed t h e i r haste to c r e a t e , a durable i n s t i t u t i o n a l b a s i s f o r t h e i r power. While the members o f t h i s ambitious, b u s i n e s s - o r i e n t e d e l i t e s o c i e t y f i r m l y b e l i e v e d t h a t every i n d i v i d u a l must be h e l d r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s own success or f a i l u r e i n l i f e , they were more than prepared to accept a c o l l e c t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n a l support f o r the p u r s u i t of i n d i v i d u a l s u c c e s s . As such, Vancouver's l e a d i n g businessmen i n v e s t e d a g r e a t d e a l o f time, energy and money i n the c r e a t i o n o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h a t they f e l t were needed to make Vancouver a v i a b l e b u s i n e s s - l i k e c i t y , a c i t y where p r i v a t e i n i t i a t i v e would be adequately rewarded and success c o u l d be s u s t a i n e d and nutured. The socio-economic o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the e l i t e , a process t h a t went hand i n hand with the development of the West End as an upper c l a s s neighborhood, was c e n t r a l to the development o f a cohesive and i n f l u e n t i a l e l i t e s o c i e t y i n Vancouver. An understanding of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l b a s i s o f the e l i t e ' s power i n Vancouver i s e s s e n t i a l to an understanding of i t s impact on the s o c i a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l environment o f the c i t y . In t h i s chapter we s h a l l c o n c e n t r a t e on the development of the e l i t e ' s network o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s while chapter f o u r w i l l focus on the c o r p o r a t e connections and a c t i v i t e s of 1 0 8 . Vancouver's e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n . The i n s t i t u t i o n a l b a s i s o f the West End e l i t e In a new urban s e t t i n g where p e r s o n a l bonds had been weakened by time and d i s t a n c e , i n s t i t u t i o n s p l a y e d an ex c e e d i n g l y important r o l e i n g e n e r a t i n g s o c i a l c o h e sion among the e l i t e . K i n s h i p and f r i e n d s h i p l i n k s were e s t a b l i s h e d w i t h i n formal o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f s o c i a l l y d e f i n e d " s t a t u s e q u a l s , " such as the Vancouver Club, as w e l l as w i t h i n c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e s where shared f i n a n c i a l r i s k s helped to c r e a t e enduring p e r s o n a l bonds. The i n s t i t u t i o n a l power s t r u c t u r e a l s o helped to u n i f y i n f o r m a l l y people i n charge of the v a r i o u s sub-systems t h a t comprised the t o t a l matrix o f the c i t y ' s i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework. T h i s was s t i m u l a t e d , i n p a r t , from the f a c t t h a t the e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n enjoyed t h e i r p e s i t i o n s o f power and p r i v i l e g e and'they tended t o share a common r e s p e c t f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t gave them power. In t u r n , the l e a d e r s o f the d i v e r s e i n s t i t u t i o n s w i t h i n the t o t a l power s t r u c t u r e tended to be u n i f i e d i n what P o r t e r has l a b e l l e d a " c o n f r a t e r n i t y o f 1 . power." T h i s was not a c o n s p i r a t o r i a l c o a l i t i o n o f e l i t e s , r a t h e r i f was the r e c o g n i t i o n which men of power gave to each other and i t served t o r e i n f o r c e the s t a b i l i t y o f the power s t r u c t u r e i n Vancouver. The " c o n f r a t e r n i t y o f power," which was g e n e r a l l y enhanced by o v e r l a p p i n g club memberships and/or f a m i l y networks, was an important a l b e i t very s u b j e c t i v e a t t r i b u t e of e l i t e u n i t y i n Vancouver. The i n s t i t u t i o n s o f primary importance to the e l i t e ' s power and c i t y ' s growth were, o f course, the c o r p o r a t i o n s and l a r g e independent b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e s that comprised the core 109. o f the urban economy. Through the c o r p o r a t e i n f r a s t r u c t u r e the e l i t e generated j o b s , accumulated and d i r e c t e d c a p i t a l investment and, i n l a r g e p a r t , s u c c e s s f u l l y promoted and c o n s o l i d a t e d Vancouver's p o s i t i o n as the commercial e n t r e p o t f o r the p r o v i n c e . More than any o t h e r segment of the p o p u l a t i o n , these men were ab l e to t r a n s f o r m Vancouver from image to r e a l i t y - from an e n v i s i o n e d c i t y o f homes, jobs and i n d i v i d u a l w e l l - b e i n g to a dynamic urban c e n t e r . In an age committed to m a t e r i a l p r o g r e s s , i n a new west c o a s t urban s e t t i n g populated by i n d i v i d u a l s concerned with g e t t i n g ahead i n l i f e , the econonraic e l i t e and t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s occupied c e n t e r stage i n the c i t y ' s c o l l e c t i v e consciousness (see Chapter 5, c o n c l u s i o n ) . But,the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f power and i n f l u e n c e i n economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l a f f a i r s was not determined s o l e l y by one's p o s i t i o n i n the c i t y ' s econonmic i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . P r i v a t e c l u b a f f i l i a t i o n s and v o l u n t a r y economic a s s o c i a t i o n s p r o v i d e d an important venue through which power c o u l d be enhanced and p r i v i l e g e c o u l d be amalgamated. Businessmen who were connected with p r e s t i g i o u s c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e s q u i c k l y c a p i t a l i z e d on t h e i r p o s i t i o n s o f f i n a n c i a l power to extend t h e i r i n f l u e n c e i n t o a wide a r r a y o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d v o l u n t a r y a c t i v i t i e s t h a t enhanced t h e i r own power and s e t an environment i n which p r i v a t e i n i t i a t i v e would be s t i m u l a t e d and adequately rewarded. Since the c i t y ' s economic v i a b i l i t y , indeed i t s very e x i s t e n c e , was t i e d to i t s r o l e as a b r e a k - i n - b u l k c e n t e r on the CPR's i n t e r n a t i o n a l " A l l Red Route," the CPR was c l e a r l y the most important i n s t i t u t i o n w i t h i n Vancouver's e n t i r e economic i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . 110. Not only d i d Vancouver's e x i s t e n c e depend on the CPR, but a gre a t d e a l o f the c i t y ' s e v o l v i n g urban morphology r e f l e c t e d the CPR's d e s i r e to promote high r e n t land use developments on the c i t y ' s west s i d e and i n P o i n t Grey, areas where i t s s u b s t a n t i a l land 2. grants were c o n c e n t r a t e d . The economic power weilded by the CPR was c l o s e l y r e f l e c t e d i n the makeup of Vancouver's upper c l a s s and, not s u r p r i s i n g l y , e a r l y CPR e x e c u t i v e s were able to play a dominant r o l e i n promoting and d i r e c t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t would c o n s o l i d a t e t h e i r e l i t e s t a t u s i n Vancouver. The CPR's land commissioner, J.M.Browning, was a founding member o f the e x c l u s i v e Vancouver Club and served as i t s f i r s t p r e s i d e n t i n 1893 and 1894. Harry Abbott, the General Superintendent o f the CPR's P a c i f i c D i v i s i o n , a l s o s e r v e d as p r e s i d e n t o f the Vancouver Club from 1898 to 1901. W i l l i a m S a l s b u r y , the T r e a s u r e r o f the CPR's P a c i f i c D i v i s i o n , was p r e s i d e n t o f the Vancouver Club i n 1911, p r e s i d e n t o f the Board o f Trade from 1892 to 1893, c i t y alderman i n 1893 and 1894, and was an important f i g u r e i n the c r e a t i o n o f the Vancouver General H o s p i t a l and i t s r e l o c a t i o n to the F a i r v i e w s l o p e s i n 1905. As r e s i d e n t s o f the West End, the p u b l i c and p r i v a t e a c t i v i t i e s o f these gentlemen o b v i o u s l y c o n t r i b u t e d to the neighborhood's r e p u t a t i o n . Along with the CPR, key f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s based i n E a s t e r n Canada or B r i t a i n were e s t a b l i s h e d i n Vancouver s h o r t l y a f t e r 1886 and the l o c a l e x e c u t i v e s o f these c o r p o r a t i o n s were a l s o quick to assume l e a d i n g r o l e s i n Vancouver's e v o l v i n g network of v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s . For example, the f i r s t manager o f the Vancouver branch o f the Bank o f B r i t i s h Columbia was J.C.Keith and, by 1898, K e i t h had served as v i c e p r e s i d e n t and p r e s i d e n t of the Vancouver Club, p r e s i d e n t o f 3. the Board o f Trade, and reeve o f North Vancouver. Campbell Sweeny., manager o f the f i r s t Bank of Montreal o f f i c e ' i n Vancouver, was extremely i n f l u e n t i a l i n the c o r p o r a t e a f f a i r s o f the c i t y and served as a d i r e c t o r o f the B.C. Packers A s s o c i a t i o n , the Royal T r u s t Company, the Western Canada Power Company and the Vancouver Improvement Company. But Sweeny's i n f l u e n c e a l s o went f a r beyond the c o r p o r a t e world. In o r d e r to help c r e a t e an urban community whose p h y s i c a l and socio-economic environment met with h i s a p p r o v a l , Sweeny was a c e n t r a l f i g u r e i n the development of the Vancouver Club, served on the Board of Trade E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l and C i v i c Committee, i n i t i a t e d the c r e a t i o n of the Brockton 4. P o i n t C r i c k e t F i e l d , and guided the development of the Vancouver General H o s p i t a l from c o n c e p t i o n to r e a l i t y . W i l l i a m Godfrey, who took over the management o f the Bank o f B r i t i s h North America i n 1889, served as p r e s i d e n t of the Board of Trade f o r two years (1897-1899), p r e s i d e n t of the Canadian Club, the P i o n e e r Club and the Vancouver T o u r i s t A s s o c i a t i o n . The above examples should demonstrate t h a t many o f the men who c o n t r o l l e d Vancouver's l e a d i n g economic i n s t i t u t i o n s were i n v o l v e d i n a wide range of a c t i v i t i e s beyond t h e i r p e r s o n a l b u s i n e s s c a r e e r s . Some of these a c t i v i t i e s were intended to enhance p r i v a t e 'wealth, o t h e r s were d i r e c t e d towards the e s t a b l i s h m e n t , maintenance and i n t e g r a t i o n of e l i t e s o c i e t y i n Vancouver, yet o t h e r s , r e l a t i v e l y a l t r u i s t i c i n n a t u r e , were aimed at improving the q u a l i t y o f the urban environment. In each case the i n d i v i d u a l operated through an i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework that enabled him to extend h i s i n f l u e n c e i n t o Vancouver's s o c i a l 112. and c i v i c world as w e l l as i t s economic a f f a i r s . In so doing Vancouver's powerful businessmen became much more than the l e a d e r s of the business community. They became the l e a d e r s of the urban community, an urban as w e l l as a commercial e l i t e . To a c e r t a i n e x t e n t , the business e l i t e ' s eager p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a wide a r r a y of formal o r g a n i z a t i o n s stemmed from the f a c t t h a t Vancouver businessmen, l i k e most l a t e V i c t o r i a n businessmen, c o n s i d e r e d o r g a n i z a t i o n and c o - o p e r a t i o n to be a v i t a l keystone of socio-economic success i n an i n c r e a s i n g l y complicated world. Although the r a p i d p r o l i f e r a t i o n of formal s o c i a l and economic a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Vancouver was l i k e l y enhanced by the c i t y ' s newness and the need to s t r u c t u r e s o c i a l i n t e r c o u r s e , i t i s c l e a r t h a t the trend towards o r g a n i z a t i o n was p a r t of the same movement towards o c c u p a t i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and s o c i a l i n d e n t i f i c a t i o n manifested by the middle c l a s s e s throughout the i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g world a t the t u r n o f the century. As Robert Wiebe d i s c u s s e s i n The Search For Order, as the o l d e r p r e - i n d u s t r i a l socio-economic order crumbled the s p e c i a l i z e d needs o f the urban i n d u s t r i a l system o f f e r e d new o p p o r t u n i t i e s 5. to the middle stratum i n the c i t i e s . But the complex dynamism of a f l u i d i n d u s t r i a l order was a l s o as c o n f u s i n g to the middle c l a s s e s as i t was p r o f i t a b l e . Economic groupings based on common o c c u p a t i o n a l i d e n t i t i e s and f i n a n c i a l concerns provided an important v e h i c l e , along with s o c i a l c l u b s and shared r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s , to help overcome such c o n f u s i o n and at the same time ensure a c o n t i n u i t y o f t h e i r i n f l u e n c e i n urban 6. i n d u s t r i a l development. That Vancouver's e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n o r g a n i z e d i n order to s t r u c t u r e an o r d e r l y c i t y and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e t h e i r p o s i t i o n s o f socio-economic prominence i n no way i m p l i e s that these people • were not staunch i n d i v i d u a l i s t s , f o r they c l e a r l y h e l d t h a t every man was p e r s o n a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s success or f a i l u r e i n l i f e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t i s e q u a l l y e v i d e n t t h a t they f e l t combination was necessary to ensure t h a t i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t r e c e i v e d a decent award. P a r a d o x i c a l l y , t h e i r b e l i e f i n the value o f s o c i a l and economic a s s o c i a t i o n s d i d not extend t o the working c l a s s e s and t h e i r r i g h t to o r g a n i z e so as to improve t h e i r working c o n d i t i o n s or wages. M i c h a e l B l i s s has examined t h i s theme i n some d e t a i l and argues t h a t one of the g r e a t e s t c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i n the thought o f V i c t o r i a n businessmen centered on t h e i r i n t e n s e b e l i e f t h a t the r i g h t to org a n i z e belonged 7. s o l e l y t o p r i v a t e e n t r e p r e n e u r s . " I n d i v i d u a l i s m , though c l e a r l y i n s u f f i c i e n t f o r b u s i n e s s s u c c e s s , was deemed p e r f e c t l y s u f f i c i e n t f o r success as a worker or farmer.... Co-operation was the keynote o f the new b u s i n e s s p h i l o s o p h y ; hard work and s a v i n g 8. were to be o t h e r s ' code." While o r g a n i z a t i o n s were a c c e p t a b l e middle c l a s s means to ensure t h a t i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t r e c e i v e d a proper r e t u r n , i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d working c l a s s c o l l e c t i v i s l s m was seen as a d i r e c t t h r e a t to s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y and p r o g r e s s . As the f o l l o w i n g passage from the Board of Trade c o u n c i l minutes would i n d i c a t e , Vancouver's l e a d i n g businessmen o b v i o u s l y f e l t t h a t unionism was a n t i t h e t i c a l to the i n t e r e s t s o f both l a b o r and c a p i t a l i n B r i t i s h Columbia: Whereas i n consequence of a B o i l e r e x p l o s i o n i n t h i s C i t y o f Vancouver the Trades and Labor C o u n c i l i s p e t i t i o n i n g the L e g i s l a t u r e to pass an act f o r the i n s p e c t i o n o f S t a t i o n a r y B o i l e r s and the compulsory 114. employment of c e r t i f i e d e n g i n e e r s ; and Whereas the Board o f Trade i s o f the o p i n i o n t h a t such l e g i s l a t i o n would be most d e t r i m e n t a l to the i n t e r e s t s o f the country, and g r e a t l y r e t a r d i t s development; and Whereas such l e g i s l a t i o n has not been enacted i n Great B r i t a i n or Ea s t e r n Canada; and be i t t h e r e f o r e r e s o l v e d t h a t a c o u n c i l l o r be appointed to p l a c e b e f o r e the government such f a c t s and i n f o r m a t i o n as can be gathered together to show how unnecessary and i n j u r i o u s the proposed L e g i s l a t i o n would be to the g e n e r a l business and l a b o r i n t e r e s t s o f the Country. And be i t t h e r e f o r e r e s o l v e d that a copy o f t h i s r e s o l u t i o n be s e n t . . . t o each member o f the Government, and to the Boards of Trade o f the p r o v i n c e , a s k i n g f o r t h e i r c o - o p e r a t i o n . 9. The e l i t e ' s n e g ative a t t i t u d e towards working c l a s s c o l l e c t i v i s m stemmed p r i m a r i l y from t h e i r c o n v i c t i o n t h a t the w e l l - b e i n g o f every Vancouverite was d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the w e l l - b e i n g o f the busi n e s s community and i t s a b i l i t y to a t t r a c t people and c a p i t a l to the c i t y . A dynamic business environment would produce hi g h l i v i n g standards f o r everyone and c o n t r i b u t e to the s u c c e s s f u l f u n c t i o n i n g o f a democratic s o c i a l system i n which every i n d i v i d u a l had an equal o p p o r t u n i t y to a t t a i n the "good l i f e . " The f a c t t h a t a s u c c e s s f u l f r e e e n t e r p r i s e system c r e a t e s an uneven d i s t r i b u t i o n o f wealth and depends on s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y and " i n s t i t u t i o n s and h i e r a r c h i e s i n which people 1 0 . know.and keep t h e i r p l a c e " d i d not upset the e l i t e ' s f e e l i n g t h a t f a v o r a b l e c o n d i t i o n s f o r p r i v a t e growth would c r e a t e a he a l t h y urban community. When the formula worked p r o p e r l y then both c a p i t a l and l a b o r were expected to be s a t i s f i e d as they searched f o r socio-economic s e c u r i t y i n the newly c r e a t e d t e r m i n a l c i t y . To summarize, i n s t i t u t i o n s brought order and s t a b i l i t y to the f r o n t i e r , c r e a t i n g , i n t u r n , an environment i n which i n d i v i d u a l 115. i n i t i a t i v e c o u l d be c h a n n e l l e d and rewarded on a s e c u l a r b a s i s . I n s t i t u t i o n s helped t o a t t r a c t the upper c l a s s i n t o the West End, they supported the e l i t e ' s socio-economic power, and they helped t o I n t e g r a t e e l i t e s o c i e t y and c o - o r d i n a t e i t s a c t i v i t i e s i n a r a p i d l y changing urban environment. The c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h i s s o p h i s t i c a t e d urban i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework was, of course, an I n t e g r a l p a r t o f the urban c u l t u r e t r a n s f e r t h a t c r e a t e d the West End. Corporate s t r u c t u r e s and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l techniques t h a t had been e s t a b l i s h e d elsewhere i n the i n d u s t r i a l world p r i o r t o 1886 were s w i f t l y t r a n s f e r r e d to Vancouver wi t h the completion o f the CPR and served as the base upon which the c i t y grew. W i t h i n a s h o r t span o f time much of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l p a t t e r n through which Vancouver's urban l i f e was o r g a n i z e d and d i r e c t e d came t o r e f l e c t the E a s t e r n 11. C a n a d i a n / B r i t i s h background and connections o f the urban e l i t e . But the m e t r o p o l i t a n connections t h a t helped to s t r u c t u r e and p r o p e l Vancouver's development were e x c e e d i n g l y complex, p a r t i c u l a r l y In the area o f c o r p o r a t e l a n d development s t r a t e g i e s . In f a c t , as examined In Chapter Four, f i n a n c i a l investment from B r i t i s h and E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t i o n s tended to be c o n c e n t r a t e d w i t h i n g e o g r a p h i c a l l y separate spheres o f i n f l u e n c e d u r i n g Vancouver's e a r l y growth. Both the urban landscape and the makeup o f e l i t e s o c i e t y r e f l e c t e d t h i s ephemeral yet s i g n i f i c a n t g e o g r a p h i c a l d i v i s i o n o f c o r p o r a t e power i n e a r l y Vancouver. G r a d u a l l y , as a r e s u l t o f e t h n i c homogeneity, growing c o r p o r a t e o v e r l a p , and the i n t e g r a t i v e impact o f e l i t e c l u b s and a s s o c i a t i o n s , the people In charge 1 1 6 . of d i r e c t i n g development w i t h i n these two g e n e r a l spheres o f o p e r a t i o n blended t o g e t h e r i n t o a f a i r l y c ohesive e l i t e s o c i e t y r e s i d e n t i n the West End. C r e a t i o n o f an upper c l a s s network of v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s Much o f the e a r l y b u s i n e s s e l i t e ' s t i n e and energy went to c r e a t e and m a i n t a i n a set of upper c l a s s v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s that were modelled on o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n B r i t a i n and E a s t e r n Canada. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n these groups d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y o f f e r any immediate o p p o r t u n i t y f o r f i n a n c i a l advancement; r a t h e r they p r o v i d e d an o r g a n i z e d s e t t i n g f o r a broad range o f r e c r e a t i o n a l , s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . O r g a n i z a t i o n s such as the Royal Vancouver Yacht Club or the Vancouver Lawn Tennis Club were b a s i c a l l y r e c r e a t i o n a l i n n a t u r e . P r i v a t e c l u b s such as the Vancouver Club or T e r m i n a l C i t y Club were c r e a t e d p r i m a r i l y to p r o v i d e a c o n g e n i a l s e t t i n g where s o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n c o u l d be r e s t r i c t e d to a c l e a r l y d e f i n e d group of s u c c e s s f u l V a n c o u v e r i t e s . The Vancouver Canadian Club and the Vancouver Board o f Trade viere l e s s s e l e c t i v e i n t h e i r membership requirements and, i n c o n t r a s t to the e x c l u s i v e s o c i a l c l u b s , these o r g a n i z a t i o n s assumed a p o s i t i o n o f p u b l i c advocacy. Most important i n t h i s r e s p e c t was the Board of Trade f o r t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n served as a powerful c o l l e c t i v e v o i c e f o r the Vancouver b u s i n e s s community. Regardless o f t h e i r s p e c i f i c f u n c t i o n s , however, these o r g a n i z a t i o n s shared In common the c a p a c i t y to promote s o c i a l c ohesion among the most powerful members o f the urban community. Whether as a l e a d i n g f u n c t i o n o f the o r g a n i z a t i o n , as i n the 117. case o f the Vancouver Club, or as a l e s s premeditated c o r o l l a r y , as i n the case of the Board o f Trade, these a s s o c i a t i o n s a l l helped to s t r u c t u r e and promote s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , f r i e n d s h i p s , and, at times, the c o r p o r a t e and f a m i l y i n t e g r a t i o n o f men who were i n charge of the most powerful i n s t i t u t i o n s i n Vancouver. As formal c o - o r d i n a t i n g mechanisms the e l i t e ' s v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n network - I n c l u d i n g t h e i r more o c c u o a t i o n a l l y 12. s p e c i a l i z e d grouping*such as the Vancouver C l e a r i n g House -d i d not guarantee e l i t e u n i t y and c o - o p e r a t i o n , but they undoubtedly i n c r e a s e d the degree o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and hence the p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r f i n a n c i a l c o a l i t i o n s as w e l l as f o r s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n between the members o f the e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n . The task o f s t r u c t u r i n g an I n s t i t u t i o n a l framework w i t h i n which s o c i a l cohesion c o u l d be f o r g e d f e l l t o the l e a d i n g members o f Vancouver's bu s i n e s s community and, i n t u r n , these people were more than w i l l i n g to i n v e s t energy and c a p i t a l In the f o r m a t i o n o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h a t would ensure a c o n t i n u i t y of t h e i r p e r s o n a l power and i n f l u e n c e i n Vancouver. They were f u l l y aware t h a t through c o l l e c t i v e means they.would be much more l i k e l y to accomplish i n d i v i d u a l ends, t h a t i s , f i n a n c i a l success and s o c i a l eminence i n a f r o n t i e r c i t y . While the Board of Trade was the most v i s i b l e example of the manner i n which the e l i t e c o u l d J o i n f o r c e s i n a common cause so as to advance i n d i v i d u a l ends, the e x c l u s i v e and p u b l i c i t y - s h y p r i v a t e c l u b s a l s o occupied a c e n t r a l r o l e i n t h i s p r o c e s s . They served as o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n which i n d i v i d u a l ' s s t a t u s c o u l d be c l e a r l y 118. i d e n t i f i e d , they p r o v i d e d an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r s u c c e s s f u l V a n c o u v e r i t e s to meet, and they o f f e r e d members a sense o f 13. s o c i a l s e c u r i t y and s t a b i l i t y i n a dynamic urban c e n t e r . Not every attempt to I n c o r p o r a t e i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t w i t h i n a formal c o l l e c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n was s u c c e s s f u l i n Vancouver. One of the more n o t a b l e f a i l u r e s , t h a t o f the Vancouver Real E s t a t e Board, i s as I n f o r m a t i v e as the s u c c e s s e s . E s t a b l i s h e d In March, 1888, the Board was disbanded a f t e r a mere three months i n o p e r a t i o n , a r e s u l t o f d i s s e n s i o n . 14. among p a r t i c i p a t i n g r e a l e s t a t e f i r m s and agents. In a s e t t i n g where u n r e s t r i c t e d l a n d s p e c u l a t i o n and development was accepted as the u n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t o f p r o p e r t y owners, the aim of the Board to s t r u c t u r e and r a t i o n a l i z e the r e a l e s t a t e b u s i n e s s was simply c o n s i d e r e d too r e s t r i c t i v e . That another three decades were to pass b e f o r e the p r o p e r t y i n d u s t r y s u c c e s s f u l l y e s t a b l i s h e d a c e n t r a l bureaucracy i s i n d i c a t i v e of the f a c t t h a t i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r o l over p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y was f e l t t o be not o n l y an e x c e l l e n t way to make money, but a l s o the b a s i s o f the f r e e e n t e r p r i s e system and the source 15. of i n d i v i d u a l freedom and democracy. Hence, while Vancouver's e l i t e s u c c e s s f u l l y i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d a wide a r r a y of s o c i a l and economic a c t i v i t i e s the r e a l e s t a t e I n d u s t r y l a r g e l y avoided any attempts to e s t a b l i s h an I n t e g r a t i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n that might have I n t e r f e r e d w i t h an i n d i v i d u a l ' s c o n t r o l o f h i s l a n d . In t h i s one a r e a , at l e a s t , p e r s o n a l success and s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y were f e l t t o be b e t t e r served through the working o f an I n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , p r i v a t e market. As the f o l l o w i n g chapter w i l l show, however, the l a c k o f a c e n t r a l r e a l e s t a t e agency 119. d i d not mean that the p r i v a t e market was c h a o t i c or t h a t land development In Vancouver was p a r t i c u l a r l y c o m p e t i t i v e , at l e a s t when major l a n d h o l d i n g c o r p o r a t i o n s were i n v o l v e d . Even i n an area as p o t e n t i a l l y c o m p e t i t i v e and c o n f l i c t i n g as l a n d use development the e l i t e s p r e f e r r e d c o - o p e r a t i o n to c o m p e t i t i o n , while s m a l l s c a l e o p e r a t o r s competed with each other and accomodated themselves as best they c o u l d to the a c t i v i t i e s o f the major c o r p o r a t i o n s . I f the Vancouver Real E s t a t e Board was a d i s m a l f a i l u r e i n I t s attempt to c o - o r d i n a t e the a c t i v i t i e s o f Vancouver's c i t y b u i l d e r s , the Board o f Trade was s i n g u l a r l y s u c c e s s f u l . I n c o r p o r a t e d on November 24th, 1887, i t was an important I n t e g r a t i v e mechanism i n e l i t e s o c i e t y and, more s i g n i f i c a n t l y , i t served as a potent v e h i c l e through which the b u s i n e s s dominated upper c l a s s s o c i e t y was able to e x e r t i t s i n f l u e n c e on the c i t y ' s development. E s t a b l i s h e d by an e x p e r i e n c e d group o f promoters and entrepreneurs i n v o l v e d i n a wide v a r i e t y of commercial and p o l i t i c a l p u r s u i t s , the Board of Trade e x h i b i t e d a c o n s i s t e n t and i n t i m a t e c o n n e c t i o n w i t h Vancouver's c i v i c a f f a i r s throughout the study p e r i o d (see F i g u r e 1 ) . People c r i t i c a l i n the f o r m a t i o n of the Board o f Trade i n c l u d e d c h a r t e r members such as David Oppenheimer, Thomas Dunn, E.V. Bodwell, A.H. MacGowan, R.H. Alexander, F. C a r t e r - C o t t o n , H.T. C e p e r l e y , J.W. McFarland, C.G. Johnson, E . J . McFeely, J.C. K e i t h , Campbell Sweeny, W i l l i a m Skene and James Whetham. Oppenheimer served as the f i r s t p r e s i d e n t of the Board and Thomas Dunn served as the f i r s t v i c e p r e s i d e n t . During I t s Inaugural year membership i n the Board q u i c k l y expanded to 58 120. FIGURE 1 CONNECTIONS BETWEEN BOARD OF TRADE OFFICERS ( 1 8 8 7 - 1 9 1 4 ) , ELITE SOCIAL CLUBS AND CIVIC POLITICS. CIVIC POLITICS ( 1 8 8 6 -1929) 1887-1914 Board o f Trade P r e s i d e n t s and V i c e P r e s i d e n t s (In o r d e r or" s e r v i c e ) Oppenheimer. T. Dunn E. Bodwell R.H. Alexande H.T. Ceperley, Pres., V.P., or Exec., 1906-1914 Hendry. Berteaux Salsbury K e i t h Major B e l l - I r v i n g Godfrey Oppenheime T i s d a l l Buscombe Burns M a l k i n H.T. Lockyer. A. Campbel McDowell E r s k i n e McMillan R. McLenna Heaps Stone Buchan McCandless C o t t o n — Rogers Shaw VANCOUVER CLUB Founder and/or ! o f f i c e r \ Member only LBy_l89.6 By 1908 By 1914 METROPOLITAN-TERMINAL CITY LCXUB Founder and/or o f f i c e r Member on l y ; By _ J 9 0 8 » By 1 9 f 4 Complete membership l i s t i n g s f o r an e a r l i e r p e r i o d not a v a i l a b l e . w i t h the a d d i t i o n of such i n f l u e n t i a l f i g u r e s as J.M. 16. Browning, H. B e l l - I r v i n g , C D . Rand and James Leamy. As the f o l l o w i n g t a b l e would i n d i c a t e (Table X V I I I ) , these g e n t l e -men encompassed a broad c r o s s s e c t i o n of economic p u r s u i t s w i t h i n a c o m p e t i t i v e commercial s e t t i n g where i n f o r m a l l i n k s of k i n s h i p and f r i e n d s h i p had had l i t t l e time to develop. N e v e r t h e l e s s they q u i c k l y and s u c c e s s f u l l y merged t h e i r power and i n t e r e s t s w i t h i n the Board o f Trade. C l e a r l y , the Board o f Trade was seen as a v i a b l e c o l l e c t i v e mechanism through which i n d i v i d u a l ends c o u l d be a t t a i n e d without compromising the i n d i v i d u a l p u r s u i t of p r o f i t . Put another way, the Board's b a s i c commitment to commercial expansion and p o p u l a t i o n growth enabled the l e a d e r s of d i v e r s e b u s i n e s s e s to work towards a common g o a l which was accepted as b e i ng o f equal b e n e f i t to each p a r t i c i p a n t ' s p e r s o n a l p u r s u i t of p r o f i t . As David Oppenheimer d e c l a r e d i n h i s p r e s i d e n t i a l address to the Board i n 1889, Vancouver's p r o s p e r i t y and the p r o s p e r i t y of V a n c o u v e r i t e s would undoubtedly grow along with the success of the Board's urban growth p o l i c i e s : . . . I do not h e s i t a t e to p r e d i c t t h a t i f we continue to use our e x e r t i o n s as we have h i t h e r t o done the r e a l i z a t i o n of our most c h e r i s h e d dreams i s not f a r d i s t a n t and our p h o e n i x - l i k e youg Te r m i n a l C i t y w i l l a t t a i n t hat prominent rank amongst her s i s t e r s on the P a c i f i c Coast, to which she i s e n t i t l e d by her g e o g r a p h i c a l and o t h e r n a t u r a l advantages. 17. As a v o l u n t a r y economic a s s o c i a t i o n the Board of Trade stood at the f o r e f r o n t of a wide a r r a y o f s m a l l e r and more o c c u p a t i o n a l l y s p e c i a l i z e d a s s o c i a t i o n s of Vancouver e n t r e p r e n e u r s . 122. TABLE XVIII SELECTED ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF EARLY BOARD OF TRADE PROMOTERS D. Oppenheimer J.W. McFarland Thomas Dunn E. V. Bodwell A. MacGowan R.H. Alexander J . Leamy F. C a r t e r Cotton H.T. Ceperley C.G. Johnson E. McFeely J.C. K e i t h C. Sweeny W. Skene J . Whetham J . Browning H. B e l l - I r v i n g C D . Rand Oppenheimer Brothers - Wholesale merchants. Vancouver Improvement Company— Real e s t a t e . Vancouver E l e c t r i c I l l u m i n a t i n g Company. Vancouver E l e c t r i c I l l u m i n a t i n g Co. Vancouver Water Works Co. Real e s t a t e (Mahon, McFarland and Mahon) Hardware merchant - Dunn-Miller B l o c k . Real e s t a t e . Real e s t a t e MacGowan and Company - General s h i p p i n g commission and i n s u r a n c e . Manager - Hastings Sawmill Leamy and Kyle Sawmill E d i t o r and Manager - News A d v e r t i s e r Real e s t a t e and f i n a n c e . C.G. Johnson and Company - s h i p p i n g agents and i n s u r a n c e . McLennan and McFeely - wholesale hardware. Manager - Bank of B.C. Manager - Bank of Montreal L o c a l manager — Samuel G r e e n s h i e l d ' s Son and Co., Wholesale dry goods. Real e s t a t e . CPR Land Commissioner Anglo B r i t i s h Columbia Packing Co. Rand Brot h e r s - r e a l e s t a t e . 123. By 1903, al o n g with the Vancouver C l e a r i n g House, there were a s s o c i a t i o n s o f shipowners, r e t a i l merchants, p u b l i s h e r s , s h i n g l e manufacturers, lumber manufacturers, c o n t r a c t o r s , 18. master p l a s t e r e r s and master plumbers. Beyond l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , v a r i o u s n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s were a l s o w e l l p a t r o n i z e d by l e a d i n g V a n c o u v e r i t e s . The most n o t a b l e groupings i n t h i s r e s p e c t i n c l u d e d the Canadian Banker's A s s o c i a t i o n , the Canadian Lumberman's A s s o c i a t i o n , the Canadian F o r e s t r y A s s o c i a t i o n and the Canadian Manufacturer's A s s o c i a t i o n . With the e x c e p t i o n o f the Canadian Banker's A s s o c i a t i o n , i t should be noted t h a t John Hendry, prominent Vancouver manufacturer and p r e s i d e n t o f the Board o f Trade from 1891 to 1892, a l s o served as p r e s i d e n t or v i c e p r e s i d e n t of each o f the above n a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s p r i o r t o 1911. T h i s p e n e t r a t i o n of the n a t i o n a l arena by a West Ender not only added Immensely to Hendry's p e r s o n a l s t a t u r e , but i t tended to endorse the growing sense of n a t i o n a l power and p r e s t i g e embodied i n Vancouver's e l i t e community. Compared to the Board o f Trade, e x c l u s i v e s o c i a l c l u b s such as the T e r m i n a l C i t y or Vancouver c l u b s were l e s s v i s i b l e i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the p u b l i c arena, yet they were e q u a l l y Important mechanisms f o r the s o c i a l i z a t i o n and c o - o r d i n a t i o n o f e l i t e a c t i v i t i e s i n Vancouver. W i t h i n f o u r or f i v e years o f Vancouver's c r e a t i o n the need to e s t a b l i s h at l e a s t one e x c l u s i v e s o c i a l c l u b i n the c i t y had become a f a i r l y common 19. t o p i c o f c o n v e r s a t i o n among Vancouver's prominent c i t i z e n s . T h i s d e s i r e was i n p a r t a response to the f a c t t h a t s u i t a b l e 124. accomodation f o r wealthy t r a v e l l e r s was l a c k i n g i n Vancouver. There was no l u x u r i o u s s e t t i n g i n the c i t y t h a t c o u l d adequately f i l l the v o i d between the expensive yet p u b l i c accomodation i n the H o t e l Vancouver and the p r i v a t e accomodation a f f o r d e d by s i n g l e - f a m i l y mansions i n the West End. But the r a t i o n a l e behind the c r e a t i o n o f e x c l u s i v e s o c i a l c l u b s i n Vancouver was much more complex than t h i s f o r as the c i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n expanded the upper c l a s s had begun to experience the problems of s o c i a l d e f i n i t i o n t h a t were common throughout the i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g V i c t o r i a n World. The p r i v a t e c l u b c o u l d p r o v i d e a c o n g e n i a l s e t t i n g f o r c o n t r o l l e d s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n where r u l e s of s e l e c t i o n would guarantee the s o c i a l a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f f e l l o w members. Consequently, as one member of the contemporary Canadian e s t a b l i s h m e n t has e x p l a i n e d , "Belonging to c l u b s 20. takes the guesswork out of f r i e n d s h i p s . " Furthermore, the p r i v a t e c l u b made i t p o s s i b l e f o r s i n g l e men to operate i n the proper s o c i a l sphere without the expense of m a i n t a i n i n g a p r i v a t e home f o r entertainment. Out o f t h i s f e l t need to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e s o c i a l s t a t u s and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i n Vancouver sprang two important p r i v a t e c l u b s : the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club (the f o r e r u n n e r o f the T e r m i n a l C i t y Club) and the Vancouver Club. While these two o r g a n i z a t i o n s were not mutually e x c l u s i v e i n membership or s o c i a l f u n c t i o n , i t i s worthwhile to examine each i n t u r n f o r they i n i t i a l l y expressed s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t aims and connections i n l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century Vancouver. Although the Vancouver Club was i n c o r p o r a t e d p r i o r to the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club, the l a t t e r began o p e r a t i o n s two years before the Vancouver Club opened 125. i t s doors to members and as such i t i s a p p r o p r i a t e t h a t the M e t r o p o l i t a n - Terminal C i t y Club be c o n s i d e r e d f i r s t . The M e t r o p o l i t a n Club was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1892 i n a b u i l d i n g owned by A.G. Fergusson o f the southwest c o r n e r o f Hastings 21. and Richards S t r e e t s . The men behind the c r e a t i o n o f the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club were p r i m a r i l y former E a s t e r n Canadian or B r i t i s h businessmen who had e s t a b l i s h e d or were managing s u c c e s s f u l independent business concerns i n Vancouver. These i n c l u d e d merchants such as Fred Cope, Thomas Dunn and Fred Buscombe, manufacturers such as J.G. Woods (Leamy and Kyle Sawmill, S p i c e r Sawmill), and R.C. Fergusson (Royal C i t y Sawmill) and r e a l t o r s such as C D . Rand and R.A. Anderson. A l a r g e number o f the e a r l y s u p p o r t e r s and promoters of t h i s c l u b had vested i n t e r e s t s i n l a n d developments east o f Hamilton S t r e e t and, i n f a c t , many o f the c l u b ' s e a r l y members were "pre-CPR" businessmen who had s e t t l e d i n Vancouver (or G r a n v i l l e ) p r i o r to 1887 and i n v e s t e d h e a v i l y i n land developments east o f the CPR's major land g r a n t s (see Chapter F o u r ) . For example, C D . Rand and R.A. Anderson were i n v o l v e d i n r e a l e s t a t e h o l d i n g s throughout East Vancouver and South Vancouver, and Thomas Dunn's hardware s t o r e - the D u n n - M i l l e r Block -had been b u i l t at 28 West Cordova i n 1889. I n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, the Dunn-Miller Block a l s o served as the headquarters 22. o f the Vancouver E l e c t r i c Railway and L i g h t i n g Company, a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and l i g h t i n g e n t e r p r i s e that i n v o l v e d a l a r g e number o f e s t a b l i s h e d east s i d e developers i n i t s o p e r a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g Dunn, Jonathan M i l l e r and C D . Rand. In s h o r t , the 126. M e t r o p o l i t a n Club took i n t o i t s o r b i t a group o f i n f l u e n t i a l V a n c ouverites who were concerned that t h e i r i n t e r e s t s might be undermined by the a c t i v i t i e s o f the CPR. P r i o r to the t u r n o f the century a t l e a s t , t h i s p r i v a t e c l u b was t i e d very c l o s e l y to m u n i c i p a l government as these e a r l y e a s t s i d e developers sought to a s s e r t t h e i r i n f l u e n c e on p u b l i c land use d e c i s i o n s (see Table XIX). TABLE XIX CONNECTIONS BETWEEN METROPOLITAN EXECUTIVE AND MAYOR'S OFFICE Mayors of Vancouver M e t r o p o l i t a n Club E x e c u t i v e Fred Cope - 1892 and 1893 Fred Cope, P r e s i d e n t 1892 F. Buscombe, V.P., 1892 R.A. Anderson - 1894 R. Anderson, Pres., 1894 C D . Rand, V.P., 1894 H . C o l l i n s - 1895 and 1896 H . C o l l i n s , Pres., 1895 &»96 R. Anderson, V.P., 1895 J.Garden - 1898, '99 and 1900 J.Garden, Pres., 1898 J.D. H a l l , V.P., 1898 (F. Buscombe - 1905 and 1906) (Former V.P., 1892) For a s h o r t span o f time, t h e r e f o r e , the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club r e f l e c t e d the f a c t t h a t a number o f East End de v e l o p e r s , many of whom were p r e - r a i l w a y business l e a d e r s , f e l t t h a t a formal o r g a n i z a t i o n would 'help te r e i n f o r c e t h e i r connections with each other and p r o t e c t t h e i r i n t e r e s t s a g a i n s t the a c t i v i t i e s o f the CPR. The r o l e o f the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club as a low key yet p o l i t i c a l l y connected s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n with east s i d e development i n t e r e s t s was s h o r t l i v e d . By the l a t e 1890's 127. i t s " r a i s o n d ' e t r e " as an i n t e r e s t group and an e x c l u s i v e s o c i a l c l u b was s l i p p i n g r a p i d l y . A number of f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t e d to the d e c l i n e of the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club. In the f i r s t p l a c e many o f the e a r l y "pre-CPR" businessmen q u i c k l y came to accept the f a c t t h a t c o m p e t i t i o n with the powerful CPR-Bank of Montreal c o a l i t i o n was f u t i l e . Consequently many of the c i t y ' s key p r e - r a i l w a y business e l i t e , i n c l u d i n g the Oppenheimer b r o t h e r s , E.E. Rand and Richard Tatlow, soon j o i n e d f o r c e s with tfce powerful men who a r r i v e d as p a r t o f the v a s t CPR network i n o r d e r to c r e a t e the p r e s t i g i o u s Vancouver Club. Not only d i d the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club f a i l to m a i n t a i n or even a c q u i r e the u n b r i d l e d support of a number o f powerful businessmen with east s i d e development i n t e r e s t s , but members of the newly a r r i v i n g E a s t e r n Canadian managerial and p r o f e s s i o n a l groups were h e s i t a n t to a l i g n themselves with a c l u b dominated by a business network whose i n t e r e s t s were p a r t i a l l y opposed to those of the CPR. A c c e n t u a t i n g the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club's d i f f i c u l t i e s was the f a c t t h a t i t had not been i n c o r p o r a t e d as a l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y company and consequently i t s u f f e r e d from a shortage of investment c a p i t a l e s s e n t i a l to c o n s t r u c t the l u x u r i o u s accomodations of an e l i t e p r i v a t e c l u b . To r e c t i f y t h i s s i t u a t i o n the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club wound up i t s a f f a i r s i n 1899, and the T e r m i n a l C i t y Club was formed i n i t s p l a c e as a l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y company. This change improved the c l u b ' s borrowing power but i t was not u n t i l 1910 t h a t the c l u b was able to f i n a n c e the c o n s t r u c t i o n of an e l a b o r a t e c l u b b u i l d i n g , the M e t r o p o l i t a n B u i l d i n g at 859 West H a s t i n g s . 128. Long before the M e t r o p o l i t a n B u i l d i n g had been completed the Vancouver Club, which d i d not begin o p e r a t i o n s u n t i l 1894, had surpassed the Terminal C i t y Club as the most p r e s t i g i o u s and i n f l u e n t i a l s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n i n the c i t y . Although r e l e g a t e d to second p l a c e i n the h i e r a r c h y of l o c a l p r i v a t e c l u b s , the Terminal C i t y Club continued to play an important r o l e i n the e l i t e ' s s o c i a l world; i t p r o v i d e d an a c c e p t a b l e " s t e p p i n g stone" to f u l l e l i t e s t a t u s t h a t was more 23. r e a d i l y a c c e s s i b l e than i n the u l t r a - e x c l u s i v e Vancouver Club. Put another way, by the t u r n o f the century the Terminal C i t y Club had s t a r t e d to f u n c t i o n as an important entry i n t o an i n t e g r a t e d and s t r u c t u r e d s o c i a l system r a t h e r than as a s e p a r a t e , c o m p e t i t i v e nucleus of e l i t e s o c i a l a c t i v i t y . Given the f a c t t h a t the e a r l y promoters of these two c l u b s were l a r g e l y r e s i d e n t s of the same West End neighborhood and, i n the case of the Rand b r o t h e r s , members of the same f a m i l y , i t was probably i n e v i t a b l e t h a t t h i s s o r t i n g out of r e l a t i v e s t a t u s p o s i t i o n s should have occ u r r e d so r a p i d l y (see Map 13). The complementary r o l e of these two i n s t i t u t i o n s was s y m b o l i c a l l y p o r t r a y e d i n the landscape a f t e r 1910 when the Terminal C i t y Club began to c o n s t r u c t the M e t r o p o l i t a n B u i l d i n g a djacent to the Vancouver Club on West Hastings S t r e e t (Map 14). Whereas a l o c a l l y based group o f s u c c e s s f u l merchant developers had been p r i m a r i l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g the M e t r o p o l i t a n - T e r m i n a l C i t y Club, the Vancouver Club was t i e d much more c l o s e l y to men who d i r e c t e d the l o c a l a f f a i r s o f n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s , most notably the CPR. 129. MAP 13. 1892 RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTION OF ELITE CLUB PROMOTERS AND OFFICERS (1891-1897) MAP 14. 130. THE GEOGRAPHICAL CENTER OF THE ELITE'S PRIVATE CLUB NETWORK, 1912 (Source: Goad's Insurance A t l a s , Vancouver and V i c i n i t y , 1912) Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s 131. These men were as concerned t h a t an e l i t e p r i v a t e c l u b p r o v i d e a t t r a c t i v e accomodation f o r i n t e r n a t i o n a l t r a v e l l e r s to Vancouver' as they were with i t s value as a p r e s t i g i o u s s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . They were prepared to i n v e s t p e r s o n a l funds to ensure t h a t the c l u b premises would be comparable i n s t y l e and s t a t u r e to the e x c l u s i v e c l u b s of E a s t e r n Canada, B r i t a i n , or V i c t o r i a . The major impetus behind the movement to c r e a t e the Vancouver Club came from s e v e r a l prominent p r e - r a i l w a y e l i t e and key l o c a l l y based CPR and banking e x e c u t i v e s such as J . Browning (CPR Land Commissioner), J.C. K e i t h (Bank o f B.C.) and Campbell 24. Sweeny (Bank of M o n t r e a l ) , people who f e l t t h a t t h e i r connections with the CPR's n a t i o n a l headquarters would enable them to a c q u i r e a s u i t a b l e west s i d e l o c a t i o n f o r t h e i r c l u b a t a nominal c o s t . On October 27th, 1890, Jim Browning sent a l e t t e r to W i l l i a m Van Home r e q u e s t i n g the CPR's a s s i s t a n c e i n the matter. Signed by J.C. K e i t h , R i chard Tatlow, F.C. Cotton and James Whetham, the l e t t e r read i n p a r t : Some o f our prominent c i t i z e n s have been t a l & i n g over the very g r e a t advantage the c i t y would d e r i v e from the f o u n d a t i o n of a f i r s t c l a s s s o c i a l c l u b . Under these circumstances a number o f us - some 40 or 50 - are prepared to advance s u i t a b l e c a p i t a l -$20,000.00 to 325,000.00 - to put up s u i t a b l e b u i l d i n g s , and purchase a s i t e ; and f e e l i n g sure you would be anEious to a s s i s t up i n a n y t h i n g that would be a permanent b e n e f i t to Vancouver, we have thought i t wise to apply to you to g i v e us the p l o t of ground on Hastings S t r e e t . . . l y i n g between Mr. Fergusson's and Mr. Innes' houses, as a s i t e , and we would suggest t h a t , under the circumstances, $50.00 a f r o n t f o o t would be a f a i r p r i c e . 25. The l e t t e r a l s o goes on to e x p l a i n t h a t We a l l f e e l t h a t we are at a c o n s i d e r a b l e disadvantage, as compared with V i c t o r i a , i n t h i s matter.... and there i s no doubt a good 132. s o c i a l club would tend to a t t r a c t and r e t a i n v i s i t o r s and t r a v e l l e r s , who now mainly pass by. 26. Although motivated p r i m a r i l y by the d e s i r e to e s t a b l i s h a p r e s t i g i o u s s e t t i n g f o r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , the above l e t t e r would i n d i c a t e t h a t the e f f o r t to e s t a b l i s h the Vancouver Club was a l s o another c o l l e c t i v e upper c l a s s s t r a t e g y t h a t aimed at advancing Vancouver's business acumen. The proposed s i t e o f the Vancouver Club, on the corner o f Hastings and Hornby s t r e e t s , was c o n s i d e r e d d e s i r a b l e not merely because of i t s s p l e n d i d view o f B u r r a r d I n l e t but, as the records o f the Vancouver Club i n d i c a t e , because i t was "an extremely convenient l o c a t i o n , being c l o s e to the 27. business c e n t e r and a l s o the r e s i d e n c e s o f many o f the members." While the CPR d i r e c t o r s i n Montreal were " . . . q u i t e i n sympathy with the movement to p r o v i d e a f i r s t c l a s s s o c i a l c l u b at Vancouver" they were not prepared to make any " l a r g e 28. concessions from the a c t u a l value of the ground r e q u i r e d . " However, they d i d o f f e r to s e l l the l a n d at $125.00 a f r o n t f o o t ($50.00 below market v a l u e ) , a l l o w f o r a 20% b u i l d i n g r e b a t e , and " l e t the whole or the g r e a t e r p a r t of the purchase p r i c e s t a n d over a reasonable term o f years (7 to 10) at 29. 6% i n t e r e s t . " With these i n c e n t i v e s i n mind a c e r t i f i c a t e o f i n c o r p o r a t i o n was drawn up on May 27th, 1891, and signed by f o u r t r u s t e e s : David Oppenheimer, H. B e l l - I r v i n g , E.E. 30. Rand and G.G. MacKay. The f i r s t d i r e c t o r s of the club were J.C. K e i t h , D. Oppenheimer, H. B e l l - I r v i n g , E. Mahon, and E.E. Rand and the f i r s t p r e s i d e n t of the c l u b was J.M. Browning o f the CPR. C O . Wickendon, popular among Vancouver's e s t a b l i s h m e n t f o r h i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l a r c h i t e c t u r e , was h i r e d to design the c l u b b u i l d i n g . Wickendon's previous work had i n c l u d e d the L e f e v r e Block ( i n 1888) f o r Dr. John L e f e v r e , the Innes-Richards Block (1889) f o r r e a l t o r s F.C. Innes and S.O. Richards, the F e d e r a l Post O f f i c e at Pender and 31. G r a n v i l l e (1891-92), and C h r i s t Church C a t h e d r a l (1889-1895). In 1894 the Vancouver Club, which had c o s t $60,000.00 to b u i l d and f u r n i s h , opened i t s doors to members ( I l l u s t r a t i o n 9 ) . In c e r t a i n r e s p e c t s , the s u c c e s s f u l c r e a t i o n of the Vancouver Club grew out of the r e s p e c t men o f power g i v e to each o t h e r , even when they are c o r p o r a t e c o m p e t i t o r s . Consequently powerful p r e - r a i l w a y businessmen with east s i d e investment i n t e r e s t s , such as Oppenheimer and E.E. Rand, found i t r e l a t i v e l y easy to work with high r a n k i n g CPR and E a s t e r n Canadian bank e x e c u t i v e s i n the c r e a t i o n o f a shared p r i v a t e c l u b . Moreover, g i v e n the a c t i v e r o l e assumed by s e v e r a l of the "pre-CPR" e l i t e i n the c l u b ' s c r e a t i o n , i t seems l i k e l y t h a t a more s u b t l e " c o n f r a t e r n i t y of power" was a l s o at work here. Recognizing the power o f the CPR, the p r e - r a i l w a y business l e a d e r s were anxious to help c r e a t e a p r e s t i g i o u s p r i v a t e c l u b along with the CPR e x e c u t i v e s so as to ensure t h a t the CPR d i d not e s t a b l i s h an e l i t e s o c i a l world i n Vancouver t h a t was d i s t i n c t from t h e i r own. While t h i s i n t e g r a t i v e process was i n i t i a l l y spearheaded by l e a d i n g businessmen from both the p r e - r a i l w a y community and the CPR, i t s momentum spread q u i t e r a p i d l y and q u i c k l y brought most e l i t e s i n t o the West End and i n t o the Vancouver Club's ILLUSTRATION 9. THE VANCOUVER CLUB, 901 WEST HASTINGS ( c a . 1907) ^ •Cr (Source: Vancouver P u b l i c L i b r a r y ) 135. s o c i a l network. In s p i t e of the f a c t t h a t the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club p r o v i d e d a c e n t e r f o r the s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n of e a s t s i d e developers i t c o u l d only complement but not compete with the power of the Vancouver Club and i t s c l o s e connections to Vancouver's c r i t i c a l d e c i s i o n making c i r c l e s . The b i n d i n g impact o f power, coupled with a f e a r o f being i s o l a t e d from the i n f l u e n t i a l upper c l a s s s o c i a l m i l i e u d e v e l o p i n g around the CPR on the c i t y ' s west s i d e , were undoubtedly key f e a t u r e s t h a t q u i c k l y a t t r a c t e d the "pre-CPR" e l i t e away from t h e i r East End homes towards the West End. For example, by 1889 the Rand b r o t h e r s had abandoned Cordova S t r e e t , one moving to the H o t e l Vancouver and the o t h e r to 1020 Georgia S t r e e t . By t h i s same p o i n t i n time Walter Graveley and Thomas Dunn had vacated Cordova S t r e e t r e s i d e n c e s f o r Georgia S t r e e t and H.T. Ceperley had l e f t f o r the H o t e l Vancouver p r i o r to h i s e v e n t u a l move to Georgia. S t r e e t . By 1890 David and Isaac Oppenheimer had moved from Oppenheimer S t r e e t to the Leland H o t e l at 521 West Hastings and S o l Oppenheimer had moved to the c o r n e r o f Pender and Homer S t r e e t s . In 1892 the Oppenheimers moved to the H o t e l Vancouver, where they remained f o r many y e a r s . In 1891 John Boultbee r e l o c a t e d from 330 Oppenheimer to 830 Howe S t r e e t and R.A. Anderson moved to 1030 M e l v i l l e from 107 Cambie S t r e e t . In b r i e f , the p r e - r a i l w a y e l i t e made v i r t u a l l y no attempt to maintain a d i s t i n c t East End r e s i d e n t i a l neighborhood and the speed of t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l s u c c e s s i o n to the west, r a t h e r than to the east or south, would i n d i c a t e t h a t the process was s t i m u l a t e d by more than a b a s i c d e s i r e to escape the 136. growing p o p u l a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l mix that developed i n the urban core f o l l o w i n g the a r r i v a l o f the CPR. Rather, t h e r e was a genuine d e s i r e to be p a r t o f the e v o l v i n g West End e l i t e s o c i a l m i l i e u and, i n t u r n , r e s i d e n t i a l and s o c i a l I n t e g r a t i o n dominated the world o f the urban e l i t e . I n f l u e n t i a l p r e - r a i l w a y businessmen worked c l o s e l y with the CPR e x e c u t i v e s to e s t a b l i s h the Vancouver Club, the East End merchant-de v e l o p e r s who dominated the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club j o i n e d the Vancouver Club i f the o p p o r t u n i t y p r e s e n t e d i t s e l f , and most s u c c e s s f u l "Vancouverites, r e g a r d l e s s o f f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s , moved i n t o the West End. As noted i n the f i r s t c h apter, by 1908 over 70% o f the Vancouver Club members and over 60% of the Terminal C i t y Club members r e s i d e d i n the West End. F i f t y -f i v e p e o p l e , i n c l u d i n g prominent West Enders such as S i r Char l e s Tupper, W i l l i a m Bowser, Robert K e l l y , B.T. Rogers, C D . Rand, H.T. Ce p e r l e y , J.L.G. Abbott and Cla r e n c e Marpole were members o f both a s s o c i a t i o n i n 1908. The above a n a l y s i s o f Vancouver's two l e a d i n g p r i v a t e c l u b s emphasizes the f a c t t h a t the s o c i a l and r e s i d e n t i a l h i e r a r c h i e s o f the upper c l a s s were s o r t e d out and c o n s o l i d a t e d r e l a t i v e l y q u i c k l y and smoothly i n Vancouver. To be sure, t h i s i n t e g r a t i v e p r o c e s s d i d not guarantee upper c l a s s c o - o p e r a t i o n and negate the f a c t t h a t c o r p o r a t e and/or p o l i t i c a l c o m p e t i t i o n c o u l d at times e s c a l a t e i n t o s e r i o u s c o n f l i c t between members o f the e l i t e s o c i e t y . Nor d i d the f r i e n d s h i p s e s t a b l i s h e d with neighbors and f e l l o w club members n e c e s s a r i l y prove t o be of a durable n a t u r e , e s p e c i a l l y those that might have been r a t h e r h a s t i l y formed In Vancouver d u r i n g the h e c t i c 137. formative years of the 1880's and 1890's. For example, R.A. Anderson, West Ender, South Vancouver land developer, mayor o f Vancouver (1894) and p r e s i d e n t o f the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club (1894) , was sponsored f o r membership i n the Vancouver Club i n 1894 by Jim Browning and W i l l i a m S a l s b u r y o f the CPR. However, i n 1895 Campbell Sweeny, manager of the Bank o f Montreal and a c l o s e f r i e n d o f the l o c a l CPR e x e c u t i v e s , r a t h e r b l u n t l y noted i n h i s d i a r y t h a t : " C i t y account taken from Bank o f Montreal to Bank of B r i t i s h North America, a 32. put up job by Bethune and Anderson." The f o l l o w i n g year Anderson no l o n g e r belonged to the Vancouver Club. Although i t i s i m p o s s i b l e to determine whether Anderson's involvement i n the bank t r a n s f e r i n d i s c r e t i o n s t i m u l a t e d h i s r a p i d departure from the Vancouver Club, the above example serves to p o i n t out t h a t the growing s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n o f e l i t e s o c i e t y d i d not guarantee t h a t d i v e r s e i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e a d e r s would always be i n harmony with each other i n Vancouver. Less s e r i o u s s o c i a l i n d i s c r e t i o n s c o u l d a l s o counter-a c t the growing cohesion of the West End e l i t e s o c i e t y , as e x e m p l i f i e d by the d i f f i c u l t i e s Walter Graveley r e c a l l s having with h i s neighbor and f e l l o w Vancouver Club member, B.T. Rogers: Years ago when Georgia s t r e e t was l i n e d with l o v e l y shady t r e e s and bordered by b e a u t i f u l p r i v a t e r e s i d e n c e s , I and my f a m i l y l i v e d at the corner of N i c o l a S t r e e t and Georgia S t r e e t . B.T. Rogers l i v e d next door - our se r v a n t s were very f r i e n d l y and used to t a l k to each other across the gardens. Instead of t e l l i n g me about i t and a s k i n g me to put a stop to i t , Rogers without any n o t i c e whatever put up a huge wooden fence between the two gardens - and from that time on we 138. solemnly worked i n our r e s p e c t i v e gardens - he on one s i d e o f the fence and I on the o t h e r . 33. In l a r g e p a r t however, t h e i r i n t e r l o c k i n g p r i v a t e club network and common r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s , a l o n g with t h e i r b a s i c love o f power, t h e i r r e s p e c t f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n s which gave them power, and t h e i r shared commitment to s t r u c t u r i n g an o r d e r l y c i t y on the urban f r o n t i e r , a l l helped to s t i m u l a t e the r a p i d development of a cohesive e l i t e s o c i e t y anchored i n the West End neighborhood. A t h i r d s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n which played an important r o l e i n the e v o l v i n g s t r u c t u r e o f the e l i t e ' s s o c i a l world was the Vancouver Canadian Club. Formed i n August, 1906, the Canadian Club d i f f e r e d i n s e v e r a l r e s p e c t s from other p r i v a t e c l u b s i n Vancouver. The Canadian Club was openly committed to a r o l e o f advocacy i n s o c i e t y , i t d i d not seek to exclude i t s a c t i v i t i e s and b e l i e f s from the g e n e r a l p u b l i c , nor d i d i t pur p o r t to be a p o l i t i c a l . Rather than s o c i a l s t a t u s and p r e s t i g e , i t attempted to o f f e r i t s members s o c i a l i d e a l s , r a t h e r than c o n t a c t with l o c a l b usiness l e a d e r s , i t o f f e r e d exposure to the key i s s u e s s u r r o u n d i n g Canadian development and the f u t u r e of the Empire. I m p e r i a l i s t i c , n a t i o n a l i s t i c and, at times, a n t i - o r g a n i z e d l a b o r and a n t i -American, the cl u b generated and supported the upper and middle c l a s s * a t t i t u d e s about Vancouver and i t s u l t i m a t e d e s t i n y as a l e a d i n g Canadian c i t y o f the B r i t i s h Empire. Since much of the Canadian Club's appeal l a y i n i t s d e t e r m i n a t i o n to promote Canadian wealth and a s o c i e t y guided by what was 1 3 9 . assumed to be the i n h e r e n t l y s u p e r i o r B r i t i s h race and c u l t u r e , p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the club was f e l t t o be i n the o r d e r of a s e r v i c e . As a newspaper r e p o r t of the club'*s i n a u g u r a l meeting i n Vancouver p o i n t e d out: One subsequent speaker... r e f e r r e d to the f a c t t h a t a l l present v/ere busy, making money, and t h a t most o f them wanted a change now and than.... A l l men who are worth t h e i r s a l t f e e l the wish to do some work i n the world of a c h a r a c t e r t h a t promises no b e n e f i t to themselves. The r e l i g i o u s , the n a t i o n a l , or the s o c i a l i d e a l may be uppermost i n t h e i r minds; but unless they engage i n work guided by such i d e a l s , they end up by becoming i n t e l l e c t u a l l y s t e r i l e . 3 4 . The avowed o b j e c t i v e of the Canadian Club movement, which began i n Hamilton i n 1 8 9 3 , was to encourage the study o f the h i s t o r y , l i t e r a t u r e and resources o f Canada and promote a Canadianism t h a t was l o y a l t o the B r i t i s h Empire. As P r o f e s s o r F.S. Osborne, member of the Winnipeg Canadian Club, s t a t e d at the i n i t i a l s e s s i o n of the Vancouver branch o f the o r g a n i z a t i o n , ...the c l u b a f f o r d s o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r h e a r i n g d i s t i n g u i s h e d men, i n c u l c a t e s p a t r i o t i s m and i n many ways helps to b u i l d up the p r o v i n c e s and b i n d them more c l o s e l y t o g e t h e r . 35 J . J . B a n f i e l d , second p r e s i d e n t of the Vancouver Canadian Club, summed up the purpose of the club i n h i s 1908 P r e s i d e n t i a l Address: The t e r r i t o r y of Canada, i t s e x c e l l e n t g e o g r a p h i c a l p o s i t i o n and wealth, are such that when i t i s f u l l y populated i t alone would be the peer of most na t i o n s of the e a r t h ; but how much b r i g h t e r i t s d e s t i n y as p a r t of and p a r t n e r i n an empire the l i m i t of whose powers would be s u b j e c t alone to the w i l l of i t s c i t i z e n s . T h i s high d e s t i n y i s the i d e a l which 1 4 0 . f u r n i s h e s at once the i n s p i r a t i o n and the aim of the Canadian Club movement. The p r a c t i c a l r e s u l t sought i s the making of good i m p e r i a l i s t i c c i t i z e n s of the people who w i l l f i n d homes i n t h i s c ountry. The task we undertake i s to mould these thousands i n t o l o y a l s u b j e c t s , and i n s h o r t to people our v a s t and p r o d u c t i v e areas with a p o p u l a t i o n o f l o y a l , p a t r i o t i c and a f f e c t i o n a t e B r i t i s h s u b j e c t s . 36. The Canadian Club's a s p i r a t i o n s r e a d i l y meshed with those o f other e l i t e - d o m i n a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s which advocated r a p i d urban growth f o r Vancouver. As a founding member of the Vancouver T o u r i s t A s s o c i a t i o n and i n f l u e n t i a l member of the Board of Trade, B a n f i e l d was p a r t i c u l a r l y adept at l i n k i n g the Canadian Club movement to Vancouver's own w e l l - b e i n g : Our creed l o c a l l y a p p l i e d then, and as worked out by c o n s i s t e n t members of the Canadian Club, c o n s i s t s i n s e e k i n g the h i g h e s t good of the race by working to make t h i s c i t y the g r e a t e s t i n B r i t i s h Columbia, the Province the g r e a t e s t i n Canada, and the country the g r e a t e s t i n the Empire, and the Empire the g r e a t e s t t h a t has ever been.... 37. Without doubt, the Canadian Club p r o v i d e d a grandiose y e t t a n g i b l e j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the e l i t e ' s sense of i n d i v i d u a l achievement and m a t e r i a l advancement i n Vancouver. One of the f i r s t guest speakers at a Canadian Club luncheon i n Vancouver was Byron Walker, g e n e r a l manager of the Canadian Bank qf Commerce, who argued: I do not b e l i e v e that B r i t i s h Columbia can ent e r i n t o i t s i n h e r i t a n c e t i l l i t reaches a proper s o l u t i o n o f the l a b o r problem. B.C. needs more than any other p a r t of Canada a p l e n t i f u l supply of cheap l a b o r . What I mean by cheap l a b o r i s the men who are w i l l i n g to do an honest day's work f o r the lowest wages. 38. While u n l i k e l y to endear him with the l a b o r movement, t h i s 141. type of ''cheap l a b o r " argument was a l o g i c a l outcome of the Canadian Club's d e s i r e to enhance the a b i l i t y of Canadians to use and process t h e i r own n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s . The c l u b ' s concern to disseminate knowledge about Canada's n a t u r a l resources a l s o helped to g i v e i t an anti-Amaerican f l a v o r . While anti-Americanism r a r e l y s u r f a c e d to the p o i n t where i t served as a key plank i n the Canadian Club's p l a t f o r m i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the i n a u g u r a l speaker at the Vancouver Canadian Club e x p l a i n e d . . . t h a t he had heard that f o u r - f i f t h s of the lumber o f B r i t i s h Columbia was i n the hands of Americans. I f so, i t seemed to him t h a t i t was a g r e a t shame, and i f Canadian Clubs had been i n e x i s t e n c e here f o r 25 years such a c o n d i t i o n would never o b t a i n . 39. C l e a r l y the Canadian Club movement, both n a t i o n a l l y and l o c a l l y , was c l o s e l y l i n k e d to the growing mood of n a t i o n a l i s m i n Canada and the impact of the N a t i o n a l P o l i c y and the p r o t e c t i v e -t a r i f f on Canadian business thought at the t u r n of the century. These connections begin to s o r t themselves out when one c o n s i d e r s t h a t a v a s t p r o p o r t i o n of the Canadian Club's r h e t o r i c was i n s p i r e d by, or at l e a s t r e m i n i s c e n t of, S i r Leonard T i l l e y ' s budget speech of 1879 when the Canadian Government endorsed a s t r o n g p r o t e c t i v e t a r i f f : ...the time has a r r i v e d when we are to decide whether we w i l l be simply hewers of wood and drawers of water; whether we w i l l be simply a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s r a i s i n g wheat, and lumbermen producing more lumber than we can use, or Great B r i t a i n and the United S t a t e s w i l l take from us at remunerative p r i c e s ; . . . or whether we w i l l i n augurate a p o l i c y t h a t w i l l , by i t s p r o v i s i o n s , say to the i n d u s t r i e s of the country, v/e w i l l g i ve you s u f f i c i e n t 142. p r o t e c t i o n ; we w i l l g i v e you a market f o r what you produce;... The time has c e r t a i n l y a r r i v e d when we must c o n s i d e r whether we w i l l a l l o w matters to remain as they are, with the r e s u l t o f being an unimportant and u n i n t e r e s t i n g p o r t i o n o f Her Majesty's Dominions, or w i l l r i s e to the p o s i t i o n , which I b e l i e v e Providence has d e s t i n e d us to occupy, by means which... are c a l c u l a t e d to b r i n g p r o s p e r i t y and happiness to the people, to g i v e employment to the thousands who are unoccupied, and to make t h i s a gr e a t and prosperous country, as we a l l d e s i r e and hope i t w i l l be. 40. The N a t i o n a l P o l i c y was n a t i o n a l business p o l i c y and manufacturers were the most ardent s u p p o r t e r s o f t a r r i f p r o t e c t i o n . Keeping t h i s p o i n t i n mind, i t i s not c o - i n c i d e n t a l that the genesis o f the Canadian Club movement was i n Hamilton i n 1893, a l e a d i n g manufacturing c e n t e r o f C e n t r a l Canada. T h i r t e e n years l a t e r when prominent V a n c o u v e r i t e s j o i n e d t o g e t h e r to e s t a b l i s h a branch of the o r g a n i z a t i o n i n Vancouver, t h e i r a c t i o n was l i k e l y s t i m u l a t e d by the f a c t t h a t a f t e r the t u r n o f the century east-west trade p a t t e r n s began to add a genuine economic substance to Canadian 41. n a t i o n a l i s m . In sum, the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the Canadian Club s i g n i f i e d t h a t the c i t y , l i k e the n a t i o n , had been caught up i n the boundless confidence t h a t Canada's day of greatness 42. had a r r i v e d . And, while a s u b s t a n t i a l i n t e l e c t u a l and i d e a l i s t i c e f f o r t went i n t o the Canadian Club movement, both n a t i o n a l l y and l o c a l l y , the o r g a n i z a t i o n o b v i o u s l y served a very pragmatic e d u c a t i o n a l purpose t h a t i n t e r t w i n e d with a growing mood of economic n a t i o n a l i s m i n Canada. C o n s i d e r i n g the Canadian Club's b a s i c concerns - the q u a l i t y o f Canadian s o c i e t y and the q u a n t i t y o f Canadian wealth-143. i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g to f i n d t h a t many of the people i n v o l v e d i n c r e a t i n g and d i r e c t i n g the Vancouver Canadian Club were 43'. members of the West End e l i t e e s t a b l i s h m e n t . These people not only manifested a s t r o n g business o r i e n t a t i o n but, e q u a l l y important, they had a s t r o n g b e l i e f t h a t they had a s p e c i a l r o l e to p l a y i n b u i l d i n g Vancouver i n t o a c i v i l i z e d and prosperous Canadian c i t y i n the B r i t i s h Empire. I n d i v i d u a l s who assumed key r o l e s i n promoting the a s s o c i a t i o n i n Vancouver i n c l u d e d John B a n f i e l d , prominent r e a l t o r , developer, f i n a n c i e r , d i r e c t o r o f the Vancouver General H o s p i t a l and i n f l u e n t i a l member o f the Vancouver Board o f Trade. F.C. Wade, lawyer, p o l i t i c i a n , author (The R i e l R e b e l l i o n , The H i s t o r y  o f L i b e r a l i s m i n the Dominion), and o r g a n i z e r o f the Vancouver inn Sun i n 1911 was a l s o a key advocate of the Canadian Club. Alex Bethun ( c o n t r a c t o r and mayor o f Vancouver i n 1907 and 1908), F.R. R u s s e l l (lawyer, f u t u r e d i r e c t o r of the Vancouver Sun), J . Maguire (manufacturing agent and a founder of the Vancouver Stock Exchange) and D. Von Cramer (manager of the Royal Bank of Canada and f u t u r e managing d i r e c t o r of the Vancouver T r u s t Company) were a l l i n f l u e n t i a l c h a r t e r members of the a s s o c i a t i o n , as was Dr. A.S. Monro, who went on to serve as p r e s i d e n t o f the Vancouver M e d i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n i n 1910 as w e l l as a d i r e c t o r o f the Vancouver T r u s t Company. Businessmen and p r o f e s s i o n a l s with some business i n t e r e s t s were o b v i o u s l y the key promoters of the Canadian Club.. S i m i l a r i t y , with the e x c e p t i o n of Archdeacon Pentreath who served as a second v i c e p r e s i d e n t of the c l u b from 1909-1911, 144. a l l the o f f i c e r s o f the club between 1906 and 1914 f i t the mould o f the s u c c e s s f u l e n t repreneur or the p r o f e s s i o n a l 45. with e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l connectons, as d i d most of the e x e c u t i v e committee members who d i d not a t t a i n o f f i c e r s t a t u s p r i o r to 1914. Notable r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s i n t h i s l a t t e r group i n c l u d e d Fred Busoombe ( f i n a n c i e r , lumber manufacturer, mayor of Vancouver 1905 and 1906, p r e s i d e n t o f the Board o f Trade 1900-1901), John Hendry (lumber manufacturer, r a i l r o a d promoter, r e a l t o r , past p r e s i d e n t of the Board o f Trade 1899-1892) and Charles T i s d a l l (merchant, former p r e s i d e n t o f the Board of Trade 1899-1900, chairman of the Parks Board 1904-1910, f u t u r e mayor of Vancouver 1922 and 1923). Other Board of Trade p r e s i d e n t s who served on the e x e c u t i v e committee of the Canadian Club i n c l u d e d Jonathan Rogers ( c o n t r a c t o r , p r e s i d e n t of the Board of Trade 1914-1916), A.G. McCandless (merchant, p r e s i d e n t o f the Board of Trade 1911-1912jand H.A. Stone (merchant, p r e s i d e n t of the Board of Trade 1900-46. 1910). O f f i c e r s of the c l u b i n c l u d e d most of the key promoters mentioned e a r l i e r as w e l l as W.H. M a l k i n ( w h o l e s a l e r , p r e s i d e n t of the Board of Trade 1902-1903, f u t u r e mayor of Vancouver 1929), Ewing Buchan (bank manager, p r e s i d e n t o f the Board of Trade 1910-1911), W i l l i a m Godfrey (bank manager, p r e s i d e n t of the Board of Trade 1897-1899), C S . Douglas ( r e a l e s t a t e , 47. mayor of Vancouver 1909), R.H. Alexander (manufacturer), and two of the l e a d i n g m i l i t a r y men i n the c i t y , Major W.H. McHarg (lawyer) and C o l . J . Duff S t u a r t (merchant). These were extremely powerful V a n c o u v e r i t e s and, even though t h e i r 145. s p e c i f i c o c c u p a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s v a r i e d , they e a s i l y j o i n e d f o r c e s w i t h i n the framework of the Canadian Club. They s i n c e r e l y f e l t t h a t i t was t h e i r duty to accept the task o f b u i l d i n g a c i v i l i z e d and prosperous urban community i n Vancouver and undoubtedly p a i d c l o s e heed to Dr. Roland Grant when he t o l d t h a t : Vancouver men must b u i l d w e l l ; you are not b u i l d i n g f o r a day. You are p a r t of a world movement which w e l l go on f o r hundreds of y e a r s . . . . B u i l d with a c o n c e p t i o n of your d e s t i n y . Long a f t e r you and I are dead and b u r i e d there w i l l be a g r e a t c i t y here.... L i v i n g comes to be a s e r i o u s matter when you come to t h i n k about l a y i n g the f o u n d a t i o n f o r coming y e a r s . 48. Promoting n a t i o n a l i s m , i m p e r i a l d e s t i n y , and a p p e a l i n g to the " c i v i l i z i n g m i s s i o n " t h a t was needed on the Canadian f r o n t i e r i n a way t h a t had economic as w e l l as s o c i a l over-tones, the Canadian Club q u i c k l y e s t a b l i s h e d i t s e l f as a popular and important bond i n the e l i t e ' s v o l u n t a r y i n s t i t u t i o n a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e (see F i g u r e 2 ) . Most i n t e r e s t i n g i n t h i s r e s p e c t were the c o n s i s t e n t i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s between the upper echelons of the Canadian Club and the Board of Trade, once again i n d i c a t i n g the manner i n which the concerns and b e l i e f s o f the c l u b c o u l d g i v e momentum and j u s t i f i c a t i o n to the e t h i c of growth and progress i n Vancouver. In terms of i t s membership the Canadian Club was v i r t u a l l y a West End neighborhood a s s o c i a t i o n , as were the other i n s t i t u t i o n s d i s c u s s e d i n t h i s chapter. Furthermore, and as the f o l l o w i n g map would i n d i c a t e (Map 15), the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of Canadian Club e x e c u t i v e s and promoters was 146, FIGURE 2. MAJOR VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATION LINKS OF CANADIAN CLUB OFFICERS* 1906-1913 Canadian Club P r e s i d e n t s and Vice P r e s i d e n t s BOARD OF TRADE F.C. Wad J . B a n f i e l Dr. A. Monro? D. Von Cramer F.R. R u s s e l l J . E l l i s W. M a l k i n VANCOUVER CLUB .. . , „ . W. Hart McHarg W. Godfrey Bishop E. Pen t r e a t h E. Buchan Reverend McKay C.S. Douglas J.D. S t u a r t 'R.H.H. Alexander • I n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s are those t h a t e x i s t e d between 1906 and 1913. IMP 15. • RESIDENTIAL.LOCATION'OP CANADIAN CLUB OFFICERS AND INFLUENTIAL COMMITTEE MEMBERS, 1 9 0 6 - 1 9 1 3 . ©1906 l o c a t i o n B1914 l o c a t i o n , i f any change has o c c u r r e d 148. not e q u a l l y d i v i d e d across the West End; r a t h e r the l e a d e r s of the a s s o c i a t i o n tended to l i v e i n one o f the three p r e s t i g i o u s West End r e s i d e n t i a l s e c t o r s d i s c u s s e d i n the f i r s t c hapter. This r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n was maintained u n t i l approximately 1912 when v a r i o u s c l u b e x e c u t i v e s began to migrate to P o i n t Grey and Shaughnessy H e i g h t s . The p o i n t to a p p r e c i a t e here i s that p r i o r to 1914 the Canadian Club was c o n t r o l l e d by a f a i r l y s e l e c t group o f West Enders, i n s p i t e o f the f a c t t h a t i t s concerns might c o n c e i v a b l y have appealed to g e o g r a p h i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y e x t e n s i v e groups o f B r i t i s h and Canadian r e s i d e n t s i n Vancouver. T h i s r e s t r i c t e d r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f Canadian Club l e a d e r s h i g h l i g h t s the obvious p o i n t t h a t the clu b ' s p u b l i c r o l e d i d not e n t a i l broad p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n i t s o p e r a t i o n . In a d d i t i o n t o i n f l u e n t i a l business and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s Vancouver's West End e l i t e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d a wide a r r a y o f r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s , such as y a c h t i n g , g o l f i n g , c r i c k e t and t e n n i s , i n t o r e l a t i v e l y e x c l u s i v e s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . These i n s t i t u t i o n s a l l served to s t r u c t u r e e l i t e a c t i v i t i e s and p r o v i d e areas where a c c e p t a b l e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n c o u l d take p l a c e between those " i n S o c i e t y " and those on the pe r i p h e r y who wished to ga i n access to the heart of the c i t y ' s e l i t e s o c i a l w orld! While i t i s not e s s e n t i a l that every one of these s e m i - e x c l u s i v e r e c r e a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s be examined i n d e t a i l , some comment needs be made about them f o r they were an important p a r t o f the p r e s t i g i o u s West End environment. In the pre-automobile c i t y , r e c r e a t i o n a l land that was 149. c o n t r o l l e d by and f o r p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s was extremely s e n s i t i v e to three b a s i c f a c t o r s : (1) land c o s t s , (2) the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the p o p u l a t i o n u t i l i z i n g t h e ' f a c i l i t y and (3) the probable f u t u r e r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n u t i l i z i n g the f a c i l i t y . I f the second and t h i r d f a c t o r s appeared to be congruent, then the d i r e c t o r s of a p r i v a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n would g e n e r a l l y attempt to absorb r i s i n g l a n d c o s t s so as to maintain a degree of p r o x i m i t y with t h e i r members. However, i f a c l u b ' s membership f i e l d began to s h i f t i t was to the advantage of c l u b d i r e c t o r s to r e l o c a t e t h e i r f a c i l i t y b efore a p p r o p r i a t e l a n d f o r the new s i t e became sc a r c e and expensive. Consequently, r e c r e a t i o n a l l a n d use o f t e n stands out on the l e a d i n g edge of r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y p a t t e r n s . For these reasons, along with the f a c t t h a t i t was one of the f i r s t major r e c r e a t i o n a l c l u b s to be or g a n i z e d by the upper c l a s s , the Vancouver Lawn Tennis Club stands out as an important f e a t u r e o f the West End landscape. The t e n n i s club f i r s t began o p e r a t i o n s i n 1887 at the "CPR Park," bounded by G r a n v i l l e , Georgia and Howe. Although i t operated under the name of the Vancouver Lawn Tennis Club i t was an i n f o r m a l g a t h e r i n g of t e n n i s p l a y e r s and the name of the club was r a t h e r grandiose i n that the p a r t i c i p a n t s played on two wooden c o u r t s . In 1897 however, f a c i n g i n c r e a s i n g p r e s s u r e f o r c o u r t space and the l i k l i h o o d t h a t the park would soon be used f o r commercial purposes s i n c e C i t y C o u n c i l had r e f u s e d t o purchase the land from the CPR, the t e n n i s c l u b changed l o c a t i o n and f u n c t i o n . A meeting 150. was h e l d i n the H o t e l Vancouver and i t was decided to tra n s f o r m the club i n t o a p r i v a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n and purchase a new s i t e upon which the members would b u i l d a modern t e n n i s c l u b . Leading promoters o f t h i s scheme i n c l u d e d C. Gardiner Johnson, H.J. Cambie, R.G. Tatlow (whose home at 1140 West Pender al r e a d y boasted f i n e t e n n i s f a c i l i t i e s ) , J.H. S e n k l e r , Richard Marpole, the M a l k i n s , the B e l l - I r v i n g s , C. Marani, Andrew 49. Jukes and A.P. Home. These gentlemen sought a new home f o r t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n and e v e n t u a l l y s e t t l e d on a four l o t s i t e at B a r c l a y and Denman S t r e e t s , on the border of the s p a r s e l y s e t t l e d y e t h i g h l y d e s i r a b l e western p o r t i o n of the West End. Grass c o u r t s , c i n d e r c o u r t s , a croquet lawn and a c l u b house were c o n s t r u c t e d and the western s e c t i o n o f the West End took on a r e l a t i v e l y new s o c i a l dimension as the r e s i d e n t s o f the " B l u f f " s t r o l l e d across to Denman S t r e e t f o r a r e l a x i n g a f t e r n o o n o f t e n n i s and refreshments ( I l l u s t r a t i o n 10). Wi t h i n a remarkably s h o r t p e r i o d , o f course, the new t e n n i s c l u b was to be surrounded by a p r e s t i g i o u s r e s i d e n t i a l area t h a t extended west to the border of S t a n l e y Park. While the t e n n i s c l u b d i d not l e a d a f f l u e n t V a n c o u v e r i t e s to l o c a t e i n t h i s s e c t o r i t c l e a r l y a n t i c i p a t e d the r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y p a t t e r n s o f the e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n and i t helped to c e r t i f y the s t a t u s 50. o r i e n t a t i o n o f the western p o r t i o n o f the West End. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t the o r g a n i z e r s of the Vancouver Lawn Tennis Club t i e d i n much more c l o s e l y to the CPR h i e r a r c h y and to the Vancouver Club than to the M e t r o p o l i t a n Club, which i n 1898 was i n the process o f d i s c a r d i n g i t s East ILLUSTRATION 10. THE VANCOUVER LAWN TENNIS CLUB (1905) (Source: Vancouver City Archives) 152. End developer stigma and r e o r g a n i z i n g i n t o what e v e n t u a l l y became the more p r e s t i g i o u s Terminal C i t y Club. Marpble was g e n e r a l s u p e r i n t e n d e n t of the CPR, Cambie was c h i e f engineer, Marani was v i c e p r e s i d e n t of the Vancouver Club i n 1897 and 1 8 9 8 , H. B e l l - I r v i n g was an o r i g i n a l member and d i r e c t o r o f the Vancouver Club and Duncan B e l l - I r v i n g was an o r i g i n a l member and p r e s i d e n t o f the Vancouver Club from 1902 to 1904. Marpole, Tatlow and S e n k l e r had a l l j o i n e d the Vancouver Club i n 1894 and Jukes had been s u c c e s s f u l l y nominated i n 1805. From t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , i t can be seen t h a t the t e n n i s c l u b ' s r e l o c a t i o n to the West End i n 1897 s e r v e d as one more dimension through which the s o c i a l supremacy o f the West End was being r e - i n f o r c e d . Another West End r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t y which served to enhance the upper c l a s s o r i e n t a t i o n o f the neighborhood, as w e l l as the a t t r a c t i v e n a t u r a l amenities o f f e r e d by S t a n l e y Park and E n g l i s h Bay, was the Royal Vancouver Yacht Club i n Coal Harbor. E s t a b l i s h e d i n 1903, i t s prime mover was Walter Graveley, a prominent r e a l t o r whose pr e v i o u s experience with yacht c l u b s dated back to 1877 when he was accepted as a member 51. o f the Royal Canadian Yacht Club i n Toronto. In s p i t e o f the f a c t t h a t the Royal Vancouver Yacht Club n a t u r a l l y tended to a t t r a c t members o f ' t h e upper c l a s s with n a u t i c a l a s p i r a t i o n s i t r a p i d l y became a w e l l p a t r o n i z e d o r g a n i z a t i o n that t i e d i n c l o s e l y with other s i g n i f i c a n t c o rnerstones i n the e l i t e ' s i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework (see F i g u r e 3). As w e l l as the yacht c l u b , the Vancouver C r i c k e t Club was based i n S t a n l e y Park, 153. FIGURE 3. MEMBERS OF THE ROYAL VANCOUVER YACHT CLUB WHO SERVED AS PRESIDENT OR VICE PRESIDENT OF OTHER POWERFUL INSTITUTIONS PRIOR TO 1921. Yacht c l u b members - 1906 154. as was the Vancouver Rowing Club. On the edge o f S t a n l e y Park, at the corner o f Georgia and C h i l c o , the Vancouver R i d i n g Club 52-e r e c t e d i t s l a r g e Horse Show B u i l d i n g i n 1909. When the s p l e n d i d beach and b a t h i n g f a c i l i t i e s a t E n g l i s h Bay are i n c l u d e d i n t h i s p i c t u r e , a l o n g with the l a r g e i n d o o r i c e s k a t i n g arena b u i l t i n 1911 on Georgia, i t becomes c l e a r t h a t the West End presented a g r e a t v a r i e t y 66 r e c r e a t i o n a l a t t r a c t i o n s , many of which the upper c l a s s c o u l d pursue w i t h i n the s o c i a l l y p r o t e c t e d c o n f i n e s o f an e x c l u s i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n (see Map 16). 53. C r e a t i o n o f a s p e c i f i c e l i t e s o c i a l network Once e s t a b l i s h e d , the above v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s were w e l l p a t r o n i z e d by Vancouver's upper c l a s s p o p u l a t i o n , and f o r obvious reasons. Members had access to a vast i n f o r m a t i o n network about investment p o s s i b i l i t i e s and p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s ; i n the case of p r i v a t e c l u b s , membership was a p u b l i c s e a l o f acceptance i n t o e l i t e s t a t u s . F u r t h e r , g i v e n Vancouver's "newness" and the f a c t t h a t many r e s i d e n t s were s t r a n g e r s or r e l a t i v e l y new acquaintances, the l i n k s forged i n formal a s s o c i a t i o n s played an important r o l e i n f a c i l i t a t i n g the development of i n f o r m a l l i n k s o f k i n s h i p and f r i e n d s h i p . In s h o r t , being " i n S o c i e t y " served a number of very pragmatic f u n c t i o n s ; i t was a means to a number o f s e c u l a r goals that r e l a t e d to an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l and f i n a n c i a l s e c u r i t y . The p r a c t i c a l b e n e f i t s t h a t accrued to being i n the e l i t e c i r c l e o f Va n c o u v e r i t e s meshed n i c e l y with the f a c t t h a t Vancouver's e l i t e was a p r a c t i c a l and hardworking business 54. p o p u l a t i o n . Businessmen and p r o f e s s i o n a l s w i t h business i n t e r e s t s MAP 16. THE COAL HARBOR RECREATIONAL SECTOR OF THE WEST END, 1912. 155 a t > I 1 ' 1 I t ? i * • \ i O " ip i -> * ... V i -Vancouver Lawn Tennis Club Vancouver Arena ^ "^"r^T" f Royal Vancouver Yacht Club, /(.Rowing Club, G o l f / - C r i c k e t , e t c T Vancouver R i d i n g C lub * -i ! 1 i 1 1 3- I — • i g | * 1 * 1 r • CZF 1 U • * 1 1 ie - L-c q ?4 © 1 ^ ^ i r L E J ^ i t r ! 156. played the key r o l e s i n c r e a t i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h a t i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d t h e i r power and s o c i a l p r e s t i g e , and b u s i n e s s - -men determined who would be accepted i n t o the p r o t e c t i v e e l i t e s o c i e t y they e s t a b l i s h e d . Mot s u r p r i s i n g l y , they "screened" f o r o t h e r s u c c e s s f u l businessmen, people who had proven t h e i r worth as corp o r a t e l e a d e r s and s u c c e s s f u l r i s k t a kers i n the p r i v a t e market p l a c e . In order b e t t e r to understand how the e a r l y business l e a d e r s i n Vancouver s t r u c t u r e d the s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y , i t i s i n s t r u c t i v e to examine the manner i n which a powerful e l i t e s o c i a l network evolved 55. around the Vancouver Club. The development of Vancouver's most e x c l u s i v e s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n r e v e a l s s e v e r a l important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Vancouver's s o c i a l environment d u r i n g the e a r l y y e a r s . F i r s t l y , w h i l e i t i s apparent that Vancouver s o c i e t y was l e s s r i g i d than s o c i e t y i n o l d e r E a s t e r n Canadian c e n t e r s , i t i s important to r e a l i z e t h a t t h i s f l u i d i t y depended on the f a c t t h a t newcomers c o u l d q u i c k l y a t t a i n e l i t e p o s i t i o n s i n Vancouver on the b a s i s of business achievement, and not on the f a c t t h a t s o c i e t y was e g a l i t a r i a n or t h a t e l i t e entrance requirements were e a s i l y met by l a r g e numbers o f people. In the case o f the Vancouver Club the i n t e n s i v e membership campaign conducted'by the club d u r i n g i t s f i r s t year o f e x i s t e n c e q u i c k l y s h i f t e d to a very c o n s e r v a t i v e s e l e c t i o n procedure i n order to preserve s o c i a l e x c l u s i v e n e s s . During 1894, the f i r s t year of the c l u b ' s o p e r a t i o n , 126 i n d i v i d u a l s were e l e c t e d to the c l u b ' s membership r o l l . Between t h i s date and 1901 the l a r g e s t group of new members e l e c t e d 1 5 7 . d u r i n g a one year p e r i o d was 65 i n 1 8 9 9 , an upturn that l i k e l y r e f l e c t e d the c l u b ' s need to r e v i t a l i z e i t s s t r e n g t h f o l l o w i n g the d e p r e s s i o n of 1895 to 1 8 9 8 . These f i g u r e s i n d i c a t e t h a t , once e s t a b l i s h e d , an e l i t e o r g a n i z a t i o n l i k e the Vancouver Club used r i g o r o u s entrance requirements to guarantee e x c l u s i v e n e s s . The Vancouver Club's e a r l y s e l e c t i o n process h i g h l i g h t s y e t another important aspect of the e l i t e ' s s o c i a l world, namely t h a t the s o c i a l s t a n d i n g o f the c l u b was i n f a c t c r e a t e d by a r e l a t i v e l y few i n d i v i d u a l s with power and s t a t u s to " l e n d " to the o r g a n i z a t i o n . This process i s common to the formation of a l l e l i t e a s s o c i a t i o n s , as Seeley et a l . d i s c u s s i n Crestwood H e i g h t s : Money, oc c u p a t i o n , and f a m i l y are e s s e n t i a l to the " s t a t u s l e n d e r , " and with these he "backs" the a s s o c i a t i o n s o f h i s c h o i c e . He then bands together with h i s f e l l o w " l e n d e r s " r i g o r o u s l y to s c r e e n a s e l e c t e d number o f members, a l s o on the b a s i s o f money, oc c u p a t i o n and, to a l e s s e r e x t e n t , of f a m i l y , although the a p p l i c a n t need not, and o f t e n must not, f u l l y match the s t a t u s l e n d e r s ' a s s e t s i n these r e s p e c t s . 5 6 . Compared to S e e l e y ' s d i s c u s s i o n of s t a t u s and s e l e c t i v i t y i n a post World War Two c e n t r a l Canadian C i t y the c r i t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e i n e a r l y Vancouver was t h a t wealth and business connections l a r g e l y r e p l a c e d f a m i l y connections as the mark of a " s t a t u s l e n d e r . " In p a r t i c u l a r , as Table XX r e v e a l s , the l o c a l CPR e x e c u t i v e s played an e x c e e d i n g l y a c t i v e r o l e i n d e f i n i n g the i n i t i a l Vancouver Club membership, as d i d s e v e r a l prominent business l e a d e r s from the "pre-CPR" e r a . Since the Vancouver Club was backed by extremely powerful TABLE XX 158. DOMINANT VANCOUVER CLUB NOMINATORS IN 1894* Name Times as a Occupation PrnpnQor Times as a Seconder T o t a l r« o m i yi a J.Browning CPE Land Agent 16 18 it win x lie* 34 A.Shields Wholesaler 2 30 32 I.Oppenheimer Wholesaler/Real Estate 9 9 1 8 M.Campbell Businessman 6 6 12 II.Abbott CPR General Supt. 3 12 R.Tatlow Real estate 10 1 11 C.Loewen Real estate 5 4 9 J.Townley CPR Asst. Supt. 2 7 9 H.Bell-Irving Businessman 4 3 7 J.C.Keith Financier, former manager, Bank of B.C. 3 4 7 J.Lefevee CPR Doctor 4 2 6 J.McFarland Real estate 5 1 6 S.Richards Lawyer, r e a l estate 5 1 6 L.Mc Phi H i p s Lawyer 5 0 5 H.Cambie CPB Chief Engineer 1 4 5 J.Garden C i v i l engineer 4 1 5 O.E.Thomas Businessman 4 0 4 V.Murray Mgr, Bank of B.C. 1 3 4 S.Oppenheimer Vholesaler/real estate 3 0 3 D. Oppenheimer Wholesaler/real estate 2 1 3 D.Bell-Irving Doctor, c a p i t a l i s t 2 1 3 T.Dunn Merchant 3 0 3 J . C a r r o l l Doctor, r e a l estate 3 0 3 E.Mahon Realtor, Mahon, McParland and Mahon 1 2 3 P.Barnard V i c t o r i a c a p i t a l i s t 2 0 2 G.Johnston Doctor 1 1 2 G.Coleman Businessman 2 0 2 B.T.Rogers B.C.Sugar Refinery 1 1 2 V.Salsbury CPR Treasurer 1 1 2 L.Johnston CPR Master Mechanic 2 0 2 *Those who were i n v o l v e d i n only one nomination, e i t h e r as a proposer or a seconder, have not been l i s t e d . 159. " s t a t u s l e n d e r s " from i t s i n c e p t i o n , t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n immediately e s t a b l i s h e d i t s e l f at the apex of the p r i v a t e club network once i t opened i n 1894. In t u r n , the p r e s t i g i o u s network t h a t developed around the c l u b , both s p a t i a l l y and s o c i a l l y , c o n t r i b u t e d to the West End's r a p i d development as the unchallenged e l i t e neighborhood i n the c i t y . Of the "pre-CPR" e l i t e who were a c t i v e as dominant Vancouver Club nominators i n 1894 (the Oppenheimers, the B e l l - I r v i n g s , Thomas Dunn, R. Tatlow, J McFarland) three s t i l l r e s i d e d i n the East End. One year l a t e r however, McFarland had r e l o c a t e d on G e orgia S t r e e t and the f o l l o w i n g year the B e l l - I r v i n g b r o t h e r s had moved to Seaton S t r e e t . While other f a c t o r s o b v i o u s l y c o n t r i b u t e d to the e a r l y e l i t e ' s abandonment of the East End, there can be no doubt t h a t the c r e a t i o n of the Vancouver Club c e r t a i n l y expedited the s p a t i a l c o n c e n t r a t i o n and s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n o f the upper c l a s s i n Vancouver. The Vancouver Club's e s t a b l i s h m e n t i s a l s o of i n t e r e s t from the p o i n t of view of the dominant nominating c o a l i t i o n s (proposer and seconder) t h a t came i n t o play d u r i n g the c l u b ' s f i r s t year i n o p e r a t i o n . In the f o l l o w i n g f i g u r e , p a i r s who acted t o g e t h e r on three or more nominations were i s o l a t e d from the t o t a l group of nominators d u r i n g 1894, c r e a t i n g f o u r separate nomination c e l l s (see F i g u r e 4). Three out o f the f o u r c e l l s c o ntained at l e a s t one i n d i v i d u a l with s t r o n g connections to the CPR, the e x c e p t i o n being the B e l l - I r v i n g b r o t h e r s . The most a c t i v e (see p r e v i o u s t a b l e ) and densely connected group c e n t e r e d on Jim Browning (CPR Land Commissioner), FIGURE 4 . PAIRS WHO ACTED TOGETHER ON THREE OR MORE NOMINATIONS, VANCOUVER CLUB, 1 8 9 4 . D. H. I. Oppenheimer S. R i c h a r d s — — J .Browning A. S h i e l d s C. Loewen H.Abbott L . M c P h i l l i p s H.Cambie J.Townley R.Tatlow B e l l j - I r v i n g • B e l l - I r v i n g 1 6 1 . I. Oppenheimer (Oppenheimer Brothers L t d . ) , and A. S h i e l d s ( w h o l e s a l e r o f wines and l i q u o r ) . S h i e l d s ' r o l e was p r i m a r i l y t h at of a "seconder" and one might f a i r l y conclude t h a t h i s o c c u p a t i o n p l u s h i s r e s i d e n c e i n the H o t e l Vancouver, a l o n g with the Oppenheimers, made S h i e l d s a r a t h e r w i l l i n g and convenient p a r t i c i p a n t i n the nomination proceedings. The other CPR e x e c u t i v e s i n v o l v e d i n dominant nominating c o a l i t i o n s were Abbott (General S u p e r i n t e n d e n t ) , Cambie ( C h i e f Engineer) and Townley ( A s s i s t a n t S u p e r i n t e n d e n t ) . In the one c e l l t h a t l a c k e d any CPR c o n n e c t i o n s , the B e l l - I r v i n g b r o t h e r s , one was a c i v i l engineer and p r e s i d e n t o f the Anglo B r i t i s h Columbia Packing Company and the other a d o c t o r and medical o f f i c e r f o r the Hastings Sawmill. T h e i r e x i s t e n c e as a separate nominating c o a l i t i o n i s of some i n t e r e s t when one c o n s i d e r s t h a t t h i s i s the only group composed e n t i r e l y of "pre-CPR" e l i t e s (H. B e l l - I r v i n g a r r i v e d i n 1885 and Dr. B e l l - I r v i n g i n 1 8 8 4 ) , and t h a t both gentlemen s t i l l r e s i d e d east of the c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t i n 1 8 9 4 . The above diagram o f f e r s some p i c t u r e of the c l o s e p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s t h a t e x i s t e d w i t h i n the nucleus o f the Vancouver Club, f o r one may assume that the B e l l - I r v i n g b r o t h e r s or Cambie and Abbott were f r i e n d l y with each other and as such would a c t t o g e t h e r i n nominating new members f o r the e x c l u s i v e c l u b . However, the p e r s o n a l connections r e v e a l e d by the nominating c o a l i t i o n s are only p a r t of a more p e r v a s i v e se t o f i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s that support the view t h a t a r e l a t i v e l y s e l e c t c i r c l e of powerful f r i e n d s s e t the i n i t i a l tone of the Vancouver Club's membership. For example, L.G. M c P h i l l i p s was 162. a d i r e c t o r of the B.C. Sugar R e f i n i n g Company, e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1890 with c a p i t a l from the CPR and the Bank of B.C., along with other s o u r c e s . J.M. Browning was one of the f i v e t r u s t e e s i n the c e r t i f i c a t e of i n c o r p o r a t i o n , as was H.B. 57. Abbott. H. B e l l - I r v i n g was a c l o s e f r i e n d of H. Cambie, and 58. a former business a s s o c i a t e of Richard Tatlow. Tatlow!s f a t h e r - i n - l a w was Henry Cambie, Tatlow having married E l i z a b e t h Cambie i n 1893. Tatlow was a l s o connected with I. Oppenheimer f o r he served as the r e a l e s t a t e agent f o r the Vancouver Improvement Company d u r i n g the l a t e 1880's and e a r l y 1890's, a company e s t a b l i s h e d by the Oppenheimers. F i n a l l y , i f any doubt remains t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l s i n the above nominating network c o n s t i t u t e d a p o w e r f u l l y i n t e r c o n n e c t e d and h i g h l y r e s p e c t e d group of V a n c o u v e r i t e s , i t should be p o i n t e d out t h a t f o u r o f the f i r s t f i v e p r e s i d e n t s o f the Vancouver Club came from the above group of nominators (Browning, Oppenheimer, Abbott and D. B e l l - I r v i n g ) . H. B e l l - I r v i n g went on to serve as p r e s i d e n t of the Board of Trade from 1895 to 1897, and Tatlow was a s u c c e s s f u l p o l i t i c i a n and appointed M i n i s t e r o f Finance by Premier MdBride i n 1903. In s h o r t , i t i s c l e a r t h a t w h i l e c e r t a i n c l o s e f r i e n d s p r e f e r r e d to a c t together i n nominating new members f o r the Vancouver Club these nominating c o a l i t i o n s were only s u p e r f i c i a l l y d i s c r e t e from each o t h e r . Rather, c o r p o r a t e l i n k s and f r i e n d s h i p l i n k s had u n i t e d s e v e r a l of the top members of the urban s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y p r i o r to 1894 and, i n t u r n , these people s e t about e s t a b l i s h i n g an e l i t e i n s t i t u t i o n t h a t would enhance t h e i r own p r e s t i g e as w e l l as the c i t y ' s s t r u c t u r a l c a p a c i t y to 1 6 3 . f o r m a l l y i n t e g r a t e new e l i t e s i n t o an e s t a b l i s h e d o r d e r . 55 The Vancouver Club was an important source o f "weak t i e s " between o l d and new e l i t e s , as w e l l as between e l i t e s who were i n charge o f d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l h i e r a r c h i e s w i t h i n the urban system. Less p e r s o n a l than f a m i l y t i e s and l e s s i n t e n s e than the l i n k s f orged i n a c o r p o r a t e u n d e r t a k i n g , the club s t i l l p l a y e d an important r o l e i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the f a m i l i a r i t y necessary f o r the f o r m a t i o n of more i n t e n s e l i n k a g e s . In order to f u n c t i o n s u c c e s s f u l l y i n t h i s i n t e g r a t i n g r o l e the members of the c l u b were prepared o c c a s s i o n a l l y to a c t with other than c l o s e f r i e n d s i n a nomination i n order to ensure t h a t they captured as many a p p r o p r i a t e , t h a t i s , s u c c e s s f u l , members as p o s s i b l e . I f a l l the people who were i n v o l v e d i n three or more nominations i n 1894 are arranged i n a c o n n e c t i v i t y diagram t h i s f e a t u r e of the c l u b ' s membership expansion becomes more apparent. With the e x c e p t i o n of Dr. J . C a r r o l l and 0. Evan Thomas, everyone who was i n v o l v e d i n a t o t a l o f three or more nominations shared at l e a s t two of them with another dominant nominator (see F i g u r e 5 ) . As one would expect, l i n k a g e s were p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e n s e around the dominant nominating c o a l i t i o n s d i s c u s s e d above. This re-emphasizes the f a c t t h a t the most a c t i v e nominators of new Vancouver Club members were a t i g h t l y i n t e r c o n n e c t e d group of people who had l i t t l e t r o u b l e r e c r u i t i n g members who would be a c c e p t a b l e to a l l concerned. In s p i t e of the d e n s i t y of t h i s network, however, i t i s a l s o important to r e a l i z e t h at the number of shared nominations l i n k i n g any two v o t i n g c o a l i t i o n s 164 FIGURE 5. CONNECTIVITY MATRIX OF ALL DOMINANT VANCOUVER CLUB NOMINATORS* Murray McParland Keith evr< .Richards j-S. Oppenhe imer-j D.Oppenheimer "I. Oppenheimer «j.Browning ^p-A.SHield .Abbott H.Cambj L.McPhil'lips D.Bell-Irving .Be l l - I r v i n g C.Loewen .Townley R.Tatlow Campbell-T.Dunn -E. Mahon J.Garden J . T . C a r r o l l O.E.Thomas • A l l members who were i n v o l v e d i n three or more nominations have been i n c l u d e d i n t h i s diagram. S o l i d l i n e i n d i c a t e s t h a t the members shared two or more nominations i n common. 1 6 5 . was r a r e l y e q u i v a l e n t to the t o t a l number o f nominations t h a t a member had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n . For example, Tatlow had been i n v o l v e d i n 11 nominations i n 1 8 9 4 . Four o f these had been with Townley, the r e s t were the r e s u l t of Tatlow having voted once with seven d i f f e r e n t people. Of these seven d i f f e r e n t people s i x were p a r t o f the dominant nominating network while the seventh had only p a r t i c i p a t e d i n one nomination d u r i n g 1 8 9 4 . In s h o r t , members of the Vancouver Club were prepared to p a r t i c i p a t e o c c a s s i o n a l l y i n a nomination with someone who was not n e c e s s a r i l y a c l o s e f r i e n d i n order to ensure t h a t the c l u b maintained a proper breadth of membership. To be s u r e , s t r o n g nominating l i n k s between a core group of c l o s e f r i e n d s were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the m a j o r i t y of new members, but these were balanced somewhat by weaker connections i n the nomination process so t h a t the c l u b d i d not become an o v e r l y e x c l u s i v e and p a r o c h i a l c l i q u e of c l o s e f r i e n d s . Once the E a s t e r n Canadian and B r i t i s h c o r p o r a t e e l i t e ' s p o s i t i o n s had been somewhat c o n s o l i d a t e d and expressed s o c i a l l y through the framework of o r g a n i z a t i o n s l i k e the Vancouver Club, the ease o f access i n t o e l i t e s o c i e t y became more d i f f i c u l t . The p r e v i o u s chapter's data on "success r a t e s " i n v a r i o u s v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s h i g h l i g h t s the manner i n which the "coomand p o s t s " i n powerful o r g a n i z a t i o n s l i k e the Vancouver Club or the Board of Trade g r a d u a l l y became l e s s a c c e s s i b l e to newcomers to the c i t y . Over 6 5 % of the mayors and d i r e c t o r s o f e l i t e o r g a n i z a t i o n s between 1886 and 1915 had s e t t l e d i n 166. Vancouver p r i o r to 1092, and over 76% had s e t t l e d here p r i o r to 1898. Beyond any d e s i r e to r e t a i n power and e x c l u s i v e n e s s s e v e r a l f a c t o r s helped to nuture the growing'conservatism i n e l i t e s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l and the Vancouver Club i n p a r t i c u l a r . Most important i s the f a c t t h a t the number o f p o t e n t i a l candidates from which to draw a p p r o p r i a t e e l i t e members d i d not i n c r e a s e d r a m a t i c a l l y each year. Furthermore, as the c i t y ' s s o c i a l environment matured, i t g r a d u a l l y became more d i f f i c u l t to p enetrate the i n n e r e l i t e c i r c l e s because f a c t o r s such as k i n s h i p , f r i e n d s h i p and an awareness o f s o c i a l background began to play a more p e r v a s i v e r o l e i n d e f i n i n g 60. new members o f the e l i t e . C o n c l u s i o n The e l i t e ' s shared and i n t e r l o c k e d s o c i a l and economic groupings and t h e i r common r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n were c r i t i c a l dimensions through which they attempted to r e g u l a t e the complex s o c i a l dynamism a s s o c i a t e d with an i n d u s t r i a l c i t y t h a t had been a b r u p t l y c r e a t e d near the end of the t u r b u l e n t V i c t o r i a n Age and a t the end of a new t r a n s - c o n t i n e n t a l r a i l r o a d . Once c r e a t e d , the l i s t o f c l u b s and a s s o c i a t i o n s to which an i n d i v i d u a l belonged d e f i n e d h i s p l a c e i n s o c i e t y j u s t as p r e c i s e l y as a p r e s t i g i o u s West End address or o c c u p a t i o n . In a newly c r e a t e d c i t y where p r e s t i g i o u s f a m i l y names and p e r s o n a l f r i e n d s h i p s were r e l a t i v e l y r a r e , the a b i l i t y o f these v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s to s t r u c t u r e and promote a c c e p t a b l e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , f r i e n d s h i p s and marriages was c r i t i c a l . Beyond a s s i m i l a t i n g and c o - o r d i n a t i n g the l i f e s t y l e s and a c t i v i t y p a t t e r n s o f the upper c l a s s , these 167. o r g a n i z a t i o n s served as agents of the e l i t e ' s " c i v i l i z i n g m i s s i o n " on the Canadian f r o n t i e r . Not only were they concr e t e reminders of f a m i l i a r f e a t u r e s o f urban l i f e i n the East or i n B r i t a i n , but t h e i r e x i s t e n c e nutured the b e l i e f t h a t Vancouver was an ordered and s t r u c t u r e d community, a m e t r o p o l i t a n c i t y on the f r o n t i e r r a t h e r than a f r o n t i e r c i t y , a c e n t e r of c i v i l i z e d B r i t i s h c u l t u r e t h a t would never be allowed to lapse i n t o the s o c i a l chaos t h a t most of the e l i t e a s s o c i a t e d with the v o l a t i l e s e t t l e m e n t of the American f r o n t i e r . One v i s i t o r ' s a p p r a i s a l of Vancouver would i n d i c a t e t h a t the e l i t e ' s p e r c e p t i o n of the c i t y had some b a s i s i n f a c t : I t i s so f r e s h and young and f u l l o f y o u t h f u l pluck and s p i r i t , but w i t h a l so a b s o l u t e l y home-like i n i t s o r d e r -l i n e s s , the newest o f new c i t i e s , un-f o r g e t f u l o f an o l d world i d e a l . Vancouver was never l i k e S e a t t l e , There has been no P a c i f i c Coast rowdyism, no r e v o l v e r i n g , no i n s t a n c e or need o f l y n c h law. 61. CHAPTER FOUR THE ELITE CORPORATE WORLD, FINANCIAL CONNECTIONS AND INVESTMENT PATTERNS IN THE URBAN LANDSCAPE. "In Vancouver, i t i s the gre a t t h i n g to be connected with the r e a l e s t a t e or the r a i l w a y s t a t i o n ; i t assures your p o s i t i o n i n s o c i e t y , these being the two excitements o f e x i s t e n c e . " (D. Sladen, On the Cars and O f f , London: Ward, Lock and Bowden L t d . 1895, p.372) 1 6 9 . CHAPTER FOUR THE ELITE CORPORATE WORLD, FINANCIAL CONNECTIONS AND INVESTMENT PATTERNS IN THE URBAN LANDSCAPE. . A b a s i c argument i n t h i s study has been t h a t the e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n was much more than a s t a t i s t i c a l c l a s s ; r a t h e r the i n d i v i d u a l s who a t t a i n e d the summit i n Vancouver's socio-economic h i e r a r c h y e x h i b i t e d a remarkably high degree of e t h n i c homogeneity and, a f t e r a b r i e f s o r t i n g out process, a high degree of s o c i a l c o n n e c t i v i t y . To be s u r e , not every e l i t e a s s o c i a t i o n comprised i d e n t i c a l promoters and s u p p o r t e r s . Vancouver's e l i t e s o c i e t y was not a s i n g l e m o n o l i t h i c e s t a b l i s h m e n t , i n s p i t e of the power wiel d e d by the CPR e x e c u t i v e s r e s i d e n t i n Vancouver or the r e s i d e n t i a l p r o p i n q u i t y of the upper c l a s s p o p u l a t i o n . Rather there were s e v e r a l centers i n the e l i t e ' s s o c i a l world which c r o s s e d , i n t e r -connected and r e i n f o r c e d each other as they brought e l i t e s from d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l o rders i n t o a common s o c i a l world. The task i n t h i s chapter s h a l l be to move f u r t h e r i n s i d e t h i s i n t e r c o n n e c t e d West End e l i t e s o c i a l world i n o r d e r to examine i t s f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s and the nature of 1 7 0 . i t s c o r p o r a t e power, the s i n e qua non of e l i t i s m i n Vancouver. In so doing the attempt w i l l be made to demonstrate the manner i n which Vancouver's e l i t e popula'tion co-operated with each other i n the economic world and to i n d i c a t e the extent of t h e i r c o n t r o l over Vancouver's 1. economic development before World War I. In chapter three i t was demonstrated that many of the c i t y ' s e a r l y c o r p o r a t e e l i t e were a c t i v e i n the c r e a t i o n or management of v o l u n t a r y e l i t e a s s o c i a t i o n s t h a t were out-s i d e the boundaries o f the co r p o r a t e world. Important as these a s s o c i a t i o n s were, they were not the l e a d i n g i n t e g r a t i v e mechanisms w i t h i n an e l i t e s o c i e t y t h a t was d e f i n e d by business success and dominated by s u c c e s s f u l businessmen. T h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e when one c o n s i d e r s t h a t Vancouver's e a r l y c o r p o r a t e world was f a i r l y dichotomous, with the p r e - r a i l w a y business l e a d e r s and t h e i r B r i t i s h f i n a n c i a l • connections r e p r e s e n t i n g a nucleus o f c o r p o r a t e a c t i v i t y t h a t was q u i t e d i s c r e t e from t h a t o f the E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t e e l i t e r e p r e s e n t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the CPR or the Bank of Mon t r e a l . The i n i t i a l s p l i t between p r e -r a i l w a y businessmen, who were p r i m a r i l y east s i d e land d e v e l o p e r s , and the E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t e e l i t e , who were p r i m a r i l y west s i d e land d e v e l o p e r s , probably would have been s u f f i c i e n t l y s t r o n g to undermine, or at l e a s t r e t a r d , the i n t e g r a t i v e powers of the e l i t e v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s had i t not been f o r the e a r l y development of cor p o r a t e l i n k s t h a t generated cohesion r a t h e r than c o n f l i c t 171. w i t h i n the f i n a n c i a l f a b r i c o f e l i t i s m i n Vancouver. In the b l e n d i n g o f these s e p a r a t e g e o g r a p h i c a l spheres of c o r p o r a t e i n f l u e n c e can be seen the a f f i r m a t i o n o f a cohesive and durable West End e l i t e s o c i e t y , a group of people who amalgamated t h e i r investment i n t e r e s t s and development s t r a t e g i e s so as to maximize t h e i r p r o f i t s i n the most e f f i c i e n t manner i n Vancouver and throughout B r i t i s h Columbia. THE CORPORATE WORLD OF 19th CENTURY VANCOUVER The E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t e e l i t e In the l a t e 1880's and e a r l y 1890's s u c c e s s f u l Vancouverites moved onto the " B l u f f " o v e r l o o k i n g Coal Harbor and e s t a b l i s h e d an e l i t e r e s i d e n t i a l enclave t h a t s t r e t c h e d south to approximately Georgia S t r e e t . Among the l e a d i n g p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h i s r e s i d e n t i a l development were the newly a r r i v i n g E a s t e r n Canadian managerial e l i t e , people who began s e t t l i n g i n Vancouver p r i m a r i l y a f t e r the CPR's e x t e n s i o n to Bu r r a r d I n l e t was completed i n 1887. As co r p o r a t e e x e c u t i v e s these people a r r i v e d i n Vancouver as reasonably s u c c e s s f u l i n d i v i d u a l s with a g r e a t d e a l o f p e r s o n a l power as w e l l as p o t e n t i a l community i n f l u e n c e . The degree to which these people p a r t i c i p a t e d i n i n s t i t u t i o n s and urban a f f a i r s out-s i d e o f t h e i r p e r s o n a l c o r p o r a t e l i f e v a r i e d from i n d i v i d u a l to i n d i v i d u a l , but every E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t e e x e c u t i v e who s e t t l e d i n 19th century Vancouver was v i r t u a l l y guaranteed to be o f f e r e d quick access to the i n n e r c i r c l e s o f Vancouver's 172. e l i t e s o c i e t y . The nucleus of t h i s E a s t e r n Canadian e l i t e p o p u l a t i o n was t i e d to the CPR and the Bank of Montreal', and the formal and i n f o r m a l l i n k s between these two E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t i o n s , both at the n a t i o n a l and l o c a l l e v e l , presented a formidable decision-making apparatus i n e a r l y Vancouver. As the "most powerful f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n i n Canada" the Bank o f Montreal had been c l o s e l y connected with the o r i g i n a l f i n a n c i n g of the CPR and, by the l a t e 1890's, the top d i r e c t o r s of these two i n s t i t u t i o n s were v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l . R.B. Angus, Donald Smith, C.R. Hosmer and S i r Thomas Shaughnessy were the key l i n k s i n an o v e r l a p p i n g c o r p o r a t e network t h a t enabled Shaughnessy, Van Home's s u c c e s s o r as p r e s i d e n t and l a t e r chairman o f the CPR, to b u i l d the company 2. i n t o the l e a d i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system on the globe. The Bank o f Montreal e s t a b l i s h e d i t s f i r s t branch o f f i c e i n Vancouver i n 1887, under the management of Campbell Sweeny. Correspondence between the CPR's H.B. Abbott and Campbell Sweeny p r i o r to the l a t t e r ' s a r r i v a l i n Vancouver p o i n t s to the e x i s t e n c e of a long s t a n d i n g f r i e n d s h i p between these two i n d i v i d u a l s t h a t enhanced the formal c o r p o r a t e l i n k between the bank and 3. the CPR i n Vancouver. By the same token, t h e i r correspondance c l e a r l y h i g h l i g h t s ' h o w t i g h t l y interwoven were the c o r p o r a t e i n t e r e s t s of the CPR and the Bank of Montreal i n Vancouver. In r e p l y to Sweeny's q u e s t i o n about the housing s i t u a t i o n i n Vancouver f o r example, Abbott r e p l i e d : As to a house I t h i n k you should make the bank f u r n i s h you one. They t a l k o f t a k i n g a warehouse we are b u i l d i n g and rooms might be had i n the second s t o r e y or we might b u i l d to s u i t them i f they agree to take i t f o r a term o f years - - I w i l l keep t h i s i n view i n the p l a n s . 4. The Bank of Montreal and the CPR o b v i o u s l y worked out an e q u i t a b l e arrangement f o r , upon a r r i v a l i n Vancouver on J u l y 20th, 1887, Sweeny notes i n h i s d i a r y t h a t he Found premises t h a t had been secured i n the CPR b u i l d i n g , south e a s t corner o f Hastings and Seymour S t r e e t s , not ready f o r o c c u p a t i o n but managed to get them i n order by the end of the month, and opended o f f i c e on August 1st, 1887. 5. R e f l e c t i n g the manner i n which the f i n a n c i a l h e a r t o f the c i t y was be g i n n i n g to s h i f t westward i n t o the CPR's l a n d -h o l d i n g s , the premises a d j o i n i n g the Bank o f Montreal were occupied by the Bank of B r i t i s h Columbia. The i n t i m a t e connections between the CPR and the Bank of Montreal were again expressed i n the landscape when the d e c i s i o n was made i n 1892 to c o n s t r u c t a l a r g e r and more p r e s t i g i o u s Bank o f Montreal b u i l d i n g i n Vancouver. Sweeny's d i a r y r e v e a l s t h a t CPR g e n e r a l manager Van Home decided the new bank should be l o c a t e d on the north e a s t corner o f G r a n v i l l e and Dunsmuir. Sweeny h i m s e l f had contended . . . t h a t s i t e corner (North east c o r n e r o f Dunsmuir and G r a n v i l l e ) not the b e s t . Wanted north west corner o f Hastings and G r a n v i l l e , but the CPR i n f l u e n c e too s t r o n g . . . . Mr. Van Home s a i d we would l i v e to thank him f o r p u t t i n g us where we are. 6. As a r e a l e s t a t e and investment branch o f the CPR and the Bank of Montreal, the Royal T r u s t Company was an importan 174. p a r t o f t h i s E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t e nucleus i n Vancouver. The Royal T r u s t and F i d e l i t y Company had been i n c o r p o r a t e d by an act of the Quebec L e g i s l a t u r e i n 1892; i n 1895 i t s name was changed to the Royal T r u s t Company, one of three such i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c o r p o r a t e d i n Canada at the time. The company d i d not begin o p e r a t i o n s u n t i l 1899 however, at which time an o f f i c e was opened on the ground f l o o r o f the Bank of Montreal b u i l d i n g i n Montreal. T h i s l o c a t i o n r e f l e c t e d the f a c t t h a t the nine d i r e c t o r s o f the Bank o f Montreal were on the 16 member board o f d i r e c t o r s o f the Royal T r u s t , and t h a t the Bank o f Montreal d i r e c t o r s had been i n t i m a t e l y i n v o l v e d with the t r u s t company from i t s i n c e p t i o n . The purpose of the Royal T r u s t was to a c t as the executor o f t r u s t s and to a d m i n i s t e r e s t a t e s , as w e l l as to pr o v i d e the s e r v i c e s o f a g e n e r a l f i n a n c i n g company. In 1903 the Royal T r u s t Company was a l s o appointed as the s o l e agent o f the Bank of Montreal f o r the i s s u e and r e g i s t r a t i o n o f new shares i n the bank. In 1904 the.Royal T r u s t was e s t a b l i s h e d i n Vancouver and the l o c a l d i r e c t o r o f t h i s E a s t e r n Canadian company was 7. Campbell Sweeny of the Bank of Montreal. In Vancouver, the Royal T r u s t acted as a c r i t i c a l r e a l e s t a t e agency f o r the CPR's l a n d h o l d i n g s on the Po i n t Grey p e n i n s u l a , t h a t i s , 8. . D i s t r i c t Lot 526. As a r e s u l t of the land grants made to the CPR (Map 17) the r a i l r o a d e l i t e , along with the Bank of Montreal and l a t e r the Royal T r u s t Company, c o n t r o l l e d a great d e a l o f Vancouver's west s i d e r e a l e s t a t e and, gi v e n t h e i r d i r e c t access to Ea s t e r n Canadian investment c a p i t a l , they had the a b i l i t y to MAP 17. 175. LAND GRANTS TO THE C.P.R. 1 7 6 . c o n t r o l the promotion of t h i s p r o p e r t y as a high r e n t commercial and r e s i d e n t i a l landscape. Around the perimeter of the CPR-Bank of Montreal c o r p o r a t e nucleus i n Vancouver stood a wide array o f E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t i o n s such as banks (Canadian Bank of Commerce, Merchant's Bank of H a l i f a x , The Molson's Bank), wholesale companies ( f o r example, Samuel G r e e n s h i e l d ' s Son and Company) and i n d u s t r i a l concerns ( f o r example, Waterous Engine Works o f B r a n t f o r d , O n t a r i o ) . I t seems c l e a r t h a t these c o r p o r a t i o n s i d e n t i f i e d t h e i r best i n t e r e s t s i n Vancouver with those of the CPR even though they were not d i r e c t l y connected with the r a i l r o a d c o r p o r a t i o n or i t s l o c a l land development p o l i c i e s . In f a c t , s i n c e they l a c k e d any major lan d h o l d i n g s , i t seems l i k e l y t h a t these newly a r r i v i n g E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t e e x e c u t i v e s were i n i t i a l l y ambivalent about the shape which Vancouver's f u t u r e m o r p h o l o g i c a l growth should take. However, i n r e c o g n i t i o n of the CPR's f i n a n c i a l power, these c o r p o r a t i o n s tended to i n v e s t i n p roperty west of the o l d G r a n v i l l e Townsite so as to l o c a t e t h e i r main o f f i c e b u i l d i n g s i n the c e n t e r of the CPR's land development and investment a c t i v i t y . S o c i a l l y , most of the newly a r r i v i n g E a s t e r n Canadian p r o f e s s i o n a l and managerial e l i t e r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i e d w i t h , and q u i c k l y became p a r t o f , the g e n t e e l l i f e s t y l e t h a t was e v o l v i n g around the CPR e x e c u t i v e s r e s i d e n t i n the p r e s t i g i o u s West End. Much as Gibson has 9. d e f i n e d h i s "founding group of E a s t e r n Canadians" t h e r e f o r e , the E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t e e l i t e r e f e r s to a l o o s e l y k n i t y e t i d e n t i f i a b l e group of E a s t e r n c o r p o r a t e e x e c u t i v e s who s e t t l e d i n Vancouver a f t e r the CPR had completed i t s B u r r a r d I n l e t e x t e n s i o n from Port Moody i n 1887. The most powerful 177. were associated with the r a i l r o a d corporation, but there were many other i n f l u e n t i a l new a r r i v a l s associated with Eastern Canadian businesses, as well as successful independent entrepreneurs, who tended to merge quickly with the CPR's west side land investments as well as the upper class s o c i a l milieu that was developing i n the West End during the late 1880's. The "pre-CPR" e l i t e Successful Eastern Canadians were not the only powerful people who moved into the West End during the late 1880*s and early 1890's. In fact, outside of the newly a r r i v i n g CPR and Eastern Canadian bank executives, the most important rep-resentatives i n the upper class r e s i d e n t i a l penetration of the West End were not Eastern Canadians as defined here. Rather, members of Vancouver's pre-railway business community made an extremely important contribution to the development of the West End as an upper class landscape, and Georgia Street's "Blue Blood A l l e y " image was as much t h e i r creation as i t was that of the CPR executives and other Eastern Canadian corporate e l i t e s . For example, Thomas Dunn, Henry Ceperley, Joseph McFarland, CD. Rand, E.E. Rand and J . C Keith resided on Georgia Street, R. Tatlow was on Pender Street, the B e l l - I r v i n g brothers resided on Seaton Street, the Oppenheimer brothers, J.W. Home and C.T-. Dunbar l i v e d i n the Hotel Vancouver. These people represented the nucleus of a business community that had established i t s e l f before Eastern Canadian i n s t i t u t i o n s began to move into Vancouver. Their existence as a discrete s o c i a l group in early Vancouver stemmed from t h e i r longer residency i n the c i t y and t h e i r shared east side land investments, and their power derived i n large part from t h e i r links to an 178. o l d e r business e s t a b l i s h m e n t i n V i c t o r i a and New Westminster as w e l l as to B r i t i s h c o r p o r a t i o n s and B r i t i s h investment c a p i t a l . C o l l e c t i v e l y , the land h o l d i n g s of these businessmen r i v a l l e d those of the CPR and the f a c t t h a t t h e i r p u r s u i t o f p r o f i t through e a s t s i d e land development u l t i m a t e l y served as a focus of i n t e g r a t i o n r a t h e r than c o n f l i c t with E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t i o n s had an immense b e a r i n g on the r a p i d development of a cohesive e l i t e s o c i e t y i n the West End. The core of the "pre-CPR" e l i t e c o n s i s t e d of the r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l group of businessmen who had purchased or pre-empted a s u b s t a n t i a l amount of p r o p e r t y throughout Vancouver's East End, South Vancouver or Mount Pleasant (see maps 18 and 19) p r i o r to the a r r i v a l of the f i r s t CPR t r a i n i n 1887. While t h i s land had i n i t i a l l y been a l i e n a t e d from the Crown f o r a number of purposes ( p a r t i c u l a r l y farm pre-emptions and Crown Grants to Royal E n g i n e e r s ) , i t had q u i c k l y been converted i n t o s p e c u l a t i v e r e a l e s t a t e d u r i n g the mid 1880's i n a n t i c i p a t i o n 10. of the CPR extending i t s l i n e i n t o Coal Harbor or E n g l i s h Bay. Although the people who had gained c o n t r o l o f t h i s p r o p e r t y by the mid 1880's came from somewhat d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l and o c c u p a t i o n a l backgrounds they had q u i c k l y developed i n t o a f a i r l y cohesive s o c i a l group with formidable c o r p o r a t e powers and v i r t u a l l y a b s o l u t e c o n t r o l over land development . i n the a l i e n a t e d p r o p e r t y l y i n g between the CPR land grants and the Hastings Townsite. U n t i l approximately the t u r n of the century these shrewd entrepreneurs dominated land s p e c u l a t i o n and money l e n d i n g i n Vancouver, and occupied a c e n t r a l r o l e i n the c r e a t i o n of a p h y s i c a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e e s s e n t i a l to urban land MAP 18. VANCOUVER CITY TERRITORIAL EXPANSION, 1886 - 1 9 5 2 . From U.E.L. £ 1937 A UNIVERSITY f N O O W M f N T U N O S From U.E.L. 1952 6th April 1886 Hastings Tov.-risft-i Reserved 1861 Joined cily 1911 D.O-L. 301 [Joined city 1911 >;.;X;X\\; King £d*xird Av: <=o 79ih A v e . Ex-municipality of fefljiS:©j§jf Incorporated Joined HS.^unicipality of South Vancouver g-Jtfdi&'poralecl 1892. Joined city 1929 CPR Land Grant Source: E. Gibson, "The Impact of S o c i a l Belief.. on Landscape Change: A Geographical Study of Vancouver," Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, Department of Geography, U.B.C. MAP 19. VANCOUVER CITY LOCAL AREAS Source: E. Gibson, "The Impact of S o c i a l B e l i e f ; o n Landscape Change: A G e o g r a p h i c a l Study o f Vancouver," Unpublished Ph.D. T h e s i s , Dept o f Geography, U.B.C., 1971. 181. development, q u i c k l y b u i l d i n g f a c i l i t i e s such as a tramway, a l i g h t i n g system, a gas system and a water works. I t i s imperative that the make-up and a c t i v i t i e s of t h i s e a r l y business community be c l o s e l y examined, f o r the f a c t t h a t the p r e - r a i l w a y business l e a d e r s blended i n with a c e n t r a l i z e d West End c o r p o r a t e world i s of l i t t l e importance unless i t i s a p p r e c i a t e d t h a t the "pre-CPR" e l i t e had e s t a b l i s h e d a t i g h t l y i n t e g r a t e d and r e l a t i v e l y powerful c o r p o r a t e world separate from E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t i o n s and E a s t e r n Canadian venture c a p i t a l . The "pre-CPR" e l i t e as a "landed a r i s t o c r a c y . " The c i t y ' s p r e - r a i l w a y business l e a d e r s comprised s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t groups o f people who had j o i n e d f o r c e s around common land h o l d i n g s and development i n t e r e s t s . The f i r s t group c o n s i s t e d of i n d i v i d u a l s who had pre-empted or purchased la n d i n the 1860's and 1870's and h e l d onto i t d u r i n g the h e c t i c scramble f o r p r o p e r t y t h a t ensued d u r i n g the mid 1880's. The most no t a b l e examples i n t h i s category i n c l u d e H.V. Edmonds, a New Westminster merchant and r e a l t o r who had pre-empted D i s t r i c t Lot (D.L.) 301 i n 1870 and maintained c o n t r o l of the p r o p e r t y u n t i l 1890, a t which time he s u b d i v i d e d and s o l d the l a n d f o r s i n g l e f a m i l y housing; Jonathan M i l l e r , a G r a n v i l l e merchant, teamster and policeman, who purchased D.L. 352 i n 1878 and r e t a i n e d c o n t r o l of the p r o p e r t y i n 1886; Joseph Mannion, co-owner o f the G r a n v i l l e H o t e l i n G r a n v i l l e and owner of D.L. 11. 393 i n 1893; John Morton, Sam Brighouse and W i l l i a m H a i l s t o n e , the o r i g i n a l pre-emptors of the West End (D.L. 185) who s t i l l c o n t r o l l e d a c o n s i d e r a b l e p o r t i o n of t h i s p roperty which they 182. had pre-empted i n 1867 and s u b d i v i d e d as the " C i t y o f L i v e r p o o l " i n 1882; and George Turner and W i l l i a m Rowling, both former Royal E n g i n e e r s , who had c o n s i d e r a b l e east s i d e property h o l d i n g s t h a t stemmed i n p a r t from land they had 12. been granted f o r m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e i n the colo n y . Many of these lan d h o l d i n g s were l o c a t e d along the F a l s e Creek Road, a narrow t r a i l t h a t connected the l o g g i n g community at G r a n v i l l e with the c o m m e r c i a l / a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c e n t e r at New Westminster, and had probably been a c q u i r e d as s p e c u l a t i v e farm l a n d s . Being p r i m a r i l y e ntrepreneurs r a t h e r than farmers however, these land owners had q u i c k l y a d j u s t e d to the changing circumstances o f land development on the lower mainland. This i s not to say th a t a l l the e a r l y land pre-emptors and purchasers who s t i l l h e l d p r o p e r t y i n 1886 a u t o m a t i c a l l y a t t a i n e d business e l i t e s t a t u s i n the newly c r e a t e d c i t y . Some, such as the i n i t i a l pre-emptors o f the West End, la c k e d the business e x p e r t i s e needed to c a p i t a l i z e f u l l y on the f a c t t h a t they had e s t a b l i s h e d themselves on the "ground f l o o r " o f the l u c r a t i v e urban land game. At t h i s stage o f the d i s c u s s i o n however, the q u e s t i o n o f e v e n t u a l business success i s i n c i d e n t a l to the f a c t t h at s e v e r a l e a r l y pre-emptors and land purchasers made a s u b s t a n t i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n to the land base upon which the "pre-CPR" e l i t e operated, e s p e c i a l l y with r e s p e c t to the West End and suburban p r o p e r t y south of F a l s e Creek. The second group of people i n the"pre-CPR" category are perhaps the most important i n that they i n c l u d e the nucleus o f the c i t y ' s f i r s t c o r p o r a t e e l i t e as w e l l as the c r i t i c a l c o n n e c t i n g l i n k s i n an investment c h a i n t h a t c h a n n e l l e d venture 183. c a p i t a l i n t o Vancouver from V i c t o r i a and New Westminster, and. u l t i m a t e l y , from B r i t a i n . O perating out of V i c t o r i a and New Westminster, these entrepreneurs and land s p e c u l a t o r s had s t a r t e d to purchase land i n and around the Burrard P e n i n s u l a d u r i n g the e a r l y 1880's i n the hope t h a t the CPR would e v e n t u a l l y e s t a b l i s h i t s terminus at Coal Harbor or E n g l i s h Bay. One of the l e a d i n g f i g u r e s i n t h i s s p e c u l a t i v e p e n e t r a t i o n o f the p e n i n s u l a was C.G. Major, a New Westminster merchant and r e a l t o r . In 1883 he s t a r t e d to purchase land i n D i s t r i c t Lots 13. 184 through to 182 as a " f r o n t man" f o r Marcus Smith, government engineer f o r the CPR c o n s t r u c t i o n t a k i n g p l a c e 14. between Emory's Bar and Port Moody. Major h e l d Smith's p r o p e r t y i n t r u s t , and he a l s o i n v e s t e d a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount of c a p i t a l i n p e r s o n a l s p e c u l a t i v e h o l d i n g s . John Robson, e d i t o r o f the New Westminster Columbian, M.L.A., f u t u r e premier, 15. and prominent V i c t o r i a landowner, a l s o became, i n v o l v e d . i n . l a n d purchases along the i n l e t at t h i s time. As a c l o s e f r i e n d o f Premier W i l l i a m Smithe, Robson probably was w e l l aware that the p r o v i n c i a l government was prepared t o o f f e r the r a i l r o a d s y n d i c a t e a s u b s t a n t i a l l a n d grant i f i t would l o c a t e i t s 16. terminus i n the v i c i n i t y of the G r a n v i l l e Townsite. Other people who were w e l l connected with the p o l i t i c a l and e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l e l i t e o f V i c t o r i a and New Westminster a l s o began at t h i s time to i n v e s t i n Bur r a r d I n l e t p r o p e r t y . Dr.I. W. Powell o f V i c t o r i a , a c l o s e f r i e n d o f i n f l u e n t i a l people 17. such as S i r . John A. MacDonald and W i l l i a m Smithe, entered the s p e c u l a t i v e land game on the Burrard P e n i n s u l a , as d i d David and I s s a c Oppenheimer, s u c c e s s f u l V i c t o r i a wholesale merchants 184. with branch o f f i c e s l o c a t e d along the expanding CPR l i n e i n B.C.. Rather than competing f o r p r o p e r t y with other land s p e c u l a t o r s who had access to c a p i t a l and " i n s i d e " i n f o r m a t i o n about where to i n v e s t i t , the Oppenheimers j o i n e d f o r c e s with a number of powerful V i c t o r i a entrepreneurs to purchase approximately o n e - h a l f o f the shares i n the Hastings Sawmill Company, an e n t e r p r i s e that had been taken over by San 18. F r a n c i s c o i n t e r e s t s i n the l a t e l 8 6 0 ' s . As examined below, t h i s t r a n s a c t i o n gave the sh a r e h o l d e r s d i r e c t access to the massive l a n d h o l d i n g s o f the sawmill company. During t h i s same p e r i o d s p e c u l a t o r s such as the Oppenheimer b r o t h e r s , Robson, Major, Powell and Smith a c q u i r e d many l o t s i n the D.L.185 from 19. the o r i g i n a l pre-emptors. By v i r t u e o f t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s and c a p a c i t y to i n v e s t s u b s t a n t i a l sums o f money i n an un t e s t e d and r e l a t i v e l y r i s k y market, these entrepreneurs from V i c t o r i a and New Westminster j o i n e d the e a r l y pre-emptors on the "ground f l o o r " o f what s h o r t l y became one of the most l u c r a t i v e r e a l e s t a t e markets i n Canada. When W i l l i a m Van Home of the CPR made h i s f i r s t t r i p to Burr a r d I n l e t i n 1884 he confirmed what most of the l e a d i n g s p e c u l a t o r s on the i n l e t had a n t i c i p a t e d . Not only was the proposed Port Moody terminus l o c a t e d too f a r up the i n l e t to provide convenient -connections with o c e a n i c s h i p p i n g a c t i v i t i e s , but the r a i l r o a d d i d not own any pr o p e r t y o u t s i d e of the land which has been s e t as i d e f o r r a i l y a r d s . Consequently Van Home and Smithe entered i n t o n e g o t i a t i o n s over the terms that would extend the r a i l w a y f u r t h e r a l o n g the i n l e t ; e v e n t u a l l y the P r o v i n c i a l Government agreed to grant the company D.L.541, D.L.526, and a l l the uns o l d l o t s i n the 185. o l d G r a n v i l l e Towniste. The company was a l s o g i v e n a r i g h t - o f -way along the water f r o n t from Port Moody to the terminus s i t e , and most o f the water f r o n t from Gore S t r e e t to S t a n l e y Park. In o r d e r to p r o t e c t t h e i r land investments, l a r g e p r i v a t e landowners j o i n e d t o g e t h e r and c o n t r i b u t e d o n e - t h i r d o f the l o t s i n each block they owned i n D i s t r i c t Lots 185, 181 and 196 (see Map 17). In r e t u r n , the r a i l r o a d s y n d i c a t e agreed to i n c l u d e these lands i n t h e i r o f f i c i a l townsite and c o n s t r u c t 20. some of t h e i r docks and warehouses on the p r o p e r t y . The agreement with p r i v a t e s p e c u l a t o r s was s i g n e d on February 14th, 1885, and the agreement with the government was s i g n e d on 21. February 13th, 1886. While the above n e g o t i a t i o n s and a c t i v i t i e s were t a k i n g p l a c e d u r i n g 1884 and 1885 e n t r e p r e n e u r s , s p e c u l a t o r s and venture c a p i t a l flowed i n t o the i n l e t from V i c t o r i a and New Westminster at an unprecedented r a t e . A n o t a b l e example of the ongoing s p e c u l a t i v e p e n e t r a t i o n o f the i n l e t i s p r o v i d e d by Premier W i l l i a m Smithe, who purchased a s u b s t a n t i a l p o r t i o n o f D.L. 302 a d j a c e n t to the forthcoming land grant to the CPR 22. south of F a l s e Creek. With the growing c e r t a i n t y t h a t the r a i l r o a d was to terminate i t s l i n e i n Coal Harbor however, c a p i t a l tended to be accompanied by c a p i t a l i s t s as entrepreneurs from V i c t o r i a and New Westminster began to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r homes and businesses i n G r a n v i l l e so as b e t t e r to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the expected r e a l e s t a t e '.'boom." The land investment i n t e r e s t s o f these newer a r r i v a l s from New Westminster and V i c t o r i a q u i c k l y became i n t e g r a t e d with those of the e a r l i e r s p e c u l a t o r s , e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e the CPR d i d not begin s e l l i n g i t s l a n d i n D.L. 186. 541 u n t i l March, 1886. F o l l o w i n g c l o s e l y behind the Oppenheimer b r o t h e r s , s p e c u l a t o r s who moved to the i n l e t d u r i n g 1884 to e a r l y 1886 i n c l u d e d the Rand b r o t h e r s and J.Z. H a l l from New Westminster and R.G. Tatlow, Thomas Dunn, F.C. Innes. Walter G r a v e l y , E.V. Bodwell and H.P. McCraney from V i c t o r i a . I f not c l o s e f r i e n d s , there can be no doubt that most of these entrepreneurs and s p e c u l a t o r s were w e l l acquainted before they 23. i n v e s t e d i n and/or moved to the s i t e o f the t e r m i n a l c i t y . The s p e c u l a t i v e landscape t h a t was de v e l o p i n g i n and around the G r a n v i l l e Townsite by 1884 was not e n t i r e l y the product o f New Westminster and V i c t o r i a i n t e r e s t s , although 24. these " B r i t i s h Columbians" d i d dominate the ranks o f the emerging p r e - r a i l w a y business community. Rather a number o f newcomers to B.C., many of whom had come d i r e c t l y to G r a n v i l l e from the Winnipeg r e a l e s t a t e "wars," a l s o accumulated p r o p e r t y and assumed.important p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n the ranks o f the"p r e -CPR" e l i t e community. A.W. Ross, who had won and l o s t a r e a l e s t a t e f o r t u n e i n Winnipeg, was one.of the f i r s t " E astern Canadians" to i n v e s t i n land along B u r r a r d I n l e t . A r r i v i n g i n Port Moody i n 1884, Ross q u i c k l y headed westward and purchased a l l the p r o p e r t y he c o u l d a f f o r d i n and around the G r a n v i l l e Townsite. A r e a l e s t a t e agent and prop e r t y a d v i s o r f o r the CPR, Ross was l i k e l y aware of Van Homes's d i s c o n t e n t with the proposed Port Moody t e r m i n a l . In 1885 Malcolm MacLean, Ross' b r o t h e r - i n - l a w and the f i r s t mayor of Vancouver, moved to G r a n v i l l e from Winnipeg and j o i n e d f o r c e s with Ross i n the r e a l e s t a t e b u s i n e s s . J.W. Home, a n a t i v e of Toronto, a l s o a r r i v e d i n G r a n v i l l e i n 1885 a f t e r s u c c e s s f u l l y e x p l o i t i n g CPR induced 187. land booms i n Winnipeg and Brandon. Home q u i c k l y became one of the l e a d i n g property h o l d e r s and developers i n the c i t y (see Table XXI) c o n s t r u c t i n g the Home Block- at 311 West Cordova i n 1889 and the Yale H o t e l ( o r i g i n a l l y the C o l o n i a l H otel) at 1300 G r a n v i l l e i n 1890. As with a number of oth e r Vancouver businessmen who had e s t a b l i s h e d themselves p r i o r to the a r r i v a l o f the CPR, Home was a l s o very a c t i v e i n the p o l i t i c a l arena, s e r v i n g as an alderman from 1888 to 1890, M.L.A. f o r Vancouver Center from 1890 to 1894, and Vancouver 25. Park Commissioner from 1889 to 1894. Other prominent b u s i n e s s -men who moved to G r a n v i l l e a t t h i s time i n c l u d e d H.T. Ceperley from Montana, who ente r e d the r e a l e s t a t e b u s i n e s s w i t h A.W. Ross, and Joseph McFarland, who immediately became i n v o l v e d i n s e v e r a l p r o j e c t s t h a t were c r u c i a l to the land development process i n Vancouver. In a g e n e r a l f a s h i o n the above d i s c u s s i o n o u t l i n e s the b a s i c composition o f the "pre-CPR" e l i t e community, a powerful land owning and merchant developer c l a s s whose e x i s t e n c e d e r i v e d i n the f i r s t i n s t a n c e from the t i m i n g and secondly from the l o c a t i o n o f t h e i r c a p i t a l investments i n Vancouver's r e a l e s t a t e . With the e x c e p t i o n o f the Ea s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t e e l i t e who began a r r i v i n g a f t e r 1886, p a r t i c u l a r l y the CPR and the Bank of Montreal e x e c u t i v e s , t h i s p r e - r a i l w a y business community represen the most r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e e l i t e network i n e a r l y Vancouver, an i n f l u e n t i a l s o c i a l group whose i n t e r n a l cohesion was 26. r e i n f o r c e d by t h e i r o v e r l a p p i n g l a n d investments. Working with a s e t o f cor p o r a t e and f i n a n c i a l l i n k s to London and San F r a n c i s c o - e x t r a - p r o v i n c i a l f i n a n c i a l connections t h a t were 188 TABLE XXI. PRINCIPAL PROPERTY OWNERS IN. VANCOUVER, 1887. Assessed value N a m e Residence ' of prop e r t y CPR Company $1,000,000.00 Hastings Sawmill Vancouver 250,000.00 Oppenheimer b r o t h e r s Vancouver 125,000.00 Brighouse and H a i l s t o n e Vancouver 100 ,000 .00 Major C.T. Dupont V i c t o r i a 75,000.00 Dr. I. Powell V i c t o r i a 75,000 .00 J . Morton Vancouver 60 ,000.00 H.V. Edmonds New Westminster 50,000.00 J.W. Home Vancouver 40,000.00 G.E. Courbould V i c t o r i a 30,000.00 C.G. Major New Westminster 25,000.00 Source: C i t y o f Vancouver, Terminus o f the Canadian P a c i f i c  Railway; B r i t i s h Columbia Handbook.(Vancouver: D a i l y News O f f i c e , 1887), c o m p l i l e d by M. Pick e n . 1 8 9 . much o l d e r than the east/west Canadian l i n k s t h a t evolved a f t e r the CPR a r r i v e d i n the c i t y - the "pre-CPR" e l i t e became much more than prominent lan d s p e c u l a t o r s or even, s u c c e s s f u l land d e v e l o p e r s . L i k e the CPR e x e c u t i v e s they were a l s o a l a n d endowed c o r p o r a t e e l i t e i n the sense t h a t they not only owned and s o l d l a n d but a l s o i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d t h e i r a b i l i t y to develop t h e i r p r o p e r t y by c o n c e n t r a t i n g e f f o r t and investment c a p i t a l w i t h i n a number of c r u c i a l land development c o r p o r a t i o n s . Some of these land development c o r p o r a t i o n s served p r i m a r i l y to m o b i l i z e investment c a p i t a l i n B.C., others p r o v i d e d formal l i n k s with e x t r a - p r o v i n c i a l sources of venture c a p i t a l . In e i t h e r case the members o f the p r e - r a i l w a y business community expanded t h e i r a b i l i t y t o r e a l i z e p e r s o n a l p r o f i t through c o - o p e r a t i v e e f f o r t s and, more s i g n i f i c a n t l y , these e a r l y business l e a d e r s enhanced t h e i r c a p a c i t y to d i r e c t the o v e r - a l l manner i n which the prime urban resource i n e a r l y Vancouver, r e a l p r o p e r t y , was moulded i n t o a f i n i s h e d product. As the prime money l e n d e r s i n the c i t y i t might w e l l be argued t h a t t h e i r c o n t r o l over urban lan d development a c t u a l l y extended through to the l e v e l o f the i n d i v i d u a l home purchaser and the s p e c i f i c l o t and/or house he was able to purchase. While we are not p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned with examining the impact o f e l i t e development a c t i v i t i e s at t h i s s c a l e , s e v e r a l examples w i l l i n d i c a t e the p e r v a s i v e n e s s of the e l i t e ' s urban development s t r a t e g y as land and c a p i t a l were manipulated i n the p u r s u i t of p r o f i t . The nucleus o f the "pre-CPR" e l i t e ' s c o r p o r a t e power, the genesis of t h e i r e x t e n s i v e land h o l d i n g s , and the b a s i s f o r 1 9 0 . what e v e n t u a l l y became a land development s t r a t e g y t h a t focussed on e s t a b l i s h i n g i n d u s t r y and p r o v i d i n g houses f o r the working c l a s s e s a l l c e n t e r e d on the Hastings Sawmill, l o c a t e d a t the fo o t o f Dunlevy S t r e e t i n D.L. 196. The m i l l , o r i g i n a l l y known as the B.C. and Vancouver I s l a n d Spar, Lumber and Sawmill Company, had been e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1865 by Cap t a i n Edward Stamp, a former m i l l owner at Port A l b e r n i on Vancouver I s l a n d . In order to e s t a b l i s h a m i l l on B u r r a r d I n l e t Stamp had requested and r e c e i v e d from the P r o v i n c i a l Government assurance t h a t B u r r a r d I n l e t be made a p o r t o f e n t r y ; t h a t the company be allowed t o purchase 100 acres a t $1.00 per acre a d j a c e n t to the m i l l s i t e ( t h i s became D.L. 196, the o r i g i n a l grant to the sawmill company); t h a t the company be allowed to s e l e c t 15,000 acres o f F r a s e r R i v e r , B u r r a r d I n l e t , Howe Sound and adj a c e n t coast and 1,000 acres o f spar l a n d a t Port N e v i l l e to l e a s e f o r 21 years a t one cent per acr e ; t h a t the company be allowed to purchase 12,000 acres as pasture l a n d f o r i t s oxen; t h a t the company be pro v i d e d with a f r e e r i g h t - o f - w a y from lake to m i l l 27. f o r t h e i r f r e s h water s u p p l i e s . In approximately 1869, when George Campbell and E.D. Heatley a c q u i r e d the c o n t r o l l i n g i n t e r e s t i n the sawmill company, they c a p i t a l i z e d on c e r t a i n p r e v i o u s l y n e g l e c t e d terms i n the sawmill agreement. Perhaps i n s p i r e d by the thought t h a t c o n f e d e r a t i o n would reduce la n d a v a i l a b i l i t y a long the p e n i n s u l a , the new owners began to purchase pr o p e r t y to supplement t h e i r timber l e a s e s , most of which were due to e x p i r e i n 1886. In 1869 the sawmill purchased 28. D.L. 181 from Robert Burnaby, i n 1871 the company purchased 29. a l a r g e p o r t i o n of D.L. 200A, i n 1872 the company a c q u i r e d D.L. 264A and i n 1875 D.L. 195 was purchased i n order to 191. 30. p r o t e c t the m i l l ' s water supply from Trout Lake (see map 20). Based on the p r o v i s i o n s f o r water r i g h t s and pasture l a n d that had been i n c l u d e d i n Stamp's o r i g i n a l c o n t r a c t with the P r o v i n c i a l Government, the company's d i r e c t o r s were able to a c q u i r e most of t h i s p r o p e r t y f o r 1.00 per a c r e . In approximately 1884 or 1885 a group of V i c t o r i a e n t r e p r e n e u r s , l e d by David Oppenheimer, purchased a l a r g e 31. number of shares i n the Hastings Sawmill. As t a b l e XXII i n d i c a t e s , c o n t r o l l i n g i n t e r e s t i n the concern was d i v i d e d between London, San F r a n c i s c o and V i c t o r i a , r e f l e c t i n g the p r e v a i l i n g p a t t e r n o f f i n a n c i a l investment i n B.C. d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . B r i t i s h Columbian investment i n the m i l l had been s t i m u l a t e d by the company's e x t e n s i v e land h o l d i n g s , although the a n t i c i p a t e d demand f o r f i n i s h e d lumber i n an expanding t e r m i n a l c i t y o b v i o u s l y played some p a r t i n the a c t i v i t i e s of these venture c a p i t a l i s t s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the prime i n t e r e s t was the l a n d , and s h a r e h o l d e r s i n the company q u i c k l y purchased most of the m i l l ' s l a n d endowment so as to e x p l o i t i t s newly c r e a t e d value 32. as r e a l p r o p e r t y r a t h e r than timber l a n d or p a s t u r e . In 1888, when the f i r s t assessment r o l l s are a v a i l a b l e f o r Vancouver, the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the..above t r a n s a c t i o n s are r e a d i l y apparent. For even though a s u b s t a n t i a l amount o f the sawmill's o l d p r o p e r t y had been r e - s o l d to o t h e r members of the p r e - r a i l w a y business community, and purchased f o r i n d i v i d u a l home s i t e s by an expanding urban p o p u l a t i o n , the s h a r e h o l d e r s i n the sawmill company s t i l l dominated the s p e c u l a t i v e landscape t h a t had been c r e a t e d w i t h i n the sawmill's o l d land h o l d i n g s . As such, the sawmill s t o c k h o l d e r s p r o v i d e d a c o r p o r a t e nucleus t h a t 192. MAP 20. HASTINGS SAWMILL PROPERTY* • E x c l u d i n g the company's timber l e a s e s between E n g l i s h Bay and the F r a s e r R i v e r . 193. TABLE XXII THE HASTINGS SAWMILL COMPANY-1887 DIRECTORS AND SHAREHOLDERS D i r e c t o r s F.S. Barnard C.T. Dupont J . N i c h o l s o n R. Alexander W.C. Ward V i c t o r i a V i c t o r i a San F r a n c i s c o Vancouver V i c t o r i a E.D. Heatley E. Walton J . N i c h o l s o n R. Alexander W.C. Ward D.R. H a r r i s D. Oppenheimer F. Barnard C. Dupont E. G. P r i o r G. A. Keefer R.J. Jackson R. Dunlevy C. Stours Shareholders (Number of shares f? $5.00) Shares Merchant San F r a n c i s c o 7425 Merchant London 7425 Broker San F r a n c i s c o 50 Lumberman Vancouver 50 Banker V i c t o r i a 50 Real E s t a t e V i c t o r i a 1500 Merchant Vancouver 2625 Accountant V i c t o r i a 2250 Real E s t a t e V i c t o r i a 750 Merchant V i c t o r i a 750 Engineer V i c t o r i a 2250 B a r r i s t e r V i c t o r i a 750 Farmer Soda Creek 375 Merchant V i c t o r i a 1125 194. helped to c e n t r a l i z e and to some extent to r a t i o n a l i z e what could e a s i l y have been an e x c e e d i n g l y fragmented s p e c u l a t i v e r e a l e s t a t e landscape, and t h i s e x p e d i t e d i n t e g r a t e d land development on the c i t y ' s e a s t s i d e . The f a c t t h a t members o f the sawmill company a l s o engaged i n l a n d s p e c u l a t i o n beyond the o l d l i m i t s of the sawmill's domain ( i n areas such as D.L. 182 and 185) enhanced the power as w e l l as the c o - o p e r a t i v e s p i r i t o f the p r e - r a i l w a y businessmen s i n c e t h e i r shared l a n d investments extended across a l l the p r o p e r t y i n Vancouver and e n v i r o n s t h a t was not owned by the CPR or the P r o v i n c i a l Government. In 1888 the dominant lan d owners i n D.L. 196 were the Oppenheimer b r o t h e r s , D.R. H a r r i s , H.F. Keefer and, of course, Richard Angus and Donald Smith, t r u s t e e s of the p r o p e r t y granted to the CPR by p r i v a t e owners i n 1885 • Others who owned a c o n s i d e r a b l e number o f l o t s i n t h i s D i s t r i c t Lot i n c l u d e d George Keefer, John N i c h o l s o n , C T . Dupont, R.H. Alexander ( a l l o f whom were s h a r e h o l d e r s i n the Hastings Sawmill), George Turner and W.H. Rowling (both former Royal Engineers i n v o l v e d i n r e a l e s t a t e and land development), and Walter Graveley and E . J . McFeely. D i s t r i c t Lot 181 was dominated by the Oppenheimer b r o t h e r s , D.R. H a r r i s and Angus and Smith. D i s t r i c t Lot 264 A, which had only been s u b d i v i d e d i n t o blocks i n 1888, was dominated by Oppenheimer, Dupont and Keefer from the Hastings Sawmill s h a r e h o l d i n g network, along with Dr. I.W. Powell, F.H. Davis, C G . Major, G.S. M i l n e , Jonathan M i l l e r , E . J . C l a r k e , G.E. Courbould and Walter G r a v e l y . D i s t r i c t Lot 200A was i n l a r g e p a r t d i v i d e d between C T . Dupont, Dr. Powell, H.V. Edmonds (who a l s o owned D.L. 301), Oppenheimer, C G . Major 1 9 5 . and G. M i l n e . People who owned a s u b s t a n t i a l number of l o t s i n t h i s d i s t r i c t i n c l u d e d Walter Graveley, Hugh Keefer, G.E. Courbould and John Hendry (who, a t the time,, was p r e p a r i n g to expand h i s manufacturing empire by p u r c h a s i n g the Hastings Sawmill Company). Beyond the o l d prop e r t y h o l d i n g s of the Hastings Sawmill Company the s p e c u l a t i v e landscape was c o n t r o l l e d by a f a i r l y c o n s i s t e n t s e t of e n t r e p r e n e u r s , as f i g u r e 6 attempts to show. In t h i s amalgamation o f investment i n t e r e s t s around the Hastings Sawmill and East End l a n d h o l d i n g s can be seen the genesis o f the s t r a t e g y t h a t p r o p e l l e d much of the east s i d e ' s e a r l y development as an i n d u s t r i a l and working c l a s s s e c t o r o f the c i t y . Rather than competing d i r e c t l y with the CPR f o r p r e s t i g i o u s r e s i d e n t i a l and commercial land use developments, east s i d e developers focused on an a l t e r n a t i v e path and con c e n t r a t e d on e s t a b l i s h i n g , an i n d u s t r i a l nucleus and p r o v i d i n g l o t s , houses and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f o r the l a r g e working c l a s s p o p u l a t i o n t h a t would a r r i v e i n Vancouver to operate these e n t e r p r i s e s . They supported the CPR's high r e n t landuse development on the west s i d e o f the c i t y by b u i l d i n g t h e i r own houses i n the West End and working c l o s e l y with the CPR e l i t e 33. to e s t a b l i s h the Vancouver Club ad j a c e n t to the West End. The l a n d h o l d i n g s o f the p r e - r a i l w a y community extended w e l l beyond the l e g a l l i m i t s o f Vancouver (16th Avenue), and were to be important i n s t i m u l a t i n g the e a r l y r e s i d e n t i a l p e n e t r a t i o n o f what became the working c l a s s m u n i c i p a l i t y o f South Vancouver ( i n c o r p o r a t e d i n 1892). H.V. Edmonds, Jonathon M i l l e r and other e a r l y pre-emptors owned c o n s i d e r a b l e 196. FIGURE 6. THE DOMINANT LANDHOLDING NETWORK IN 1886 VANCOUVER R.Dunlevy-•D.Oppenheimer R.Alexander—• — D.R.Harri3 G. Keef er«=-" J.Nichol3on-~" -~\ C .Dupont •~" . . ^  Angus and Smith Brighouse & H a i l s t o n e Morton J.Robson H. Keefer ^ , G.Turner — fy / V.Rowling / Graveley E.J.McPeely T.Dunn ii.V.Bodvell P.Vernon^ J.Mara—*" " Milne R.Tatlov •I.Smith J.McParland-^ ^I.V.Powel P.Davis / .G.Major/ . M i l l e r .Clarke •Corbould .V.Edmonds . Lea.uy •Robertson •Lipsext 'Premier Smithe Very dominant l a n d h o l d e r w i t h i n the D i s t r i c t Lot. Owned a s u b s t a n t i a l number of l o t s w i t h i n the D.L. Source: C i t y o f Vancouver Assessment R o l l s , 1888. V.C.A. 197. t r a c t s o f property i n the area south of 16th Avenue and east o f the CPR g r a n t , and were anxious to c a p i t a l i z e on the value of the land as r e a l p r o p e r t y . In 1888 the extent of t h i s s p e c u l a t i v e r e a l e s t a t e landscape was g r e a t l y expanded and the degree of land c o n t r o l was f u r t h e r c o n c e n t r a t e d when the P r o v i n c i a l Government s u b - d i v i d e d and a u c t i o n e d o f f a . l a r g e s e c t i o n of property l o c a t e d to the east of the CPR l a n d endowment (see map 21). The newly c r e a t e d D i s t r i c t Lots between O n t a r i o S t r e e t and Nanaimo S t r e e t had p r e v i o u s l y been p a r t o f the Hastings Sawmill Timber Leases, but by 1888 these l e a s e s had e x p i r e d and the P r o v i n c i a l Government c a p i t a l i z e d on the new demand f o r r e a l e s t a t e by s u b d i v i d i n g the p r o p e r t y i n t o s m a l l D i s t r i c t Lots and a u c t i o n i n g them to the h i g h e s t b i d d e r . East of Nanaimo S t r e e t l a r g e r D i s t r i c t Lots t h a t had not been l e g a l l y pre-empted p r i o r to 1888 were a l s o put up f o r s a l e . Members of the p r e - r a i l w a y community purchased s u b s t a n t i a l p o r t i o n s of t h i s p r o p e r t y . For example, J.W. Home, who a l r e a d y owned land i n D.L. 391 and D.L. 392, purchased D.L.'s 631 through to 637 adjacent to the CPR land g r a n t . W.H. Rowling a c q u i r e d D.L. 328, Thomas Dunn purchased land i n D.L. 337, and E.V. Bodwell a c q u i r e d D.L.'s 668 to 670. By 1893, the date f o r which the f i r s t assessment data are a v a i l a b l e f o r South Vancouver, a s i g n i f i c a n t p o r t i o n of the land was owned by members o f the "pre-CPR" e l i t e , i n v e s t o r s who by t h i s time were l i n k e d t o g e t h e r w i t h i n common c o r p o r a t i o n s and v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s (see f i g u r e 7). ^ With a few e x c e p t i o n s , the land endowed, p r e - r a i l w a y e l i t e were shrewd businessmen with p r i o r r e a l e s t a t e experience who MAP 2 1 . PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT LAND AUCTION, 1888. (Sold by George Byrnes, auctioneer) 1 9 8 . EZZT Extent of property offered for s a l e . FIGURE 7. SOME MAJOR SOUTH VANCOUVER LANDHOLDERS AND THEIR INTERCONNECTIONS ( 1 8 9 3 - 1 8 9 6 ) -F.Stewart >R.Anderson sE.3odwell ^ H . C e p e r l e y ^ H . Jones .Twigge Vancouver Loan, Tru3t, Savings and Guarantee Co. 200. were w e l l aware of the CPR's a b i l i t y to shape urban growth to meet i t s own ends. In p a r t i c u l a r , people such as Graveley, Innes,, MacLean, Home, Oppenheimer, Mara and v a r i o u s other prominent Vancouver landowners who had been i n v o l v e d i n land s p e c u l a t i o n along the B.C. or p r a i r i e route o f the CPR knew th a t Van Home would not t o l e r a t e o p p o s i t i o n from l o c a l merchants and 34. s p e c u l a t o r s i n matters o f r e a l e s t a t e p r o f i t s . Former employees o f the CPR, such as V i c t o r i a based r e a l t o r D.R. H a r r i s (James Douglas' s o n - i n - l a w ) , J.McFarland or E.V. Bodwell, undoubtedly were e q u a l l y aware of the CPR's d e t e r m i n a t i o n to ".. . g i v e the g r e a t e s t p o s s i b l e v a l u e t o our lands and t h e r e f o r e the l e a s t 35. to any o t h e r . " As long as there was the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t the CPR might l o c a t e a l l i t s major f a c i l i t i e s i n and around i t s land grant at E n g l i s h Bay, the p r e - r a i l w a y business community had to 36. e x e r c i s e a degree o f c a u t i o n i n t h e i r d e a l i n g s with Van Home. Consequently, a f t e r donating West End and East End property to the r a i l r o a d s y n d i c a t e , the " p r e - r a i l w a y " e l i t e made l i t t l e e f f o r t to co u n t e r a c t the high r e n t land use p o l i c y e s t a b l i s h e d by the CPR f o r i t s west s i d e l a n d h o l d i n g s . More than c o r p o r a t e i n t i m i d a t i o n was i n v o l v e d of course. L o g i s t i c a l l y , the CPR r a i l l i n e s and wharves along the East End's w a t e r f r o n t v i r t u a l l y demanded i n d u s t r i a l land use development, a f a c t t h at the "pre-CPR" e l i t e q u i c k l y c a p i t a l i z e d on. The e x i s t e n c e o f the Hastings Sawmill at the north end of Dunlevy S t r e e t and the Royal C i t y P l a n i n g M i l l s at the south end of C a r r a l l S t r e e t not only p r o v i d e d an e s t a b l i s h e d i n d u s t r i a l / w o r k i n g c l a s s l a n d s e t t l e m e n t nucleus, but they m i t i g a t e d a g a i n s t any dreams o f 201 . e s t a b l i s h i n g a durable upper c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l neighborhood i n the East End. The very f a c t t h at the p r e - r a i l w a y business community a l s o c o n t r o l l e d t w o - t h i r d s o f the West End a l s o helped to s t r u c t u r e the type o f investment s t r a t e g y t h a t they would use i n the East End. In l a r g e p a r t t h e r e f o r e , the pre-ra i l w a y e l i t e d i r e c t e d t h e i r a t t e n t i o n and e n e r g i e s towards c r e a t i n g an i n d u s t r i a l landscape i n the East End and making a v a i l a b l e reasonably p r i c e d and a c c e s s i b l e r e s i d e n t i a l p r o p e r t y t h a t would be a t t r a c t i v e to the working c l a s s . Not only d i d t h i s s t r a t e g y complement the h i g h - r e n t lanuse p o l i c y favored by the CPR on the west s i d e o f the c i t y , but i t meshed r e a d i l y with the f a c t t h a t the c i t y ' s east s i d e landowners were absentee s p e c u l a t o r s and de v e l o p e r s , l i v i n g p r i m a r i l y i n V i c t o r i a , New Westminster o r , a f t e r 1887, i n the West End. Given t h e i r p l a c e o f r e s i d e n c e , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t the major land h o l d e r s i n the East End and South Vancouver were not o v e r l y concerned with the purchasers o f t h e i r land or the q u a l i t y o f development t h a t took plac e on i t . The concern was t h a t development o f some s o r t occur ac r o s s as much of the c i t y ' s e a s t s i d e as p o s s i b l e w i t h i n as s h o r t a time as p o s s i b l e so t h a t they would get a r e t u r n on t h e i r p e r s o n a l investments. By q u i c k l y b u i l d i n g t r a m l i n e s and i n s t a l l i n g l i g h t i n g and water works systems they a c t i v e l y encouraged l a n d -e x t e n s i v e s i n g l e - f a m i l y housing as a means o f e x p e d i t i n g the d i s p o s a l o f t h e i r s p r a w l i n g r e a l e s t a t e h o l d i n g s . Moreover, they undoubtedly f e l t t h a t p r o v i d i n g land f o r s i n g l e - f a m i l y working c l a s s housing was a key to e s t a b l i s h i n g s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y i n the c i t y . While t h i s can h a r d l y be co n s i d e r e d the prime f a c t o r 202. i n the e l i t e ' s land development s t r a t e g y , i t i s c l e a r that they had no d e s i r e to r e - c r e a t e i n Vancouver's East End the tenement slums of London, Montreal or Chicago. The developing landscape on the east s i d e of the c i t y i n the 19th century c o n t r a s t e d s h a r p l y with that on the P o i n t Grey p e n i n s u l a , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n what became the m u n i c i p a l i t y of P o i n t Grey i n 1908 (see map 18). In P o i n t Grey the P r o v i n c i a l Government and the CPR c o n t r o l l e d most of the land, h e l d i t back from development d u r i n g the 19th century and, a f t e r the turn o f the century, r e l e a s e d and developed these u n s e t t l e d p r o p e r t y h o l d i n g s i n a ; r e l a t i v e l y c o n t r o l l e d and r a t i o n a l 37. manner. As the s o l e owners o f these l a r g e p a r c e l s of l a n d , the CPR and the P r o v i n c i a l Government were able to e s t a b l i s h an i n t e g r a t e d and o r d e r l y p h y s i c a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e w i t h i n which i n d i v i d u a l s p e c u l a t o r s c o u l d compete f o r p r o f i t s . To some extent , the c h a r a c t e r of s p e c u l a t i v e developments i n Po i n t Grey were a l s o c o n s t r a i n e d by the f a c t t h a t many of the dominant s p e c u l a t o r s d e a l t with land t h a t they p e r c e i v e d as being t h e i r f u t u r e home or the home o f t h e i r w e l l - t o - d o f r i e n d s . South of F a l s e Creek, w i t h i n the c i t y l i m i t s of Vancouver, the CPR had f o l l o w e d much the same p o l i c y o f s u r v e y i n g and g r a d u a l l y r e l e a s i n g p a r c e l s o f lan d f o r development as demand f o r r e s i d e n t i a l p r o p e r t y e s c a l a t e d . The company d i d not begin to a u c t i o n o f f i t s F a i r v i e w p r o p e r t y u n t i l J u l y , 1890, and f o l l o w e d with K i t s i l a n o p r o p e r t y s a l e s i n approximately 1905 before s h i f t i n g i t s a t t e n t i o n to the s a l e and development of Po i n t Grey and Shaughnessy Heights i n approximately 1908. However, the f a c t t h a t the east s i d e of the c i t y developed i n a more 203. s c a t t e r e d and unorganized manner as absentee landowners q u i c k l y s u b d i v i d e d and marketed t h e i r p roperty must not obscure the f a c t t h a t the s u c c e s s f u l p u r s u i t of i n d i v i d u a l p r o f i t was made p o s s i b l e through the i n t e g r a t e d e f f o r t s o f v a r i o u s e a s t s i d e landowners and t h e i r d e t e r m i n a t i o n to e s t a b l i s h landuse p a t t e r n s t h a t would remain v i a b l e a f t e r the CPR i n i t i a t e d the f u l l - s c a l e promotion of t h e i r own p r o p e r t y . Working from the i n d u s t r i a l core at the Hastings Sawmill, the p r e - r a i l w a y business l e a d e r s i n i t i a t e d an i n d u s t r i a l / w o r k i n g c l a s s development p o l i c y t h at q u i c k l y gained the support of the CPR and the other E a s t e r n Canadian c o r p o r a t i o n s that a r r i v e d i n Vancouver a f t e r 1886. When the Vancouver Wharfage and Storage Company e s t a b l i s h e d p i e r s and wholesale warehouses a t the f o o t of C a r r a l S t r e e t i n 1886, the major i n v e s t o r s were David Oppenheimer and Joseph 38. McFarland. The f a c i l i t i e s o f t h i s company were used f o r a time by the Union Steamship Company, formed through the amalgamation of the B u r r a r d I n l e t Towing Company and the M o o d y v i l l e F e r r y Company i n 1889. Under the d i r e c t i o n o f Henry D a r l i n g , son o f John D a r l i n g of the Union Steamship Company of New Zealand, the major c a p i t a l behind the development of t h i s concern came from S c o t l a n d and the c r i t i c a l formal l i n k between t h i s company and B r i t i s h investment funds was p r o v i d e d by J.C. K e i t h and 39. the Bank of B.C.. The Oppenheimer b r o t h e r s , a l o n g with John Morton, one of the o r i g i n a l pre-emptors of the West End, a l s o owned shares i n t h i s company. By 1890 the Vancouver Improvement Company, p r e s i d e d over by David Oppenheimer, had a t t r a c t e d a number o f i n d u s t r i e s to i t s East End p r o p e r t y , the most notable being the San Juan Lime Company, the Vancouver C i t y Foundry 204. and Machine Works Company, and the B.C. Sugar R e f i n i n g Company. Oppenheimer a l s o i n v e s t e d funds i n the B.C. Iron Works Company, which l o c a t e d at the corner of Alexander 40. and Gore Avenues. The Oppenheimer b r o t h e r s c o n s t r u c t e d t h e i r wholesale grocery warehouse at 100 Powell S t r e e t , and Thomas Dunn b u i l t h i s f i r s t hardware warehouse at the c o rner o f Powell and C a r r a l l . In 1889 Dunn j o i n e d with Jonathon M i l l e r to c o n s t r u c t the D unn-Miller Block at 28 West Cordova, a r e t a i l hardware o u t l e t that a l s o rented space to tenants such 41. as Henry McDowell's drug s t o r e , the Knights of P y t h i a s , the Vancouver E l e c t r i c Railway and L i g h t Company, and the c i t y ' s 42. f i r s t synagogue. S e r v i c e s t h a t were e s s e n t i a l to the g e n e r a l success and o r g a n i z a t i o n of urban landscape development were a l s o q u i c k l y e s t a b l i s h e d by the "pre-CPR" e l i t e . C D . Rand, one o f Oppenheimer's a s s o c i a t e s i n the Vancouver Improvement Company, e s t a b l i s h e d the Vancouver Gas Company i n 1886 a f t e r c l o s i n g out h i s New Westminster r e a l e s t a t e o f f i c e and moving to Vancouver i n 1885. P r i o r to e s t a b l i s h i n g h i s New Westminster r e a l e s t a t e o f f i c e Rand had r e s i d e d i n V i c t o r i a and h i s p a r t n e r s i n the Gas Company, A.A. Green, G.L. Milne (prominent East End landowner), and D.R. H a r r i s (prominent East End landowner and s h a r e h o l d e r i n the Hastings Sawmill) were a l l r e s i d e n t s of the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l . In 1886 Joseph McFarland j o i n e d h i s f a t h e r - i n - l a w , George Ke e f e r . i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the Vancouver Water Works Company and McFarland served as S e c r e t a r y and General Manager o f the e n t e r p r i s e u n t i l the c i t y purchased the system i n 1892. A l s o i n 1886, McFarland j o i n e d 205. with David Oppenheimer, R.H. Alexander, Thomas Dunn, Hugh Keefer, Jonathan M i l l e r and John Boultbee i n order to org a n i z e the Vancouver E l e c t r i c I l l u m i n a t i n g Company. Dunn, who 43. was p r e s i d e n t of the E l e c t r i c I l l u m i n a t i n g Company, was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n promoting the merger o f t h i s company with the Vancouver S t r e e t Railway Company, i n c o r p o r a t e d i n 1889, the p r o v i s i o n a l d i r e c t o r s being George Turner, R.P. Cooke 44. and F.C. Innes. In 1890 the Vancouver E l e c t r i c Railway and L i g h t Company came i n t o being, with Dunn, R.P. Cooke and C D . Rand s e r v i n g as t r u s t e e s f o r t h i s c r i t i c a l urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system. The p r e s i d e n t of t h i s new company, R.P. Cooke, was a c i v i l engineer, c o n t r a c t o r and c a p i t a l i s t who had e s t a b l i s h e d the Vancouver Foundry and Machine Works Company to the e a s t of the Hastings Sawmill i n 1888. Beyond the c i t y ' s p h y s i c a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , the pre-ra i l w a y business community a l s o worked c l o s e l y together to cr e a t e f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t would expedite the r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t l e m e n t o f t h e i r l a n d h o l d i n g s . While B r i t i s h c o r p o r a t i o n s and venture c a p i t a l played a c r u c i a l r o l e i n t h i s aspect of pro p e r t y development, as examined below, s e v e r a l l o c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s a l s o helped to f i n a n c e r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t l e m e n t i n 19th century Vancouver. The most important o f these l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s was Oppenheimer's Vancouver Improvement Company, and i t s a c t i v i t i e s are examined i n some d e t a i l i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n o f t h i s chapter. Close behind the Vancouver Improvement Company was the Vancouver Loan, T r u s t , Savings and Guarantee Company. Incor p o r a t e d i n 1890, the o r g a n i z e r s and d i r e c t o r s o f t h i s concern were J.W. Home ( p r e s i d e n t ) , 206. R.G. Tatlow ( v i c e p r e s i d e n t ) , H.T. Ceperley ( s e c r e t a r y and managing d i r e c t o r ) , Harry McKee and F. C a r t e r Cotton. In 1 8 9 1 45. George Turner was added to the board of d i r e c t o r s . The company managed e s t a t e s , s o l d and purchased p r o p e r t y , i n v e s t e d funds on mortgages, i n s u r e d houses, c o l l e c t e d r e n t s and loaned money to home buyers. Since many o f the d i r e c t o r s of t h i s company were i n v o l v e d i n Vancouver's s t r e e t r a i l w a y system (Home, McKee, Tatlow, Turner) i t can be seen that the pre-r a i l w a y business community was concerned to e s t a b l i s h both the p h y s i c a l and the f i n a n c i a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e necessary f o r p r o p e r t y development i n Vancouver. This p o i n t i s underscored by the f a c t t h a t Vancouver's b u i l d i n g s o c i e t i e s , intended p r i m a r i l y to enable the working c l a s s e s to a c q u i r e s i n g l e -46. f a m i l y homes, were a l s o c r e a t e d and c o n t r o l l e d by an i n t e r -l o c k i n g network of p r e - r a i l w a y business l e a d e r s (see F i g u r e 8 ) . In b r i e f , the "pre-CPR" e l i t e worked c l o s e l y t o g e t h e r to c r e a t e an a t t r a c t i v e development c l i m a t e w i t h i n which i n d i v i d u a l c o m p e t i t i o n f o r r e a l e s t a t e p r o f i t s c o u l d take p l a c e . The e a r l y business l e a d e r s ' success i n o r g a n i z i n g land development i n 1 9 t h century Vancouver stemmed p a r t l y from t h e i r shared i n t e r e s t s i n major east s i d e land h o l d i n g s which expedited cohesive e f f o r t s , as d i d t h e i r common r e s p e c t f o r the c o r p o r a t e power o f the CPR. The f a c t t h a t c l o s e p e r s o n a l l i n k s had been e s t a b l i s h e d between v a r i o u s members of the p r e - r a i l w a y e l i t e p r i o r to t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Vancouver a l s o helped s e t the stage f o r s u c c e s s f u l i n t e g r a t e d e f f o r t s to promote and develop l a n d . However, the c r u c i a l support i n the p r e - r a i l w a y e l i t e ' s FIGURE 8. 207. INTERCONNECTIONS OF SEVERAL 19th CENTURY LOAN AND BUILDING SOCIETIES. Terminal C i t y B u i l d i n g S o c i e t y (Inc. 1888, Templeton Block) Pres.- W. Ralph •V.P. - Thomas D u n n — Treas-r G. Gordon B.C. B u i l d i n g A s s o c i a t i o n (Inc. 1890, Inns o f Court B u i l d i n g ) -Pres.- Henry Ceperley V.P. - H. McDowell P a c i f i c B u i l d i n g S o c i e t y (Templeton Block) Pres. - J.N. J a r r e t t Sec. & Tr e a s . - T.F. Neelands (Alderman) C i t y o f Vancouver B u i l d i n g S o c i e t y (Inc. 1889, Templeton Block) Pres.- Thomas McGuigan** Sec. - G. H. Geary Vancouver Loan, T r u s t , Savings and Guarantee Co. (Inc. 1890) J.W. Horne Harry McKee F. C. Cotton H.A. Jones R.G. Tatlow H.T. Ceperley G. Turner BOARD OF TRADE ancouver E l e c t r i c j Railway and L i g h t Company. *Alderman from 1897 to 1901, mauor i n 1902 and 1903. **Brother o f Dr. W i l l i a m McGuigan, alderman from 1893 to 1903, mayor of Vancouver i n 1904. 208. corp o r a t e world was i t s connection with B r i t i s h venture c a p i t a l . The "pre-CPR" e l i t e and the B r i t i s h c o n n e c t i o n . The east s i d e land development a c t i v i t i e s of the p r e - r a i l w a y e l i t e were s t i m u l a t e d by and c l o s e l y connected to B r i t i s h f i n a n c i a l investments. In the f i r s t i n s t a n c e these t i e s were p r i m a r i l y i n the form o f investment c a p i t a l generated by p e r s o n a l l i n k s between B r i t i s h c a p i t a l i s t s and Vancouver i n v e s t o r s ; t h a t i s , the process r e l i e d very h e a v i l y on p e r s o n a l connections between l o c a l entrepreneurs and m e t r o p o l i t a n c a p i t a l i s t s . I f f a m i l y connections or business a s s o c i a t e s i n B r i t a i n c ould not convince B r i t i s h i n v e s t o r s about the merits of a g i v e n p r o j e c t , l o c a l entrepreneurs would o f t e n t r a v e l back to B r i t a i n to b r i n g t h e i r p e r s o n a l i n f l u e n c e to bear on p r o s p e c t i v e 47. • i n v e s t o r s . Much of the c a p i t a l t h a t had been used to e s t a b l i s h the Hastings Sawmill had been accumulated by Captain Edward Stamp i n t h i s manner, and the same process had s u p p l i e d the i n i t i a l c a p i t a l i z a t i o n o f the Union Steamship Company. S i m i l a r i l y , H.O. B e l l - I r v i n g secured s u b s c r i p t i o n s f o r h i s Anglo B.C. Packing Company by p e r s o n a l l y a d v e r t i s i n g the prospectus i n London. To lend f u r t h e r c r e d i b i l i t y to the e n t e r p r i s e , a wealthy B r i t i s h r e l a t i v e p a r t i c i p a t e d i n B e l l -48. I r v i n g ' s promotional tour of London's f i n a n c i a l c i r c l e s . The a b i l i t y o f l o c a l entrepreneurs to m o b i l i z e investment c a p i t a l i n t h i s manner was o b v i o u s l y a key f a c t o r i n d e t e r m i n i n g the degree to which they shared i n the d e v e l o p i n g economy of the 4 9 . m c i t y and the p r o v i n c e . Remebering that only two members o f the e l i t e study p o p u l a t i o n examined i n chapter two were B.C. born, i t i s perhaps understandable that p e r s o n a l and business 209. connections between l o c a l entrepreneurs and i n v e s t o r s i n 50. m e t r o p o l i t a n c e n t e r s would be q u i t e s t r o n g . The c r u c i a l p o i n t to note here i s that p e r s o n a l s o c i a l connections were an important s t i m u l a n t of B r i t i s h investment c a p i t a l i n Vancouver. For the f i r s t s e v e r a l years of the c i t y ' s e x i s t e n c e the only major ex c e p t i o n s to t h i s p e r s o n a l i z e d f o r e i g n investment network were p r o v i d e d by the Bank of B.C. and the Bank of B r i t i s h North America, both of which provided formal l i n k s between B r i t i s h c a p i t a l and l o c a l investment networks. As the s c a l e of development broadened however, the l i n k s between l o c a l investment o p p o r t u n i t i e s and the B r i t i s h c a p i t a l i n v e s t -ment market became much more s t r u c t u r e d as B r i t i s h investment companies e s t a b l i s h e d branch o f f i c e s i n Vancouver and i n some cases sent out managers to oversee t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . One of the most s i g n i f i c a n t developments i n t h i s r e s p e c t centered on the B r i t i s h c o n n e c t i o n to r e a l e s t a t e and p r o p e r t y development e n t e r p r i s e s on the east s i d e of Vancouver. Real e s t a t e , and the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s t h a t i n c r e a s e d the value of r e a l e s t a t e , were popular B r i t i s h investments i n Canada ( f o r example, note the investment p o r t f o l i o of the B r i t i s h Empire T r u s t Company i n I l l u s t r a t i o n 11). This investment was concentrated i n "B.C. and the western 51 . p r o v i n c e s , " although O n t a r i o a l s o a t t r a c t e d c o n s i d e r a b l e sums. B r i t i s h i n s u r a n c e companies were p a r t i c u l a r l y a c t i v e i n Canadian r e a l e s t a t e ; while American companies owned p r a c t i c a l l y no r e a l e s t a t e i n Canada i n 1910 B r i t i s h companies owned land 52. with an a p p r a i s e d value of $2,832,147.00. Besides p u r c h a s i n g l a n d , a g r e a t d e a l of B r i t i s h investment c a p i t a l went i n t o l o a n , ILLUSTRATION 11. The British Empire Trust Company Limited. .210. TELEPHONE CENTRAL 14724. C»>L= A TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESS: "* B E T R U 3 T , " LONDON. C o o t i W E S T E R N UNION. Registered Offices:— 34, NICHOLAS LANE, LOMBARD STREET, LONDON, E.C. 25th April, 1910. Interest and Dividends Paid during APRIL 1 April The Sao Paulo Tramway, Light and Power Company, Ltd., Common Stock. Registered at thi9 Office . . . 1 The Toronto Railway Company, Common Stock 1 „ The Winnipeg Electric Railway Company, Common Stock . . . . . . . . . 1 15 20 Canadian Northern Prairie Lands Company, Ltd.,-§5 Shares. Registered at this Office The Canadian Northern Ontario Railway Company, 4>% Perpetual Consolidated Debenture Stock. Registered in London The Winnipeg Electric Railway Company, 4|^> Perpetual Consolidated Debenture Stock. Registered at this Office . . . British Columbia Electric Railway Company, Ltd., 4j^ > First Mortgage Bonds . . . ' Shawinigan Water and Power Company, Common Stock . . . . . . . . . . . . British Columbia Electric Railway Company, Ltd., Deferred Ordinary Stock. Registered in London P e r A n n u m . 1 0 % 7% 1 0 % * 4 % A f t / /o Interest and Dividends. Payments due during MAY. 15 3Iay The British Empire Trust Company, Ltd., Preferred Ordinary Shares. Registered at this Office 5% I NOTE.—All information concerning the above Companies, Dividends, supplied on application free of charge. 2 1 1 . mortgage and t r u s t companies. B r i t i s h investments i n Vancouver pro p e r t y and mortgages, coupled with the eve n t u a l take-over of the e l e c t r i c r a i l w a y systems i n and around Vancouver, placed B r i t i s h c a p i t a l and investment c o r p o r a t i o n s at the f o r e f r o n t 53. of land development i n Vancouver. The most important of these i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d c o n d u i t s o f B r i t i s h c a p i t a l i n t o the Vancouver land market were the Y o r k s h i r e Guarantee and S e c u r i t i e s Company ( e s t a b l i s h e d i n Vancouver i n 1 8 8 8 , head o f f i c e i n H u d d e r s f i e l d , Y o r k s h i r e ) , the B.C. Land and Investment Agency ( e s t a b l i s h e d i n Vancouver i n 1891, head o f f i c e i n London), the Vancouver Land and S e c u r i t i e s C o r p o r a t i o n ( e s t a b l i s h e d i n Vancouver i n 1891, head o f f i c e i n London), and the London and B r i t i s h North America Company ( c l o s e l y l i n k e d with the r e a l e s t a t e f i r m o f Mahon, McFarland and P r o c t o r and i n c o r p o r a t e d together i n 1 9 1 1 ) . A f t e r 1902 the B r i t i s h Empire T r u s t Company of London a l s o played a c r i t i c a l r o l e i n land development i n Vancouver as a r e s u l t o f i t s c o n t r o l over B r i t i s h c a p i t a l investments i n the B.C. E l e c t r i c Railway Company. The a c t i v i t i e s of these B r i t i s h based c o r p o r a t i o n s were supplemented by a wide a r r a y o f s m a l l e r l o c a l l y based o r g a n i z a t i o n s themselves 54. t i g h t l y connected with B r i t i s h f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , but the c o r p o r a t i o n s i d e n t i f i e d above were the c r i t i c a l formal sources of B r i t i s h c a p i t a l i n Vancouver's 19th century la n d development. Linked with the land h o l d i n g s and c o r p o r a t i o n s of the pre-r a i l w a y business l e a d e r s these i n s t i t u t i o n s p r o v i d e d much of the c a p i t a l needed to develop east s i d e l a n d . In many r e s p e c t s , the formal l i n k s between the on-going lan d development a c t i v i t i e s of the p r e - r a i l w a y e l i t e and B r i t i s h investment 212. c a p i t a l can be c l a r i f i e d by f o c u s s i n g on the Oppenheimer b r o t h e r s , the Vancouver Improvement Company, and the c i t y ' s f i r s t e l e c t r i c r a i l w a y system. E s t a b l i s h e d i n 1886 by David and Isaac Oppenheimer, the Vancouver Improvement Company rep r e s e n t e d the c o r p o r a t e heart of the "pre-CPR" e l i t e ' s r e s i d e n t i a l development s t r a t e g y . I t complemented the r o l e of the Hastings Sawmill as the nucleus of t h e i r i n d u s t r i a l development, and s e t the tone f o r much of the land development that o c c u r r e d throughout East Vancouver, Grandview and Mount P l e a s a n t . Although i t i s i m p o s s i b l e to determine p r e c i s e l y the company's i n i t i a l ownership and land 55. investments, i t seems c l e a r t h a t the company s t a r t e d o f f as a r e a l e s t a t e arm o f the s y d i c a t e t h a t Oppenheimer had o r g a n i z e d to purchase shares i n the Hastings Sawmill Company. By 1891, the company owned approximately 300 acres of l a n d between the G r a n v i l l e Townsite and Boundary Avenue (Glen D r i v e ) , that i s , D i s t r i c t Lots 196 and 181, the two contiguous D i s t r i c t Lots 56. south of the Hastings Sawmill. Whether or not the land owning e l i t e merely pooled t h e i r p roperty i n t h i s p a r t of the c i t y or a c t u a l l y s o l d a l l or p a r t of t h e i r h o l d i n g s to the Vancouver 57. Improvement Company i s o f l i t t l e importance. The s a l i e n t p o i n t i s t h a t the Vancouver Improvement Company acted as a c e n t r a l i z e d l a n d development f o r c e i n t h i s area of the Burrard P e n i n s u l a and, g i v e n the connections between t h i s company and l a n d -h o l d i n g s a c r o s s the r e s t of Vancouver, the momentum o f i t s a c t i v i t i e s had a p e r v a s i v e impact on east s i d e r e s i d e n t i a l development. The Vancouver Improvement Company, probably i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the Hastings Sawmill Company, implemented a 213. r e s i d e n t i a l development scheme intended to provide s i n g l e -f a m i l y l o t s and s m a l l houses f o r blue c o l l a r workers. Lots and houses could be purchased on a ten year i n s t a l l m e n t p l a n with a r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l cash downpayment. As one newspaper a r t i c l e e x p l a i n e d : I t (the ten year i n s t a l l m e n t plan) has proven a g r e a t s u c c e s s , not only here but i n the populous c i t i e s i n E a s t e r n Canada and the S t a t e s , and i t i s looked upon as a boon by those d e s i r o u s of owning homes and who, unless such an o p p o r t u n i t y was o f f e r e d , never would possess one. 58. T h i s scheme c l e a r l y a p p e a l l e d to the c i t y ' s working c l a s s p o p u l a t i o n ; by 1891 D i s t r i c t L o t s 196 and 181 were b e i n g d e s c r i b e d as a " t h i c k l y s e t t l e d " r e s i d e n t i a l p r o p e r t y upon which "numerous manufacturing e n t e r p r i s e s are l o c a t e d . . . i n 59. f a c t the l a r g e s t and most important i n the c i t y . " Although a g r e a t d e a l o f the p r o p e r t y was d i v i d e d i n t o 33 f o o t and even 25 f o o t l o t s , and commercial and i n d u s t r i a l developments grew up cheek-by-jowl with s i n g l e - f a m i l y homes, the area q u i c k l y e s t a b l i s h e d i t s e l f as a comfortable r e s i d e n t i a l neighborhood. As an E n g l i s h observor remarked d u r i n g a v i s i t to the c i t y : The l e s s f a s h i o n a b l e d i s t r i c t s are a l s o very p l e a s a n t , every house being detached i n i t s own garden.... i n f a c t , a working man g e n e r a l l y owns the house i n which he l i v e s , and the l o t on which i t stands, h a v i n g i n v e s t e d h i s s a v i n g s i n t h i s way, i n s t e a d of c o n t i n u i n g to have to pay high r e n t . . . . The East End o f the c i t y i s not very a t t r a c t i v e , i t i s t r u e , u n t i l you get some d i s t a n c e out. But what a p a r a d i s e i n comparison with the dingy monotony o f the endless rows o f b r i c k houses occupied by the same c l a s s i n the Old Country towns! Slums are unknown i n Vancouver, and the c i t y i s determined t h a t they s h a l l always remain unknown. 60. 214. The Vancouver Improvement Company was incorporated as a limited l i a b i l i t y company i n 1896, with the o r i g i n a l shares being divided between David Oppenheimer, William F a r r e l l , Henry Town and E.B. Morgan. Shortly thereafter, the company 61. was renamed the Vancouver Land and Improvement Company (1898). The people involved i n this incorporation indicate the manner in which B r i t i s h investment formally linked to the "pre-CPR" e l i t e " s corporate world. William F a r r e l l was manager of the B r i t i s h based Yorkshire Guarantee and S e c u r i t i e s Corporation, established i n Vancouver i n 1888 with the purpose of lending money for home bu i l d i n g and property development, and E.B. Morgan was manager of the London based B.C. Land and Investment Agency, established i n Vancouver i n 1891. Both of these firms also c a r r i e d on t h e i r own r e a l estate businesses and acted as executors and managers of estates, as trustees for debenture holders and, i n the case of the Yorkshire Company, as an insurance agency (Yorkshire Insurance Company of York, England). Further accentuating the B r i t i s h connection of the Vancouver Improvement Company was the fact that Oppenheimer*s banking 62. business was handled by the Bank of B.C. u n t i l 1898. One of Oppenheimer's early associates i n the Vancouver Improvement Company was CD. Rand, and the fact that Rand's brother (E.E. Rand) i s reputed to have brought i n the f i r s t c a p i t a l from the a. Yorkshire Company hints at the l i W l i h o o d that this formal l i n k between the land endowed Vancouver Improvement Company and English c a p i t a l had evolved from what had i n i t i a l l y been a 63. personal l i n k between Yorkshire investors and l o c a l developers. The Vancouver Land and S e c u r i t i e s Corporation, another 215. London based f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n , a l s o l i n k e d i n with the Vancouver Land and Improvement Company and the Y o r k s h i r e Guarantee Company. E s t a b l i s h e d i n Vancouver i n 1891, the manager o f the concern was W.E. Green and the r e a l e s t a t e f i r m t h a t i n i t i a l l y acted as agents f o r the company was Rand B r o t h e r s . In 1893 W i l l i a m S u l l e y was sent out to Vancouver to take over as managing d i r e c t o r o f the company but by 1897 he had j o i n e d E.H. Heaps, a n a t i v e of Y o r k s h i r e , i n the o p e r a t i o n o f a t h r i v i n g sawmill at Cedar Cove (D.L. 184, Powell and Semlin s t r e e t s ) . The a c t i v i t i e s o f the Vancouver Land and S e c u r i t i e s were e v e n t u a l l y taken over by R.K. Houlgate, who had succeeded W i l l i a m F a r r e l l as manager of the Y o r k s h i r e 64. Guarantee Company at the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y . By the l a t e 1890's, t h e r e f o r e , two i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d c o n d u i t s o f E n g l i s h c a p i t a l had been f o r m a l l y i n t e g r a t e d with Oppenheimer's Vancouver Improvement Company and a t h i r d , the Vancouver Land and S e c u r i t i e s , c l o s e l y overlapped with t h i s c e n t r a l l a n d develop-ment nucleus (see F i g u r e 9). There can be no doubt t h a t these connections with B r i t i s h c a p i t a l were an important reason f o r the on-going success enjoyed by the p r e - r a i l w a y e l i t e i n d e v e l o p i n g t h e i r l a n d h o l d i n g s , with the Vancouver Improvement Company c a r r y i n g over $50,000.00 i n East End mortgages alone 65. i n 1898. The Vancouver Improvement Company was one of the f i r s t and one o f the s t r o n g e s t formal l i n k s between B r i t i s h venture c a p i t a l and e a s t s i d e p r o p e r t y development. Perhaps an even more important l i n k centered on the development of the e l e c t r i c s t r e e t c a r systems i n Vancouver and i t s suburbs. The h i s t o r y 216. FIGURE 9. CORPORATE LINKS OP THE VANCOUVER IMPROVEMENT COMPANY, CA. 1896-1900. The Vancouver Improvement Co. Rand Br o t h e r s B r i t i s h ^ C a p i t a l ^ \ Y o r k s h i r e Guarantee C o r p o r a t i o n B.C.Land Investment Agency Vancouver Land and S e c u r i t i e s R.K.Houlgate 217. of the B.C. E l e c t r i c Railway and i t s f o r e r u n n e r s has been 66. t r e a t e d i n d e t a i l elsewhere, but i t i s u s e f u l to i n d i c a t e the manner i n which the c r e a t i o n and development of Vancouver's p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s t i e d i n with the p r e - r a i l w a y business e l i t e and with t h e i r c onnections to B r i t i s h c a p i t a l . In June, 1890, the Vancouver E l e c t r i c Railway and L i g h t Company (V.E.R. & L. Company) began o p e r a t i n g the c i t y ' s f i r s t s t r e e t r a i l w a y , with the l i n e running from the power house at Westminster Avenue (Main S t r e e t ) and Barnard S t r e e t n o r t h to Powell, through the o l d G r a n v i l l e Townsite and south along G r a n v i l l e S t r e e t to the f o o t of the G r a n v i l l e S t r e e t b r i d g e . Within a few weeks of i t s i n a u g u r a l run the company a l s o began b u i l d i n g a b e l t l i n e through Mount Pl e a s a n t and F a i r v i e w , along Ninth Avenue. The Vancouver E l e c t r i c Railway and L i g h t Company had been formed through the amalgamation of the Vancouver E l e c t r i c I l l u m i n a t i n g Company ( e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1887) and the Vancouver S t r e e t Railway Company ( i n c o r p o r a t e d i n 1889). The t r u s t e e s o f the Vancouver E l e c t r i c I l l u m i n a t i n g Company had been Jonathon M i l l e r , R. B a l f o u r , John Boultbee, H.F. Keefer 67. and Ben S p r i n g e r ; and s h a r e h o l d e r s i n c l u d e d David and Isaac Oppenheimer, Richard Alexander and Thomas Dunn, who a l s o served as p r e s i d e n t of the e n t e r p r i s e . The p r o v i s i o n a l d i r e c t o r s of the Vancouver S t r e e t Railway had c o n s i s t e d of George Turner, R.P. Cooke and F.C. Innes. Trustees of the newly c r e a t e d Vancouver E l e c t r i c Railway and L i g h t Company, i n c o r p o r a t e d on A p r i l 26th, 1890, were George Turner, H. McKee, R.P. Cooke, C D . Rand and Thomas Dunn. D i r e c t o r s of the company i n c l u d e d Cooke ( p r e s i d e n t ) , Dunn ( v i c e p r e s i d e n t ) , C D . Rand and J.W. Home, prominent 218. r e a l t o r and associate of David and Isaac Oppenheimer on c i t y council. Most of the c a p i t a l i s t s involved in the operations of one or both of the companies that merged to form the Vancouver E l e c t r i c Railway and Light Company remained as shareholders, making this enterprise a cornerstone of the pre-railway e l i t e ' s corporate world. The v i a b i l i t y of t h i s corporate world largely depended, as we have seen, on B r i t i s h c a p i t a l , and the V.E.R.& L. Company was no exception. The participants i n the creation of railway and l i g h t i n g f a c i l i t i e s i n Vancouver were p r i n c i p a l l y connected with B r i t i s h c a p i t a l through the Yorkshire Guarantee Company. It has already been noted that the Vancouver Improvement Company interlocked with the Yorkshire Company, thereby bringing tramway c a p i t a l i s t s such as David and Isaac Oppenheimer and CD. Rand within i t s sphere of operations. Another prominent participant in the Vancouver E l e c t r i c Railway and Light Company, F.C Innes, was also intimately connected with the Yorkshire Company. Innes, of the r e a l estate firm Innes and Richards, had attracted B r i t i s h c a p i t a l to Vancouver from the time of his a r r i v a l on the mainland from V i c t o r i a i n 1885, but this investment had 68. proceeded very informally. In 1890 however, the l i n k between Innes and B r i t i s h investment c a p i t a l was formalized in the 69. Okanagan Land and Development Company, incorporated i n 1890. Innes and Richards were the sole agents for this company, which owned the townsite of Vernon (the terminus of the Shushwap and Okanagan Railroad), and the mortgagers for the company was the Yorkshire Guarantee and Se c u r i t i e s Corporation. These connections between B r i t i s h c a p i t a l and l o c a l tramway promoters 219. proved c r i t i c a l i n 1892 as revenue from the tramway began to f a l l s h a r p l y behind o p e r a t i n g c o s t s , a s i t u a t i o n compounded by the beginnings o f an economic d e p r e s s i o n that slowed housing s t a r t s i n Mount P l e a s a n t and F a i r v i e w . The s t r e e t r a i l w a y company obtained money from the Bank of B.C. through loa n s , o v e r d r a f t s and bonds, but an attempt to f l o a t a $250,000.00 bond i s s u e i n London, Boston and Montreal f a i l e d completely. Emphasizing the important r o l e t h at connections with s p e c i f i c B r i t i s h investment concerns played i n the pre-r a i l w a y e l i t e ' s c o r p o r a t e a f f a i r s , the Y o r k s h i r e Guarantee Company agreed to accept the bonds on the c o n d i t i o n t h a t i t nominate a d i r e c t o r to the Vancouver E l e c t r i c Railway and 70. L i g h t Company. Consequently, W i l l i a m F a r r e l l , l o c a l manager of the Y o r k s h i r e Company, was appointed to the board o f d i r e c t o r s of the s t r e e t r a i l w a y company. The Vancouver E l e c t r i c Railway and L i g h t Company was, of course, only one p a r t of Vancouver's e a r l y p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system. This urban system was complemented by the i n t e r - u r b a n l i n e t h a t began o p e r a t i n g between Vancouver and New Westminster i n September, 1891. I n c o r p o r a t e d on A p r i l 26th, 1890, the o r i g i n a l promoters of the Westminster and Vancouver Tramway Company were David Oppenheimer ( p r e s i d e n t ) and three New Westminster e n t r e p r e n e u r s , Henry Edmonds, Benjamin Douglas and 71. Sam Mackintosh. As noted p r e v i o u s l y , both Edmonds and Oppenheimer owned s u b s t a n t i a l p i e c e s o f p r o p e r t y throughout South Vancouver and Mount Pleasant and knew that a tramway would expedite i t s s e t t l e m e n t . Most n o t a b l y , H.V. Edmonds owned a l l o f D i s t r i c t Lot 301, which he s u b d i v i d e d and put up f o r 220. s a l e i n 1890, the same year t h a t the Westminster and Vancouver Tramway Company was i n c o r p o r a t e d (see Map 22). Since t h i s D i s t r i c t Lot remained l e g a l l y s e p a r a t e from Vancouver and South Vancouver u n t i l 1911, when i t was annexed by Vancouver, the property was a t t r a c t i v e to people of lower income who wanted to b u i l d s i n g l e - f a m i l y homes y e t were anxious to a v o i d taxes f o r m u n i c i p a l s e r v i c e s . Near the end o f 1892 the s t r e e t r a i l r o a d c a p i t a l i s t s encountered s e r i o u s f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s . S u p p l i e r s and c r e d i t o r s o f the Vancouver E l e c t r i c Railway and L i g h t Company were p r e s s i n g f o r overdue payments, and by 1893 the company faced imminent c o l l a p s e , i n s p i t e of the f a c t t h a t the d i r e c t o r s i n c l u d e d the nucleus of the most powerful men i n the c i t y o u t s i d e o f the CPR framework (see F i g u r e 10). In June, 1893, the t r u s t e e s f o r the debenture h o l d e r s took over c o n t r o l of the company and l o c a l c a p i t a l i s t s , more concerned with lan d development than tramway o p e r a t i o n s , began to search f o r another method of f i n a n c i n g adequate s t r e e t c a r s e r v i c e i n Vancouver. The Westminster and Vancouver Tramway Company faced s i m i l a r f i n a n c i a l problems and i n January, 1894, the Bank o f B.C. f i l e d a c l a i m a g a i n s t the company f o r more than $250,000.00. In order to help balance the growing gap between a s s e t s and l i a b i l i t i e s the company s o l i c i t e d land grants from the P r o v i n c i a l Government and r e c e i v e d 196 acres o f p u b l i c l a n d , i n c l u d i n g South Vancouver D i s t r i c t Lots 36 and 51, on 72. the northern edge o f the Hastings Townsite. The f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n d i d not improve however, and i n August, 1894, the company was p l a c e d i n r e c e i v e r s h i p . An A p r i l , 1895, the a s s e t s 221 . MAP 22. PROPERTY OF TRAMWAY PROMOTER H.V. EDMONDS. 11 , . . I t O C K I N sr S t * P L A N O F SU B D I V I S I O N O F LOT 301, GROUP NEW WESTMINSTER DISTRICT. 0 C t O f l C t rr I s h Sett/a. C A V I <" </« .^M' .«/ •V f^ft^/ iff UtfJ "YJ. Jut* iy A> * /*y* S M S ^ B l E f f i l S M ' F T ^ •Fit M3 FI|M-M-|-| i n — ^ J I F F F ^ ;ElffliB^ f i T i ' i T l ffidiiLi: s T R g. e T 1 lYflj. ry;.:.M.-•JT! W A L T C M iiflTl-:! |:!!tii^tp--irrh .l-i-l-i. K E P I • 3 T « « e .r.r,.! 1. nil m H-H-ii-H:r TH-I-H-H-!-il-i-H-H-i-i-feFFj-n H I 4 n-f-Hvi-n 1 M B Finite mm q.T.T TvFT-FFFf r..Tj-.r. pPr-H I] lTFi#RtfOtfeFl l i ^ RTOfn rtfilfe CTM nfflRrl iWITn.H-TTTTOI ira-Tq (See Map 18 f o r r e l a t i v e l o c a t i o n of t h i s D i s t r i c t Lot) 222. FIGURE 10. VANCOUVER ELECTRI