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Ideology, planning and the landscape, the business community, urban reform and the establishment of town… Bottomley, John 1977

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IDEOLOGY, PLANNING AND THE LANDSCAPE THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY, URBAN REFORM AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF TOWN PLANNING IN VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA 1900 - 1940 BY JOHN BOTTOMLEY M.A. UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1971 A T h e s i s S u b m i t t e d i n P a r t i a l ; ' u l f i l l r n e n t o f t h e Requirements f o r t h e Degree o f D o c t o r o f P h i l o s o p h y i n t h e FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f Geography We A c c e p t T h i s T h e s i s as Conforming t o t h e R e q u i r e d S t a n d a r d The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . ^ -.John^Bottomley - • Sept. 1977 In present ing th is thes is in p a r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h is representa t ives . It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is for f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion. Department of The Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date •^pWwbr 5?HA (TO ABSTRACT To explore the t h e s i s that the landscapes of c i t i e s r e f l e c t the i d e o l o g i c a l underpinnings of the s o c i a l groups dominant during the periods of s i g n i f i c a n t urban growth a d e t a i l e d i n v e s t i g a t i o n was undertaken wi th in the C i t y of Vancouver. The correspondence between the ideology and i n s t i t u t i o n s of a dominant business e l i t e and the landscapes created in the per iod between 1900 and 1940 provide the major ev idence. The^dt f fusion o f an American reform ideology in to Eastern Canada and l a t e r in to the C i t y o f Vancouver i s descr ibed . Two major mani festat ions of th is ideology are documented. The f i r s t , a r t i c u l a t e d in the n o n - p a r t i s a n , a t - l a r g e e l e c t i o n , and c i t y manager movements was concerned with the need to ensure e f f i c i e n c y and honesty in urban government. The second concerned the need to i n s t i t u t e urban planning as a means to f a c i l i t a t e e f f i c i e n t economic and urban growth. The p r i n c i p a l reform advocates in Vancouver were members o f the c i t y ' s business e l i t e . Operating from wi th in the i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework of the Vancouver Board of Trade they lobbied the C i t y and P r o v i n c i a l Governments throughout the per iod 1918-1925 f o r the enactment of planning l e g i s l a t i o n . Success was achieved when the P r o v i n c i a l L e g i s l a t u r e passed the Town Planning Act in December 1925. In turn the Vancouver C i t y Counci l created the Vancouver Town Planning Commission. The major i ty o f Commissioners were businessmen who held the reform view of planning as the f a c i l i t a t o r of e f f i c i e n t growth. A planning exper t , Harland Bartholomew, was h i red in 1926 to provide the i i' Commission with the des i red b luepr in t f o r development. Holding s i m i l a r views on planning to those of the commissioner h is 1929 Plan provided a s t ruc tured development plan of considerable de ta i l which was the primary determinant of -Vancouver's evo lv ing urban s t ruc ture u n t i l the l a te 1960's. This in f luence was expressed p r i m a r i l y through the operat ion of the zoning by-laws which s p e c i f i e d l e g a l l y - p e r m i t t e d land uses throughout the c i t y . Vancouver's urban s t r u c t u r e , in r e f l e c t i n g the ideology of reform underpinning both the act ions of the Town Planning Commission and the nature of the Bartholomew P l a n , supports the general thes is of the d i s s e r t a t i o n . P a r a l l e l s between the c i v i c expression of reform and National expressions of reform are drawn as are some impl ica t ions of the s t u d y ' s f ind ings f o r geographical research and our understanding of present urban p lanning. The analyses presented are based upon a wide range of a rch iva l and secondary m a t e r i a l s . Important among these were C i ty and Municipal Council minute books, the minutes and correspondence of the Vancouver Town Planning Commission, the minutes of the Vancouver Board of Trade and i t s Committees, personal papers , c i t y and b iographica l d i r e c t o r i e s , maps, newspapers and magazines and government and planning commission r e p o r t s . The account of the American o r i g i n s of urban reform i s der ived l a r g e l y from secondary sources . i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER Page I EXPERIENCE, IDEOLOGY AND LANDSCAPE 1 A C l a r i f i c a t i o n of Terms 2 The Business E l i t e , Urban Reform and the Establ ishment of Town Planning 4 Purposes of the Research 9 II THE IDEOLOGY OF REFORM 14 Growth and Its Problems 14 The Urban Reform Movement • 23 Urban Problems 23 Reform Pioneers 25 The Coalescence of Concerns 27 The Leading Role of the Businessman 31 The Corporate Ideal 33 Bureaucracy and the Rational Decis ion Maker> 39 The Urban Problem Resolved 42 The Development o f Planning Theory 43 The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Planning Movement 43 The C i t y E f f i c i e n t Planning Movement 46 The Commission of Conservation and the Development of Canadian Urban Planning 52 The Formation o f the Commission 53 The Committee on Pub l ic Health 55 The 1914 National Conference on C i t y Planning 58 Thomas Adams Jo ins the Commission 61 iv CHAPTER Page Adams' Work with the Commission 63 The End of the Commission 69 Summary 70 III THE PRINCIPAL REFORMERS 100 C i t y and Municipal P o l i t i c i a n s 104 Mayors and Aldermen in Vancouver 104 Reeves and C o u n c i l l o r s in Point Grey and South Vancouver 105 The Planning Commissioners 111 The Major Reformers 113 Ear ly Reform Advocates 114 The Central Actors 116 The Major Planning Commissioners 134 IV URBAN REFORM AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF CITY PLANNING IN VANCOUVER 154 The F ight fo r Planning L e g i s l a t i o n 155 Ear ly Reform Advocates 155 The Pace of A c t i v i t y Quickens 158 Changing Concerns 167 Another Unsuccessful Attempt 170 A Successful Conclusion 173 The Nature of the'Town Planning Act 176 Planning a Business Movement 180 V a r i a t i o n s on a Theme 183 E a r l y P o l i t i c a l D i v i s i o n s 184 Pr iva te Organizat ions 184 V CHAPTER Page Ear ly Land Use Controls 189 The F i r s t Zoning Bylaws 194 Summary and D iscuss ion 198 V THE BARTHOLOMEW PLAN OF 1929: BUSINESS PLANNING IN ACTION 225 Ear ly A c t i v i t y 225 The Formation of the Planning Commissions 225 The Acqu i r ing o f Expert Ass is tance 230 Preparing fo r the Plan 233 Harland Bartholomew Bartholomew's Career U n t i l 1916 237 Publ ic Serv ice in S t . Louis 240 The Comprehensive Plans of the Nineteen Twenties 241 Preparing and P u b l i c i z i n g the Plan 247 Plan Preparat ion 247 The Nature of the Plan 249 P u b l i c i z i n g the Plan 254 Other Reform A c t i v i t y 261 Plan Implementation 265 The Zoning Ordinances 265 Other Aspects o f the Plan 273 Conclusion 276 VI THE LIBERAL RESPONSE TO URBAN INDUSTRIAL GROWTH 297 The Emergence of P o s i t i v e L ibera l i sm 299 Discuss ion and Summary 310 BIBLIOGRAPHY Document C o l l e c t i o n s D i r e c t o r i e s Magazines Newspapers Annual Reports Biographica l Sources Books and A r t i c l e s VI 1 LIST OF TABLES TABLE Page 3.1 Bi r thdate and Date of A r r i v a l in Vancouver of the Major Reformers 102 3.2 Place of B i r t h of the Major Reformers 102 3.3 Occupation of the Major Reformers 103 3.4 Occupational Status o f Vancouver Aldermen 1900 - 1925 104 3.5 Occupational Status of South Vancouver C o u n c i l l o r s 1908 - 1928 109 3.6 Occupational Status o f Point Grey C o u n c i l l o r s 1908 - 1928 110 3.7 Occupations o f Members o f the Point Grey Planning Commission 111 3.8 Occupations o f the Appointed Members of the Vancouver Town Planning Commission 112 vl i i LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE Page 1. Schematic Representation or Development of C i t y Planning and Reform Thought 6 2. T e r r i t o r i a l Expansion of the C i t y of Vancouver source - Bartholomew (1929) p 28 185 3. The 1922 Point Grey and 1924 South Vancouver Zoning Plans 197 source - M u n i c i p a l i t y of Point Grey By Law #44 - 1922 and M u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver By Law #719 4. Pre 1926 Bartholomew Contract C i t i e s 246 source - Nolen (1923) p 22-25 5. Bartholomew Zoning Map f o r C i t y of Vancouver 258 source - Bartholomew (1929) 6. Bartholomew Zoning Plan f o r the area of the M u n i c i p a l i t y of Point Grey 259 source - Bartholomew (1929) 7. Bartholomew Zoning Plan fo r the area of the M u n i c i p a l i t y o f South Vancouver 260 source - Bartholomew (1929) 8. General ized Land Use in Vancouver 1975 272 source - Vancouver C i t y Planning Department ix ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many people helped me d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y in the preparat ion of th is d i s s e r t a t i o n . I thank them a l l . Several people deserve a spec ia l note of thanks, Gary Gates f o r h is i n t e r e s t and encouragement over the years i s one. My committee, John C o l l i n s , David Ley , John Chapman and Cole Harr is deserve thanks f o r t h e i r encouragement, to lerance and pat ience . My a d v i s o r , Walter Hardwick, has been a source of support , and encourage-ment f o r many y e a r s . His good natured prodding was as important as was h is i n s i g h t into Vancouver's urban past in seeing t h i s work completed. Maria Lunow typed the thes is in both i t s pre l iminary and f i n a l forms and must take c r e d i t f o r the appearance of the work. I thank the Vintners of France and Ludwig Van Beethoven f o r ge t t ing me through the black spots . Last but no means l e a s t I thank my f a m i l y , Lynn, Karr ie and the animals f o r t h e i r love and support throughout the h i s t o r y of t h i s work. X PREFACE This preface i s intended to serve two purposes. The f i r s t of these i s to provide an account of the academic pedigree of the d isser ta t ion in the hope that th is w i l l indicate the geographical context of the research. The second purpose i s to demonstrate that one central in terest has motivated the author in a l l his methodological and substantive meanderings, namely the unravel l ing of the processes that lead to the creat ion of urban s t ructure. Given these purposes the preface w i l l be personal and anecodotal. My f i r s t attempt to come to gr ips with the problems posed by the observable regu la r i t i es in urban land use patterns led me to study the economic and soc ia l analyses of the 'Chicago School of Urban Geography 1. Drawing the i r i nsp i ra t ion from both economics and sociology these geogra-phers presented s t ructura l accounts of the c i t y , accounting for many of the broad scale observable r e g u l a r i t i e s . Land use patterns were seen as resu l t ing from the competition for scarce resources within a free market system. Land tended to become used for i t s 'highest and best use' as the natural economic forces of the market led to the e l iminat ion of i n e f f i c -ient uses.''' Some of the l im i ta t ions of th is approach soon became evident as I became interested in the problems concerning the locat ion of eleemosy-nary i n s t i t u t i o n s . An attempt to explain the locat ion of schools in Vancouver using such models met with very l i t t l e success and i t soon became apparent that models predicated on the notion of competition were inappropriate in th is s i t ua t i on . No fur ther work was undertaken on the problem but the s ign i f i cance of the roles played by i ns t i t u t i ons and by xi underlying assumptions in the generat ion of land use patterns was beginning to be apprec ia ted . Fol lowing th is ea r l y work I became engaged in the research that led to the wr i t ing o f my masters t h e s i s . This work was cas t e x p l i c i t l y in a cogn i t i ve -behav iora l framework and was based on the assumption that the best way to understand urban s t ruc ture was to study the d e c i s i o n making processes of s i g n i f i c a n t land use dec is ion makers. Fol lowing a b r i e f f l i r t a t i o n in the area of r e t a i l s i t e l o c a t i o n I became involved in a study o f the manner in which physic ians made t h e i r choice o f p r a c t i c e s i t e wi th in an urban area . The f i n a l choice of a s i t e was seen as being the r e s u l t of a s e r i e s o f p red ic tab le t radeof fs between the a t t r i b u t e s of a l i m i t e d number o f potent ia l s i t e s , the s i t e chosen being the one which most c l o s e l y approximated, in the p h y s i c i a n ' s view, an ideal s i t e . The nature o f such ideal s i t e s was shown to be dependent in a p red ic tab le man-ner upon several c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the ind iv idua l p h y s i c i a n . The degree of s p e c i a l i s m of a phys ic ian was i s o l a t e d as being a p a r t i c u l a r l y impor-tant determinant of the nature of such an idea l s i t e and hence of the f i n a l choice of p rac t i ce s i t e . Such a choice was recognized throughout the study as being a severe ly constra ined choice f o r the overa l l pattern of phys ic ian p r a c t i c e s i t e s was predetermined by the r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed by the zoning by- laws. This by-law r e s t r i c t e d potent ia l p rac t i ce s i t e s to commercial areas and in so doing was a more s i g n i f i c a n t generator o f the macro-pattern of p r a c t i c e s i t e s than were the physic ians themselves. Once a g a i n , the importance of under ly ing assumptions and percept ions and of i n s t i t u t i o n s as generators of land use patterns was ev ident . x i i In an attempt to explore the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between an i n d i v i d u a l ' s b e l i e f s , v a l u e s , and a t t i tudes and the manner in which these in f luenced h is environmental i n te rac t ions I became involved in the f i e l d of environmental psychology. Th is newly developing s u b - d i s c i p l i n e claimed as i t s domain the perceptual and d e c i s i o n making i n t e r a c t i o n between an i n d i v i d u a l and h is environment. Th is domain was studied through the development o f count less sca les designed to measure a l l kinds of environmental a t t i t u d e s , b e l i e f s , values and percept ions and through the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of these with an equa l ly large array o f sca les designed to evaluate the ob jec t ive physica l and inanimate environment . The research I conducted on the est imat ion of 'observed' and 'remembered' d is tances f a l l s in to t h i s general category of mater ia l . The under ly ing s t ruc ture of t h i s approach was e s s e n t i a l l y unchanged from that of the p h y s i c i a n ' s study. Urban land use patterns were seen as being created through the dec is ions of s i g n i f i c a n t land use dec is ion makers. These dec is ions were seen as a r e s u l t of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s des i re to achieve c e r t a i n g o a l s . An ob jec t ive environment was evaluated in terms o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s b e l i e f s , values and a t t i tudes and a choice made that maximized the sub jec t ive p r o b a b i l i t y of achiev ing the des i red g o a l . Such an approach had proved a success when studying the l o c a t i o n a l choices of phys ic ians and s o , armed with an impressive array of techniques f o r the assessment o f environmental a t t i tudes I saw no reason to change my methodological approach. S e t t l i n g on the pro jec t o f c o n s t r u c t i n g , v a l i d a t i n g and t e s t i n g an urban response inventory f o r my Ph.D. research I appeared to be one o f an increas ing number o f geographers p r a c t i s i n g a ' b e h a v i o r a l ' approach to the d i s c i p l i n e . Water r e s o u r c e s , natural hazards and urban r e t a i l i n g a l l came under c lose s c r u t i n y from behavioral geographers x i i i as did r e s i d e n t i a l choice at both a c i t y wide and ind iv idua l home s c a l e u . I was conf ident that a g e n e r a l , m u l t i - s c a l e , urban a t t i tude survey would be of a great deal of i n t e r e s t and potent ia l value in helping to unravel the reasons why land use dec is ion makers made the dec is ions they d i d . As I became more and more deeply involved in d e l i m i t i n g the domain of the b e l i e f s , values and a t t i tudes that I was attempting to meas-ure I became i n c r e a s i n g l y d i s s a t i s f i e d with the approach I was adopt ing. I t became i n c r e a s i n g l y apparent that there were complex but systematic i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the b e l i e f s , values and a t t i tudes that were to be measured. What was emerging was not a s e r i e s of independent sca les but groupings of subt ly i n t e r a c t i n g sca les that were in some way d e r i v a t i v e of a set of more abst rac t b e l i e f s and va lues . The projected urban response inventory I concluded would be measuring nothing more than one t r a n s i t o r y , concrete and d e r i v a t i v e mani festa t ion of a more important , enduring and abst ract set of s o c i a l b e l i e f s and va lues . An h i s t o r i c a l ra ther than a behavioral approach seemed to o f f e r the best prospects f o r a f e r t i l e study of such long enduring c o n s t e l l a t i o n s of b e l i e f s and va lues . My work on the enduring a t t i tudes to urban l i f e that underlay community involvement in c i v i c issues was an attempt to i d e n t i f y several such groups o f values and b e l i e f s 7 . This work convinced me that the p a r t i c u l a r groups of b e l i e f s and values held by an i n d i v i d u a l was to a large degree determined by the s o -c i a l group of which he was a member and furthermore that the b e l i e f s and values were in large measure an abst rac t v i n d i c a t i o n of the group's s o c i a l purposes. I became in te res ted in explor ing the s o c i a l ideo log ies of such groups and the manner in which they became t rans la ted in to ac t ion through xiv s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s rather than in exp lor ing the personal s o c i a l b e l i e f s and values o f i n d i v i d u a l s ; these I was prepared to assume were no more than marginal v a r i a t i o n s o f the i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n of the s o c i a l group of which they were a member. To study the ideo log ies under ly ing i n s t i t u t i o n a l dec is ions appeared to o f f e r the greater p o s s i b i l i t i e s of coming to gr ips with the problem of exp la in ing urban land use patterns f o r as my e a r l i e r work had demonstrated the range of choices open to an i n d i v i d u a l land use d e c i s i o n maker were severe ly constra ined by the p r e - e x i s t i n g dec is ions of a v a r i e t y of pub l ic and pr iva te i n s t i t u t i o n s . This thes is i s an attempt to explore t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p between i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n and i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e c i s i o n . I s h a l l not d iscuss in any greater depth at t h i s point my use o f the concept of ideology as t h i s can be found in Chapter One. I t does seem appropriate however to draw a t tent ion to the f a c t that although the subject matter o f t h i s t h e s i s may seem to many to be somewhat e s o t e r i c that t h i s i s not r e a l l y the case . As I hope I have demonstrated in the foregoing d i s -cussion the approach adopted in t h i s study i s simply a l o g i c a l extension o f the methodology I adopted in my masters t h e s i s . I hope i t becomes as accepted as has the behavioral approach o f the e a r l i e r work. XV FOOTNOTES Two textbooks that summarized t h i s view of the c i t y are : B . J . L . Berry and F . E . Horton Geographical Perspect ives on Urban Systems (Prent ice H a l l , Eng lewoodCl i f fs . 1970) M.H. Yeates and B . J . Garner. The North American C i t y (Harper Row. New York. 1971) J . Bottomley. Physic ian O f f i c e S i t e C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s - A Cogni t ive  Behavioral Approach. (Unpublished M.A. t h e s i s . Department of Geography. U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. 1971) R . J . C l a u s , D.C. Rothwell and J . Bottomley. "Measuring the Qua l i t y Of a Low Order Reta i l S i t e " Economic Geography. Volume 48. Number 2. (Apr i l 1972) p 108-178 K.H. C r a i k . 'Environmental Psychology' in T . H . Newcombe (ed) "New D i rec t ions in Psychology IV (New York. H o l t , Rinehart and Winston. 1972) and H.M. Proshansky, W. i t te lson and L . G . R i v l i n (eds) Environmental Psychology Man in h is Urban Set t ing (New York, Holt Rinehart and Winston. 1970) provide good summaries of the d i s i p l i n e at that t ime. D . C / Rothwel l , J . Bottomley and J . D . Forbes. Cogni t ive Percept ion  o f Distance f o r Mental Mapping p 13-24 in "Malaspina Papers. Studies in Human and Phys ica l Geography" ed . R. Leigh (Tanta lus. Vancouver. 1973) xvi The immediate i n s p i r a t i o n f o r the c rea t ion of an urban response inventory came from the work of McKechnie G . F . McKechnie. The Environmental Response Inventory: Pre l iminary  Development (mimeo. I n s t i t u t e of P e r s o n a l i t y Assessment and Research. U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a at Berkeley. 1970) Representat ive examples of such work a re : B. M i t c h e l l "Behavioral Aspects o f Water Management" Environment and Behavior Volume 3 #1. March 1971 p 135-153 W.D. Sewel l . "Environmental Percept ions and At t i tudes of Engineers and Pub l ic Health O f f i c i a l s " Environment and Behavior Volume 3 #1. March 1971. p 23-60 K. Hewitt and I. Burton. The Hazardousness of a P lace : A Regional Ecology of Damaging Events (Toronto. U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press . 1971) G. E . , White, . . . W.A.R. Brinkman, H.C. Cochrane and H . J . E r i c k s e n . Flood Hazard in the United S ta tes : A Research Assessment (Boulder. I n s t i t u t e of Behavioral Sc iences . U n i v e r s i t y of Colorado.. 1975) R.M. Downs "The Cogni t ive Structure of an Urban Shopping Centre" Environment and Behavior . Volume 2 #1. June 1970. p 13-39 A .R . Pred. Behavior and L o c a t i o n . Foundations f o r a Geographic  and Dynamic Locat ion Theory (Lund, Sweden. Gleerups. 1967) J . Bottomley and D.W. Holdsworth A Considerat ion of A t t i tudes Underlying  Community P a r t i c i p a t i o n with C i v i c Issues p 59-74 in "Community P a r t i c i p a t i o n and the s p a t i a l order of the C i ty" D. Ley (ed) (Tanta lus. Vancouver. 1974) CHAPTER ONE EXPERIENCE, IDEOLOGY AND LANDSCAPE The cent ra l t h e s i s of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s that a landscape can best be understood through an h i s t o r i c a l account of the a c t i o n s , e x p e r i - ences and i d e o l o g i c a l underpinnings of the major actors involved in i t s c r e a t i o n . Such an account necess i ta tes the co inc iden ta l study o f a l l three elements fo r i t i s only when so considered that the complex in te rac t ions between them can expla in the process of landscape change. A lso necessary i s a recogn i t ion that there e x i s t s a time lag between the f i r s t enunciat ion of an i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n and i t s adoption by s i g n i f i c a n t actors as a d e c i s i o n making framework. Divorced from t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l context , which i s of ten a past p o s i t i o n , the act ions of many groups appear s e l f defeat ing j u s t as much o f t h e i r r h e t o r i c appears s e l f con t rad ic to ry unless seen in the context of a sequence of a c t i o n . Any such account thus involves a con-s iderab le i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the ideology underpinning the act ions of the major a c t o r s ; an i n v e s t i g a t i o n that looks at the a c t o r s ' ideology as i t evolved through time wi th in the context of more general but compatible ideo log ies held at the National rather than the loca l s c a l e . This type of research has been v i r t u a l l y non-ex is tent wi th in geography u n t i l compara-t i v e l y recent ly when f o r the f i r s t time an e x p l i c i t recogni t ion of the i d e o l o g i c a l content of s o c i a l ac t ion was made wi th in the d i s c i p l i n e ' ' ' . That th is approach can y i e l d i n t e r e s t i n g and useful i n s i g h t s in to the process of landscape generat ion i s inves t iga ted wi th in the context o f Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, f o r the per iod 1900-1940, a per iod character i zed by the type of con t rad ic t ions j u s t d i s c u s s e d . 2 A C l a r i f i c a t i o n of Terms Before proceeding with the argument any fu r ther a c l a r i f i c a t i o n o f j u s t what i s meant by such items as b e l i e f s , v a l u e s , a t t i tudes and ideo log ies i s appropr ia te . These terms a l l have everyday meanings that are not co inc ident with the manner in which they are used in t h i s thes is and so such a c l a r i f i c a t i o n i s necessary to avoid con fus ion . A b e l i e f i s a conv ic t ion regarding the r e a l i t y of a phenomenon or the t ruth of some p r o p o s i t i o n . A b e l i e f i s d is t ingu ished from a value in that values are preferences and b e l i e f s are not . A t t i tudes a lso involve an eva luat ive aspect and a d d i t i o n a l l y imply a p r e d i s p o s i t i o n to act in a c e r t a i n manner . Such b e l i e f s , values and a t t i tudes are held by i n d i v i d -uals about an enormous range of concrete and abst rac t phenomena. Many are of a t r i v i a l nature and of no s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . Many on the other hand are held on matters of s o c i a l concern and are of great importance in de-termining an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l behavior . An i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s and values determine h is or her a t t i tudes toward a wide range o f s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t i t i o n s and issues . Thus, f o r example, an ind iv idua l who be l ieves that the parl iamentary system guarantees i n d i v i d -ual freedom and who values freedom p o s i t i v e l y w i l l have a p o s i t i v e a t t i tude toward the i n s t i t u t i o n s o f parl iamentary democracy. While a l l i n d i v i d u a l s possess a unique c o n s t e l l a t i o n of b e l i e f s , values and a t t i tudes there are ce r ta in systems of ideas that are the common source of the ind iv idua l b e l i e f s , values and a t t i tudes of large groups wi th in s o c i e t y . Such systems of b e l i e f s , values and a t t i tudes that are held by large groups wi th in s o c i e t y are known as i d e o l o g i e s . As systems of ideas 3 i deo log ies are more more than the sum of the b e l i e f s , values and a t t i tudes of the i n d i v i d u a l s wi thin a group. They provide a more or l e s s coherent organiza t ion f o r an i n d i v i d u a l ' s exper ience , experience which i s d i r e c t l y re la ted to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s ac t ion or i n a c t i o n in the pursu i t of h is or her s o c i a l and ind iv idua l g o a l s . Most s o c i a l ac t ion takes the form of c o l l e c -t i v e ac t ion and hence s o c i a l groups provide the focus around which i d e o l -ogies are formulated. They shape the experience of group members, provide a set of ca tegor ies in which to code s o c i a l experience and i d e n t i f y objects of approval or disapproval in r e l a t i o n to the groupAs dominant purpose. Thus, group purpose, exper ience , terminology and future ac t ion are a l l pre-4 scr ibed wi th in a well formulated ideology . The nature of a group that provides the basis f o r an ideology de-pends on a v a r i e t y of i n f l u e n c e s , the most important being the c lass s t r u c -ture of s o c i e t y . Many groups form as a response to a common problem and in seeking to overcome the problem create appropr iate theore t i ca l formulat ions of what i t i s t r y ing to do, why i t i s t r y i n g to do i t and why i t d i f f e r s from other groups. In short the group develops an ideo logy . Each member of the group w i l l p a r t i c i p a t e in only c e r t a i n parts of the group ideology and w i l l hence hold a s e r i e s of b e l i e f s , values and a t t i tudes that are more or less centra l to the group ideo logy . Some w i l l be naive and some cyn ica l about the ideology but most w i l l take i t f o r granted without r e f l e c t i n g in great depth on i t s meaning. Much o f the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l behavior o f such i n d i v i d u a l s i s thus behavior that i s seen as being the 'only thing to d o ' . It i s not behavior that has a r r i v e d at through a process of debate but behavior that was prescr ibed by the i n d i v i d u a l ' s unquestioned i d e o l o g i -4 cal p o s i t i o n . Much of the res t of th is d i s s e r t a t i o n i s concerned with showing j u s t how one s o c i a l group elaborated an ideology in response to a perceived problem. The ideology i s shown to provide not only an ana lys is of the problem but a p r e s c r i p t i o n f o r i t s cure . The group is shown to have acted on the basis of th is p r e s c r i p t i o n in an attempt to achieve i t s stated pur-pose of e l im ina t ing the perceived problem. I t i s time to e laborate the argument in some more d e t a i l . The Business E l i t e , Urban Reform and the Establ ishment of Town. Planning The economic and p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of Vancouver f o r the per iod 1900-1940 i s character ized by four f e a t u r e s . These are the dominant ro le played in the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the town by a r e l a -t i v e l y small business e l i t e , a widely supported b e l i e f that the route to s o c i a l and economic advance lay through the encouragement of urban growth; an organized and extremely ac t ive campaign to i n s t i t u t e some form of town pianning^and a rapid though c y c l i c boom and bus t , pattern of economic and urban growth. I t i s not immediately obvious why, in a s o c i e t y dominated by a business e l i t e and charac ter i zed by a b e l i e f in the d e s i r a b i l i t y of growth through ind iv idua l achievement in the marketplace there should be a con-s i s t e n t d r ive to i n s t i t u t e town p lann ing , e s p e c i a l l y as the major propo-nents o f such planning were themselves members of the business e l i t e . A s i t u a t i o n in which businessmen with an unchallenged f a i t h in the d e s i r a -b i l i t y of c a p i t a l i s t growth organize themselves to obtain planning 5 l e g i s l a t i o n requires some c l a r i f i c a t i o n j u s t as does the seeming c o n t r a -d i c t i o n i m p l i c i t in the f a c t that the landscape produced by the act ions of these ' f r o n t i e r c a p i t a l i s t s ' should be an extremely ordered one. The r e s o l u t i o n of these con t rad ic t ions l i e s , i t i s argued, in the manner in which there developed in the Eastern United States and Canada, in the per iod 1880-1914, a reform ideology that was d i f f u s e d westward in the f i r s t two decades of the century and that became well known to the Vancouver business e l i t e during the 1920's. Th is ideology evolved as an attempt to resolve the problem of the s e l f - d e f e a t i n g nature of rap id urban growth. Growth was regarded with favor as i t was seen as leading to i n -creased wealth but , due in part of the c y c l i c nature of growth, i t was a lso seen as being responsib le f o r severe environmental and s o c i a l problems. These problems were to become so severe a f t e r 1880 that they were seen as being a threat to economic advance i t s e l f . Thus, i f advance was to c o n t i n -ue, some amel iorat ion o f the environmental and s o c i a l condi t ions assoc ia ted with i t was necessary. This reform movement developed at two l e v e l s ; the nat ional and the c i v i c . The major Canadian mani festat ion of the National l eve l response was the c rea t ion by the L a u r i e r Government in the Spring of 1909 of the Commission o f Conservat ion. Th is organ iza t ion was to play an extremely important ro le fo r over ten years in e s t a b l i s h i n g 'p lann ing ' at a l l l e v e l s of government. When the Commission was disbanded in 1921, resource , regional and town planning were both f i r m l y es tab l i shed elements of the Canadian government scene; elements that were to induce s i g n i f i c a n t changes in the i d e o l o g i c a l basis o f Canadian l i b e r a l i s m during the ear ly years o f "THE MORAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL-REFORM-TRADITION "THE-NON-PARTISAN-SCTENTTFTC" MANAGEMENT REFORM TRADITION THE CITY EFFICIENT PLANNING TRADITION THE CITY BEAUTIFUL" PLANNING" TRADITION 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 The Parks Movement OllT V stead aux Pure Water Soc ia l Gospel Strong SI um Housing Ri is/Ames Pub l i c Health Lobby Ri i s/Ames C h r i s t i a n Moral Reform Woodsworth. Government Reform Through Good Morals Ames Government Reform Through S t ruc tu ra l E f f i c i e n c y Nat ional Munic ipal League Non Par t i san S c i e n t i f i c Management "The Reform Package" S c i e n t i f i c Management Tay lor The C i t y B e a u t i f i c a t i o n Movement C i t y E f f i c i e n t Planning School Vei 1 ler /Marsh The Chicago F a i r Burnham The Corporate Ideal of Business Management Commi ss ion of [Conservation The C i t y Beau t i f u l P lanning Movement Burnham/Bruner/ Olmstead/Robinson G.B. Ford 1912 Nat ional Conference 3 E T 1^  H. Bartholomew 1914 Conference Toronto B.C. Planning L e g i s l a t i o n Bartholomew Plan For Vancouver v FIGURE ONE: SCHEMATIC REPRESENTATION OF DEVELOPMENT OF CITY PLANNING AND REFORM THOUGHT 7 Mackenzie K ing 's f i r s t government. A schematic representat ion of the de-velopment of t h i s ideology i s provided in Figure One. At the c i v i c l eve l two major strands developed in the reform ideo logy; the f i r s t strand was concerned with the need to res t ruc ture the forms of urban government and the second with the need to i n s t i t u t e some form of urban p lanning. The f i r s t strand became a r t i c u l a t e d in the non-p a r t i s a n , a t - l a r g e e l e c t i o n and c i t y manager movements in which the i n s t i -tu t ions o f urban government became remodelled in the l ikeness of the business c o r p o r a t i o n . The in tent of t h i s mimicry was to induce in the c i v i c corporat ion the e f f i c i e n c y evident in the business c o r p o r a t i o n . The second strand developed a concept of planning in which the major r o l e was to guide urban and economic growth in an e f f i c i e n t manner. A de ta i l ed ana lys is of the o r i g i n s , s t ruc ture and d i f f u s i o n in to Western Canada of th is reform ideology i s presented l a t e r in the d i s s e r t a t i o n . Accepted and elaborated throughout the cont inent by businessmen th is reform ideology provided a framework of ideas that was accepted as provid ing the s o l u t i o n to c i v i c i l l s . Vancouver was no exception and reform ideas became commonplace. Operating from wi th in the i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework o f the Vancouver Board o f Trade the C i t y ' s leading business f igures lobbied the C i t y and P r o v i n c i a l Governments f o r the enactment of planning l e g i s l a t i o n throughout the per iod 1918-1925. Success was achieved at the end o f that year with the passing o f the Town Planning Act in December 1925. Immediately fo l lowing the passing of the Act the Vancouver C i ty Council created the Vancouver Town Planning Commission to advise the 8 Council on c i t y planning matters. Most of the appointed Commissioners were the same type of businessmen who had lobbied so strenuously f o r the enact -ment of planning l e g i s l a t i o n in the previous few y e a r s . They held the reform conception of planning as the f a c i l i t a t o r of e f f i c i e n t growth and in order to achieve th is end they h i red a 'p lanning expert ' to provide them with a p l a n . Th is planner was Harland Bartholomew who held s i m i l a r views on the r o l e of p lann ing , and who provided the Commission with t h e i r des i red ' b l u e p r i n t f o r development' in the form of the 1929 Vancouver C i t y P lan . This document provided a s t ruc tured development plan in considerable de ta i l and was the primary determinant of the nature of Vancouver's evolv ing urban s t ruc ture u n t i l the l a t e 1960's. This in f luence was expressed p r i m a r i l y through the operat ion of the zoning ordinances which s p e c i f i e d l e g a l l y permitted land uses throughout the C i t y . Much of the C i t y ' s present urban s t ruc ture i s a t t r i b u t a b l e to the e f f e c t s of the Bartholomew p l a n , a plan that was based f i r m l y on ideas centra l to the reform movement. The ideas of the urban re formers , in provid ing the i d e o l o g i c a l underpinning of both the Town Planning Commissioners and of Harland Bartholomew are thus important determinants of Vancouver's urban s t r u c t u r e . The urban reform movement i t s e l f i s seen as the c i v i c expression of p o s i -t i v e l i b e r a l i s m - the urban face t of the great recast ing of c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i s m that occurred in the l a t t e r h a l f of the nineteenth and f i r s t two decades of the twentieth centur ies as a r e s u l t of the growing i n a p p r o p r i -ateness of many of i t s centra l tenets when viewed in the l i g h t of the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l problems caused by urban and economic expansion. The Commission of Conservation and many of the a c t i v i t i e s of the Mackenzie King 9 government in the mid-1920's are nat ional expressions of t h i s same i d e o l o g -i c a l upheaval . Vancouver's urban s t ruc tu re then i s a r e f l e c t i o n o f the dominant p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l ideas held at the time o f i t s development and as such provides ample proof of the content ion that landscapes can only be understood when examined h i s t o r i c a l l y with r e l a t i o n to the dominant i d e o l o -gies operat ive at the time of t h e i r development . Purposes o f the Research While reading the d i s s e r t a t i o n the reader should recognize the three major goals that the work attempts to achieve . The f i r s t o f these i s a demonstration of the thes is that an understanding of landscapes i s best  achieved through an h i s t o r i c a l account of the act ions and i d e o l o g i c a l  underpinnings of the important land use d e c i s i o n makers. Without an e x p l i c i t study o f t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p many act ions w i l l appear to be i n e x p l i -cable and against the best i n t e r e s t s o f the a c t o r s . Only when the dec is ions are seen in the context o f the actors b e l i e f system w i l l they appear as l o g i c a l responses to the s i t u a t i o n being conf ronted . A l l d e c i -sions requi re the use of i m p l i c i t or e x p l i c i t c r i t e r i a ; c r i t e r i a that are u l t imate ly der ived in the s o c i a l context from the a c t o r s ' i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n . The necess i ty of such an a n a l y s i s w i l l become apparent during the course o f reading the d i s s e r t a t i o n , in p a r t i c u l a r in Chapters three and f o u r . The second major purpose i s to o f f e r an a n a l y s i s o f a p a r t i c u l a r  i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n , that of the urban reform movement. An attempt i s made to demonstrate that the reform ideology provided i t s adherents with a 1 0 view of r e a l i t y that was e s s e n t i a l l y s e l f contained and as such provided them with a l l the too ls necessary to prescr ibe cures fo r any s o c i a l i l l s . As a p a r t i c u l a r view of s o c i e t y reform thought prescr ibed g o a l s , and the means to achieve them. Based f i r m l y on some o f the centra l precepts o f l i b e r a l i s m the ideology gained wide acceptance throughout s o c i e t y and was chal lenged by few. This wide acceptance accounted in part f o r the reformers great success in ge t t ing much of t h e i r ideology i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d through l e g i s l a t i o n . The p rov is ion of s o c i a l and economic serv ices became a bureaucrat ic funct ion in the name of e f f i c i e n c y . These s c i e n t i f i c a l l y designed bureaucrat ic s t ruc tures provided plans that were in themselves r e f l e c t i o n s of the same des i re f o r e f f i c i e n c y and s c i e n t i f i c order . In Chapter Five we sha l l i nves t iga te in some de ta i l the funct ion ing of one such bureaucracy, the Vancouver Town Planning Commission. The t h i r d major purpose i s to que l l a few widely held misconcep- t ions about the nature and o r i g i n s of c i t y planning in Canada. A great deal of recent l i t e r a t u r e ' has d iscussed the e s s e n t i a l l y conservat ive nature of planning and the manner in which in i t s present form i t serves the i n t e r e s t s of the business community? That t h i s should be the case i s e a s i l y understandable in the l i g h t of the evidence presented in t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n . Planning as presented here i s emphat ical ly not an outgrowth o f r a d i c a l or s o c i a l i s t a c t i v i t y aimed at s o c i a l change but a technique of l i b e r a l c a p i t a l i s m to ensure i t s own e f f i c i e n t fu ture growth. As part o f the reform movement, p lann ing 's basic purpose was c o n s e r v a t i v e , to preserve through modi f i ca t ion the bas ic s t ruc ture of s o c i e t y . Reform i s presented in the same l i g h t ; a conservat ive movement whose basic aim was the preser -11 vation of the liberal capitalist order. The evidence presented contradicts the commonly held view that the reform movement was radical or socialist in inspiration with the ultimate aim of creating a new social order. It is not surprising that town planning has served the interests of the business community; i t was established explicitly for that purpose and in those terms has been a credible success. 12 NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE J . Anderson ' Ideology in Geography; An I n t r o d u c t i o n ' . Antipode Volume 5. Number 3. (1973) p 1-6 provides a d i s c u s s i o n of the extent to which ideology has been considered in geography. It i s evident from his d i s c u s s i o n that the thrust of most geographical cons idera t ions has been to evaluate the i d e o l o g i c a l underpinnings of geography i t s e l f . In th is manner f o r example the c a p i t a l i s t apologet ic nature of urban land use theory i s d i s c u s s e d . L i t t l e work so f a r has attempted to i s o l a t e the i d e o l o g i c a l underpinnings of h i s t o r i c a l land use dec is ion makers in order to gain i n s i g h t into t h e i r subsequent a c t i o n s . This d i s s e r t a t i o n i s an attempt to do j u s t t h i s . An example of the former type of work i s D.W. Harvey "Popu la t ion , Resources and the Ideology of Science" Economic Geography Volume 50. Number 3. J u l y 1974. p 256-277. A rare example of the l a t t e r type i s pro-vided by G. Olsson "Servi tude and Inequal i ty in Spat ia l P lanning. Ideology and Methodology in C o n f l i c t " . Antipode Volume 6. Number 1. A p r i l 1, 1974. p 22-36. T . F . Hoult D ic t ionary of Modern Socio logy (New J e r s e y . L i t t l e f i e l d , Adams and Co. 1972) p 30, 39-40, 158, 343. L . B . Brown Ideology (Harmondsworth, Middlesex. Penguin Books. 1973) p 9-24. 13 N. H a r r i s . B e l i e f s in S o c i e t y . The Problem of Ideology (Harmondsworth, Middlesex. 1971) p 43-44. P . E . Converse. The Nature of B e l i e f Systems in Mass Pub l i cs p 206-262 in D. Apter . (ed) Ideology and Discontent (New York, Free Press of Glencoe. 1964). Brown o p . c i t . p 176-179 Har r is o p . c i t . p 45-46. That a l l c i t i e s r e f l e c t the dominant i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n s held at the time of t h e i r development i s argued f o r by L. Mumford. See f o r example h is d i s c u s s i o n of the Baroque C i ty in L. Mumford The C i t y in H i s t o r y . (New York. Harcourt Brace and World 1961). See f o r example:-R. Goodman A f t e r the Planners (Harmondsworth, Middlesex, Penguin Books. 1972). D. Ley (ed) Community P a r t i c i p a t i o n and the Spat ia l Order of the  C i t y (Vancouver. Tanta lus . 1974) 14 CHAPTER TWO THE IDEOLOGY OF REFORM Throughout the North American cont inent in the l a te nineteenth century the dominant economic phi losophy was that of l i b e r a l c a p i t a l i s m . Within t h i s phi losophy economic and urban growth were viewed favorably as i n d i c a t o r s of s o c i a l and economic progress . The idea o f progress was cen -t r a l to l a t e nineteenth century Canadian thought; i t was an age of improve-ment*. The c l e a r i n g of the land acted as the symbol of th is improvement in the countryside with urban growth p lay ing the same ro le in the c i t i e s . In Ontario many a book proclaimed the economic advance of Toronto under the capable helmsmanship of the captains of industry . This view of the c i t y and the future moved west with the immigrants and became a r t i c u l a t e d 3 through the act ions of the urban business communities*.. GROWTH AND ITS PROBLEMS In Vancouver the s i t u a t i o n was no d i f f e r e n t from that in the other major Canadian c i t i e s with a businessman dominated c i t y counci l doing a l l i t could to encourage immigrat ion, the growth of industry and the a t t r a c t i o n of ra i lways . Cooperating with the P r o v i n c i a l and Dominion governments they were successfu l in t h e i r quest as i s a t tes ted to by Roy in her s tudies of Railway promotion and development in Vancouver and by C h u r c h i l l in h is study of government involvement in the development of the False Creek i n d u s t r i a l a r e a 4 . The Board of Trade was a lso very a c t i v e in promoting growth and as l a t e as 1929 was cooperat ing with the C i t y Counci l 15 over the bonusing of new indust ry . The Council in f a c t formal ly recognized the Indust r ia l Bureau of the Board of Trade as the agency respons ib le f o r 5 the development of new industry in the c i t y . The Trade and Commerce Committee was attempting a s i m i l a r programme with regard to wholesal ing and t r a d e , the primary aims of the committee being to ensure that i n t e r i o r c i t i e s were suppl ied through Vancouver as opposed f o r instance to Spokane, that western trade passed through the Port of Vancouver and to see to i t that trade Commissioners were sent abroad to st imulate trade . Immigration from B r i t a i n was encouraged by a spec ia l committee that worked from 1911 to 1914 in conjunct ion with an organiza t ion r e j o i c i n g in the t i t l e of the Imperial Home Reunion A s s o c i a t i o n of Vancouver, B . C . ^ The C i v i c Bureau, es tab l i shed in December 1917, a lso involved i t s e l f in a v a r i e t y of pro-motional a c t i v i t i e s but was more important in other areas as we s h a l l see l a t e r in the d i s s e r t a t i o n . The importance of the 'growth e t h i c ' i s evident in the r h e t o r i c of the time as well as in the behavior of the o rgan iza t ions . Cont ro l led growth was a major goal of the business e l i t e and was a major stand in the platforms of a s p i r i n g p o l i t i c i a n s . The e l e c t i o n platforms of Mayoral candidates in the per iod 1900-1914 were rep le te with references to Vancouver's impending greatness. With few exceptions candidates agreed on the aims of c i v i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , e f f i c i e n t , honest government aimed at creat ing a favorable environment f o r economic and physical growth. A l l used populat ion or some other mater ia l index as t h e i r index of p rogress , disagreement being l i m i t e d to the person best su i ted to implement such a program. A s e l e c t i o n of quotes from p r e - e l e c t i o n speeches gives a f l a v o u r of the r h e t o r i c employed. An unsuccessful candidate in 1900 f o r the Mayoralty was Charles Woodward who had a v i s i o n of the future as fo l lows "When the C i t y obtained the ( foreshore) f l a t s they would be reclaimed by a sea w a l l , canals being dug from inshore r i g h t out in to the bay to permit vesse ls to s a i l up to the f a c t o r i e s which i t i s contemplated would be b u i l t on the high ground o thrown up from the excavation . " Successful in 1901 T . G . Townley promised: "he would pledge himself to give f a i t h f u l se rv ice and to use h is in f luence to promote the status of the C i t y , and place i t in that p o s i t i o n as the metropol is of the west which nature intended i t to g occupy . " In 1909 Odium could run on the basis o f : "a Greater Vancouver, more r a i l w a y s , improvement of the F i r s t Narrows bridge and False Creek. The improvement of the s t r e e t car system and the development of cheap water power and gra in e l e v a -t o r s 1 0 " and s t i l l f a i l to gain e l e c t i o n , l o s i n g to C S . Douglas who advocated: "a Second Narrows b r i d g e , n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n and improvement of the harbour, the deepening of Fa lse Creek, the bu i ld ing of a canal from False Creek to Burrard I n l e t , the bu i ld ing of a new Cambie St reet 17 11 Bridge and the c rea t ion of a 'g rea ter Vancouver' S i m i l a r l y in 1918 R.H. Gale running on the basis o f : "Cheaper l i g h t and power, i n d u s t r i a l development, equi tab le taxat ion and c l e a n , e f f i c i e n t and eco-nomic admin is t ra t ion of c i v i c a f f a i r s . These are 12 the grounds upon which I hope to be e lec ted . would defeat M. McBeath:-"Business - Indust r ia l Development. Moral reform. The Candidate f o r Progress , Economy and E f f i c i e n c y 13 without cant or camouflage ." No p o l i t i c i a n argued against economic growth or populat ion increase in the per iod before World War One or indeed up u n t i l the economic co l l apse of 1930. That the above examples are not i s o l a t e d examples is shown through a systematic study of the platforms o f fe red and the r h e t o r i c used by a l l Mayoralty candidates in the per iod 1900-1930. During th is per iod some 74 candidates o f fe red themselves in 29 e l e c t i o n s , e l e c t i o n s being held y e a r l y un t i l 1926 and b iannual ly from 1928. There were two e l e c t i o n s held in 1922 due to a change in the e l e c t i o n date from January in the year of o f f i c e to December of the previous year . Of these 74 candidates i t i s poss ib le to reconstruct the plat form of 47, or 63.5% of them. This f i g u r e i s more representat ive than i t seems, however, f o r the missing platforms are almost t o t a l l y those o f minor , unsuccessful candidates . The platforms o f the successfu l candidates and t h e i r p r i n c i p a l chal lengers proved r e l a t i v e l y easy to reconst ruct from newspaper accounts o f e l e c t i o n meetings and from 18 newspaper advertisments s o l i c i t i n g support f o r p a r t i c u l a r candidates'"' 1 '. Each o f these platforms was then evaluated on the bas is of i t s ind iv idua l p lanks; each plank being assigned to a s p e c i f i c category wi th in a typology designed to cover the range of poss ib le p lanks. On th is basis 15 i t was poss ib le to categor ize each platform as being pro or ant i growth . The r e s u l t s are i l l u m i n a t i n g . Over the whole per iod 1900-1930 38 of the 47 p la t fo rms, or 80.8%, were pro-growth. Broken down in to the periods 1900-1914 and 1915-1930 pro-growth platforms account f o r 15 of 17, or 88.2% f o r the former per iod and 23 of 31, 74.2% f o r the l a t t e r p e r i o d . The platforms being o f fe red the c i v i c e lec to ra te in th is per iod then do not d i f f e r s i g -n i f i c a n t l y one from another. A l l see Vancouver as a future great metrop-o l i s , a great port and manufacturing c e n t r e , a t ranspor ta t ion hub and major f i n a n c i a l cent re . I ts present and potent ia l greatness i s never quest ioned. The e lec tora te was not asked to d iscr imina te between competing goals but to choose between r i v a l s o f f e r i n g cont ras t ing means to achieve these g o a l s . The nature of the near ly 20% of platforms not c l a s s i f i e d as being pro-growth w i l l be d iscussed l a t e r but none could be descr ibed as being ant i -growth. While not advocating growth as a centra l tenet none opposed i t . This 'growth i s good e t h i c 1 a l s o pervaded the media o f the time which, in not cha l lenging the p o l i t i c a l common wisdom, contr ibuted to the overa l l growth ambiance. B r i t i s h Columbia's own 'booster ' magazine, the B .C . Magazine, i s comprised almost e n t i r e l y of a r t i c l e s p r a i s i n g Vancouver's 1 Fi present and future greatness . In 1907 we l e a r n : "No c i t y in the Dominion can boast - i f boast ing were necessary - of such a harbour, three great 19 t ranscont inenta l rai lways making the c i t y t h e i r headquarters with others to come, such unl imi ted room f o r growth and such oppor tun i t ies in every l i n e of bus iness . It requires l i t t l e f o r e s i g h t to see that wi th in the next ten or f i f t e e n years Vancouver w i l l be a c i t y as large as Montreal or T o r o n t o ^ . A few years l a t e r Vancouver was ready to take on a l l comers! "Vancouver has been c a l l e d the L iverpool of the P a c i f i c , the P i t tsburgh of the West. She is both the one and the o ther . Converging rai lway l i n e s and terminal, steamship docks make her mistress of the western seas and the d i s t r i b u t i n g point f o r the products of the prosperous confederat ion at her back, while wi thin her own conf ines she i s bu i ld ing up a substant ia l manufacturing and indus-t r i a l d i s t r i c t which promises e a s i l y to make her a dangerous r i v a l in capac i ty of the smokey c i t y of Wi l l iam Penn's Sylvan State" ' 1 ^ S u b t l e r , but e s s e n t i a l l y s i m i l a r , was the message presented by the major newspapers. E d i t o r i a l s constant ly pra ised attempts to a t t r a c t r a i l w a y s , immigrants and i n d u s t r y , gave thanks when these b less ings mate r ia l i zed and genera l ly presented a p o s i t i v e u n c r i t i c a l view of the c i t y ' s growth. In an attempt to demonstrate the pervasive nature of pro-growth sentiments wi th in the media a content ana lys is of e d i t o r i a l cartoons appearing in the major 20 Vancouver newspapers was conducted. The documents prov id ing the mater ia l to be sampled were those ... issues of the Vancouver Sun and the Vancouver Da i ly Province publ ished between 1900 and 1930. In the case o f the Vancouver Da i l y Province th is covered the whole p e r i o d , p u b l i c a t i o n having s ta r ted on a d a i l y basis in March 1898. The Vancouver Sun, however, only began d a i l y p u b l i c a t i o n in February 1912. This amounts to roughly 15,000 ind iv idua l issues of which one paper per week was se lec ted at random to provide the sample. Thus 19 roughly 2,500 issues eventua l ly suppl ied the data . Each cartoon se lec ted was assigned to one of a s e r i e s of categor ies represent ing a range of stances that could be taken with regard to Vancouver. Assuming the r e l e -vance of the ca r toon , a high proport ion having nothing to do with the c i t y , the category se lec ted represented a stance that could be regarded as being e i t h e r pro-growth or concerned with some other aspect of urban a f f a i r s . This allowed each cartoon to be thus typed as being in favor of 'growth' or not as the case may be. As in the case of the Mayoral e l e c t i o n platforms the r e s u l t s are a f i rm i n d i c a t i o n o f the a l l persuasive b e l i e f in the 20 d e s i r a b i l i t y o f growth . For the Vancouver Da i ly Province only s ix years in the per iod 1900-1920 have a major i ty of cartoons in categor ies other than the pro-growth c a t e g o r i e s ; four of these y e a r s , 1913, 1919, 1920 and 1921 f lank the F i r s t World War. A s i m i l a r p i c t u r e emerges when we look at the Vancouver Sun. Over i t s twenty year span only three years f a i l to d isp lay a pro-growth major i ty and as in the case of the Province these f lank the F i r s t World War being 1912, 1913 and 1919 in t h i s case . Apart from these few years pro-growth imagery was f i r m l y entrenched at the. heart 21 of the Vancouver media. Th is per iod was of course one character i zed by f a s t and c o n t i n u -ous economic and populat ion growth in the years 1900-1913; a c o l l a p s e o f the real estate market in 1913 fol lowed by depressed economic condi t ions during and immediately fo l lowing the war fol lowed by a fu r ther per iod of extended growth s t a r t i n g in 1921 and cont inuing u n t i l the end of the 21 decade . It i s probably the depressed economic condi t ions of the years immediately p r i o r to and fo l lowing the war that account f o r the cartoons being d i f f e r e n t in nature than those o f the res t o f the p e r i o d . For the r e s t , growth remained an unchallenged aim i n d i c a t i n g that the c a p i t a l i s t system was funct ion ing e f f i c i e n t l y . The c i t i e s of North America however had t h e i r dark s ides and i t soon became evident that urban growth was a two edged sword. On the one hand i t ind ica ted des i red economic growth but on the other i t presented a s e r i e s o f s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l problems that could only be ignored at the p e r i l of growth i t s e l f . These problems assoc ia ted with growth put a great s t r a i n on c i v i c administ ra t ions and upon the tax bases of the c i t i e s . The need to supply serv ices to the newly developed areas saw a sharp r i s e in taxes; c i t y indebtedness increased a larming ly . The health problems assoc ia ted with the less sa lubr ious areas o f the c i t i e s became a hazard to a l l as d id i n c r e a s -22 ing crime and p o l i t i c a l extremism. To deal with these problems was an expensive a f f a i r and i t became evident to the business community that uncont ro l led growth was c o s t i n g i t severe ly in increased taxes. As MacDonald has pointed out Vancouver was no except ion . An 22 understaf fed c i t y ha l l admin is t ra t ion moved from c r i s i s to c r i s i s as they t r i e d to keep pace with the demands upon them. Resignat ions were common as were suggestions on how to improve the s i t u a t i o n but nothing eased i t s 23 burden. . In the adjacent m u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver (see Map Two) the c i v i c admin is t ra t ion a lso faced severe problems as the r e s u l t of growth. The burgeoning p o p u l a t i o n , 1,520 in 1901, 16,126 in 1911 and 32,267 in 1921, demanded roads , s idewalks , water, sewers and s c h o o l s . In the three years from 1910 to 1913 the municipal debt increased from $209,000 to $2,896,879. This huge increase in debt necess i ta ted higher taxes which saw the a s s e s s -ed ment r i s e from $6,099,932 in 1909 to $38,999,285 in 1912. Growth was beginning to cost money. A coherent se t o f ideas developed in response to th is c o n t r a d i c -t ion between the d e s i r e f o r growth and the growth hindering problems r e -s u l t i n g from growth. Developed l a r g e l y in the United States and Eastern Canada there were two main strands to th is thought. The f i r s t strand empha-s i zed the need to i n s t i t u t e some form o f urban planning in order to make urban growth a more ordered , ra t iona l p rocess . A s e r i e s of ideas as to how th is could be done developed simultaneously and were promulgated in Canada, along with the idea of the need f o r p lann ing , by an organizat ion we sha l l d iscuss l a t e r in t h i s Chapter , the Commission of Conservat ion. This organizat ion was to be an important c a t a l y s t in the Vancouver planning movement. The second major strand of thought was concerned with the need to res t ruc ture c i v i c i n s t i t u t i o n s . Int imately re la ted with the ideas on planning these ideas were a lso to become important in Vancouver. Before we look in d e t a i l at how these ideas became a r t i c u l a t e d in Vancouver, we 23 must look at t h e i r development and t race t h e i r movement and adoption in Canada. Only when we have done th is can the Vancouver s i t u a t i o n be seen in context . THE URBAN REFORM MOVEMENT In the per iod 1861-1921 the urban populat ion of Canada rose from 15.8% to 47.4%. This represented an increase in absolute terms from under 500,000 urban res idents in 1861 to 4.3 M urban res idents in 1 9 2 1 . 2 5 Much of th is growth took place in a handful of major urban cen t res . A s i m i l a r urban explosion had occurred in the United States s l i g h t l y e a r l i e r . Between 1810 and 1910 the populat ion of the United States doubled but the urban populat ion rose some seven t imes. It was the la rger urban centres that grew the f a s t e s t in th is per iod which saw by 1910 some 109 c i t i e s with populat ions of over 50,000. This compared with s ixteen c i t i e s that ex-ceeded th is f i g u r e in 1861. The percentage of the populat ion l i v i n g in c i t i e s rose from 9.9% in 1860 to 26.6% in 1910 and 31% in 1920. The per-centage of the populat ion l i v i n g in a l l urban centres changed in the same years from 18.8% in 1860 to 45.7% in 1910, becoming a major i ty in 1920 with 50 .2%. 2 6 Urban Problems The response to rapid metropol i tan development was ambivalent. Lauded as symbols of progress they presented a number of very obvious ' e v i l s ' which soon became the object of at tack f o r muckraking j o u r n a l i s t s and a few ea r ly reformers. Canadian c i t i e s were attacked f o r t h e i r v i c e 27 and pover ty , t h e i r squalor and t h e i r rampant mater ia l ism. During the 24 1880's a s e r i e s of newspapers took up what was c a l l e d in Canada "peoples journa l i sm" . These papers were a Canadian vers ion of the American 'muck-rakers ' and they paid c l o s e a t ten t ion to the a c t i v i t i e s of urban reform groups to the south of the border. In Montreal the ' S t a r ' attacked c i v i c government corrupt ion and i n e f f i c i e n c y . In Toronto the 'World' attacked the u t i l i t y monopolies and in Vancouver the 'News A d v e r t i z e r ' advocated broader c i t i z e n control of urban d e c i s i o n making. A s i m i l a r pattern of events took place in the United States where the muckrakers attacked the poverty and v i c e of the c i t y and the unsanitary condi t ion of much slum housing. It was the corrupt ion and i n e f f i c i e n c y of the c i v i c government process that came in f o r most c r i t i c i s m however. B r i t i s h Ambassador Lord Bryce termed c i v i c government "the one conspicuous f a i l u r e of the United 28 S t a t e s " . while A . D . White, a prominent educator and Col lege P r e s i d e n t , could c la im "with very few except ions , the C i t y governments of the United States are the worst in Christendom -the most expensive, the most i n e f f i c i e n t and the 29 most corrupt" By 1900 the j o u r n a l i s t had l a r g e l y been replaced in the r o l e of urban c r i t i c by the exper t , who very often operated from a p o s i t i o n wi th in an organiza t ion and as such exerted a considerable degree of i n f l u e n c e . Many organizat ions concerned with the problems fac ing the c i t i e s o r ig ina ted throughout the urban centres o f the cont inent . An account of the genesis of these e a r l y organizat ions and t h e i r u l t imate coalescence in to a few major groups posing very s p e c i f i c programmes of ac t ion fo l lows th is s e c t i o n . 25 Reform Pioneers Soon to replace the j o u r n a l i s t s as the vanguard of the reform movement were an assorted group of humanitarian p ro fess iona ls and bus iness-men who from the mid 1880's onwards, wrote about and formed organizat ions to combat the problems f a c i n g the c i t y . One group o f these pioneers were the pub l i c heal th reformers. S t a r t i n g with an i n t e r e s t in the p rov is ion o f pure water they became, during the 1890 1s onwards, in teres ted in a wide range of san i ta ry concerns inc lud ing the pur i t y of food , general prevent ive vacc ina t ion and the p r o v i s i o n of healthy l i v i n g quar te rs . In the United S t a t e s , New York C i t y was the centre of such a c t i v i t y and as ea r l y as 1879 i t became i l l e g a l to b u i l d tenements with windowless rooms. In the 1890's t h i s movement gained momentum through the e f f o r t s of men such as Jacob R i i s who acted as an e f f e c t i v e propagandist o f reform with h is books, photo-30 graphs and a r t i c l e s . By 1892 the Federal government had become involved through the medium of a Department of Labor i n v e s t i g a t i o n in to slum c o n d i -31 t ions in New York, P h i l a d e l p h i a , Balt imore and Chicago and in 1895 produced, through the same agency, a report on the p o s s i b i l i t y of model 32 tenements s i m i l a r to those found in B r i t a i n and Europe. In Canada the movement f o r pure water was a c t i v e in the 1870's. The 1880's saw a widening of i n t e r e s t to inc lude prevent ive vaccinat ion- iandc'especial ly the 33 d e b i l i t a t i n g e f f e c t s on the heal th of 'slum c o n d i t i o n s ' . Ames' work on Montreal in 1897 and Woodsworth's on Winnipeg and elsewhere in 1909 and 1911 are in t h i s t r a d i t i o n as i s the l a t e r work o f C. Has t ings , the Medical O f f i c e r f o r the C i t y of T o r o n t o . ^ The in f luence of t h i s group of reformers i s c l e a r l y seen in the Journal Conservation of L i f e publ ished by 26 the Commission of Conservation from 1914 to 1921. The importance of t h i s organizat ion w i l l be seen l a t e r in the Chapter. Another important strand in reform at t h i s per iod was the s o c i a l g ospe l . Reformers of t h i s persuasion saw the c i t i e s ' problems as being e s s e n t i a l l y moral in charac te r . Sa loons, gambling and v i c e a l l destroyed the mora l i ty of the ind iv idua l who f e l l prey to t h e i r temptations because of the appa l l ing slum condi t ions in which he r e s i d e d . Wri ters such as the 35 Rev. Jos iah Strong were important in seeing those bast ions of 'decent l i v i n g ' the Settlement House, es tab l i shed throughout urban America. The founding of the Henry S t ree t sett lement in New York in 1886 and of Hull House in Chicago in 1888 began a process that was to lead to over 100 sett lement houses by 1900 and 400 by 1910. In Canada the s o c i a l gospel was very a c t i v e with J . S . Woodsworth being a major proponent o f the sett lement house idea with h is A l l Peoples Miss ion in Winnipeg's North End. C lose ly a l l i e d to the s o c i a l gospel reformers were the s o c i a l welfare assoc ia t ions that developed throughout the period 1890-1910 in an attempt to r a t i o n a l i z e the crumbling ph i l an th rop ic system that had ex is ted almost unchanged throughout the nineteenth century . This o ld welfare system, administered by pr iva te c h a r i t i e s and the var ious churches, could not cope with the mult i tude of problems that developed in the c i t i e s and by 1900 was in a s ta te of c o l l a p s e . Many s o c i a l welfare reformers argued f o r government 37 p a r t i c i p a t i o n in t h i s system. Government in tervent ion was a lso the s o l u t i o n o f fe red by those groups whose goal was to solve the ' u t i l i t i e s q u e s t i o n ' . Companies ac -quired monopoly f ranch ises f o r a range of pub l ic u t i l i t i e s inc lud ing the 27 supply of water, s t r e e t ra i lway s e r v i c e , e l e c t r i c power and telephone 38 s e r v i c e . Many re formers , e s p e c i a l l y in Canada, argued, with a great deal of s u c c e s s , f o r pub l ic ownership of these u t i l i t i e s . As ea r l y as 1893 Guelph purchased i t s gas works and in 1901 the Union of Canadian M u n i c i p a l i t i e s was formed to combat the machinations of the u t i l i t y companies. The Ontar io Pub l ic Hydro Commission was formed in 1905, and in 1907 Manitoba took contro l of the P r o v i n c i a l telephone system. By 1920 pub l ic c o n t r o l , i f not ou t r igh t ownership, of u t i l i t i e s was standard 3 9 p r a c t i c e in Canada. The Coalescence of Concerns. Although the concerns d iscussed above remained throughout the reform per iod one concern came to dominate the others and act as a point of coalescence f o r the other major s t rands . This was the concern over the inappropr iateness of e x i s t i n g government s t r u c t u r e s . Rapid growth and the very success of the reform concerns j u s t d iscussed led to a great increase in the cost of prov id ing municipal s e r v i c e s . Exacerbated by the economic depression of 1893 these problems became so not iceab le that fo r some time the urban reform movement became synonomous with the 40 movement to reform municipal government. C i t i z e n groups p r o l i f e r a g e d with 'honest , e f f i c i e n t , economical government' being the goal of many. Governments were blamed f o r being both corrupt and i n e f f i c i e n t and, by i m p l i c a t i o n , respons ib le fo r many of the c i t y ' s i l l s . In the search fo r lower taxes , power, municipal costs and the e l im ina t ion of waste many of these groups advocated the e l e c t i o n of 'good men' , usua l ly meaning businessmen, to pub l i c o f f i c e . As ea r l y as 1885 both Toronto and Montreal had e lected ' re form' mayors of t h i s type in 28 W. Howland in Toronto and H. Beaugrand in Montreal . ' 1 ' 1 Both these men found i t hard to implement t h e i r programs in the presence of l a r g e l y unchanged c o u n c i l s . In Montreal t h i s led to the formation of the H.B. Ames reform 'machine' that had a great deal of e l e c t o r a l success during the 1890's. T h i s , in a modif ied form, was a reform fo rce in Montreal c i v i c p o l i t i c s u n t i l 1914 when the e l e c t i o n of Mederic Mart in saw the end of reform 42 e l e c t o r a l success . In 1894 two very important organizat ions were formed along with a host of minor municipal reform organizat ions - these were the National 43 Conference f o r Good C i t y Government and the National Municipal League. This l a t t e r o rgan iza t ion was p a r t i c u l a r l y important in prov id ing the i n s t i -tu t iona l framework that gave coherence to much o f the urban reform movement. It was at the 1897 L o u i s v i l l e meetings of the Conference f o r Good C i ty Government that two l i n e s or d iagnosis come in to focus : one, that the prob-lem was a moral one and that any s o l u t i o n required a change in the hearts o f men and two, that the problem was s t r u c t u r a l and could be cured by 44 changing governmental i n s t i t u t i o n s . These two diagnoses were to fuse by the f i r s t decade of the twentieth century . This same conference appointed a committee to d r a f t a 'model municipal program' designed to enforce the twin idea ls of 'Pro tes tant honesty' and 'business e f f i c i e n c y 1 . The report was presented to the 1899 meeting and won acceptance. I t advocated a strong mayor, unicameral counc i l s e lec ted 'at l a r g e ' f o r terms of s i x y e a r s , the a b o l i t i o n of wards, non-par t isan c i v i c e l e c t i o n s held at a d i f f e r e n t time of year than State and Federal e l e c t i o n s , the appointment as c i v i l servants of a l l other c i v i c o f f i c i a l s , and an increase in the c i t y ' s 29 bonding and taxing p o w e r s . H 3 In the same year the National Municipal League adopted i t s own Model C i t y Charter which was a very s i m i l a r document; again p lac ing i t s f a i t h in the reform of government s t ructures as the means 46 to e f f i c i e n t and honest c i v i c government. These two documents drew t o -gether the threads of reform thought and organized them in concrete propos-a ls fo r change that centered on modifying government s t r u c t u r e s . Reform thought in the United States in the 1890's then saw a t r a n s i t i o n in emphasis from 'the need f o r good men' to 'the need to res t ruc ture government i n s t i t u t i o n s ' . This t r a n s i t i o n a lso occurred in Canada. The experiences o f the reform Mayors o f the 1880's led many to be l ieve that 'good men' were not enough to guarantee 'good government' and during the 1890's there was a move to search out new governmental forms. This often meant the a b o l i t i o n of the ward system, increas ing the length of aldermanic terms of o f f i c e or the i n s t i t u t i o n of the 'Board of 47 C o n t r o l ' . This l a t t e r device was in e f f e c t a c i v i c ' cab ine t ' and was a p e c u l i a r l y Canadian device to c e n t r a l i z e admin is t ra t ive power. Adopted in Toronto in 1897 i t spread to Hamilton and Ottawa and was adopted temporar-48 i l y in Montrea l , Winnipeg and London. A l l these measures were designed to streamline the governmental s t ruc tures and to c e n t r a l i z e execut ive author i ty thereby making the c i v i c government more e f f e c t i v e . C o i n c i d e n t a l l y with th is s h i f t in reform thought another aspect of reform ideology was undergoing an important t ransformat ion . This was the subl imat ion of the moral ana lys is of urban i l l s in to a s t r u c t u r a l a n a l -y s i s centered around the idea of e f f i c i e n c y . By 1894 as we have seen ' e f f i c i e n c y ' was a common theme running through much reform thought. At 30 f i r s t e f f i c i e n c y was regarded as a helpmate to achieving government at lower cost but as the n i n e t i e s progressed i t came to take on a l a r g e r con-cept . At t h i s time i t s meaning was being expanded and systematized through the S c i e n t i f i c Management Movement of F.W. T a y l o r . T a y l o r ' s work during the 1890's and 1900's , summarized in his 1911 magnum opus, The P r i n c i p l e s of S c i e n t i f i c Management, gave ' e f f i c i e n c y ' a s c i e n t i f i c character and 49 systematic form that appealed to many reformers. The r e s u l t of t h i s was to undermine f a i t h that 'mora l i t y ' in government was enough to guarantee good government and strengthen the idea that s t ruc tu ra l reforms were necessary. By the turn of the century mora l i ty i t s e l f was no longer enough, i n e f f i c i e n c y and incompetence were seen as a bigger threat than g r a f t and c o r r u p t i o n . This transformation of mora l i ty in to e f f i c i e n c y was one of the major accomplishments o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l reform f o r i t pointed toward s o l u -t ions and as such allowed reformers to escape the charge of being s t e r i l e 50 c r i t i c s . By 1910 the urban reform movement had coalesced to a large degree around the problem of municipal government reform. This was seen as the prime r e q u i s i t e f o r an e f f e c t i v e l y func t ion ing c i t y . Other urban problems, i t was i m p l i e d , would soon prove ameneable to treatment provided the funda-mental problem was f i r s t s o l v e d ; that o f prov id ing the c i t y with a se t o f government i n s t i t u t i o n s that would al low ' e f f i c i e n t ' admin is t ra t ion to emanate from c i t y h a l l . The problem now was not one of d iagnosis but of p r e s c r i p t i o n ; not what was wrong but how to c o r r e c t i t . J u s t what these p r e s c r i p t i o n s were we s h a l l soon see but f i r s t we must inves t iga te j u s t who were these reformers who had come to see e f f i c i e n c y as the panacea f o r 31 urban i l l s . The Leading Role of the Businessman The a v a i l a b l e evidence suggests that the support f o r municipal reform came not from the working or middle c lasses but from the upper c l a s s 51 businessmen and p r o f e s s i o n a l s . Many wr i te rs have provided evidence sup-por t ive of th is c o n c l u s i o n . In a study o f Oklahoma c i t i e s that had adopted the c i t y manager form of government i t was found twenty-nine out of the th i r ty - two adoptions had been i n i t i a t e d by Chambers of Commerce or other 52 business groups. The centra l r o l e of Chambers of Commerce and Boards of Trade in the urban reform movement i s d iscussed exhaust ive ly by Weinstein in his studies of the emergence of corporate c a p i t a l i s m in ea r l y twentieth 53 century America. Herbert Ames of the Montreal reform movement was a powerful businessman being part owner and d i r e c t o r of a successfu l boot and shoe manufacturing company and a d i r e c t o r of the Great-West L i f e Insurance 54 Company. S.M. Wicket t , who played an important ro le in the Toronto reform movement, was an important businessman and businessmen, as A r t i b i s e has 55 demonstrated, dominated the Winnipeg governmental reform groups. B u s i -nessmen a lso played an important ro le in developing reform thought in Canada through t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s in e l i t e C lubs . The Canadian and Empire Clubs were ea r ly promulgators of urban reform often br inging in speakers 56 from the United States and B r i t a i n . Th is of course ra ises the quest ion of why businessmen dominated the urban reform movement? Hays has argued that these business groups and t h e i r p ro fess iona l a l l i e s became involved f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons not the 32 l e a s t important being t h e i r des i re to contro l the r a p i d l y increas ing geog-57 raphica l area of the c i t y . This d e s i r e to contro l a geographica l ly l a r g -er scope of events can be a t t r ibu ted to at l e a s t three d i s t i n c t f a c t o r s . Due to the suburban movements of the 1880's and 1890's i t became i n c r e a s -i n g l y the pattern that the businessman's residence was suburban with h is economic i n t e r e s t s t i l l located in the centra l c i t y . He was ob l iged to remain involved in centra l c i t y p o l i t i c s to protect these i n t e r e s t s but found to h is dismay that inner c i t y p o l i t i c s became i n c r e a s i n g l y under the dominance of the lower c l a s s elements of the populat ion he had r e s i d e n -t i a l l y l e f t b e h i n d . 5 8 The second reason was the growing recogni t ion by the business community that f a c t o r s independent of i nd iv idua l companies had s i g n i f i c a n t impact on the performance o f these companies. The depression of 1893 and the increas ing d i f f i c u l t i e s experienced by businessmen in get t ing what they considered to be appropr iate c i v i c l e g i s l a t i o n were cen-t r a l in r e i n f o r c i n g t h i s idea . The businessman therefore wanted to protect h is des i re f o r economic growth by c o n t r o l l i n g the p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . The geographica l ly boundless i n t e r e s t s of newly emerging profess ions such as a rch i tec tu re can be seen as a t h i r d reason. Regarding themselves as being in possession of u n i v e r s a l l y v a l i d knowledge that should be used f o r the ' p u b l i c good' they became a c t i v e l y involved in pub l i c a f f a i r s in gener-al and urban reform in p a r t i c u l a r . Viewing the c i t y in an overa l l manner these men objected i n c r e a s -i n g l y to a s t ruc tu re of government that allowed loca l i n t e r e s t s to dominate. Most c i t i e s at t h i s time were organized with a mayor and counci l system in which the counci l was comprised of ward aldermen. These c o u n c i l l o r s 33 n a t u r a l l y represented the i n t e r e s t s of t h e i r loca l ward const i tuents and so c i t y counc i ls became the scene of a great deal of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . C o a l i t i o n s were formed and favor returned f o r f avor . As suburbanizat ion continued more and more wards became dominated by lower c l a s s voters and many c o u n c i l s became dominated by aldermen represent ing such wards. The businessmen and pro fess iona l reformers opposed these i n s t i t u t i o n s on the grounds that they were i n e f f i c i e n t and led to the making of i r r a t i o n a l d e c i s i o n s . Local i n t e r e s t s dominated and in the reformers' view t h i s meant no one was looking a f t e r the whole. As such the best i n t e r e s t s of the community at large were being hurt due to the waste of i n e f f i c i e n t p o l i t i -cal d e c i s i o n making. A ra t iona l basis f o r dec is ion making and a ra t iona l means to administer these dec is ions was needed. The problem was to f i n d a government form that met these idea ls o f ra t iona l e f f i c i e n t d e c i s i o n 59 making and admin is t ra t ion . The Corporate Ideal Reformers set out to systemize c i v i c government at both the l e g i s l a t i v e and execut ive l e v e l s . ^ At the l e g i s l a t i v e leve l the objects of attack were the ward system and party p o l i t i c s . These two were seen to produce machine p o l i t i c s and even i f t h i s were not to occur were a source of p o l i t i c s at c i t y h a l l . P o l i t i c a l cons idera t ions in dec is ion making led to i r r a t i o n a l i t y and hence i n e f f i c i e n c y . At th is leve l the urban reform movement became h igh ly involved in the movement f o r non-part isan c i v i c p o l i t i c s and the a b o l i t i o n of wards. Arguing that p o l i t i c s should be c l a s s l e s s s ince peoples i n t e r e s t s were b a s i c a l l y the same they saw 34 non-par t isansh ip and s i m i l a r reforms as ways of e l im ina t ing a r t i f i c i a l b a r r i e r s to the percept ion that the i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n t e r e s t s and the publ ic i n t e r e s t were c o i n c i d e n t . Th is pub l i c i n t e r e s t o f course could best be perceived by people such as themselves whose involvement in pub l i c l i f e C 1 was motivated by the d e s i r e to serve the whole community. By a b o l i s h i n g p o l i t i c a l par t i es and wards one had removed one major cause o f government i n e f f i c i e n c y . At l e a s t now, with a government of people represent ing the ' p u b l i c i n t e r e s t ' , e f f i c i e n t government was a p o s s i b i l i t y . The National Voters League and the National Municipal League were important in car ry ing the message of non-par t isanship across the United States and in the .''co 1 a f t e r ' s case in to Canada": Writers on loca l p o l i t i c s in Canada are a l -most unanimous in a t t r i b u t i n g the Canadian non-par t isan t r a d i t i o n to the 63 in f luence of the American reform movement. The famous comment of W.B. Munro: " . . . o f a l l branches of government in Canada, the government of c i t i e s has proved the most s u s c e p t i -64 ble to American in f luence" has been endorsed by most subsequent s c h o l a r s . Both the i d e o l o g i c a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l dimensions of Canadian non-par t isanship can be traced to American o r i g i n s . I d e o l o g i c a l l y these inc lude the b e l i e f s that the purpose o f c i v i c government i s ' a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' not " p o l i t i e s ' and consequently that government should be conducted according to the p r i n c i p l e o f e f f i c i e n c y and that wards and p o l i t i c a l par t ies introduce i r r e l e v a n t and d i s r u p t i v e elements in to the c i v i c process . The strength of the American in f luence i s seen when one inves t iga tes the i n s t i t u t i o n a l changes made in Canadian c i t i e s ; 35 "Many i n s t i t u t i o n a l devices designed to e l iminate par t i es in American c i t i e s were i r o n i c a l l y adopted in Canada despi te the f a c t that there were no l o c a l pa r t i es to e l iminate in t h i s country . The non-par t isan b a l l o t was i r r e l e v a n t in Canada where loca l e l e c t i o n s , l i k e nat ional and p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s , had always been formal ly non-par t isan in th is sense. But the other two elements of the 'reform package ' , the c i t y manager plan and the at large e l e c t i o n d id gain wide acceptance in C a n a d a . " 6 5 The National Municipal League was important in export ing th is in f luence holding the 21st Conference f o r Good C i t y Government in Toronto in 1913. Further evidence of i t s in f luence i s given by W.D. L i g h t h a l l , the Mayor of Westmount and Honorary Secretary of the Union of Canadian M u n i c i p a l i t i e s . Wri t ing in 1918 he s t a t e d ; "In that intercommunication which i s of l a te years constant ly taking place between the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s o f the United States and those o f Canada, l a r g e l y through the National Municipal League and the Union of Canadian M u n i c i p a l i t i e s . . . O u r c i t i e s usua l ly look to yours fo r exper ience ." fi7 Contact between the two organizat ions are a lso documented by Stewart. At the execut ive leve l the ' e f f i c i e n c y ' of the business corpora -t i o n was used as an analogy f o r the c i t y . Drawing on what they knew b e s t , 36 the business c o r p o r a t i o n , reformers argued that the road to e f f i c i e n t gov-ernment lay in adopting business methods. The assumed a t t r i b u t e s of the business c o r p o r a t i o n , e f f i c i e n c y , system, o r d e r l i n e s s , budgets, economies, s a v i n g , were a l l adopted by the reformers as symbols of good government. As such they t r i e d to remodel municipajliogoverament i n . t e r m s . o f the great 68 impersonal i ty of corporate e n t e r p r i s e . I t was not only the c o r p o r a t i o n ' s ' e f f i c i e n c y ' that appealed to the reformers but a lso i t s s ingleness of purpose. No i r r e l e v a n t p o l i t i c a l sources o f i r r a t i o n a l d e c i s i o n were allowed to in f luence the corpora t ion ! The reformer 's commitment to governmental e f f i c i e n c y included both these strands and made h is i n t e r e s t in corporate organiza t ion the more in tense . In terest in government e f f i c i e n c y was thus great and was provided with ample food f o r thought in the wr i t ings o f F.W. Tay lor and h is f o l l o w e r s . Tay lor c a l l e d f o r e f f i c i e n c y experts to be placed at a l l l e v e l s of government and spent a great deal of time in l a t e r years t r y i n g to get h is system imple-69 mented by the United States Federal Government. Although not successfu l at th is l eve l Tay lor was to have a profound e f f e c t on municipal government through the work and wr i t ings o f h is d i s c i p l e s . 7 0 A consensus o f op in ion emerged that the road to c i v i c e f f i c i e n c y lay through implementing a s e r i e s o f reforms that would remodel c i v i c i n s t i t u t i o n s in the l i keness of the business c o r p o r a t i o n . Th is meant i n s t i t u t i n g n o n - p a r t i s a n , at l a r g e , e l e c t i o n s , c e n t r a l i z i n g execut ive power and separat ing admin is t ra t ion from p o l i t i c s . This program was to be implemented in the form of the C i t y Manager and C i t y Commission forms of government. The success of t h i s 37 movement i s demonstrated by the f a c t that in the mid 19601 s the c i t y manager form of government accounted f o r 40% of a l l United States mun ic i -p a l i t i e s of over 5,000 people with the corresponding f i g u r e fo r Canada being 21.5%?* The f i r s t commission government was es tab l i shed in Ga lveston , Texas, in 1900. This innovat ion soon spread through Texas to Houston in 1903 and to D a l l a s , Dennison, Fort Worth, El Paso, G r e e n v i l l e and Sherman by 1907. In 1907 the f i r s t 'Northern' c i t y to opt f o r a Commission, DesMoines, enacted i t s Char ter . By 1913 over 300 c i t i e s from coast to coast had 72 adopted what became known as the 'DesMoines' p l a n . By 1910 c r i t i c i s m was being l e v e l l e d at the 'Commission p lan ' on the grounds that i t gave too much l a t i t u d e to i n d i v i d u a l Commission members and did not do enough to guarantee coord inat ion amongst them. To overcome these weaknesses H.S. G i l b e r t s o n , a reform l e a d e r , drew up a 'commission manager' plan in 1910 as a refinement of the o r i g i n a l p l a n . In 1911 th is plan was adopted by Sumter, South Caro l ina and in 1913 i t was adopted in the 'North ' f o r the f i r s t time by Dayton, Ohio. Rapid adoptions of the 'Dayton P l a n ' fol lowed and by 1919 over 130 c i t i e s had passed manager 73 c h a r t e r s . The success o f these two reforms can be a t t r i b u t e d to the i n i t i a t i v e s of loca l Chambers of Commerce and Board of Trades and to the e f f o r t s of the National Municipal League whose Model C i t y Charters o f 1899 and 1916 proposed systems that were cons is ten t with the c i t y commission idea . The r o l e of t h i s League in export ing the idea of Commission govern-ment to Canada i s shown in the comments o f H.H. Gaetz , an ex-mayor of Red Deer, A l b e r t a , to the Union o f A l b e r t a M u n i c i p a l i t i e s Convention in 1909. In a ta lk that advocated non-par t isan at large e l e c t i o n s : "I think I may be permitted to d igress f o r a moment, however, to administer one more k ick to the r e -t rea t ing f i g u r e of ward representat ion that f o o l i s h , unbusiness l ike and uneconomical method 74 o f representat ion" He advocated s a l a r i e d expert admin is t ra t ion : "On the other hand with the execut ive dut ies vested in competent s a l a r i e d o f f i c i a l s . . . our best men would cons ider i t an honor and a pleasure to serve 75 the M u n i c i p a l i t y He a lso s t ressed the need f o r business government: "as the work of the Municipal Organizat ion i s business 'pure bus iness ' we should endeavour to organize our admin is t ra t ions on the pattern of the successfu l business corporat ions whose form has been perfected in the hot f i r e s of necess i ty fanned by the tempestous winds o f compet i t ion . " and concluded: "I would s t rong ly recommend that every member . . . s e c u r e a copy of the Municipal Program from the Secretary o f the National Municipal League, an American organiza t ion that i s doing much to reform Municipal methods on t h i s cont inent . . . In d r a f t i n g an Act f o r A lber ta our L e g i s l a t u r e could not do bet ter than fo l low i t c l o s e l y in 39 determining the nature and form of the powers which should be vested in A lber ta M u n i c i p a l i t i e s " ^ Support f o r Commission government was extensive in Canada a t t r a c t i n g the 78 enthusiasm of such a future eminence as F .H . U n d e r h i l l . Bureaucracy and the Rational Decis ion Maker In g iv ing form to the corporate model in the commission and man-ager forms of government the reformers engaged in the process of r a t i o n a l i -zat ion and systemat izat ion that was inherent in the newly evolv ing s o c i a l and s t a t i s t i c a l s c i e n c e s . These new sciences provided the theore t i ca l underpinnings f o r the r a t i o n a l , bureaucrat ic d e c i s i o n making that was the goal of these new governmental forms. S a l a r i e d expert adminis t ra tors had to gain t h e i r exper t ise from something other than experience and i t was to the s o c i a l sc iences that they turned. American s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s were moving at th is time toward a common goal of reducing human s o c i a l behavior to the same pred ic tab le elements as the mater ia l inves t iga ted by the p h y s i -cal s c i e n c e s . They became much more empir ical in t h e i r approach, looking at how people a c t u a l l y behaved rather than d iscuss ing how they should behave. Human funct ions rather than subject ive motives became the object of study with man being considered as a s o c i a l , ra ther than an ind iv idua l 79 e n t i t y . The s o c i a l sc iences suppl ied the knowledge wh i ls t the s t a t i s t i c a l sciences provided the f a c t s . S t a t i s t i c a l surveys became common. Says Rutherford of the Canadian, scene: "Such studies were essen t ia l as a means of educating the pub l ic and pro jec t ing sound reform programmes -40 without s t a t i s t i c s , complete and s tandard ized , there could be no e f f e c t i v e p lann ing , no slum c l e a r a n c e , no tax r e f o r m . " ^ 0 The new 'exper ts ' required information and knowledge about ever wider realms of human l i f e i f they were to be successfu l in t h e i r goal of an e f f i c i e n t s o c i e t y . Not only the c i t y came under the s c r u t i n y of these new experts who measured, s t u d i e d , analysed and attempted to manipulate and contro l a qu i te remarkable range of human a c t i v i t i e s . Indust r ia l r e l a t i o n s , educat ion , conserva t ion , and nat ional government admin is t ra t ion a l l became top ics f o r O l expert study and manipulat ion. As we s h a l l s e e , so too d id the contro l and manipulation of the urban environment. The development of th is form of r a t i o n a l , bureaucrat ic dec is ion making was a profound development in human a f f a i r s . The var ious l e v e l s o f government from th is time on had at t h e i r command a s e r i e s of bureaucrat ic i n s t i t u t i o n s designed to f a c i l i t a t e ra t iona l dec is ion making based on 'exper t ' knowledge. As such the range o f dec is ions made at the p o l i t i c a l leve l became severe ly d imin ished. The p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s in e f f e c t saw t h e i r powers being severe ly eroded by the newly emergent bureaucracy. This c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power in the hands o f expert p r o f e s s i o n a l s who operated well nigh independently of the p o l i t i c a l process was of course an ideal arrangement fo r the reformers. Important dec is ions were now made ' i m p a r t i a l l y ' by t h e i r p ro fess iona l a l l i e s and were not l e f t to the vagar ies of the p o l i t i c a l system. Commission government had done i t s work! Not only had i t rendered government e f f i c i e n t but i t had a lso placed, p o l i t i c a l power 82 in the hands of the ' respons ib le c l a s s e s ' . 41 The urban reform movement then s tar ted with a m u l t i - f a c e d concern with the problems of urban environments that through the 1890's coalesced into a concern over the s t ructure of urban government. E x i s t i n g i n s t i t u -t ions were seen as being i n e f f i c i e n t and the cause of many of the c i t y ' s i l l s . In order to render these i n s t i t u t i o n s e f f i c i e n t i t was seen as necessary to reorder them in the l ikeness of a business corpora t ion . A sharp d i s t i n c t i o n was thus made between the l e g i s l a t i v e and the admin is t ra -t i v e branches of government. The admin is t ra t ive branch gained considerably in power and i t gained both in s i z e and in the range of the a c t i v i t i e s over which i t had c o n t r o l . 'Exper ts ' were to take over many of the funct ions of government and in so doing diminish the power of e lec ted o f f i c i a l s to contro l t h e i r c i t y . These experts were seen as being capable of applying t h e i r knowledge and reason as a means to solve the problems fac ing s o c i e t y . Bureaucrat ic d e c i s i o n making had been i n s t i t u t e d as the reformers' answer to urban problems. Knowledge and reason were the panacea and as such there developed a ' l o g i c a l need fo r the development of an urban planning theory to guide t h e i r a c t i o n s . Underlying th is paradigm of dec is ion making is the assumption that man, through the use of his reason and his knowledge, can achieve condi t ions of ex istence that are p rogress ive ly more s a t i s f y i n g to him. If the obstac les to man's advancement are removed and h is f a u l t y i n s t i t u t i o n s corrected then , i t i s assumed, progress w i l l r e s u l t . The growth of bureau-c r a t i c d e c i s i o n making during the era of progress ive reform i s then a ra t iona l outgrowth of the deep seated American and Canadian b e l i e f in oo progress . The doct r ine that human s o c i e t y progresses through time to 42 super ior forms has a long h i s t o r y but became f u l l y developed during the 8 4 enlightenment. French th inkers such as Condorcet , and Helvet ius had a v i s i o n of an inexorable move toward human per fec t ion that was p a r t i c u l a r l y 85 important in ear ly post revo lu t ionary American thought. This f a i t h that human reason, taking advantage of the l a t e s t s c i e n t i f i c , technologica l and i n t e l l e c t u a l advances, was a sure road to progress was as we have seen held throughout the nineteenth century in both Canada and the United S ta tes . In the l a t t e r decades of the century the newly emerging s o c i a l sc iences and the Darwinian theory of ' s u r v i v a l of the f i t t e s t 1 strengthened th is b e l i e f : the one provid ing f o r the manipulat ion of ' s o c i a l problems' and the other 87 r e i n f o r c i n g the idea that u l t imate ly nature ' improved' h e r s e l f . The adoption of bureaucrat ic d e c i s i o n making based on the knowledge of ' exper ts ' 88 i s thus to be seen as.an attempt to ensure progress . The long term rami f i ca t ions of th is change have been enormous. From the progressive era onwards soc ie ty has become more and more bureau-c r a t i z e d as the bas ic assumptions under ly ing i t s adoption remain unchal -lenged. The f a i t h that reason could devise methods of so lv ing almost a l l problems has remained e s s e n t i a l l y i n t a c t to the present day. This f a i t h in what El 1ul c a l l s ' technique ' and what Mumford c a l l s ' t e c h n i c s ' has remained v i r t u a l l y unchal lenged. Voices such as Mumford, El 1ul and Grant , who have 89 chal lenged the p r e v a i l i n g orthodoxies remain voices in the w i lderness . The technologica l s o c i e t y remains the order of the day. The Urban Problem Resolved The urban reformers then r e l i e d on ' technique ' to solve the prob-43 lems of urban g r o w t h . y u Growth wi th in a f ree en te rpr ise system was not i t s e l f cha l lenged . Economic growth was regarded as a des i reab le goal even though i t was accepted that i t led to a great many undesireab.le and expen-s ive problems. The so lu t ion to these problems lay not in chal lenging growth but in channel l ing and c o n t r o l l i n g i t so as to save i t from i t s e l f . The means of control lay in a r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the forms of municipal government to make them p a r a l l e l the form of the business corporat ion and in the adoption of methods of planning designed to al low the c i t y to develop in an e f f i c i e n t and ordered manner. It i s toward a cons idera t ion of the development of these planning ideas we now turn . THE DEVELOPMENT OF PLANNING THEORY The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Planning Movement E a r l i e r in the Chapter we saw.how the urban reformers saw 'p lann ing 1 as the means by which urban growth could be made a ra t iona l and e f f i c i e n t process . In t h i s sect ion we look not at the in tent of the ear ly planning movement but at the content ; s p e c i f i c a l l y at the nature of the proposals made by the ea r l y planners f o r the purpose of guiding urban growth in the des i red manner. We s h a l l see l a t e r in the Chapter the way in which many of these ideas were promoted in Canada by the Commission of Conservat ion. Two major 'schools of thought 1 can be seen in the work of the ear ly American planning movement and although based on d i f f e r e n t assumptions and immediate goals they eventua l ly coalesced and in so doing led to the emergence of c i t y planning as a pro fess iona l a c t i v i t y in America. 44 B e a u t i f i c a t i o n as a means o f urban reform had a long h is to ry in the United States in the form of the Parks Movement. P r i o r to 1850 no major c i t y in the United States had a major park with a r e s u l t that cemetaries were becoming the major urban recreat iona l cent res . By the middle of the century demands fo r urban park space began to be heard; demands that r a p i d l y i n -creased in number due to the energet ic propagandizing engaged in by the 91 movement's p ivota l p e r s o n a l i t y , Andrew Jackson Downing. An upstate New Yorker he became a major upper middle c l a s s ' tastemaker' through the pub l i ca t ion of a s e r i e s of books on gardening and a rch i tec tu re and through the pages o f 'The H o r t i c u l t u r a l i s t ' ; a journal, he edi ted from i t s incept ion in 1846 to h is death in 1852. E s t h e t i c a l l y h is o r i g i n was the Eng l ish 'p ic turesque ' with landscape, conceived wi th in a framework of contr ived na tu ra l i sm, seen as a s e t t i n g f o r a ' g o t h i c ' c a s t l e or cottage or an ' i t a l i a n a t e ' v i l l a . Concentrat ing on the needs of New York C i t y , Downing c o n s i s t e n t l y advocated, in the pages o f The H o r t i c u l t u r a l i s t , the need f o r urban parks. From 1848 to 1851 he wrote a s e r i e s of a r t i c l e s e x t o l l i n g the value of parks to London, and P a r i s , c i t i e s he had v i s i t e d on a European tour made in 1848. These a r t i c l e s were important moulders of pub l ic opin ion and demands f o r park space grew in number. Downing however was not to l i v e to see his des i res f u l f i l l e d being k i l l e d in a steamboat explosion on the Hudson River in 1852. Four years l a t e r the land f o r Central Park in New York C i t y was acquired and a design competit ion organ ized; a competi t ion won by the design submitted by Downing's par tner , Ca lver t Vaux; now in par tnership with Freder ick Law Olmstead.. Fol lowing New York 's lead many c i t i e s began to e s t a b l i s h parks and by the time Boston i n s t i t u t e d i t s park 45 system in the 1890's the p r o v i s i o n of urban recreat iona l space had become standard p r a c t i c e . A second source of strength fo r the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n movement was the holding of the Columbian National Exposi t ion in Chicago in 1893. Designed to show how America had progressed in the four hundred years s ince the d iscovery of America by Columbus the exposi t ion was held on a lakes ide s i t e in southside Chicago. The landscaping by Olmstead was completely overwhelmed by the "Great White C i t y " b u i l t upon i t . B u i l t in the extravagant 'Beaux A r t s ' c l a s s i c a l s t y l e i t created f o r the f i r s t time in North America an environment of u n i t y , s t y l e and monumentality. I t f i t t e d the mood o f the t ime; i f Europe could have such environments so too could America, f o r the United States was now every b i t as powerful as was the Old World. The p o l i t i c a l imper ia l ism of the per iod found much in common with the e x p o s i t i o n ' s c l a s s i c a l monumentality. S i m i l a r f a i r s in Omaha in 1898, Buf fa lo in 1901 and S t . Louis in 1904 helped spread the word s t i l l fu r ther and the imp l i ca t ion that the cure f o r c i v i l i l l s lay in the crea t ion of harmonious and monumental a r c h i t e c t u r a l environments was born. In th is c l imate the 'p lanner ' at the turn of the century was in e f f e c t an a r c h i t e c t who designed 'environments' ra ther than i n d i v i d u a l b u i l d i n g s . Often working in par tnership with one another f i v e men dominated the f i e l d . These men, D. Burnham, C M . Robinson, A.W. Bruner, F . L . Olmstead, J r . and J . Nolen, completed t h i r t y - o n e of the for ty - two comprehensive c i t y plans 92 made before 1912. The plans produced by these men sought to br ing reform to the c i t y v i a the route of v isua l and physica l amenity and only in the plans of Nolen i s there any h in t of the need fo r a more comprehensive 46 approach. In his 1911 plan for Madison, Wisconsin he argued that conven-ience and the publ ic welfare should be b u i l t into the fabr ic of the c i t y j us t as much as beauty and went on to discuss the "recent 'German zone system' as a means to achieve th is end. Within two years these af ter-thoughts of No!en were to be central to the credo of American planners. The Ci ty E f f i c i e n t Planning Movement Beginning in approximately 1905 a second major school of thought began to emerge within the planning f r a te rn i t y . Espousing a viewpoint shaped by the i r concern fo r the soc ia l and economic i l l s of the country they saw the disorder of the c i t y as resu l t ing from a disordered soc ie ty . They phrased the i r plans in the jargon of the soc io log is t and the engineer rather than that of the a rch i tec t . Theirs was a view of planning that would come to dominate the profession by the outbreak, of World War One. Growing out of the housing reform movement th is brand of planning had men such as Robert deForest, Lawrence V e i l l e r and espec ia l l y Benjamin C. Marsh amongst i t s ear ly advocates. Marsh was a soc ia l worker who from 1909 onwards was executive secretary of the Committee on congestion in New York; a housing reform organizat ion. Marsh had t rave l led widely in Europe and was much impressed with the German zoning system as a means to control go urban growth. The root of the urban problem for Marsh lay in the speculat ive use of land and in population congestion; the solut ion lay in the appl icat ion of the zoning system. In 1909 he published at his own expense a book en t i t l ed simply 'An Introduction to C i ty Planning" in which he out l ined both the problems and the i r solut ions as he saw them. An 47 immediate success t h i s book was repr in ted many times and was extremely i n f l u e n t i a l . The l a s t Chapter was concerned with the "technical aspects ' of planning and was wr i t ten by a f r i e n d of Marsh's c a l l e d G .B . F o r d , a man to whom we s h a l l return l a t e r in the chapter . From the turn of the century t h i s group of planners gained many adherents from among both urban reformers in tent on creat ing e f f i c i e n t c i v i c i n s t i t u t i o n s and from the ranks of the c i v i l and t ranspor ta t ion engineers . By the time the F i r s t National Conference on C i t y Planning was held in 1909 t h i s group was in the ascendant. Ca l led by the Committee on congestion i t was dominated.by the funct iona l planners with sessions being held on top ics such as the land a c q u i s i t i o n powers of c i t i e s , taxat ion problems, e t c . The 1910 and 1911 Conferences became i n c r e a s i n g l y concerned with such top ics un t i l during the 1912 Conference the c i t y beaut i fu l was given i t s obi tuary by a former l e a d -ing b e a u t i f i e r , A.W. Bruner. "The ' C i t y B e a u t i f u l 1 f a i l e d - f a i l e d because i t began at the wrong end. We must s tate the case in the same sequence that we observe when we make our designs . . . the plan f i r s t , the e leva t ion f o l l o w s . Since u t i l i t y and beauty go hand in hand, l e t us i n s i s t on u t i l i t y . Since we have in mind a combination of science and ar t l e t us emphasize 94 s c i e n c e . " The c i t y e f f i c i e n t had triumphed over the c i t y b e a u t i f u l . Perhaps the man.most determined to make c i t y planning a sc ience aimed at c i v i c e f f i c i e n c y was G .B . F o r d , the author of the technica l Chapter 48 in Marsh's textbook. The apotheosis of the ' C i t y e f f i c i e n t ' planner he i s an important f i g u r e in the development of c i t y planning theory and p r a c t i c e . Born in 1879 in New England he attended Harvard, graduating with an AB in 1899. This he fol lowed by studies at M. I .T. where he gained the degrees of 95 B .S . and M.S. in mechanical eng ineer ing . This was fol lowed by studies at the Ecole des Beaux Ar ts in Par is to whom he submitted a thes is design f o r 'A Tenement in a Large C i t y ' . His i n t e r e s t in planning was st imulated by 96 the research he conducted f o r t h i s t h e s i s . Returning to the United States in 1907 he es tab l i shed as an a r c h i t e c t with an i n t e r e s t in planning 97 and in 1909 publ ished h is ideas on planning in the textbook by Marsh. He conceived the c i t y as being composed of groups of bu i ld ings performing d i s t i n c t f u n c t i o n s . These funct ions he c l a s s i f i e d as bus iness , d w e l l i n g , recrea t ion and educat ion , and t r a n s i t and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . The planners task was to arrange these groups in to a schematic pattern designed fo r maximum c i v i c e f f i c i e n c y . At the centre of a s e r i e s of rad ia l boulevards connected by e n c i r c l i n g s t ree ts stood the c i v i c cent re . Outwards from the centre came successive r ings of d i f f e r e n t land uses s t a r t i n g with business and o f f i c e b u i l d i n g s , a r i n g o f f a c t o r i e s , warehouses and tenements fol lowed by the r e s i d e n t i a l c i t y with i t s curved s t r e e t s . Heavy industry was to be located f u r t h e s t out to the leeward with the res t of the f r i n g e taken up with parks. These suburban parks were to be connected to the centra l c i t y by parkways. He mentioned no way by which t h i s mechanical p r e s c r i p t i o n f o r e f f i c i e n c y could be implemented. By 1913 however he had developed a s c i e n t i f i c method of planning to accompany t h i s s c i e n t i f i c i d e a l ; t h i s method was the means to implement the ends. 49 Ford presented th is new s c i e n t i f i c method of planning in a paper 98 read before the F i f t h National Conference on C i ty P lanning. He reaf f i rmed in his opening paragraph the need to proceed l o g i c a l l y and s c i e n t i f i c a l l y : . . . c i t y planning i s becoming as d e f i n i t e a sc ience as pure engineer ing . The best plans f o r the d e v e l -opment o f a c i t y can be determined as c l e a r l y as can the plans f o r a br idge or f o r a r e s e r v o i r . I t i s s o l e l y a matter of proceeding l o g i c a l l y from the known to the unknown. In c i t y planning there i s , above a l l , the necess i ty f o r a care fu l a n a l y s i s of the c o n d i t i o n s . The requirements must be f i r s t d e f i n i t e l y determined upon. Then these should be separated in to several c lasses according to t h e i r urgency. . . . Working in th is way, one soon d i s -covers that in almost every case there i s one, and only one, l o g i c a l and convincing so lu t ion to the 99 problems i n v o l v e d . " The required ' c a r e f u l ana lys is of the c o n d i t i o n s ' could be reduced he argued to a standard procedure app l i cab le to a l l s i t u a t i o n s : "From recent experience in c i t y p lann ing , I am f u l l y convinced that the s o r t o f f ac ts we want to hunt f o r and the method o f br ing ing down our game can a c t u a l l y be s tandard ized , and i t i s one of my minor ambitions to change th is rather c a p r i c i o u s procedure in to that h igh ly respectable thing known as an exact s c i e n c e " ' ' ' 0 0 5 0 The use of these 's tandardized procedures' by cooperat ing teams of engineers , a r c h i t e c t s and s o c i a l experts would make i t p o s s i b l e : "to determine wi th in a comparatively short space of time a plan which i s not only the best f o r today but which is so e l a s t i c that changes during the next f i f t y or one hundred years can be f i t t e d into 1 0 1 i t with v i r t u a l l y no loss or a l t e r a t i o n . " In the res t of the paper he ou t l ined those headings under which fac ts must be c o l l e c t e d . These he l i s t e d as s t r e e t s , t ranspor ta t ion f o r people and t r a n s -por ta t ion f o r goods, i . e . f a c t s on the c i r c u l a t i o n system of a c i t y . Fol lowing t h i s i t was necessary to inves t iga te the land use patterns of the c i t y under the headings f a c t o r i e s and warehouses, food supply markets, housing and water supply and s a n i t a t i o n . Recrea t ion , parks , boulevards and s t r e e t p l a n t i n g , and a rch i tec tu re were to fo l low with f i n a l cons idera t ion 1 0 2 given to the legal and f i n a n c i a l problems of plan implementation. Ford 's method then had e s s e n t i a l l y three stages. Stage one involved the c o l l e c t i o n of data by a standard procedure. Stage two involved the ana lys is of the data ; from which procedure would emerge the one l o g i c a l and convincing s o l u t i o n to the problem at hand while stage three involved plan implementation. This separat ion of data c o l l e c t i o n , plan formation and plan implementation in to d i s t i n c t stages was based on the already d i s -cussed work of F.W. T a y l o r , a s , in large measure was the overa l l goal of the p l a n , c i v i c e f f i c i e n c y . This i s not the place to reargue the thes is that the reformers' goal of c i v i c e f f i c i e n c y owed much to the wr i t ings of Tay lor but i t i s worthy of note that in Ford 's case the methods devised to 51 achieve t h i s goal were der ived from the same source. Ford himself recog-nized the e f f e c t of T a y l o r ' s wr i t ings on h is own work and regarded i t as one of the reasons that his plans appealed to business minded reformers. In an unsigned e d i t o r i a l wr i t ten fo r the 'American C i t y ' magazine he s a i d : "This method of work, systemat ized, s tandard ized , ' T a y l o r i z e d ' , as i t i s , has most decidedly proved i t s worth. I t appeals s t rong ly to the businessman . . . and convinces everyone that the experts have real knowledge on which to base t h e i r recommen-d a t i o n s . " 1 0 3 F o r d , as he himsel f recogn ized , was in demand because he suppl ied a planning product that was based on the same under ly ing premises as those held by the purchasers of planning e x p e r t i s e , the business reformers. I t was while working f o r such a business reform group, the Newark C i t y Plan Commission, that Ford c o d i f i e d h is procedures. In 1912 t h i s commission had h i red Ford and a t ranspor ta t ion engineer c a l l e d E .P . Goodrich to produce a plan f o r the New Jersey C i t y . Goodrich immediately assigned one of h is j u n i o r employees to the task o f data c o l l e c t i o n ; t h i s employee was Harland Bartholomew, a man who was to play an extremely important r o l e in the urban 104 planning h i s t o r y of Vancouver. These ideas provided both a t h e o r e t i c a l basis and a procedure f o r ac t ion in the d e s i r e to achieve ordered economic and urban growth. The implementation o f such planning procedures, along with the r e s t r u c t i n g of municipal government would al low the urban reformers to achieve t h e i r g o a l . As already mentioned both strands of reform thought were to become important 52 in Vancouver. Ideas regarding the ideal form of urban government were i n -troduced into Canada, as we have seen, l a r g e l y through the e f f o r t s of the National Municipal League. The need f o r planning was l ikewise promoted by an o r g a n i z a t i o n ; in t h i s case the Canadian Commission of Conservat ion. THE COMMISSION OF CONSERVATION AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF CANADIAN URBAN PLANNING The Commission of Conservation was in i t s e l f an example of a r e -form bureaucracy. Nineteenth century resource development in both Canada 105 and the United States was extremely rap id and very l a r g e l y uncont ro l l ed . Slowly during the l a t t e r decades of the century there emerged a counter-force to the p r e v a i l i n g orthodoxy of resource superabundance and l a i s s e z f a i r e e x p l o i t a t i o n . Star ted by such wr i te rs as G.P . Marsh t h i s chal lenge 1 n c had developed two strands by the 1890's. The f i r s t group were the f o r e -runners of the S i e r r a C lub; t h i s organiza t ion being formed by 1892 by a leading member of the group, John Muir . The second group was led by G i f f o r d Pinchot and can be termed the land, management group. J u s t how divergent these strands became i s seen in t h e i r opposing r o l e s in the Hetch Hetchy r e s e r v o i r c o n f l i c t . 1 ^ It was P i n c h o t ' s ' land management' strand that was to be the important one over the next few decades. Appointed c h i e f f o r e s t e r ; i n 1898 he had a c lose profess iona l and personal, r e l a t i o n s h i p with Theodore i n o Roosevel t . In October 1907 Roosevel t .appointed an Inland Waterways Commission which recommended the convening of a meeting of State Governors 109 to d iscuss natural resource conserva t ion . This occurred at the White 53 House in May 1908 and es tab l i shed the National Conservation C o m m i s s i o n . 1 1 0 Aware of the need f o r cont inenta l sca le concern Roosevelt suggested the formation o f a North American Conservation Conference to inc lude Canadian 111 p a r t i c i p a n t s . P inchot ' s ideas had already been i n f l u e n t i a l in Canada as he had been a guest speaker at the 1906 Canadian Forest ry Convention over 112 which had presided S i r Wi l f red L a u r i e r . L a u r i e r had become in te res ted in h is ideas and as such was a strong supporter of Rooseve l t 's 1909 c a l l 113 for a North American Conservation Conference. It was from t h i s Conference that the L a u r i e r Government formulated the Canadian equiva lent of the American National. Conservation Commission, the Canadian Commission of Conservat ion. The ideas that led to the Commission's c rea t ion were those of the land management group of c o n s e r v a t i o n i s t s . The concept that conservat ion cons is ted of the management of complementary land uses so as to promote development emerged. Conservation was a dynamic planning process whose aim was to r e d i r e c t resource development toward e f f i c i e n t and wise use. The aim was one of c o n t r o l l e d and d i rec ted economic growth, not of preserving f o r a l l time some p r e - i n d u s t r i a l fragment of v i r g i n l a n d . The Formation of the Commission In the Spring of 1909 an A c t , draf ted by S i r C l i f f o r d S i f t o n , to e s t a b l i s h a Commission o f Conserva t ion .o f National Resources was introduced in to the Commons by S i r Wi l f red L a u r i e r . Th is Act provided f o r three groups of Commission members:- one, the Federal M in is te rs o.f A g r i c u l t u r e , the I n t e r i o r and Mines, two, the P r o v i n c i a l M in is te rs respons ib le f o r 54 natural resources and t h r e e , twenty Commissioners, appointed by the Governor Genera l , who were to inc lude at l e a s t one professor from each Province in 114 which there was a U n i v e r s i t y . This i t was hoped would provide f o r a balance between people with a p r a c t i c a l knowledge of resource problems and 115 people with a high degree of scho la rsh ip and s c i e n t i f i c knowledge. The Commission was to meet at l e a s t annual ly and submit a report to the Governor General in C o u n c i l : - the report to be l a i d before both Houses of Par l iament. It was authorized to appoint a secretary and c l e r k under the c i v i l se rv ice act and to r e t a i n expert a s s i s t a n t s f o r spec ia l p r o j e c t s . Th is l a t t e r 11 fi power was to prove p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t . In September 1909 S i r C l i f f o r d S i f t o n was named as Chairman of the Commission on the recommendation of L a u r i e r . He was the l o g i c a l choice f o r the p o s i t i o n , having drawn up the d r a f t proposal and having been one o f three Canadian representat ives in February 1909 to the North American Conservation Conference from which he had returned to recommend to Laur ie r the formation of the Commission of Conservat ion. He had a great deal of pub l i c experience being a Cabinet M i n i s t e r from 1896-1905 when he resigned over the North West Schools ques t ion . As a Cabinet M i n i s t e r he had been min is te r of the I n t e r i o r , a p o s i t i o n that made him aware of the conserva-t ion thought of the p e r i o d . 1 ^ This seems to have in f luenced him grea t ly fo r in h is f i r s t address to the Commission h is views on conservat ion almost exact ly p a r a l l e l those of say P inchot . "I have heard the view expressed that what Canada needs i s development and e x p l o i t a t i o n , not conser -v a t i o n . This view, however i s founded on an 55 erroneous conception which i t must be our work to remove. I f we attempt to stand in the way o f d e v e l -opment our e f f o r t s w i l l assuredly be of no a v a i l , e i t h e r to stop development or to promote conserva-t i o n . It w i l l no t , however, be hard to show that the best and most h igh ly economic development and e x p l o i t a t i o n in the i n t e r e s t s of the people can only take place by having regard to the p r i n c i p l e s of c o n s e r v a t i o n . ^ He went on to lay down some ru les f o r the operat ion of the Commission. These included that there were to be permanent expert adv isors on the main resource f i e l d s , that spec ia l i n v e s t i g a t i o n s were to be c a r r i e d out by temporar i ly h i red exper ts , that the Commission would concentrate i t s e f f o r t s on a few areas of concern at any one t ime, and that permanent 119 Committees were to be struck on each major resource area . E ight such Committees were s t r u c k ; l a n d s , water, power, f i s h e r i e s , game and fu r 120 bearing animals , f o r e s t s , m i n e r a l s , pub l ic health and p u b l i c i t y . It i s with the work of the Committee on Pub l ic Health with which we are concerned in our d i s c u s s i o n o f the development of urban planning in Canada. The Committee on Pub l ic Health The Committee on Pub l ic Health was soon to appoint i t s e l f a per-manent expert ' adv isor on pub l ic h e a l t h ' , Dr. Charles Hodgetts. J o i n i n g the s t a f f in May 1910 he had prev ious ly been a Medical O f f i c e r of Health in 121 Ontar io . He was convinced of a c lose and causal l i n k between poor 56 housing condi t ions and i l l h e a l t h . In h is f i r s t report he decr ied over -crowding, c a l l e d tenements 'a damnable a r c h i t e c t u r a l i nven t ion ' and apar t -ments 'an a r c h i t e c t u r a l m o n s t r o s i t y ' , quoted f r e e l y from d . S . Woodsworth 122 and pronounced that urban slums, i f not e l iminated would end c i v i l i z a t i o n . The connections between h is des i re to e l iminate bad housing c o n d i t i o n s a n d the need f o r urban planning and conservat ion he spe l l ed out the fo l lowing y e a r : -"There are two important f a c t o r s in the question of nat ional c o n s e r v a t i o n , the physica l and the v i t a l . The former r e l a t e s the pro tec t ing o f our l a n d , our f o r e s t s , our m i n e r a l s , our water, our s u n l i g h t , our f resh a i r , the l a t t e r , to the prevention of d i s -eases , to heal th and to the prolongat ion o f l i f e . In housing and town planning we are deal ing with 123 most of the former and a l l of the l a t t e r . " He c i t e d Port S u n l i g h t , B o u r n v i l l e , Hampstead Garden Suburb and Letchworth as examples o f the s o r t o f urban environments that were p o s s i b l e i f proper planning occur red . For t h i s reason he was o p t i m i s t i c about the future provided the p u b l i c could be convinced of the need f o r p lanning, he thought would be e a s i l y done once the true f a c t s were r e l e a s e d . This f a i t h in the persuasive power o f f a c t was shared by the Medical O f f i c e r of Health of Winnipeg who s a i d : -"Once the e x i s t i n g condi t ions are tabulated and are a v a i l a b l e in black and white f o r the perusal of our c i t i z e n s , we expect that p u b l i c opin ion w i l l be 1 2 4 Th is 57 r ipe f o r a step forward in the housing p r o b l e m " i < L J Whether the pub l i c were to be convinced remains to be seen but the Commissioners c e r t a i n l y were, passing a formal r e s o l u t i o n delegat ing the Committee on Publ ic Health to represent the Commission on a l l matters respect ing housing and town p lanning. In th is capac i ty Dr. Hodgetts represented the Commission at the F i r s t Canadian National Congress on Housing and Town Planning held in Winnipeg in J u l y , 1912. Organized by the Winnipeg Town Planning Commission t h i s was the f i r s t town planning c o n f e r -127 ence held in Canada. Although A r t i b i s e regards t h i s conference as a p u b l i c i t y s tunt by the C i t y Council ra ther than a d i s p l a y of ser ious i n t e r -128 est in p lanning. the Commission's i n t e r e s t was not in doubt. At the 1913 annual meeting the Committee on Pub l i c Health decided to convene a National Housing and Town Planning Congress at Ottawa and to i n v i t e Thomas Adams, a planner f o r the B r i t i s h Local Government Board, to be a guest speaker on housing. It was proposed that Adams then remained on in Canada f o r another two months and i t was ind ica ted that the Prime M i n i s t e r , S i r Robert Borden, was prepared to request the B r i t i s h Government 129 f o r Adams' temporary r e l e a s e . Among those in favor o f i n v i t i n g Adams were reported to be the Canadian Manufacturers A s s o c i a t i o n , the Canadian Pub l ic Health A s s o c i a t i o n , the Union of Canadian M u n i c i p a l i t i e s and the 130 Hamilton Board of Trade. Adams, however, could not be spared but was l a t e r to prove to be the key f i g u r e in the ear ly h i s t o r y o f Canadian Urban P lanning . Adams ; had come to the a t tent ion of Hodgetts through t h e i r j o i n t attendance at the Boston and Chicago Conferences of the National Conference on C i t y Planning in 1912 and 1913. These Conferences had had 58 r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , inc lud ing Hodgetts, from the Commission of Conservation 131 present . These delegates returned not only with a high regard f o r Adams but a lso with examples of d i s t r i c t i n g ord inances , tenement by- laws, e t c . which were used by the Committee on Pub l ic Health to d r a f t a Comprehensive Model Town Planning Act fo r .Canada . The procedures c o d i f i e d in t h i s model law then were American in o r i g i n being based on examples presented at the National Conference on C i t y P lanning. This organizat ion as we have already seen was in t imate ly connected with the National Municipal League; the prime c o d i f i e r o f the American Urban reform ideo logy . The path between American reform ideology and proposed Canadian planning p r a c t i c e was therefore short and d i r e c t . Appropr ia te ly the model b i l l was unvei led at the 6th Convention of the National C i t y Planning Conference, an American Organ iza t ion , held on 132 Canadian s o i l , in Toronto , in. May 1914. The 1914 National Conference on C i t y Planning The S ix th National Conference on C i ty Planning took place in Toronto, under the auspices of the Commission of Conservat ion , in May 1914. In h is welcoming address the Chairman o f the Commission, S i r C l i f f o r d S i f t o n , was o p t i m i s t i c about the p lanners ' potent ia l to so lve the urban problems confront ing them. While he admitted that hideous c o n d i t i o n s , as bad as any in Europe, could be found in Canadian c i t i e s , he b e l i e v e d : " . . . i t i s s t i l l poss ib le wi th in the next ten or twelve years to r e l i e v e any e v i l condi t ions which 133 e x i s t at the present t i m e . . . 1 59 One of the implements of a l l e v i a t i o n was to be the Model Town Planning A c t . The f i r s t d r a f t of t h i s Act was presented at the Conference and debated at some length . The b i l l c a l l e d f o r a Department of Municipal A f f a i r s to be created in each Province under whose contro l would be es tab l ished a centra l town planning board. This board was to be composed e n t i r e l y of pro fess iona l experts having a Town Planner as Comptrol ler with the remaining members being the regular P r o v i n c i a l O f f i c e r s concerned with f i n a n c e , pub l i c h e a l t h , engineering and legal matters. This board would in turn see to the estab-l ishment of loca l planning boards c o n s i s t i n g of the Mayor, the municipal engineer and medical o f f i c e r of health and two ratepayers - p re ferab ly an a r c h i t e c t and a f i n a n c i e r . Each l o c a l board was to h i re a q u a l i f i e d town planning commissioner whose tenure and s a l a r y were to be guaranteed by the prov ince . These loca l boards were to prepare 'town planning schemes' in accordance with the p r o v i n c i a l boardis r e g u l a t i o n s : th is l a t t e r board would possess veto powers over any loca l scheme. The powers possessed by the loca l boards were to be cons iderab le : they could exact betterment charges, they had excess condemnation powers, and i f t h e i r loca l scheme received 134 p r o v i n c i a l approval i t overrode any l o c a l by- laws. As one would expect given the b i l l s ancestry i t placed power in the hands o f experts rather than in the hands of e lec ted o f f i c e r s . As such i t d isp layed the reformers' f a i t h in knowledge and h is d i s t r u s t of p o l i t i c s . These p r o p o s a l s , not s u r p r i s i n g l y generated a great deal of d i s -c u s s i o n . Much of the c r i t i c i s m was aimed at the b i l l ' s a u t o c r a t i c nature . Enormous powers i t was pointed out were being given to boards over which the 60 publ ic had no c o n t r o l . This was objected to strenuously by many western delegates who b l u n t l y stated that no western province would adopt such a b i l l . Sa id the Min is te r , of Municipal A f f a i r s from Saskatchewan: " . . . t h e B i l l i s a reversa l e n t i r e l y of our demo-c r a t i c order of things . . . In our Province the 135 B i l l could not be enter ta ined f o r a s i n g l e moment" The b i l l ' s to ta l r e l i a n c e on appointed experts was more than most delegates were prepared to accept . Most, however, pra ised the b i l l ' s in tent and suggested minor modi f ica t ions could produce an acceptable document. One such d iscussant was the aforementioned Thomas Adams who was making h is customary v i s i t to the C i ty Planning Conference. He s t ressed the necess i ty f o r planners to persuade the pub l i c that planning was needed and although as a guest he avoided d i r e c t c r i t i c i s m o f the proposed b i l l he impl ied that i t was too coerc ive in nature. Canadians i t seems were at l e a s t prepared to t ry and persuade the pub l ic before r e s o r t i n g to c o e r c i o n . The Conference a lso saw the Canadian delegates pass a motion request ing the Commission of Conservation to create a spec ia l 'Bureau of C i t y Planning and Housing' to act as a cent ra l coord inat ing body f o r the 137 promotion of c i t y planning throughout the Prov inces . This request was in s p i r i t , i f not in form, accepted by the Commission as we sha l l soon see. In h is c l o s i n g remarks S i r C l i f f o r d S i f t o n s t ressed that the Commission saw i t s e l f as having such a ro le in promoting C i ty -P lann ing and went on to expand on the r o l e that c i t y planning played in f o s t e r i n g both c i v i c e f f i -c iency and economic growth. " . . . i f (town planning) i s another way of wasting 61 money (God knows there are enough of them n o w ! ) . . . then i t does not appeal to me. But i f i t can be shown . . . that returns w i l l be made f o r the money that i s invested . . . then we w i l l have no t rouble I op in ge t t ing the money" Economic growth, produced by e f f i c i e n t p lann ing , would in turn pay f o r the p lanning. Thomas Adams Jo ins the Commission Immediately fo l lowing the Toronto Conference the Commission of Conservation again approached the B r i t i s h Government f o r the re lease of Adams. This time they met with success and Adams was appointed as an adv isor on housing and c i t y planning in J u l y 1914; taking up h is p o s i t i o n 139 in October of that y e a r . Born in 1871 in Edinburgh, Scot land he was educated in that c i t y as a land surveyor. He became assoc ia ted with Pa t r ick Geddes during h is twenties and through him became acquainted with Ebenezer Howard and the Garden C i t y Movement. He gained an i n t e r e s t in town planning through t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n and served as the f i r s t manager of the f i r s t garden c i t y , Letchworth, from 1900 u n t i l 1906 when he entered pr iva te p r a c t i c e as a planning consu l tan t . He maintained his connection with the garden c i t y movement however being the f i r s t permanent secretary of the Internat ional Garden C i t i e s and Town Planning A s s o c i a t i o n . In pr iva te p r a c t i c e he was among other work the town planning advisor to the Marquis of Sa l i sbury and to the Earl of Ly t ton . In 1909 he entered the serv ice of the B r i t i s h Government as a planning inspector f o r the Local Government Board, the 62 admin is t ra t ive agency f o r the B r i t i s h Town Planning and Housing Act o f 1909. In 1914 he was instrumental in the foundation of the B r i t i s h Town Planning Ins t i tu te and was i t s f i r s t President in 1914-1915. Raymond Unwin was a V i c e - P r e s i d e n t and Pa t r ick Geddes the L i b r a r i a n of the o r g a n i z a t i o n . It was at t h i s point in h is career that he came to Canada as an advisor to the Commission o f C o n s e r v a t i o n . ^ 0 Adams' importance in B r i t i s h Planning was emphasized in the B r i t i s h Town Planning Review's lament at h is l o s s : " . . .we cannot help f e e l i n g a c e r t a i n resentment towards Canada fo r having robbed us of the man who i s j u s t l y looked up to as the head of the p r o f e s -141 s ion in t h i s country ." The; (Commissi on had acquired the serv ices o f a very eminent man! Adams' views on planning were very much in accord with p r e v a i l i n g North American ideas . The purpose of planning was to allow f o r e f f i c i e n t development and the means to achieve th is end was the expert use of s c i e n -t i f i c knowledge. "A proper planning scheme i s e s s e n t i a l l y a develop-ment scheme . . . we cannot conserve the c i t y or the country without planning f o r i t s future development according to the best s c i e n t i f i c p r i n c i p l e s , and having in mind the ul t imate aim of perhaps the most important aspect of a conservat ion p o l i c y , namely to b u i l d up nat ional p rosper i t y on a foundation of c h a r a c t e r , s t a b i l i t y , freedom and e f f i c i e n c y o f 142 the human resources" 63 To escape from the b l i g h t of c i t y growth "we need to . . . b u i l d up a science 143 of s o c i a l enqui ry" . The o ld methods are no longer adequate to the problems of the day: "In Canada we seem to have s u f f e r e d , not so much from lack o f organiza t ion as from lack o f s c i e n t i f -i c methods appl ied to organiza t ion as a means of making the most of our l i m i t e d human a c t i v i t i e s . The n e c e s s a r i l y crude methods o f the pioneer stage of development and c i v i l i z a t i o n s t i l l p reva i l in 144 many phases of government." This i n e f f i c i e n c y could be a l l e v i a t e d through good planning which he def ined a s : " . . . t h e proper development o f land f o r the purpose of secur ing the best r e s u l t s from the a p p l i c a t i o n 145 of jnuman a c t i v i t y to natural resources" The connections between these ideas and North American Urban Reform and conservat ion thought are obvious. Planning ensured e f f i c i e n t use of resources and hence aided growth which in turn helped pay f o r the planning which was made poss ib le through the expert use of s c i e n t i f i c s o c i a l knowl-edge. Adams' view of the p lanner 's r o l e was in no way fundamentally d i f f e r e n t than the r o l e envisaged by the Commission. Adams' Work With the Commission In h is f i r s t address to the Commission Adams noted that i n t e r e s t in town planning in Canada was widespread and that three Prov inces , Nova 64 S c o t i a , New Brunswick and A lber ta a l ready had town planning acts in the s t a t u t e s . He noted that there was widespread support f o r the c rea t ion o f a c i v i c improvement league and promised to work e n e r g e t i c a l l y to promote 146 planning over the coming year . This promise was c e r t a i n l y l i v e d up to as can be seen from his repor t of his a c t i v i t i e s during 1915. The commission was informed that he was preparing a monograph on rura l planning and d e v e l -opment, that he had rev ised the Model Town Planning Act taking cognizance of the c r i t i c i s m s of the Act o f fe red at the Toronto Conference, that he had been s u c c e s s f u l l y involved in ge t t ing a town planning act adopted in Nova S c o t i a , that New Brunswick and A l b e r t a had adopted new regula t ions on land subd iv is ion at his suggest ion , and that in Quebec, O n t a r i o , Manitoba and Saskatchewan b i l l s e i t h e r draf ted or modif ied by him were passing at some stage through the l e g i s l a t i v e process . Thus only Pr ince Edward Island and B r i t i s h Columbia had f a i l e d to adopt a s tatute of e i t h e r his own d r a f t i n g or mod i f i ca t ion wi th in f i f t e e n months o f h is appointment. To the Premiers o f both these Provinces he had sent a d r a f t Town Planning B i l l and was hopeful regarding t h e i r e a r l y a d o p t i o n . 1 4 ^ He had a lso consul ted with over f o r t y l o c a l c i t y c o u n c i l s , draf ted a zoning bylaw and o f f i c i a l plan f o r H a l i f a x , planned new towns afa'St. John , Ojibway and Temiseaming, advised on the development of Stanley Park and a c i v i c centre in, Vancouver, i n s t i t u t e d a housing survey in Ottawa, produced and wr i t ten the bulk of the a r t i c l e s in 'Conservat ion f o r L i f e ' , consul ted on the route of the new Toronto to Hamilton highway and been involved in forming a National C i v i c Improvement I AO League. A busy y e a r ' s work indeed. His modif ied 1916 Model Town Planning B i l l was s t i l l e s s e n t i a l l y 65 rooted in American ideas and p r a c t i c e and contained an appointed planning commission with the power to employ expert help and adv ice . American reform ideas thus became f i r m l y es tab l i shed in the P r o v i n c i a l planning statutes o f Canada. These ideas a lso provide the i d e o l o g i c a l basis of the C i v i c Improvement League that Adams was instrumental in e s t a b l i s h i n g . In November 1915 a pre l iminary Conference was held under the auspices of the Commission of Conservation in Ottawa. At t h i s Conference a r e s o l u t i o n was passed: "That a C i v i c Improvement League f o r Canada be formed, with the general ob ject o f promoting the study and advancement of the best p r i n c i p l e s and methods of c i v i c improvement and development and to secure a general and e f f e c t i v e i n t e r e s t in municipal a f f a i r s and to encourage and organize in every community a l l those s o c i a l forces that make 149 f o r an e f f i c i e n t Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p . " In the d iscuss ion over what to c a l l the organiza t ion i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to American urban reform organizat ions was made c l e a r by one Dr. W.H. Atherton of Montreal who pointed out that four American o r g a n i z a t i o n s , The National Munic ipa l iLeague, The American C i v i c A s s o c i a t i o n , The National Housing A s s o c i a t i o n and the National C i t y Planning Organizat ion were keenly i n t e r -ested in the meeting and that in a small country such as Canada one organiza t ion could perform the tasks performed by a l l four American o rgan iza t ions . The League was e x p l i c i t l y seen then as being in the same 150 mould of these reform groups. The objects of the League were given as promoting the best i n t e r -66 ests of the c i t y and i t s c i t i z e n s through the study and advancement of the p r i n c i p l e s and methods of c i v i c improvement and development with spec ia l regard t o : "The form and character o f l o c a l government and the a p p l i c a t i o n of sound economic p r i n c i p l e s in regard 151 to the admin is t ra t ion of c i v i c business" P r i o r i t y was a lso to be given to the preparat ion of town planning schemes, the removal of slum areas , the preservat ion of the physical and i n d u s t r i a l resources of the c i t y , the preservat ion and increase of beauty, the prepa-ra t ion of c i v i c surveys and maps, the promotion of school and c o l l e g e town planning courses and the encouragement o f product ive use o f suburban ; gardens. The concern with growth, c i v i c e f f i c i e n c y and government s t r u c t u r e , and with business methods are a l l c l e a r l y present as i s the f a i t h that any problems can be solved by recourse to the ' p r i n c i p l e s and methods of c i v i c improvement'. The underlying phi losophy of the creators of the C i v i c Improvement League was that of the urban reformers. At the c lose o f the meeting i t was agreed to convene a nat ional conference ea r ly in 1916 to c o n s t i t u t e the League. This Conference met in Ottawa in January 1916 having delegates from a l l three l e v e l s of government, P r o v i n c i a l Boards of Hea l th , re levant pro fess iona l s o c i e t i e s , in te res ted ' c i v i c ' organizat ions and ' i n d i v i d u a l s 153 who had expressed an i n t e r e s t ' . Thomas Adams made an address in which he s t ressed the need f o r a Department of Municipal A f f a i r s in each Province to ensure c i v i c e f f i c i e n c y : -"We cannot overcome the defects in human nature in 67 the personnel of c o u n c i l s , commissions or other bodies by l e g i s l a t i o n , but we can reduce the oppor tun i t ies f o r bad management by se t t ing up the 154 r i g h t kind of machinery" A great many reso lu t ions were passed by the delegates inc lud ing a c a l l to 155 recommend the establ ishment of P r o v i n c i a l Departments of Municipal A f f a i r s . Provinces were a lso urged to pass Town Planning Acts as soon as poss ib le " in view of the necess i ty f o r secur ing greater economy in connection with 156 the development of l a n d . " These concerns were evident the fo l lowing year at the Commission of Conservat ion 's annual meeting when a r e s o l u t i o n was passed: "that the Commission of Conservation urge the P r o v i n c i a l Governments to pass the necessary l e g i s -l a t i o n to secure that a l l land w i l l be planned and developed f o r e f f i c i e n c y , convenience, health and amenity and that the necessary admin is t ra t ive 157 machinery be set up f o r the purpose" Adams returned to England immediately p r i o r to these meetings and remained there un t i l l a te in the y e a r , re turn ing to Canada j u s t a f t e r the Ha l i fax exp los ion . He became almost immediately involved in the rebu i ld ing opera-t ions preparing a d e t a i l e d plan f o r the devastated area and a more general town planning scheme f o r the whole metropol i tan region but he dec l ined " f o r personal reasons" to become a member of the Ha l i fax R e l i e f Commission. The pressure of work so produced necess i ta ted the appointment of a s s i s t a n t s to a id Adams. 68 From the Surveyor Genera l 's O f f i c e was acquired H.L. Seymour who was given r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to a id Adams in his work at H a l i f a x . Educated as an engineer at the U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto he was responsib le f o r a great deal of the Ha l i fax plan and was to become an important f i g u r e in planning 159 in Western Canada in the second h a l f of the 1920's. To a id Adams in the West was appointed A . G . D a l z e l l . One time a s s i s t a n t c i t y engineer f o r Vancouver, he had a spec ia l i n t e r e s t in slum housing and shared the commission's f a i t h in the worth of s c i e n t i f i c p l a n n i n g : -"Persona l ly I f ee l that nothing would r a i s e the engineer in the esteem of the pub l i c so much as h is g iv ing a t tent ion to some s o c i a l and economic i fin problems that sadly need real ' e n g i n e e r i n g ' . He was very a c t i v e in the oncoming year preparing reconnaissance reports f o r the M u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Ne lson, M e r r i t t and Salmon Arm by ear ly 1 9 2 0 . 1 6 1 A lso appointed, with spec ia l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to prepare model housing p l a n s , was i fi? one W.D. Cromarty. A l l these men were o r i g i n a l members of the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e of Canada, formed in 1919 thanks to the e f f o r t s o f Adams. He repeated h is 1914 Eng l ish achievement by being e lected as the f i r s t I C O President f o r the year 1919-1920. This was the t h i r d i n s t i t u t e he was instrumental in founding having been a char ter member of the American 164 Ins t i tu te of Planners in 1917. The d r ive was going out of the town planning movement, however, and Adams' report on Ha l i fax had prevented him from completing h is "Urban Planning and Development" monograph that was designed as a companion volume to his 1917 rura l study. He complained that in many Provinces l e g i s l a t i o n , although passed, was not being enforced 69 and that t h i s , along with a general shortage of t ra ined planners was hampering planning progress . He was more o p t i m i s t i c regarding advances of planning educat ion , however, not ing the formation o f the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e and the good work of the C i v i c Improvement League, which o r g a n i -165 zat ion he suggested be made permanent. This organiza t ion had c a r r i e d out a great deal of p u b l i c i t y work and had held i t s annual meetings fo r 1917 and 1918 in Winnipeg and V i c t o r i a . 1 6 6 The End of the Commission The 1919 annual meeting of the Commission a lso saw the res igna t ion as Chairman of S i r C l i f f o r d S i f t o n . With him went a great deal of the commission's p o l i t i c a l support and j u s t two years l a t e r , in May 1921, B i l l 187 was introduced into the Senate to repeal the Commission of Conservation A c t . Introduced in to the House of Commons by the new Prime M i n i s t e r , Arthur Meighen, the B i l l was passed with only three d issent ing votes and brought to an end the Commission. The reasons f o r t h i s abrupt demise do not concern us here but many fee l that they were e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l in nature and not concerned with the value o f the Commission's w o r k . 1 6 8 Thomas Adams l e f t the Commission's employ to return to pr iva te consultancy in 1921. He soon however re -entered pub l ic se rv ice becoming D i rec to r o f the Regional Plan o f New York in 1923. He held th is p o s i t i o n u n t i l 1930 when he became an Assoc ia te Professor of C i ty Planning at Harvard. Since 1921 he had been l e c t u r i n g on C i v i c Design at the Massachusetts Ins t i tu te of Technology and so New England academic l i f e was 70 not a l together new to him. He returned to England in 1934 to again p r a c t i c e as a pr iva te consu l tan t . He was V i c e - P r e s i d e n t of the I n s t i t u t e of Landscape A r c h i t e c t s in 1934 and continued to be an ac t ive consul tant u n t i l h is death in 1940. His impact on the development of planning in three countr ies had been immense. SUMMARY The Commission of Conservation was centra l to the establ ishment of Town Planning in Canada. By 1921 every Province except B r i t i s h Columbia had passed a Town Planning S t a t u t e , and in t h i s Province the movement to get planning es tab l i shed was gaining momentum. Much of t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was adopted thanks to the strenuous e f f o r t s of the Commission's Housing and Town Planning exper t , Thomas Adams. In get t ing l e g i s l a t i o n adopted, i n h is involvement in a host o f p r a c t i c a l planning schemes and in h is pub l ica t ions he was the centra l f i g u r e in the ear ly Canadian town planning movement. Not an o r i g i n a l ithitnker he played the r o l e o f 'salesman' f o r other peoples ideas . Introduced to Canada through his connections with the National C i ty Planning Conference he shared that o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s view of the r o l e of p l a n -n ing . Growing out of the urban reform movement's concern with c i v i c e f f i c i e n c y planning was seen as a means of ensuring e f f i c i e n t and economic growth. Many o f the ideas of the urban reformers thus became incorporated into Canadian Town Planning law through t h e i r c o d i f i c a t i o n in the Model Town Planning B i l l s o f 1914 and 1916. Town planning was placed in the hands o f experts who, through the a p p l i c a t i o n of t h e i r s c i e n t i f i c knowledge, were to guide and d i r e c t development and growth along e f f i c i e n t l i n e s . Planning 71 from i t s very incept ion was a bureaucrat ic exerc ise l a r g e l y independent of the p o l i t i c a l process . This of course was in ten t iona l and r e f l e c t s the reformers d i s t r u s t of e lec ted o f f i c i a l s . E f f i c i e n c y could only be guaran-teed i f dec is ions were made on a ' r a t i o n a l ' , ' n o n - p o l i t i c a l ' b a s i s . Canadian c i t y planning then i s a natural outgrowth of the urban reform movement. I ts purpose and form r e f l e c t the underly ing ideology of the reformers and hence to a large extent are American in o r i g i n . Canadian planning p r a c t i c e and thought was l a r g e l y American in o r i g i n and cannot be regarded as an indigenous product . The same i s true of the other major strand of the reform a c t i v i t y , the movement to res t ruc ture municipal government in the l i keness of a b u s i -ness c o r p o r a t i o n . As we have seen the Canadian expression of these s e n t i -ments was l a r g e l y d e r i v a t i v e of the American exper ience. An American Reform Organ iza t ion , The National Municipal League, was an e f f e c t i v e propagandizer in Canada of the reform movements i d e a s ; ideas that in many c a s e s , as in the non-part isan b a l l o t , were designed to solve problems that d id not e x i s t north of the border . Th is was not however to deter the eager adoption of the league 's proposals by a great many c i t i e s and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . The ideas o f the urban reform movement can be seen as an attempt on the part of American businessmen and t h e i r pro fess iona l a l l i e s to resolve the con t rad ic t ion posed by uncontro l led urban and economic growth, which i t was becoming evident during the 1890's was u l t imate ly s e l f -de fea t ing . Two p r e s c r i p t i o n s were wr i t ten to cure the c i t y ' s i l l s ; these two p r e s c r i p t i o n s became elaborated as the need f o r planning and the need fo r municipal government reform. In t h i s form these ideas were to prove 72 extremely i n f l u e n t i a l in Canada where they were endorsed and promulgated by a s e r i e s o f organizat ions and i n d i v i d u a l s . These ideas became part and parcel of the i n t e l l e c t u a l currency of Canada in the f i r s t two decades of the twentieth century and as such were well known to a group of Vancouver businessmen and p r o f e s s i o n a l s , who f o r a v a r i e t y o f reasons , had become d i s s a t i s f i e d with the manner in which t h e i r c i t y was deve loping. As we s h a l l see in d e t a i l in Chapter four a r e l a t i v e l y small group of such men were d e c i s i v e actors in what became the Vancouver urban reform movement. In the fo l lowing Chapter we s h a l l inves t iga te the background of these men in order to provide a context f o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the reform movement in Vancouver. 73 NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO 1. W.L. Morton. The Sh ie ld of A c h i l l e s . Aspects of Canada in the  V i c t o r i a n Age (Toronto. McCle l land Stewart. 1968) p 177. 2. See f o r example G.M. Adam. Toronto , Old and New (Toronto, Coles Canadiana S e r i e s . 1972) O r i g i n a l l y publ ished 1891. 3. For a d i s c u s s i o n of the growth e t h i c in a western urban context see: A . F . J . A r t i b i s e The Urban Development of Winnipeg 1874-1914 (Vancouver. Unpublished Ph.D. T h e s i s . Department of H i s t o r y . U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. 1971) and E .H . Dale The Role o f Successive Town and C i t y Counci ls in the  Evolut ion o f Edmonton, A l b e r t a , 1892 to 1966 (Edmonton Unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s , Department of Geography. U n i v e r s i t y o f A l b e r t a . 1969) 4. D.M. C h u r c h i l l . Fa lse Creek Development: A Study of the Act ions of  the Three Levels of Government as they a f fec ted p u b l i c and pr iva te  development of the waterway and i t s land basin (Vancouver. Unpub-l i s h e d MA/'thesis. Department of P o l i t i c a l Sc ience . U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. 1954) P . E . Roy. Rai lways, P o l i t i c i a n s and the Development of the C i t y of  Vancouver as a Metropol i tan Centre 1886-1929 (Toronto, Unpublished MA t h e s i s . Department of H i s t o r y . U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto. 1963:) l P . E . Roy. The B r i t i s h Columbia E l e c t r i c Railway Company 1897-1928, 74 A B r i t i s h Company in B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver, Unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s . Department of H i s t o r y . U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970) Indust r ia l Bureau of the Vancouver Board of Trade. Minutes January 18, 1929. Trade and Commerce Committee o f the Vancouver Board of Trade. Minutes. 1915-1917. Specia l Committee Minutes Book of the Vancouver Board of Trade Vol 1 p 1-41. Th is Committee was in ex istence from December 1911 to June 1914 Vancouver Da i l y Prov ince . January 5 , 1900. p 3. Referred to as VDP from t h i s point onwards. VDP January 5, 1901. p 1. VDP December 19, 1908. p 9. VDP December 17, 1908. p 2 December 19, 1908. p 9. VDP January 4 , 1918. p 4. 75 VDP January 7, 1918. p 8. A thorough search of the Vancouver Da i ly Province and the Vancouver  Sun y i e l d e d the necessary in format ion . The sole source p r i o r to the 1913 e l e c t i o n was the P r o v i n c e , the Sun beginning p u b l i c a t i o n in 1912. The categor ies in to which an ind iv idua l plank could be assigned are as f o l l o w s : i ) Was plank designed to st imulate populat ion growth i i ) Was plank designed to s t imulate i n d u s t r i a l , commercial growth. i i i ) Was plank designed to s t imulate the development of c u l t u r a l • i t a m e n i t i e s . ( iv ) Was plank designed to a l l e v i a t e the squa l id environment of the c i t y . (v) Was plank designed to make c i v i c government more e f f i c i e n t , (v i ) Was plank designed to make c i v i c government l ess cor rupt . Each plat form therefore cons is ted of a number of p lanks , each assigned to one of the above c a t e g o r i e s . From t h i s i t was poss ib le to obtain the to ta l number of planks that f e l l in to the f i r s t three c a t e g o r i e s . I f t h i s exceeded 50% of a l l the planks in the platform the platform was categor ized as being pro-growth. Publ ished from 1907 to 1914 the B . C . Magazine operated under 76 several names i n c l u d i n g Westward Ho and Man to Man Magazine. Nothing changed except the t i t l e however. Throughout th is study the magazine w i l l be re fe r red to as the B.C.M. i r r e s p e c t i v e of the year of p u b l i c a t i o n . O r i g i n a l l y the magazine t r i e d to incorporate some l i t e r a r y content into the booster mater ial but as time past the emphasis became squarely on the l a t t e r type of m a t e r i a l . H. Hoadley - 'The Terminal C i t y ' B .C.M. Vol 1. #6 (1907) p 51. W.R. Gordon. ' I n d u s t r i a l Vancouver' B .C.M. Vol 7. #6 (1911) p 629. For a f u l l account of the purposes, p r i n c i p l e s and procedures of content ana lys is the reader i s re fe r red to 0. H o l s t i Content  A n a l y s i s f o r the Humanities and Soc ia l Sc iences . (Don M i l l s , Onta r io . Addison Wesley. 1969). The procedures used in t h i s study were cons is ten t with those descr ibed in t h i s t ex t . The categor ies u t i l i z e d were e s s e n t i a l l y those used to c l a s s i f y the ind iv idua l planks o f the e l e c t i o n p la t forms. This allowed a c e r t a i n amount of comparison to be made that would not have been poss ib le had d i f f e r e n t categor ies been used. The categor ies were as f o l l o w s : i ) Was the Cartoon favorably commenting on populat ion growth, i i ) Was the Cartoon favorab ly commenting on i n d u s t r i a l or 77 commercial growth, i i i ) Was the Cartoon favorab ly commenting on the development of c u l t u r a l ameni t ies , iv ) Was the Cartoon aimed at exposing the squa l id environment of the c i t y . v) Was the Cartoon aimed at exposing i n e f f i c i e n c y wi th in the c i v i c government, v i ) Was the Cartoon aimed at exposing corrupt ion wi thin the c i v i c government. Cartoons assigned to one o f the f i r s t three categor ies were typed as being pro-growth. N. MacDonald 'A C r i t i c a l Growth Cycle f o r Vancouver, 1900-1914' B . C . Studies Number 1 (1972) p 26-42 d iscusses the f i r s t of these growth cyc les and provides a graph on page 31 of the value o f b u i l d i n g permits issued in Vancouver f o r the years 1902-1936. This graph i s a good index of general economic condi t ions and provides in a dramatic form evidence o f the 'boom and bust ' nature o f Vancouver's economy. For a superb account of the problems in one American c i t y , B u f f a l o , New York, see E. Powell The Design o f Discord (New York. Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1974) See MacDonald (1972) o p . c i t . p 36-38. 78 H. Bartholomew A Plan f o r the C i t y of Vancouver (Vancouver. The Vancouver Town Planning Commission. 1929) p 309. G.A. Nader. C i t i e s of Canada. (Toronto. MacMillan of Canada. 1975) p 206. The d e f i n i t i o n of an urban place employed i s the census d e f i n i t i o n of any sett lement with a populat ion exceeding I, 000. D. Ward. C i t i e s and Immigrants (Toronto. Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press . 1971) p 32. The d e f i n i t i o n of an urban place employed i s the census d e f i n i t i o n of any sett lement with a populat ion exceeding 2,500. Compare with the Canadian d e f i n i t i o n above. P.F.W. Rutherford "Tomorrow's Me t ropo l i s : The Urban Reform Movement in Canada 1880-1920". Papers Presented to the Canadian  H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n 1971. p 204. Lord J . Bryce (ed) The American Commonwealth (New York. MacMi l lan. 1897. Two V o l s . ) p 637. A . D . White "The Government of American C i t i e s " Forum Volume X. (December 1890) p 25. R i i s was ac t ive throughout the 1890's and ea r ly years of the twentieth century . His major pub l ica t ions were: 79 'How the other Half L i v e s : Studies amongst the tenements o f New  York' publ ished in 1890, The Chi ldren of the Poor publ ished in 1892 and A Ten Years War. An Account o f the Ba t t l e with the Slum  in- New York publ ished in 1900. Se lec t ions from these three works have been compiled in to an e a s i l y a c c e s s i b l e reader : -F. Cordasco - Jacob R i i s R e v i s i t e d : Poverty and the Slum in  Another E r a . (New York, Doubleday and Company, 1968) 31. M. Scot t American C i t y Planning Since 1890. (Berkeley and Los Angeles. U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press . 1969) p 8. 32. E . R . L . Gould The Housing of the Working People. (Washington D . C , U.S. Commissioner of Labor. 1895). 33. Rutherford, o p . c i t . p 205. 34. H.B. Ames. The C i t y Below the H i l l (Toronto, Un ive rs i t y of Toronto P r e s s . 1972. O r i g i n a l l y publ ished 1897) J . S . Woodsworth. Strangers Within Our Gates: or Coming  Canadians. (Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto P r e s s . 1972. o r i g i n a l l y publ ished 1909). J . S . Woodsworth. My Neighbor. A Study o f C i t y Condit ions (Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press . 1972. o r i g i n a l l y publ ished 1911). 8 0 C . J . Hast ings. 'The Modern Conception o f Pub l ic Health A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' Conservat ion o f L i f e V o l . 3 (October 1 9 1 7 ) p 8 8 . 3 5 . J . S t rong. Our Country, I ts P o s s i b l e Future and i t s Present  C r i s i s . (New York. American Home Missionary S o c i e t y . 1 8 8 5 ) . 3 6 . S . P . Caine 'The Or ig ins of Progress iv ism' p 1 1 - 3 4 The  Progressive E r a . L . L . Gould (ed) . (Syracuse, Syracuse U n i v e r s i t y Press . 1 9 7 4 ) pp 1 3 - 1 4 . Good accounts of the American s o c i a l Gospel Movement are provided by: A . I . Abel 1 . The Urban Impact on American Protestant ism 1 8 0 5 - 1 9 0 0 (Cambridge, Mass. Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press . 1 9 4 3 ) A . F . Davis . Spearheads of Reform (New York. Oxford Un ive rs i t y Press . 1 9 6 7 ) . The d e f i n i t i v e accounts of the Canadian Socia l Gospel Movement are provided by: R. A l l e n . The Soc ia l Passion - Re l ig ion and Soc ia l Reform in  Canada 1 9 1 4 - 1 9 2 8 . (Toronto. U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto P r e s s . 1 9 7 1 ) R. A l l e n . 'The Socia l Gospel and the Reform T r a d i t i o n in Canada, 1 8 9 0 - 1 9 2 8 ' Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review. V o l . 5 9 . (December 1 9 6 8 ) . P P 3 8 1 - 3 9 9 . 3 7 . An account of the s o c i a l welfare system of Nineteenth Century Ontar io i s found i n : -81 R.B. Splane. Soc ia l Welfare in Ontario 1791-1893 (Toronto. Un ive rs i t y of Toronto Press . 1965) 38. R. Hofstadter . The Age of Reform. (New York. Random House, 1955) p 174-175 39. Rutherford, o p . c i t . p 207-208. For a d i s c u s s i o n o f Winnipeg's deal ings with the water supply u t i l i t y see: . A r t i b i s e . o p . c i t . p 297-329 40. Rutherford, o p . c i t . p 211. 41. Rutherford, o p . c i t . p 211. 42. M. Gauvin. The Municipal Reform Movement in Montreal 1886-1914. (Ottawa. Unpublished M.A. T h e s i s . Department o f H i s t o r y . U n i v e r s i t y o f Ottawa. 1972) 43. M.G. H o l l i . 'Urban Reform in the Progressive Era ' p 133-151 "The Progressive Era" L . L . Gould (ed) (Syracuse. Syracuse U n i v e r s i t y Press 1974) p 136. 44. H o l l i . o p . c i t . p 137-138. 82 45. H o l l i . o p . c i t . p 138-139. 46. H o l l i . o p . c i t . p 142 47. Rutherford, o p . c i t . p 212. 48. Rutherford, o p . c i t . footnote p 222 49. F.W. T a y l o r . The P r i n c i p l e s of S c i e n t i f i c Management (New York, Happer and Brothers . 1934. f i r s t publ ished 1911). 50. This a n a l y s i s i s based on H o l l i . o p . c i t . p 143-144. 51. S . P . Hays. 'The P o l i t i c s of Reform in Municipal Government in the Progressive Era ' P a c i f i c Northwest Quarter ly V o l . 55 #4 (October 1964) p 159 and L. White. The C i ty Manager (Chicago. The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press . 1927) p IX-X. 52. J . C . P h i l l i p s . Operation of the Council Manager Plan of Government  in Oklahoma C i t i e s ( P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1935) p 31-39 c i t e d in Hays o p . c i t . p 159. 53. J . Weinste in . "Organized Business and the C i ty Commission and Manager Movements" Journal of Southern H is tory V o l . XXVIII (1962) p 166-182. 83 J . Weinstein. The Corporate Ideal in the L ibera l State 1900-1918. (Boston, Beacon P r e s s , 1968). Chapter Four "The Small Businessman as Big Businessman: The C i t y Commission and Manager Movements" p 92-116 i s an a m p l i f i c a t i o n and expansion of the e a r l i e r a r t i c l e . 54. P . F . W . Rutherford. ' I n t roduc t ion ' p VII - XVIII H.B. Ames. "The C i ty Below the H i l l ' (Toronto. Toronto U n i v e r s i t y Press . 1972) p VI I I . 55. Rutherford (1971) o p . c i t . p 204 A r t i b i s e o p . c i t . p 55-79. 56. Rutherford (1971) o p . c i t . p 204. 57. Hays o p . c i t . p 161. 58. S . B . Warner. S t ree tcar Suburbs. The Process of Growth in Boston  1870-1900 (New York. Atheneum 1970). The upper and middle c l a s s nature of the suburban movement i s d iscussed on pages 52-56. 59. This account .o f the business communities ana lys is of what was wrong with c i t y government i s drawn from a large va r i e ty of sources. Some of the most important a r e : -Hays o p . c i t . Hofstader o p . c i t . 84 F.M. Stewart - A Hal f Century of Reform. The H is tory of the  National Municipal League (Berkeley and Los Angeles. Un ive rs i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press . 1950). Weinstein (1968) o p . c i t . 60. W.D. Hawley Non-Part isan E l e c t i o n s and the Case f o r Party  P o l i t i c s . (New York. John Wiley and Sons. 1973) p 12 61. S . Haber. E f f i c i e n c y and U p l i f t . S c i e n t i f i c Management in the  Progressive Era . (Chicago. The Un ive rs i t y of Chicago Press 1964) p 102. 62. J . K . Masson and J . D . Anderson (eds) Emerging Party P o l i t i c s in  Urban Canada (Toronto, McClel land and Stewart. 1972) p 11. ,M 63. Masson and Anderson, o p . c i t . p 11-13. 64. W.B. Munro. American Inf luences on Canadian Government (Toronto. MacMillan of Canada. 1929) p 99. 65. Masson and Anderson, o p . c i t . p 13. 66. W.D. L i g h t h a l l "War Time Experiences of Canadian C i t i e s " National  Municipal Review V o l . 7. (January 1918) p 19. 85 67. Stewart, o p . c i t . p 164. 68. J . B . Shannon 'County C o n s o l i d a t i o n ' Annals of the American  Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Soc ia l Science V o l . 207 (January 1940) p 168. Ci ted Hays o p . c i t . p 168. 69. F.W. Tay lor 'Government E f f i c i e n c y ' B u l l e t i n of the Tay lor Soc ie ty V o l . II (December 1916) p 9-10. F . B . Copley - Freder ick Winslow T a y l o r . Father of S c i e n t i f i c  Management (New York. Harper. 1923) provides in Chapters XI and XII of Volume two, an account of T a y l o r ' s f i g h t to get h is system adopted. 70. H.L. Cooke. Our C i t i e s Awake: Notes on Municipal A c t i v i t i e s and  Admin is t ra t ion (New York. Doubleday Page. 1918). p 66-67, 97-104. 71. J . Mercer ' C i t y Manager Communities in the Montreal Metropol i tan Area ' Canadian Geographer V o l . XVIII #4 (1974) p 352-354. 72. Weinstein (1968) o p . c i t . p 97. 73. Weinstein (1968) o p . c i t . p 98. 74. H.H. Gaetz 'Municipal L e g i s l a t i o n ' . The Western Municipal News 86 V o l . IV (March 1909) p 1078-1081 repr in ted on pages 26-29 of Masson and Anderson o p . c i t . p 28. Gaetz o p . c i t . p 26-27. Gaetz o p . c i t . p 28. Gaetz o p . c i t . p 29. F .H . Underh i l l "Commission Government in C i t i e s " The Arbor V o l . 1-2 (1910-1911) p 284-294. c i t e d in Rutherford (1971) o p . c i t . p 212. R.L . Moore"''Pimgnsions 0 f Thought in Progressive America" p 35-53 in L . L . Gould (ed) 'The Progressive Era ' (Syracuse. Syracuse U n i v e r s i t y Press 1974) p 43. Rutherford (1971) o p . c i t . p 214. A. Briggs 'The Human Aggregate ' , p 83-105 in H . J . Dyos and M. Wolff (eds) "The V i c t o r i a n C i t y : Images and R e a l i t i e s " (London, Routledge and Kegan. P a u l . 1973) provides a d i s c u s s i o n of the r i s e of ' S t a t i s t i c s ' as a sc ience in nineteenth century B r i t a i n . L. B a r i t z Servants of Power: A H is tory o f the Use of Soc ia l Science in American Industry (Middletown, Connect icut . Wesleyan 87 U n i v e r s i t y Press . 1960) R .E . Ca l lahan . Education and the Cul t of E f f i c i e n c y : A Study of  the Soc ia l Forces that have shaped the Adminis t ra t ion of the  Pub l i c Schoo ls . (Chicago. U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s . 1962) S . P . Hays. Conservation and the Gospel of E f f i c i e n c y . The  Progressive Conservation Movement 1890-1920 (Cambridge, Massachusetts. Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press . 1959) D. Waldo. The Admin is t ra t ive S ta te . A Study of the P o l i t i c a l  Theory of American Pub l i c Admin is t ra t ion (New York. Roland Press Company. 1948) A l l these d iscuss the growth o f bureaucracy in one s p e c i f i c f i e l d of pub l i c or p r iva te l i f e . For a more general account of the development o f the corporate s ta te see : N. H a r r i s . B e l i e f s in S o c i e t y : The Problem of Ideology (Penguin Books, Harmondsworth. 1971) 82. Haber. o p . c i t . p 115-116; Hays, o p . c i t . p 168-169; Rutherford (1971) o p . c i t . p 214. A l l d iscuss the ro le of newly emergent d e c i s i o n making process in increas ing the power of the business c lasses at the expense of the working c l a s s e s . 83. The l i t e r a t u r e on the idea of progress i s very extens ive . Good accounts of the r o l e . o f the idea are provided by: 88 J . B . Bury The Idea of Progress An Inquiry in to i t s o r i g i n and  growth (London, MacMillan 1920) S. Fay. The Idea of Progress . American H i s t o r i c a l Review L 11 (January 1947) p 231-246. B. Mazl ish "The Idea of Progress" Daedalus V o l . XCII (Summer 1963) p 447-461. S. P o l l a r d . The Idea of Progress - H is tory and Soc ie ty (Harmondsworth. Penguin Books. 1971) i s p a r t i c u l a r l y good in d i s c u s s i n g the ph i losoph ica l roots of the idea during the enlightenment. R.B. Nye. This Almost Chosen People . Essays in the H is tory o f  American Ideas (Toronto, MacMil lan of Canada. 1966) p 4. A. E k i r c h . The Idea of Progress in America 1815-1860 (New York. Ar ts Press . 1961. o r i g i n a l l y publ ished 1944) R.H. G a b r i e l . The Course of American Democratic Thought An  I n t e l l e c t u a l H is tory (New York. The Roland Press . 1940) provide good accounts of the American s i t u a t i o n . W.L. Morton The Sh ie ld of A c h i l l e s . Aspects of Canada in the  V i c t o r i a n Age (Toronto. McClel land Stewart 1968) contains several a r t i c l e s documenting the ro le of the idea in nineteenth century Canada. 89 87. Nye o p . c i t . p 21-24 88. J . E . Page. The Development of the Notion of Planning in the  United S t a t e s . 1893-1965 ( P h i l a d e l p h i a . Unpublished Ph.D. T h e s i s . Department of C i ty P lanning . U n i v e r s i t y of Pennsylvania . 1965) This contains an en l ighten ing account of the emergence of n a t i o n a l , corporate and c i t y planning bureaucracies in the per iod 1890-1920. 89. The wr i t ings of Mumford are p r o l i f i c and many are re levant to our problem. The most centra l remains: L. Mumford Technics and C i v i l i z a t i o n (New York. Harcourt Brace and Company 1934) A recent summary of a long l i f e ' s work i s found i n : L. Mumford. ' R e f l e c t i o n s . Prologue to our T ime ' . New Yorker (March 10th 1975) p 42-63. Much o f th is i s d i r e c t l y re levant to the d i s c u s s i o n . See a l s o : J . E l l u l . The Technological Soc ie ty (New York. A . A . Knopf 1964. O r i g i n a l l y publ ished in French in 1954) G. Grant. Technology and Empire. Perspect ives on North America (Toronto. House of Anans i . 1969) 90. See E l l u l o p . c i t . f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of technique. 91. Much of t h i s sec t ion is based on four sources . Unless s p e c i f i c 90 references are given the mater ia l i s drawn from: N . J . Johnston. Harl.and Bartholomew: His Comprehensive Plans and  Science of P lanning . ( P h i l a d e l p h i a . Unpublished Ph.D. T h e s i s . Department of C i t y P lanning . U n i v e r s i t y of Pennsylvania . 1964). R. Lubove. The Urban Community. Housing and Planning in the  Progressive E r a . (Englewood C l i f f s . Prent ice H a l l . 1967). N.T. Newton. Design on the Land. The Development of Landscape  A r c h i t e c t u r e . (Cambridge. The Belknap Press o f Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1971) M. S c o t t . American C i t y Planning Since 1890. (Berkeley and Los . Angeles. U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press . 1969). The work of Burnham and Robinson i s d iscussed at length in Chapter XXIX o f Newton and in Chapter Two of S c o t t . Bruner , Olmstead and Nolen a l l rece ive a t tent ion from Johnston. For a d e t a i l e d l i s t of comprehensive c i t y plans completed p r i o r to 1912 see: J . Nolen "Twenty Years of Planning Progress in the United S t a t e s " , p 1-45 -in"Planning Problems of Town, C i t y and Region,.*Papers and Discussions at the Nineteenth National Conference on C i ty Planning" ( P h i l a d e l p h i a . National Conference on C i t y P lanning. 1923) p 21-22. Scot t o p . c i t . p 84 d iscusses the e f f e c t s of Marsh's European experiences on h is planning ideas . 91 94. Proceedings of the Fourth National C i t y Planning Conference. Boston. May 27th - 29th 1912. (Boston, National Conference on C i t y Planning 1912) p 22. 95. S c o t t , o p . c i t . p 120. 96. H.B. Bra inerd . "George Burdett Ford . 1879-1930". Penci l Points Volume XI. Number 11. (November 1930) p 905. 97. B .C . Marsh. An Introduct ion to C i t y P lanning . (New York. Arno Press 1974) O r i g i n a l l y publ ished in 1909. 98. G .B. Ford "The C i t y S c i e n t i f i c " p 31-45 in Proceedings of the  F i f t h National Conference on C i t y Planning (Chicago. National Conference on C i t y P lanning . 1913). 99. I b i d , p 31. 100. I b i d . 101. I b i d . 102. I b i d . 103. E f f i c i e n c y in C i t y Planning" American C i t y . Volume VIII Number 2 92 (February 1913) p 142-143. 104. Johnson, o p . c i t . p 86. 105. See R.S. Lambert Renewing Nature 's Wealth (Toronto. Hunter Rose 1967) p 9-13. C R . Smith and D.R. Witty "Conservat ion , Resources and Environment. AnciExposition and C r i t i c a l Evaluat ion of the Commission of Conservat ion , Canada" Plan Volume II. Number 1. (1970) p 55-71. S . L . Udall The Quiet C r i s i s (New York / Avon Books. 1963) 106. G .P . Marsh. Man and Nature or Physical Geography as Modif ied by  Human Act ion repr in ted and edi ted by D. Lowenthal (Cambridge. The Belknap Press of Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press . 1964) O r i g i n a l l y Publ ished 1864. A d i s c u s s i o n o f the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f Marsh's work i s provided by D. Lowenthal George Perkins Marsh: V e r s a t i l e  Vermonter. (New York. Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press . 1958). 107. P. Nash. Wilderness and the American Mind. (New Haven. Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press . 1967) p 122-140 provides a good account of Mu i r ' s l i f e and work. Pinchot i s d iscussed on pages 134-138 and 170-173. The i r opposing stances over the Hetch Hetchy r e s e r v o i r proposal are d iscussed on pages 161-181. 108. H. Clepper 'The Conservation Movement: B i r th and Infancy' in 93 "Or ig ins of American Conservat ion" ed . H. Clepper (New York. Roland P r e s s . 1966) p 5. 109. A.M. Armstrong - 1 ThomassAdams and the Commission of Conservat ion ' Plan Vol 1 #1 (1959) p 15. 110. Smith and Wit ty , o p . c i t . p 56. 111. Armstrong, o p . c i t . p 15. 112. F . J . Thorpe. H i s t o r i c a l Perspect ive Of the Resources f o r  Tomorrow Conference. (Ottawa, Queens P r i n t e r . 1963) 113. Smith and Wit ty , o p . c i t . p 58. 114. 8-9 Edw. VI I . Ch 27 (1909) c i t e d in Armstrong, o p . c i t . p 15. 115. Armstrong, o p . c i t . p 15 Smith and Wit ty , o p . c i t . p 58. 116. Armstrong, o p . c i t . p 15.-117. Smith and Wit ty , o p . c i t . p 60. 118. F i r s t Annual Report of the Commission of Conservation (Ottawa. 94 Commission of Conservat ion. 1910). p 6. Annual reports o f the Commission w i l l be c i t e d as ARCC# from t h i s point on. 119. ARCC#1 o p . c i t . p 12. 120. Smith and Wit ty , o p . c i t . p 62. 121. Armstrong, o p . c i t . p 17-18. 122. ARCC#2 (1911) p 50. 123. ARCC#3 (1912) p 148. 124. ARCC#3 o p . c i t . p 132. 125. ARCC#3 o p . c i t . p 144. 126. ARCC#3 o p . c i t . p 82. 127. 'The F i r s t Canadian Conference on Town Planning ' The Canadian  Municipal Journal V o l . VI I I . #8 (August 1912) p 291-293. 'The F i r s t Canadian National Congress on Housing and Town Planning ' The Canadian Municipal J o u r n a l . V o l . VIII #9. (September 1912) p 338. 95 128. A r t i b i s e . o p . c i t . p 405-427. 129. ARCC#4 (1913) p 8-12. 130. Armstrong, o p . c i t . p 20. 131. Armstrong, o p . c i t . P221. 132. Proceedings of the S ix th National Conference on C i ty P lanning. Toronto. May 25-27, 1914. (Boston. The U n i v e r s i t y Press . 1914) 133. ARCC#6 (1915) p 238. 134. ARCC#6 o p . c i t . p 245-284 provides the text of the B i l l and the d iscuss ion i t generated. 135. ARCC#6 o p . c i t . p 272. 136. ARCC#6 o p . c i t . p 258. 137. Th is r e s o l u t i o n i s pr in ted in f u l l in Conservation of L i f e V o l . 1 #2. (October 1914) p i . 138. ARCC#6. o p . c i t . p 242. 96 ARCC#6 o p . c i t . p 158. This biography of Thomas Adams has been pieced together from a wide range of sources . The most important are as f o l l o w s : Armstrong o p . c i t . p 24 G . E . Cherry. The Evolut ion of B r i t i s h Town Planning (Leighton Buzzard. Leonard H i l l . 1974) p 40, 57-65. 'Conservat ion o f L i f e ' Vol 1. #2 (October 1914) p 28 Almost any h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h or American C i ty or Regional Planning contains some remarks on Adams' l i f e and career . 'Thomas Adams' Town Planning Review V o l . 5. (1914) p 248. ARCC#8. (1917) p 95. T . Adams "Town and Regional Planning in Relat ion to Indust r ia l Growth in Canada". Journal of the Town Planning Ins t i tu te of  Canada. V o l . 1. #4-5 (June - August 1921) p 9. (This was a r e p r i n t of the P res iden t i a l address at the second annual meeting of the Town Planning Ins t i tu te of Canada) C i ted as J . T . P . I . C . hencefor th . T . Adams. Rural Planning and Development (Ottawa. Commission of Conservat ion. 1917) p 6. 97 Adams (1917) o p . c i t . p 7. ARCC#6. o p . c i t . p 158-179. ARCC#6. o p . c i t . p 118. Armstrong, o p . c i t . p 26. C i v i c Improvement League f o r Canada. Report of Pre l iminary  Conference held under the auspices of the Commission of  Conservation-atOOttawa. November 19, 1915. (Ottawa. Commission o f Conservat ion. 1916) p 32. C i ted as C . I . L . (1916) hencefor th . C . I . L . (1916) o p . c i t . p 33-34. C . I . L . (1916) o p . c i t . p 34. C . I . L . (1916) o p . c i t . p 34-35. C i v i c Improvement. Report o f Conference o f C i v i c Improvement  League of Canada held in TCooperat ion with the Commission of  Conservation in the Railway Committee Room, House of Commons, Ottawa. January 20th 1916. (Ottawa. Commission of Conservat ion. 1916) p 7. C i ted as C . I . (1916) hencefor th . 98 154. C . I . (1916) o p . c i t . p 13. 155. C . I . (1916) o p . c i t . p 67. 156. C . I . (1916) o p . c i t . p 69. 157. ARCC#8. o p . c i t . p 279. 158. ARCC#10. (1919) p 102-105. De ta i l s of the plan are provided on p 106-109. 159. Armstrong, o p . c i t . pt.28. Vancouver Da i ly Province (Apr i l 11, 1940) p 2. VDP (Apr i l 25, 1940) p 4. 160. Armstrong, o p . c i t . p 28. J . T . P . I . C . V o l . 1 #2 (February 1921) p 10. The quotat ion comes from J . T . P . I . C . V o l . V. #6. (December 1916) P I-161. J . T . P . I . C . V o l . 1 #1 (October 1920). p 5. 162. Armstrong, o p . c i t . p 28. 163. 'Armstrong, o p . c i t . p 28. 99 164. S c o t t , o p . c i t . p 164. 165. ARCC #10. o p . c i t . p 17. 166. ARCC #10. o p . c i t . p 102. 167. Urban and Rural Development in Canada. Report of Conference Held  at Winnipeg. May 28-30, 1917. (Ottawa Commission of Conservat ion. 1917). ARCC #10. o p . c i t . p 116-122. 168. Armstrong, o p . c i t . p 30-31 and C R . Smith and D.R. Witty 'Conserva t ion , Resources and Environment. The Commission of Conservation Canada. Part 2' P l a n . V o l . - 1 1 169. No. 3 (1972) p 210-216. Armstrong, o p . c i t . p 51. 100 CHAPTER THREE THE PRINCIPAL REFORMERS In the l a s t Chapter i t became evident that businessmen were cen-t r a l to the urban reform movement. As the developers and propagandists of new ideas on planning and municipal government they played an extremely important ro le in spreading the new urban f a i t h . The i r dominant p o s i t i o n was r e f l e c t e d in both the form and purpose of t h e i r s o l u t i o n s , economic growth through the a p p l i c a t i o n of ra t iona l business methods to the urban scene. Throughout the United States and Canada i t was the business community, usua l ly operat ing through an organiza t ion such as a Board of Trade or a Chamber of Commerce, that played the key ro le in the dr ives f o r municipal government reform and the establ ishment of p lanning. Very often these same businessmen played important ro les in c i v i c p o l i t i c s , held high pos i t ions in the business and s o c i a l clubs of t h e i r c i t i e s and were engaged in s i g n i f i c a n t r e l i g i o u s and ph i l an th rop ic a c t i v i t i e s . In short they formed an e l i t e group who c o n t r o l l e d to a s i g n i f i c a n t degree the major i n s t i t u t i o n a l orders of t h e i r s o c i e t i e s . 1 Western Canadian c i t i e s were dominated by such e l i t e s during the f i r s t two decades of the century": Largely of B r i t i s h or Eastern Canadian o r i g i n s , Vancouver's e l i t e was f i r m l y in control of the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the C i t y . The in f luence of these e l i t e s was even greater than t h e i r occupation of the key pub l ic and pr iva te o f f i c e s would i n d i c a t e . As Careless has suggested they operated to a s i g n i f i c a n t extent outside the 101 formal pub l ic sphere and were enormously i n f l u e n t i a l in shaping the growth of t h e i r c i t i e s . Operating from within the business community they formed coherent groups that often used the Board of Trade as t h e i r o f f i c i a l vo ice and the pres t ige c lub as t h e i r s o c i a l c i r c l e . The complex b u s i n e s s , p o l i t -i c a l and s o c i a l t i e s between t h e i r members ensured a coherence and c o n t i n -u i t y in t h e i r stances on the issues of the day found lack ing in other s e g - : ments o f the community. It was th is coherence o f viewpoint and t h e i r great in f luence that makes them so important. I t i s beyond the scope of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n to unravel the complexi t ies of these e l i t e s but a s t a r t has been made by A r t i b i s e in h is work on Winnipeg and by Robertson and Gutste in 4 in t h e i r work on Vancouver. Later in th is Chapter we s h a l l look in some de ta i l at c e r t a i n members of the Vancouver business e l i t e . In p a r t i c u l a r we s h a l l i nves t iga te the backgrounds of those members of the e l i t e who played a s i g n i f i c a n t ro le in the urban reform movement in Vancouver. As we s h a l l see the f i f t e e n major reformers d iscussed d i s p l a y a great many common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . I d e n t i f i e d f o r t h e i r long s e r v i c e in reform organizat ions most were born in the twenty- f ive year per iod from 1855-1880 e i t h e r in Eastern Canada or in B r i t a i n . Only one was not of B r i t i s h descent , W.H. Lembke, an Ontarian o f German parenthood who served as Reeve of the suburban M u n i c i p a l i t y of Point Grey in the 1920's. The major i ty had a r r i ved in Vancouver in the 1890's or 1900's and most were to become important members o f the business community. With the exception of a Mrs. A.M. McGovern a l l the major reformers were e i t h e r businessmen or p r o f e s s i o n a l s . Real Estate brokery and cont rac t ing were the dominant occupat ions . Only four inc lud ing Mrs. McGovern, were not 102 members of the Vancouver Board of Trade. The major c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these f i f t e e n reformers are summarized in the tables below. TABLE 3.1 BIRTHDATE AND DATE OF ARRIVAL IN VANCOUVER OF THE MAJOR REFORMERS 1850's 1860's 1870's 1880's 1890's 1900's 1910's 1920's Unknown Bir thdate 2 5 4 3 - - - - 1 A r r i v a l in Vancouver - - - - 2 6 4 1 1 1 Source See Footnotes 41-80 TABLE 3.2 PLACE OF BIRTH OF THE MAJOR REFORMERS Number Maritime Provinces Quebec Ontario A l l Eastern Canada Western Canada B r i t a i n Elsewhere (of Canadian Parents) Unknown Total Source See footnotes 41-80 1 2 6 9 0 4 1 1 15 Percentage 6.66 13.33 40.00 60.00 0.00 26.66 6.66 6.66 100.00 103 TABLE 3.3 OCCUPATIONS OF THE MAJOR REFORMERS Number Percentage Merchants and Businessmen 2 13.33 Real Estate Agents and F inanc iers 4 26.66 Manufacturers and Contractors 3 20.00 A l l Business Representat ives 9 60.00 Pro fess iona ls 5 33.33 Ar t isans and Workingmen 0 0.00 Other 1 6.66 Total . 15 100.00 Source See Footnotes 41-80 This c o n t i n u i t y o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s goes beyond background and experience and includes a s i m i l a r i t y in the b e l i e f s , occupations and act ions of these men. Later in the Chapter we s h a l l d iscuss t h e i r b e l i e f s and see that they conform c l o s e l y to the reform ideology already d i s c u s s e d . With a common set of assumptions about s o c i e t y and the r o l e of the planner in that soc ie ty they were to have a profound e f f e c t on the i n s t i t u t i o n a l and physica l landscapes of Vancouver. Before we d iscuss these a c t i v i t i e s i t w i l l be necessary to present a more d e t a i l e d p ic tu re of the b e l i e f s of these reformers; t h i s w i l l fo l low a more general d iscuss ion of the ro le that businessmen played in the pub l i c l i f e of Vancouver and i t s suburban m u n i c i p a l i t i e s in the f i r s t three decades of the century. 104 CITY AND MUNICIPAL POLITICIANS Mayors and Aldermen in Vancouver Of the s ix teen men who served Vancouver as Mayor between 1900 and 5 1925 twelve were businessmen and four were p r o f e s s i o n a l s . Of these p ro fes -s iona ls a l l but one were in t imate ly involved in the real estate bus iness . Many of these men were members o f the Board of Trade and two, C E . T i s d a l l and W.R. Owen were prominent members o f the Board's C i v i c Bureau c o i n c i d e n -ta l l y with holding c i v i c o f f i c e . The former was an execut ive member o f the C i v i c Bureau in 1919, 1920 and again in 1925 while Owen served in that capac i ty in 1919. 7 A s i m i l a r pattern emerges i f we look at the c i t y aldermen who served in the same p e r i o d . Of 111 aldermen during th is per iod 71 were businessmen and a fu r ther 24 p r o f e s s i o n a l s . Working c lass representat ion o was l i m i t e d to nine men. The breakdown f o r the per iod p r i o r to 1925 is given below. TABLE 3.4 OCCUPATIONAL STATUS OF VANCOUVER ALDERMEN 1900-1925 Number Percent Business Community Representat ives 71 63.9 Pro fess iona ls 24 21.6 Ar t i sans and Workingmen 9 8.1 Other 1 1-0 Unknown 6 5.4 Total 111 100.00 Source See Footnote 8 105 The most common business occupation was that of real estate agent; in the per iod 1900-1921 they accounted f o r h a l f the business representat ion g on C o u n c i l . The greatest proport ion of these men were from B r i t a i n or O n t a r i o . 1 0 That the business community was dominated by Ontarions i s claimed by Gibson c i t i n g evidence from both Boam and Sage. The f igures he provides however suggest that he has understated the importance of B r i t i s h o r i g i n s in the business community. England, I re land and Scot land accounted 11 f o r 40% of a l l business managers in 1912. These f igures are more c o n s i s t -ent with an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that the business community was j o i n t l y dominated 12 by Ontarions and B r i t i s h e r s , a point supported by MacDonald. These men were a lso centra l in the formation and a c t i v i t i e s of the major s o c i a l c lubs and business o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The Vancouver Board of Trade was es tab l i shed in 1887, one year a f t e r the incorpora t ion o f the c i t y . 1890 saw the foundation of the Vancouver Club and by 1906 a Vancouver branch of 13 the Canadian Club had been e s t a b l i s h e d . As we s h a l l see they were a lso the major proponents of reform in Vancouver. Before d iscuss ing them in th is r o l e however we should inves t iga te the nature of the c o u n c i l l o r s that served the two suburban m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of South Vancouver and Point Grey during 14 th is p e r i o d . Reeves and C o u n c i l l o r s in Point Grey and South Vancouver As was the case in Vancouver, the major i ty of the pub l ic and pr iva te p o s i t i o n s of power in South Vancouver and Point Grey were c o n t r o l l e d by members of the business and profess iona l c l a s s e s . P r i o r to the secession of Point Grey from South Vancouver in 1908 the two M u n i c i p a l i t i e s had 106 comprised the M u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver. Incorporated in A p r i l 1892 15 the M u n i c i p a l i t y e lec ted a Reeve and Council on an annual b a s i s . Information on ea r ly counci l members i s d i f f i c u l t to obtain but a complete l i s t i n g of Reeves and C o u n c i l l o r s has been produced f o r the years a f t e r 1900. P r i o r to the separat ion in 1908 information regarding the occupations of many of these men i s not a v a i l a b l e . It i s poss ib le to. ascer ta in however that of the fourteen c o u n c i l l o r s who served between 1900-1908 three were farmers and the major i ty of the r e s t were involved in one way or another in the real estate bus iness . Of the two Reeves who served in t h i s p e r i o d , one, C E . Foreman was a west s ide res ident with large and var ied business •j c i n t e r e s t s and the o ther , G. Rae, was a farmer. As already mentioned the s p l i t t i n g of the M u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver in to the two m u n i c i p a l i t i e s o f Point Grey and South Vancouver came in to e f f e c t on January 1st 1908. D i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the Reeveship of G. Rae had been showing i t s e l f as ea r l y as 1905 when a group of res idents from west of Ontario St reet complained about the lack of Municipal bor-rowing to f inance improvements. 1 7 The lack of investments in improvements was most not iceab le in th is western, l a r g e l y un inhabi ted , sec t ion of the M u n i c i p a l i t y . The 1906 reeveship campaign was fought over the issue of municipal borrowing and improvements and resu l ted in the defeat of the incumbent, G. Rae, by C E . Foreman, the western s e c t i o n ' s businessman candidate . Foreman however only maintained power f o r one year to be defeated by Rae who with the exception of 1906 had been Reeve cont inuously 19 s ince 1896. D i s s a t i s f a c t i o n continued to grow and in March 1907 the South Vancouver Council was presented with a request f o r a s p l i t t i n g of the 107 M u n i c i p a l i t y in to two halves by a delegat ion from the Point Grey Improvement 20 A s s o c i a t i o n . This a s s o c i a t i o n of the more prominent res idents of the western s ide of the M u n i c i p a l i t y became c l o s e l y connected with the Richmond and Point Grey Board of Trade fo l lowing secess ion and included among i t s members several businessmen who became prominent in t h i s l a t t e r o rgan iza -21 22 t i o n . Among these were C M . Woodworth, S . L . Howe and M.R. Wel ls . At t h i s meeting the Counci l asked the de legat ion to organize a p e t i t i o n to ind ica te whether the des i re f o r secession was general in the western part of the M u n i c i p a l i t y . This p e t i t i o n was organized post haste and reported to be get t ing almost unanimous support on account of the lack of improve-23 ments west of Ontar io S t r e e t . Consequently, in A p r i l a B i l l was i n t r o -24 duced in to the l e g i s l a t u r e separat ing the two M u n i c i p a l i t i e s which, fo l lowing some l a s t minute d iscuss ions about whether to use Ontario St reet or Bridge Steeet (now Cambie St reet ) as the boundary, was given three readings and passed on A p r i l 23rd 1907 to become e f f e c t i v e January 1st 25 1908. The western part of the M u n i c i p a l i t y then had s u c c e s s f u l l y seceded to form the new M u n i c i p a l i t y of Point Grey. This secession had been t r iggered by d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the investment in improvements, a d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n apparent ly shared by the res idents o f the now diminished South Vancouver who soon voted out G. Rae in favor o f W.A. Pound, a Reeve who was prepared to inves t in improvements even i f i t meant that the ?fi M u n i c i p a l i t y was to go in to debt. The 1910 Municipal Council r e f l e c t e d the des i re to develop, c o n s i s t i n g , of members descr ib ing themselves as a c a p i t a l i s t , an accountant , a real estate agent , another real estate agent 27 and a moulder. As ea r l y as 1907, before the s p l i t , the Council had 108 pe t i t ioned the P r o v i n c i a l government f o r a change in the Municipal Act that 28 would make the investment o f money in improvements an e a s i e r matter. Change they wanted and change i s what occurred f o r between the beginning of 1910 and the end of 1913 the indebtedness of South Vancouver rose from $209,000 to $2,809,879, a bet ter than th i r t een f o l d increase . The 1910 Counci l then was dominated by businessmen; was t h i s t y p i c a l o f the South Vancouver Counci ls of the per iod and i f so how d id th is compare with the Counci ls e lec ted in Point Grey? The Reeves and C o u n c i l l o r s that held o f f i c e in South Vancouver in the per iod 1908-1928 can be. descr ibed as being drawn l a r g e l y from the ranks of the business community. Ten d i f f e r e n t Reeves served eighteen terms in t h i s per iod with no Reeve being in o f f i c e between May 1918 and A p r i l 1923 when the M u n i c i p a l i t y was administered by P r o v i n c i a l Government Commissions e r s . Of these ten men, seven were businessmen ( inc lud ing G. Rae, a farmer whose designat ion as a businessman i s somewhat d o u b t f u l ) , two were p r o f e s s i o n a l s (a Vancouver lawyer and a Mechanical Engineer) and one was from the working c l a s s ; W.A. Pound, a Compositor f o r the Province News>' p a p e r . 3 1 Three of the Reeves, T . D ick ie in 1914, G. Gold in 1915 and W. Winram in 1916 res ided in e i t h e r the west end of the c i t y of Vancouver or in Shaughnessy He ights , in Point Grey M u n i c i p a l i t y , but were q u a l i f i e d to hold o f f i c e as they owned land in South Vancouver. A l l three Reeves who held o f f i c e from 1922 onwards had t h e i r business i n t e r e s t s located in the 32 C i t y of Vancouver but res ided in South Vancouver. The reeveship then was dominated by businessmen. The pattern i s s i m i l a r f o r c o u n c i l l o r s although in t h i s case the 109 working c lass representat ives were more numerous comprising 12 of the 59 o f f i c e ho lders . A g a i n , businessmen and p ro fess iona ls dominated with 61% of the t o t a l ; a f i g u r e that becomes higher i f one admits the 10% who descr ibed themselves as ' e s q u i r e ' , 'gentleman' or ' r e t i r e d ' . Deta i led f igures f o r the per iod 1908-1928 are given in the table below. 33 TABLE 3.5 OCCUPATIONAL STATUS OF SOUTH VANCOUVER COUNCILLORS 1908 - 1928 Number Percentage Merchants and Businessmen ( inc lud ing a farmer) 16 27 Real Estate Agents and F inanc ie rs 10 17 Manufacturers and Contractors 7 12 A l l Business Representat ives 33 56 Pro fess iona ls 3 5 Ar t isans and Workingmen 12 20 Others ( r e t i r e d , gentlemen, esquires) 6 10 Unknown 5 9 Total 59 100% Source See Footnote 33 As can be>lseen the business representat ives dominate the Counci ls of th is 34 per iod as they are reported as having done before 1908. A s i m i l a r p ic tu re emerges fo r Point Grey. Eleven Reeves served during the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s twenty-one year h i s t o r y . Of these nine were businessmen of one kind or another (s ix were in the real estate b u s i n e s s ) , one was a lawyer and the occupation o f one, T.W. F l e t c h e r I have f a i l e d to 110 a s c e r t a i n . That he was wealthy, however, i s a t tested to by the f a c t that he l i v e d at Os ie r and the Crescent in the heart o f Shaughnessy Heights . Of the c o u n c i l l o r s 63% as opposed to 56% in South Vancouver, were businessmen, 16%, against 5% were p ro fess iona ls and only 4%, against 20% were a r t i sans or workingmen. Deta i led f igures are given in the table below. TABLE 3.6 OCCUPATIONAL STATUS OF POINT GREY COUNCILLORS 1908 - 1928 Number Merchants and Businessmen Real Estate Agents and F inanc ie rs Manufacturers and Contractors A l l Business Representat ives Pro fess iona ls Ar t i sans and Workingmen Other Unknown Total Source See Footnote 35 12 15 5 32 8 2 1 8 51 Percentage 24 29 10 63 16 4 2 15 100% The business community i s even more dominant in Point Grey than was the case in South Vancouver, a point to which we s h a l l return l a t e r in the t h e s i s . Businessmen, then dominated the Counci ls of the two suburban M u n i c i p a l i t i e s j u s t as they had dominated the Counci ls of the C i t y of Vancouver. Many of the men s i t t i n g on the suburban Counci ls were, in f a c t , Vancouver businessmen who e i t h e r res ided or owned property in the suburban I l l areas . As such they operated s o c i a l l y in the same c i r c l e s as the Vancouver commercial e l i t e and belonged e i t h e r to the same or very s i m i l a r organ iza -t i o n s . The i r a t t i tude towards the establ ishment of planning was a lso very s i m i l a r to that of the Vancouver businessmen already d i s c u s s e d . Supporters of the dr ive f o r planning l e g i s l a t i o n , t h e business communities were to provide many of the personnel f o r the ea r l y planning commissions once t h e i r dr ive had met with success . There was a s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t y in the nature of the members who served on these commissions and of the c o u n c i l l o r s already d i s c u s s e d . THE PLANNING COMMISSIONERS In order to inves t iga te the nature of the members of the Vancouver and Point Grey Planning Commissions^tabulations were made of a l l the members who served on the Point Grey Commission and of a l l appointed members o f the Vancouver Commission who served p r i o r to 1940. The r e s u l t s are presented in the tables that f o l l o w . TABLE 3.7 OCCUPATION OF MEMBERS OF THE POINT GREY TOWN PLANNING COMMISSION Merchants and Businessmen Real Estate Agents and F inanc ie rs M,anu:f-ae;t;Uir.ei2s faa n:d J Con t r a c t o r s A l l Business Representat ives Pro fess iona ls A r t i s a n s and Workingmen Number Percentage 4 26 4 26 0 0 8 52 3 20 0 0 112 Number Percentage Others 1 8 Unknown 3 20 Total 15 100% Source. See Footnote 36 TABLE 3.8 OCCUPATION OF APPOINTED MEMBERS OF THE VANCOUVER TOWN PLANNING COMMISSION Number Percentage Merchants and Businessmen 5 20 Real Estate Agents and Financiers 7 28 Manufacturers and Contractors 2 8 A l l Business Representatives is 56-Professionals 4 16 Art isans and Workingmen 3 12 Others 3 12 Unknown 1 4 Total 25 100% Source. See Footnote 36 As can be seen the pattern i s s im i la r to that of the p o l i t i c i a n s with businessmen and professionals dominating. Many of these business representatives were also members of the Board of Trade; at least eleven members in the case of the Vancouver Commission and seven in the case of the 37 Point Grey Commission. These men were carrying on the i r reform a c t i v i t i e s 113 by serving on a planning board. The most prominent members of the Vancouver Commission during the nineteen t h i r t i e s were businessmen with the. major i ty of others being p r o f e s s i o n a l s . Of the seven members who each served f o r a to ta l of ten years on a planning commission p r i o r to 1940, a l l but one was a businessman or pro fess iona l and "fourwwereiumembersuof .theBBoard o f Trade. Three of these men had a lso played a major ro le in get t ing planning estab-l i s h e d . The major planning commissioners had remarkably s i m i l a r character -i s t i c s to the p o l i t i c i a n s we have already d i s c u s s e d . In the next sect ion we sha l l d iscuss in d e t a i l the backgrounds and b e l i e f s of these major reformers and planning commissioners. As we sha l l see they held many common b e l i e f s as well as sharing s i m i l a r backgrounds. THE MAJOR REFORMERS We have a l ready seen that there was a great s i m i l a r i t y in the occupations of the c i v i c p o l i t i c i a n s and the planning commissioners who served in Vancouver and i t s suburban m u n i c i p a l i t i e s in the per iod 1900 to 1940. In Chapter Four we sha l l see how these men in terac ted with yet other groups of s i m i l a r reformers^in the dr ives to reform the i n s t i t u t i o n s of c i v i c government^and to get planning l e g i s l a t i o n enacted. The centres of a c t i v i t y of these twin reform dr ives were the Vancouver Board of Trade and the Town Planning Ins t i tu te of Canada. Before a s a t i s f a c t o r y d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s reform a c t i v i t y can be presented i t i s necessary to provide some back-ground material on the p r i n c i p a l actors i n v o l v e d . This w i l l serve two ends: one, i t w i l l set these men in t h e i r b iographica l context and as such provide us with a degree of i n s i g h t into t h e i r act ions that would not be present i f they were to remain as merely names and two, i t w i l l al low us to examine 114 the manner in which the reform and planning ideas d iscussed in Chapter Two provided the i n t e l l e c t u a l basis of t h e i r a c t i o n s . From the e a r l i e s t days of reform p r i o r to the F i r s t World War u n t i l the Planning Commissions of the 1930's these ideas provided the unchallenged ru les f o r the reformers' behavior. The unchallenged acceptance of these orthodoxies provided the reform movement with a degree of coherence that was as important as the coincidence of the movement's personnel . Ear ly Reform Advocates In the per iod before 1918 two men played a dominant r o l e in the Vancouver reform movement. Both were businessmen and members of the Board of Trade and both focused t h e i r reform a c t i v i t i e s on the need to get p l a n -ning l e g i s l a t i o n enacted. J . J . B a n f i e l d . Through his involvement in the C i t y Planning and Beaut i fy ing A s s o c i a t i o n j u s t before the F i r s t World War, through his work with the C i v i c Improvement League ?and through his chairmanship of the C i t y Planning and Housing Committee of the C i v i c Bureau^Banfield played a major ro le in the reform movement throughout the per iod 1900-1918. Born in Quebec in 1856^of Eng l ish parents engaged in the ship chandlery business^ he attended commercial c o l l e g e in Quebec and then entered the employ of an o lder brother as a manager of a drygoods s t o r e . In 1880 he moved to S t . Ca ther ines , Ontario where he prac t iced as an accountant f o r eleven years., before moving to Vancouver in 1891. He es tab l ished h imse l f . as a real estate agent>at which he was very s u c c e s s f u l , concentrat ing on centra l business property . A d i r e c t o r of the B r i t i s h Columbia L i f e Insurance 115 Company^he was a lso prominent in the insurance and loan bus iness . Prominent in p u b l i c a f f a i rs^he was a d i r e c t o r of the Vancouver General Hospita l from 1906, a founding member and t reasurer of the Vancouver T o u r i s t A s s o c i a t i o n un t i l 1906, Chairman of the Vancouver School Board f o r many y e a r s , a member of the f i n a n c i a l committee of the Board of Trade , a c i t y alderman, president of the C i t y Planning and Beaut i fy ing A s s o c i a t i o n , president o f the C i v i c Improvement League^and pres ident of the Imperial Home Reunion A s s o c i a t i o n . A member of the Terminal C i ty Club, he was a keen g o l f e r belonging to the 38 Burnaby Gol f Club. A west end res ident ,he l i v e d f o r many years at the 39 i n t e r s e c t i o n of Bute and Pender S t r e e t s . He f i t s the mold of the businessman reformer almost p e r f e c t l y . From a middle c l a s s background he entered the business world and became very successfu l at his chosen f i e l d o f real e s t a t e . These business i n t e r e s t s gave him a strong i n t e r e s t in the conduct of c i v i c a f f a i r s in which he was soon a c t i v e . His i n t e r e s t in planning as a means $o guide c i t y growth surfaced in 1913 with h is a s s o c i a -t ion with the Ci ty Planning and Beaut i fy ing A s s o c i a t i o n . This o r g a n i z a t i o n , s i g n i f i c a n t l y , was formed the same year as the real estate c o l l a p s e . W. Hepburn. Born in 1857 in Robinson, Quebec of S c o t t i s h paren ts > Hepburn became a carpenters apprent ice at age 19. In 1882 he moved to Manitoba,where he worked as a carpenter and b u i l d e r . In 1884 he moved to Port A r t h u r , Ontario to continue his trade and worked as a superv isor f o r the C . P . R . A f t e r a fu r ther ten y e a r s , he came to Vancouver in 1894 where he es tab l i shed himself as a b u i l d e r and cont rac to r . He was. to become a d i r e c t o r of several companies and was a c i t y alderman from 1909 to 1915. 116 A member of the Terminal C i t y Clubhand a mason^he became the Prov ince 's f i r s t Movie Censor in 1917. Another west end residence l i v e d at Robson 40 and Burrard . These men were not a lone ; as we s h a l l see^men s i m i l a r to Banf ie ld and Hepburn were to play an important r o l e in the years to come. The Central Actors In th is sect ion^the b iographica l and i d e o l o g i c a l backgrounds of the men who spearheaded Vancouver's reform movement in the 1920's are presented. Th is al lows us to create a ten ta t ive 'composite ' biography of these men,which allows a comparison to be made with the p o l i t i c i a n s and planners already discussed^and with reform leaders elsewhere on the c o n t i -nent. The f i r s t person to be cons idered , W.E. B land , played a centra l ro le in the Board of Trade 's e f f o r t s to get planning e s t a b l i s h e d . W.E. Bland. Wi l l iam E l g i e Bland was born in D a r l i n g t o n , England in 1864. He was t ra ined as a san i ta ry engineer , p r a c t i c i n g f o r some years before becoming a l e c t u r e r at the Durham Col lege of Sc ience . In t h i s capac i ty he a lso acted as the Inspector of technica l c lasses f o r Durham County C o u n c i l . In 1911 he came to B r i t i s h Columbia d i r e c t l y from England and jo ined the s t a f f of the P r o v i n c i a l Land and Finance Corporat ion as t h e i r Eng l ish representa t i ve . He served with t h i s c o r p o r a t i o n , a major real esta te e n t e r p r i s e , u n t i l h is ret irement as i t s president and manager, a post he had held s ince 1916. Ac t i ve in business a f f a i r s he was a member of the d i r e c t o r a t e o f the Board of Mines, a member o f the execut ive of the Real Estate Exchange, a member of the execut ive of the Property Owners A s s o c i a t i o n and a member of the execut ive of the C i v i c Bureau of the Board 117 of Trade in 1923 and 1924. He was to serve in l a t e r years as an appointed member of the Vancouver. Town Planning Commission^from 1926 to 1936,with the exception of 1930 when he was incapac i ta ted through i l l hea l th . A member o f the I n s t i t u t e of Sani tary Engineers (England), he was a Mason and a member of the Canadian Club. Married^with three sons and a daughter, he l i v e d at 41 2046 Beach Drive in Vancouver's West End. His i n t e r e s t in planning went as f a r back as his days at Durham where he developed an i n t e r e s t in the 42 Garden C i t y movement and Town P lann ing . His i n t e r e s t in Town Planning in 43 Vancouver s tar ted in 1913 during the ea r l y days of the movement. For Bland, the bas is of planning was not the crea t ion of beaut i fu l environments^ but the " e f f i c i e n t and economical , i n d u s t r i a l and commercial development that represents our 'be ing ' or l i v i n g " . 4 4 This development could be fostered i f the planner was allowed to contro l i n d u s t r i a l loca t ion^so as to make i t more e f f i c i e n t and economical^and was a lso allowed to control the form of housing developed. In t h i s l a t t e r regard^wel1-1ocated^cheap housing was necessary^as t h i s would mean that the worker's t ravel costs and rent could be kept at a minimum ?allowing lower wages to be paid^thereby making 45 industry more compet i t ive . The aim of a l l measures was to increase e f f i c i e n c y and hence f o s t e r business growth. I f e f f i c i e n c y and economy were to be obtained^then planning ahead was v i t a l ; " i t should be r e a l i z e d fu r ther that i t i s much less c o s t l y to plan ahead and work to such 'a? plan than to 46 develop a d i s t r i c t in a haphazard manner". This was true not only in the case of housing and industry>but a lso in the case of parks , in the e l i m i -nat ion of slums^and in the prevention of ' b l i g h t i n g ' r e s i d e n t i a l neighbor-hoods. In a l l cases^forward planning would save money and help create an 118 ordered e f f i c i e n t landscape which , in B land 's eyes> would n e c e s s a r i l y be 4-b e a u t i f u l ; "A well planned and o rder ly c i t y i s n a t u r a l l y a beaut i fu l c i t y " . ' B land 's conception of planning was very much that of the reform businessman; i t was a s c i e n t i f i c means to a id e f f i c i e n t development. "It has become a sc ience and an a r t , and ser ious th ink ing people are s l o w l y , but s u r e l y , a r r i v i n g at the conclus ion that i t i s the dominant remedy fo r many of the i l l s the world i s s u f f e r i n g from t o d a y . . . Our p r o s p e r i t y , h e a l t h , happiness and characters are a l l very l a r g e l y dependent upon 48 e f f i c i e n t c i v i c development" His i n t e r e s t s as a reformer were wider than j u s t a concern f o r the es tab-lishment of planning as was shown by a s e r i e s of l e t t e r s to the e d i t o r in the 1930's. In these l e t t e r s he was s t r i d e n t in h is c r i t i c i s m of government i n e f f i c i e n c y and par t isan p o l i t i c s , implying that progress had stopped during the depression as a r e s u l t of them. The s o l u t i o n lay in the 49 s c i e n t i f i c a p p l i c a t i o n of planning and business methods. In one l e t t e r in 1932 the concerns f o r e f f i c i e n c y , economy, non-par t isan p o l i t i c s and expert planning were v i v i d l y expressed? "As one c i t i z e n deeply in te res ted in the more e f f i -c i e n t and economical management of our p r o v i n c i a l and municipal government, I would l i k e to express my wholehearted thanks and support to those pub l ic s p i r i t e d men who a r e , without cost to u s , making a real e f f o r t to secure a bet ter system of p r o v i n c i a l government. A recent statement made by the President of the Board o f Trade to the e f f e c t that a cabinet o f f i v e and a membership of f i f t e e n experienced businessmen should manage•* our P r o v i n c i a l business with e f f i c i e n c y and greater economy appeals to me as a step in the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n . I would support with equal earnestness A i d . McRae's suggestion that the C i ty Council be reduced from twelve to seven and the ward system e l imina ted . It would undoubtedly save time and money and should add to e f f i c i e n t management. I f f a c t s could be secured I venture to suggest that the c i t i z e n s have not secured 50 cents value f o r every d o l l a r expended on P r o v i n c i a l Government during the l a s t twenty y e a r s , which would have bankrupted any ordinary business f i r m . P r o v i n c i a l and municipal debts have become such a tax upon the average c i t i z e n as to become a menace to i n d u s t r i a l , commercial and s o c i a l progress . This quest ion therefore of f i n d -ing a more e f f i c i e n t system is probably the most ser ious problem before B . C . c i t i z e n s today. I f , a c c o r d i n g l y , the spec ia l committees report recommends some a l t e r n a t e system, suggesting greater e f f i c i e n c y and economy, i t would seem to be 120 but common sense to have a spec ia l sess ion of Parl iament to sub-d iv ide the Province in to the rev ised p a r t s , then immediately res ign so that the new system can be brought in to e f f e c t at the e a r l i e s t poss ib le moment. I think th is would be the wish of most c i t i z e n s who are not prejudiced 50 by the o ld party system " That B land 's motivat ions as a reformer were those discussed in the ana lys is of Chapter Two requires no fu r ther proof . J . Rogers. Another major Board of Trade reform advocate was Jonathon Rogers. Born in North Wales in 1865., he l e f t the fami ly farm in 1882 and journeyed to L iverpool where he managed the estate of an Aunt. This estate contained bet ter than e ighty houses and so he es tab l i shed a mater ia ls yard in 1884 to provide the suppl ies to maintain the bu i ld ings in a s ta te of r e p a i r . A f t e r another three y e a r s , in 1887, he came to Canada with the in ten t ion of e s t a b l i s h i n g as a c a t t l e farmer near Calgary . He had grandiose schemes of d r i v i n g c a t t l e from summer pasture on the P r a i r i e s through the mountains to winter pasture on the coast . The t r i p to Vancouver on the f i r s t CPR t r a i n to terminate there convinced him th is was / in feas ib le^ and a f t e r a short t r i p to V i c t o r i a he returned to Vancouver to purchase four l o t s in the f i r s t CPR land s a l e . E s t a b l i s h i n g a pa int and tool shop on Hastings Street^he soon found h is business booming and es tab l i shed himself as a c o n t r a c t o r . He b u i l t a great deal of downtown business property at the turn of the century , more than 1,000 f t . in f rontage , amongst which was the 1912 'Rogers Block ' at the corner of Pender and G r a n v i l l e . The B r i t i s h 121 Columbia E l e c t r i c Company's Indian Arm powerhouse was one of his major contracts^as was his own p a l a t i a l residence at 2050 Nelson in the heart of the West End. Apart from const ruc t ion he had a large f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t in mining^and was one of the f i r s t advocates of searching fo r o i l in western Canada. In 1904-5 he d r i l l e d f o r o i l in the Turner Va l l ey with a great deal of success^only to see t h e p r o j e c t abandoned due to marketing problems. He l i s t e d his hobbies as t rave l (he undertook a two year world tour in 1908-10), c h e s s , the development of parks and town p lanning. In these l a t t e r regards he served on the Vancouver Parks Board from 1908 u n t i l 1934 with, only a two year break, as an execut ive o f the C i v i c Bureau in 1917, and as an appointed member of the Town Planning Commission in 1937. As President of the Board of Trade in 1914-1916, as an Alderman in 1906 and 1911, a founder of the Good Government League in 1911, and as an ac t ive p r o h i b i t i o n i s t as President of the Peoples P r o h i b i t i o n Movement^he was a c t i v e l y involved in p o l i t i c a l and moral reform and the attempt to get planning l e g i s l a t i o n adopted. The reformer 's goal of development, but c o n t r o l l e d and ordered development^is d isp layed in h is 1913 mayoral e l e c t i o n p la t form. Unsuccessful in a race against T. S. Baxter and L .D . Tay lor^ that was won by Baxter due to the d i s q u a l i f i c a t i o n of the other two candidates on t e c h n i c a l i t i e s ^ h i s platform c l e a r l y shows the in f luence of these reform g o a l s . Campaigning under the slogan "Prepare the way f o r a greater c i t y " he campaigned on a platform of " . . . a healthy and moral ly c lean c i t y , the energet ic development of our harbour and t ranspor ta t ion f a c i l i t i e s and the encouragement of i n d u s t r i e s . I am in favor of provid ing harbour f a c i l i t i e s to 122 meet a l l demands, of making p r o v i s i o n f o r the s h i p -ment o f g r a i n , of completing d i r e c t r a i l connection with North Vancouver, of concluding agreement with the CNR, of encouraging e l e c t r i c suburban rai lways to st imulate a g r i c u l t u r a l development and economic manufactur ing, of the c i t y securing f a c i l i t i e s fo r the production of cheap e l e c t r i c power, of s a f e -guarding the future by secur ing and reserv ing approaches to the centre of the c i t y and of sa fe r and improved routes f o r e l e c t r i c interurban r a i l -ways enter ing the c i t y . " A member o f the Vancouver C l u b , a very ac t ive member of S t . Andrews Wesley Churchy and President of the MMCA^he had a strong f e e l i n g of h is ' p u b l i c duty' to serve the s o c i e t y that had served him so w e l l . A very successfu l man ;he prided himsel f on being a ' b u i l d e r of Vancouver' and spent a great 51 deal of h is money and time toward th is end. W.R. Owen. The t h i r d o f the Vancouver Board of Trade businessmen reformers to be d iscussed i s W.R. Owen. Born in Owen Sound, Ontario in 1865 he moved to Carber ry , Manitoba in 1891 where he operated as a b lack -smith a n d ^ o r a few years.,as town s h e r i f f . Moving to Vancouver in 1898, he es tab l ished the f i r s t blacksmith and hardware store in Mount Pleasant in 1902. Th is he b u i l t in to a very successfu l business which^after 1925,he d i v e r s i f i e d ; going in to par tnership with H . J . Poole in a Real Estate and Insurance e n t e r p r i s e . Previous to t h i s date he held major real esta te h o l d -i n g s . He f i r s t entered pub l i c l i f e in 1910 in which year he was e lec ted to 123 the Parks Board. On t h i s board he served u n t i l 1916 when he was e lec ted to the C i ty Counci l ,"serving f o r seven years^as an alderman from 1917 to 1923. In 1924 he ran fo r mayor against L .D . Tay lor and the labor candidate , R.P. P e t t i p i e c e . In an e l e c t i o n marked by a general agreement on appropriate p o l i c y he narrowly defeated Tay lor on a p o l i c y of reducing the tax r a t e , improving roads , sewers and schools and encouraging the establ ishment of indus t ry . A member of the 1919 execut ive of the C i v i c Bureau he represented Vancouver at the S ix th National Town Planning Conference held in Toronto in 1914 (a meeting whose importance we discussed in Chapter Two) and at the second annual meeting of the C i v i c Improvement League of Canada held in Winnipeg in 1917. At th is l a t t e r meeting he was appointed to the League's Dominion C o u n c i l . A Conservat ive in p o l i t i c s and a member o f the United Church he was an Oddfellow and a Fores te r . A l i f e member of the Red Cross he was President o f the Vancouver H o r t i c u l t u r a l S o c i e t y . In h is l a t e r years he served as a J . P . and as an appointed member of the Vancouver Town 52 Planning Commission from 1937 to 1939. Unl ike h is two c o l l e a g u e s , with whom he had much in common, he was not a res ident of the West End but l i v e d in Mount P leasant . The f i v e Vancouver reformers so f a r d i s c u s s e d , B a n f i e l d , Hepburn, B land , Rogers and Owen have many c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in common. Before d i s c u s s i n g these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s however we must look at the businessmen of Point Grey and South Vancouver and a lso at the group of men who advocated the enactment of planning l e g i s l a t i o n from within the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e of Canada. We s t a r t by looking at the two key f igures in Point Grey, W.H. Lembke and J . A . Paton. W.H. Lembke was born in Ontario of German parents in 1869. He 124 farmed the fami ly holding f o r several years as a young man but in 1881 en -" tered the b u i l d i n g t r a d e , e s t a b l i s h i n g h is own business in 1893. In 1897 he came to B r i t i s h Columbia, operat ing as a bu i ld ing contractor in Revel stoke and Rossi and u n t i l the l a s t year o f the century when he came to Vancouver. For s i x years he operated as a contractor from which point on he entered in to a l u c r a t i v e Real Estate and Insurance and Loan bus iness . A res ident of K e r r i s d a l e he served as a c o u n c i l l o r f o r Point Grey from 1913 to 1920 with the exception of 1919, was Reeve in 1921, 1922 and 1928, served as an alderman f o r the amalgamated C i t y o f Vancouver from 1929 to 1932 and again in 1935 - 1936, and was an execut ive member of the C i v i c Bureau of the Vancouver Board of Trade in 1928 and 1929. A conservat ive in p o l i t i c s he was nevertheless successfu l in persuading the L ibera l P r o v i n c i a l L e g i s l a t u r e in 1922 to pass the amendments to the Municipal Act that allowed M u n i c i p a l i t i e s to zone. He was an e x - o f f i c i o member of the Point Grey Town 53 Planning Commission in 1928. J . A . Paton was another Ontarian who played a major ro le in the Point Grey Planning movement. Born in Beamsvi l le in 1884 he attended high school in Toronto to the age of s ix teen at which point he jo ined the s t a f f of a F i r e Insurance o f f i c e in that c i t y . Three years l a t e r in 1903 he moved to High R i v e r , A lber ta where a f te r an unsuccessful attempt at ranching he moved to Calgary to work f o r the Post O f f i c e . He returned f o r a short time to Toronto but in 1905 again came west s e t t l i n g in the N ico la V a l l e y where he worked as a pl;acer miner and on r a i l r o a d c o n s t r u c t i o n . The years 1906 -1907 saw him moving around in B r i t i s h Columbia and the Yukon working as a s ta t ionery store c le rk in Vancouver, as a carpenter in Pr ince Rupert and as 125 a surveyor , assayer , miner and r a i l r o a d engineer in Whitehorse! In 1908 he f i n a l l y s e t t l e d permanently in Vancouver producing and publ ish ing a B .C . Coast C i t i e s Business Guide and purchasing the 'Po int Grey G a z e t t e ' , a weekly newspaper serv ing that M u n i c i p a l i t y . He soon became involved in pub l ic l i f e serving as a School Trustee in Point Grey in 1911 and 1912. He served in the Seaforths during the F i r s t World War l o s i n g a leg in France in 1917. On his return he became very a c t i v e in Legion a f f a i r s serving as secretary o f the B . C . Canteen fund in 1930-1936, being instrumental in organiz ing the Seaforth A s s o c i a t i o n and founding the B .C . Amputees A s s o c i a t i o n . In 1924 he was e lec ted to the Point Grey Council and served as Reeve in 1925, 1926 and 1927. A f t e r amalgamation he served as an Alderman in the 1929 C i ty C o u n c i l . As e x o f f i c i o member of the 1926 and 1927 Point Grey Town Planning Commission he served in th is r o l e on the 1929 Vancouver Commission before becoming an appointed member from 1930 to 1934. Ac t ive in business as well as pub l i c l i f e he was secre tary and then president of the Richmond and Point Grey Board of Trade and an executive member of the C i v i c Bureau of the Vancouver Board o f Trade from 1937 to 1939. An o r i g i n a l member of the Vancouver and D i s t r i c t Water Board he a lso served on the Vancouver and D i s t r i c t J o i n t Sewerage and Drainage Board and as a member of the Vancouver Zoning Board of Appeal from 1929 to 1934. In 1937 he was e lec ted as the Conservat ive MLA fo r Point Grey in wh ich .pos i t ion he served u n t i l h is death in 1946. He was a Mason and a member of the United Church. He l i v e d on the f r inges of Shaughnessy Heights f i r s t at 29th and Osier and l a t e r at 34th and Angus Dr ive . 126 His involvement with the Town Planning movement dated from his purchase of the Point Grey Gazette in 1908. He used t h i s paper to propa-gandize fo r the movement and was an important source of pub l i c knowledge on p lanning. In an ' e d i t o r i a l ' wr i t ten in 1922 he t raced h is i n t e r e s t in planning to the establ ishment of the Commission of Conservation and the subsequent appointment of Thomas Adams in 1914; "With the formation of the Town Planning Branch under the d i r e c t i o n of Mr. Thomas Adams, who was loaned to the Commission of Conservation by the Imperial Government, Town Planning has been advocated on a l l poss ib le occasions by th is paper ." His aim was to create in Point Grey a ' f i r s t c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t ' f r ee from the b l i g h t of apartments and ' o r i e n t a l s ' . A town planning act was one way to force t h i s l a t t e r threat to conform to Canadian l i v i n g standards! His a t t i tude towards growth was cons is ten t with that of the businessmen of h is day. I t was to be encouraged but guided and c o n t r o l l e d . The 'Gazet te ' used as i t s le t terhead the slogan 'Nothing does a town more good than the wagging tongue of an o p t i m i s t i c c i t i z e n ' and c a r r i e d as f r o n t page news the d o l l a r worth of bu i ld ing permits issued in the M u n i c i p a l i t y the previous . 54 week. With Paton we end our biographies of the major businessmen involved in the planning movement. We turn now to a cons idera t ion of the men who as members of the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e of Canada were the second important group involved in the establ ishment of p lanning. Of the 112 o r i g i n a l members of the TPIC 20 were engineers , 25 a r c h i t e c t s , 20 surveyors , 127 17 eng ineer /surveyors , 6 landscape a r c h i t e c t s and 3 lawyers. Only s ix were in government s e r v i c e , the others being engaged in some form of p r iva te 55 e n t e r p r i s e . The ea r ly planners then were a lso businessmen and as such we would expect them to share many c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s with the men already d i s c u s s e d . A . G . Smith, who draf ted the B r i t i s h Columbia Town Planning A c t , was born in South A f r i c a of Canadian parents in 1866. His fa ther was Marcus Smith, the engineer who located the CPR through the Rocky Mountains, and h is mother a r e l a t i v e of General Brock. A graduate in Arts of the Un ive rs i t y of Toronto he e n l i s t e d in the Queens Own R i f l e s and served during the R ie l R e b e l l i o n . A f t e r being c a l l e d to the Bar he p rac t iced law in Dawson C i t y before coming to B r i t i s h Columbia in 1900 and Vancouver in 1904. He entered a par tnership with C M . Woodworth, a Point Grey Tory reformer to be d iscussed and was appointed Deputy Attorney General under Bowser. As a b a r r i s t e r he had s p e c i a l i z e d in real estate law and was l a r g e l y responsib le f o r organiz ing the Land T i t l e s O f f i c e a f t e r h is appointment as Reg is t ra r of Land T i t l e s in 1910. He held t h i s post u n t i l h is ret i rement in 1934. Dra f ter of the Town Planning B i l l , he was. a member of the Town Planning Ins t i tu te arid was made chairman of the f i r s t Vancouver Town Planning Commission in 1926. He held t h i s p o s i t i o n u n t i l . 1 9 3 3 . A great be l i ever in the a p p l i c a t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c exper t ise he was c r i t i c a l of the r e v i s i o n s made to h is Act on the grounds that i t t rans fer red too much power from the Commission to the C i t y C o u n c i l . L ike Paton h is aim was to create an o r d e r l y , e f f i c i e n t landscape in which r e s i d e n t i a l areas comprised s i n g l e fami ly homes. Apartments and even bungalow courts were anathema. Along 128 with h is f a i t h in planning went a d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the i n e f f i c i e n c y of e x i s t i n g government s t r u c t u r e s . In a l e t t e r to the e d i t o r in 1935 he advocated that the c i t y h i re an execut ive a s s i s t a n t to the mayor who could coordinate the work of the several c i v i c departments. This man would, in conjunct ion with the c i v i c c o n t r o l l e r ( in charge of f i n a n c e ) , ensure c i v i c ' e f f i c i e n c y ' ; the lack o f which was the c h i e f cause of the c i t y ' s f i n a n c i a l 56 woes. A res ident of K i t s i l a n o he l i v e d at 2nd and MacDonald. G . L . T . Sharp was the f i r s t President of the Vancouver Branch of the TPIC and the only man to serve simultaneously on both the Point Grey and Vancouver Town Planning Commissions. He served on the former from 1926 to 1928 and the l a t t e r from 1926 to 1939 when he r e t i r e d to Vancouver Is land . He was Chairman o f the Vancouver Commission in 1935. An a r c h i t e c t by pro-f e s s i o n he was a Partner of C . J . Thompson operat ing from an o f f i c e on Pender S t ree t in downtown Vancouver. He submitted the winning entry f o r the U n i v e r s i t y design competit ion and was involved with h is partner in many prest igeous c o n t r a c t s . He served on the Council o f the A r c h i t e c t u r a l I ns t i tu te of B r i t i s h Columbia from 1923 to 1926 being President in 1925. 57 He was a res ident of South-west Marine Drive u n t i l h is re t i rement . J . A . Walker was made Secretary of the Vancouver Branch of the Town Planning Ins t i tu te at the same meeting that made G . L . T . Sharp Pres ident . Born in Ontario in 1887 he was educated as an engineer at the U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto and was p r a c t i c i n g as a c i v i l engineer in Vancouver at the time the Branch was formed. In 1926 he was appointed as Engineer and Secretary to the Vancouver To$n Planning Commission, a post he held u n t i l h is ret irement in 1952. He was the prime d r a f t e r of the Vancouver 129 Zoning Bylaw of 1928 and served as the loca l engineer in the preparat ion of the town plan f o r South Vancouver in 1929. He never gave up h is pr iva te c o n s u l t i n g p r a c t i c e being involved in numerous l o c a l planning schemes. He prepared town plans fo r North Vancouver C i t y , West Vancouver and New Westminster. A member of the Vancouver Board of Trade and a Ch i l co St reet res ident o f Vancouver's West End he held conventional views on the r o l e o f 58 p lanning. The Town Planning I n s t i t u t e ' s Memorial to the C i t y Council on the need fo r town planning l e g i s l a t i o n was l a r g e l y his work as Secretary of that o r g a n i z a t i o n . In that document the 'essence' o f Town Planning was given "as the means to provide the best economic use of land so as to guide 59 the development of a growing c i t y in to the proper channels" . By so guid ing development in to e f f i c i e n t patterns planning would a c t u a l l y save rather than cost money and hence be an. a id toward c i v i c e f f i c i e n c y . " . . .home neighborhoods w i l l be p r o t e c t e d , home ownership w i l l be st imulated and more contented labor condi t ions w i l l be assured. A d e f i n i t e and safe place fo r i n d u s t r i a l development w i l l be g u a r a n t e e d . 1 , 6 0 This in turn would increase taxes and pay fo r the p lanning. We come now to the l a s t of the ' p l a n n e r s ' , Professor Frank Ebenezer Buck. F . E . Buck. Born in 1874 in C o l c h e s t e r , England, Buck studied as a j o u r n a l i s t and became a manager of a pub l ish ing f i r m . F a i l i n g eyesight prompted a switch to farming and a move to Canada in 1907. He studied H o r t i c u l t u r e at McGi l l and Cornel l U n i v e r s i t i e s and in 1912 became a Dominion H o r t i c u l t u r a l i s t in charge of Landscape Arch i tec tu re at the Central 130 Experimental Farm in Ottawa. While in Ottawa he became acquainted with the town planning movement through Dr. W.T. Macoun, a h o r t i c u l t u r a l i s t and member of the Ottawa Improvement Commission. He represented the Farms Branch at the 1914 National C i t y Planning Conference held in Toronto and was present at the 1915 and 1916 meetings that inaugurated the C i v i c Improvement League of Canada. In 1917 he worked with H.L. Seymour of the Commission of Conservation on a s e r i e s of rura l planning pro jects on the p r a i r i e s . In 1920 he moved west to B r i t i s h Columbia to take up a p o s i t i o n as a professor of H o r t i c u l t u r e at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Two years l a t e r he was ins t rumenta l , along with J . A . Walker, in forming the Vancouver Branch o f the TPIC. He served.as Chairman o f the Point Grey Town Planning Commission from. 1926 u n t i l amalgamation and was a member of the Vancouver Town Planning Commission from 1930 u n t i l h is ret irement in 1951. Ft 1 He served as GommissjoncPresideht in 1934 and again in 1939. Of a l l the people we have d iscussed h is views on planning are the most complex but even he d isp lays many o f the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s we have come to expect. His ideas on planning have a more Eng l ish f l avour than do those of the other men we have d i s c u s s e d . Although an Englishman he appears not to have had an i n t e r e s t in planning in the o l d country s t a t i n g that i t C O was while working in Ottawa that his i n t e r e s t developed. Thomas. Adams, he regarded as a remarkable man and i t was probably from him that h is i n t e r e s t in the problems of the B r i t i s h i n d u s t r i a l c i t y developed. He saw planning as a response to these problems: "The Town Planning Movement has achieved many of i t s successes owing to the f a c t that i t aims to 131 c o r r e c t many o f the s o c i a l e v i l s which came in the ... wake o f the i n d u s t r i a l i s m of the l a s t century. To a large extent the " c i t y slum" i s an outcome of C O misguided i n d u s t r i a l i s m . " One of h is f a v o r i t e ways of i l l u s t r a t i n g the degradation of these c i t i e s was by using the well known quote on Manchester: "Drink i s the shor tes t way out o f Manchester. Men who l i v e there cease to be l ieve in Heaven because they never see the sky; They have no share in cn earth u n t i l they are put under i t . " S c i e n t i f i c planning however could solve the problem: " . . . i t i s the funct ion of town planning to deter -mine the o r d e r l y coord inat ion o f thdse-- external physica l f ac to rs which f u l f i l l environment in r e l a t i o n to the maintenance and enhancement of human l i f e . " 6 6 That th is planning had to be s c i e n t i f i c and handled by experts he made c l e a r in his 1928 Pres iden t i a l address: "For the modern c i t y the s c i e n t i f i c i s the only method which w i l l solve f o r i t those many problems with which i t i s confronted. That means then, that in regard to i t s ' P l a n 1 i t must be turned over to those who can use th is s c i e n t i f i c method i n t e l l i g e n t l y . " 6 6 The sor t of environment to be aimed f o r was that of the Engl ish Garden C i t y 132 " . . .What i s that suburb l i k e i n d u s t r i a l place we are now approaching? A pre t ty place where indust ry works under ideal c o n d i t i o n s . Tha t 's B o u r n v i l l e , ~ one of England's i n d u s t r i a l or Garden suburbs founded by those g e n t l e , lovable people , the Cadburys. And as we s t i l l look in to our clouds fo r another moment, there pass before us Port 67 S u n l i g h t , Welwyn and Letchworth." In 1939 he e luc ida ted on h is ideal community and t h i s was very s i m i l a r to the Garden C i t y proposed by Howard; being a small community based on a few se lec ted i n d u s t r i e s with the workers spending four days a week at the fac tory and three days a week at home in a g r i c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t s . The whole sett lement would be s c i e n t i f i c a l l y planned and connected to other centres by go high speed roads. This d e s i r e to create 'garden c i t y ' s t y l e ideal l and -scapes made housing h is centra l concern and d i f f e r e n t i a t e d him from the other planners d i s c u s s e d . The planner was an expert who ensured that there was an adequate supply of housing f o r a l l sectors of soc ie ty and who constant ly was on h is guard against the c r e a t i o n of slums through the ' b l i g h t i n g ' of e x i s t i n g neighborhoods through the i n t r u s i o n of mu l t ip le dwe l l ings . By the mid 1930's he regarded the west end of Vancouver as a 69 c l a s s i c case of a ' b l i g h t e d neighborhood' and even went so f a r in 1946 as designat ing Shaughnessy Heights "another b l igh ted area" due to the wartime use of some homes as mul t ip le d w e l l i n g s . 7 0 Any dev ia t ion from the Garden C i t y idea l o f a s i n g l e fami ly home f o r a l l c i t i z e n s he regarded with hor ror . His d e s i r e to ensure th is supply of adequate housing led him into 133 a f l i r t a t i o n with s o c i a l i s m in the 1930's. Running as an unsuccessful CCF candidate f o r Point Grey in 1933 he re fe r red to the c a p i t a l i s t system as 'a dead system 1.^* A member along with his former Point Grey Planning Commission Col league , Dorothy Steeves, of the 'Housing Committee' of the Construct ion Committee of the Economic Planning Commission of the CCF he argued that the s o c i a l health of the nat ion required the government to 72 provide adequate housing f o r the low income sector of s o c i e t y . He broke with the CCF in 1938 however due to his i n s i s t e n c e on running against the CCF candidates f o r the Vancouver School Board while holding a Non-Part isan 73 A s s o c i a t i o n endorsement. Although his s o c i a l i s t assoc ia t ions set him apart from the other men d iscussed^his planning ideas were d i f f e r e n t in emphasis ra ther than in content . He be l ievedjas they d i d j t h a t planning was a s c i e n c e , that i t could create s o c i a l l y e f f i c i e n t landscapes^ and that i t would save rather than cost money. Rather than emphasizing that growth would r e s u l t from this^he concentrated on one aspect of such a s o c i a l l y e f f i c i e n t landscape, the house. He s t ressed what he c a l l e d plannings ' s o c i o l o g i c a l purpose' rather than i t s 'business purpose ' . That the two were i n e x t r i c a b l y intertwined^however^ he pointed out in h is 1928 address to the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e : "This term "Soc io log ica l Purpose 1 may sound somewhat academic or g r a d i o s e , but looked at squarely what does i t a c t u a l l y mean? For the ordinary c i t i z e n , i t means that he w i l l be enabled to expend his moderate income in his c i t y f o r those things which bring him reasonable s a t i s f a c t i o n . . . It i s to the i n t e r e s t of 134 the businessman in every way to see that the s o c i a l condi t ions under which the workers l i v e are such that they can a f fo rd to spend a small share of earnings f o r those things we a l l des i re in order to l i v e comfortably. A worker who has to d iv ide his earnings into three parts and spend a l l f o r f o o d , c l o t h i n g and r e n t , i s a poor asset f o r any c i t y . Hal f of the c a p i t a l in any manufacturing c i t y i s invested in producing a r t i c l e s which do not f a l l under these three heads. E x p l o i t a t i o n of the working force was bad. business! We have seen vers ions of the argument before . The Major Planning Commissioners Seven people served f o r ten years or more on the Vancouver and Point Grey Town Planning Commissions in the per iod p r i o r to 1940. Three of these people , A . G . Smith, F . E . Buck and G . L . T . Sharp, have already been discussed^and in order to complete the c o l l e c t i v e p o r t r a i t , t h e remaining four biographies w i l l now be presented. I t i s perhaps arguable that one should not take length of se rv ice as an i n d i c a t i o n of degree of i n f l u e n c e . This point i s taken^and i t i s hoped that the biographies to be presented w i l l demonstrate the importance of these centra l charac te rs . E .G . Baynes. Born on September 13th 1870 in Bocking, Essex, England, Bayne was educated at Bra int ree Board School u n t i l the age of 14 when he jo ined a f i rm of bu i lders as an apprent ice . In 1888 he emigrated 135 to B r i t i s h Columbia s e t t l i n g in the Squamish Va l l ey where he homesteaded f o r three years p r i o r to coming to Vancouver in 1891. He organized a par tner -ship in the cont rac t ing business in that year and wi th in a short time the company, Baynes and H o r r i e , had become one of the l a r g e s t f i rms in the Prov ince . In 1906 he organized the Port Haney Br ick Company which he served as President and in 1913 he b u i l t the Grosvenor Hotel in downtown Vancouver. He was the manager and l a r g e s t shareholder in th is opera t ion . In 1925 he increased h is i n t e r e s t in the Hotel trade by const ruc t ing Douglas Lodge on Stewart Lake near Fort Sa int James. Extremely ac t ive in business and f i n a n c i a l a f f a i r s he was President of the Vancouver Bu i lders Exchange from 1908 to 1912, a member of the Council of the Board of Trade, and an execut ive member of the B r i t i s h Columbia Manufacturers A s s o c i a t i o n from 1912 to 1924. Jus t as ac t ive in pub l ic a f f a i r s he served on the Vancouver Parks Board from 1924 to 1939 being t h e i r representa t ive on the Vancouver Town Planning Commission from 1928 to 1937, and was f o r f i f t e e n years the Chairman of the bu i ld ing and property committee of the Vancouver Preventorium, a p o s i t i o n he a lso held f o r ten years f o r the Vancouver. Orphanage. A member of the executive of the Vancouver Branch of the Canadian Forest ry A s s o c i a t i o n he was v i c e - p r e s i d e n t of the Vancouver Arts and H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , V i c e - P r e s i d e n t of the B .C . H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , execut ive member o f the B . C . A . A . , Vancouver T o u r i s t A s s o c i a t i o n and the Vancouver P ioneers , a d i r e c t o r of the Canadian Parks A s s o c i a t i o n , a member of the Canadian Town Planning A s s o c i a t i o n , a member of the Vancouver Property Owners A s s o c i a t i o n and a member of the Royal Soc ie ty o f S t . George. A conservat ive in p o l i t i c s he was a warden of Holy T r i n i t y Angl ican Church 136 f o r twenty- f ive y e a r s . A d i r e c t o r of the Canadian Club he a lso held member-ships in the Terminal C i t y and Marine Gol f and Country C lubs . A res ident of Fa i rv iew l i v i n g at 1200 West Broadway he was the epitome of the businessman reformer. A great b e l i e v e r in the a b i l i t y of soc ie ty to progress through the a p p l i c a t i o n of reason he s a i d , in a speech made in acceptance of a 'good c i t i z e n ' award; "I would l i k e to be a c i t i z e n o f tomorrow f o r I know that t h e i r c i t i z e n s w i l l be bet ter than ours . I look forward to seeing the C i t y progress in 76 mater ial and c u l t u r a l th ings" In h is ac t ions and b e l i e f s Baynes i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the reformers a lready d i s c u s s e d . E .A. C leve land . Another long serving e x - o f f i c i o member of the Planning Commission was the Chairman of the Greater Vancouver Water Board, E .A. C leve land . Born in Alma, New Brunswick in May 1874 he became commis-sioned as a B .C . and Federal Surveyor in 1896. Studying engineering at the U n i v e r s i t y of Washington he entered pr iva te p r a c t i c e as an engineer in 1904. For f i f t e e n years he was so engaged u n t i l 1919 when he became the comptro l ler o f water r i g h t s f o r the Province o f B r i t i s h Columbia. During t h i s per iod he was instrumental in the design and const ruct ion of the South Okanagan i r r i -gationn pro ject and was respons ib le f o r much of the layout of the U n i v e r s i t y H i l l development on the U n i v e r s i t y Endowment lands . From 1926 u n t i l h is death in 1952 he served as Head o f the Greater Vancouver Water Board and as Chairman of the Vancouver and D i s t r i c t J o i n t Sewerage and Drainage Board. In t h i s capac i ty he served as an e x - o f f i c i o member of the Vancouver Town 137 Planning Commission from 1926 onwards. He served on the Alaskan Internat ional Boundary Commission in 1894-1895 and represented Canada at the World Power Conferences held at H e l s i n g f o r s , Tokyo and Washington, D.C. in 1924, 1929 and 1934 r e s p e c t i v e l y . In 1938 he prepared a report f o r the C i t y Council on the operat ion o f the C i t y Manager System of government in C i n c i n n a t i , Toledo and Kansas C i t y . He was a member of the American Soc ie ty of C i v i l Eng ineers , of the American Waterworks A s s o c i a t i o n and o f the Engineering I n s t i t u t e of Canada; he served as Pres ident o f t h i s l a t t e r organizat ion in 1936. A res ident of North Vancouver he was a member of the B a p t i s t Church and a Mason. He held a membership at the Vancouver C l u b . ^ A great supporter of the need f o r planning he was engaged in 1908 in prepar-ing an accurate map of the new M u n i c i p a l i t y of Point Grey in the ear ly 78 development of which he played an important r o l e . From these ear ly beginnings he was to remain-central to planning e f f o r t s in Greater Vancouver f o r the next f i f t y y e a r s . B.G. Hansuld.served on the Vancouver Town Planning Commission f o r three terms; two as an e x - o f f i c i o member represent ing the Harbours Board and once as an appointed member. Born in T a v i s t o c k , Ontar io in 1884 he worked f o r a Merchant Bank in Woodstock before moving to Winnipeg, Medicine Hat and in 1909 Vancouver. Un t i l 1926 he was assoc ia ted with var ious f i n a n c i a l companies in which year he became a Harbour Commissioner. He held th is p o s i t i o n f o r four years when he again entered the business world in the inclement year of 1930. Unable to e s t a b l i s h h imsel f s u c c e s s f u l l y he returned to Government serv ices in 1932 as Execut ive O f f i c e r f o r the National Harbours Board, a post he held u n t i l h is death in 1939. A L i b e r a l in p o l i t i c s he was 138 twice Pres ident o f the Point Grey L ibera l A s s o c i a t i o n and a President of the Laur ie r Club. He founded the Vancouver Kiwanis in 1918 and was a d i r e c t o r of both the Vancouver T o u r i s t A s s o c i a t i o n and the Automobile C lub. A mem-ber of the F i r s t Bapt is t Church he l i v e d in Ker r i sda le at MacDonald and 79 F o r t y - t h i r d Avenue. These three men, along with, the already discussed F . E . Buck, G . L . T . Sharp and A . G . Smith, were the centra l f igures on the Vancouver Town Planning Commission in the 1930's. As i s evident the backgrounds of these men i s remarkably s i m i l a r to the backgrounds of the reformers d iscussed e a r l i e r . Born in the 1870 1s or 1880's and of Eastern Canadian or B r i t i s h o r i g i n they moved to Vancouver before 1900 and experienced the boom days of 1910 to 1913. Being e i t h e r businessmen or p ro fess iona ls they became involved in a v a r i e t y of pub l i c a c t i v i t i e s among which was long serv ice on the Vancouver Town Planning Commission. The only major exception to t h i s compbs-itfcportrait i s the subject of our l a s t biography, Mrs. A.M. McGovern. Mrs. A.M. McGovern served cont inuously on the Vancouver Commission from 1926 to 1940 with the exception of the f i r s t s i x months of 1935. Born Miss A.M. Fagan she was the daughter of W.C. Fagan., the P r o v i n c i a l Assessor . An Irishman who came to Canada in 1870 and B r i t i s h Columbia in 1886 he was a res ident of Shaughnessy Heights and a member of the Canadian Club. Born p r i o r to the a r r i v a l of her fami ly in B r i t i s h Columbia she was married to J . M . McGovern in 1898. A widow by 1923>she l i v e d u n t i l 1926 in Vancouver's West End, moving to K i t s i l a n o in that year . An exception to our composite biography on many counts - she was not a businessman, she was female, and she was Ca tho l i c - she d id have several 139 nh common^character ist ics. Born in (roughly) 1870 in Eastern Canada^she was of B r i t i s h extract ion^and came from a prosperous fami ly . She l i v e d in Vancouver from before 1890 >and had thus seen the c i t y pass through the boom years preceding the F i r s t World War. She was in many ways less a typ ica l on than i t would at f i r s t appear. Th is mater ial concludes the d iscuss ion of the major reformers' backgrounds and b e l i e f s . Throughout the Chapter the common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these men have been s t r e s s e d ; c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e l a t i n g to t h e i r b e l i e f s as well as to t h e i r backgrounds. Enough has now been sa id to al low us to d iscuss the act ions of these men with some i n s i g h t . It i s toward a c o n s i d -era t ion of t h e i r reform a c t i v i t i e s that we turn in the fo l lowing Chapter. 140 NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE 1. A c l a s s i c d iscuss ion of e l i t e s i s provided b y : -C. W. M i l l s . The Power E l i t e (New York. Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press . 1959) A d i s c u s s i o n o f the e l i t e nature of Canadian s o c i e t y and an e labora t ion of the concept of i n s t i t u t i o n a l orders i s provided by: J . Porter The V e r t i c a l Mosaic (Toronto. Toronto Un ive rs i t y Press 1967) 2. J . M . S . Care less 'Aspects of Urban L i f e in the West 1870-1914' p 25-40 in ' P r a i r i e P e r s p e c t i v e s ' A Raspovich and H.C. Klassen (eds) (Toronto. H o l t , Rinehart and Winston. 1973). 3. I b i d , p 34-35 4. A . F . J . A r t i b i s e The Urban Developmentoof Winnipeg 1874-1914 (Vancouver. Unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s . Department of H i s t o r y . U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. 1971) The r o l e of the commercial e l i t e in Winnipeg is d iscussed throughout h is thes is but espe-c i a l l y useful are pages 26-188, 297-329 and 405-429. A. Robertson's work on the e a r l y Vancouver e l i t e and t h e i r West End Neighbourhood i s as yet unpublished being conducted as a study leading to an M.A. in the Department of Geography, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. D. Guts te in . Vancouver L t d . (Toronto. James Lorimer and Company. 141 1975) d iscusses the in f luence of the commercial e l i t e on real estate development wi thin the c i t y . 5. Data was drawn from a v a r i e t y of sources . O f f i c e holders and occupations were l a r g e l y obtained from Vancouver C i t y D i rectory 40 V o l s . (Vancouver. B r i t i s h Columbia D i r e c t o r i e s L t d . 1925-1965) and Vancouver C i ty D i rec tory 30 V o l s . (Vancouver. Henderson Publ ish ing Company. 1884-1924. T i t l e s vary) 6. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of February 13th, 1919, February 26th 1920 and February 23rd 1925. 7. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of February 13th 1919. 8. As with mayors the occupations of aldermen were obtained from the Vancouver C i t y D i r e c t o r y . As was the case with mayors occupa-' t ions that changed were considered as being the one l i s t e d at the time of o f f i c e . 9. See footnote 8. 10. A wide v a r i e t y of sources provide information on the o r i g i n s of the c o u n c i l l o r s . Important are Who's Who in B r i t i s h Columbia. 9 v o l s . ( V i c t o r i a . S.M. Car ter 1930-1950), Who's Who in Canada 142 (Toronto. Internat ional Press . 1927), Who's Who in Western  Canada (Winnipeg. 1911) and newspaper c l i p p i n g s , e t c . 11. H. Boam B r i t i s h Columbia, I t s . H i s t o r y , people , commerce,  industry and resources (ed. A . Brown. London, England. S e l l s L t d . 1912) W. Sage "Vancouver: The Rise of a C i t y " The Dalhousie Review V o l . LXVII. No. 1. (Apr i l 1937) p 51-52 E.M.W. Gibson The Impact o f Soc ia l B e l i e f on Landscape Change. A Geographical Study of Vancouver (Vancouver. Unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s . Department of Geography. U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia. 1971) p 65. 12. N. MacDonald. "A C r i t i c a l Growth Cycle f o r Vancouver. 1900-1914" B .C . Studies (#1. 1972. p 26-42) 13. Gibson, o p . c i t . p 66. 14. See Map two page 185?foKthe bodndar iesfof^thesW^muhic ipal i t ies . 15. H. Bartholomew. A Plan f o r the C i t y of Vancouver. (Vancouver. Vancouver Town Planning Commission. 1929) p 307. 16. Occupations of the reeves and c o u n c i l l o r s are taken from the Vancouver C i t y D i r e c t o r y . P r i o r to 1908 however i t i s d i f f i c u l t 143 to t race many i n d i v i d u a l s as coverage of the South Vancouver area i s d iv ided into many s o - c a l l e d suburbs such, as Col l ingwood, Cedar Cottage, Central Park, e t c . Many res idents who l i v e d away from these c l u s t e r s are apparent ly not inc luded . Many of the l i s t i n g s a lso f a i l to l i s t an occupat ion , thereby f u r t h e r compounding the problem. The dominance of the real estate i n t e r e s t s i s mentioned in "Old South Vancouver was Comic Opera Ba t t l e Ground" Vancouver Da i ly Province June 6th 1936. p 7. (magazine s e c t i o n ) . Perhaps too much f a i t h should not be placed in t h i s one source. The information on the reeves i s from: A . H . Lewis. South Vancouver  Past and Present (Vancouver. Western P r i n t i n g . 1920) pp 4-6-8-12-14-16-18-20-24-26-28. 17. V . D . P . J u l y 10th, 1905. p 1. 18. V . D . P . September 23rd , 1928. p 9 (magazine sect ion) Bartholomew, o p . c i t . p 307. 19. I b i d . 20. V . D . P . March 18th, 1907. p 1. 21. V . D . P . March 16th, 1908. p 8. 22. V . D . P . March 18th, 1907. p 1. 144 23. V . D . P . March 22nd, 1907. p 13. 24. V . D . P . A p r i l 20th , 1907. p 1. 25. V . D . P . A p r i l 23rd , 1907. p 11. 26. Bartholomew o p . c i t . p 309. Lewis, o p . c i t . p 14. 27. V . D . P . January 17th, 1910. p 28. 28. V . D . P . A p r i l 20th, 1907. p 1. 29. Bartholomew o p . c i t . p 309. 30. Bartholomew o p . c i t . p 310. 31. The occupations o f the reeves were obtained from three sources . From 1910 to 1926 the o f f i c i a l b a l l o t papers are included in the Minutes of the South Vancouver. Municipal C o u n c i l . These b a l l o t s included a d e s c r i p t i o n of a candidate 's occupat ion . For e a r l i e r reeves Lewis o p . c i t . provides information while l a t e r reeves could be t raced in the Vancouver C i t y D i r e c t o r y . 32. The information of the l o c a t i o n of residences and businesses i s 145 obtained from the Vancouver C i t y D i r e c t o r y . The occupations of the c o u n c i l l o r s were obtained from the same sources as those used to i d e n t i f y the occupations of the reeves. See footnote 31 f o r d e t a i l s . See footnote 16. The occupations of the reeves and c o u n c i l l o r s of Point Grey were obtained from the Vancouver C i t y D i rec tory and from F.W. Howay and E . O . S . S c h o l e f i e l d . B r i t i s h Columbia From the E a r l i e s t Times  to the Present Volumes III - IV (Vancouver. S . J . C la rke . 1914) The members of the Point Grey Commission are provided in Bartholomew o p . c i t . pp 297-298. Members of the Vancouver Commission are l i s t e d in the f i l e s of the Commission a v a i l a b l e as RG9. Ser ies A l . Volume 20. F i l e 1. Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s . Occupations are der ived from the appropriate C i t y D i r e c t o r i e s . I was not able to locate a comprehensive membership l i s t f o r the Vancouver Board of Trade f o r the per iod under d i s c u s s i o n . Commission members i d e n t i f i e d as being members of the Board of Trade are done so on the basis that they held a p o s i t i o n on the execut ive of one of the Bureaux of the Board. Other commission members may have belonged to the Board of Trade but have not been 146 i d e n t i f i e d as members. The estimate of membership i s hence con-s e r v a t i v e . Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d . o p . c i t . V o l . IV. p 1051-1052. Vancouver C i ty D i r e c t o r y . Various y e a r s . Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d . o p . c i t . V o l . 111. p 936-939. Vancouver Sun. August 2nd 1940. p 19. VDP August 2nd 1940. p 4. Vancouver News Hera ld . August 2nd 1940. p 4. VDP November 22nd 1925. p 11 (Magazine s e c t i o n ) , February 20th 1946 p 4 , March 23rd 1948 p 24. V . S . March 22nd 1948 p 3. Le t te r to J . A . Walker, Secretary of the Vancouver Town Planning Commission. January 21st 1934. I b i d . W.E. Bland "A Sample Lecture f o r use at High S c h o o l s , U n i v e r s i t y and P u b l i c i t y Educational Work" p 1. This l e c t u r e was prepared by Bland as a guide f o r members of the Vancouver Town Planning Commission f o r use in t h e i r p u b l i c i t y campaign in 1930. Bland 147 was Chairman o f the Commission's P u b l i c i t y Committee. It i s on f i l e at the Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s . RG9. Ser ies A l . Volume 20. F i l e 1. 45. Bland, o p . c i t . p 2. 46. Bland, o p . c i t . p 3. 47. Bland, o p . c i t . p 2. 48. Le t te r to the e d i t o r . V . S . May 27th, 1927. p 6. 49. V . S . May 27th, 1927. p 6 , September 17th, 1932, p 6. V . D . P . March 19th, 1933. p 10. (magazine s e c t i o n ) , A p r i l 13th, 1938. p 17. Vancouver News Hera ld . September 21st , 1934. p 4. 50. Le t te r to the e d i t o r . V . S . J u l y 27th, 1932. p 6. 51. V . D . P . December 30, 1912. p 14. V . D . P . December 31, 1912. p 2 V . D . P . December 8, 1945. p 2 V . D . P . December 10, 1945. p 4 V . D . P . December 10, 1945. p 19 V . D . P . December 11, 1945. p 2 148 V . S . December 30th, 1912. p 1. M. Robin The Rush f o r S p o i l s . The Company Province 1871-1933 (Toronto. McClel land Stewart. 1972) p 150, 156. 52. V . D . P . December 8, 1922. p 14. V . D . P . March 22nd, 1949. p 1. Buck, F . E . Some Ear ly Pioneers of the Town and Rural Planning  Movement in Canada Unpublished Manuscript . No Date, p 3. 'Urban and Rural Development in Canada' . Report of Conference held at Winnipeg. May 28-30, 1917. (Ottawa. Commission of Conservat ion. 1917) p 32, 89. 53. Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d . o p . c i t . Volume III. p 109. Bartholomew, o p . c i t . p 297. 54. V . D . P . February 19th, 1946. p 1. V . D . P . February 19th, 1946. p 2. V . S . J u l y 22nd, 1943. p 4. V .N .H . J u l y 15th, 1943. p 4. Point Grey Gazette . September 17th, 1.921. p 1. Point Grey Gazette . September 16th, 1922. p 2. J . A . Paton " S c i e n t i f i c Planning from Outset created ideal r e s i d e n t i a l sect ion of Point Grey" V . S . February 9 t h , 1926. p 6. (3rd s e c t i o n ) . J . A . Paton. "The Inside Story of Point Grey" B .C. Magazine 149 Volume 7 #7 (July 1911). Buck, o p . c i t . p 5-6 Whos Who in B r i t i s h Columbia 1937-38-39 (Vancouver. Car ter 1939). B. Kaser and B. Sugarman. "Flappers and Phi losophers : A Study of Canadian Planning" Plan Volume 11. Number 3. (1972) p 173. V . S . August 17th, 1926. p 3. V . S . August 17th, 1926. p 7. V . S . January 17th, 1944. p 13. V . D . P . August 17th, 1926. p 9. V . D . P . December 29th, 1934. p 26. V . D . P . March 11th, 1935. p 8. V . D . P . January 17th, 1944. p 4. Buck, o p . c i t . p 8, 10. Smith, o p . c i t . p 7-10. Bartholomew, o p . c i t . p 297. Buck, o p . c i t . p 8, 10. V . S . September 21s t , 1959. p 2. V . D . P . March 22nd, 1946. p 3. V . D . P . October 30th, 1952. p 38. Buck, o p . c i t . p 4 -5 . 150 Journal of the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e of Canada. Volume 4. Number 1. (January 1925) p 11. V . D . P . February 21s t , 1926. p 1. (magazine s e c t i o n ) . V . D . P . December 14th, 1970. p 14. Bartholomew, o p . c i t . p 297. Buck. o p . c i t . p 3-4. C i v i c Improvement League of Canada. Report of Pre l iminary  Conference Held under the auspices of the Commission of  Conservation at Ottawa. Nov. 19th, 1915. (Ottawa, Commission of Conservat ion. 1916). C i v i c Improvement. Report o f Conference o f C i v i c Improvement  League of Canada held in cooperat ion with the Commission of  Conservation in the Railway Committee Room, House of Commons , Ottawa. January 20th, 1916. (Ottawa. Commission of Conservat ion. 1916). Buck. o p . c i t . p 1-2. F . E . Buck. 'Advantages of Town Planning ' J . T . P . I . C . Volume III Number 2. (Apr i l 1924) p 8. F . E . Buck. P r e s i d e n t i a l Address to the Eighth Annual Convention of the Town Planning Ins t i tu te of Canada. September 10, 11, 12, 151 1928. London, Ontar io . Reprinted in J . T . P . I . C . Volume VI I . Number 4. (October 1928) p 116. P r e s i d e n t i a l Address. Fourth Annual Conference of the P a c i f i c Northwest A s s o c i a t i o n o f Planning Commissions. Vancouver, B . C . September 11-12, 1931. p 6. A magni f icent account of slum l i f e in the Manchester to which Buck was r e f e r r i n g , that o f the per iod 1890-1920, i s provided by R. Roberts. The C l a s s i c Slum. S a l f o r d L i f e in the F i r s t Quarter  o f the Century. (Harmondsworth. Penguin Books. 1971.) 65. Buck, o p . c i t . (1924) p 8. 66. Buck, o p . c i t . (1928) p 116. 67. Buck, o p . c i t . (1931) p 6. 68. V . S . August 14th, 1939. p 5. 69. V . D . P . November 14th, 1944. p 13. 70. V .N .H . February 16th, 1946. p 3. 71. V . D . P . October 4 t h , 1933. p 20. 72. Minutes of the Construct ion Committee of the Economic Planning 152 Commission of the CCF. Meeting of J u l y 30th, 1936. Buck's views on planning and those of Mrs. Steeves are very c lose to those expressed in Soc ia l Planning f o r Canada publ ished by the Research Committee of the League f o r Soc ia l Reconstruct ion in 1935. The s i m i l a r i t y o f these views to those of the reformers already d iscussed becomes evident in the Chapter e n t i t l e d 'The Logic of P lanning ' on pages 215 - 228. Another connection with the reform movement i s provided by one o f the authors , F .H . U n d e r h i l l , the advocate of Commission government d iscussed in Chapter Two. The "reform" nature of much of t h i s volume i s mentioned in the i n t r o -duct ion on page XVII I . 73. V . S . November 1 s t , 1938. p 1. V . D . P . November 2nd, 1932. p 5. 74. J . T . P . I . C . Volume VII . Number 4. (October 1928) p 116. 75. V . D . P . November 17th, 1944. p 13, December 6 th , 1944. p 13, November 6 th , 1956. p 21. V . S . November 17th 1944 p 14, November 4 t h , 1953 p 4, November 6 th , 1956 p 7. Who's Who in B r i t i s h Columbia (1944-45-46) (Vancouver. Carter. 1946) 76. V . D . P . December 6 t h , 1944. p 13. 153 77. V . D . P . October 9 th , 1926 p 8, January 9 t h , 1952 p 17, January 12th, 1952 p 6. V . S . March 14th, 1938 p 1, May 19th, 1938 p 10, June 14th, 1933 p 1, June 14th, 1938 p 12, January 5 th , 1940 p 5, January 9 t h , 1952 p 2, January 10th, 1952 p 4 , January 12th, 1952 p 21. V .N .H . January 10th, 1952 p 4. 78. J . A . Paton. S c i e n t i f i c Planning from Outset Created Ideal  Res ident ia l Sect ion of Point Grey. (V .S . February 9th 1929. p 6. 3rd s e c t i o n ) . m. V . D . P . November 24th, 1939 p 27 V . S . November 24th, 1939 p 5 V .N .H . November 24th, 1939 p 5 80. Vancouver C i t y D i rec tory 1886, 1926, 1927. Major J . S . Matthews photographic c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver C i t y Archives conta ins several photographs of Mrs. McGovern both before and a f t e r her marr iage. These, photographs contain a good deal of per ipheral b iographica l m a t e r i a l . 1 5 4 CHAPTER FOUR URBAN REFORM AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF CITY PLANNING IN VANCOUVER Ear ly c i t y planning l e g i s l a t i o n in Canada was part of the response of the urban reform movement to the problems fac ing the Canadian c i t y . Much of the i d e o l o g i c a l 'baggage' of th is movement was American in o r i g i n and both the form and in tent of the l e g i s l a t i o n r e f l e c t s t h i s . Planning was seen as one means by which c i v i c administ ra tors could guide and control c i t y development in des i reab le and e f f i c i e n t d i r e c t i o n s , one among a battery of reforms that were designed to ensure e f f i c i e n t and e f f e c t i v e government f o r the c i t i e s . Planning took the form of an expert bureaucracy whose r o l e i t was to advise the c i t y government o f the ' c o r r e c t ' procedures to a t ta in the des i red end r e s u l t . The primary advo- „ cates of reform in Canada^as in the United States^ were the commercial e l i t e s who dominated the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of t h e i r respect ive c i t i e s . These e l i t e s -saw ' reform' as the way to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r control of the ' p u b l i c ' environment. Drawing t h e i r ideas both d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y from American sources^they implemented programs of reform that were only marg ina l ly Canadian in o r i g i n . As we s h a l l s e e , i n the case of Vancouver?the act ions and r h e t o r i c of these e l i t e reforms were heav i ly dependent on exposure to American exper ience. 155 THE FIGHT FOR PLANNING LEGISLATION E a r l y Reform Advocates Although i t can be argued that c i t y planning in B r i t i s h Columbia i s as o l d as the province i t s e l f and that Colonel R.C. Moody can be regarded as i t s f i r s t p r a c t i t i o n e r , planning in the sense o f a reform bureaucracy was r e l a t i v e l y l a te in becoming es tab l i shed in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . 1 There i s hence l i t t l e to say about urban reform in Vancouver in the per iod before the outbreak of war in 1914. As was already noted, Vancouver experienced an extraordinary per iod of growth between 1900 and 1912. In t h i s per iod the populat ion rose by more than 95,000 from 27,010 to 122,100 and put the c i v i c admin is t ra t ion 2 under a great deal of s t r a i n . Lacking a profess iona l c i v i c admin is t ra t ive s t a f f the c i t y counc i l was ob l iged to d iscuss and decide a host o f minor i s s u e s . Meetings and committee assignments took an . increas ing amount of 3 time put t ing the Mayor and counci l under s t e a d i l y increas ing pressure . The growth, however, was a source of s a t i s f a c t i o n and. i t was seen as being one of the c o u n c i l ' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to ensure i t s con t inua t ion . Nearly two-thirds of the aldermen, as we have seen, were businessmen and these men n a t u r a l l y wished to see the town. grow. More people meant more jobs which in turn meant more payro l l s and greater oppor tun i t ies f o r a l l . Along with t h i s conv ic t ion that growth was des i reab le went an equa l ly strong f a i t h that pr ivate , en terpr ise should be the means and c i t y government the f a c i l i t a t o r of progress . The ro le of the c i t y government was seen as being to p rov ide , in as e f f i c i e n t and b u s i n e s s l i k e a manner as p o s s i b l e , the bas ic municipal s e r v i c e s . As such the mayor and counci l system became 156 i n c r e a s i n g l y c r i t i c i z e d through the f i r s t decade of the century . By 1912 the number o f wards had increased from the ten of 1902 to s ix teen and the counci l had become i n c r e a s i n g l y concerned with the minutiae of d a i l y admin is t ra t ion . Increas ingly the c i v i c admin is t ra t ion was seen as i n e f f i c i e n t and as re tard ing growth. As we might expect the business community began to d iscuss p o s s i b l e remedies. The focus of th is d i s c u s s i o n was the Vancouver Board of Trade. In March 1907 the Board's counc i l d iscussed the p o s s i b i l i t y o f having the 4 c i t y char ter amended to i n s t i t u t e a C i v i c Board of C o n t r o l . This was, as we have seen, a p e c u l i a r l y Canadian means o f c e n t r a l i z i n g the admin is t ra -t i ve funct ions of government that had evolved in Ontario in the la te 1890's. The aim was to make the c i t y admin is t ra t ion more e f f i c i e n t and less ' p o l i t i c a l ' and as such i t appealed to many business groups. Among these was the Vancouver Board of Trade who ifol iifowi^g* .theirWMar'ch' d iscuss ions passed in A p r i l the fo l lowing r e s o l u t i o n : "That th is board endorses the p r i n c i p l e of a C i v i c Board of Control f o r the C i t y of Vancouver, and that a copy of t h i s r e s o l u t i o n be sent to the C i t y 5 Council and the loca l members" This led Mayor A. Bethune to suggest that the c i t y adopt a three man board of c o n t r o l , a p ropos i t ion d iscussed by the counci l at the turn of the year . Noth ing, however, was done to implement any change. The year 1911 again saw proposals f o r change being discussed at l ength . In the Mayoral e l e c t i o n of that year L .D . Tay lor had defeated A. Morrison on a platform of c i t y ha l l reorganiza t ion and e f f i c i e n c y . ' ' 157 E a r l y in the year a 'Good Government League "was formed by a leader of the Board of Trade, Jonathon Rogers, f o r the purpose of i n v e s t i g a t i n g potent ia l reform of the c i v i c admin is t ra t ion . Throughout the year d i s c u s s i o n took place both here and in counc i l over the a d v i s e a b i l i t y of i n s t i t u t i n g a g Commission form of c i t y government. An a p p l i c a t i o n was made to the P r o v i n c i a l Government f o r the r e q u i s i t e Charter amendments but despi te the support of the Vancouver Board o f Trade no ac t ion was f o r t h c o m i n g . 1 0 Once again i n t e r e s t in change waned f o r a few years before sur fac ing in 1914 in f u r t h e r proposals f o r a Board of C o n t r o l . In that year T . S . Baxter defeated L .D . Tay lor in what i s best descr ibed as a ' d i r t y ' campaign. Baxter was cast as the ' re form' candidate against the 'cor rupt p o l i t i c i a n ' 11 T a y l o r . Gaining the support of the business community, Baxter e a s i l y won the e l e c t i o n and throughout the year there was in te rmi t ten t d i s c u s s i o n of the Board of Control method o f government although once again no change was 12 l e g i s l a t e d . The per iod p r i o r to 1914 was charac te r i zed by only in te rmi t ten t reform a c t i v i t y . The a c t i v i t y that occurred was concerned with the reform of government i n s t i t u t i o n s and not e x p l i c i t l y with the establ ishment of p lanning. The focus of a c t i v i t y , was not c i t y ha l l but the Vancouver Board of Trade where i n t e r e s t ex is ted throughout the per iod in t ry ing to e s t a b l i s e f f i c i e n t , b u s i n e s s l i k e government. With the exception of the 1914 mayoral campaign the thrust of the argument f o r reform was not that the o f f i c e holders were corrupt but that the form of government was inappropr ia te . This concern with government forms and with c i v i c e f f i c i e n c y i s t y p i c a l of the urban reform movement as i s the involvement o f the business community 158 as the i n i t i a t o r o f attempted change. The pattern in Vancouver was that found throughout the cont inent . The Pace of A c t i v i t y Quickens The year 1914 was important in the h i s t o r y of the Vancouver town planning movement. Several f a c t o r s lead to a growth of i n t e r e s t in reform and planning at t h i s time but none was more important in Vancouver than the co l l apse of the real estate boom in 1913. Based on a r a p i d l y growing populat ion th is boom made real estate specu la t ion and promotion an in tegra l part of the Vancouver business scene. In 1910 over 650 real estate agents were l i s t e d in the Vancouver C i t y D i rec tory and thousands more speculated on a small sca le with whatever funds they could acqu i re . One contemporary w r i t e r ' s formula f o r get t ing r i c h was: "Take a map of the lower p e n i n s u l a , shut your eyes , 13 s t i c k your f i n g e r anywhere and s i t t i g h t " When the bubble burst in 1913 paper p r o f i t s were wiped out almost overn ight . This lead to a quest ioning of the whole mechanism of the boom, and added weight to the argument of the reformers that uncontro l led growth was in the long run s e l f - d e f e a t i n g . Not only d id i t place i n t o l e r a b l e s t r a i n on the c i t y admin is t ra t ion but i t lead a lso to i n e f f i c i e n t and undesireable developments. Along with these loca l f ac to rs the 1914 National C i t y Planning Conference in Toronto and the subsequent appointment of Thomas Adams as Town Planning Advisor to the Commission of Conservation had the e f f e c t of s t imula t ing i n t e r e s t in reform and p lanning. Adams was to become a prime promoter o f reform thought on the West Coast . 159 This increase in reform a c t i v i t y i s r e f l e c t e d in the media of the p e r i o d , and c a l l s f o r change in the c i t y government became common. A systematic study of the e d i t o r i a l cartoons in the two major d a i l y newspapers reveals that 1913 was a year dominated by reform images. Already d iscussed in Chapter Two^with regard to the 'growth e t h i c ' ^ t h i s study sys temat ica l l y 15 assigned e d i t o r i a l cartoons to one of a number of c a t e g o r i e s . Three of these categor ies were in terpre ted as being 'pro - re form' and any year that was dominated by cartoons f a l l i n g into these categor ies was c lassed as a 'p ro - re form' year . This is not to imply that cartoons f a l l i n g in to other categor ies were a n t i - r e f o r m . As can be seen from the categor ies they are i n d i f f e r e n t in t h e i r e x p l i c i t response to reform. Many of the pro-growth sentiments found in these cartoons were shared by the reformers. 1913 was such a year f o r both the Vancouver Da i ly Province and the Vancouver Sun both of which presented cartoons throughout the year c h a r a c t e r i z i n g the c i v i c admin is t ra t ion as incompetent and i n e f f i c i e n t and in some way responsib le f o r the 1913 c o l l a p s e of the real estate boom. The fears expressed by the pre 1914 reformers that poor government organizat ion would re tard growth were seen as having been bourne out . The media r e f l e c t e d the mood of the time in c a l l i n g f o r change. Such c a l l s fo r change were soon to appear in the e l e c t i o n speeches of p o l i t i c a l candidates . The 1914 e l e c t i o n and subsequent admin is t ra t ion as already mentioned focussed on c i t y ha l l reform and both the 1915 and 1916 e l e c t i o n s focussed on the same i s s u e s . These e l e c t i o n s were contested by s i g n i f i c a n t l y more candidates than u s u a l , four in 1915 and f i v e in 1916, t h i s in i t s e l f being an i n d i c a t i o n of increased i n t e r e s t in c i v i c a f f a i r s . 160 Only once s ince 1900, in 1909 when there were f i v e cand ida tes , had more than 16 three candidates contested the mayora l i ty . In the 1915 e l e c t i o n J . M a r t i n , C S . Douglas and the v i c t o r i o u s L .D . Tay lo r a l l accused the incumbent, T . S . Baxter , of running an i n e f f i c i e n t admin is t ra t ion . A l l c a l l e d f o r ' c u t - b a c k s ' at c i t y ha l l and a l l promised to run a more e f f i c i e n t admin is t ra t ion . ' ' ' 7 In 1916 a l l f i v e candidates promised c i t y ha l l 18 reform i f e l e c t e d . J . McNeil ran 'a business campaign' , J . K i r k p a t r i c k proclaimed a plat form of " . . . re t renchment and of s t r i c t l y business adminis-19 t r a t i o n o f c i v i c a f f a i r s " while the v i c t o r , M. McBeath had a plat form that contained numerous ' re form' p lanks: " S t r i c t enforcement of laws, e s p e c i a l l y those per ta in ing to the l i q u o r t r a f f i c and the moral welfare of the c i t y in general - an economical f i n a n c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , the l i c e n s i n g of banks, reorganiza t ion of c i v i c admin is t ra t ion along business l i n e s , the f i r i n g o f i n e f f i c i e n t and unneeded c i v i c employees; the encouragement of new and e x i s t i n g indus t r i es to increase p a y r o l l s ; 20 the purchase of c i v i c suppl ies from loca l f i r m s . . " Moral re form, c i v i c reorganizat ion to combat i n e f f i c i e n c y and the growth of loca l indust ry were the three areas in which he promised a c t i o n . That he h i t a responsive note in the e lec to ra te is a t tested to by h is r e l a t i v e l y 21 easy v i c t o r y over the other candidates . The co l l apse of real estate pr ices then st imulated an i n t e r e s t in reform in the media and in p o l i t i c a l l i f e . I t lead a lso to the formation 161 of the f i r s t i d e n t i f i a b l e Vancouver-based planning o rgan iza t ion . Organized by the execut ive secretary of the Board of Trade, W.E. Payne, and another leading f i g u r e of the Board, J . J . B a n f i e l d , i t was known as the Vancouver 22 C i t y Planning and Beaut i fy ing A s s o c i a t i o n . Its major i n t e r e s t s were m the Beaux A r t s , C i ty Beaut i fu l t r a d i t i o n with i t s primary concern being to e s t a b l i s h a s u i t a b l e c i v i c centre f o r Vancouver. Toward th is end i t s o l i c i t e d the a id of the Board of Trade in forming a committee represent ing the C i t y Counci l and other in te res ted pub l i c bodies to consider the whole 23 quest ion of a c i v i c cen t re . The Committee became known as the C i v i c Centre Committee of Vancouver and organized a design competit ion that was assessed by the newly appointed town planning expert to the Commission of Conservat ion , Thomas Adams. In his v i s i t to Vancouver fo r the purpose of judging the e n t r i e s he a lso made two addresses to the Vancouver C i v i c Centre 24 Committee and one to the Canadian Club on the top ic of town p lanning. In h is usual energet ic manner he a lso found time to assess the need fo r p lan -25 ning in the c i t y and to wri te up h is recommendations. This was to be the f i r s t o f many contacts;- between Adams and Vancouver's ear ly planning advocates. 1914 a lso saw the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia M u n i c i p a l i t i e s endorse the passing of a Town Planning Act f o r the Prov ince , the f i r s t of f i v e success ive years that they endorsed such a c t i o n . As we saw in the l a s t Chapter , a C i v i c Improvement League f o r Canada was formed at Ottawa in January 1916. One o f the aims of t h i s organ iza t ion was to get loca l chapters es tab l i shed in t the major urban centres across the Dominion. This aim was accomplished f o r Vancouver in J u l y 1916, j u s t s i x months a f t e r the League's format ion. A meeting to form 1 6 2 the League was c a l l e d f o r J u l y 19th by the C i t y Planning and Beaut i fy ing A s s o c i a t i o n and the Board of Trade. Thomas Adams was v i s i t i n g the west coast at t h i s time under the auspices of the Vancouver Board of Trade and 2 7 he addressed the meeting on the top ic o f c i t y p lann ing . Mr. J . J . Banf ie ld of the C i ty Planning and Beaut i fy ing A s s o c i a t i o n presided over the meeting and was appointed chairman of the new C i v i c Improvement League Vancouver Branch. The motion to form the branch was made by W. Hepburn a prominent member of the Board of Trade. He was, along with J . J . B a n f i e l d , to become 2 8 a prominent Board of Trade advocate of c i t y p lanning. A lso present at the meeting were representat ives o f the c i t i e s of Vancouver and New Westminster, the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of West Vancouver, North Vancouver, Burnaby, South Vancouver and Point Grey, and of numerous profess iona l o rgan iza t ions . Representing the Royal Sani tary I n s t i t u t e was A . G . D a l z e l l , Adams' a s s i s t a n t in the west , whi le the B .C . Soc ie ty of A r c h i t e c t s was represented by C . J . Thompson, the partner of G . L . T . Sharp who was to become prominent in 29 Vancouver Planning c i r c l e s . In the evening the Board of Trade continued i t s ro le as propagandizer f o r Town Planning by provid ing i t s rooms f o r a 30 pub l ic address by Adams. The C i v i c Improvement League Branch was to act fo r a short whi le as the l i a i s o n between the Commission of Conservation Pub l ic Health Bureau and the Vancouver Board of Trade. In the fo l lowing y e a r , however, the Board of Trade was to reorganize i t s a f f a i r s so as to render such an organiza t ion super f luous . This occurred on December 10th 31 1917 when the C i v i c Bureau of the Board of Trade held i t s f i r s t meeting. This bureau was to usurp the ro le of the C i v i c Improvement League and become the major means of communication between the Commission of 163 Conservation and the Vancouver Business Community. Many of the leading f igures of the C i v i c Improvement League became prominent members of the C i v i c Bureau; the two most not iceab le being J . J . Banf ie ld and W. Hepburn; the former becoming a member o f the c i v i c bureau execut ive at the f i r s t meeting. Ban f ie ld served as head o f the C i t y Planning and Housing Committee 32 u n t i l 1920, with W. Hepburn serv ing as an execut ive member in 1919. B a n f i e l d ' s committee wasted no time in organiz ing i t s stand on p lanning. At a meeting held j u s t a month a f t e r the committee's founding a sub-committee was formed to consider and repor t on a l e t t e r from Adams urging support f o r the enactment o f town planning l e g i s l a t i o n s The 33 committee c o n s i s t e d , with o t h e r s , of W.E. B land. Th is report was soon rece ived and i t r e f l e c t s very much the in f luence of Adams: "Whereas a Town Planning Act i s a l ready in force in the major i ty of the Provinces o f the Dominion of Canada and Whereas the quest ion of a Town Planning Act f o r B r i t i s h Columbia has received the support and endorsat ion of the Union of B . C . M u n i c i p a l i t i e s f o r the past four y e a r s , and Whereas the need f o r ac t ion to conserve the l i v e s and heal th o f Canadian c i t i z e n s , and the p h y s i c a l , i n d u s t r i a l and natural r esources o f our C i t i e s and Towns, and the d e s i r e a b i l i t y of promoting proper l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s , greater i n d u s t r i a l e f f i c i e n c y and more economical methods of developing l a n d , 164 must be apparent , and Whereas preparat ion should now be made to proper ly regulate bu i ld ing development that i s l i k e l y to take place at the c l o s e o f the war. Therefore be i t resolved that the C i t y Planning sec t ion recommends to the Fu l l Board of Trade that steps be taken at once to br ing to the a t tent ion of the Government the necess i ty o f passing a Town Planning A c t , and therefore that the Board of Trade act with the B . C . M u n i c i p a l i t i e s in present ing t h i s matter 34 to the present sess ion of the Government." With th is formal statement of in tent behind them the Committee wholeheart-edly pursued i t s task of promoting p lann ing . In ea r l y February i t arranged a meeting with representat ives of the C i t i e s and M u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Greater Vancouver to d iscuss planning matters . At t h i s meeting i t was decided to inform the P r o v i n c i a l Government of the need f o r a planning a c t , to s o l i c i t the support of the executive of the Union of B .C . M u n i c i p a l i t i e s and to send a copy of the d r a f t act to every M u n i c i p a l i t y in the Province so that they 35 could consider i t before the U . B . C . M . ' s annual meeting. B a n f i e l d was soon able to announce that the a id of T . Adams had been secured in d ra f t ing the Act and that he would be v i s i t i n g Vancouver in March fo r t h i s purpose. Th is was to be the f i r s t of Adams' three t r i p s to B r i t i s h Columbia in 1918. In e a r l y J u l y he v i s i t e d V i c t o r i a fo r the purpose of at tending the annual meeting of the Union of Canadian M u n i c i p a l i t i e s . The C i v i c Bureau took advantage of t h i s to arrange a meeting between Adams and the execut ive 165 of the Union of B .C . M u n i c i p a l i t i e s . ^ At those meetings i t was arranged that Adams should attend the annual meeting o f the Union of B . C . M u n i c i p a l i t i e s to be held in P e n t i c t o n , B . C . from September 18 - 20 in 1918. At these meetings Adams was to present a d r a f t planning act f o r the approval of the de legates . To support Adams the Vancouver Board of Trade dispatched a de legat ion c o n s i s t i n g o f J . J . B a n f i e l d , J . Rogers, the founder o f the aforementioned Good Government League and C E . T i s d a l l , a future c i v i c 38 bureau execut ive member, C i ty Alderman and Mayor. This meeting passed a r e s o l u t i o n support ing the establ ishment of a Town Planning Act and ins t ruc ted F.A. MacDermid, the Union 's s o l i c i t o r , to d r a f t an Act with the a id of T. Adams. 3 Despite t h i s endorsement and the ac t ive support of the Vancouver Board of Trade the proposed b i l l was not enacted in to l e g i s l a t i o n . This i s s u r p r i s i n g as the P r o v i n c i a l Government in 1918 was that o f the ' reform' l i b e r a l s who had won such a convincing v i c t o r y in the September 14th 1916 e l e c t i o n . 4 0 Led by H . C Brewster who at h is November inaugurat ion promised ' v i r t u e and good government' the L i b e r a l s held most of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c b e l i e f s of middle c l a s s r e f o r m e r s . 4 1 Brewster was "a f i rm b e l i e v e r in 42 honest , sound and e f f i c i e n t government" and a lso be l ieved that the proper goal of the government f i s c a l admin is t ra t ion was to emulate the system of 43 a well conducted business or c o r p o r a t i o n . The government qu ick ly es tab-l i s h e d a s e r i e s of Commissions to inves t iga te e l e c t i o n malpract ice and the P . G . E . Rai lway, and passed a spate o f progress ive l e g i s l a t i o n on labour 44 i s s u e s , womens suf f rage and C i v i l Serv ice Reform. The womens suf f rage B i l l was to prove i n d i r e c t l y important to the planning movement in that i t 166 allowed Mrs. Mary E l l e n Smith to run on an independent reform platform in a 1918 Vancouver B y - E l e c t i o n . She won >to become the f i r s t woman to enter a p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e in Canada and was^to l a t e r jprove a staunch advocate 45 of a planning A c t . With such a P r o v i n c i a l Government in power i t would seem natural that the Town Planning B i l l would gain quick government approval . By the time the B i l l was submit ted, however, in l a t e 1918, the Brewster government was under severe pressure from farmers , veterans and labour . Then^in March ^ ^ P r e m i e r Brewster d ied o f pneumonia^eaving the party without a natural successor . A f t e r a l i v e l y s t rugg le a compromise candidate , John O l i v e r , emerged as the head of a party that was described. , in January 1919, as c o n s i s t i n g of "as many par t i es as the new German const i tuent assembly" .^ 7 Facing a great deal of c r i t i c i s m over i t s handling of the l i q u o r quest ion the L i b e r a l s suddenly found themselves f i g h t i n g f o r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l l i v e s . O l i v e r decided on a 1920 e l e c t i o n which he announced 48 in October f o r December the f i r s t . In th is d i f f i c u l t p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n the planning B i l l never came before the House. With th is f a i l u r e some of the d r i ve went out o f the planning movement f o r i t was to be two years before the next concerted e f f o r t to get planning l e g i s l a t i o n enacted was made. The next two y e a r s , 1919-1920 7were to be charac ter i zed by attempts to reform the p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of the c i t y with very l i t t l e a c t i v i t y taking place in the c i t y planning f i e l d . A precursor of th is concern was the b r i e f and unsuccessful attempt by the Board of Trade to e s t a b l i s h a 49 non-par t isan C i t i z e n s League to contest the 1919 c i v i c e l e c t i o n s . This type of ac t ion however was to dominate the reform movement f o r the next two y e a r s . 167 The per iod 1914-1918 was charac te r i zed by several r e a d i l y i d e n t i -f i a b l e f ea tu res . These can be summarized as the dominance in reform a c t i v i t y of the Vancouver Board of Trade or i t s members, the strong in f luence of the Town Planning Advisor to the Commission o f Conservat ion , Thomas Adams, and a focus of a c t i v i t y on the establ ishment of c i t y planning rather than on other reform concerns. Changing Concerns The years 1919 and 1920 saw a change occur in the reform concerns of the Vancouver Board of Trade. Having f a i l e d to obtain the des i red p l a n -ning l e g i s l a t i o n they became involved with another of the reform movement's key concerns; that of abo l ish ing the ward system and of c e n t r a l i z i n g the c i v i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . In terest in c i v i c government reform f i r s t surfaced in the Reta i l Bureau of the Board of Trade ear ly in 1919 when a report on 'Propor t iona l Representat ion' was produced. This report was d iscussed by the Legal and L e g i s l a t i v e Bureau who decided to fu r ther inves t iga te the matter and report 50 back to the Board at a l a t e r date . This i n t e r e s t in Proport ional Representation was to remain with the Board f o r the next few y e a r s . In May of 1919 the second major concern of the per iod was d iscussed f o r the f i r s t t ime. This was a concern f o r the establ ishment of a C i v i c Board of C o n t r o l . The C i v i c Bureau was in favor o f such a scheme provided the board was e lec ted 'a t l a r g e ' and not on a ward basis^and i t recommended that the f u l l 51 Board of Trade endorse such a p roposa l . This the Board was loath to do without fu r ther s tudy 7 with the r e s u l t that a committee of the C i v i c Bureau 168 was formed to inves t iga te the whole quest ion of municipal government in Vancouver. This committee cons is ted of J.W. A l l a n , a real estate developer 52 as well as J . J . Banf ie ld and W. Hepburn. The report was presented and adopted at the September 25th meeting of the Bureau. In the report they recommended that the c i t y should be under a Board of Control e lec ted at l a r g e . This three man board would oversee the day to day^running of the c i v i c admin is t ra t ion and thus make i t more e f f i c i e n t and b u s i n e s s l i k e . The Board of Trade was urged to request the c i t y to submit th is proposal to a referendum. Also endorsed by the committee was a p e t i t i o n organized by the Vancouver Proport ional Representation League c a l l i n g f o r the adoption of a 53 "Municipal Proport ional Representat ion A c t " . The quest ion of Proport ional Representation had been d iscussed e a r l i e r in the year as we have seen and i n t e r e s t in the matter had been st imulated by a presentat ion to the Bureau by one of i t s members, Mr. G.A. K ing , a Vancouver lawyer, and secretary of 54 the Vancouver Proport ional Representation League. In i t s d e s i r e to see a Board of Control the Bureau was f r u s t r a t e d but success was met with regard to the implementation of Proport ional Representat ion. The f i r s t e l e c t i o n to be held under the new system was held in December 1920 to s e l e c t a counci l f o r the fo l lowing year . As ear ly as October the C i v i c Bureau d iscussed the need f o r c i t y counc i l to produce an informat ional pamphlet on the new system. At t h i s same meeting the idea was r a i s e d of forming a non-par t isan ' C i t i z e n s Committee' to put forward a plat form and nominate candidates . As with the e a r l i e r attempt to e s t a b l i s h 55 a c i t i z e n s party in 1918 th is was to meet with no success . The Bureau's i n t e r e s t in the upcoming e l e c t i o n was mainta ined, however, with G.A. King 169 being appointed as the Deputy Returning O f f i c e r for the e l e c t i o n by Mayor 56 R.H. Ga le . Both these p r o p o s a l s , f o r a C i v i c Board o f Control and f o r proport ional r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , can be seen as attempts to d e p o l i t i c i z e c i t y ha l l and to hence make i t funct ion more e f f i c i e n t l y . That e f f i c i e n t government was an issue in B r i t i s h Columbia i s a t tes ted to not only by the r h e t o r i c employed by the Brewster L i b e r a l s but a lso in the Board of Trade 's great concern with c i v i c t a x a t i o n . Many of the C i t y Charter amendments proposed in 1919 concerned c i t y taxat ion and these led to a great deal of 57 d i s c u s s i o n by the C i v i c Bureau. Later in the year the Bureau produced a lengthy memorandum on taxat ion that was presented to Finance M in is te r J . •--Hart . This memorandum discussed the whole quest ion of taxat ion and "drew a t tent ion to the vast amount of c l e r i c a l waste due to three separate tax o f f i c e s " and i t proposed a new method of tax c o l l e c t i o n and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n along more ' e f f i c i e n t ' l i n e s . 5 8 The per iod 1919-1920 then was charac ter i zed by a d i f f e r e n t aspect of the reform movement than was the per iod p r i o r to the end of the f i r s t world war. The two periods were s i m i l a r in one respect in that the focus of a c t i v i t y was once again the Vancouver Board of Trade. It was the business community that was the prime i n s t i t u t e r of attempted change. The lack of concern f o r ge t t ing planning es tab l i shed may be explained as a reac t ion to the f a i l u r e in 1919. More l i k e l y , however, i t was due to the d e c l i n i n g impetus provided by the Commission o f Conservat ion. As we saw in Chapter Two t h i s organ iza t ion l o s t a great deal o f i t s momentum fo l low ing the res igna t ion o f S i r C l i f f o r d S i f t o n in e a r l y 1919. This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s strengthened by the f a c t that in the e a r l y 1920's the 170 Board o f Trade again became a vocal advocate of Town Planning l e g i s l a t i o n ; th is time being supported in i t s act ions by the loca l Vancouver Branch of the Town Planning Ins t i tu te of Canada. The Board of Trade i t seems did not have the courage of i t s conv ic t ions without an a l l y . The cooperat ion between the C i v i c Bureau and the Town Planning Ins t i tu te was to be of v i t a l importance in seeing town planning l e g i s l a t i o n adopted. It i s th is that occupies most of our a t tent ion in the upcoming s e c t i o n s . Another Unsuccessful Attempt E a r l y in 1921 the dr ive to enact town planning l e g i s l a t i o n was resumed. Toward the end of January the Board of Trade requested the P r o v i n c i a l Government to enact a Town Planning Act during the 1921 sess ion 59 of the l e g i s l a t u r e as had the B r i t i s h Columbia Technical A s s o c i a t i o n fin during the course of the December 1920 e l e c t i o n . This l a t t e r a s s o c i a t i o n , represent ing over 500 engineers and other technica l workers, argued f o r planning on the grounds that i t would reduce the waste of money, of e f f o r t , of land and of other natural resources that accompanied urban development and that e l im ina t ion of t h i s waste was an essen t ia l p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r C l e f f i c i e n t c i v i c government. The Associa ted Boards of Trade of B r i t i s h Columbia were soon to add t h e i r voice to the c a l l s for planning l e g i s l a t i o n . At the second annual convention of th is a s s o c i a t i o n , held in Vancouver, a motion was introduced by the Richmond and Point Grey Board of Trade c a l l i n g fo r the enactment of town planning l e g i s l a t i o n as q u i c k l y as p o s s i b l e . This 62 motion was unanimously passed as was a s i m i l a r motion presented to the CO t h i r d annual convention held in T r a i l in March 1922. P lann ing , i t was 171 argued, would al low f o r greater economy to be exerc ised in the development 64 of c i t i e s and would a lso help reduce the cost of admin is t ra t ion . At t h i s time the Vancouver c i t y counci l became a c t i v e l y involved 65 passing a motion favor ing the adoption of planning l e g i s l a t i o n and cc forming a Town Planning Committee to study t h i s whole ques t ion . Th is Committee contained delegates from the surrounding M u n i c i p a l i t i e s as well as from the Board of T rade , the A r c h i t e c t u r a l A s s o c i a t i o n and the Engineering A s s o c i a t i o n . Formed too l a t e to get planning l e g i s l a t i o n adopted in the 1921 sess ion i t achieved p a r t i a l s u c c e s s , l a r g e l y through the e f f o r t s o f Reeve W.H. Lembke of Point Grey, in get t ing changes made to the Municipal Act that enabled M u n i c i p a l i t i e s to engage in a rudimentary form of p lanning. Amendments made to Sect ion 54 of Chapter 52 of the Municipal Act o f B r i t i s h Columbia gave powers to municipal counc i ls to f i x b u i l d i n g l i n e s , f i x fu ture s t ree t r i g h t s - o f - w a y , f i x housing d e n s i t i e s , regulate noxious i n d u s t r i e s and to 'zone' t h e i r m u n i c i p a l i t i e s in to 68 r e s i d e n t i a l , commercial and i n d u s t r i a l a reas . These new powers were acted upon by Point Grey in 1922 and South Vancouver in 1924. They were not a p p l i c a b l e to the C i t y of Vancouver however as Vancouver was not subject to the Municipal Act but governed by i t s own Char ter^ofI Incorporat ion . .The M u n i c i p a l i t i e s of B r i t i s h Columbia were f ree to engage in ' zon ing ' from 1922 onwards, Vancouver however was not f ree to do s o . During 1922 the C i v i c Committee draf ted a proposed Act thai; was introduced in to the house by Mrs. Mary E l l e n Smith^who by now was a member of the L ibera l government^having become M i n i s t e r without P o r t f o l i o in March 1921, the f i r s t woman to become a cabinet min is te r in the h i s t o r y of 172 the B r i t i s h Empire. Object ions were ra ised by the Attorney Genera l 's department to the compulsory nature of the l e g i s l a t i o n and Mrs. Smith withdrew the B i l l on the understanding that Premier O l i v e r would form a Committee of technica l P r o v i n c i a l Government employees to inves t iga te the need f o r p l a n n i n g . ^ 0 Th is Committee was duly created in June 1923^but d id not meet on a regular bas is^c la iming that there was no province-wide demand f o r p lanning. This i t deduced from the lack of response to a quest ionnaire sent by O l i v e r to a l l the M u n i c i p a l i t i e s in the Province request ing them to express t h e i r views on p lanning. Only twelve had repl ied^ and of these only two had wholeheartedly endorsed the adoption o f planning l e g i s l a t i o n ; these being the eminently middle c l a s s m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Point Grey and Oak B a y . ^ 1 The Vancouver Board of Trade meanwhile was being ac t ive in i t s support of the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n . Under the ac t ive c h a i r -72 manship of W.E. Bland the C i v i c Bureau Committee on c i t y planning made a request in November that a l l candidates fo r c i v i c o f f i c e attend a meeting 73 of the Bureau to d iscuss t h e i r stance on c i t y p lann ing . This meeting took place in December^with a l l candidates ' h e a r t i l y in sympathy' with the establ ishment of p l a n n i n g . ^ 4 November a lso saw the Vancouver Board of Trade support the C i v i c Planning Committee's request to the Associa ted Boards o f Trade convention f o r ass is tance in t h e i r quest f o r s u i t a b l e l e g i s l a t i o n . This the convention gave^passing a motion c a l l i n g f o r the 75 enactment of planning l e g i s l a t i o n as qu ick ly as was p o s s i b l e . The Premier , however, refused to d iscuss f u r t h e r the p o s s i b i l i t y of enact ing town planning l e g i s l a t i o n ^ c l a i m i n g once again that the pub l ic of B r i t i s h Columbia did not support such a measure. To be successfu l in t h e i r des i re 173 f o r planning l e g i s l a t i o n i t seemed the Board of Trade and the other planning advocates would have to gain wider support . Two events that occurred l a t e in 1922 and ear ly in 1923 were to prove p a r t i c u l a r l y important in t h i s regard One of these was the already mentioned appointment of W.E. Bland as chairman of the C i v i c Bureau C i t y Planning Committee, and other being the formation l a te in 1922 of a Vancouver Branch of the Town Planning Ins t i tu te o f Canada. A Successful Conclusion The Town Planning I n s t i t u t e o f Canada was formed in 1919 due to the e f f o r t s o f Thomas Adams o f the Commission o f Conservat ion. It was not u n t i l 1922, however, that a Vancouver Branch was formed when Prof . F . E . Buck and J . A . Walker, agreed to t ry and form a loca l branch when asked to do so by A. Buckley , the e d i t o r o f the Journal of the Ins t i tu te and a former Vancouver newspaperman. 7 7 An i n i t i a l meeting was held at the Un ive rs i t y Club on November 20th 1922^at which time i t was agreed to form a loca l 7ft Chapter. Ten days later,, a second meeting was held^at which time the 79 by-laws were sent f o r approval to the parent organ iza t ion in Ottawa. This approval was not forthcoming f o r over a yearv, due to the quiescence of the nat ional organ iza t ion that was await ing the grant ing of a Charter,, by Dominion Act of Par l iament^estab l ish ing i t as a nat ional technica l 80 81 a s s o c i a t i o n . This Act was passed on the 22nd October 1923 with approval 82 of the Vancouver Branch by-laws being conferred in February 1924. From th is point the Vancouver Branch was to play an important r o l e in the dr ive to get planning l e g i s l a t i o n adopted. Membership in the organ iza t ion expanded q u i c k l y and whi le meetings o f a technica l nature were 174 h e l d y i t s c h i e f purpose soon became to promote the ideas of the planning •4-ta 83 movement and^attempt to get planning l e g i s l a t i o n enacted in V i c t o r i a . S i m i l a r attempts to gain pub l i c support f o r planning were being made by the Board of Trade C i v i c Bureau Committee on C i t y Planning whose chairman, W.E. B land , had s o l i c i t e d and obtained the support of the Legal and on L e g i s l a t i v e Bureau e a r l i e r in the year . In A p r i l the C i v i c Bureau and the Planning Ins t i tu te formal ly cooperated fo r the f i r s t t ime^holding a meeting on the 23rd with the Vancouver C i ty S o l i c i t o r . This meeting was arranged so as to inves t iga te the changes that needed to be made to the 85 Vancouver C i t y Charter i f planning was to take p l a c e . At t h i s meeting i t was decided that planning was necessary, and in order to p u b l i c i z e t h i s f a c t ^ the Town Planning Ins t i tu te formed a committee to prepare a 'Memorial ' on planning l e g i s l a t i o n ^ f o r presentat ion to the c i t y c o u n c i l . This 'memorial ' was duly prepared andppresented to c i t y counci l on June 10th 1924^with the OC support of the Board of Trade and the Associa ted Board of Trades. In a l e t t e r from the Secretary of the Board of Trade to the Town Planning Inst i tu te^the Board's p o s i t i o n was c l e a r l y in favor o f seeking the c i t y ' s ass is tance in get t ing l e g i s l a t i o n passed. "The Council of th is Board, at i t s meeting on Thursday l a s t (May 22nd 1924), r e i t e r a t e d i t s pre -vious a t t i tude with regard to Town P lann ing , and went on record in support of the act ion of the l o c a l Branch of the Town Planning Ins t i tu te of Canada in request ing the C i t y Council to take the i n i t i a t i v e in p e t i t i o n i n g the L e g i s l a t u r e to pass 175 a Town Planning A c t " " ' Support fo r the memorial was a lso given by a wide ranging group of p ro fes -s i o n a l , s e r v i c e , womens and labour o r g a n i z a t i o n s . In response to the memorial the C i t y Council passed a r e s o l u t i o n favor ing the adoption of Town Planning l e g i s l a t i o n and formed a committee cons is t ing of the C i t y Engineer , C i t y S o l i c i t o r and the members o f the Town Planning Committee to inves t iga te 89 planning matters and repor t back to c o u n c i l . Th is committee worked in c lose cooperat ion with the Town Planning Ins t i tu te and^in October 1924.,they presented a report to C i ty Council recommending that a B i l l be draf ted and 90 presented to the l e g i s l a t u r e . The C i v i c Bureau of the Board of Trade meanwhile had been attempting to st imulate pub l ic i n t e r e s t in planning through the a c t i v i t i e s of Boards of Trade throughout the Prov ince . In e a r l y August , W.E. Bland had reminded the Bureau that ac t ive support of the proposed b i l l was needed as Premier O l i v e r would not take the r e s o l u t i o n of the Associa ted Boards of Trade s e r i o u s l y u n t i l the B i l l had the support of the people^through t h e i r municipal governments. These governments had, u n t i l th is p o i n t , been loath to express support f o r planning l e g i s l a t i o n . As such^he introduced a r e s o l u t i o n urging other Boards of Trade in B r i t i s h Columbia to attempt to induce t h e i r l o c a l municipal a u t h o r i t i e s to support p lanning. He a lso proposed to send a s e l e c t i o n of planning mater ia ls p r e p a r e d b y the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e to the s e c r e t a r i e s of these Boards of Trade so that they would be well informed when approaching t h e i r respect ive municipal c o u n c i l s . ^ 1 The j o i n t committee o f c i v i c o f f i c i a l s and the Town Planning 176 Ins t i tu te were meanwhile producing a d r a f t '1924 C i t y Planning B i l l ' . The in f luence of the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e in th is B i l l was considerable as i t was l a r g e l y wr i t ten by a member of the Branch, A . G . Smith, the P r o v i n c i a l 92 / Reg is t ra r of Land T i t l e s . This b i l l was endorsed by C i t y Council . , buty^a-s'jeu-i t was to apply to a l l B r i t i s h Columbia, they requested that the B i l l be forwarded by the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e to the Premier f o r presentat ion as a Government measure. On r e c e i p t of the B i l l ^ t h e Premier sent copies to a l l B r i t i s h Columbia M u n i c i p a l i t i e s ^ r e q u e s t i n g them to make comments. Very few r e p l i e s were received and the Government l a i d the B i l l over f o r another 93 year . The L e g i s l a t i v e Counci l was ordered to redra f t the B i l l and t h i s i t d id during the winter . The major changes they made were to make the B i l l opt ional^and-not o b i i g a t o r y 7 i n nature ? and to give counc i l s the power to perform t h e i r own planning-,without the necess i ty of forming a planning 94 commission. Such a Commission was.made o p t i o n a l , not compulsory. With these changes made.the B i l l was introduced by Mrs. Mary E l l e n Smith as a government measure in 1925. W h i l eJDeing considered by the Municipal Committee of the House^delegates from the Town Planning Branch supported the l e g i s l a t i o n . Last minute oppos i t ion to the B i l l was overcome by making s i i g h t modif icat ions^and so on December 18th, 1925 the "Town Planning Act" Chapter 55, 1925, of the Statutes of B r i t i s h Columbia was passed in to l a w . 9 5 The Nature of the Town Planning Act The B i l l as we have noted was draf ted l a r g e l y by A . G . Smith and as such i t r e f l e c t s to a large degree the ideas of the Town Planning 177 I n s t i t u t e of Canada. This organizat ion was founded in 1919 by Thomas Adams and i t s 'ph i losophy ' of planning was very s i m i l a r to that of the Commission of Conservat ion. Th is i s shown by the I n s t i t u t e ' s o f f i c i a l l y adopted ' d e f i n i t i o n ' of what const i tu ted Town Planning. "Town Planning may be def ined as the s c i e n t i f i c and order ly d i s p o s i t i o n of land and bu i ld ings in use and development with a view to obv ia t ing congestion and securing economic and s o c i a l e f f i c i e n c y , heal th and well being in urban and 96 rura l communities." Q Planning was, i t added, "the technique o f s o c i a l and economic e f f i c i e n c y " . The secur ing of e f f i c i e n c y in the face of growth through the use of s c i e n t i f i c methods summarizes t h e i r p o s i t i o n . The preamble to the Act i t s e l f i s equal ly e x p l i c i t . "Whereas i t has been r e a l i z e d that large municipal expenditures have become necessary owing to the f o r t u i t o u s development of urban c e n t r e s , and that i t i s adv isable to make p rov is ion whereby the natural growth of c i t i e s and towns may be planned in a systematic and order ly way, so that adequate means of communication fo r an increas ing populat ion may be provided and congestion avoided, and that economies may be e f fec ted in the indus-t r i a l and business a c t i v i t i e s of communities, and so that the serv iceableness of business and 178 property and the amenity of r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s may be preserved and adequate areas may be provided f o r pro tec t ing the heal th of and provid ing r e c r e a -98 t ion f o r the p u b l i c ; Growth was to be channel led so as to ensure the economic and soc ia l w e l l -being of the c i t y . This approach i s very c lose to the views of Adams and the Commission o f Conservat ion , which views a r e , as we have seen, l a r g e l y d e r i v a t i v e of the American Reform movement. The in f luence of the National Municipal League and other reform movements i t s thus found in the B i l l having passed through the intermediate step of the Commission of Conservation whose model Town Planning Act was, as noted e a r l i e r , e x p l i c i t l y based on American l e g i s l a t i o n . No c lause by c lause comparison of the B r i t i s h Columbia B i l l with the Model Town Planning B i l l of the Commission of 99 Conservation w i l l betfmade here but the s i m i l a r i t i e s are many. The s i m i l a r i t i e s are even more s t r i k i n g i f one compares the proposed B r i t i s h Columbia Act and the Model A c t . In both cases the planning powers are placed in the hands of appointed boards, in both cases planning i s compulsory and in both cases the boards have the power to 'zone' f o r both use and d e n s i t y . In both cases these boards were to h i re ' exper ts ' to ensure that the planning was c a r r i e d on in the approved s c i e n t i f i c manner. This r e l i a n c e on 'exper ts ' who were to operate on the basis of ' s c i e n t i f i c knowledge' and to be l a r g e l y independent of the p o l i t i c a l process i s a t y p i c a l s t ra tegy of reform movement. The B r i t i s h Columbia Act as passed of course had been modif ied making i t voluntary in nature and p lac ing more power in the hands of the loca l c o u n c i l s compared to the planning boards 179 (to be c a l l e d Town Planning Commissions) than was the case in the d ra f t document. These changes were regarded as being tantamount to heresy by the reformers and were reacted to a n g r i l y by the author of the Draft B i l l , A . G . Smith. In a speech to the Vancouver Branch of the Town Planning Ins t i tu te made on January 28, 1926 he was scathing of the powers granted to loca l counc i ls to engage in planning without forming a commission of experts to advise them: "The C o u n c i l , a f t e r the preparat ion of p l a n s , i s author ized to consider them (which seems rather a Husteron Proteron or p lac ing the car t before the horse) and to approve the plans by r e s o l u t i o n . . . we have up to th is stage in the form of increased power to the c i t y the gracious permission of the L e g i s l a t u r e to the C i ty and i t s o f f i c i a l s to use common business forethought . . . , l l 0 ° He deplored the diminut ion of the powers invested in the Planning Commissions, " . . . T h e Town Planning Commission created under the Act with the equipment, powers and l i m i t a t i o n s with which i t i s endowed i s but a feeble subs t i tu te f o r 101 the Commission designed in the B i l l . . . " and went on to argue that e lec ted c o u n c i l s were incapable of performing the SS 1 / • planning task A adequate ly as they were expected ^ c o " . . . w i t h the help of a c i t y s t a f f . . . to cope with 1 8 0 a mass of c i v i c business, both l e g i s l a t i v e and execut ive, which i s su f f i c i en t to absorb the i r whole attent ion and time. . . .Wi th th is volume of work before them i s i t reasonable to expect that the members of the Council w i l l be able to dispose of i t so as to leave su f f i c i en t time to study the future needs of the c i t y? . . .The posi t ion of a member of the Ci ty Council might be less unsat-is fac tory i f there lay before him when he took o f f i ce a well considered programme of development. 102 But by whom i s th is to be prepared? The f a i l u r e of the B i l l to provide the Commission with the power to act independently of the counci l and i t s f a i l u r e to provide the Commission with i t s own technical s ta f f were thought to be major flaws that put the 103 i n i t i a t i v e back where i t d idn ' t belong; at c i t y h a l l . The B i l l as passed was not t o t a l l y acceptable to i t s i n i t i a t o r s as i t placed too much power in the hands of p o l i t i c a l bodies at the expense of the ' exper ts ' . One of the key tenets of the reform pos i t ion was thus v io la ted causing a good deal of rancor among the reformers. Planning a Business Movement The time has come at th is point to take stock of the Chapter to date and to t ry and t i e together some of the loose threads that have been l e f t dangling at several points . The dr ive to obtain c i t y planning l e g i s l a t i o n , i t has been argued i s best seen as being one element of the 181 conservat ive business reform movement. In the urban context the reformers produced what i s best descr ibed as a 'reform package' designed to cure the c i t y of i t s i l l s . This package contained several elements, the major ones being the establ ishment of n o n - p a r t i s a n , at l a r g e , c i v i c e l e c t i o n s , the separat ion of the l e g i s l a t i v e and execut ive funct ions of c i v i c government, the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of execut ive power in to the hands o f paid administ rators and the establ ishment of 'expert bureaucrac ies ' whose task i t was to guide the act ions of the administ rators through the use of ' s c i e n t i f i c knowledge'. In Vancouver the ingredients o f t h i s reform package were a l l present with moves made from the turn of the century onwards to e s t a b l i s h e i t h e r a Board of Control or a C i v i c Commission form of Government f o r the c i t y , to abo l i sh the ward system, to adopt Proport ional Representation and to get c i t y p lan -ning l e g i s l a t i o n enacted. A l l of these were seen as ways of s t a b i l i z i n g the p o l i t i c a l and business environment of the c i t y and hence ways o f pro-moting growth. This s t a b i l i z a t i o n was to come about through d e p o l i t i c i z i n g and c e n t r a l i z i n g c i t y government so that i t came to p a r a l l e l in s t ruc ture a business corpora t ion . The c i t y counci l was to be e lec ted at large so i t would represent the 'whole c i t y ' rather than loca l ward i n t e r e s t s . Once in power i t s involvement in the day to day running of the c i t y was to be minimal as t h i s was to be in the hands of profess iona l admin is t ra to rs . These administ ra tors were to r e l y on the advice of the 'expert bureaucrac ies ' who through the a p p l i c a t i o n of t h e i r ' s c i e n t i f i c ' knowledge would ensure that the ' c o r r e c t ' ac t ion was taken. These reforms then would ensure e f f i c i e n c y , r a t i o n a l i t y and s t a b i l i t y at c i t y ha l l and hence produce a business environment conducive to growth. Over the course of the f i r s t few 182 decades o f th is century a l l o f the above reforms in one form or another were enacted in Vancouver. The major supporter of reform in Vancouver, as in the r e s t of north America, was the business community. To be more accurate we should r e f e r to the reformers as the commercial e l i t e f o r i t was a small group of h igh ly successfu l and s o c i a l l y p res t ig ious businessmen who played the cent ra l r o l e s . As we saw in Chapter Three the most important reformers were men with a great deal of s o c i a l and economic i n f l u e n c e ; in f luence they used in an attempt to obtain des i red reforms. The support f o r reform given by the Town Planning Ins t i tu te of Canada was of a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t s o r t . Th is organiza t ion represented the small body of men who regarded themselves in some way as being planning p r o f e s s i o n a l s . The i r aims were genera l ly s i m i l a r to those of the business community but they placed more emphasis on the need f o r ' s c i e n t i f i c e x p e r t i s e ' than d id the businessmen who placed more f a i t h in reforming government i n s t i t u t i o n s . They were a lso more concerned with the problems of c rea t ing des i reab le landscapes than were the businessman. In both cases however the overa l l des i re was to see order ly and e f f i c i e n t development take place and as such they found few problems in forg ing t h e i r successfu l a l l i a n c e . Cooperation between these two groups was dest ined to continue f o r many years fo l lowing the passing of the Planning A c t . Throughout the per iod the C i t y Council i t s e l f demonstrated an i n t e r e s t in reform, even i f th is amounted l a r g e l y to t a l k ra ther than a c t i o n . That t h i s was so may appear s u r p r i s i n g f o r many o f the reform proposals were designed to reduce the power of th is body. An i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the charac-183 t e n ' s t i c s of the c i t y mayors and aldermen who served at t h i s time i s r e -vea l ing in th is regard . As we saw in Chapter Three the business community dominated the Council and Mayoral ty. With v i r t u a l l y no exceptions these men were e i t h e r businessmen or p r o f e s s i o n a l s c l o s e l y connected with the business community. Working c l a s s representat ion was v i r t u a l l y non-ex is ten t . That there should be a degree of unanimity between these men and the reform advocates i s not s u r p r i s i n g fo r not only were they s i m i l a r in background but in many cases were c lose f r i ends and a s s o c i a t e s . The passing of the Town Planning B i l l in 1925 was one of the successes of the Vancouver reform movement. It was supported by a c o a l i t i o n of groups each with i t s own p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t in get t ing planning es tab l i shed but each holding an e s s e n t i a l l y s i m i l a r view of planning as a means of ensuring e f f i c i e n t urban development, th is provid ing them with enough common ground to be s u c c e s s f u l l y coopera t ive . VARIATIONS ON A THEME So f a r we have considered events that led to the establ ishment of planning in Vancouver without any cons idera t ion of the events taking place c o i n c i d e n t a l l y in the two suburban M u n i c i p a l i t i e s of South Vancouver and Point Grey. In t h i s sec t ion we w i l l i nves t iga te the process by which planning l e g i s l a t i o n became adopted in these M u n i c i p a l i t i e s f o r i t d i s p l a y s i n t e r e s t i n g p a r a l l e l s with what occurred in the centra l c i t y . Information on these M u n i c i p a l i t i e s i s not as e a s i l y obtained as i s information on Vancouver C i t y but enough e x i s t s to permit a t en ta t i ve a n a l y s i s . 184 E a r l y P o l i t i c a l D i v i s i o n s As was shown in Map One the area o f the contemporary C i t y of Vancouver was o r i g i n a l l y comprised of a number of smal ler areas that were p o l i t i c a l l y d i s t i n c t . The boundaries of these uni ts are given in Map One along with the dates of amalgamation with the C i t y . A l l areas except South Vancouver and Point Grey, which operated as M u n i c i p a l i t i e s , were administered by the P r o v i n c i a l Government before admission to the c i t y . The dominant r o l e played by businessmen on the counc i l s of these suburban m u n i c i p a l i t i e s was d iscussed in Chapter Three. We turn now to a cons idera t ion of the ro le of businessmen in other aspects of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l l i f e . P r iva te Organizat ions As we saw in Chapter Three the leaders of the Point Grey secession movement in 1908 were businessmen organized together as the Point Grey Improvement S o c i e t y . A f t e r secession the m u n i c i p a l i t y ' s counci l was dominated by businessmen. Prominent among the leaders were S . C . Howe, C M . Woodworth and M.R. W e l l s , a l l of whom had played a leading ro le in the secession movement. A l l three were businessmen with large real estate ho ld ings . From t h e i r soc ie ty sprang the Richmond and Point Grey Board of Trade, organized by Wells in 1908 during which year he acted as i t s p r e s i d e n t . ^ This organiza t ion maintained c lose t i e s with the Point Grey 105 Improvement Soc ie ty and became a leading advocate of c i t y planning 106 l e g i s l a t i o n being instrumental in ge t t ing the assoc ia ted Boards o f Trade of B r i t i s h Columbia to endorse proposed planning l e g i s l a t i o n in the ear ly "1 FIGURE T W O T E R R I T O R I A L E X P A N S I O N O F THE C I T Y OF V A N C O U V E R 186 1 9 2 0 1 s . l u / I t i s d i f f i c u l t to document membership in the Richmond and Point Grey Board of Trade but i t i s reasonable to assume that many of the Reeves and C o u n c i l l o r s were members on account of t h e i r business i n t e r e s t s . This assumption i s strengthened somewhat by the f a c t that J . A . Paton served as secretary and president of the organizat ion and that several other Reeves are known to have been members of the Vancouver Board of Trade. This organiza t ion i t i s suggested, played a s i m i l a r ro le in Point Grey as the Vancouver Board of Trade played in Vancouver. Central to the formation of the Board of Trade and a lso to the organiza t ion of the secession movement was M.R. Wel ls . Born in Pr ince Edward Is land in May 1858 o f S c o t t i s h parents he worked in the fami ly saw-m i l l business u n t i l coming to Vancouver in 1887. For ten y e a r s , u n t i l 1897 he operated as a cont rac tor but in that year he b u i l t a sawmill at Central Park in Burnaby. This business he operated u n t i l 1900 when he es tab l ished the Manitoba Lumber Company at Eburne. This he operated u n t i l 1908 when he became heav i ly involved in the real estate bus iness , s i g n i f i c a n t l y in the same year that Point Grey 's secession occur red . He b u i l t up a very considerable real estate business during the second decade of the century and a lso became involved in the motor car garage bus iness . A L ibera l in p o l i t i c s he was a Mason and a member of the Terminal C i ty C lub. He served on the South Vancouver School Board in 1906-1907 and was a member of the 10R Point Grey Council in 1908 and again in 1913 and 1914. Described by another Point Grey eminence J . A . Paton, as the ' l ead ing l i g h t ' of the new 109 M u n i c i p a l i t y , he had much in common with h is fe l low s e c e s s i o n i s t and Improvement Soc ie ty member, C M . Woodworth. 187 Woodworth was a lso a mar i t imer , born in 1868 in Nova S c o t i a . Attending Acad ia -Co l lege and Dalhousie he graduated from law in 1890 and entered ' a r t i c l e s ' in the Company o f Robert Borden. In 1893 he headed west to Edmonton where he prac t iced law u n t i l 1898 when he went to the Yukon. He again p rac t iced law un t i l in 1904 he came to Vancouver where between 1907-1909 he was in par tnership with A . G . Smith, the d r a f t e r o f the 1925 Town Planning B i l l . He continued to p r a c t i c e law but held large f o r e s t holdings on the c o a s t , a f r u i t ranch at Summerland and a g r i c u l t u r a l land on the P r a i r i e s . A member, of the Terminal. C i t y Club and an ac t ive Bapt is t he was president of the Vancouver Conservat ive Club from 1906 to 1908 and president of the B r i t i s h Columbia Conservat ive A s s o c i a t i o n from 1908 to 110 1910. By 1915 he had become an a c t i v e p r o h i b i t i o n i s t embracing the L ibera l reformers in the 1916 e l e c t i o n and campaigning a c t i v e l y on t h e i r b e h a l f . 1 1 1 The s i t u a t i o n in Point Grey then was very s i m i l a r to that in Vancouver with the p o l i t i c a l l i f e dominated by businessmen and a major ro le being played in community a f f a i r s by the Board of Trade. The leading f igures were a lso very s i m i l a r in the two p o l i t i e s ; successfu l businessmen who had migrated from eastern Canada between 1890 and 1910 and who had become a c t i v e l y engaged in business and pub l i c a f f a i r s . Now we must look at the leading organizat ions in South Vancouver. The South Vancouver Board of Trade held i t s i n i t i a l meeting on January 4th 1910 at which meeting R.C. Hodgson was e lec ted president and 112 C. Harr ison secre ta ry . Its Charter of incorpora t ion was signed by the above mentioned as well as by W.A. Pound, J . T h i r d , G. Barber and 188 D. Burgess; a l l o f whom served the M u n i c i p a l i t y as e i t h e r C o u n c i l l o r o r 11Q Reeve. The Board took "the s ide of the admin is t ra t ion in a l l quest ions 1 1 4 and boosted South Vancouver s t e a d i l y " . By 1920 "It (was) . . . t h e most 115 i n f l u e n t i a l n o n - p o l i t i c a l organiza t ion in South Vancouver" R.C. Hodgson, C. Harr ison and H a r r i s o n ' s business par tner , K. Lamond, dominated the Board and as such exerted a great deal of in f luence in the M u n i c i p a l i t y . Born in Ch i l l iwack in 1872 Hodgson came to Vancouver in 1892 e s t a b l i s h i n g a plumbing and hardware business in the c i t y . This business expanded to major proport ions - "In t h i s capac i ty he has executed some of 11 fi the l a r g e s t plumbing contracts incthe c i t y and in the suburbs" and was always located in downtown Vancouver rather than in South Vancouver. Between 1910-1915 he was president of the South Vancouver Board of Trade where his c h i e f concern was to develop the i n d u s t r i a l potent ia l of the North Arm of the Fraser R iver . From 1911 to 1914 he was chairman of the South Vancouver Conservat ive A s s o c i a t i o n . From 1913 onwards he was a member of the North Fraser Harbour Commission being chairman from 1 9 1 6 . ^ The secretary of the Board, C. H a r r i s o n , was an Englishman from Crewe, Chesh i re , who emigrated to Manitoba in 1906. Here he worked as a manager of a cont rac t ing f i rm before coming to Vancouver to e s t a b l i s h h is own cont rac t ing bus iness . A member o f the B r i t i s h Columbia Technical A s s o c i a t i o n he became a major cont rac tor f o r i n d u s t r i a l cons t ruc t ion pro jects s p e c i a l i z i n g in the const ruc t ion o f coa l ing wharves, harbour j e t t i e s and s i m i l a r works. As secre tary o f the Board of Trade he devoted a great deal o f time to t r y i n g to e s t a b l i s h a s h i p b u i l d i n g industry on the 189 1 1 H North Arm of the F raser . H a r r i s o n ' s business par tner , and secretary of the Board when Harr ison returned f o r a y e a r ' s v i s i t to England, was K. Lamond. A r r i v i n g in South Vancouver in 1910 from Edinburgh, Lamond was an extremely successfu l merchant in h is nat ive c i t y being a f ree burgess and member of the Merchant's Company of Edinburgh. He invested heav i ly in i n d u s t r i a l property in South Vancouver and was one o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y ' s 119 major business f i g u r e s . The s i t u a t i o n in South Vancouver appears to conform to the same general pattern as was found in Point Grey and Vancouver; that of business government with a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e played by the Board of Trade. The s i g n i f i c a n t i n d i v i d u a l s appear to come from s i m i l a r backgrounds and c e r t a i n -l y were engaged in s i m i l a r a c t i v i t i e s . They were to prove as eager to promote planning as t h e i r partners in Vancouver. E a r l y Land Use Controls The M u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver has a long h i s t o r y of land use control by-laws but in a l l cases i t i s d i f f i c u l t i f not impossible to unearth the motives that guided the Counci ls in enact ing them. A l l that i s poss ib le f o r most of th is sec t ion i s to give an account of the passage of the by-laws and to set these into the context of t h e i r t ime. D i rec t evidence of the involvement of organizat ions and i n d i v i d u a l s i s unfortunate ly not a v a i l a b l e . The s i t u a t i o n regarding Point Grey i s s i m i l a r although in t h i s case more can be sa id on the underly ing motives of the p r i n c i p a l a c t o r s . In both c a s e s , however the connections being suggested cannot be documented as was poss ib le for the c i t y of Vancouver. This should be borne in mind as 190 the reader passes through the next sec t ion as i t possesses a s o l i d i t y that perhaps i s i l l u s o r y . The f i r s t land use control by-law passed in the M u n i c i p a l i t y of 120 South Vancouver was the s laughter house by-law of 1895. This was 121 fol lowed by a modif ied s laughter house by-law in 1903 and the f i r s t 122 major land use by- law, the 1911 bu i ld ing by-law. This 1911 bu i ld ing by-law was a very comprehensive document with twenty-two sect ions covering a l l aspects of bu i ld ing design, regula t ions concerning spec ia l use bu i ld ings such as movie theatres and churches, and regula t ions concerning the maximum amount of a l o t that could be covered by a b u i l d i n g . No s p e c i f i c a t i o n s were made in t h i s by-law concerning use a r e a s , minimum set backs or l o t s i z e but the form of const ruc t ion of b u i l d i n g s permissable was s p e c i f i e d in some d e t a i l . Lot s i z e regula t ions were\<introduced in Point Grey the same 123 year as the South Vancouver Bu i ld ing By- law, in 1911. The fo l lowing year saw a spate of by-laws with the B u i l d i n g By- law, the Subdiv is ion Plans 124 By-law and the Boulevards By-law. These by-laws between them s p e c i f i e d minimum l o t s i z e , maximum l o t coverage, e t c . but d id not s p e c i f y p e r m i s s i -b le land uses or minimum set backs. At the end o f 1912 then both M u n i c i p a l i t i e s could exerc ise considerable control over the nature of a property to be developed but could not control the p roper ty 's funct ion or in South Vancouver's case i t s s i z e . Fol lowing 1912 there was a l u l l in a c t i v i t y fo r ten years with only minor modi f ica t ions being made to the e x i s t i n g by-laws in the meanwhile. The one modi f ica t ion of any s i g n i f i -cance was the 1919 mod i f i ca t ion in Point Grey o f the Subd iv is ion Plan and B u i l d i n g By-laws in which the minimum l o t s i z e was doubled to 5,000 s q . 125 f t 191 These 1911 and 1912 By-laws can be seen as attempts by the Point Grey and South Vancouver Counci ls to contro l the quickening pace of develop-ment that was taking place in t h e i r M u n i c i p a l i t i e s . The 1911 and 1912 counc i ls in both M u n i c i p a l i t i e s were dominated by businessmen who in Point Grey comprised the whole counci l and in South Vancouver accounted f o r four out of f i v e c o u n c i l l o r s each year . Both M u n i c i p a l i t i e s were growing qu ick ly due to the e f f e c t s o f the 1908-1913 real esta te boom and although year ly populat ion t o t a l s are not a v a i l a b l e f o r e i t h e r M u n i c i p a l i t y some idea of t h i s growth can be obtained from the decennial census f igures f o r 1901, 1911 and 1921. South Vancouver's populat ion in 1901 was given as 1,520. This rose ten fo ld to 16,126 in 1911 and to 32,267 in 1921. The increase between 1901 and 1911 occurred despi te the loss of Point Grey. In 1901 the populat ion o f what was to become Point Grey was minimal as the bulk o f the populat ion of the o r i g i n a l South Vancouver l i v e d east of Ontar io S t ree t but by 1911 4,320 inhabi tants were recorded and by 1921 t h i s 127 f i g u r e had r i sen to 13,736. These i n c r e a s e s , dramatic as they s tand , are even more so when one r e a l i z e s that a high proport ion o f the increase occurred in the years o f the real esta te boom, 1908-1913. Populat ion increases before and a f t e r the boom were minimal with a loss being e x p e r i -128 enced between 1913 and 1916. Such rapid growth caused a great deal o f s t r e s s and as such led to an increase in reform a c t i v i t y . We have a l ready noted that t h i s occurred in Vancouver C i t y whose own comprehensive b u i l d i n g 129 by-law was passed e a r l y in the real esta te boom in 1908. In South Vancouver s t ress was very severe due to the prodigious demand created f o r s e r v i c e s . Resul t ing reform a c t i v i t y was seen in the passing of the B u i l d i n g 192 By- law, an attempt to control development, in the e l e c t i o n of ' re form' Reeves in 1912, 1913 and 1914, and in the formation of the 'Voters League' 1 ?D in 1912. The 'reform Reeves' were J . A . Ker r , a real esta te broker , and T. D i c k i e , a Vancouver lawyer. These men wished, as d id the bus iness-man dominated Voters League, to control the municipal borrowing that had increased so dramat ica l ly s ince the 1910 displacement of Reeve Rae by Reeve Pound. The p e r i o d ' s a c t i v i t y can be character i zed as being the response of the business community to the severe s t resses caused by very rapid growth. In an attempt to ' s e r v i c e ' t h i s growth with improvements the Council went heav i l y in to debt , a new departure f o r the M u n i c i p a l i t y . The growth was unplanned and as such a haphazard landscape was created that was very expensive to s e r v i c e . These f a c t o r s taken together caused the d i s c o n -tent that i s r e f l e c t e d in the e l e c t i o n of businessmen as Reeves and C o u n c i l l o r s , in the formation of a Voters League by major business and real estate i n t e r e s t s and in the passing of the bu i ld ing by- laws. The events in South Vancouver are very s i m i l a r to the ones we looked at in Vancouver. Point Grey o f f e r s a v a r i a t i o n on a theme. The enaction of land use control by-laws in Point Grey i s best seen not as a response by the business dominated c o u n c i l s to the s t resses of growth but as an attempt by them to channel and make e f f i c i e n t and economic the growth they an t i c ipa ted would occur . The leaders of the s e c e s s i o n i s t s were businessmen whose prime complaint had been the lack o f investments in improvements in Point Grey. When they acquired o f f i c e they n a t u r a l l y turned t h e i r a t tent ion to the p rov is ion of improvements and as they were dea l ing with v i r t u a l l y ' v i r g i n t e r r i t o r y ' , l i k e good businessmen, they attempted to do so in an order ly 193 and e f f i c i e n t manner. That the mun ic ipa l i t y was dest ined to grow and that t h i s growth could be c o n t r o l l e d to produce an e f f i c i e n t , economic and beaut i fu l landscape were the under ly ing assumptions of the ear ly c o u n c i l s . In h is inaugural address to the f i r s t C o u n c i l , the Real tor Reeve S . L . Howe s a i d : "The importance of the M u n i c i p a l i t y which we have the honor to represent , as the f i r s t c o u n c i l , would be hard to overest imate , l y i n g , as i t does, a long-s ide the great C i t y o f Vancouver . . . whose f a s t growing populat ion w i l l soon overf low her bounda-r i e s and qu ick ly convert th is m u n i c i p a l i t y in a t h i c k l y s e t t l e d and most beaut i fu l r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t . " 1 3 2 This des i re to plan f o r the future to ensure e f f i c i e n t o rder ly development was noted by J . A . Paton in an a r t i c l e on the r o l e of planning in Point 133 Grey. The goals of the South Vancouver reformers and the men j u s t d iscussed in Point Grey were e s s e n t i a l l y the same. The s i t u a t i o n s they found themselves in however were very d i f f e r e n t : In one case they were deal ing with e s s e n t i a l l y underdeveloped bush, in the other with a popula-t ion approaching 30,000 people located in a most haphazard manner. This point w i l l be returned to l a t e r f o r i t i s a c r i t i c a l point I think i f we are to understand the s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i f f e rences between the two M u n i c i p a l i t i e s . 194 The F i r s t Zoning By-Laws Fol lowing the reform a c t i v i t y d iscussed there came a ten year per iod that l as ted through the F i r s t World War- and the subsequent depres-sion during which the only land use l e g i s l a t i o n enacted were minor changes to e x i s t i n g by- laws. The years a f t e r 1920 however saw an increase in the 134 rate of growth and a lso as we have seen a quickening of the pace in the movement to get town planning l e g i s l a t i o n enacted. This d r ive to get p lan -ning l e g i s l a t i o n was not successfu l u n t i l 1925 but , as noted above, amendments in 1921 to Sect ion 54 of Chapter 52 of the Municipal Act gave powers to Municipal Counci ls to f i x bu i ld ing l i n e s , f i x future s t ree t r i g h t - o f - w a y s , regulate housing d e n s i t i e s , regulate noxious i n d u s t r i e s and to 'zone' t h e i r M u n i c i p a l i t i e s in to r e s i d e n t i a l , commercial and i n d u s t r i a l 135 areas. These powers were obtained l a r g e l y due to the e f f o r t s of Reeve W.H. Lembke of Point Grey who argued s t rong ly f o r them to the l e g i s l a t u r e . 1 Point Grey soon took advantage o f these new powers in i t s Town Planning 137 By-law of 1922, th is being the f i r s t by-law in Canada that could be 1 op descr ibed as a zoning by-law. The M u n i c i p a l i t y was d iv ided into com-m e r c i a l , i n d u s t r i a l and r e s i d e n t i a l zones wi th in which only c e r t a i n s p e c i f i e d types o f bu i ld ings could be e rec ted . Minimum setbacks were s p e c i f i e d f o r both r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s , 20% of the depth of the l o t up to a maximum of 30 f t . from the f ron t o f the l o t , and f o r commercial a reas , 40 f t . from the centre of the s t r e e t . Regulations were a lso made concern-ing p r e - e x i s t i n g non-conforming use bu i ld ings and the pena l t ies to be appl ied to o f fenders . The vast major i ty of the M u n i c i p a l i t y was designated as r e s i d e n t i a l with only very l i m i t e d areas in the commercial or i n d u s t r i a l 195 category. Map Three ind ica tes the extent of the var ious zones. This pattern was l a r g e l y a r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the status quo with the exception of the i n d u s t r i a l area which was l a r g e l y an unrea l i zed dream. This pattern of zones was to remain e s s e n t i a l l y unaltered in l a t e r p lans . Less than two years a f t e r the Point Grey By- law, South Vancouver 139 passed i t s own Town Planning By-law in June 1924. The South Vancouver Council in A p r i l had informed Premier O l i v e r that they supported the passing of planning l e g i s l a t i o n ; "That the l e t t e r from the Honorable, the Premier, re Town Planning Act be r e p l i e d t o , s t a t i n g that th is counci l i s in favor of the Town Planning Act as submitted by a J o i n t Committee from the C i t y o f Vancouver and adjacent M u n i c i p a l i t i e s and sponsored 140 in the House by Mrs. Mary E l l e n Smith" A month e a r l i e r they had endorsed the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n and requested the South Vancouver Board of Trade to endorse and support the measure as i t was brought before the l e g i s l a t u r e . 1 4 1 Two months l a t e r they passed the Town Planning By-law under the author i ty of the Municipal A c t . This by-law was almost i d e n t i c a l to the Point Grey by-law e s t a b l i s h i n g use zones for r e s i d e n t i a l , commercial and i n d u s t r i a l purposes and spec i fy ing minimum setbacks , 20 f t . from the f ron t of the l o t in r e s i d e n t i a l areas and 40 f t . from the centre of the road in commercial a reas . In add i t ion to t h i s i t s p e c i f i e d a minimum r e s i d e n t i a l l o t s i z e of 5,000 square f e e t ; a p rov is ion not found in the Point Grey Town Planning By-law but present in t h e i r 142 amended Subd iv is ion Plans by-law of 1920. The use zones are shown in 196 Map Three , the most not iceab le features being the s t r i p commercial zones and the i n d u s t r i a l use s la ted f o r the North Arm of the Fraser R iver . By mid-1924 then both the suburban M u n i c i p a l i t i e s had passed Town Planning By-laws based on the prov is ions of the Municipal A c t . As was the case with the 1911-1913 By-laws these l a t e r Town Planning By-laws were enacted by counc i l s comprised of businessmen. The 1922 Reeve f o r Point Grey was W.H. Lembke, a major real esta te broker , who headed a counc i l comprising two c o n t r a c t o r s , a real estate broker , a merchant and a r e t i r e d 143 merchant, a manager of a machinery company and a B a r r i s t e r . The 1924 South Vancouver counci l was headed by Reeve T. Brooks, the manager and part owner of an o f f i c e suppl ies wholesaler located on Seymour S t ree t in downtown Vancouver. His counc i l included a shoe merchant, a b u i l d i n g c o n t r a c t o r , the owner of an i ron works, the president of a s ign and b i l l b o a r d company, the managers of a hotel supply company and an insurance company and the secretary of the Carpenters Union. With t h i s l a s t exception a l l counci l 144 members were, or had been, involved with the business community. At t h i s p o i n t , 1924, Vancouver had enacted no such By-laws and was operat ing with i t s b u i l d i n g by-law as the only means of land use c o n t r o l . This was not due to the r e j e c t i o n o f the idea o f planning by the Vancouver Council f o r as we have seen they were a c t i v e l y engaged in the dr ive to get planning l e g i s l a -t ion enacted but because Vancouver was not empowered to pass such l e g i s l a -t i o n . The C i t y o f Vancouver was not subject to the prov is ions of the Municipal Act but operated under i t s own Charter . As such the changes to the Municipal Act had no e f f e c t on the s i t u a t i o n in Vancouver where an amendment to the C i t y Charter would have to have been obtained from the 198 l e g i s l a t u r e . This the counci l chose not to seek e l e c t i n g to support the dr ive f o r the passing of a more comprehensive Province-wide Town Planning A c t . Summary and Discussion The basic argument I have presented in the mater ial on South Vancouver and Point Grey i s that the process whereby planning became estab-l i s h e d in these M u n i c i p a l i t i e s was e s s e n t i a l l y the same process as that which occurred in Vancouver. In shor t planning became es tab l ished as the r e s u l t o f the business community's des i re to control and guide the extremely rapid growth that occurred during the real estate booms of 1908-1913 and the ear ly nineteen twent ies. The dominance of the business community in the p o l i t i c a l l i f e o f the two m u n i c i p a l i t i e s has been demon-s t ra ted as has the important p o s i t i o n of the respect ive Board of Trades. The enactment of the var ious land use contro l by-laws in periods of quick growth when reform a c t i v i t y was taking place helps demonstrate the in tent of the l e g i s l a t i o n . It has not been poss ib le however to document d i r e c t l y the connections between the var ious elements in t h i s argument as c o n c l u -s i v e l y as was poss ib le f o r Vancouver but the essent ia l s i m i l a r i t y of the process in the three places i s c l e a r . This argument of course con t rad ic ts the ideas espoused by Gibson 145 in h is work on the landscape impact o f s o c i a l b e l i e f s in Vancouver. His basic argument •§§ that d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l groups became es tab l i shed in the two M u n i c i p a l i t i e s of South Vancouver and Point Grey, a r t i sans and working-men forming the populat ion of South Vancouver with the managerial and 199 pro fess iona l c l a s s e s inhab i t ing Point Grey. These two s o c i a l groups are then asserted to have e lec ted c o u n c i l s o f very d i f f e r e n t types; - the South Vancouver Council being comprised l a r g e l y o f Union men with the Point Grey Council being dominated by businessmen. These c o u n c i l s then pursued very d i f f e r e n t p o l i c i e s , the South Vancouver p o l i c y being one of municipal s o c i a l i s m aimed at increas ing the demand f o r the s k i l l s of a r t i sans and tradesmen while the Point Grey p o l i c y was one of the ra t iona l a p p l i c a t i o n o f municipal c a p i t a l i s m to ensure a secure l i f e f o r a l l . Th is resu l ted in the enact ion o f a s e r i e s o f land use contro l by-laws in Point Grey which in conjunct ion with a d e f i n i t e parks and boulevards p o l i c y led to the c rea t ion of an ordered n a t u r a l i s t i c landscape fo r the M u n i c i p a l i t y ; the s o - c a l l e d Lotus E a t e r ' s Face. The p o l i c y in South Vancouver, however, lead to an e s s e n t i a l l y d isordered landscape due to the piecemeal manner in which improvements were performed, to the lack of land use control by-laws and the lack of a parks and boulevards p o l i c y . This was South Vancouver's • L o g g e r ' s Face. In s h o r t , two c o u n c i l s composed o f , and r e p r e s e n t i n g , d i f f e r e n t sor ts o f people pursued very d i f f e r e n t p o l i c i e s that led to the c rea t ion o f d i f f e r e n t landscapes. I n t u i t i v e l y very appea l ing , the argument contains some points of content ion . The s t a r t i n g point of Gibson's t h e s i s , that South Vancouver's populat ion was l a r g e l y working c l a s s and that Point Grey 's populat ion was l a r g e l y managerial or pro fess iona l is not d isputed . Both Kerr and Barford d iscuss the e s s e n t i a l l y working c l a s s composition of the populat ion of 147 South Vancouver whi le the managerial nature of Point Grey s populat ion I AO i s revealed by the 1921 Canadian Census. K e r r , fol lowed by G ibson , 200 asserted that th is led to a d i s t i n c t r i v a l r y between the two m u n i c i p a l i t i e s : "Populat ion in the eastern ' a r t i s a n ' sector was greater - a major i ty s u f f i c i e n t to e l e c t t h e i r candidates to the South Vancouver C o u n c i l . A strong antagonism was b u i l t up between the two a r e a s . " 1 4 9 Kerr however o f fe rs no evidence in support of th is statement as was a lso the case with Lewis who in 1920 a s s e r t e d ; "South Vancouver became the home of the i n d u s t r i a l c lasses and the reeves and counc i ls o f the d i s t r i c t 150 were drawn from t h i s c l a s s " As we have seen however the evidence does not support t h i s argument. The secession of Point Grey, c e r t a i n l y , was due to d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the leve l of investment in improvements on the west s ide of the M u n i c i p a l i t y but to a t t r i b u t e th is to the machinations of a union dominated counci l i s debatable . Unless there was a sharp change in the character o f the counc i l s e lec ted in South Vancouver a f t e r 1908 i t i s safe to assume that the counc i ls before t h i s date were composed l a r g e l y of businessmen. We have already seen evidence that the counc i lo rs were heav i ly involved with the real estate industry in the ear ly years of the century and i t i s d i f f i c u l t to imagine that the secession o f 'manager ia l ' Point Grey in 1908 would lead to an increase in business and profess iona l representat ion on the counc i ls of the rump M u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver. It should a lso be noted that while i t was true that investment in improvements on the west s ide was very low t h i s was l a r g e l y the case f o r the whole m u n i c i p a l i t y p r i o r to the date of 201 s e c e s s i o n . At the end of 1907 the to ta l debt contracted by South Vancouver f o r roads and schools was only $209,000. Of th is amount only $24,000 was fo r schools and no s idewalk , sewer or water debentures had been s o l d . Investment in improvements up to the Reeveship of Bound in 1910-1911 was 151 minimal throughout the M u n i c i p a l i t y . The evidence I suggest does not support the argument that the nature of the counc i ls was d i f f e r e n t in the two M u n i c i p a l i t i e s . That the p o l i c i e s implemented by the two counc i ls were s i g n i f i -can t ly d i f f e r e n t i s a lso open to ques t ion . We have already seen that they had a s i m i l a r h i s t o r y of enactment of land use contro l by- laws; the f i r s t being passed in the real estate boom of 1910-1913 with a second group, inc lud ing zon ing , being passed in the e a r l y 1920's. That the a t t i tude o f the two counc i l s toward real estate speculators was d i f f e r e n t i s a lso to be quest ioned. As we have seen th is indust ry was well represented on both 152 counc i ls and to c la im as does Gibson that the 1897 adoption of the s i n g l e tax system was an open attempt to contro l land specula t ion i s to forget that the C i ty of Vancouver operated under t h i s system during t h i s 153 per iod . In f a c t the s i n g l e tax , i f anything was designed to st imulate development as i t d id not penal ize the land speculator whose proper t ies remained unsold f o r some time f o r he only had to pay taxes on l a n d , not the b u i l d i n g s . The repeal of the s i n g l e tax became an e l e c t i o n issue in Vancouver in the 1916 mayoralty race with much of the haphazard development 154 of the real estate boom being blamed on i t . The connections between the B r i t i s h Columbia s i n g l e tax and the s i n g l e tax of the fo l lowers of Henry George were tenuous as i s pointed out by Lewis who points out that the 202 in tent of the B r i t i s h Columbia s i n g l e tax was not ' s o c i a l i s t i c ' . J " J ' J The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the s i n g l e tax as a tool of corporate s o c i a l i s m i s to be quest ioned. Jus t as we agreed with the beginning point of Gibson's argument we f i n d ourselves in agreement with the end p o i n t ; namely that the landscapes of the two M u n i c i p a l i t i e s were d i f f e r e n t , although Gibson 's explanat ion f o r the d i f f e rences i s mis lead ing . I f as we have suggested the two counc i l s were composed of e s s e n t i a l l y s i m i l a r people pursuing e s s e n t i a l l y s i m i l a r p o l i c i e s how i s i t that the landscapes that were created were so d i f f e r e n t ? The crux of the argument being presented concerns the date of the development in the two m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . P r i o r to 1908 the two m u n i c i p a l i t i e s were united and so one cannot a t t r i b u t e any d i f f e rences up to t h i s date to d i f f e r i n g municipal p o l i c i e s . Up to th is date the major i ty o f development had taken place in the eastern sec t ion o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y . The exact populat ions of the two sect ions are not known but by 1911 South Vancouver's 156 was 16,126 with Point Grey at 4,320. The 1908 populat ions were c o n s i d -erably l ess than this.; Some i n d i c a t i o n of the small s i z e of the Point Grey populat ion i s given by the f a c t that in the f i r s t municipal e l e c t i o n , held in January 1908, there were only 62 e l i g i b l e v o t e r s , t h i s represent ing a l l male B r i t i s h subjects over 21 years o ld who had res ided in Point Grey f o r 1 5 7 more than one year . This 1908 populat ion was located in a s e r i e s of c l u s t e r s . In South Vancouver the interurban sett lements of Cedar Cottage and Coll ingwood were c l u s t e r s as were the areas centered on Main St reet and Sixteenth Avenue and Fraser S t ree t and Wilson Road (now 41st A v e n u e ) . 1 5 8 In Point Grey, Eburne, the centre of the 1908 s e c e s s i o n i s t s , and, on a 203 l i m i t e d s c a l e , K e r r i s d a l e were the only two d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e c l u s t e r s . J " J ~ / This then was the pattern of development at the time of the s p l i t ; develop-ment that had taken place outs ide the prov is ions of any land use control by- laws. It was with t h i s s i t u a t i o n that the two counc i l s of 1908 had to contend and which I would argue was responsib le f o r the landscape d i f f e r -ences noted by Gibson. The 'Loggers Face' i s I argue the r e s u l t of the e a r l i e r , haphazard, uncontro l led nature of the development of South Vancouver. In an uncont ro l led s i t u a t i o n the development that took place produced a d isordered environment. This was not the r e s u l t of counci l p o l i c y however f o r I argue that the landscapes produced in Point Grey p r i o r to 1911 were j u s t as d isordered as were those in the eastern s e c t o r . Was Eburne a more coherent landscape than Coll ingwood or Cedar Cottage? The i fin maps contained in Barford would suggest not . The sect ions o f South Vancouver that developed a f t e r the passage of the 1911 and 1924 by-laws were every b i t as 'ordered ' as the landscapes produced in Point Grey a f t e r the passage of t h e i r 1911, 1912 and 1922 by- laws. In Point Grey th is cons t i tu ted a major proport ion of the M u n i c i p a l i t y while in South Vancouver no such major sect ions were l e f t to be so guided and c o n t r o l l e d . The Point Grey by-laws were to have a greater landscape impact than the almost i d e n t i c a l South Vancouver By-laws f o r the simple reason that a much higher proport ion of Point Grey 's development was subject to them. At the sca le of the ind iv idua l l o t the more formal landscaping of the west s ide i s probably best explained in terms of the higher incomes of west s ide r e s i d e n t s , many of whom had h i red gardeners. It i s at t h i s sca le that c l a s s d i f f e rences may have played a real ro le in landscape format ion. 204 Another reason that the landscape of Point Grey appears to be so dramati -c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from that of South Vancouver l i e s in the development that took place wi thin the CPR land grant . The bulk of th is land grant was wi th in Point Grey with only a small por t ion l y i n g to the east of the Bridge S t ree t boundary. .':.i.;p i" V. This land grant was developed by the CPR as a s e r i e s of r e s i d e n t i a l subd iv is ions that were landscaped and planned into n a t u r a l i s t i c pa t te rns . In the decades fo l lowing the Shaughnessy Heights development of 1909 the CPR developed the land grant as a s e r i e s of r e s i d e n t i a l s u b d i v i s i o n s . The landscapes of these developments comprised a large area of the M u n i c i p a l i t y of Point Grey which thus acquired 'planned landscapes' independent of the act ions o f the c o u n c i l . The epitome of these a r e a s , Shaughnessy He ights , was planned and p a r t i a l l y developed before the passage of any land use by-laws and as such i t s landscape did not r e f l e c t counci l but CPR p o l i c y . This point i s strengthened by the f a c t that the landscapes wi th in that part o f the CPR land grant that f a l l s wi thin the M u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver are every b i t as ordered and planned as those to the west of the boundary. The f a c t that the CPR 1s land grant was developed in a 'p lanned' manner fu r ther strengthens the argument that planning was e s s e n t i a l l y a business movement. Under no legal o b l i g a -t ion to do so the most important real estate development company in the c i t y found i t to be in i t s own i n t e r e s t to develop landscapes in a c o n t r o l -led manner. In oppos i t ion to Gibson's argument, then, I have argued that the process of land use control that took place in Point Grey was e s s e n t i a l l y the same as that which took place in South Vancouver. Furthermore, these 205 were very s i m i l a r to what happened in the C i t y of Vancouver. The s i m i l a r i t y of the process is be l i ed in the d i f f e rences in the landscapes that were c rea ted . These d i f f e rences are explained however in terms of the date o f the development that took place in the two M u n i c i p a l i t i e s and in terms of the act ions o f the CPR in developing i t s land grant . This sect ion brings to a c lose the material on the establ ishment of planning l e g i s l a t i o n in Vancouver and i t s suburbs. In the next chapter we see what ac t ion wa!s taken by the c i t y and the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s once the Town Planning Act was in f o r c e . 206 NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR H.P. Oberlander 'The Patron Saint of Town Planning in B r i t i s h Columbia' Plan Volume 1. #1 (1959) p 47-52. N. MacDonald. 'Populat ion Growth and Change in Seat t le and Vancouver 1880-1960' P a c i f i c H i s t o r i c a l Review V o l . XXXIX #3 (August 1970) p 301. These f igures were obtained from the Annual Report , C i t y of Vancouver. N. MacDonald 'A C r i t i c a l Growth Cycle fo r Vancouver, 1900-1914' B .C . Studies V o l . #1 (1972) p 36-37. Vancouver Board of Trade Council Minutes. Meeting of 28th March 1907. T w e n t y - f i r s t Annual Report of the Vancouver Board of Trade 1906-1907 (Vancouver. Vancouver Board of Trade 1907) p 21. Vancouver C i t y Council Minutes. Meetings of December 28th, 1907, January 6 th , 1908 and January 13th, 1908. Vancouver Da i l y Prov ince . January 7 th , 1911. p 7 VDP January 10th, 1911. p 7. 207 8. VDP January 14th, 1911. p 3. 9. Vancouver C i t y Council Minutes. Meetings of January 19th, 1911, May 30th, 1911 and January 24th, 1912. 10. Vancouver Board of Trade. Monthly Meeting Minutes. Meeting of November 12th, 1912. 11. Vancouver Sun. January 7 th , 1914. p 2-3. The e d i t o r i a l cartoon f o r January 8 t h , 1914 in the Vancouver Sun neat ly casts the antagonists in t h i s r o l e . 12. Vancouver C i t y Council Minutes. 1914 passim. 13. R . J . McDougall "Vancouver Real Estate" B .C . Magazine Volume 7. #6. June (1911) p 607. 14. MacDonald (1972) o p . c i t . p 34 gives numerous examples of the d e c l i n e in real estate p r i c e s . 15. The categor ies and assignment procedures are d iscussed in footnote 15 of Chapter Two. 16. The number of mayoral candidates f o r each e l e c t i o n was obtained from the r e s u l t s as reported in the Vancouver Da i ly Province and 208 the Vancouver Sun. In 1913 T . S . Baxter won by acclamation due to h is two opponents being d i s q u a l i f i e d on t e c h n i c a l i t i e s . I have regarded t h i s as being three candidates . 17. VDP January 4 t h , 1915. p 4 VDP January 5 th , 1915. p 2, p 5, p 10 Vancouver Sun December 31st , 1914. p 1. 18. V . S . January 11th, 1916. p 2. 19. V . D . P . January 8 t h , 1916. p 2. 20. V . D . P . January 10th, 1916. p 2. 21. M. McBeath po l l ed 3,122 compared to the 2,488 of T . K i r k p a t r i c k h is nearest r i v a l . 22. Vancouver Board of Trade. Monthly Meeting Minutes. Meeting of February 10th, 1914. 23. I b i d . 24. S ixth Annual Report of the Commission of Conservation (Ottawa, Commission of Conservat ion , 1915) p 158-180. 209 25. T. Adams 'The Planning of Greater Vancouver' Conservation of  L i f e . Volume 1 #3. (January 1915). 26. Vancouver Board o f Trade. C i t y Planning and Housing Sect ion of the C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting o f January 28th, 1918. 27. V i c t o r i a Da i ly C o l o n i s t . J u l y 11th, 1916. p 7. 28. V . S . J u l y 11th, 1916. p 8. 29. I b i d . 30. I b i d . 31. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of December 10th, 1917. 32. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meetings of December 10th, 1917, February 4 t h , 1918, February 13th, 1919 and September 16th, 1919. 33. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i t y Planning and Housing sec t ion of the C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of January 17th, 1918. 34. I b i d . 210 35. Minutes of Specia l Meeting between Town Planning Committee of C i v i c Bureau and Representat ives of C i t i e s and M u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Greater Vancouver. February 7 th , 1918. 36. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of February 26th, 1918. 37. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of June 26th, 1918. 38. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of September 6 th , 1918. 39. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of December 3 r d , 1918. 40. M. Robin. The Rush f o r S p o i l s . The Company Province 1871-1933 (Toronto. McClel land Stewart. 1972) p 162-164. 41. Robin, o p . c i t . p 164. 42. Robin, o p . c i t . p 166. 43. Canadian Annual Review 1917 p 818-819, 833-834. Quoted in Robin. o p . c i t . p 170. 211 44. Robin, o p . c i t . p 166-172. 45. Robin, o p . c i t . p 172. 46. Robin, o p . c i t . p 179. 47. V . D . P . January 31st , 1919. Quoted in Robin o p . c i t . p 179. 48. Robin, o p . c i t . p 182. 49. Vancouver Board of Trade. Specia l Minute Book. Meeting of Representat ive C i t i z e n s to draw up a platform of p r i n c i p l e s with a view to the formation of a C i t i z e n s League. August 7 th , 1918. 50. Vancouver Board of Trade. Legal and L e g i s l a t i v e Bureau Minutes. Meeting of A p r i l 2nd, 1919. 51. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of May 22nd, 1919. 52. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of September 16th, 1919. 53. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of September 25th, 1919. 212 54. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of September 16th, 1919. 55. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of October 14th, 1920. 56. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of December 6 t h , 1920. 5'7. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meetings of January 30th, 1919 and February 21st , 1919. 58. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of November 20th, 1919. 59. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of January 28th, 1921. 60. Journal o f the Town Planning Ins t i tu te of Canada. Volume 1. #2 (February 1921) p 4. 61. I b i d . 62. V . D . C . February 10th, 1921. p 3. V . S . February 9 th , 1929. p 6 (3rd s e c t i o n ) . 213 63. V i c t o r i a Da i ly Times. March 30th, 1922. p 16. 64. I b i d . 65. J . T . P . I . C . Volume 7. #3. (Apr i l 1921) p 6. 66. J . T . P . I . C . Volume III #3 (June 1924) p 19. 67. I b i d . 68. J . T . P . I . C . Volume I #1. (August 1922)p 3) . 69. Robin, o p . c i t . p 189. 70. J . T . P . I . C . Volume III #3 (June 1924 p 19). 71. I b i d . 72. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Executive Minutes Meeting of A p r i l 6 th , 1923. 73. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of November 8 t h , 1923. 74. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of 214 December 10th, 1923. 75. J . T . P . I . C . Volume III #3 (June 1924) p 19. J . T . P . I . C . Volume IV #1 (January 1925) p 12. 76. I b i d . 77. F . E . Buck. 'Some Ear ly Pioneers of the Town and Rural Planning  Movement in Canada. Unpublished Manuscr ipt , (no date but probably 1954) p 4. 78. I b i d . 79. J . T . P . I . C . Volume III #3 (June 1924) p 20. 80. J . A . Walker. 'Paper on H is tory o f Town Planning in Vancouver ' . Presented to the Annual Meeting of the Corporat ion of B r i t i s h Columbia Land Surveyors. V i c t o r i a . (1927) p 7. 81. J . T . P . I . C . Volume II #6 (November 1923) p 1-2. 82. J . T . P . I . C . Volume III #3 (June 1924) p 20. 83. Walker o p . c i t . p 7. 215 84. Vancouver Board of Trade. Legal and L e g i s l a t i v e Bureau Minutes. Meeting of February 19th, 1924. 85. J . T . P . I . C . Volume III #3 (June 1924) p 20. 86. Walker o p . c i t . p 7. 87. J . T . P . I . C . Volume IV #1. (January 1925) p 13. 88. The 'Memorial to the Mayor and Council of the C i t y of Vancouver from the Vancouver Branch of the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e of Canada' June 4 t h , 1924 was endorsed by the fo l lowing o rgan iza t ions : The Vancouver Board o f Trade, The Associa ted Boards of Trade, The Rotary, Kiwanis , Lions and Gyro Serv ice C l u b s , The Real Estate Exchange, The F i r s t Insurance Agents A s s o c i a t i o n , The B.C. Land Surveyors , The A r c h i t e c t s I n s t i t u t e , The Profess iona l Engineers of B . C . , The Womens Forum, The I . O . D . E . , The Women's Canadian Club and the Trades and Labour C o u n c i l . A copy of the memorial i s appended to Walker o p . c i t . and i s a lso reproduced in the J . T . P . I . C . Volume IV #2. (January 1925) p 110-13. 89. Walker o p . c i t . p 8. 90. I b i d . 216 91. Vancouver Board of Trade. C i v i c Bureau Minutes. Meeting of August 7 th , 1924. 92. J . T . P . I . C . Volume 4 #6 (December 1925) p 11. 93. The proposed Act i s reproduced in J . T . P . I . C . Volume IV #1 (January 1925) p.9-12. 94. The B i l l as modif ied and eventua l ly passed i s reproduced in J . T . P . I . C . Volume V #1 (February 1926) p 3-6. 95. Walker o p . c i t . p 9-10. 96. J . T . P . I . C . Volume II #5 (September 1923) p 3. 97. I b i d . 98. J . T . P . I . C . Volume V #1. (February 1926) p 3. 99. I f the reader desi res to do so the re levant acts can be located as f o l l o w s : The Model Town Planning Act of the Commission of Conservation ARCC #7 (Ottawa Commission of Conservation 1916) p 229-247. The Proposed B r i t i s h Columbia Town Planning Act . JTPIC Volume IV #1 (January 1925) p 9-12. 217 The B r i t i s h Columbia Town Planning Act as Passed. JTPIC Volume V #1 (February 1926) p 3-6. 100. A . G . Smith 'The B r i t i s h Columbia Town Planning A c t ' J . T . P . I . C . Volume IV #1 (February 1926) p 8. 101. Smith, o p . c i t . p 9. 102. I b i d . 103. Smith, o p . c i t . p 10. 104. VDP October 21st 1928. p 9 (magazine s e c t i o n ) . 105. VDP March 16th 1908. p 8. 106. The ro le o f the BOT in conjunct ion with the Point Grey Council i s evident from: The Point Grey Gazette . September 10th 1921. p 1. PGG September 16th 1922. p 2. VS February 7th 1929. p 6 (3rd s e c t i o n ) . 107. V . D . C . February 10th, 1921. p 3. V . D . T . March 30th, 1922. p 16. 218 108. Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d . o p . c i t . Volume IV. p 511. 109. V . D . P . October 21st , 1928. p 9. (3rd s e c t i o n ) . 110. Howay and S c h o l e f i e l d . o p . c i t . Volume IV. p 409-410. 111. Robin, o p . c i t . p 156, 162. 112. V . D . P . January 6 t h , 1910. p 2. 113. Lewis, o p . c i t . p 34. 114. I b i d . 115. I b i d . 116. Lewis, o p . c i t . p 9. 117. Lewis, o p . c i t . p 7, 9. 118. Lewis, o p . c i t . p 9 , 11. 119. Lewis, o p . c i t . p 11, 13. 120. M u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver. Bylaw number 23. 17th August 219 1895. 'A By-law Regulat ing Slaughter Houses and other noxious trades and n u i s a n c e s ' . M u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver. By-law number 64. 18th A p r i l , 1903. 'A By-law f o r regu la t ing the e rec t ing and maintenance of slaughterhouses and other noxious t r a d e s . ' M u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver By-law number 167. 21st October 1911. "A By-law f o r regu la t ing the e rec t ion and to provide fo r the safe ty of b u i l d i n g s " . M u n i c i p a l i t y of Point Grey. By-law #13-1911. June 30th 1911. "Dwell ing House By-law 1911". This By-law s p e c i f i e d a minimum l o t s i z e of 2,500 s q . f t . with 15% of the l o t to remain vacant fo l lowing improvement. M u n i c i p a l i t y of Point Grey By-law #10-1912. 23rd A p r i l 1912. "Bu i ld ing By- law". A comprehensive By-law very s i m i l a r to South Vancouver's By-law #14-1912. 10th June 1912. "Point Grey Boulevards By-law 1912". This empowered the counci l to pay houseowners two d o l l a r s f o r each tree planted at the l i n e of p o l e s , e t c . and that was f l o u r i s h i n g a f t e r two y e a r s . By-law #34-1912. 17th September 1912. "Point Grey Subdiv is ion Approval By-law 1912." This s p e c i f i e d a procedure whereby a l l plans submitted had to be s c r u t i n i z e d and approved by the municipal 220 engineer , the subd iv is ion committee and then the c o u n c i l . Minimum l o t s i z e was set at 2,500 s q . f t . in accordance with the prov is ions of the B u i l d i n g By-law. M u n i c i p a l i t y o f Point Grey. By-law #10-1919. 27th May 1919. This By-law increased the minimum l o t s i z e p rov is ion of By-law #14-1912 to 5,000 s q . f t . V . D . P . January 16th, 1911. p 17. V . D . P . January 15th, 1912. p 2. V . D . P . January 15th, 1912. p 3. Bartholomew, o p . c i t . p 30. The census of Canada, f igures compiled by the Inspector of M u n i c i p a l i t i e s and Vancouver C i t y D i rec tory estimates provided the data fo r Bartholomew's graphs. MacDonald. (1970) o p . c i t . p 301. For a contemporary account of growth in Point Grey see J . A . Paton "The Inside Story o f Point Grey" B . C . Magazine Volume 7 #7. (July 1911) p 735-737. C i t y of Vancouver. By-law Number 619. 27th A p r i l 1908. "AyBy-law. f o r ' r e g u l a t i n g the e rec t ion and to provide f o r the safe ty of B u i l d i n g s " . This was the f i r s t true b u i l d i n g by-law. Previous by-laws 221 regu la t ing b u i l d i n g const ruc t ion were concerned p r i m a r i l y with e s t a b l i s h i n g c e r t a i n b u i l d i n g standards that were to be adhered to in the var ious c i t y f i r e zones. A p lethora of such by- laws, o r i g i n a t i n g with By-law #6 passed on J u l y 19th 1887 j u s t a f t e r the Great F i r e , were passed during the 1890's and ea r ly 19001 s . Lewis, o p . c i t . p 22, 24 on reform reeves and p 28 on the Voters League. Bartholomew, o p . c i t . p 309 d iscussed the s t r a i n s created by growth. Bartholomew, o p . c i t . p 309. Lewis, o p . c i t . p 28. Quoted in Bartholomew, o p . c i t . p 297. J . A . Paton. " S c i e n t i f i c Planning from Outset Created Ideal Res ident ia l Sect ion o f Point Grey". V . S . February 9 th , 1929. p 6. (3rd S e c t i o n ) . Figures f o r the value of b u i l d i n g permits issued f o r the years 1922-1926 are given f o r the C i ty of Vancouver and f o r Point Grey and South Vancouver in Bartholomew, o p . c i t . p 32. See footnote 68 t h i s Chapter. 222 136. See footnote 67 t h i s Chapter. 137. M u n i c i p a l i t y of Point Grey. By-law #44-1922. 5th September 1922. "Town Planning By- law". 138. Bartholomew, o p . c i t . p 297. 139. M u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver. By-law number 719. 5th June 1924. "Town Planning By-law #1". 140. M u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver. Council Minutes. Meeting of A p r i l 10th 1924. 141. M u n i c i p a l i t y of South Vancouver. Council Minutes. Meeting of March 13th, 1924. 142. M u n i c i p a l i t y of Point Grey. By-law #50-1920. August 3rd 1920. "Point Grey Subd iv is ion Plans Approval By-law #14". 143. V . D . P . January 16th 1922. p 7. Occupations from Vancouver C i t y D i r e c t o r y . 144. V . D . P . January 21st 1924. p 11. Occupations from the o f f i c i a l b a l l o t . 223 145. E.M.W. Gibson. The Impact of Soc ia l B e l i e f on Landscape Change: A Geographical Study of Vancouver (Vancouver Unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s . Department of Geography. U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. 1971). The ideas I d iscuss were f i r s t introduced by Gibson in t h i s t h e s i s . He has s ince publ ished the re levant sec t ion of the argument as 'Lotus E a t e r s , Loggers and the Vancouver Landscape' . p 57-74 in "Cul tura l Discord in the Modern World. Geographical Themes", ed i to rs L . J . Evenden and F . F . Cunningham. B .C . Geographical Ser ies Number 20. (Vancouver. Tanta lus . 1974). 146. Gibson, o p . c i t . (1974) p 66-71. 147. J . C . Bar fo rd . Vancouver's Interurban Sett lements. The i r Ear ly  Growth and Functions - The Changes and Legacy Today. (Vancouver Unpublished B.A. Honours Essay. Department of Geography. U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 1966) p 5-12. d iscusses the development of Collingwood in South Vancouver. D.P. Kerr . Vancouver. A Study in Urban Geography. (Toronto Unpublished M.A. t h e s i s . Department of Geography. U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto. 1943) p 51-52. 148. Census of Canada 1921 (Ottawa. Queens P r i n t e r . 1921) p 540. 149. Kerr . o p . c i t . p 52. 224 150. Lewis, o p . c i t . p 18. 151. Bartholomew, o p . c i t . p 307-308. 152. Gibson, o p . c i t . (1974) p 63. 153. The C i t y o f Vancouver operated under a system of p a r t i a l or to ta l exemption of taxat ion on improvements from 1895 u n t i l a f t e r the beginning of World War One. V . S . January 7 th , 1914. 154. V . D . P . January 7 th , 1916. p 22. 155. Lewis, o p . c i t . p 12. 156. Bartholomew, o p . c i t . p 30. 157. V . D . P . October 21st 1928. p 9 (magazine sect ion) 158. Kerr , o p . c i t . p 47. Bar fo rd . o p . c i t . p 5-12. 159. Kerr , o p . c i t . p 47. Bar fo rd . o p . c i t . p 12-19. 160. Bar fo rd . o p . c i t . p 12, 18. 225 CHAPTER FIVE THE BARTHOLOMEW PLAN OF 1929: BUSINESS PLANNING IN ACTION As we have seen, an Act enabl ing the C i t i e s and M u n i c i p a l i t i e s of B r i t i s h Columbia to engage in town planning was passed by the P r o v i n c i a l L e g i s l a t u r e on December 18th, 1925. Th is Act was opt ional thus p lac ing the onus to act on the c i t i e s and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . In Vancouver and Point Grey act ion was soon forthcoming. EARLY ACTIVITY The Formation of the Planning Commissions Three days a f t e r the passing of the A c t , on Monday, 21st December 1925 a Notice of Motion was given at the C i t y Council Meeting in respect to a Town Planning By-law f o r the C i t y . 1 This By-law was passed on February 1st 1926 and brought in to existence the f i r s t o f f i c i a l Vancouver Town 2 Planning Commission. This Commission was authorized to a s s i s t the C i ty Council in an advisory capaci ty regarding the development and subsequent mod i f i ca t ion of a c i t y plan and zoning ordinance paying spec ia l regard to the promotion of pub l i c h e a l t h , s a f e t y , convenience and we l fa re , to the prevention of r e s i d e n t i a l overcrowding, to the appropr iate land use of a 3 d i s t r i c t and to the conservat ion and enhancement of property va lues . One month l a t e r on March 1st 1926 the members of th is Commission were duly 4 appointed by the C o u n c i l . Most of the Commission members had been ac t ive in the movement to get planning adopted and had already served as members of 226 the u n o f f i c i a l Town Planning Commission that C i ty Council had appointed in February 1925 in response to a memorandum request ing such ac t ion from the Vancouver Branch of the Town Planning Ins t i tu te of Canada. The dra f t Town Planning Act of 1924 was as we have seen held over by the L e g i s l a t u r e pending minor m o d i f i c a t i o n . In a n t i c i p a t i o n of the Act being passed at the 1925 sess ion the Vancouver Branch of the Town Planning Ins t i tu te proposed that the C i t y Counci l adopt an u n o f f i c i a l Town Planning Commission to maintain some c o n t i n u i t y between the j o i n t Ins t i tu te - C i t y Committee respons ib le f o r d r a f t i n g the Act and the C i t y Planning Commission that would 5 be created as a r e s u l t of the A c t . The composition of th is u n o f f i c i a l Commission included members of the C i t y Hall technica l s t a f f ; members of C i t y Council and representat ives of in te res ted pub l i c and pr iva te organizat ions such as the Real Estate Exchange, the Board of Trade, the Property Owners A s s o c i a t i o n , the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e , the A r c h i t e c t u r a l I n s t i t u t e , the Parks Board and the Harbours Board. Prominent members of th is Commission included W.E. B land , A . G . Smith, G . L . T . Sharp and J . Rogers. In order to f a c i l i t a t e the work of the o f f i c i a l commission when i t was formed, the u n o f f i c i a l commission had secured an o f f i c e , h i red a part - t ime s e c r e t a r y , J . A . Walker, begun c o l l e c t i n g mater ia ls f o r a small town planning l i b r a r y and engaged a draughtsman who, under the superv is ion of the c i t y engineer was to prepare a land use map of the C i t y . When the o f f i c i a l commission members were appointed in March 1926 many of them had in e f f e c t been already serving f o r one year in an u n o f f i c i a l c a p a c i t y . The composit ion of t h i s f i r s t commission r e f l e c t s the strong in f luence of the business community with f i v e of the nine appointed members 227 being prominent members of the Board of Trade. The Chairman was A . G . Smith, the d ra f te r of the Town Planning Act and P r o v i n c i a l Reg is t rar of T i t l e s . Vice-Chairman was Colonel W.G. Swan, a consu l t ing c i v i l engineer and c h i e f engineer of the Vancouver Harbour Commission. He was a prominent member of the Board of Trade 's Engineering Bureau. W. E. B land, the Chairman o f the P u b l i c i t y Committee needs no in t roduct ion as he has f igured prominently a l ready. J.W. A l l a n was another r e a l t o r and executive member of the Board of Trade 's C i v i c Bureau who served on the f i r s t commission as Chairman of the Zoning Committee. Chairman of the Roads Committee was another c i v i l engineer , A . E . Foreman. He had served as Chief Engineer of the B r i t i s h Columbia Pub l ic Works Department but at the time of his Commission member-ship was the B r i t i s h Columbia representat ive of the Port land Cement Company. He was an a c t i v e member of the Board of Trade serving as an execut ive of the C i v i c Bureau in 1933 and 1934. The l a s t o f the appointed members who was a lso a member of the Board of Trade was G . L . T . Sharp. A prominent a r c h i t e c t and member o f the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e he was the only member who concur-ren t l y served on the Point Grey and Vancouver Planning Commissions. The three remaining appointees were W.A. C l a r k , a r e t i r e d newspaperman who represented the Associa ted Property Owners, W. Dept ford , a B . C . E . R . Motorman who represented the Trades and Labour Council and Mrs. A.M. McGovern, the Women.1 The major i ty of the e x - o f f i c i o members were a lso businessmen. C i t y Council was represented by Mayor L .D. Tay lor who had been a successfu l j o u r n a l i s t as owner of the Vancouver World but was by 1926 a profess iona l Commission and the representat ive o f . t h e loca l Council of 228 p o l i t i c i a n ; School Board representat ive was A . L . McWil l iams, an accountant f o r the major wholesal ing company K e l l y Douglas. The Parks Board had two representat ives over the year . The f i r s t was W.C. S h e l l y , a m i l l i o n a i r e baker who. was to become f inance min is te r in the 1928 Tolmie government. His replacement was another prominent member of the business c l a s s , J . Rogers, ex -pres ident of the Board of Trade. The other two members were both eng ineers , L t . C o l . G.H. K i r k p a t r i c k represent ing the Harbour Commissioners and E .A. Cleveland represent ing the J o i n t Water and Sewerage B o a r d . 8 Nearly a l l members of the f i r s t Town Planning Commission then were members of the business community. A major i ty were a c t u a l l y members of the Board of Trade and of those that weren't only two, W. Dept ford , and Mrs. A .M. McGovern were not in some way engaged in business a c t i v i t y . Deptford was a 'working man1 and Mrs. McGovern was a widow. Most of the business representa t ives were involved in some capaci ty with the property business with r e a l t o r s and engineers being p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t . The composition of the Commission c l e a r l y r e f l e c t s the r o l e played by the Board of Trade in the establ ishment of p lann ing , a ro le that was to remain important f o r the next few y e a r s . In the M u n i c i p a l i t y of Point Grey events took a s i m i l a r course. The Point Grey Council had a lso appointed an u n o f f i c i a l Town Planning 9 Commission in 1925 passing the by-law o f f i c i a l l y c rea t ing t h i s e n t i t y in March 1926, one month a f t e r V a n c o u v e r . 1 0 This by-law was t e x t u a l l y very s i m i l a r to the Vancouver by-law con fe r r ing almost i d e n t i c a l powers on the Commission with respect to the c rea t ion of an o f f i c i a l plan and zoning 229 ordinance. As was the case in Vancouver most members of the Commission were from the ranks of the business community. Chairman was the already d iscussed F . E . Buck who headed a commission comprising Mrs. D. Steeves, N . J . Ker , the C .P .R . Land Commissioner, F . J . McCleery, a prominent bus iness-man, G . L . T . Sharp, an a r c h i t e c t who served a lso on the Vancouver Commission; and J . E l l i o t t , a land surveyor . Three of these men were members of the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e . E x - o f f i c i o members inc luded the Reeve, Mr. J . A . Paton, a major business f i g u r e we have already d i s c u s s e d , W. Loat , a major real estate promoter who represented the Parks and Plans Committee; and W.B. T u l l i d g e , the School Board R e p r e s e n t a t i v e . 1 1 Only two members, Mrs. Steeves and Buck were not businessmen. Mrs. Steeves, l i k e Buck, was in te res ted in the r o l e planning could play in promoting s o c i a l change. She was an important l i f e l o n g member of the CCF and NDP and saw planning as a means of c o n t r o l l i n g the worst excesses o f c a p i t a l i s t development. This view of planning was t y p i f i e d in the LSR p u b l i c a t i o n 'Soc ia l Planning in Canada' a l ready d i s c u s s e d . Property i n t e r e s t s were again well represented with four members r e l y i n g on real estate a c t i v i t y f o r t h e i r primary source of income. Both Commissions then were dominated by businessmen and both had numerous representat ives of the property industry among t h e i r ranks. The Town Planning I n s t i t u t e was a lso well represented with four members s i t t i n g on the Point Grey Commission and seven on the Vancouver Commission. The Commission's personnel therefore r e f l e c t e d the two major groups involved in the dr ive fo r planning l e g i s l a t i o n , the Board of Trade and the Town Planning Ins t i tu te of Canada. Many of the members of these Commissions have already 230 been d iscussed and have emerged as holding d i s t i n c t views on the ro le to be played by town p lanning. It i s toward a cons idera t ion of the act ion taken by these groups that we now t u r n . The Acqui r ing of Expert Ass is tance Fol lowing the c rea t ion o f the two Planning Commissions there was a short per iod during which they l a i d out t h e i r programs of work. This was done on a co-opera t ive basis with j o i n t meetings o f the Commissions and 12 t h e i r var ious committees being r e g u l a r l y h e l d . It was soon agreed that a comprehensive c i t y plan was needed i f planning was to be c a r r i e d on both r a t i o n a l l y and e f f i c i e n t l y . It was a lso soon decided that the preparat ion of such a plan was beyond the competence of the Commissions and that outs ide 'exper t ' ass is tance was requ i red . With the aim of secur ing such ass is tance the Vancouver Commission placed a s e r i e s of advertisements in both loca l and eastern Canadian and American Newspapers in mnd May «1926 request ing tenders be submitted f o r 13 town planning consul tant work. A l i m i t e d number of well known Canadian and American planning f irms were a lso contacted on an ind iv idua l b a s i s . Several of these companies were contacted simply because they were Canadian but i t i s i n s t r u c t i v e to look at the American companies contacted as the l i s t reveals the Commission's d i s t i n c t preference f o r planning consultants who were c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e d as ' c i t y e f f i c i e n t ' p lanners . The l i s t of those contacted , Morr is Knowles, George B. F o r d , Ernest Goodr ich , John Nolen, Thomas Adams, Harland Bartholomew and Robert Whitten contains the name of almost every important member of t h i s group of p lanners . The only 231 contact,, who was not c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e d with th is group was E.H. Bennett , who was a prominent member of the C i ty Beaut i fu l movement in the ear ly part of the century. By the mid 1920's however he was working in cooperation with Adams, Bartholomew, Nolen, Ford and Goodrich on the Regional Plan of New York and was beginning to be i d e n t i f i e d with the funct iona l planning group. It i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the commission d id not seek the serv ices of planners such as Freder ick Law Olmsted Jun ior who did not produce plans in the s t y l e of the C i t y E f f i c i e n t p lanners . It appears that the commission was well aware of which group of planners held views that were co inc ident with t h e i r o w n . 1 4 Several of these companies wrote thanking the Commission but expressing no des i re to become involved in the work. Others , however, expressed an i n t e r e s t , amongst them the Toronto based company of H.L. Seymour and A . G . D a l z e l l , the new New York based company o f Thomas Adams and the S t . Louis based company of H. Bartholomew. Adams' i n t e r e s t was marg ina l ; while he wished h is company to be considered he wrote to the Commission on two occasions urging the h i r i n g of Seymour and Da lze l l on the grounds that they were more f a m i l i a r with Canadian planning problems and procedures than 15 was anyone e l s e . Neither of these companies was to be successfu l f o r while Adams was recommending Seymour and D a l z e l l , Bartholomew and Assoc ia tes were s u c c e s s f u l l y wooing the Commission with an impressive array of com-pleted p l a n s , proposed s e r v i c e s , estimates of costs and proposed modus operandi . In a telegram of June 21st and a l e t t e r of the next day Bartholomew of fered to produce a comprehensive c i t y plan f o r Vancouver f o r roughly $35,000.00. This cost included v i s i t s from Bartholomew and his assoc ia tes plus the sa la ry of a res ident f i e l d engineer who was i m t h e 232 employ of Bartholomew and who was to d i r e c t the day to day preparat ion of the p lan . Included with the l e t t e r were copies of two of Bartholomew's recent ly completed c i t y p l a n s , those of Memphis and To ledo , and a d e t a i l e d 1 Fi o u t l i n e c i t y planning program. This submission won the support of the commission with the r e s u l t that the C i ty Council passed a r e s o l u t i o n of J u l y 30th 1926 to the e f f e c t : "That the C i t y enter into an Agreement with the Town Planning Commission to f inance the work of preparat ion of a Town Planning Scheme by Mr. Bartholomew and his s t a f f , the to ta l cost not to exceed $40,000.00, same to extend over a per iod of approximately three (3) y e a r s , and that $6,000.00 be appropriated f o r t h i s purpose f o r the balance of the y e a r . " ^ Bartholomew hired H. Seymour o f Seymour and D a l z e l l as res ident engineer f o r the Vancouver study. Almost simultaneously the Point Grey Commission was s ign ing a s i m i l a r cont ract with Bartholomew. J . E l l i o t t , a member of the o r i g i n a l Point Grey Commission, was to supervise the p lan . H i r ing an American Company did not go without comment. Both T. Adams, who had become a Canadian C i t i z e n while in the employ of the Commission of Conservat ion , and N. Cauchon, a planner res ident in Ottawa, 19 wrote to express t h e i r disappointment over the h i r i n g of a non-Canadian. The choice of Bartholomew was defended by W.G. Swan, a member of the Vancouver Commission and a prominent member.of the Board of Trade, in a speech to the Industr ia l Bureau of the Board of Trade made in ear ly October. 233 In th is speech he claimed that no Canadian f i rm possessed the experience necessary to undertake such a major project and that of a l l the appl icants Bartholomew was the most q u a l i f i e d . He also claimed that the experience he 20 would gain working for Bartholomew would prove invaluable to Seymour. So i t was that with the a id of a Canadian resident engineer a midwestern American planning company came to prepare a comprehensive plan for the largest c i t y on the west coast of Canada. The choice of Bartholomew to prepare the c i t y plan was as jus t discussed not the only choice open to the Commission. Other planners were ac t i ve ly considered and i f one of these had been hired the de ta i l s of the plan produced would no doubt have been d i f fe ren t . In a l l cases however the planners that were considered, i f they had been h i red , would have produced a plan of the same type as that prepared by Bartholomew. A l l were c i t y e f f i c i e n t planners whose plans were 'comprehensive' and long term. A l l had the same basic be l i e f that the ro le of planning was to f a c i l i t a t e e f f i c i e n t and orderly growth and as such a l l produced plans with a great deal in common. The choice o f .a d i f fe ren t planner from the short l i s t would not have seen a s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f fe rent type of plan produced. Preparing for the Plan No time was los t by Bartholomew and by the end of September the Town Planning Commission was in the posi t ion to announce the order in which the planning studies would be conducted. The f i r s t three reports would a l l be concerned with the C i t y ' s c i r cu la t i on system: a major s t reet report , a t r ans i t system report and a transportat ion report dealing with ra i l road and 234 port problems. Fol lowing these reports would be three others concerned with 21 publ ic r e c r e a t i o n , zoning and c i v i c a r t . C o i n c i d e n t a l l y with the f i r s t stages of the planning work, the Commission was fac ing the thorny problem of e s t a b l i s h i n g an in ter im zoning by-law to prevent specula t ion taking place before the passing of the zoning ordinance that was to be part of the com-prehensive p l a n . The Town Planning Commission had pe t i t ioned Council to expedite the passing of an in ter im zoning by-law as ear ly as August due to the problems that had resu l ted from the passing of ind iv idua l by-laws 22 dec la r ing c e r t a i n r e s t r i c t e d sect ions of the C i t y ' r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s ' . The passing of an overa l l zoning by-law would e l iminate the need f o r these piecemeal by-laws and would al low f o r more order ly real esta te development. As a r e s u l t of t h i s request an in ter im zoning by-law was draf ted by a J o i n t Committee of C i ty Council and the Town Planning Commission and introduced 23 to Council on October 21st . The by-law proposed that the C i ty be d iv ided in to three land use types; residence d i s t r i c t s , apartment d i s t r i c t s and 24 u n r e s t r i c t e d d i s t r i c t s . In the proposal a large area of the West End was designated a residence d i s t r i c t and was hence not a v a i l a b l e f o r apartment c o n s t r u c t i o n . This area included a l l that area of the West End l y i n g to the west o f Denman S t r e e t . The proposal was soon to lead to a great deal of opposi t ion from landowners in th is area who claimed that i t was t h e i r r i g h t to develop the land as they saw f i t . and that to f o r b i d the const ruc t ion of apartments was to punish them economical ly . A se r ies of meetings was organized culminat ing in a j o i n t meeting of the Town Planning Commission and the in te res ted landlords held at the end of the year at Lord Roberts 25 School . As a r e s u l t of th is meeting the proposal to designate the area 235 west of Denman St reet as a r e s i d e n t i a l area was changed and the whole West End, with the exception of a small area at Bidwell and Haro that had already been declared a r e s i d e n t i a l area by an ind iv idua l by- law, was designated an apartment area . The by-law as modif ied met with no fu r ther ser ious OppOSi-pc t ion and was passed into law in ea r l y February 1927. An extremely simple zoning ordinance designated only three types of zone t h i s was always regarded as an in ter im measure that was to be repealed at a l a t e r date fo l lowing the completion of the comprehensive p lan . The zones as designated were r e a l l y no more than a c o d i f i c a t i o n of the land use patterns as they ex is ted at the time and i t s p r i n c i p a l purpose, as already s t a t e d , was to prevent undue specula t ion occurr ing p r i o r to the passing of the permanent ordinance. The b u i l d i n g of apartments in r e s i d e n -t i a l areas was the p r i n c i p a l worry o f the commission as i s made p l a i n in the correspondence between the Chairman of the Commission, A . G . Smith, and H. Bartholomew. Bartholomew had wr i t ten ear ly in August suggesting that only the 'most ser ious abuses' should be dea l t with in an in ter im zoning by- law, as to t ry and be too comprehensive would be p r e j u d i c i a l to the long run i n t e r e s t s of the Planning Commission. In rep ly to t h i s Smith stated that : "the only ser ious abuse which we have to meet in Vancouver i s the i n t r u s i o n of undesirable apartment 27 houses in to r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s " Smith and the Commission's view was simply that r e s i d e n t i a l areas into which 28 apartments i n f i l t r a t e d qu ick ly degenerated in to slums. In order to prevent th is happening p r i o r to the passing of a f i n a l zoning ordinance i t 236 was deemed necessary to pass the in ter im zoning by-law. The Point Grey Commission in the meanwhile had repealed that M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s 1922 Town Planning By-law by passing a new by-law that modif ied the var ious use zone boundaries in favour of an increased area of 29 commercial space. This new by-law was passed without any ser ious opposi t ion due probably to the precedent f o r zoning set by the 1922 by-law. The Point Grey Commission worked a c t i v e l y throughout the f i r s t ha l f of 1927 on the preparat ion of a comprehensive zoning ordinance based on the 30 author i ty of the Town Planning A c t . Regarding th is as i t s primary task , the Commission a lso mounted, as the plan was being prepared, a p u b l i c i t y campaign throughout the m u n i c i p a l i t y espousing the r o l e of s c i e n t i f i c planning and zoning in the maintenance and enhancement of Point Grey as a 31 f i r s t c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t . As a r e s u l t o f these e f f o r t s the Commission was able to forward a proposed zoning by-law to the Council in September 1927. There was a pub l i c hearing before Council on October 12th 32 and the by-law passed on October 24th 1927. This by-law was based on the author i ty of the Town Planning Act and was more complex and comprehensive than had been the 1922 and 1926 Acts based on the author i ty of the Municipal A c t . Prepared with the a id of Bartholomew, t h i s by-law included seven land 33 use categor ies compared with the three of the previous by- laws. The d e t a i l s of th is by- law, i t s r e l a t i o n to the proposed Vancouver zoning by-law and i t s r o l e in the overa l l Bartholomew plan w i l l be d iscussed l a t e r in the Chapter. This by-law was the f i r s t concrete r e s u l t of the planning work of Bartholomew and Assoc ia tes in Greater Vancouver. Throughout th is per iod of pre l iminary planning a c t i v i t y the 237 Vancouver Board of Trade had maintained c lose contact with the Vancouver Town Planning Commission, rece iv ing a s e r i e s of ta lks from Commission mem-' bers . In the f a l l of 1926 the i n d u s t r i a l bureau had heard the reasons f o r 34 h i r i n g Bartholomew. J.W. A l l a n , Chairman o f the Commission s Zoning Committee, addressed his fe l low C i v i c Bureau members on the top ic of the amalgamation of Vancouver, South Vancouver, and Point Grey, a move he 35 endorsed fo r tax reasons. Bartholomew's res ident engineer , H.L. Seymour, 36 spoke on 'Progress on the C i ty P lan ' ea r l y in the new year and was made a 37 member of the Board in A p r i l . This was fol lowed l a t e r . i n the year by ta lks from J.W. A l l a n who addressed the C i v i c Bureau on the Economics of oo Zoning and from A . E . Foreman, Chairman of the Major Streets Committee of 39 the Commission and a bureau member, on s t r e e t widening. This l i a i s o n between the Board o f Trade and the Planning Commission was to remain important and in 1928 became formal ized in the j o i n t Committee appointed to inves t iga te problems of mutual concern. D iscussion of t h i s Committee i s appropr ia te , however, in the sec t ion on the preparat ion of the C i t y P lan . The formulator of the p l a n , Harland Bartholomew was a graduate of the ' c i t y e f f i c i e n t ' school of planners d iscussed in Chapter Two. A .pup i l of the s c h o o l ' s leading exponent, G.B. F o r d , his plans r e f l e c t e d the values and goals o f the movement to a great extent . The Vancouver plan was to be no except ion . Bartholomew's Career Unt i l 1916 Born in 1889 in Massachusetts, Bartholomew moved to h is Grandfather 's farm in New Hampshire fo l lowing the death of h is Mother in 238 1891. He was ra ised by h is s i s t e r , some s ixteen years o lder than himsel f and, when she marr ied , moved with her to Brooklyn. Fol lowing graduation from High School he entered Rutgers U n i v e r s i t y to study c i v i l engineer ing. A f t e r two years he l e f t the U n i v e r s i t y f o r f i n a n c i a l reasons and went to work f o r the New York o f f i c e of the United States D i s t r i c t Engineers. He was involved with dredging and harbour engineering problems while working f o r the government and when the opportuni ty came to gain wider experience in pr iva te en te rpr ise he jumped at the oppor tuni ty . Jo in ing the Company of E . P . Goodrich ea r l y in 1912 4 0 he worked on harbour planning pro jects in both C a l i f o r n i a and Oregon before being assigned by Goodrich to the team engaged 41 in preparing the Newark c i t y p lan . Work on th is plan was being undertaken in accordance with the three stage planning procedure ou t l ined by Ford the 42 fo l lowing year . Data c o l l e c t i o n came f i r s t and Bartholomew was made responsib le fo r coord inat ing the d a i l y workings of the twenty- f ive man data c o l l e c t i o n team. These dut ies occupied Bartholomew throughout the remainder of 1912 and the f i r s t h a l f of 1913 when, in June 1913, he was given the add i t iona l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of conducting a large amount of the ana lys is that cons t i tu ted stage two of the p lan . This new r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was thrust upon Bartholomew as a r e s u l t of the departure of Goodrich f o r Los Angeles and i t resu l ted in the pre l iminary planning report being the j o i n t work of 43 Bartholomew and the so le remaining par tner , G.B. Ford. Bartholomew wrote chapters on the major road system and on t r o l l e y t ranspor ta t ion and seems to have been an e x c e l l e n t student of Ford and h is ideas fo r h is in t roduct ion could have been penned by the master h imse l f ; "A c i t y without a plan has been compared to an 239 organizat ion without a head. Promiscuous develop-ment r e s u l t s in chaos. The proper admin is t ra t ion of c i t i e s i s as much a s c i e n t i f i c procedure as i s that of d i r e c t i n g the a f f a i r s of a large business i n s t i t u t i o n , f o r a c i t y is j u s t as much of a uni t 44 as i s a business concern. A fu r ther nine Chapters completed the repor t which concluded with a c a l l fo r the preparat ion of a comprehensive c i t y p l a n . Work on o u t l i n i n g the elements o f th is plan was conducted by F o r d , Bartholomew and Goodrich in the f i r s t part of 1914 when in March Goodr ich 's contract was terminated due to h is commitments elsewhere. Ford was reta ined on a consul tant basis and Bartholomew appointed by the Commission as i t s engineer and s e c r e t a r y , the f i r s t f u l l time planning appointment made in 45 North America. The f i l l i n g in of t h i s framework devised by the three became the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of Bartholomew and the 1915 Comprehensive Plan can be regarded as h is work. The plan was organized into four sect ions that deal in turn with the c i t y ' s s t ree t and t ranspor ta t ion network, the c i t y ' s amenities ( r e f e r r i n g to the p rov is ion of p u b l i c u t i l i t i e s and r e c r e a t i o n ) , housing and land use and f i n a l l y with plan implementation. The land use sec t ion urged ' d i s t r i c t i n g l e g i s l a t i o n ' (the o r i g i n a l term used f o r zoning) and i s noteworthy on two counts: one, the r ibbon zoning o f businesses on major s t ree ts and two, the enormous area set as ide f o r i n d u s t r i a l purposes. Both these elements were to become a hallmark of Bartholomew's p lans . The s i m i l a r i t i e s with the 1913 proposals of Ford who argued fo r sect ions on the c i r c u l a t i o n system, land use , r e c r e a t i o n , c i v i c a r t and plan implementation 240 are obvious. Bartholomew's in t roduct ion a lso betrays the important r o l e played by Ford in moulding the younger man's planning phi losophy: "Under a plan every new step in the C i t y ' s growth i s as wise ly taken as the l i m i t a t i o n s o f human wisdom permit , and always toward comfort , u t i l i t y and e f f i c i e n c y , wh i l e -a t the same t ime, the harmony, d i g n i t y and beauty which fo l low wise adjustment o f AC s t ruc ture to purpose i n e v i t a b l y come f o r t h . " The in f luence of Ford 's ideas on the goals and methods o f Bartholomew's planning p r a c t i c e was cons iderab le . His in f luence on what Bartholomew regarded as an ' i d e a l c i t y ' was a lso considerable as we s h a l l see . In 1915 Bartholomew attended the De t ro i t meetings o f the National Conference on C i t y Planning where he met M. Wright of the S t . Louis C i t y Plan Commission. As a r e s u l t o f th is meeting Bartholomew was o f fe red the job o f engineer to the C i t y Plan Commission, a post he accepted in January 1 9 1 6 . 4 7 Pub l i c Serv ice in S t . Louis Between 1916 and 1921 a s e r i e s o f reports were produced under the guidance of Bartholomew t h a t , with the add i t ion o f a statement o f general p r i n c i p l e s , comprised the S t . Louis Comprehensive P l a n . The ind iv idua l reports on s t r e e t s , t r a n s i t , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , r e c r e a t i o n , zon ing , housing and pub l i c bu i ld ings a l l re la ted to the general p r i n c i p l e s espoused in 'The Problems of S t . L o u i s ' . Publ ished in 1917 t h i s document was the most comprehensive statement made to date by Bartholomew on the nature o f the 241 ' i dea l c i t y ' . The skeleton of the c i t y was the major s t r e e t system which was to be organized as a s e r i e s o f rad ia l thoroughfares l inked by cross-town c i r c u l a r boulevards. The i n t e r s t i c e s were to be f i l l e d in by success ive zones o f d i f f e r i n g land uses with the r e s i d e n t i a l areas having curved 48 s t r e e t pa t te rns . Overa l l h is ' idea l c i t y ' bears a s t r i k i n g resemblance to the model presented in 1909 by h is former employer and mentor, G .B. Ford . It was t h i s model against which the actual c i t y was compared in order that the problems fac ing the c i t y would become ev ident . This report and the subsequent e l a b o r a t i o n , ' S t . Louis a f t e r the War' occupied Bartholomew throughout 1917 and 1918. In 1919 he resigned as f u l l time engineer to the Commission and entered the world of p r iva te c o n s u l t i n g , remaining on the 49 Commission s t a f f on a par t - t ime basis o n l y . It was a move that was to lead to Bartholomew becoming the foremost member o f h is pro fess ion by the mid-nineteen twent ies. The Comprehensive Plans o f the E a r l y Nineteen Twenties Bartholomew soon found himself h i red as a consul tant on the zoning ordinances being prepared f o r Omaha, De t ro i t and Washington, D.C. In a l l three c i t i e s the work went f a r from smoothly and these experiences convinced him that henceforth he would only s ign contracts to produce comprehensive c i t y plans such as he had prepared f o r Newark and S t . L o u i s . No longer was he a v a i l a b l e on a consul tant bas is o n l y ; h is organ iza t ion would prepare the complete plan or take no part at a l l in the process . This required Bartholomew to engage the se rv ices o f p ro fess iona ls in those f i e l d s in which he had no e x p e r t i s e , namely, in the f i e l d s of Arch i tec ture and Landscape 242 A r c h i t e c t u r e . Consequently E .0 . M i l l s , a S t . Louis A r c h i t e c t and L.D. T i l t o n , a Landscape A r c h i t e c t , were made associa tes on a sa la ry and p r o f i t sharing b a s i s . 5 0 Bartholomew saw his r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as being not only the produc-t ion of a comprehensive plan but a lso as get t ing i t accepted. A f te r a loca l survey a ten ta t ive proposal would be made which, i f i t were acceptable to the a u t h o r i t i e s would lead to the s ign ing o f a d e t a i l e d c o n t r a c t . Work would then proceed f o r two or three years under the d i r e c t i o n of the F i e l d Engineer , an employee of Bartholomew who remained in the c i t y f o r the length of time required to complete the work. Basic p o l i c i e s , key planning d e c i s i o n s and the production o f the f i n a l plan were the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f Bartholomew and h is Assoc ia tes in S t . Louis but the f i e l d man was given almost complete autonomy over the day to daysoperation of the loca l employees. During the two or three years required to produce the f i n a l comprehensive plan a s e r i e s o f pre l iminary reports would be presented to the loca l a u t h o r i t i e s f o r comment as th is was thought to improve the chances of plan adopt ion; the f i n a l goal of Bartholomew's work. On the basis of t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n the pre l iminary reports would be modif ied and 51 incorporated in the f i n a l comprehensive p l a n . In a s e r i e s of plans prepared from 1920 onwards Bartholomew re f ined the methodology of comprehensive plan production down to a f i n e a r t so that by 1922 he was in a p o s i t i o n to make a general statement on the ' p r i n c i p l e s o f c i t y p l a n n i n g ' . In an a r t i c l e publ ished in that year he ou t l ined ' those things which proper ly c o n s t i t u t e a c i t y p lan ' and ou t l ined general p r i n c i p l e s which could be appl ied so as to produce a c i t y plan f o r 243 any given urban centre.""" "Those things which proper ly c o n s t i t u t e the c i t y plan are s ix in number: 1) S t ree t System 2) T r a n s i t System 3) Transportat ion (Rail and Water) v4) Pub l ic Recreat ion 5) Zoning 6) C i v i c A r t . These are the physica l elements which, when proper ly planned and c o r r e l a t e d , make poss ib le the crea t ion of an a t t r a c t i v e and order ly working organism out of 53 the heterogeneous mass we now c a l l the C i t y . " Each element was then discussed in turn and ' i d e a l ' arrangements o u t l i n e d . "There are three types of s t r e e t that every well planned c i t y should have: 1) Main a r t e r i a l thoroughfares 2) Secondary (cross-town) thoroughfares 54 3) Minor S t ree ts" H These a r t e r i a l s were to be arranged in a rad ia l pattern with the secondary thoroughfares forming concentr ic c i r c l e s at one mi le i n t e r v a l s . This element i s seemingly d i r e c t l y taken from Ford 's ideas o f 1909 as are the r e s t of the ' p r i n c i p l e s ' with the exception of the ' p u b l i c r e c r e a t i o n ' s e c t i o n . Bartholomew's ideas on t h i s top ic seem to have had an a l together d i f f e r e n t ancestry than do h is ideas in the other f i v e areas. 244 "The several types of pub l i c recrea t ion f a c i l i t i e s which c i t i e s should provide in varying degree according to t h e i r s i z e and densi ty of populat ion are: a) Community Centres b) Chi ldrens Playgrounds c) Neighborhood Parks d) Recreat ion F i e l d s e) Large Parks 55 f ) Boulevards and out ly ing parks" These f a c i l i t i e s were to be organized on a quasi neighborhood basis with an h i e r a r c h i a l arrangement of f a c i l i t i e s provided making use of the pub l i c school system as much as p o s s i b l e . Community centres were to be integrated with high s c h o o l s , recrea t ion f i e l d s with the intermediate school system and ch i ld rens playgrounds with the elementary school system. This idea of organiz ing f a c i l i t i e s around a common centre wi th in a neighborhood i s probably der ived from the 1907 report of the C i v i c League of S t . L o u i s , a