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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Land and neighbourhood as features of Malay urbanism Clarke, Robert Ebersole 1976

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LAND AND NEIGHBOURHOOD AS FEATURES OF MALAY URBANISM by ROBERT EBERSOLE CLARKE B.A., Goddard C o l l e g e , 1966 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March, 1976 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d tha t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 20 75 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 ABSTRACT The d i s s e r t a t i o n r e p o r t s the r e s u l t s of an ethno-graphic i n v e s t i g a t i o n of urban Malay a s s o c i a t e choice i n the town of Kota Bharu, Kelantan, West Malaysia. F i e l d data were c o l l e c t e d using standard a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l tech-niques of p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n , i n t e r v i e w i n g , the c o l -l e c t i o n of a c t i v i t y schedules, and genealogies. The geo-g r a p h i c a l , h i s t o r i c a l , and demographic context of the town i s described. Malay urbanism i s r a t h e r s i m i l a r to the urbanism of Indonesian middle c i t i e s i n t h a t i t i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by an i n v o l u t i o n a l or s t a t i c c h a r a c t e r i n which few new s o c i a l forms are produced or created. I t i s p o s s i b l e to account f o r the i n v o l u t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r of Malay urbanism by reference to the f a c t o r s of land and neighbourhood as they i n t e r a c t w i t h f a c t o r s a r i s i n g from the oc c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of the town. Urban l i f e i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by two c o n t r a s t i n g i d e o l o g i e s . The ideology of work forms the b a s i s of the system of urban s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ; by emphasizing the motif of p r i d e t h i s ideology makes i t d i f f i c u l t f o r urbanites to form a s s o c i a t i o n s across c a t e -g o r i e s . In c o n t r a s t , the ideology of a s s o c i a t i o n empha-s i z e s the motif of h u m i l i t y and s t r e s s e s the q u a l i t i e s of r e c i p r o c i t y and balance between i n d i v i d u a l s . Neither ideology can be s a i d to govern urban l i f e . Rather, Malay urbanism i s a synthesis of c o n s i d e r a t i o n s a r i s i n g from both systems mediated by the choices of i n d i v i d u a l u r b a n i t e s . Through an a n a l y s i s of the use of time and a s s o c i a t e choice i t i s demonstrated t h a t although con-s t r a i n t s of occupation account f o r c e r t a i n r e g u l a r i t i e s i n the data, other f a c t o r s are a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t . The a n a l y s i s of a number of cases i n d i c a t e s that the r e l a t i o n -s h i p between the urbanite and the urban l o c a l group i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n f l u e n c i n g h i s choices. This i s f u r t h e r supported by the a n a l y s i s of a number of " s p e c i a l time" events which most f r e q u e n t l y take place among members of the l o c a l groups and o f t e n emphasize s o l i d a r i t y among the members. The a n a l y s i s of data from s e v e r a l areas of the town i n d i c a t e s the importance of land ownership as a f a c -t o r d e f i n i n g membership i n the l o c a l group. The l o c a l group i s o c c u p a t i o n a l l y heterogeneous and c o n s i d e r a t i o n s a r i s i n g from the ideology of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n make the pos-s i b i l i t y of d i s s o l u t i o n p o t e n t i a l l y high. I t i s the j o i n t i n t e r e s t i n land which forms the b a s i s f o r a s s o c i a t i o n s transcending these d i v i s i v e tendencies. When, however, urbanites l o s e c o n t r o l over t h e i r l a n d , the neighbourhood and the l o c a l group d i s s o l v e and ur b a n i t e s search e l s e -where f o r a p a r t of the town where they can s e t t l e and c r e a t e t i e s w i t h a new set of neighbours, j o i n i n g a new l o c a l group. Rather than c r e a t i n g new s o c i a l forms to i meet the changed c o n d i t i o n s : o f the neighbourhood, they r e c r e a t e the p a t t e r n s to. which they are accustomed i n another p a r t o f the town. As a r e s u l t of t h i s , the pat-t e r n of urbanism remains unchanged and continues to have an i n v o l u t i o n a l or s t a t i c c h a r a c t e r . These f i n d i n g s c h a l l e n g e the c o n c l u s i o n of Provencher t h a t Malay urbanism i s a r e c r e a t i o n and i n t e n -s i f i c a t i o n of r u r a l p a t t e r n s . I t i s found t h a t although the form and expres s i o n of r e c i p r o c i t y may be s i m i l a r i n town and v i l l a g e , i n the v i l l a g e r e c i p r o c i t y i s s u s t a i n e d by the r e c o g n i t i o n of s i m i l a r i t i e s , whereas i n the c i t y i t - i s . s u s t a i n e d by the r e c o g n i t i o n of d i f f e r e n c e s , While Malay urbanism i s d i f f e r e n t from r u r a l l i f e , i t i s a l s o d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the dynamic urbanism a s s o c i a t e d w i t h European towns i n t h e i r e a r l y stages i n which the c r e a t i o n of new forms of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n was the r u l e . I t i s the f a c t o r s of land and neighbourhood which account f o r the t r a n s i t i o n a l , i n v o l u t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r of Malay urbanism. The d i s s e r t a t i o n epilogue d e s c r i b e s an a p p l i c a t i o n of the t h e s i s to a s p e c i f i c problem i n n a t i o n a l develop-ment p o l i c y p l a n n i n g . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS X x PART I. INTRODUCTION Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 2 I I . THE CITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 13 PART I I . THE BACKGROUND I I I . KOTA BHARU, THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 26 IV. KELANTANESE SOCIAL LI F E : THE RURAL ENVIRONMENT 42 PART I I I . THE ETHNOGRAPHY I—ASSOCIATION IN A MALAY TOWN V. KOTA BHARU: CULTURAL CATEGORIES OF URBAN SPACE 62 V I . URBANITES: OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORIES AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION 96 V I I . URBAN ASSOCIATION: LOCATION AND ACTIVITY . . . 114 V I I I . URBAN ASSOCIATES: CATEGORIES AND IDEOLOGY . . 158 PART IV. THE ETHNOGRAPHY I I — T I M E , ACTIVITIES, AND ASSOCIATE CHOICE IX. OCCUPATION AND THE USE OF TIME—CASE STUDIES . . 181 X. ENVIRONMENTS, ACTIVITIES AND ASSOCIATES IN ORDINARY TIME 287 XI. ASSOCIATION IN SPECIAL TIME 339 v PART V. THE ETHNOGRAPHY I I I — L A N D AND ASSOCIATION Chapter XII. LAND AND THE LOCAL GROUP 397 X I I I . LAND,,ASSOCIATION, AND THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE LOCAL GROUP 415 PART VI. CONCLUSION XIV. CONCLUSION 444 PART V I I . EPILOGUE XV. DEVELOPMENT POLICY, ASSOCIATION AND LAND— A CASE STUDY 455 LITERATURE CITED 485 APPENDICES Appendix I. Notes on Fieldwork 4 93 Appendix I I . P o p u l a t i o n S t a t i s t i c s 503 GLOSSARY OF MALAY TERMS . . . . . 507 v i LIST OF TABLES I . Change of P o p u l a t i o n D i s t r i b u t i o n by S i z e of Town, Southeast A s i a n C o u n t r i e s , Change i n Percentage P o i n t s , 1950-1970 14 I I . Highest Ranked A c t i v i t i e s during Ordinary Time i n F i v e Environments by Occupational Type, Expressed i n Percentage P o i n t s . . . . 289 I I I . Index of A c t i v i t y S i m i l a r i t y by Environment 293 IV. Instances of P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n A s s o c i a t e C l u s t e r s by Occupational Type 324 V. Three Highest Ranking A s s o c i a t e Types met i n A s s o c i a t e C l u s t e r s by Occupational Type 326 V I . Highest Ranking Types of A s s o c i a t e Con-t a c t s during Ordinary Time by Occupa-t i o n a l Category . 328 V I I . Summary of Categories of A s s o c i a t e s Chosen by Urban Malays during Ordinary Time 336 V I I I . I n v i t a t i o n s to an Urban Bersanding . . . . . 343 IX. Attendance at an Urban Prayer House 355 X. The R e l a t i o n s h i p s between Attenders at H a j i Rashid's Prayer House 356 XI. Number of Guests, by Type, Attending Feast to Break the Fast i n Four Urban R e s i d e n t i a l Areas 358 X I I . Number of I n v i t a t i o n s Received, by Type of A s s o c i a t e I n v i t i n g , f o r a Sample of Urban Residents i n Four Urban Residen-t i a l Areas 359 X I I I . D a i l y D i s t r i b u t i o n of A c t i v i t i e s during H a r i Raya Puasa . 362 v i i XIV. H a r i Raya Puasa V i s i t a t i o n s by L o c a t i o n . . . 362 XV. Percentage o f Informants Having Contact w i t h A s s o c i a t e s by Type of A s s o c i a t e f o r a S e l e c t e d Sample of Informants (n = 33) 363 XVI. Number and Percentage of T o t a l Contacts Made d u r i n g the F e s t i v e Season by Type of A s s o c i a t e and Type of V i s i t — i n Summary 364 XVII. V i s i t i n g P a t t e r n s w i t h Kinsmen d u r i n g H a r i Raya Puasa 365 XVIII... R e l a t i v e Age of Family Members Met on H a r i Raya Puasa 370 XIX. V i s i t i n g P a t t e r n s w i t h Non Kinsmen d u r i n g H a r i Raya Puasa 374 XX. The D i s t r i b u t i o n of Korban Meat i n Three Urban R e s i d e n t i a l Areas 382 XXI. C r i t e r i a Governing the Formation of a L o c a l Group 398 XXII. Urban Land: Methods of A c q u i s i t i o n — Types of Use 406 XXIII. Summary of L o c a l Group Features i n Three L o c a l Groups . 435 XXIV. O c c u p a t i o n a l Type of Employed Men i n Four L o c a l Groups 439 v i i i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Map 1. Kota Bharu: R e s i d e n t i a l Areas 64 F i g u r e 1. R e f e r e n t i a l K i n s h i p Terms 163 i x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My g r e a t e s t debt of g r a t i t u d e goes to the people of Kota Bharu, many hundreds of whom -took time to o f f e r h o s p i t a l i t y , t o answer q u e s t i o n s , to teach, and to guide. Without t h e i r a s s i s t a n c e the r e s e a r c h would not have been p o s s i b l e . To r e c o r d the names of a l l persons whom I r e -t a i n i n my memory would r e q u i r e many pages. I must, however, r e c o r d my s p e c i f i c thanks to Mahmood b i n Awang, our l a n d l o r d , neighbor, and f r i e n d without whose compan-i o n s h i p and constant a s s i s t a n c e our stay i n Kota Bharu would not have been n e a r l y as p l e a s a n t as i t was. I a l s o wish to thank Mohammed A l i b i n I s m a i l , R o s l i b i n I s m a i l , and A r i f f b i n Hassan, r e s i d e n t s of the r e s e a r c h areas who gave s e l f l e s s l y of t h e i r time and energy to a s s i s t me i n numerous ways. Rahim b i n Abdul Kadir pro-v i d e d many u s e f u l i n t r o d u c t i o n s , helped my f a m i l y and me e s t a b l i s h o u r s e l v e s i n the town, and d i s c u s s e d v a r i o u s aspects of the r e s e a r c h on many o c c a s i o n s . Throughout the d i s s e r t a t i o n pseudonyms have been used. E n c i k A l i b i n Esa of the M i n i s t r y of N a t i o n a l U n i t y s o l v e d many p r o c e d u r a l problems and provided v a l u -a b l e i n t r o d u c t i o n s , as d i d Dr. M i l t o n B a r n e t t , then of the A g r i c u l t u r a l Development C o u n c i l , Kuala Lumpur. Numerous departments of the s t a t e and f e d e r a l governments x made i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e and I owe them p a r t i c u l a r g r a t i t u d e . Mr. Chander and the s t a f f of the S t a t i s t i c s Department always stood ready to respond to my o f t e n d i f -f i c u l t and o c c a s i o n a l l y p e r p l e x i n g r e q u e s t s f o r s t a t i s -t i c a l d a t a . Throughout the f o r m u l a t i o n o f the r e s e a r c h , the f i e l d w o r k , and the p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n my s u p e r v i s e r , Dr. C y r i l S. Belshaw has been ready w i t h en-couragement, s t i m u l a t i o n , and v a l u a b l e c r i t i c i s m . Dr. K.O.L. B u r r i d g e , Dr. Helga Jacobson, and Dr. E l i Maranda have o f f e r e d v a l u a b l e comments and pro v i d e d a s s i s t a n c e i n many ways. The funds which made the r e s e a r c h p o s s i b l e were p r o v i d e d by the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia and the Canada C o u n c i l . Both i n s t i t u t i o n s I acknowledge wi t h thanks. The c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f my w i f e Helen to t h i s re-r s e a r c h a re many. Her i n t e r e s t i n people and her f a i t h i n my work have always been an encouragement. Her a b i l i t y to cope w i t h the e x i g e n c i e s o f m a i n t a i n i n g a household under o f t e n t r y i n g and u n c e r t a i n circumstances has f a c i l i -t a t e d the work. For her c r i t i c a l comments on the t e x t of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n throughout the w r i t i n g and e d i t i n g I am p a r t i c u l a r l y g r a t e f u l . The joy of my daughter i n f a c i n g new experiences has been an i n s p i r a t i o n w h i l e her a b i l i t y t o accept a f a t h e r o f t e n preoccupied w i t h r e s e a r c h d e t a i l s has been r e a s s u r i n g . PART I INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The problem I have chosen f o r t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s to d i s c o v e r more about the f e a t u r e s of urban l i f e i n a non-western town. In a d d i t i o n to d e s c r i b i n g some of these f e a t u r e s , I wish to formulate the f i n d i n g s of t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n such a manner t h a t the r e s u l t s are s u f -f i c i e n t l y d e t a i l e d t o be of r e l e v a n c e i n the f o r m u l a t i o n of n a t i o n a l development p o l i c y . I take the view t h a t the d i s c o v e r y of the f e a -t u r e s of urban l i f e i s an ethnographic problem. The l i t e r a t u r e o f urbanism has devoted s u b s t a n t i a l a t t e n t i o n to d e b a t i n g the nature of urbanism and the a n a l y s i s o f non-western c i t i e s has added v a l u a b l e dimensions to t h i s debate. Some a u t h o r i t i e s contend t h a t the c i t y i s a western phenomenon i n t r o d u c e d i n t o most non-western areas d u r i n g the c o l o n i a l o r i m p e r i a l p e r i o d (DeBriey 1966) w h i l e o t h e r s have argued f o r the uniqueness of the non-western c i t y (McGee 1967; Murphy 1954). The debate about the nature o f urbanism has l e d to a number of t y p o l o g i c a l approaches t h a t have attempted to d e f i n e u n i v e r s a l i s t i c 2 3 urban t r a i t s , or a t y p o l o g y of urban p l a c e s . Most of these t y p o l o g i e s have sought to d e f i n e urbanism demo-g r a p h i c a l l y and then p o s i t e d a number of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s thought to be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h these demographic c o n d i t i o n s . The v a l i d i t y of these t y p o l o g i e s has been debated both 2 3 t h e o r e t i c a l l y and e m p i r i c a l l y . In the course of e v a l u -a t i n g a number of these t y p o l o g i c a l approaches Benet has suggested a more f r u i t f u l l i n e of i n q u i r y . He p o i n t s out t h a t most c u l t u r e s — e v e n those which by these c r i t e r i a [ s i z e and d e n s i t y ] we would not c a l l u r b a n i z e d — c a n y e t d i s t i n g u i s h p e r f e c t l y w e l l between t h e i r r u r a l and urban elements, between what Americans c a l l the country boy and the c i t y s l i c k e r . . . i t i s strange t h a t s o c i o l o g i s t s have not turned to these n a t u r a l a p p r e c i a t i o n s . (Benet 19 63: 6) He suggests t h a t we i n v e s t i g a t e urbanism as an ethnographic problem. F o l l o w i n g the i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s s u g g e s t i o n , I s h a l l take the view here t h a t the problem i s not to d i s c o v e r i f a p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l o r s o c i a l u n i t meets a u n i v e r s a l -i s t i c s e t of demographic c r i t e r i a of "urbanness." Rather i t The t y p o l o g i e s suggested by Wirth (1938), R e d f i e l d and S i n g e r (1959), and Sjoberg (1960) are examples. 2 Benet (19 63) has examined the i d e o l o g i c a l aspects of these typologies> w h i l e both Dewey (19 60) and McGee (1964) have reviewed and e v a l u a t e d a wide range of the l i t e r a t u r e concerning these t y p o l o g i e s . 3 R e i s s (1955) and Duncan (1957) have c r i t i c i z e d these t y p o l o g i e s f o r t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to account adequately f o r the data of western urbanism, w h i l e Lewis (1951; 1952), Bascom (1955; 1959), and Bruner (1961) have found these t y p o l o g i e s t o be inadequate f o r d e a l i n g w i t h non-western u r b a n i sm. 4.. i s our task to d i s c o v e r i n the context of a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y : (1) what the r e s i d e n t s view as the s i g n i f i c a n t features c o n s t i t u t i n g a town, and (2) what i s the b a s i s of t h e i r c o n t r a s t between the town and the other s o c i a l u n i t s which they recognize. I s h a l l approach t h i s ethnographic i n v e s t i g a t i o n w i t h i n the framework of a v o l u n t a r i s t i c theory of a c t i o n (Evers 1969: 116). This t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e d i r e c t s our a t t e n t i o n to the a n a l y s i s of the a c t i v i t i e s of i n d i -v i d u a l decision-makers and t h e i r c h o i c e s , the idea systems t h a t define a l t e r n a t i v e s and i n f l u e n c e the v a l u a t i o n s placed on these a l t e r n a t i v e s , as w e l l as the c o n s t r a i n t s imposed on these decision-makers by other a c t o r s and the s i t u a t i o n . As Raymond F i r t h has s t a t e d : a t h e o r e t i c a l framework f o r the a n a l y s i s of s o c i a l change . . . to be t r u l y dynamic . . . must a l l o w f o r i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n . As a member of s o c i e t y , each separate i n d i v i d u a l i s s t r i v i n g to a t t a i n h i s ends, i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h other members i n the process. ( F i r t h 1963: 83) Other i n v e s t i g a t o r s have proposed a v a r i e t y of formulations g i v i n g substance to t h i s framework: decision-making models (Howard 1963; Keesing 1967); models of s o c i a l exchange (Romans 1958); and t r a n s a c t i o n a l models (Barth 1966). While each of these models has i t s unique f e a t u r e s , they a l l share the common view t h a t s o c i a l behaviour comprises a number of s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d exchanges, or t r a n s a c t i o n s , i n which the a c t o r s make d e c i s i o n s , c a l c u l a t i n g gains and 5 l o s s e s as they determine courses of a c t i o n , choosing among c u l t u r a l l y defined a l t e r n a t i v e s , c o n s t r a i n e d by r u l e s , norms, and the power and i n t e r e s t s of others (Davis 1973: 26). However, as Davis p o i n t s out, i t i s not s u f f i c i e n t to d i r e c t a l l of our a t t e n t i o n to the i n d i v i d u a l ; we must go beyond the a n a l y s i s of the a c t o r i n i s o l a t i o n : For a more s a t i s f a c t o r y view of behavior, we must a l s o consider i n t e r a c t i o n s among i n d i v i d u a l s and the a s s o c i -a t i o n s they form. Unfortunately, we know l i t t l e about the ways i n which s o c i e t i e s vary from one another at t h i s l e v e l , f o r the emphasis i n anthropology has f o r so long been placed upon aggregate p a t t e r n s . (Davis 1973: 23) A s s o c i a t i o n and d e c i s i o n A s s o c i a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e s the b a s i s of human s o c i e t y and i s among i t s d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Each instance of a s s o c i a t i o n comprises a number of i n t e r a c t i o n s between the i n d i v i d u a l a c t o r s concerned. From the p e r s p e c t i v e of a v o l u n t a r i s t i c theory of a c t i o n each of these i n t e r -a c t i o n s i s the r e s u l t of a d e c i s i o n on the p a r t of one i n d i v i d u a l to i n i t i a t e the i n t e r a c t i o n and on the p a r t of the other to r e c i p r o c a t e . The d e c i s i o n s take place i n a c u l t u r a l context. The a c t o r must have a knowledge of a number of p o t e n t i a l a s s o c i a t e s . They c o n s t i t u t e the a l t e r n a t i v e s from which a choice i s to be made. The a l t e r n a t i v e s are organized i n t o c a t e g o r i e s defined by a system of ideas shared by other members of the s o c i e t y . This system of ideas suggests the nature of the r e l a t i o n s 6 between p o t e n t i a l a s s o c i a t e s . The c a t e g o r i e s and t h e i r accompanying systems of ideas c o n s t i t u t e the r e s o u r c e s which a r e manipulated by i n d i v i d u a l a c t o r s i n the d e c i s i o n p r o c e s s . The c h o i c e process i n v o l v e s the i n d i v i d u a l p l a c i n g a v a l u a t i o n on a number o f the a l t e r n a t i v e s and s e l e c t i n g one based upon t h i s v a l u a t i o n procedure. The v a l u a t i o n g i v e n t o each of the a l t e r n a t i v e s i n v o l v e s the assessment by the a c t o r o f : (1) the s i t u a t i o n i n which the d e c i s i o n i s made; (2) v a l u a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g p a r t i c u l a r a l t e r n a t i v e s a r i s i n g from the system of ideas about the. a s s o c i a t e types and shared w i t h other member of the s o c i e t y ; as w e l l as (3) f a c t o r s a r i s i n g from the decision-maker's p a r t i c u -l a r s t r a t e g i e s -. To formulate an ethnography of urban a s s o c i a t i o n a l decisions-making, i t i s necessary t o examine a v a r i e t y o f m a t e r i a l s . A f t e r d e s c r i b i n g the s p e c i f i c c ontext i n which decision-making takes p l a c e , i t i s necessary t o d e s c r i b e the c u l t u r a l dimensions o f a s s o c i a t i o n : the v o c a b u l a r i e s of l o c a t i o n , a c t i v i t y , and a s s o c i a t e types i n v o l v e d i n the ch o i c e of a s s o c i a t e s and the i d e a systems which surround t h e s e . Once the base r e s o u r c e s used i n decision-making have been d i s c o v e r e d , i t i s £eve,aling, t o examine d e c i s i o n outcomes: as ttiheys a r e e x h i b i t e d i n a s s o c i a t i o n a c t i o n . Through the a n a l y s i s of is"uc:h=: data i t i s p o s s i b l e t o i s o l a t e the f a c t o r s which account f o r the ge n e r a l p a t t e r n s 7 of a s s o c i a t i o n as w e l l as to n o t i c e some of the f a c t o r s which i n f l u e n c e i n d i v i d u a l s t r a t e g i e s . I n v e s t i g a t i o n of the r e g u l a r i t i e s e x h i b i t e d i n these i n d i v i d u a l s t r a t e g i e s suggests a f u r t h e r e x t r i n s i c f a c t o r — t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p of the u r b a n i t e to the urban l o c a l group. With the a n a l y s i s of v a r i a b l e s a r i s i n g from t h i s f a c t o r , i t i s p o s s i b l e to a r r i v e at conclusions regarding the unique character of urban a s s o c i a t i o n a l decision-making i n the town under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Development planning  and ethnography N a t i o n a l development planners i n t h i r d world nations and t h e i r western t e c h n i c a l a d v i s e r s are charged w i t h d e v i s i n g programs that promote change and s t i m u l a t e "progress." A l l too o f t e n progress i s conceived e i t h e r as the t e c h n o l o g i c a l advance, or as a s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l development, towards an acceptance o f unmistakable Western v a l u e s , such as high i n d i -v i d u a l a s p i r a t i o n l e v e l , s t r e s s upon i n d i v i d u a l achievement and i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l upward m o b i l i t y . x (Wertheim 1973: 103) Studies t h a t have sought to evaluate development and to assess the p o t e n t i a l success of a program design have of t e n used as t h e i r measurers a number of c r i t e r i a d e r i v e d d i r e c t l y from the experience of western society.- A f r e -quent procedure has been to. prepare a check l i s t of these c r i t e r i a and to note t h e i r presence or absence i n the 4 s o c i e t y i n question. A development program i s then 4 See, f o r example Lerner (19 58). 8 designed or modified i n such a way that i t w i l l cause changes i n these dimensions tending i n the d i r e c t i o n of greater "progress or modernity." However, programs that have been designed i n the hopes of causing changes i n these indicators have often been unsuccessful. The par-t i c i p a n t s leave the schemes (Poleman 1964); refuse to use the innovations with which they are presented (Anderson 1975; Foster 1969); or they lose inte r e s t i n newly estab-lished enterprises (Belshaw 1964). The program that appears to be so r a t i o n a l and b e n e f i c i a l i n the eyes'of the national planners and t h e i r international advisers located i n the c a p i t a l i s not accepted by the population i n the towns and v i l l a g e s of the country. As Cochrane points out: "there i s a difference between an objective set of c r i t e r i a for annual growth, and the subjective image that the people have of t h e i r circumstances" (Cochrane 1971: 84). The pop-u l a t i o n i s passive or apathetic toward imposed plans that ignore their subjective image of the circumstances. The type of ethnography to be undertaken here should provide exactly the type of information about the subjective image of circumstances i n a s p e c i f i c urban s i t u a t i o n that i s required to create a plan of change that the population w i l l f i n d s a t i s f y i n g . At the conclusion of the ethnography, I s h a l l describe the relevance of the findings for creating such a s p e c i f i c plan. The l i m i t s of t h i s approach must be appreciated. 9 I t i s not my i n t e n t to suggest t h a t through the a n a l y s i s of a s i n g l e ethnographic example i t i s p o s s i b l e t o a r r i v e at g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s t h a t apply t o a l l urban a r e a s . The f i n d i n g s o f the ethnography are used o n l y i n the context of the s p e c i f i c town examined. The purpose i s t o demon-s t r a t e the u s e f u l n e s s of t h i s ethnographic approach t o generate s p e c i f i c data t h a t can be used t o formulate s p e c i f i c p o l i c y i n i t i a t i v e s . F i e ldwork For a p e r i o d o f twenty months my w i f e , daughter, and I r e s i d e d i n a Malay r e s i d e n t i a l area i n the town of Kota Bharu, Kelantan, M a l a y s i a . During t h i s p e r i o d I c o l -l e c t e d d a t a from a number of sources, u s i n g a v a r i e t y o f 5 t e c h n i q u e s . The v a s t m a j o r i t y of t h i s m a t e r i a l was c o l -l e c t e d by p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n , although i n t e n s i v e -i n t e r v i e w i n g , census t a k i n g , and the r e c o r d i n g o f s p e c i a l events and d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s were a l s o undertaken. Some of these d a t a I c o l l e c t e d i n the town a t l a r g e , although I d i d i n t e n s i v e r e s e a r c h i n t h r e e urban r e s i d e n t i a l areas; one i n which we l i v e d and two o t h e r s which were chosen t o r e p r e s e n t c o n t r a s t i n g environments. Once I had i d e n t i f i e d these two other a r e a s , I attempted to d i v i d e my time e q u a l l y among them by v i s i t i n g each area on an a l t e r n a t e day. 5 D e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n s of these techniques as they were used to gather s p e c i f i c s e t s of data are presented i n appendix 1 £. 1 0 Throughout the r e s e a r c h I e x p l a i n e d my r o l e as t h a t of a u n i v e r s i t y student from Canada doing r e s e a r c h f o r a t h e s i s . T h i s was a r o l e t h a t seemed to be f a m i l i a r to many urban-i t e s and they accepted i t a t . f a c e v a l u e . In a l l our d e a l -ings w i t h informants, both my w i f e and I attempted to behav as much as p o s s i b l e i n the manner of o r d i n a r y Malay urban-i t e s . The house we occupied was a simple wooden s t r u c t u r e b u i l t i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y to the other houses of the r e s i -d e n t i a l area. My w i f e prepared our food o b s e r v i n g Malay food p r e s c r i p t i o n s and engaged i n a p p r o p r i a t e food exchange w i t h our neighbours. Both a t home and i n the town we dressed f o l l o w i n g a Malay p a t t e r n and s l o w l y became pro-f i c i e n t i n o b s e r v i n g Malay e t i q u e t t e . Inasmuch as p o s s i b l e i n the area where we l i v e d , we p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a l l of the t r a n s a c t i o n s a p p r o p r i a t e to the r o l e of neighbour. In the other areas I was viewed as a r a t h e r c u r i o u s v i s i t o r and was u s u a l l y assigned the r o l e of good f r i e n d of those per-sons I v i s i t e d f r e q u e n t l y . In the course o f the f i e l d w o r k I conducted as much of the data c o l l e c t i o n as p o s s i b l e i n the Malay language without the use of a formal i n t e r p r e t e r . As I a r r i v e d i n M a l a y s i a w i t h no p r e v i o u s t r a i n i n g i n the language and as the o n l y formal i n s t r u c t i o n I was a b l e to arrange was a two-week i n t e n s i v e course a t U n i v e r s i t i Sains M a l a y s i a and an o c c a s i o n a l t u t o r i n g s e s s i o n i n Kota Bharu, at the beginning of the r e s e a r c h p e r i o d my poor language f a c i l i t y 11 was a handicap. With the help of a few English-speaking informants, s e v e r a l i n f o r m a l t u t o r s , and the p a t i e n t a s s i s -tance of numerous Malay speakers I s l o w l y developed a work-i n g knowledge of the language spoken i n the town. At no time during the research d i d I employ research a s s i s t a n t s , although a t l e a s t one man i n each of the research areas c o n s i s t e n t l y a s s i s t e d me i n the c o l l e c t i o n of data. Each of these men was w e l l acquainted i n his., r e s i d e n t i a l area and through h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n s I gained access to n e a r l y a l l r e s i d e n t households. In the case of households w i t h which they were not acquainted, I obtained i n t r o d u c t i o n s from other l o c a l informants. These men a l s o served to a l e r t me to a c t i v i t y t a k i n g place i n t h e i r area i n which I might be i n t e r e s t e d . The techniques employed i n data gathering meant t h a t i t was necessary to l i m i t the scope of t h i s i n v e s t i -g a t i o n . Once the general f e a t u r e s of the town had been surveyed, the three research areas and informants were c a r e f u l l y s e l e c t e d t o i n c l u d e a range of d i f f e r e n t types of o r d i n a r y Malay urbanites l i v i n g i n s e v e r a l t y p i c a l urban r e s i d e n t i a l areas. The choice of these areas and informants provided a cross s e c t i o n of the o r d i n a r y male Malay house-hold heads r e s i d e n t i n the town. While I focused on a c t i v -i t i e s of the male household heads, I recorded data from others i n the household as w e l l . There are, of course, other types of r e s i d e n t s l i v i n g i n the town; v a r i o u s e l i t e s , 12 high r a n k i n g r o y a l t y , and many types o f non-Malays. No sys t e m a t i c c o l l e c t i o n of data was undertaken w i t h persons o f these c a t e g o r i e s except inasmuch as they entered i n t o a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h o r d i n a r y Malays. However, by c o n c e n t r a t -i n g on t h i s segment of the p o p u l a t i o n , working i n three d i f f e r e n t a r e a s , and c o n s t a n t l y r e c h e c k i n g data across these c a t e g o r i e s , I am c o n f i d e n t t h a t my d a t a r e p r e s e n t an adequate p i c t u r e o f urban l i f e among o r d i n a r y male Malays i n the town of Kota Bharu. CHAPTER I I THE CITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Urban l i f e i s known to have e x i s t e d i n Southeast A s i a from at l e a s t the f i r s t century A.D. (McGee 1967: 22) although no contemporary c i t y can c l a i m descent from any of these a n c i e n t c i t i e s . Today they are known o n l y from e a r l y w r i t t e n c h r o n i c l e s and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l remains. Modern urbanism has been r e l a t i v e l y l a t e to s t a r t and i t s development has been slow paced. As Evers has pointed out: In comparison to other regions of the t h i r d world Southeast A s i a i s not only one of the l e a s t urban-i z e d but a l s o one of the slowest u r b a n i z e r s . In a l i s t of 14 world r e g i o n s , Southeast A s i a ranks num-ber 11 on an index of u r b a n i z a t i o n which measures the increase of the t o t a l urban p o p u l a t i o n between 1950 and 1970. (Evers 1972: 1) Nevertheless, urbanism i s of i n c r e a s i n g importance i n the region and there i s no p o l i t i c a l u n i t i n Southeast A s i a which has not been l o s i n g r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n to urban cen-t r e s (see Table 1). Urban centres i n contemporary Southeast A s i a are extremely v a r i e d i n s t r u c t u r e and f u n c t i o n although two general types can be d i s t i n g u i s h e d : the very l a r g e c i t y , o f t e n the country's c a p i t a l , r e f e r r e d to i n the l i t e r a t u r e as the "great c i t y " (Ginsburg 1955) or the " m i l l i o n c i t y " 13 TABLE I CHANGE OF POPULATION DISTRIBUTION BY SIZE OF TOWN, SOUTHEAST ASIAN COUNTRIES, CHANGE IN PERCENTAGE POINTS, 1950-1970 Rural L i n e P o l i t i c a l Units Less than 100.000 100,000 50,000 to to Over 1 m i l l i o n ouu,vvv i m i n i o n 1 Southeast A s i a -6.5 1.5 0.5 0.0 4.5 2 Brunei -1.1 1.1 - -3 Burma -2.9 1.2 1.0 0.7 4 Cambodia -4.9 -1.5 10.2 -5 Indonesia -5.6 -0.4 -.4 1.3 4.4 6 Laos -6.9 -0.1 7.0 -7 West Malaysia -21.5 12.2 2.2 6.9 -8 P h i l i p p i n e s -3.3 -0.2 1.6 1.9 9 Portuguese Timor -0.5 0.5 - -10 Sabah -3.5 3.5 _ -11 Sarawak -7.5 7.5 - -12 Singapore - - - - 0.0 13 Thailand -3.0 1.0 -1.1 -2.8 5.8 14 Vietnam, North -16.1 9.3 -2.2 2.7 6.3 15 Vietnam, South -9.9 5.0 3.4 9.5 Source: Evers 1972. 15 (Fryer 1953), and the middle c i t y (Osborn 1974) o r the "secondary c i t y " (Evers 1972). A l l the g r e a t c i t i e s o f the r e g i o n w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f Bangkok have been esta b -l i s h e d by European c o l o n i a l powers, and even modern Bangkok has been g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d as a r e s u l t o f con-t a c t with western c o u n t r i e s (McGee 1967: 24). As was the case even o f most a n c i e n t c i t i e s (Wheatley 1961) i n t e r -n a t i o n a l t r ade was the s t i m u l u s which encouraged the growth of the modern gre a t c i t i e s . I t was tra d e which brought the c o l o n i a l i s t s to the area and i t was the chang-i n g dimensions of tra d e and commerce t h a t i n f l u e n c e d the d i r e c t i o n and scope of t h e i r c o l o n i a l a c t i v i t i e s . The longer they remained i n the area the more widely they extended t h e i r c o n t r o l and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n — a l t h o u g h the g r e a t c o l o n i a l c i t i e s always remained the c e n t r e o f t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . In the p o s t - c o l o n i a l p e r i o d the g r e a t c i t i e s c o n t i n u e to have an i n t e r n a t i o n a l ambience, d e r i v e d from the c o l o n i a l e xperience. During the e a r l y stages of independence the new governments s t r u g g l e d t o make the g r e a t c i t i e s over i n the image o f t h e i r new c o u n t r i e s , as a focus f o r n a t i o n a l i s m . However, d e s p i t e the i n f l u e n c e s of i n c r e a s i n g l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n s , the e r e c t i o n o f n a t i o n a l monuments, and other attempts to a l t e r t h e i r image, most o f these c i t i e s remain b a s i c a l l y c e n t r e s f o r an i n t e r -n a t i o n a l community of businessmen and government employees. T h e i r forms and f u n c t i o n remain t i e d to 16 i n t e r n a t i o n a l r a t h e r than indigenous p a t t e r n s . They are, i n the terms of R e d f i e l d and Singer (1954) , heterogenetic c i t i e s . The middle c i t i e s of the region are so named because they stand i n the middle of a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the l a r g e n a t i o n a l centres and the smaller r e g i o n a l or l o c a l i n t e r e s t s and because of t h e i r s i z e i n r e l a t i o n to other u n i t s i n the country. Many middle c i t i e s are a l s o remnants of the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d . The c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a -t i o n e s t a b l i s h e d d i s t r i c t or r e g i o n a l o f f i c e s i n e x i s t i n g p o p u l a t i o n centres which grew i n t o middle c i t i e s . In other cases middle c i t i e s have a more orthogenetic ( R e d f i e l d and Singer 1954) ch a r a c t e r , based on l o c a l c u l t u r a l assumptions, having grown i n response to purely l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e s a r i s -i n g from r e g i o n a l trade or the requirements of indigenous government. Many orthogenetic middle c i t i e s resemble pre-c o l o n i a l urban centres and are i n l i n e w i t h a t r a d i t i o n of indigenous urbanism r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t from the i n t e r n a t i o n a l urbanism which has f l o u r i s h e d i n the great c i t i e s . Whether orthogenetic or c o l o n i a l i n o r i g i n , many of these middle c i t i e s e x h i b i t a s i m i l a r s t r u c t u r a l p a t t e r n i n the contemporary n a t i o n a l i s t p e r i o d . The town's c e n t r a l f e a t u r e may be a r e g i o n a l government o f f i c e , an enclave of t r a d i t i o n a l r o y a l t y , or a market, or a combin-a t i o n of these. Near t h i s c e n t r a l f e a t u r e i s the business d i s t r i c t devoted to var i o u s kinds of t r a d i n g companies, 17 i n c l u d i n g branch o f f i c e s or sub-agencies of n a t i o n a l f i r m s . The business d i s t r i c t a l s o has small manufactur-in g and s e r v i c e shops, r e s t a u r a n t s , food s t o r e s , c o f f e e shops or bars, and a few r e s i d e n t i a l premises. Residen-t i a l housing i s of various types, o f t e n c l u s t e r e d i n mixed neighbourhoods w i t h the shop houses of immigrant mer-chants, the spacious homes of the e l i t e , and the modest homes of the s a l a r i e d workers and small businessmen: nearby one another. Throughout the town are pockets of high d e n s i t y t r a d i t i o n a l housing or squatter accommoda-t i o n . These pockets o c c a s i o n a l l y extend beyond the f r i n g e s of the town boundaries and are occupied by the urban poor, recent r u r a l migrants, and the unemployed. A number of urban i n s t i t u t i o n s are a l s o found i n the middle c i t y . There are schools, mosques, temples, p o l i t i c a l p arty headquarters, and trade union h a l l s , some occupying t h e i r own b u i l d i n g s , others incorporated i n t o r e s i d e n t i a l or commercial b u i l d i n g s . Together w i t h c o f f e e shops, bars and s i m i l a r commercial establishments they comprise the l o c a l e s f o r much of the s o c i a l l i f e of the town while a l s o p r o v i d i n g l i n k s between the urban centre and the co u n t r y s i d e . As Geertz has summarized the s i t u a t i o n f o r an Indonesian middle c i t y : " I f the p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g i s one of r a t h e r t i r e d shabbiness the s o c i a l p i c -t ure i s almost one of h y p e r a c t i v i t y " (Geertz 1 9 6 3 : 9 ) . In the r e g i o n a l context i t may be thought t h a t 18 middle c i t i e s are r e l a t i v e l y unimportant because of the spec t a c u l a r p o p u l a t i o n increases (see Table 1) and the vast s o c i a l problems found i n the la r g e c i t i e s . However, when pop u l a t i o n data are examined f o r each p o l i t i c a l u n i t i n the region the importance of these small towns becomes apparent. In more than one h a l f of the p o l i t i c a l u n i t s of the region which have l o s t r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n a t l e a s t 50 per cent of the l o s s has been made up by increases i n the percentage of population l i v i n g i n smaller towns (see Table 1, 11. 2-15). I t i s the great c i t i e s which, i n Indonesia, the P h i l i p p i n e s , and Thailand, account f o r the ma j o r i t y of po p u l a t i o n percentage i n c r e a s e s , but i n the other c o u n t r i e s of the region the increases have been i n the smaller middle c i t i e s . The Malaysian middle c i t y  and Malay urbanism Of a l l the c o u n t r i e s of Southeast Asia, Malaysia has experienced the l a r g e s t percentage population increase i n c i t i e s of l e s s than 100,000 persons (see Table 1). Many of these Malaysian middle c i t i e s are heter o g e n e t i c , created by c o l o n i a l p o l i c y or i n d i r e c t response to c o l o n i a l requirements. Some date from before the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d but most were e s t a b l i s h e d — o r a t l e a s t g r e a t l y t r a n s f o r m e d — during the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d . The discovery and development of mineral deposits by Chinese and B r i t i s h i n t e r e s t s encouraged the development of Ta i p i n g , Ipoh, e a r l y 19 Kuala Lumpur, and Seremban, wh i l e P o r t Weld, Telok Anson, Penang, and Klang gained prominence as i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o r t s . The growth of the rubber i n d u s t r y accounted f o r the development of s e r v i c e centres a t Kulim, A l o r Gaja, and Segemat (Hamzah 1962: 114). In c o l o n i a l towns urban a c t i v i t i e s were l a r g e l y i n the hands of the non-Malay p o p u l a t i o n . In a few cases Malay v i l l a g e s were, included w i t h i n town boundaries but the m i l i e u of these heterogenetic towns deri v e d from the predominantly immigrant p o p u l a t i o n , Chinese i n the t i n mining centres and Indian i n the rubber s e r v i c e c entres. This s i t u a t i o n was d i f f e r e n t i n the Malay towns of the p e n i n s u l a , most of which were a t the periphery of the c o l o n i a l sphere of i n f l u e n c e : Kota Bharu, Kuala Trengganu, Pekan, Johore Bharu, and A l o r Setar. These towns were not completely cut o f f from c o l o n i a l i n f l u e n c e but t h e i r c r e a t i o n and t h e i r continued e x i s t e n c e was not i n d i r e c t response to c o l o n i a l i n i t i a t i v e s . These w e r e — and continue to b e — o r t h o g e n e t i c towns, steeped i n l o c a l c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s and responding to changing l o c a l p o l i t i c a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s i n the surrounding h i n t e r l a n d . Most of these towns are centres of t r a d i t i o n a l Malay r o y a l t y and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and i n s e v e r a l cases are a l s o r e g i o n a l marketing centres. While i t i s notable t h a t i n most of these towns Malays occupy a wide range of urban r o l e s , we know very l i t t l e e l s e about the 20 s o c i o l o g i c a l features of these towns. The major mono-graphic study of Malays i n the c i t y (Provencher 1971) was c a r r i e d out i n the heterogenetic c i t y of Kuala Lumpur where Malays have only l i m i t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the urbanism of the c a p i t a l . Provencher's study provides only l i m i t e d understanding of the nature of urbanism i n a Malay environment. The most u s e f u l i n s i g h t i n t o the nature of Malay urbanism i s found i n s e v e r a l s t u d i e s of indigenous urban-ism i n Indonesian middle c i t i e s (Geertz 1965; Evers 1972; W i l l n e r 1957; Wertheim 1958). Indonesia has experienced a r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r y of c o l o n i a l i s m and indepen-dence but the general c u l t u r e p a t t e r n , r e l i g i o n , and language are s i m i l a r to t h a t of the p e n i n s u l a r Malays. In the s t u d i e s of Indonesian urbanism the most f r e q u e n t l y noted c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s i t s undynamic chara c t e r . The s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of these towns remains i l l - d e f i n e d o r , as Geertz s t a t e s , " i n a s t a t e of continuous t r a n s i t i o n " (1963: 17). The town i s n e i t h e r a r e c r e a t i o n of the r u r a l p atterns nor a dynamic s o c i a l u n i t moving toward a more defined and v i t a l form of urbanism t h a t i s responsive to change i n the s o c i e t y . Evers has found t h i s same s i t u -a t i o n to be true f o r the town of Padang and has r e f e r r e d to the process t a k i n g place i n these towns as "urban i n v o l u t i o n . " As he t e l l s us, "what we w i l l tend to f i n d i s segmentation, i . e . more of the same type of i n s t i t u t i o n s , more people i n the same type of occupa-t i o n s , some e l a b o r a t i o n of e x i s t i n g s o c i a l p a t t e r n r a t h e r than e v o l u t i o n of new s t r u c t u r e s . We should expect i n these towns no d r a s t i c changes . . ." (Evers 1972: 5). Geertz accounts f o r t h i s q u a l i t y of Indonesian urbanism by reference to the impact of c o l o n i a l i s m . Evers r e f e r s the phenomenon to the l a c k of o c c u p a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and the i n a b i l i t y of the town to cre a t e a sequence of r o l e s which are open to urbanites as they r i s e to a p r o l e t a r i a n s t a t u s . As Evers p o i n t s out (1972: 6) the i n v o l u t e d type of urbanism i s very d i f f e r e n t from e a r l y European urbanism where r a p i d s o c i a l development— wi t h an increase i n urban s o c i a l r o l e s and the complexity of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s — a c c o m p a n i e d the r i s e of the mercan-t i l e b o u rgeoisie and p r o l e t a r i a n f a c t o r y workers dur i n g the i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n . The urbanism found among Kota Bharu Malays i s a l s o c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i n v o l u t i o n , an undynamic, perpetu-a l l y t r a n s i t i o n a l s t a t e . Malay urbanism i s a r e l a t i v e l y new phenomenon. Although c i t i e s and towns have long been present, f o r the most p a r t the urban p o p u l a t i o n of the Malay towns does not have a long h i s t o r y of urban r e s i -dence. There are few, i f any, f a m i l i e s which can t r a c e numerous generations of urban residence. However, Malay urbanism i s not merely an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of r u r a l s o c i a l p a t t e r n s as Provencher (1971) argues f o r Malays l i v i n g i n 22 Kuala Lumpur. N e i t h e r i s Malay urbanism based upon the k i n d of dynamics we have come t o a s s o c i a t e with e a r l y European o r North American towns. Malay urbanism must be r e c r e a t e d w i t h each s u c c e s s i v e g e n e r a t i o n , g i v i n g i t the s t a t i c or i n v o l u t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r . I t i s p o s s i b l e to account f o r the i n v o l u t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r o f Malay urbanism found i n the town of Kota Bharu by examining the i n t e r p l a y between the f a c t o r s of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , neighbourhood, and urban l a n d h o l d i n g . I s h a l l demonstrate i n the f o l l o w i n g chapters t h a t i n v o l u t i o n a l urbanism i s c r e a t e d as Malays i n t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n a l l i f e balance the d i a l e c t i c between urban occupations on the one hand and urban l a n d h o l d i n g and neighbourhood on the o t h e r . The u r b a n i t e i s employed a t an urban o c c u p a t i o n which g i v e s him access to r e s o u r c e s s p e c i f i c to t h a t o c c u p a t i o n and which a s s i g n s him to a s p e c i f i c p o s i t i o n i n the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n system. The i d e o l o g y of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n makes i t d i f f i c u l t f o r the u r b a n i t e to e s t a b l i s h a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h persons of o t h e r s t a t u s c a t e g o r i e s i n the town a t l a r g e . However, i n the neighbourhood r e l a t i o n s w i t h neighbours of d i f f e r e n t o c c upations are supported by an i d e o l o g y of a s s o c i a t i o n which s t i p u l a t e s t h a t e x i s t i n g d i f f e r e n c e s i n s t a t u s are to be ignored. In a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h h i s neighbours the u r b a n i t e gains access to s p e c i f i c r e s o u r c e s c o n t r o l l e d by neighbours of o t h e r o c c u p a t i o n a l types. The s o l i d a r i t y of neighbours which makes a s s o c i a t i o n s across these s t a t u s c a t e g o r i e s p o s s i b l e i s based upon the assumption of r e c i -p r o c i t y r e i n f o r c e d by i n t e r e s t s a r i s i n g from owning adjacent p a r c e l s of urban r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d . When l a n d h o l d i n g p a t t e r n s are a l t e r e d and neighbours no longer maintain c o n t r o l of the l a n d on which they l i v e , they l o s e the necessary r e i n f o r c e m e n t o f r e c i p r o c i t y . They l o s e i n t e r e s t i n the neighbourhood, and search elsewhere i n the town f o r l a n d from which to e s t a b l i s h a new s e t of neighbour r e l a t i o n s . Rather than c r e a t i n g new forms o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , new forms of c i t y l i f e , they merely r e c r e a t e the o l d p a t t e r n once again , c o n f i r m i n g and r e i n -f o r c i n g the i n v o l u t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r of the c i t y . The p r e s e n t a t i o n and documentation o f the t h e s i s i s i n s e v e r a l p a r t s . In P a r t IX", I s h a l l d e s c r i b e the g e o g r a p h i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l background o f the town and o u t l i n e the main elements o f the r u r a l environment, i n c o n t r a s t to the urban m i l i e u . P a r t I I I p r o v i d e s the b a s i c ethnographic d e s c r i p t i o n o f the c a t e g o r i e s of a s s o c i a t i o n : space, o c c u p a t i o n , l o c a t i o n , a c t i v i t y , and a s s o c i a t e types. In each case I examine the i d e o l o g y which u n d e r l i e s the s y s t e m a t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s between these v a r i o u s c a t e g o r i e s . P a r t IV examines the p a t t e r n s o f time use and a s s o c i a t e c h o i c e as these were observed under a v a r i e t y of d i f f e r e n t c o n d i t i o n s . In the a n a l y s i s o f t h i s m a t e r i a l the impor-tance of both o c c u p a t i o n and neighbourhood i s v a l i d a t e d . P a r t V examines the r e l a t i o n s h i p between land and the l o c a l group, the s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y o f the neighbourhood and, through an a n a l y s i s of the nature of l o c a l groups i n three areas, demonstrates the importance of c o n t r o l over l a n d f o r the maintenance of n e i g h b o u r l y a s s o c i a t i o n . F u r t h e r , the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f o c c u p a t i o n a l h e t e r o g e n e i t y i n the l o c a l group i s d i s c u s s e d . In the c o n c l u s i o n , P a r t VI, the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f these f i n d i n g s i s d i s c u s s e d and r e l a t e d t o the problem of e x p l a i n i n g the i n v o l u t i o n a l nature of Malay urbanism. P a r t V I I , the E p i l o g u e , p ro^ v i d e s an a p p l i c a t i o n of the f i n d i n g s of t h i s a n a l y s i s to a s p e c i f i c problem i n development p o l i c y p l a n n i n g . 25 PART I I THE BACKGROUND CHAPTER I I I KOTA BHARU, THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Geography The town of Kota Bharu i s l o c a t e d near the mouth of the Kelantan River on the north-east coast of West Ma l a y s i a The r i v e r p l a i n on which the town i s s i t u a t e d i s bounded by mountains to the north-west, west, and south. Through most of the s t a t e ' s h i s t o r y these mountains have made land com-munication w i t h the r e s t of the land mass which i s now West Ma l a y s i a d i f f i c u l t . To the east i s the South China Sea, l a c k i n g any n a t u r a l harbours on the Kelantan c o a s t l i n e , and to the north i s the border w i t h Thailand. As Dobby po i n t s out, "the c h i e f c u l t u r a l i n f l u e n c e s have been water borne and coastwise, from Java, and more r e c e n t l y , from Thailand" (Dobby 1951: 226). The s o i l s around the town are s u i t e d t o r i c e c u l t i -v a t i o n and Kota Bharu has become a centre both f o r the marketing of farm produce and f o r the supply of farmers' n e c e s s i t i e s . The r i v e r i s contained w i t h i n i t s banks i n a l l but the height of the monsoon season and i t s q u i e t meandering course p r o v i d e s l i t t l e hindrance- to t r a v e l by s m a l l boat and f e r r i e s . Other forms of communication w i t h the town i n c l u d e a road l i n k by the east coast highway through Kuantan, Pahang to Kuala Lumpur, a d i s t a n c e of about 420 m i l e s which, a t the time of the f i e l d w o r k , was covered by a t w i c e - d a i l y express bus s e r v i c e i n approximately twelve hours. A second road through T h a i l a n d , c r o s s i n g a newly c o n s t r u c t e d highway b r i d g e over the Golak R i v e r , connects to the A s i a n highway which l i n k s Bangkok and Singapore. At the time of the r e s e a r c h t h i s r o u t e through T h a i l a n d was l i t t l e used because of the u n s e t t l e d s e c u r i t y c o n d i t i o n s i n t h i s border area. While i t does not e n t e r the town, the E a s t Coast l i n e of the M a l a y s i a n Railway System p r o v i d e s s e r v i c e on i t s t r a c k running on the o p p o s i t e bank o f the r i v e r which i s e a s i l y reached by a t o l l b r i d g e . T h i s l i n e runs south to Singapore and Kuala Lumpur, and n o r t h con-n e c t i n g w i t h t r a i n s t o p o i n t s i n T h a i l a n d and through T h a i l a n d to p o i n t s i n north-west M a l a y s i a . A i r t r a v e l i s through an a i r p o r t a t Pekalan Chepa, a suburban town about e i g h t m i l e s to the e a s t of Kota Bharu. T h i s f a c i l i t y i s served by the M a l a y s i a n A i r l i n e System w i t h numerous d a i l y f l i g h t s t o Kuala Lumpur, Penang, Kuantan, and Kuala Trengganu. A r e c e n t l y developed network of roads c a r r y i n g buses, numerous i n t e r - t o w n t a x i s , l o r r i e s , and p r i v a t e t r a f f i c of c a r s and motorcycles l i n k s a l l of the towns i n 28 the northern s e c t i o n of the s t a t e w i t h the c a p i t a l ; While many authors have spoken of Kelantan as remote, the Kelantanese do..not view t h e i r s i t u a t i o n as such. Although they acknowledge t h a t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n has improved i n r e c e n t y e a r s , they- note t h a t they have u s u a l l y found i t p o s s i b l e to communicate w i t h Singapore, and thence w i t h Mecca and other overseas p l a c e s o f importance, as w e l l as w i t h T h a i l a n d and v a r i o u s p a r t s of Indonesia. The Kelan-tanese have always had numerous v i s i t o r s who have, by o f t e n c i r c u i t o u s r o u t e s , found t h e i r way to the s t a t e . Kota Bharu, i n the Context  o f Kelantan H i s t o r y l As i t seems t h a t t h e r e are no indigenous annals or other r e c o r d s f o r the e a r l y h i s t o r y of the s t a t e , i t i s necessary t o approach t h i s h i s t o r y through the r e p o r t s of v a r i o u s non-indigenous t r a v e l l e r s . Chinese r e c o r d s i n d i -c a t e t h a t t h e r e e x i s t e d a maritime s t a t e i n the v i c i n i t y of K e l a n t a n as e a r l y as the seventh century and t h e r e i s s u b s t a n t i a l evidence of t r a d i n g and maritime a c t i v i t i e s t h e r e d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . Chinese sources a g a i n mention the s t a t e i n the t h i r t e e n t h century (Wyatt 1 9 7 4 ). These e a r l y sources o f t e n r e f e r to s m a l l c e n t r e s which were engaging i n trade of v a r i o u s m a t e r i a l s ( p a r t i c u l a r l y gold) brought from the i n t e r i o r and s o l d along the c o a s t . The I have y e t to see a d e f i n i t i v e h i s t o r y of the town, although an i n c r e a s i n g number of a r t i c l e s have appeared d e a l i n g w i t h the h i s t o r y o f the s t a t e . small settlements along the coast acted; as depots for the transfer of these products. Exactly when the central government of Keiantan was established i s not known. But by 1225 A.D. Keiantan was reported to be under the r u l e of S r i v i j a y a i n Sumatra and by 13 65 the state i s l i s t e d as being subject to the Majapahit kingdom i n Java. Keiantan was probably converted to Islam by about the f i f t e e n t h century, and by the end of that century i t was conquered by Malacca (Downs 1967: 116). From 1603 to 1730 l i t t l e i s known of the state, although Siam had for a long time claimed suzerainity over the state when Keiantan was linked with i t s Malay-speaking neighbours to the north i n what i s now the Patani section of Thailand. Siam took an active i n t e r e s t i n the state from the f a l l of the kingdom of Ayadhya i n 1767 (Wyatt 1974: 3) and by 1903 a B r i t i s h Adviser i n the employ of the Siamese government had been appointed to look.after the a f f a i r s of the state. This was followed by tfcfre Treaty of Bangkok i n 1909 when " a l l r i g h t s of suzerainity, protection, administration, and control over [Keiantan] and the states of Trengganu, Kedah, and P e r l i s " (Downs 1967: 116) were given to Great B r i t a i n . While the post of Adviser to the Sultan was maintained,.it was now f i l l e d d i r e c t l y by ttihe B r i t i s h government. During the period of B r i t i s h intervention i n the Malay peninsula-, Keiantan maintained a degree of autonomy as one of the Unfederated States, although the state 30 continued to have a B r i t i s h A d v i s e r , In 19 48 the s t a t e was i n c l u d e d i n the F e d e r a t i o n of Malaya and on 31 August 1957 the F e d e r a t i o n became independent under the c o n s t i t u t i o n of a new government. The town of Kota Bharu was, from an e a r l y p e r i o d , an important centr e of the s t a t e . Before the town was e s t a b l i s h e d , e a r l y s m a l l r i v e r i n e settlements based primar-i l y on t r a d e o r g a n i z e d i n t o a number of chiefdoms were con-s t a n t l y v y i n g f o r ascendancy over one another. As the a g r i c u l t u r a l p o t e n t i a l of the Kelantan p l a i n was r e c o g n i z e d , more c e n t r a l i z e d p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y became the p a t t e r n . T h i s was e s t a b l i s h e d on a model of the s u l t a n a t e , a form probably borrowed from I n d i a n and Arab t r a d e r s . The seat of t h i s new government was i n Kota Bharu. In t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d t h r e e groupings of s o c i e