UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Land and neighbourhood as features of Malay urbanism Clarke, Robert Ebersole 1976

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LAND AND NEIGHBOURHOOD AS FEATURES OF MALAY URBANISM by ROBERT EBERSOLE CLARKE B.A., Goddard C o l l e g e , 1966 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n t h e Department of A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g to the required standard.  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March, 1976  In  presenting  this  thesis  an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e the I  Library  further  for  shall  agree  at  the U n i v e r s i t y  make  that  it  freely  permission  this  thesis  It  for financial  fulfilment  o f the requirements f o r  of B r i t i s h  Columbia,  available  is understood gain  of  The U n i v e r s i t y  shall  ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY  of British  20 75 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5  Columbia  I agree  that  that  and s t u d y .  copying o f this  thesis  by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t  written permission.  Department  f o r reference  for extensive  s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d  by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . of  in p a r t i a l  or  copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  n o t be a l l o w e d  w i t h o u t my  ABSTRACT The d i s s e r t a t i o n r e p o r t s t h e r e s u l t s o f an ethnog r a p h i c i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f urban Malay a s s o c i a t e c h o i c e i n the town o f Kota Bharu, K e l a n t a n , West M a l a y s i a .  Field  d a t a were c o l l e c t e d u s i n g s t a n d a r d a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l t e c h niques o f p a r t i c i p a n t observation, i n t e r v i e w i n g , the c o l l e c t i o n o f a c t i v i t y schedules,  and g e n e a l o g i e s .  g r a p h i c a l , h i s t o r i c a l , and demographic is  The geo-  c o n t e x t o f t h e town  described. Malay urbanism i s r a t h e r s i m i l a r t o t h e urbanism  of Indonesian middle c i t i e s i n t h a t i t i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by an i n v o l u t i o n a l o r s t a t i c c h a r a c t e r i n w h i c h few new s o c i a l forms a r e produced o r c r e a t e d .  I t i s possible to  a c c o u n t f o r t h e i n v o l u t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r o f Malay urbanism by r e f e r e n c e t o t h e f a c t o r s o f l a n d and neighbourhood as t h e y i n t e r a c t w i t h f a c t o r s a r i s i n g from t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e o f t h e town.  Urban l i f e i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by  two c o n t r a s t i n g i d e o l o g i e s .  The i d e o l o g y o f work forms  the b a s i s o f t h e system o f urban s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ; by e m p h a s i z i n g t h e m o t i f o f p r i d e t h i s i d e o l o g y makes i t d i f f i c u l t f o r u r b a n i t e s t o form a s s o c i a t i o n s a c r o s s gories.  cate-  I n c o n t r a s t , t h e i d e o l o g y o f a s s o c i a t i o n empha-  s i z e s t h e m o t i f o f h u m i l i t y and s t r e s s e s t h e q u a l i t i e s  o f r e c i p r o c i t y and b a l a n c e between i n d i v i d u a l s . i d e o l o g y can be s a i d t o govern urban l i f e .  Neither  Rather,  Malay urbanism i s a s y n t h e s i s o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n s a r i s i n g from b o t h systems mediated by the c h o i c e s o f i n d i v i d u a l urbanites.  Through an a n a l y s i s o f the use o f time and  a s s o c i a t e c h o i c e i t i s demonstrated t h a t a l t h o u g h cons t r a i n t s of o c c u p a t i o n a c c o u n t f o r c e r t a i n  regularities  i n the data, other f a c t o r s are a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t .  The  a n a l y s i s o f a number o f c a s e s i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between the u r b a n i t e and t h e urban l o c a l group i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t factor influencing h i s choices. T h i s i s f u r t h e r s u p p o r t e d by the a n a l y s i s o f a number o f " s p e c i a l t i m e " events which most f r e q u e n t l y t a k e p l a c e among members o f t h e l o c a l groups and o f t e n emphasize s o l i d a r i t y among t h e members. The a n a l y s i s o f d a t a from s e v e r a l a r e a s o f the town i n d i c a t e s the importance of l a n d ownership as a f a c t o r d e f i n i n g membership i n the l o c a l group.  The  local  group i s o c c u p a t i o n a l l y heterogeneous and c o n s i d e r a t i o n s a r i s i n g from the i d e o l o g y o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n make the poss i b i l i t y of d i s s o l u t i o n p o t e n t i a l l y high.  I t i s the j o i n t  i n t e r e s t i n l a n d w h i c h forms the b a s i s f o r a s s o c i a t i o n s t r a n s c e n d i n g t h e s e d i v i s i v e t e n d e n c i e s . When, however, u r b a n i t e s l o s e c o n t r o l o v e r t h e i r l a n d , the neighbourhood and the l o c a l group d i s s o l v e and u r b a n i t e s s e a r c h e l s e where f o r a p a r t o f the town where t h e y can s e t t l e and  c r e a t e t i e s w i t h a new s e t o f n e i g h b o u r s , j o i n i n g a new l o c a l group.  R a t h e r t h a n c r e a t i n g new s o c i a l forms t o i  meet t h e changed  c o n d i t i o n s : o f the neighbourhood, they  r e c r e a t e t h e p a t t e r n s to. w h i c h t h e y a r e accustomed i n a n o t h e r p a r t o f t h e town.  As a r e s u l t o f t h i s , t h e p a t -  t e r n o f u r b a n i s m remains unchanged and c o n t i n u e s an i n v o l u t i o n a l o r s t a t i c  t o have  character.  These f i n d i n g s c h a l l e n g e  the conclusion of  P r o v e n c h e r t h a t Malay u r b a n i s m i s a r e c r e a t i o n and i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of rural patterns. the form and e x p r e s s i o n  I t i s found t h a t a l t h o u g h  o f r e c i p r o c i t y may be s i m i l a r i n  town and v i l l a g e , i n t h e v i l l a g e r e c i p r o c i t y i s s u s t a i n e d by t h e r e c o g n i t i o n o f s i m i l a r i t i e s , whereas i n t h e c i t y i t - i s . s u s t a i n e d by t h e r e c o g n i t i o n o f d i f f e r e n c e s , Malay u r b a n i s m i s d i f f e r e n t from r u r a l l i f e ,  i ti s also  d i s t i n g u i s h e d from t h e dynamic u r b a n i s m a s s o c i a t e d European  While  with  towns i n t h e i r e a r l y s t a g e s i n w h i c h t h e c r e a t i o n  o f new forms o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n was t h e r u l e .  It is  the f a c t o r s o f l a n d and neighbourhood w h i c h a c c o u n t f o r t h e t r a n s i t i o n a l , i n v o l u t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r o f Malay The d i s s e r t a t i o n e p i l o g u e  urbanism.  d e s c r i b e s an a p p l i c a t i o n  of the t h e s i s to a s p e c i f i c problem i n n a t i o n a l development p o l i c y p l a n n i n g .  iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  X  x  PART I .  INTRODUCTION  Chapter I. II.  INTRODUCTION  2  THE CITY IN SOUTHEAST A S I A  13  PART I I . THE BACKGROUND III.  IV.  KOTA BHARU, THE GEOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND KELANTANESE SOCIAL L I F E : ENVIRONMENT PART I I I .  V.  VI.  26  THE RURAL 42  THE ETHNOGRAPHY I — A S S O C I A T I O N IN A MALAY TOWN  KOTA BHARU: SPACE URBANITES:  AND HISTORICAL  CULTURAL CATEGORIES OF URBAN 62 OCCUPATIONAL  CATEGORIES  AND  SOCIAL STRATIFICATION VII.  URBAN ASSOCIATION:  LOCATION AND A C T I V I T Y  VIII. URBAN ASSOCIATES: CATEGORIES AND IDEOLOGY PART I V . THE ETHNOGRAPHY I I — T I M E , A C T I V I T I E S , AND ASSOCIATE CHOICE IX. X.  XI.  OCCUPATION  AND  96 . . . 114 . . 158  THE USE OF T I M E — C A S E STUDIES . . 1 8 1  ENVIRONMENTS, A C T I V I T I E S AND ASSOCIATES IN ORDINARY TIME  287  ASSOCIATION IN SPECIAL TIME  339  v  PART V.  THE ETHNOGRAPHY AND ASSOCIATION  III—LAND  Chapter XII. XIII.  LAND AND  THE LOCAL GROUP  LAND,,ASSOCIATION,  AND  397  THE SIGNIFICANCE OF  THE LOCAL GROUP PART V I . XIV.  CONCLUSION 444  CONCLUSION PART V I I .  XV.  415  EPILOGUE  DEVELOPMENT POLICY, ASSOCIATION AND A CASE STUDY  LITERATURE CITED  LAND— 455 485  APPENDICES Appendix  I.  Appendix  II.  N o t e s on F i e l d w o r k Population S t a t i s t i c s  GLOSSARY OF MALAY TERMS . . . . .  vi  4 93 503 507  LIST OF TABLES I.  II.  III. IV. V.  VI.  VII.  VIII.  Change o f P o p u l a t i o n D i s t r i b u t i o n by S i z e o f Town, S o u t h e a s t A s i a n C o u n t r i e s , Change i n Percentage P o i n t s , 1950-1970 H i g h e s t Ranked A c t i v i t i e s d u r i n g O r d i n a r y Time i n F i v e Environments by O c c u p a t i o n a l Type, Expressed i n P e r c e n t a g e P o i n t s . . . .  289  Index o f A c t i v i t y S i m i l a r i t y by Environment  293  I n s t a n c e s of P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n A s s o c i a t e C l u s t e r s by O c c u p a t i o n a l Type  324  Three H i g h e s t Ranking A s s o c i a t e Types met i n A s s o c i a t e C l u s t e r s by O c c u p a t i o n a l Type  326  H i g h e s t Ranking Types o f A s s o c i a t e Cont a c t s d u r i n g O r d i n a r y Time by Occupat i o n a l Category .  328  Summary of C a t e g o r i e s o f A s s o c i a t e s Chosen by Urban M a l a y s d u r i n g O r d i n a r y Time  336  I n v i t a t i o n s t o an Urban B e r s a n d i n g  343  IX.  A t t e n d a n c e a t an Urban P r a y e r House  X.  The R e l a t i o n s h i p s between A t t e n d e r s H a j i R a s h i d ' s P r a y e r House  XI.  XII.  XIII.  14  .....  355 at 356  Number of G u e s t s , by Type, A t t e n d i n g F e a s t to Break t h e F a s t i n Four Urban R e s i d e n t i a l Areas  358  Number o f I n v i t a t i o n s R e c e i v e d , by Type o f A s s o c i a t e I n v i t i n g , f o r a Sample o f Urban R e s i d e n t s i n Four Urban R e s i d e n t i a l Areas  359  D a i l y D i s t r i b u t i o n of A c t i v i t i e s d u r i n g H a r i Raya Puasa .  362  vii  XIV. XV.  XVI.  XVII. XVIII...  XIX. XX. XXI. XXII. XXIII. XXIV.  Hari  Raya P u a s a V i s i t a t i o n s  by L o c a t i o n  . .  .  362  Percentage o f Informants Having Contact w i t h A s s o c i a t e s by Type o f A s s o c i a t e f o r a S e l e c t e d Sample o f I n f o r m a n t s (n = 33)  363  Number and P e r c e n t a g e o f T o t a l C o n t a c t s Made d u r i n g t h e F e s t i v e S e a s o n b y T y p e o f A s s o c i a t e and T y p e o f V i s i t — i n Summary  364  V i s i t i n g P a t t e r n s w i t h Kinsmen H a r i Raya P u a s a  365  during  R e l a t i v e Age o f F a m i l y Members Met o n H a r i Raya Puasa  370  V i s i t i n g P a t t e r n s w i t h Non Kinsmen d u r i n g H a r i Raya Puasa  374  T h e D i s t r i b u t i o n o f K o r b a n Meat i n Three Urban R e s i d e n t i a l A r e a s  382  C r i t e r i a Governing a L o c a l Group  398  Urban Land:  the Formation of  Methods  of A c q u i s i t i o n —  T y p e s o f Use  406  Summary o f L o c a l G r o u p F e a t u r e s i n Three L o c a l Groups .  435  O c c u p a t i o n a l T y p e o f E m p l o y e d Men i n Four L o c a l Groups  439  viii  L I S T OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  Map 1.  Kota Bharu:  Residential  Areas  64  Figure 1.  Referential  Kinship  Terms  ix  163  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My  greatest  debt o f g r a t i t u d e goes t o the  o f K o t a B h a r u , many h u n d r e d s o f whom -took t i m e t o hospitality,  t o answer q u e s t i o n s ,  to teach,  Without t h e i r  a s s i s t a n c e the  possible.  To  record  tain  memory w o u l d r e q u i r e many p a g e s .  i n my  however, r e c o r d my our  the  research  names o f  and  people offer  to  would not  guide.  have been  a l l p e r s o n s whom I r e I must,  specific  t h a n k s t o Mahmood b i n Awang,  l a n d l o r d , n e i g h b o r , and  f r i e n d w i t h o u t whose compan-  i o n s h i p and would not  constant  assistance  h a v e b e e n n e a r l y as  our  stay  pleasant  i n Kota  as  Bharu  i t was.  I  a l s o w i s h t o t h a n k Mohammed A l i b i n I s m a i l , R o s l i b i n Ismail,  and  Ariff  b i n Hassan, r e s i d e n t s of  a r e a s who  gave s e l f l e s s l y  a s s i s t me  i n numerous ways.  vided  aspects  of  t i m e and  town, and  d i s s e r t a t i o n pseudonyms have b e e n  Unity  my  of  s o l v e d many p r o c e d u r a l  discussed  p r o b l e m s and  x  and  me  various  National  provided  Milton Barnett,  s t a t e and  pro-  used.  the A g r i c u l t u r a l Development C o u n c i l , K u a l a the  to  Throughout  the M i n i s t r y of  i n t r o d u c t i o n s , as d i d D r .  Numerous d e p a r t m e n t s o f  energy  family  on many o c c a s i o n s .  A l i b i n Esa  research  Rahim b i n A b d u l K a d i r  i n the  the r e s e a r c h  Encik  able  their  many u s e f u l i n t r o d u c t i o n s , h e l p e d  establish ourselves  the  of  the  then  valuof  Lumpur.  f e d e r a l governments  made i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e and I owe them gratitude.  Mr. Chander and t h e s t a f f  Department always stood ficult tical  ready  particular  of the S t a t i s t i c s  t o respond  t o my o f t e n  and o c c a s i o n a l l y p e r p l e x i n g r e q u e s t s  dif-  for statis-  data. Throughout the f o r m u l a t i o n o f t h e r e s e a r c h , the  f i e l d w o r k , a n d t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n my s u p e r v i s e r , Dr. C y r i l  S. B e l s h a w h a s b e e n r e a d y  w i t h en-  c o u r a g e m e n t , s t i m u l a t i o n , and v a l u a b l e c r i t i c i s m . K.O.L. B u r r i d g e ,  D r . H e l g a J a c o b s o n , and D r . E l i M a r a n d a  have o f f e r e d v a l u a b l e many ways.  the  comments and p r o v i d e d  assistance i n  T h e f u n d s w h i c h made t h e r e s e a r c h  were p r o v i d e d  Dr.  by t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h  Canada C o u n c i l .  Both i n s t i t u t i o n s  possible  C o l u m b i a and  I acknowledge  with  thanks. The  c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f my w i f e H e l e n t o t h i s re-r  s e a r c h a r e many.  Her i n t e r e s t  i n people  and h e r f a i t h i n  my work h a v e a l w a y s b e e n an e n c o u r a g e m e n t . to  cope w i t h  the exigencies of maintaining  under o f t e n t r y i n g tated this  t h e work.  am p a r t i c u l a r l y facing  a household  and u n c e r t a i n c i r c u m s t a n c e s  For her c r i t i c a l  dissertation  Her a b i l i t y  has f a c i l i -  comments o n t h e t e x t o f  t h r o u g h o u t t h e w r i t i n g and e d i t i n g I  grateful.  new e x p e r i e n c e s  T h e j o y o f my d a u g h t e r i n  has been an i n s p i r a t i o n w h i l e h e r  ability  t o accept  a father often preoccupied  details  has been r e a s s u r i n g .  with  research  PART I INTRODUCTION  CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The p r o b l e m to  town.  these features, investigation ficiently  In a d d i t i o n  dissertation i s  national  i n s u c h a manner t h a t  development  t u r e s of urban l i f e  debate.  the d i s c o v e r y of the  i s an e t h n o g r a p h i c p r o b l e m .  Some a u t h o r i t i e s  contend that  city  (McGee 1967;  attention  the a n a l y s i s  the c i t y  period  of  Murphy 1 9 5 4 ) .  The  2  is a areas  to define  while  non-western  debate about  l e d t o a number o f  t h a t have a t t e m p t e d  this  ( D e B r i e y 1966)  f o r the uniqueness of the  n a t u r e o f u r b a n i s m has approaches  The  i n t o most n o n - w e s t e r n  the c o l o n i a l o r i m p e r i a l  o t h e r s have a r g u e d  fea-  has a d d e d v a l u a b l e d i m e n s i o n s t o  w e s t e r n phenomenon i n t r o d u c e d during  suf-  formulation  o f u r b a n i s m has d e v o t e d s u b s t a n t i a l  cities  are  this  policy.  d e b a t i n g t h e n a t u r e o f u r b a n i s m and  non-western  some o f  the r e s u l t s  t o be o f r e l e v a n c e i n t h e  take the view t h a t  literature  to describing  in a  I wish to formulate the f i n d i n g s of  detailed  I  to  for this  d i s c o v e r more a b o u t t h e f e a t u r e s o f u r b a n l i f e  non-western  of  I have chosen  the  typological universalistic  3 urban  traits,  or a t y p o l o g y of urban  t h e s e t y p o l o g i e s have s o u g h t graphically thought The  and  t o be  validity  t h e n p o s i t e d a number o f  demo-  characteristics  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h these demographic c o n d i t i o n s . o f t h e s e t y p o l o g i e s has  theoretically  been debated  both  3 and  empirically.  In the course of e v a l u -  a number o f t h e s e t y p o l o g i c a l  suggested  Most of  t o d e f i n e urbanism  2 ating  places.  a more f r u i t f u l  approaches  l i n e of inquiry.  He  Benet  has  p o i n t s out  that most c u l t u r e s — e v e n t h o s e w h i c h by t h e s e c r i t e r i a [ s i z e and d e n s i t y ] we w o u l d n o t c a l l u r b a n i z e d — c a n y e t d i s t i n g u i s h p e r f e c t l y w e l l between t h e i r r u r a l and u r b a n e l e m e n t s , between what A m e r i c a n s c a l l t h e c o u n t r y boy and t h e c i t y s l i c k e r . . . i t i s s t r a n g e t h a t s o c i o l o g i s t s have n o t t u r n e d t o t h e s e n a t u r a l appreciations. (Benet 19 63: 6) He  suggests  problem. shall if  i n v e s t i g a t e urbanism  as an  F o l l o w i n g the i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s  take the view here  a particular  istic  and  t h a t we  political  t h a t the problem  ethnographic  suggestion, I  i s not to d i s c o v e r  o r s o c i a l u n i t meets a  s e t of demographic c r i t e r i a of "urbanness."  universalRather i t  The t y p o l o g i e s s u g g e s t e d b y W i r t h ( 1 9 3 8 ) , R e d f i e l d S i n g e r ( 1 9 5 9 ) , and S j o b e r g (1960) a r e e x a m p l e s .  2 B e n e t (19 63) has e x a m i n e d t h e i d e o l o g i c a l a s p e c t s o f t h e s e t y p o l o g i e s > w h i l e b o t h Dewey (19 60) and McGee (1964) h a v e r e v i e w e d and e v a l u a t e d a w i d e r a n g e o f t h e l i t e r a t u r e concerning these t y p o l o g i e s .  3  R e i s s (1955) and Duncan (1957) h a v e c r i t i c i z e d these t y p o l o g i e s f o r t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to account adequately f o r the data of western urbanism, w h i l e Lewis (1951; 1 9 5 2 ) , Bascom ( 1 9 5 5 ; 1 9 5 9 ) , and B r u n e r (1961) have f o u n d t h e s e t y p o l o g i e s t o be i n a d e q u a t e f o r d e a l i n g w i t h n o n - w e s t e r n u r b a n i sm.  4..  i s our  t a s k to d i s c o v e r  i n the c o n t e x t o f a p a r t i c u l a r  society:  (1) what the r e s i d e n t s  features  c o n s t i t u t i n g a town, and  of t h e i r contrast  view as the s i g n i f i c a n t (2) what i s the  between the town and  basis  the o t h e r s o c i a l  u n i t s which t h e y r e c o g n i z e . I s h a l l approach t h i s e t h n o g r a p h i c i n v e s t i g a t i o n w i t h i n the framework o f a v o l u n t a r i s t i c t h e o r y of (Evers 1969:  116).  This t h e o r e t i c a l perspective  action directs  our a t t e n t i o n t o the a n a l y s i s of the a c t i v i t i e s o f  indi-  v i d u a l d e c i s i o n - m a k e r s and  systems  that define  t h e i r choices,  a l t e r n a t i v e s and  influence  the i d e a  the  valuations  p l a c e d on t h e s e a l t e r n a t i v e s , as w e l l as the  constraints  imposed on t h e s e d e c i s i o n - m a k e r s by o t h e r a c t o r s situation.  As Raymond F i r t h has  and  the  stated:  a t h e o r e t i c a l framework f o r the a n a l y s i s o f s o c i a l change . . . to be t r u l y dynamic . . . must a l l o w f o r i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n . As a member o f s o c i e t y , each s e p a r a t e i n d i v i d u a l i s s t r i v i n g to a t t a i n h i s ends, i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h o t h e r members i n the p r o c e s s . (Firth 1963: 83) Other i n v e s t i g a t o r s have proposed a v a r i e t y o f g i v i n g s u b s t a n c e to t h i s framework: (Howard 1963;  formulations  d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g models  K e e s i n g 1967); models of s o c i a l exchange  (Romans 1958); and  t r a n s a c t i o n a l models (Barth  W h i l e each o f t h e s e models has  1966).  i t s unique f e a t u r e s ,  they  a l l share the common view t h a t s o c i a l b e h a v i o u r c o m p r i s e s a number of s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d exchanges, o r i n which the a c t o r s make d e c i s i o n s ,  transactions,  c a l c u l a t i n g gains  and  5  l o s s e s as t h e y d e t e r m i n e c o u r s e s of a c t i o n , c h o o s i n g among c u l t u r a l l y defined a l t e r n a t i v e s , constrained  by r u l e s ,  norms, and  (Davis  26).  the power and  i n t e r e s t s of o t h e r s  However, as D a v i s p o i n t s o u t , i t i s not  1973:  sufficient  t o d i r e c t a l l o f our a t t e n t i o n t o the i n d i v i d u a l ; we  must  go beyond the a n a l y s i s of the a c t o r i n i s o l a t i o n : F o r a more s a t i s f a c t o r y v i e w o f b e h a v i o r , we must a l s o c o n s i d e r i n t e r a c t i o n s among i n d i v i d u a l s and the a s s o c i a t i o n s they form. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , we know l i t t l e about the ways i n w h i c h s o c i e t i e s v a r y from one a n o t h e r a t t h i s l e v e l , f o r the emphasis i n a n t h r o p o l o g y has f o r so l o n g been p l a c e d upon a g g r e g a t e p a t t e r n s . (Davis 1973: 23) A s s o c i a t i o n and  decision  A s s o c i a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e s the b a s i s o f human s o c i e t y and  i s among i t s d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Each  instance  of a s s o c i a t i o n c o m p r i s e s a number of i n t e r a c t i o n s between the i n d i v i d u a l a c t o r s concerned.  From the  perspective  o f a v o l u n t a r i s t i c t h e o r y o f a c t i o n each o f these  inter-  a c t i o n s i s the r e s u l t of a d e c i s i o n on the p a r t of  one  i n d i v i d u a l t o i n i t i a t e the i n t e r a c t i o n and on the p a r t the o t h e r t o r e c i p r o c a t e . a c u l t u r a l context.  The  The  d e c i s i o n s take place  of  in  a c t o r must have a knowledge o f  a number of p o t e n t i a l a s s o c i a t e s . a l t e r n a t i v e s from which a c h o i c e a l t e r n a t i v e s are organized  They c o n s t i t u t e i s t o be made.  into categories  the  The  d e f i n e d by  system o f i d e a s shared by o t h e r members of the  a  society.  T h i s system o f i d e a s s u g g e s t s the n a t u r e o f the r e l a t i o n s  6  between p o t e n t i a l a s s o c i a t e s . accompanying  The c a t e g o r i e s  systems o f i d e a s c o n s t i t u t e  and t h e i r  the resources  w h i c h a r e m a n i p u l a t e d by i n d i v i d u a l a c t o r s  i n the decision  process. The  choice process involves  a valuation one  based  given by  upon t h i s v a l u a t i o n  the actor  arising  placing  o n a number o f t h e a l t e r n a t i v e s a n d s e l e c t i n g procedure.  t o each o f t h e a l t e r n a t i v e s  i s made;  the i n d i v i d u a l  of:  The v a l u a t i o n  involves  the assessment  ( 1 ) the s i t u a t i o n i n which t h e d e c i s i o n  (2) valuations  regarding  particular  alternatives  f r o m t h e s y s t e m o f i d e a s a b o u t the.  associate  t y p e s and s h a r e d w i t h o t h e r member o f t h e s o c i e t y ; as lar  (3) factors a r i s i n g  from t h e d e c i s i o n - m a k e r ' s  as w e l l  particu-  s t r a t e g i e s -. To  f o r m u l a t e an e t h n o g r a p h y o f u r b a n  associational  d e c i s i o n s - m a k i n g , i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o examine a v a r i e t y o f materials.  After  decision-making the of  cultural  describing  takes place,  choice of associates  and a s s o c i a t e  and t h e i d e a  Through t h e a n a l y s i s isolate  the vocabularies  types involved  i n the  surround  i n decision-making  i t i s £eve,aling, t o examine  outcomes: a s ttiheys a r e e x h i b i t e d  i n which  describe  systems which  Once t h e b a s e r e s o u r c e s u s e d  have been d i s c o v e r e d ,  context  i ti s necessary t o  dimensions o f a s s o c i a t i o n :  location, activity,  these.  the specific  i n association  decision  action.  o f is"uch=: d a t a i t i s p o s s i b l e t o :  the f a c t o r s which account f o r t h e general  patterns  7  o f a s s o c i a t i o n as w e l l as t o n o t i c e some o f the which i n f l u e n c e i n d i v i d u a l s t r a t e g i e s .  factors  Investigation  of  the r e g u l a r i t i e s e x h i b i t e d i n t h e s e i n d i v i d u a l s t r a t e g i e s s u g g e s t s a f u r t h e r e x t r i n s i c f a c t o r — t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p of the u r b a n i t e  t o the urban l o c a l group.  With the  analysis  of v a r i a b l e s a r i s i n g from t h i s f a c t o r , i t i s p o s s i b l e a r r i v e at conclusions  regarding  to  the u n i q u e c h a r a c t e r  of  urban a s s o c i a t i o n a l d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g i n the town under consideration. Development p l a n n i n g and ethnography N a t i o n a l development p l a n n e r s i n t h i r d w o r l d nations  and  t h e i r western t e c h n i c a l advisers  are  w i t h d e v i s i n g programs t h a t promote change and "progress."  charged stimulate  A l l too o f t e n p r o g r e s s i s c o n c e i v e d  e i t h e r as the t e c h n o l o g i c a l advance, o r as a s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l development, towards an a c c e p t a n c e o f u n m i s t a k a b l e Western v a l u e s , such as h i g h i n d i v i d u a l a s p i r a t i o n l e v e l , s t r e s s upon i n d i v i d u a l achievement and i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l upward m o b i l i t y . (Wertheim 1973: 103) x  S t u d i e s t h a t have sought t o e v a l u a t e development and  to  a s s e s s t h e p o t e n t i a l s u c c e s s o f a program d e s i g n have o f t e n used as t h e i r measurers a number o f c r i t e r i a d i r e c t l y from the e x p e r i e n c e o f w e s t e r n s o c i e t y . quent p r o c e d u r e has c r i t e r i a and  A  fre-  been to. p r e p a r e a check l i s t of t h e s e  t o note t h e i r p r e s e n c e o r absence i n the 4  society i n question.  A development program i s t h e n  4 See,  derived  f o r example L e r n e r  (19 58).  8  designed  or m o d i f i e d  i n such a way  that i t w i l l  cause  changes i n these dimensions tending i n the d i r e c t i o n g r e a t e r "progress have been designed these  or modernity."  However, programs t h a t  i n the hopes o f causing changes i n  i n d i c a t o r s have o f t e n been u n s u c c e s s f u l .  ticipants  The  F o s t e r 1969); or they  lose i n t e r e s t  l i s h e d e n t e r p r i s e s (Belshaw 1964).  The  n a t i o n a l planners  and t h e i r i n t e r n a t i o n a l  i n the c a p i t a l i s not accepted  (Anderson  i n newly  estab-  i n the eyes'of  advisers located  As Cochrane p o i n t s  "there i s a d i f f e r e n c e between an o b j e c t i v e s e t of  out:  criteria  the s u b j e c t i v e image t h a t the people  have of t h e i r circumstances"  (Cochrane 1971:  84).  The  i s p a s s i v e or a p a t h e t i c toward imposed plans  i g n o r e t h e i r s u b j e c t i v e image of the The  the  by the p o p u l a t i o n i n the  towns and v i l l a g e s of the country.  f o r annual growth, and  use  program t h a t  appears to be so r a t i o n a l and b e n e f i c i a l  ulation  par-  leave the schemes (Poleman 1964); r e f u s e to  the i n n o v a t i o n s w i t h which they are presented 1975;  of  pop-  that  circumstances.  type of ethnography to be undertaken here  should  p r o v i d e e x a c t l y the type of i n f o r m a t i o n about the s u b j e c t i v e image of circumstances  i n a s p e c i f i c urban s i t u a t i o n t h a t i s  r e q u i r e d t o c r e a t e a p l a n of change t h a t the p o p u l a t i o n find satisfying.  will  A t the c o n c l u s i o n of the ethnography, I  s h a l l d e s c r i b e the r e l e v a n c e of the f i n d i n g s f o r c r e a t i n g such a s p e c i f i c p l a n . The  l i m i t s of t h i s approach must be  appreciated.  9  It  i s n o t my  of a s i n g l e  intent  to suggest  ethnographic  t h a t through  the analysis  example i t i s p o s s i b l e t o a r r i v e  at g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s t h a t apply t o a l l urban a r e a s . f i n d i n g s o f the ethnography a r e used of  the s p e c i f i c  strate  town e x a m i n e d .  the usefulness of t h i s  generate  specific  specific  policy  The  only i n the context  The p u r p o s e i s t o demon-  ethnographic  d a t a t h a t c a n be u s e d  approach t o  to formulate  initiatives.  Fieldwork For and Kota  a p e r i o d o f t w e n t y months my  I r e s i d e d i n a Malay r e s i d e n t i a l Bharu, Kelantan, M a l a y s i a .  lected  d a t a from  a number  wife,  daughter,  a r e a i n t h e town o f  During  this  period I  col-  of sources, using a v a r i e t y of  5 techniques. lected  The v a s t m a j o r i t y o f t h i s m a t e r i a l was  by p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n , a l t h o u g h  interviewing, events  these data  intensive-  c e n s u s t a k i n g , and t h e r e c o r d i n g o f  and d a i l y  a c t i v i t i e s were a l s o u n d e r t a k e n .  I collected  i n t h e town a t l a r g e ,  although  i n t e n s i v e r e s e a r c h i n three urban r e s i d e n t i a l  one  i n w h i c h we  represent  special Some o f  did  lived  col-  I  areas;  and two o t h e r s w h i c h were c h o s e n t o  c o n t r a s t i n g environments.  Once I had t o d i v i d e my  identified  t h e s e two o t h e r a r e a s ,  I attempted  time  equally  among them by v i s i t i n g  e a c h a r e a on an a l t e r n a t e d a y .  5 D e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n s o f these techniques as they were used t o g a t h e r s p e c i f i c s e t s o f d a t a a r e p r e s e n t e d i n a p p e n d i x £. 1  1 0  T h r o u g h o u t t h e r e s e a r c h I e x p l a i n e d my university  student  T h i s was  a role  ites  they  and  ings with  f r o m Canada d o i n g  t h a t seemed t o be  accepted  informants,  role  familiar  wife  t h a t of  research for a  i t at.face value. b o t h my  as  and  thesis.  t o many u r b a n In a l l our  I attempted  The  built  house we  occupied  area.  My  wife prepared  f o o d p r e s c r i p t i o n s and our  neighbours.  our  B o t h a t home and  ficient  i n o b s e r v i n g Malay e t i q u e t t e . l i v e d , we  i n the  resiMalay  engaged i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o o d  f o l l o w i n g a M a l a y p a t t e r n and  t h e a r e a where we  houses of the  food observing  dressed  in  urban-  a s i m p l e wooden s t r u c t u r e  i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y to the other  dential  with  was  exchange  town  we  s l o w l y became  pro-  Inasmuch as p o s s i b l e  participated  i n a l l of  t r a n s a c t i o n s a p p r o p r i a t e to the r o l e of neighbour. other was  areas  I was  u s u a l l y assigned  sons I v i s i t e d In the of  v i e w e d as  the  data  without  o f good f r i e n d  the  and  of those  course o f the f i e l d w o r k I conducted  collection  M a l a y s i a w i t h no formal  as p o s s i b l e i n t h e M a l a y  of a formal  instruction  an o c c a s i o n a l t u t o r i n g of the  interpreter.  previous training  two-week i n t e n s i v e c o u r s e  beginning  In  a rather curious v i s i t o r  the r o l e  the  per-  frequently.  the use  the only  deal-  t o behav  as much as p o s s i b l e i n t h e manner o f o r d i n a r y M a l a y ites.  a  I was  As  language  I arrived  in  i n t h e l a n g u a g e and  as  able to arrange  at U n i v e r s i t i  s e s s i o n i n Kota  r e s e a r c h p e r i o d my  a s much  was  Sains Malaysia Bharu, at  poor  language  a and  the facility  11 was  a handicap.  With the h e l p o f a few E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g  i n f o r m a n t s , s e v e r a l i n f o r m a l t u t o r s , and t h e p a t i e n t a s s i s tance o f numerous Malay speakers I s l o w l y developed a worki n g knowledge o f t h e language spoken i n the town. A t no t i m e d u r i n g the r e s e a r c h d i d I employ r e s e a r c h a s s i s t a n t s , a l t h o u g h a t l e a s t one man areas c o n s i s t e n t l y a s s i s t e d me Each o f t h e s e men  i n each o f the r e s e a r c h  i n the c o l l e c t i o n of data.  was w e l l a c q u a i n t e d i n  a r e a and t h r o u g h h i s  his., r e s i d e n t i a l  i n t r o d u c t i o n s I gained access to  n e a r l y a l l r e s i d e n t households.  In the case of  households  w i t h w h i c h they were not a c q u a i n t e d , I o b t a i n e d i n t r o d u c t i o n s from o t h e r l o c a l i n f o r m a n t s .  These men  a l s o served to a l e r t  me t o a c t i v i t y t a k i n g p l a c e i n t h e i r a r e a i n w h i c h I might be  interested. The t e c h n i q u e s employed i n d a t a g a t h e r i n g meant  t h a t i t was gation.  n e c e s s a r y t o l i m i t t h e scope o f t h i s  investi-  Once t h e g e n e r a l f e a t u r e s o f the town had been  s u r v e y e d , the t h r e e r e s e a r c h a r e a s and i n f o r m a n t s were c a r e f u l l y s e l e c t e d t o i n c l u d e a range o f d i f f e r e n t types o f o r d i n a r y Malay u r b a n i t e s l i v i n g i n s e v e r a l t y p i c a l urban r e s i d e n t i a l areas.  The c h o i c e o f t h e s e a r e a s and  informants  p r o v i d e d a c r o s s s e c t i o n o f t h e o r d i n a r y male Malay househ o l d heads r e s i d e n t i n the town.  While I f o c u s e d on  i t i e s o f t h e male h o u s e h o l d heads, I r e c o r d e d d a t a o t h e r s i n the h o u s e h o l d as w e l l .  activ-  from  There a r e , o f c o u r s e ,  o t h e r t y p e s o f r e s i d e n t s l i v i n g i n t h e town; v a r i o u s e l i t e s ,  12 high ranking systematic of these  royalty,  c a t e g o r i e s except  i n g on t h i s  these  inasmuch as they  ordinary Malays.  areas,  No  persons  entered  into  However, by c o n c e n t r a t -  segment o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , w o r k i n g and c o n s t a n t l y r e c h e c k i n g  data  i n three across  c a t e g o r i e s , I am c o n f i d e n t t h a t my d a t a r e p r e s e n t an  adequate p i c t u r e o f urban l i f e in  o f non-Malays.  c o l l e c t i o n o f d a t a was u n d e r t a k e n w i t h  associations with  different  and many t y p e s  t h e town o f K o t a  Bharu.  among o r d i n a r y m a l e M a l a y s  CHAPTER I I THE CITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Urban l i f e i s known t o have e x i s t e d i n S o u t h e a s t A s i a from a t l e a s t t h e f i r s t c e n t u r y A.D. (McGee 1967: 22) a l t h o u g h no contemporary c i t y can c l a i m d e s c e n t from any of these a n c i e n t c i t i e s .  Today t h e y a r e known o n l y from  e a r l y w r i t t e n c h r o n i c l e s and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l r e m a i n s . Modern urbanism has been r e l a t i v e l y l a t e t o s t a r t and i t s development  has been slow paced.  As E v e r s has  pointed out: I n comparison t o o t h e r r e g i o n s o f t h e t h i r d w o r l d S o u t h e a s t A s i a i s n o t o n l y one o f t h e l e a s t urbani z e d b u t a l s o one o f t h e s l o w e s t u r b a n i z e r s . I n a l i s t o f 14 w o r l d r e g i o n s , S o u t h e a s t A s i a r a n k s numb e r 11 on an i n d e x o f u r b a n i z a t i o n which measures t h e i n c r e a s e o f t h e t o t a l urban p o p u l a t i o n between 1950 and 1970. (Evers 1972: 1) N e v e r t h e l e s s , urbanism i s o f i n c r e a s i n g importance i n t h e r e g i o n and t h e r e i s no p o l i t i c a l u n i t i n S o u t h e a s t A s i a w h i c h has n o t been l o s i n g r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n t o urban centres  (see T a b l e 1 ) . Urban c e n t r e s i n contemporary S o u t h e a s t A s i a a r e  e x t r e m e l y v a r i e d i n s t r u c t u r e and f u n c t i o n a l t h o u g h two g e n e r a l t y p e s can be d i s t i n g u i s h e d :  the very large  city,  o f t e n the country's c a p i t a l , r e f e r r e d to i n the l i t e r a t u r e as t h e " g r e a t c i t y "  ( G i n s b u r g 1955) o r t h e " m i l l i o n 13  city"  TABLE I CHANGE OF POPULATION DISTRIBUTION BY SIZE OF TOWN, SOUTHEAST ASIAN COUNTRIES, CHANGE IN PERCENTAGE POINTS, 1950-1970 Rural Line 1 2 3 4  P o l i t i c a l Units Southeast A s i a  -6.5  Brunei Burma Cambodia  -1.1 -2.9 -4.9  5  Indonesia  6  Laos West M a l a y s i a  7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Source:  L e s s than 100.000  Philippines Portuguese Timor Sabah Sarawak Singapore Thailand Vietnam, N o r t h Vietnam, South E v e r s 1972.  -5.6 -6.9 -21.5 -3.3 -0.5 -3.5 -7.5  -  -3.0 -16.1 -9.9  1.5 1.1 1.2 -1.5 -0.4  100,000 to ouu,vvv  0.5  0.0  -  -0.2  1.6  0.5 3.5 7.5  -  -  -  -1.1 -2.2 3.4  Over 1 million 4.5  -  0.7 10.2  -0.1 12.2  5.0  i minion  1.0 -.4 7.0 2.2  1.0 9.3  50,000 to  1.3 6.9  -  4.4  -  1.9 _  -  -2.8 2.7  0.0 5.8 6.3 9.5  15 ( F r y e r 1953), a n d t h e m i d d l e c i t y "secondary  the r e g i o n w i t h lished  ( E v e r s 1972).  city"  estab-  powers, a n d e v e n modern  (McGee 1967: 2 4 ) .  t r a d e was t h e  A s was t h e  ( W h e a t l e y 1961)  e v e n o f most a n c i e n t c i t i e s  national  great c i t i e s o f  been g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d as a r e s u l t o f con-  t a c t with western c o u n t r i e s case  A l l the  o r the  t h e e x c e p t i o n o f Bangkok have b e e n  by European c o l o n i a l  Bangkok has  (Osborn 1974)  stimulus which encouraged  g r o w t h o f t h e modern g r e a t c i t i e s . brought the c o l o n i a l i s t s  t o the  I t was t r a d e  interthe which  a r e a a n d i t was t h e  chang-  i n g d i m e n s i o n s o f t r a d e a n d commerce t h a t i n f l u e n c e d t h e direction  and scope o f t h e i r  colonial  longer they remained i n the area  activities.  t h e more w i d e l y  The they  extended t h e i r c o n t r o l and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n — a l t h o u g h great c o l o n i a l activities. continue  cities  always remained the c e n t r e o f t h e i r  I n the p o s t - c o l o n i a l p e r i o d the g r e a t  t o have a n i n t e r n a t i o n a l  the c o l o n i a l  experience.  During  a focus of  over  cities  ambience, d e r i v e d the e a r l y  from  stages o f  i n d e p e n d e n c e t h e new g o v e r n m e n t s s t r u g g l e d t o make great c i t i e s  the  the  i n the  image o f t h e i r new c o u n t r i e s , a s  for nationalism.  However, d e s p i t e t h e i n f l u e n c e s  i n c r e a s i n g l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n s , the e r e c t i o n o f n a t i o n a l  monuments, a n d o t h e r a t t e m p t s t o a l t e r of these  cities  remain b a s i c a l l y  their  image, most  c e n t r e s f o r an i n t e r -  n a t i o n a l community o f b u s i n e s s m e n a n d g o v e r n m e n t employees.  T h e i r forms a n d f u n c t i o n r e m a i n t i e d t o  16 i n t e r n a t i o n a l r a t h e r than i n d i g e n o u s i n t h e terms o f R e d f i e l d and S i n g e r  patterns.  They a r e ,  (1954) , h e t e r o g e n e t i c  cities. The m i d d l e c i t i e s o f t h e r e g i o n a r e so named because they s t a n d i n t h e m i d d l e o f a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the l a r g e n a t i o n a l c e n t r e s and t h e s m a l l e r r e g i o n a l o r l o c a l i n t e r e s t s and because o f t h e i r s i z e i n r e l a t i o n t o other u n i t s i n the country.  Many m i d d l e c i t i e s a r e a l s o  remnants o f t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d .  The c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a -  tion established d i s t r i c t or regional offices i n existing p o p u l a t i o n c e n t r e s which grew i n t o m i d d l e c i t i e s . c a s e s m i d d l e c i t i e s have a more o r t h o g e n e t i c  In other  ( R e d f i e l d and  S i n g e r 1954) c h a r a c t e r , based on l o c a l c u l t u r a l a s s u m p t i o n s , h a v i n g grown i n response t o p u r e l y l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e s  aris-  i n g from r e g i o n a l t r a d e o r t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s o f i n d i g e n o u s government.  Many o r t h o g e n e t i c m i d d l e c i t i e s resemble p r e -  c o l o n i a l urban c e n t r e s and a r e i n l i n e w i t h a t r a d i t i o n o f indigenous  urbanism r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t from t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l  urbanism w h i c h has f l o u r i s h e d i n t h e g r e a t  cities.  Whether o r t h o g e n e t i c o r c o l o n i a l i n o r i g i n , many of these m i d d l e c i t i e s e x h i b i t a s i m i l a r  structural  p a t t e r n i n t h e contemporary n a t i o n a l i s t p e r i o d .  The town's  c e n t r a l f e a t u r e may be a r e g i o n a l government o f f i c e , an e n c l a v e o f t r a d i t i o n a l r o y a l t y , o r a market, o r a combina t i o n of these.  Near t h i s c e n t r a l f e a t u r e i s t h e b u s i n e s s  d i s t r i c t devoted t o v a r i o u s k i n d s o f t r a d i n g companies,  17  i n c l u d i n g b r a n c h o f f i c e s o r sub-agencies o f n a t i o n a l firms.  The b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t a l s o has s m a l l manufactur-  i n g and s e r v i c e shops, r e s t a u r a n t s , f o o d s t o r e s , c o f f e e shops o r b a r s , and a few r e s i d e n t i a l p r e m i s e s .  Residen-  t i a l h o u s i n g i s o f v a r i o u s t y p e s , o f t e n c l u s t e r e d i n mixed neighbourhoods  w i t h t h e shop houses o f immigrant mer-  c h a n t s , t h e s p a c i o u s homes o f t h e e l i t e , and t h e modest homes o f t h e s a l a r i e d workers and s m a l l nearby one a n o t h e r .  businessmen:  Throughout t h e town a r e p o c k e t s o f  h i g h d e n s i t y t r a d i t i o n a l h o u s i n g o r s q u a t t e r accommodation.  These p o c k e t s o c c a s i o n a l l y e x t e n d beyond t h e  f r i n g e s o f t h e town b o u n d a r i e s and a r e o c c u p i e d by t h e urban poor, r e c e n t r u r a l m i g r a n t s , and t h e unemployed. A number o f urban i n s t i t u t i o n s a r e a l s o found i n the middle c i t y .  There a r e s c h o o l s , mosques, t e m p l e s ,  p o l i t i c a l p a r t y h e a d q u a r t e r s , and t r a d e u n i o n h a l l s , some o c c u p y i n g t h e i r own b u i l d i n g s , o t h e r s i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o r e s i d e n t i a l o r commercial b u i l d i n g s .  Together w i t h  c o f f e e shops, b a r s and s i m i l a r commercial e s t a b l i s h m e n t s t h e y comprise t h e l o c a l e s f o r much o f t h e s o c i a l l i f e o f the town w h i l e a l s o p r o v i d i n g l i n k s between t h e urban c e n t r e and t h e c o u n t r y s i d e . As G e e r t z has summarized t h e situation setting  f o r an I n d o n e s i a n m i d d l e c i t y :  " I f the p h y s i c a l  i s one o f r a t h e r t i r e d s h a b b i n e s s t h e s o c i a l  t u r e i s a l m o s t one o f h y p e r a c t i v i t y "  pic-  (Geertz 1 9 6 3 : 9 ) .  In t h e r e g i o n a l c o n t e x t i t may be thought t h a t  18 m i d d l e c i t i e s a r e r e l a t i v e l y u n i m p o r t a n t because o f t h e spectacular population increases  (see T a b l e 1) and t h e  v a s t s o c i a l problems found i n t h e l a r g e c i t i e s .  However,  when p o p u l a t i o n d a t a a r e examined f o r each p o l i t i c a l u n i t i n t h e r e g i o n t h e importance o f t h e s e s m a l l towns becomes apparent.  I n more than one h a l f o f t h e p o l i t i c a l u n i t s  o f t h e r e g i o n w h i c h have l o s t r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n a t l e a s t 50 p e r c e n t o f t h e l o s s has been made up by i n c r e a s e s i n the p e r c e n t a g e o f p o p u l a t i o n l i v i n g i n s m a l l e r towns (see T a b l e 1, 11. 2-15).  I t i s the great c i t i e s which, i n  I n d o n e s i a , t h e P h i l i p p i n e s , and T h a i l a n d , a c c o u n t f o r t h e m a j o r i t y o f p o p u l a t i o n percentage i n c r e a s e s , but i n the o t h e r c o u n t r i e s o f t h e r e g i o n t h e i n c r e a s e s have been i n the s m a l l e r m i d d l e c i t i e s . The M a l a y s i a n m i d d l e and Malay u r b a n i s m  city  Of a l l t h e c o u n t r i e s o f S o u t h e a s t A s i a , M a l a y s i a has e x p e r i e n c e d  the l a r g e s t percentage p o p u l a t i o n  increase  i n c i t i e s o f l e s s than 100,000 p e r s o n s (see T a b l e 1 ) . of these Malaysian middle c i t i e s are h e t e r o g e n e t i c ,  Many  created  by c o l o n i a l p o l i c y o r i n d i r e c t response t o c o l o n i a l requirements.  Some d a t e from b e f o r e t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d  but most were e s t a b l i s h e d — o r a t l e a s t g r e a t l y during the c o l o n i a l period.  transformed—  The d i s c o v e r y and development  o f m i n e r a l d e p o s i t s by C h i n e s e and B r i t i s h i n t e r e s t s encouraged t h e development o f T a i p i n g , Ipoh, e a r l y  19 K u a l a Lumpur, and Seremban, w h i l e P o r t Weld, T e l o k Anson, Penang, and K l a n g g a i n e d prominence as ports.  international  The growth o f the r u b b e r i n d u s t r y accounted f o r  the development o f s e r v i c e c e n t r e s a t K u l i m , A l o r G a j a , and Segemat (Hamzah 1962:  114).  I n c o l o n i a l towns urban a c t i v i t i e s were l a r g e l y i n t h e hands o f t h e non-Malay p o p u l a t i o n .  I n a few  Malay v i l l a g e s were, i n c l u d e d w i t h i n town b o u n d a r i e s  cases but  t h e m i l i e u o f t h e s e h e t e r o g e n e t i c towns d e r i v e d from the p r e d o m i n a n t l y immigrant p o p u l a t i o n , Chinese i n the t i n m i n i n g c e n t r e s and I n d i a n i n t h e r u b b e r s e r v i c e c e n t r e s . T h i s s i t u a t i o n was  d i f f e r e n t i n t h e Malay towns  o f the p e n i n s u l a , most o f which were a t the p e r i p h e r y o f the c o l o n i a l sphere o f i n f l u e n c e :  K o t a Bharu,  Kuala  Trengganu, Pekan, J o h o r e Bharu, and A l o r S e t a r .  These  towns were not c o m p l e t e l y c u t o f f from c o l o n i a l  influence  but t h e i r c r e a t i o n and t h e i r c o n t i n u e d e x i s t e n c e was i n d i r e c t response t o c o l o n i a l i n i t i a t i v e s .  not  These w e r e —  and c o n t i n u e t o b e — o r t h o g e n e t i c towns, s t e e p e d i n l o c a l c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s and r e s p o n d i n g t o changing  local  p o l i t i c a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s i n t h e s u r r o u n d i n g hinterland.  Most o f t h e s e towns a r e c e n t r e s o f t r a d i t i o n a l  Malay r o y a l t y and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and i n s e v e r a l cases a r e a l s o r e g i o n a l marketing centres.  While i t i s notable  t h a t i n most o f t h e s e towns Malays occupy a wide  range  o f urban r o l e s , we know v e r y l i t t l e e l s e about the  20 s o c i o l o g i c a l f e a t u r e s of t h e s e towns. g r a p h i c s t u d y of Malays i n the c i t y  The major mono-  (Provencher  1971)  was c a r r i e d out i n the h e t e r o g e n e t i c c i t y o f K u a l a Lumpur where Malays have o n l y l i m i t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e urbanism o f t h e c a p i t a l .  P r o v e n c h e r ' s study p r o v i d e s  o n l y l i m i t e d u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the n a t u r e o f urbanism i n a Malay  environment. The most u s e f u l i n s i g h t i n t o t h e n a t u r e o f Malay  urbanism i s found i n s e v e r a l s t u d i e s o f i n d i g e n o u s urbanism i n I n d o n e s i a n m i d d l e c i t i e s W i l l n e r 1957; Wertheim 1958).  (Geertz 1965; E v e r s  1972;  I n d o n e s i a has e x p e r i e n c e d  a r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r y o f c o l o n i a l i s m and  indepen-  dence b u t the g e n e r a l c u l t u r e p a t t e r n , r e l i g i o n ,  and  language a r e s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f t h e p e n i n s u l a r M a l a y s . I n the s t u d i e s o f I n d o n e s i a n urbanism the most f r e q u e n t l y n o t e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s i t s undynamic c h a r a c t e r .  The  s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e o f t h e s e towns remains i l l - d e f i n e d o r , as G e e r t z s t a t e s , " i n a s t a t e o f c o n t i n u o u s t r a n s i t i o n " (1963: 1 7 ) .  The town i s n e i t h e r a r e c r e a t i o n o f t h e r u r a l  p a t t e r n s nor a dynamic s o c i a l u n i t moving toward a more d e f i n e d and v i t a l form o f urbanism t h a t i s r e s p o n s i v e t o change i n t h e s o c i e t y .  E v e r s has found t h i s same s i t u -  a t i o n t o be t r u e f o r the town o f Padang and has t o the p r o c e s s t a k i n g p l a c e i n t h e s e towns as involution."  referred  "urban  As he t e l l s u s , "what we w i l l t e n d t o f i n d  i s s e g m e n t a t i o n , i . e . more o f the same type o f  i n s t i t u t i o n s , more p e o p l e i n t h e same type o f occupat i o n s , some e l a b o r a t i o n o f e x i s t i n g s o c i a l p a t t e r n r a t h e r than e v o l u t i o n o f new  structures.  e x p e c t i n t h e s e towns no d r a s t i c changes 1972: 5 ) .  We s h o u l d . . ." (Evers  Geertz accounts f o r t h i s q u a l i t y of Indonesian  urbanism by r e f e r e n c e t o t h e impact o f c o l o n i a l i s m . E v e r s r e f e r s t h e phenomenon t o the l a c k o f o c c u p a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and t h e i n a b i l i t y o f t h e town t o c r e a t e a sequence o f r o l e s w h i c h a r e open t o u r b a n i t e s as t h e y r i s e to a proletarian status.  As E v e r s p o i n t s o u t  (1972:  6) the i n v o l u t e d type o f urbanism i s v e r y d i f f e r e n t from e a r l y European u r b a n i s m where r a p i d s o c i a l  development—  w i t h an i n c r e a s e i n urban s o c i a l r o l e s and the c o m p l e x i t y o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s — a c c o m p a n i e d the r i s e o f the mercant i l e b o u r g e o i s i e and p r o l e t a r i a n f a c t o r y workers d u r i n g the i n d u s t r i a l  revolution.  The urbanism found among K o t a Bharu Malays i s a l s o c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i n v o l u t i o n , an undynamic, p e r p e t u a l l y transitional state. new phenomenon.  Malay urbanism i s a r e l a t i v e l y  A l t h o u g h c i t i e s and towns have l o n g been  p r e s e n t , f o r t h e most p a r t the urban p o p u l a t i o n o f the Malay towns does not have a l o n g h i s t o r y o f urban dence.  resi-  There a r e few, i f any, f a m i l i e s which can t r a c e  numerous g e n e r a t i o n s of urban r e s i d e n c e .  However, Malay  urbanism i s not m e r e l y an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f r u r a l  social  p a t t e r n s as P r o v e n c h e r (1971) argues f o r Malays l i v i n g i n  22 K u a l a Lumpur.  Neither  k i n d o f dynamics European  we  i s Malay  u r b a n i s m b a s e d upon t h e  have come t o a s s o c i a t e w i t h  o r North American  towns.  Malay  u r b a n i s m must  be r e c r e a t e d w i t h e a c h s u c c e s s i v e g e n e r a t i o n , the  static It  or i n v o l u t i o n a l i s possible  c h a r a c t e r o f Malay  to account f o r the  urbanism  that  I shall  demonstrate  involutional  associational  urbanism  life  between t h e f a c t o r s  neighbourhood  and u r b a n  i s c r e a t e d as Malays  hand  on t h e o t h e r .  an u r b a n o c c u p a t i o n w h i c h  and  urban  The  between  urbanite  position  ideology  o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n makes i t d i f f i c u l t  urbanite  to e s t a b l i s h  i n the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n system.  i n t h e town a t l a r g e .  to  ignored.  be  urbanite  that  at  The  f o r the  a s s o c i a t i o n s with persons of other However, i n t h e different  o c c u p a t i o n s a r e s u p p o r t e d by an i d e o l o g y o f stipulates  and  a s s i g n s him t o a  r e l a t i o n s with neighbours of  which  urban  g i v e s him a c c e s s t o r e s o u r c e s  specific  neighbourhood  in their  i s employed  t o t h a t o c c u p a t i o n and w h i c h  categories  land  land holding  specific  status  of  i n the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r s  balance the d i a l e c t i c  o c c u p a t i o n s on t h e one  involutional  f o u n d i n t h e town o f K o t a  s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , neighbourhood,  holding.  giving i t  character.  B h a r u by e x a m i n i n g t h e i n t e r p l a y social  early  existing  differences  association i n status  are  In a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h h i s neighbours the  gains access to s p e c i f i c  neighbours of other occupational  resources controlled types.  The  solidarity  by  of  n e i g h b o u r s w h i c h makes a s s o c i a t i o n s a c r o s s  categories procity  p o s s i b l e i s b a s e d upon t h e  r e i n f o r c e d by  adjacent holding  p a r c e l s of patterns  maintain  interests arising  c o n t r o l of  a l t e r e d and the  l a n d on  the n e c e s s a r y r e i n f o r c e m e n t interest the  i n the  of  town f o r l a n d  from  land.  which they  When  search  land  longer  live,  reciprocity.  reci-  owning  n e i g h b o u r s no  n e i g h b o u r h o o d , and  status  assumption of  urban r e s i d e n t i a l  are  these  they  They  lose  elsewhere  f r o m w h i c h t o e s t a b l i s h a new  in  set  of  neighbour r e l a t i o n s .  R a t h e r t h a n c r e a t i n g new  forms  social  forms of c i t y  merely  r e l a t i o n s , new  recreate forcing  is  the  old pattern  involutional character  The  presentation  geographical outline  once a g a i n ,  the  i n several parts.  the  contrast  and  and  ethnographic d e s c r i p t i o n of  In each c a s e systematic Part  as  rural  Part  the  I examine t h e  of  the  In the  analysis of  tance of both occupation  and  the  town  and  environment,  and  the  associate  which u n d e r l i e s  t i m e use  and  this material  neighbourhood  in basic  of a s s o c i a t i o n : types. the  categories. associate  t h e s e were o b s e r v e d u n d e r a v a r i e t y o f  conditions.  rein-  thesis  describe  r e l a t i o n s h i p s between t h e s e v a r i o u s patterns  of  city.  categories  ideology  and  III provides  location, activity,  IV e x a m i n e s t h e  choice  of the  background o f the  urban m i l i e u .  space, occupation,  confirming  I n P a r t IX", I s h a l l  historical  they  documentation of  main elements o f the  to the  life,  lose  the  different impor-  is validated.  Part local and, in  V examines group,  f o r the maintenance  group  of neighbourly  i s discussed.  In the  and r e l a t e d t o t h e p r o b l e m o f e x p l a i n i n g  vides a  urbanism.  Part  control  association.  conclusion, is  discussed  the i n v o l u t i o n a l  V I I , the Epilogue,  an a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h e f i n d i n g s o f t h i s  specific  groups  heterogeneity  VI, the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f these f i n d i n g s  n a t u r e o f Malay  problem i n development  the  o f the neighbourhood  the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f occupational  the l o c a l  Part  solidarity  areas, demonstrates the importance of  land  Further, in  the s o c i a l  and  t h r o u g h an a n a l y s i s o f t h e n a t u r e o f l o c a l  three  over  t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between l a n d  policy  pro^  analysis  planning.  to  25  PART  II  THE BACKGROUND  CHAPTER I I I KOTA BHARU, THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Geography The town o f Kota Bharu i s l o c a t e d near t h e mouth o f the  K e l a n t a n R i v e r on t h e n o r t h - e a s t c o a s t o f West M a l a y s i a  The r i v e r p l a i n on w h i c h t h e town i s s i t u a t e d i s bounded by mountains t o t h e n o r t h - w e s t , west, and s o u t h . of  Through most  the s t a t e ' s h i s t o r y t h e s e mountains have made l a n d com-  m u n i c a t i o n w i t h t h e r e s t of the l a n d mass w h i c h i s now West Malaysia d i f f i c u l t .  To t h e e a s t i s t h e South C h i n a Sea,  l a c k i n g any n a t u r a l harbours on t h e K e l a n t a n c o a s t l i n e , and to out,  the n o r t h i s the b o r d e r w i t h T h a i l a n d .  As Dobby p o i n t s  "the c h i e f c u l t u r a l i n f l u e n c e s have been water borne  and c o a s t w i s e , from J a v a , and more r e c e n t l y , from T h a i l a n d " (Dobby 1951: 226). The s o i l s around t h e town a r e s u i t e d t o r i c e  culti-  v a t i o n and K o t a Bharu has become a c e n t r e b o t h f o r t h e m a r k e t i n g o f farm produce and f o r t h e s u p p l y o f f a r m e r s ' necessities. The r i v e r i s c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n i t s banks i n a l l but the  h e i g h t o f the monsoon season and i t s q u i e t  meandering  course provides l i t t l e and  ferries.  include  Other  hindrance- to t r a v e l  forms  o f communication  a t t h e t i m e o f t h e f i e l d w o r k , was  a twice-daily  e x p r e s s bus  A second  constructed  service  i n approximately  highway b r i d g e o v e r the Golak  the A s i a n highway which  At  the time of the r e s e a r c h t h i s used because  border area.  links  twelve  a newly connects  Singapore.  security  i t d o e s n o t e n t e r t h e town,  line  s e r v i c e on  i t s t r a c k r u n n i n g on t h e o p p o s i t e bank o f  runs  which  of the Malaysian Railway  i s easily  r e a c h e d by  a toll  Thailand  to points  t h r o u g h an a i r p o r t  to points  bridge.  i n Thailand  flights  con-  Air travel i s  This  town  about  facility  System w i t h numerous  t o K u a l a Lumpur, Penang, K u a n t a n ,  line  through  a t P e k a l a n Chepa, a s u b u r b a n  s e r v e d by t h e M a l a y s i a n A i r l i n e  the  This  north  and  i n north-west M a l a y s i a .  e i g h t m i l e s to the e a s t o f Kota Bharu.  the  System p r o v i d e s  s o u t h t o S i n g a p o r e and K u a l a Lumpur, and  necting with trains  was  conditions i n  East Coast  river  by  route through Thailand  of the u n s e t t l e d While  River,  Bangkok and  420  covered  road through T h a i l a n d , c r o s s i n g  to  this  through  Pahang t o K u a l a Lumpur, a d i s t a n c e o f a b o u t  m i l e s which,  hours.  small boat  w i t h t h e town  a r o a d l i n k by t h e e a s t c o a s t highway  Kuantan,  little  by  and  is daily  Kuala  Trengganu. A recently buses, traffic  developed  network o f roads  numerous i n t e r - t o w n t a x i s ,  lorries,  o f c a r s and m o t o r c y c l e s l i n k s  and  carrying private  a l l o f t h e towns i n  28  the northern s e c t i o n of the s t a t e w i t h the W h i l e many a u t h o r s remote, the Kelantanese Although in  do..not v i e w t h e i r  r e c e n t y e a r s , they- n o t e  other overseas  w i t h T h a i l a n d and tanese  Kota Bharu, of Kelantan As  various cate  t h e i r way  i t seems t h a t  t o approach  as  substantial  evidence  early  there during this s t a t e i n the sources  brought  and  thence  importance,  who  to the  t h e r e a r e no  this  there existed  of Kelantan  engaging  found i t with  as w e l l The  as  Kelan-  h a v e , by o f t e n  state.  i n the Context Historyl  non-indigenous  that  early  t h e y have u s u a l l y  numerous v i s i t o r s  r e c o r d s f o r the e a r l y  necessary  such.  improved  places of  r o u t e s , found  as  has  various parts of Indonesia.  have a l w a y s had  circuitous  other  that  as  situation  transportation  t o communicate w i t h S i n g a p o r e ,  M e c c a and  the  have spoken o f K e l a n t a n  they acknowledge t h a t  possible  capital;  history history  travellers. a maritime  as t h e  seventh  of t r a d i n g  period.  Chinese  thirteenth  often refer  and  century  of the through  the  interior  state,  state  or  i t is  the r e p o r t s of  Chinese  records  indi-  i n the  vicinity  c e n t u r y and  there i s  maritime  activities  sources a g a i n mention (Wyatt  1974).  These  t o s m a l l c e n t r e s w h i c h were  i n trade of various m a t e r i a l s from  indigenous annals  and  sold  (particularly  along the c o a s t .  gold) The  I have y e t t o see a d e f i n i t i v e h i s t o r y o f t h e town, a l t h o u g h an i n c r e a s i n g number o f a r t i c l e s h a v e appeared d e a l i n g w i t h the h i s t o r y o f the s t a t e .  small settlements along the coast acted; as depots f o r the t r a n s f e r o f these p r o d u c t s . government of Keiantan was by 1225  A.D.  Keiantan was  E x a c t l y when the  central  e s t a b l i s h e d i s not known.  But  r e p o r t e d to be under the r u l e o f  S r i v i j a y a i n Sumatra and by 13 65 the s t a t e i s l i s t e d being s u b j e c t to the Majapahit was  probably converted  kingdom i n J a v a .  to Islam by about the  (Downs 1967:  116).  From 1603  known of the s t a t e , although Siam had  Keiantan  fifteenth  century, and by the end of t h a t century i t was by Malacca  as  conquered  to 1730  f o r a long  little is time  claimed s u z e r a i n i t y over the s t a t e when Keiantan was w i t h i t s Malay-speaking now  neighbours  linked  to the n o r t h i n what i s  the P a t a n i s e c t i o n of T h a i l a n d .  Siam took an a c t i v e  i n t e r e s t i n the s t a t e from the f a l l of the kingdom of Ayadhya i n 1767  (Wyatt 1974:  3) and by 1903  a British  A d v i s e r i n the employ of the Siamese government had appointed to l o o k . a f t e r the a f f a i r s of the s t a t e . f o l l o w e d by tfcfre T r e a t y of Bangkok i n 1909 of  been This  when " a l l  rights  s u z e r a i n i t y , p r o t e c t i o n , a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , and c o n t r o l  [Keiantan]  and the s t a t e s of Trengganu, Kedah, and  (Downs 1967:  116)  were g i v e n to Great B r i t a i n .  post o f A d v i s e r to the S u l t a n was filled  d i r e c t l y by ttihe  was  over  Perlis"  While the  m a i n t a i n e d , . i t was  now  B r i t i s h government.  During the p e r i o d of B r i t i s h i n t e r v e n t i o n i n the Malay peninsula-, Keiantan maintained as one of the Unfederated  a degree of autonomy  S t a t e s , although the s t a t e  30 continued included the  t o have a B r i t i s h A d v i s e r , i n the  Federation  a new  o f M a l a y a and  centre  of  the  established,  e a r l y small  ily  organized  on  trade  stantly vying agricultural  state.  T h i s was  of t h i s  p o t e n t i a l of  the  be  the  A l l of  the  Sultan  secular  and  sacred,  members o f  affairs second  grouping  of  the  1957  This  people  living  recognized, pattern. a  The  vested.  seat  society  first  With the  the  Sultan  (istana)  lesser nobility,  through category  Usually  help  of  directed  at Kota  the  Bharu.  essentially a  c h i e f s were  also resided  i t .  form  The  groupings of  i n Kota Bharu.  c o n t r o l of v a r i o u s on  the  Bharu.  rural district  grouping  As  con-  i n whom a l l a u t h o r i t y ,  royal family,  from which the  c h i e f s were a s s i g n e d the  was  primar-  c h i e f d o m s were  sultanate,  system.  (or R a j a )  the  based  another.  the  was  these l i n k e d together  s t a t e from h i s p a l a c e  c a t e g o r y was  recruited.  and  was  period,  town  Arab t r a d e r s .  three  sultanate  of  and  i n Kota  early period  c o n t r o l s of  early  K e l a n t a n p l a i n was  a model o f  from I n d i a n  discerned.  consisted  A  August  a u t h o r i t y became t h e  g o v e r n m e n t was  In t h i s  other  state  c o n s t i t u t i o n of  B e f o r e the  i n t o a number o f  e s t a b l i s h e d on  new  f r o m an  f o r a s c e n d a n c y o v e r one  p r o b a b l y borrowed  both  the  31  r i v e r i n e settlements  more c e n t r a l i z e d p o l