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Aki No Yo No Naga-Monogatari : a lengthy story for a long autumn night Sawada, Shikyo 1976-02-12

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AKI NO YO NO NAGA-MONOGATARI: A LENGTHY STORY FOR A LONG AUTUMN NIGHT by SHIKYO SAWADA B.A., Taish6 University, 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Dept. of Asian Studies) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1976 © Shikyo Sawada, 1976 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of ASIAN STUDIES The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date APRIL 5, 1976 i! ABSTRACT Aki no yo no naga-monogatari (A Lengthy Story for a Long Autumn Night). an anonymous work of the Middle Ages, has been considered one of the earliest and finest examples of those chigo monogatari (child stories) which have a homo sexual relationship as their main theme. The popularity of numerous plays traditionally believed to be derived from Aki no jo no naga-monogatari as well as the appeal of its homosexual theme has motivated many authors to write commen taries on it, and the tale has even come to be associated with a popular legend. It is certain that Aki no yo no naga-monogatari was extremely familiar to authors of the Tokugawa period, by whom it was much appreciated. Aki no jo no naga-monogatari is a valuable subject for literary scholarship primarily because it combines several techniques found in different genres. The amalgamation of Heian fiction, medieval war story, and Buddhist narrative created a unique type of literary work. In addition, the fairy tale, which became most popular during the Edo period, is prefigured in Aki no jo no naga-monogatari. In this res pect, the tale stands apart from other literary works of the Middle Ages. In spite of the fact that many such works have been translated into English, Aki no yo no naga-monogatari and other similar stories have yet to be introduced to Western readers. ii The introductory portion of this thesis outlines social conditions of the period during which Akl no jo no naga-monogatari was written. The historical background of the hero and details of the religious conflict which comes to light in the tale are given. In chapter two the diverse techniques employed by the author are discussed along with problems of genre classification. Lastly, works associated with Aki no ya no naga-monogatari are treated. The informa tion in the introduction should enable the reader to achieve a better understanding and deeper appreciation of Aki no yo  naga-monogatari. My translation is based on the text in Nihon koten  bungaku taikei. This is taken from the oldest existing manu script of Aki no jo no naga-monogatari. For those interested in reading the work in Japanese, this text is the easiest to obtain. I have translated the text as literally as possible throughout, except where interpretation was absolutely neces sary to make the meaning clear. I hope that this translation will encourage others to study tales like Aki no jo no naga-monogatari, because they are an important link between Heian literature and the popu lar literature of the Edo period. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i INTRODUCTION... 1 CHAPTER I A View of Literature of the Middle Ages 1 CHAPTER II Classification of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari 7 CHAPTER III Historical Background of the Tale 12 Biographical Sketch of Sensai 12 The Rivalry Between the Sammon and the Jimon Denominations 20 CHAPTER IV Literature Related to Aki no yo no naga-monogatari 27 The Author's Sources 2# Works Thought to Have Been Influenced by the Tale . 31 NOTES ON INTRODUCTION 37 Aki no yo no naga-monogatari: A Lengthy Story for a Long Autumn Night 52 NOTES ON THE TEXT 93 TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS 112 BIBLIOGRAPHY 111 INTRODUCTION 0 QHAPTER I A View of Literature of the Middle Ages > > The Heian period (Heian-iidai ^ ^&rfv\ ) came to a close and control passed from the hands of the court nobles to the warriors in 116*5, the year that marked the final bat tle between the Minamoto clan (Genji-^^. fj\ ) and the Taira clan (Heike 3fi- ). In the same year that power was seized by the warrior class, the leader of the Genji, Minamoto no Yoritomo jffi (1147 - 1197) posted Shugo , "Constables", and Jito g§K "Stewards", throughout Japan in order to establish the Kamakura Shogunate (Kamakura Bakufu ^f-MM^y The Period from 1]-£5 to 1600, the year of the" Battle of Sekigahara (Sekigahara no tatakai t^'$$^h£ ) is classified as the Japanese Middle Ages (Chusei ^ ). It was an extended period of incessant war and extreme social unrest. Those who were forced to endure such adversity turned to Bud dhism for comfort. In order to more adequately serve those in spiritual distress, existing Buddhist sects were reformed and new Buddhist orders were founded. Temples received the sup-1 port of the new ruling class as well as the general populace. Their power increased and Buddhist influence came to dominate 2 literature as well as many other aspects of culture. In 11^5, the Heike had been completely vanquished. 2 However, peace was not forthcoming. Following the Gempei War, the final war between the Genji and the Heike (Gempei / j 3 no soran ^ <n NJf? ), other historically important battles occurred: the Disturbance of JSkyu (Jokvu no ran j|<wA^<»ri|L > 1221), the Battle of Bun'ei (Bun'ei no eki ^ iK. ' ^274 > the battles which brought about the Kemmu Restoration CKemmu no chuko J^j^f^^)i , 1334) the skirm ishes between the Southern Court (Nan-cho ) and the Northern Court (Hoku-cho jtCl*H)> and the 6nin War (Onin no  ran y^-Y^* j^L ) which took place from 1467 to 1477. The 6*nin War, which centered around Kyoto, caused the fall of the governing body, the Muromachi Shogunate (Muromachi  Bakufu ^ JBJ JI^J" , 1333 - 1573) and resulted in the divi sion of Japan into separate territories each controlled by a rival leader. These wars which brought about further changes in power and political system combined to produce among the people innumerable grievances which had no outlet for expression except that of religion. The severe cultural upheavals cau sed people to realize that they were indeed living in the age of the latter days of the Lawsr (mappo according to 4 Buddhist periodization). Spiritually distressed, they sought solace in Buddhism. However, the practices of the existing Buddhist orders could not adequately fulfill their needs. Prior to the onset of the Middle Ages the established Buddhist sects had been largely supported by court nobles and in order to satisfy the demands of such a congregation, ser vices were largely composed of incantation and prayers. 3 Having lost the support of the noble class due to the change in the governing body, Buddhist temples were forced to ex pand their teaching to include all classes of people, and at the same time they were compelled to overhaul their sys tem of religious practices and theories in order to more 5 effectively appeal to those in distress. Abhorring the corruption of Buddhism, some monks of vir tue attempted to reform their sects. They succeeded only partially in their task however, because their deeds were not sufficiently dynamic to gain the support of people in general. Concurrently, new Buddhist orders were being foun ded. The first new sect to be set up during the Middle Ages was the j8do Sect (Jodo-shu ^> i.^ ) established in 1175 by Honen (1133 - 1212). Following this, the Jodo Shin Sect (Jodo shin-shu ^ j£_ JL^ ) of Shinran (1173 -1262), the Zen Sects (Zen-shu ffijfe. ) of Eiaai IS-^ f11^1 " 1215) and Dogen ^ (1200 - 1253), and the Hokke Sect (Hokke-shu fjf ) of Nichiren 0 (1222 " 12S2), were founded. The JSdo Sects soon gained tremendous prominence among all classes of people because of their unique doctrine, 7 tariki-hongan jfa ^>M^ » "salvation by faith". The Zen Sects obtained the confidence of the new governing classes and their temples came to replace the Court as centers of the arts. New Buddhism influenced many aspects of culture; litera ture was no exception. A concept of fiction (kv&gen kigo %> ££f ) came to dominate the outlook of writers and 4 their audiences. The term kyogen kigo was originally employ ed by Po Ghii-i & ^£ J7 (772 - £46) and was introduced in Japan by Fujiwara no Kinto t&fe <fo £ (966 - 1041) in his edition of the anthology of Wakan foei shu -fcft tfcJk. (compiled in 1013). The ideas inherent in kyogen kigo be came wide spread during the mid-Heian period when Jodo Budd-hism (jSdo-kvo ?if 3L ) began to take root in Japan. Those who initially considered the concept of kyogen  kigo thought that they must refrain from writing and accept ing fiction and must practice only Buddhism. Nevertheless, literary practitioners soon came to believe that they should write and accept fiction in order to attain higher enlighten-10 ment. Works written under the influence of this theory aroused unprecedented interest. Once these questions concerning the purpose of litera ture came to the fore, the popularity of Heian style fiction (tsukurimono /f£ *J ) declined and literature of a descrip-' 11 tive nature gained popularity. The frequent battles which had continued to take place since the late Heian period pro vided much material. Accounts of wars (senki monogatari |^ •^CJ i"a ) became ever more realistic and conveyed to people the vanity of life. Representative war stories of 12. this time are Heike monogatari If- 4K. $0 jf£ and Taihei ki < 1 x3 X.-T"f(L . Techniques employed in these stories contri buted to descriptive literature'of other types such as: historical tales (rekishi monogatari ^ §£.#$7^ )> essay literature (zuihitsu bangaku f^J^. £^ ) and autobiographi -5 cal accounts (nikkl bungaku Q JL^. ). As mentioned above, interest in Heian fiction dimini shed. The reason for this decline is twofold. The nobles, having fallen from power, displayed less and less interest in writing and the new readers showed little enthusiasm for the tedious Heian stories which were characterized by mono no aware £ <n <n <£\ <2 JK. , "an affecting sense of refine-14 ment". Nevertheless, fiction after the fashion of Heian style fiction continued to be written. Karen Brazell notes however, that, "The narratives of this period are pseudo classical tales (giko monogatari fj^h and many of them are simply imitations of earlier stories or rewriting 15 of sections of The Tale of Genii." In spite of this fact, out of this type of literature evolved narrative literature (setsuwa bungaku %%^^%}\J^. )• These works were designed to be of practical value, namely, to edify. However they also served another purpose. They helped to transfer Heian techniques to a new genre, that of fairy-tales (otogi-z£shi ) which evolved during the last half of the Middle Ages. Thus literature of the Middle Ages multiformalized during this period of continued conflict. The ascendency of the court nobles in governmental and artistic spheres ended and the influence of monks, the most educated class, grew. Monks devoted themselves to every sort of creative endeavour and in time members of the new ruling classes were inspired to follow their lead. Authors of diverse 6 backgrounds produced a great variety of literary works which steadily increased in popularity during the Middle Ages. 7 Chapter II Classification of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari Aki no jo no naga-monogatari is believed to have been 16 written in the mid-fourteenth century, a period of extreme social unrest. The story, a composite of quite distinct ele ments of several genres, indeed reflects this unstable age of Japanese history. Because Aki no jo jao naga-monogatari contains features of chigo monogatari ^fe. > "a child story", otogi-z$3hi. and hosshin-dan Jf&i^fj^. , "a story of regeneration", it has been classified at one time or another 17 in each of these ways. When the narrative techniques of the story are examined one finds characteristics of each of the above genres as well as distinctive features of both Heian fiction and the war chronicles of the Middle Ages. Although these various elements are admittedly incorporated in Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. it may be argued that essen tially it is a tale of regeneration. The first eleven sections of the narrative are similar in tone to Heian fiction that describes the love of men and women. The author was forced to employ Heian technique throughout these sections to portray the relationship between Umewaka $^-Jca and Keikai because there were no con ventional phrases which could be used to particularize a 18 matter-of-fact relationship between men. The Heian love story gives way to the super-natural tale 19 upon the appearance of the long-nosed goblin (tengu ^ ) in section 12. Because of the nature of section 12, 16 and 17, Aki no jo no naga-monogatari is often classified as otogi-zoshi. This particular genre originated during the last half of the Middle Ages and came to be most popular dur ing the early Edo period. Otogi-zoshi is a short piece of fiction which exhibits quite different features from those of Heian writings. Reflecting the diverse nature of Chusei society, otogi-zoshi was intended for people of all classes and it is generally believed that the authors of such works represent a cross-section of society. The contents were based on folklore and the stories are didactic. Section 13, 14, and 15 represent another genre popular during the early Middle Ages, namely, that of senki mono- gatari. The nature of the war story is highly descriptive and always greatly exaggerated in order to provide the aud-20 ience with the actual sensations of battle. As war chron icles were for the most part oral recitations, the sentences of such stories are laconic and rhythmical. Aki no YO no naga-monogatari has also been considered 21 one of the earliest examples of a chigo monogatari. Chigo •$£.lJfL originally meant an infant; however, it came to spec ifically denote those children brought up in large temples during the Middle Ages. Children came to be placed in tem ples for mainly two reasons. Firstly, temples provided the most thorough education to the children of high ranking court 9 nobles and warriors, and secondly, temples proved to be the most secure environment for children without parents or guardian. Those placed in the care of temples remained there until adulthood at which time some of them became monks and some returned to their own homes. Chigo monogatari refers to a story in which one such child is the hero. Until about one hundred years ago, women were excluded from temples, and thus temples were entirely the domain of men. Since homo sexual relationships between the children entrusted to the temple and monks provided the theme in chigo monogatarir the term chigo monogatari came to denote a story of homo sexuality. They are not always stories of sodomy but they are often thought of as such because these tales are associ ated with pornographic literature of pederasty written dur-22 ing the Edo period. Ichiko Teiji states in his book, Chuko shosetsu no kenkyu. that almost all the waka poems of "The Chapter of Love" in the anthology of Ansen waka shft ^ edited by the monk KySga in 1369 are exchange poems 23 (zot&-ka Jj£~§X^ ) t between monks and children. He adds that the monk poets of Gosan j?L <L\ , "the five Zen temples", composed many poems describing the beauty of young boys. The poems listed in the collection of verses, San'eki enshi J&rfc-IS-ii^" are examples of such compositions. He also states that Rvuben Hoin saiio ki £p fa JL fcj, edited in 1250, describes the corrupt life of the monks of On jo-ji tfy -jj- who frequently stole secretly into the 10 25 rooms of the Kamakura youths residing in the temple. Ichiko Teiji noted the above points in order to prove that homosexual relationships were rife during the Middle Ages. Furthermore, he asserts that Aki no yo no naga-monogatari 2o~ is the finest example of such a story. It is wrong however to consider that the story is sim ply a description of the homosexual relationship of the heroes of the tale, Umewaka, and the monk Keikai. Rather, the main purpose of the author of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari was to illustrate the regeneration of Keikai from a Buddhist 27 point of view. In Nihon rvoi ki S^'^^^'CJ » there are many bizarre stories which have their origin in legends of ancient times, and which describe marriages between humans and other creatures. These stories intimate that bestiality existed in Japan of antiquity. The compiler, Kyokai -|r -rf^ simply added morals to the tales in order to use them as his sermons. It was profitable to use these stories because they were strange and therefore extremely attractive to the aud-28 iences of the early ninth century. The plot of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari is also far beyond reality and the combi nation of such a story with a conclusion of retribution para llels the elements of Nihon ryoi ki. Umewaka*s high rank would, in reality, have excluded him as a possible partner in a homosexual affair. Furthermore, in the concluding sec tions of the story, the reader discovers that Umewaka was actually a manifestation of a Merciful Goddess. In Japanese Buddhist narratives a Merciful Goddess often surrendered her-11 self to a monk. Later the monk, tormented by a guilty con-29 science, became truly pious in order to expiate his sin. Although Aki no yo no naga-monogatari contains elements of otogi-zoshi. it should be evident that setsuwa are bound to display characteristics of the fairy tale, providing as they did, a link between Heian fiction and otogi-zSshi. Moreover Aki no yo no naga-monogatari does contain the seeds of these chigo monogatari which describe homosexual relation ships; however these descriptions served as an expedient through which the author was able to achieve his true inten tion, the edification of his audience. Thus, it is preferable to label Aki no yo no naga-monogatari as setsuwa and subcate-gorize it as a story of regeneration. 12 Chapter III Historical Background of the Tale In the previous chapter, the diverse narrative techni ques of Aki no YO no naga-monogatari were mentioned. It is evident however that these variations are not simply a result of the combination of literary techniques. Careful exami nation of the tale demonstrates that it was composed of at least three accounts: the life story of the monk Sensai, the discord between the Sammon and the Jimon Denominations, and the legend of Umewaka. Underlying these first two themes are actual historical incidents that provided inspiration to the author of the tale. Knowledge of these events enriches the reader's understanding and appreciation of the story. Biographical Sketch of Sensai Although the life of Sensai has not been studied to any great extent, it is generally recognized that he established 30 Ungo-ji , and carved a great image of Buddha (daibutau X. ^ ) there. He is believed to have been an excellent chanter of Buddhist invocations and in addition, Sensai is known as one of the first poet monks of the late Heian period to use waka poetry to illustrate Buddhist thought. Mangen Shi ban 7L (l627 - 1710), the compiler °f Honcho koso den ^ recorded some of Sensai1 s 13 31 achievements as follows: Sensai was a monk of Mount Hiei. He moved to the eastern part of Kyoto and there he practiced according to Tendai doctrine through which he sought the pure land. He established Ungo-ji in the first year of Tenji %L -,a (1124). He also carved a hachi-.id ) \ (appro ximately twenty-four meter) high golden figure of Buddha and he placed it in the Sho$-in ?r\M^'f%j » In the,seventh month of the first year of Eiji 7& (H4D, he called many monks together and he performed a consecration ceremony for the newly made image.... In Jimon denki horpku |rffi the author ShikS fvir writes that, "In the first year of Tenji, on the nine teenth of the seventh month, the monk Sensai founded Ungo-ji and placed a has-shaku / \ X. (approximately two meter, forty v 32 centimeter) high figure of Buddha there...." Both documents state that Sensai founded Ungo-ji in 1124 but there is con flicting evidence as to the actual height of Buddha's image which was placed in the temple. Details of Ungo-ji are also reported in Iroha .iirui sho In the fourth year of Jowa 7^ .Tta (#37), the Councillor of State5* built the temple so that prayers for the repose of the soul of the Emperor Kammu t& ^N (737 - 306) might be offered. The monk Sensai constructed a temple to the west of this and placed a hachi-,i$ high fig ure of Buddha therein,. He named his tem ple Sh6$ Mida-in ^SLJBffewt. Nowa days both temples are referred to as Ungo-ji. 14 In addition to the above, in Shoku Nihon koki ^ Q Jt\ * it ia recorded that the temple, built for the repose of the Emperor Kammu,s soul, was east of the Yasaka-ji /\ -rf-and that it seemed to belong to Yasaka-ji; therefore, it was commonly called Yasaka to-in /V ^ , "the Eastern 35 Cloister of Yasaka-ji". A comparison of these sources raises some question as to whether Sensai actually founded the whole complex of Ungo-ji; however, if Sensai*s achievements after his move to the annex of Yasaka t6-in. later called Ungo-ji, are con sidered., there is some basis for calling him "the monk who re-established Ungo-ji". Nonetheless, one fact still remains unresolved. What was the actual height of the image of Buddha that Sensai raised? Ungo-ji was well-known for its figure of Buddha. In Samboku kika shu Hi^K ^\ , a collection of waka poems by Minamoto no Toshiyori (1055 - 1129), Toshiyori noted that he was asked to guide his friend to 36 Ungo-ji to worship its daibutsu. This evidence supports the fact that Ungo-ji*s image must have been large because in order to be referred to as daibutsu a statue must be more than ichi-io. roku-shaku — X. yK. (approximately four 37 meters, eighty centimeters) high. Therefore, the image mentioned in Jimon denki horoku, (two meters,forty centi meters), is far too small to be called daibutsu. Neverthe less, the height of twenty-four meters mentioned in the other sources seems to be far too tall because the tallest existing 15 daibutsu in Japan is found in Todai-ji ^ X. TT in Nara, and it is approximately sixteen meters high. Amano Sadakage ^ lf^f^^L (1661 - 1733) also questioned the validity of the statements which reported that the statue was twenty-four meters high. He wrote in his book Shio.jiri that, "... the Buddha of Ungo-ji was rumored to have been a hachi-.io high figure, but it might possibly have been a twelve meter n high figure in a seated position...". The oldest record in which the name of Sensai is men tioned is HonchS sho.io shu &~ 2?$ •^•^'JL. edited by Fujiwara no Mototoshi i^J^K%?/\%L_{ - 1142). A short piece by Sensai entitled, "Ungo-ji no Sh6nin ky&gen kigovto kuyuru waka no jo" 'i&TtX-Ktfk ("An Ungo-ji Monk's Foreword to Waka Poetry Composed as a Penance for His Involve-39 raent in Fiction") is listed in it. This essay is dated the thirteenth of the ninth month of the first year of Kasho T|C (1106). Although this account gives no hint as to the identity of the writer, there is no evidence that other monks of Ungo-ji were involved with poetry. In addition, it is known that poetry contests were often held at Ungo-ji around the year 1116 under Sensai's sponsor ship. One particularly well-known competition was the Ungo- .11 Kechien-gvo kSen utaawase -^K*g ^^^t/^L%-SL^ • It was held in the eighth month of the fourth year of Eikyu ^<_X^ (1116) with Fujiwara no Mototoshi as the judge. In this contest Sensai composed three waka poems and won twice. After this he played off a tie with Minatnoto no Toshiyori and 16 the result was a draw. Sensai*s waka poems appeared in Fujiwara no Mototoshi's  Collections of Poems (Fu.iiwara no Mototoshi kashu ^^y^ ^ A'fL ^C?IL ) > aa well as in the Imperial anthologies of Kin'yo  shu » Shika shu f^]^|L » Senzai shu -f'^.IL » Shin kokin shu %\f $>^&_ , Shin chokusen shu Jrl'j" ^-T^^L, Zoku goshui shu ^^^jfj^ , Shin shui shu $if > and Shin goshui shu Jfj ^ 2^/1 . Sensai formed close friendships with Fujiwara no Moto toshi and Minamoto no Toshiyori, both leading poets of their day. This fact is known because Mototoshi listed several sets of poems which were exchanges between himself and his friend Sensai, in Fu.iiwara no Mototoshi kashu. It seems that Toshiyori visited Sensai often at his temple because he includ ed six poems vrtiich had been composed at Ungo-ji, Sensai*s residence, in Samboku kika shu. Toshiyori*s collection of poems. Although Sensai*s works are relatively unstudied, it is evident from the result of the poetry contest noted above, the friendship shared with Mototoshi and Toshiyori, as well as from the fact that his poems are included in many Imperial anthologies that Sensai was equal in ability to the best poets of his day. As a poet Sensai is described in Kokon chomon n1u ft* *2 17 ...the monk loved waka poetry; therefore, the poets of his day fre quently gathered together at his tem ple in order to hold meetings of waka verse. He painted a mandala of waka (waka mandara %v M.<!> Tt, $L ) 43 and listed the Seven Buddhas of the Past (kako shiehi-Butsu Ml £ ^ # ), 4* together with the names of thirty-six well-known poets (san.iu-rok-kasen s. T A -IK 4d\ ).... In Ima monogatari , an example of Sensai »s quick-45 >^ "> ness of poetic repartee is given. Fujiwara no Nobuzane ^J^-'/fL $k 10l writes that one day the Premier Kyogoku , at the time a minor official, was passing by Ungo-ji. He notic ed Sensai»s antiquated house and had a servant shout; Hl.iiri no va wo ba The old man» s broken down house... mekakuahi ni fnke Should be roofed to hide the chinks. Then he quickly drove away in his cart. Sensai made a novice run after the servant and say: Ame no shita ni All under heaven, morite kikovuru You never know what will leak koto mo ari And be heard in the end. The author of Ima monogatari finishes this paragraph prais ing the quickness of Sensai who was challenged to compose the first three lines of the waka poem, the last two lines of 18 which Kyogoku had provided. Another example of Sensai*s wit is included in Zoku shika  shu Jj^ . It is recorded that one day as he was holding a service, water from a leak in the roof dropped upon his sleeve. As he got down from the dias he composed the fol lowing verse: Inishie wo  tazunete mo kiku ima mo miru moru-ya wa nori no kataki nari keri In the days gone by, If I seek, I'll find a case. Aha now I see... A house with a leaky roof Is certainly the Law's foe. In this poem Sensai comments on the fact that his service is interrupted by a leaky roof; however, he is at the same time referring to the fact that his sleeve, tear-soaked because he sleeps alone, is creating a barrier to salvation. From such evidence it is clear that even Buddhist services might be lightened by Sensai's wit and the reason Sensai is counted as one of those who initially expressed Buddhist thought thr ough waka poetry becomes clear. It seems that Sensai recited poems whenever he had to talk, and that he held meetings of waka poetry even after Buddhist services, providing there were enough people. In fact he often arranged services specifical ly in order to hold meetings of poetry. In addition, Sensai was a skillful chanter. In Honch6v  koso den this talent is described. "Sensai was an admirable 19 chanter of the holy invocations, and it was said that when he performed everyone listened with joy. RySnin ^ ,*L (1072 - 1132) of Mount 6hara X/j^. was taught to chant by Sensai..." This is an extremely interesting statement because Jodo Bud dhism was transmitted by means of chants,- and RySnin, the fou nder of the Yuzu N.embutsu Sect (Yuzu nembntsu-shu -y^ . _ . 48 if ), was known to be one of the pioneers of such invoca tions. Sensai*s exceptional ability combined with his amazing sense of humor must have made him a popular figure among all kinds of people. The compiler of Hyaku rensho § wrote that, "...the consecration ceremony of the hachi-jfr high gol den image of Buddha was attended by both high and low who to-49 gether deepened their devotion...". Similar comments are found in other sources. In Goshui oMfr den #ft it is recorded that Sensai was called on by Minamoto no Toshi-fusa ^^^)% { -1121), the Minister of the Left, to perform the last rites which would assure him of companionship in the 50 next life. The monk Sensai died on the twentieth day of the sixth month of the second year of Daiji X ?Q (1127). In Chuu ki A w- X 51 T & §dj the compiler writes: The twenty-third day: The monk Sensai died at the time of the dog on the twentieth day. He used to be a monk of Enryaku-ji /% 4r . He practiced preaching and mastered it. He has been pious and he has performed various Buddhist services. He carved a hachi-f6 high image of Buddha in his temple and he also changed the 20 Eastern Mountain (Higashi-vama ^ <U ) of Kyoto into hvaku-io g jt (approx imately three-hundred meter) tall image of Maitreya (Miroku 3& $ft ) «53 He was the initiator of the one hundred day pilgrimage (Hvaku-nichi no gyo^do^ ^ 0 .3L )5* seeking paradise. Moreover he inspired all kinds of people to deep en their faith in Buddhism. However, he has already passed away. The days of Buddhism are also gone. Buddhism has been extinguished for a long time. Aha, it is indeed pitiable. When the above historical accounts of Sensai are compared with descriptions of the monk in the last section of Aki no yo no naga-roonogatari. it becomes clear that much of the author's characterization was based on historical fact. Although no document other than Aki no yo no naga-monogatari reveals that Sensai*s former name was Keikai, that he was a monk soldier of Mount Hiei or that he had a love affair with a young boy, when Sensai*s achievements and refined character are understood, it is easy to imagine why the author of Aki no yo no naga- monogatari wrote a tale with Sensai as its hero. The Rivalry Between the Sammon and the Jimon Denominations Both Gishin ^ jL ( - 333) and Ennin (794 - 864), disciples of Saicho -^iH (766 - 822), the founder of the Tendai Sect (Tendai-shu ^ o ^ ) > served as the chief monks (zasu i, ) at the headquarters of the Tendai Sect on Mount Hiei. Gishin»s disciple, Enchin |g ^ (314 - 391), also be came a chief monk at Mount Hiei after he returned from China 21 in 858 and during the next seventy years members of his group controlled Mount Hiei. However, Ryogen (912 - 985) of the Ennin line gradually gained power because he reconstruc-55 ted many temple headquarters ruined due to fire. Antagonism between groups representing these two leaders soon developed. Eventually, when Yokei J%g_ ( - 991) of the Enchin line was prevented from becoming the chief monk of Mount Hiei in 9^9, the Enchin group left Mount Hiei and established an inde pendent branch, the Jimon Denomination (Jimon-ha ^f-f^ffc ), in 993, with its head quarters at 0nj3-ji. From that time, the Mount Hiei branch has been referred to as the Sammon Denomina tion (Sammon-ha f®\ ). The complications between these two groups originated with the rivalry for abbotship; however from the time Onjo-ji became independent, owing to 0nj6-jJLS having no right to build an ordination platform for the issuance of commandments, prob lems related to the ordination of monks arose. In order to confirm monks Onjo-ji was required to depend upon other tem ples, mainly the Sammon temple of Mount Hiei. This forced 57 relationship raised difficulties. The records of Hvaku renshft for the second year of Cho*-kyu -6. A (1041) and the second year of Enkyu JtiLZ^ (1070) mentioned that the monks of 0nj6-ji frequently asked permis sion of the Court to build a platform for ordination (kaidan . 53 TJE )• These requests angered the monks of Mount Hiei, and in the first year of Eih6~ J(<^^ (1031) the whole temple complex of Onjo-ji was razed to the ground for the first time. 22 Following this^ burnings of Onjo-ji by the monk soldiers (s£hei ^ ^ ) of Mount Hiei continued. In addition to minor raids, the whole temple complex of QnjS-ji was totally destroyed seven times. Records of the first four attacks, which resulted in complete destruction, are found in Hvaku rensho. The first occurred on the ninth day of the sixth month in the first year of EihS. It is written that on the day of the Hie , , 61 Shrine (Hie-.iin.ia Q £>ffifa ) festival in the fourth month of that same year, the monks of OnjS-ji captured some atten dants of Hie shrine and stole offerings. These acts incited the monks of Mount Hiei to action. The second incident occurred in the second year of Hoan (\W (1121), on the third day of the intercalary fifth month (uruu satsuki f£\ J5_ }\ ) which fell between the fifth 52 and sixth months. Onjo-ji was burned once again on the six teenth day of the intercalary fifth month of H6*en isK i!^. (1140). In this account, the previous attacks of 1081 and 63 1121 are mentioned. On the ninth day of the sixth month of the first year of Chokan f< (1163) the monk soldiers of Mount Hiei des-64 troyed Onjo-ji yet another time. This act was brought about by. the monks of Onjo-ji who beheaded several Shinto priests on . the third day of that same month. Apart from this direct provocation from Onjo-ji, however, there were several underlying reasons for this attack by the monks of Mount Hiei in II63. In Hvaku rensho, it is recorded that in the second 23 year of Oho #\ (1162), on the first day of the intercal ary second month, Kakuchu ®" }£. , the son of an 0nj6-ji abbot, ^ 65 was appointed as head monk of the Tendai Sect. The monks of Mount Hiei, however, forced him to decline the position. Moreover, in the fifth month of the following year (1163) the temple of Mount Hiei protested the fact that the monks of Onjo-ji had ceased to receive ordination at Mount Hiei.... Seven days later, on^the twenty-ninth day of the fifth month, Kofuku-ji fr&fimrf suggested to the Throne that the monks of 0nj6-ji should cease to receive ordination at Mount Hiei and furthermore, that Mount Hiei should become subordinate to Onjo-ji. Thus the reason for Mount Hiei's violent assa ult is easily understood. It is recorded in Azuma kagami -fa" •IF-'^L th&t Onjo-ji was destroyed on the fifteenth day of the fourth month of the second year of Kempo \%\. (1214) and that this attack was the result of trouble between the Shinto priests of Sakamoto (Mount Hiei) and Otsu (Onjo-ji) on the day of the Hie 68 Shrine festival, the fourteenth day of the same month. The record also notes that this was the fifth occurrence, and that it followed incidents in 1108, 1121, 1164 and 1214. Zokushi gusho 'f^hflf records that the 3ixth burn ing of Onjo-ji took place on the second day of the fifth month 1 , 69 of the first year of Bun'ei X ^ (1264). On the twenty-third day of the third month of the same year, the monks of Mount Hiei reduced almost all of their own temples to ashes in order to protest the fact that their request seeking the 24 abbot ship of Tenno-ji ^ j£ rr, which at that time was held 70 by a monk of 0nj$-ji, was ignored. Taking advantage of the confusion on Mount Hiei, the monks of Onjo-ji reconstructed their temple to resemble a castle and also built an ordina-71 tion platform. Highly angered, the monks of Mount Hiei rushed to Onjo-ji. On the twenty-fifth day of the fourth month of the third year of Bumpo £/fjjl (1319), in Hanazono Tenno shinki X*C>. ^ ALU >6L *CJ » it is recorded that, "...the main hall, the ord-72 ination platform of Onjo-ji...everything was razed....". It seems reasonable to suppose that the cause of this incident was also related to the ordination platform of Onjo-ji. From these documents recording the attacks and burnings of Onjo-ji by the monk soldiers of Mount Hiei, it is quite evident that the battle which takes place in sections thirteen to fifteen of Aki no jo no naga-monogatari is indeed related to actual historical events. In Aki no jo no naga-monogatari. a vain battle between two denominations was caused by the love affair between Keikai and Umewaka. Without knowledge of his torical facts, the cause of this battle may seem rather unreal istic. Nevertheless, as it is clear from historical records that many of the initial causes of the actual battles were trivial. They merely provided an excuse for a release of the pent-up hostility of both denominations. Hirasawa Goro -^7^ h~ £p says in "Aki no yo no naga-monogatari ko" f^Jk. i& %K. that Aki no jo no naga-monogatari seems to have been written by a man who either saw 25 or heard of the incident of the year 1319, the last burning of Onjo-ji, and wrote the story while the memory of the bat tles held between the Sammon and the Jimon Denominations was 73 fresh in the minds of people of the area. He notes that in section fifteen of Aki no jo no naga-monogatari it is mention ed that the Sammon Denomination had previously attacked the 74 Jimon Denomination six times. He concludes that the battle which takes place in the tale was the one which occurred in 75 1319. Hirasawa Goro says that learned men of that age must have known the exact number of times that OnjoVji had been burned because historical documents occasionally mentioned these facts, and even in Taihei ki, which is not a chronicle, it is noted that Onjo-ji had been burned seven times before the first year of Bumpo (1317). (This must be an error be cause according to other historical documents the seventh , burning of Onjo-ji occurred in 1319). The author of Aki no vo no naga-monogatari must have been well aware of this comment 77 in Taihei ki. It seems reasonable to suppose that the author of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari consciously mentioned that six burnings had occurred before the battle described in the story. The points that Hirasawa raises are completely valid. When.the author wrote Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. he must have indeed used the incident of 1319 to convey to people the conditions of actual event. It may be possible to suppose, in addition, that there was a legend about Sensai, a monk 26 soldier of Mount Hiei. In writing Aki no yo no naga-monoga  tari . the author combined his knowledge of the life of Sensai with his experience of the actual conflict of 1319, an event which was the only battle of large scale which occurred dur ing his lifetime, in an attempt to express Sensai»s heroic legendary episode in his own words. 27 CHAPTER IV Literature Related to Aki no yo no naga-monogatari It is important to investigate those works which are believed to have been the sources of the author of Aki no  vo no naga-monogatari as well as later literature which is said to have been influenced by the tale. This research not only adds^new dimension to knowledge concerning the char acteristics of Buddhist narratives but also provides new background materials for the study of literature of other periods. It is indisputable that Kon.iaku monogatari ^ Xty and Taihei ki provided some inspiration for Aki no vo  no naga-monogatari and that the tale in turn influenced wri ters such as Zeami if 1*\ $tk (1364? - 1443) and Ryutei Tane-hiko #]7 ^ A^./% (17^3 - 1842). In addition, for many years there has been a strongly held belief that the N$ song, Sumidagawa fi\ &) n| , upon which several Edo works and a chain of plays were based, was influenced by Aki no vo no naga-monogatari. Although this popular notion is incorrect, it is important to examine this misconception in detail be cause it provides insights which help to explain the tremen dous popularity of the tale during the Edo period. In this chapter, those works which have been said to be related to Aki no yo no naga-monogatari will be examined and their rela tionships to the tale will be discussed. 28 The Author's Sources Nishida Naokai \jfc> \B JkJlK. (' - ld63) was evidently the first critic to indicate the existence of a tale which may have provided inspiration to the author of Aki no yo no 1p that in kan twenty-one of Kon.iaku monogatari there is a *~ 78 story which reads: A dragon had assumed the guise of a tiny snake and was living in Mano Pond (Mano no ike * 7^ ) in the Province of Sanuki jl;ff-*AX.. 7f A tengu who had taken on the shape of a hawk, captured him and carried him to Mount Hira (Hira no yama Jd &i <?\ d± ). 8© The dragon was imprisoned in a cave and was given no water. When he was about to die, the tengu brought in a monk of Mount Hiei, who was carrying a water bottle in his hand. A drop of water revived the dragon, whereupon he escorted the monk to his temple and then he himself returned to heaven. Section seventeen of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari in which Umewaka is captured and imprisoned in the rock-jail indeed corresponds quite closely to this summary of a Kon.iaku  monogatari tale. Taihei ki has been considered to have had the greatest influence upon Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. Many well -established scholars such as Got6 Tanji and K^jo Isao correspondences in sentences. Moreover, they even have noted analogies in plot as well as striking 29 suggested that these two works were creations of the same author. The following is an attempt to illustrate two examples of the parallels which may be seen in passages of Taihei ki and Aki no jo no naga-monogatari. ...iro koto ni kogashitaru fumi no fururu  sode sae kuyuru bakari no 'g. s- 3 ij" ^ ? ^ st > >^ to t x- 7 =>~ )• (Section 7; Aki no YO no naga-monogatari) ...toru te mo kuyuru bakari ni kogaretaru  momi.ji-gasane no Jfj^ 7 =3- IL- j0 ^ (Kan 15; Taihei ki) Although, fumi (a letter) is the object of the clause iro  koto ni kogashitaru fumi no (the letter, which one strongly perfumed), whereas momi.ji-gasane (a red paper backed with yellow i.e., a letter) is the subject of the phrase kogaretaru  momiji-gasane ni (the letter perfumed strongly), these two fragments are semantically identical. Moreover the phrase kuyuru bakari ni (as it may gain a lingering scent) is inclu ded in both sentences. Other strikingly similar sentences occur in descriptions of early morning scenes: 30 ....Akegata no tsuki mado no nishi vori kuma-naku sashi-iritareba neroidare-garni no hara-hara to kakari hazure vori mavu no nioi hoke vaka ni Bf\ ^ > J r 7 •y ii — • • • (Section 9; Aki no yo no naga-monogatari) ....Ariake no tsuki no kumanaku sashi-iritaru  ni...harahara to kobore kakaritaru bin no  hazure vori honoka ni mietaru mavu no nioi fx. *m ) £ ) r i >\ * ,u =. . .. /s s\ v~ D it." u- -p & <) *? > ;\ ^3 83 (Kan 18; Taihei ki) Again, these passages are semantically equivalent to one ano ther although there are some lexical differences as well as variations in word order. Although these similarities may be thought to be either examples of literary convention or coin cidental, more than twenty such closely related passages can be shown to exist. Moreover, half of these similarities occur in kan eighteen of Taihei ki. From the above evidence, it should be clear that the connection between Aki no yo no naga-monogatari and Taihei ki is an extremely close one. Moreover because it is generally considered that Taihei ki was comple-84 ted around 1368 - 1375, and that the oldest text of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari was copied in 1377, it is likely that the author of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari adopted those sen tences from Taihei ki. As there is no definite proof with which to support this hypothesis, it may also be possible to consider that Aki no yo no naga-monogatari provided inspira tion for Taihei ki. 31 Works Thought to Have Been Influenced by the Tale It can be demonstrated that Aki no yo no naga-monogatari influenced writers of the Middle Ages and the Pre-modern period. Sentences patterned after the opening lines of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari are found in the No texts Seniu -T f and Atsumori , written by Zeami who seems to have been the earliest writer to show interest in Aki no yo no naga-monogatari and in the work of fiction, Kakitsu  monogatari ^ ^ iffy . The latter work was completed after the Disturbance of Kakitsu (Kakitsu no ran o) i|)L t 1441). Since the oldest text of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari is dated 1377, it is possible to assume that the opening sentences of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari were adopt ed in these literary works. Ryutei Tanehiko also employed sections of the tale in his works of fiction. He uses the phrase "Shirakawa ohoko  no sora-inli Gosan no so no monto-date 7&J ^- 0 ^? fcp $(L ^ <* f3^ %• $U n from Aki no yo no naga-monogatari in his piece Awa no Narutb yp) z_ p»j fj > and he also adopted the waka poem "Shirasebava hono-mishi hana no omokage  ni tachisou kumo no mavou kokorowo £0 ^ \f 0, Jj^ it* d) #/* 1- c H 0 'ft * il b »c t " m Ms yomihon jife jL. , "story book", entitled Yakko no Koman mono-90 gatari o\ yjv ^ which is known to be based upon the tale of ,'Aozukin"-f" of Ugetsu monogatari ^ Q Iffy) 91 wis • 32 Other than the examples noted above there are no works which can be proved to have been directly influenced by Aki U2 Z2 H2 naga-monogatari; however, for many years scholars, writers, and audiences have believed that the No song Sumidagawa and its related works, a series of plays and several pieces of popular literature whose titles include the words Sumidagawa. were based upon Aki no yo no naga- monogatari . Zeami»s son, Kanze Motomasa MTL^TL^L (1394? - 1452) 92 composed the No text Sumidagawa. The basic plot structure of this piece is as follows: A mad woman arrives at the ferry cross- 93 ing of the Sumida River (Sumida-gawa ffi »'| ). At first the boatman tries to make fun of her. However, upon hearing that she has come from Kyoto seeking her missing son, he feels sorry for her and ferries her across the river. A man on the same boat, noticing that there are many people on the river dike loudly chanting prayers to Ami da JSj £j§ "%**asks the boatman about it. The boatman replies, "A year ago, a mer chant came to this ferry crossing. He brought with him a boy purchased in Kyoto. Perhaps because he was too young for such a long trip, the youth had become sick. Cruelly, the mer chant abandoned the boy and he continued north alone. The boy died shortly afterwards." The boy was the child for whom the mad woman sought. After getting out of the boat she joins those praying on the dike, whereupon she hears the voice of the boy and sees his ghostly image. Both Aki no vo no naga-monogatari and the No song Sumidagawa 33 incorporate incidents in which the hero is carried off against his will and dies a tragic death, however the only concrete similarity between the two is the fact that the names of the heroes are the same. Shuzui Kenji ^ 1^ ?e5 notes in Kabuki kvakuhon shu ^ YjL feP/?ML that the idea for the No text Sumidagawa originated in Aki no jo no naga-monogatari. and that a kanazfishi 4fc_%z.^-"^r , "story book in kana", Sumidagawa monogatari 1§ © II) <f^S7*4%" (I656) was based upon this No text. In addition, Goto Tanji called attention to the fact that Shida loshihide fep l£I mentions in Nihon no densetsu to dSwa Q fi^ * 4%- t ^.i/S that Sumi dagawa monogatari was related to Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. It is extremely difficult to imagine why such associations continued to exist, nevertheless, they were rarely challenged. During the Edo period the series of Sumidagawa plays 97 became extremely popular. Particularly well known among bete ia 93 these dramas were Futago Sumidagawa Chikamatsu Monzaemon &.foft\lk.ftj?^ (1653 - 1724) first performed at Takemotoza Kj*" j^fit^. (a Joruri theater in Osaka) in 1720» and the Kabuki plays Sumidagawa gonichi no omokage 99 j\§ \B by Nagawa Shimesuke 7*1 -tl JL 'f)* ( - 1802) and Sumidagawa hana no Goshozome /£> n] %H t(f ijL by Tsuruya Namboku fij^fiz $) *C (1755 - 1829), which were performed initially in 1734 and 1814 respectively. These popular plays retained the plot structure of the No text Sumidagawa. as well as the name of the hero, Umewaka. Although these works had no more connection with Aki no yo no 96 34 naga-monogatari than did Sumidagawa. it is certain that theatergoers of the time who were interested in the origin of the plays believed that a relationship between the Bud dhist tale, Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. and the N& song Sumidagawa did indeed exist. It was probably at this time that the legend of Umewaka came into existence. A memorial tomb was built at . „ ^ 101 the temple of Mokubo-ji /N -cpr -vp by the Sumida River, and a wooden image of Umewaka was enshrined there. More over the practice of holding a service to commemorate the anniversary of Umewaka's death was established. This cus tom has continued to present day. Thus, during the Edo period the legend of Umewaka be gan to be associated with Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. In addition, adaptations of the Nd song Sumidagawa became increasingly popular. As mentioned previously, there was no connection between these literary works and Aki no yo  no naga-monogatari; nonetheless, the pieces were completed by authors who felt that a relationship existed. It was inevitable, therefore, that this theory came to be supported by public opinion. Ryutei Tanehiko, a scholar who had studied Aki no yo  no naga-monogatari more thoroughly than any of his contem-pories, strongly opposed the idea that Sumidagawa and its related works were based on Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. In Kflshoku-bon mokuroku ^ £ ^ g) not only did he assemble four texts of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari but 35 102 he also commented on their quality. In his essays he dis pelled several popular misconceptions about the tale and shed light on some unexplored areas. In Ryutei ki ^gt* > ke noted that the memorial tomb for Umewaka at Mokubo-ji was probably built by a dillet-tante who admired the N"o* song Sumidagawa. He concluded this article saying that "...the story of Mokubo-ji temple and the tale of Aki no jo no naga-monogatari both concern some one called Umewaka, however, they [the heroes] are different people with the same name....". He also noted in Ryutei ki that the wooden figure of Umewaka had not been in the posses-104 sion of Mokubo-ji for any great length of time. It had been purchased by a monk of the temple during a visit to Kyoto. Ryutei personally believed that the figure was not that of * <r ± 105 Umewaka but rather an image of Ushiwaka-maru jz> . ro. xr /v > 106 Furthermore, he noted in Sokushin-0 ki J^£{j4*}, that the names of the monks of Mii-dera who are listed in Aki no yo no naga-monogatari as "Sennin-giri no Ara-Sanuki, Kanasaibo no Aku-dayu, Happo-yaburi no Musashibo -f" A* t>Z) <* rt.. ." were actually all fictitious. The terms refer to the strategies of the game of vasasugare J\^,/^^Ki "fox and geese". Neither the N&" song Sumidagawa and its related works nor the Umewaka legend can be proved to have their origins in Aki no yo no naga-monogatari, nonetheless it is evident that they have long been associated with the tale. For this reason, 36 Aki no jo no naga-monogatari was frequently referred to in scholarly works related to Sumidagawa, It is also evident that phrases of the tale were incorporated into a number of literary works. This fact testifies to the value of the work as a literary source and to its familiarity among later writers of the Middle Ages and Pre-Modern period. 37 NOTES ON THE INTRODUCTION 1 Ashikaga Takauji A$L M %Ki (13°5 " 5S)» founder of Muromachi Shogunate, became a convert of the monk of the Rinzai Zen Sect (Rinzai-shu gfD jffi^ ), Muso Soseki ^ (1275 - 1351). He frequently consulted the monk on affairs of government. Ozawa Eiichi y\\ ^X. fit— » and Oda Yasumasa /|N \& jjfs. [E. , ed., Kenkyu Nihon shi ^>\^ ^ QJr\^ (Tokyo: Shiraizu Shoin, 1956), p. 158, pp. 167-8. 2 Information contained in this paragraph is taken from Shuzui Kenji ^fj^^ia , and Shioda Ryohei 3^ © ^ » ed., Kokubungaku shi IfJ] jt^l^. (Toky°: Seirin Shoin Shinsha, 1959), PP. 77-81. Also refer to H. Paul Varley, The Onin War (New York, and London: Columbia University Press, 1967), p. 607. 3 Gempei no soran. After the Heiji War (Hei.ii no ran -^F* 2o p'JjjLj , 1159)? the Heike actively intervened in the rule of the Fujiwara familyJ^yj^^, and soon practically controlled the country. Among those who were dissatisfied with this situation was Minamoto no Yorimasa ^ fi)^ (IIO4-1180). He raised an army in support of Prince Mochihito ^J^^Tj (1151 - 1180), the son of the Emperor Goshirakawa )*j (1127 - 1197) in 1130. This uprising was quelled by the Heike. However, following this many battles between the clans occurred until the Heike were 38 finally defeated at Dan no ura ^v in 1185. The chain of battles between the Genji and the Heike are commonly called Gempei no s£ran or the Gempei War. Ozawa,and Oda, pp. 110-1. In Mappo tomyS ki %.)kp$_which is believed to have been completed by Saicho (766 - 822), it was said that mappo* would begin in 1152. The age after Gautama Buddha's death was divided into three. The three divisions were sh6b£ (500 - 1,000 years), z$b$ yfc, (500 or 1,000 years after sho'bo'), and mappo (10,000 years). It was believed that Buddha's direct spiritual influence would decline gradually and during mappo only superficial knowledge of Buddhism would exist. 5 Shuzui, and Shioda, p. 81. 6 ' . Koben ,|F| #»]^r (1173 - 1232) of the Kegon Sect (Kegon-shu % ), JSkyo &J$L (1152 - 1213) of the Hosso Sect (Hoss6~-shu ) and Eizon |A1 ^- (1201 - 1227) of the Ritsu Sect (Ris-shu ^% ). 7 Earlier sects taught that one could achieve enlight enment only through penance. However, in Jodo Buddhism (Jodo-kvo r#X$JL) it is said that invocating Buddha's name is the only way to gain enlightenment during the age of mappo. This basic belief can be illustrated in one phrase, tariki hongan. 39 8 Wakan roei shu, A collection of 589 Chinese poems composed by both Japanese and Chinese poets. These verses are arranged into five sections:spring, summer, autumn, winter and miscellany. The poems are accompanied by 216 waka verses. This collection was designed to be used for recitation. It is believed to have been completed in 1013. In NKBT, vol. 73. The poem by Po Chii-i in which the term kyogen kigo occurs is on p. 200. 9 Refer to note 7 of the introduction. The doctrines of this sect were handed down by Asvagohosha ,% f.^ (Memyo), Nagar juna ffe >f§y (Ryuju), and Vasubandhu -ftf" ^ (Seshin) of India, Hui-yuan ft-4, (Eon, 334-416) and Shan-tao (Zendo, 613-661) of China and Kuya ^ (903-972), Genshin P^^i (942-1017), and Honen of Japan. 10 Shuzui, and Shioda, p. 84. 11 Ibid., p. 84. There is one exception to this statement. During early Chusei magnificent waka poetry was being written by court nobles. 12 Heike monogatari. In this war story the rise and fall of the Taira Clan is described in Buddhist tone. In dai 226 dan of Tsurezure gusa fti^fjk. written by Yoshida Kenko £ \© % (1283 - 1350), he suggested who the author and first narrator of Heike monogatari might have been; however there are conflicting views, and Kenko's comments have not been validated. Heike monogatari is believed to have been 40 completed in j£kyu (1219 - 22). NKBT. vol. 32-3; A. L. Sadler, trans., "The Heike Monogatari," Transactions of the  Asiatic Society of Japan. 46, 2 (1913), pp. 1-278; 49, 1 (1921), pp. 1-354. 13 See bibliography. Mono no aware. Motoori Norinaga Jf^Jfc ^L-^_ (1730 -1301) used this phrase to describe one aspect of Heian ideo logy which is especially evident in literary works. See his Genji monogatari tama no ogushi >^ i\ tftyife £i *sW ftfy , in Motoori Norinaga zenshu (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1969), vol. 4, pp. 173-242. Mono no aware has also been translated into English as "sensitivity to things". See Tsunoda Ryusaku, et al., Sources of Japanese Tradition (New York, and London: Columbia University Press, 1964), vol. 1, p. 173. 15 Karen Brazell, "Towazu gatari," in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies,; 31. (19.71), p.. 221. 16 The oldest text of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari is dated the third year of Eiwa ^fc^o (1377). There is no record of the tale before this. The battle described in the text seems to be the one which took place in 1319. 17 In NKBT. Aki no yo no naga-monogatari was included in the volume entitled Otogi-z^shi. Ichiko Teiji 1)7 £ f( ?o in Chuko shSsetsu no kenkvu vf> £ y\K j?]^ otJ[£\ (Tokyo: Tokyo Baigaku Shuppan-kai, 1955), p. 134, and Goto* Tanji 41 # in Chusei kokubungaku kenkyu tf jjt |f§j ^L^^f^ (Tokyo: Isobe Koyo-do, 1933), pp. 65-6, insist that Aki no  yo no naga-monogatari is a chigo monogatari. 18 Ichiko, p. 140. 19 Tengu. An imaginary goblin who inhabits deep mountains. It has a human figure with a pair of wings, a red face and an extremely prominent nose. It possesses occult powers and can fly freely in the air. Yamabushi. "mountain ascetics", (See note 57 of the text) have often been referred to as tengu because of their odd manner of dress and strange way of life. 20 The reader of Aki no jo no naga-monogatari will notice that the battle scenes of section fifteen of the text are highly exaggerated, especially in regard to the large numbers of monks taking part. 21 Ichiko, p. 134. 22 An example of an Edo anecdote: "Not long ago, a young swordsman, a retainer of Ayak6ji, lured a boy from the Aya-koji's mansion by a ruse. He wanted to take the boy into the bushes of the front garden in order to enjoy a chrysan themum (kiku %y -.another term for the anus). The boy tried hard to refuse. The swordsman said, *Please don't be unkind to me and endure this for awhile.' Saying this he embraced the boy tightly and held his indecent thing (mukutsukeki  mono (—7 \f t °) ) against the blossom. He must 42 have been too excited; he let the dew gush out over the tiny flower....". This anecdote appears in Ana oka shi "p*J ^ jjfe^ Ho ivi- , written by a well-known Japanese classical scholar, Sawada Natari ^ &> (1775 - 1345). In (Zenshaku) Edo sandai kisho () >X. f .=-X-£j~-§- , tr., by Okada Hajime /£] © $T (Tokyo: Yuko Shobo, 1970), p. 248. 23 Ichiko, p. 131. Ansen wakashu can be found in ZGR, vol. 14; 1. 24 Ibid., p. 132. San'eki enshi can be found in ZGR. vol. 13; 1. 25 A Ibid., p. 132. There is no modern version of Rvuben Hoin sairio ki. 26 Ibid., p. 134. 27 A  Nihon rvoiki or Nihon-koku gempo zen'aku ryoiki 0 l@ tJLftfi^-i^ j[ • This work contains 116 short Buddhist narratives. It is believed to have been completed in 797 or 822. Although these stories conclude with Buddhist morals, the plots of the tales are not closely related to Buddhism. This book is a fascinating account of the life of the common people of the Nara period (Nara-.iidai ^ 4^ , 710-734). NKBT. vol. 70. 28 Sawada Shikyo 7^ £) , BA thesis, 197©. 29 For an example of such a story see the forty-fifth 43 tale of kan seventeen of Konlaku monogatari. In NKBT, vol. 24, pp. 570-1. 30 This temple no longer exists. Details concerning the origin of the temple can be found on pages 13-14 of this chapter. Ungo-ji and its image of Buddha were destro yed by fire in 1436. Ashikaga Yoshinori rebuilt Ungo-ji in 1439. However, in either 1467 or 1469 it was devastated during a battle. See Mochizuki Shinko "^jf $ , (Mochi-zuki) BukkvS dai-.iiten C"§£ f\ ) ^i3C>^j£#& (Tokyo: Sekai Seiten Kanko* Ky6kai, 1954), vol. 1, p. 236. 31 In DNBZ, vol. 102, p. 702. 32 In DNBZ. vol. 127, p. 374. 33 Masamune Atsuo JE- ^ ^X.^. ed., Iroha jirui sho 4? & 'y$L &f (Tokyo: Kazama Shobo, 1965), kan 5, p. 67. 34 Sugano Mamichi tfg fj (741 - 814) was one of a committee which carried out the city planning of Heiankvo "T (Kyoto). He was also a member of the group which compiled one of the Six National Histories (Rikkoku shi $L )-i Shoku Nihon gi ^ B j&'lL which covered the years 697 to &50 and was completed in 797. 35 In (SZ)KT, vol. 6, p. 64. 36 In (S)GR, vol. 11, p. 614. 37 Gautama Buddha was generally believed to have been 44 ichi-.1o. roku-shaku tall. Therefore, standing statues of Buddha have been made this size or half this size in a seated position. An image taller than ichi-.io. roku-shaku is called daibutsu. 38 In NZT, III, vol. 10, p. 663. 39 te In HonchS bunshu ;£-##XlL> (SZ)KX, vol. 30, p. 236. 40 vol. 10, pp. 76-9. 41 The following waka verses by Sensai were included in Imperial anthologies: Nori no tame ninau takigi ni kotoyosete yagate ukivo wo  kori zo hatenuru. Kin'yo shu. in KT, kashu. p. 129. Shin chokusen shu,, ibid., pp. 222-3. Iori sasu nara no kokage ni moru tsuki no kumoru to mireba  shigure furunari. Shika shu. ibid., p. 134* Karanishiki nusa ni tachimote yuku aki mo kyo ya tamuke no  yama-.ji koyuran. Senzai shu. ibid., p. 168. Takigi tsuki keburi mo sumite ininiken kore ya nagori to  miru zo kanashiki. Senzai shu. ibid., p. 168. Tsune yorimo shinoya no nokizo uzumoruru kyo ya miyako ni  hatsuyuki ya furu. Shin kokin shu, ibid., p. 183. 45 Mukashi mishi tsuki no hikari wo shirube nite koyoi ya kimi  ga nishi e yukuran. Shin kokin shu. ibid., p. 210. Fumiwake te asa yuki mireba kohagibara shika no tachino no  nishiki narikeri. Zoku goshui shu. ibid., p. 469. Inishie no tsuru no hayashi no mivuki kato omoi toku ni zo  aware narikeru. Shin shui shu. ibid., p. 610. Saki-ma.iiru hana no adana mo tachinubeshi nani midaruran  nobe no karukaya. Shin goshui shu. ibid., p. 628. 42 In NKBT. vol.34-, pp. 152-3. 43 A mandala is a graphic symbol of the universe. It can be supposed that Sensai wrote waka poems on his waka  mandara instead of pictures. Unfortunately, examples of this type of mandala do not exist. ^ Bibashi f\L% T , Shika f ^ , Bishabu J*L £ *% , Kuruson #)<g , Kumaganmuni ft] #|5 ^ , Kasho and Shakamuni ^ )£0, ^fJvLx • 45 In (S)GR, vol. 21, p. 235. 46 In (S)GR, vol. 7, p. 89. 47 In DHBZ. vol. 102, p. 702. 46 48 This sect was established in 1117. Ry6nin taught that if a person chants, his good deed will cause others to gain enlightenment. Because of this versatile theory the popularity of his sect became widespread. 49 In (SZ)KT, vol. 11, p. 55. 50 In DNBZ. vol. 107, pp. 111-2. 51 In ZST, vol. 13, p. 312. 52 Saicho -f^?J%t (766 - 822) founded Ichijo" shikan-in on Mount Hiei in 788. This temple was re named Enryaku-ji by Imperial order. It is the head temple of the Tendai Sect. Enryaku-ji is referred to in many dif ferent ways, two of which are: Hiei-zan j^^^K. d\ (Mount Hiei) and Hokurei ^L/^ (the Northern Peak). In this text the temple is called Mount Hiei. 53 The Buddha of the future. It is believed that Miroku will descend from heaven in order to save those living-beings who have not already been saved by Gautama Buddha. 54 The name of Buddha is incessantly chanted by pilgrims who circle Buddha's image clockwise. This practice is con tinued for a period of 100 days. 55 In the second year of Tenroku ^Tff^ (971), Ryogen reconstructed Soji-in ]^ and in the third year of Tengen ^ TLJ (980) he reconstructed Kompon-chudo* J^^rf* (the main hall of Enryaku-ji). See Hvaku rensho* in 47 (SZ)KT, vol. 11, pp. 2-3. 56 . x~Jk-Uesugi Fumihide J— A-y J^.^ , Nihon Tendai shi © fe^sX. & (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankfr-kai, 1972), .sei, pp. 386 -90. 57 Ibid., pp. 390-1. Also see Kokon chomon .iu in NKBT, vol. 84, pp. 54-5. 58 See (SZ)KT, vol. 11, p. 21 and p. 32 respectively. 59 Ibid., p. 37. 60 Large temples such as Enryaku-ji and Kofuku-ji owned extensive estates (shoen lE\ ). During the late Heian period when social conditions became unstable, it was neces sary that these estates be guarded by armed monks of low rank. These monks were referred to as soTiei. The existence of such groups caused large scale rivalries between temples. Located in Sakamoto IbLyi^ , a town at the eastern foot of Mount Hiei. It is also referred to as the shrine of the Guardian Spirit of the Mountain (Sanno iL 3L. ). 62 See Hvaku rensho. p. 52. In the lunar calendar a year consisted of 354 days divided into twelve months. One make-up month had to be added approximately every thirty months• 63 A See Hvaku rensho, p. 62. 48 64 Ibid., p. 77. 65 Ibid., p. 76. 66 A The headquarters of the Hosso Sect (Hosso-shu ifc^JP^ ^ ) in Nara. Kagami no Okimi "£. -if ( - ^84) founded Yamashina-dera iL\ ^M" -\j in the Province of Yamashina (the area of Higaj3hiyama-ku, Kyoto), according to the instructions contained in the will of her husband Fujiwara no Kamatari ^ %t\J£~. (614 - 669). This temple has been moved twice. When Hei.io-kvo *A. (Nara) was founded in 710, the temple was moved there by Fujiwara no Fuhito y\j^ JhJdL-rf (659 - 720) and was renamed Kofuku-ji. Hvaku rensho. p. 77. 68 In (SZ)KT, vol. 32, p. 711. 69 In (SZ)KT, vol. 13, p. 29. 70 Ibid., p. 29. 71 Ibid., p. 29. 72 In (Z)ST, vol. 2, p. I64. 73 In Shido Bunko ronshu. 3 (I964), PP. 245-6. 74 Ibid., p. 246. 75 Ibid., p. 246. 76 Ibid., p. 247. 49 77 See chapter four of the introduction. 73 In NZT, vol. 2, p. 214. The story illustrated there is actually the 11th story of kan 20. See Kon.iaku monogatari. in NKBT. vol, 25, pp. 165-7, and also Kadokawa Bunko. vol. 933, pp. 370-3. 79 , Sanuki is now called Kagawa Prefecture (Kagawa-ken ^ '») fa ). 80 Hira no vama. A mountain in Shiga Prefecture (Shiga-ken ;&1f#IJ. 31 Goto, pp. 75-82; Kojo Isao, "Eiwa shosha-bon Aki no yo no naga-monogatari ni tsuite" ^<^b> % 'j^ j$r^££ ->,<z f Kokugo kokubun. 24, 10 (1955), pp. 39-43. 82 In NKBT. vol. 35, P« H9. 83 Ibid., p. 353. 84 Shuzui, and Shioda, p. 111. 85 In YT, vol. 3, p. 1702. The author of this piece could also have been Kaneharu Zenchiku fe&ffitf ( - 1401), Zeami's son-in-law. 36 In YT, vol. 1, pp. 134-5. 37 ZGR. vol. 20; 1, p. 225. 83 This battle occurred because of the assassination 50 of Ashikaga Yoshinori %L%1\ I^~4AJ1393 - 1441). An army was sent by the Muromachi Bakufu to subjugate the traitors Also refer to H. Paul Varley, The Onin War (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1967), pp. 65-7. 09 Tanehiko kessaku shu-jEjJ> ^ /^/^i^ . in £B_, vol. 16, p. 889. •' • Kyokaku-den zenshu iJk%s>4J^&.%^ . in TB, vol. 48, pp. 739-57. 91 In NKBT. vol. 56, pp. 122-31; L. Zolbrod, trans., Ugetsu monogatari (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1974), pp. 185-94. 92 In H» vol. 3, pp. 1517-35. 93 The river flows through the eastern part of Tokyo and drains into Tokyo Bay. Nowadays Suraida-gawa is written "j^j \€) tl) , however, it was also written: ^ \£> ;i| . j?J & andJ|=-t©ilJ . 94 . ^ The Buddha of the Western Pure Land (Saiho-.jodo, $5 3— )• Amida-faith became popular when Jodo Buddhism became widespread. 95 In NHZ, vol. 1, p. 69. Sumidagawa monogatari is includ ed in %M, vol. 3, pp. 254-70. 96 Goto*, p. 8^5. 51 97 Besides plays, voraihon were also written. Sumidagawa  bairvu shinsho ^ 13? /») J&/tff%^%- by Takizawa Bakin 7^ &g ^ (1767 - 1847) is a well known example. In TB, vol. 46. 98 In NMZ, Edo bungei-bu 5, pp. 428-56. 99 In MKZ, vol. 15, pp. 4-52. 100 In MKZ, vol. 22, pp. 274-307. 101 A branch temple of the Tendai Sect in Sumida-ku ^ © UL , Tokyo. It is said to have been founded in 976. A legend of Umewaka has been perpetuated by this temple. The legend is remarkably similar to the plot of the No text Sumidagawa. Also refer to Hori Yoshizo ^ , ed., Dai Nihon .liin soran X. B jt>*f%- % (Tokyo: Meicho Kanko-kai, 1966), vol. 1, pp. 166-7. 102 In SGR, vol. 7, p. 147. 103 In NZT, vol. 1, pp. 709-10. 104 In NZT, vol. 1 p. 716. 105 Ushiwakamaru. The child-name of Minamoto no Yoshitsune J^\*£. (1159 - 1189). 106 In NZT, ser. 2; vol. 7. p. 585. 52 Aki no yo no naga-monogatari: A Lengthy Story for a Long Autumn Night PROLOGUE "Now listen closely. Flowers of spring bloom upon trees to reveal to man the gist of a bodhisattva pledge, 1 'Raise your eyes and seek the perfect wisdom of Buddha." Conversely, the moon of autumn descends to lighten the wat er's depth to illustrate the meaning of another bodhisattva 2 pledge 'Look below to save all.' Heaven is silent but nature unveils itself to all living beings. If one possesses the mind of a human being, how is it possible not to make strenuous effort to seek the perfect wisdom of Buddha? One must strive tirelessly. Once a per-3 son has experienced the Eight Human Afflictions and has become disgusted with this impure world, his earthly desires .4 will become nothing but perfect wisdom. Furthermore, when a person hears about the Five Celestial Signs of Approaching 5 Death and he longs for the pure land, his mortality will be-6 come nothing but nirvana. When Buddha and the bodhisattvas edify all living beings, they use two distinct methods which seemingly run counter to 7 each other. They allow transgressors to enifrer the right from the wrong, and if there are people of undetermined fate who seek enlightenment, they transform their wickedness into 8 righteousness. 53 If I should illustrate the foundations of these things my words would flow endlessly, for there are an amazing 9 number of testimonies in the sutras and sastras and in the books of men of other days. Since I happen^! to hear a story which is excessively strange, lift your heads from your pillows and listen care fully. The wakefulness of my old age allows me to narrate a rather lengthy tale for this long autumn night. A long, long time ago, there was a monk named Sensai 10 who lived in the Western Mountains of Kyoto. He was well-known because of both his upright character and his profound learning. He was formerly one of the monk soldiers of the 11 Eastern Pagoda on the Northern Peak as well as the head-12 master of the Institute for the Encouragement of Study. His previous name had been Keikai. In terras of Buddhist 13 studies, he drank from the flow of the Jeweled Spring and swept all the clouds away from the moon of the Four Doctrines 14 and the Three Outlooks. In terms of the other practices, he followed the path upon which Huang-shih kung had trod, and he mastered Inundation Tactics as well as Water-Back 15 Tactics. Sometimes he enfolded people compassionately in the sleeves of his humble robe for their protection and at other times he heroically brought foes to their knees with his furious sword. Both monks and ordinary folk were truly dependent upon him,for he was an expert in literary and mili tary arts alike. 54 When he was fully mature, at last comprehending the significance of the falling of flowers and the scattering of leaves, he experienced an awakening from his dream. •What have I been doing? I happened to leave the realm of earthly dust behind me and became a follower of Buddha, but it seems as though I have done nothing but run after glory and wealth both day and night. How disgusting it is that I have neglected my duty to escape the circle of re birth. * When he became aware of his sins, he decided that he should search deep into the mountains and in due course should construct a brushwood hut in which to retreat for awhile. Nevertheless, it is difficult for anyone to leave the place where he has old ties. It is the way of the world. Because he did not have the determination to termi nate his relationships with the Physician of Souls, with 16 the Guardian Spirit of the Mountain, and with his colleag ues and fellow dwellers, he passed his time vainly. However one day something stirred within him. He was moved to put 17 it into words: Morning and night I have been buried under earthly dust. By chance I lost my way and 1 wasted three score years. With human eyes which see only glory and disgrace, when can I, who rests in the dark shadow of an old pine tree, see a cloud and yet sleep? 55 ONE •Perhaps I have not been able to do what I truly desire because evil or heretical thoughts have been hindering me. If this has been the case, I shall put my trust in the pro tection of Buddha and the bodhisattvas in order to attain 18 my goal." Thinking thus, Keikai made his way to Ishiyama. He prostrated himself on the ground for seven days and sin cerely completed his prayer for the reaffirmation of reli gious devotion which would instantly allow him to attain 19 supreme perfect wisdom. On the night which terminated the seven days, Keikai fell asleep using the dais of the officiating monk as a pil low. As he slept he dreamed of a handsome, indescribably elegant boy who stepped out from behind the brocade tapestry of the Buddhist sanctum and stood somewhat hesitatingly in 20 the shadow of a flowering cherry tree whose blossoms were scattered about. Because the flower petals had fallen as lightly as snow on the boy's embroidered garment of a faint green color, Keikai was in doubt as to whether or not the cherry blossoms had once again burst into bloom on the dis tant mountains. The boy stood there with petals on his sleeves and seemed to be going nowhere at all. Nevertheless he vanished as day fades with the coming of evening. When the boy disappeared, Keikai1s dream ended. 56 TWO Keikai was jubilant because he felt that the dream had been a sign indicating the achievement of his prayer. Before the dawning sky had fully grown light he left for his temple. As if waiting for some expected event, he looked forward to the religious devotion which would arise within him. Accord ingly, his decision to live in the dense mountains expired; conversely, the figure of the boy in his dream was never for a moment far from his mind. He was distraught and unable to endure such inconsolable pain. Despite this, he burned incense and faced the figure of Buddha in hope of solace. He was able to share in the sorrow of the Emperor Wu who had burned the Incense of Returning 21 Souls in order to meet Empress Li of the Han. When Keikai stood beneath clouds and viewed blossoms on the lonely moun tains, he felt as though the grief-stricken tears of King Hsiang,who had sorely missed the face of the Goddess of Mt. Wu, were his own. She had become a cloud and then falling rain after meeting with King Hsiang in his dream. Keikai received a message from the Guardian Spirit of the Mountain telling him that his loss as a monk would cause the Spirit as much pain as the swallowing of a long sword point downwards. He felt that his decision must have been affected by the Guardian Spirit's great grief. 'Even though it is the Lord's wish, only if I can survive will I be able 57 23 to rekindle the Buddhist light which has been inclined to weaken.1 Miserably Keikai thought, »I will not live as long as the dew which vanishes before evening. I feel as though I may die this very instant.' He thought that he should tell 2k the Merciful Goddess of Ishiyama of his complaint and he revisited Ishiyama. THREE 25 As he was passing in front of Mii-dera, unexpectedly, spring rain began to trickle down his face. Deciding to take shelter, he walked down towards the golden hall. On the way he noticed an ancient flowering cherry tree, the beautiful blossoms of which trailed over a wall as if forming a cloud 26 in the garden of the cloister of Sh6go-in. I saw a house in the distance with flowers around it. I made my way towards it and 27 entered... Fascinated by the essence of this verse he approached the gate of the enclosure. Through it, he saw a graceful youth of about sixteen, slim of waist and slender of limb, who was wearing a pale red under dress,-. beneath a light, 28 gauze, silk robe with a fish-and-water embroidered pattern. Unaware that he was being watched, the boy stepped from behind the bamboo blinds into the garden and broke off a 58 branch so full of blossoms that it seemed to be covered with 29 heavy snow. He hummed this poem: In the falling rain, Though they're wet, I'll pick these Mountain cherry blossoms; Oh wind to chase the clouds away, Won't you now begin to blow? He resembled a flower, wet with drops of rain from the blossoms. Keikai suddenly worried that another wind might tease this flower. He wished for enough sleeve to hide it. Just as he felt that he wanted to free his mind to clouds or mist a heartless wind blew causing the door of the gate to squeak. The boy at once looked about dubiously as though he had noticed that there had been someone observing him, and then, holding the flowering twig in his hand, he started to walk 30 leisurely around the trees which marked the football field. 31 His elegant miru-like hair became entwined with the thread like leaves of the willow tree and he glanced back absent-mindedly with an inexpressibly beautiful look in his eyes. His appearance was no different from that of the boy in the dream which had caused Keikai to lose his way in the un known and the monk forgot the dream in the presence of the actual figure of the boy. It had become dark, but Keikai could not remember where he ought to have gone. 59 That evening he fell prostrate upon the veranda of the golden hall and passed the night gazing dejectedly on the garden. Was it all a dream, Or was it reality? I could hardly tell But no matter which the case, 32 My sad heart is still confused. FOUR When day broke he revisited the place he had been the day before and stood near the gate of the cloister. He saw a neatly dressed boy emerge from the gate to throw away water 33 from a pail covered with a bamboo screen. He wondered whe ther this might be a boy-in-waiting of the youth he had seen the previous day. He stepped close to him and said, 'I want to ask you something.» Showing no surprise, the boy replied, "What is it?" Keikai was pleased with this response and inquired, "Do you know the boy who seems to be sixteen or seventeen who was in this cloister yesterday wearing a fish-and-water patterned, gauze, silk robe?" Smiling, the boy answered, »I am waiting upon him, his 34 name is Umewaka. He is a son of Hanazono, the Minister of 60 35 the Left. This boy possesses such a rare and helplessly refined mind that he is unable to believe that deceit exists in this world. When old monks and young men gaze upon this 36 flowering tree which is too late for spring and whose blos soms, clear as the moon of mid-autumn, seem to scatter nowhere, they appear to flaunt the glory of their individual house holds hoping to win him. However, the atmosphere of this man sion has been somewhat confined. He goes nowhere apart from those places where performances of music or dance are held. 37 Invariably he faces the rear window of this building and composes poems, hums songs and idles his time away.' On hearing this Keikai was in high spirits. He thought to eventually employ this young servant as the bearer of the letter which would reveal to Umewaka his innermost thoughts. Nevertheless, he was afraid to act openly. He returned to his own mountain without even visiting Ishiyama. FIVE Because of the face he had seen both in his dream and in actuality, Keikai neither slept nor remained awake, but spent nights and days half-conscious. At last he found liv ing nearby ShSgo-in, a man whom he had formerly known. Under the pretext of sometimes attending a meeting for poetry and other times being amused by a drinking party, he more and more frequently passed nights at his friend's house. After some time, he became familiar with the young ser-38 vant whose name was Keiju. They soon were having tea 61 together, drinking wine, and diverting themselves in various ways. Keikai even presented Keiju with an image of a spray of a scented orange tree made of gold. He added ten robes of variously coloured fine silk. Keiju saw that Keikai"s heart was already pledged to Umewaka and it seemed to him that his own actions reflected thoughts inseperable from those of Keikai. The monk confided to Keiju that the bewilderment brought about by his love for Umewaka would never disappear. Keiju suggested, "First of all let me have your letter, I will try to approach him.• Even though one tries to make the surface of paper com pletely black with words containing the essence of one's feel ings of love, it is impossible to express all. Rather than 39 attempt this useless task Keikai wrote only a verse: Were I to tell you..• I saw the flowering beauty Gf your lovely face. Like clouds that rise beside it I know not what to do. SIX Taking the letter from his bosom, the boy said, 'Please glance over this. A long time ago during a pause in a rain shower you stood in the shade of the flowering cherry tree. 62 Having become wet, you reentered. A refined man caught a glimpse of you and he fell secretly in love. His sleeve 40 has already been smeared crimson with tears of blood. It seems he can no longer bear to release his emotion with tears.' The young master, with flushed face, was just about to untie the ribbon of the letter when a monk, one who had re-41 nounced the world, came stamping along the connecting cor ridor and entered the room. He wrenched the letter out of Umewaka's sight and jammed it into his sleeve. Keiju felt the situation hopeless but he attended his master until sun set waiting for another chance. After some time, Umewaka handed a reply to Keiju through the window of the study. The boy felt lightness in the hand receiving the letter. He took the message hurriedly to the monk. Keikai was so pleased that his eyes were aglow. It seemed impossible for him to stand still. He opened the 42 letter but there were only a few words: How can I depend Upon your fickle mind? It's like a flower Which the freely drifting clouds May overcast with shadow. 63 SEVEN When the monk saw this letter he was in high-spirits and was reluctant to depart. He felt wretched just imagining future leave-takingsand he considered staying for awhile in an inn nearby so that he could at least live with his eyes on the treetops of Umewaka*3 garden. At the same time he sensed that this might be an unseemly act. Telling Keiju that he would come again, Keikai took his leave and returned to his mountain. Although the day in spring was long, with each step that he took he looked back and after each second step, he made a step backwards, thus night fell before he was able to reach 43 the monk's lodge in nearby Sakamoto. At last he stopped to 44 rest in a ruined hut somewhere near Totsu. He spent the entire night lost in thought. The next morning as he step ped out into the garden intending to go up the mountain he was detained by thoughts which seemed not to be his own. It was as if his waist were tied with a rope held by a thousand people. Turning back from Totsu, he walked absentmindedly in 45 the direction of Otsu. Rain was falling softly. When he was making his way along under the guise of his travelling clothes, a straw raincoat and a straw hat, he came across a rider with an umbrella in his hand. Keikai gazed at him wondering what kind of man he might be and he soon recognized Keiju. Keiju also perceived the monk. 64 The boy said, *It is really strange. Because I have something that I must tell you, I am on my way to a mountain which I have never visited before. How fortunate it is to come across you here.' He leaped from the horse, grasped the monk's hand and led him to a nearby wayside shrine. 'What has happened?* asked the monk. From his breast, Keiju took out a heavily scented letter. It seemed that Keikai»s sleeves might acquire a lingering scent simply by touching it. Keiju smiled and jokingly said, *His troubled mind must be far beyond my understanding. I was ordered to find you relying upon what you told me even if I should lose my way in the mountains. How much wetter will his sleeve become with tears if he should spend a night with you?* When Keiju said this, Keikai replied, half in jest, »I wish for such a chance to bring me the sorrow of parting.* 46 Keikai saw the letter: That there be falsehood I never truly realized. I believed in you But now I am compelled To resent my trusting mind. 65 EIGHT Keiju tempted Keikai, saying repeatedly, fSince by the mansion there is a monastery inhabited by a monk whom I know, please stay there for awhile and keep your eye upon the open ings of the bamboo screens.' Touched by his own emotion, the monk again went to Mii-dera. Keiju arranged for temporary lodgings for Keikai in the study hall of the monastery. The superior of the monastery gave Keikai a cordial reception. Often parties with music of wind and strings, and meetings of poetical composition with evaluation of verses were held with numerous young boys in attendance. The days passed. Keikai informed the superior of his intention to go to 47 worship before the Great Bright Spirit of Shinra for seven days in order to achieve his supplication. Every evening, Keikai disappeared into the darkness beside the cloister and concealed himself either among the pine trees of the mound or in the dewy bushes of the garden. It seemed as though Umewaka had already noticed Keikai and it appeared that he was hoping that no others were observing them. Keikai pitied Umewaka, whose predicament was such that he was trying to solve the conflict between his wish to step out into the garden and his worry about being conspicuous. Keikai desperately tried to believe that seeing Umewaka at a distance was his appointed destiny. He regarded Umewaka*s 66 affection as the source of his own life and for more than ten days he returned morning and evening. Although people asked Keikai to extend his stay; never theless, he hesitated. He had decided to leave the monastery the following day when Keiju visited him and said, *At last visitors from Kyoto are coming to the cloister tonight and 48 they are going to have a drinking party. As the chief abbot of Shdgo-in will be terribly drunk, wait for me and do not leave until midnight. I was told to stealthily lead my mas ter here. Please leave the door of the gate unlocked and wait for us.» He delivered this speech rapidly and returned home. NINE Upon hearing this the monk felt overjoyed and his mind was in a turmoil. He was beside himself with happiness. Listening to the striking of the hours of the night, he waited until the moon had moved to the south. When he heard sounds which indicated that someone was 49 opening the door of the Chinese style fence he looked out from the cedar-board door of the study and saw Keiju holding 50 a fish-head lantern illuminated by glowing fire-flies. Although the figure was quite shadowy and dim, he saw Umewaka in a golden robe of fine silk, standing by the willow tree whose thread-like leaves trailed over his accentuating his beauty. He stood in a gracefully hesitant manner as 67 though he were worrying about being seen by someone else. Keikai was immediately enraptured by him. He felt more dead than alive. Keiju stepped in first, hung the firefly lantern on one end of a horizontal piece of timber separating the upper cham ber from the room, knocked on the door of the study and told Keikai that he had brought Umewaka. As the monk was at a loss as to how to reply, he just indicated his presence by bending his body slightly sideways. Keiju went round to the garden and told his young master to hasten. Umewaka walked ahead and entered the room through the panelled door. Umewaka's scent, which had been absorbed by Keikai»s sleeves even when they had been separated by a great distance, was now beside Keikai. Umewaka was so close that he seemed to be leaning upon the monk. The fragrance of the beautiful paper cord which resembled an autumn cicada's wing and which 51 for the first time held back Umewaka*s hair, together with the scent of his beautiful eyebrows which resembled moth feel-52 ers, were so exquisite that flowers might have hated him and the moon might have been jealous of him. Umewaka*s hundred expressions and thousand coquetries were impossible to des cribe either in a picture drawn with a brush or in words. With the flowing of their tears, pent-up emotions were released. Their beltings became untied and they shared the same bed. As the existence of an islet in a flowing current causes the river around it to deepen, so their bond became closer. 68 Before the lovers" talk which could have lasted forever, came to an end, the bedroom became chilly. This caused their dream to fade as easily as purple dye is wont to. Since the water of the clepsydra had already gone, it became difficult to put off their tearful parting. They resented the cock who crowed the hour of dawn after this one secret night which had brought them together. It was as though a 53 node had at last formed in a young bamboo. Their clothes had become cool. Just as they were about to part the moon of dawn found its way into the room through the western window. The monk could dimly see Umewaka"s fra grant eyebrows. Umewaka"s face mirrored deep affection, Keikai had a fleeting premonition that Umewaka would not live until their next meeting. TEN In order to walk with Umewaka to his mansion the monk had left his accommodation in the early morning. Instead of returning to his own lodgings immediately, he remained stand ing on the stone pavement beneath the gate of Umewaka"s cloi ster because he could not bear to leave. He was still standing there when the young servant Keiju appeared and held out something, saying, "A letter." Keikai opened it and found that it was composed of few 54 words: 69 Upon my sleeve, Did it stay? No, it has gone. After our meeting It brought us tearful parting The moon in the dawning sky. 55 The monk returned to his own study and wrote: I saw it with you, This moon which has remained As dew on my sleeve. I cannot brush it away, Yet it will bring me nights of grief. ELEVEN To Keikai, the memory of Umewaka1s face was as nebulous as a dream, but with the lingering scent on the sleeves which had touched Umewaka as his memento, he climbed the mountain. His languid mind prevented him from answering those who tried to talk to him about various matters. Although he had not intended to weep, his tears continued to flow and indeed, they attracted undue attention. The sleeves with which he wiped away his tears seemed to have become decayed. He excused himself saying that as he felt unwell, he was unable to see anyone. He passed the days lying on his bed in tears. 70 When the boy heard about Keikai from others, he told his young master what had happened. Upon hearing about Keikai, Umewaka abandoned himself to worry. Thinking became troublesome and painful. Anxious about the monk but at the same time hoping to hear something from him soon, Umewaka waited for awhile. After some time, he finally called the boy to him and grumbled: "The incident on that dream-like night seems unreal. Days have gone by and I have not com municated with him even by letter. If Keikai had not become ill, everything could have been left as it was and I could have forgotten my dream. But now I have heard that his life is almost as fragile as the dew. If he passes away, visit ing him after his death will be of no use. I want to go to the mountain, however deep it may be, in order to see him. But if I go to seek him without leaving any word, I feel that it will go against the wishes of the chief abbot of Shogo-in. I cannot do such a thing. What has caused me to trust the words of this fickle man who has now departed for an unknown place? Why do I long so passionately for him? While my mind is thus, lead me. Let us search for hira on any mountain or any strand." Saying this, Umewaka shed tears. He was still young and as may be expected of a child, his mind was unsteady. It is the way of the world; there is no way to discourage one who is in love. Because Keiju understood his young master's sorrow, he said, 'I was given details about the place where he is living, 71 o therefore, I wild accompany you. If our actions displease the chief abbot, invent something later as an excuse.' Unaccompanied, Umewaka and Keiju left for their unknown destination. TWELVE Umewaka was born to the family of one of the three 56 Ministers. His father was one of the nine Chancellors. As he usually travelled in a magnificent oxcart or ©n an excellent horse, he had never stepped even momentarily in either mud or soil. Consequently, his legs soon became wobbly and his mind became tired. After a short while, he could walk no farther. Even the boy escorting Umewaka was worn out. 57 They rested under a pine tree at Karasaki and they anxiously pondered their situation while gazing at the moon mirrored in the lake. They expressed the wish to be taken 58 to Mount Hiei by any long--nosed goblin or evil spirit. Just then, a very aged mountain ascetic in a four-sided 59 palanquin with bamboo blinds came up to them. The ascetic made his followers move the palanquin in front of Umewaka. The old monk asked, 'Where are you going?' Keiju replied truthfully. The monk got out and said, 'It is I who am going to climb up to the place which is next to the monastery to which you are going. I feel really sorry seeing you so tired, therefore I will walk, and you can take 72 my palanquin.* Upon saying this, he made Umewaka and Keiju get into his palanquin. Borne by twelve men, it moved as fast as a flying bird. They crossed the vast lake and went through the dark cloudy mist. Almost instantly it was brought to Mount Shaka in 60 the Omine Range. Here Umewaka and Keiju were shut up as captives in a jail built of huge rocks. They could distinguish neither night nor day. They were able to see the light of neither sun nor moon. Dew dripping from the moss and the sound of the wind blowing through the pine trees combined to prevent their tears from ceasing for a moment. It seemed that there were all kinds of captives, for only the sound of sobbing was audible in the cavernous darkness. THIRTEEN From that night, the chief abbot, who felt that Umewaka»s disappearance was an extraordinary occurance, was deep in grief. He asked everybody about it but no one knew anything. Then, a traveller on his way to 6tsu from Higashi-61 Sakamoto, arrived at Sh6go-in and said, *A young boy simi lar to the one you describe passed me on the beach of Kara-saki at about ten o*clock last night.' When the chief abbot heard this he grumbled, *Ah, I was told that Umewaka had secretly pledged himself to a monk of the Sammon Denomination but somehow I did not take it 73 seriously.1 He became agitated as he spoke. He was not alone in his annoyance. The fury of the entire temple was aroused. 'Assailing the Sammon Denomina tion could be very difficult. Instead let us make a rush for the mansion of the Minister of the Left to complain, for he must know about this.* At once more than five hundred monk soldiers of the temple attacked the mansion of the Minister of the Left at ^ ^ 62 Sanjo-Kyogoku in broad daylight. More than fifty of those on duty nearby fought back at the risk of their lives. The monks of Onjo-ji, however, easily broke into the buildings. They burned down the galleries, the fishing pavilion, the building nearby the fountain and the splendid tile-roofed 63 corridors. The mansion was razed to the ground. FOURTEEN With these acts the monks of Onjo-ji were still not able to rid themselves of their anger. The temple members dis cussed the matter together and concluded: 'There has never been, nor ever will be a disgrace to the Jimon Denomination which exceeds this. Therefore, if we take this chance to 64 build an ordination platform for the Samaya commandments, the monk soldiers of the Sammon Denomination will surely come to attack us. This may be a means to destroy our foe because we will be taking advantage of territory familiar to us. This way, we will be able to eliminate heresy and spread our 74 commandments. Heaven is offering us this opportunity. We must not hesitate for a moment.' At this, more than two thousand partisans of the same 65 mind excavated several moats on the Nyoigoe Pass, reconstru cted the interior of their temple to resemble a castle, and built an ordination platform for the Samaya commandments. FIFTEEN When the monks of the Sammon Denomination heard of this how could they hesitate in calling up their army? They had proceeded to 0n|3-ji six times before because of the ordina tion platform. •It is neither necessary to report to court nobles nor complain to warriors." Crying, *Let us hasten to 0nj6-ji now and burn it down,' they sent their order to three thou sand seven hundred and three subordinate temples and shrines. First of all, the monk soldiers of the neighbouring states gathered and crowded to the top of Mount Hiei and to the town of Sakamoto. They said, •the day of the monkey falls during the second ten days of the tenth month on the 67 fifteenth day. There can be no luckier day than that." They divided more than one hundred thousand soldiers into seven armies which thronged to attack 0nj6-ji from both front and rear. The gentle beach breeze blew upon those on horseback whipping their mounts along the strand 63 of Shiga-Karasaki. The soft sea spray fell upon those in boats poling across the lake in the morning calm. Among 75 those who were thus advancing, was the monk Keikai. He waa eager to be first into battle /because he longed to leave his name to posterity. He realized that he himself had brou ght about this calamity. He was hastening out of the Nyoigoe Pass with his five hundred young comrades, each of whom had drunk the divine water, before the sky had grown light at 69 around four o'clock. The front and rear armies, in addition to those in the castle, totaled one hundred and seven thousand strong. To gether they raised a war cry loud enough to destroy a huge 70 mountain or spill a lake into the deepest part of the earth. Stepping over the injured and dead without regard, soldiers made a rush for the castle. The men at the front were from the temples of Shuzen, Zenchi, Enshu, Sugiu, Saisho, Konrin, Sugimoto and Myokan-in, temples which were affiliated with the main temple of Mount Hiei, and also from the temples of Joki, J^jitsu, Nangan, Gyosen, Gy6ju and Jorim-bo of the 71 Western Tower, and Zempo, Zenju and Hannya-in of Yokawa. Of one accord, the monks of the three towers combined to gether to fight. On the other side, the defence, ready to hazard their 72 lives were: the Devils of Suruga of Emman-in, the Seven Long-Nosed Goblins of TS-in, the Eight Deva-Kings of Minarai-no-in, Ara-Sanuki, famous for killing a thousand, Akudayu, an expert in fighting with a two meter long, spiked iron bar, Musashibo, who caused his enemies to flee in eight directions, Engetsubo who could throw stones at targets of three hundred 76 meters distance, and Kakuso who was fond of cleaving men from head to foot. These fighters had all strengthened their faith to solid rock and metal and had made their lives as 73 light as dust. Frequently, they left the castle bravely. They fought with great strength. Arrowheads perforated helmets and spears raised clouds of dust. After fighting for about six hours more than seven thousand of the attacking cavalry had been injured. These men seemed closer to death than to life yet the castle seemed forever indestructable. Seeing this, Keikai became furious and cried, "This way of fighting is nothing that we will feel proud of recounting later. If I fill a moderate-sized moat with dead bodies, why can we not take the castle by storm? If there are men among you, follow me and observe my courage." Then shouting roughly, Keikai leaped effortlessly down into the narrow 74 bottom of the V-shaped moat. Stepping onto one shield, part of a row of shields lined up like a series of reckoning 75 blocks, he jumped up to the top of the opposite side, a 76 distance of about six meters. Placing his hand against an exposed pillar of the plaster wall, he nimbly cleared it. In a headstrong manner he rushed alone into more than three hundred of his enemies. He grabbed men with his left arm and then stabbed them. He slashed men from their shoulder to their opposite arm-pit. He gashed bodies. Holding his sword behind him and stepping backwards, seemingly to allow his foes to escape, he took advantage of his adversaries* unguarded moments. He mowed men down one upon the 77 other. He chopped up his foes as endlessly as the waves lap the shore. He swung his sword wildly: in the shape of an X, in eight directions, in twisting patterns and in the figure of a cross.He pursued his foes to four corners and 77 in eight directions. He cut around his enemies ceaselessly. The more than three hundred soldiers who had been defen ding the Nyoigoe Pass perhaps thought that there was no con tending with Keikai, for they started to run to the right and the left in confusion. Other men, following Keikai, rushed in from eight dir ections and more than five hundred of them spread out and set fire to the buildings. As they did so, fierce winds began to rise and billowing smoke covered everything, the golden hall, the lecture room, the belfry, the Amida hall, 78 used for incessant Buddhist invocation, the hall where 79 prayers for the prolongation of life were offered, the 80 monastery of the monk Ky6ji, the memorial hall of the great ^ 81 teacher Chisho, and the quarters of the three Imperial 82 Princes in holy orders. More than three thousand seven hundred buildings were simultaneously reduced to ashes. No chamber remained, save for the sanctuary of the Great Bright Spirit of Shinra. SIXTEEN While the young prince, unaware of the fate of Mii-dera, was imprisoned in the rock jail crying bitterly in low spirits, 78 an extremely large number of long-nosed goblins were gathered together discussing various matters. One of the small-long-nosed goblins said, 'Although we consider fires, whirlwinds, small quarrels, arguments about sumo results, Shirakawa children's throwing-stone competi-33 tions, sacred palanquins carried by the monks of the Sammon 84 Denomination and the Nanto, and the mondo of the five major 85 Zen temples in Kyoto the funniest things to observe, yester day's fighting at Miidera was particularly splendid. Perhaps it will stand without parallel in the world. Another long-nosed goblin nearby said, 'It is strange, we have Umewaka here. If he had not been captured, fighting of such magnitude would not have taken place. While the monks of the Sammon and the Jimon Denominations were fight ing, I saw the abbots of temples tripping over the ends of their long robes as they ran to and fro trying to escape. It was such an amusing sight that I composed a jolly acrostic verse.' A goblin who was in an upper seat asked, 'How did it go?' 86 The goblin said, 'It went like this: They are all worked up And filled with bitter shame At Mii-dera. They surely brought it on themselves And now must live in deep lament.' 79 As he read this verse, the face of every long-nosed goblin in the whole assembly crinkled into a grin. Umewaka, over hearing their talk, was in anguish knowing that because of him Mii-dera had been overthrown. However, there was nobody from whom he could learn the details and nothing he could do but continue to weep miserably with his boy. SEVENTEEN A little while later, mentioning that a gift from the 87 Province of Awaji had arrived, into the jail, a goblin led an old man who was tied up. He seemed more than eighty years of age. The goblin said, »This old fellow was captured be cause he stepped off the end of a rain cloud and fell down from it. Please name him as you wish and take him into your service. Nobody can soar in the sky better than he.* A few days later, noticing that the prince and his young servant had been weeping, the old man said, *My dears, your sleeves are soaked.* The prince and the boy replied in unison, »Shortly after we had left the place where we had long lived we fell into the hands of these long-nosed goblins. Whenever we think about the distress' of our parents and teachers, our tears stream down without drying for a moment. That is why our sleeves are wet.T The old man was very pleased and said, »If what you say is true, let me enter into you. I can easily help you reach the capital." Saying this he wrung out Umewaka's sleeve. Beads of dew, resembling pearls or other jewels dropped from it. The old man put the beads into the hollow of his left hand and rolled them about carefully for a while. The drops of dew soon became one mass the size of a football. He separated this and placed one ball in the palm of each hand. He rolled each of them about for some time. The two dew-balls gradually became larger and larger. Finally they caused the inside of the rock-jail to flood. At once, the old man became a thunderbolt. Peals of thunder shook the ground and flashes of lightening lit up the sky. The long-nosed goblins were full of pluck, but at this, they were all atremble with fear and they fled in ten direc-83 89 tions. Then the Dragon God kicked the rock-jail and des troyed it. He took not only the prince and his boy on his cloud but also all kinds of people who had been captured from various other places. He led them to a place nearby 90 the Garden of the Goddess Spring in the remains of the Emperor's palace. EIGHTEEN The monks and common folk, both men and women, parted from each other and went back individually to their homes. Umewaka and his boy returned to their own ancestral residence, Hanazono, but the buildings once roofed with tile or thatch had become a wide expanse of burnt-out ruin 81 and there was no one to tell them what had taken place. They asked at a monastery in the vicinity and were told, •The mansion of the Minister of the Left was burnt by monks who stormed from Mii-dera believing that your family must have been given notice about you, the young lord, taken away to Mount Hiei.' They wanted to also ask about their chief abbot's fate but there was no place to stay the night. They said, 'Let us go to Mii-dera and ask about him. Leading Umewaka by the hand, Keiju reached Mii-dera only after asking for directions innumerable times. Here they found that all the temples and the monk's living quar ters had been razed and not a building was left. The dew drops falling from the grass in the empty garden were in harmony with the sighing of the wind among the pine trees on the empty mountain. Saying, 'This is the ruin of our former house', they looked down and saw that the base stones of the temple had been shattered by the fire, that the green-moss had faded and that the branches of the plum tree by the eaves were dead. There was no fragrant breeze from the tree now. 'This worldly disaster, which has completely ruined everything, was caused by me along. My fortune must have ceased to be blessed by the gods... I must have been gos siped about.' Thinking thus, Umewaka was ashamed. Although the scene was unbearable to look upon, since this was the place where they had lived for a long time and 32 which had been familiar, they were reluctant to leave imme diately. Therefore, gazing at the moon mirrored in the lake, they passed a tearful night in the shrine of the Great Bright Spirit. NINETEEN They paid a visit to Ishiyama expecting to find the chief abbot. They were told, however, that he was not there. Keiju said to Umewaka. 'This being so, please stay in the main sanctuary of the temple tonight pretending to be a pilgrim. I will go up to Mount Hiei and try to visit the monk in his chamber.' If there were nobody to dissuade him, Umewaka was wil ling to throw himself into any deep river, for he had made a profound resolution to leave this weary world. Weeping, he wrote a letter and handed it to the boy. Umewaka stood watching him go and waiting until he was out of sight with out knowing that this had been their last meeting. Since the boy carried the letter, he climbed hurriedly up the mountain to see the monk. When Keikai saw the boy, he was speechless and at first wept unrestrainedly. Keiju too, had to wipe away his tears and try to tell the monk what had befallen Umewaka and him self. Saying that he would first look at the letter, Keikai opened it and found a verse evidently written by Umewaka 91 in a distracted state of mind; 83 It ia my cruel fate That I shall drown in the atream. Into its deep pools May now shine for evermore The moon on the mountain edge. TWENTY The monk was highly agitated and cried, 'Just look at this. It is evident from this poem that his mind is troubled. Please talk to me as we go along. We shall leave without delay.' Letting the boy go ahead of him after they had passed Sakamoto, in great haste Keikai proceeded to Ishiyama. Pass-A ing through Otsu, on the way to Ishiyama, they came across a group of travellers and overheard their conversation. •Alas what a pity! What kind of unhappiness obliged the boy to throw himself into the water? How great must be the grief of his parents and teachers!' Thinking that these comments might be a clue, Keikai asked them the details of the incident. The travellers halted their steps, 'A while ago when we 92 were crossing the Bridge of Seta, we saw a boy of sixteen or seventeen wearing only a tight-sleeved undergarment of red, the color of plum blossoms, and a divided skirt belonging to 93 a fine silk garment. He chanted the sacred name of Amid a about ten times while facing the west and then he threw 84 himself into the river. It was a pitiful sight, and we were about to enter the water to try to save him, when his body suddenly disappeared. We simply had to pass on dejectedly." Saying this, they shed tears. TWENTY-ONE After they had heard the travellers' description of the boy's age and appearance, there was no doubt in their minds that the boy had indeed been Umewaka. Both the monk and Keiju were frightened. Their feet and arms became numb. They felt as though they would fall unconscious. Nevertheless, the pair hastened in their palanquins to the foot of the bridge and looked around. They found the small blue lapis lassuli rosary to which was attached a gold brocade talisman with a thin lace, hanging on a column of the bridge. The talisman was the one that Umewaka had always worn about his neck next his skin. When the monk and the boy saw these things, both writhed in agony. They longed to throw themselves into the current, but many of Keikai's fel lows came upon them and prevented them from doing so. •Aah, at least I would like to see his lifeless face before I do anything further,' murmured Keikai. He stepped into a small fishing boat moored close by and looked into the depths. At this, his friends took off their robes and they also started to look for Umewaka between rocks and in the shadow 85 of the dikes. Leaving no stone unturned, they searched everywhere but they could not find him. The monk and the boy lay on the ground and besought heaven, all the while continuing to weep. After a considerable amount of time had passed they 94 went down to the Rapids of Gugo to search for Umewaka. Their eyes were attracted by something crimson, resembling the red leaves of maples, caught behind a rock, Keikai poled the boat towards the object and at last found Umewaka. His face was lifeless, his long hair was entangled with weeds, and his body was swaying with the waves as they washed over the rock. The monk and the boy wept as they brought the body into the boat. Keikai placed Umewaka's head ©n his lap while the boy embraced Umewaka's legs. »How could he have come to such a plight? In doing this, what did he expect would become of 95 us? Brahma, Indra, and Gods of Heaven and Earth, please take our lives and in return let us look at his living face which now has become a void.' Saying this, they wailed un controllably. However, there is no case in which a blossom once scat-96 tered from a bough blooms anew or in which a morning moon having descended towards the west rises again. Umewaka1s bright pink under-dress had become soaked, its color had deepened, and his snowy white breast was cold. The color which had once darkened his brows had become smudged, and his raven locks, now dishevelled, covered his face. 86 His extraordinary features had not changed but his eyes which had once shown a hundred coquettish expressions when-97 ever he smiled were closed and the bright color of his skin had faded. Both the monk and the boy threw themselves at Umewaka»s head and feet and wept as though they might die. Keikai*s fellow temple dwellers, right down to the lowest ranking monks, cast themselves on the moss of the river-bank and they also burst into neverending tears. Hoping that Umewaka would come to life again, that entire day Keikai and the boy held his body to their breasts to warm it. However, it was beyond their power to bring him back to life. 98 On the following day, at neighboring Toribeno, they let Umewaka*s body ascend in a wisp of smoke. After the smoke had disappeared, one by one Keikai*s fellow dwellers departed, but neither the monk nor the boy left. They remained facing the heap of ash and continued to cry. Both felt that they wanted to be buried under the same moss as Umewaka but they called to mind the meaning of Umewaka*s dying verse, »...May how shine for evermore, the moon on the mountain edge.* which signified that Umewaka had wished for masses to be held for the repose of his soul. Therefore, the monk did not return to his own temple, but remained in Toribeno and in due course exchanged his clothes 99 for a black robe, hung Umewaka*s ashes from his neck and departed on a pilgrimage over mountains and rivers. Later he built himself a hermitage at the place called 87 100 Iwakura on the Western Mountain of Kyoto and performed religious rites for the salvation of Umewaka*s soul. In due course the young servant of Umewaka, Keiju, shaved his A 101 head and secluded himself in Mount Koya where he remained until the end of his days. TWENTY-TWO The thirty ringleaders of Onjo-ji who had decided to build the ordination platform for the Samaya commandments could not possibly return to Onjo-ji to live. They became sick and weary of life and decided to break connections with Mii-dera. However, they resolved to visit the ruins of the Jimon Denomination in order to take their leave before set ting out to begin those practices through which they would seek perfect wisdom. At the ruins they planned to hold a religious service to praise Buddha*s deep assurance of the truth. Upon their return to Onjo-ji, they held a wake in front of the Great Bright Spirit of Shinra, and for the last time performed a service which could be compared to the ordering 102 of the Buddhist delicacies. Deep in the night when the border between waking and sleeping could not be distinguished, the sounds of galloping horses and rattling carts was heard coming from the eastern sky. It sounded as though a large number of exalted person ages were on their way. The monks felt this quite strange. Wondering what it was, they stole a glance upward and saw a high ranking monk who resembled an archbishop on clerical duty riding in a four-sided palanquin around which attendants were crowded. They also noticed a man in full court dress leading groups of armored warriors. Moreover, they beheld a woman wearing jewelled hair ornaments riding in a lightly equipped cart attended by scores of waiting women. Retainers 103 dressed In faded pink garments were following these exalted personages. The monks asked them, "What kind of people have arrived?" The attendants replied, "This is Hie, Guardian Spirit of the mountain in Higashi-Sakamoto.» The two distinguished visitors got out of their cart and palanquin and entered through the hangings of the sanc tuary. The Great Bright Spirit straightened his crown and attempted to look dignified. He came out from behind the golden tapestry and faced the dignitaries. After the seats for the honorable guests and the host 104 had been decided, the rite of drinking to each other's health was performed. As there were presentations of music and dance,"the Great Bright Spirit of Shinra was well entertained and he smiled in great delight, they all enjoyed the party which continued throughout the entire night. When day broke the Guardian Spirit ushered him from the temple gate and remained outside for a little while. 89 TWENTY-THREE The Great Bright Spirit walked up the fine stairs and was about to enter his sanctum, when one of the monks who had been engaged to remain awake throughout the night, knelt down before him and implored tearfully: 'In regard to the matter of raising the ordination platform for the Samaya commandments...it was in line with the Imperial sanction of 105 the past. When we constructed it, we were thinking about the prosperity of our temple. We never considered for one moment that we might have built it because of our feelings of inferiority. The monk soldiers of the Sammon Denomina tion had often recklessly disregarded the Imperial decision and had brought various evil disasters upon us. Now they have burnt down our temple. We all realize how deeply aggra vated both you, the Bright Spirit, and Buddha must be, but what was the intention of the Gods in having this party and playing merrily with Hie, the Guardian Spirit of the Sammon Denomination, our foe? It is a mystery to us.* When the monk concluded, the Great Bright Spirit sum moned all the monks before him and said: 'The grudge you all hold may be considered reasonable but it stems from nar row thoughts. Listen closely. On the day that Buddha or a Bright Spirit performs an expedient act, designed to bless 106 all living beings, if they consider a certain person deser ving they may give happiness to him. This, however, is not their main intention. Similarly, considering another person sinful, they may punish him as the upshot of their compassion. 90 They modify human deeds whether or not they are in obedience to Buddha's law so that humans may attain sovereign enlight-107 enment. It appears that you do not know why I am rejoicing. The destruction of temples and monasteries occured to enable you to obtain divine favor through your efforts to rebuild them. The burning of the sutras and the sastras occurred to enable you to become closer to the providence of Buddha in your re-copying of them. Thanking Buddha while involved in the vicissitudes of life still has an aspect of birth 108 and death. I showed.my jubilation because I was overjoyed to see Keikai, who because of his sorrow, commenced preach ing and began his search for enlightenment. The Guardian Spirit of the Mountain visited here to celebrate with me. How wonderful is the great compassion of the Merciful Goddess of Ishiyama who manifested herself in the form of a boy to help Keikai attain higher perception.• When the Bright Spirit had thus spoken, he seemed to enter the sanctum. The thirty monks involved in the wake at once awoke from their dreams and everybody recounted the same story. TWENTY-FOUR »Aah, then the boy who threw his body into the water was an apparition of the Merciful Goddess and the calamity of the destruction of the Jimon Denomination by fire was an 109 expedient for salvation.' Upon realizing this each monk deepened his piousness toward Buddha. Then, to strengthen 91 their resolve to practice Buddhist doctrines like Keikai, the thirty monks visited the hermitage in Iwakura where Keikai, who had changed his name to Sensai, had been living. There, they saw a cloud hanging low over half of the thatched six meter square cottage. They also noticed that although it was after the frosts of the three autumn months, Sensai»s robe was as tattered as a lotus leaf which has been torn by a strong wind. They saw, however, that there was enoughrto eat because the morning wind had blown down fruit. Sensai had listened to the murmuring stream and to the wind blowing through the pine trees and had gradually awak ened from his weary world's dream. Whenever he thought about Umewaka, streaming tears soaked the moon on his sleeve. At 110 such times he recited this poem: How can I forget The light of the moon we saw? Following its lead I shall tonight proceed To your resting place, the pure land. Ill When the ex-Emperor saw this poem on the stone wall of Sensai's study, he praised the verse endlessly and selected it for the 'Shakkyo' chapter of an anthology of poems called Shin kokin shu. 112 •A man of virtue will not remain alone but will soon attract companions. Although Sensai would have liked to avoid others, monks having had similar experiences came 92 together from all quarters. Consequently, they decided to build a temple near the capital which would widely serve ordinary folk. They performed the ceremony for the founda tion of Ungo-ji. They rendered the mask plays and songs of the twenty 113 five bodhisattvas in order to praise those who had entered the bliss of paradise. Among those who happened to see these performances, there was no one who failed to have his beliefs strengthened. From near and far people came together one after the other. Both high and low worshipped with hands clasped in prayer." EPILOGUE Shedding tears the old man concluded; "This story illustrates that the seed which enables people to attain Buddhahood is still found within karma." Those who had been listening to what the old man had narrated admired his story. There was no one whose sleeve had remained dry. 93 NOTES ON THE TEXT 1 "Raise your eyes and seek the perfect wisdom of Buddha" .jogu bodai X- %\ ^r-^k^j a bodhisattva vow. "Look below to save all" geke shujo "f. ^f^Lj^J^-'' a bodhisattva oath, cf, .jogu geke, a phrase consisting of the first parts of the phrases jogu bodai and geke shu.jo. See Chigi ^§ti-> Maka shikan ^^"jfc.j^. in TSD, vol. 46, pp. 6-8. "The Eight Human Afflictions" ningen no hakku ) ) \ ^§ : i) the suffering of birth, ii) the suffering of old age, iii) the suffering of sickness, iv) the suffering of death, v) the suffering caused by being together with those whom one hates, vi) the suffering caused by being apart from those whom one loves, vii) the suffering caused by the inability to satisfy one's desires, viii) the suffering caused by the fact that one is attached to the five elemental aggragates of which one's body, mind and environment are composed. Refer to kushStai ~S§" ^if/^ , in Abidatsuma dai bibasha ron ffj J!^jf[j^|| J^f^'J^rf , Genj6 trans., in TSD, vol. 27, p. 402. 4 "His earthly desires will become nothing but perfect wisdom" bonno soku bodai EpJ^^Ll literally,-: "Worldly de filements are in and of themselves enlightenment'; a fundamental Mahayana notion. See Chigi, p. 6. 5 "The Five Celestial Signs of Approaching Death" ten.jo no  gosui ^ Ji. ) 7J • G-osui denotes the five signs of decay or approsching death of which descriptions vary. Refer to goshi  zuiS in Z$ichi agon gyo J^-jpfGudon 94 Sogyadaiba^^^^/^oiljf- , trans., in TSB, vol. 2, p. 677. 6 " ' "His mortality will become nothing but nirvana" shoji soku nehan J£.^L c-]7literally, "The birth and death of un enlightened beings is in and of itself nirvana,"; a fundamental Mahayana notion, cf, note 4 of the text. See Ghigi, p. 6. 7 "Two distinct methods which seemingly run counter to each other" .lungyaku no kedd "lI^j^L J 4 tl : a method of guid ance which is adjusted to suit men of virtumas well as men of vice, cf, innen ni gyaku.iun ari © i^K^rf iJlJ^JC • • • Chigi, pp. 48-59. g The former case refers to .jun'en '')f)^fi> "the fate in obedience", and latter case refers to gyakuen '# >fv^_t "the fate in disobedience". See Ryuju^^j^f, Shaku maka enron ^^'^t'k0\^, Batsu daimata ^kj^^ , trans., in TSD. vol. 32, p. 649 9 "Sutras and sastras" kyoVon^^h^ . Kyj^^^is a sutra, ;ron^& is a sltstrat "a doctrinal treatise". "The Western Mountains" Nishiyama lip U-A : a mountain range stretching from north to south in the western section of Kyoto. 11 "The Eastern Pagoda on the Northern Peak" Hokurei Toto ^ 35^. • Hokurei or the Northern Peak is another name for Mount Hiei. Toto" or the Eastern Pagoda is the central tower of three main towers on Mount Hiei. 95 12 "The Institute for Encouragement of Study" Kangaku-in /^^r^L* a college attached to a large temple. "The Jeweled Spring" Yu-ch'uan^; J^_(Gyokusen in Sino-Jap.): the name of a temple in Tang-yang ^, China which was established by T'ien-t'ai-ta-shih Chih-i ^ o JA^&J^^ (Tendai Daishi Chigi, 538-597) in 592. 14 "The Four Doctrines and the Three Outlooks" Shikyo Sangan ^^^IAJ- Tne Doctrine taught by Shakyamuni is divided into four categories and is called Shikyo. See Ando Toshio Bjr jfyjfc-Tendaigaku ^ £ ^ (Tokyo: Heirakuji Shoten, 1968), pp. 81-111. The Sangan (or Santai .£=. ) of the Tendai Sect are; i) Ku ^ ; all existence is non-substantial,and void, ii) Ke/^fj all existence is non-substantial, but it nevertheless has a provisional reality, iii) Chu rf> ; all existence is neither void nor provisionally real, but there is a truth which tran scends this dichotomy which is none other tha that of the middle way. Ibid., pp. 112-21. 15 J-Huang-shih kung y£> (OsekikS): the spirit of a yel* low stone which was rumored to have been the old man who gave Chang liangc^^'^_( -168BC) a tactics book by T*ai Kung-wang A^IlL • "Liu hou shiil cMa" ^ ^^-^.Shih cM l^gj , in CKBT. vol. 11, p. 114. Burton Watson, trans., Records of the  Grand Historian of China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), vol. 1. p. 135. "Inundation Tactics" nosa £no hakarigotoj '^ftJT[j jTf" 3 : Han Hsin J^I/fj^ ( - 196BC) damned up the Wei River )^_)^\ with tens 96 of thousands of sand bags later removed them when the army of Lung Chu ^^..SL was crossing downstream. "Huai yin hou lieh chuan" 5 , ibid., in CKBT', vol. 12, p. 31. Watson, p. 221. "Water-back Tactics" haisui £no .jinj () ft^l : setting up an encampment backing on the water is dangerous because in case of attack there is no way to escape. Han Hsin, however, used "Water-back Tactics" and later explained to his retainers that he believed his army would survive if placed in this fatal posi tion. Ibid., ppv28-9. Watson, pp. 215-7. "The Physician of Souls" lo • a manifestation of Buddha. 16 is enshrined in the main hall of Enryaku-ji on -Mount Hiei. "The Guardian Spirit of the Mountain" Sannft i£. . Omononushi no Kami is enshrined as Sann§. Also see note 61 of the introduction. 17$f\ 4. %A §L$gJk Chochfr bobo fu.jin no soko shikkyaku ayamatte shozu san.ju nen  izure no hi zo ningen ei.joku no manako ?i\ ^kosho inri ni kumo wo mite nemuru. Ishiyamay^pJ.\ : a section of frtsuX.?^- in Shiga Pre fecture (Shiga-ken yfy% ^$Jt) • ishiyama is well known because of the temple called Ishiyama-dera J^d\-^~ , built in the mid-eighth century. Keikai went to this temple. 19 "The reaffirmation of religious devotion* which would instantly allow him to attain supreme perfect wisdom" dfishin 97 kengo, sokusho mu.jb bodai /l^'C ^ © , fep ^i^X^4/tL_# Refer to asa ni dfrshin wo okoseba, sunawachi jobutsu surukoto  wo en cflf-^^ » in Bosatsu .iuto.jutsu teng6 ,jim-mo taisetsu kofu ky£ g tift* ' Jikubutsunen ^Jfyfe , trans., in TSD, vol. 12, p. 1036. 20 "Cherry tree" sakura /fjjgj. In the text, the words hana no ki or a flowering tree appear. In Japan nana or flower has al ways meant either plum (ume ) or cherry blossoms. The flower ing tree in this section is indeed a cherry tree; nevertheless, in section eighteen of the tale this tree is referred to as a plum tree. "The Emperor Wu" Wu (Butei, 157BC - 87BC): the fifth Emperor of the Former Han. "The Incense of Returning Souls" Fan hun hsiang J^jiy^^T (Hangon-k£). This legend was made into a poem entitled "Li fu jen" ^ by Po Chii-i. See Haku Kyoi, in CSS, vol. 12. pp. 165-70. "King Hsiang" Hsiang wangJ^jL (Jo*6): a king of Chu j§L ( - 223BC). "Mount Wu" Wu shan 7& ih (Fuzan): a mountain in^tlte Province of Szuchuan |2D'l| in China. This legend is incorporated into a poem entitled "Kao t'ang fu" /|r)^|^by Sung Yu ^_3L; (290BC -223BC). See, Monzen j^)^, in KKT, Bungaku 3, pp. 1-2. 23 "The Buddhist light" hotto liS%. • In this case hotto means Buddhism. Buddhist teaching sheds light on all beings in darkness in order to lead them to the pure lands. 98 24 r > "The Merciful Goddess" Kannon : one of two atten-dents of Buddha. The Kannon-faith became popular when the Lotus Sutra (Hokekyft -?) became widespread. Kannon is enshrined in Ishiyama-dera. 25^-Mii-dera Tj" or ^\TT~ '• another name for Onjo-ji. Shogo-in Hit. founded by Enchin; one of,the three cloisters of 0nj$-ji. Since 1613, Sh6*go-in has been a head quarters for yamabushi (see note 59 of the text). 27 "I saw a house in the distance with flowers around it. I made my way towards it and entered" haruka ni jinka wo mite hana areba sunawachi iru jJi_iLA^^KL/^L. T ^J<' : part of a poem by Po Ohii-i. This poem is well-known to Japanese because it is included in Wakan rSei shu. In NKBT, vol. 73, p. 76. 28 _ He is wearing a type of jacket, suikan7TV"j- , "water-dry". The term suikan may have been given to this garment for one of two reasons: either i) the material of the jacket was fulled without using starch, or ii) suikan was worn during boating play. "A pale red under dress" usu-kurenai no akome 7 j& i j_ . This color under dress was usually worn by those in their lowteens; however, among high ranking nobles, this color was even worn by highteens. 29 guru ame ni nurutomo oran yamazakura kumo no kaeshi no kaze mo koso fuke. 99 30 The football field is marked with four trees one at each corner: a cherry tree at the north-east corner, a willow tree at the south-east corner, a maple tree at the south-west corner and a pine tree at the north-west corner. These trees are referred to as kakari ft -fl y Miru a kind of tufty seaweed; Codium Fragile. The word miru was often used to describe beautiful raven-colored locks. 32 Kore ya.yume arishi ya utsutsu waki-kanete izure ni  mayou kokoro naruran. 33 r^Uf "A bamboo screen" nukisu g) .3g- . The pail into which hand-washing water was poured was covered with a nukisu. It prevented the water from splashing. Umewaka it^Jfa ' literally "youngrlike a .plum!'* '35 "' • "Hanazono, the Minister of the Left" Hanazono no Sadaijin /f^L^\ ) Tx-%J&- • Hanazono, "Flower garden", was a place name in the north-western part of Heiankyo. The mansions of succes sive Ministers of the Left were located there. It was quite 1 usual to refer to people of high rank by their address. "This flowering tree" ichiboku no hana metaphorically Umewaka. 37 A yfp./k* "The rear window" shinso This word is still used to describe a youth (especially a girl) of a good family, brought up with tenderest care. 100 Keiju 7t%^ . 39 Shirasebaya honomishi hana no omokage ni tachisou kumo no mayou kokoro wo. "Tears of blood" ket surui JjQ_: an expression which describes bitter tears. This phrase is supplemented by the translator in order-to make the meaning of the sentence clear to the reader. In the original text, it is written that, "the color of the sleeve had already become red" (sode no iro mohaya  kurenai ^ j g_ ^.yv-^/vX- ). "One who had renounced the world" shusse this term was used to refer to sons of noble families who became monks on Mount Hiei. 42 Tanomazu yo hito no kokoro no hana no iro ni adanaru kumo no kakaru mayoi wa. Sakamoto T^.JtK. • & town located at the eastern foot of Mount Hiei. There are many lodges for monks in Sakamoto. They are used by those heading for or leaving Mount Hiei. See also note 61 of the introduction. 44 Totsu f : the name of a place located between Saka>-moto and 0nj6-ji. Sakamoto and Onjo"-ji are about seven kilo meters apart. Otsu : a city in Shiga Prefecture. Onjo-ji is located in this city. 45 A 101 46 Itsuwari no am yo wo shirade tanomiken waga kokoro  sae urameshi no mi ya. 47 ^ "The Great Bright Spirit of Shinra" Shinra Dai Myo.jin ^frffj?^ /^&r\fc^ : the guardian spirit of 0nj6-ji. This spirit is believed to be either a foreign god or Susan& no Mikoto ^L-^Sdxf- » a son of IzanaSi n0 Mikoto 1^ ^J0b and Izanami no Mikoto $ ft\^j » the creators of Japan. Shinra Dai Myfr-3in was enshrined by Enchin, the restorer of Onjo-ji. 48 "The chief abbot" monshu a son of an Imperial prince or a high ranking noble who became the head of a cloister, "The Chinese style fence" karakaki ' a plastered wall which enclosed buildings. 50 , > "A fish-head lantern" gyono no toro /^.f[^jX^Xj * The cartilage of a fish-head was boiled until it became trans parent. It was then used as the globe of a lamp. "Illuminated by glowing fire-flies" hotaru wo tomosu |j£ j ' a metaphorical expression describing a gloomy, bluish light. 51 A male had his hair tied up for the first time at his coming of age ceremony (Gembuku 7X^$$^_)» "An autumn cicada wing" aki no semi ftio hanej ffi^ j ' Japanese find beauty within evanescence, i.e., the brief life of a cicada. "Eyebrows which resembled moth feelers" gabi $R^J^\ : beautifully arched eyebrows. This is a conventional phrase of 102 both Japanese and Chinese literature. Gabi also refers to a beautiful face. 53 "It was as though a node had at last formed in a young bamboo" shino no ozasa no hitofushi ni j ) — This phrase is used to express the extent of their longing. The phrase can be translated another way because the word shino also refers to shinobu jp.t, "to act secretly". The word fushi also means "lying down ($>/0". Tne inclusion of "a letter" must be a mistake in the text. "Letter" has to be replaced with "a node". 54 Waga sode ni yadoshi ya haten kinuginu no namlda ni  wake shi ariake no tsuki!... 55 Tomo ni mishi tsuki wo nagori no sode no tsuyu harawade  ikuyo nageki akasan. 56 "The Three Ministers" sandai ^ (or sankS* 5. )' the Minister of the Left (Sadai.lin J^C-j\_ lUt-. ) the Minister of the Right (Udai.jin J^jj ffi ) and the Keeper of the Privy Seal (Nai- daijin |£] )<J&J. "The nine Chancellors" kyukyoku (or kugyo ^j? ): court nobles with any grade higher than third court rank (sammi including sanko". 57 > Karasaki^jjZ J^f: a spit in Lake Biwa (Biwa-ko ^£ ). Karasaki is located about three kilometers from Sakamoto and about four kilometers from OnjS'-ji. 58 . "Long-nosed goblin" tengu. See note 19 of the intro-103 duction. "Mountain ascetic" Yamabushi They are affiliated with either the Tendai or the Shingqn Sect (Shingon-shu gL r%)• They do not "believe in studying Buddhist doctrines. Instead they dwell in the mountains and undergo religious exercises there. Their major center is located in the Omine Range in Kumano fef^ , Mie Prefecture (Mie-ken ^.^Fjjjk'). I x v^ '~J .... t "A four-sided palanquin" shihSgoshi tfE> "jfiV^; : either with bam boo blinds or with a pyramidal roof. It was borne by a group of six men. If it was to be carried a great distance six or twelve men followed in order to take turns carrying it. 60 A "Mount Shaka in the Omine Range" Omine no Shaka ga dake yCjfp" ^^/^J^. H" * The 0mirie Range is located about 50 kilometers south of Karasaki. See also note 57 of the text. Higashi-Sakamoto ^ a place name; located in the eastern part of Sakamoto. Sanj6-Kyogoku jEL /ijjb^^$?L* street names. The area around the intersection of Sanj"o and Nishi-Kyogoku "West Kyo goku", is called Hanazono. Mansions referred to as shinden-zukuri ^^jjjp_were commonly owned by Imperial families and high ranking nobles. "Samaya commandments" Sammaya-kai f*^$p\ These rules must be strictly observed by monks who are seeking; to re ceive full ordination (Dembfr kan.io*/(^-^^/y/^) which will enable them to become high monks of esoteric Buddhism (A.jari 104 T^TWH )• Shugokokkaishu darani kyS ^jf lS& ft kl^JfU^ yijL, in TSD, vol. 19, p "The Nyoigoe Pass" Nyoigoe ^p^^j^^ - a pass between Mount Hiei and Onj'S-ji. The route via Nyoigoe to Onjo-ji is r. shorter than the trip via Sakamoto. 66 See the second part of chapter three of the introduction, page 25• 67 , . "The day of the monkey" saru no hi f >0 . In the sexagenary cycle, combinations of the ten stems (j ikkan "j" 'j" ) and the twelve branches (junishi -j" ) were used to denote year, month and day as well as directions.. Saru (monkey) is the ninth unit of junishi. Saru no hi occurs, every twelth. day al though the saru no hi of the same stem occurs, only every sixty days. It was believed that Sanno*1 s messenger was a monkey. The Hie Shrine festival was held when the day of the monkey fell during-; the second ten days of the fourth month. Shiga-Karasaki: a place name. "The divine water" Shinsui y]C_' water placed before gods. Just before a battle warriors drank of it and swore to fight bravely. "Around four o'clock" goko JL W > from three to five o'clock in the morning. 105 70 _ . "The deepest part of the earth" suirinzai A^9fay%' • literally the area where the water wheel (suirin 7l<jf$fo ) exists. It was "believed that there were four wheels (shirin liDiN^) beneath the earth. Suirin is one of the four. 71 These are subordinate temples belonging to three towers: the main tower i.e., the Eastern Tower (Tbt6* ^J2^), the West ern Tower (Sait and Yokawa A«P " . 72 This passage describes those defending Onjo-ji. See page 35 of the introduction for further information. 73 "Had strengthened their faith to solid rock and metal, and had made their lives as light as dust" gi wo kinseki ni  hishi inochi wo .jinkai ni karuku shite /^^y^D z~ is ^ ^-^i. 9 ^"T '' a con'ven^^0'n:al phrase which expresses the chivalry and bravery of warriors. "The V-shaped moat" yagen-boridjj)*ffit -rfc. Yagen is a boat-shaped chemist's mortar. 75 , , . "Reckoning blocks" san [jgij j*} L/^J : small wooden blocks which were used for the four operations of arithmetic. 76 "Six meters". In the Japanese text it is said to have been ni-.jo high. 77 "To four corners and in eight directions" shikaku happo, \1D f\ / \~% , Shikaku denotes North, West, South and East, and happfl denotes North-West,. South-West, South-East 106 and North-East and in addition, shikaku» "Incessant Buddhist invocation" jfigyo" zammai ^fl'f * cf. hyakunichi no gy$<3o r note 54 of the introduction. Chigi, p. 12. 79 "The hall where prayear for prolongation of life were offered" Fugen gySgan no Nyoho-do ^ ^ >f J /J|f jJjfri rtk^j The bodhisattva Fugen made ten vows to save all living beings. These vows are referred to as Fugen gy6gan. See "Fugen gyogan bon" ^^{y^fyoo t in Daihftkobutsu kegon gyo 40 kan bon "K ~k A #^JCr£ J ^fJ^Jk (Shi^ Kegon gy£ jfjgrjtg), Hannya 4^£jf§> , trans., in TSD, vol. 10, pp. 844-51. In a gene ral ;.'-v, sense, Fugen gy&gan is understood as "prolongation of life". See emmeih.6* J?j£_^? 7-£. in Issai shonyoraishin kSmyo kaji  Fugen Bosatsu emmei kongo" saish£ darani kyS — ^e^'jto ^ /CLT trans., in TSD, vol. 20, p. 578. 80 A * ** Kyoji r)KX^ 1 a monk rumored to have lived in Onj$-ji. When Enchin, the restorer of Onjo-ji, visited the temple for the first time, he met the one hundred and sixty-two year old monk, Kyoji. 81 j. "The great teacher Chisho*" Chisho Daishi ^ #|f^&p: Enchin's posthumous name. 82 "Shirakawa children's throwing-stone competitions" Shirakawa hoko no sorainji (2> 'I) yfv. 3 £J7£tJL# Shirakawa is the area between Higashiyama and the Kamo River (Kamo-gawa ^Jzg ilj ) in the northern part of Kyoto. See page 31 of the 107 introduction. 84 "Sacred palanquins carried by the monks of the Sammon Denomination and the Nanto" Sammon Nanto no mikoshiburi ffilffi jfaf f^fjfcj Nanto denotes K6fuku-ji t^Ljrfafj- in Nara. When their requests were- ignored monks of Mount Hiei and Kttfuku-ji often rushed to Kyoto with their sacred palanquins in order to present direct petitions to the Throne. See "Mikoshiburi" Heike monogatari, kan 1, in NOT, vol. 32, pp. 134-6. Sadler, pp. 27-9. 85 "The Mond6~ of the five major Zen temples in Kyoto" gosan no so no monto-date Jx^d-\ J P^jflfc_3L-* . The Kyoto gosan are Tenryu-ji yK^^.-^J' t S&coku-ji » Kennin-ji Jl_/^ 5y » T6fuku-ji |?^J>^- and Manju-ji ^ ^ • They all belong to the Rinzai Sect. Monto-date can mean either "questions and answers" (mondo" ?o\Js^ ) or "the struggle; for power among believers". See page 31 of the introduction. 86 U-karekeru haji Ml-idera no A-risama ya KA-i wo tsukuri-te ne wo nomizo naku. The hero of the tale, Umewaka is included in the verse as U-MI-A-KA. 87 "The Province of Awaji" Awa.ji no kuni J*J /$L J 1^1 : the Island of Awaji (Awaji-shima ^^^7). "In ten directions" .jippo -|- -j^ : upwards, downwards and happo. 89 A *u~i± "The Dragon God" Ryuj in iagJff'; one of the Eight Guardian Gods (Hachibushu / \H?J/$l ) of Buddhism. The esoteric sects 108 believe that Ryu3in brings clouds and rain. It is interest-ing to note that the Sanno of Hie Shrine is Omononushi no Kami and that his true shape is that of a tiny snake or dragon. See "Sujin Tenn6" ^jU^TJ^L Nihon shoki Q jfc^fitL t in NKBT, vol. 67, p. 246. William Aston,.trans., Nihongi (Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1972), pp. 158-9. "The Garden of the Goddess? Spring" Shinsen-en ffi M & : a Royal park constructed when Heiankyfr was founded. Since Kukai ^ (774 - 835), the founder of the Shingon Sect, offered prayers for rain there, it became a popular place to hold such ceremonies. This park is located in Nakagyo-ku, Kyoto. 91 Wagami sate shizumi-mo hateba fukaki-se no soko made terase yama no ha no tsuki. cf, Kuraki yori kuraki michi ni zo irinubeki harukani terase yama no ha no tsuki by Izumi Shikibu ^jfcjfc^ . Shui shfc in KT, p. 80. 92 j. "The Bridge of Seta" Seta no hashi 9q J^§^: on the Seta River (Seta-gawa Eg) "J ). The source of the river is at the southern end of Lake Biwa. This river joins the Uji River (Uji-gawa ^ffe\\\ ). 93 "A divided skirt belonging to a fine silk garment" sui kan no shimo /lC"t" J "f- : a pair of hakama^^ which are worn with suikan. 94 J, "The Rapids of Gugo" Gugo no se ^#M]] )/f£^ ' about four kilometers downstream from the Bridge of Seta. 95 "Brahma, Indra, and Gods of Heaven and Earth" Bonten, 109 Taishaku. Ten.iin. Chigi ^J^J^J^ v^ffi » ^/fe • Bontent the creator god of the universe. Bonten is one of two tutelary gods of Buddhism. Taishaku j^tenj : another tutelary god. Taishaku receives reports about the moral conditions of all beings from the Pour Quarter Kings (Shitenrio" OP^L^^)* Ten.iin: gods who inhabit the heavens, cf. Amatsu-kami "~;< Chigi: gods who are in charge of the land, cf. Kunitsu-kami jj^ 96 "There is no case in which a blossom once1 scattered from a bough blooms anew" rakka eda wo .jishi te nido saku narai naku ? -> 7 -A- I^TJ " cf. the poem entitled "Lo hua"^-/^ by Po Chii-i. Wakan roei shu, haru. in NKBT. vol. 73, p. 79. 97 "Those eyes which had once shown a hundred coquettish expressions whenever he smiled" ichido emeba hyaku no kobi  arishi manako — ^ ^ J< & ) ji) >/B%^ » i.e., — § ty$J£^ : from the poem entitled "Ch'ang hen ke"^/^lC by Po Chu-i. CSS, vol. 13, p. 93. 98 Toribeno^j^^j' : a crematorium used during the Heian period. It was located in the eastern suburb of Heiankyo". 99 "A black robe" sumizome ^-7^ : a monk wears a black robe when he performs services for his own sake. 100 "Iwakura on the Western Mountain" Nishiyama no Iwakura S?^ )^hyW>C • Iwakura is the area at the western foot of Mount Hiei; the north-east suburb of Kyoto. 110 101 ( "Mount K$ya" Koya-san fc) f^7d\ . The headquarters of the Shingon Sect are located here, Kukai established Kong6l)u-ji JILL n\%$r ia816-102 "A service which could be compared to the ordering of the Buddhist delicacies" homai^c 0^ . Milk, cream, curdled milk, butter and ghee are called h6mai. The Buddhist service5 is metaphorically referred to as the process by which milk is made into ghee. 103 "Faded pink garments" taikS T • worn by low ranking servants. 104 "The rite of drinking to each other's health" kempai 105 The first Imperial sanction was issued on the fourteenth day of the fifth month of the second year of 0ho*kyu"SL^C (1041). The Emperor Gosuzaku/jjP_%>$JL (1009 ~ 1C>45) consulted delega tions from all Buddhist sects abut whether 0nj6**-ji should be permitted to build an ordination platform. Everyone except the monks from Mount Hiei agreed to the suggestion of the Emperor. See Hyaku rensho in (SZ)KT, vol. 11, p. 21. 106 "An expedient act designed to bless all living-beings" rish6 hoben' ji\ £j£$tV H^ben: see "Ho*ben bon" 4$JSb , in Hokke gisho ^ ^&fc , Kichizo , comp., in TSD, vol. 34, pp. 482-51!-. 107 Refer to note 7 and 8 of the text. Ill 108 "Thanking Buddha while involved in the vicissitudes of life still has an aspect of birth and death" ui no h6~butsu ani  sh6metsu no so* nakaranya 7% J^. ) -fjj^ ^ %. j ^ f ft ry>. This sentence infers that such deeds as the building of temples and the copying of sutras do not allow men to gain enlightenment. Only true piety enables one to reach the stage of nirvana. 109 ^ \ % "An expedient for salvation" saido no hoben ) JJA^z 110 Mukashi mishl tsuki no hikari wo shirube nite koyoi ya  kimi ga nishi e yukuran. 111 The ex-Emperor Gotoba (1180 - 1239). 112 "A man of virture will not remain alone, he will soon attract others'* Toku wa ko narazu kanarazu tonari ari ^f-^y^"" "^{^ 'Xj^f^ * a quotation from "Pa i pien" ) Lun-yu ^^^^* » in CKBT, vol. 3, p. 22. 113 "The twenty-five bodhisattvas" nijugo bosatsu J=--T3-%" : guardians of those who chant prayears to Ami da Buddha See Juo.io Amidabukkoku gyo ^ 3^^-^®^>19°5; rpt-' (Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Committee on the Photographic Publi cation of a Continuation to the Buddhist Tripitaka, l^i-fj), "Zoku zo kyo," vol. 87, p. 292b. 112 TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS CKBT: Ghugoku koten bungaku taikei. CSS: Chugoku shijin senshu. DNBZ: Dai Nihon Bukkyo zensho. (S)GR: (Shinkd) Gunsho ruiju. KBS: Kinsei bungei sosho. KET: Kokuyaku Kambun taisei. KT: Kokka taikan. MK2: Meisaku kabuki zenshu. MZH: Mikan zuihitsu hyakushu. NKBT: Nihon koten bungaku taikei. NMZ: Nihon meicho zenshu. N2T: Nihon zuihitsu taisei. SGR: Shin gunsho ruiju. (Z)'ST: (Zoho) Shiryo taisei. TB: Teikoku bunko. TSD: Taish3 shinshu. Daizo kyo. YT: Yokyoku taikan. ZGR: Zoku gunsho ruiju. 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY Abidatsuma dai bibasha ron %$~?)fifa . Trans. Genjo ^ tjf, Tokyo: Taisho Issaikyd Kank6-kai, 1926. "Taisho shinshu Daiz6ky6""," vol. 27. Aki no yo no naga-monogatari ;^L.-^<: 7^?*i»(l377). In Otogi  zoshi ft y»P Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1958. "Nihon koten bungaku taikei," vol. 38. (1642). Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki K. K., 1928. "(ShinkS) Gunsho ruiju," vol. 14. AndS Toshio Tendaigaku: Rompon shiso to sono tenkai 'JUPfl • Toky°: Heirakuji Shoten, 1968. ' Ansen waka shu Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruiju Kanko-kai, .1931. "Zoku gunsho ruijuV" 4th ed., vol. 14;1. Azuma kagami%r ^r^j» 52 kan (missing kan 45). Tokyo: Kokushi Taikei Kank^-kai, 1932-3. "(Shintei z6ho) Kokushi taikei," vol. 32-3. A chronicle edited by the Kamakura Bakufu. Coverage is from 1180 to 1266. The first chronicle com pleted by members of the warrior class. Bosatsu jutojutsu tengo jimmo taisetsu k&fu kyo" ^WOftW^SL Jfr/J^S***1 shptai ^ Jg- ihJ^r-/ro n'ans. Jikubutsunen *£_ ify <£u. Tokyo: Taisho Issai kyd KinkS-kai, 1925. "TaishS shinshu DaizSkyo*-," vol. 12. Brazell, Karen. "Towazu gatari: Autobiography of a Kamakura Court Lady." Harvard Journal o_f Asiatic Studies. 31, 1971, pp. 220-33. Chigiif Maka shikan yfe Jk.M.. Tokyo: TaishS Issaikyo" Kank6**-kai, 1927. "Taisho" shinshu* DaizoTcyoV' vol. 46. Chikamatsu Monzaemon iiL %P*k P®\ JJJL^P^ . Futago Sumidagawa |£ *fif"D \£> 'lI . In Chikamatsu meisaku shu"", ge'. Tokyo: Njhon Meicho Zenshti Kanko-kai, 1927. "Nihon meicho zenshu," Edo bungei no bu 5. Chfiu ki ^fe(or Chfiyu ki, Nakau ki). Fujiwara Munetada^ft^ •rrfa-f£f Kyoto: Nozomikawa Shoten, 1965. "(Z6"ho) Shiryff xaisei,"•vol. 9-11. The diary of Munetada, the Minister of the Right. Coverrage is from 1087 to 1138. Daih$k6butsu kegon gyo: 4.0 kan bon X_ >5V^M# ^MgL^z., w=> * & jf^ (or Shiju kegon gyo** xp-r ). Trans. Hannya Jik. $3- .Tokyo: Taisho Issaikyo Kankc^-kai, 1927. TaishS shin shu DaizSky*," vol. 40. Dai Nihon .jiin sfrran & J^^ltfcj^J^ . Comp. Hori Yoshizo vt? . 2 vols. 1916; rpt. Tokyo: Meicho Kanko"-kai, 1966. : 114 Fuboku waka shS %L %o-^tJ^$f . Gorap. Fujiwara Nagakiyo l^y^L • Tokyo: Kokusho Kank6-kai, 1906. Fujiwara Mototoshi • Fujiwara no Mototoshi kashu m&£4ljL %(^Mz. • Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki K. K., 1928. "(ShinkS) Gunsho ruijiz," vol. 11. Fujiwara Nobuzane fjtfc ffi^4%J\jt» Ima monogatari ^ ffr) j-jb « Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki K. K., 1930. "(Shinktf) Gunsho ruiju," vol. 21. Got5 Tanji A ^-H~>/£>. Chusei kokubungaku kenkyu rf> t£, /gl £. '%>fl "f^ • Tokyo: Isobe Koyo-do% 1943•. . •. Hanazono Tenno Jt^ IS XiM— • Hanazono Tenno shinki Kyoto: Nozomikawa Shoten. 1965. "(ZoTio) ShiryS taisei," vol* 2-3••••The diary of the Emperor Hanazono who reigned from 1308 to 1318. Hasegawa Motohiro fe* »l' fC. 1f§j . "Kaku ya ikani" 4>^ < v» Q\ fz> . Kyoto: Nozomikawa Shoten, 1969. "Mikan zuihitsu hyaku shu," 1927; rpt., vol. 8. Heike monogatari Jh' fty. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1959. "Nihon koten bungaku taikei," vol. 32-3. Kitagawa Hiroshi, and Tsuchida, Bruce, trans. The Tale of  the" Heike: Heike monogatari. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1975• Sadler, A., trans. "The Heike Monogatari." Transactions of  the Asiatic Society of Japan. 46, 2 (1918), pp. 1-278; 49, TT1921J, pp. 1-354. Hirasawa Goro -^"rf^ . "Aki no yo no naga-monogatari, (joku): Dempon kaidai narabi ni hon'in sanshu" %X. $L^t. WD*k. C*\)^ W ^' .* e ^ . ShidS Bunko ronshu $lr •mlL > 2 (1963), PP. 291-3^7"^ . ... _ ,TAki no yo no^naga-monogatari k6" #C t^^fty^ Shidfr  Bunko ronshu. 3 11964). PP. 227-98. Honcho bunshu ^ jjft . Ed. Mito-han A<^f . 80 kan. Tokyo: Kokushi Taikei Kank6*-kai, 1938. "(Shintei z6ho) Kokushi taikei," vol. 30. Honcho kSsfr den $j ff & . Comp. Mangen Shiban JU 7L 4£ . 75 kan. Tokyo: Bussho Kank6"-kai, 1913. "Dai Nihon Bukkyd zensho," vol. 102-3. The biographies of 1,662 Japanese Buddhist monks. Completed in 1702. Hyaku rensho" IS ^r. 17 kan (missing first 3). Tokyo: Kokushi Taikei Kank$-kai, 1929. "(Shintei z&Tio) Kokushi taikei," vol. 11, A chronicle. Coverage is from the reign of Emperoar Reizei>^ JRL(967 - 969) to the reign of Emperor Gofukakusa & (1246 - 1259). The last part seems to be the com piler's diary. An important historical document of the • Imperial Court. 115 Ichiko Teiji £ |>. ^ . Chuko, shosetsu no kenkyu (f> £ /I-jfea . 3rd ed. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppan-kai, 1962. Iroha jirui sho 4T%-,lL^$&$T . Masamune Atsuo IE ^ , ed. Tokyo: Kazama Shobo, 1965. An enlarged edition of the dictionary, Iroha .jirui sh6* ^ » compiled by Tachibana Tadakane ^ ^ during the late Heian period. Completed during the early Kamakura period. Issai shonyoraishin komyo ka ji Fugen Bosatsu enmei kqng& saisho darani kyfr - ^ t%> Htp'% ivr ^ ©fl *t> jay. WW Wl^MTW^ &j ^ ^ f£ ^£ A, v^C • T""ans. Fuku Jf- • TokyoPTaxshS Issaikyd Kankd-kai, 1926. -"TaishS shinshu DaizSkyoV' vol. 20. Jinn6 shot6~ ki . Comp. Kitabatake Chikafusa -^-H-ft • Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1965. "Nihon koten bungaku taikei," vol. 87. A historical essay on legitimacy in sup port of the Southern Court line. Coverage is from the Age of the Gods to Chikafusa's day. Completed in 1339 and re- . vised in 1343. Ju6*,j6~ Amidabukkoku kyo -f £L ye] Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Committee on the Photographic publication of a Continuation to the Buddhist Tripitaka, 19#£. "Zoku z8 ky6\" 1905; rpt., vol. 87. Kakitsu monogatari -jfe: e» #9^5: . Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruiju Kanko-kai, 1943. "Zoku gunsho ruiju"," 1923; rpt., vol. 20;1. Kamo Chomei ^-0k.6>fl . Mumyo sho fjr . In Karon shu, no-gaku ronshft ^ Jf_ HkJ^Wi^* Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1961. "Nihon koten bungaku taikei," vol. 65. Kanze MotomasajpL ML • Sumidagawa ^ tfEM/j • In Yokyoku taikan \ib Ed. Sanari Kentaro 4fc~• 1930; rpt. Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1964. vol. 3. Kichizfc * 0^ , comp. Hokke gisho rE. ^ jfL~J$L • Tokyo: Taisho Issaiky^ Kanko-kai, 1926. : VTaisM shinshu\', Baiz6*kyS," vol. 34. Ko ji dan . Comp. Minamoto Akikane 6 kan. Tokyo: Kokushi Taikei Kank£-kai,.1932. "(Shintei zftho) Kokushi taikei," vol. 18. A collection of narratives which describe ancient customs and legends of the pre-mid-Heian period. Completed sometime between the years 1212 and 1215. Koji ruien # $k1?L . Comp. Jingu" Shich^f ^ h\% . 1,000 kan. 1896-1914; rpt. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobun-kan, 1969. 51 vols. An encyclopedia. Koj6 Isao ilF) ijt^l . "Eiwa shosha-bon Aki no yo no naga-monogatari ni tsuite" ^Cjfc? % C^^X^^fi ~> " Z Kokugo kokubun fa\ * , 24. 10 (1955), pp. 39-43. 116 Kokka taikan ffl^LX.jjSj. Comp. Matsushita Daisahuro X .2 vols. 1931; rpt. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1958. Kokon chomon - ju v"£> J§> J[_ . Comp. Tachibana Narisue , 20 kan. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. 1966. "Nihon koten bungaku taikei," vol. 84. Kon.iaku monogatari ^ %~ . Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1959. "Nihon koten bungaku taikei," vol. 22-3. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1955. "Kadokawa bunko," vol. 932-5. Lun-vu 1%:(Rongo) . Tokyo: Heibon-sha, 1970. "Chugoku koten bungaku taikei," vol. 3« Minamoto Toshiyori ffi~4^%$L . Samboku kika shu £ ^"J^fe. . Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki K. K., 1928. "TShinkS) Gunsho ruiju," vol. 11V Miyoshi Tameyasu ^ 3? 3 kan in 1. Tokyo Bukkyo zensho," vol. 107. Mochizuki Shinko 4^4, ed. (Mochizuki) Bukkyo* dai-.jiten (^t ¥[ ) ^^LXiaf^' 8 vols. Tokyo: Sekai Seiten Kanko-kai, 1954. Motoori Norinaga ^dE-^*.* Genji.'.monogatari tama no ogushi l^Wdite ^ "> Wf^ . In Ono Susumu ,|, ff-J%- , ed. Motoori Norinaga zenshu, vol. 4. Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo", 1969. Nagai YosMnori 9(C -ff . Nihon Bukkyfl bungaku © £ ^ . 3rd ed., 1953; rpt. Tokyo: Hanawa Shobfc, 1967. "Hanawa sensho," vol. 35. Nagawa Shimesuke ^ 'M Jt- 3- s. *T . 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