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Aki No Yo No Naga-Monogatari : a lengthy story for a long autumn night 1976

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AKI NO YO NO NAGA-MONOGATARI: A LENGTHY STORY FOR A LONG AUTUMN NIGHT by SHIKYO SAWADA B.A., Taish6 University, 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Dept. of Asian Studies) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1976 © Shikyo Sawada, 1976 In presenting th i s thes is in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree l y ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th i s thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permission. Department of ASIAN STUDIES The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date APRIL 5, 1976 i ! ABSTRACT Aki no yo no naga-monogatari (A Lengthy Story f o r a Long Autumn Night). an anonymous work of the Middle Ages, has been considered one of the e a r l i e s t and f i n e s t examples of those chigo monogatari ( c h i l d stories) which have a homo- sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p as t h e i r main theme. The popularity of numerous plays t r a d i t i o n a l l y believed to be derived from Aki no j o no naga-monogatari as w e l l as the appeal of i t s homosexual theme has motivated many authors to write commen- t a r i e s on i t , and the t a l e has even come to be associated with a popular legend. I t i s certain that Aki no yo no naga- monogatari was extremely f a m i l i a r to authors of the Tokugawa period, by whom i t was much appreciated. Aki no j o no naga-monogatari i s a valuable subject f o r l i t e r a r y scholarship primarily because i t combines several techniques found i n d i f f e r e n t genres. The amalgamation of Heian f i c t i o n , medieval war story, and Buddhist narrative created a unique type of l i t e r a r y work. In addition, the f a i r y t a l e , which became most popular during the Edo period, i s prefigured i n Aki no j o no naga-monogatari. In t h i s res- pect, the t a l e stands apart from other l i t e r a r y works of the Middle Ages. In spite of the fact that many such works have been translated i n t o English, Aki no yo no naga-monogatari and other s i m i l a r s t o r i e s have yet to be introduced to Western readers. i i The introductory portion of t h i s thesis outlines s o c i a l conditions of the period during which Akl no j o no naga- monogatari was written. The h i s t o r i c a l background of the hero and d e t a i l s of the r e l i g i o u s c o n f l i c t which comes to l i g h t i n the t a l e are given. In chapter two the diverse techniques employed by the author are discussed along with problems of genre c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . L a s t l y , works associated with Aki no ya no naga-monogatari are treated. The informa- t i o n i n the introduction should enable the reader to achieve a better understanding and deeper appreciation of Aki no yo naga-monogatari. My t r a n s l a t i o n i s based on the text i n Nihon koten bungaku t a i k e i . This i s taken from the oldest e x i s t i n g manu- s c r i p t of Aki no jo no naga-monogatari. For those interested i n reading the work i n Japanese, t h i s text i s the easiest to obtain. I have translated the text as l i t e r a l l y as possible throughout, except where in t e r p r e t a t i o n was absolutely neces- sary to make the meaning clear. I hope that t h i s t r a n s l a t i o n w i l l encourage others to study tal e s l i k e Aki no j o no naga-monogatari, because they are an important l i n k between Heian l i t e r a t u r e and the popu- l a r l i t e r a t u r e of the Edo period. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i INTRODUCTION... 1 CHAPTER I A View of Literature of the Middle Ages 1 CHAPTER II C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari 7 CHAPTER I I I H i s t o r i c a l Background of the Tale 12 Biographical Sketch of Sensai 12 The Rivalry Between the Sammon and the Jimon Denominations 20 CHAPTER IV Literature Related to Aki no yo no naga-monogatari 27 The Author's Sources 2# Works Thought to Have Been Influenced by the Tale . 31 NOTES ON INTRODUCTION 37 Aki no yo no naga-monogatari: A Lengthy Story f o r a Long Autumn Night 52 NOTES ON THE TEXT 93 TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS 112 BIBLIOGRAPHY 113 1 INTRODUCTION 0 QHAPTER I A View of Literature of the Middle Ages > > The Heian period (Heian-iidai ^ ^&rfv\ ) came to a close and control passed from the hands of the court nobles to the warriors i n 116*5, the year that marked the f i n a l bat- t l e between the Minamoto clan (Genji-^^. fj\ ) and the Taira clan (Heike 3fi- ). In the same year that power was seized by the warrior class, the leader of the Genji, Minamoto no Yoritomo jffi (1147 - 1197) posted Shugo , "Constables", and J i t o g§K "Stewards", throughout Japan i n order to establish the Kamakura Shogunate (Kamakura Bakufu ^f-MM^y T h e P e r i o d f r o m 1 ] - £ 5 to 1600, the year of the" Battle of Sekigahara (Sekigahara no tatakai t^'$$^h£ ) i s c l a s s i f i e d as the Japanese Middle Ages (Chusei ̂  ). I t was an extended period of incessant war and extreme s o c i a l unrest. Those who were forced to endure such adversity turned to Bud- dhism f o r comfort. In order to more adequately serve those i n s p i r i t u a l d i s t r e s s , e x i s t i n g Buddhist sects were reformed and new Buddhist orders were founded. Temples received the sup- 1 port of the new r u l i n g class as w e l l as the general populace. Their power increased and Buddhist influence came to dominate 2 l i t e r a t u r e as well as many other aspects of culture. In 11^5, the Heike had been completely vanquished. 2 However, peace was not forthcoming. Following the Gempei War, the f i n a l war between the Genji and the Heike (Gempei / j 3 no soran ^ <n NJf? ), other h i s t o r i c a l l y important battles occurred: the Disturbance of JSkyu (Jokvu no ran j|<w <»ri|L > 1221), the Bat t l e of Bun'ei (Bun'ei no eki ^ i K . ' ̂ 274 > the battles which brought about the Kemmu Restoration CKemmu no chuko J^j^f^^)i , 1334) the skirm- ishes between the Southern Court (Nan-cho ) and the Northern Court (Hoku-cho jtCl*H)> and the 6nin War (Onin no ran y ^ - Y ^ * ĵ L ) which took place from 1467 to 1477. The 6*nin War, which centered around Kyoto, caused the f a l l of the governing body, the Muromachi Shogunate (Muromachi Bakufu ^ JBJ JÎ J" , 1333 - 1573) and resulted i n the d i v i - sion of Japan i n t o separate t e r r i t o r i e s each controlled by a r i v a l leader. These wars which brought about further changes i n power and p o l i t i c a l system combined to produce among the people innumerable grievances which had no outlet f o r expression except that of r e l i g i o n . The severe c u l t u r a l upheavals cau- sed people to r e a l i z e that they were indeed l i v i n g i n the age of the l a t t e r days of the Lawsr (mappo according to 4 Buddhist pe r i o d i z a t i o n ) . S p i r i t u a l l y distressed, they sought solace i n Buddhism. However, the practices of the e x i s t i n g Buddhist orders could not adequately f u l f i l l t h e i r needs. P r i o r to the onset of the Middle Ages the established Buddhist sects had been l a r g e l y supported by court nobles and i n order to s a t i s f y the demands of such a congregation, ser- vices were l a r g e l y composed of incantation and prayers. 3 Having l o s t the support of the noble class due to the change i n the governing body, Buddhist temples were forced to ex- pand t h e i r teaching to include a l l classes of people, and at the same time they were compelled to overhaul t h e i r sys- tem of r e l i g i o u s practices and theories i n order to more 5 e f f e c t i v e l y appeal to those i n d i s t r e s s . Abhorring the corruption of Buddhism, some monks of v i r - tue attempted to reform t h e i r sects. They succeeded only p a r t i a l l y i n t h e i r task however, because t h e i r deeds were not s u f f i c i e n t l y dynamic to gain the support of people i n general. Concurrently, new Buddhist orders were being foun- ded. The f i r s t new sect to be set up during the Middle Ages was the j8do Sect (Jodo-shu ^> i . ^ ) established i n 1175 by Honen (1133 - 1212). Following t h i s , the Jodo Shin Sect (Jodo shin-shu ^ j£_ JL^ ) o f Shinran (1173 - 1262), the Zen Sects (Zen-shu ffijfe. ) o f E i a a i IS-^ f 1 1 ^ 1 " 1215) and Dogen ^ (1200 - 1253), and the Hokke Sect (Hokke-shu fjf ) of Nichiren 0 ( 1 2 2 2 " 12S2), were founded. The JSdo Sects soon gained tremendous prominence among a l l classes of people because of t h e i r unique doctrine, 7 tariki-hongan jfa ̂ >M^ » "salvation by f a i t h " . The Zen Sects obtained the confidence of the new governing classes and t h e i r temples came to replace the Court as centers of the a r t s . New Buddhism influenced many aspects of culture; l i t e r a - ture was no exception. A concept of f i c t i o n (kv&gen kigo %> £ £ f ) came to dominate the outlook of writers and 4 t h e i r audiences. The term kyogen kigo was o r i g i n a l l y employ- ed by Po Ghii-i & ^£ J7 (772 - £46) and was introduced i n Japan by Fujiwara no Kinto t&fe <fo £ (966 - 1041) i n h i s edi t i o n of the anthology of Wakan f o e i shu -fcft tfcJk. (compiled i n 1013). The ideas inherent i n kyogen kigo be- came wide spread during the mid-Heian period when Jodo Budd- hism (jSdo-kvo ?if 3L ) began to take root i n Japan. Those who i n i t i a l l y considered the concept of kyogen kigo thought that they must r e f r a i n from w r i t i n g and accept- ing f i c t i o n and must practice only Buddhism. Nevertheless, l i t e r a r y p r a c t i t i o n e r s soon came to believe that they should write and accept f i c t i o n i n order to a t t a i n higher enlighten- 10 ment. Works written under the influence of t h i s theory aroused unprecedented i n t e r e s t . Once these questions concerning the purpose of l i t e r a - ture came to the fore, the popularity of Heian s t y l e f i c t i o n (tsukurimono /f£ *J ) declined and l i t e r a t u r e of a descrip- ' 11 t i v e nature gained popularity. The frequent battles which had continued to take place since the l a t e Heian period pro- vided much material. Accounts of wars (senki monogatari | ^ •^CJ i"a ) became ever more r e a l i s t i c and conveyed to people the vanity of l i f e . Representative war storie s of 12. t h i s time are Heike monogatari If- 4K. $0 jf£ and Taihei k i < 1 x 3 X.-T"f(L . Techniques employed i n these s t o r i e s c o n t r i - buted to descriptive l i t e r a t u r e ' o f other types such as: h i s t o r i c a l t a l e s ( r e k i s h i monogatari ^ §£.#$7^ )> essay l i t e r a t u r e ( z u i h i t s u bangaku f^J^. £ ^ ) and autobiographi - 5 c a l accounts ( n i k k l bungaku Q J L ^ . ). As mentioned above, in t e r e s t i n Heian f i c t i o n dimini- shed. The reason for t h i s decline i s twofold. The nobles, having f a l l e n from power, displayed l e s s and l e s s i n t e r e s t i n w r i t i n g and the new readers showed l i t t l e enthusiasm f o r the tedious Heian s t o r i e s which were characterized by mono no aware £ <n <n <£\ <2 JK. , "an a f f e c t i n g sense of r e f i n e - 14 ment". Nevertheless, f i c t i o n a f t e r the fashion of Heian s t y l e f i c t i o n continued to be written. Karen B r a z e l l notes however, that, "The narratives of t h i s period are pseudo c l a s s i c a l t a l e s (giko monogatari fj^h and many of them are simply imitations of e a r l i e r s t o r i e s or rewri t i n g 15 of sections of The Tale of Ge n i i . " In spite of t h i s f a c t , out of t h i s type of l i t e r a t u r e evolved narrative l i t e r a t u r e (setsuwa bungaku %%^^%}\J^. )• These works were designed to be of p r a c t i c a l value, namely, to edify. However they also served another purpose. They helped to transfer Heian techniques to a new genre, that of f a i r y - t a l e s (otogi-z£shi ) which evolved during the l a s t h a l f of the Middle Ages. Thus l i t e r a t u r e of the Middle Ages multiformalized during t h i s period of continued c o n f l i c t . The ascendency of the court nobles i n governmental and a r t i s t i c spheres ended and the influence of monks, the most educated c l a s s , grew. Monks devoted themselves to every sort of creative endeavour and i n time members of the new r u l i n g classes were in s p i r e d to follow t h e i r lead. Authors of diverse 6 backgrounds produced a great variety of l i t e r a r y works which steadily increased i n popularity during the Middle Ages. 7 Chapter I I C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari Aki no j o no naga-monogatari i s believed to have been 16 written i n the mid-fourteenth century, a period of extreme s o c i a l unrest. The story, a composite of quite d i s t i n c t ele- ments of several genres, indeed r e f l e c t s t h i s unstable age of Japanese h i s t o r y . Because Aki no j o jao naga-monogatari contains features of chigo monogatari ^fe. > "a c h i l d story", o t o g i - z $ 3 h i . and hosshin-dan Jf&i^fj^. , "a story of regeneration", i t has been c l a s s i f i e d at one time or another 17 i n each of these ways. When the narrative techniques of the story are examined one finds c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of each of the above genres as well as d i s t i n c t i v e features of both Heian f i c t i o n and the war chronicles of the Middle Ages. Although these various elements are admittedly incorporated i n Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. i t may be argued that essen- t i a l l y i t i s a t a l e of regeneration. The f i r s t eleven sections of the narrative are s i m i l a r i n tone to Heian f i c t i o n that describes the love of men and women. The author was forced to employ Heian technique throughout these sections to portray the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Umewaka $^-Jca and Keikai because there were no con- ventional phrases which could be used to p a r t i c u l a r i z e a 18 matter-of-fact relationship between men. The Heian love story gives way to the super-natural t a l e 19 upon the appearance of the long-nosed goblin (tengu ^ ) i n section 12. Because of the nature of section 12, 16 and 17, Aki no j o no naga-monogatari i s often c l a s s i f i e d as otogi-zoshi. This p a r t i c u l a r genre originated during the l a s t h a l f of the Middle Ages and came to be most popular dur- ing the early Edo period. Otogi-zoshi i s a short piece of f i c t i o n which exhibits quite d i f f e r e n t features from those of Heian w r i t i n g s . Reflecting the diverse nature of Chusei society, otogi-zoshi was intended f o r people of a l l classes and i t i s generally believed that the authors of such works represent a cross-section of society. The contents were based on f o l k l o r e and the s t o r i e s are d i d a c t i c . Section 13, 14, and 15 represent another genre popular during the early Middle Ages, namely, that of senki mono- ga t a r i . The nature of the war story i s highly descriptive and always greatly exaggerated i n order to provide the aud- 20 ience with the actual sensations of b a t t l e . As war chron- i c l e s were f o r the most part o r a l r e c i t a t i o n s , the sentences of such s t o r i e s are laconic and rhythmical. Aki no YO no naga-monogatari has also been considered 21 one of the e a r l i e s t examples of a chigo monogatari. Chigo •$£.lJfL o r i g i n a l l y meant an i n f a n t ; however, i t came to spec- i f i c a l l y denote those children brought up i n large temples during the Middle Ages. Children came to be placed i n tem- ples f o r mainly two reasons. F i r s t l y , temples provided the most thorough education to the children of high ranking court 9 nobles and warriors, and secondly, temples proved to be the most secure environment f o r children without parents or guardian. Those placed i n the care of temples remained there u n t i l adulthood at which time some of them became monks and some returned to t h e i r own homes. Chigo monogatari refers to a story i n which one such c h i l d i s the hero. U n t i l about one hundred years ago, women were excluded from temples, and thus temples were e n t i r e l y the domain of men. Since homo- sexual rel a t i o n s h i p s between the children entrusted to the temple and monks provided the theme i n chigo monogatari r the term chigo monogatari came to denote a story of homo- sexuality. They are not always s t o r i e s of sodomy but they are often thought of as such because these t a l e s are associ- ated with pornographic l i t e r a t u r e of pederasty written dur- 22 ing the Edo period. Ichiko T e i j i states i n h i s book, Chuko shosetsu no kenkyu. that almost a l l the waka poems of "The Chapter of Love" i n the anthology of Ansen waka shft ^ edited by the monk KySga i n 1369 are exchange poems 23 (zot&-ka Jj£~§X^ ) t between monks and children. He adds that the monk poets of Gosan j?L <L\ , "the f i v e Zen temples", composed many poems describing the beauty of young boys. The poems l i s t e d i n the c o l l e c t i o n of verses, San'eki enshi J&rfc-IS-iî " are examples of such compositions. He also states that Rvuben Hoin s a i i o k i £p fa JL fcj, edited i n 1250, describes the corrupt l i f e of the monks of On j o - j i tfy -jj- who frequently stole secretly i n t o the 10 25 rooms of the Kamakura youths r e s i d i n g i n the temple. Ichiko T e i j i noted the above points i n order to prove that homosexual relationships were r i f e during the Middle Ages. Furthermore, he asserts that Aki no yo no naga-monogatari 2o~ i s the f i n e s t example of such a story. I t i s wrong however to consider that the story i s sim- ply a description of the homosexual r e l a t i o n s h i p of the heroes of the t a l e , Umewaka, and the monk Ke i k a i . Rather, the main purpose of the author of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari was to i l l u s t r a t e the regeneration of Keikai from a Buddhist 27 point of view. In Nihon r v o i k i S ^ ' ^ ^ ^ ' C J » there are many bizarre s t o r i e s which have t h e i r o r i g i n i n legends of ancient times, and which describe marriages between humans and other creatures. These s t o r i e s intimate that b e s t i a l i t y existed i n Japan of antiqu i t y . The compiler, Kyokai -| r -rf^ simply added morals to the ta l e s i n order to use them as his sermons. I t was p r o f i t a b l e to use these s t o r i e s because they were strange and therefore extremely a t t r a c t i v e to the aud- 28 iences of the early ninth century. The plot of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari i s also f a r beyond r e a l i t y and the combi- nation of such a story with a conclusion of r e t r i b u t i o n para- l l e l s the elements of Nihon r y o i k i . Umewaka*s high rank would, i n r e a l i t y , have excluded him as a possible partner i n a homosexual a f f a i r . Furthermore, i n the concluding sec- tions of the story, the reader discovers that Umewaka was act u a l l y a manifestation of a Me r c i f u l Goddess. In Japanese Buddhist narratives a M e r c i f u l Goddess often surrendered her- 11 s e l f to a monk. Later the monk, tormented by a g u i l t y con- 29 science, became t r u l y pious i n order to expiate h i s s i n . Although Aki no yo no naga-monogatari contains elements of otogi-zoshi. i t should be evident that setsuwa are bound to display c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the f a i r y t a l e , providing as they did, a l i n k between Heian f i c t i o n and otogi-zSshi. Moreover Aki no yo no naga-monogatari does contain the seeds of these chigo monogatari which describe homosexual r e l a t i o n - ships; however these descriptions served as an expedient through which the author was able to achieve h i s true inten- t i o n , the e d i f i c a t i o n of hi s audience. Thus, i t i s preferable to l a b e l Aki no yo no naga-monogatari as setsuwa and subcate- gorize i t as a story of regeneration. 12 Chapter I I I H i s t o r i c a l Background of the Tale In the previous chapter, the diverse narrative techni- ques of Aki no YO no naga-monogatari were mentioned. I t i s evident however that these v a r i a t i o n s are not simply a r e s u l t of the combination of l i t e r a r y techniques. Careful exami- nation of the t a l e demonstrates that i t was composed of at least three accounts: the l i f e story of the monk Sensai, the discord between the Sammon and the Jimon Denominations, and the legend of Umewaka. Underlying these f i r s t two themes are actual h i s t o r i c a l incidents that provided i n s p i r a t i o n to the author of the t a l e . Knowledge of these events enriches the reader's understanding and appreciation of the story. Biographical Sketch of Sensai Although the l i f e of Sensai has not been studied to any great extent, i t i s generally recognized that he established 30 Ungo-ji , and carved a great image of Buddha (daibutau X. ^ ) there. He i s believed to have been an excellent chanter of Buddhist invocations and i n addition, Sensai i s known as one of the f i r s t poet monks of the l a t e Heian period to use waka poetry to i l l u s t r a t e Buddhist thought. Mangen Shi ban 7L ( l 627 - 1710), the compiler °f Honcho koso den ^ recorded some of Sensai 1 s 13 31 achievements as follows: Sensai was a monk of Mount H i e i . He moved to the eastern part of Kyoto and there he practiced according to Tendai doctrine through which he sought the pure land. He established Ungo-ji i n the f i r s t year of Tenji %L -,a (1124). He also carved a hachi-.id ) \ (appro- ximately twenty-four meter) high golden figure of Buddha and he placed i t i n the Sho$-in ?r\M^'f%j » In the,seventh month of the f i r s t year of E i j i 7& ( H 4 D , he c a l l e d many monks together and he performed a consecration ceremony f o r the newly made image.... In Jimon denki horpku | r f f i the author ShikS fvir writes that, "In the f i r s t year of Ten j i , on the nine- teenth of the seventh month, the monk Sensai founded Ungo-ji and placed a has-shaku / \ X. (approximately two meter, f o r t y v 32 centimeter) high figure of Buddha there...." Both documents state that Sensai founded Ungo-ji i n 1124 but there i s con- f l i c t i n g evidence as to the actual height of Buddha's image which was placed i n the temple. Details of Ungo-ji are also reported i n Iroha . i i r u i sho In the fourth year of Jowa 7 ^ .Tta (#37), the Councillor of State 5* b u i l t the temple so that prayers f o r the repose of the soul of the Emperor Kammu t& ^ N (737 - 306) might be offered. The monk Sensai constructed a temple to the west of t h i s and placed a hachi-,i$ high f i g - ure of Buddha therein,. He named h i s tem- ple Sh6$ Mida-in ^SLJBffewt. Nowa- days both temples are referred to as Ungo-ji. 14 In addition to the above, i n Shoku Nihon koki ^ Q Jt\ * i t i a recorded that the temple, b u i l t f o r the repose of the Emperor Kammu,s soul, was east of the Yasaka-ji /\ -rf- and that i t seemed to belong to Yasaka-ji; therefore, i t was commonly c a l l e d Yasaka t o - i n /V ^ , "the Eastern 35 C l o i s t e r of Yasaka-ji". A comparison of these sources raises some question as to whether Sensai a c t u a l l y founded the whole complex of Ungo-ji; however, i f Sensai*s achievements a f t e r h i s move to the annex of Yasaka t 6 - i n . l a t e r c a l l e d Ungo-ji, are con- sidered., there i s some basis f o r c a l l i n g him "the monk who re-established Ungo-ji". Nonetheless, one fact s t i l l remains unresolved. What was the actual height of the image of Buddha that Sensai raised? Ungo-ji was well-known f o r i t s figure of Buddha. In Samboku kika shu Hi^K ^\ , a c o l l e c t i o n of waka poems by Minamoto no Toshiyori (1055 - 1129), Toshiyori noted that he was asked to guide h i s f r i e n d to 36 Ungo-ji to worship i t s daibutsu. This evidence supports the f a c t that Ungo-ji*s image must have been large because i n order to be referred to as daibutsu a statue must be more than i c h i - i o . roku-shaku — X. yK. (approximately four 37 meters, eighty centimeters) high. Therefore, the image mentioned i n Jimon denki horoku, (two meters,forty c e n t i - meters), i s f a r too small to be c a l l e d daibutsu. Neverthe- l e s s , the height of twenty-four meters mentioned i n the other sources seems to be f a r too t a l l because the t a l l e s t e x i s t i n g 15 daibutsu i n Japan i s found i n T o d a i - j i ^ X. TT i n Nara, and i t i s approximately sixteen meters high. Amano Sadakage ^ l f ^ f ^ ^ L (1661 - 1733) also questioned the v a l i d i t y of the statements which reported that the statue was twenty-four meters high. He wrote i n h i s book Shio.jiri that, "... the Buddha of Ungo-ji was rumored to have been a hachi-.io high fi g u r e , but i t might possibly have been a twelve meter n high figure i n a seated p o s i t i o n . . . " . The oldest record i n which the name of Sensai i s men- tioned i s HonchS sho.io shu &~ 2?$ •^•^'JL. edited by Fujiwara no Mototoshi i^J^K%?/\%L_{ - 1142). A short piece by Sensai e n t i t l e d , "Ungo-ji no Sh6nin ky&gen kigovto kuyuru waka no j o " 'i&TtX-Ktfk ("An Ungo-ji Monk's Foreword to Waka Poetry Composed as a Penance fo r His Involve- 39 raent i n F i c t i o n " ) i s l i s t e d i n i t . This essay i s dated the thirteenth of the ninth month of the f i r s t year of Kasho T | C (1106). Although t h i s account gives no hint as to the i d e n t i t y of the writer, there i s no evidence that other monks of Ungo-ji were involved with poetry. In addition, i t i s known that poetry contests were often held at Ungo-ji around the year 1116 under Sensai's sponsor- ship. One p a r t i c u l a r l y well-known competition was the Ungo- .11 Kechien-gvo kSen utaawase -^K*g ^^^t/^L%-SL^ • I t was held i n the eighth month of the fourth year of Eikyu <̂_X̂  (1116) with Fujiwara no Mototoshi as the judge. In t h i s contest Sensai composed three waka poems and won twice. After t h i s he played o f f a t i e with Minatnoto no Toshiyori and 16 the r e s u l t was a draw. Sensai*s waka poems appeared i n Fujiwara no Mototoshi's Collections of Poems (Fu.iiwara no Mototoshi kashu ^ ^ y ^ ^ A'fL ̂C?IL ) > a a well as i n the Imperial anthologies of Kin'yo shu » Shika shu f̂ ]̂ |L » Senzai shu -f'̂ .IL » Shin kokin shu %\f $>^&_ , Shin chokusen shu Jrl'j" ^-T^^L, Zoku goshui shu ^ ^ ^ j f j ^ , Shin shui shu $if > and Shin goshui shu Jfj ^ 2̂ /1 . Sensai formed close friendships with Fujiwara no Moto- toshi and Minamoto no Toshiyori, both leading poets of t h e i r day. This f a c t i s known because Mototoshi l i s t e d several sets of poems which were exchanges between himself and h i s f r i e n d Sensai, i n Fu.iiwara no Mototoshi kashu. I t seems that Toshiyori v i s i t e d Sensai often at his temple because he in c l u d - ed s i x poems vrtiich had been composed at Ungo-ji, Sensai*s residence, i n Samboku kika shu. Toshiyori*s c o l l e c t i o n of poems. Although Sensai*s works are r e l a t i v e l y unstudied, i t i s evident from the r e s u l t of the poetry contest noted above, the friendship shared with Mototoshi and Toshiyori, as well as from the f a c t that his poems are included i n many Imperial anthologies that Sensai was equal i n a b i l i t y to the best poets of h i s day. As a poet Sensai i s described i n Kokon chomon n1u ft* *2 17 ...the monk loved waka poetry; therefore, the poets of h i s day f r e - quently gathered together at his tem- ple i n order to hold meetings of waka verse. He painted a mandala of waka (waka mandara %v M.<!> Tt, $L ) 4 3 and l i s t e d the Seven Buddhas of the Past (kako shiehi-Butsu Ml £ ^ # ), 4* together with the names of t h i r t y - s i x well-known poets (san.iu-rok-kasen s. T A - I K 4d\ ).... In Ima monogatari , an example of Sensai »s quick- 45 >̂  "> ness of poetic repartee i s given. Fujiwara no Nobuzane ^J^-'/fL $k 10l writes that one day the Premier Kyogoku , at the time a minor o f f i c i a l , was passing by Ungo-ji. He not i c - ed Sensai»s antiquated house and had a servant shout; H l . i i r i no va wo ba The o l d man» s broken down house... mekakuahi n i fnke Should be roofed to hide the chinks. Then he quickly drove away i n his c a r t . Sensai made a novice run a f t e r the servant and say: Ame no sh i t a n i A l l under heaven, morite kikovuru You never know what w i l l leak koto mo a r i And be heard i n the end. The author of Ima monogatari f i n i s h e s t h i s paragraph p r a i s - ing the quickness of Sensai who was challenged to compose the f i r s t three l i n e s of the waka poem, the l a s t two l i n e s of 18 which Kyogoku had provided. Another example of Sensai*s wit i s included i n Zoku shika shu Jj^ . I t i s recorded that one day as he was holding a service, water from a leak i n the roof dropped upon his sleeve. As he got down from the dias he composed the f o l - lowing verse: I n i s h i e wo tazunete mo kiku ima mo miru moru-ya wa nori no kataki n a r i k e r i In the days gone by, I f I seek, I ' l l f i n d a case. Aha now I see... A house with a leaky roof Is c e r t a i n l y the Law's foe. In t h i s poem Sensai comments on the fact that h i s service i s interrupted by a leaky roof; however, he i s at the same time r e f e r r i n g to the f a c t that h i s sleeve, tear-soaked because he sleeps alone, i s creating a b a r r i e r to salvation. From such evidence i t i s clear that even Buddhist services might be lightened by Sensai's wit and the reason Sensai i s counted as one of those who i n i t i a l l y expressed Buddhist thought thr - ough waka poetry becomes cle a r . I t seems that Sensai r e c i t e d poems whenever he had to t a l k , and that he held meetings of waka poetry even a f t e r Buddhist services, providing there were enough people. In fact he often arranged services s p e c i f i c a l - l y i n order to hold meetings of poetry. In addition, Sensai was a s k i l l f u l chanter. In Honch6v koso den t h i s talent i s described. "Sensai was an admirable 19 chanter of the holy invocations, and i t was said that when he performed everyone l i s t e n e d with joy. RySnin ^ ,*L (1072 - 1132) of Mount 6hara X / j ^ . was taught to chant by Sensai..." This i s an extremely i n t e r e s t i n g statement because Jodo Bud- dhism was transmitted by means of chants,- and RySnin, the fou- nder of the Yuzu N.embutsu Sect (Yuzu nembntsu-shu -y^ . _ . 48 i f ), was known to be one of the pioneers of such invoca- t i o n s . Sensai*s exceptional a b i l i t y combined with his amazing sense of humor must have made him a popular figure among a l l kinds of people. The compiler of Hyaku rensho § wrote that, "...the consecration ceremony of the hachi-jfr high g o l - den image of Buddha was attended by both high and low who to- 49 gether deepened t h e i r devotion...". Similar comments are found i n other sources. In Goshui oMfr den #ft i t i s recorded that Sensai was c a l l e d on by Minamoto no Toshi- fusa ^^^)% { -1121), the M i n i s t e r of the L e f t , to perform the l a s t r i t e s which would assure him of companionship i n the 50 next l i f e . The monk Sensai died on the twentieth day of the s i x t h month of the second year of D a i j i X ?Q (1127). In Chuu k i A w- X 51 T & §dj the compiler writes: The twenty-third day: The monk Sensai died at the time of the dog on the twentieth day. He used to be a monk of Enryaku-ji /% 4r . He practiced preaching and mastered i t . He has been pious and he has performed various Buddhist services. He carved a hachi-f6 high image of Buddha i n h i s temple and he also changed the 20 Eastern Mountain (Higashi-vama ^ <U ) of Kyoto i n t o hvaku-io g jt (approx- imately three-hundred meter) t a l l image of Maitreya (Miroku 3& $ft ) « 5 3 He was the i n i t i a t o r of the one hundred day pilgrimage (Hvaku-nichi no gyô dô  ^ 0 .3L ) 5 * seeking paradise. Moreover he i n s p i r e d a l l kinds of people to deep- en t h e i r f a i t h i n Buddhism. However, he has already passed away. The days of Buddhism are also gone. Buddhism has been extinguished f o r a long time. Aha, i t i s indeed p i t i a b l e . When the above h i s t o r i c a l accounts of Sensai are compared with descriptions of the monk i n the l a s t section of Aki no yo no naga-roonogatari. i t becomes clear that much of the author's characterization was based on h i s t o r i c a l f a c t . Although no document other than Aki no yo no naga-monogatari reveals that Sensai*s former name was K e i k a i , that he was a monk so l d i e r of Mount H i e i or that he had a love a f f a i r with a young boy, when Sensai*s achievements and ref i n e d character are understood, i t i s easy to imagine why the author of Aki no yo no naga- monogatari wrote a t a l e with Sensai as i t s hero. The R i v a l r y Between the Sammon and the Jimon Denominations Both Gishin ^ jL ( - 333) and Ennin (794 - 864), d i s c i p l e s of Saicho - ^ i H (766 - 822), the founder of the Tendai Sect (Tendai-shu ^ o ^ ) > served as the chief monks (zasu i , ) at the headquarters of the Tendai Sect on Mount H i e i . Gishin»s d i s c i p l e , Enchin | g ^ (314 - 391), also be- came a chief monk at Mount H i e i a f t e r he returned from China 21 i n 858 and during the next seventy years members of hi s group controlled Mount H i e i . However, Ryogen (912 - 985) o f the Ennin l i n e gradually gained power because he reconstruc- 55 ted many temple headquarters ruined due to f i r e . Antagonism between groups representing these two leaders soon developed. Eventually, when Yokei J%g_ ( - 991) of the Enchin l i n e was prevented from becoming the chief monk of Mount H i e i i n 9^9, the Enchin group l e f t Mount H i e i and established an inde- pendent branch, the Jimon Denomination (Jimon-ha ^f-f^ffc ), i n 993, with i t s head quarters at 0 n j 3 - j i . From that time, the Mount H i e i branch has been referred to as the Sammon Denomina- t i o n (Sammon-ha f®\ ). The complications between these two groups originated with the r i v a l r y f o r abbotship; however from the time Onjo-ji became independent, owing to 0nj6-jJLS having no r i g h t to b u i l d an ordination platform f o r the issuance of commandments, prob- lems related to the ordination of monks arose. In order to confirm monks Onjo-ji was required to depend upon other tem- ples, mainly the Sammon temple of Mount H i e i . This forced 57 r e l a t i o n s h i p raised d i f f i c u l t i e s . The records of Hvaku renshft f o r the second year of Cho*- kyu -6. A (1041) and the second year of Enkyu JtiLZ^ (1070) mentioned that the monks of 0 n j 6-ji frequently asked permis- sion of the Court to b u i l d a platform f o r ordination (kaidan . 53 TJE )• These requests angered the monks of Mount H i e i , and i n the f i r s t year of Eih6~ J(<^^ (1031) the whole temple complex of Onjo-ji was razed to the ground f o r the f i r s t time. 22 Following t h i s ^ burnings of Onjo-ji by the monk so l d i e r s (s£hei ̂  ^ ) of Mount H i e i continued. In addition to minor r a i d s , the whole temple complex of QnjS-ji was t o t a l l y destroyed seven times. Records of the f i r s t four attacks, which resulted i n complete destruction, are found i n Hvaku rensho. The f i r s t occurred on the ninth day of the s i x t h month i n the f i r s t year of EihS. I t i s written that on the day of the Hie , , 61 Shrine (Hie-.iin.ia Q £>ffifa ) f e s t i v a l i n the fourth month of that same year, the monks of OnjS-ji captured some atten- dants of Hie shrine and stole o f f e r i n g s . These acts i n c i t e d the monks of Mount Hiei to action. The second incident occurred i n the second year of Hoan (\W (1121), on the t h i r d day of the i n t e r c a l a r y f i f t h month (uruu satsuki f£\ J5_ }\ ) which f e l l between the f i f t h 52 and s i x t h months. Onjo-ji was burned once again on the s i x - teenth day of the i n t e r c a l a r y f i f t h month of H6*en isK i ! ^ . (1140). In t h i s account, the previous attacks of 1081 and 63 1121 are mentioned. On the ninth day of the s i x t h month of the f i r s t year of Chokan f< (1163) the monk so l d i e r s of Mount H i e i des- 64 troyed Onjo-ji yet another time. This act was brought about by. the monks of Onjo-ji who beheaded several Shinto p r i e s t s on . the t h i r d day of that same month. Apart from t h i s d irect provocation from O n j o - j i , however, there were several underlying reasons f o r t h i s attack by the monks of Mount H i e i i n I I 6 3 . In Hvaku rensho, i t i s recorded that i n the second 23 year of Oho #\ (1162), on the f i r s t day of the i n t e r c a l - ary second month, Kakuchu ®" }£. , the son of an 0 n j 6-ji abbot, ^ 65 was appointed as head monk of the Tendai Sect. The monks of Mount H i e i , however, forced him to decline the p o s i t i o n . Moreover, i n the f i f t h month of the following year (1163) the temple of Mount Hie i protested the f a c t that the monks of Onjo-ji had ceased to receive ordination at Mount H i e i . . . . Seven days l a t e r , on^the twenty-ninth day of the f i f t h month, Kofuku-ji fr&fimrf suggested to the Throne that the monks of 0 n j 6-ji should cease to receive ordination at Mount H i e i and furthermore, that Mount H i e i should become subordinate to O n j o - j i . Thus the reason f o r Mount Hiei's violent assa- u l t i s e a s i l y understood. I t i s recorded i n Azuma kagami -fa" •IF-'̂ L th&t Onjo-ji was destroyed on the f i f t e e n t h day of the fourth month of the second year of Kempo \%\. (1214) and that t h i s attack was the r e s u l t of trouble between the Shinto p r i e s t s of Sakamoto (Mount Hiei) and Otsu (Onjo-ji) on the day of the Hie 68 Shrine f e s t i v a l , the fourteenth day of the same month. The record also notes that t h i s was the f i f t h occurrence, and that i t followed incidents i n 1108, 1121, 1164 and 1214. Zokushi gusho 'f^hflf records that the 3ixth burn- ing of Onjo-ji took place on the second day of the f i f t h month 1 , 69 of the f i r s t year of Bun'ei X ^ (1264). On the twenty- t h i r d day of the t h i r d month of the same year, the monks of Mount H i e i reduced almost a l l of t h e i r own temples to ashes i n order to protest the fact that t h e i r request seeking the 24 abbot ship of Tenno-ji ^ j £ r r , which at that time was held 70 by a monk of 0n j $ - j i , was ignored. Taking advantage of the confusion on Mount H i e i , the monks of Onjo-ji reconstructed t h e i r temple to resemble a castle and also b u i l t an ordina- 71 t i o n platform. Highly angered, the monks of Mount H i e i rushed to O n j o - j i . On the twenty-fifth day of the fourth month of the t h i r d year of Bumpo £ / f j j l (1319), i n Hanazono Tenno shinki X*C>. ^ A L U >6L *CJ » i t i s recorded that, "...the main h a l l , the ord- 72 i n a t i o n platform of Onjo-ji...everything was razed....". I t seems reasonable to suppose that the cause of t h i s incident was also r e l a t e d to the ordination platform of Onj o - j i . From these documents recording the attacks and burnings of Onjo-ji by the monk sold i e r s of Mount H i e i , i t i s quite evident that the bat t l e which takes place i n sections t h i r t e e n to f i f t e e n of Aki no j o no naga-monogatari i s indeed r e l a t e d to actual h i s t o r i c a l events. In Aki no j o no naga-monogatari. a vain b a t t l e between two denominations was caused by the love a f f a i r between Keikai and Umewaka. Without knowledge of h i s - t o r i c a l f a c t s , the cause of t h i s b a t t l e may seem rather unreal- i s t i c . Nevertheless, as i t i s clear from h i s t o r i c a l records that many of the i n i t i a l causes of the actual battles were t r i v i a l . They merely provided an excuse f o r a release of the pent-up h o s t i l i t y of both denominations. Hirasawa Goro - ^ 7 ^ h~ £p says i n "Aki no yo no naga- monogatari ko" f^Jk. i& %K. t h a t Aki no j o no naga- monogatari seems to have been written by a man who either saw 25 or heard of the incident of the year 1319, the l a s t burning of O n j o - j i , and wrote the story while the memory of the bat- t l e s held between the Sammon and the Jimon Denominations was 73 fresh i n the minds of people of the area. He notes that i n section f i f t e e n of Aki no j o no naga-monogatari i t i s mention- ed that the Sammon Denomination had previously attacked the 74 Jimon Denomination s i x times. He concludes that the battle which takes place i n the t a l e was the one which occurred i n 75 1319. Hirasawa Goro says that learned men of that age must have known the exact number of times that OnjoVji had been burned because h i s t o r i c a l documents occasionally mentioned these f a c t s , and even i n Taihei k i , which i s not a chronicle, i t i s noted that Onjo-ji had been burned seven times before the f i r s t year of Bumpo (1317). (This must be an error be- cause according to other h i s t o r i c a l documents the seventh , burning of Onjo-ji occurred i n 1319). The author of Aki no vo no naga-monogatari must have been well aware of t h i s comment 77 i n Taihei k i . I t seems reasonable to suppose that the author of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari consciously mentioned that s i x burnings had occurred before the battle described i n the story. The points that Hirasawa raises are completely v a l i d . When.the author wrote Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. he must have indeed used the incident of 1319 to convey to people the conditions of actual event. I t may be possible to suppose, i n addition, that there was a legend about Sensai, a monk 26 s o l d i e r of Mount H i e i . In w r i t i n g Aki no yo no naga-monoga- t a r i . the author combined h i s knowledge of the l i f e of Sensai with h i s experience of the actual c o n f l i c t of 1319, an event which was the only b a t t l e of large scale which occurred dur- ing h is l i f e t i m e , i n an attempt to express Sensai»s heroic legendary episode i n h i s own words. 27 CHAPTER IV Literature Related to Aki no yo no naga-monogatari I t i s important to investigate those works which are believed to have been the sources of the author of Aki no vo no naga-monogatari as w e l l as l a t e r l i t e r a t u r e which i s said to have been influenced by the t a l e . This research not only adds^new dimension to knowledge concerning the char- a c t e r i s t i c s of Buddhist narratives but also provides new background materials for the study of l i t e r a t u r e of other periods. I t i s indisputable that Kon.iaku monogatari ^ Xty and Taihei k i provided some i n s p i r a t i o n f or Aki no vo no naga-monogatari and that the t a l e i n turn influenced w r i - ters such as Zeami i f 1*\ $tk (1364? - 1443) and Ryutei Tane- hiko #]7 ^ A^./% (17^3 - 1842). In addition, f o r many years there has been a strongly held b e l i e f that the N$ song, Sumidagawa fi\ &) n| , upon which several Edo works and a chain of plays were based, was influenced by Aki no vo no naga-monogatari. Although t h i s popular notion i s incorrect, i t i s important to examine t h i s misconception i n d e t a i l be- cause i t provides insights which help to explain the tremen- dous popularity of the t a l e during the Edo period. In t h i s chapter, those works which have been said to be related to Aki no yo no naga-monogatari w i l l be examined and t h e i r r e l a - tionships to the ta l e w i l l be discussed. 28 The Author's Sources Nishida Naokai \jfc> \B JkJlK. (' - l d 6 3 ) was evidently the f i r s t c r i t i c to indicate the existence of a t a l e which may have provided i n s p i r a t i o n to the author of Aki no yo no 1p that i n kan twenty-one of Kon.iaku monogatari there i s a *~ 78 story which reads: A dragon had assumed the guise of a t i n y snake and was l i v i n g i n Mano Pond (Mano no ike * 7^ ) i n the Province of Sanuki jl;ff-*AX.. 7f A tengu who had taken on the shape of a hawk, captured him and carri e d him to Mount Hira (Hira no yama J d &i <?\ d± ) . 8© The dragon was imprisoned i n a cave and was given no water. When he was about to die, the tengu brought i n a monk of Mount H i e i , who was carrying a water bottle i n h i s hand. A drop of water revived the dragon, whereupon he escorted the monk to h i s temple and then he himself returned to heaven. Section seventeen of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari i n which Umewaka i s captured and imprisoned i n the r o c k - j a i l indeed corresponds quite closely to t h i s summary of a Kon.iaku monogatari t a l e . Taihei k i has been considered to have had the greatest influence upon Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. Many we l l - established scholars such as Got6 Tanji and K^jo Isao correspondences i n sentences. Moreover, they even have noted analogies i n plot as w e l l as s t r i k i n g 29 suggested that these two works were creations of the same author. The following i s an attempt to i l l u s t r a t e two examples of the p a r a l l e l s which may be seen i n passages of Taihei k i and Aki no j o no naga-monogatari. . . . i r o koto n i kogashitaru fumi no fururu sode sae kuyuru bakari no 'g. s- 3 ij" ^ ? ^ s t > >^ to t x - 7 =>~ )• (Section 7; Aki no YO no naga-monogatari) ...toru te mo kuyuru bakari n i kogaretaru momi.ji-gasane no Jfj^ 7 =3- I L - j0 ^ (Kan 15; Taihei k i ) Although, fumi (a l e t t e r ) i s the object of the clause i r o koto n i kogashitaru fumi no (the l e t t e r , which one strongly perfumed), whereas momi.ji-gasane (a red paper backed with yellow i . e . , a l e t t e r ) i s the subject of the phrase kogaretaru momiji-gasane n i (the l e t t e r perfumed strongly), these two fragments are semantically i d e n t i c a l . Moreover the phrase kuyuru bakari n i (as i t may gain a l i n g e r i n g scent) i s i n c l u - ded i n both sentences. Other s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r sentences occur i n descriptions of early morning scenes: 30 ....Akegata no t s u k i mado no n i s h i v o r i kuma- naku s a s h i - i r i t a r e b a neroidare-garni no hara- hara to kakari hazure v o r i mavu no n i o i hoke vaka n i Bf\ ^ > J r 7 •y ii — • • • (Section 9; Aki no yo no naga-monogatari) ....Ariake no t s u k i no kumanaku s a s h i - i r i t a r u ni...harahara to kobore kakaritaru bin no hazure v o r i honoka n i mietaru mavu no n i o i fx. *m ) £ ) r i >\ * ,u =. . .. /s s\ v~ D it." u- -p & <) *? > ;\ ^ 3 83 (Kan 18; Taihei ki) Again, these passages are semantically equivalent to one ano- ther although there are some l e x i c a l differences as well as variations i n word order. Although these s i m i l a r i t i e s may be thought to be either examples of l i t e r a r y convention or coin- c i d e n t a l , more than twenty such cl o s e l y related passages can be shown to e x i s t . Moreover, half of these s i m i l a r i t i e s occur i n kan eighteen of Taihei k i . From the above evidence, i t should be clear that the connection between Aki no yo no naga- monogatari and Taihei k i i s an extremely close one. Moreover because i t i s generally considered that Taihei k i was comple- 84 ted around 1368 - 1375, and that the oldest text of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari was copied i n 1377, i t i s l i k e l y that the author of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari adopted those sen- tences from Taihei k i . As there i s no d e f i n i t e proof with which to support t h i s hypothesis, i t may also be possible to consider that Aki no yo no naga-monogatari provided i n s p i r a - t i o n f o r Taihei k i . 31 Works Thought to Have Been Influenced by the Tale I t can be demonstrated that Aki no yo no naga-monogatari influenced writers of the Middle Ages and the Pre-modern period. Sentences patterned a f t e r the opening l i n e s of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari are found i n the No texts Seniu -T f and Atsumori , written by Zeami who seems to have been the e a r l i e s t w r i t e r to show int e r e s t i n Aki no yo no naga-monogatari and i n the work of f i c t i o n , Kakitsu monogatari ^ ^ iffy . The l a t t e r work was completed a f t e r the Disturbance of Kakitsu (Kakitsu no ran o) i|)L t 1441). Since the oldest text of Aki no yo no naga- monogatari i s dated 1377, i t i s possible to assume that the opening sentences of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari were adopt- ed i n these l i t e r a r y works. Ryutei Tanehiko also employed sections of the t a l e i n his works of f i c t i o n . He uses the phrase "Shirakawa ohoko no s o r a - i n l i Gosan no so no monto-date 7&J ^- 0 ^? fcp $(L ^ <* f3^ %• $U n from Aki no yo no naga-monogatari i n h i s piece Awa no Narutb yp) z_ p»j fj > and he also adopted the waka poem "Shirasebava hono-mishi hana no omokage ni tachisou kumo no mavou kokorowo £ 0 ^ \f 0, Jj^ it* d) #/* 1- c H 0 'ft * i l b »c t " m Ms yomihon jife jL. , "story book", e n t i t l e d Yakko no Koman mono- 90 gatari o\ yjv ̂  which i s known to be based upon the t a l e of ,'Aozukin"-f" of Ugetsu monogatari ^ Q Iffy) 9 1 wis • 32 Other than the examples noted above there are no works which can be proved to have been d i r e c t l y influenced by Aki U2 Z2 H2 naga-monogatari; however, for many years scholars, w r i t e r s , and audiences have believed that the No song Sumidagawa and i t s related works, a series of plays and several pieces of popular l i t e r a t u r e whose t i t l e s include the words Sumidagawa. were based upon Aki no yo no naga- monogatari . Zeami»s son, Kanze Motomasa MTL^TL^L (1394? - 1452) 92 composed the No text Sumidagawa. The basic plot structure of t h i s piece i s as follows: A mad woman arrives at the f e r r y cross- 93 ing of the Sumida River (Sumida-gawa ffi »'| ). At f i r s t the boatman t r i e s to make fun of her. However, upon hearing that she has come from Kyoto seeking her missing son, he fe e l s sorry f o r her and f e r r i e s her across the r i v e r . A man on the same boat, noticing that there are many people on the r i v e r dike loudly chanting prayers to Ami da JSj £j§ "%**asks the boatman about i t . The boatman r e p l i e s , "A year ago, a mer- chant came to t h i s f e r r y crossing. He brought with him a boy purchased i n Kyoto. Perhaps because he was too young f o r such a long t r i p , the youth had become sick. Cruelly, the mer- chant abandoned the boy and he continued north alone. The boy died shortly afterwards." The boy was the c h i l d f o r whom the mad woman sought. After getting out of the boat she joins those praying on the dike, whereupon she hears the voice of the boy and sees his ghostly image. Both Aki no vo no naga-monogatari and the No song Sumidagawa 33 incorporate incidents i n which the hero i s c a r r i e d o f f against his w i l l and dies a t r a g i c death, however the only concrete s i m i l a r i t y between the two i s the f a c t that the names of the heroes are the same. Shuzui Kenji ^ 1^ ?e5 notes i n Kabuki kvakuhon shu ^ YjL feP/?ML t h a t t h e i d e a f o r t h e No text Sumidagawa originated i n Aki no jo no naga-monogatari. and that a kanazfishi 4fc_%z.^-"^r , "story book i n kana", Sumidagawa monogatari 1§ © II) <f̂ S7*4%" ( I 6 5 6 ) was based upon t h i s No text. In addition, Goto Tanji c a l l e d attention to the f a c t that Shida l o s h i h i d e fep l£I mentions i n Nihon no densetsu to dSwa Q fi^ * 4%- t .̂i/S that Sumi- dagawa monogatari was r e l a t e d to Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. It i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to imagine why such associations continued to e x i s t , nevertheless, they were r a r e l y challenged. During the Edo period the s e r i e s of Sumidagawa plays 97 became extremely popular. P a r t i c u l a r l y well known among bete ia 93 these dramas were Futago Sumidagawa Chikamatsu Monzaemon &.foft\lk.ftj?^ (1653 - 1724 ) f i r s t performed at Takemotoza Kj*" j^fit^. (a J o r u r i theater i n Osaka) i n 1720» and the Kabuki plays Sumidagawa gonichi no omokage 99 j\§ \B by Nagawa Shimesuke 7*1 - t l J L 'f)* ( - 1802) and Sumidagawa hana no Goshozome /£> n] %H t(f ijL by Tsuruya Namboku fij^fiz $) *C ( 1755 - 1 8 2 9 ) , which were performed i n i t i a l l y i n 1734 and 1814 r e s p e c t i v e l y . These popular plays retained the plot structure of the No text Sumidagawa. as well as the name of the hero, Umewaka. Although these works had no more connection with Aki no yo no 96 34 naga-monogatari than did Sumidagawa. i t i s certain that theatergoers of the time who were interested i n the o r i g i n of the plays believed that a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Bud- dhist t a l e , Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. and the N& song Sumidagawa did indeed e x i s t . I t was probably at t h i s time that the legend of Umewaka came int o existence. A memorial tomb was b u i l t at . „ ^ 101 the temple of Mokubo-ji /N -cpr -vp by the Sumida River, and a wooden image of Umewaka was enshrined there. More- over the practice of holding a service to commemorate the anniversary of Umewaka's death was established. This cus- tom has continued to present day. Thus, during the Edo period the legend of Umewaka be- gan to be associated with Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. In addition, adaptations of the Nd song Sumidagawa became increasingly popular. As mentioned previously, there was no connection between these l i t e r a r y works and Aki no yo no naga-monogatari; nonetheless, the pieces were completed by authors who f e l t that a r e l a t i o n s h i p existed. I t was ine v i t a b l e , therefore, that t h i s theory came to be supported by public opinion. Ryutei Tanehiko, a scholar who had studied Aki no yo no naga-monogatari more thoroughly than any of h i s contem- pories, strongly opposed the idea that Sumidagawa and i t s related works were based on Aki no yo no naga-monogatari. I n Kflshoku-bon mokuroku ^ £ ^ g) not only did he assemble four texts of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari but 35 102 he also commented on t h e i r q u a l i t y . In h i s essays he d i s - p e l l e d several popular misconceptions about the t a l e and shed l i g h t on some unexplored areas. In Ryutei k i ^gt* > ke noted that the memorial tomb f o r Umewaka at Mokubo-ji was probably b u i l t by a d i l l e t - tante who admired the N"o* song Sumidagawa. He concluded t h i s a r t i c l e saying that "...the story of Mokubo-ji temple and the t a l e of Aki no jo no naga-monogatari both concern some- one c a l l e d Umewaka, however, they [the heroes] are d i f f e r e n t people with the same name....". He also noted i n Ryutei k i that the wooden figur e of Umewaka had not been i n the posses- 104 sion of Mokubo-ji for any great length of time. I t had been purchased by a monk of the temple during a v i s i t to Kyoto. Ryutei personally believed that the figure was not that of * <r ± 105 Umewaka but rather an image of Ushiwaka-maru jz> . ro. xr / v > 106 Furthermore, he noted i n Sokushin-0 k i J^£{j4*}, that the names of the monks of Mii-dera who are l i s t e d i n Aki no yo no naga-monogatari as "Sennin-giri no Ara-Sanuki, Kanasaibo no Aku-dayu, Happo-yaburi no Musashibo -f" A* t>Z) <* rt.. ." were a c t u a l l y a l l f i c t i t i o u s . The terms r e f e r to the strategies of the game of vasasugare J \ ^ , / ^ ^ K i "fox and geese". Neither the N&" song Sumidagawa and i t s r e l a t e d works nor the Umewaka legend can be proved to have t h e i r o r i g i n s i n Aki no yo no naga-monogatari, nonetheless i t i s evident that they have long been associated with the t a l e . For t h i s reason, 36 Aki no j o no naga-monogatari was frequently r e f e r r e d to i n scholarly works rel a t e d to Sumidagawa, I t i s also evident that phrases of the t a l e were incorporated into a number of l i t e r a r y works. This f a c t t e s t i f i e s to the value of the work as a l i t e r a r y source and to i t s f a m i l i a r i t y among l a t e r writers of the Middle Ages and Pre-Modern period. 37 NOTES ON THE INTRODUCTION 1 Ashikaga Takauji A$L M %Ki ( 1 3 ° 5 " 5 S ) » founder of Muromachi Shogunate, became a convert of the monk of the Rinzai Zen Sect (Rinzai-shu gfD j f f i ^ ), Muso Soseki ^ ( 1 2 7 5 - 1 3 5 1 ) . He frequently consulted the monk on a f f a i r s of government. Ozawa E i i c h i y\\ ̂ X. fit— » and Oda Yasumasa /| N \& jjfs. [E. , ed., Kenkyu Nihon shi ̂ >\^ ̂  QJr\^ (Tokyo: Shiraizu Shoin, 1 9 5 6 ) , p. 1 5 8 , pp. 1 6 7 - 8 . 2 Information contained i n t h i s paragraph i s taken from Shuzui Kenji ^fj^^ia , and Shioda Ryohei 3 ^ © ^ » ed., Kokubungaku shi IfJ] j t ^ l ^ . ( T o k y ° : S e i r i n Shoin Shinsha, 1 9 5 9 ) , PP. 77-81. Also r e f e r to H. Paul Varley, The Onin War (New York, and London: Columbia University Press, 1 9 6 7 ) , p. 6 0 7 . 3 Gempei no soran. After the H e i j i War (Hei.ii no ran -̂F* 2o p'JjjLj , 1159 ) ? the Heike a c t i v e l y intervened i n the rule of the Fujiwara family J ^ y j ^ ^ , and soon p r a c t i c a l l y controlled the country. Among those who were d i s s a t i s f i e d with t h i s s i t u a t i o n was Minamoto no Yorimasa ^ fi)^ ( I I O 4 - 1 1 8 0 ) . He rai s e d an army i n support of Prince Mochihito ^J^^Tj ( 1151 - 1 1 8 0 ) , the son of the Emperor Goshirakawa )*j (1127 - 1197 ) i n 1130. This uprising was quelled by the Heike. However, following t h i s many battle s between the clans occurred u n t i l the Heike were 38 f i n a l l y defeated at Dan no ura ^ v i n 1185. The chain of battles between the Genji and the Heike are commonly c a l l e d Gempei no s£ran or the Gempei War. Ozawa,and Oda, pp. 110-1. In Mappo tomyS k i %.)kp$_which i s believed to have been completed by Saicho (766 - 822), i t was said that mappo* would begin i n 1152. The age a f t e r Gautama Buddha's death was divided into three. The three d i v i s i o n s were sh6b£ (500 - 1,000 years), z$b$ yfc, (500 or 1,000 years a f t e r sho'bo'), and mappo (10,000 years). I t was believed that Buddha's d i r e c t s p i r i t u a l influence would decline gradually and during mappo only s u p e r f i c i a l knowledge of Buddhism would e x i s t . 5 Shuzui, and Shioda, p. 81. 6 ' . Koben ,|F| #»]̂ r (1173 - 1232) of the Kegon Sect (Kegon- shu % ), J S k y o &J$L (1152 - 1213) of the Hosso Sect (Hoss6~-shu ) and Eizon | A 1 ^- (1201 - 1227) of the Ritsu Sect (Ris-shu ^ % ). 7 E a r l i e r sects taught that one could achieve enlight- enment only through penance. However, i n Jodo Buddhism (Jodo-kvo r#X$JL) i t i s said that invocating Buddha's name i s the only way to gain enlightenment during the age of mappo. This basic b e l i e f can be i l l u s t r a t e d i n one phrase, t a r i k i hongan. 39 8 Wakan r o e i shu, A c o l l e c t i o n of 589 Chinese poems composed by both Japanese and Chinese poets. These verses are arranged i n t o f i v e sections:spring, summer, autumn, winter and miscellany. The poems are accompanied by 216 waka verses. This c o l l e c t i o n was designed to be used f o r r e c i t a t i o n . I t i s believed to have been completed i n 1013. In NKBT, v o l . 73. The poem by Po Chii-i i n which the term kyogen kigo occurs i s on p. 200. 9 Refer to note 7 of the introduction. The doctrines of t h i s sect were handed down by Asvagohosha ,% f.^ (Memyo), Nagar juna ffe >f§y (Ryuju), and Vasubandhu -ftf" ̂  (Seshin) of India, Hui-yuan ft-4, (Eon, 334-416) and Shan-tao (Zendo, 613-661) of China and Kuya ^ (903-972), Genshin P ^ ^ i (942-1017), and Honen of Japan. 10 Shuzui, and Shioda, p. 84. 11 I b i d . , p. 84. There i s one exception to t h i s statement. During early Chusei magnificent waka poetry was being written by court nobles. 12 Heike monogatari. In t h i s war story the r i s e and f a l l of the Taira Clan i s described i n Buddhist tone. In dai 226 dan of Tsurezure gusa fti^fjk. written by Yoshida Kenko £ \© % (1283 - 1350), he suggested who the author and f i r s t narrator of Heike monogatari might have been; however there are c o n f l i c t i n g views, and Kenko's comments have not been validated. Heike monogatari i s believed to have been 40 completed i n j£kyu (1219 - 22). NKBT. v o l . 32-3; A. L. Sadler, trans., "The Heike Monogatari," Transactions of the A s i a t i c Society of Japan. 46, 2 (1913), pp. 1-278; 49, 1 (1921), pp. 1-354. 13 See bibliography. Mono no aware. Motoori Norinaga Jf^Jfc ̂ L - ^ _ (1730 - 1301) used t h i s phrase to describe one aspect of Heian ideo- logy which i s e s p e c i a l l y evident i n l i t e r a r y works. See h i s Genji monogatari tama no ogushi > ^ i\ tftyife £ i *sW ftfy , i n Motoori Norinaga zenshu (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1969), v o l . 4, pp. 173-242. Mono no aware has also been translated in t o English as " s e n s i t i v i t y to things". See Tsunoda Ryusaku, et a l . , Sources of Japanese Tradition (New York, and London: Columbia University Press, 1964), v o l . 1, p. 173. 15 Karen B r a z e l l , "Towazu g a t a r i , " i n Harvard Journal of A s i a t i c Studies,; 31. (19.71), p.. 221. 16 The oldest text of Aki no yo no naga-monogatari i s dated the t h i r d year of Eiwa f̂ĉ o (1377). There i s no record of the t a l e before t h i s . The b a t t l e described i n the text seems to be the one which took place i n 1319. 17 In NKBT. Aki no yo no naga-monogatari was included i n the volume e n t i t l e d Otogi-z^shi. Ichiko T e i j i 1)7 £ f( ?o i n Chuko shSsetsu no kenkvu vf> £ y\K j?]^ otJ[£\ (Tokyo: Tokyo Baigaku Shuppan-kai, 1955), p. 134, and Goto* Tanji 41 # i n Chusei kokubungaku kenkyu tf jjt |f§j ^ L ^ ^ f ^ (Tokyo: Isobe Koyo-do, 1 9 3 3 ) , pp. 6 5 - 6 , i n s i s t that Aki no yo no naga-monogatari i s a chigo monogatari. 18 Ichiko, p. 140. 19 Tengu. An imaginary goblin who inhabits deep mountains. I t has a human figure with a p a i r of wings, a red face and an extremely prominent nose. I t possesses occult powers and can f l y f r e e l y i n the a i r . Yamabushi. "mountain a s c e t i c s " , (See note 57 of the text) have often been referred to as tengu because of t h e i r odd manner of dress and strange way of l i f e . 20 The reader of Aki no j o no naga-monogatari w i l l notice that the b a t t l e scenes of section f i f t e e n of the text are highly exaggerated, e s p e c i a l l y i n regard to the large numbers of monks taking part. 21 Ichiko, p. 134. 22 An example of an Edo anecdote: "Not long ago, a young swordsman, a retainer of Ayak6ji, lured a boy from the Aya- ko j i ' s mansion by a ruse. He wanted to take the boy i n t o the bushes of the front garden i n order to enjoy a chrysan- themum (kiku %y -.another term f o r the anus). The boy t r i e d hard to refuse. The swordsman said, *Please don't be unkind to me and endure t h i s f o r awhile.' Saying t h i s he embraced the boy t i g h t l y and held h i s indecent thing (mukutsukeki mono (—7 \f t °) ) against the blossom. He must 42 have been too excited; he l e t the dew gush out over the ti n y flower....". This anecdote appears i n Ana oka shi "p*J ̂  jjfe^ Ho ivi- , written by a well-known Japanese c l a s s i c a l scholar, Sawada Natari ^ &> (1775 - 1345). In (Zenshaku) Edo sandai kisho ( ) >X. f .=-X-£j~-§- , t r . , by Okada Hajime /£] © $ T (Tokyo: Yuko Shobo, 1970), p. 248. 23 Ichiko, p. 131. Ansen wakashu can be found i n ZGR, v o l . 14; 1. 24 Ibid., p. 132. San'eki enshi can be found i n ZGR. v o l . 13; 1. 25 A Ibid., p. 132. There i s no modern version of Rvuben Hoin sai rio k i . 26 I b i d . , p. 134. 27 A  Nihon r v o i k i or Nihon-koku gempo zen'aku r y o i k i 0 l@ tJLftfi^-i^ j [ • T h i s w o r k contains 116 short Buddhist narratives. I t i s believed to have been completed i n 797 or 822. Although these s t o r i e s conclude with Buddhist morals, the plots of the t a l e s are not cl o s e l y r e l a t e d to Buddhism. This book i s a fa s c i n a t i n g account of the l i f e of the common people of the Nara period (Nara-.iidai ^ 4^ , 710-734). NKBT. v o l . 7 0 . 2 8 Sawada Shikyo 7 ^ £) , BA thesis, 1 9 7 © . 29 For an example of such a story see the f o r t y - f i f t h 43 t a l e of kan seventeen of Konlaku monogatari. In NKBT, v o l . 2 4 , pp. 5 7 0 - 1 . 30 This temple no longer e x i s t s . D e t a i l s concerning the o r i g i n of the temple can be found on pages 1 3 - 1 4 of t h i s chapter. Ungo-ji and i t s image of Buddha were destro- yed by f i r e i n 1 4 3 6 . Ashikaga Yoshinori r e b u i l t Ungo-ji i n 1 4 3 9 . However, i n either 1467 or 1469 i t was devastated during a b a t t l e . See Mochizuki Shinko "^jf $ , (Mochi- zuki) BukkvS dai-.iiten C"§£ f\ ) ^ i 3 C > ^ j £ # & (Tokyo: Sekai Seiten Kanko* Ky6kai, 1 9 5 4 ) , v o l . 1, p. 2 3 6 . 31 In DNBZ, v o l . 1 0 2 , p. 7 0 2 . 32 In DNBZ. v o l . 127, p. 3 7 4 . 33 Masamune Atsuo JE- ^ ^X.^. ed., Iroha j i r u i sho 4? & 'y$L &f (Tokyo: Kazama Shobo, 1 9 6 5 ) , kan 5, p. 6 7 . 34 Sugano Mamichi tfg fj ( 7 4 1 - 814) was one of a committee which carried out the c i t y planning of Heiankvo "T (Kyoto). He was also a member of the group which compiled one of the Six National H i s t o r i e s (Rikkoku shi $L )-i Shoku Nihon g i ̂  B j& ' l L which covered the years 697 to &50 and was completed i n 7 9 7 . 35 In (SZ)KT, v o l . 6 , p. 6 4 . 36 In (S)GR, v o l . 1 1 , p. 6 1 4 . 37 Gautama Buddha was generally believed to have been 44 ichi-.1o. roku-shaku t a l l . Therefore, standing statues of Buddha have been made t h i s s i z e or h a l f t h i s s i z e i n a seated p o s i t i o n . An image t a l l e r than i c h i - . i o . roku-shaku i s c a l l e d daibutsu. 38 In NZT, I I I , v o l . 10, p. 6 6 3 . 39 te In HonchS bunshu ;£-##XlL> (SZ)KX, v o l . 30, p. 236. 40 v o l . 10, pp. 7 6 - 9 . 41 The following waka verses by Sensai were included i n Imperial anthologies: Nori no tame ninau t a k i g i n i kotoyosete yagate ukivo wo kori zo hatenuru. Kin'yo shu. i n KT, kashu. p. 129. Shin chokusen shu,, i b i d . , pp. 222-3. I o r i sasu nara no kokage n i moru t s u k i no kumoru to mireba shigure f u r u n a r i . Shika shu. i b i d . , p. 134* Karanishiki nusa n i tachimote yuku aki mo kyo ya tamuke no yama-.ji koyuran. Senzai shu. i b i d . , p. 168. Takigi t s u k i keburi mo sumite i n i n i k e n kore ya nagori to miru zo kanashiki. Senzai shu. i b i d . , p. 168. Tsune yorimo shinoya no nokizo uzumoruru kyo ya miyako n i hatsuyuki ya furu. Shin kokin shu, i b i d . , p. 183. 45 Mukashi mishi t s u k i no h i k a r i wo shirube n i t e koyoi ya kimi ga n i s h i e yukuran. Shin kokin shu. i b i d . , p. 210. Fumiwake te asa yuki mireba kohagibara shika no tachino no n i s h i k i n a r i k e r i . Zoku goshui shu. i b i d . , p. 4 6 9 . I n i s h i e no tsuru no hayashi no mivuki kato omoi toku n i zo aware narikeru. Shin shui shu. i b i d . , p. 610. Saki-ma.iiru hana no adana mo tachinubeshi nani midaruran nobe no karukaya. Shin goshui shu. i b i d . , p. 6 2 8 . 42 In NKBT. vol.34-, pp. 152-3. 43 A mandala i s a graphic symbol of the universe. I t can be supposed that Sensai wrote waka poems on hi s waka mandara instead of pictures. Unfortunately, examples of t h i s type of mandala do not e x i s t . ^ Bibashi f\L% T , Shika f ^ , Bishabu J*L £ * % , Kuruson #)<g , Kumaganmuni ft] #|5 ^ , Kasho and Shakamuni ^ )£0, ̂ fJvLx • 45 In (S)GR, v o l . 21, p. 235. 46 In (S)GR, v o l . 7, p. 8 9 . 47 In DHBZ. v o l . 102, p. 702. 4 6 4 8 This sect was established i n 1 1 1 7 . Ry6nin taught that i f a person chants, h i s good deed w i l l cause others to gain enlightenment. Because of t h i s v e r s a t i l e theory the popularity of h i s sect became widespread. 4 9 In (SZ)KT, v o l . 1 1 , p. 5 5 . 5 0 In DNBZ. v o l . 1 0 7 , pp. 1 1 1 - 2 . 5 1 In ZST, v o l . 1 3 , p. 3 1 2 . 52 Saicho -f^?J%t ( 7 6 6 - 8 2 2 ) founded Ichijo" shikan-in on Mount H i e i i n 7 8 8 . This temple was re- named Enryaku-ji by Imperial order. I t i s the head temple of the Tendai Sect. Enryaku-ji i s referred to i n many d i f - ferent ways, two of which are: Hiei-zan j^^^K. d\ (Mount Hiei) and Hokurei ^L/^ (the Northern Peak). In t h i s text the temple i s c a l l e d Mount H i e i . 53 The Buddha of the future. I t i s believed that Miroku w i l l descend from heaven i n order to save those living-beings who have not already been saved by Gautama Buddha. 5 4 The name of Buddha i s incessantly chanted by pilgrims who c i r c l e Buddha's image clockwise. This practice i s con- tinued f o r a period of 1 0 0 days. 55 In the second year of Tenroku ^Tff^ ( 9 7 1 ) , Ryogen reconstructed S o j i - i n ] ^ and i n the t h i r d year of Tengen ^ TLJ ( 9 8 0 ) he reconstructed Kompon-chudo* J^^rf* (the main h a l l of Enryaku-ji). See Hvaku rensho* i n 4 7 (SZ)KT, v o l . 1 1 , pp. 2 - 3 . 56 . x~Jk- Uesugi Fumihide J— A-y J^.^ , Nihon Tendai shi © fe^sX. & (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankfr-kai, 1 9 7 2 ) , .sei, pp. 386 - 9 0 . 57 I b i d . , pp. 3 9 0 - 1 . Also see Kokon chomon .iu i n NKBT, v o l . 8 4 , pp. 5 4 - 5 . 58 See (SZ)KT, v o l . 1 1 , p. 21 and p. 32 respectively. 59 I b i d . , p. 3 7 . 60 Large temples such as Enryaku-ji and Kofuku-ji owned extensive estates (shoen lE\ ). During the l a t e Heian period when s o c i a l conditions became unstable, i t was neces- sary that these estates be guarded by armed monks of low rank. These monks were re f e r r e d to as soTiei. The existence of such groups caused large scale r i v a l r i e s between temples. Located i n Sakamoto IbLyi^ , a town at the eastern foot of Mount H i e i . I t i s also r e f e r r e d to as the shrine of the Guardian S p i r i t of the Mountain (Sanno iL 3L. ). 62 See Hvaku rensho. p. 5 2 . In the lunar calendar a year consisted of 354 days divided i n t o twelve months. One make-up month had to be added approximately every t h i r t y months• 63 A See Hvaku rensho, p. 6 2 . 48 64 Ibid., p. 77. 65 I b i d . , p. 76. 66 A The headquarters of the Hosso Sect (Hosso-shu ifc^JP^ ^ ) i n Nara. Kagami no Okimi "£. - i f ( - ^84) founded Yamashina-dera iL\ M̂" -\j i n the Province of Yamashina (the area of Higaj3hiyama-ku, Kyoto), according to the i n s t r u c t i o n s contained i n the w i l l of her husband Fujiwara no Kamatari ^ %t\J£~. ( 6 1 4 - 6 6 9 ) . This temple has been moved twice. When Hei.io-kvo *A. (Nara) was founded i n 710, the temple was moved there by Fujiwara no Fuhito y\j^ JhJdL-rf ( 6 5 9 - 720 ) and was renamed Kofuku-ji. Hvaku rensho. p. 77. 68 In (SZ)KT, v o l . 3 2 , p. 7 1 1 . 69 In (SZ)KT, v o l . 13, p. 2 9 . 70 I b i d . , p. 2 9 . 71 I b i d . , p. 29. 72 In (Z)ST, v o l . 2, p. I 6 4 . 73 I n Shido Bunko ronshu. 3 ( I 9 6 4 ) , PP. 2 4 5 - 6 . 74 I b i d . , p. 2 4 6 . 75 I b i d . , p. 246. 76 Ibid., p. 2 4 7 . 49 77 See chapter four of the introduction. 73 In NZT, v o l . 2, p. 214. The story i l l u s t r a t e d there i s a c t u a l l y the 11th story of kan 20. See Kon.iaku monogatari. i n NKBT. v o l , 25, pp. 165-7, and also Kadokawa Bunko. v o l . 933, pp. 370-3. 79 , Sanuki i s now c a l l e d Kagawa Prefecture (Kagawa-ken ^ '») fa ). 80 Hira no vama. A mountain i n Shiga Prefecture (Shiga- ken ;&1f#IJ. 31 Goto, pp. 75-82; Kojo Isao, "Eiwa shosha-bon Aki no yo no naga-monogatari n i t s u i t e " ^<^b> % ' j ^ j$r^££ ->,<z f Kokugo kokubun. 24, 10 (1955), pp. 39-43. 82 In NKBT. v o l . 35, P« H 9 . 83 I b i d . , p. 353. 84 Shuzui, and Shioda, p. 111. 85 In YT, v o l . 3 , p. 1702. The author of t h i s piece could also have been Kaneharu Zenchiku fe&ffitf ( - 1401), Zeami's son-in-law. 36 In YT, v o l . 1, pp. 134-5. 37 ZGR. v o l . 20; 1, p. 225. 83 This b a t t l e occurred because of the assassination 50 of Ashikaga Yoshinori %L%1\ I^~4AJ1393 - 1441). An army was sent by the Muromachi Bakufu to subjugate the t r a i t o r s Also r e f e r to H. Paul Varley, The Onin War (New York and London: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967), pp. 65-7. 09 Tanehiko kessaku shu-jEjJ> ̂  / ^ / ^ i ^ . i n £B_, v o l . 16, p. 889. •' • Kyokaku-den zenshu iJk%s>4J^&.%^ . i n TB, v o l . 48, pp. 739-57. 91 In NKBT. v o l . 56, pp. 1 2 2 - 3 1 ; L. Zolbrod, trans., Ugetsu monogatari (Vancouver: Univ e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1974), pp. 185-94. 92 In H » v o l . 3, pp. 1517-35. 93 The r i v e r flows through the eastern part of Tokyo and drains into Tokyo Bay. Nowadays Suraida-gawa i s written "j^j \€) tl) , however, i t was also written: ^ \£> ; i | . j?J & andJ|=-t©ilJ . 94 . ^ The Buddha of the Western Pure Land (Saiho-.jodo, $5 3— )• Amida-faith became popular when Jodo Buddhism became widespread. 95 In NHZ, v o l . 1, p. 69. Sumidagawa monogatari i s includ- ed i n %M, v o l . 3, pp. 254-70. 96 Goto*, p. 8̂ 5. 51 97 Besides plays, voraihon were also written. Sumidagawa bairvu shinsho ^ 13? /») J&/tff%^%- by Takizawa Bakin 7 ^ &g ^ (1767 - 1847) i s a well known example. In TB, v o l . 46. 98 In NMZ, Edo bungei-bu 5, pp. 428-56. 99 In MKZ, v o l . 15, pp. 4-52. 100 In MKZ, v o l . 22, pp. 274-307. 101 A branch temple of the Tendai Sect i n Sumida-ku ^ © UL , Tokyo. I t i s sai d to have been founded i n 976. A legend of Umewaka has been perpetuated by t h i s temple. The legend i s remarkably s i m i l a r to the plot of the No text Sumidagawa. Also r e f e r to Hori Yoshizo ^ , ed., Dai Nihon . l i i n soran X. B j t > * f % - % (Tokyo: Meicho Kanko-kai, 1966), v o l . 1, pp. 166-7. 102 In SGR, v o l . 7, p. 147. 103 In NZT, v o l . 1, pp. 709-10. 104 In NZT, v o l . 1 p. 716. 105 Ushiwakamaru. The child-name of Minamoto no Yoshitsune J ^ \ * £ . (1159 - 1189). 106 In NZT, ser. 2; v o l . 7. p. 585. 52 Aki no yo no naga-monogatari: A Lengthy Story f o r a Long Autumn Night PROLOGUE "Now l i s t e n c l o s e l y . Flowers of spring bloom upon trees to reveal to man the g i s t of a bodhisattva pledge, 1 'Raise your eyes and seek the perfect wisdom of Buddha." Conversely, the moon of autumn descends to li g h t e n the wat- er's depth to i l l u s t r a t e the meaning of another bodhisattva 2 pledge 'Look below to save a l l . ' Heaven i s s i l e n t but nature unveils i t s e l f to a l l l i v i n g beings. I f one possesses the mind of a human being, how i s i t possible not to make strenuous e f f o r t to seek the perfect wisdom of Buddha? One must s t r i v e t i r e l e s s l y . Once a per- 3 son has experienced the Eight Human A f f l i c t i o n s and has become disgusted with t h i s impure world, h i s earthly desires .4 w i l l become nothing but perfect wisdom. Furthermore, when a person hears about the Five C e l e s t i a l Signs of Approaching 5 Death and he longs f o r the pure land, h i s mortality w i l l be- 6 come nothing but nirvana. When Buddha and the bodhisattvas edify a l l l i v i n g beings, they use two d i s t i n c t methods which seemingly run counter to 7 each other. They allow transgressors to enifrer the r i g h t from the wrong, and i f there are people of undetermined fate who seek enlightenment, they transform t h e i r wickedness i n t o 8 righteousness. 53 I f I should i l l u s t r a t e the foundations of these things my words would flow endlessly, f o r there are an amazing 9 number of testimonies i n the sutras and sastras and i n the books of men of other days. Since I happen^! to hear a story which i s excessively strange, l i f t your heads from your pillows and l i s t e n care- f u l l y . The wakefulness of my old age allows me to narrate a rather lengthy t a l e f o r t h i s long autumn night. A long, long time ago, there was a monk named Sensai 10 who l i v e d i n the Western Mountains of Kyoto. He was w e l l - known because of both h i s upright character and h i s profound learning. He was formerly one of the monk soldi e r s of the 11 Eastern Pagoda on the Northern Peak as well as the head- 12 master of the I n s t i t u t e f o r the Encouragement of Study. His previous name had been Keikai. In terras of Buddhist 13 studies, he drank from the flow of the Jeweled Spring and swept a l l the clouds away from the moon of the Four Doctrines 14 and the Three Outlooks. In terms of the other pr a c t i c e s , he followed the path upon which Huang-shih kung had trod, and he mastered Inundation Tactics as well as Water-Back 15 T a c t i c s . Sometimes he enfolded people compassionately i n the sleeves of h i s humble robe f o r t h e i r protection and at other times he h e r o i c a l l y brought foes to t h e i r knees with h i s furious sword. Both monks and ordinary f o l k were t r u l y dependent upon him,for he was an expert i n l i t e r a r y and m i l i - tary a r t s a l i k e . 54 When he was f u l l y mature, at l a s t comprehending the significance of the f a l l i n g of flowers and the scattering of leaves, he experienced an awakening from h i s dream. •What have I been doing? I happened to leave the realm of earthly dust behind me and became a follower of Buddha, but i t seems as though I have done nothing but run a f t e r glory and wealth both day and night. How disgusting i t i s that I have neglected my duty to escape the c i r c l e of re- b i r t h . * When he became aware of h i s s i n s , he decided that he should search deep i n t o the mountains and i n due course should construct a brushwood hut i n which to retreat f o r awhile. Nevertheless, i t i s d i f f i c u l t f o r anyone to leave the place where he has old t i e s . I t i s the way of the world. Because he did not have the determination to termi- nate h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the Physician of Souls, with 16 the Guardian S p i r i t of the Mountain, and with h i s colleag- ues and fellow dwellers, he passed h i s time v a i n l y . However one day something s t i r r e d within him. He was moved to put 17 i t i n t o words: Morning and night I have been buried under earthly dust. By chance I l o s t my way and 1 wasted three score years. With human eyes which see only glory and disgrace, when can I , who rests i n the dark shadow of an old pine tree, see a cloud and yet sleep? 55 ONE •Perhaps I have not been able to do what I t r u l y desire because e v i l or h e r e t i c a l thoughts have been hindering me. If t h i s has been the case, I s h a l l put my tru s t i n the pro- te c t i o n of Buddha and the bodhisattvas i n order to a t t a i n 18 my goal." Thinking thus, Keikai made his way to Ishiyama. He prostrated himself on the ground f o r seven days and s i n - cerely completed h i s prayer f o r the reaffirmation of r e l i - gious devotion which would i n s t a n t l y allow him to a t t a i n 19 supreme perfect wisdom. On the night which terminated the seven days, Keikai f e l l asleep using the dais of the o f f i c i a t i n g monk as a p i l - low. As he slept he dreamed of a handsome, indescribably elegant boy who stepped out from behind the brocade tapestry of the Buddhist sanctum and stood somewhat h e s i t a t i n g l y i n 20 the shadow of a flowering cherry tree whose blossoms were scattered about. Because the flower petals had f a l l e n as l i g h t l y as snow on the boy's embroidered garment of a f a i n t green color, Keikai was i n doubt as to whether or not the cherry blossoms had once again burst i n t o bloom on the d i s - tant mountains. The boy stood there with petals on h i s sleeves and seemed to be going nowhere at a l l . Nevertheless he vanished as day fades with the coming of evening. When the boy disappeared, K e i k a i 1 s dream ended. 56 TWO Keikai was ju b i l a n t because he f e l t that the dream had been a sign i n d i c a t i n g the achievement of h i s prayer. Before the dawning sky had f u l l y grown l i g h t he l e f t f o r h i s temple. As i f waiting f o r some expected event, he looked forward to the r e l i g i o u s devotion which would a r i s e within him. Accord- ing l y , his decision to l i v e i n the dense mountains expired; conversely, the figure of the boy i n his dream was never f o r a moment f a r from his mind. He was distraught and unable to endure such inconsolable pain. Despite t h i s , he burned incense and faced the figu r e of Buddha i n hope of solace. He was able to share i n the sorrow of the Emperor Wu who had burned the Incense of Returning 21 Souls i n order to meet Empress L i of the Han. When Keikai stood beneath clouds and viewed blossoms on the lonely moun- tains , he f e l t as though the g r i e f - s t r i c k e n tears of King Hsiang,who had sorely missed the face of the Goddess of Mt. Wu, were h i s own. She had become a cloud and then f a l l i n g r a i n a f t e r meeting with King Hsiang i n h i s dream. Keikai received a message from the Guardian S p i r i t of the Mountain t e l l i n g him that h i s loss as a monk would cause the S p i r i t as much pain as the swallowing of a long sword point downwards. He f e l t that h i s decision must have been affected by the Guardian S p i r i t ' s great g r i e f . 'Even though i t i s the Lord's wish, only i f I can survive w i l l I be able 57 23 to rekindle the Buddhist l i g h t which has been i n c l i n e d to weaken.1 Miserably Keikai thought, »I w i l l not l i v e as long as the dew which vanishes before evening. I f e e l as though I may die t h i s very instant.' He thought that he should t e l l 2k the Merciful Goddess of Ishiyama of hi s complaint and he r e v i s i t e d Ishiyama. THREE 25 As he was passing i n front of Mii-dera, unexpectedly, spring r a i n began to t r i c k l e down hi s face. Deciding to take shelter, he walked down towards the golden h a l l . On the way he noticed an ancient flowering cherry tree, the bea u t i f u l blossoms of which t r a i l e d over a wall as i f forming a cloud 26 i n the garden of the c l o i s t e r of Sh6go-in. I saw a house i n the distance with flowers around i t . I made my way towards i t and 27 entered... Fascinated by the essence of t h i s verse he approached the gate of the enclosure. Through i t , he saw a graceful youth of about sixteen, slim of waist and slender of limb, who was wearing a pale red under dress,-. beneath a l i g h t , 28 gauze, s i l k robe with a fish-and-water embroidered pattern. Unaware that he was being watched, the boy stepped from behind the bamboo blinds i n t o the garden and broke o f f a 58 branch so f u l l of blossoms that i t seemed to be covered with 29 heavy snow. He hummed t h i s poem: In the f a l l i n g r a i n , Though they're wet, I ' l l pick these Mountain cherry blossoms; Oh wind to chase the clouds away, Won't you now begin to blow? He resembled a flower, wet with drops of r a i n from the blossoms. Keikai suddenly worried that another wind might tease t h i s flower. He wished f o r enough sleeve to hide i t . Just as he f e l t that he wanted to free h i s mind to clouds or mist a heartless wind blew causing the door of the gate to squeak. The boy at once looked about dubiously as though he had noticed that there had been someone observing him, and then, holding the flowering twig i n his hand, he started to walk 30 l e i s u r e l y around the trees which marked the f o o t b a l l f i e l d . 31 His elegant miru-like h a i r became entwined with the thread- l i k e leaves of the willow tree and he glanced back absent- mindedly with an inexpressibly b e a u t i f u l look i n his eyes. His appearance was no d i f f e r e n t from that of the boy i n the dream which had caused Keikai to lose h i s way i n the un- known and the monk forgot the dream i n the presence of the actual f i g u r e of the boy. I t had become dark, but Keikai could not remember where he ought to have gone. 59 That evening he f e l l prostrate upon the veranda of the golden h a l l and passed the night gazing dejectedly on the garden. Was i t a l l a dream, Or was i t r e a l i t y ? I could hardly t e l l But no matter which the case, 32 My sad heart i s s t i l l confused. FOUR When day broke he r e v i s i t e d the place he had been the day before and stood near the gate of the c l o i s t e r . He saw a neatly dressed boy emerge from the gate to throw away water 33 from a p a i l covered with a bamboo screen. He wondered whe- ther t h i s might be a boy-in-waiting of the youth he had seen the previous day. He stepped close to him and said, 'I want to ask you something.» Showing no surprise, the boy r e p l i e d , "What i s i t ? " Keikai was pleased with t h i s response and inquired, "Do you know the boy who seems to be sixteen or seventeen who was i n t h i s c l o i s t e r yesterday wearing a fish-and-water patterned, gauze, s i l k robe?" Smiling, the boy answered, »I am waiting upon him, h i s 34 name i s Umewaka. He i s a son of Hanazono, the Minister of 60 35 the L e f t . This boy possesses such a rare and h e l p l e s s l y r e f i n e d mind that he i s unable to believe that deceit exists i n t h i s world. When ol d monks and young men gaze upon t h i s 36 flowering tree which i s too l a t e f o r spring and whose blos- soms, cle a r as the moon of mid-autumn, seem to scatter nowhere, they appear to fla u n t the glory of t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l house- holds hoping to win him. However, the atmosphere of t h i s man- sion has been somewhat confined. He goes nowhere apart from those places where performances of music or dance are held. 37 Invariably he faces the rear window of t h i s b u i l d i n g and composes poems, hums songs and i d l e s h i s time away.' On hearing t h i s Keikai was i n high s p i r i t s . He thought to eventually employ t h i s young servant as the bearer of the l e t t e r which would reveal to Umewaka h i s innermost thoughts. Nevertheless, he was a f r a i d to act openly. He returned to hi s own mountain without even v i s i t i n g Ishiyama. FIVE Because of the face he had seen both i n h i s dream and i n a c t u a l i t y , Keikai neither slept nor remained awake, but spent nights and days half-conscious. At l a s t he found l i v - i ng nearby ShSgo-in, a man whom he had formerly known. Under the pretext of sometimes attending a meeting f o r poetry and other times being amused by a drinking party, he more and more frequently passed nights at h i s friend's house. After some time, he became f a m i l i a r with the young ser- 38 vant whose name was Keiju. They soon were having tea 61 together, drinking wine, and d i v e r t i n g themselves i n various ways. Keikai even presented Keiju with an image of a spray of a scented orange tree made of gold. He added ten robes of variously coloured f i n e s i l k . Keiju saw that Keikai"s heart was already pledged to Umewaka and i t seemed to him that h i s own actions r e f l e c t e d thoughts inseperable from those of Keikai. The monk confided to Keiju that the bewilderment brought about by h i s love f o r Umewaka would never disappear. Keiju suggested, " F i r s t of a l l l e t me have your l e t t e r , I w i l l t r y to approach him.• Even though one t r i e s to make the surface of paper com- p l e t e l y black with words containing the essence of one's f e e l ings of love, i t i s impossible to express a l l . Rather than 39 attempt t h i s useless task Keikai wrote only a verse: Were I to t e l l you..• I saw the flowering beauty Gf your l o v e l y face. Like clouds that r i s e beside i t I know not what to do. SIX Taking the l e t t e r from h i s bosom, the boy said, 'Please glance over t h i s . A long time ago during a pause i n a r a i n shower you stood i n the shade of the flowering cherry tree. 62 Having become wet, you reentered. A r e f i n e d man caught a glimpse of you and he f e l l s e c r e t l y i n love. His sleeve 40 has already been smeared crimson with tears of blood. I t seems he can no longer bear to release h i s emotion with tears.' The young master, with flushed face, was just about to untie the ribbon of the l e t t e r when a monk, one who had re- 41 nounced the world, came stamping along the connecting cor- r i d o r and entered the room. He wrenched the l e t t e r out of Umewaka's sight and jammed i t in t o h i s sleeve. Keiju f e l t the s i t u a t i o n hopeless but he attended h i s master u n t i l sun- set waiting f o r another chance. Af t e r some time, Umewaka handed a reply to Keiju through the window of the study. The boy f e l t lightness i n the hand receiving the l e t t e r . He took the message hurriedly to the monk. Keikai was so pleased that h i s eyes were aglow. I t seemed impossible f o r him to stand s t i l l . He opened the 42 l e t t e r but there were only a few words: How can I depend Upon your f i c k l e mind? It ' s l i k e a flower Which the f r e e l y d r i f t i n g clouds May overcast with shadow. 63 SEVEN When the monk saw t h i s l e t t e r he was i n h i g h - s p i r i t s and was reluctant to depart. He f e l t wretched just imagining future leave-takingsand he considered staying f o r awhile i n an inn nearby so that he could at least l i v e with h i s eyes on the treetops of Umewaka*3 garden. At the same time he sensed that t h i s might be an unseemly act. T e l l i n g Keiju that he would come again, Keikai took his leave and returned to h i s mountain. Although the day i n spring was long, with each step that he took he looked back and a f t e r each second step, he made a step backwards, thus night f e l l before he was able to reach 43 the monk's lodge i n nearby Sakamoto. At l a s t he stopped to 44 r e s t i n a ruined hut somewhere near Totsu. He spent the e n t i r e night l o s t i n thought. The next morning as he step- ped out in t o the garden intending to go up the mountain he was detained by thoughts which seemed not to be h i s own. I t was as i f h i s waist were t i e d with a rope held by a thousand people. Turning back from Totsu, he walked absentmindedly i n 45 the d i r e c t i o n of Otsu. Rain was f a l l i n g s o f t l y . When he was making his way along under the guise of h i s t r a v e l l i n g clothes, a straw raincoat and a straw hat, he came across a r i d e r with an umbrella i n h i s hand. Keikai gazed at him wondering what kind of man he might be and he soon recognized Keiju. Keiju also perceived the monk. 64 The boy said, *It i s r e a l l y strange. Because I have something that I must t e l l you, I am on my way to a mountain which I have never v i s i t e d before. How fortunate i t i s to come across you here.' He leaped from the horse, grasped the monk's hand and l e d him to a nearby wayside shrine. 'What has happened?* asked the monk. From h i s breast, Keiju took out a heavily scented l e t t e r . I t seemed that Keikai»s sleeves might acquire a l i n g e r i n g scent simply by touching i t . Keiju smiled and jokingly said, *His troubled mind must be f a r beyond my understanding. I was ordered to f i n d you r e l y i n g upon what you t o l d me even i f I should lose my way i n the mountains. How much wetter w i l l h i s sleeve become with tears i f he should spend a night with you?* When Keiju sa i d t h i s , Keikai r e p l i e d , h a l f i n j e s t , »I wish f o r such a chance to bring me the sorrow of parting.* 46 Keikai saw the l e t t e r : That there be falsehood I never t r u l y r e a l i z e d . I believed i n you But now I am compelled To resent my t r u s t i n g mind. 65 EIGHT Keiju tempted Keikai, saying repeatedly, fSince by the mansion there i s a monastery inhabited by a monk whom I know, please stay there f o r awhile and keep your eye upon the open- ings of the bamboo screens.' Touched by h i s own emotion, the monk again went to Mii-dera. Keiju arranged f o r temporary lodgings f o r Keikai i n the study h a l l of the monastery. The superior of the monastery gave Keikai a c o r d i a l reception. Often par t i e s with music of wind and str i n g s , and meetings of po e t i c a l composition with evaluation of verses were held with numerous young boys i n attendance. The days passed. Keikai informed the superior of h i s intention to go to 47 worship before the Great Bright S p i r i t of Shinra f o r seven days i n order to achieve h i s supplication. Every evening, Keikai disappeared i n t o the darkness beside the c l o i s t e r and concealed himself either among the pine trees of the mound or i n the dewy bushes of the garden. I t seemed as though Umewaka had already noticed Keikai and i t appeared that he was hoping that no others were observing them. Keikai p i t i e d Umewaka, whose predicament was such that he was t r y i n g to solve the c o n f l i c t between h i s wish to step out i n t o the garden and h i s worry about being conspicuous. Keikai desperately t r i e d to believe that seeing Umewaka at a distance was h i s appointed destiny. He regarded Umewaka*s 66 a f f e c t i o n as the source of h i s own l i f e and f o r more than ten days he returned morning and evening. Although people asked Keikai to extend h i s stay; never- theless, he hesitated. He had decided to leave the monastery the following day when Keiju v i s i t e d him and said, *At l a s t v i s i t o r s from Kyoto are coming to the c l o i s t e r tonight and 48 they are going to have a drinking party. As the chief abbot of Shdgo-in w i l l be t e r r i b l y drunk, wait f o r me and do not leave u n t i l midnight. I was t o l d to s t e a l t h i l y lead my mas- ter here. Please leave the door of the gate unlocked and wait f o r us.» He delivered t h i s speech r a p i d l y and returned home. NINE Upon hearing t h i s the monk f e l t overjoyed and his mind was i n a turmoil. He was beside himself with happiness. Liste n i n g to the s t r i k i n g of the hours of the night, he waited u n t i l the moon had moved to the south. When he heard sounds which indicated that someone was 49 opening the door of the Chinese s t y l e fence he looked out from the cedar-board door of the study and saw Keiju holding 50 a fish-head lantern illuminated by glowing f i r e - f l i e s . Although the figur e was quite shadowy and dim, he saw Umewaka i n a golden robe of f i n e s i l k , standing by the willow tree whose thread-like leaves t r a i l e d over h i s accentuating hi s beauty. He stood i n a g r a c e f u l l y hesitant manner as 67 though he were worrying about being seen by someone else. Keikai was immediately enraptured by him. He f e l t more dead than a l i v e . Keiju stepped i n f i r s t , hung the f i r e f l y lantern on one end of a horizontal piece of timber separating the upper cham- ber from the room, knocked on the door of the study and t o l d Keikai that he had brought Umewaka. As the monk was at a loss as to how to reply, he just indicated his presence by bending h i s body s l i g h t l y sideways. Keiju went round to the garden and t o l d his young master to hasten. Umewaka walked ahead and entered the room through the panelled door. Umewaka's scent, which had been absorbed by Keikai»s sleeves even when they had been separated by a great distance, was now beside Keikai. Umewaka was so close that he seemed to be leaning upon the monk. The fragrance of the be a u t i f u l paper cord which resembled an autumn cicada's wing and which 51 fo r the f i r s t time held back Umewaka*s hair, together with the scent of his b e a u t i f u l eyebrows which resembled moth f e e l - 52 ers, were so exquisite that flowers might have hated him and the moon might have been jealous of him. Umewaka*s hundred expressions and thousand coquetries were impossible to des- cribe either i n a picture drawn with a brush or i n words. With the flowing of t h e i r tears, pent-up emotions were released. Their beltings became untied and they shared the same bed. As the existence of an i s l e t i n a flowing current causes the r i v e r around i t to deepen, so t h e i r bond became closer. 68 Before the lovers" t a l k which could have la s t e d forever, came to an end, the bedroom became c h i l l y . This caused t h e i r dream to fade as e a s i l y as purple dye i s wont to. Since the water of the clepsydra had already gone, i t became d i f f i c u l t to put o f f t h e i r t e a r f u l parting. They resented the cock who crowed the hour of dawn a f t e r t h i s one secret night which had brought them together. I t was as though a 53 node had at l a s t formed i n a young bamboo. Their clothes had become cool. Just as they were about to part the moon of dawn found i t s way i n t o the room through the western window. The monk could dimly see Umewaka"s f r a - grant eyebrows. Umewaka"s face mirrored deep a f f e c t i o n , Keikai had a f l e e t i n g premonition that Umewaka would not l i v e u n t i l t h e i r next meeting. TEN In order to walk with Umewaka to h i s mansion the monk had l e f t his accommodation i n the early morning. Instead of returning to h i s own lodgings immediately, he remained stand- ing on the stone pavement beneath the gate of Umewaka"s c l o i - s t e r because he could not bear to leave. He was s t i l l standing there when the young servant Keiju appeared and held out something, saying, "A l e t t e r . " Keikai opened i t and found that i t was composed of few 54 words: 69 Upon my sleeve, Did i t stay? No, i t has gone. After our meeting It brought us t e a r f u l parting The moon i n the dawning sky. 55 The monk returned to hi s own study and wrote: I saw i t with you, This moon which has remained As dew on my sleeve. I cannot brush i t away, Yet i t w i l l bring me nights of g r i e f . ELEVEN To Keikai, the memory of Umewaka1s face was as nebulous as a dream, but with the l i n g e r i n g scent on the sleeves which had touched Umewaka as his memento, he climbed the mountain. His languid mind prevented him from answering those who t r i e d to t a l k to him about various matters. Although he had not intended to weep, his tears continued to flow and indeed, they attracted undue attention. The sleeves with which he wiped away h i s tears seemed to have become decayed. He excused himself saying that as he f e l t unwell, he was unable to see anyone. He passed the days l y i n g on hi s bed i n tears. 70 When the boy heard about Keikai from others, he t o l d his young master what had happened. Upon hearing about Keikai, Umewaka abandoned himself to worry. Thinking became troublesome and p a i n f u l . Anxious about the monk but at the same time hoping to hear something from him soon, Umewaka waited f o r awhile. After some time, he f i n a l l y c a l l e d the boy to him and grumbled: "The incident on that dream-like night seems unreal. Days have gone by and I have not com- municated with him even by l e t t e r . I f Keikai had not become i l l , everything could have been l e f t as i t was and I could have forgotten my dream. But now I have heard that h i s l i f e i s almost as f r a g i l e as the dew. I f he passes away, v i s i t - ing him a f t e r h i s death w i l l be of no use. I want to go to the mountain, however deep i t may be, i n order to see him. But i f I go to seek him without leaving any word, I f e e l that i t w i l l go against the wishes of the chief abbot of Shogo-in. I cannot do such a thing. What has caused me to t r u s t the words of t h i s f i c k l e man who has now departed f o r an unknown place? Why do I long so passionately f o r him? While my mind i s thus, lead me. Let us search f o r hira on any mountain or any strand." Saying t h i s , Umewaka shed tears. He was s t i l l young and as may be expected of a c h i l d , h i s mind was unsteady. I t i s the way of the world; there i s no way to discourage one who i s i n love. Because Keiju understood h i s young master's sorrow, he said, 'I was given d e t a i l s about the place where he i s l i v i n g , 71 o therefore, I wild accompany you. I f our actions displease the chief abbot, invent something l a t e r as an excuse.' Unaccompanied, Umewaka and Keiju l e f t f o r t h e i r unknown destination. TWELVE Umewaka was born to the family of one of the three 56 Ministers. His father was one of the nine Chancellors. As he usually t r a v e l l e d i n a magnificent oxcart or ©n an excellent horse, he had never stepped even momentarily i n either mud or s o i l . Consequently, h i s legs soon became wobbly and his mind became t i r e d . After a short while, he could walk no farther. Even the boy escorting Umewaka was worn out. 57 They rested under a pine tree at Karasaki and they anxiously pondered t h e i r s i t u a t i o n while gazing at the moon mirrored i n the lake. They expressed the wish to be taken 58 to Mount H i e i by any long--nosed goblin or e v i l s p i r i t . Just then, a very aged mountain asc e t i c i n a four-sided 59 palanquin with bamboo blinds came up to them. The ascetic made h i s followers move the palanquin i n front of Umewaka. The o l d monk asked, 'Where are you going?' Keiju r e p l i e d t r u t h f u l l y . The monk got out and said, ' I t i s I who am going to climb up to the place which i s next to the monastery to which you are going. I f e e l r e a l l y sorry seeing you so t i r e d , therefore I w i l l walk, and you can take 72 my palanquin.* Upon saying t h i s , he made Umewaka and Keiju get i n t o his palanquin. Borne by twelve men, i t moved as f a s t as a f l y i n g b i r d . They crossed the vast lake and went through the dark cloudy mist. Almost i n s t a n t l y i t was brought to Mount Shaka i n 60 the Omine Range. Here Umewaka and Keiju were shut up as captives i n a j a i l b u i l t of huge rocks. They could d i s t i n g u i s h neither night nor day. They were able to see the l i g h t of neither sun nor moon. Dew dripping from the moss and the sound of the wind blowing through the pine trees combined to prevent t h e i r tears from ceasing f o r a moment. I t seemed that there were a l l kinds of captives, f o r only the sound of sobbing was audible i n the cavernous darkness. THIRTEEN From that night, the chief abbot, who f e l t that Umewaka»s disappearance was an extraordinary occurance, was deep i n g r i e f . He asked everybody about i t but no one knew anything. Then, a t r a v e l l e r on h i s way to 6tsu from Higashi- 61 Sakamoto, a r r i v e d at Sh6go-in and said, *A young boy simi- l a r to the one you describe passed me on the beach of Kara- saki at about ten o*clock l a s t night.' When the chief abbot heard t h i s he grumbled, *Ah, I was t o l d that Umewaka had s e c r e t l y pledged himself to a monk of the Sammon Denomination but somehow I did not take i t 73 s e r i o u s l y . 1 He became agitated as he spoke. He was not alone i n h i s annoyance. The fury of the entire temple was aroused. 'Assail i n g the Sammon Denomina- t i o n could be very d i f f i c u l t . Instead l e t us make a rush f o r the mansion of the Minister of the Left to complain, f o r he must know about this.* At once more than f i v e hundred monk sol d i e r s of the temple attacked the mansion of the Minister of the Left at ^ ^ 62 Sanjo-Kyogoku i n broad daylight. More than f i f t y of those on duty nearby fought back at the r i s k of t h e i r l i v e s . The monks of On j o - j i , however, e a s i l y broke into the buildings. They burned down the g a l l e r i e s , the f i s h i n g p a v i l i o n , the building nearby the fountain and the splendid t i l e - r o o f e d 63 corridors. The mansion was razed to the ground. FOURTEEN With these acts the monks of Onjo-ji were s t i l l not able to r i d themselves of t h e i r anger. The temple members d i s - cussed the matter together and concluded: 'There has never been, nor ever w i l l be a disgrace to the Jimon Denomination which exceeds t h i s . Therefore, i f we take t h i s chance to 64 b u i l d an ordination platform f o r the Samaya commandments, the monk so l d i e r s of the Sammon Denomination w i l l surely come to attack us. This may be a means to destroy our foe because we w i l l be taking advantage of t e r r i t o r y f a m i l i a r to us. This way, we w i l l be able to eliminate heresy and spread our 74 commandments. Heaven i s o f f e r i n g us t h i s opportunity. We must not hesitate f o r a moment.' At t h i s , more than two thousand partisans of the same 65 mind excavated several moats on the Nyoigoe Pass, reconstru- cted the i n t e r i o r of t h e i r temple to resemble a c a s t l e , and b u i l t an ordination platform f o r the Samaya commandments. FIFTEEN When the monks of the Sammon Denomination heard of t h i s how could they hesitate i n c a l l i n g up t h e i r army? They had proceeded to 0 n | 3-ji s i x times before because of the ordina- t i o n platform. • I t i s neither necessary to report to court nobles nor complain to warriors." Crying, *Let us hasten to 0 n j 6 - j i now and burn i t down,' they sent t h e i r order to three thou- sand seven hundred and three subordinate temples and shrines. F i r s t of a l l , the monk s o l d i e r s of the neighbouring states gathered and crowded to the top of Mount Hi e i and to the town of Sakamoto. They said, •the day of the monkey f a l l s during the second ten days of the tenth month on the 67 f i f t e e n t h day. There can be no l u c k i e r day than that." They divided more than one hundred thousand s o l d i e r s i n t o seven armies which thronged to attack 0 n j 6-ji from both front and rear. The gentle beach breeze blew upon those on horseback whipping t h e i r mounts along the strand 63 of Shiga-Karasaki. The soft sea spray f e l l upon those i n boats poling across the lake i n the morning calm. Among 75 those who were thus advancing, was the monk Ke i k a i . He waa eager to be f i r s t i n t o b a t t l e /because he longed to leave hi s name to pos t e r i t y . He r e a l i z e d that he himself had brou- ght about t h i s calamity. He was hastening out of the Nyoigoe Pass with h i s f i v e hundred young comrades, each of whom had drunk the divine water, before the sky had grown l i g h t at 69 around four o'clock. The front and rear armies, i n addition to those i n the ca s t l e , totaled one hundred and seven thousand strong. To- gether they raised a war cry loud enough to destroy a huge 70 mountain or s p i l l a lake i n t o the deepest part of the earth. Stepping over the injured and dead without regard, soldiers made a rush f o r the castle. The men at the front were from the temples of Shuzen, Zenchi, Enshu, Sugiu, Saisho, Konrin, Sugimoto and Myokan-in, temples which were a f f i l i a t e d with the main temple of Mount H i e i , and also from the temples of J o k i , J ^ j i t s u , Nangan, Gyosen, Gy6ju and Jorim-bo of the 71 Western Tower, and Zempo, Zenju and Hannya-in of Yokawa. Of one accord, the monks of the three towers combined to- gether to f i g h t . On the other side, the defence, ready to hazard t h e i r 72 l i v e s were: the Devils of Suruga of Emman-in, the Seven Long-Nosed Goblins of TS-in, the Eight Deva-Kings of Minarai- no-in, Ara-Sanuki, famous f o r k i l l i n g a thousand, Akudayu, an expert i n f i g h t i n g with a two meter long, spiked i r o n bar, Musashibo, who caused his enemies to f l e e i n eight d i r e c t i o n s , Engetsubo who could throw stones at targets of three hundred 76 meters distance, and Kakuso who was fond of cleaving men from head to foot. These f i g h t e r s had a l l strengthened t h e i r f a i t h to s o l i d rock and metal and had made t h e i r l i v e s as 73 l i g h t as dust. Frequently, they l e f t the castle bravely. They fought with great strength. Arrowheads perforated helmets and spears r a i s e d clouds of dust. After f i g h t i n g f o r about s i x hours more than seven thousand of the attacking cavalry had been injured. These men seemed closer to death than to l i f e yet the c a s t l e seemed forever indestructable. Seeing t h i s , Keikai became furious and c r i e d , "This way of f i g h t i n g i s nothing that we w i l l f e e l proud of recounting l a t e r . I f I f i l l a moderate-sized moat with dead bodies, why can we not take the castle by storm? I f there are men among you, follow me and observe my courage." Then shouting roughly, Keikai leaped e f f o r t l e s s l y down into the narrow 74 bottom of the V-shaped moat. Stepping onto one s h i e l d , part of a row of shields l i n e d up l i k e a series of reckoning 75 blocks, he jumped up to the top of the opposite side, a 76 distance of about six meters. Placing his hand against an exposed p i l l a r of the plaster wall, he nimbly cleared i t . In a headstrong manner he rushed alone in t o more than three hundred of his enemies. He grabbed men with h i s l e f t arm and then stabbed them. He slashed men from t h e i r shoulder to t h e i r opposite arm-pit. He gashed bodies. Holding his sword behind him and stepping backwards, seemingly to allow hi s foes to escape, he took advantage of h i s adversaries* unguarded moments. He mowed men down one upon the 77 other. He chopped up h i s foes as endlessly as the waves lap the shore. He swung his sword wi l d l y : i n the shape of an X, i n eight d i r e c t i o n s , i n twisting patterns and i n the f i g u r e of a cross.He pursued h i s foes to four corners and 77 i n eight d i r e c t i o n s . He cut around h i s enemies ceaselessly. The more than three hundred s o l d i e r s who had been defen- ding the Nyoigoe Pass perhaps thought that there was no con- tending with Keikai, f o r they started to run to the r i g h t and the l e f t i n confusion. Other men, following Keikai, rushed i n from eight d i r - ections and more than f i v e hundred of them spread out and set f i r e to the buildings. As they did so, f i e r c e winds began to r i s e and billowing smoke covered everything, the golden h a l l , the lecture room, the b e l f r y , the Amida h a l l , 78 used f o r incessant Buddhist invocation, the h a l l where 79 prayers f o r the prolongation of l i f e were offered, the 80 monastery of the monk Ky6ji, the memorial h a l l of the great ^ 81 teacher Chisho, and the quarters of the three Imperial 82 Princes i n holy orders. More than three thousand seven hundred buildings were simultaneously reduced to ashes. No chamber remained, save f o r the sanctuary of the Great Bright S p i r i t of Shinra. SIXTEEN While the young prince, unaware of the fate of Mii-dera, was imprisoned i n the rock j a i l crying b i t t e r l y i n low s p i r i t s , 78 an extremely large number of long-nosed goblins were gathered together discussing various matters. One of the small-long-nosed goblins said, 'Although we consider f i r e s , whirlwinds, small quarrels, arguments about sumo r e s u l t s , Shirakawa children's throwing-stone competi- 33 tion s , sacred palanquins car r i e d by the monks of the Sammon 84 Denomination and the Nanto, and the mondo of the f i v e major 85 Zen temples i n Kyoto the funniest things to observe, yester- day's f i g h t i n g at Miidera was p a r t i c u l a r l y splendid. Perhaps i t w i l l stand without p a r a l l e l i n the world. Another long-nosed goblin nearby said, 'It i s strange, we have Umewaka here. I f he had not been captured, f i g h t i n g of such magnitude would not have taken place. While the monks of the Sammon and the Jimon Denominations were f i g h t - ing, I saw the abbots of temples t r i p p i n g over the ends of t h e i r long robes as they ran to and f r o t r y i n g to escape. I t was such an amusing sight that I composed a j o l l y a c r o s t i c verse.' A goblin who was i n an upper seat asked, 'How did i t go?' 86 The goblin said, ' I t went l i k e t h i s : They are a l l worked up And f i l l e d with b i t t e r shame At Mii-dera. They surely brought i t on themselves And now must l i v e i n deep lament.' 79 As he read t h i s verse, the face of every long-nosed goblin i n the whole assembly c r i n k l e d i n t o a g r i n . Umewaka, over- hearing t h e i r t a l k , was i n anguish knowing that because of him Mii-dera had been overthrown. However, there was nobody from whom he could learn the d e t a i l s and nothing he could do but continue to weep miserably with h i s boy. SEVENTEEN A l i t t l e while l a t e r , mentioning that a g i f t from the 87 Province of Awaji had ar r i v e d , i n t o the j a i l , a goblin l e d an old man who was t i e d up. He seemed more than eighty years of age. The goblin said, »This o l d fellow was captured be- cause he stepped o f f the end of a r a i n cloud and f e l l down from i t . Please name him as you wish and take him into your service. Nobody can soar i n the sky better than he.* A few days l a t e r , n o t i c i n g that the prince and his young servant had been weeping, the o l d man said, *My dears, your sleeves are soaked.* The prince and the boy r e p l i e d i n unison, »Shortly a f t e r we had l e f t the place where we had long l i v e d we f e l l i n t o the hands of these long-nosed goblins. Whenever we think about the distress' of our parents and teachers, our tears stream down without drying f o r a moment. That i s why our sleeves are wet.T The o l d man was very pleased and said, »If what you say i s true, l e t me enter i n t o you. I can e a s i l y help you reach the c a p i t a l . " Saying t h i s he wrung out Umewaka's sleeve. Beads of dew, resembling pearls or other jewels dropped from i t . The o l d man put the beads i n t o the hollow of h i s l e f t hand and r o l l e d them about c a r e f u l l y f o r a while. The drops of dew soon became one mass the s i z e of a f o o t b a l l . He separated t h i s and placed one b a l l i n the palm of each hand. He r o l l e d each of them about f o r some time. The two dew-balls gradually became lar g e r and larger. F i n a l l y they caused the insi d e of the r o c k - j a i l to flood. At once, the ol d man became a thunderbolt. Peals of thunder shook the ground and flashes of lightening l i t up the sky. The long-nosed goblins were f u l l of pluck, but at t h i s , they were a l l atremble with fear and they f l e d i n ten direc- 83 89 t i o n s . Then the Dragon God kicked the r o c k - j a i l and des- troyed i t . He took not only the prince and h i s boy on his cloud but also a l l kinds of people who had been captured from various other places. He l e d them to a place nearby 90 the Garden of the Goddess Spring i n the remains of the Emperor's palace. EIGHTEEN The monks and common f o l k , both men and women, parted from each other and went back i n d i v i d u a l l y to t h e i r homes. Umewaka and his boy returned to t h e i r own ancestral residence, Hanazono, but the buildings once roofed with t i l e or thatch had become a wide expanse of burnt-out r u i n 81 and there was no one to t e l l them what had taken place. They asked at a monastery i n the v i c i n i t y and were t o l d , •The mansion of the Minister of the Left was burnt by monks who stormed from Mii-dera be l i e v i n g that your family must have been given notice about you, the young l o r d , taken away to Mount H i e i . ' They wanted to also ask about t h e i r chief abbot's fate but there was no place to stay the night. They said, 'Let us go to Mii-dera and ask about him. Leading Umewaka by the hand, Keiju reached Mii-dera only a f t e r asking f o r di r e c t i o n s innumerable times. Here they found that a l l the temples and the monk's l i v i n g quar- ters had been razed and not a building was l e f t . The dew drops f a l l i n g from the grass i n the empty garden were i n harmony with the sighing of the wind among the pine trees on the empty mountain. Saying, 'This i s the ruin of our former house', they looked down and saw that the base stones of the temple had been shattered by the f i r e , that the green-moss had faded and that the branches of the plum tree by the eaves were dead. There was no fragrant breeze from the tree now. 'This worldly disaster, which has completely ruined everything, was caused by me along. My fortune must have ceased to be blessed by the gods... I must have been gos- siped about.' Thinking thus, Umewaka was ashamed. Although the scene was unbearable to look upon, since t h i s was the place where they had l i v e d for a long time and 32 which had been f a m i l i a r , they were reluctant to leave imme- di a t e l y . Therefore, gazing at the moon mirrored i n the lake, they passed a t e a r f u l night i n the shrine of the Great Bright S p i r i t . NINETEEN They paid a v i s i t to Ishiyama expecting to f i n d the chief abbot. They were t o l d , however, that he was not there. Keiju said to Umewaka. 'This being so, please stay i n the main sanctuary of the temple tonight pretending to be a pilgrim. I w i l l go up to Mount Hi e i and t r y to v i s i t the monk i n his chamber.' I f there were nobody to dissuade him, Umewaka was w i l - l i n g to throw himself i n t o any deep r i v e r , f o r he had made a profound resolution to leave t h i s weary world. Weeping, he wrote a l e t t e r and handed i t to the boy. Umewaka stood watching him go and waiting u n t i l he was out of sight with- out knowing that t h i s had been t h e i r l a s t meeting. Since the boy carried the l e t t e r , he climbed hurriedly up the mountain to see the monk. When Keikai saw the boy, he was speechless and at f i r s t wept unrestrainedly. Keiju too, had to wipe away his tears and t r y to t e l l the monk what had befallen Umewaka and him- s e l f . Saying that he would f i r s t look at the l e t t e r , Keikai opened i t and found a verse evidently written by Umewaka 91 i n a dist r a c t e d state of mind; 83 I t i a my cr u e l fate That I s h a l l drown i n the atream. Into i t s deep pools May now shine f o r evermore The moon on the mountain edge. TWENTY The monk was highly agitated and c r i e d , 'Just look at t h i s . I t i s evident from t h i s poem that h i s mind i s troubled. Please t a l k to me as we go along. We s h a l l leave without delay.' Letting the boy go ahead of him a f t e r they had passed Sakamoto, i n great haste Keikai proceeded to Ishiyama. Pass- A ing through Otsu, on the way to Ishiyama, they came across a group of t r a v e l l e r s and overheard t h e i r conversation. •Alas what a p i t y ! What kind of unhappiness obliged the boy to throw himself i n t o the water? How great must be the g r i e f of h i s parents and teachers!' Thinking that these comments might be a clue, Keikai asked them the d e t a i l s of the incident. The t r a v e l l e r s halted t h e i r steps, 'A while ago when we 92 were crossing the Bridge of Seta, we saw a boy of sixteen or seventeen wearing only a tight-sleeved undergarment of red, the color of plum blossoms, and a divided s k i r t belonging to 93 a f i n e s i l k garment. He chanted the sacred name of Amid a about ten times while facing the west and then he threw 84 himself into the r i v e r . I t was a p i t i f u l sight, and we were about to enter the water to t r y to save him, when his body suddenly disappeared. We simply had to pass on dejectedly." Saying t h i s , they shed tears. TWENTY-ONE After they had heard the t r a v e l l e r s ' description of the boy's age and appearance, there was no doubt i n t h e i r minds that the boy had indeed been Umewaka. Both the monk and Keiju were frightened. Their feet and arms became numb. They f e l t as though they would f a l l unconscious. Nevertheless, the pai r hastened i n t h e i r palanquins to the foot of the bridge and looked around. They found the small blue l a p i s lassuli rosary to which was attached a gold brocade talisman with a thi n lace, hanging on a column of the bridge. The talisman was the one that Umewaka had always worn about his neck next his skin. When the monk and the boy saw these things, both writhed i n agony. They longed to throw themselves into the current, but many of Keikai's f e l - lows came upon them and prevented them from doing so. •Aah, at least I would l i k e to see his l i f e l e s s face before I do anything further,' murmured Keikai. He stepped i n t o a small f i s h i n g boat moored close by and looked i n t o the depths. At t h i s , his friends took o f f t h e i r robes and they also started to look f o r Umewaka between rocks and i n the shadow 85 of the dikes. Leaving no stone unturned, they searched everywhere but they could not f i n d him. The monk and the boy lay on the ground and besought heaven, a l l the while continuing to weep. After a considerable amount of time had passed they 94 went down to the Rapids of Gugo to search f o r Umewaka. Their eyes were attracted by something crimson, resembling the red leaves of maples, caught behind a rock, Keikai poled the boat towards the object and at l a s t found Umewaka. His face was l i f e l e s s , his long hair was entangled with weeds, and his body was swaying with the waves as they washed over the rock. The monk and the boy wept as they brought the body into the boat. Keikai placed Umewaka's head ©n h i s lap while the boy embraced Umewaka's legs. »How could he have come to such a pl i g h t ? In doing t h i s , what did he expect would become of 95 us? Brahma, Indra, and Gods of Heaven and Earth, please take our l i v e s and i n return l e t us look at h i s l i v i n g face which now has become a void.' Saying t h i s , they wailed un- cont r o l l a b l y . However, there i s no case i n which a blossom once scat- 96 tered from a bough blooms anew or i n which a morning moon having descended towards the west r i s e s again. Umewaka1s bright pink under-dress had become soaked, i t s color had deepened, and h i s snowy white breast was cold. The color which had once darkened his brows had become smudged, and hi s raven locks, now dishevelled, covered his face. 86 His extraordinary features had not changed but his eyes which had once shown a hundred coquettish expressions when- 97 ever he smiled were closed and the bright color of h i s skin had faded. Both the monk and the boy threw themselves at Umewaka»s head and feet and wept as though they might die. Keikai*s fellow temple dwellers, r i g h t down to the lowest ranking monks, cast themselves on the moss of the river-bank and they also burst into neverending tears. Hoping that Umewaka would come to l i f e again, that entire day Keikai and the boy held his body to t h e i r breasts to warm i t . However, i t was beyond t h e i r power to bring him back to l i f e . 98 On the following day, at neighboring Toribeno, they l e t Umewaka*s body ascend i n a wisp of smoke. After the smoke had disappeared, one by one Keikai*s fellow dwellers departed, but neither the monk nor the boy l e f t . They remained facing the heap of ash and continued to cry. Both f e l t that they wanted to be buried under the same moss as Umewaka but they c a l l e d to mind the meaning of Umewaka*s dying verse, »...May how shine f o r evermore, the moon on the mountain edge.* which s i g n i f i e d that Umewaka had wished f o r masses to be held f o r the repose of h i s soul. Therefore, the monk did not return to his own temple, but remained i n Toribeno and i n due course exchanged h i s clothes 99 f o r a black robe, hung Umewaka*s ashes from his neck and departed on a pilgrimage over mountains and r i v e r s . Later he b u i l t himself a hermitage at the place c a l l e d 87 100 Iwakura on the Western Mountain of Kyoto and performed r e l i g i o u s r i t e s f o r the salvation of Umewaka*s soul. In due course the young servant of Umewaka, Keiju, shaved hi s A 101 head and secluded himself i n Mount Koya where he remained u n t i l the end of his days. TWENTY-TWO The t h i r t y ringleaders of Onjo-ji who had decided to b u i l d the ordination platform f o r the Samaya commandments could not possibly return to Onjo-ji to l i v e . They became sic k and weary of l i f e and decided to break connections with Mii-dera. However, they resolved to v i s i t the ruins of the Jimon Denomination i n order to take t h e i r leave before set- t i n g out to begin those practices through which they would seek perfect wisdom. At the ruins they planned to hold a r e l i g i o u s service to praise Buddha*s deep assurance of the truth. Upon t h e i r return to O n j o - j i , they held a wake i n front of the Great Bright S p i r i t of Shinra, and f o r the l a s t time performed a service which could be compared to the ordering 102 of the Buddhist d e l i c a c i e s . Deep i n the night when the border between waking and sleeping could not be distinguished, the sounds of galloping horses and r a t t l i n g carts was heard coming from the eastern sky. I t sounded as though a large number of exalted person- ages were on t h e i r way. The monks f e l t t h i s quite strange. Wondering what i t was, they sto l e a glance upward and saw a high ranking monk who resembled an archbishop on c l e r i c a l duty r i d i n g i n a four-sided palanquin around which attendants were crowded. They also noticed a man i n f u l l court dress leading groups of armored warriors. Moreover, they beheld a woman wearing jewelled hair ornaments r i d i n g i n a l i g h t l y equipped cart attended by scores of waiting women. Retainers 103 dressed In faded pink garments were following these exalted personages. The monks asked them, "What kind of people have arrived?" The attendants r e p l i e d , "This i s Hie, Guardian S p i r i t of the mountain i n Higashi-Sakamoto.» The two distinguished v i s i t o r s got out of t h e i r cart and palanquin and entered through the hangings of the sanc- tuary. The Great Bright S p i r i t straightened h i s crown and attempted to look d i g n i f i e d . He came out from behind the golden tapestry and faced the d i g n i t a r i e s . After the seats f o r the honorable guests and the host 104 had been decided, the r i t e of drinking to each other's health was performed. As there were presentations of music and dance,"the Great Bright S p i r i t of Shinra was well entertained and he smiled i n great delight, they a l l enjoyed the party which continued throughout the e n t i r e night. When day broke the Guardian S p i r i t ushered him from the temple gate and remained outside f o r a l i t t l e while. 89 TWENTY-THREE The Great Bright S p i r i t walked up the f i n e s t a i r s and was about to enter his sanctum, when one of the monks who had been engaged to remain awake throughout the night, knelt down before him and implored t e a r f u l l y : 'In regard to the matter of r a i s i n g the ordination platform f o r the Samaya commandments...it was i n l i n e with the Imperial sanction of 105 the past. When we constructed i t , we were thinking about the prosperity of our temple. We never considered f o r one moment that we might have b u i l t i t because of our feel i n g s of i n f e r i o r i t y . The monk s o l d i e r s of the Sammon Denomina- t i o n had often r e c k l e s s l y disregarded the Imperial decision and had brought various e v i l disasters upon us. Now they have burnt down our temple. We a l l r e a l i z e how deeply aggra- vated both you, the Bright S p i r i t , and Buddha must be, but what was the intention of the Gods i n having t h i s party and playing merrily with Hie, the Guardian S p i r i t of the Sammon Denomination, our foe? I t i s a mystery to us.* When the monk concluded, the Great Bright S p i r i t sum- moned a l l the monks before him and said: 'The grudge you a l l hold may be considered reasonable but i t stems from nar- row thoughts. Listen c l o s e l y . On the day that Buddha or a Bright S p i r i t performs an expedient act, designed to bless 106 a l l l i v i n g beings, i f they consider a ce r t a i n person deser- ving they may give happiness to him. This, however, i s not t h e i r main in t e n t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , considering another person s i n f u l , they may punish him as the upshot of t h e i r compassion. 90 They modify human deeds whether or not they are i n obedience to Buddha's law so that humans may a t t a i n sovereign enlight- 107 enment. I t appears that you do not know why I am r e j o i c i n g . The destruction of temples and monasteries occured to enable you to obtain divine favor through your e f f o r t s to r e b u i l d them. The burning of the sutras and the sastras occurred to enable you to become closer to the providence of Buddha i n your re-copying of them. Thanking Buddha while involved i n the v i c i s s i t u d e s of l i f e s t i l l has an aspect of b i r t h 108 and death. I showed.my j u b i l a t i o n because I was overjoyed to see Keikai, who because of hi s sorrow, commenced preach- ing and began h i s search f o r enlightenment. The Guardian S p i r i t of the Mountain v i s i t e d here to celebrate with me. How wonderful i s the great compassion of the Merc i f u l Goddess of Ishiyama who manifested h e r s e l f i n the form of a boy to help Keikai a t t a i n higher perception.• When the Bright S p i r i t had thus spoken, he seemed to enter the sanctum. The t h i r t y monks involved i n the wake at once awoke from t h e i r dreams and everybody recounted the same story. TWENTY-FOUR »Aah, then the boy who threw his body int o the water was an apparition of the Me r c i f u l Goddess and the calamity of the destruction of the Jimon Denomination by f i r e was an 109 expedient f o r salvation.' Upon r e a l i z i n g t h i s each monk deepened h i s piousness toward Buddha. Then, to strengthen 91 t h e i r resolve to practice Buddhist doctrines l i k e Keikai, the t h i r t y monks v i s i t e d the hermitage i n Iwakura where Keikai, who had changed h i s name to Sensai, had been l i v i n g . There, they saw a cloud hanging low over h a l f of the thatched s i x meter square cottage. They also noticed that although i t was a f t e r the f r o s t s of the three autumn months, Sensai»s robe was as tattered as a lotus l e a f which has been torn by a strong wind. They saw, however, that there was enoughrto eat because the morning wind had blown down f r u i t . Sensai had l i s t e n e d to the murmuring stream and to the wind blowing through the pine trees and had gradually awak- ened from h i s weary world's dream. Whenever he thought about Umewaka, streaming tears soaked the moon on h i s sleeve. At 110 such times he r e c i t e d t h i s poem: How can I forget The l i g h t of the moon we saw? Following i t s lead I s h a l l tonight proceed To your r e s t i n g place, the pure land. I l l When the ex-Emperor saw t h i s poem on the stone wall of Sensai's study, he praised the verse endlessly and selected i t f o r the 'Shakkyo' chapter of an anthology of poems c a l l e d Shin kokin shu. 112 •A man of v i r t u e w i l l not remain alone but w i l l soon a t t r a c t companions. Although Sensai would have l i k e d to avoid others, monks having had s i m i l a r experiences came 92 together from a l l quarters. Consequently, they decided to b u i l d a temple near the c a p i t a l which would widely serve ordinary f o l k . They performed the ceremony f o r the founda- t i o n of Ungo-ji. They rendered the mask plays and songs of the twenty 113 f i v e bodhisattvas i n order to praise those who had entered the b l i s s of paradise. Among those who happened to see these performances, there was no one who f a i l e d to have h i s b e l i e f s strengthened. From near and f a r people came together one a f t e r the other. Both high and low worshipped with hands clasped i n prayer." EPILOGUE Shedding tears the old man concluded; "This story i l l u s t r a t e s that the seed which enables people to a t t a i n Buddhahood i s s t i l l found within karma." Those who had been l i s t e n i n g to what the old man had narrated admired h i s story. There was no one whose sleeve had remained dry. 93 NOTES ON THE TEXT 1 "Raise your eyes and seek the perfect wisdom of Buddha" .jogu bodai X- %\ ^r-^k^j a bodhisattva vow. "Look below to save a l l " geke shujo "f. ^f^Lj^J^-'' a bodhisattva oath, c f , .jogu geke, a phrase c o n s i s t i n g of the f i r s t parts of the phrases jogu bodai and geke shu.jo. See Chigi ^§ti-> Maka shikan ^ ^ " j f c . j ^ . i n TSD, v o l . 46, pp. 6-8. "The Eight Human A f f l i c t i o n s " ningen no hakku ) ) \ ̂ § : i ) the s u f f e r i n g of b i r t h , i i ) the s u f f e r i n g of old age, i i i ) the s u f f e r i n g of sickness, i v ) the s u f f e r i n g of death, v) the s u f f e r i n g caused by being together with those whom one hates, v i ) the s u f f e r i n g caused by being apart from those whom one loves, v i i ) the s u f f e r i n g caused by the i n a b i l i t y to s a t i s f y one's desires, v i i i ) the s u f f e r i n g caused by the f a c t that one i s attached to the f i v e elemental aggragates of which one's body, mind and environment are composed. Refer to kushStai ~S§" ^if/^ , i n Abidatsuma dai bibasha ron ffj J!^jf[j^|| J^f^'J^rf , Genj6 trans., i n TSD, v o l . 27, p. 402. 4 "His earthly desires w i l l become nothing but perfect wisdom" bonno soku bodai EpJ^^Ll l i t e r a l l y , - : "Worldly de- filements are i n and of themselves enlightenment'; a fundamental Mahayana notion. See Ch i g i , p. 6. 5 "The Five C e l e s t i a l Signs of Approaching Death" ten.jo no gosui ^ J i . ) 7J • G-osui denotes the f i v e signs of decay or approsching death of which descriptions vary. Refer to goshi zuiS i n Z$ic h i agon gyo J ^ - j p f G u d o n 9 4 S o g y a d a i b a ^ ^ ^ ^ / ^ o i l j f - , trans., i n TSB, v o l . 2 , p. 6 7 7 . 6 " ' "His m o r t a l i t y w i l l become nothing but nirvana" s h o j i soku nehan J£.^L c - ] 7 l i t e r a l l y , "The b i r t h and death of un- enlightened beings i s i n and of i t s e l f nirvana,"; a fundamental Mahayana notion, c f , note 4 of the t e x t . See Ghigi, p. 6 . 7 "Two d i s t i n c t methods which seemingly run counter to each other" .lungyaku no kedd "lI^j^L J 4 tl : a method of guid- ance which i s adjusted to s u i t men of v i r t u m a s well as men of v i c e , c f , innen n i gyaku.iun a r i © i ^ K^rf iJlJ^JC • • • Chigi, pp. 4 8 - 5 9 . g The former case r e f e r s to .jun'en '')f)^fi> "the fate i n obedience", and l a t t e r case r e f e r s to gyakuen '# >fv̂ _t "the fate i n disobedience". See R y u j u ^ ^ j ^ f , Shaku maka enron ̂ ^'^t'k0\^, Batsu daimata ^kj^^ , trans., i n TSD. v o l . 3 2 , p. 6 4 9 9 "Sutras and sastras" kyoVon^^h^ . K y j ^ ^ ^ i s a sutra, ; r o n ^ & i s a s l t s t r a t "a d o c t r i n a l t r e a t i s e " . "The Western Mountains" Nishiyama lip U-A : a mountain range s t r e t c h i n g from north to south i n the western s e c t i o n of Kyoto. 11 "The Eastern Pagoda on the Northern Peak" Hokurei Toto ^ 35^. • Hokurei or the Northern Peak i s another name f o r Mount H i e i . Toto" or the Eastern Pagoda i s the c e n t r a l tower of three main towers on Mount H i e i . 9 5 12 "The I n s t i t u t e f o r Encouragement of Study" Kangaku-in / ^ ^ r ^ L * a c o l l e g e a t t a c h e d t o a l a r g e temple. "The Jeweled S p r i n g " Yu-ch'uan^; J^_(Gyokusen i n S i n o - J a p . ) : the name of a temple i n Tang-yang ^ , China which was e s t a b l i s h e d by T ' i e n - t ' a i - t a - s h i h C h i h - i ^ o J A ^ & J ^ ^ (Tendai D a i s h i C h i g i , 5 3 8 - 5 9 7 ) i n 592. 14 "The Four D o c t r i n e s and the Three Outlooks" Shikyo Sangan ^ ^ ^ I A J - T n e Doctrine taught by Shakyamuni i s d i v i d e d i n t o f o u r c a t e g o r i e s and i s c a l l e d Shikyo. See Ando Toshio Bjr jfyjfc- Tendaigaku ^ £ ^ (Tokyo: H e i r a k u j i Shoten, 1968), pp. 81-111. The Sangan (o r S a n t a i .£=. ) of the Tendai Sect a r e ; i ) Ku ^ ; a l l e x i s t e n c e i s n o n - s u b s t a n t i a l , a n d v o i d , i i ) K e / ^ f j a l l e x i s t e n c e i s n o n - s u b s t a n t i a l , but i t n e v e r t h e l e s s has a p r o v i s i o n a l r e a l i t y , i i i ) Chu rf> ; a l l e x i s t e n c e i s n e i t h e r v o i d nor p r o v i s i o n a l l y r e a l , but there i s a t r u t h which t r a n - scends t h i s dichotomy which i s none other t h a t h a t of the middle way. I b i d . , pp. 112-21. 1 5 J - Huang-shih kung y£> (OsekikS): the s p i r i t of a y e l * low stone which was rumored t o have been the o l d man who gave Chang l i a n g c ^ ^ ' ^ _ ( -168BC) a t a c t i c s book by T * a i Kung-wang A ^ I l L • " L i u h o u s h i i l c M a " ^ ^ ^ - ^ . S h i h c M l ^ g j , i n CKBT. v o l . 11, p. 114. Burton Watson, t r a n s . , Records of the Grand H i s t o r i a n of China (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1961), v o l . 1. p. 1 3 5 . "Inundation T a c t i c s " nosa £no h a k a r i g o t o j '^ftJT[j jTf" 3 : H a n H s i n J^I/fj^ ( - 196BC) damned up the Wei R i v e r ) ^ _ ) ^ \ w i t h tens 96 of thousands of sand bags l a t e r removed them when the army of Lung Chu ^ .̂.SL was crossing downstream. "Huai y i n hou l i e h chuan" 5 , i b i d . , i n CKBT', v o l . 12, p. 31. Watson, p. 221. "Water-back T a c t i c s " h a i s u i £no .jinj () ft^l : s e t t i n g up an encampment backing on the water i s dangerous because i n case of attack there i s no way to escape. Han Hsin, however, used "Water-back T a c t i c s " and l a t e r explained to h i s r e t a i n e r s that he believed h i s army would survive i f placed i n t h i s f a t a l p o s i - t i o n . I b i d . , ppv28-9. Watson, pp. 215-7. "The Physician of Souls" l o • a manifestation of Buddha. 16 i s enshrined i n the main h a l l of Enryaku-ji on - Mount H i e i . "The Guardian S p i r i t of the Mountain" Sannft i£. . Omononushi no Kami i s enshrined as Sann§. Also see note 61 of the i n t r o d u c t i o n . 17$f\ 4. %A §L$gJk Chochfr bobo fu.jin no soko shikkyaku ayamatte shozu san.ju nen izure no h i zo ningen ei.joku no manako ?i\ ^ k o s h o i n r i n i kumo wo mite nemuru. Ishiyamay^pJ.\ : a s e c t i o n of frtsuX.?^- i n Shiga Pre- fecture (Shiga-ken yfy% ^$Jt) • ishiyama i s well known because of the temple c a l l e d Ishiyama-dera J^d\-^~ , b u i l t i n the mid- eighth century. K e i k a i went to t h i s temple. 19 "The r e a f f i r m a t i o n of r e l i g i o u s devotion* which would i n s t a n t l y allow him to a t t a i n supreme perfect wisdom" dfishin 97 kengo, sokusho mu.jb bodai / l ^ ' C ^ © , fep ̂ i ^ X ^ 4 / t L _ # Refer t o asa n i dfrshin wo okoseba, sunawachi jobutsu surukoto wo en c f l f - ^ ^ » i n B o s a t s u .iuto.jutsu teng6 ,jim- mo t a i s e t s u k o f u ky£ g t i f t * ' Jikubutsunen ^Jfyfe , t r a n s . , i n TSD, v o l . 12, p. 1036. 20 "Cherry t r e e " sakura /fjjgj. I n the t e x t , the words hana no k i or a f l o w e r i n g t r e e appear. I n Japan nana or f l o w e r has a l - ways meant e i t h e r plum (ume ) or cherry blossoms. The f l o w e r - i n g t r e e i n t h i s s e c t i o n i s indeed a c h e r r y t r e e ; n e v e r t h e l e s s , i n s e c t i o n eighteen of the t a l e t h i s t r e e i s r e f e r r e d t o as a plum t r e e . "The Emperor Wu" Wu ( B u t e i , 157BC - 87BC): the f i f t h Emperor of the Former Han. "The Incense of Returning S o u l s " Fan hun h s i a n g J^jiy^^T (Hangon- k£). This legend was made i n t o a poem e n t i t l e d " L i f u j e n " ^ by Po C h i i - i . See Haku K y o i , i n CSS, v o l . 12. pp. 165-70. "King Hsiang" Hsiang wangJ^jL (Jo*6): a k i n g of Chu j§L ( - 223BC). "Mount Wu" Wu shan 7& ih (Fuzan): a mountain i n ^ t l t e P rovince of Szuchuan |2D'l| i n China. This legend i s i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o a poem e n t i t l e d "Kao t'ang f u " / | r ) ^ | ^ b y Sung Yu ^ _ 3 L ; (290BC - 223BC). See, Monzen j ^ ) ^ , i n KKT, Bungaku 3, pp. 1-2. 23 "The Buddhist l i g h t " h o t t o liS%. • I n t h i s case h o t t o means Buddhism. Buddhist t e a c h i n g sheds l i g h t on a l l beings i n darkness i n order t o l e a d them to the pure l a n d s . 98 24 r > "The M e r c i f u l Goddess" Kannon : o n e o f two atten- dents of Buddha. The Kannon-faith became popular when the Lotus Sutra (Hokekyft - ? ) became widespread. Kannon i s enshrined i n Ishiyama-dera. 2 5 ^ - Mii-dera T j " or ^\TT~ '• another name f o r O n j o - j i . Shogo-in H i t . founded by Enchin; one of,the three c l o i s t e r s of 0 n j $ - j i . Since 1613, Sh6*go-in has been a head- quarters f o r yamabushi (see note 59 of the t e x t ) . 27 "I saw a house i n the distance with flowers around i t . I made my way towards i t and entered" haruka n i jinka wo mite hana areba sunawachi i r u j J i _ i L A ^ ^ K L / ^ L . T ^J<' : part of a poem by Po Ohii-i. This poem i s well-known to Japanese because i t i s included i n Wakan r S e i shu. In NKBT, v o l . 73, p. 76. 28 _ He i s wearing a type of jacket, suikan7TV"j - , "water-dry". The term suikan may have been given to t h i s garment f o r one of two reasons: e i t h e r i ) the material of the jacket was f u l l e d without using starch, or i i ) suikan was worn during boating play. "A pale red under dress" usu-kurenai no akome 7 j& i j _ . This c o l o r under dress was usually worn by those i n t h e i r lowteens; however, among high ranking nobles, t h i s c olor was even worn by highteens. 29 guru ame n i nurutomo oran yamazakura kumo no kaeshi no kaze mo koso fuke. 99 30 The f o o t b a l l f i e l d i s marked with four trees one at each corner: a cherry tree at the north-east corner, a willow tree at the south-east corner, a maple tree at the south-west corner and a pine tree at the north-west corner. These trees are r e f e r r e d to as kakari ft -fl y Miru a kind of t u f t y seaweed; Codium F r a g i l e . The word miru was often used to describe b e a u t i f u l raven-colored locks. 32 Kore ya.yume a r i s h i ya utsutsu waki-kanete izure n i mayou kokoro naruran. 33 r^Uf "A bamboo screen" nukisu g) .3g- . The p a i l into which hand-washing water was poured was covered with a nukisu. I t prevented the water from splashing. Umewaka it^Jfa ' l i t e r a l l y "youngrlike a .plum!'* '35 "' • "Hanazono, the M i n i s t e r of the L e f t " Hanazono no S a d a i j i n / f ^ L ^ \ ) Tx-%J&- • Hanazono, "Flower garden", was a place name i n the north-western part of Heiankyo. The mansions of succes- sive M i n i s t e r s of the Left were located there. I t was quite 1 usual to r e f e r to people of high rank by t h e i r address. "This flowering t r e e " ichiboku no hana metaphorically Umewaka. 37 A yfp./k* "The rear window" shinso This word i s s t i l l used to describe a youth ( e s p e c i a l l y a g i r l ) of a good family, brought up with tenderest care. 100 K e i j u 7t%^ . 39 Shirasebaya honomishi hana no omokage n i tachisou kumo no mayou kokoro wo. "Tears of blood" ket surui J j Q _ : an expression which describes b i t t e r t e a r s . This phrase i s supplemented by the t r a n s l a t o r i n order-to make the meaning of the sentence c l e a r to the reader. In the o r i g i n a l text, i t i s wr i t t e n that, "the co l o r of the sleeve had already become red" (sode no i r o mohaya kurenai ^ j g_ ^.yv-^/vX- ). "One who had renounced the world" shusse t h i s term was used to r e f e r to sons of noble f a m i l i e s who became monks on Mount H i e i . 42 Tanomazu yo h i t o no kokoro no hana no i r o n i adanaru kumo no kakaru mayoi wa. Sakamoto T^.JtK. • & town located at the eastern foot of Mount H i e i . There are many lodges f o r monks i n Sakamoto. They are used by those heading f o r or le a v i n g Mount H i e i . See also note 61 of the in t r o d u c t i o n . 44 Totsu f : the name of a place located between Saka>- moto and 0 n j 6 - j i . Sakamoto and Onjo"-ji are about seven k i l o - meters apart. Otsu : a c i t y i n Shiga Prefecture. Onjo-ji i s located i n t h i s c i t y . 45 A 101 46 Itsuwari no a m yo wo shirade tanomiken waga kokoro sae urameshi no mi ya. 47 ^ "The Great Bright S p i r i t of Shinra" Shinra Dai Myo.jin ^frffj?^ /^&r\fc^ : the guardian s p i r i t of 0 n j 6-ji. This s p i r i t i s believed to be e i t h e r a f o r e i g n god or Susan& no Mikoto ^L-^Sdxf- » a s o n o f I z a n a S i n 0 Mikoto 1^ ^J0b and Izanami no Mikoto $ ft\^j » the creators of Japan. Shinra Dai Myfr- 3in was enshrined by Enchin, the r e s t o r e r of O n j o - j i . 48 "The c h i e f abbot" monshu a son of an Imperial prince or a high ranking noble who became the head of a c l o i s t e r , "The Chinese s t y l e fence" karakaki ' a plastered wall which enclosed b u i l d i n g s . 50 , > "A fish-head l a n t e r n " gyono no toro /^.f[^jX^Xj * The c a r t i l a g e of a fish-head was b o i l e d u n t i l i t became t r a n s - parent. I t was then used as the globe of a lamp. "Illuminated by glowing f i r e - f l i e s " hotaru wo tomosu |j£ j ' a metaphorical expression describing a gloomy, b l u i s h l i g h t . 51 A male had h i s h a i r t i e d up f o r the f i r s t time at h i s coming of age ceremony (Gembuku 7X^$$^_)» "An autumn cicada wing" a k i no semi ftio hanej ffi^ j ' Japanese f i n d beauty wi t h i n evanescence, i . e . , the b r i e f l i f e of a cicada. "Eyebrows which resembled moth f e e l e r s " gabi $R^J^\ : b e a u t i f u l l y arched eyebrows. This i s a conventional phrase of 102 both Japanese and Chinese l i t e r a t u r e . Gabi also r e f e r s to a b e a u t i f u l face. 53 " I t was as though a node had at l a s t formed i n a young bamboo" shino no ozasa no h i t o f u s h i n i j ) — This phrase i s used to express the extent of t h e i r longing. The phrase can be tr a n s l a t e d another way because the word shino also r e f e r s to shinobu jp.t, "to act s e c r e t l y " . The word f u s h i also means " l y i n g down ($>/0". T n e i n c l u s i o n of "a l e t t e r " must be a mistake i n the t e x t . " L e t t e r " has to be replaced with "a node". 54 Waga sode n i yadoshi ya haten kinuginu no namlda n i wake shi ariake no tsuki!... 55 Tomo n i mishi t s u k i wo nagori no sode no tsuyu harawade ikuyo nageki akasan. 56 "The Three M i n i s t e r s " sandai ̂  (or sankS* 5. )' the M i n i s t e r of the Left (Sadai.lin J^C-j\_ lUt-. ) the M i n i s t e r of the Right (Udai.jin J^jj ffi ) and the Keeper of the P r i v y Seal (Nai- d a i j i n |£] )<J&J. "The nine Chancellors" kyukyoku (or kugyo ^ j ? ): court nobles with any grade higher than t h i r d court rank (sammi in c l u d i n g sanko". 57 > Karasaki^jjZ J^f: a s p i t i n Lake Biwa (Biwa-ko ^£ ). Karasaki i s located about three kilometers from Sakamoto and about four kilometers from OnjS'-ji. 58 . "Long-nosed gob l i n " tengu. See note 19 of the i n t r o - 103 duction. "Mountain a s c e t i c " Yamabushi They are a f f i l i a t e d with e i t h e r the Tendai or the Shingqn Sect (Shingon-shu gL r % ) • They do not "believe i n studying Buddhist doctrines. Instead they dwell i n the mountains and undergo r e l i g i o u s exercises there. Their major center i s located i n the Omine Range i n Kumano fef^ , Mie Prefecture (Mie-ken ^ . ^ F j j j k ' ) . I x v ^ '~J .... t "A four-sided palanquin" shihSgoshi tfE> "jfiV^; : e i t h e r with bam- boo b l i n d s or with a pyramidal roof. It was borne by a group of s i x men. I f i t was to be c a r r i e d a great distance s i x or twelve men followed i n order to take turns c a r r y i n g i t . 60 A "Mount Shaka i n the Omine Range" Omine no Shaka ga dake yCjfp" ̂ ^ / ^ J ^ . H" * T h e 0 m i r i e Range i s located about 50 kilometers south of Karasaki. See also note 57 of the text. Higashi-Sakamoto ^ a place name; located i n the eastern part of Sakamoto. Sanj6-Kyogoku jEL /ijjb^^$?L* street names. The area around the i n t e r s e c t i o n of Sanj"o and Nishi-Kyogoku "West Kyo- goku", i s c a l l e d Hanazono. Mansions re f e r r e d to as shinden-zukuri ^ ^ j j j p _ w e r e commonly owned by Imperial f a m i l i e s and high ranking nobles. "Samaya commandments" Sammaya-kai f*^$p\ These ru l e s must be s t r i c t l y observed by monks who are seeking; to r e - ceive f u l l o r d i nation (Dembfr kan.io*/(^-^^/y/^) which w i l l enable them to become high monks of e s o t e r i c Buddhism (A.jari 104 T̂ TWH )• S h u g o k o k k a i s h u d a r a n i kyS ^j f lS& ft k l ^ J f U ^ yijL, i n TSD, v o l . 19, p "The Nyoigoe P a s s " Nyoigoe ^p^^j^^ - a pas s between Mount H i e i and O n j ' S - j i . The r o u t e v i a Nyoigoe t o O n j o - j i i s r. s h o r t e r t h a n t h e t r i p v i a Sakamoto. 66 See t h e second p a r t o f c h a p t e r t h r e e o f t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n , page 25• 67 , . "The day o f t h e monkey" s a r u no h i f > 0 . I n t h e s e x a g e n a r y c y c l e , c o m b i n a t i o n s o f t h e t e n stems ( j i k k a n " j " ' j " ) and t h e t w e l v e b r a n c h e s ( j u n i s h i - j " ) were u s e d t o denote y e a r , month and day as w e l l as d i r e c t i o n s . . S a r u (monkey) i s t h e n i n t h u n i t o f j u n i s h i . S a r u no h i o c c u r s , e v e r y t w e l t h . day a l - t h o u g h t h e s a r u no h i o f t h e same stem o c c u r s , o n l y e v e r y s i x t y d a y s . I t was b e l i e v e d t h a t Sanno*1 s messenger was a monkey. The H i e S h r i n e f e s t i v a l was h e l d when t h e day o f the monkey f e l l during-; t h e second t e n days o f t h e f o u r t h month. S h i g a - K a r a s a k i : a p l a c e name. "The d i v i n e w a t e r " S h i n s u i y]C_' w a t e r p l a c e d b e f o r e gods. J u s t b e f o r e a b a t t l e w a r r i o r s d r a n k o f i t and swore t o f i g h t b r a v e l y . "Around f o u r o ' c l o c k " goko J L W > f r o m t h r e e t o f i v e o ' c l o c k i n t h e m o r n i n g . 105 70 _ . "The deepest part of the earth" s u i r i n z a i A^9fay%' • l i t e r a l l y the area where the water wheel ( s u i r i n 7l<jf$fo ) e x i s t s . It was "believed that there were four wheels ( s h i r i n liDiN^) beneath the earth. S u i r i n i s one of the four. 71 These are subordinate temples belonging to three towers: the main tower i . e . , the Eastern Tower (Tbt6* ^ J 2 ^ ) , the West- ern Tower (Sait and Yokawa A « P " . 72 This passage describes those defending O n j o - j i . See page 35 of the i n t r o d u c t i o n f o r f u r t h e r information. 73 "Had strengthened t h e i r f a i t h to s o l i d rock and metal, and had made t h e i r l i v e s as l i g h t as dust" g i wo ki n s e k i n i h i s h i inochi wo .jinkai n i karuku shite /^^y^D z~ is ^ ^ - ^ i . 9 ^"T '' a con'ven^^0'n:al phrase which expresses the c h i v a l r y and bravery of warriors. "The V-shaped moat" yagen-boridjj)*ffit -rfc. Yagen i s a boat- shaped chemist's mortar. 75 , , . "Reckoning blocks" san [jgij j*} L/^J : small wooden blocks which were used f o r the four operations of arithmetic. 76 "Six meters". In the Japanese text i t i s said to have been ni-.jo high. 7 7 "To four corners and i n eight d i r e c t i o n s " shikaku happo, \1D f\ / \~% , Shikaku denotes North, West, South and East, and happfl denotes North-West,. South-West, South-East 106 and North-East and i n addition, shikaku» "Incessant Buddhist invocation" jfigyo" zammai ^fl'f * cf. hyakunichi no gy$<3o r note 54 of the introduction. Chigi, p. 12. 79 "The h a l l where prayear for prolongation of l i f e were offered" Fugen gySgan no Nyoho-do ^ ^ >f J /J|f jJjfri rtk^j The bodhisattva Fugen made ten vows to save a l l l i v i n g beings. These vows are referred to as Fugen gy6gan. See "Fugen gyogan bon" ^^{y^fyoo t i n Daihftkobutsu kegon gyo 40 kan bon "K ~k A # ^ J C r £ J ^fJ^Jk ( S h i ^ Kegon gy£ jfjgrjtg), Hannya 4̂ £jf§> , trans., i n TSD, vol. 10, pp. 844-51. In a gene- r a l ;.'-v, sense, Fugen gy&gan i s understood as "prolongation of l i f e " . See emmeih.6* J?j£_̂ ? 7-£. i n Issai shonyoraishin kSmyo k a j i Fugen Bosatsu emmei kongo" saish£ darani kyS — ^e^'jto ^ /CLT trans., i n TSD, vol. 20, p. 578. 80 A * ** Kyoji r)KX^ 1 a m o n k rumored to have lived i n Onj$-ji. When Enchin, the restorer of Onjo-ji, v i s i t e d the temple for the f i r s t time, he met the one hundred and sixty-two year old monk, Kyoji. 81 j. "The great teacher Chisho*" Chisho Daishi ̂  #|f^&p : Enchin's posthumous name. 82 "Shirakawa children's throwing-stone competitions" Shirakawa hoko no sorainji (2> 'I) yfv. 3 £J7£tJL# Shirakawa i s the area between Higashiyama and the Kamo River (Kamo-gawa ^Jzg ilj ) i n the northern part of Kyoto. See page 31 of the 107 i n t r o d u c t i o n . 84 "Sacred palanquins c a r r i e d by the monks of the Sammon Denomination and the Nanto" Sammon Nanto no mikoshiburi ffilffi jfaf f^fjfcj Nanto denotes K6fuku-ji t^Ljrfafj- i n Nara. When t h e i r requests were- ignored monks of Mount H i e i and Kttfuku- j i often rushed to Kyoto with t h e i r sacred palanquins i n order to present d i r e c t p e t i t i o n s to the Throne. See "Mikoshiburi" Heike monogatari, kan 1, i n NOT, v o l . 32 , pp. 1 3 4 - 6 . Sadler, pp. 2 7 - 9 . 85 "The Mond6~ of the f i v e major Zen temples i n Kyoto" gosan no so no monto-date Jx^d-\ J P^jflfc_3L-* . The Kyoto gosan are Tenryu-ji yK^^.-^J' t S&coku-ji » Kennin-ji Jl_/^ 5y » T6fuku-ji | ? ^ J > ^ - and Manju-ji ^ ^ • They a l l belong to the Rinzai Sect. Monto-date can mean e i t h e r "questions and answers" (mondo" ?o\Js^ ) or "the struggle; f o r power among b e l i e v e r s " . See page 31 of the i n t r o d u c t i o n . 86 U-karekeru h a j i Ml-idera no A-risama ya KA-i wo t s u k u r i - te ne wo nomizo naku. The hero of the t a l e , Umewaka i s included i n the verse as U-MI-A-KA. 87 "The Province of Awaji" Awa.ji no kuni J*J /$L J 1^1 : the Island of Awaji (Awaji-shima ^ ^ ^ 7 ) . "In ten d i r e c t i o n s " .jippo -|- -j^ : upwards, downwards and happo. 8 9 A *u~i± "The Dragon God" Ryuj i n iagJff'; one of the Eight Guardian Gods (Hachibushu / \H?J/$l ) of Buddhism. The e s o t e r i c sects 108 believe that Ryu3in brings clouds and r a i n . It i s i n t e r e s t - i n g to note that the Sanno of Hie Shrine i s Omononushi no Kami and that h i s true shape i s that of a t i n y snake or dragon. See " S u j i n Tenn6" ^jU^TJ^L Nihon shoki Q jfc^fitL t i n NKBT, v o l . 67, p. 246. William Aston,.trans., Nihongi (Tokyo: Charles E. T u t t l e Co., 1972), pp. 158-9. "The Garden of the Goddess? Spring" Shinsen-en ffi M & : a Royal park constructed when Heiankyfr was founded. Since Kukai ^ (774 - 835), the founder of the Shingon Sect, offered prayers f o r r a i n there, i t became a popular place to hold such ceremonies. This park i s located i n Nakagyo-ku, Kyoto. 91 Wagami sate shizumi-mo hateba fukaki-se no soko made terase yama no ha no t s u k i . c f , Kuraki y o r i kuraki michi n i zo i r i n u b e k i harukani terase yama no ha no t s u k i by Izumi Shikibu ^jfcjfc^ . Shui shfc i n KT, p. 80. 92 j. "The Bridge of Seta" Seta no hashi 9q J^§^: o n t h e Seta River (Seta-gawa Eg) "J ). The source of the r i v e r i s at the southern end of Lake Biwa. This r i v e r j o ins the U j i River (Uji-gawa ^ffe\\\ ) . 93 "A divided s k i r t belonging to a f i n e s i l k garment" s u i - kan no shimo /lC"t" J "f- : a p a i r of hakama^^ which are worn with suikan. 94 J , "The Rapids of Gugo" Gugo no se ^#M]] )/f£^ ' about four kilometers downstream from the Bridge of Seta. 95 "Brahma, Indra, and Gods of Heaven and Earth" Bonten, 109 Taishaku. Ten.iin. Chigi ^J^J^J^ v ^ f f i » ̂ / f e • Bontent the creator god of the universe. Bonten i s one of two t u t e l a r y gods of Buddhism. Taishaku j^tenj : another t u t e l a r y god. Taishaku receives reports about the moral conditions of a l l beings from the Pour Quarter Kings (Shitenrio" OP^L^^)* Ten.iin: gods who inhabit the heavens, c f . Amatsu-kami " ~ ; < Ch i g i : gods who are i n charge of the land, c f . Kunitsu-kami jj^ 96 "There i s no case i n which a blossom once1 scattered from a bough blooms anew" rakka eda wo .jishi t e nido saku n a r a i naku ? -> 7 - A - I ^ T J " c f . the poem e n t i t l e d "Lo h u a " ^ - / ^ by Po Chi i - i . Wakan r o e i shu, haru. i n NKBT. v o l . 73, p. 79. 97 "Those eyes which had once shown a hundred coquettish expressions whenever he smiled" ichido emeba hyaku no kobi a r i s h i manako — ^ ^ J< & ) ji) >/B%^ » i . e . , — § ty$J£^ : from the poem e n t i t l e d "Ch'ang hen k e " ^ / ^ l C by Po Chu-i. CSS, v o l . 13, p. 93. 98 T o r i b e n o ^ j ^ ^ j ' : a crematorium used during the Heian period. I t was located i n the eastern suburb of Heiankyo". 99 "A black robe" sumizome ^ - 7 ^ : a monk wears a black robe when he performs services f o r h i s own sake. 100 "Iwakura on the Western Mountain" Nishiyama no Iwakura S ? ^ )^hyW>C • Iwakura i s the area at the western foot of Mount H i e i ; the north-east suburb of Kyoto. 110 101 ( "Mount K$ya" Koya-san fc) f̂ 7d\ . The headquarters of the Shingon Sect are located here, Kukai established Kong6l)u-ji JILL n\%$r ia816- 102 "A service which could be compared to the ordering of the Buddhist d e l i c a c i e s " homai^c 0 ^ . Milk, cream, curdled milk, butter and ghee are c a l l e d h6mai. The Buddhist service 5 i s metaphorically r e f e r r e d to as the process by which milk i s made int o ghee. 103 "Faded pink garments" taikS T • worn by low ranking servants. 104 "The r i t e of drinking to each other's health" kempai 105 The f i r s t Imperial sanction was issued on the fourteenth day of the f i f t h month of the second year of 0ho*kyu"SL^C (1041). The Emperor Gosuzaku/jjP_%>$JL ( 1 0 0 9 ~ 1 C > 45) consulted delega- ti o n s from a l l Buddhist sects abut whether 0nj6**-ji should be permitted to b u i l d an ordination platform. Everyone except the monks from Mount H i e i agreed to the suggestion of the Emperor. See Hyaku rensho i n (SZ)KT, v o l . 11, p. 21. 106 "An expedient act designed to bless a l l l i v i n g - b e i n g s " rish6 hoben' ji\ £j£$tV H^ben: see "Ho*ben bon" 4$JSb , i n Hokke gisho ^ ^&fc , Kichizo , comp., i n TSD, v o l . 34, pp. 482-51!-. 107 Refer to note 7 and 8 of the t e x t . I l l 108 "Thanking Buddha while involved i n the v i c i s s i t u d e s of l i f e s t i l l has an aspect of b i r t h and death" u i no h6~butsu ani sh6metsu no so* nakaranya 7% J^. ) - f j j ^ ^ %. j ^ f ft r y > . This sentence i n f e r s that such deeds as the b u i l d i n g of temples and the copying of sutras do not allow men to gain enlightenment. Only true p i e t y enables one to reach the stage of nirvana. 109 ^ \ % "An expedient f o r s a l v a t i o n " saido no hoben ) JJA^z 110 Mukashi mishl t s u k i no h i k a r i wo shirube n i t e koyoi ya kimi ga n i s h i e yukuran. 1 1 1 The ex-Emperor Gotoba (1180 - 1239). 112 "A man of v i r t u r e w i l l not remain alone, he w i l l soon a t t r a c t others'* Toku wa ko narazu kanarazu t o n a r i a r i ^f-^y^"" "^{^ ' X j ^ f ^ * a quotation from "Pa i pien" ) Lun-yu ^ ^ ^ ^ * » i n CKBT, v o l . 3, p. 22. 113 "The twenty-five bodhisattvas" nijugo bosatsu J = - - T 3 - % " : guardians of those who chant prayears to Ami da Buddha See Juo.io Amidabukkoku gyo ^ 3 ^ ^ - ^ ® ^ > 1 9 ° 5 ; r p t - ' (Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Committee on the Photographic P u b l i - c a t i o n of a Continuation to the Buddhist T r i p i t a k a , l^i-fj), "Zoku zo kyo," v o l . 87, p. 292b. 112 TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS CKBT: Ghugoku koten bungaku t a i k e i . CSS: Chugoku s h i j i n senshu. DNBZ: Dai Nihon Bukkyo zensho. (S)GR: (Shinkd) Gunsho r u i j u . KBS: K i n s e i bungei sosho. KET: Kokuyaku Kambun t a i s e i . KT: Kokka taikan. MK2: Meisaku kabuki zenshu. MZH: Mikan z u i h i t s u hyakushu. NKBT: Nihon koten bungaku t a i k e i . NMZ: Nihon meicho zenshu. N2T: Nihon z u i h i t s u t a i s e i . SGR: Shin gunsho r u i j u . (Z)'ST: (Zoho) Shiryo t a i s e i . TB: Teikoku bunko. TSD: Taish3 shinshu. Daizo kyo. YT: Yokyoku taikan. ZGR: Zoku gunsho r u i j u . 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY Abidatsuma dai bibasha ron %$~?)fifa . Trans. Genjo ^ tjf, Tokyo: Taisho Issaikyd Kank6-kai, 1926. "Taisho shinshu Daiz6ky6""," vol. 27. Aki no yo no naga-monogatari ;^L.-^<: 7^?*i»(l377). In Otogi zoshi ft y»P Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1958. "Nihon koten bungaku t a i k e i , " v o l . 38. (1642). Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki K. K., 1928. "(ShinkS) Gunsho rui j u , " v o l . 14. AndS Toshio Tendaigaku: Rompon shiso to sono tenkai 'JUPfl • T o k y ° : Heirakuji Shoten, 1968. ' Ansen waka shu Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruiju Kanko-kai, .1931. "Zoku gunsho ruijuV" 4th ed., vol. 14;1. Azuma kagami%r ^r^j» 52 kan (missing kan 45). Tokyo: Kokushi Taikei Kank^-kai, 1932-3. "(Shintei z6ho) Kokushi t a i k e i , " vol. 32-3. A chronicle edited by the Kamakura Bakufu. Coverage i s from 1180 to 1266. The f i r s t chronicle com- pleted by members of the warrior class. Bosatsu jutojutsu tengo jimmo taisetsu k&fu kyo" ^WOftW^SL Jfr/J^S***1 shptai ^ Jg- ihJ^r- /ro n'ans. Jikubutsunen *£_ ify <£u. Tokyo: Taisho Issai-kyd KinkS-kai, 1925. "TaishS shinshu DaizSkyo*-," vol. 12. Brazell, Karen. "Towazu gatari: Autobiography of a Kamakura Court Lady." Harvard Journal o_f Asiatic Studies. 31, 1971, pp. 220-33. C h i g i i f Maka shikan yfe Jk.M.. Tokyo: TaishS Issaikyo" Kank6**-kai, 1927. "Taisho" shinshu* DaizoTcyoV' vol. 46. Chikamatsu Monzaemon i i L %P*k P®\ JJJL^P^ . Futago Sumidagawa |£ *fif"D \£> 'lI . In Chikamatsu meisaku shu"", ge'. Tokyo: Njhon Meicho Zenshti Kanko-kai, 1927. "Nihon meicho zenshu," Edo bungei no bu 5. Chfiu k i ^ f e ( o r Chfiyu k i , Nakau k i ) . Fujiwara Munetada^ft^ •rrfa-f£f Kyoto: Nozomikawa Shoten, 1965. "(Z6"ho) Shiryff xaisei,"•vol. 9-11. The diary of Munetada, the Minister of the Right. Coverrage i s from 1087 to 1138. Daih$k6butsu kegon gyo: 4.0 kan bon X_ >5V^M# ^MgL^z., w=> * & jf^ (or Shiju kegon gyo** xp-r ). Trans. Hannya Jik. $3- .Tokyo: Taisho Issaikyo Kankc^-kai, 1927. TaishS shin- shu DaizSky*," vol. 40. Dai Nihon .jiin sfrran & J^^ltfcj^J^ . Comp. Hori Yoshizo vt? . 2 vols. 1916; rpt. Tokyo: Meicho Kanko"-kai, 1966. : 114 Fuboku waka shS %L %o-^tJ^$f . Gorap. Fujiwara Nagakiyo l ^ y ^ L • Tokyo: Kokusho Kank6-kai, 1 9 0 6 . Fujiwara Mototoshi • Fujiwara no Mototoshi kashu m&£4ljL %(^Mz. • Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki K. K., 1 9 2 8 . "(ShinkS) Gunsho r u i j i z , " v o l . 1 1 . Fujiwara Nobuzane fjtfc ffi^4%J\jt» Ima monogatari ^ ffr) j-jb « Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki K. K., 1930. "(Shinktf) Gunsho r u i j u , " v o l . 21. Got5 T a n j i A ^-H~>/£>. Chusei kokubungaku kenkyu rf> t£, /gl £. '%>fl "f^ • Tokyo: Isobe Koyo-do% 1943•. . •. Hanazono Tenno Jt^ IS XiM— • Hanazono Tenno sh i n k i Kyoto: Nozomikawa Shoten. 1 9 6 5 . "(ZoTio) ShiryS t a i s e i , " v o l * 2-3••••The diary of the Emperor Hanazono who reigned from 1308 to 1 3 1 8 . Hasegawa Motohiro fe* » l ' fC. 1f§j . "Kaku ya i k a n i " 4>^ < v » Q\ fz> . Kyoto: Nozomikawa Shoten, 1 9 6 9 . "Mikan z u i h i t s u hyaku shu," 1927; r p t . , v o l . 8 . Heike monogatari Jh' fty. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1 9 5 9 . "Nihon koten bungaku t a i k e i , " v o l . 3 2 - 3 . Kitagawa H i r o s h i , and Tsuchida, Bruce, trans. The Tale of the" Heike: Heike monogatari. Tokyo: U n i v e r s i t y of Tokyo Press, 1 9 7 5 • Sadler, A., trans. "The Heike Monogatari." Transactions of the A s i a t i c Society of Japan. 4 6 , 2 ( 1 9 1 8 ) , pp. 1 - 2 7 8 ; 4 9 , TT1921J, pp. 1 - 3 5 4 . Hirasawa Goro -^"rf^ . "Aki no yo no naga-monogatari, (joku): Dempon k a i d a i narabi n i hon'in sanshu" %X. $L^t. WD*k. C*\)^ W ^' .* e ^ . ShidS Bunko ronshu $lr •mlL > 2 ( 1 9 6 3 ) , P P . 2 9 1 - 3 ^ 7 " ^ . ... _ , TAki no yo no^naga-monogatari k6" #C t^^fty^ Shidfr Bunko ronshu. 3 1 1 9 6 4 ) . P P . 2 2 7 - 9 8 . Honcho bunshu ^ jjft . Ed. Mito-han A<^f . 80 kan. Tokyo: Kokushi T a i k e i Kank6*-kai, 1 9 3 8 . " ( S h i n t e i z6ho) Kokushi t a i k e i , " v o l . 3 0 . Honcho kSsfr den $j ff & . Comp. Mangen Shiban JU 7L 4 £ . 75 kan. Tokyo: Bussho Kank6"-kai, 1 9 1 3 . "Dai Nihon Bukkyd zensho," v o l . 1 0 2 - 3 . The biographies of 1 , 6 6 2 Japanese Buddhist monks. Completed i n 1 7 0 2 . Hyaku rensho" IS ^ r . 17 kan (missing f i r s t 3 ) . Tokyo: Kokushi T a i k e i Kank$-kai, 1 9 2 9 . " ( S h i n t e i z&Tio) Kokushi t a i k e i , " v o l . 11, A c h r o n i c l e . Coverage i s from the r e i g n of Emperoar R e i z e i > ^ J R L ( 9 6 7 - 9 6 9 ) to the r e i g n of Emperor Gofukakusa & (1246 - 1 2 5 9 ) . The l a s t part seems to be the com- p i l e r ' s d i a r y . An important h i s t o r i c a l document of the • Imperial Court. 115 Ichiko T e i j i £ |>. ̂  . Chuko, shosetsu no kenkyu (f> £ /I-jfea . 3rd ed. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppan-kai, 1962. Iroha j i r u i sho 4T%-,lL^$&$T . Masamune Atsuo IE ̂  , ed. Tokyo: Kazama Shobo, 1965. An enlarged edition of the dictionary, Iroha .jirui sh6* ^ » compiled by Tachibana Tadakane ̂  ^ during the late Heian period. Completed during the early Kamakura period. Issai shonyoraishin komyo ka j i Fugen Bosatsu enmei kqng& saisho darani kyfr - ̂  t%> Htp'% ivr ̂  ©fl *t> jay. WW Wl^MTW^ &j ^ ^ f£ ^£ A , v̂ C • T""ans. Fuku Jf- • TokyoPTaxshS Issaikyd Kankd-kai, 1926. -"TaishS shinshu DaizSkyoV' vol. 20. Jinn6 shot6~ k i . Comp. Kitabatake Chikafusa -̂-H- f t • Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1965. 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Comp. Minamoto Akikane 6 kan. Tokyo: Kokushi Taikei Kank£-kai,.1932. "(Shintei zftho) Kokushi t a i k e i , " vol. 18. A collection of narratives which describe ancient customs and legends of the pre-mid-Heian period. Completed sometime between the years 1212 and 1215. Koji ruien # $k1?L . Comp. Jingu" S h i c h ^ f ^ h\% . 1,000 kan. 1896-1914; rpt. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobun-kan, 1969. 51 vols. An encyclopedia. Koj6 Isao ilF) i j t ^ l . "Eiwa shosha-bon Aki no yo no naga-monogatari ni tsuite" ^Cjfc? % C ^ ^ X ^ ^ f i ~> " Z Kokugo kokubun fa\ * , 24. 10 (1955), pp. 39-43. 116 Kokka taikan ffl^LX.jjSj. Comp. Matsushita Daisahuro X .2 vols. 1931; rpt. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1958. Kokon chomon - ju v"£> J§> J[_ . Comp. Tachibana Narisue , 20 kan. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. 1966. "Nihon koten bungaku ta i k e i , " vol. 84. Kon.iaku monogatari ̂  %~ . Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1959. "Nihon koten bungaku t a i k e i , " v o l . 22-3. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1955. "Kadokawa bunko," vol. 932-5. Lun-vu 1%:(Rongo) . Tokyo: Heibon-sha, 1970. "Chugoku koten bungaku t a i k e i , " vol. 3« Minamoto Toshiyori ffi~4^%$L . Samboku kika shu £ ^"J^fe. . Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki K. K., 1928. "TShinkS) Gunsho r u i j u , " vol. 11V Miyoshi Tameyasu ^ 3? 3 kan i n 1. Tokyo Bukkyo zensho," vol. 107. Mochizuki Shinko 4^4, ed. (Mochizuki) Bukkyo* dai-.jiten (^t ¥[ ) ̂ ^ L X i a f ^ ' 8 vols. Tokyo: Sekai Seiten Kanko- kai, 1954. Motoori Norinaga ^ d E - ^ * . * Genji.'.monogatari tama no ogushi l^Wdite ^ "> Wf^ . In Ono Susumu ,|, ff-J%- , ed. Motoori Norinaga zenshu, vol. 4. Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo", 1969. Nagai YosMnori 9(C -ff . Nihon Bukkyfl bungaku © £ ^ . 3rd ed., 1953; rpt. Tokyo: Hanawa Shobfc, 1967. "Hanawa sensho," vol. 35. Nagawa Shimesuke ^ 'M Jt- 3- s. *T . Sumidagawa gonichi no omo- kage "fit) iJ? 'l| . In Meisaku kabuki zenshtt, vol. 15. Tokyo: Tokyo Sdgen Shinsha, 1969. Nihon rySi k i 0 ^ ^ " ^ . f e j . Comp. KySkai - f f ^ . Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1967."^ihon koten bungaku t a i k e i , " vol. 70. Nihon shoki © ̂  %&Li . Comp. Toneri Shinno" ^L^~ » e t a l . 30 kan. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1967. "Nihon koten bungaku ta i k e i , " vol. 67-8. Aston, William, trans. Nihongi: Chronicles of Jfapan from the Earliest Times to A. D. 697. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1972. Nishida Naokai Sasa.no yamampitsu jfjc $t i~ . Tokyo: Nihon Zuihitsu Taisei KankQ-kai,_1928. "Nihon zuihitsu t a i s e i , " ser. 2; vol. 2. Shio.jirijfff J9h . 1930. "Nihon zuihitsu t a i s e i , " ser. 3; vol. 9-I0; 117 Okada Hajime iff , trans. (Zenshaku) Edo sandai kisho ) ^ X / ' s - X ' ^ - ^ - . Tokyo: Y*u"kd Shob-3, 1970. 0nj^-.1i denki '(£J ^ ^ ^ J t - f c . 10 kan. Tokyo: Bussho Kankfr-kai, 1913. "Dai Nihon Bukkyo zensho," v o l . 127. Ozawa E i i c h i '\^7%J%L— , and Oda Yasumasa /K t© ̂ ^t£_ , comp. Kenkyft Nihon s h i Xftdj^ & . Tokyo: Shimizu Shoin, 1956. Ryuju-fe^f-J. Dai chido ron j^^&jt^fo . Kuraaraju j^Jf%.^ ~, trans. 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