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Women, poverty and housing : some consequences of hinterland status for a coast Salish Indian reserve… Mitchell, Marjorie Ruth 1976

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WOMEN, POVERTY, AND HOUSING: SOME CONSEQUENCES OF HINTERLAND STATUS FOR A COAST SALISH INDIAN RESERVE IN METROPOLITAN CANADA B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1966; M.A., University of V i c t o r i a , 1968 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Anthropology and Sociology) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA MARJORIE RUTH MITCHELL August, 1976 Marjorie Ruth M i t c h e l l , 1976 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t "of the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I ag ree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d that c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Anthropology and Sociology The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1WS Date September Tft 1976 Research Supervisor: Dr. David P. Aberle ABSTRACT A perspective that focusses upon the development of a B r i t i s h Columbia Indian reserve as a dependent hinterland within the Canadian metropolis i s used as a framework for an ethnographic description of reserve poverty. The re s u l t s of Euro-Canadian economic intrusion upon a Coast Sali s h v i l l a g e that was comparatively s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t p r i o r to contact are viewed i n terms of the native inhabitants' diminishing access to t r a d i t i o n a l resources, t h e i r increasing reliance upon wages and metropolitan government transfer payments, and t h e i r i r r e v e r s i b l e descent into poverty. Ethnographic fieldwork i n 1971-72 i s supplemented with ethnohistoricaldocumentation to provide an account of the t r a n s i t i o n from autonomy to dependency and to describe the present s a t e l l i t e p o s i t i o n of the reserve. Early Indian A f f a i r s administration i s seen as a series of expropriative measures by c o l o n i a l and, l a t e r , federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments to r e l i e v e native people of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l subsistence t e r r i t o r y and r e s i d e n t i a l s i t e s and of t h e i r r i g h t s to s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n as well as to self-determination. An assessment i s made of the imposition of the Indian Act and other government•policy upon the l i v e s of reserve residents, e s p e c i a l l y women. i i i The economic position of native Indian women i s compared with that of the i r male counterparts on the reserve and with non-Indian populations i n selected census areas. Examination of unemployment patterns, employment alternatives, and income le v e l s reveals that Indian women suffer more severe economic hardships than v i r t u a l l y any other segment of Canadian society* Both native women and men are largely dependent upon seasonal or irre g u l a r employment i n unskilled, low-paying positions, but for women, employment alternatives are even more r e s t r i c t e d and wages more unr e l i a b l e . Self-generated employment by women is a major source of supplementary income. In addition, female-centred, or matrifocal, households on the reserve are shown to have substantially lower per capita and median incomes than male-centred, or p a t r i f o c a l , households, to be more dependent upon inadequate government transfer payments, and to be almost e n t i r e l y below standard poverty l i n e s established for a l l Canadian households. Because of t h e i r vulnerable l e g a l i d e n t i t y as registered Indians and as members of Indian bands, reserve women are discovered to be p a r t i c u l a r l y subject to economic hardships, not only in terms of employment and income but also of acquiring adequate reserve housing for themselves and t h e i r children. The ways i n which women manoeuvre to obtain the best possible l i v i n g accommodation for themselves and t h e i r families are described from the perspective of establishing claims to share housing with kin or to occupy abandoned dwellings. S h i f t i n g r e s i d e n t i a l patterns that constantly rearrange the composition of certa i n households are seen as the outcome of a severe housing shortage on the reserve and of overcrowding that permeates nearly every house. A poorly-financed federal government programme to build new houses on the reserve i s shown to be t o t a l l y inadequate for meeting the housing needs of a growing population. Consequently, new or improved houses are regarded by reserve inhabitants as a s o c i a l resource, i n scarce supply and high demand. Child care arrangements, i n the case of marriage breakdown, are shown to be the r e s u l t of c a r e f u l decisions that native Indian mothers make to ensure the best possible housing for t h e i r children, i n a sit u a t i o n of limited economic resources and only a narrow range of options for providing security for the offspring of t h e i r marriage. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i LIST OF TABLES v i i i LIST OF FIGURES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . x i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xiv CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 Theoretical Framework 4 Purpose of the Investigation 22 Method: Fieldwork and Research Procedures . . . 29 Contract and Ethics . 29 Fieldwork and Research Procedures . . . . . 36 II. THE HINTERLAND ENVIRONMENT . 41 Physical Environment 42 Location. . . . . . . 42 Climate 46 Flora and Fauna 47 Topography. 48 Resources 50 s*~ C u l t u r a l Environment 66 The Indian Community. . . . . . 67 * The Non-Indian Community 77. I I I . ETHNOGRAPHIC AND HISTORICAL SETTING. . . . . . . 84 Ethnographic Background 84 Origins . . . . . . . . 86 Aboriginal T e r r i t o r y and Subsistence. . . . 89 v v i CHAPTER Page C u l t u r a l Background . . . 91 The Status of Women i n Aboriginal Coast Sal i s h Society . . . . . . . . . . 96 H i s t o r i c a l Setting . . . . 108 Early Contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 European Colonization i n S t r a i t s S a l i s h T e r r i t o r y . . . . . . . . . . . . I l l Coloni a l Settlement . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 The Indian Act 125 The Early Twentieth Century: 1900-1929 . . 132 The Depression Years. . . . . . . . . . . . 148 World War I I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 The Years Since World War I I . . 1 154 IV. DEMOGRAPHY . . . .159 Size and Composition of Reserve Population . . . 159 Population Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 Age P r o f i l e . 162 Sex Ratio 168 *" Ethnic and Band A f f i l i a t i o n . . . . . . . . . . . 168 Mari t a l Status 181 V. THE LEVEL OF POVERTY: WORK AND INCOME 18 5 Defining Poverty . 185 Reserve Economy. . . . . . . . . . 188 Employment and Occupational Patterns. . . . 192 Income . . . . . . . . . 253 Recipients and Sources 253 Household Income 276 Household Income and Poverty. . . . . . . . 289 VI. THE LEVEL OF POVERTY: A PLACE TO LIVE 2 98 Housing and Housing Conditions . 299 F a c i l i t i e s . . . . . . . . . . . 299 House Size. 302 Overcrowding and the Housing Shortage . . .303 v i i CHAPTER BIBLIOGRAPHY Page A c c e s s t o New Housing 319 Accommodation f o r Non-Band Members. . . . . 329 Households 343 Sex o f F o c a l F i g u r e 346 Changes i n Membership 349 Moving 351 C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of F l u c t u a t i n g Households. . . 373 Economic A s p e c t s of M a t r i f o c a l Households. . . . . . . 375 M o b i l e P o p u l a t i o n . 378 C h i l d Care Arrangements and Ac c e s s t o Housing. . 384 Summary and C o n c l u d i n g Remarks . . . . 394 400 LIST OF TABLES TABLE Page I. INTERMARRIAGE AND BAND AFFILIATION . . . . . . 70 I I . AGE AND SEX OF ON-RESERVE BAND MEMBERS, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 164 II I . AGE AND SEX OF ALL PERMANENT RESIDENTS, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . 165 "* IV. YOUTHFULNESS OF TSARTLIP POPULATION 'COMPARED WITH REGISTERED INDIAN AND GENERAL CANADIAN POPULATIONS, 1971 166 V, PRESENT BAND AFFILIATION, TSARTLIP RESIDENTS, BY SEX, 1971 177 VI. NATAL BAND AFFILIATION AND/OR NATAL LEGAL STATUS, TSARTLIP ADULTS, BY SEX. . . . . 178 VII. 1971 BAND AFFILIATION OF ADULT POPULATION, BY NATAL BAND AFFILIATION AND SEX, TSARTLIP RESERVE 180 VIII. MARITAL STATUS, TSARTLIP ADULT POPULATION, BY SEX, 1971 181 IX. ANNUAL EMPLOYMENT PATTERN BY SEX, TSARTLIP ADULT LABOUR FORCE, 1971 193 X. FREQUENCY AND PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF INSTANCES OF EMPLOYMENT IN OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORIES, BY SEX, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 227 XI. UNSKILLED DIAND JOBS AND WAGES, BY SEX, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . . 241 XII. SOURCES OF INCOME, BY SEX OF RECIPIENT TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . . 256 XIII. PERSONAL ANNUAL INCOME, ALL SOURCES, ADULTS WITH INCOME, BY SEX OF RECIPIENT, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 258 y i i i ix TABLE Page XIV. ANNUAL EMPLOYMENT INCOME, TSARTLIP LABOUR FORCE, BY SEX, 1971 259 XV. PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL ANNUAL INCOME FROM EMPLOYMENT, BY SEX OF EARNER, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . . . . . . . . . . 260 XVI. PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION AND MEDIAN ANNUAL INCOME FROM ALL SOURCES, TSARTLIP ADULTS WITH INCOME AND CENSUS RESPONDENTS, 15 YEARS AND OLDER, WITH INCOME, IN SELECTED CENSUS AREAS, BY SEX, 1971 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 262 X V I I . PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION AND MEDIAN ANNUAL INCOME FROM EMPLOYMENT, TSARTLIP LABOUR FORCE AND CENSUS RESPONDENTS, 15 YEARS AND OLDER, WITH EMPLOYMENT INCOME, IN SELECTED CENSUS AREAS, BY SEX, 1971 264 X V I I I . PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF WOMEN WITH GOVERNMENT TRANSFER INCOME, ACCORDING TO INCLUSION OR EXCLUSION OF FAMILY ALLOWANCE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 268 XIX. PERCENTAGE OF PERSONAL ANNUAL INCOME FROM GOVERNMENT TRANSFER PAYMENTS FOR FEMALE RECIPIENTS ACCORDING TO INCLUSION OR EXCLUSION OF FAMILY ALLOWANCE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 269 XX. ANNUAL GOVERNMENT TRANSFER INCOME OF ADULT RECIPIENTS, BY SEX, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971. . . . . . . . . 270 XXI. PER CENT OF ANNUAL PERSONAL INCOME FROM GOVERNMENT TRANSFER PAYMENTS, BY SEX OF RECIPIENT, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971. . . . . . . 271 X X I I . PERCENTAGE OF ANNUAL PERSONAL INCOME FROM SOCIAL ASSISTANCE PAYMENTS, BY SEX OF RECIPIENT, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 27 3 X X I I I . PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION AND MEDIAN ANNUAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME FROM ALL SOURCES, TSARTLIP RESERVE HOUSEHOLDS AND RESPONDING HOUSEHOLDS IN SELECTED CENSUS AREAS, 1971. . . 277 X TABLE Page XXIV. MEAN NUMBER OF OCCUPANTS PER HOUSEHOLD, MEAN ANNUAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME, AND PER CAPITA INCOME OF HOUSEHOLD OCCUPANTS, TSARTLIP RESERVE AND SELECTED CENSUS AREAS, 1971. 279 XXV. HOUSEHOLD INCOME AND NUMBER OF CONTRIBUTORS, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . . . 280 XXVI. HOUSEHOLD INCOME, ALL SOURCES, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971. . . . 283 XXVII. PER CAPITA ANNUAL INCOME IN TSARTLIP HOUSEHOLDS, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, 1971 . . . 284 XXVIII. PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLD INCOME FROM GOVERNMENT TRANSFER, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . . . . . .286 XXIX. DOMINANT SOURCE OF HOUSEHOLD INCOME, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . . . 287 XXX. COMPARISON OF SENATE COMMITTEE POVERTY LINE WITH AVERAGE OF ACTUAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME FOR TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . 293 XXXI. POVERTY RATES, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . 295 XXXII. TSARTLIP HOUSING CONDITIONS, 1965 AND 1971 . . 300 XXXIII. AVERAGE (MEAN) DWELLING SIZE AND NUMBER OF OCCUPANTS FOR TSARTLIP AND SELECTED CENSUS AREAS, 1971 302 XXXIV. MEMBERS OF TSARTLIP BAND WITH PRIORITY FOR HOUSING, BY MARITAL STATUS AND SEX, 1971-72. . . . . . 323 * XXXV. STATUS OF NON-MEMBER RESIDENTS LIVING WITH BAND MEMBERS IN SENIOR GENERATION, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1 9 7 1 . . 331 XXXVI. NUMBER OF PERMANENT OCCUPANTS OF HOUSE-HOLDS, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 347 x i TABLE Page XXXVII. NUMBER OF GENERATIONS IN HOUSEHOLDS, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971. . . . . . . . . . . . 347 X X X V I I I . NUMBER OF CONJUGAL RELATIONSHIPS IN HOUSEHOLDS, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . . . . . . . . . . 349 XXXIX. HOUSEHOLD MEMBERSHIP AND CONDITION OF HOUSE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971. . . . . . . . . 373 XL. HOUSEHOLD MEMBERSHIP AND SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1 9 7 1 . . . 3 7 5 X L I . FREQUENCIES OF HOUSEHOLD MEMBERSHIP, HOUSEHOLD INCOME, AND SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . . . . . . 377 X L I I . CASES OF CHILD CARE ARRANGEMENTS AFTER SEPARATION, BY PATERNAL ACCESS OR LACK OF ACCESS TO ADEQUATE HOUSING, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 391 LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE Page 1. Indian Reserves of Saanich Peninsula and Mun i c i p a l i t i e s of Greater V i c t o r i a Metropolitan Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 2. Indian Reserves pf T s a r t l i p Indian Band . . . . . 44 3. 1971 Boundaries of T s a r t l i p Indian Reserve. . . . 49 4. Indian Reserves of Southern Vancouver Island, South Island D i s t r i c t . . . . . . 69 5. 1911 Boundaries of T s a r t l i p Indian Reserve. . ? . 142 6. T s a r t l i p On-Reserve Population, 1848-1970 . . . . 161 7. Percentage of On-Reserve T s a r t l i p Band Members Under Sixteen Years, 1901-1971. . . . . . 163 8. The Davis Household . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 9. The Peters Household 198 10. The Baker Household . . . . . . . . . . 201 11. The Johnson Household . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 12. The Andrew Household 205 13. The Arnold Household. . . . . . . . . . 208 14. The Peters Household. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210 15. The Simpson Household 211 16. The Arnold Household. 214 17. The Arnold Household. . , 215 18. The Williams Household. . . . . . . . . 217 19. The James Household . . . . . . 219 x i i x i i i FIGURE Page 20. Kin Relationships among Maximum Population i n Joshua Baker Household, during 1971. . . . . . 357 21. Kin Relationships among Maximum Population i n Florence H i l l Household, during 1971 360 22. Kin Relationships among Maximum Population i n Bernard Demarais Household, during 1971. . . . 363 23. Kin Relationships among Maximum Population i n Evelyn E l i a s Household, during 1971. . . . . . 367 24. Kin Relationships among Maximum Population in Homer Peters Household, during 1971 370 ACKNOWLEDGMENT To the people pf T s a r t l i p Indian Reserve who answered my questions with such patience and who offered valuable insights into the patterning pf th e i r own l i v e s and i t s r e l a t i p n s h i p tp non-Indian society, I am most deeply g r a t e f u l . Special thanks for his keen inter e s t and d i r e c t i o n must go to Chief P h i l i p Paul who set out mpst pf the ccnditions for my research among his people. David E l l i o t t Sr. took time from his busy days to a s s i s t me with an account of the history of the reserve, and I thank him for h i s help. I am gr a t e f u l to Charles E l l i o t t , Theresa Sam, and Caroline Joseph for providing me with introductions to householders, and to David Bartleman and Tom Sampson for t h e i r assistance. I w i l l always remember the kindness of my teacher and fri e n d , Chris Paul, who made tea on rainy afternoons and shared with me his memories, his gentle humour, and his wealth of knowledge. He spoke well of everyone and was t r u l y a scholar among native people. F i n a l l y , I owe a great debt to the women pf the reserve who were more than generous with t h e i r time and knowledge. It i s d i f f i c u l t to single out a few names from among the many women who helped out, but Bea E l l i o t t , xiv Theresa Bartleman, Fran Paul, Edna and Linda Henry, A l i c e , Audrey, and Paulette Sampson, Rusty and Pat E l l i o t t , Irma Wilson, Daisy Alphonse, Georgiana Smith, and Val Cooper receive my sincere thanks for t h e i r assistance. Freda Cooper, Theresa Sam, and Agnes Smith gave me encouragement and friendship and demonstrated the adaptability and courage that i s the source of women's strength, everywhere. I cannot thank them enough. Without the f i n a n c i a l assistance provided me from 1968 to 1972 by Canada Council pre-doctoral fellowships, graduate studies and subsequent f i e l d research for t h i s i nvestigation would have been v i r t u a l l y impossible. I received i n t e l l e c t u a l guidance from a number of people. Dr. David F. Aberle exhibited commendable patience as my graduate advisor, and I am sincerely appreciative of his comments and c r i t i c i s m s . Dr. P a t r i c i a Marchak's support and d i r e c t i o n i n the l a s t stages of writing was invaluable. The assistance of Dr. Michael Kew and Wilson Duff i s also g r a t e f u l l y acknowledged. The influence of Michael Ames and his warm^theory-seminar i n helping a budding l i n g u i s t to think l i k e a blooming anthropologist cannot be under-estimated. Dr. Stuart Jamieson of the Department of Economics at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia and Dr. Carol Stack of Boston University must be thanked for reading the f i n a l d r a f t pf t h i s manuscript. In addition, I wish to express my appreciation to x v i Bernard G i l l i e , Consulting Director to the B.C. Inter-Cu l t u r a l Curriculum Project, University of V i c t o r i a , who gave me time when I needed i t and whose wise counsel helped me through some trying days. Along with Barbara Smith who typed the f i n a l draft of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n with enthusiasm and inte r e s t , eventually s a c r i f i c i n g her holidays to help me f i n i s h on time, Sharon Keen, Antonia Botting, Candace Hansen, Lesley Purdy, and Florence Lundgren must be thanked for t h e i r assistance with research, data tabulations; and preliminary typing. I am sincerely appreciative of the work of John Kendall, who drew the maps, and Deborrah Minaker and Lorna Ward, who drew the diagrams. My K i l l e r Whale brother, Gary Patsey, and Daphne Patsey know that my thanks go beyond the work they did i n coding data and transferring i t to keysort cards. A l l a n Clark's help with proof-reading i s acknowledged with appreciation, In addition, I was fortunate to have Kerry Carney's sense of humour to sustain me as we worked long, t i r i n g hours through the l a s t week, i n order to f i n i s h "on time." I am very conscious of the tangible and intangible contributions of friends, p a r t i c u l a r l y Terry Reynolds, Sherry Selander, Marylee Stephenson, and Gina Quijano who gave me places to stay, good food, and good company i n Vancouver, and June Akehurst who kept my Victoria-house i n order. Terry Winchell, Lorna Ward, Sharon Keen, and x v i i Margaret MacGregor provided i n t e l l e c t u a l stimulation and emotional support at c r u c i a l moments. My parents have been both understanding and he l p f u l during my lengthy childhood. Throughout the writing of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , I have been cheered and encouraged by three women of great warmth, humour, and strength: my mother, Mildred Cleland, my friend, Barbara Ef r a t , and my daughter, L i s a M i t c h e l l . CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION When the people of two diverse cultures come into prolonged contact, change i n both cultures i s i n e v i t a b l e . The nature and d i r e c t i o n of change occurring as a r e s u l t of culture contact i s a subject of long-standing concern among anthropologists who have developed a number of t h e o r e t i c a l perspectives and concepts to account for and describe the phenomenon of culture change. In the case of the intrusion of Euro-Canadian culture upon native Indian culture, the r e s u l t has been .a dominant p o l i t i c a l and economic position for the former and, for the l a t t e r , a subordinate p o s i t i o n accompanied by pervasive change i n v i r t u a l l y every aspect of the aboriginal way of l i f e . Moreover, because of widespread, chronic poverty among native Indian people, anthropologists often attempt to account for t h i s , as well, within the more general framework of culture change. Two of the most important of these perspectives on culture change and poverty are somewhat contradictory. The perspective of acculturation t h e o r i s t s i s based upon the notion that aboriginal patterns of culture w i l l be replaced by or changed into the patterns of the other culture. The process of acculturation may'be gradual or rapid, but i t r e s u l t s i n e v i t a b l y i n an approximation of the dominant culture by the subordinate. In terms of an interpretation of poverty, acculturation occurs as economically under-developed people move toward and adopt the behaviour patterns of people i n the more prosperous, i n t r u s i v e culture and come to p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n the economic and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of the dominant society. In general, people are said to be more or less acculturated according to the degree to which they have either assumed the new and affluent way of l i f e or retained the patterns of the old and underdeveloped. New t r a d i t i o n s that emerge as d i s t i n c t i v e from both old and new may be seen either as evidence of s o c i a l breakdown or as developmental steps i n the one-way acculturative process. Poverty among acculturating Indian people may be considered either a p r i o r condition or a symptom of s o c i a l disorganisation and f a i l u r e to acculturate. The contrasting perspective focusses upon the structure of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the cultures i n contact. When Euro-Canadian culture establishes and maintains an e x p l o i t a t i v e p o l i t i c a l and economic domination over native Indian culture, the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s termed m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e , or metropolis-hinterland. This perspective argues that s a t e l l i t e cultures have changed and are changing i n response to the nature of t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n with an e x p l o i t a t i v e metropolis. In contrast to acculturation views, analysis from a metropolis-hinterland framework does not require that changes i n hinterland cultures be regarded as i n d i c a t i v e of progress or development toward the metropolis culture. Instead, changes are seen as adjustments of the Indian s a t e l l i t e to economic and p o l i t i c a l pressures from the dominant Canadian metropolis. By the same token, poverty i s a condition created and imposed upon Indian people by the metropolis-s a t e l l i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p . In t h i s study, I intend to use the metropolis-hinterland framework as the basis for an ethnography of poverty among the native residents of a small, suburban Indian reserve on southeastern Vancouver Island. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , t h i s investigation w i l l attempt, f i r s t , to show how economic and p o l i t i c a l aspects of metropolitan culture l i m i t the alternatives and l i f e chances available to Indian people and create or maintain an oppressive l e v e l of poverty on the reserve; second, to describe the h i s t o r i c a l development of t h i s c o l o n i a l relationship; and t h i r d , to examine i n d e t a i l the consequences of the metropolis-s a t e l l i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p and some of the ways that Indian people - - p a r t i c u l a r l y Indian women --cope with t h i s s i t u a t i o n . In the remainder of t h i s chapter, I w i l l expand upon the contrasting notions of acculturation processes and metropo'lis-hinterland relationships, indicate how the l a t t e r may be applied to native Indian people i n Canada, and point out how and why native Indian women are of pa r t i c u l a r int e r e s t to t h i s study. A description of the methods employed i n the f i e l d research i s contained i n the f i n a l section, following a f u l l d e scription of the purposes of the study. Theoretical Framework Among the many studies of contemporary North American Indian groups, a considerable number have dealt with the re l a t i o n s between these groups and the dominant white society. These studies have tended to centre around problems of acculturation and the influence of white North American culture upon t r a d i t i o n a l Indian s o c i a l organisation (e.g., Barnouw 1950; Colson 1953; Dunning 1959; Graves 1967a, 1967b; Knight 1968; Linton 1940; Simpson and Yinger 1957; Spicer 1961; Rohner and Rohner 1970; Thompson 1950; Wolcott 1968). Acculturation has been defined a number of times [e.g., Beals 1951; Broom et al. 1954; Herskovits 1958; Linton 1940; Redfield et al. 1936; Tax 1952). Very broadly, Redfield et al. have stated: acculturation comprehends those phenomena which r e s u l t when groups of individuals having d i f f e r e n t cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes i n the o r i g i n a l patterns of either or both groups (1936:182). 5 Herskovits r e f e r s to acculturation as one aspect of . . . the process of transmission of culture from one group to another . . . [and as a] compre-hensive interchange between two bodies of t r a d i t i o n . . . (1958:15). C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of types of acculturation have been attempted (e.g., Bateson 1967; Broom et al. 1954; Bruner 1956; Devereux and Loeb 1943; Redfield et al. 1936; Rohner and Rohner 1970; G. Spindler 1955; L. Spindler 1962; Voget 1951, 1952, 1956). Many of these have described the phenomena of conservatism and opposition — "contra-acculturation movements" (Redfield et al. 1936:186), "schismogenesis . . . which r e s u l t s i n mutual h o s t i l i t y " (Bateson 1967:194), "antagonistic acculturation" (Devereux and Loeb 1943:233) — where there i s resistance to acceptance of the c u l t u r a l patterns of one group by another. The intent i n such descriptions has been to account for cases where acculturation does not seem to occur. Although early d e f i n i t i o n s such as Redfield's did not say so, more recent use of the concept of acculturation seems to be based on at least two c r u c i a l , related assumptions. F i r s t , there i s a t e l e o l o g i c a l premise that the process of acculturation leads from the t r a d i t i o n s of the subordinate culture (e.g., North American Indian) along a path of increasing s i m i l a r i t y to the dominant culture (e.g., White North American). The longer and more intense the exposures to the influence of White North American culture, the more acculturated the Indian groups i n question w i l l become. The end of acculturation i s not necessarily t o t a l a s s i m i l a t i o n i n the dominant culture nor wholesale d i f f u s i o n of superior culture t r a i t s to the acculturating group but may be characterized, vaguely, as f u l l p a r t i c i p a -t i o n i n the benefits of the dominant society's democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s . For example Vogt states: in the United States . . . the path to full acculturation i s confusing and f r u s t r a t i n g . . . . Instead of proceeding generation by generation along a continuum to full acculturation, i t i s as i f an American-Indian group must at some point leap across a spark gap to achieve a fully integrated position i n white American society (1957:145, emphasis added). Clearly, the end r e s u l t of acculturation i s considered a given i n this case and when t h i s end i s not reached, explanations must be sought. One frequent explanation for the presumed " f a i l u r e " of American Indian populations to achieve f u l l integration with the dominant society i s that of " s o c i a l disorganization" {e.g. French 1948; Hawthorn 1966, 1967; Lewis 1970; Siegel 1962; Spicer 1962; Thompson 1950). Claudia Lewis describes s o c i a l disorganization among Northwest Coast Indians as . . . a complex of problems [including drinking, unemployment, welfare queues, d i r t y , overcrowded houses, broken families, violence, and neglected children] not uncommon 7 wherever d a r k - s k i n n e d m i n o r i t y -groups are g r a d u a l l y — o r sometimes p r e c i p i t o u s l y -- t a k i n g on t h e c u l t u r e o f a White m a j o r i t y , o r wherever such m i n o r i t i e s f e e l t h e m s e l v e s r e l e g a t e d t o a s e p a r a t e and u n e q u a l way o f l i f e (1970:3-4; see a l s o 96, 99, 101, 115, 118, 122-23). Moreover, i n comparing I n d i a n s o f mixed b l o o d w i t h t h o s e w i t h o u t White a n c e s t r y , Lewis seems alm o s t t o r e g a r d a c c u l t u r a t i o n as a r a c e toward a c c e p t a n c e o f w h i t e c u l t u r e when she asks i f t h e p a r t - I n d i a n i s somehow ". . . one l a p ahead o f t h e o t h e r s i n h i s d e s i r e o r a b i l i t y t o f i t i n t o the White man's p a t t e r n ? " (1970:108). She r e f e r s a l s o t o "more" and " l e s s " a c c u l t u r a t e d I n d i a n s (197 0:9) and t o t h r e e f a m i l i e s -- one c l i n g i n g t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l I n d i a n ways, one " s t r a d d l i n g t h e f e n c e , " and t h e t h i r d r e p r e s e n t i n g ". . . a n even more s u c c e s s f u l a d o p t i o n o f t h e White man's v a l u e s . . ." (1970:87). The i d e a of a one-way p a t h a l o n g which e v e r y t r a d i t i o n a l I n d i a n s o c i e t y p r o g r e s s e s toward f u l l a c c u l t u r a -t i o n i s n o t p e c u l i a r t o Vogt and Lewis {e.g., L i n t o n 1940; Rohner and Rohner 197 0; Simpson and Y i n g e r 1957; S p i c e r 1961; Voget 1952, 1961-62). A t t e m p t s t o i d e n t i f y l e v e l s o r s t a g e s o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n a l o n g t h e continuum from I n d i a n t o w h i t e a r e summarized by McFee and i n c l u d e . . . V o get's [1951, 1952] native-modified, and American-marginal, Bruner ' s [1956] unacculturated, marginal, acculturated, and S p i n d l e r ' s 8 [1955] native-oriented, transitional, lower- and upper-status aoeulturated (1968:1096, a u t h o r ' s e m p h a s i s ) . I n a paper c r i t i c a l o f t h e s e v i e w s , J o r g e n s e n t h u s summarizes them: . . . the d i r e c t i o n change t a k e s i s from a p r i m i t i v e , under-d e v e l o p e d s o c i e t y , i.e., a s o c i e t y w i t h low economic o u t p u t , low s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g , e t c . , t o a c i v i l i z e d , d e v e l o p e d s o c i e t y w h e r e i n the once underdeveloped s o c i e t y becomes f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o t h e dominant White s o c i e t y . T a u t o l o g o u s l y , t h e l a t t e r i s a c h i e v e d when ' a c c u l t u r a t i o n ' i s complete (1970:1). The second b a s i c a ssumption u n d e r l y i n g t h e concept of a c c u l t u r a t i o n i s t h a t f u l l a c c u l t u r a t i o n w i l l be a c h i e v e d t h r o u g h economic development. Underdevelopment h i n d e r s a c c u l t u r a t i o n and> once I n d i a n s come t o p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n t h e economy and i n the p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s o f t h e dominant w h i t e s o c i e t y , development and a c c u l t u r a t i o n w i l l o c c u r s i m u l t a n e o u s l y (e.g., Brophy and A b e r l e 1966; Hawthorn 1966, 1967; Simpson and Y i n g e r 1957). For example, Hawthorn a s s e r t s : t h e mutual t i e s o f r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s [among k i n ] a c t as d e t e r r e n t s t o economic advance-ment i n an i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . . . . The more p a r a s i t i c a s p e c t s o f k i n s h i p were p r o b a b l y r e i n f o r c e d i n the p a s t by t h e dependency of t h e r e s e r v e system. T h i s has l e d t o i m p o r t a n t changes i n s o c i a l w e l f a r e o r r e l i e f p o l i c y t o f r e e t h e i n d i v i d u a l and 9 h i s immediate f a m i l y from t h e burdens o f s u p p o r t i n g o t h e r k i n , and t h u s encourage t h e i r independence and a m b i t i o n t o . b e t t e r t h e m s e l v e s (1966:121). J o r g e n s e n , on t h e o t h e r hand c o n t e n d s : th e a c c u l t u r a t i o n framework p r o v i d e s a r a t h e r e u p h o r i c way t o . . . t a l k about what has " " " I r o n i c a l l y , t h e " c u l t u r e of p o v e r t y c o n c e p t " d e v e l o p e d by Oscar Lewis (1959, 1966) t o e x p l a i n t h e s e e m i n g l y n e g a t i v e b e h a v i o u r p a t t e r n s and s o c i a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f poor b l a c k Americans comes t o j u s t t h e o p p o s i t e c o n c l u s i o n . That i s , economic a i d t o t h e poor w i l l n o t l e a d t o i n t e g r a t i o n and development (or a c c u l t u r a t i o n ) but r a t h e r w i l l s i m p l y p e r p e t u a t e t h e i n h e r e n t l y n i h i l i s t i c and i n e v i t a b l e c u l t u r e t r a i t s o f t h e poor. Hawthorn's statement t h a t most l a r g e urban a r e a s have a dependent White m i n o r i t y c o n t a i n i n g a f a m i l i a r h a rd c o r e of t h e s o c i a l casework l o a d s . As p o i n t e d out by v a r i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s , i n d i v i d u a l s i n such groups a r e not m o t i v a t e d by t h e same i n c e n t i v e s o r t o t h e same degree as are most members of the w o r k i n g and m i d d l e . c l a s s . The urban poor c o n s t i t u t e a s e l f -p e r p e t u a t i n g s u b c u l t u r a l group w i t h i t s own system o f rewards and s a t i s f a c t i o n s i n w h i c h d u r a b l e consumer goods, e d u c a t i o n and h i g h e r s t a t u s do not f u n c t i o n as e c o n o m i c a l l y m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e s . I n d i a n s f r e q u e n t l y t e n d t o i n t e g r a t e w i t h W h i t e . s o c i e t y a t t h i s l e v e l and t h u s t e n d t o p e r p e t u a t e low s u b s i s t e n c e s t a n d a r d s t h a t have grown up i n r e s e r v e l i f e (1966:108) i s an a t t e m p t , somewhat a t odds w i t h h i s o t h e r a s s e r t i o n , t o a p p l y t h e c u l t u r e of p o v e r t y concept t o ". . . d e p r e s s e d I n d i a n bands l o c a t e d i n o r near White urban communities" (Hawthorn 1966:108). 10 happened to the American Indians since contact. I t assumes that before . . . contact Indians were 'underdeveloped' and i t d i r e c t s us away from analysis of why Indians are as they are today. Because i t euphorically assumes that a l l things being equal and given an i n d e f i n i t e amount of time Indians w i l l become f u l l y integrated into the United States p o l i t y , economy and society just l i k e whites, i t i s also meaning-les s . That i s to say, no matter what condition Indian society i s found to be in when i t i s analysed . . . i t i s always some-where along the acculturation path headed towards f u l l accul-turation. Because acculturation explains everything, i t explains nothing (1970:2). Recently, these assumptions about integration and acculturation have been challenged not only by Jorgensen, but also by a number of others, including Aberle 1969a, 1969b, Bennett 1969; Braroe 19 65; Cardinal 1969; Deloria 1969; Frank 1967a, 1967b, 1970; Gonzalez 1969, 1970; Harding 1971; Munsell 1968; Robbins 1968; Steiner 1968; Tax and Stanley 1968. F i r s t , there i s an increasing awareness that, whatever " f u l l acculturation" means, not a l l Indians are following the path. Indian nationalism and nativism, concern for Indian i d e n t i t y and c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l , and conscious resistance to assimilation or acculturation of any kind are held up as examples of t h i s by Cardinal 1969; Lesser 1968 [1961]; Levine 1968; Lurie 1968; and Tax and Stanley 1968. As Levine observes, even where economic aid 11 i s given to promote acculturation and development, " . . . one often cannot predict what Indian people w i l l make of aid which they are given" (1968:26). McFee, i n stressing the inadequacy of the continuum model of acculturation, develops a "matrix model" to demonstrate that new ways can be learned without abandoning the old. The b i c u l t u r a l reservation community provides a variety of roles and situations for se l e c t i v e use of both (1970:1096). Second, and more important, a number of these authors maintain, with Jorgensen, that underdevelopment was caused by the development of the white-controlled national economy and that the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l conditions of Indians are not improving because the American Indian is, and has been for over 100 years, fully integrated into the national political economy (197 0:2, author's emphasis). Jorgensen bases his analysis, i n part, on Frank's thesis that the present s i t u a t i o n of Latin American nations, as well as t h e i r own hinterlands and the i r Indian populations, i s characterized by a "met r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p " (1967a:124). Frank's es s e n t i a l argument i s that world capitalism produced underdevelopment i n the past and continues to generate underdevelopment i n the present by establishing a network of monopolistic, appropriative-expropriative relations that extract economic surplus from the many for the benefit of the few. This r e l a t i o n s h i p l i n k s , i n chain-like fashion, the " . . . macrometropolitan 12 center of the world c a p i t a l i s t system [ i . e . , the United States]" (Frank 1967a:16) with national, regional, and l o c a l centres, down through large landowners and merchants, small peasants, landless a g r i c u l t u r a l and factory labourers, and for our purposes, Indians: At each step, the r e l a t i v e l y few c a p i t a l i s t s above exercise monopoly power over the many below, expropriating some or a l l of t h e i r economic surplus and, to the extent that they are not expropriated i n turn by the s t i l l fewer above them, appropriating i t for the i r own use. Thus, at each point, the international, national, and l o c a l c a p i t a l i s t system generates economic development for the few and underdevelopment for the many (Frank 1967a:7-8). Contradictions of capitalism are recreated on the domestic l e v e l and come to generate tendencies toward development i n the national metropolis and toward underdevelopment i n i t s domestic s a t e l l i t e s . . . . [but] the development of the national metropolis necessarily suffers from the l i m i t a t i o n s , s t u l t i f i c a -t i o n , or underdevelopment unknown in the world c a p i t a l i s t metropolis — because the national metropolis i s simultaneously also a s a t e l l i t e i t s e l f , while the world metropolis i s not (Frank 1967a:10-11). Thus, as the gap in power, wealth, and capacity for development widens between metropolis and s a t e l l i t e , the s a t e l l i t e becomes increasingly dependent upon the larger metropolis and increasingly dominated by i t . In applying Frank's concept to Canadian society and 13 history, Davis refers to a series of metropolis-hinterland oppositions i n which metropolis continuously dominates and exploits hinterland whether in regional, national, c l a s s , or ethnic terms . . . . [and] s i g n i f i e s the centres of economic and p o l i t i c a l control located in larger c i t i e s . Further, the term may denote urban upper-class e l i t e s , or regional and national power structures . . . (1971:12). Davis defines hinterland as . . . i n the f i r s t instance, r e l a t i v e l y underdeveloped or c o l o n i a l areas which export for the most part semi-processed extractive materials — including people who migrate from the country to the c i t y for better educational and work opportunities. Hinterland may also u s e f u l l y denote under-classes as well as r u r a l peasantries and r u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t s (1971:12). Thus, the metropolis-hinterland r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not only a s p a t i a l concept implying geographical opposition and regional c o n f l i c t but, as Usher points out, i s a d i s t i n c t i o n ". . . o f power as well as of place" (1972:28). Both Davis (1971:28) and Usher (1972:29) include Canadian native people among those i n a hinterland consisting of . . . regions and peoples having, to a greater or lesser degree, t e r r i t o r i a l and c u l t u r a l i n t e g r i t y , d i s t i n c t i v e ways of l i f e (Usher 1972:28). The primary implication of the metropolis-hinterland framework for the study of contemporary Canadian Indian reserves i s that, as Aberle notes i n a discussion of American Indian reservations, they may be regarded as int e r n a l , underdeveloped s a t e l l i t e s , or colonies, of the larger society (1969a:228). Harding focusses s p e c i f i c a l l y upon t h i s s a t e l l i t e , or hinterland, status of the Canadian Indian reserve and remarks: A strong argument exists for viewing Canadian people of Indian ancestry as a c o l o n i a l people, who have been treated and i n e f f e c t controlled by outside authorities over which they had no d i r e c t control. Erroneous explanations of the problems of people of Indian ancestry are common in Canada . . . somehow these problems are viewed as a r i s i n g from the Indian's or Metis* inherent i n a b i l i t y to adjust to mainstream l i f e . . . . The conventional view . . . completely f a i l s to recognize the cl u s t e r of s o c i a l problems that people of Indian ancestry face, or the fact that these problems are not based on Indian culture. Rather, . . . . they are problems r e s u l t i n g from a h i s t o r i c a l interdependence of the dominant society and t h i s minority, which now l i v e s within 'a s o c i a l problem milieu' (1971:243). In these hinterland Indian communities, p o l i t i c a l , economic, and technological capacity for economic development i s decreasing and s t r u c t u r a l dependence upon the metropolis i s increasing (Frank 1967a:10-12; Harding 1971:251; Usher 1972:30). P o l i t i c a l power, resources, finances, commercialization, c a p i t a l goods, and technology remain in the metropolis, outside the reach or control of native Indian people. With expropriation of resources by the metropolis, and loss of ownership of means of production Indians become more dependent upon wage-labour for subsistence needs (Usher 1972:29). Yet wage income, purchasing power, and food consumption aire declining, leaving the Indian i n a helpless position of s t r u c t u r a l , as well as personal, inequality (Frank 1967a:106-111; 123-142) As Usher observes the growth of metropolitan Canada i s largely dependent on the extraction of resources, labour and surplus c a p i t a l from the hinterland. Consciously or not, metropolitan Canada i s now i n a po s i t i o n to di c t a t e the terms on which the hinterland population w i l l l i v e . . . . Either the hinterland communities conform to metropolitan requirements or they can be l e f t to die . . . . (1972:30). Like other s a t e l l i t e groups commonly considered outside, or marginal to, the national economy of the metropolis but actually f u l l y incorporated into i t , Indian people are necessary to the expropriative-appropriative functioning of monopoly capitalism, both as producers who work for minimum wages and as consumers. Frank remarks: [The] . i . poor are more exploited as consumers than anyone else . . . thus, the low-q u a l i t y food, housing, and other consumer goods cost more . . . than do corresponding high-quality wares bought by middle and high income buyers i n other areas. When they do manage to get jobs that permit them to produce something, they are of course also exploited to a higher degree as producers than any other members of the population (1967a:lll). Caplovitz' (1967) study of the poor i n New York C i t y c l e a r l y bears out Frank's position. Caplovitz focusses on merchants, salesmen, unethical practices, i n f e r i o r products, and c r e d i t i n s t i t u t i o n s that are geared e n t i r e l y to ex-p l o i t i n g the low-income consumer. He states: . . . the poor c r e d i t p o t e n t i a l of most low-income families combined with their lack of shopping sophistication often r e s u l t s i n the irony that they pay much more for a given qu a l i t y of durables than do consumers i n higher income brackets. This does not mean that they spend more, although even t h i s may sometimes be the case, but that they obtain considerably less value for t h e i r d o l l a r . . . [We] s h a l l f i n d that such matters as family income, where the goods are purchased, the method of payment, and s i g n i f i c a n t l y , race are associated with v a r i a b i l i t y i n cost (1967:81). Adams' (1963:169-70, 305) discussion of the exploitation of the Navaho consumer on the reservation by the trader's protective practices of double-pricing and c r e d i t saturation i s yet another example of the way i n which the s a t e l l i t e Indian reservation supports a segment of the larger metropolis economy — the trader and the trading post. In a s i m i l a r vein, Robertson (1970) suggests, more 17 im p r e s s i o n i s t i c a l l y , the numerous, supposedly benevolent, i n s t i t u t i o n s engaged i n the exploitation of the Indian — i n s t i t u t i o n s that provide s a t i s f y i n g roles and high-paying jobs for white representatives of the metropolis but not for Indians. Her conclusion i s that the Indian s i t u a t i o n today i s the product of a t i g h t , c l o s e l y supervised economic system, a system which produces not only the wealth of many Canadians, but also the d e s t i t u t i o n of the Indians (1970:10). The presence of a m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p i s i m p l i c i t i n Gonzalez' delineation of neoteric s o c i e t i e s — those lacking s t r u c t u r a l s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y (1969, 1970). In her analysis of Black Carib household structure (1969), Gonzalez emphasizes the adaptive nature of s o c i a l change i n these s o c i e t i e s . Although she i s concerned with c r i t i c i s m of the pathological or social-breakdown approach to neoteric socie t i e s rather than with c r i t i c i s m of acculturation studies (1969:10-11; 1970:8), her view that neoteric s o c i e t i e s are " . . . functioning, t h r i v i n g units . . . [that] were -created by the very conditions to which they are adapted . . ." (Gonzalez 1969:10-11) echoes Frank's view (1967a, 1967b). With reference to the marginality of neoteric s o c i e t i e s , Gonzalez believes with Usher (1972:30) that even though these s o c i e t i e s . . . may be considered to be "on the fringes" of i n d u s t r i a l c i v i l i z a t i o n . . . [they are] 18 completely dependent upon i t and must e i t h e r f i n d ways of adapting . . . or d i e (1970:9). T h i s p o s i t i o n seems a p p l i c a b l e to s t u d i e s of s o c i a l change on contemporary Canadian Indian r e s e r v e s , although the s p e c i f i c form of the a d a p t i v e responses of n a t i v e Indian or other c u l t u r e s may be q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from those of Black C a r i b s , as E h r l i c h d i s c o v e r e d i n comparing Black Jamaican and East Indian a d a p t a t i o n s to the sugar p l a n t a t i o n system (1974). With Gonzalez' " n a t u r a l i s t i c approach" (Aberle 1 9 6 9 b : v i i i ) , changes i n modern n a t i v e Indian s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n and behaviour p a t t e r n s would be regarded as responses to e x t e r n a l socioeconomic and s o c i o p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s . I t matters very l i t t l e , a c c o r d i n g to t h i s approach, whether a s p e c i f i c change i n s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n b r i n g s a s o c i e t y c l o s e r to " f u l l a c c u l t u r a t i o n " or not. The important point' i s t h a t these changes are seen as a d j u s t -ments to the e x i g e n c i e s of poverty and s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t y t h a t a l l o w the s a t e l l i t e s o c i e t y to p e r s i s t i n the f a c e of e x t e r n a l p r e s s u r e s from the dominant s o c i e t y . In c u l t u r a l e c o l o g i c a l terms, the h i n t e r l a n d Indian r e s e r v e c u l t u r e must adapt s t r u c t u r a l l y to v a r i a b l e s i n the m e t r o p o l i t a n c u l t u r a l environment, i n order to s u r v i v e . That s t u d i e s of these ada p t i v e mechanisms are necessary i s s t r e s s e d by Bennett who s t a t e s t h a t t h i s f a c t , t h a t each s o c i e t y must ad j u s t not o n l y to i t s own i n t e r n a l conditions but also to those set for i t by the circum-ambient community of neighbors, i s an element i n the ecological adjustment of s o c i e t i e s and communities that has been inadequately dealt with i n the l i t e r a t u r e (1969:ix-x), and by Harding who observes that . . . no one has looked at the status of [Canadian] people of Indian ancestry from the point of view of the organic r e l a t i o n -ship between reserve society and the larger p o l i t i c a l economy (1971:248, 251). One example involving, in part, a b r i e f examination of the p a r t i c u l a r adaptations of a Canadian Indian reserve to a d i s t i n c t c u l t u r a l ecological niche i s Bennett's (1969) study of four neighbouring s o c i a l groups on the Canadian Great Plains — c a t t l e ranchers, wheat farmers, Hutterites, and remnants of several Plains Cree bands. Along with Braroe (1965), who participated i n the research, Bennett characterizes the Indian reserve as a society "without a permanent footing i n the economy" (1969:156), that i s , without a surplus of c a p i t a l for investment, without access to stable, adequate wage labour, without natural resources worth exploiting even i f c a p i t a l were available. Conse-quently, the Indians are dependent upon r e l i e f and other " s o c i a l resources" (1969:169): Thus, i n order to survive, Jasper Indians had to develop ingenious strategies of manipulation of the 20 socio-economic environment. They were neither more nor less s k i l l e d in these strategies than other marginal populations and . . . they were manipulated and exploited, i n turn, by the ranchers and other whites (Bennett 1969:166). This pattern pf r e c i p r o c a l exploitation by which whites, e s p e c i a l l y ranchers, exploit and swindle the Indians i n order to gain land, pasturage, or cheap labour, and Indians, in turn, con the White man whenever the opportunity arises, i s detailed by Braroe (1965), but i t i s undoubtedly only one type of manipulative strategy among many employed by these Indians and others facing the same disadvantages. Other ethnographic studies such as Aberle (1966, 1969a), Dunning (1959), Harding (1971), Jorgensen (1972), Munsell (1967), Nagata (1971), Robbins (1968), and Schwimmer (197 0) have been concerned with depicting the manner i n which North American Indian s o c i e t i e s that have been pushed out of r e l a t i v e l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t positions i n aboriginal environments into almost e n t i r e l y dependent positions within the less s a t i s f a c t o r y milieu of a wage labour and welfare economy a r t i c u l a t e with the dominant society. The attempt i n some of these studies (e.g., Aberle 1966; Jorgensen 1972; Munsell 1967) i s to focus on the structural dependence of the Indian reserve on the larger North American p o l i t i c a l economy and to explain certain aspects of reservation s o c i a l structure, such as r e l i g i o u s movements or household organisation, as adaptive responses 21 to deprivation. Given the broad scope of t h e i r investiga-tions, the authors have not concentrated upon the day to day consequences of poverty for reserve inhabitants nor upon the strategies involved i n meeting basic needs. Stack (1974), on the other hand, although her research involves an urban black community i n the United States, deals exclusively with the everyday behaviour patterns by which the poor deal with t h e i r poverty. Directing her analysis to . . . the adaptive strategies, resourcefulness, and r e s i l i e n c e of urban families . . . [and] the s t a b i l i t y of their kin networks . . . under conditions of perpetual poverty (1974:22), Stack's approach replaces the negative perspective and stereotyped assumptions about s o c i a l pathology among the poor and the confusing arguments over integration, economic development, and the culture of poverty with a more positive, r e a l i s t i c perspective. She maintains that . . . The l i f e ways of the poor present a powerful challenge to the notion of a self-perpetuating [and pathological] culture of poverty. The strategies that the poor have evolved to cope with poverty do not compensate for poverty in themselves, nor do they perpetuate the poverty cycle. But when mainstream values f a i l the poor . . . . the harsh economic conditions of poverty force people to return to proven strategies for survival . . . . to healthy, creative [adaptations] 22 . . . to unhealthy environ-mental conditions (Stack 1974:129, 27). Given t h i s perspective, Stack's treatment of residence and marriage patterns, kinship-based mutual assistance networks, and the ro l e of women i n responding to ". . . poverty, . . . inexorable unemployment, . . . [and] scarce economic resources . . . " (197 4:124) provides a f r u i t f u l model for examination of some of the responses of native Indian people in reserve households, i n coping with similar economic circumstances. Purpose of the Investigation The objectives of the present study are the following: 1. to investigate the metropolis-hinterland r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Indian reserve and the larger economy i n terms of the u t i l i s a t i o n of dwindling resources for di r e c t subsistence as well as for commercial purposes, in order to point out the lack of a viable, i n t e r n a l , resource-oriented economic base for the reserve; 2. to describe the general Anglo-Canadian s o c i a l and economic environment within which the reserve operates and to discuss some of the li m i t a t i o n s imposed upon reserve residents by the metropolis-hinterland relationship; 3. to delineate b r i e f l y the ethnographic background of the t r a d i t i o n a l native culture in order to draw out the contrast between an e a r l i e r period of r e l a t i v e s e l f -s u f f i c i e n c y and the present state of p o l i t i c a l and economic dependency upon the metropolis; 4. to d e t a i l the h i s t o r i c a l development of metropolis-hinterland r e l a t i o n s from the period of contact to the present, from several perspectives including: (a) f l u c -tuations i n population; (b) a change i n the status of the Indian r e s i d e n t i a l s i t e from autonomous winter v i l l a g e to neo-colonial reserve; (c) the s h i f t of the native economy towards increasing dependence upon a wage-labour and government transfer income base; and (d) the eff e c t s of special l e g i s l a t i o n on the status of Indian women; 5 . to explore the consequences of these r e l a t i o n s by describing the nature and extent of poverty on the s a t e l l i t e reserve and i t s e f f e c t s on both native Indian men and women and on reserve households; 6. to examine some of the means that Indian people employ to cope with these consequences, with respect to strategies for obtaining housing, patterns of residence, and c h i l d care arrangements. Throughout the study, attention w i l l be directed towards problems of p a r t i c u l a r concern to Indian women and to th e i r e f f o r t s to deal with p e r s i s t e n t l y adverse circumstances i n the i r d a i l y l i v e s . Undoubtedly, the problems of coping are faced not only by women but also by a l l but the youngest members of the reserve. The eff e c t s of depleted natural resources, of inadequate income and services, of r e s t r i c t i v e l e g a l measures embodied in the Indian Act, and of p o l i t i c a l and economic powerlessness, in general, are experienced and shared by a l l those i n contact with the dominant, exp l o i t a t i v e metropolis. Both men and women suffer from r e a l deprivation of various kinds, most esp e c i a l l y from economic deprivation. Nevertheless, as the Report of the Royal Commission on the Status of Women i n Canada points out, [Although] poverty a f f e c t s a l l members of a family . . . often i t i s the wife and mother who i s subject to greatest stress. I t i s her immediate r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to cope with crowded, inadequate housing and limited budgets. Frequently, she gives p r i o r i t y to the needs of her husband, who must present a suitable appearance to the outside world, and to the children, whose future depends on the care she can give them. Her needs come l a s t , and she may be the l a s t person in the family to receive medical or dental care, to have new clothing, or to enjoy any recreation or interests outside her home. If she takes a job to increase the family income, she can probably earn very l i t t l e . Usually she cannot afford to pay for household help and so she must do housework in addition to her outside employment (1970:313). Gelber, in discussing Indian women and poverty, adds: [While] i t i s true . . . that such factors as poor housing to which Indian families both on and o f f the reserves are relegated in e v i t a b l y a f f e c t a l l members of the family . . . . i t i s the woman who i s expected to be the home-maker i n t h i s society which s t i l l preaches that 'a woman's place i s in the home'. [It i s the woman] . . . who suffers most . . . (1973a:30). From a th e o r e t i c a l perspective, C o l l i e r (1974), Rosaldo and Lamphere (1974), Smith (1973), and Stephenson (1973) argue that i t i s essential that ethnographers begin, at l a s t , to pay serious attention to the role of women i n the soci e t i e s studied. Almost u n i v e r s a l l y in ethnographic accounts, women are regarded as t h e o r e t i c a l l y unimportant, because they lack p o l i t i c a l and economic power i n the public sphere (Rosaldo and Lamphere 1974:8-9). C o l l i e r , i n her discussion of the p o l i t i c a l r o l e of women, maintains that women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of any group i s patterned, but r e g u l a r i t i e s may be hard to detect because native models [and those of ethno-graphers] tend to discount women's p o l i t i c a l role (1974:90). C o l l i e r points out that the behaviour of women i s frequently relegated, by male observers, to the status of "personal idiosyncracies or to p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c circumstances" and that the r e g u l a r i t i e s and patterns i n women's actions go unnoticed because of t h i s tendency to explain them i n terms . . . moral injunctions or j u r a l rules, both of which stress woman's duty to obey her male r e l a t i v e s . . . (1974:89-90). According to C o l l i e r , women must be viewed . . . as actors whose e f f o r t s to control the s o c i a l environment are channeled by c u l t u r a l rules, by available resources, and by choices of others within the so c i a l system (1974:90). Although there i s a growing interest i n focussing upon women as the subject of ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e (e.g., Matthiasson 1974; Reiter 1975; Rosaldo and Lamphere 1974), anthropological studies of native Indian women on Canadian reserves are scarce (Abler et al. 1974; Jacobs 1974). Even Hawthorn's two-volume Survey of Contemporary Indians of Canada (1966, 1967) yi e l d s few e x p l i c i t references to native Indian women. There i s b r i e f mention of Indian g i r l s who stay home from school to babysit and p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Indian women i n Homemakers' Clubs and other "entertainment and so c i a l service" associations (Hawthorn 1967:135). A some-what lengthier discussion involves the possible relationship between " . . . personal disorganization . . . . i l l e g i t i m a c y rates . . . . [and] per capita r e a l income . . ." (Hawthorn 1966:128), with an accompanying table (1966:129) showing the percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of "unwed mothers" among a l l mothers — apparently the only tabular presentation, i n either volume, of data r e l a t i n g to women. Nor are there separate economic data for women, either as individuals or household 27 heads, i n the Hawthorn survey. Even the Royal Commission on the Status of Women i n Canada (197 0) has very l i t t l e material of a fac t u a l nature on native Indian women, per se. Their special needs are subsumed under other categories r e l a t i n g to women and education, and women and poverty, among others. For the purposes of t h i s analysis, then, the major concern w i l l be with the women of the reserve, for i t i s they who are confronted most frequently and minutely with the implications of a c u l t u r a l environment that i s not only l e g a l l y , but also economically and s o c i a l l y r e s t r i c t i v e . Moreover, i t i s through the active e f f o r t s of reserve women to mobilize and manipulate available economic and s o c i a l resources that the Indian household survives. Without minimizing the important contribution of Indian men, t h i s study argues that Indian women are at least equal p a r t i c i -pants i n those creative adaptations that account for the persistence of Indian culture. The study w i l l attempt to show that, i n a sense, women who reside on Indian reserves i n Canada must endure and cope with the weight of multiple sources of discrimination (Adams et al. 1971:xi; Cheda 1973:58, 65; Gelber 1973a:36, 1973b:25; Lotz 1970): those associated simply with being female, with a l l i t s attendant stereo-types; those stemming from being Indian, and thereby subjected to discrimination on the basis of ethnicity, as 28 well as sex, through a whole set of special l e g i s l a t i v e measures with far-reaching e f f e c t s i n terms of the most ordinary aspects of t h e i r l i v e s ; and those of being poor, for, i f women are the poorest segment of Canadian society (Adams 1970:62; Gelber 1973b:25-26; Podoluk 1968:145; Royal Commission on the Status of Women 1970:309), Indian women are the poorest of a l l (Gelber 1973a:36, 1973b:26; Royal Commission on the Status of Women 1970:328). To be an Indian i n Canada, according to the Canadian Government's policy paper (Canada 19 69:3) ". . . i s to be a man, with a l l a man's needs and a b i l i t i e s . " To be an Indian woman i n Canada, on the other hand, i s to be ignored (Cheda 1973:65; Lotz 1970). To be an Indian woman in Canada i s to personify the dependent and exploited status of the s a t e l l i t e . Indian women are exploited e s p e c i a l l y by the larger society: through the Indian Act, which has determined that Indian women w i l l lose t h e i r l e g a l status and/or band membership under conditions that do not af f e c t the status of Indian men, thus causing severe socioeconomic predicaments and personal f r u s t r a t i o n s for these women; by federal and other government agencies, as well as by non-Indian individuals, who f a i l to recognize either the source of these predicaments or the ways that Indian women contend with them, and who continue to l a b e l Indian women, sometimes openly, with derogatory terms; and by employers, who tend to pay the lowest wages and to o f f e r the poorest working 29 conditions to native women (Gelber 1973a:30; Royal Commission on the Status of Women 1970:330). Before pursuing the objectives outlined for the investigation,, i t w i l l be useful to discuss the context and manner i n which f i e l d research and analysis was conducted. Method; Fieldwork and Research Procedures 2 Contract and Ethics F i e l d research for t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n was conducted on the T s a r t l i p Indian Reserve, a suburban reserve about 12 miles from V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia. T s a r t l i p i s also known as West Saanich Reserve, and both names w i l l be used throughout the study. The decision to carry out my research at T s a r t l i p was based less on s c i e n t i f i c considerations of theo r e t i c a l s u i t a b i l i t y than on pragmatic grounds. Because i t was necessary to l i v e at home, I had to fi n d a reserve within d a i l y commuting distance of V i c t o r i a . T s a r t l i p was thus an ideal location, although there were two major draw-backs to driv i n g back and fo r t h each day. F i r s t , I was unable to spend any time l i v i n g on the reserve and observing over an extended period of time. Second, i f the f i r s t contact of my day was a discouraging one, or i f I was apprehensive about an impending interview, i t was much too easy to turn around and go home. 2 Portions of the section on Contract and Ethics have appeared i n Efrat and M i t c h e l l 197 4. 30 Pragmatic considerations shaped the focus of research to some extent, as well. The chief of West Saanich Reserve, a prominent Indian leader i n the province, was outspoken i n his insistence that s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s work on behalf of native people, studying what Indian people wanted studied, instead of designing research projects with no thought of relevance to the needs of the native community under inves t i g a t i o n and without consulting members of that community before proposing research. Consequently, when I approached the chief about the p o s s i b i l i t y of doing anthropological research on his reserve, two important issues had to be resolved. The f i r s t concerned the u t i l i t y of the research for the reserve, and the second involved preparation of an agreement between the band council and the researcher i n order to ensure that the native people had at least some control over the a c t i v i t i e s of the researcher, the conduct of the research, and the publication of r e s u l t s . The contract i s presented as Appendix A. It was drawn up e n t i r e l y by me without l e g a l advice, both because the band expressed reluctance toward involving a lawyer and because I was unwilling to pay for one. The agreement i s signed by the 1971 band c o u n c i l l o r s and by me and, hence, i s a l e g a l l y v a l i d document. However, the f i n a l statement, inserted at the insistence of one of the co u n c i l l o r s negates i t s effectiveness as a legal agreement. Although I pointed t h i s fact out to the band council, the c o u n c i l l o r maintained 31 that i t would protect the reserve. The most important points i n the agreement involve publishing, r o y a l t i e s , deposition of f i e l d notes, p u b l i c i t y , h i r i n g of an assistant and my additional obligations to the band, apart from the research. Publishing. The agreement attempts a compromise between my professional obligations to publish material and the concern of the native Indian groups to maintain control over what i s published. This was accomplished by agreeing that any paper written that i s based on research at T s a r t l i p be given for comments and c r i t i c i s m to the Indian people concerned, before i t i s submitted for publication and that t h e i r remarks be included i n the published version, excluding the actual d i s s e r t a t i o n . Royalties. The agreement stipulates that any r o y a l t i e s accruing from publication of the research w i l l go to the T s a r t l i p band. It was pointed out to the council that scholarly publications were u n l i k e l y to y i e l d r o y a l t i e s , but the f e e l i n g of one c o u n c i l l o r was that "books about Indian people are now very popular and we ought to be covered just in case". Deposition of f i e l d notes. It was agreed to provide each participant with duplicates of a l l information he contributed. Later i t was decided to ask participants i f they wished to have copies and to provide t h i s material only to those who indicated they wanted i t . V i r t u a l l y no one wanted the band council to have a copy of the information, not even c o u n c i l l o r s themselves. P u b l i c i t y . Because of newspaper a r t i c l e s about T s a r t l i p that the chief c o u n c i l l o r f e l t were derogatory, any p u b l i c i t y concerning the research was to be e n t i r e l y i n the hands of the band council. The issue did not a r i s e during the fieldwork period. Hiring of an assistant. Part-time work was provided for two reserve residents, but only for b r i e f periods. Additional obligations. At the request of the band council, a report on housing conditions was written for the council early i n the research period. Later, after the accidental death of a c h i l d , the council requested a map be drawn that would show the locations of a l l houses on the reserve. The map was to be d i s t r i b u t e d to ambulance and other emergency services to enable them to locate houses more promptly. Although i t was not stipulated within the conditions of the agreement, informants were paid a small sum ($2.00 per session) for th e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n when formal interview schedules were used. In t h i s , I was following the 1961 fieldwork practice of Suttles, who d i s t r i b u t e d f i f t y - c e n t pieces to informants at each interview session, and my own e a r l i e r experiences with l i n g u i s t i c fieldwork. The aboriginal system of paying witnesses with wealth at a potlatch (Barnett 1955:134; Suttles 1963:517) i s s t i l l evident i n Northwest Coast s p i r i t dancing, funerals, and other modern r i t u a l events. As well, the native practice of "thanking with cash" lent i t s e l f r e a d i l y to the re c i p r o c a l nature of everyday assistance among reserve dwellers and to the long history of economic transactions with non-Indians. In addition, i t seemed a f a i r l y equitable way to d i s t r i b u t e a portion of my Canada Council fellowship among respondents, as Deloria (1969), Cardinal (1969), and others have suggested. Implications. In terms of f a c i l i t a t i n g my fieldwork, my willingness to enter into a written agreement with the T s a r t l i p Band Council was undoubtedly a major factor in obtaining permission to conduct an anthropological study on the reserve. On the other hand, once that permission was obtained, the agreement probably had l i t t l e e f f e c t on establishing rapport with i n d i v i d u a l s . To some extent, the focus of my investigations was shaped by the chief's own interests, and I was always conscious of the s t i p u l a t i o n that i l turn over copies of my f i e l d notes to the Council. Those copies, and t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , have been altered so that individuals and events cannot be i d e n t i f i e d i n any way 34 that might adversely a f f e c t either residents or the reserve as a whole. Consequently, while the name of the reserve i s authentic, I have used f i c t i t i o u s personal names throughout and have changed circumstances and l i f e h i s t o r i e s to provide as much anonymity as possible, without d i s t o r t i n g the o v e r a l l picture. Presumably, the most important aspect of the agreement from the point of view of the band i s that i t set a precedent and a pattern by which the band can control and guide future research at West Saanich. From a broader perspective, i t i s evident that, i n B r i t i s h Columbia, native Indian groups are becoming increasingly concerned with the protection and preservation of t h e i r own culture as well as of natural resources on t h e i r land. Native groups are moving to demand that exploitation of t h e i r l i n g u i s t i c , archaeological, and ethnographic resources by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s be replaced by a r e l a t i o n s h i p defined i n native terms, according to native sp e c i f i c a t i o n s and regulations. For example, the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Chiefs attempted to formulate a set of e t h i c a l guidelines by which Indian bands in the province could ensure what they would consider responsible behaviour by anthropologists, l i n g u i s t s , and others who would study native peoples and th e i r cultures, past, present, and future. Although the r e s u l t s of the Union's discussions were set aside for other more.pressing matters, another native organisation, the Council and C u l t u r a l Committee of the Hesquiat Band on the west coast of Vancouver Island, has produced a l e g a l document that w i l l have far-reaching repercussions i n the academic community. The terms of t h i s contract include: 1. Complete and absolute control over access to the Indian community, over the nature of the research, and over the deposition and publication of data; 2. Penalties for v i o l a t i o n of any of the conditions of the contract, including payment of a $5,000 indemnity and a l l l e g a l costs, and a court injunction against the researcher; 3. Continuing l e g a l commitment, on the part of the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , to f u l f i l l the obligations of the contract even after permission to do research has been revoked by the band, and u n t i l relieved of those obligations, in writing, by the band or i t s agent. Although none of the scholars currently working with the Hesquiat C u l t u r a l Committee has signed t h i s document, i t has been c i r c u l a t e d to other Indian bands in the province and has served as the model for at least one other contractual arrangement in B r i t i s h Columbia — an arrange-ment so stringent that two anthropologists chose to give up longstanding f i e l d research interests on an Indian reserve, rather than sign i t . My own recent work on t h i s l a t t e r reserve was seriously hampered by the controversy surround-ing the conditions of the contract, although I have not yet been requested to sign i t . Fieldwork and Research  Procedures My fieldwork began at West Saanich Reserve i n January, 1971. One of the band co u n c i l l o r s was made responsible for introducing me to the people of the reserve, but i t became clear that no one person could provide me with entries to a l l households. Eventually, three reserve residents gave me enough introductions to make a s t a r t . In each case, I began interviewing as soon as possible a f t e r I received permission to do so •— usually within one week. Altogether, I contacted people i n 48 of the 50 occupied houses on the reserve, but I was refused permission to return i n eight of the houses contacted. The most common reason given for r e f u s a l was that the respondent did not think the study would do any good, presumably for Indian people. Some individuals gave no reason for refusing. Eventually, I was able to make contact with occupants of a l l but six of the 50 houses. Through formal, interview schedules, with s p e c i f i c questions prepared and duplicated, through less structured interviews, where topics that I wished to pursue were discussed and b r i e f notes made, and through informal conversations, I acquired detailed i n -formation on the economic s i t u a t i o n of the occupants of 37 (74.0%) of the houses. This represents 70 per cent of the 1971 adult population of the reserve. In another seven (14.0%) of the homes, I was able to obtain some of the information I required from household members and the rest from r e l a t i v e s i n other houses. For information on the members of four of the remaining six houses, I r e l i e d e n t i r e l y upon outside sources such as kin, band council f i l e s , and Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern 3 Development f i l e s . In the other two cases, I had no contact with any residents of either house during the fieldwork period (January, 1971 through June, 1972), but l a t e r , through other circumstances, I met an i n d i v i d u a l from each and was able to gather at least some of the 1971 information I needed. In addition, census information was obtained from the DIAND D i s t r i c t O f f i c e i n Nanaimo, 70 miles north of V i c t o r i a . Data on reserve housing conditions and programmes as well as general information were acquired from the T s a r t l i p Band O f f i c e . Interview schedules were prepared to obtain information on housing, education, individual work h i s t o r i e s and income, household income and economy, household composition, and v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s . Data were transferred from these schedules, notes, and r e c o l l e c t i o n s of 3 Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development w i l l be abbreviated as DIAND throughout the remainder of t h i s study. 38 4 conversations to looseleaf notebooks and keysort analysis cards. There were two sets of notebooks one indexed alphabetically by respondents' names and the other indexed according to subject category. Notes on keysort cards were edited and maintained for eventual deposition with the band, according to the terms of my agreement. Another two sets of keysort analysis cards were used to code pertinent socio-economic information about individuals and households at T s a r t l i p , for tabular purposes. Data c o l l e c t i o n presented no p a r t i c u l a r problems, using either formal survey techniques and schedules or informal interviews. Those individuals who were w i l l i n g to cooperate showed the same willingness regardless of the topic. Questions concerning i n d i v i d u a l or household economics were answered r e a d i l y and with considerable int e r e s t . On occasion, a respondent would t e l l me that information being offered was "c o n f i d e n t i a l " , and i t has remained so. Perhaps the greatest d i f f i c u l t y encountered i n the course of my f i e l d research was my own reluctance to intrude upon other people's l i v e s . Almost a year went by before I could inquire into the matter of personal income and f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n without experiencing considerable anxiety. My own c u l t u r a l biases about what were appropriate 4 Because many reserve residents expressed opposition to being taped, I did not use a tape recorder except with one experienced respondent, nor did I take photographs. topics of enquiry caused me to develop an almost Machiavellian proficiency i n circumlocution, circumvention, side-stepping, and other dizzying t a c t i c s , u n t i l i t occurred to me that I was receiving vague answers not because of any reticence on the part of the respondents but because I was asking confusing questions. The f i r s t time I was able to ask someone d i r e c t l y , "How much money did you make l a s t year?", i received a detailed f i n a n c i a l statement that included various sources of income, duration of jobs, and other valuable information. There were other topics, such as winter dancing, alcohol consumption, and problems with the courts that were treated with reticence by respondents, but they were beyond the scope of my research interests, and information that I did acquire oh these subjects i s not included here. S i m i l a r l y , i t was my own insistence upon pursuing topics that I thought would be worthy of investigation that led me to overlook, for some time, the problems that Indian people have i n finding a place to l i v e . I could not help but be aware of reserve housing conditions> but i t was not u n t i l I related my d i f f i c u l t i e s with census-taking to the acute housing shortage rather than to the seemingly exasperating behaviour of people who would not stay put u n t i l I could count them, that I began to see the whole issue of housing as a major research concern. In the early stages of fieldwork, many reserve residents mentioned the housing problem to me, but I was so intent upon "doing research" that I paid scant attention. When their pre-occupation with getting a house fused with my own f r u s t r a t i o n over census-taking, I stopped "doing fieldwork" and began to l i s t e n . Indian people know better than anyone else what i s wrong and where the problem l i e s . Although I could agree with H a r r i s 1 statements that elements of pathology . . . i n the l i f e of the lower class have t h e i r source i n the structure and processes of the t o t a l system, mediated by denial of c u l t u r a l resources to the poor . . . . [and] the disadvantaged position of the poor i s maintained by the behaviour of the higher str a t a , acting i n t h e i r own inte r e s t as they see i t to preserve t h e i r advantages by preventing a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources . . . (1971:330-31), I was unwilling to recognise my own complicity i n perpetuating t h i s s i t u a t i o n . By imposing upon the native people of T s a r t l i p my notions of what was suitable research, I was indeed "acting in my own i n t e r e s t . " Whether the remainder of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s t r u l y " i n the i n t e r e s t " of the Indian people w i l l be for them alone to decide. CHAPTER II THE HINTERLAND ENVIRONMENT In order to appreciate the economic and socio-c u l t u r a l d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered by the native people of West Saanich Reserve and to comprehend the major features of t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to the metropolis, the reserve's natural setting and the resources available to i t s residents w i l l be examined f i r s t . This examination i s intended to outline how the u t i l i z a t i o n of the few resources available to native people i s affected by metropolitan market controls and by actions and l e g i s l a t i o n external to the Indian reserve. Incidents that serve to i l l u s t r a t e the r e s t r i c t i o n s and lim i t a t i o n s placed .upon Indian resource ex p l o i t a t i o n are described. The second part of the chapter concentrates upon the contempor-ary c u l t u r a l environment i n which West Saanich Reserve operates. Interaction with other Indian reserves i n the area i s described as largely complementary and non-exploit a t i v e , i n contrast to the character of inte r a c t i o n between the reserve and the metropolitan c u l t u r a l environment. The ways i n which t h i s l a t t e r i nteraction l i m i t s Indian alternatives and i n i t i a t i v e and hinders the 42 development of a secure economic base for the well-being of the T s a r t l i p band are discussed. Physical Environment Location Located on the Saanich Peninsula of southeastern Vancouver Island, West Saanich Indian Reserve occupies 48 3 acres on the western shore of Saanich Inlet, along the shallow curve of Brentwood Bay (Figure 1). T s a r t l i p l i e s within the boundaries of Central Saanich Municipality, a predominantly r u r a l area, but i s only 12 miles, by paved road, from the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l of V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia, a c i t y of 65,300 people (Figure 1). In addition to the West Saanich Reserve, the T s a r t l i p band has three other pieces of reserve acreage: 323 acres on the northwestern end of Mayne Island i n the Gulf of Georgia; a l l but one-tenth of an acre on Senanus Island, a small rocky i s l e t i n Saanich Inlet, used i n aboriginal times as a b u r i a l place; and 12 acres of wooded h i l l s i d e and t i d a l f l a t s on the eastern side of Goldstream, a spawning stream for Chum and Coho salmon and for s t e e l -head trout (Figure 2). The t i d a l f l a t s are the habitat of clams, mussels, and oysters, o f f e r i n g a s h e l l f i s h supplement to the di e t of the T s a r t l i p people, almost a l l year round. Goldstream, at the head of Saanich Inlet, i s held i n common by the T s a r t l i p , Tsawout, Tseycum, Figure 1: Indian Reserves of Saanich Peninsula and M u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Greater V i c t o r i a Metropolitan Area 43 (.WfSt Source: B r i t i s h 1951. Columbia, Department of Lands and Forests Figure 2 : Indian Reserves of T s a r t l i p Indian Band Source: Canada, Indian A f f a i r s n.d. 45 Pauquachin, and Malahat bands (Figures X, 2). At present, the Mayne and Senanus Island reserves, as well as Goldstream, are uninhabited, although occasionally i n d i v i d u a l s or families from one of the f i v e bands use the Goldstream Reserve for salmon f i s h i n g and deer hunting, i n the f a l l ; and Mayne Island, during the summer, for salmon, herring, and rock cod. The reserve at West Saanich i s cut diagonally by a two-lane, paved road that c a r r i e s a f a i r l y steady stream of truck and automobile t r a f f i c during daylight and early evening hours. I t provides an a l t e r n a t i v e to the main, four-lane highway p a r a l l e l i n g i t to the east (Figure 1) but, i n general, t r a f f i c i s slower on the road through the reserve because of many winding sections. In spite of a slower posted speed, there are numerous t r a f f i c accidents on the stretch of road that passes through the reserve. In 1971, there were seven accidents, involving ten cars, no deaths, and six persons injured and, i n 1972, there were four accidents, involving six cars, with no deaths and no i n j u r i e s (Miles 1974: pers. comm.). It i s not known who was involved i n these accidents, but t h i s section of highway i s c l e a r l y hazardous. The northern edge of the reserve i s bounded by Roman Catholic Church property and several farms, a l l 30 acres or le s s , except for one very large estate. Along the eastern boundary are a number of smaller farms of about ten acres 46 each, while to the south of the reserve i s Brentwood Bay, a suburban r e s i d e n t i a l area. The shore of Saanich Inlet forms the reserve's western edge (Figure 2). The loss of aboriginal t e r r i t o r y and, l a t e r , of reserve land during European settlement i s discussed i n Chapter Three. Climate The Saanich Peninsula, l y i n g within the r a i n shadow of the Olympic Mountains, i s described by Kerr (1951:29-31) as Cool Mediterranean and i s characterised by a mean annual p r e c i p i t a t i o n of almost 27 inches, with a dry, two-month summer period of about one inch of r a i n , mean January and February temperatures of 36°F. and mean July and August temperatures of 67° - 68° F. (Munro and Cowan 1947:33). In general, the climate i s mild, with 307 f r o s t - f r e e days (Munro and Cowan 1947:33). There are frequent high winds from the southeast during f a l l , winter, and early spring, but there are seldom more than ten snowfalls from December to A p r i l (Barnett 1955:14). Winter rains and the rapid melting of the snow turn the d i r t roads and paths of the reserve to mud, and cars frequently must be pushed out of the mire, during the winter months. The high winds, often f o r c e f u l enough to topple large trees, and the damp, cool winter weather make the 47 older houses at West Saanich drafty and either uncomfortably cold, i f there i s no heat, or unpleasantly warm, i f o i l stoves are kept l i t a l l day. Flora and Fauna F a l l i n g within the Gulf Islands B i o t i c area (Munro and Cowan 1947:33), the reserve has vegetation including coniferous stands of Douglas and grand f i r , western red cedar, spruce, and hemlock, in the unpopulated northern and eastern sections, with scattered deciduous trees -— lar g e l y broad-leaf maple, alder, cherry, and dogwood -- and scrub among the conifers, i n the r e s i d e n t i a l , partly-cleared southern, western, and central portions of the reserve. Wild Himalayan blackberries, Oregon grape, and s a l a l grow in abundance, arid there are four old orchards that were planted by Indian farmers around the turn of the century. Economically important fauna immediately accessible to T s a r t l i p are several species of salmon, including spring, coho, pink and chum, as well as herring, steelhead trout, halibut, l i n g cod, and such bottom f i s h as rock cod, sole, and flounder. Various species of i n t e r t i d a l bivalves, including the Japanese oyster, butter clam, horse clam and l i t t l e neck clam, and mussels inhabit the beaches. Game birds, such as ducks, geese and pheasant are seen i n the v i c i n i t y of the reserve but are economically i n s i g n i f i c a n t . Deer and other game are r a r e l y encountered 48 in the v i c i n i t y of T s a r t l i p , although they are hunted at Goldstream. Topography With i t s western boundary along a 1500-yard stretch of gravel and s h e l l beach, the reserve land slopes gradually from a 25-foot b l u f f overlooking the water to a 250-foot h i l l i n the southeastern corner. The cleared f i e l d s behind the houses along the western side of the highway slope gently down to the l e v e l land along the top of the b l u f f . Some of these f i e l d s are planted with vegetable crops, such as potatoes, for home use, and a few cows, owned by one family, graze i n another. Part of the eastern side of the reserve, across the highway, i s cleared for two farms, one for berry-crops and the other for hay, but the northeastern part i s wooded, beyond T s a r t l i p School (Figure 3). The extensively forested area covers the extreme eastern and northern l i m i t s of reserve land. An a l l - y e a r creek at the northern edge of the present T s a r t l i p cemetery cuts across the extreme north-eastern corner of the reserve and, during heavy winter rains, another appears nearby, flooding across a d i r t road that p a r a l l e l s the beach. From the b l u f f overlooking Saanich Inlet, the reserve has a spectacular ocean and mountain view, marred only, on the opposite shore of the i n l e t , by a cement Figure 3: 1971 Boundaries of T s a r t l i p Indian Reserve factory that p e r i o d i c a l l y coats the forested h i l l s i d e with a greyish dust. On a sunny day, at any time of the year, the scene over the water provides a breathtaking view that helps to explain why. land values are so high along the waterfront on either side of the reserve. Resources The Land. At present, West Saanich Reserve occupies some of the choicest and p o t e n t i a l l y most expensive land on the Saanich Peninsula. From c o l o n i a l times u n t i l the early n i n e t e e n - f i f t i e s , s e t t l e r s and t h e i r descendants i n Central Saanich were engaged almost exclusively irt a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s : r a i s i n g dairy cows and grains for the V i c t o r i a market (Canada Census 1882-85: 112-115; Floyd 1969:122, 125, 152). Since 1950, however, land i n Central Saanich has been more i n demand for r e s i d e n t i a l than for a g r i c u l t u r a l purposes. In 1875, one s e t t l e r , J . Sluggett purchased approximately 1,0 00 acres to the south of the present reserve for $7.50 per acre. An acre of farm land i n 1971 was s e l l i n g for about $4,000, while an acre zoned for subdivision would bring $9,500. In 1913, one acre of reserve land was valued at $600, for a t o t a l worth of $289,800 for the entire reserve (Royal Commission 1913: Cowichan Agency Table A),. The Brentwood Bay area, immediately to the south of 51 the reserve has been heavily subdivided (Figure 1) with 66-by 150-foot l o t s s e l l i n g for $3,500. Furthermore, although the land to the north and east of the reserve i s s t i l l predominantly a g r i c u l t u r a l , the s t r i p of waterfront along the Saanich Inlet i s highly esteemed as r e s i d e n t i a l property and has been subdivided into r e l a t i v e l y small l o t s (100' by 200') s e l l i n g for approximately $150 per foot of water-frontage or $8,000 per acre. Not only the band administrators but also other residents of the reserve are aware of the pot e n t i a l value of t h e i r land and of the dangers of land speculation. A l l those connected with band administration expressed strong opposition even to leasing the land, as some bands have done. The following remarks by one member of the T s a r t l i p Band administration seem to represent the feelings of a l l the members: T s a r t l i p people don't want non-Indians to get hold of any permanent stake i n the reserve. This i s why we won't allow any outsiders to lease land or any industry controlled by whites to move here. We don't want some big company coming i n and running things. We get approached by people coming in a l l the time with big schemes for economic development, but they a l l mean the same thing — p r o f i t for Whites and nothing for us. An Indian woman on the reserve described her attitude toward the land i n these words: 52 The land i s our safe harbour. It belongs to us but i t i s more than the White man's idea of owning land. This reserve i s part of us and every inch of i t must be preserved. If we l e t just one inch go to the White man,.he w i l l take the whole thing. That's why we don't rent out or s e l l our land. Another resident, i n discussing what he considered i r r e c o n c i l a b l e differences between Indian and White people remarked: Indian people don't welcome the White man onto our land because we know we w i l l lose i t . The Indian and White man can't ever become brothers because the Indian w i l l lose his land and Indian land i s the most important thing to us. We don't want to be c i v i l i z e d because that means taking away our land. We want our land l e f t as i t was i n the days of our ancestors. White people want to c i v i l i z e us so that we w i l l leave our land. Then they w i l l c i v i l i z e the land for t h e i r own use. A former chief of T s a r t l i p , quoted i n a V i c t o r i a newspaper remarked "land . . . [ i s ] an extension of man" (Paul, quoted i n Davy, 1973:1). Given the strong opposition to any economic development engendered by the metropolis, i t i s not surprising that what development there i s on the reserve i s band-operated. A boat launching ramp was completed i n 1967, and an adjoining p i c n i c and camp s i t e with 4 0 camping units was constructed i n 1971. Both of these enterprises were 53 undertaken by the band alone, with DIAND funds for the camp-ground amounting to $6,000. A l o c a l high school b u i l t the p i c n i c tables, but clearing of the camping s i t e s and other work was done by band members. Operation of the boat ramp and the campsite provides employment for one person, who receives 25 per cent of each month's t o t a l proceeds as commission. I r o n i c a l l y , even the development of a band-owned and -operated campsite has not proceeded without the intrusion of a metropolis-based multinational corporation known as KOA -- Kampsites of America. Shortly after the opening of the T s a r t l i p campsite, KOA b u i l t two luxurious "Kamps" within a few miles of West Saanich Reserve, but closer to the main highway and more accessible to t o u r i s t s . The KOA s i t e s boast laundries, hot showers, game rooms with pool tables, fully-equipped playgrounds, t r a i l e r hook-ups, and ice •— amenities not available at the reserve campsite (KOA n.d.). Operating at competitive rates and with a t t r a c t i v e brochures for d i s t r i b u t i o n on the f e r r i e s from Vancouver, KOA i s an es p e c i a l l y formidable competitor during rainy spells i n the t o u r i s t season. According to a band co u n c i l l o r , KOA has offered to d i r e c t i t s overflow ( customers to the T s a r t l i p Band Campsite, but t h i s gesture i s more in d i c a t i v e of the dominant position of the metropolitan corporation than of a p o l i c y of cooperation with l o c a l businesses. 54 In 1968, T s a r t l i p ' s Mayne Island Reserve was evaluated by a timber company interested i n logging the area. The Regional Forestry O f f i c e r for Cowichan Indian Agency (Telford 1968), then made comments and recommenda-tions i n d i c a t i n g , f i r s t , that 75 per cent to 80 per cent of the highest quality timber (Douglas f i r ) had been logged out since 194 0, but that logging of the remaining lower-grade timber would both provide a small income to the band and promote development of a summer resort by removing dead trees. His second major suggestion was that t h i s summer resort be b u i l t along the northern shore of the Mayne Island Reserve, with 40 or 50 cottages, each on a l o t with 100 feet of water frontage. A marina, store, and marine gas station would provide employment for band members. The band council was then approached by a large r e a l estate company interested i n undertaking the development of the proposed resort (Boyl et al. 1969) . The prospects of a 99-year lease on a l l cottage s i t e s and of rents fixed for the f i r s t ten years and then adjusted upwards six to ten per cent every f i v e years did not seem p r o f i t a b l e to T s a r t l i p band c o u n c i l l o r s , who rejected the proposal. During 1971, according to band council members, the establishment of a Christmas tree farm was proposed to the band council, by an outsider from the forest industry. The project involved planting a maximum of 683 reserve acres with 3,000 trees per acre. After ten years, the 2,049,000 young trees were to be sold, at prices ranging from 75 cents to two d o l l a r s per tree. The council estimated that, at an average of $1.50 per tree, the return on the farm would be $3,073,000 a f t e r ten years. When calculations were done on an annual per acre basis, the return came to only $440 per acre per year. Consideration of the expenses involved i n the project, along with the promoter's cut, made the scheme seem less a t t r a c t i v e , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r i t was r e a l i z e d that the promoter would market the trees for eight to ten d o l l a r s each. As one former c o u n c i l l o r remarked, "Without our own c a p i t a l , the best thing we can do i s nothing at a l l . " The people at T s a r t l i p recognize, also, that the land of the reserve i s exceptionally f e r t i l e . West Saanich i s surrounded by farms and, even the neighbouring Brentwood Bay housing development i s b u i l t on formerly r i c h a g r i c u l t u r a l land that s t i l l produces f l o u r i s h i n g gardens. In spite of t h i s awareness, however, commercial farming on the reserve has declined since the 1930's. The cost of modern farming equipment i s one of the major factors prohibiting the development of i n d i v i d u a l l y -operated commercial farms. Only four people on the reserve own r o t o - t i l l e r s , and only three of these have larger pieces of farming equipment. As a consequence, there i s only one commercial berry farm operating, on a limited basis, at West Saanich. A few non-Indian farmers lease up to eight acres of reserve land, from time to time, for the hay crop i t produces, but the income i s economically i n s i g n i f i c a n t for the reserve as a whole. An el d e r l y woman, the matriarch of one of the reserve's wealthiest f a m i l i e s , leases f i v e acres of her property along the highway to an auto-wrecker who uses the land f o r a commercial junk yard. In e a r l i e r years, acreage was leased to a non-Indian farmer for the growing of loganberries, but he i s no longer i n business. On a purely non-commercial basis, f i v e Indian households at West Saanich maintain vegetable gardens for home use, and one indi v i d u a l has two cows. From the perspective of le i s u r e use, the beach along the western edge of the reserve serves as a pi c n i c and recreation area for the T s a r t l i p people during late spring and summer. Warm evenings and weekends see the shore and bl u f f dotted with people who come to relax, to swim, and to watch the Saanich Peninsula crews practice for the canoe races that are held at each Indian Sports Day throughout the summer, on southern Vancouver Island, the lower mainland of the province, and i n northwestern Washington (Kew 1970:288). Usually, T s a r t l i p holds a Water Sports Day during the summer, but they did not do so i n 1971 because, ostensibly, they were too late with t h e i r plans to reserve a suitable weekend i n the southern Island schedule of Sports Days. The question of land ownership i s a complex one. Nearly every one of the adult band, members interviewed 57 claims that he or she has inherited "twenty acres" from a close r e l a t i v e but has been cheated out of the land by DIAND, by the band council, or by wealthy band members pr a c t i s i n g usury and accepting land as c o l l a t e r a l . A t o t a l of only 28 band members, 24 (86.0%) of whom are males, are registered, for 1971, as holders of "t i c k e t s of possession"^ that v e r i f y t h e i r l e g a l possession of a t o t a l of 226.66 acres of reserve land. This t o t a l amounts to a mean land-holding of 8.1 acres per registered land holder, but actual holdings range from 0.72 to 24,37 acres. The four female land holders possess a proportionate 15 per cent of the t o t a l acreage, or an average of 8.4 acres — s l i g h t l y more than the o v e r a l l mean acreage. Four of the land holders, including two women, are now deceased. No descendants have been r e g i s t e r -ed as b e n e f i c i a r i e s of the 27.05 acres covered by the four t i c k e t s of possession, although i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d , the heirs w i l l a l l be male. Aside from 1.08 acres held as a building s i t e by the Shaker Church, the remaining 256.34 acres of reserve land at T s a r t l i p i s held i n common by the band. A new housing subdivision, a soccer playing f i e l d , longhouse s i t e , and the school grounds are considered band land also, although several people maintain that they are the r i g h t f u l ^"According to the Indian Act, s. 2 (o) , Indian people cannot "own" reserve land, for t i t l e i s vested i n the Crown. Indians may hold land on the reserve, i f they have a C e r t i f i c a t e of Possession. The d i s t i n c t i o n i s between ownership and possession. 58 owners or that they are descendants of the r i g h t f u l owners and that these sections of band land have never been surrendered for common use. Customary t i t l e varies markedly from legal t i t l e , i n terms of control over land. One wealthy in d i v i d u a l who apparently possesses no leg a l C e r t i f i c a t e s of Possession claims 42. 49 acres of land — nearly 19 per cent of the t o t a l private holdings on the reserve — through purchase. Of t h i s , 23.41 acres are l e g a l l y possessed by a man and his eldest son, who maintain they yielded t h i s land years ago to the present customary claimant, when they were unable to repay a debt to him. In the past, the most common methods by which customary land holders gained de facto, i f not legal, control of reserve acreage involved either purchasing the land outright, for a small sum, Or claiming a parcel in default of a loan extended to the legal possessor to a s s i s t in meeting funeral expenses for close kin. Although legal t i c k e t holders are aware that t h e i r t i c k e t s of possession represent v a l i d t i t l e to the land i n question, they are reluctant to take the dispute to a general meeting of band membership, or to either DIAND or the courts, for settlement. As one person who holds C e r t i f i c a t e s to over 17 acres, but who e f f e c t i v e l y controls less than two acres (about 9.0%) of his holdings, remarks! If I go to the band and ask them to s e t t l e up who owns my land, I might lose my t i c k e t , and my 59 land w i l l be gone, for sure. Maybe he [the person claiming the land through default] w i l l bring a l l his r e l a t i v e s to that meeting. Then there w i l l be too many people against me and my r e l a t i v e s . When the votes come, he might turn r e a l l y mean to get people to vote for him. If I take the case to court, the same thing that happened to my cousin w i l l happen to me. The judge w i l l say my t i c k e t i s no good because my father borrowed money and couldn 1t pay i t back. There goes my land, for sure. If I don't say nothing, I don't lose that t i c k e t , and that land i s mine, even i f I can't touch i t . Maybe someday they w i l l force that guy to give me back that land. There i s awareness among native people that possession of reserve land i s a dubious form of security and that outside confiscation of the i r land i s a ling e r i n g p o s s i b i l i t y . Consequently, C e r t i f i c a t e holders are unwilling to challenge informal or extra-legal takeover of their land parcels, for they may f o r f e i t what l i t t l e proof of possession they have. Data on land possession and control are inadequate, es p e c i a l l y i n h i s t o r i c a l perspective and, given the uneasiness of reserve residents to discuss t h e i r land holdings with an outsider, a f u l l - s c a l e discussion of the present s i t u a t i o n i s not possible. The Sea. Subsistence f i s h i n g . a t T s a r t l i p has declined considerably i n importance since early contact 60 t i m e s , a l t h o u g h t h e r e i s i n t e r m i t t e n t f o o d f i s h i n g a l m o s t a l l y e a r round by about t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e r e s e r v e f a m i l i e s . Reasons f o r t h e d e c l i n e a r e p r o b a b l y r e l a t e d t o the f a c t t h a t S a a n i c h I n l e t and o t h e r t r a d i t i o n a l f i s h i n g grounds i n th e a r e a a r e now i n t e n s i v e l y e x p l o i t e d by s p o r t f i s h e r m a n . I n a d d i t i o n , o n l y one o r two West S a a n i c h p e o p l e have b o a t s w i t h o u t b o a r d motors. A l l s p e c i e s o f salmon except sockeye a r e caught i n S a a n i c h I n l e t and G o l d s t r e a m , a l o n g w i t h r o c k and bottom f i s h . A t p r e s e n t , t h e r e a r e no a c t i v e c ommercial f i s h e r m e n a t T s a r t l i p , p o s s i b l y because t h e c o s t of m a i n t a i n i n g a government-approved f i s h i n g boat has become i n c r e a s i n g l y p r o h i b i t i v e . More i m p o r t a n t , c o m m e r c i a l l y as w e l l as f o r s u b s i s t e n c e , a r e clams, e s p e c i a l l y t h e b u t t e r clam [Saxidemus giganteus) and t h e l i t t l e neck (Protothia stamina). I n 17 (33.0%) o f t h e 51 households a t West S a a n i c h , i n d i v i d u a l s d i g f o r clams r e g u l a r l y f o r s u b s i s t e n c e p u r p o s e s , g a t h e r i n g a bucket or gunny sack f u l l -- enough f o r a meal of clam chowder o r clam f r i t t e r s , w i t h some l e f t over t o shuck, t h r e a d t o g e t h e r , and hang from t h e r a f t e r s of t h e house t o d r y f o r a n o t h e r meal. From March o r A p r i l u n t i l l a t e O c t o b e r , clams a r e dug i n e v e r y l o w - t i d e p e r i o d , l a s t i n g f i v e o r s i x days t w i c e a month. E i g h t h o u s e h o l d s (16.0%) d i g clams r e g u l a r l y f o r s a l e d u r i n g t h e s e months. I n 1971, c o m m e r c i a l clam d i g g e r s from T s a r t l i p were r e c e i v i n g e i g h t c e n t s per pound f o r clams, o r s i x d o l l a r s f o r a 7 5-pound box, down from t e n c e n t s per pound, or seven d o l l a r s and f i f t y c e n t s a box, t h e y e a r b e f o r e . Today, a s i n g l e d i g g e r does w e l l t o d i g 100 pounds o f clams i n a day, d i g g i n g f o r t h r e e h o u r s . Most s e t t l e f o r one box a day t o s e l l t o one o f two n o n - I n d i a n clam b u y e r s who c r u i s e t h e beaches w i t h t h e i r t r u c k s . A c c o r d i n g t o s e v e r a l o l d e r d i g g e r s from T s a r t l i p , o n l y t e n y e a r s ago clam d i g g e r s c o u l d average 4 00 t o 500 pounds o f clams i n a day, w h i l e y i e l d s of 1000 pounds o r more i n a t h r e e - h o u r t i d e were not uncommon b e f o r e t h e mid-1950's. W i t h i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a t i o n i n w a t e r f r o n t r e s i d e n c e s on e i t h e r s i d e of t h e r e s e r v e , t i d a l p o l l u t i o n from raw sewage has a f f l i c t e d the clam beds. The s p o i l a g e and c l o s u r e o f p o l l u t e d beaches a l l a l o n g t h e S a a n i c h P e n i n s u l a d u r i n g t h e summer, as w e l l as t h e i n c r e a s e d numbers o f n o n - I n d i a n clam d i g g e r s , a c c o u n t f o r the d e c l i n i n g y i e l d s . Clam d i g g i n g from November t o e a r l y March i s under-t a k e n by n a t i v e p e o p l e , but i t i s a p a i n f u l l y u n p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t y . The b e s t t i d e s i n t h e w i n t e r months o c c u r p r o g r e s s i v e l y l a t e r each day, u n t i l by December low t i d e o c c u r s j u s t b e f o r e m i d n i g h t . Even r e g u l a r s u b s i s t e n c e o r c ommercial clam p i c k e r s a r e r e l u c t a n t t o endure th e c o l d winds and r a i n o f d a r k w i n t e r n i g h t s f o r a g u n n y s a c k f u l o f clams, whether f o r d i n n e r o r f o r a s i x - d o l l a r r e t u r n . Many o l d e r c l a m p i c k e r s c o m p l a i n o f a r t h r i t i s o r rheumatism i n t h e i r hands and f e e t , a t t r i b u t e d t o c o n s t a n t exposure t o t h e b o n e - c h i l l i n g dampness o f clam beaches i n w i n t e r . Even i n f i n e weather, on r e l a t i v e l y p r o d u c t i v e and u n s p o i l e d beaches, c l a m d i g g i n g i s not w i t h o u t problems. I n r e c e n t y e a r s , n a t i v e p e o p l e have e n c o u n t e r e d r e s i s t a n c e t o t h e i r c l a m - d i g g i n g a c t i v i t i e s , from non-government o f f i c i a l s and from n o n - I n d i a n r e s i d e n t s o f w a t e r f r o n t homes a l o n g S a a n i c h I n l e t . A c c o r d i n g t o some I n d i a n p i c k e r s , a f a m i l y from T s a r t l i p was o r d e r e d by t h e RCMP t o l e a v e one o f the beaches n o r t h o f the r e s e r v e , d u r i n g t h e summer o f 197 0, because some White r e s i d e n t s had complained t h a t I n d i a n s were t r e s p a s s i n g on t h e i r beaches. The RCMP a r e r e p o r t e d , by a f a m i l y member, t o have e x p l a i n e d t o t h e n a t i v e p i c k e r s t h a t a l t h o u g h clam d i g g i n g i s not i l l e g a l , t h e presence o f I n d i a n s on "White p e o p l e ' s beaches" might cause t r o u b l e . A member o f t h e f a m i l y added t h a t t h e y were not f o r c i b l y removed but were asked t o v a c a t e t h e beach v o l u n t a r i l y , t o a v o i d t r o u b l e . A nother d i g g e r mentioned t h a t , i n 1970, he was " k i c k e d o f f our own p r o p e r t y a t G o l d s t r e a m , by a game warden". I n A p r i l o f 1971, a s i m i l a r i n c i d e n t a l l e g e d l y o c c u r r e d w h i l e I was w o r k i n g a t T s a r t l i p . A band c o u n c i l l o r r e p o r t e d , on A p r i l 20, 1971, t h a t a group o f about 12 I n d i a n clam p i c k e r s , i n c l u d i n g two o r t h r e e from T s a r t l i p , were e v i c t e d from one o f t h e S a a n i c h I n l e t beaches, by a "game warden" who had been f o l l o w i n g them around f o r t h r e e days. 63 The next day, A p r i l 21st, another family t o l d the writer that "the game warden" had been following them, as they dug. The c o u n c i l l o r asked me to f i n d out why the Indians were being harassed. He was esp e c i a l l y interested i n determining i f foreshore r i g h t s e n t i t l e d waterfront property owners to chase clam diggers from the beaches, i f the diggers were below the high t i d e l i n e . He was concerned, also, about whether oyster leases held by commercial oyster o u t f i t s could prevent Indian people from digging clams i n lease areas, since clams were below the surface of the beach and oysters were above. After v i s i t s to several government o f f i c e s , I was directed, f i n a l l y , to the o f f i c e of the Deputy Minister of Lands. My f i e l d notes for May 3, 1971, summarize the 2 information obtained from t h i s o f f i c i a l : There are two kinds of foreshore r i g h t s . The f i r s t i s simply "common law" that assures the owner of waterfront property access to that property from the water. I t does not give the owner any right s over the use of the beach but only the r i g h t to reach his property by water, and to be assured that no one w i l l be permitted to construct a wharf or break-water i n front of.his property that would obstruct his passage by water. The other foreshore rights are leases obtained by sawmills, marinas, etc., enabling them to construct log pens, wharves, breakwaters, and the l i k e where such construction i s i n the public interest and does not in t e r f e r e with the use of large stretches of beach f o r public use. A private property owner could not obtain Throughout t h i s study, narrative material taken from my f i e l d notes w i l l be set out i n t h i s manner, to dis t i n g u i s h i t from both the main text and from quotations. t h i s kind of foreshore lease simply to keep Indian people, or anyone else, away from the waterfront adjoining his property. Fore-shore rig h t s are granted l a r g e l y to commercial enterprises after due consideration of an application by the Department of Lands, Forests, and Water Resources. They are not e a s i l y obtained. There are no game wardens any more, only conservation o f f i c e r s . They wear a uniform and carry i d e n t i f i c a t i o n which they are required to show i f t h e i r authority i s questioned or challenged. According to Mr. Borthwick, they bend over backwards to be nice to Indians and have nothing to gain by running Indian people o f f the beaches. Mr. Borthwick phoned Commercial Fisheries to ask i f that department knew anything about the incident I had mentioned. They did not know but suggested another place to phone. Borth-wick phoned the people who have j u r i s d i c t i o n over Conservation O f f i c e r s and was t o l d they knew nothing either about a "game warden" chasing Indians o f f the beach. The Conserva-t i o n O f f i c e r for the Brentwood Bay area was i n the o f f i c e , however, and when he was questioned he said he had not been involved i n the incident but that Federal Fi s h e r i e s men had had some trouble with Indians i n that area. Borthwick phoned the Federal Fisheries Depart-ment and was t o l d that th e i r boats were inspecting the size of clams co l l e c t e d and were also trying to determine whether or not anyone was s e l l i n g clams without a license. They had caught some Indian people at Sandy Beach gathering clams for sale without a license (how they knew t h i s was not determined by Borthwick). The federal man also claimed that a number of Indians were trying to claim the beaches i n front of reserve property as belonging to the reserve but that t h i s was not acceptable. The beaches were for the use of the general public rather than any one group. Borthwick backed t h i s up by saying that the province had always regarded the foreshore area as for the use of the general public. Riparian rights e n t i t l e d property owners to rights of access to t h e i r 65 property but not even Indians could own the foreshore as i t was s o l e l y a matter of user's r i g h t s . Commercial clam digging, under the best of circumstances, i s not a p r o f i t a b l e business. Although eight households supplement th e i r income regularly by digging and s e l l i n g clams, no indiv i d u a l s or households r e l y e n t i r e l y upon clam digging for cash income. A picker of Indian ancestry who i s considered one of the most experienced and e f f i c i e n t commercial clam diggers on the reserve expressed an i n t e r e s t i n establishing a band-operated clamming business that would eliminate the white buyer as middleman and return larger sums to the native clam digger: We are getting only eight or nine cents a pound for clams t h i s year. Last year we got ten cents. Each year, the hwani'tem buyers give us less but, each year, we have to work harder to dig the same amount of clams. The harder we work, the less we get paid. The middleman makes a l l the p r o f i t and doesn't have to work for i t . Those two hwanitam buyers s e l l the clams they get from us to a canning and freezing company in Seattle. They get 30 or 31 cents a pound, three times what we get. We should st a r t a co-operative here on the reserve. The government should re-seed the beaches with new clams, and then the Saanich people could buy a truck and ship the clams they pick to Seattle. We could invest our p r o f i t s in freezing equipment and freeze our own clams. We could s e l l them frozen in the States, i n Japan, and even here i n B.C. 66 Given the problems of beach closures because of p o l l u t i o n each summer, band co u n c i l l o r s regard the idea with skepticism. As the foregoing discussion of the physical environment has attempted to show, not only are there actual hindrances to native Indian resource development, but also there i s considerable uncertainty among Indian people with regard to the a c c e s s i b i l i t y of resources for t h e i r e x ploitation. Whether the concern i s with simple possession or development of reserve land or with the gathering of s h e l l f i s h outside reserve boundaries, a f e e l i n g of apprehension pervades the u t i l i s a t i o n of what remains of t h e i r physical domain. The h i s t o r i c a l basis for t h i s uncertainty and for the l e g a l and s o c i a l r e s t r i c t i o n s placed upon the West Saanich people w i l l be dealt with at length i n Chapter Three. The remainder of t h i s chapter, however, w i l l be devoted to a b r i e f description of the c u l t u r a l environment of T s a r t l i p Reserve. C u l t u r a l Environment In addition to i t s physical environment, T s a r t l i p operates within the confines of a complex c u l t u r a l environment comprising both Indian and non-Indian cultures. Although in t e r a c t i o n with the non-Indian c u l t u r a l environment i s considered the dominant ecol o g i c a l r e l a t i o n -ship i n t h i s investigation, the character of relationships between the native people of T s a r t l i p and other reserves must be described, at least b r i e f l y , for i t i s to some extent determined by the rel a t i o n s h i p to the non-Indian environment. Although no attempt w i l l be made here to focus upon the nature of inter-reserve adaptations to the larger society, an understanding of i n t e r a c t i o n within the Indian community, as defined by Suttles (1963), i s important to an understanding of the way i n which one reserve, T s a r t l i p , interacts with the dominant culture. The Indian Community As Suttles argues, the modern S a l i s h Indian reserve i s not a self-contained s o c i a l unit, but i s , rather, a part of a wider community, or " s o c i a l continuum" (1963:513), just as the aboriginal Salishan v i l l a g e was in the past. For the purposes of t h i s description, community i s used i n t h i s broader sense to refer to a network of Indian reserves, including T s a r t l i p , that are linked through a variety of s o c i a l relationships, much as Suttles (1963) describes. As well as T s a r t l i p , there are three other Indian reserves on the Saanich Peninsula — Pauquachin and Tseycum, on the same side of the Peninsula as T s a r t l i p , and Tsawout, d i r e c t l y opposite, on the eastern side. Ten miles south of T s a r t l i p , near V i c t o r i a , are the adjacent Songhees and Esquimalt Reserves of the Songhees people and, further to the southeast, Beecher Bay and Sooke Reserves, 3 0 and 68 35 miles, respectively, from T s a r t l i p (Figure 4). Across Saanich Inlet, and accessible by car ferry, as well as by major highway, i s the Malahat Reserve, from where the Pauquachin (Cole Bay) people came. Up-island S a l i s h reserves, a l l within the c u l t u r a l environment of T s a r t l i p , include Cowichan, Halalt, Penelakut, Chemainus, Nanaimo, and Nanoose (Figure 4). It i s with these fourteen reserves that T s a r t l i p most regul a r l y and frequently i n t e r a c t s . No attempt has been made to determine any order of r e g u l a r i t y and frequency, but my impression i s that, on the whole, contact i s most frequent and regular with Tsawout, of the Peninsula Reserves, and with Cowichan, of the up-Island reserves. Indeed, there appears to be more contact with Cowichan than with either of the Songhees or Sooke Reserves, although the l a t t e r two are closer to T s a r t l i p . On the basis of legal marriages, members of the T s a r t l i p band, male or female, seem more l i k e l y to choose spouses who are not from T s a r t l i p , as shown in Table I. If marriage with non-T s a r t l i p spouses i s considered an indicator of frequency, or in t e n s i t y , of in t e r a c t i o n between the people of West Saanich and of other reserves, T s a r t l i p band members intermarry most frequently with Cowichan band members, from the reserve at Duncan (Figure 4). It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note, too, that speakers of the Cowichan language (11) are second i n number only to speakers of Saanich (25) among residents of West Figure 4 : Indian Reserves of Southern Vancouver Island, South Island D i s t r i c t 69 Source: Canada, Indian A f f a i r s n.d. 70 Saanich Reserve. TABLE I INTERMARRIAGE AND BAND AFFILIATION Band T s a r t l i p T s a r t l i p Total A f f i l i a t i o n Females Males (M + F) of Spouses No. % No. % No. % T s a r t l i p 11 37.0 11 24.0 22 29.0 Non-Tsartlip 19 63.0 35 76.0 54 71.0 Total 30 100.0 46 100.0 76 100.0 Source: Author's f i e l d census (1971). Although v i l l a g e exogamy i s no longer prescribed as i t was i n aboriginal Coast S a l i s h society (Barnett 1955:184; Suttles 1963:514), inter-reserve marriages continue to unite groups and to provide a basis for much of the inter-reserve system of mutual aid, such as v i s i t i n g and h o s p i t a l i t y , borrowing and lending of cash and goods, and the sharing of food. As well as other S a l i s h reserves on the mainland, es p e c i a l l y i n the Fraser River Delta and Valley area of southwestern B r i t i s h Columbia, non-Salish reserves on the west coast of Vancouver Island and i n the northern part of the province are, to a lesser extent, part of the T s a r t l i p c u l t u r a l environment. Various i n t e r - t r i b a l organisations, such as the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Chiefs, and DIAND-sponsored native Indian conferences serve to f a c i l i t a t e communication and face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n among representatives of a l l 192 Indian bands i n B r i t i s h Columbia. There i s i n t e r - s o c i e t a l contact, also, among segments of the T s a r t l i p population and some northwestern Washington State S a l i s h Indian reservations, e s p e c i a l l y Lummi. Interaction among Sa l i s h reserves may involve economic, rec r e a t i o n a l , r e l i g i o u s , ceremonial, or p o l i t i c a l aspects. Mutual aid between consanguineal and a f f i n a l kin probably provides the most frequent and regular l i n k s among individuals and households at T s a r t l i p and on other reserves. Inter-marriage, i n part, serves to connect families across reserves, thus providing the rationale for mutual assistance. Where winter works or other government-subsidized make-work projects involve more than one reserve, individuals from several reserves may be employed together on a single task. This i s es p e c i a l l y true for the four Saanich Peninsula reserves who share a common labour pool and close kin t i e s , as well as a common c u l t u r a l background. Reserve house construction, the building of a community long house, a band council o f f i c e , or a Shaker Church — a l l may provide temporary employment for a few men from each reserve, and there i s a concerted e f f o r t on the part of the four band councils to design projects that involve i n t e r -reserve cooperation. In addition, several men from T s a r t l i p are employed, i n permanent or temporary positions, i n a sawmill located on the Songhees Reserve (Figure 4) near V i c t o r i a . 72 The four Saanich bands work j o i n t l y , as well, i n the operation of an Indian education committee established i n 197 0 to take over the T s a r t l i p Indian Day School from DIAND. In addition, T s a r t l i p i s represented i n the Southern Vancouver Island T r i b a l Federation and i n the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Chiefs. One of the most prominent and regular types of mutual assistance on the lower Island i s that involving Indian funerals. On the occasion of each funeral, people from Vancouver Island Coast S a l i s h reserves are brought together through a funeral c o l l e c t i o n system, to "help'out" the bereaved family of the deceased. Each household donates at least one d o l l a r toward funeral expenses, while individ u a l s who attend the funeral may make larger contributions i n public at the funeral feast. Other ceremonial and r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s , with economic aspects, are the winter dances held on the Island from December or January u n t i l Easter. Winter dances draw participants and observers from the majority of the f i f t e e n Coast S a l i s h reserves on the Island, e s p e c i a l l y on weekends. Shaker Church a c t i v i t i e s , on the other hand, are more l o c a l i n nature, but Shakers from a number of the Island reserves do attend services on other reserves. The T s a r t l i p Shaker Church was not completed i n 1971, so meetings were held i n private homes or i n churches on distant reserves, including Cowichan, on the Island, and Mud Bay, Washington."3 Sports Days, held each weekend during the summer months, are also occasions for s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n between reserves. Canoe crews and th e i r supporters from each reserve t r a v e l extensively on the lower Island and mainland, and i n Washington. Those who play slehel, the bone game, follow v i r t u a l l y the same c i r c u i t as the canoe crews, and most Sports Days end with an evening of gambling (Kew 1970: 283; Suttles 1963:521-22). Many reserves have soccer and S o f t b a l l teams competing during the appropriate seasons. T s a r t l i p had three soccer teams during 1971, as well as men's, women's, and youth's s o f t b a l l teams. There i s some l o c a l t r a v e l l i n g from one reserve to another for games, i n each of these sports. Day-to-day int e r a c t i o n i s , of course, most frequent and regular among near-by reserves. Southern Vancouver Island reserves, linked by t i e s of blood and marriage, as well as by c u l t u r a l bonds, are probably i n closer contact with each other than with reserves i n other c u l t u r a l areas of the Island, or with reserves on the mainland, although there i s some inter-marriage with mainland groups. Inter-reserve relationships are, generally, non-expl o i t a t i v e i n nature. In terms of Sahlins' (1965:147-148) 3 When the T s a r t l i p Shaker Church was completed i n the spring of 1972, the three-day opening ceremony on the Easter weekend attracted Shakers from Washington, Oregon, and C a l i f o r n i a , as well as from the B r i t i s h Columbia lower mainland and southern Vancouver Island. scheme of r e c i p r o c a l transactions, r e c i p r o c i t y between West Saanich and other Vancouver Island reserves may be generalised, with the return on an exchange hot stipulated by time, quantity, or quality, or i t may be balanced, with r e l a t i v e l y prompt and equivalent return expected, but i t i s seldom u n i - d i r e c t i o n a l for very long or negative i n character. Only when the non-Indian metropolis intrudes 4 upon inter-reserve transactions does negative r e c i p r o c i t y , ". . . conducted toward net u t i l i t a r i a n advantage" (Sahlins 1965:148), seem to a r i s e among reserves. Although inter-reserve r e c i p r o c i t y i s not the subject of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , the following accounts illuminate the contrast between a multi-reserve economic assistance programme emanating from an agency of the metropolis and another o r i g i n a t i n g e n t i r e l y within the reserves themselves. For example, according to T s a r t l i p band council members, i n 1971, 18 Indian bands within the DIAND South Island Administrative D i s t r i c t that includes T s a r t l i p requested a t o t a l of $3,065,700 i n funds for new housing, for the 1971-72 f i s c a l year. DIAND allocated to them only $333,336 to build a maximum of twenty-nine houses. With only one-tenth of the requested funding for new houses available, the 18 South Island D i s t r i c t bands were unable to divide such an absurdly inadequate amount i n 4 No information i s presented on i n d i v i d u a l negative r e c i p r o c i t y . an equitable and impartial way. Reserves with the smallest populations, where only one or two houses were needed, l o s t out e n t i r e l y to larger reserves where housing needs of 2 0 or more units seemed more c r i t i c a l . Ultimately, seven bands received a l l the funds for housing, while eleven bands went without. The disputes among a l l 18 bands were under-standably b i t t e r and,long-lasting. By contrast, i n 1972, when a young g i r l was k i l l e d i n an accident i n her home at West Saanich, the i n t e r -reserve funeral network was mobilised immediately to provide emotional and f i n a n c i a l support for the bereaved family. Although the g i r l ' s mother was l i v i n g on a meagre s o c i a l assistance income, contributions from twelve reserves enabled her to provide a proper funeral ceremony for her daughter, with payments to ind i v i d u a l s who helped out and with a feast for the 125 or so people who assembled "to share the sorrow". There was even enough money l e f t over afte r funeral expenses were paid to purchase a headstone for the c h i l d ' s grave. A native explanation for t h i s very tangible expression of inter-reserve cooperation i s contained in the statement of one of the speakers at the funeral feast who said, "We are gathered here today to do these things for you i n return for what you did for us when we were i n trouble." The statement was not a s u p e r f i c i a l one, for the deceased g i r l ' s mother i s well-known for her willingness to help out others with preparations for funeral or wedding 76 feasts, or other events. In spite of her material poverty, t h i s woman, l i k e many others, donates her services whenever they are needed and thus p a r t i c i p a t e s i n the t o t a l funeral r e c i p r o c i t y system, both as a contributor and as a re c i p i e n t . The same network of r e c i p r o c i t y operates for a l l other members of the inter-reserve system, regardless of s o c i a l or economic position. Although the t o t a l amount col l e c t e d and the size of the funeral and feast undoubtedly varies with age and s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of the deceased and the prominence of the deceased's family, one native Indian speaker observed: It doesn't matter whether or not you are an important person, or a wealthy or poor person, the Indian people do th i s [contribute to the funeral fund and attend the ceremonies] to show respect in the Indian way. We come because we know the family needs our help and that someday, i f we are i n trouble, t h i s family w i l l help us. Although i t was not possible to gather s u f f i c i e n t data for a detailed comparison of external assistance programs and in t e r n a l networks of r e c i p r o c i t y , the examples just given indicate that, in the former case, assistance given by the non-Indian metropolis tends to create a p a r a l l e l exploitative-appropriate structure among reserves and to perpetuate inter-reserve c o n f l i c t , much as Usher (1972:30-31) suggests. In the l a t t e r case, on the other hand, inter-reserve cooperation and egalitarianism i s 77 expressed not only i n native oratory, but also i n a multitude of tangible ways. In addition to int e r a c t i o n between the people of West Saanich reserve and residents of other Indian reserves, there are a variety of t i e s between those l i v i n g on the reserve and off-reserve native people. Very l i t t l e information was co l l e c t e d on the nature and extent of contact between T s a r t l i p people and t h e i r urban r e l a t i v e s and friends, and no attempt to determine i t s importance w i l l be made here. The Non-Indian Community In general, i n t e r a c t i o n between T s a r t l i p residents and the non-Indian community i s of a much d i f f e r e n t order than that within the native community, although both involve economic, p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , and recreational aspects. The structure of present-day contacts with the non-Indian world can be viewed as a m u l t i p l i c i t y of metropolis-s a t e l l i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s that l i n k s T s a r t l i p with federal, p r o v i n c i a l , and municipal levels of government, with non-native r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , schools, hospitals, industries, commercial establishments, and recreational f a c i l i t i e s . The following description of the non-Indian c u l t u r a l environment of West Saanich i s not intended as an exhaustive catalogue of concrete units within that environment. Later 78 sections deal more intensively with the nature and eff e c t s of the re l a t i o n s h i p between the reserve and some - s p e c i f i c features of non-native society, but only a general outline i s provided here. Registered Indians at T s a r t l i p come under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Indian Act, and the i r a f f a i r s are administered by the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, a branch of the federal government. West Saanich Reserve i s within the South Island D i s t r i c t of DIAND. The headquarters of South Island D i s t r i c t have been moved recently from the town of Duncan, some 30 miles from West Saanich reserve, to the larger community of Nanaimo, 40 miles further north (Figure 4). There i s no V i c t o r i a o f f i c e of DIAND, so o f f i c i a l s and representatives of that agency must t r a v e l approximately 7 0 miles to reach West Saanich. If a T s a r t l i p band member wishes to take a request, complaint, or other matter d i r e c t l y to DIAND d i s t r i c t o f f i c e , a t r i p must be made to Nanaimo to do so. For individuals at T s a r t l i p , problems involving s o c i a l assistance, housing, and, for women, changes i n band l i s t r e g i s t r a t i o n r e s u l t i n g from marriage or the b i r t h of a c h i l d are the most common reasons for contacting the Nanaimo o f f i c e . The band council, of course, interacts with the Nanaimo o f f i c e of DIAND on a wide variety of predominantly economic matters. Interaction with the p r o v i n c i a l government i s 79 r e s t r i c t e d , l a r g e l y , to the area of education, a p r o v i n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y since the 1950 fe d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l cost-sharing agreement for Indian education. Since per capita grants for the schooling of Indian children are turned over to l o c a l school boards, p r o v i n c i a l involvement with West Saanich, on t h i s matter, i s i n d i r e c t , as far as administration goes. Non-status Indian residents of the reserve who require s o c i a l assistance are administered through the Department of Indian A f f a i r s , just as registered Indians are. The province recompenses DIAND for the amounts spent on i t s behalf, for non-status Indians. There i s one member of the T s a r t l i p band employed by the p r o v i n c i a l government, but her job, a c l e r i c a l one, is not related to the reserve i n any way. Dealings with Central Saanich Municipality have focussed around the extension of a municipal waterline to reserve houses on S t e l l y ' s X Road and providing f i r e protection for T s a r t l i p . From time to time, T s a r t l i p men have been employed by Central Saanich Municipality i n laying i water l i n e s , building roads, and working on garbage trucks. The Municipality does not provide garbage disposal services to the reserve, however, and only recently has a band-operated, volunteer garbage disposal service been started. 80 5 Ambulance service i n Central Saanich i s p r i v a t e l y owned. H i s t o r i c a l l y , the province and Central Saanich Municipality have been most d i r e c t l y concerned with the transfer of "cut-off" and reversionary band lands for settlement and development, a matter to be discussed i n the next chapter. Forty-six children from T s a r t l i p attend Grades One to Six at the DIAND-operated day school on the reserve. Another 13 attend nursery school and kindergarten on other Saanich reserves, for a t o t a l of 59 T s a r t l i p children i n DIAND schools. Forty-six of them, i n Grades 1-12, attend within the Saanich School D i s t r i c t , while seven go to a public high school in Greater V i c t o r i a School D i s t r i c t . Five children attend private or parochial schools i n V i c t o r i a . Thus, enrollment i s s p l i t almost evenly between DIAND and non-DIAND schools, with 50 per cent of the t o t a l 117 students attending the former and 50 per cent attending the l a t t e r (actually, 45 per cent attend public schools and 4 per cent attend private or parochial schools). There are, as well, eight adults attending the Native Indian Programme at the I n s t i t u t e of Adult Studies, under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the V i c t o r i a School Board, but 5 In 1973, I was asked to draw a map, for d i s t r i b u -tion to ambulance, po l i c e , f i r e , and other emergency services, showing the number and location of a l l houses on the reserve. The map was requested af t e r a c h i l d died i n a reserve home. An ambulance had been c a l l e d but was unable to f i n d the house quickly in the dark. The c h i l d ' s l i f e might have been saved i f emergency treatment had arrived only a few minutes e a r l i e r . 81 financed by DIAND, and there are f i v e adults financed by Canada Manpower attending classes i n p r o v i n c i a l l y - r u n vocational schools. T s a r t l i p wage earners not employed by DIAND or the band council work in a number of industries i n the Greater V i c t o r i a area. Although they w i l l not be discussed u n t i l Chapter Five, most of these industries employ native people in u n s k i l l e d , low-wage, labouring positions. T s a r t l i p women s e l l hand-knit goods to three stores i n V i c t o r i a , to one in Sidney, and to two or three stores in Duncan. Within walking distance of the reserve, i n the suburb of Brentwood Bay, are two neighbourhood grocery stores, a drugstore, bakery, second-hand furniture store, laundromat, and several small specialty shops, as well as a service s tation. Those West Saanich residents who do not have cars or regular access to cars, patronize the neighbour-hood grocery stores almost exclusively, although they are aware that prices are somewhat higher than in the larger chain supermarkets. Women without cars make almost d a i l y t r i p s on foot to the Brentwood Bay grocers. The drugstore and secondhand furniture store, and to a lesser extent, the laundromat, are used by the people of West Saanich Reserve, but they shop less frequently i n the bakery and specialty shops because these stores are rather expensive. West Saanich residents who have cars r e l y on the Brentwood Bay grocery stores for emergencies and some do most of t h e i r grocery shopping there because of c r e d i t saturation. Although there i s a Roman Catholic Church just beyond the reserve cemetery, few T s a r t l i p adults attend regularly. The large Roman Catholic cathedral in downtown V i c t o r i a i s used for large weddings and funerals, i n part because of i t s size and elegance, but also because the p r i e s t who was formerly assigned to the smaller church beside the reserve i s now a pastor i n the cathedral, and he i s preferred by the people of West Saanich for celebrating mass on these ceremonial occasions. Without attending mass, I was unable to determine how many Indian people worshipped regularly i n the l i t t l e church. A number of native people expressed disapproval of the l i b e r a l i z a t i o n of the Catholic Mass and stated that they had not attended since the change occurred. Only two people attend a Protestant church, and t h e i r attendance i s f a i r l y regular. Most people at T s a r t l i p who need medical attention patronize two doctors with o f f i c e s in Brentwood Bay and use the services of a small hospital i n Sidney (Figure 1). Nearly a l l babies of the reserve are born i n the Sidney hospital, but serious i l l n e s s e s may be treated at one of the two larger V i c t o r i a c i t y h ospitals. T s a r t l i p residents who wish to drink i n licenced premises frequent four pubs — three i n V i c t o r i a and one in Sidney. These beer parlours are customarily patronized by 83 n a t i v e I n d i a n p e o p l e l i v i n g i n t h e G r e a t e r V i c t o r i a a r e a and a r e r e g a r d e d by them, and by some n o n - I n d i a n s , as I n d i a n pubs. The f o r e g o i n g d e s c r i p t i o n o f b o t h p h y s i c a l and c u l t u r a l a s p e c t s o f t h e environment o f T s a r t l i p s o c i e t y i s i n t e n d e d t o e s t a b l i s h a framework f o r v i e w i n g t h e s a t e l l i t e s t a t u s of West S a a n i c h and t o d e l i n e a t e t h e essence o f t h e r e s e r v e ' s dependent r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e m e t r o p o l i s . W i t h t h e major o u t l i n e s o f t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p s p e c i f i e d , C h a p t e r Three w i l l f o c u s upon t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c background and h i s t o r i c a l development o f West S a a n i c h Reserve as a h i n t e r -l a n d . CHAPTER III ETHNOGRAPHIC AND HISTORICAL SETTING Before an examination can be undertaken of those aspects of the present s a t e l l i t e p o sition of West Saanich reserve that are the concern of t h i s study, two other topics must be dealt with. It w i l l be useful, f i r s t , to summarize what i s known of the aboriginal culture and society of the people of T s a r t l i p , e s p e c i a l l y with respect to resource u t i l i s a t i o n , housing, and the r o l e and status of women and second, to trace the history of T s a r t l i p ' s t r a n s i t i o n from a r e l a t i v e l y autonomous Coast S a l i s h v i l l a g e to a settlement defined by and dependent upon the dominant Canadian metropolis. Ethnographic Background The people of T s a r t l i p regard themselves as the descendants of the Saanich people who, i n pre-contact times, occupied four winter v i l l a g e s , where the four Saanich reserves are located today: Tsawout (East Saanich Reserve), Tseycum (Pat Bay Reserve) , Pauquachin (Cole Bay Reserve) and Tsartlip"'" (West Saanich Reserve) (Figure 1) . "'"Spellings of the four v i l l a g e names are those used by DIAND (Canada, Indian A f f a i r s 1970) . Barnett uses tsauiw 84 85 C u l t u r a l l y , the Saanich are a sub-division of the Coast S a l i s h . Similar i n culture to t h e i r Vancouver Island neighbours, the Songhees and the Sooke, and to the Semiahmoo, Lummi, and Samish of Washington, the Saanich spoke d i a l e c t s of S t r a i t s S a l i s h , a sub-grouping of the Coast S a l i s h language family (Duff 1964:15; Suttles 1954: 29-31). Suttles (1954:29-31) c l a s s i f i e s these groups, and the Klallum of the Olympic Peninsula in Washington, who spoke a s l i g h t l y more distant d i a l e c t , as S t r a i t s S a l i s h on the basis of s i m i l a r i t i e s i n language and c e r t a i n important subsistence a c t i v i t i e s c a r r i e d on in the waters of Juan de Fuca, Haro, and Rosario S t r a i t s (Figure 2). These subsistence a c t i v i t i e s centred around dependence upon annual salmon runs, e s p e c i a l l y that of sockeye salmon to the Fraser River. S t r a i t s groups, using reef-nets, took sockeye i n the many salt-water s t r a i t s along the southern coast of Vancouver Island and among the Gulf and San Juan Islands. Suttles (1954:31) observes that t h i s f i s h i n g technique contrasts with those used by neighbors both to the north and to the south, f i s h i n g i n streams with smaller mobile nets or with weirs and traps. Associated with reef-netting were several unique r i t u a l practices and a great stress on the private ownership of the f i s h i n g locations. In other respects the S t r a i t s t r i b e s (East Saanich) , saigwam (Pat Bay) , pakwitoan (Cole Bay) , and tcahap (West Saanich) (1955:19). d i f f e r e d s l i g h t l y from one another and perhaps only s l i g h t l y more from t h e i r most immediate neighbors to the north and south (1954:31). Some families from T s a r t l i p v i l l a g e took sockeye within the Fraser River. The remainder of the T s a r t l i p people, l i k e the other S t r a i t s groups, fished only i n s a l t water, outside , the Fraser River mouth (Barnett 1955:20, 87). Origins An account of the or i g i n s of the T s a r t l i p people that i s related by older band members maintains that the T s a r t l i p , Tsawout, and Tseycum were one people residing i n two winter v i l l a g e s on the Saanich Peninsula, of Vancouver Island. T s a r t l i p and Tsawout people were a single r e s i d e n t i a l branch of the Saanich l i v i n g at the present s i t e of Tsawout, while the other branch resided at the v i l l a g e of Tseycum (Figure 1 ) . According to native history, the v i l l a g e of T s a r t l i p was founded several generations ago: Tragedy brought the Saanich people to T s a r t l i p . Some Saanich people from Tsawout were camped,at D'Arcy Island.^ They were raided by the laqwiltoq [Southern Kwagiulth] . The only survivors were a woman and her nine-year-old son, kwalaxttsnthet. Her husband and brothers were beheaded i n the r a i d . The woman and her son returned to Tsawout, but they did not stay. 2 D'Arcy Island was a Tsawout (East Saanich) resource location for seal and porpoise, i n aboriginal times (Barnett 1955:20). 87 In her g r i e f , the woman wandered aimlessly over the Peninsula with her l i t t l e son. When she reached the place that i s now c a l l e d T s a r t l i p , she saw a bea u t i f u l , park-like land covered with vine maples and divided by four l i t t l e streams. She c a l l e d the place hwoh'afalp [Tsartlip] which means 'maple trees.' Then she looked out over the beach to the bay and she said, 'Here I w i l l raise my son to be a man.' And that i s how the people who l i v e d here came to be known as the oh'dsing?sdt ['growing up'] — the people who were r a i s i n g them-selves up, never to be defeated again. The woman's son grew up to be a prosperous and very progressive man. And that i s why the T s a r t l i p people were such a s e l f - r e l i a n t and progressive t r i b e . They took care of them-selves. U n t i l the white man came, they had no disease, no hunger, no immorality, no poverty. They were the ri c h e s t people on earth. They respected nature and took only what they needed from nature. They were the world's greatest conservationists. There was always more than enough for every-one. Before the white man came, everyone shared, everyone co-operated. There was no greed, because everyone had plenty. Barnett received a somewhat d i f f e r e n t version that suggests the T s a r t l i p s i t e had been occupied at an e a r l i e r time i n aboriginal history: KwalakwanQat was said to be the forefather of a l l the tcaLap people. He formerly l i v e d on a creek near East Sanetch. A lazy boy, he had f i n a l l y been shamed into getting supernatural power — a fa m i l i a r myth pattern of the whole coast 88 area. He moved to teaLap because ' i t was safer' from war attacks, and founded a v i l l a g e . The former inhabitants there were a l l dead by the time of his a r r i v a l . I am not sure who Paul meant by the 'former inhabitants'. He was not e x p l i c i t (1955:20). Jenness (n.d.rn.p.) maintains that i t was the v i l l a g e of Tseycum, rather than T s a r t l i p , that was established aft e r 18 00 by a group of Tsawout people who moved tp P a t r i c i a Bay to escape the raids of the Southern Kwagiulth [laqwiltoq] and the Cowichan. He states further that around 1850, while the people of T s a r t l i p were f i s h i n g on the Malahat side of Saanich Inle t , t h e i r v i l l a g e was burned by northerners but was l a t e r r e b u i l t . Duff adds: about 18 50, most of the Gulf Islanders moved i n to Saanichton Bay, so that the three main v i l l a g e s were on Saanichton Bay, P a t r i c i a Bay, and Brentwood Bay. The Pemberton map of 1855 [Figure 3] shows these three v i l l a g e s , naming them 'Tetaihit' [Tsawout], 'Saikum' [Tseycum], and 'Chawilp' [ T s a r t l i p ] , respectively. The v i l l a g e at Cole Bay [Pauquachin] . . . was founded by Malahat Indians who l a t e r moved across Saanich Arm. Douglas' l i s t of 117 North Saanich men [who signed one of the Fort V i c t o r i a t r e a t i e s ] . . . f a l l s into three parts, which may correspond with the three Saanich v i l l a g e s (1969;51). There i s no archaeological information available on the prehistory of the Saanich Peninsula, but the ethno-graphic evidence would indicate that T s a r t l i p did not become 89 a permanent winter v i l l a g e u n t i l rather l a t e , and that Tsawout, on the eastern side of the Peninsula i s the oldest of the four v i l l a g e s . Aboriginal T e r r i t o r y  and Subsistence According to Barnett (1955:251-52) and Suttles (1966:171, 174), among the Coast S a l i s h , resource locations such as reef net f i s h i n g areas, sealing rocks> s h e l l f i s h beaches, b i r d rookeries, camas beds, and berry patches were owned by ce r t a i n families who possessed hereditary rights to exploit these s i t e s . Barnett (1955:252) was unable to gain a clear picture of f i s h i n g , hunting, and gathering t e r r i t o r i e s for i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l i e s among the T s a r t l i p , but he does describe the t e r r i t o r i a l extent of the T s a r t l i p as a whole: During July the toaLap people and also those of P a t r i c i a Bay moved across the s t r a i t to f i s h for sockeye, humpback, and sturgeon. The location was on the inner side of the narrowest part of the peninsula, j u s t opposite Tewasan (near Point Roberts) . . . For the f a l l salmon, the toaLap fished nearer home at camps on Gold Stream (northwest of Vi c t o r i a ) (1955:20). Within the memory of several long-time residents of T s a r t l i p , from June through August, Some people from T s a r t l i p l i v e d at Henry Island,which i s separated from the northwestern shore of San Juan Island i n Washington state, 90 by a narrow s t r i p of water known as Mosquito Pass (Figure 2) . Here, they engaged i n r e e f - n e t t i n g f o r sockeye, and a l s o i n f i s h i n g f o r humpback, and coho salmon. M i t c h e l l Bay, on the west c o a s t of San Juan I s l a n d , i s a l s o regarded as former t e r r i t o r y of the T s a r t l i p Saanich. P o r p o i s e were taken on the southern end of San Juan I s l a n d , and, i n May, s e a g u l l eggs were c o l l e c t e d from the r o c k s i n the same l o c a l i t y . Salmon, h e r r i n g , and rock cod were taken i n A c t i v e Pass from t h e i r Mayne I s l a n d f i s h i n g s t a t i o n . Goldstream s u p p l i e d s t e e l h e a d i n the e a r l y s p r i n g , pinks and s p r i n g salmon i n l a t e s p r i n g , and dog salmon i n the f a l l . Deer were hunted there a l s o . N a t i v e T s a r t l i p people r e c a l l the use of c e r t a i n areas of the Saanich P e n i n s u l a d u r i n g s p r i n g and summer f o r the g a t h e r i n g of p l a n t foods such as w i l d asparagus, w i l d p a r s n i p s , bracken r o o t s , a wide v a r i e t y of b e r r i e s , and camas bu l b s . Camas bulbs provided the main vegetable food f o r the Saanich (Jenness n.d.:n.p.), and f i e l d s of camas were " c u l t i v a t e d " each f a l l by f a m i l i e s who owned r i g h t s to them. Underbrush was c l e a r e d out, and stones were heaped i n p i l e s away from the growing areas. These stone heaps are s t i l l uncovered today by Saanich P e n i n s u l a r e s i d e n t s who r e g a r d them as "Indian b u r i a l s " or " f o r t s " . The Roman C a t h o l i c Church p r o p e r t y n o r t h of the cemetery was once an important camas bed. A l a r g e swamp, extending along the present e a s t e r n 91 boundary of the reserve was used u n t i l almost 1930 by the Indian people of T s a r t l i p . Its economic importance i s explained by one of the older band members, as follows: The Peninsula gets very a r i d i n summer except for that swamp. As the surrounding area dried out, the game -- deer, elk, and smaller animals '•— moved into the swamp. Thousands of grouse, ducks, and geese rested there, too. My mother said that the day darkened with ducks flying.over the swamp area. We used to go there to get those t a l l reeds to make mats to l i n e the walls of our houses, and for cascara bark for medicine. The cascara trees grew very large i n the swamp, to three feet i n diameter. We used to hunt there, too, during the summer. The l a s t thing we took from the swamp, i n the f a l l , were the cranberries. When the swamp was drained i n 1927 or 1928, I can remember my mother crying, " i t w i l l be no more good. It i s l o s t to us." Cult u r a l Background Although d i s t i n c t i v e i n terms of a reef-net technology for sockeye salmon f i s h i n g , S t r a i t s S a l i s h were similar to other southern Coast S a l i s h groups, both on Vancouver Island and the mainland, as far as other features of aboriginal culture were concerned. S t r a i t s groups followed a pattern of regular, seasonal moves to resource locations, returning to th e i r permanent v i l l a g e s for the winter. The v i l l a g e of T s a r t l i p , l i k e other southern Coast 92 Sali s h v i l l a g e s , consisted of a row of large, shed-roofed plank houses, each the dwelling of a p a t r i l a t e r a l extended family (Barnett 1955:241-42). Although the descent system was b i l a t e r a l , , there was a strong p a t r i l a t e r a l bias i n the inheritance of property, as well as largely p a t r i l o c a l residence (Barnett 1955:242, 250-51). Private property included both tangible and intangible possessions, as Barnett (1955:250) notes: . . . the possession of private property and i t s manipulation according to the accepted patterns of l i b e r a l i t y were given great emphasis. Property i n goods and property i n pr i v i l e g e were both important. To the f i r s t category belonged cer t a i n hunting, gathering, and fi s h i n g s i t e s and the instruments for t h e i r u t i l i z a t i o n ; houses and thei r furnishings; canoes; items of excess such as blankets, valuable skins, slaves, and coppers; and objects of personal ornament and dress. Except for minor a r t i c l e s worn by females or used by them i n th e i r occupations, a l l such property was i n the hands of men. To the second category belonged personal names, songs, dances, s p i r i t powers, magic, and ceremonial prerogatives of various kinds. Ownership by sex within t h i s category was about equally divided, but the most important p r i v i l e g e s were male owned or governed. Husbands and wives pooled t h e i r labor and a l l proceeds went toward the common family store. In the event of separation, the common property remained with the husband. Daughters inherited the property of t h e i r mothers, and sons and grandsons that of the i r male predecessor. The d i s t r i b u t i o n , rather than simple inheritance and possession, of wealth was linked to the v a l i d a t i o n of one's s o c i a l status. Suttles (1966:170-71) observes that although ranking was "poorly developed", Coast S a l i s h society was s t r a t i f i e d into a c l e a r l y defined upper cl a s s , a much smaller lower cl a s s , with limited upward mobility, and the slaves of the upper c l a s s . Suttles contends, further, that high class status was dependent also upon being of good family, of high b i r t h , . . . that i s , having no ta i n t of slave ancestry, low-class ancestry, or disgraceful conduct i n the family . . . [and possessing] a stock of good hereditary names and . . . a sort of private or guarded knowledge . . . usually trans-lated 'advice'. Advice con-sisted of genealogies and family t r a d i t i o n s revealing family greatness, gossip about other families demonstrating how i n f e r i o r they are, i n s t r u c t i o n i n p r a c t i c a l matters such as how to quest for the r i g h t kind of guardian s p i r i t , secret signals for indicating that someone i s of lower-class, and a good deal of s o l i d moral t r a i n i n g (1966; 171-72). Evidence for the existence of a class structure i n Coast S a l i s h society " . . . comes from descriptions of v i l l a g e structure . . . in which there was a d i v i s i o n of residence between upper-class and lower-class people" 94 (Suttles 1968:168). Barnett's description of toaLap v i l l a g e provides t h i s kind of evidence: There were seven big houses at toaLap. Six of these were lined up p a r a l l e l to the beach and were separated by small creeks. The seventh was back behind the others. The houses of the most important families were i n the middle; those on the ends and at the back belonged to lesser men. On the extreme ends were the small houses of the poor and lowly . . . The house at one end was owned by a man with no supernatural power and l i t t l e influence. The next was occupied by my informant's wife's grand-father and his brother. He was 'smart for . . .' r i t u a l magic. Beyond the next creek i n the second largest house l i v e d two brothers and t h e i r male cousin. The head was a 'fighting man'. In the next house l i v e d the owner and several of his wife's r e l a t i v e s . He was 'not good --no power for anything.' On the far end l i v e d another 'good hunter' with his brother and three 'cousins'. Although a good hunter, t h i s man was not very 'high'. The house i n the rear belonged to a c h i l d l e s s , brotherless i n d i v i d u a l who was 'not very good -- poor'. In a l l , or most, of these houses of course there were a number of women and children. Only the p r i n c i p a l adult men were remembered (1955:19-20). The cousin terminology of the Saanich people, as for a l l southern Coast S a l i s h groups, was Hawaiian (Murdock 1949:229), r e f l e c t i n g the b i l a t e r a l descent pattern. The most important aspect of the kinship terminological system, i n the view of Suttles (1960:297) was i t s broadly c l a s s i f i c a t o r y nature, i n which s i b l i n g s and cousins were equated i n ego's own generation (Hawaiian cousin forms) with corresponding equivalencies for f i v e ascending and f i v e descending generations. Suttles (1960:302) maintains that t h i s terminology, combined with the rules prohibiting marriage between "cousins", was an adaptation to the environmental factor of c y c l i c a l v a r i a t i o n in abundance of resources, i n that i t led to marriages between distant v i l l a g e s . Coupled with the special food-wealth exchange rel a t i o n s h i p between "co-parents-in-law" or "brothers-in-law", the kinship marriage pattern helped to solve the problem of temporary, but c r i t i c a l , regional food s c a r c i t y . Coast S a l i s h r e l i g i o n centred around a b e l i e f i n a multitude of supernatural helpers who gave aid i n hunting and f i s h i n g , supernatural causes for i l l n e s s e s and misfortune, the performance of magical practices by shamans during periods of anxiety or c r i s i s , the concept of soul loss and restoration, and the manifestation of s p i r i t possession i n the form of a public display of s p i r i t dancing and singing during winter ceremonials, by individuals who had encountered s p i r i t power during t h e i r i n i t i a t i o n (Barnett 1955: passim). The Status of Women in  Aboriginal Coast S a l i s h Society In spite of several ethnographic accounts of Coast S a l i s h culture {e.g., Barnett 1955; Elmendorf 1960; Gunther 1927; Haeberlin and Gunther 1930; Jenness n.d.; Smith 1940; Stern 1934; Suttles 1951), there has been no systematic description of the r o l e and status of Coast Sa l i s h women. An examination of the l i t e r a t u r e reveals discussion of g i r l s ' puberty r i t e s and treatment of high-class g i r l s of marriageable age, b r i e f mention of the economic r o l e of women, and of the importance of old women, but l i t t l e mention of how women were treated or regarded nor of t h e i r t o t a l r o l e i n the culture. Consequently, the depiction that follows of the aboriginal position of Coast Sali s h women r e l i e s largely on i n f e r e n t i a l statements. Barnett (1955:150-55) notes that Coast S a l i s h boys had more freedom than g i r l s , e s p e c i a l l y during puberty, when a g i r l was expected to prepare herself for marriage. He remarks that pubescent g i r l s . . . were constantly impressed with the advantages of we l l -connected in-laws and were taught to wish for a r i c h husband. They bathed and scrubbed themselves i n creeks near home and were under closer watch than t h e i r brothers. They did not go on quests which took them away from home over-night (1955:150). The time of her menstrual period was fraught with supernatural danger, both for the menstruating g i r l and for others who might come i n contact with her (Barnett 1955:151). After puberty, g i r l s were expected to remain chaste and modest and ". . . t o look upon marriage with a r i c h gentleman as the consummation of t h e i r l i f e i nterest . . ." (Barnett 1955:180). Barnett observes that, for the upper-class Saani.ch g i r l , idleness and "conspicuous l e i s u r e " were developed to the f u l l e s t as indications of upper class status: The [Saanich] g i r l was allowed to go outside only at night and then i n secrecy and accompanied by her mother. She did nothing, and her continued i n a c t i v i t y and seclusion made her weak, pale, and incompetent to perform any physical task. As a r e s u l t of her years of s i t t i n g , she often walked queerly the rest of her l i f e . Yet her very defects were valued as marks of the ultimate a r i s t o c r a t , and noble families sought these secluded g i r l s . . . in marriage for th e i r sons . . . . Premarital sexual r e l a t i o n s among wellborn g i r l s were not tolerated. The seduction of an a r i s t o c r a t i c g i r l was regarded as murder (1955:180). Il l e g i t i m a t e births seem to have been rare u n t i l a f t e r European contact, when they " . . . brought shame upon the c h i l d and the family of i t s mother" (Barnett 1955:181). With respect to marriage, Coast S a l i s h g i r l s seem to have had l i t t l e say i n the selection of a marriage partner. Although they " . . . were not forced into 98 d i s t a s t e f u l a l l i a n c e s " (Barnett 1955:181), they were expected to be obedient and to acquiesce to parental decisions. Among the Saanich, divorce may have been infrequent because of the strong e f f o r t s of kin on both sides to keep a couple together, with magic being employed i f necessary (Barnett 1955:194). Women who l e f t t h e i r husbands were not well received at the homes of t h e i r fathers, and even i f a woman were mistreated by her husband, the co-fathers-in-law made every attempt to e f f e c t a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n , by exchanging g i f t s and feasting the other side (Barnett 1955:194). Barnett comments: the prominence of p o s i t i v e mechanisms for strengthening the marriage bonds does not mean that separations were unknown. As a matter of f a c t , divorce everywhere was easy, far easier than with us, for i t was a private and not a public concern. The consequences of i t affected the families involved, not society as a whole. Matters of inheritance and c h i l d rearing were the main problems, and these were decided i n accordance with patterns of alignment and support applicable to the extended family group. Male children beyond infancy always remained with their fathers, and sometimes the g i r l s did too. They were cared f o r by aunts, grandmothers, or stepmothers. Infants i n arms went with th e i r mothers and sometimes remained with them, but a boy, at least, was l i k e l y to f a r e b e t t e r under the guidance of h i s f a t h e r . Men held and manipulated property, and both boys and g i r l s c ould normally expect g r e a t e r expenditures of p r o p e r t y f o r t h e i r s o c i a l advancement from t h e i r f a t h e r s than from other male r e l a t i v e s (1955:195, emphasis added). The preceding passage i s e s p e c i a l l y important i n terms of contemporary p a t t e r n s of c h i l d care arrangements when a T s a r t l i p c ouple separate, t o be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r . Although B a r n e t t a s s e r t s t h a t the primary f o o d - g e t t i n g occupations of hunting and f i s h i n g , combined wi t h the simpler d i r e c t g a t h e r i n g a c t i v i t i e s , consumed most of the p r o d u c t i v e e f f o r t s of both men and women f o r the g r e a t e r p a r t of the year . . . (1955:76). i t i s apparent from h i s d e s c r i p t i o n t h a t f i s h i n g , hunting, and woodworking were p r i m a r i l y the domains of men, wh i l e women were engaged i n g a t h e r i n g , food p r e p a r a t i o n and storage, cooking, weaving, b a s k e t r y , and other domestic p u r s u i t s . Moreover, s u p e r n a t u r a l h e l p e r s were not necessary f o r women ". . . t o achieve pre-eminence i n some occ u p a t i o n " (Barnett 1955:78), as they were f o r men. Ba r n e t t ' s (1955:250) d i s c u s s i o n of p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y i s used e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter, but i t should be r e i t e r a t e d t h a t he c l a i m s t h a t ownership of important p r o p e r t y , both t a n g i b l e and i n t a n g i b l e , was i n the hands of males. Furthermore, although "daughters i n h e r i t e d the p r o p e r t y o f t h e i r mothers, and sons and grandsons t h a t of t h e i r male predecessor" (Barnett 1955:250), the i n h e r i t a n c e p a t t e r n i s onl y s u p e r f i c i a l l y b i l a t e r a l , i f what was handed down by women t o t h e i r daughters was eco n o m i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t . The f a c t t h a t "daughters i n h e r i t e d important p r o p e r t y o n l y when there were ho near male r e l a t i v e s l e f t " (Barnett 1955:251) serves to emphasize r a t h e r than c o n t r a d i c t the l a c k df economic power of S a l i s h women on southern Vancouver I s l a n d . S i m i l a r l y , women do not seem to have been p o l i t i c a l l y powerful among the Saanich or other groups. Barnett (1955) d e s c r i b e s Only men i n p o s i t i o n s of p o l i t i c a l power and a u t h o r i t y , although he does not say e x p l i c i t l y t h a t l e a d e r s h i p r o l e s were maie p r e r o g a t i v e s . The r o l e s and s t a t u s of Twana women of Western Washington were not u n l i k e t h a t of t h e i r Saanich counter-p a r t s , a c c o r d i n g t o E l m e n d o r f s (1960) account. G i r l s were under s t r i c t e r s u p e r v i s i o n than boys, once they reached puberty, and u p p e r - c l a s s g i r l s , a t l e a s t , were expected t o be modest and q u i e t (Elmendorf 1960:434-35). Menstruation was regarded by the Twaha ". . . wit h awe, f e a r , and d i s g u s t " (Elmendorf 1960:436). A f t e r r i t u a l s e c l u s i o n a t the onset of the f i r s t menstruation, a g i r l was e l i g i b l e f o r marriage, a f a c t announced by her f a t h e r a t a s p e c i a l f e a s t (Elmendorf 1960:443). Marriage was ". . . a n e g o t i a t e d f a m i l y - c o n t r a c t 101 a f f a i r . . . " (Elmendorf 1960:353) among the Twana, with neither p r i n c i p a l being i n much of a position to object. As with the Saanich, divorce was rare for the Twana because of family pressures on both sides to keep the couple together. "Permanent separation" (Elmendorf 1960:359) occurred, with the husband keeping the children i f he sent the wife away and the wife keeping them i f she l e f t her husband. If a Twana woman committed adultery and was discovered, she might receive harsh punishment, even death, at the hands of her husband, but her lover was not punished. If a Twana man were caught in an adulterous a f f a i r , his actions were regarded l i g h t l y , although his wife might f e e l considerable resentment toward him (Elmendorf 1960:361). Elmendorf (1960:396) records a clear sexual d i v i s i o n of labour for most " . . . subsistence a c t i v i t i e s , handi-c r a f t s and manufactures, and household tasks" but the guardian-spirit basis for occupational s k i l l followed sex labour-division l i n e s to a rather s l i g h t extent. There was no d e f i n i t e dichotomy or s p e c i a l i z a -t i o n of s p i r i t powers for male and female occupations. A few guardian s p i r i t s were acquired only by women; these conferred power or s k i l l or luck in such things as root digging. More conferred special powers for exclusively male pursuits --hunting, canoe-making, and the l i k e . But i n theory, almost anyone could get almost any kind of s p i r i t . . . without regard to sex. It i s true that women 102 did not receive hunting or canoe-making powers i n v i s i o n encounters with c e r t a i n s p i r i t s which often accorded these s k i l l s to men, but they did sometimes obtain these s p i r i t s as guardians in a v i s i o n encounter or inherited them from a male ancestor, although t h e i r exercise of such s p i r i t s was usually purely ceremonial (1960:397). Economic and p o l i t i c a l power were concentrated, apparently, i n the hands of Twana men (Elmendorf 1960:313, 328-31). Haeberlin and Gunther (1930) describe the rol e of women i n the Puget Sound area, i n terms similar to those for other Coast S a l i s h areas. Instruction i n cleanliness, basket-making, and wifely duties, extended seclusion during f i r s t menses, and close supervision of unmarried high class g i r l s to ensure premarital chastity, i s recorded for Snohomish, Snuqualmie, and Nisqually women (Haeberlin and Gunther 1930:45, 48-49). Illegitimacy was shameful but did not necessarily r e s u l t in the woman's ostracism (Haeberlin and Gunther 1930:50). Marriages among wealthy families involved ". . . a contract between [the] two fam i l i e s " (1930:50), an exchange of g i f t s , and a d i s t r i b u t i o n (1930: 50-51). Separation and divorce occurred, although the couple were usually urged to re-unite (1930:52). The d i v i s i o n of labour involved women i n c o l l e c t i o n and preparation of a l l vegetable foods, cooking, weaving, 103 basketry and mat-making, and men i n f i s h i n g , hunting, wood-working, and to o l making (Haeberlin and Gunther 1930:20-36). The only overlap seems to have occurred when men assisted women i n serving food at feasts (Haeberlin and Gunther 1930:24). According to the authors, "A [Puget Sound] woman could never be chief . . . [and] generally only the men took part i n t r i b a l meetings . . ." (1930:58-9). F i n a l l y , although Haeberlin and Gunther are not e x p l i c i t on t h i s point, they indicate that only a man could be possessed by a guardian s p i r i t and engage i n s p i r i t dancing (1930:61). Jenness remarks that: a [Saanich] g i r l ' s four-day con-finement d i f f e r e d i n no essential prospect from a boy's, except that her seclusion was more r i g i d and the p r o h i b i t i o n against her eating and drinking enforced more s t r i c t l y . . . . [Families] of high rank announced t h e i r daughter's coming of age with special entertainments . . . . partly to improve the g i r l ' s chances i n the marriage market . . . . From the time of her 'coming out' no g i r l or woman might enter a man's f i s h i n g and hunting canoe . . . . Neither might she walk on any fish-weir, or touch any tools or weapons used i n f i s h i n g , hunting, and war . . . . Parents occasionally married off t h e i r daughters within a few days of th e i r 'coming out'. More often they waited a year or longer . . . . During the i n t e r v a l maidens remained 104 in semi-seclusion, weaving wool, making rush mats, and busying themselves with other house-wifely duties, but never leaving the house unless accompanied by some female r e l a t i v e (n.d.:n.p.). Saanich marriages were arranged, among upper class families, but seem to have been a matter of choice, among commoners (Jenness n.d.:n.p.). Residence for the newlyweds was p a t r i l o c a l , and since v i l l a g e exogamy was the rule among the Saanich, t h i s necessitated a major move for the young woman (Jenness n.d.:n.p.). Jenness continues: Though there was no r e a l court-ship prior to marriage and the young couple might never have seen each other before t h e i r wedding, the lack of privacy i n a big house and the numerous inmates were i n some measure a safeguard; for a man could not abuse his wife, nor she neglect her duties, without incurring the condemnation of the whole household. Always i n the back-ground, too, was her family, which would c e r t a i n l y resent any ill-treatment, and i n the l a s t resort might o f f e r her an asylum and marry her to some one else. The s o c i a l code enjoined s t r i c t c hastity both before and after marriage, and the great majority of Saanich l i v e d up to t h i s code. If a woman proved u n f a i t h f u l her husband might cut off her nose and mutilate the soles of her feet without interference from her kin, or he might divorce her by sending her back to her people; and he might k i l l her paramour without s t a r t i n g a blood-feud, i f he had the courage to attack him. 105 Such p r o v o c a t i o n , however seldom a r o s e . O n l y t h e p r i n c i p a l n o b l e s c o u l d a f f o r d more th a n one w i f e ; and t h e i r w i v e s came from d i f f e r e n t d i s t r i c t s and o c c u p i e d s e p a r a t e rooms (n.d.m.p.). J e n n e s s ' (n.d.) d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e economic c y c l e o f t h e S a a n i c h i n d i c a t e d t h a t men were f i s h e r m e n and h u n t e r s , w h i l e women were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r g a t h e r i n g and p r e p a r i n g b e r r i e s and o t h e r v e g e t a b l e f o o d s , f o r c o o k i n g , and f o r home-^making and c h i l d - r e a r i n g i n g e n e r a l . Women c o u l d be shamans and might a l s o seek s u p e r n a t u r a l h e l p e r s (Jenness n.d.;n.p.). He does n ot mention t h e r o l e o f women i n p o l i t i c a l m a t t e r s e x c e p t t p no t e t h a t an e l d e r l y S a a n i c h woman might r i d e i n t h e bow o f a war canoe as i t headed out on a r a i d i n g e x p e d i t i o n (n.d.:n.p.). A l t h o u g h P u y a l l u p - N i s q u a l l y women underwent t h e same r i t u a l s e c l u s i o n and t r e a t m e n t as o t h e r C o a s t S a l i s h g i r l s , w i t h m e n s t r u a t i o n b e i n g r e g a r d e d as a c o n t a m i n a t i n g f a c t o r and v i r g i n i t y as a v i r t u e , S m i t h m a i n t a i n s t h a t : a f t e r m a r r i a g e the woman c o m p l e t e l y d i s c a r d e d her b a s h f u l n e s s i n t h e pres e n c e o f men and r e t u r n e d t o t h e a t t i t u d e o f f r e e g i v e - a n d - t a k e between the sexes w h i c h had c h a r a c t e r i z e d her p r e - m e n s t r u a l y e a r s . Women were as a c t i v e i n i n s t i g a t i n g e x t r a - m a r i t a l a f f a i r s as men and as f r e q u e n t l y assumed t h e i n i t i a t i v e i n b r i n g i n g about a change o f spouse. A c t u a l rough and tumble f i g h t i n g between two m a r r i e d women o v e r a man, m a r r i e d o r s i n g l e , was not uncommon. A l t h o u g h 'high c l a s s ' women had fewer husbands and i l l i c i t a f f a i r s t h a n 'low c l a s s ' , they used the same t a c t i c s i n keeping t h e i r husbands safe from the public advances and i n making such advances themselves . . . . Men were extremely jealous of other men of t h e i r own generation and threatened overt advances to t h e i r wives with death, a threat which was not i d l e . . . Once a marriage was consummated, therefore, men and women had equal rig h t s and i t was up to them to •retain t h e i r marital status against the challenge of other members of th e i r own sex (1940:198). There was apparently no c l e a r d i v i s i o n of labour on the basis of sex among the Puyallup-Nisqually, and men and women often helped each other, e s p e c i a l l y with f i s h i n g , berry-picking, meal preparation, food preservation, and other subsistence tasks as a matter of convenience (Smith 1940:138-9). On the other hand, a d i s t i n c t d i v i s i o n of labour operated where handicrafts were concerned, with men involved i n a l l aspects of equipment, t o o l , and weapon construction, and i n woodworking, and with women making baskets, mats, and clothing (Smith 1940:139). Puyallup-Nisqually women were excluded from acquiring economic control or p o l i t i c a l power, and . . . although they might obtain prestige as women, [they] were excluded from the public operation of authority, a discrimination against them for sex differences alone which i s almost unique i n the society (Smith 1940:48). Moreover, women were " r i g i d l y excluded" from p a r t i c i p a t i n g 107 i n v i l l a g e leadership deliberations (Smith 1940 :35) . In summary, most ethnographers depict the role of Coast S a l i s h women i n aboriginal times as that of wife and mother, engaged i n seasonal gathering a c t i v i t i e s , i n food preparation, and i n other domestic pursuits. There i s no ind i c a t i o n that the subsistence a c t i v i t i e s of women were regarded as i n f e r i o r to those of men. Although they might acquire supernatural power and become shamans, Coast S a l i s h women apparently had less intense and less frequent encounters with the s p i r i t world. Women i n Coast S a l i s h society might be of high class status, but the i r p o s i t i o n was dependent upon the status of t h e i r fathers and husbands who had the means to obtain wealth and prestige. Wealth lay outside the d i r e c t control of Coast S a l i s h women, and consequently, they seem to have had l i t t l e or no external p o l i t i c a l power. Leadership and authority roles were e s s e n t i a l l y the domain of males. On the other hand, available ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e provides v i r t u a l l y no information about the authority of women within the domestic sphere nor about " . . . women's e f f o r t s to achieve power and to influence decisions . . . " ( C o l l i e r 1974:91) by using every resource that might have been available to them. While i t has not provided a f u l l picture of the m u l t i p l i c i t y of behaviour patterns by which women or men operated i n the i r everyday l i v e s ) t h i s b r i e f ethnographic account of aboriginal Coast S a l i s h society may enhance an 108 understanding of the changes that occurred with the a r r i v a l of the European on Vancouver Island. The impact of European in t r u s i o n and settlement upon the lifeways of the Saanich people of T s a r t l i p i s the subject of the following section. H i s t o r i c a l Setting Early Contact Although intensive European exploration of the northwest coast of North America was well underway by 1785 (Duff 1964:55), i t was not u n t i l 1790 that Manuel de Quimper entered the S t r a i t of Juan de Fuca and s a i l e d into the harbour at the present s i t e of V i c t o r i a (Floyd 1969:20). Between 1791 and 1795, when B r i t a i n took possession of the entire Island, other Spanish ships s a i l e d through Haro and Rosario S t r a i t s , as well as Juan de Fuca S t r a i t , and Captain George Vancouver circumnavigated the Island, but contact with the native v i l l a g e s at the Island's southern end appears to have been v i r t u a l l y non-existent. Suttles (1954:38) remarks that the Indians who were encountered in 1791, f i s h i n g for salmon at Point Roberts, by the Spanish, were "probably the Saanich and Semiahmoo at t h e i r reef-net locations". He notes further, that the Spanish were t o l d , or believed that they were being told,*that larger vessels had been i n Georgia S t r a i t before, and from them the Indians had obtained engraved brass bracelets, which the 109 Indians showed them (1954:38). Even a f t e r the establishment of F o r t Vancouver i n 1824, and F o r t Langley i n 1827, s p e c i f i c mention of t r a d e or other c o n t a c t w i t h the Indians of sout h e a s t e r n Vancouver I s l a n d i s l a c k i n g i n the h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d . S u t t l e s (1954:38) suggests t h a t because the S t r a i t s S a l i s h had access to so few s e a - o t t e r r e s o u r c e l o c a t i o n s , Spanish and B r i t i s h t r a d i n g s h i p s tended t o ignore these groups. Tolmie r e f e r s to t r a d e w i t h the "klalams" i n the summer of 1813, but they were from the Olympic P e n i n s u l a r a t h e r than from Vancouver I s l a n d (1963:213-14, 224-25). Whatever t h e i r d i r e c t involvement i n the s e a - o t t e r t r a d e t h a t f l o u r i s h e d from 1795 u n t i l almost the middle of the n i n e t e e n t h century, the n a t i v e i n h a b i t a n t s of south-e a s t e r n Vancouver I s l a n d were i n d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d , d u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d , by the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f guns to the Southern Kwagiulth. The laqwiltoq, as they were known to the Saanich, made p e r i o d i c r a i d s on Indian v i l l a g e s as f a r south as Puget Sound (Duff 1964:60; F l o y d 1969:28; Tolmie 1963:219), c a r r y i n g o f f women and c h i l d r e n as s l a v e s and beheading the men. In response to these p r e d a t i o n s , the Saanich, as w e l l as other groups who had not a c q u i r e d f i r e a r m s (Duff 1964:59), c o n s t r u c t e d f o r t i f i c a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g stockades, around t h e i r v i l l a g e s (Floyd 1969:28; S u t t l e s 1951:323). As w e l l , European d i s e a s e , e s p e c i a l l y smallpox, c o n t r i b u t e d to the estimated p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e amongst the 1X0 aboriginaX inhabitants of southeastern Vancouver Isiand, from 2700 native peopie i n X780 to about 2000 by X842 (FXoyd X969:29). SuttXes summarizes the e f f e c t s on the S t r a i t s SaXish of these two factors, smallpox and raiding; The S t r a i t s t r i b e s themseXves seem to have been expanding t h e i r t e r r i t o r y just before discovery: the Lummi and possibly the Samish had onXy recently reached the Mainland from the San Juan IsXands. Then, when the smaXXpox wiped out a smaXX t r i b e on Boundary Bay, the Semiahmoo took over t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . After the introduction of firearms there seems to have been some fi g h t i n g at the western end of S t r a i t s t e r r i t o r y ; according to one account, the Sooke employed the Makah to wipe out another small t r i b e on Sooke Bay so that they could expand westward. But the combination of epidemics and raids from the north produced some empty pockets i n the centre of S t r a i t s t e r r i t o r y . The Gulf and San Juan Islands were p a r t i c u l a r l y vulnerable to attack from the north, and probably for t h i s reason the Saanich v i l l a g e s at Active Pass and elsewhere i n the Gulf Islands moved to the Saanich Peninsula. In the San Juan Islands two or three Lummi v i l l a g e s and one or two Samish v i l l a g e s were nearly wiped out by smallpox, and the survivors moved to Mainland v i l l a g e s . These t r i b e s s t i l l used the islands seasonally, but no longer b u i l t t h e i r winter v i l l a g e s there; that i s , they no longer made them the i r bases of operation, Epidemics l e f t another gap on the south shore of Vancouver Island, between the Sooke and the Songish. A part of t h i s was f i l l e d , just I l l a f ter V i c t o r i a was established, by Klallum from across the s t r a i t (1954;42). European Colonization i n S t r a i t s S a l i s h T e r r i t o r y According to Floyd (1969:1), with the v i s i t to southern Vancouver Island of S i r James Douglas, i n 184 2, and his establishment, one year l a t e r , of Fort V i c t o r i a as a Hudson's Bay Company post, aboriginal culture i n the region was irrevocably altered. Nevertheless, during the f i r s t two decades a f t e r construction of the f o r t , the Indians of the Saanich Peninsula were affected to a much lesser extent than were the Songhees, who soon found that some of th e i r winter v i l l a g e s and seasonal resource s i t e s were occupying locations coveted by the European intruders (Duff 1969: passim; Floyd 1969:28). The Songhees were forced to move, i n 1844 and again i n 1850, to less desirable areas further west. The Saanich, residing i n v i l l a g e s some 12 to 18 miles from the s i t e of Fort V i c t o r i a , were at s u f f i c i e n t distance from t h i s centre of Anglo-Canadian a c t i v i t y to escape being dispossessed of t h e i r winter settlements. Their aboriginal t e r r i t o r y , however, lay d i r e c t l y i n the path of White c o l o n i a l expansion. The opening of the lands of Vancouver Island for settlement as a Crown Colony, i n 1849, led to the drawing up by Douglas of 11 t r e a t i e s that were signed, ostensibly, by native people in the v i c i n i t y of Fort V i c t o r i a , i n 1850 and 1852. As Duff observes: . . . before any s e t t l e r s could be given t i t l e to lands, i t was considered necessary to conform with the usual B r i t i s h practice of f i r s t extinguishing the proprietary rights of the native people. This was done by negotiating agreements by which they were paid compensation and reserved whatever portions of land and special r i g h t s they were considered to need; i n short, by making t r e a t i e s with them. The task f e l l to James Douglas, chief factor of the Company (and also, a f t e r September 1851, governor of the colony) . . . . In the spring of 1850 he concluded nine agreements covering V i c t o r i a , Metchosin, and Sooke: . . . i n 18 52, two covering the Saanich Peninsula (1969:6) . According.to Floyd, the Fort V i c t o r i a t r e a t i e s . . . r e f l e c t e d the Hudson's Bay Company's desire to acquire t i t l e to a l l a g r i c u l t u r a l land to ensure development of the area as a food supply depot of the North P a c i f i c Ocean (1969:51). Regardless of t h e i r intent, the t r e a t i e s e f f e c t i v e l y transferred control of most of the lands on southeastern Vancouver Island from the aboriginal occupants to the B r i t i s h Crown, Although a l l of the t r e a t i e s s t i p u l a t e that . . . our v i l l a g e s i t e s and enclosed f i e l d s are to be kept for our own use, for the use of our children, and for those who may follow after us [and that] . . . . we are at l i b e r t y to * 113 hunt over the unoccupied lands and to carry on our f i s h e r i e s as formerly (B.C. Dept. of Lands and Works 1875:10), Duff remarks that the bands under the Fort V i c t o r i a t r e a t i e s have not benefitted much more greatly than those not covered by t r e a t i e s (1969:54-55). The questions of "unoccupied lands" and of carrying on with f i s h e r i e s "as formerly" remain unresolved and undefined, as the problem described i n the previous chapter, concerning native peoples' access to s h e l l f i s h beaches,illustrates. The treaty with the North Saanich t r i b e , a f f e c t i n g the present day T s a r t l i p band does not d i f f e r appreciably in terminology from any of the other Fort V i c t o r i a t r e a t i e s , except with respect to actual t e r r i t o r y and, more important, in that " . . . the amount of payment and the place [of signing] are not specif i e d , although space was l e f t for that portion of the text" (Duff 1969:22). Duff suggests that the three l i s t s of names t o t a l l i n g 117 signatories, below the terms of the North Saanich treaty, correspond to ". . . the men of the three Saanich v i l l a g e s on Saanichton Bay [Tsawout band], P a t r i c i a Bay [Tseycum band], and Brentwood Bay [T s a r t l i p band]" (Duff 1969:22). He then points out: j-The Saanich t r e a t i e s leave us with 4 number of puzzles. The 50 blankets noted as paid to the South Saanich, at 16/8 each; do indeed t o t a l the £41. . 13 . . 4 on the face of the treaty. But only ten men are l i s t e d and 5 blankets each would seem more 114 than t h e i r share. Later, 117 more men were paid. The t o t a l cost to the Company was £109. . 7 . . 6. That amount was worth 386 blankets (at 5/8) plus two pence l e f t over (another arithmetical error?). That number of blankets would be 3 each for the 127 men who made th e i r marks, with 5 l e f t over; or 3 each for the 128 men Douglas thought he had paid, with 2 l e f t over. But by now we have reached the realm of pure speculation, and have run out of clues (1969:26). Reserves i n B r i t i s h Columbia were l a i d out between 1876 and 1908. In contrast to other areas i n Canada, where each family was a l l o t t e d either 160 acres or one square mile of reserve land, reserve Indian f a m i l i e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia received a maximum of only 20 acres each, on the p r o v i n c i a l assumption that coastal t r i b e s would not farm and therefore did not need large t r a c t s but were better o f f with small, scattered areas suitable to t h e i r migratory economic patterns (Duff 1964:67). Colonial Settlement In spite of the far-reaching implications of the t r e a t i e s , European influence did not extend very far beyond a five-mile radius of the Fort, well to the south of Saanich t e r r i t o r y , u n t i l 1854 (Floyd 1969:42). For example, only One Roman Catholic missionary, presumably Rev. Father J. B. Z. Bolduc (Brabant 1908:1-2), seems to have reached the Saanich Indians by 1851, and, u n t i l 1857, when the 115 Oblate Fathers established a mission i n the V i c t o r i a area, contact with C h r i s t i a n i t y did not occur on a regular basis (Morice 1910:29; Suttles 1954:40). Another six years were to pass before the Oblate Fathers constructed the l i t t l e church at "Saanich Ferry", for the conversion of Indian souls ( The British Colonist: June 25, 1863:3). By 184 9, from the point of view of native Indian culture, two trends that were at f i r s t to take opposite d i r e c t i o n s began to emerge. I n i t i a l l y , they seem to have had more e f f e c t on the Songhees, but by 18 63, t h e i r impact was f e l t by the Saanich as well. The f i r s t was a steady downward trend i n aboriginal population and corresponding upward trend i n c o l o n i a l population. A report to S i r James Douglas i n 184 9 predicted that venereal disease, spread by the p r o s t i t u t i o n of native women, would cause a serious increase i n the already high death rate developing among Indian adults (Grant 1857:283). Douglas' 1853 census estimates 1,885 Indians on southeastern Vancouver Island, a six per cent decrease i n estimated t o t a l population, down from approximately 2,000 in 1842 (1853:5-6). P r o s t i t u t i o n of native women increased a f t e r the Gold Rush of 18 58 (Floyd 1969:86), although by that time, large numbers of Haida from the Queen Charlotte Islands were l i v i n g at Fort V i c t o r i a , and there i s evidence that the women of thi s northern t r i b e were more involved i n p r o s t i t u t i o n than were l o c a l women (Suttles 1954:47-8). There i s no available 116 evidence that any women from the four Saanich v i l l a g e s were engaged i n p r o s t i t u t i o n and, as Suttles argues: P r o s t i t u t i o n i s not universal and was probably lacking i n aboriginal S t r a i t s culture. Where i t e x i s t s , i t i s c u l t u r a l l y defined; from the viewpoint of European culture i t i s d i f f i c u l t to draw the l i n e between p r o s t i t u t i o n and marriage by purchase. From the S a l i s h view-point even a marriage of short duration was s t i l l a marriage i f some formal exchange of property had taken place and the intent to e s t a b l i s h a bond had been announced. If i t did not l a s t , i t was merely a poor marriage. In time some S a l i s h slave-owners learned to p r o s t i t u t e t h e i r slaves to the whites, and some free women undoubtedly entered the profession them-selves, but I am i n c l i n e d to believe the S a l i s h when they deny that men consciously prostituted t h e i r daughters as the northern people did so systematically for many years. The northern peoples' w i l l i n g -ness to p r o s t i t u t e kinswomen may i n part be due to a kinship system that r e a d i l y substitutes one member of a kin group for another, so that i n the native society a man's brother and nephews might legitimately have sexual r e l a t i o n s with his wife; adultery was defined as relations with someone of another group. Among the S a l i s h the p r i n c i p l e of equivalence of kinsmen was not carried.to t h i s extent, and adultery appears to have been ~ defined about the same as among Europeans (1954:47-48). Thus, commercial sexual exploitation of Indian women l i v i n g 117 i n the v i c i n i t y of Fort V i c t o r i a , regardless of the i r o r i g i n s , was, apparently, a c o l o n i a l phenomenon r e f l e c t i n g not only " . . . the great surplus of marriageable [non-Indian] males compared to [non-Indian] females" (Floyd 1969:53) but, more important, the tendency for women to bear, very d i r e c t l y , the i n i t i a l brunt of a general lowering of s o c i a l status and disruption of t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e s , i n the early years of the establishment of a c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . On the other hand, of course, i t i s not prostitution, but venereal disease, that causes a population decline, through death, s t e r i l i t y , and infant mortality; and Indian males, as well as females, were f a t a l l y infected, as s y p h i l i s and related diseases spread. There i s no h i s t o r i c a l record to indicate that venereal disease was a serious problem, i f i t existed at a l l , among the Saanich people. The opposite trend, in the early years, was an expansion of the native economy. As early as 184 9, V i c t o r i a farmers were h i r i n g Indians, probably Songhees, as farm labourers (Floyd 1969:42). Floyd finds that, i n 1854, Indians from the Fort V i c t o r i a area were working on road construction for the colonists and that; while the European economy appeared stagnant, the economy of the Indians of Southeastern Vancouver Island i n 1854 was considerably more d i v e r s i f i e d than i t had been twelve years e a r l i e r . The a r r i v a l of the 118 Europeans had not led to any substantial reduction i n the native resources; rather, i t had opened new avenues of economic a c t i v i t y . Local Indians could now work for the companies or i n d i v i d u a l s e t t l e r s or could s e l l f i s h or game. They were usually paid with manufactured goods, p a r t i c u l a r l y knives, guns and gun powder, and blankets. These goods quickly became prestige items within the native culture and were accepted into the potlatch system. The r e s u l t was i n f l a t i o n and potlatching became much more common and elaborate. The Indians s t i l l r e l i e d on f i s h i n g f o r the greater part of t h e i r d i e t and s t i l l had access to roots, bulbs and berries, except i n parts of Esquimalt and V i c t o r i a land d i s t r i c t s . The supply of deer and elk was apparently s t i l l s u f f i c i e n t to meet the demands of both the Indians and the whites (Floyd 1969:60, 66). Moreover, i n spite of treaty s t i p u l a t i o n s , the aboriginal subsistence patterns of l o c a l native v i l l a g e s remained unchanged i n these early years (Floyd 1969:69). Except for white settlements i n parts of Esquimalt and V i c t o r i a , t r a d i t i o n a l land-based resource locations, such as deer and elk hunting grounds, remained accessible and adequate to the native population, and f i s h i n g continued to provide the staples of the Indian d i e t (Floyd 1969:69, 74). Apparently, then, in the i n i t i a l period of European settlement, the economic s i t u a t i o n of the Indians 119 of southeastern Vancouver Island was not adversely affected. In addition to t r a d i t i o n a l resource exploitation, Indian people were able to p a r t i c i p a t e i n c e r t a i n c o l o n i a l economic a c t i v i t i e s , a l b e i t at the l e v e l of manual labour, that provided some cash income, as well . In at least one instance, aboriginal and c o l o n i a l economic pursuits merged, as native people became f i s h mongers, s e l l i n g t h e i r catches ". . . o n the main street and from door to door" (Floyd 1969:95). The extent pf p a r t i c i p a t i o n by Saanich Indian people in t h i s d i v e r s i f y i n g economic base i s unknown, but by 18 63, approximately 200 European s e t t l e r s had moved into the Lake and South Saanich D i s t r i c t s , the l a t t e r extending north of the v i l l a g e s of T s a r t l i p and Tsawout (Floyd 1969:92), and i t seems l i k e l y that native people on the Saanich Peninsula would have moved into economic niches similar to those of the Songhees. H i s t o r i c a l evidence to support t h i s statement consists of newspaper accounts of pioneers who reportedly used Saanich Indian labour on t h e i r farms, i n the f i r s t days 3 of settlement. One of these s e t t l e r s , William Towner, began the f i r s t commercial hop c u l t i v a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia, at the north end of Saanich Inlet (Figure 2), sometime between 1864 and 1871 (King 1955:15). According to Towner i s referred to as "William Turner" by King (1955, 1970), but the s i t e of the old farm i s Towner Park, overlooking Towner Bay, and he i s Towner i n a l l the other sources consulted. 120 l o c a l newspapers (King 1955, 1970; V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist 1922), Towner employed l o c a l Indians from the four Saanich reserves, as well as from Cowichan, to cut and gather the hop. He ". . . paid them i n food and clothing on the theory they had no idea of the value of money" (King 1955: 15), a manoeuvre requiring no further comment. At some point, however, native hop pickers began to receive cash for t h e i r work, perhaps when they began to migrate to Washington State hop f i e l d s just before the turn of the century. The income depended upon the number of hours and the amount of e f f o r t each picker put into the work, but some rough estimates of earnings are possible. According to one report, the hop picking began the f i r s t week in September, l a s t i n g about three weeks, and about 2 00 pickers were engaged, who earned approximately $2,000 during the season tin the 1890's] (Victoria Daily Colonist l,922:n.p.). Total earnings of $2,000 for 200 pickers would y i e l d only $10 per person for the three-week season. This amount seems small, but not i n l i g h t of i n d i v i d u a l earnings of $3 per day i n 19l3 (Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16:4), or of $60 - $80 per person, for the entire 1920 hop season, reported by an e l d e r l y reserve resident who r e c a l l s his own hop-picking days. Even i n 1952, towards the end of Indian involvement in t h i s a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y , experienced pickers i n the Fraser Valley of the B r i t i s h Columbia main-121 l a n d c o u l d seldom e a r n more t h a n ". . . $7.50 f o r an average 13-hour day" (Young 1952:25) o r a t o t a l o f perhaps $157.50 f o r 21 days o f work. Another i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r t o c o n s i d e r i n hop p i c k i n g i s t h a t p i c k e r s who b e n e f i t most from t h e h a r v e s t a r e l a r g e f a m i l y groups who work j o i n t l y i n t h e f i e l d s f o r t o t a l season e a r n i n g s w h i c h may r e a c h $600 o r $700 (Young 1952:25) . I f each p i c k e r i n 1952 was e a r n i n g a p p r o x i m a t e l y $150 f o r t h e season, t h e n o n l y a f a m i l y o f f o u r o r f i v e would be l a r g e enough t o e a r n $600-$700, T h i s e s t i m a t e i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h n a t i v e a c c o u n t s o f no fewer t h a n f o u r and f r e q u e n t l y s i x o r more members o f a f a m i l y t r a v e l l i n g as a group t o t h e hop f i e l d and w i t h s t a t e m e n t s t h a t hop p i c k i n g was u n p r o f i t a b l e f o r s i n g l e p e o p l e o r c o u p l e s who a p p a r e n t l y would " b a r e l y break even" by end o f season. From t h e s c a n t y i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e , i t seems e v i d e n t t h a t , i f hop p i c k i n g was t y p i c a l of e a r l y n a t i v e employment, I n d i a n e n t r y i n t o t h e c o l o n i a l economy was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by t e n d e n c i e s towards economic s u b o r d i n a t i o n and a s t r u c t u r a l l y dependent s t a t u s . Per capita e a r n i n g s were e x t r e m e l y low and, a c c o r d i n g t o former hop p i c k e r s , a good p o r t i o n o f each p i c k e r ' s wages went back t o t h e hop grower t o pay f o r p e r i s h a b l e f o o d s t u f f s t h a t p i c k e r s were o b l i g e d t o buy from t h e grower's s t o r e . Some former 122 pickers recounted situations that seem to indicate heavy c r e d i t saturation, to the point that "breaking even" was the 4 best to hope f o r . Furthermore, whereas the Indian economy did undergo considerable expansion i n the f i r s t two decades afte r Douglas arrived, by 1880 r e s t r i c t i o n s on native participa - r t i o n i n the c o l o n i a l economy were becoming apparent. Floyd notes that: while the Indians continued to f i n d employment on road gangs and as farm hands, few were hired as domestic servants. These positions were taken by the Chinese, who had also opened a number of r e t a i l stores and such services as restaurants, t a i l o r shops and laundries (1969:118). He remarks further that by 18 90, the Indians f i l l e d only the least s k i l l e d occupations i n the non-Indian economy. The women of the Songhees reserve competed with the Chinese i n washing and charwork. The Saanich t r i b e s were much better o f f , as a number of families grew f r u i t s and grains for the V i c t o r i a market, while others laboured on some of the nearby farms. The f i s h i n g industry s t i l l offered the best means for the Indians to take part i n the l o c a l economy and members of the Sooke and Cheerno tr i b e s i n p a r t i c u l a r were a c t i v e l y Employment of Indian people i n the hop growing industry ended shortly after World War II, with the mechanization of the picking process. 123 employed. Another s o u r c e o f income c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o f i s h i n g was p r o v i d e d by t h e no r t h w e s t s e a l i n g i n d u s t r y w h i c h had i t s h e a d q u a r t e r s a t V i c t o r i a d u r i n g the l a t e 18 8 0's and w h i c h h i r e d many 5 I n d i a n s as hands (1969:152). A c c o r d i n g t o e l d e r l y S a a n i c h , a p p r o x i m a t e l y t e n men a t T s a r t l i p farmed c o m m e r c i a l l y , s e l l i n g t h e i r produce t o h o s p i t a l s , r e s t a u r a n t s , h o t e l s , and markets i n t h e c i t y as w e l l as t o i n d i v i d u a l s , on a d o o r - t o - d o o r b a s i s . S e v e r a l S a a n i c h p e o p l e c u t cordwood f o r s a l e t o f a r m e r s , w h i l e o t h e r s found a market among the C h i n e s e f o r e d i b l e seaweed t h a t t h e I n d i a n s g a t h e r e d by canoe f o r t h e i r own u s e , as w e l l . One S a a n i c h person s u g g e s t s t h a t c a s c a r a from the swamp on t h e S a a n i c h P e n i n s u l a was s o l d t o Europeans f o r m e d i c i n a l purposes b e f o r e t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y , as w e l l as a f t e r . C a n n e r i e s employed a t l e a s t some T s a r t l i p men, women, and c h i l d r e n i n t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , w h i l e l o g g i n g and s a w m i l l o p e r a t i o n s , t h e Nanaimo c o a l mines, cement works, and I s l a n d road and r a i l w a y b u i l d i n g employed o t h e r s , from t i m e t o ti m e (Campbell 1883; passim; Canada, I n d i a n A f f a i r s 1885:98, 1890:100, 1893:233; F l o y d 1969:118-119, 152; V u l l i n g h s 1895-1908:n.p.). 5 Most n a t i v e s e a l e r s were from Songhees, a c c o r d i n g t o I n d i a n a c c o u n t s , but t h e f a t h e r s o f a t l e a s t two e l d e r l y T s a r t l i p men spent some t i m e aboard s e a l i n g v e s s e l s i n t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . 124 A l t h o u g h d a t a a r e s c a n t y , a p i c t u r e emerges o f s e a s o n a l n a t i v e employment i n u n s k i l l e d , p r e d o m i n a n t l y a g r i c u l t u r a l and manual l a b o u r o c c u p a t i o n s , o f a d d i t i o n a l income from e x p l o i t a t i o n o f such a b o r i g i n a l r e s o u r c e s as f i s h , seaweed, and c a s c a r a , and o f l i m i t e d commercial t r u c k g a r d e n i n g . I n a d d i t i o n , i t i s l i k e l y t h a t S a a n i c h women were i n v o l v e d , perhaps as e a r l y as t h e 1850's, i n t h e Cowichan k n i t t i n g i n d u s t r y d e s c r i b e d by Lane (1951). A l t h o u g h no w r i t t e n i n f o r m a t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e , s e v e r a l o f t h e o l d e r k n i t t e r s a t T s a r t l i p remember t h e i r mothers and grand-mothers k n i t t i n g " i n t h e e a r l y days." The development, i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , o f t h i s " m u l t i p l e x o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e " ( C a r s t e n s 1969:371) among t h e n a t i v e I n d i a n i n h a b i t a n t s o f the V i c t o r i a a r e a foreshadows t h e emergence o f marked o c c u p a t i o n a l v e r s a t i l i t y t h a t i s a d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e o f p r e s e n t - d a y I n d i a n employment. C a r s t e n s argues t h a t t h i s f e a t u r e i s e v i d e n c e of t h e c o l o n i a l s t a t u s o f n a t i v e p e o p l e and i s a p r o d u c t o f e x p l o i t a t i o n o f i n t e r n a l , n a t i v e c o l o n i e s by d o m i n a t i n g n a t i o n s (1969:367, 372-73; 1971:129). The r e l a t i o n s h i p between o c c u p a t i o n a l v e r s a t i l i t y , unemployment, and r e s e r v e p o v e r t y w i l l be e x p l o r e d i n a l a t e r c h a p t e r , but here i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o note t h a t a l t h o u g h t h e i n i t i a l e f -f e c t of c o l o n i a l i s m upon t h e S a a n i c h p e o p l e may have been one o f economic e x p a n s i o n , t h e i r movement i n t o a m u l t i -p l i c i t y of low-wage, m e n i a l o c c u p a t i o n s was i n d i c a t i v e of 125 the shrinking of t h e i r aboriginal economic resources and pursuits and t h e i r inevitable entrenchment i n a dependent s a t e l l i t e status dominated and exploited by the world market. The Indian Act In addition to the dual e f f e c t s of population decline and changing economic patterns, the development of ce r t a i n provisions of the Indian Act aft e r 188 0 had considerable influence on the native population of B r i t i s h Columbia, including the T s a r t l i p Indian people of West Saanich. Carstens asserts that the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of the Indian peoples of Canada . . . has been created, often consciously, through time by an administrative design which culminated in the formulation of the Indian Act of 18 7 6 and i t s subsequent amend-ments (1971:127) and that any study of status Indian people unavoidably involves one i n a study of the evolution and application of the Indian Act . . . (1971:130). While i t i s beyond the scope of t h i s study to examine a l l of the r e s t r i c t i v e sections of the Act, even as they apply to the T s a r t l i p band at West Saanich reserve, the sections, now removed, outlawing the sale, d i s t r i b u t i o n , or consumption of alcohol, the potlatch, and Indian winter dancing deserve b r i e f mention here, i n terms of t h e i r past importance to the 126 people of T s a r t l i p . Moreover/ other sections, s t i l l in e f f e c t , r e l a t i n g to the status of Indian women, w i l l be discussed i n other chapters, in an attempt to show t h e i r relationship to such fundamental economic matters as the a c q u i s i t i o n of housing. With the r e v i s i o n of the Indian Act of 1880, Sections 93 and 94 prohibited the sale, barter, or supplying of intoxicants to (i) any person on a reserve, or ( i i ) an Indian outside a reserve, the manufacture of intoxicants on a reserve, the possession or manufacture of intoxicants by a registered Indian, and the i n t o x i c a t i o n of a registered Indian (Canada 1880, 1884). These p r o h i b i t i v e sections were i n e f f e c t between 1884 and 1969. The two most fundamental e f f e c t s of these sections were, f i r s t , that many Indians received criminal records for offenses that did not a f f e c t non-Indians and, second, that many Indians enfranchised i n order to be able to purchase and consume alcohol i n the same manner as non-Indian Canadians. The introduction of alcohol to Indian people i n the V i c t o r i a area i s r e c a l l e d v i v i d l y by a West Saanich chief c o u n c i l l o r , now deceased, i n a 1934 manuscript. The incident occurred in 1842, when a canoe party of Songhees boarded the s a i l i n g vessel Cadboro, at the i n v i t a t i o n of some of the s a i l o r s : . . . the natives were in v i t e d on deck where they were offered ! 127 drink. When . . . [they] hesitated the white leader poured a drink into a tumbler and tossed i t down. A young [Songhees man] named Gietluck, who l a t e r became t h e i r chief, took the bottle, poured the tumbler f u l l , and tossed the drink down his throat. He strangled, gasped for breath and f e l l to the deck. His frightened fellows threw him over side into a canoe and f l e d to shore. By the time the canoe was beached Gietluck was insensible. He was carried ashore amid c r i e s of wrath and g r i e f . Women started wailing and messengers were sent to a l l the t r i b a l groups for Medicine Man. One Doctor l i v e d with the Brentwood Bay Colony of the Saanich Indians and when an exhausted messenger arrived a l l we boys started running to Cordova Bay to see the horrid sight. When we got there we found the vessel gone. Instead there were f i v e t r i b a l doctors making incantations over the paralyzed Gietluck, amid an alarmed c i r c l e of old folk. After prayers the medicine men took turns rubbing the sleeper's face and hands, they slapped him, poured water on him and then rubbed him warm again. Gietluck slept through i t a l l u n t i l the evening of the next day. He was the f i r s t Indian to taste the white-man's f i r e water. He l a t e r became a confirmed drunkard and s l a i n [sic] i n a brawl at Esquimalt (Latess 1934:n.p.). By 1908, Father Vullinghs, a Roman Catholic p r i e s t in Saanich, could write: I took severe measures against intoxicating liquors being 128 supplied, had several arrested, •broke down1 the 'Mount Newton Hotel', went to court against i t with a l l the Saanich Indians at V i c t o r i a once for 3 days. Drove once 30 of them home from said saloon, while on horseback myself, without speaking a word. Took bottles from them on the road and i n t h e i r houses (1895-1908:n.p.). Vullinghs observes, somewhat morosely, that many Saanich Indian people joined the Shaker Church f o r " . . . 'the liquor cure'. . ." (Vullinghs 1895-1908;n.p.). In spite of Vullinghs' anxieties about alcohol consumption among the native population, reports of the Indian agents for the Saanich reserves, during the early twentieth century, refer almost unvaryingly to the generally temperate behaviour of the native people and indicate that there were only ". . . a few who w i l l procure intoxicants whenever possible" (Canada, Indian A f f a i r s 1909:215; also, 1912:274; 1915:89). Whatever the extent of alcohol use among the Saanich people, i t was apparently i n s u f f i c i e n t to merit extensive comment by Indian A f f a i r s personnel. Moreover, the concern of the agents seems to have been directed towards the suppliers — "white men, negroes, and Chinese" (Canada, Indian A f f a i r s 1912:274). The persecution and prosecution of Indian people for possession or consumption of alcohol continued u n t i l 1969, when those sections of the Indian Act pertaining to intoxicants were judged by the courts to be discriminatory and were removed (Canada 1969). Among middle-aged and older 129 T s a r t l i p band members are several who r e c a l l arrests and convictions among t h e i r own people, under Section 94, as well as harassment from various representatives of non-Indian agencies. I t i s not possible to ascertain i f any T s a r t l i p people enfranchised because of the intoxicants sections of the Act, but i t i s l i k e l y that a few may have, es p e c i a l l y a f t e r World War II. The "anti-potlatch law", Section 140 of the Indian Act of 1884, which also made Indian s p i r i t dancing, or Tamanawasf i l l e g a l , disrupted the aboriginal r e d i s t r i b u t i v e system of the Northwest Coast rather considerably (Codere 1950). While no attempt w i l l be made to assess the law's implications for Coast S a l i s h economy i n general, nor for that of T s a r t l i p i n p a r t i c u l a r , at least three a f t e r -e f f e cts of the law must be noted. F i r s t , i f Vullinghs (1895-1908:n.p.) i s to be believed, the West Saanich people continued to hold "Black Face" and other winter s p i r i t dances well after 1884, at f i r s t openly, l a t e r i n secret. In fact, according to el d e r l y T s a r t l i p informants, winter s p i r i t dancing, as an expression of supernatural power, continued, a l b e i t secretly, u n t i l the law was rescinded i n 1951. No estimate can be made of the exact number who were i n i t i a t e d as s p i r i t dancers during the 67 years that the 6 'Tamanawas' i s Chinook jargon for s p i r i t power. The term i s used to refer to Indian winter dancing, or ' s p i r i t dancing 1. 130 custom was i l l e g a l , but at least 13 (39.0%) of the 34 present-day dancers on the reserve were r i t u a l l y taken and "put down" as dancers, during that period. Moreover, even today some Saanich Indian people are reluctant to discuss either modern potlatches or the winter dances, i n part because they are not convinced that these two ceremonial a c t i v i t i e s are, indeed, l e g a l . Given the fact that the pol i c e have been c a l l e d i n , occasionally, to investigate i n i t i a t i o n ceremonies and that very negative and biassed accounts of Indian dancing have appeared i n V i c t o r i a newspapers i n recent years (e.g., O'Neill 1967:37; V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist 1961:7; V i c t o r i a Daily Times 1961a: 17, 1961b:15), the reluctance i s understandable. With respect to the potlatch, i t i s apparent that potlatching did not so much disappear from Indian culture as change into a form acceptable to missionaries and government agents. Accounts of the t a c t i c s used by White government and church representatives to suppress potlatching, as well as s p i r i t dancing, are well documented i n such studies as those of Codere (1950) and LaViolette (1961). As well, a scanning of Annual Reports of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s for several years between 1883 and 1927 yields evidence that at T s a r t l i p and other reserves i n Cowichan Agency, " t i c k e t s " for obtaining land allotments were with-held from Indian people who practised either aboriginal custom, regardless of i n d i v i d u a l e l i g i b i l i t y for an allotment. For example, i n his 1884 report, W. H. Lomas, Indian Agent for Cowichan Agency reports: The law,prohibiting the 'pot-la t c h ' i s very much opposed by many men i n a l l the tr i b e s , but I am happy to be able to say that there are, i n nearly a l l some who see the f o l l y of these customs . . . . The fac t that, though I am a l l o t t i n g lands to each family, only euoh as give up the ruinous customs of the 'potlatch' and 'tamanoes 1 dances are recommended for location tickets, i s having a very good ef f e c t (Canada, Indian A f f a i r s 1885:99; emphasis added). In spite of such blatantly extra-legal measures, potlatching persisted in modified form, e s p e c i a l l y for funerals, while s p i r i t dancing, according to e l d e r l y respondents, went underground. Funeral potlatches, such as those described by Barnett (1955:217, 226-27), were replaced by ". . . free c o l l e c t i o n of money . . . altogether on th e i r [i.e., the Saanich people's] own accord . . . " (Vullinghs 1895-1908: n.p.), by 1905. It i s not cl e a r from whom the "free c o l l e c t i o n " was taken nor to whom i t was given. Present-day residents of West Saanich who were l i v i n g i n 1905 suggest that either the p r i e s t or the family of the deceased, or both, may have been r e c i p i e n t s . Whatever the case, the c o l l e c t i o n seems to have been a form of mutual aid i n times o f . c r i s i s and f i n a n c i a l need that i s comparable to the re c i p r o c i t y involved i n potlatqhing, as described by Su t t l es (1960) and that may have led to the inter—reserve network of funeral assistance s t i l l evident among southern Vancouver Island bands. A detailed assessment of the e f f e c t s of withdrawal of these r e s t r i c t i v e sections of the Indian Act from active l e g i s l a t i o n i s not the topic of t h i s study. In general, however, Carstens' statement that so-called "improvements" in Indian administration are specious when compared with developments i n the larger Canadian society seems applicable (1971:136). The removal from the Act of the anti-potlatch section and other r e s t r i c t i o n s upon native people has not resulted i n more freedom nor, obviously, has i t resurrected the Indian past. From the perspective of Indian autonomy and c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l , such changes in the Indian Act more l i k e l y r e f l e c t an i m p l i c i t and unstated federal p o l i c y of "mature segregation . . . . [and] r e t r i b a l i z a t i o n . . .", as i Carstens (1971:137) suggests, with the i l l u s i o n of more c u l t u r a l freedom and r e v i v a l only t h i n l y v e i l i n g increased government control over Indian l i v e s . The Early Twentieth Century:  1900 - 1929 The period from 1900 to 1929 was marked by a reversal i n the decline of population i n the southern Coast Sali s h area, with a gradual increase i n births over deaths from 18 90 to 1912, followed by the steep upsurge that has continued into the present. Nevertheless, the f i r s t quarter of the twentieth century i s r e c a l l e d by many people of West 133 Saanich reserve as a time of sickness and death. According to one native person: In my young days, t h i s was a sad place to l i v e . Our people were dying o f f by the hundreds because of disease and discrimination. Measles k i l l e d young and old a l i k e . Then tuberculosis spread l i k e w i l d f i r e among the Saanich. There was death from tuberculosis nearly every day. Almost every day you could hear the mourners wailing and singing funeral songs in one house or another. Every-one was crying i n those days. I can't remember a time in those early years when we weren't attending a funeral. The only fortunate thing was that we didn't get smallpox. The Songhees were free from smallpox, too. Our leaders were wise enough to avoid i t , even though i n some areas i t was systematically given to the Indians. Tuberculosis was our worst enemy. We almost l o s t the w i l l to l i v e . i | This account i s borne out by Indian agents' reports i n 1912 and 1915 of whooping cough epidemics and outbreaks of measles on the Saanich Peninsula reserves (Canada, Indian • A f f a i r s 1912, 1915). ! During t h i s period, as native people languished under the eff e c t s of disease, other pressures from the dominant c u l t u r a l environment began to impinge upon them. These pressures included: the a c t i v i t i e s of the Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s for the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, which held hearings throughout the Province and published i t s report i n 1916; increased Roman Catholic 134 missionary e f f o r t s , involving the establishment of an up-Island i n d u s t r i a l r e s i d e n t i a l school near Puncan, i n 1890 (Figure 4) and zealous conversion e f f o r t s i n the Saanich area; and the continuing e f f e c t s of the r e s t r i c t i v e provisions of the Indian Act. Royal Commission. Duff explains the creation of the Royal Commission of 1913 as a response to the Federal-P r o v i n c i a l dispute over a l l o c a t i o n of Indian reserve lands and the Province's insistence on reversion of "cut-off" lands from reserves to the Province: The Province now asked for an adjustment downward i n the size of existing reserves. Also, the reversionary interest clause, by which the Province immediately became the owner of any land surrendered by the Indians, was causing d i f f i c u l t i e s of admini-s t r a t i o n . I t meant, for example, that the Dominion was not able to s e l l reserve land for the benefit of the Indians involved, because the land could not be sold u n t i l surrendered, and once surrendered i t was the property of the Province. In 1912 a special Dominion Commissioner, Mr. J . A. J . McKenna, was appointed and met with Premier Richard McBride to s e t t l e these problems. The r e s u l t was the 'McKenna-McBride Agreement.' A five-man Royal Commission was to be appointed to make the f i n a l and complete allotment of Indian lands i n the Province. Upon settlement of the number and siz e of reserves, t i t l e was to be conveyed to the Dominion free of reversionary inter e s t , except i n the case of lands belonging to bands which 135 might become extinct. This Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s , now usually referred to as 'the Reserve Commission, 1 was named i n 1913, and laboured for three busy years, t r a v e l l i n g to a l l parts of the Province and interviewing v i r t u a l l y a l l bands. Some of the northern coastal people refused to discuss t h e i r reserve requirements u n t i l the question of Indian t i t l e had been set t l e d , and th e i r needs had to be judged from information given by the Indian agents. In most cases the Commission confirmed the existing reserves, but i t also added about 87,000 acres of new reserve land and cut off some 47,000 acres of old.^ i t s report, i n four volumes, was published i n 1916, and was r a t i f i e d by both governments i n 1924. The reserve lands were formally conveyed to the Dominion by Order in Council No. 1036 i n 1938. With some minor adjust-ments since then, t h i s was the f i n a l settlement of Indian land questions between the two governments. In 1963 B r i t i s h Columbia's 18 9 bands owned a t o t a l of 1,620 reserves (of 2,241 i n the whole of Canada) with a t o t a l area of 843,479 acres (1964:68). Duff remarks, as well, that by a l l o c a t i n g and defining Indian reserves, the government "created" these communities, giving them fixed and largely unchangeable boundaries (1969:30). He continues As Hawthorn et al. (1960:55) note, there was considerable difference between the value of the added and the cut-off lands. The added property was worth $444,838 (about $5.10 an acre) while that cut o f f was worth $1,522,704 ($32.36 an acre). 136 by writing the Indian Act, i t defined who could j o i n the community (birth, marriage, and band transfer only) and i n what circumstances members could leave i t . . . In e f f e c t our society has created . . . unnatural [communities] . . , (1969:30). The Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s held hearings at T s a r t l i p on June 13, 1915. Several points emerge from an examination of the proceedings on that day. F i r s t , the Chairman of the Commission, i n his opening remarks, states: . . . you [the people of T s a r t l i p ] present more evidence of prosperity than any Reserve we have v i s i t e d yet . . . [ i l l e g i b l e line] . . . . Your f i e l d s look i n good order as i f they were properly attended to. Possibly t h i s i s due to the fact that your land may be better than a great many of the other Reserves which we v i s i t e d , and, therefore, you had more i n i t i a t i v e to go i n for farming than the others (1913-16:4). Second, there are references to a number of economic a c t i v i t i e s involving T s a r t l i p Indian people, including farming, stevedoring and mining, commercial f i s h i n g , log-sorting, hop-picking, and other wage work. When asked how Indians at T s a r t l i p made the i r l i v i n g i n 1916, the speaker for T s a r t l i p , Christopher Paul, r e p l i e d , "they work around for wages" (Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16:230). There i s no indicat i o n of whether t h e i r wages were comparable to non-Indian workers. Annual income i s estimated for only one person — the speaker's father, Tommy 137 Paul — who was involved i n farming rather than wage labour. Tommy Paul's farm was reported to ". . . [compare] favourably with any of the whites' farms" (Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16:231) and included 40 acres i n hay, oats, strawberries and potatoes, and an apple orchard of 17 0 trees. Tommy Paul t e s t i f i e d that, i n the summer of 1914, he made a t o t a l of $900 — $200 from strawberries and $600 from oats and hay, supplemented with $100 from f i s h i n g after the harvest. Comparable figures for non-Indian farm income during t h i s period could not be determined. In 1914, the average annual wages of farm help i n the province of B r i t i s h Columbia were $324.44 for females and $459.72 f o r males (Canada 1915:203). The average income for Canadian non-farm workers was approximately $800 a year (Canada 1915:534). The most lu c r a t i v e pursuit for Indians in V i c t o r i a during World War I was, apparently, f i s h i n g , when each f i s h netted f i f t y cents from the cannery. Most fishermen brought i n about 1000 f i s h per week, or a weekly income of $500. Canneries i n the V i c t o r i a area seemed to have bought f i s h only during a one or two-month period so that a maximum of $4000 could be earned. According to Tommy Paul, a T s a r t l i p resident who t e s t i f i e d at the Commission hearings, a "syndicate" of 16 Indian people from the Saanich Peninsula owned " . . . ploughs, mowing machines, binders [and] a steam threshing machine . . . " (Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16: 138 237). This l a s t piece of equipment was operated by a non-Indian but was used by the syndicate to thresh for "the white people" (Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16: 237). A number of T s a r t l i p elders remarked to me i n 1971 that by co-operating i n farm work, "that generation was r e a l l y well off , . . they were good gardeners and farmers". Some of the Saanich Indian farmers sold t h e i r entire berry crop, under contract, to a l o c a l white entre-preneur, while others peddled the f r u i t i n town, from a wagon. At the same time as farming i s mentioned as the source of "prosperity" at T s a r t l i p , in the early years of the twentieth century, reference i s made, also, to the demise of farming among Indian people on the Saanich Peninsula because of ". . . the high wages offered for Indian labour outside" (Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16:291). Lucrative though wage work may have been i n i t i a l l y , however, i t led eventually to increased Indian dependence upon the cash economy. The f a i l u r e of farming as a widespread economic a c t i v i t y among Indian people at T s a r t l i p i s r e c a l l e d by a native observer: Farming was never a f u l l - t i m e occupation at T s a r t l i p and not many of our Saanich people were involved. Most people made th e i r l i v i n g from the sea, even afte r the whiteman arrived. Only a handful farmed as an occupation. The most farming was done during the l a t e r nineteenth century through to the 1930's when the depression wiped out everyone. The Department [of Indian A f f a i r s ] expected us to make a l i v i n g at farming, but the Saanich people weren't used to a land d i e t . We couldn't l i v e without f i s h and s h e l l f i s h . Whenever we were down and out, we turned to the sea, not the land. Some people had orchards, two or three acres i n size, but they were non-commercial. We grew apples, prune plums, and pears and stored them for winter eating, either cut and dried, or made into preserves. The orchards were an improvement over the wild f r u i t and berries the people used to c o l l e c t , but we couldn't make any money on i t . The orchards were for our own use. We couldn't afford to go into the f r u i t business commercially unless we gave up the sea and we weren't w i l l i n g to r i s k that. A few people sold f r u i t and vegetables i n V i c t o r i a but most produce and animals were kept only for home use. If we needed a few d o l l a r s , i t was easier to hire out to a white farmer. Before the turn of the century, the Saanich people bought a steam thresher o u t f i t with t h e i r own money. They hired i t out to white farmers. Several families owned i t together. They gave i t up because a l l the p r o f i t s went to pay the wages of the white man who operated i t . The Department wouldn't l e t an Indian operate i t . 140 A t h i r d observation, drawn from the Proceedings of the Royal Commission of 1913-1916, concerns the pre-occupation of the commissioners with the disposal of Indian land. A d i s t i n c t i o n made by the Commissioner between "cultivated" and "unoccupied" land was used, apparently, as the basis for determining "overplus" acreage, to be sold at public auction, the proceeds being divided equally between the P r o v i n c i a l Government and the Indian band on each reserve. C l e a r l y , any land that was simply i n timber, or not being exploited a c t i v e l y i n some way, was regarded as "unoccupied" by the Commission. Just as c l e a r l y , from the Indian point of view, the d i s t i n c t i o n between "cultivated" and "unoccupied" land was a Euro-Canadian one: . . . some [land] i s timber, some i s rocky, some of i t i s good for c u l t i v a t i o n . . . . It is all occupied (Christopher Paul, Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16:229; emphasis added). Also related to the land question i s Indian testimony that land occupied by white s e t t l e r s , Verdier and Hagan, " . . . used to be included i n t h i s Reserve [i.e., T s a r t l i p ] " (Tommy Paul, Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16:231, 266). No explanation i s given i n the Commission Proceedings to account for t h i s loss of 337 acres from the reserve, nor of Sluggett's, another s e t t l e r ' s , a c q u i s i t i o n of 1,000 acres from the southern portion of the reserve (Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16:231, 141 266). According to information received i n 1971 from a longtime resident of T s a r t l i p , the land presently held by the Roman Catholic Church, to the north of the reserve (Figure 5), was never relinquished by the Saanich people of 8 T s a r t l i p . Apparently, part of the acreage for the church was donated by the s e t t l e r , Hagan, but the Indian people of T s a r t l i p assert that i t was not Hagan's to donate i n the f i r s t place. One T s a r t l i p band member who remembers the extent of the reserve p r i o r to the Royal Commission hearings gives the boundaries of West Saanich reserve i n 1911, as follows (Figure 5): the southern boundary was the B.C. E l e c t r i c Steam Plant chimney, two-thirds of a mile south of S t e l l y ' s X Road (the present boundary). There i s now a B.C. Hydro Company powerhouse on the s i t e of the old chimney. From the Steam Plant chimney, the boundary l i n e extended west, across the mouth of Tod Inlet to W i l l i s Point where, i n c o l o n i a l times, the people of T s a r t l i p took t h e i r livestock each year, before going to the mouth of the Fraser River, on the mainland, to f i s h commercially. Horses, cows, and sheep were put ashore and confined to the point by a snake fence that stood u n t i l the 1940's. The boundary l i n e of the Goldstream and Mayne Island t e r r i t o r y (Figure 2) may have been considerably larger before 1913, also, according to reports of the native people. Both sides of Goldstream apparently belonged to the Saanich people i n aboriginal times and u n t i l about 1910, while the Mayne Island t e r r i t o r y covered almost double the present 323 acres. 142 Figure 5: 1911 Boundaries of T s a r t l i p Indian Reserve Source: Author's 1971 f i e l d notes; D i s t r i c t of Central Saanich 1967. 143 reserve stretched east from the Steam Plant chimney, along the present Wallace Drive to i t s inter s e c t i o n with West Saanich Road. The 1,000-acre Sluggett farm formed the south-central and southeastern boundary, including a l l of the present Brentwood Bay community. The small creek draining, from the south, into Hagan Creek, was the eastern boundary, and Hagan Creek, the northern. It i s v i r t u a l l y impossible to estimate aboriginal t e r r i t o r i a l area, or even pre-reserve size, without much more research, but there i s no doubt that the T s a r t l i p Saanich l o s t a considerable number of resource areas between 18 52, when the treaty with S i r James Douglas was signed, and 1916. If the farms of a number of s e t t l e r s , including Sluggett, Verdier, Hagan, and others, as well as the Roman Catholic Church property are considered as having been part of the aboriginal winter v i l l a g e and environs of T s a r t l i p people, that settlement diminished by at least 1500 acres. The Royal Commission of 1913-16 deducted another one-tenth of an acre from Senanus Island (Figure 2) for "lighthouse purposes" (1913-16:299) and noted Agent Robertson's recommendation that "road deductions of 68 acres should be made from a l l reserves of the Tribe" (Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16: Table A). Presumably, he meant a t o t a l of 68 acres, or an average of 17 acres per reserve, rather than 68 acres for each of the four Saanich Peninsula reserves. Whether more than t h i s amount for road r i g h t s - o f -144 way was deducted or not i s unknown. The request of the combined members of the four reserves of the "Saanich Tribe" for an allotment of 160 acres per adult male was ". . . not available . . . [and] not reasonably required (Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16: following Table C). Possibly, the comment of E. L. Wetmore, one of the commissioners, that T s a r t l i p was " i n t e l l i g e n t l y farmed . . . [with] the best c u l t i v a t i o n known by Indians of the Cowichan Agency" (Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16: Table A) worked against the application of the Indian people for increased acreage. Certainly, the statement that the population of T s a r t l i p had increased by 15 per cent since 1887 was not considered a v a l i d reason for enlarging i n d i v i d u a l allotments from t h e i r pre-Commission size of 72.3 acres per adult male (Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-16: following Table C). Increased missionary e f f o r t . A Roman Catholic church was established i n 1863 i n the Brentwood Bay area, near the reserve, and many of the West Saanich Indian people seem to have been converted during the next 23 years, u n t i l the church was abandoned i n 1886 (Vullinghs 1895-1908:n.p.). Nonetheless, when the Reverend A. J. Vullinghs took over the West Saanich ministry at the end of July, 18 93, he found not only the church building ". . . abandoned and dilapidated", but the Indians " . . . much given to drinking . . . many 145 with two wives, [and] hardly any married [in a C h r i s t i a n ceremony]" (1895-1908:n.p.). Within a year (1894), Vullinghs b u i l t a new church and took upon himself the task of converting the Indian people of the Saanich Peninsula, thus saving them from what he considered the multiple e v i l s of alcoholism, polygamy, Indian dancing, Shakerism, and Methodism (1895-1908: passim). According to Vullinghs' journal, the p r i e s t considered the immediate v i c i n i t y of a C i t y [i. e. , V i c t o r i a ] i , . a constant menace . . . took severe measures against i n t o x i c a t i n g liquors being supplied, had several [Saanich Indian people] arrested, . . . [did] away with the "Black Dance" . . . modified t h e i r usual (common) dances (after Christmas . . . before Lent) [i.e., winter s p i r i t dances] (1895-1908: passim) and battled Methodists, Anglicans, and Indian Shakers with equal vigour. A T s a r t l i p band member who served as an a l t a r boy for Vullinghs remembers that the p r i e s t punished anyone whom he caught "putting up a dance" by f i n i n g him twenty-f i v e or f i f t y d o l l a r s . Whether Father Vullinghs Was c o l l e c t i n g the fines for the church or merely reporting i n f r a c t i o n s to the authorities and c o l l e c t i n g for them i s unclear. In any case, the p r i e s t ' s authorization to exact t h i s penalty could not be discovered. By 18 97, V u l l i n g h s had established an Indian Day 14 6 School at East Saanich (Figure 1) and, by 1901, another at West Saanich for native children whose parents were reluctant to send them to r e s i d e n t i a l school on Kuper Island. Resistance among Indian parents to the Kuper Island I n d u s t r i a l Residential School was not only a matter of c u l t u r a l conservatism nor of parental anxiety over children being away from home for a considerable part of the year, but was based upon a very r e a l fear that attendance at the White man's school meant exposure to his diseases. Many older Saanich people can recount the loss of several s i b l i n g s and other kin who died of tuberculosis, measles, whooping cough, chicken pox, and other diseases during epidemics at Kuper Island, and a l l of the T s a r t l i p Saanich who never attended school there commented that th e i r parents were a f r a i d to send them for that reason. At least four present-day residents of T s a r t l i p a c tually ran away from home i n order to attend r e s i d e n t i a l school, contrary to their parents' wishes. As one person r e c a l l s : My brothers and s i s t e r s and some of my friends were going to school at Kuper Island. Then we heard that my s i s t e r s had died of T.B. Lots of the children there got T.B. that year. I heard about i t and decided I didn't want to go. My father said the germs co l l e c t e d i n the school buildings and that was why so many of our Saanich children died. F i n a l l y , a friend of my father's asked, "What's going to happen 147 to your son?" My father was laughing and he said, "Oh, we'll make a fisherman out of him. He doesn't need any White man's education." That's when I made up my mind to go to school, when they teased me l i k e that. I didn't want to be uneducated. But my father said, "Go to school here. You w i l l learn just as much, and I won't lose another c h i l d . " My s i s t e r ran away from us to go to that school, and she got sick and died there. The f i r s t day-school at West Saanich was eventually closed down, apparently because Indian parents kept taking t h e i r children out of school for hop-picking and other farm labour i n the f a l l and for f i s h i n g i n the spring. For some years after, Saanich children who did not attend Kuper Island Residential School went to public grammar schools on the Saanich Peninsula, with White children. According to Saanich elders, Indian students were not permitted to attend public high schools, possibly because Indian education was a federal, rather than a p r o v i n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y u n t i l 1950, when Indian children began entering p r o v i n c i a l schools under a cost-sharing agreement between DIAND and l o c a l school boards. This does not explain why Indian children were permitted in the grammar schools, but i t may be that a more active discrimination was directed at older native children who were close to adulthood. Although church records are not available and other information on r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n i s lacking for the 148 early twentieth century, attempts to convert the Saanich to C h r i s t i a n i t y through missionary e f f o r t i n church and school must have been nominally successful, for a l l of the older people interviewed agree that everyone at T s a r t l i p was baptized Roman Catholic by about 1920, except for a few very e l d e r l y people who clung to the aboriginal f a i t h . Only f i v e of the 345 registered T s a r t l i p band members are l i s t e d as non-Roman Catholic i n 1969 (Canada, Indian A f f a i r s 1969), and even these f i v e are l i s t e d as Christians — three as Shakers and two as Pentacostalists. Moreover, three of the f i v e non-Catholics are in-marrying women from other bands. The Depression Years By 1930, Indian people were d e f i n i t e l y t i e d to the non-Indian cash economy but were able to subsist on f i s h , s h e l l f i s h , and game as they had t r a d i t i o n a l l y , though with some new r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed by the Canadian government. Although the Depression years could be described from h i s t o r i c a l accounts, i t seems preferable to relate two native Indian reports of conditions at T s a r t l i p during the T h i r t i e s . The f i r s t observer, a former commercial fisherman recounts: There was nothing for Indian people during the T h i r t i e s . If you were old, disabled, or sick, you got four d o l l a r s a month, not i n cash, but in goods. The goods came from a l i s t decided upon by the Indian o f f i c e , and you couldn't 1 4 9 substitute another item. A 25-cent soup bone was the 'meat' item on the l i s t , but even then, only old Indians and sick ones got that. We were fortunate i n having the sea beside us. We couldn't fi n d work but, i n the T h i r t i e s , salmon were s t i l l p l e n t i f u l i n Saanich Inlet and the S t r a i t s . We dug for clams, too, and dried them. Then the government made us stop digging clams i n ce r t a i n areas. They said they were enforcing 'conservation', but i t was r e a l l y just more government waste. Clams only l i v e so long — six or seven years maybe. When they die, they take the whole beach with them. If they aren't harvested, the whole beach dies and goes to waste. We were f i s h i n g commercially during the t h i r t i e s , for pinks i n Johnston S t r a i t . We sold them to B.C. Packers and M i l l a r d Packing for f i v e cents a piece. Both of these companies were subsidiaries of a big American company — Booth F i s h Company. We fished for dogfish; they were used for cat and dog food. We sold them for four d o l l a r s a ton and seldom earned more than ten do l l a r s a day, for the whole crew. A second person remarks: In the Depression, which they c a l l the hungry T h i r t i e s , even the best of men, well-trained men -- the carpenters, the engineers, the surveyors -- had nothing to do. Carpenters worked for two d o l l a r s and a 150 half a day. That's how bad i t was. Most labourers got a d o l l a r and a half a day, but some would even accept a d o l l a r and a quarter. It was awful hard to get a job. There was nothing moving at a l l . Even farmers could give us only one or two weeks work, from time to time. I worked three days a week chopping wood and made two-fift y a day. Farmers who grew potatoes or strawberries couldn't s e l l them. I picked loganberries for a cent a pound, with my wife and son. We made $7 0 between the three of us for the whole season, picking 7000 pounds of logans. Even i f we fished, we were offered only 25 cents a f i s h , at best. We couldn't afford to s e l l them for that, so we took our f i s h back home and pickled them. Things were r e a l l y bad in those days; everyone suffered. F i n a l l y , the Second War came, and things picked up again r i g h t away. We did pretty good i n the war. Few of the women interviewed were able to f i n d other than occasional employment during the Depression. One woman cleaned house once a week for a non-Indian woman in Sidney, for one d o l l a r a day. Aside from the meagre wages to be earned from berry-picking each summer with parents, husbands, and children, the Depression income of T s a r t l i p women seems to have been derived almost e n t i r e l y from k n i t t i n g . Cowichan sweaters sold for $4.50 each, leaving a p r o f i t of $3.00, after deducting the cost of the wool. Many women r e c a l l the T h i r t i e s as a time of "tea, bread, and gravy." World War II In response to questions about the impact of the Second World War on conditions at T s a r t l i p , reserve residents noted that not only did regular employment opportunities open up but that income from wages and s e l f employment rose dramatically for Indian men and, to, a lesser extent, for Indian women. A former commercial fisherman of Indian descent comments: from 1940 to 1947, I was occupied f u l l - t i m e f i s h i n g for dogfish. Dogfish l i v e r s were used i n making Vitamin A and D. It was possible to make as much i n one day as I now make i n a month [$600]. One hundred d o l l a r s a day was common for my share. I had a crew man and paid him a t h i r d of the catch, after expenses. I could do that and s t i l l have more than enough to feed my family , . . . In 1947, the bottom f e l l out of the dogfish l i v e r market, because Vitamin A was manufactured s y n t h e t i c a l l y . Before that, the dogfish season was a f u l l twelve months a year, a l l through the war. The Canadian government put an embargo on dogfish l i v e r s , because U.S. companies were coming up here and paying us three times as much as the Canadian government, for the l i v e r s . Our government pegged the price at 2 5 cents a pound, but even that was pretty good money. In the T h i r t i e s , the dogfish industry was not so p r o f i t a b l e . I fished for dogfish then, but only because 152 I had to. We sold them for four d o l l a r s a ton, and some-times we only made ten d o l l a r s a day, for the whole crew. Jobs i n new f i e l d s became available, also, because of the war. Two shipyards i n the V i c t o r i a area began to employ native men, but for T s a r t l i p wage earners, the Canadian A i r Force Base at P a t r i c i a Bay, only a few miles north of the reserve, was an even better source of employment. There were between f i f t e e n and twenty T s a r t l i p men employed, most on a regular, f u l l - t i m e basis. They worked on construction and i n s t a l l a t i o n jobs at the Base, and as firemen i n the b o i l e r rooms. According to one man, i t seemed l i k e everyone had a job i n those days. The pay was good, too, and some of us were f a i r l y wealthy for the f i r s t time since the White man came. My wife's father had been earning two d o l l a r s a day, during the T h i r t i e s , and suddenly, he was earning two d o l l a r s an hour. Although not many women from T s a r t l i p found wage work during World War II, there were, apparently, more jobs for women in canneries, because of the male labour shortage. According to some women, in the war years, during the summer and early f a l l , American growers came over with buses and advances of money that they offered to women who would go to the States as pickers. Women who were involved remember b i t t e r l y that "once you accepted the advance, you were hooked. That small advance was the only cash you ever 153 saw, a l l summer long. It was slave labour." More p r o f i t a b l e to women was the increased demand for Cowichan knitted goods, e s p e c i a l l y men's socks and 9 sweaters, i n very large sizes. Depression prices for both socks and sweaters t r i p l e d and even quadrupled during the war years, and some women supported themselves and th e i r children e n t i r e l y from k n i t t i n g income by working straight through two or three days and nights, before the buyer was due to v i s i t . The socks and sweaters were p l a i n , without design, and were knitted loosely, with very thick wool, on very large needles, to hasten production of each item. In spite of increased wage labour and higher incomes, the war years did not bring about any noticeable changes to physical conditions on the reserve. There was neither piped water nor e l e c t r i c i t y i n any of the houses at T s a r t l i p u n t i l the 1950's, and almost no house construction seems to have occurred u n t i l the early S i x t i e s . Very few men from T s a r t l i p e n l i s t e d i n the Canadian Forces during the war because the war wasn't ours; i t was started by White men and fought by White men. We knew that i t didn't matter to us which side won the battle; Indian people l o s t the only b a t t l e that mattered a long time before. According to some Indian people, the extra large sizes were needed to accommodate servicemen. 154 The Years Since World War II What has occurred during the twenty-five year period since the Second World War has not altered the dependent position of T s a r t l i p reserve i n any s i g n i f i c a n t way except, perhaps, to increase i t further. Thus, changes in the Indian Act and i n DIAND pol i c y , i n i t i a t e d as a res u l t of post-war Senate Hearings and court cases, have eliminated the i l l e g a l i t y of the potlatch and of s p i r i t dancing (1951), removed r e s t r i c t i o n s upon the consumption, purchase, and possession of intoxicants (1951, 1961, 1969), and increased autonomy for bands with respect to control of band funds and band administration, but no changes have been made to a l t e r the basic s a t e l l i t e status of Indian bands. Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p and fe d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l voting p r i v i l e g e s have been conferred upon Indian people, along with programmes for s o c i a l assistance, reserve housing, and economic development, but the economic gap between reserve hinterland and Canadian metropolis remains and widens. Later chapters w i l l examine t h i s gap and T s a r t l i p * s hinter-land status i n depth for the year 1971, but here a b r i e f d escription of the period from 1945 to the late S i x t i e s i s necessary. For example, u n t i l 1952, T s a r t l i p band had no c a p i t a l funds, either for reserve improvements or for economic development. A l l repairs and improvements to the reserve, such as they were, came from general DIAND funds. 155 During 1952, logging on T s a r t l i p ' s Mayne Island and West Saanich Reserves accumulated a t r u s t account of $23,000 for band members. This sum amounted to approximately $125 per member, in that year. As well as using the inter e s t from t h i s account for minor improvements to roads and water supply, T s a r t l i p band was eventually able to develop i t s own campsite and boat launching ramp, between 1967 and 1971. The modest income generated by t h i s enterprise pays the wages of i t s two employees and, more important from the m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e perspective, supplements the inadequately-financed DIAND reserve-housing programme. As Usher points out, "where the hinterland population i s engaged in a c t i v i t i e s ' p r o f i t a b l e to the metropolis, i t i s encouraged or at least permitted to continue doing so" (1972:29). That a housing programme was desperately needed at T s a r t l i p by the early 1950's i s v e r i f i e d by a 1953 newspaper a r t i c l e reporting deplorable l i v i n g conditions on that reserve. Lack of potable water, roads and houses i n need of repair, and overcrowding are mentioned as serious problems. Only two houses were found to have e l e c t r i c i t y i n that year, and none had running water or indoor t o i l e t s (Victoria Daily Colonist 1953:5). Ten years l a t e r , i n 1963, only one house possessed an indoor bathroom (Coplick 1965;3). I r o n i c a l l y , between 1958 and 1971, i n spite of DIAND's housing programme, the number of reserve houses rated as poor at 156 West Saanich increased from one out of 39 (3.0%) to 22 out of 50 (44.0%), while the number of houses considered i n good condition declined from 38 (98.0%) to 7 (14.0%). L i t t l e information i s available regarding income of T s a r t l i p residents for the F i f t i e s and S i x t i e s , but employment h i s t o r i e s gathered i n 1971 would indicate that wages, earned predominantly for casual and seasonal labour, ranged from 75 cents to $1.50 per hour, for a l l but a few residents. U n t i l 1957, furthermore, s o c i a l assistance i n the form of r e l i e f was generally supplied i n kind rather than i n cash, and was d e l i b e r a t e l y kept low i n order to ensure that a welfare payment would be of an amount below the earnings of the lowest paid wage-earner (Hawthorn 1967:318). Not u n t i l 1964 did DIAND-administered s o c i a l assistance to Indian people reach a par with p r o v i n c i a l rates and e l i g i b i l i t y regulations (Hawthorn 1967:319), and even then, allowances for "free-housing" on Indian reserves have frequently resulted i n lower cash payments to native welfare recipie n t s (Canada, Indian A f f a i r s 1969b; Community Action Group 1971). The remaining chapters of t h i s investigation are devoted to an intensive discussion of cert a i n aspects of reserve l i f e and conditions i n 1971. As stated i n Chapter One, emphasis i s on a description of reserve poverty, with p a r t i c u l a r attention to i t s e f f e c t s on women. The main 157 t h e o r e t i c a l p o s i t i o n assumes the development of a metropolis-hinterland r e l a t i o n s h i p , and the h i s t o r i c a l background provided up to t h i s point has attempted to show, from the meagre information available, the way i n which one Indian v i l l a g e society has become locked into an e s s e n t i a l l y unfavourable economic and p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n . In view of s u p e r f i c i a l changes i n t h i s p o s i t i o n since World War II, Carstens 1 observation seems applicable; It i s true that the q u a l i f i c a -tions of teachers have been improved, that welfare has been increased, that housing and economic development programmes have been established, that the budget of the [Indian A f f a i r s ] Branch has been enlarged, etc. But none of these changes proves anything since far more extensive developments i n a l l these areas are found i n the mainstream of Canadian society -- with the exception of the disproportionate growth of the o v e r a l l size of the bureaucracy managing the Indian peoples (1971:136). Thus, the loss of p o l i t i c a l autonomy and economic s e l f -s u f f i c i e n c y , loss of t e r r i t o r y and of access to resources, loss even of the r i g h t to determine for themselves who s h a l l be regarded as legitimate members of t h e i r society has forced the people of T s a r t l i p into an increasingly dependent, yet alienated position. An account of t h i s last-mentioned loss of the r i g h t to s e l f d e f i n i t i o n must now be discussed, in order to comprehend the exceedingly d i f f i c u l t conditions under which the women of the reserve must l i v e . At the same 158 t i m e , o t h e r a s p e c t s o f demography and e t h n i c i t y can be c o n s i d e r e d . CHAPTER IV DEMOGRAPHY The following i s a b r i e f discussion of the demo-graphic development of T s a r t l i p reserve, with respect to population growth and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and ethnic and band a f f i l i a t i o n . The chapter provides a picture of the size of the reserve population and i t s composition, i n terms of age and sex. In addition, considerable attention i s given to the complex question of determining Indian status i n Canada. The leg a l d e f i n i t i o n of Indian i s presented as a basis for understanding the special position of women among native people and for comprehending some of the ramifica-tions of possessing or not possessing l e g a l status that w i l l be examined l a t e r . S i m i l a r l y , c r i t e r i a for membership i n an Indian band are examined as a preliminary for discussing the circumstances under which women must function on the reserve. Size and Composition of  Reserve Population Population Growth Population estimates for the Saanich people of T s a r t l i p v i l l a g e can be traced back as far as 1848, when a figure of 111 i s recorded for the "Tsolup t r i b e of 159 Saanetch" (Finlayson 1848:n.p.). There i s some d i f f i c u l t y i n determining population between that year and 1878, because figures are given for cl u s t e r s of v i l l a g e s rather than for each v i l l a g e . Consequently, the 1856 figure of 683 for "Sanetch Arm" (Helmcken 18 56:n.p.) i s probably for either the four Saanich v i l l a g e s on the Peninsula (Figure 1) or the four v i l l a g e s on Saanich Inlet (Figure 4). In either case, the figure would include T s a r t l i p v i l l a g e , with possibly one-fourth, or 171, of the 683 counted being T s a r t l i p people (Duff 1969:51; Pemberton 1855:Figure 3). As Figure 6 indicates, population declined among the T s a r t l i p , from an estimated 171 i n 1856 to 104 i n 1878-1882, and then s l i d s t i l l further to a low point of 49 i n 1891, a decrease of 43 per cent i n 35 years (Canada, Indian A f f a i r s 1883:258, 1892:233). No recorded explanations for t h i s decrease were discovered but, since the other Saanich v i l l a g e s experienced similar declines during that time, the most l i k e l y reasons are death from disease, out-migration, possibly to the United States, or the fact that at least some censuses were taken while large numbers of v i l l a g e r s were dispersed to summer resource locations, leaving the winter v i l l a g e s i t e v i r t u a l l y unoccupied. By 1913, there were 61 people 1 l i v i n g at T s a r t l i p , "'"Native testimony during the proceedings of the Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s mentions 60 people for 1913 (1913-1916:C3 and Table A). Figure 6: T s a r t l i p On-Reserve Population, 1848 - 1970 161 Source: Author's 1971 f i e l d census; B r i t i s h Columbia, Department of Lands and Works 1875; Canada, Indian A f f a i r s 1901-1924, 1936-1969, 1969a; Finlayson 1848; Helmcken 1856; Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s 1913-1916. an increase of 24 per cent in 22 years. The population of the reserve has been r i s i n g since the early twentieth century. If only T s a r t l i p band members l i v i n g on reserve are counted, as i n Figure 6, census figures from 18 90 to 1970 indicate a growth rate of nearly 600 per cent, over the 80-year period, In the 30-year period from 1940 to 1970, the population of T s a r t l i p has increased by about 100 per cent. For Canada as a whole, natural increase i n population between 1891 and 1971 was approximately 300 per cent and, for the period 1941 to 1971, approximately 75 per cent (Kalbach and McVey 1971:21, 65; S t a t i s t i c s Canada 1972:7-1). Considering that the population of the reserve was precariously low i n the l a t e nineteenth century, the high growth rate since then must be regarded as a process of replacement and restoration of population health and s t a b i l i t y . Age P r o f i l e The age p r o f i l e of T s a r t l i p Reserve, as for the entire registered Indian population of Canada, shows an o v e r a l l increase i n the proportion of infants, children, and teen-agers (Duff 1964:48). At T s a r t l i p , between 1901 and 1951, the proportion of band members under 16 years of age rose from a low of 12 per cent to 54 per cent, although i t has l e v e l l e d off i n the period 1951 to 1971 (Canada, Indian A f f a i r s 1901-1924, 1936-1969) (Figure 7). Figure 7: Percentage of On-Reserve T s a r t l i p Band Members Under Sixteen Years, 1901-1971 163 Source: Canada, Indian A f f a i r s 1901-1924, 1936-1969, 1969a. 164 The 1971 figure, obtained during fieldwork, of 52 per cent of a l l on-re,serve T s a r t l i p members being under 16 years pf age coincides with a 1969 DIAND figure of 50 per cent for both on- and off-reserve members of West Saanich Reserve (Canada, Indian A f f a i r s 1969a) and i s in l i n e with Hawthorn's finding that for Indians i n Canada as a whole, . . . . the proportion of the population under sixteen years of age . . . . i s about 50 per cent (1966:97). The youthfulness of the reserve population at T s a r t l i p , as of December 31, 1971, i s even more s t r i k i n g i f cumulative frequencies are tabulated. Table II presents data for on-reserve band members of West Saanich, and TABLE II: AGE AND SEX OF ON-RESERVE BAND MEMBERS, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 Cumulative Frequency Female Male Total (Less than) Age ; No. % No. % No. % No. % 0-4 22 19.0 17 14.0 39 17.0 39 17 .0 5-9 18 15,0 19 16.0 37 16.0 76 33.0 10-14 16 14.0 19 16.0 35 15.0 111 48.0 15-19 16 14.0 20 17.0 36 15,0 147 63,0 20-29 16 14. 0 16 13.0 32 14.0 179 77.0 30-39 8 7.0 10 9.0 18 8,0 197 85.0 40-59 15 13.0 10 9.0 25 10,0 222 95.0 60 & over 5 4.0 7 6.0 12 5.0 234 100.0 Total 116 100.0 118 100. 0 234 100.0 Source: Canada, Indian A f f a i r s (1969a) 165 Table III for the t o t a l pn-reserve population of 2 93 ind i v i d u a l s , including band members and other residents. TABLE I I I : AGE AND SEX OF ALL PERMANENT RESIDENTS, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 Cumulative Frequency Female Male Total (Less than) Age No. % No. % • No. % No. % 0-4 32 22. 0 22 15.0 54 19.0 54 19.0 5-9 23 16. 0 23 16.0 46 16.0 100 35.0 10-14 19 13. 0 20 14.0 39 13.0 139 48.0 15-19 17 12. 0 25 17.0 42 14-0 181 62. 0 20-29 23 16. 0 23 16,0 46 16.0 227 78.0 30-39 10 6, 0 14 9.0 24 8.0 251 86.0 40-59 17 12. 0 13 8.0 30 10.0 281 96.0 60 & ever 5 3. 0 7 5.0 12 4.0 293 100.0 Total 146 100. 0 147 100.0 293 100. 0 Sources: Canada, Indian A f f a i r s (1969a); author's f i e l d census (1971)V For on-reserve band members, 63 per cent are less than 20 years old, while 77 per cent are under 30 years of age. Only 15 per cent of the on-reserve band members are 40 or older. 2 If the ages of a l l permanent residents of West Saanich Reserve, whether band members or not, are considered, as i n Table I I I , an almost i d e n t i c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n occurs. Permanent residents, for purposes of t h i s study, are those indiv i d u a l s who l i v e d six months or more at T s a r t l i p i n 1971, and those infants born during 1971. 166 Those under 20 years of age form 62 per cent of the p o p u l a t i o n , w h i l e 78 per cent are under 30. Fourteen per cent of a l l permanent T s a r t l i p r e s i d e n t s are 40 or o l d e r . I t should be mentioned, as w e l l , t h a t t h e r e are no i n d i v i d u a l s on the r e s e r v e between 65 and 69 years o f age, and o n l y ten r e s i d e n t s have reached t h e i r s e v e n t i e s . A l l ten are T s a r t l i p band members, a p o i n t r e f l e c t e d i n the o b s e r v a t i o n of the band manager t h a t "we take care o f our own o l d people." Table IV compares T s a r t l i p ' s p o p u l a t i o n w i t h t h a t of Canada's r e g i s t e r e d Indians and w i t h the g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n TABLE IV: YOUTHFULNESS OF TSARTLIP POPULATION COMPARED WITH REGISTERED INDIAN AND GENERAL CANADIAN POPULATIONS, 1971 P o p u l a t i o n Under 10 y r s % 10-19 y r s 20-60 y r s % Over 6 0 y r s % Median Age T s a r t l i p • Resident band members . 33.0 30.0 32. 0 5.0 15.2 y r s A l l r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s 34.0 28.0 34.0 4.0 15.9 y r s A l l Canada R e g i s t e r e d Indians 31.0 25.0 32.0 6.0 15.5 y r s General P o p u l a t i o n 19.0 2 0.0 49.0 12.0 30.0 y r s Sources: Canada, Indian A f f a i r s (1969a); author's f i e l d census (1971); Canada, Dominion Bureau pf S t a t i s t i c s (1970-1971). 167 of Canada, for the year 1971, with respect to youthfulness. The table underscores the contrast between Indian and non-Indian populations. Not only i s the median age of Canadians i n general almost twice that of either T s a r t l i p residents or registered Indians of a l l Canada, but the proportion of the population under 2 0 years of age at T s a r t l i p (about 62.0%) i s almost the same as the proportion of the Canadian non-Indian population 2 0 years of age or older (61.0%). S i m i l a r l y , Hawthorn remarks that, in 1966, the proportion of registered Canadian Indians under 16 years of age was approximately 50 per cent, while the proportion of non-Indian Canadians under 16 years of age was only 28 per cent (1966:97). In general, the high proportion of young people at T s a r t l i p i s i n d i c a t i v e of a r a p i d l y growing population. If T s a r t l i p i s t y p i c a l of most Canadian Indian reserves, i t s b i r t h r a t e i s about double that of the general, non-Indian population of Canada (Hawthorn 1966:97). One important aspect of t h i s high rate of increase at T s a r t l i p i s that i t i n t e n s i f i e s an already severe housing shortage, brought about by the inadequate federal housing subsidies available to native people. As the chief c o u n c i l l o r points out, since most of the reserve residents are either unemployed or not earning s u f f i c i e n t income to q u a l i f y for mortgages, they must depend upon federal funds, and the r e s u l t i s " . . a 168 continuing cycle of deteriorating housing conditions" (Paul, quoted i n V i c t o r i a Daily Times 1970:2). Reserve housing conditions and the shortage of homes w i l l be discussed i n a l a t e r chapter, as a product of the metropolis-hinterland r e l a t i o n s h i p and i n terms' of the p a r t i c u l a r hardships for native Indian women. Sex Ratio The proportion of males to females l i v i n g at T s a r t l i p i s v i r t u a l l y equal for both the 234 on-reserve band members (118 males, 116 females), the 59 residents who are not band members, and thus for the t o t a l West Saanich population of 293 (147 males, 146 females). There are 68 male and 63 female residents 18 years of age or older by December 31, 1971 who comprise the adult population as i t i s defined for purposes of t h i s study, but t h i s difference i n sex r a t i o i s s t i l l n e g l i g i b l e . As Tables II and III demonstrate, age d i s t r i b u t i o n for males and females i s almost i d e n t i c a l , also. Sex differences in natal band membership, i n 1971 band membership, and in possession of Indian status are examined below. Ethnic and Band A f f i l i a t i o n In order to discuss comprehensibly the ethnic and band a f f i l i a t i o n of T s a r t l i p residents, consideration must be given f i r s t to the legal d e f i n i t i o n of the term "Indian", 169 as i t . a p p l i e s in Canada. According to the Indian Act, Indian means a person who pursuant to t h i s Act i s registered as an Indian or i s e n t i t l e d to be registered as an Indian (Canada 1969:s.2 [g]) , on a Band or General L i s t of Indians maintained by the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, a federal agency. Any person whose name i s recorded or i s en t i t l e d to be recorded on a L i s t i s commonly referred to as a "registered" or "status" Indian and comes under the j u r i s d i c t i o n and administration of the Indian Act. Section 11 of the Act (Canada 1969) sets out who i s en t i t l e d to be a registered Indian, as follows: 11. Subject to section 12, a person i s e n t i t l e d to be registered i f that person (a) on the 2 6th day of May, 1874, was, for the purposes of An Act providing for the organization of the Department of the Secretary of State of Canada, and for the management of Indian and Ordnance Lands, chapter 4 2 of the statutes of 1868, as amended by section 6 of chapter 6 of the statutes of 1869, and section 8 of chapter 21 of the statutes of 1874, con-sidered to be e n t i t l e d to hold, use or enjoy the lands and other immovable property belonging.to or appropriated to the use of the various t r i b e s , bands or bodies of Indians i n Canada; (b) i s a member of a band (i) for whose use and benefit, in common, lands have been set apart or since the 26th day of May, 1874, 170 have been agreed by treaty to be set apart, or ( i i ) that has been declared by the Governor i n Council to be a band for the purposes of t h i s Act; (c) i s a male person who i s a d i r e c t descendant i n the male l i n e of a male person described in paragraph (a) or (b) ; (d) i s the legitimate c h i l d of (i) a male person described in paragraph (a) or (b), or ( i i ) a person described i n paragraph (c); (e) i s the i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d of a female person described i n paragraph (a), (b) or (d); or' (f) i s the wife or widow of a person who i s e n t i t l e d to be registered by v i r t u e of paragraph (a) , (b) , (c) , (d) or (e) . Any person, regardless of r a c i a l or ethnic o r i g i n s , whose name i s not registered on a L i s t does not come under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Indian Act and i s thus "non-Indian", by d e f i n i t i o n . The term "non-Indian" i s , i n r e a l i t y , a huge residual category encompassing a l l people in Canada who are not registered on a L i s t . "Non-Indian" w i l l be used i n t h i s study to refer to Euro-Canadians and i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from not only "Indian" but also from another term, "non-status Indian". "Non-status Indian" i s a narrower, popular term for people of Indian or even of non-Indian ancestry who consider themselves, or are considered, Indian but whose names, for 171 some reason, are not on the Indian Register. Although i t has no leg a l standing, the term "non-status Indian" i s i n common use by government agencies, Indian organisations, and Indian people themselves. It i s less c l e a r l y understood and used by the general, uninformed, Canadian public. A person may be designated non-status on the basis of c r i t e r i a outlined i n the Indian Act, as follows: 12. (1) The following persons are not e n t i t l e d to be registered, namely, (a) a person who (i) has received or has been a l l o t t e d half-breed lands or money sc r i p , ( i i ) i s a descendant of a person described i n sub-paragraph (i) , ( i i i ) i s enfranchised, or (iv) i s a person born of a marriage entered into a f t e r the 4th day of September, 1951, and has attained the age of twenty-one years, whose mother and whose father's mother are not persons described i n paragraph (a) , (b), (d), or e n t i t l e d to be registered by v i r t u e of paragraph (e) of section 11, unless, being a woman, that person i s the wife or widow of a person described i n section 11, and (b) a woman who married a person who i s not an Indian, unless that woman i s subsequently the wife or widow of a person described i n section 11. (la) The addition to a Band L i s t of the name of an i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d described i n paragraph (e) of 172 s e c t i o n 11 may be p r o t e s t e d at any time w i t h i n tv/elve months a f t e r the a d d i t i o n , and i f upon the p r o t e s t i t i s de c i d e d t h a t the f a t h e r of the c h i l d was not an Indian, the c h i l d i s not e n t i t l e d t o be r e g i s t e r e d under paragraph (e) of s e c t i o n 11. (2) The M i n i s t e r may i s s u e to any Indian to whom t h i s A c t ceases to apply, a c e r t i f i c a t e to t h a t e f f e c t . (3) Subparagraphs (i) and ( i i ) of paragraph (a) of s u b s e c t i o n (1) do not apply t o a person who (a) pursuant to t h i s A c t i s r e g i s t e r e d as an Indian on the day t h i s s u b s e c t i o n comes i n t o f o r c e , or (b) i s a descendant of a person d e s c r i b e d i n paragraph (a) of t h i s s u b s e c t i o n (Canada 1969:s.12). For a l l 12 non-status Indians l i v i n g at T s a r t l i p , t h e i r non-status p o s i t i o n i s the r e s u l t of the complex s e t of c o n d i t i o n s c o n t i n g e n t upon s u b - s e c t i o n (b) of S e c t i o n 12 t h a t i n v o l v e s the way women are regarded i n the Indian A c t . The l e g a l s t a t u s of Indian women i s c o n s i d e r a b l y more p r e c a r i o u s than t h a t of Indian men, f o r s e v e r a l reasons. A c c o r d i n g t o the Indian Act, a woman l o s e s her Indian s t a t u s and band membership a u t o m a t i c a l l y i f she enters i n t o a l e g a l marriage with a non-Indian man (Canada 1969:s.14, s . l 0 8 [ 2 ] ) . T h i s i s not the case should a s t a t u s Indian man marry a non-Indian woman. Moreover, the c h i l d r e n of 173 a l e g a l union between an Indian woman and a non-Indian man are also non-Indian, and at the d i s c r e t i o n of the Minister of DIAND, " a l l or any" of her registered Indian children from previous unions may lose t h e i r Indian status, as well, when she marries (Canada 1969:s.108[2]). If her non-Indian husband should die or i f they should divorce, the woman remains non-status, regardless of her own wishes, as do the children. If a registered Indian woman enters a non-legal, consensual union with a non-Indian man, she retains her Indian legal status, and her children are also registered as Indians and as members of her band. Nevertheless, a perusal of DIAND f i l e s y i e l d s the information that, u n t i l very recently, DIAND attempted to obtain the signature of the putative non-Indian father on a statement acknowledging his paternity. If a non-Indian male agrees to sign the state-ment, a l l children for whom he acknowledges paternity are struck from the band l i s t and considered non-Indian. This seems to occur even i f the mother denies that the non-Indian in question i s the father of the children. At lea s t six cases of t h i s practice were unearthed i n the DIAND South Island D i s t r i c t O f f i c e i n Nanaimo, as the writer was going through T s a r t l i p census records. In only one case was DIAND actu a l l y successful in obtaining a signature, and the c h i l d involved i s now a non-status Indian, although her mother and s i s t e r are T s a r t l i p band members and registered Indians. 174 In a s i m i l a r manner, a s t a t u s Indian woman who l e g a l l y m a r r i e s a s t a t u s I n d i a n man from another r e s e r v e a u t o m a t i c a l l y becomes a member of her husband's band, and t h e i r c h i l d r e n w i l l a l s o belong t o t h e i r f a t h e r ' s band. At the time o f marriage, a per capita share of the funds o f the woman's n a t a l band i s t r a n s f e r r e d to the funds of her husband's band (Canada 1969:s.14, s,16[3]). The d i s s o l u t i o n of the marriage, through e i t h e r d i v o r c e or death of the husband, does not a l t e r her band membership, nor t h a t of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . She can r e g a i n membership i n her n a t a l 3 band o n l y by marrying a man of t h a t band. A non-Indian woman who l e g a l l y m a r r i e s a r e g i s t e r e d Indian man a u t o m a t i c a l l y i s r e g i s t e r e d and becomes a s t a t u s Indian and a member of her husband's band, even though she may have no Indian a n c e s t r y . Her husband's l e g a l s t a t u s and band membership remain i n t a c t . Any c h i l d r e n of t h i s l e g a l union are a l s o s t a t u s Indians and members of t h e i r f a t h e r ' s band. N e i t h e r d i v o r c e nor widowhood changes the woman's Indian s t a t u s , u n l e s s she l a t e r m a r r i e s a non-Indian man and l o s e s the l e g a l s t a t u s accorded her by her former marriage. Another aspect of the Indian A c t t h a t ignores the consequences f o r women i n v o l v e s enfranchisement (Canada 1969: 3 A number of women at T s a r t l i p t o l d me t h a t a woman who l o s t her band membership through marriage to a member of another band could r e g a i n her n a t a l band membership i f her husband's band were w i l l i n g to r e t u r n her per capita share to her n a t a l band. No in s t a n c e s of t h i s were found among the r e s i d e n t s of T s a r t l i p . 175 s.108-s.110). Enfranchisement i s defined as voluntary reli n q u i s h i n g of one's Indian status i n return for a per capita share of the funds of one's band (Duff 1964:48). Upon enfranchisement, an indiv i d u a l ' s name i s removed from the Indian L i s t . Enfranchisement i s not a reversible action, i n that once a person has relinquished l e g a l Indian status, i t cannot be reclaimed. Duff refers to enfranchisement as a "voluntary" process (1964:48), but i t can only be considered as such i f the enforced loss of status of an enfranchising man's wife and children i s disregarded and i f the obligatory enfranchisement of registered Indian women who marry non-Indian men (Canada 1969:s.108 [2]) i s ignored. The only way that a woman can maintain her Indian status i f her husband wishes to enfranchise i s by s a t i s f y i n g the Minister of DIAND that she ". . . i s l i v i n g apart from her husband . . ." (Canada 1969:s.108 [3]). If the reluctant wife returns to her husband after his enfranchisement, an order i s subsequently declared for her enfranchisement (Canada 1969: s.108 [3]). Moreover, while Duff's statement that enfranchisement i s now "obsolete" seems safe enough, i n that few Indian people are w i l l i n g today to enfranchise v o l u n t a r i l y , the statute pertaining to enfranchisement remains an active piece of l e g i s l a t i o n and, as such, i s a potential r e s t r i c t i o n upon native women. F i n a l l y , i f a status Indian man applies for transfer to another band, and he i s accepted, his legal wife and 176 t h e i r minor children must also transfer band membership in v o l u n t a r i l y , because band membership, as well as legal status, i s decided with reference to men. That i s , a woman becomes a member of her husband's band upon marrying him. If he changes his band a f f i l i a t i o n , so must she, because she must be a member of his band. Even i f he dies or they divorce a f t e r the transfer, the woman cannot regain her natal band membership, unless she l e g a l l y marries a member of her natal band or her natal band "adopts" her, enabling her to regain her own band membership. The l a t t e r i s an extremely rare occurrence and has not happened i n recent years at West Saanich reserve. The purpose of the preceding discussion has been to focus upon those sections of the Indian Act that define Indian status and band membership, i n order to bring to l i g h t c e r t a i n l e g a l and administration biases that have f a r -reaching consequences for women. Few of these consequences have been the subject of intensive anthropological scrutiny. Those consequences that related to housing on the reserve w i l l be examined i n d e t a i l , in Chapter VI. For purposes of thi s section, i t i s important only to understand that there i s a strongly male-oriented bias within the Indian Act, that Indian status and band a f f i l i a t i o n may change once or more during an indiv i d u a l ' s l i f e t i m e and that these changes are more l i k e l y to occur for women. In addition, i t should be understood that Indian legal status i s not necessarily 177 dependent upon Indian r a c i a l or ethnic a f f i l i a t i o n and that indiv i d u a l s l i s t e d as T s a r t l i p band members may have been born and raised i n a White Euro-Canadian r a c i a l and c u l t u r a l milieu, while indiv i d u a l s l i s t e d as members of other bands, or not possessing l e g a l status at a l l , may have been born and raised as T s a r t l i p band members. For 1971, band membership and status of West Saanich reserve residents may be described in terms of present legal a f f i l i a t i o n , as i n Table V. Nearly 80 per cent of a l l TABLE V: PRESENT BAND AFFILIATION, TSARTLIP RESIDENTS, BY SEX, 1971 Female Male Total A f f i l i a t i o n No. % No. % No. % T s a r t l i p 116 79.0 118 80.0 234 80. 0 Other Saanich 4 3.0 3 2.0 7 2. 0 Non-Saanich, Vancouver Is. Sal i s h 11 7 . 0 10 7.0 21 7. 0 Mainland S a l i s h 7 5.0 9 6.0 16 5. 0 Non-Salish 0 0.0 1 1.0 1 1. 0 Non-Status Indian 7 5.0 5 3.0 12 4. 0 Non-Indian 1 1.0 1 1.0 2 1. 0 Total 146 100. 0 147 100. 0 293 100. 0 Source: Author' s f i e l d census (1971). residents of the : reserve are presently members of the T s a r t l i p band. About 15 per cent are currently members of 178 other Indian bands, almost half of them a f f i l i a t e d with non-Saanich bands of Vancouver Island S a l i s h . Only 14 (5.0%) of a l l 293 residents are not registered Indians. It i s clear from t h i s table that there i s very l i t t l e difference i n 1971 band a f f i l i a t i o n between males and females, but the two tables that follow indicate more marked sex contrasts, when other aspects of band membership and le g a l status are considered. For example, Table VI presents information on ethnic or i g i n s of permanent adult residents of West Saanich TABLE VI: NATAL BAND AFFILIATION AND/OR NATAL LEGAL STATUS, TSARTLIP ADULTS, BY SEX Natal band and/or Female Male Total Natal Status No % No % No % T s a r t l i p 27 43.0 46 68. 0 73 56.0 Other Saanich 5 8.0 3 4. 0 8 6.0 Non-Saanich, Vancouver Is. Salish 15 24. 0 7 10. 0 22 17.0 Mainland Salish 6 10. 0 2 3. 0 8 6.0 Non-Salish 3 5.0 3 4. 0 6 5.0 Non-Status, Indian descent 4 6.0 6 9. 0 10 8.0 Non-Status, Non-Indian descent 3 5.0 1 2. 0 4 3.0 Total 6 100.0 6 100. 0 131 100.0 Sourcet Author's f i e l d census (1971) . 179 Reserve, according to natal band a f f i l i a t i o n and/or natal 4 lega l status. Notably, of the 63 adult women residents, 29 (46.0%) were born members of other Indian bands, while of the 68 adult men, only 15 (22.0%) were born into membership in other bands. Although information was not obtained to determine the number of l i v i n g , Tsartlip-born women residing off as well as on reserve, who l o s t membership in t h e i r natal band, there are c l e a r l y more on-reserve women who were born non-Tsartlip (36, or 57.0%) than were born T s a r t l i p band members (27, or 43.0%). For men, on the other hand, twice as many were born members of T s a r t l i p band than were born non-members. Coupled with the data i n Table VII, Table VI suggests a tendency for wives to reside on the reserves of the i r husbands. Furthermore, Table VII reveals quite e x p l i c i t l y that there i s much more li k e l i h o o d for men than women to maintain natal band a f f i l i a t i o n and status through adulthood. While 90 per cent of the men of the T s a r t l i p band have maintained th e i r natal T s a r t l i p a f f i l i a t i o n , only 37 per cent of the women of the band have done so. Moreover, a l l of the 17 men who reside at West Saanich Reserve but are not T s a r t l i p band members were never band members, but 8 (67.0%) of the 12 women residents who are not band members were born with T s a r t l i p membership but l o s t i t through 4 The adult population i s defined here as those individuals who reached the age of 18 years by December 31, 1971. TABLE VII: 1971 BAND AFFILIATION OF ADULT POPULATION, BY NATAL BAND AFFILIATION AND SEX, TSARTLIP RESERVE 1971 A f f i l i a t i o n Tsartlip Non-Tsartlip Total Natal A f f i l i a t i o n Male No. % Female No. % Total No. % Male No. % Female No. % Total No. % Male & Female No. % Tsartlip 46 90.2 19 37.3 65 63.7 0 0.0 8 66. 7 8 27.6 73 55.7 Non-Tsartlip 5 9.8 32 62.7 37 36.3 17 100.0 4 33. 3 21 72.4 58 44.3 To t a l 51 100.0 51 100.0 102 100.0 17 100.0 12 100. 0 29 100.0 131 100.0 Source: Author's field census (1971). 181 marriage. F i n a l l y , 68 per cent of a l l a d u l t male r e s i d e n t s of West Saanich r e s e r v e have maintained l i f e t i m e T s a r t l i p band membership, but o n l y 3 0 per cent of a l l a d u l t female r e s i d e n t s have done so. M a r i t a l S tatus A f i n a l aspect of demography t h a t i s important f o r understanding what f o l l o w s i n v o l v e s examination of the m a r i t a l s t a t u s of r e s e r v e i n h a b i t a n t s . Table V I I I summarizes these data. The d i s t i n c t i o n between l e g a l and consensual marriage r e q u i r e s e x p l a n a t i o n . Native people at West Saanich make a d i s t i n c t i o n , u s u a l l y f o r the b e n e f i t of TABLE V I I I : MARITAL STATUS, TSARTLIP ADULT POPULATION, BY SEX, 1971 M a r i t a l S t atus Female No. % Male No. % T o t a l No. % S i n g l e 13 21.0 23 34. 0 36 28 . 0 L e g a l l y M a r r i e d 29 46.0 29 43. 0 58 44. 0 Con s e n s u a l l y M a r r i e d 10 16.0 10 14. 0 20 15. 0 Separated 2 3.0 1 1. 0 3 2. 0 Widowed 6 10.0 2 3. 0 8 6. 0 T o t a l 63 100. 0 68 100. 0 131 100. 0 M a r i t a l Status Change i n 1971 8 13.0 7 10. 0 15 11. 0 Source: Author's f i e l d census (1971). 182 non-Indian outsiders, between being " l e g a l l y married" (i.e., with a v a l i d marriage licence) and being married " i n the Indian way" (i.e., i n a union of consent). The term "common-law" i s also used by T s a r t l i p people to refer to a l l consensual unions. The term i s avoided here because i t has certain complex l e g a l connotations involving duration and circumstances of the union. At any rate, the people of T s a r t l i p generally do not view one type of marriage as being more acceptable or preferable than the other, although they recognize that non-Indians may do so. Many of the consensual unions are of considerable duration and s t a b i l i t y . With Gonzalez (1967:73) and Kew (1970:41), I regard marriage as any conjugal rel a t i o n s h i p that has the approval or recognition of the society in which i t occurs. Nevertheless, I di s t i n g u i s h between le g a l and consensual unions i n Table VIII and throughout t h i s study, because the type of marriage rel a t i o n s h i p between a couple has implications for women esp e c i a l l y , with regard to Indian status, band membership, and access to housing f a c i l i t i e s . Because marital status changed for some indi v i d u a l s during 1971, the categories l i s t e d i n the table imply more than six months duration. Thus, the 36 people who are l i s t e d as single are those who have never been l e g a l l y married, were not l i v i n g openly i n a consensual union, and who remained single for more than half of 1971. No one at T s a r t l i p has a leg a l divorce, and the three who 183 are c l a s s i f i e d as separated do not have le g a l separations but simply did not l i v e with a le g a l or consensual spouse for more than six months of the year. Of the 20 people i n consensual unions, 60 per cent were previously l e g a l l y single, 20 per cent were previously l e g a l l y married and separated, and the remaining 10 per cent had been widowed before entering the consensual marriage. If the number of l e g a l l y married and consensually married persons are combined, 5 9 per cent of the adult residents may be considered married. Other than s l i g h t l y more widowed women than men, and more single men than women, sex differences i n marital status are n e g l i g i b l e . Of the six people whose marital status changed during 1971, two women entered legal marriages, one man was widowed, one l e g a l l y married couple reconciled after seven years of separation, and f i v e couples separated. The median age of women at f i r s t l egal marriage i s 20 years and of men i s 22 years. Moreover, i t i s in t e r e s t -ing to note that 15 of the 39 women who are married are married to younger men. The age difference ranges from one to seven years younger, but the average age difference where the husband i s younger i s only two years. The marriage of a woman to a younger man i s usually greeted with some scorn and derision, l a r g e l y d i r e c t l y toward the woman, by reserve residents. Yet, with nearly 4 0 per cent of a l l married women married to younger men, the practice cannot be 184 regarded as i d i o s y n c r a t i c . No explanation for thi s pattern could be ascertained. The preceding chapters have been concerned with o u t l i n i n g the problem to be investigated and the perspective to be used and with providing a detailed picture of the environmental setting, ethnographic background, post-contact history, and demography of the T s a r t l i p people of West Saanich Reserve. The major purpose thus far has been to focus upon the metropolis-hinterland relationship as i t has developed between the larger Canadian society and the reserve. The chapters that follow w i l l attempt to describe the major consequence stemming from that relationship — namely, widespread, chronic poverty among reserve residents -- and to examine some of the implications of being poor, s p e c i f i c a l l y as they a f f e c t reserve women. Some of the ways that women attempt to deal with poverty and i t s effects w i l l be discussed, as well. CHAPTER V THE LEVEL OF POVERTY: WORK AND INCOME Defining Poverty A discussion of economic and s o c i a l conditions on West Saanich reserve leads inescapably to a description of the poverty of i t s inhabitants for, at West Saanich, those conditions r e f l e c t l i t t l e else. In order to provide that description i t w i l l be necessary, f i r s t , to define poverty as the term i s used i n Canada. The world-wide economic depression of the 1930's led to an interest among some economists and others (e.g., Cassidy 1932; Innes and Plumptre 1934; Whiteley 1934) in the eff e c t s of the depression upon wage earners, unemployed workers, and farmers and i n measures for combatting poverty. Nonetheless, poverty i n Canada as a whole was not even o f f i c i a l l y defined for s t a t i s t i c a l purposes u n t i l 1968 (Podoluk 1968:179-84), when concerns with the decline i n the post-war economic boom brought to l i g h t what had always been there — a pervasive and wide-spread economic inequality among Canadians. Along with the emergence i n the 196O's of such agencies as the Economic Council of Canada, the Canadian Welfare Council, and the 185 186 proclamation of such poverty-oriented p o l i c i e s as the A g r i c u l t u r a l and Rural Development Act, a fe d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l cost-sharing agreement to bring economic prosperity to depressed areas of Canada, came a growing number of publications touching, d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , upon the existence of the poor i n Canada (e.g., Blishen et al. 1964; Borovoy 1966; Cardinal 1969; Dalhousie University 1962; Economic Council of Canada 1968; Fraser 1964; Godfrey 1965; Hawthorn 1966, 1967; Honigmann 1965; Mann 1961; Menzies 1965; Eleen 1965; Podoluk 1965, 1968; Porter 1965; Whyte 1965). 1 Porter's assertion that only . . .a very small proportion (about 4 per cent) [of the Canadian population] could afford . . . the middle class l i f e that i s portrayed in the world of the s l i c k magazine . . . (1965:112) i s one of the e a r l i e s t understatements of the extent of Canadian poverty. Adams regards 1968 as the year when poverty was made " o f f i c i a l . . . . [and] fashionable" (1970:17) by the publication of the Economic Council of Canada's Fifth Annual Review (1968) , a contention borne out by the complaint of Harp and Hofley that even at the end of the s i x t i e s "'"Possibly because the very existence of Indian reserves makes their poverty too obvious to miss, some of the e a r l i e s t studies that deal with poverty in Canada are those concerned with Indian people (e.g. , Hawthorn et al. 1958; Lagasse 1959) . 187 . . . there i s a paucity of s o c i o l o g i c a l data on . . . lower socio-economic groups [because they] have not been given a high p r i o r i t y within Canadian sociology (1971:3). Adams' j o u r n a l i s t i c account of the Canadian "poverty wall". (1970) heralds the genesis of a number of volumes focussing e n t i r e l y upon the nature and extent of that wall (e.g. Adams 1970; Adams et al. 1971; Harp and Hofley 1971; Mann 1970; Robertson 1970; Special Senate Committee on Poverty 1971). Describing i t s nature and determining i t s extent requires that poverty be defined. Most nominal d e f i n i t i o n s refer to the r e l a t i v i t y of poverty to the general standard of l i v i n g within the population and to the lack of command over economic, p o l i t i c a l , and s o c i a l resources necessary for the provision of accepted and conventional requirements of l i f e (e.g. Adams et al. 1971; Galbraith 1958; Harp and Hofley 1971; Special Senate Committee on Poverty 1971). These d e f i n i t i o n s resemble the statement of the Economic Council of Canada that poverty means i n s u f f i c i e n t access to ce r t a i n goods, services, and conditions of l i f e which are available to everyone else and have come to be accepted as basic to a decent, minimum standard of l i v i n g (1968:104-105). Precise measurement of the scope of poverty, on the other hand, requires a d e f i n i t i o n based on quantitative c r i t e r i a . Although i t i s recognised that 188 . . . poverty i s not simply a matter of low income but also a matter of r e l a t i v e lack of command over resources . . . , neither the data nor the methodological tools are avai l a b l e to measure the complex relationships i n these d e f i n i t i o n s (Special Senate Committee on Poverty 1971:2). Moreover, as Adams et al. make clear through over-s i m p l i f i c a t i o n , . . . the simple truth i s that people are poor because they don't have enough money. There may be other reasons for poverty - lack of education, opportunity, and so on -but these are a l l consequences of not having enough money to maintain an adequate standard of l i v i n g . And by 1 adequate', we do not mean enough for bare survival (1971;8). Since not having enough money i s frequently related to being an underpaid wage earner or an unemployed worker, the remainder of t h i s chapter w i l l examine employment patterns and income l e v e l s for individuals and households. In addition, some estimate w i l l be made of the r e l a t i v e degree of poverty at West Saanich compared to the standard of l i v i n g of "everyone else". Reserve Economy T s a r t l i p i s by no means an economically s e l f -supporting reserve. There are no major, band owned and operated industries to employ a l l or even most of those residents who wish to work. Nor was i t f e a s i b l e , by 1971, for a resident of the reserve to subsist e n t i r e l y i n the 189 t r a d i t i o n a l manner, by exploiting natural resources. Some residents obtain at least part of t h e i r food supply through digging clams, salmon f i s h i n g i n Saanich Inlet, taking shrimp from docks and wharves, hunting deer i n the Malahat area, growing vegetables and keeping fowl, picking berries, and gathering c u l l s on the large potato farms of the Peninsula. The amounts coll e c t e d f a l l f ar short of d a i l y subsistence needs. Even where there i s a f a i r l y heavy reliance on these resources, they are regarded as a supplement to store-purchased food. Only in cases of dire emergency, do people attempt to l i v e e n t i r e l y on gathered foodstuffs and then only u n t i l r e l i e f can be found i n the form of government transfer payments, employment, or help from kinsmen. One man i n his early f o r t i e s , with a history of chronic unemployment, observed that he could go four or f i v e days without food when necessary. He said that he had been trained as a young man to do t h i s and that when he ran out of money, he "went back to the old ways of fasting . " Because he l i v e s alone, such d r a s t i c measures are possible, a l b e i t on a short-term basis. For adults with children, there must be other solutions. In describing the economic position of West Saanich residents, I encountered considerable d i f f i c u l t y i n a r r i v i n g at c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s comparable to those used by S t a t i s t i c s Canada economists. Such questions as those pertaining to size and composition of the labour force, 190 employment and unemployment, occupational categories, sources and amounts of annual income, and an array of other problems appeared hopelessly entangled in the detailed information c o l l e c t e d from the reserve. The accumulation, from job h i s t o r i e s and chronicles of d a i l y domestic l i f e , of seemingly amorphous data regarding Indian income, employment, and other economic variables forced a s h i f t i n perspective from Euro-Canadian, middle-class categories of regular employment, i n conventional occupations (such as those outlined i n S t a t i s t i c s Canada 1971 Census Monographs ([1971-1973]) with stable income, to the r e a l i t i e s of economic survival in an exploited and dependent s a t e l l i t e society. For the women, especially, S t a t i s t i c s Canada economic c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are usually inappropriate. Aside from the problems of ca l c u l a t i n g the economic contribution of the woman who i s employed as an unpaid homemaker, there are many women l i v i n g on the reserve who do bring additional income to the household through a variety of pursuits that are not e a s i l y subsumed under conventional headings. Moreover, not only i s the cash income received by these women d i f f i c u l t to estimate r e l i a b l y , but strategic non-cash revenue, i n the form of goods and services, i s frequently controlled by women, both i n terms of acq u i s i t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n , through p a r t i c i p a t i o n in networks of mutual aid among kinfolk and friends. Manipulation of the ' " s o c i a l resources" that are available involves women i n da i l y exchange transactions that are often c r u c i a l to survi v a l , for, as Stack (1974:107) observes: those l i v i n g i n poverty have l i t t l e or no chance to escape from the economic s i t u a t i o n into which they were born. Nor do they have the power to control the expansion or contraction of welfare benefits . . . or of employment opportunities, both of which have a momentous eff e c t on t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s . 1 In times of need, the only predictable resources that can be drawn upon are thei r own children and parents, and the fund of kin and r e l a t i v e s obligated to them. Thus, the apparent aberrations i n economic data gathered at T s a r t l i p r e f l e c t the uncertain and capricious conditions imposed upon Indian labour by the dominant economy, and the pr o d i g a l i t y of the data regarding economic aspects of Indian l i f e styles at T s a r t l i p r e f l e c t s what Stack (1974:43) c a l l s ". . . a profoundly creative adaptation to poverty." The material that follows delineates the predominant features of employment and occupational patterns for men as well as women and of income, at the individual and household lev e l s . In addition, consideration i s given to the degree of poverty at West Saanich, in r e l a t i o n to so-called "poverty l i n e s " that have been developed for the Canadian population in general. 192 Employment and  Occupational Patterns While t o t a l income i s the most c r u c i a l factor i n determining l i f e s t y l e s on the reserve, employment and the lack of i t determine adequacy and re g u l a r i t y of that income. Moreover, the occupational alternatives available to native people are, i n themselves, r e f l e c t i o n s of the economic status of West Saanich people, a point argued by Carstens (1970) with reference to South African reserves. Consequently, a description of employment c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and occupations seems an appropriate starting point. Annual Employment Employment for the t o t a l reserve labour force, during 1971, i s notable for i t s tendency to be unreliable, i r r e g u l a r , and desultory. Table IX summarizes the picture of employment and unemployment at West Saanich for 1971. One of the most noticeable contrasts shown in Table IX i s that although percentages of women and men employed less than one month or from one to four months are v i r t u a l l y equal, only 13 per cent of the female labour force i s f u l l y employed, while nearly three times that percentage (37.0%) of the male labour force i s f u l l y employed, for nine months or more. The rate of part-time and self-employment i s much higher among women than among men, as Table IX indicates, because of such e n t i r e l y female-centred domestic c r a f t s as kn i t t i n g . 193 TABLE IX: ANNUAL EMPLOYMENT PATTERN BY SEX, TSARTLIP ADULT LABOUR FORCE, 1971 Women Men Total % of % of % of Female Male Total Employment Status No. Work Force No. Work Force No. Work Force Fully-employed (9-12 mos.) 5 13.0 23 37.0 28 28.0 2 Under-employed 30 77.0 33 63. 0 93 91.0 (5-8 mos.) (0) (0.0) (7) (11.0) (7) (7.0) (1-4 mos.) (7) (18.0) (14) (22.0) (21) (20.0) (Less than one month) (8) (20.0) (12) (19.0) (20) (20.0) (Part-time or Self only) (15) (38.0) (7) (11.0) (22) (21.0) Unemployed but sought work 4 10.0 0 0.0 4 4 . 0 Total i n Labour Force 39 100.0 63 100.0 102 100.0 Total not i n Labour Force 24 - 5 - 29 -Total Adult Population 63 - 68 - 131 -Source: Author 1 s work h i s t o r i e s , c o l l e c t e d in 1972. Under-employment i s defined here as employed less than nine months, employed part-time, or self-employed. Sub-totals for categories of under-employment are shown in parentheses. 194 Generally speaking, women in the work force seem even more l i k e l y to be unemployed or under-employed (87.0%) than are men (63.0%). In fact, i f the category of unemployed i s r e s t r i c t e d to those who sought work but were unable to find i t during 1971, none of the men on the reserve can be considered unemployed. It should be noted, also, that 24 (38.0%) of a l l 63 adult women at West Saanich are not part of the labour force, according to i t s t r a d i t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n as those who worked or sought work during a given period (Labour Canada 1971:6). Because they did not look for work, for whatever the reason, these women did not have access to wage incomes of th e i r own, although they may receive federal family allowances i n th e i r capacity as mothers, and may be rec i p i e n t s of other forms of government transfer income. F i n a l l y , no attempt has been made to calculate unemployment rates according to either Labour Canada measures (1971:6) or Stanbury's et al. broader d e f i n i t i o n (1972:25)» because information was not gathered i n a comparable manner at West Saanich. Job Histories The following selection of anecdotal job h i s t o r i e s provides a narrative picture of patterns of employment for the men and women of the reserve patterns characterised by dependency upon frequently anomalous jobs of short-term and unpredictable duration, under wearisome, s t u l t i f y i n g , and often hazardous working conditions, and upon sporadic and uncertain income sources that may be simultaneous, or consecutive, or more frighteningly, sometimes non-existent. Case "histories were chosen to provide a cross-section of household types and occupational d i v e r s i t y , a variety of age 3 l e v e l s , information on both male and female situations, and a range of income l e v e l s . Moreover, only job h i s t o r i e s that seemed r e l a t i v e l y complete and detailed were selected. A l l anecdotes are taken from work history interview schedules and f i e l d notes. Certain information has been altered to protect i d e n t i t i e s , but each job history i s accurate in essential character, i f not in s p e c i f i c d e t a i l . Each history i s preceded by a diagram of household members indicating the following c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : Income recip i e n t s , ^L. ^ ; Dependents, A O ; Deceased persons, ; Non-residents of household, /„>. »„' 1. The Davis Household Figure 8 Ages are as of December 31, 1971. 196 C l i f f Davis: 30 years old; Level of education - Grade Eight; 1971 personal income - $1,398. C l i f f began working with his parents i n the potato f i e l d s when he was nine years o l d . As a c h i l d , he earned about $4.00 a week, money his parents allowed him to keep for "goodies". By allowing him to keep his earnings for spending money, clothes, and l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s , C l i f f ' s parents were relieved of these expenses. After he dropped out of school at the age of 16, he weeded and picked potatoes for "10 or 11 summers", from 1957 to 1971. His wages were 50 cents an hour, i n 1957 and $1.50 an hour, i n 1971. Work on potato farms l a s t s from mid-May through September, sometimes 12 to 14 hours a day, 10 days i n a row, other times, only a few days per week. For two or three summers, C l i f f worked on a dairy farm, cleaning out the barns and doing other chores, for $1.00 an hour, but his employer was ". . . very s t r i c t . He took a d o l l a r off for everything, i f he had a chance. He never t o l d me why he was always docking my pay, and i f I asked him, he just said 'Smarten up and I won't have to'. I didn't ever f i n d out what I was doing wrong". In 1966 or 1967, C l i f f got a job weeding vegetables at $1.50 an hour, but he was l a i d off because " . . . the lady at the place didn't l i k e Indians". During the same period, he managed to get a job at $2.10 an hour unloading tuna f i s h at B.C. Packers, in V i c t o r i a . He worked there ". . . o n and o f f , about two days a week, for about two months, u n t i l there was no more work". Since 1965, when C l i f f got together with Ida, he has worked sporadically every winter sacking coal, at $1.75 to $1.92 an hour. He never gets more than two weeks at a time at the coal yard, so that he i s never e l i g i b l e for Unemployment Insurance. From time to time, C l i f f digs butter clams on Peninsula beaches, with his father-in-law. 197 He may dig two or three boxes a day that he s e l l s for $5.50 each, during a ten-day t i d e . In early 1971, C l i f f took a two month heavy equipment operator's course that he estimates would pay $400 to $450 a month, i f he could f i n d work. However, not only are jobs of t h i s type scarce i n V i c t o r i a area, but shortly a f t e r C l i f f completed the course, he was a f f l i c t e d with a respiratory ailment caused, according to his doctor, by inhalation of coal dust. C l i f f spent nearly three months i n the h o s p i t a l . According to C l i f f , he i s not e l i g i b l e for Workmen's Compensation because the r e l a t i o n s h i p between his i l l n e s s and his work i n the coal yard i s not conclusive. He worked two weeks on the potato farm aft e r his discharge, had a relapse and spent another four months i n h o s p i t a l . His wages, i n 1971,.were $120 (9.0% of t o t a l income). Ida Davis: 2 3 years old; Level of education - Grade Seven; 1971 personal income - $1,706. When Ida was small, her mother had to keep her home from school quite frequently, to help with the preparation and k n i t t i n g of wool for Cowichan sweaters. Ida's father, Homer Peters, worked i n the coal yards for 31 years but his earnings were hardly enough to support a family of 11 children. Knitting sweaters and digging clams for sale supplemented the family's meagre income. Ida quit school after Grade Seven, when she was 16, because "I was losing too much school by helping out at home. I couldn't keep up with the rest of the c l a s s " . She found summer work picking berries and vegetables on the Saanich Peninsula and i n Washington State, at $1.00 an hour. Now that she has three pre-school age children, she no longer picks, because she cannot f i n d a babysitter who would charge less than she could earn by working. In 1971, she and C l i f f l i v e d on government transfer payments (student allowance, s o c i a l assistance, and family allowance) for a l l but one month. While C l i f f was in hospi t a l , reduced s o c i a l assistance payments were made to Ida, .for herself and the children. C l i f f worked for two weeks (see above), and for two weeks they had no income other than what Ida made s e l l i n g knitted hats, at $2.00 each. Whenever she and C l i f f run short of money - a frequent occurrence -she borrows enough wool from her mother to knit f i v e hats. Her cash earnings, a l l from k n i t t i n g , were about $100, in 1971 (6.0% of t o t a l income). The Peters Household Homer Irene A A A A l T < 2 s 1 A A A Church 1 0 Figure 9 Homer Peters: 63 years old; No formal education; 1971 personal income - $7,550, From the time he was 19, in 1927, u n t i l 1959, Homer was employed each winter sacking coal in a V i c t o r i a coal yard. His wages increased over 31 years from $3.25 a day (about 40 cents an hour) to $16.80 a day ($2.40 an hour). For the l a s t six years of his employment at the coal yard, he worked steadily, a l l year round, as a foreman. The company folded in 1959 and, since that time, Homer has not had steady work. During spring and summer la y - o f f s from the coal yards, Homer and his wife, Irene, dug for clams. From 1950-1954, Homer was i n business for himself, as a clam buyer. He purchased clams from a number of Indian clam pickers and then sold them to a company buyer. Homer sold about $5000 worth of clams each week, but after paying the pickers, the box handlers, and a bookkeeper, renting boats and a scow, and buying gas, there was l i t t l e l e f t over. Occasionally he could net $200 a day, but he estimates that his average income was about $2 0 a day. Over the four years, he f e e l s he l o s t money, for red tid e and water p o l l u t i o n were already s p o i l i n g the most accessible clam beds. For several years, during the T h i r t i e s , Homer owned a f i s h i n g boat, t r o l l i n g for salmon that he sold for about four cents a pound. '"The best I ever made was $60 in a day but in the long run, I went i n the hole. I wound up owing money to the f i s h company". In the F o r t i e s , Homer worked two years as a logger on Mayne Island, when the reserve's timber was being sold (Figure 2). Nearly every summer u n t i l 1963, Homer, Irene, and t h e i r older children picked berries and vegetables, making just enough to l i v e on and bringing home about $2 00 i n a l l . They no longer go picking, because they don't earn enough to make i t a worth-while endeavour. In 1963, Homer was a construction foreman for seven months, earning an average of $12 a day, but when summer came, and White students were employed on the crew, they refused to work for an Indian boss. Homer quit when they began to refer to him as "Indian Chief". Since that time, over the past eight years, Homer has been on s o c i a l assistance, supplementing government transfer payments with odd jobs for DIAND, clam digging, and money he receives on r i t u a l occasions. During 1971, Homer earned approximately $1200 building DIAND houses,- on the four Saanich reserves. In addition he i s a renowned Indian speaker, whose services at s p i r i t dances, funerals, and other events command as much as $25 per hour. Homer i s also c o l l e c t o r for funeral donations from T s a r t l i p , and he 200 travels frequently in connection with t h i s p o s i t i o n . His earnings as a prominent speaker are d i f f i c u l t to determine precisely, but during the winter ceremonial period, he may receive an additional $200 - $300 per month i n "thanks".^ His earnings, including those from clam picking and ceremonial a c t i v i t i e s , were approximately $2,000, i n 1971 (26.0% of t o t a l income). Irene Peters: 46 years old; Level of education - Grade Three; Personal annual income - $1,328. Irene depends upon family allowance cheques t o t a l l i n g $528 per year to augment her earnings from k n i t t i n g . She has been kn i t t i n g since her teens and s t i l l makes at least two Cowichan sweaters each month. She s e l l s them for $28 each, to a store i n Duncan. At times, Irene's income from k n i t t i n g has been the mainstay of support for the Peters' household. Even now, she i s reluctant to stop k n i t t i n g , because the additional $800 represents 60 per cent of her t o t a l income. Helen Church: 2 4 years bid; Level of education - Grade Seven; Personal annual income - $2,236. Widowed i n 1969, Helen i s largely dependent upon monthly payments of $18 0 from s o c i a l assistance and $18 from family allowance,to support herself and her three small children. Because she i s a member of an up-Island reserve, by marriage, Helen i s not e n t i t l e d to a house at T s a r t l i p . She l i v e s with her parents most of the time but, i n 1971, l i v e d with a married brother for nearly four months, caring for his children, after his wife l e f t him. She received no cash for Kew (1970:188, 227) observed payment of r i t u a l speakers at s p i r i t dances and funerals at Musqueam, a Sa l i s h reserve on the mainland. "helping out", but her brother bought most of the groceries during her stay. Before she was married, in 1966, she worked summers picking berries and vegetables, but she has never had a steady job. With three pre-schoolers, she cannot afford a s i t t e r , even i f she could f i n d work, and her mother " . . . has her hands f u l l with the other kids and helping my dad". Evelyn Peters: 18 years old; Level of education - Grade Seven Personal annual income - $1,38 0. Evelyn quit school i n Grade Seven, just before her f i f t e e n t h birthday. She and her infant daughter are on s o c i a l assistance, and Evelyn surmises that she has not made more than a few d o l l a r s i n wages since she picked berries when she was fourteen. The Baker Household Adeline Peters: 71 years old; No formal education; Personal annual income - $1,980 Adeline i s Homer Peter's elder s i s t e r . She l i v e s with her daughter, Louisa Baker, and Louisa's 14-year-old daughter, Rosemary. When Adeline was a young woman, she worked as a domestic help i n several homes in Sidney (Figure 1), earning 25 cents an hour scrubbing f l o o r s , doing laundry, and ironing During the Depression, she supported her six Adeline. Peters Loui&o. BouKer Figure 10 202 children by k n i t t i n g Cowichan sweaters, a s k i l l she learned at the age of ten, and s e l l i n g them for $4.50 each. She s t i l l supplements her pension with k n i t t i n g , a d a i l y a c t i v i t y that nets her about $400 per year (20.0% of t o t a l income). Louisa Baker: 41 years old; Level of education - Grade Six; Personal annual income - $2,212. When Louisa quit school i n Grade Six, at 16, she got a job i n a medicine factory, b o t t l i n g medicinal salve, at 50 cents an hour. The factory closed down after a few months, and Louisa has not had steady work since. She does not have a car, so i t i s d i f f i c u l t for her to go into V i c t o r i a , should she wish to look for work or receive job t r a i n i n g . She used to pick berries during the summer months, but she i s reluctant to leave Adeline alone for long periods and she feels that berry picking doesn't pay, "unless you have • l o t s of small children to help pick". Louisa's daughter earns summer spending money . by picking berries, however. In 1971, Louisa cared for her brother's teen-age daughter for four months, receiving $85 a month as a foster c h i l d allowance, an amount almost equal to the t o t a l monthly s o c i a l assistance allotment of $88 for her and her own daughter. Louisa's major source of earned income i s from k n i t t i n g . She nets about $800 a year (27.0% of t o t a l income) from the sale of sweaters, ponchos, hats, and socks. The Johnson Household Paul A" ~6 Siraan Figure 11 Paul Johnson; 81 years old; No formal education; Personal annual income - $1,500 As a young man, Paul l i v e d with his mother at Becher Bay, f i s h i n g , and s e l l i n g his catch to a man i n V i c t o r i a ' s Chinatown for 20 cents a pound. When Paul moved to T s a r t l i p in the Twenties, he made his l i v i n g digging clams and s e l l i n g them to the Sidney cannery for $2.50 per 200 - pound box. Every summer he picked berries, earning $50 i n two months. During the Depression, Paul hayed for l o c a l Saanich farmers for $3 a day. He continued to f i s h and to dig clams for sale, in the winter months when there was no farm employment. When World War II started, Paul obtained odd jobs in maintenance work and construction, at 50 cents an hour. With other Indian men, he worked at the a i r f o r c e base for 50 cents an hour, during 1943-45. After the War ended, Paul worked on the construction of an ice arena and a warehouse, i n V i c t o r i a , mixing cement at $1.00 an hour - his only two major jobs between 1945 and 1956, when he " r e t i r e d " . His present income source i s e n t i r e l y Old Age Pension. Ethel Johnson: 51 years old; Level of education - Grade Four; Personal annual income - $3,135. Paul's daughter, Ethel, worked at a f i s h cannery i n Esquimalt, f i l l i n g cans and l i n i n g them up on a conveyor b e l t , for f i v e cents an hour, during the late T h i r t i e s . She worked at the clam cannery i n Sidney during the War and went berry-picking i n the States every summer, earning just enough (about $60) to pay l i v i n g expenses and get back home. Government transfer payments from s o c i a l assistance and family allowance make up over $2 900 of the yearly income that supports Ethel, her younger daughter, Margo, and two of Paul's brother's daughter's young children. She was taught to knit by her stepmother and, in 1971, Ethel was clearing about $15 - $20 a month s e l l i n g knitted socks, hats, and mitts (6.0% of t o t a l income). She does not knit sweaters because they take too long. Susan Johnson: 18 years old; Level of education - Grade Ten Personal annual income - $1,140. Susan i s Ethel's eldest daughter. She dropped out of school in Grade 10, in 1970, but when she couldn't f i n d a job, she returned to the Inst i t u t e of Adult Studies in V i c t o r i a ,for upgrading, i n January of 1971. She had d i f f i c u l t y in obtaining a student l i v i n g allowance for her return to school because, she i s , unlike her mother and younger s i s t e r , non-status. Both she and her s i s t e r have the same non-Indian father, but he i s not married to Ethel and has never contributed to the support of her or her daughters. Shortly aft e r Susan's b i r t h , DIAND contacted her father and obtained a statement from him acknowledging paternity of Susan, that excluded her from the Indian r e g i s t e r . When Margo was born, he refused to acknowledge paternity, so Margo has her mother's Indian status. Through the influence of the T s a r t l i p chief, Susan obtained a DIAND educational assistance allowance of $171.43 per month for f i v e months. She passed some of her courses, but she was often absent or late for classes, because her ride didn't show up i n the morning. During the summer, she applied for steady work i n a bank, but was not hired. In the f a l l , she decided not to return to school because of the problems of finding r e l i a b l e transportation. She picked potatoes for 13 days i n Septembe