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Women, poverty and housing : some consequences of hinterland status for a coast Salish Indian reserve… Mitchell, Marjorie Ruth 1976

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WOMEN, POVERTY, AND HOUSING: SOME CONSEQUENCES OF HINTERLAND STATUS FOR A COAST SALISH INDIAN RESERVE IN METROPOLITAN CANADA  MARJORIE RUTH MITCHELL B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1966; M.A., U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a , 1968  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department o f Anthropology and Sociology)  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1976  M a r j o r i e Ruth M i t c h e l l , 1976  In  presenting  an  advanced degree  the I  Library  further  for  this  shall  agree  thesis  in  at  University  the  make  it  freely  that permission  s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may  by  his  of  this  written  representatives. thesis  for  financial  of  of  Columbia,  British  for  extensive by  the  is understood gain  for  shall  University  of  British  September T f t 1976  Columbia  requirements  reference  Head o f  that  not  the  copying of  I  agree  and this  copying or  for  that  study. thesis  my D e p a r t m e n t  be a l l o w e d  Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y  2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1WS  Date  "of  available  be g r a n t e d  It  fulfilment  permission.  Department  The  partial  or  publication  w i t h o u t my  Research S u p e r v i s o r :  Dr. David P. A b e r l e  ABSTRACT A p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t focusses upon the development o f a B r i t i s h Columbia Indian r e s e r v e as a dependent h i n t e r l a n d w i t h i n the Canadian m e t r o p o l i s i s used as a framework f o r an ethnographic  d e s c r i p t i o n of reserve poverty.  The  r e s u l t s o f Euro-Canadian economic i n t r u s i o n upon a Coast S a l i s h v i l l a g e t h a t was c o m p a r a t i v e l y  self-sufficient  prior  to c o n t a c t a r e viewed i n terms of the n a t i v e i n h a b i t a n t s ' d i m i n i s h i n g access t o t r a d i t i o n a l r e s o u r c e s ,  their  i n c r e a s i n g r e l i a n c e upon wages and m e t r o p o l i t a n government t r a n s f e r payments, and t h e i r i r r e v e r s i b l e descent poverty.  Ethnographic  into  f i e l d w o r k i n 1971-72 i s supplemented  w i t h e t h n o h i s t o r i c a l d o c u m e n t a t i o n t o p r o v i d e an account o f the t r a n s i t i o n from autonomy t o dependency and to d e s c r i b e the present s a t e l l i t e p o s i t i o n o f the r e s e r v e . E a r l y Indian A f f a i r s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s seen as a s e r i e s o f e x p r o p r i a t i v e measures by c o l o n i a l and, l a t e r , f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments t o r e l i e v e n a t i v e people of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l s u b s i s t e n c e t e r r i t o r y and r e s i d e n t i a l s i t e s and o f t h e i r r i g h t s t o s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n as w e l l as to self-determination.  An assessment i s made o f the i m p o s i t i o n  of the Indian A c t and other government•policy of r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s , e s p e c i a l l y women.  upon t h e l i v e s  iii The  economic p o s i t i o n of n a t i v e Indian women i s  compared w i t h t h a t of t h e i r male c o u n t e r p a r t s on the r e s e r v e and w i t h non-Indian Examination  p o p u l a t i o n s i n s e l e c t e d census areas.  o f unemployment p a t t e r n s , employment  a l t e r n a t i v e s , and income l e v e l s r e v e a l s t h a t Indian women s u f f e r more severe economic hardships than v i r t u a l l y any other segment of Canadian s o c i e t y * men  Both n a t i v e women and  a r e l a r g e l y dependent upon seasonal o r i r r e g u l a r  employment i n u n s k i l l e d , low-paying  p o s i t i o n s , but f o r  women, employment a l t e r n a t i v e s a r e even more r e s t r i c t e d and wages more u n r e l i a b l e .  S e l f - g e n e r a t e d employment by women  i s a major source o f supplementary income. female-centred,  o r m a t r i f o c a l , households on the r e s e r v e a r e  shown t o have s u b s t a n t i a l l y lower incomes than male-centred,  t o be almost  per capita  and median  or p a t r i f o c a l , households,  more dependent upon inadequate and  In a d d i t i o n ,  government t r a n s f e r payments,  e n t i r e l y below standard poverty  e s t a b l i s h e d f o r a l l Canadian  t o be  lines  households.  Because o f t h e i r v u l n e r a b l e l e g a l i d e n t i t y as r e g i s t e r e d Indians and as members of Indian bands, r e s e r v e women are d i s c o v e r e d t o be p a r t i c u l a r l y s u b j e c t t o economic hardships, not o n l y i n terms of employment and income but a l s o o f a c q u i r i n g adequate r e s e r v e housing and t h e i r c h i l d r e n .  f o r themselves  The ways i n which women manoeuvre t o  o b t a i n the best p o s s i b l e l i v i n g accommodation f o r themselves and t h e i r f a m i l i e s a r e d e s c r i b e d from the p e r s p e c t i v e of  e s t a b l i s h i n g c l a i m s t o share housing w i t h k i n o r t o occupy abandoned d w e l l i n g s .  S h i f t i n g r e s i d e n t i a l patterns that  c o n s t a n t l y rearrange the composition of c e r t a i n  households  are seen as the outcome of a severe housing shortage on the r e s e r v e and of overcrowding  t h a t permeates n e a r l y every  house. A p o o r l y - f i n a n c e d f e d e r a l government programme t o b u i l d new houses on the r e s e r v e i s shown t o be t o t a l l y inadequate f o r meeting population.  the housing needs of a growing  Consequently,  new or improved  houses are  regarded by r e s e r v e i n h a b i t a n t s as a s o c i a l r e s o u r c e , i n s c a r c e supply and h i g h demand.  C h i l d care arrangements, i n  the case o f marriage breakdown, are shown to be the r e s u l t of c a r e f u l d e c i s i o n s t h a t n a t i v e Indian mothers make to ensure the best p o s s i b l e housing f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n , i n a s i t u a t i o n of l i m i t e d economic r e s o u r c e s and o n l y a narrow range of o p t i o n s f o r p r o v i d i n g s e c u r i t y f o r the o f f s p r i n g o f their  marriage.  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT  i i  LIST OF TABLES  viii  LIST OF FIGURES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  xii  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  xiv  CHAPTER I.  INTRODUCTION  1  T h e o r e t i c a l Framework  4  Purpose of the I n v e s t i g a t i o n  22  Method:  29  F i e l d w o r k and Research Procedures . . .  C o n t r a c t and E t h i c s  .  F i e l d w o r k and Research Procedures . . . . . II.  36  THE HINTERLAND ENVIRONMENT .  41  P h y s i c a l Environment  42  Location. . . . . . . Climate F l o r a and Fauna Topography. Resources s*~ C u l t u r a l Environment The Indian Community.  42 46 47 48 50 66 . . . . .  * The Non-Indian Community III.  29  67 77.  ETHNOGRAPHIC AND HISTORICAL SETTING. . . . . . .  84  Ethnographic  84  Background  Origins Aboriginal  . . . . . . . . T e r r i t o r y and S u b s i s t e n c e . . . . v  86 89  vi CHAPTER  Page C u l t u r a l Background . . . The S t a t u s o f Women i n A b o r i g i n a l Coast S a l i s h S o c i e t y . . . . . . . . . . H i s t o r i c a l Setting  . . . .  91 96 108  E a r l y C o n t a c t . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 European C o l o n i z a t i o n i n S t r a i t s Salish Territory . . . . . . . . . . . . I l l C o l o n i a l Settlement . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 The Indian A c t 125 The E a r l y Twentieth Century: 1900-1929 . . 132 The Depression Years. . . . . . . . . . . . 148 World War I I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 The Years Since World War I I . . 1 154 IV.  DEMOGRAPHY . . .  .159  S i z e and Composition o f Reserve P o p u l a t i o n . . . 159 P o p u l a t i o n Growth Age P r o f i l e  . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Sex R a t i o  168  *" E t h n i c and Band A f f i l i a t i o n .  . . . . . . . . . .  M a r i t a l Status V.  THE LEVEL OF POVERTY:  168 181  WORK AND INCOME  D e f i n i n g Poverty  18 5  .  Reserve Economy. . .  185 . . . . . . .  Employment and O c c u p a t i o n a l P a t t e r n s .  188  . . . 192  Income . . . . . . . . .  VI.  159 . 162  253  R e c i p i e n t s and Sources Household Income  253 276  Household Income and Poverty. . . . . . . .  289  THE LEVEL OF POVERTY:  A PLACE TO LIVE  Housing and Housing C o n d i t i o n s .  2 98 299  Facilities. . . . . . . . . . . 299 House S i z e . 302 Overcrowding and the Housing Shortage . . . 3 0 3  vii Page  CHAPTER A c c e s s t o New H o u s i n g A c c o m m o d a t i o n f o r Non-Band Members. . . . . Households  343  Sex o f F o c a l F i g u r e Changes i n Membership Moving C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Fluctuating Households. . Economic A s p e c t s o f M a t r i f o c a l Households. . . . . . . Mobile Population C h i l d Care Arrangements  and A c c e s s t o H o u s i n g .  Summary a n d C o n c l u d i n g Remarks . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY  319 329  346 349 351 . 373 375 . 378 . 384 394 400  LIST OF TABLES TABLE  Page I. II.  III. "* IV.  V, VI. VII.  VIII. IX. X.  XI. XII. XIII.  INTERMARRIAGE AND BAND AFFILIATION . . . . . .  70  AGE AND SEX OF ON-RESERVE BAND MEMBERS, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971  164  AGE AND SEX OF ALL PERMANENT RESIDENTS, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 .  165  YOUTHFULNESS OF TSARTLIP POPULATION 'COMPARED WITH REGISTERED INDIAN AND GENERAL CANADIAN POPULATIONS, 1971  166  PRESENT BAND AFFILIATION, TSARTLIP RESIDENTS, BY SEX, 1971  177  NATAL BAND AFFILIATION AND/OR NATAL LEGAL STATUS, TSARTLIP ADULTS, BY SEX. . . . . 178 1971 BAND AFFILIATION OF ADULT POPULATION, BY NATAL BAND AFFILIATION AND SEX, TSARTLIP RESERVE  180  MARITAL STATUS, TSARTLIP ADULT POPULATION, BY SEX, 1971  181  ANNUAL EMPLOYMENT PATTERN BY SEX, TSARTLIP ADULT LABOUR FORCE, 1971  193  FREQUENCY AND PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF INSTANCES OF EMPLOYMENT IN OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORIES, BY SEX, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971  227  UNSKILLED DIAND JOBS AND WAGES, BY SEX, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . .  241  SOURCES OF INCOME, BY SEX OF RECIPIENT TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . .  256  PERSONAL ANNUAL INCOME, ALL SOURCES, ADULTS WITH INCOME, BY SEX OF RECIPIENT, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971  258  yiii  ix TABLE  Page  XIV. XV.  XVI.  XVII.  XVIII.  XIX.  XX.  XXI.  XXII.  XXIII.  ANNUAL EMPLOYMENT INCOME, T S A R T L I P LABOUR FORCE, BY SEX, 1971  259  PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL ANNUAL INCOME FROM EMPLOYMENT, BY SEX OF EARNER, T S A R T L I P RESERVE, 1 9 7 1 . . . . . . . . . . . .  260  PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION AND MEDIAN ANNUAL INCOME FROM A L L SOURCES, T S A R T L I P ADULTS WITH INCOME AND CENSUS RESPONDENTS, 15 YEARS AND OLDER, WITH INCOME, I N SELECTED CENSUS AREAS, BY SEX, 1971 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  262  PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION AND MEDIAN ANNUAL INCOME FROM EMPLOYMENT, T S A R T L I P LABOUR FORCE AND CENSUS RESPONDENTS, 15 YEARS AND OLDER, WITH EMPLOYMENT INCOME, I N SELECTED CENSUS AREAS, BY SEX, 1971  264  PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF WOMEN WITH GOVERNMENT TRANSFER INCOME, ACCORDING TO INCLUSION OR EXCLUSION OF FAMILY ALLOWANCE, T S A R T L I P RESERVE, 1971  268  PERCENTAGE OF PERSONAL ANNUAL INCOME FROM GOVERNMENT TRANSFER PAYMENTS FOR FEMALE RECIPIENTS ACCORDING TO INCLUSION OR EXCLUSION OF FAMILY ALLOWANCE, T S A R T L I P RESERVE, 1 9 7 1  269  ANNUAL GOVERNMENT TRANSFER INCOME OF ADULT R E C I P I E N T S , BY SEX, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1 9 7 1 . . . . . . . . .  270  PER CENT OF ANNUAL PERSONAL INCOME FROM GOVERNMENT TRANSFER PAYMENTS, BY SEX OF R E C I P I E N T , TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1 9 7 1 . . . . . . .  271  PERCENTAGE OF ANNUAL PERSONAL INCOME FROM SOCIAL ASSISTANCE PAYMENTS, BY SEX OF R E C I P I E N T , T S A R T L I P RESERVE, 1971  27 3  PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION AND MEDIAN ANNUAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME FROM A L L SOURCES, T S A R T L I P RESERVE HOUSEHOLDS AND RESPONDING HOUSEHOLDS I N SELECTED CENSUS AREAS, 1 9 7 1 . . . 277  X  TABLE XXIV.  MEAN NUMBER OF OCCUPANTS PER HOUSEHOLD, MEAN ANNUAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME, AND PER CAPITA INCOME OF HOUSEHOLD OCCUPANTS, TSARTLIP RESERVE AND SELECTED CENSUS AREAS, 1971.  279  XXV.  HOUSEHOLD INCOME AND NUMBER OF CONTRIBUTORS, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . . . 280  XXVI.  HOUSEHOLD INCOME, ALL SOURCES, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971. . . . 283  XXVII.  PER CAPITA ANNUAL INCOME IN TSARTLIP HOUSEHOLDS, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, 1971 . . . 284  XXVIII.  XXIX.  XXX.  XXXI. XXXII. XXXIII.  XXXIV.  *  Page  XXXV.  XXXVI.  PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLD INCOME FROM GOVERNMENT TRANSFER, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . . . . . DOMINANT SOURCE OF HOUSEHOLD INCOME, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . . .  .286  287  COMPARISON OF SENATE COMMITTEE POVERTY LINE WITH AVERAGE OF ACTUAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME FOR TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971  . 293  POVERTY RATES, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971  . 295  TSARTLIP HOUSING CONDITIONS, 1965 AND 1971 . . 300 AVERAGE (MEAN) DWELLING SIZE AND NUMBER OF OCCUPANTS FOR TSARTLIP AND SELECTED CENSUS AREAS, 1971  302  MEMBERS OF TSARTLIP BAND WITH PRIORITY FOR HOUSING, BY MARITAL STATUS AND SEX, 1971-72. . . . . .  323  STATUS OF NON-MEMBER RESIDENTS LIVING WITH BAND MEMBERS IN SENIOR GENERATION, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1 9 7 1 . .  331  NUMBER OF PERMANENT OCCUPANTS OF HOUSEHOLDS, BY SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971  347  xi TABLE  Page  XXXVII.  XXXVIII.  XXXIX. XL. XLI.  XLII.  NUMBER OF GENERATIONS I N HOUSEHOLDS, BY SEX OF FOCAL F I G U R E , T S A R T L I P RESERVE, 1 9 7 1 . . . . . . . .  . . . .  347  NUMBER OF CONJUGAL RELATIONSHIPS I N HOUSEHOLDS, BY SEX OF FOCAL F I G U R E , TSARTLIP RESERVE, 1971 . . . . . . . . . . . .  349  HOUSEHOLD MEMBERSHIP AND CONDITION OF HOUSE, T S A R T L I P RESERVE, 1 9 7 1 . . . . . . . . .  373  HOUSEHOLD MEMBERSHIP AND SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, T S A R T L I P RESERVE, 1 9 7 1 .  ..375  FREQUENCIES OF HOUSEHOLD MEMBERSHIP, HOUSEHOLD INCOME, AND SEX OF FOCAL FIGURE, T S A R T L I P RESERVE, 1971 . . . . . . . .  377  CASES OF CHILD CARE ARRANGEMENTS AFTER SEPARATION, BY PATERNAL ACCESS OR LACK OF ACCESS TO ADEQUATE HOUSING, T S A R T L I P RESERVE, 1 9 7 1  391  LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1.  Page Indian Reserves o f Saanich P e n i n s u l a and M u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Greater V i c t o r i a M e t r o p o l i t a n Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  43  2.  Indian Reserves pf T s a r t l i p Indian Band . . . . .  44  3.  1971 Boundaries of T s a r t l i p Indian Reserve. . . .  49  4.  Indian Reserves o f Southern Vancouver South I s l a n d D i s t r i c t . . . . . .  69  Island,  5.  1911 Boundaries of T s a r t l i p Indian Reserve. . ? . 142  6.  T s a r t l i p On-Reserve  P o p u l a t i o n , 1848-1970 . . . .  161  7.  Percentage o f On-Reserve T s a r t l i p Band Members Under S i x t e e n Years, 1901-1971. . . . . .  163  8.  The Davis Household . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  195  9.  The Peters Household  198  10.  The Baker Household  . . . . . . . . . .  201  11.  The Johnson Household  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  203  12.  The Andrew Household  13.  The A r n o l d Household.  . . . . . . . . .  208  14.  The P e t e r s Household. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  210  15.  The Simpson Household  211  16.  The A r n o l d Household.  214  17.  The A r n o l d Household. . ,  215  18.  The W i l l i a m s Household. . . . . . . . .  217  19.  The James Household . . . . . .  219  205  xii  xiii FIGURE  Page  20.  K i n R e l a t i o n s h i p s among Maximum P o p u l a t i o n i n Joshua Baker Household, d u r i n g 1971. . . . . . 357  21.  K i n R e l a t i o n s h i p s among Maximum P o p u l a t i o n i n F l o r e n c e H i l l Household, d u r i n g 1971  360  22.  K i n R e l a t i o n s h i p s among Maximum P o p u l a t i o n i n Bernard Demarais Household, d u r i n g 1971. . . . 363  23.  K i n R e l a t i o n s h i p s among Maximum P o p u l a t i o n i n E v e l y n E l i a s Household, d u r i n g 1971. . . . . . 367  24.  K i n R e l a t i o n s h i p s among Maximum P o p u l a t i o n i n Homer Peters Household, d u r i n g 1971  370  ACKNOWLEDGMENT To t h e people p f T s a r t l i p Indian Reserve who answered my q u e s t i o n s w i t h such p a t i e n c e and who o f f e r e d v a l u a b l e i n s i g h t s i n t o the p a t t e r n i n g p f t h e i r own l i v e s and i t s r e l a t i p n s h i p t p non-Indian grateful.  s o c i e t y , I am most deeply  S p e c i a l thanks f o r h i s keen i n t e r e s t and  d i r e c t i o n must go t o C h i e f P h i l i p P a u l who s e t out mpst p f the c c n d i t i o n s f o r my r e s e a r c h among h i s people.  David  E l l i o t t S r . took time from h i s busy days t o a s s i s t me w i t h an account of the h i s t o r y o f t h e r e s e r v e , and I thank him for  h i s help.  Sam, to  I am g r a t e f u l t o C h a r l e s E l l i o t t ,  Theresa  and C a r o l i n e Joseph f o r p r o v i d i n g me w i t h i n t r o d u c t i o n s  householders, and t o David Bartleman  and Tom Sampson f o r  their assistance. I will  always remember t h e kindness of my teacher  and f r i e n d , C h r i s P a u l , who made tea on r a i n y afternoons and shared w i t h me h i s memories, h i s g e n t l e humour, and h i s wealth of knowledge.  He spoke w e l l o f everyone and was  t r u l y a s c h o l a r among n a t i v e people. Finally,  I owe a g r e a t debt t o the women pf the  r e s e r v e who were more than generous w i t h t h e i r time and knowledge.  It is difficult  t o s i n g l e out a few names from  among t h e many women who helped out, but Bea E l l i o t t , xiv  Theresa Bartleman, Fran Paul, Edna and Linda Henry,  Alice,  Audrey, and P a u l e t t e Sampson, Rusty and Pat E l l i o t t ,  Irma  Wilson, D a i s y Alphonse, Georgiana Smith, and V a l Cooper r e c e i v e my s i n c e r e thanks f o r t h e i r a s s i s t a n c e . Cooper, Theresa Sam, and Agnes Smith gave me  Freda  encouragement  and f r i e n d s h i p and demonstrated the a d a p t a b i l i t y and courage t h a t i s t h e source o f women's s t r e n g t h ,  everywhere.  I cannot thank them enough. Without the f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e provided 1968  to 1972 by Canada C o u n c i l p r e - d o c t o r a l  fellowships,  graduate s t u d i e s and subsequent f i e l d r e s e a r c h i n v e s t i g a t i o n would have been v i r t u a l l y I received people.  me from  for this  impossible.  i n t e l l e c t u a l guidance from a number of  Dr. David F. A b e r l e e x h i b i t e d commendable  patience  as my graduate a d v i s o r , and I am s i n c e r e l y a p p r e c i a t i v e o f h i s comments and c r i t i c i s m s .  Dr. P a t r i c i a Marchak's  support  and d i r e c t i o n i n the l a s t stages o f w r i t i n g was i n v a l u a b l e . The a s s i s t a n c e o f Dr. M i c h a e l Kew and Wilson Duff i s a l s o g r a t e f u l l y acknowledged. h i s warm^theory-seminar  The i n f l u e n c e of M i c h a e l Ames and i n h e l p i n g a budding l i n g u i s t t o  t h i n k l i k e a blooming a n t h r o p o l o g i s t estimated.  cannot be under-  Dr. S t u a r t Jamieson o f the Department o f  Economics a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia and Dr. C a r o l Stack of Boston U n i v e r s i t y must be thanked f o r r e a d i n g the f i n a l d r a f t pf t h i s manuscript. In a d d i t i o n , I wish t o express my a p p r e c i a t i o n to  xvi Bernard G i l l i e , C o n s u l t i n g D i r e c t o r t o the B.C.  Inter-  C u l t u r a l C u r r i c u l u m P r o j e c t , U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a , gave me me  who  time when I needed i t and whose wise c o u n s e l helped  through  some t r y i n g  days.  Along w i t h Barbara Smith who of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n with enthusiasm  typed the f i n a l and  draft  interest,  e v e n t u a l l y s a c r i f i c i n g her h o l i d a y s t o help me  finish  on  time, Sharon Keen, Antonia B o t t i n g , Candace Hansen, L e s l e y Purdy, and F l o r e n c e Lundgren must be thanked  for their  a s s i s t a n c e w i t h r e s e a r c h , data t a b u l a t i o n s ; and p r e l i m i n a r y typing.  I am  K e n d a l l , who Ward, who  s i n c e r e l y a p p r e c i a t i v e of the work of John drew the maps, and Deborrah Minaker and  drew the diagrams.  My K i l l e r Whale b r o t h e r , Gary  Patsey, and Daphne Patsey know t h a t my work they d i d i n coding d a t a and cards.  Lorna  thanks go beyond the  t r a n s f e r r i n g i t t o keysort  A l l a n C l a r k ' s help w i t h p r o o f - r e a d i n g i s acknowledged  with a p p r e c i a t i o n ,  In a d d i t i o n , I was  f o r t u n a t e t o have  Kerry Carney's sense of humour t o s u s t a i n me  as we worked  long, t i r i n g hours through the l a s t week, i n order t o f i n i s h "on  time." I am very conscious of the t a n g i b l e and  c o n t r i b u t i o n s of f r i e n d s , p a r t i c u l a r l y T e r r y Sherry Selander, Marylee gave me  Reynolds,  Stephenson, and Gina Quijano  who  p l a c e s t o stay, good food, and good company i n  Vancouver, and June Akehurst who order.  intangible  kept my V i c t o r i a - h o u s e i n  T e r r y W i n c h e l l , Lorna Ward, Sharon Keen, and  xvii Margaret MacGregor provided i n t e l l e c t u a l s t i m u l a t i o n and emotional support a t c r u c i a l moments.  My parents have been  both understanding and h e l p f u l d u r i n g my lengthy c h i l d h o o d . Throughout t h e w r i t i n g o f t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , been cheered and encouraged  I have  by t h r e e women of g r e a t  warmth, humour, and s t r e n g t h :  my mother, M i l d r e d C l e l a n d ,  my f r i e n d , Barbara E f r a t , and my daughter,  Lisa  Mitchell.  CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION When the people of two prolonged c o n t a c t , The  nature and  d i v e r s e c u l t u r e s come i n t o  change i n both c u l t u r e s i s i n e v i t a b l e .  d i r e c t i o n of change o c c u r r i n g as a r e s u l t  c u l t u r e contact  i s a s u b j e c t of long-standing  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s who p e r s p e c t i v e s and  of  concern among  have developed a number of t h e o r e t i c a l  concepts to account f o r and d e s c r i b e  phenomenon of c u l t u r e change.  the  In the case of the i n t r u s i o n  of Euro-Canadian c u l t u r e upon n a t i v e Indian c u l t u r e , the r e s u l t has been .a dominant p o l i t i c a l and f o r the former and,  economic p o s i t i o n  f o r the l a t t e r , a subordinate  position  accompanied by p e r v a s i v e change i n v i r t u a l l y every aspect the a b o r i g i n a l way c h r o n i c poverty  of l i f e .  of  Moreover, because of widespread,  among n a t i v e Indian people,  anthropologists  o f t e n attempt to account f o r t h i s , as w e l l , w i t h i n the more general  framework of c u l t u r e change. Two  of the most important of these p e r s p e c t i v e s  c u l t u r e change and  poverty  on  are somewhat c o n t r a d i c t o r y .  The  p e r s p e c t i v e of a c c u l t u r a t i o n t h e o r i s t s i s based upon the n o t i o n t h a t a b o r i g i n a l p a t t e r n s of c u l t u r e w i l l be  replaced  by or changed i n t o the p a t t e r n s of the other c u l t u r e .  The  process of a c c u l t u r a t i o n may'be g r a d u a l or r a p i d , but i t r e s u l t s i n e v i t a b l y i n an approximation of the dominant c u l t u r e by  the  subordinate.  of poverty, a c c u l t u r a t i o n  In terms of an  interpretation  occurs as e c o n o m i c a l l y under-  developed people move toward and  adopt the  behaviour  p a t t e r n s of people i n the more prosperous, i n t r u s i v e and  come to p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n the economic and  i n s t i t u t i o n s of the dominant s o c i e t y . are  political  In g e n e r a l , people  s a i d to be more or l e s s a c c u l t u r a t e d  a c c o r d i n g to  degree t o which they have e i t h e r assumed the new a f f l u e n t way  of l i f e or r e t a i n e d  underdeveloped. from both o l d and  New  may  be  the  and  the p a t t e r n s of the o l d  t r a d i t i o n s t h a t emerge as  new  culture  and  distinctive  seen e i t h e r as evidence of  s o c i a l breakdown or as developmental steps i n the one-way a c c u l t u r a t i v e process. people may  Poverty among a c c u l t u r a t i n g  be c o n s i d e r e d e i t h e r a p r i o r c o n d i t i o n  symptom of s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i s a t i o n The  contrasting  and  perspective  or a  f a i l u r e to  acculturate.  focusses upon the  s t r u c t u r e of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the c u l t u r e s contact.  When Euro-Canadian c u l t u r e e s t a b l i s h e s  maintains an e x p l o i t a t i v e p o l i t i c a l and over n a t i v e  Indian c u l t u r e ,  in and  economic domination  the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s termed  m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e , or m e t r o p o l i s - h i n t e r l a n d . perspective  Indian  argues t h a t s a t e l l i t e  cultures  This  have changed  and  are changing i n response to the nature of t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n with an e x p l o i t a t i v e m e t r o p o l i s .  In c o n t r a s t  to  a c c u l t u r a t i o n views, a n a l y s i s from a m e t r o p o l i s - h i n t e r l a n d framework does not r e q u i r e t h a t changes i n h i n t e r l a n d c u l t u r e s be regarded  as i n d i c a t i v e of progress  development toward the m e t r o p o l i s c u l t u r e .  or  Instead,  changes are seen as adjustments of the Indian s a t e l l i t e to economic and p o l i t i c a l p r e s s u r e s from the dominant Canadian metropolis. c r e a t e d and satellite  By the same token,  poverty  i s a condition  imposed upon Indian people by the m e t r o p o l i s -  relationship.  In t h i s study,  I i n t e n d to use the m e t r o p o l i s -  h i n t e r l a n d framework as the b a s i s f o r an ethnography of poverty among the n a t i v e r e s i d e n t s o f a s m a l l , suburban Indian r e s e r v e on southeastern Vancouver I s l a n d .  More  s p e c i f i c a l l y , t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n w i l l attempt, f i r s t , show how  to  economic and p o l i t i c a l aspects of m e t r o p o l i t a n  c u l t u r e l i m i t the a l t e r n a t i v e s and Indian people  l i f e chances a v a i l a b l e to  and c r e a t e or m a i n t a i n an o p p r e s s i v e l e v e l of  poverty on the r e s e r v e ; second, t o d e s c r i b e the development of t h i s c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p ; and  historical third,  to  examine i n d e t a i l the consequences of the m e t r o p o l i s s a t e l l i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p and people  --particularly  some of the ways t h a t Indian  Indian women - - c o p e w i t h  this  situation. In the remainder of t h i s chapter,  I w i l l expand upon  the c o n t r a s t i n g n o t i o n s of a c c u l t u r a t i o n processes metropo'lis-hinterland r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i n d i c a t e how  and the  latter  may be a p p l i e d  to native  out how and why n a t i v e  Indian people i n Canada, and p o i n t  Indian women a r e o f p a r t i c u l a r  i n t e r e s t t o t h i s study.  A d e s c r i p t i o n o f the methods  employed i n the f i e l d r e s e a r c h  i s contained i n the f i n a l  s e c t i o n , f o l l o w i n g a f u l l d e s c r i p t i o n o f the purposes o f the study. T h e o r e t i c a l Framework Among the many s t u d i e s o f contemporary North American Indian groups, a c o n s i d e r a b l e  number have d e a l t  w i t h the r e l a t i o n s between these groups and t h e dominant white s o c i e t y .  These s t u d i e s have tended t o c e n t r e around  problems o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n and the i n f l u e n c e o f white North American c u l t u r e upon t r a d i t i o n a l Indian s o c i a l organisation 1959;  Barnouw 1950; Colson 1953; Dunning  (e.g.,  Graves 1967a,  1967b; Knight 1968; L i n t o n 1940;  Simpson and Yinger 1957; S p i c e r 1970;  Thompson 1950; Wolcott 1968). Acculturation  [e.g.,  Linton  1961; Rohner and Rohner  has been d e f i n e d  a number o f times  Beals 1951; Broom et al. 1954; H e r s k o v i t s 1958; 1940; R e d f i e l d  broadly, Redfield  et al.  et al.  have  1936; Tax 1952).  Very  stated:  a c c u l t u r a t i o n comprehends those phenomena which r e s u l t when groups of i n d i v i d u a l s having d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s come i n t o continuous f i r s t - h a n d c o n t a c t , w i t h subsequent changes i n the o r i g i n a l p a t t e r n s o f e i t h e r or both groups (1936:182).  5 Herskovits  r e f e r s to a c c u l t u r a t i o n as one  aspect of  . . . the process of t r a n s m i s s i o n of c u l t u r e from one group t o another . . . [and as a] comprehensive interchange between two bodies of t r a d i t i o n . . . (1958:15). C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of types of a c c u l t u r a t i o n have been attempted 1956; and  (e.g.,  Bateson 1967;  Devereux and Rohner 1970;  1951,  1952,  Loeb 1943;  G.  1956).  Spindler  Broom  et al.  Redfield 1955;  1954;  Bruner  et al. 1936;  L. S p i n d l e r  1962;  Many of these have d e s c r i b e d  phenomena of c o n s e r v a t i s m and  opposition  —  Rohner Voget  the  "contra-  a c c u l t u r a t i o n movements" ( R e d f i e l d et al. 1936:186), "schismogenesis . . . which r e s u l t s i n mutual h o s t i l i t y " (Bateson 1967:194), " a n t a g o n i s t i c a c c u l t u r a t i o n " and  Loeb 1943:233) —  where t h e r e  i s resistance  (Devereux to  acceptance of the c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s  of one  The  been to account f o r  i n t e n t i n such d e s c r i p t i o n s has  cases where a c c u l t u r a t i o n does not  group by  another.  seem to occur.  Although e a r l y d e f i n i t i o n s such as R e d f i e l d ' s not  say so, more recent  use of the concept of a c c u l t u r a t i o n  seems to be based on at l e a s t two assumptions.  F i r s t , there  crucial,  subordinate c u l t u r e  related  i s a t e l e o l o g i c a l premise that  the process of a c c u l t u r a t i o n leads from the  did  (e.g.,  the t r a d i t i o n s of  North American Indian) along  a path of i n c r e a s i n g s i m i l a r i t y to the dominant c u l t u r e (e.g.,  White North American).  The  longer  and  more  intense  the exposures t o the i n f l u e n c e of White North American c u l t u r e , the more a c c u l t u r a t e d w i l l become.  The  end  the  Indian  groups i n  of a c c u l t u r a t i o n i s not  necessarily  t o t a l a s s i m i l a t i o n i n the dominant c u l t u r e nor d i f f u s i o n of s u p e r i o r c u l t u r e t r a i t s to the group but may  be c h a r a c t e r i z e d ,  question  wholesale  acculturating  vaguely, as f u l l p a r t i c i p a -  t i o n i n the b e n e f i t s of the dominant s o c i e t y ' s democratic institutions.  For example Vogt s t a t e s : i n the United States . . . the path to full acculturation is c o n f u s i n g and f r u s t r a t i n g . . . . Instead of proceeding generation by generation along a continuum to full acculturation, i t i s as i f an American-Indian group must a t some p o i n t leap across a spark gap t o achieve a fully integrated p o s i t i o n i n white American s o c i e t y (1957:145, emphasis added).  C l e a r l y , the end given  r e s u l t of a c c u l t u r a t i o n i s considered  i n t h i s case and  explanations  must be  when t h i s end  sought.  One  i s not  frequent  the presumed " f a i l u r e " of American Indian achieve f u l l  1950).  1967;  reached, explanation  populations  for to  i n t e g r a t i o n w i t h the dominant s o c i e t y i s t h a t  of " s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n " 1966,  a  Lewis 1970;  Claudia  {e.g.  French 1948;  S i e g e l 1962;  Lewis d e s c r i b e s  among Northwest Coast Indians  Spicer  social  Hawthorn  1962;  Thompson  disorganization  as  ... a complex of problems [ i n c l u d i n g d r i n k i n g , unemployment, w e l f a r e queues, d i r t y , overcrowded houses, broken f a m i l i e s , v i o l e n c e , and neglected c h i l d r e n ] not uncommon  7  wherever dark-skinned minoritygroups are g r a d u a l l y — or s o m e t i m e s p r e c i p i t o u s l y -- t a k i n g on t h e c u l t u r e o f a W h i t e m a j o r i t y , or wherever such minorities feel themselves r e l e g a t e d t o a s e p a r a t e and u n e q u a l way o f l i f e (1970:3-4; s e e a l s o 96, 99, 101, 115, 118, 122-23).  Moreover, i n comparing Indians of mixed blood w i t h w i t h o u t W h i t e a n c e s t r y , L e w i s seems a l m o s t a c c u l t u r a t i o n as a r a c e t o w a r d when she a s k s  acceptance  to  regard  of white c u l t u r e  i f t h e p a r t - I n d i a n i s somehow ".  ahead o f t h e o t h e r s i n h i s d e s i r e o r a b i l i t y She  "more" and  (197 0:9)  f a m i l i e s -- one  lap  refers also to  c l i n g i n g to the t r a d i t i o n a l  " s t r a d d l i n g t h e f e n c e , " and  . . one  to f i t into  t h e W h i t e man's p a t t e r n ? " (1970:108). " l e s s " acculturated Indians  those  and  to  three  I n d i a n ways,  t h e t h i r d r e p r e s e n t i n g ".  .  one .an  e v e n more s u c c e s s f u l a d o p t i o n o f t h e W h i t e man's v a l u e s .  . ."  (1970:87).  The traditional  i d e a o f a one-way p a t h a l o n g w h i c h Indian society progresses  t i o n i s n o t p e c u l i a r t o V o g t and R o h n e r and 1961;  R o h n e r 197 0;  V o g e t 1952,  Lewis  S i m p s o n and  1961-62).  toward  every  full accultura-  {e.g., L i n t o n  Y i n g e r 1957;  Attempts to i d e n t i f y  1940;  Spicer levels  or  stages of a c c u l t u r a t i o n along the continuum from Indian to w h i t e a r e s u m m a r i z e d by McFee and  include  . . . V o g e t ' s [1951, 1952] nativemodified, and American-marginal, B r u n e r ' s [1956] unacculturated, marginal, acculturated, and S p i n d l e r ' s  8 [1955] native-oriented, lower- and upper-status (1968:1096, a u t h o r ' s  transitional, aoeulturated emphasis).  In a paper c r i t i c a l of these views, Jorgensen  thus  s u m m a r i z e s them: . . . the d i r e c t i o n change t a k e s i s from a p r i m i t i v e , underd e v e l o p e d s o c i e t y , i.e., a s o c i e t y w i t h low economic o u t p u t , low s t a n d a r d of l i v i n g , e t c . , t o a c i v i l i z e d , developed s o c i e t y wherein the once underdeveloped s o c i e t y becomes f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the dominant White s o c i e t y . Tautologously, the l a t t e r i s a c h i e v e d when ' a c c u l t u r a t i o n ' i s complete (1970:1). The  second  of a c c u l t u r a t i o n through  basic  i s that  assumption full  economic development.  underlying the  a c c u l t u r a t i o n w i l l be Underdevelopment  concept achieved  hinders  a c c u l t u r a t i o n and> o n c e I n d i a n s come t o p a r t i c i p a t e  fully  i n t h e economy and  the  dominant white occur  i n the p o l i t i c a l  s o c i e t y , d e v e l o p m e n t and  simultaneously  H a w t h o r n 1966, Hawthorn  i n s t i t u t i o n s of  1967;  (e.g.,  acculturation  B r o p h y and A b e r l e  S i m p s o n and  Y i n g e r 1957).  asserts: t h e m u t u a l t i e s o f r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s [among k i n ] a c t a s d e t e r r e n t s t o economic advancement i n a n i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . . . . The more p a r a s i t i c a s p e c t s o f k i n s h i p were p r o b a b l y r e i n f o r c e d i n t h e p a s t by t h e dependency of the r e s e r v e system. T h i s has l e d t o i m p o r t a n t c h a n g e s i n s o c i a l welfare or r e l i e f p o l i c y t o f r e e t h e i n d i v i d u a l and  will  1966; For  example,  9 h i s immediate f a m i l y from t h e burdens of s u p p o r t i n g other k i n , and t h u s e n c o u r a g e t h e i r i n d e p e n d e n c e and a m b i t i o n t o . b e t t e r themselves (1966:121). J o r g e n s e n , o n t h e o t h e r hand c o n t e n d s : the a c c u l t u r a t i o n framework p r o v i d e s a r a t h e r e u p h o r i c way t o . . . t a l k about what has """Ironically, the " c u l t u r e of poverty concept" d e v e l o p e d b y O s c a r L e w i s (1959, 1966) t o e x p l a i n t h e s e e m i n g l y n e g a t i v e b e h a v i o u r p a t t e r n s and s o c i a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f p o o r b l a c k A m e r i c a n s comes t o j u s t t h e opposite conclusion. That i s , economic a i d t o t h e poor w i l l n o t l e a d t o i n t e g r a t i o n and d e v e l o p m e n t ( o r a c c u l t u r a t i o n ) but r a t h e r w i l l simply perpetuate the i n h e r e n t l y n i h i l i s t i c and i n e v i t a b l e c u l t u r e t r a i t s o f t h e poor. Hawthorn's statement t h a t most l a r g e u r b a n a r e a s have a dependent White m i n o r i t y containing a f a m i l i a r hard core of t h e s o c i a l casework l o a d s . As p o i n t e d o u t by v a r i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s , i n d i v i d u a l s i n such g r o u p s a r e n o t m o t i v a t e d by t h e same i n c e n t i v e s o r t o t h e same d e g r e e a s a r e m o s t members o f the w o r k i n g and m i d d l e . c l a s s . The u r b a n p o o r c o n s t i t u t e a s e l f p e r p e t u a t i n g s u b c u l t u r a l group w i t h i t s own s y s t e m o f r e w a r d s and s a t i s f a c t i o n s i n w h i c h d u r a b l e consumer goods, e d u c a t i o n and h i g h e r s t a t u s do n o t f u n c t i o n as e c o n o m i c a l l y m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e s . Indians frequently tend to integrate with White.society at t h i s l e v e l and t h u s t e n d t o p e r p e t u a t e low s u b s i s t e n c e s t a n d a r d s t h a t h a v e g r o w n up i n reserve l i f e (1966:108) i s an a t t e m p t , somewhat a t o d d s w i t h h i s o t h e r a s s e r t i o n , t o a p p l y t h e c u l t u r e o f p o v e r t y c o n c e p t t o ". . . d e p r e s s e d I n d i a n bands l o c a t e d i n o r near White u r b a n c o m m u n i t i e s " (Hawthorn 1966:108).  10 happened t o the American Indians since contact. I t assumes t h a t before . . . c o n t a c t Indians were 'underdeveloped' and i t d i r e c t s us away from a n a l y s i s of why Indians are as they are today. Because i t e u p h o r i c a l l y assumes t h a t a l l t h i n g s being equal and g i v e n an i n d e f i n i t e amount of time Indians w i l l become f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the United S t a t e s p o l i t y , economy and s o c i e t y j u s t l i k e whites, i t i s a l s o meaningless. That i s t o say, no matter what c o n d i t i o n Indian s o c i e t y i s found to be i n when i t i s analysed . . . i t i s always somewhere along the a c c u l t u r a t i o n path headed towards f u l l a c c u l turation. Because a c c u l t u r a t i o n explains everything, i t explains nothing (1970:2). Recently, these assumptions about i n t e g r a t i o n and a c c u l t u r a t i o n have been c h a l l e n g e d not o n l y by  Jorgensen,  but a l s o by a number of o t h e r s , i n c l u d i n g A b e r l e 1969a, 1969b, Bennett 1969; 1969;  Braroe  19 65; C a r d i n a l 1969;  Frank 1967a, 1967b, 1970;  Harding  1971;  Munsell  and S t a n l e y 1968.  1968;  First,  Gonzalez 1969,  Robbins 1968;  Deloria 1970;  S t e i n e r 1968;  Tax  t h e r e i s an i n c r e a s i n g awareness  t h a t , whatever " f u l l a c c u l t u r a t i o n " means, not a l l Indians are f o l l o w i n g the path. concern  Indian n a t i o n a l i s m and  nativism,  f o r Indian i d e n t i t y and c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l ,  and  conscious r e s i s t a n c e to a s s i m i l a t i o n or a c c u l t u r a t i o n of any  kind are h e l d up as examples of t h i s by C a r d i n a l  Lesser 1968 Stanley 1968.  [1961];  Levine 1968;  L u r i e 1968;  As Levine observes,  and Tax  1969; and  even where economic a i d  11 i s g i v e n t o promote a c c u l t u r a t i o n and development, " . . . one  o f t e n cannot p r e d i c t what Indian people w i l l make of a i d  which they a r e g i v e n "  (1968:26).  McFee, i n s t r e s s i n g t h e  inadequacy o f t h e continuum model o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n , develops a "matrix model" t o demonstrate t h a t new ways can be learned without abandoning the o l d . The b i c u l t u r a l r e s e r v a t i o n community p r o v i d e s a v a r i e t y of r o l e s and s i t u a t i o n s f o r s e l e c t i v e use o f both (1970:1096). Second, and more important, a number o f these authors maintain,  w i t h Jorgensen, that  underdevelopment was caused by the development o f the w h i t e - c o n t r o l l e d n a t i o n a l economy and that the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s of Indians a r e not improving because the American Indian is, and has been for over 100 years, fully integrated into the national political economy (197 0:2, author's emphasis). Jorgensen bases h i s a n a l y s i s , i n p a r t , on Frank's t h e s i s t h a t the present  s i t u a t i o n of L a t i n American n a t i o n s , as  w e l l as t h e i r own h i n t e r l a n d s and t h e i r Indian  populations,  i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a " m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p " (1967a:124).  Frank's e s s e n t i a l argument i s t h a t world  c a p i t a l i s m produced underdevelopment i n t h e past and continues  t o generate underdevelopment i n the present by  e s t a b l i s h i n g a network of m o n o p o l i s t i c ,  appropriative-  e x p r o p r i a t i v e r e l a t i o n s t h a t e x t r a c t economic s u r p l u s the many f o r the b e n e f i t of the few. links,  from  This r e l a t i o n s h i p  i n c h a i n - l i k e f a s h i o n , t h e " . . . macrometropolitan  12 center o f t h e world c a p i t a l i s t system [ i . e . , States]"  the United  (Frank 1967a:16) w i t h n a t i o n a l , r e g i o n a l , and l o c a l  c e n t r e s , down through l a r g e landowners and merchants, small peasants, l a n d l e s s a g r i c u l t u r a l and f a c t o r y l a b o u r e r s , and for  our purposes, Indians: At each step, the r e l a t i v e l y few c a p i t a l i s t s above e x e r c i s e monopoly power over the many below, e x p r o p r i a t i n g some o r a l l of t h e i r economic s u r p l u s and, to t h e extent t h a t they a r e not e x p r o p r i a t e d i n t u r n by t h e s t i l l fewer above them, a p p r o p r i a t i n g i t f o r t h e i r own use. Thus, a t each p o i n t , the i n t e r n a t i o n a l , n a t i o n a l , and l o c a l c a p i t a l i s t system generates economic development f o r the few and underdevelopment f o r t h e many (Frank 1967a:7-8). C o n t r a d i c t i o n s of c a p i t a l i s m are r e c r e a t e d on the domestic l e v e l and come t o generate tendencies toward development i n the n a t i o n a l m e t r o p o l i s and toward underdevelopment i n i t s domestic s a t e l l i t e s . . . . [but] the development o f t h e n a t i o n a l metropolis necessarily suffers from the l i m i t a t i o n s , s t u l t i f i c a t i o n , or underdevelopment unknown i n the world c a p i t a l i s t m e t r o p o l i s — because the n a t i o n a l m e t r o p o l i s i s simultaneously also a s a t e l l i t e i t s e l f , w h i l e the world m e t r o p o l i s i s not (Frank 1967a:10-11).  Thus, as the gap i n power, wealth, and c a p a c i t y f o r development widens between m e t r o p o l i s and s a t e l l i t e , the s a t e l l i t e becomes i n c r e a s i n g l y dependent upon the l a r g e r m e t r o p o l i s and i n c r e a s i n g l y dominated by i t . In  a p p l y i n g Frank's concept t o Canadian s o c i e t y and  13 h i s t o r y , Davis r e f e r s to a s e r i e s of oppositions  metropolis-hinterland  i n which m e t r o p o l i s c o n t i n u o u s l y dominates and e x p l o i t s h i n t e r l a n d whether i n r e g i o n a l , n a t i o n a l , c l a s s , or e t h n i c terms . . . . [and] s i g n i f i e s the c e n t r e s of economic and p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l l o c a t e d i n larger c i t i e s . F u r t h e r , the term may denote urban u p p e r - c l a s s e l i t e s , or r e g i o n a l and n a t i o n a l power s t r u c t u r e s . . . (1971:12).  Davis d e f i n e s h i n t e r l a n d as . . . i n the f i r s t i n s t a n c e , r e l a t i v e l y underdeveloped or c o l o n i a l areas which export f o r the most p a r t semi-processed extractive materials — including people who migrate from the country t o the c i t y f o r b e t t e r e d u c a t i o n a l and work o p p o r t u n i t i e s . H i n t e r l a n d may a l s o u s e f u l l y denote u n d e r - c l a s s e s as w e l l as r u r a l p e a s a n t r i e s and r u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t s (1971:12). Thus, the m e t r o p o l i s - h i n t e r l a n d only a s p a t i a l concept implying r e g i o n a l c o n f l i c t but, ".  . .of  geographical  as Usher p o i n t s out,  power as w e l l as of p l a c e "  (1971:28) and  Usher  r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not opposition  and  is a distinction  (1972:28).  Both Davis  (1972:29) i n c l u d e Canadian n a t i v e  people among those i n a h i n t e r l a n d c o n s i s t i n g of . . . r e g i o n s and peoples having, t o a g r e a t e r or l e s s e r degree, t e r r i t o r i a l and c u l t u r a l i n t e g r i t y , d i s t i n c t i v e ways of l i f e (Usher 1972:28). The  primary i m p l i c a t i o n of the  metropolis-hinterland  framework f o r the study of contemporary Canadian  Indian  r e s e r v e s i s t h a t , as A b e r l e notes i n a d i s c u s s i o n of American Indian r e s e r v a t i o n s , they may be regarded as i n t e r n a l , underdeveloped s a t e l l i t e s , or c o l o n i e s , o f the l a r g e r s o c i e t y (1969a:228).  Harding  focusses  specifically  upon t h i s s a t e l l i t e , or h i n t e r l a n d , s t a t u s o f t h e Canadian Indian r e s e r v e and remarks: A strong argument e x i s t s f o r viewing Canadian people of Indian a n c e s t r y as a c o l o n i a l people, who have been t r e a t e d and i n e f f e c t c o n t r o l l e d by o u t s i d e a u t h o r i t i e s over which they had no d i r e c t c o n t r o l . Erroneous e x p l a n a t i o n s of the problems o f people of Indian a n c e s t r y are common i n Canada . . . somehow these problems are viewed as a r i s i n g from the Indian's o r Metis* i n h e r e n t i n a b i l i t y t o a d j u s t t o mainstream l i f e . . . . The c o n v e n t i o n a l view . . . completely f a i l s t o r e c o g n i z e the c l u s t e r of s o c i a l problems t h a t people o f Indian a n c e s t r y f a c e , or the f a c t t h a t these problems are not based on Indian c u l t u r e . Rather, . . . . they a r e problems r e s u l t i n g from a h i s t o r i c a l interdependence of the dominant s o c i e t y and t h i s m i n o r i t y , which now l i v e s w i t h i n 'a s o c i a l problem m i l i e u ' (1971:243). In these h i n t e r l a n d Indian communities,  political,  economic, and t e c h n o l o g i c a l c a p a c i t y f o r economic development i s d e c r e a s i n g and s t r u c t u r a l dependence upon the m e t r o p o l i s i s i n c r e a s i n g (Frank 1967a:10-12; 1971:251; Usher 1972:30).  Harding  P o l i t i c a l power, r e s o u r c e s ,  f i n a n c e s , c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n , c a p i t a l goods, and technology remain i n the m e t r o p o l i s , o u t s i d e the reach o r c o n t r o l of  n a t i v e Indian people. the metropolis, and  With e x p r o p r i a t i o n of r e s o u r c e s  l o s s of ownership of means of  by  production  Indians become more dependent upon wage-labour f o r s u b s i s t e n c e needs (Usher 1972:29). purchasing  power, and  Yet wage income,  food consumption aire d e c l i n i n g ,  l e a v i n g the Indian i n a h e l p l e s s p o s i t i o n of s t r u c t u r a l , w e l l as p e r s o n a l , i n e q u a l i t y As Usher  as  (Frank 1967a:106-111; 123-142)  observes the growth of m e t r o p o l i t a n Canada i s l a r g e l y dependent on the e x t r a c t i o n of r e s o u r c e s , labour and s u r p l u s c a p i t a l from the h i n t e r l a n d . C o n s c i o u s l y or not, m e t r o p o l i t a n Canada i s now i n a p o s i t i o n to d i c t a t e the terms on which the h i n t e r l a n d p o p u l a t i o n will live . . . . E i t h e r the h i n t e r l a n d communities conform to m e t r o p o l i t a n requirements or they can be l e f t to d i e . . . . (1972:30).  L i k e other s a t e l l i t e marginal  t o , the n a t i o n a l economy of the m e t r o p o l i s  actually fully necessary  groups commonly c o n s i d e r e d o u t s i d e , or  i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o i t , Indian people  but are  to the e x p r o p r i a t i v e - a p p r o p r i a t i v e f u n c t i o n i n g of  monopoly c a p i t a l i s m , both as producers wages and as consumers.  who  work f o r minimum  Frank remarks:  [The] . i . poor are more e x p l o i t e d as consumers than anyone e l s e . . . thus, the lowq u a l i t y food, housing, and other consumer goods c o s t more ... than do corresponding h i g h - q u a l i t y wares bought by middle and high income buyers i n o t h e r a r e a s . When they do manage to get jobs  t h a t permit them to produce something, they are of course a l s o e x p l o i t e d to a higher degree as producers than any other members of the p o p u l a t i o n (1967a:lll). Caplovitz'  (1967) study of the poor i n New  c l e a r l y bears out Frank's p o s i t i o n .  York C i t y  C a p l o v i t z focusses  merchants, salesmen, u n e t h i c a l p r a c t i c e s , i n f e r i o r and  c r e d i t i n s t i t u t i o n s that are geared e n t i r e l y to  p l o i t i n g the low-income consumer.  He  on  products, ex-  states:  . . . the poor c r e d i t p o t e n t i a l of most low-income f a m i l i e s combined w i t h t h e i r l a c k of shopping s o p h i s t i c a t i o n o f t e n r e s u l t s i n the i r o n y t h a t they pay much more f o r a g i v e n q u a l i t y of d u r a b l e s than do consumers i n higher income brackets. T h i s does not mean t h a t they spend more, although even t h i s may sometimes be the case, but t h a t they o b t a i n considerably l e s s value f o r their dollar . . . [We] s h a l l f i n d t h a t such matters as f a m i l y income, where the goods are purchased, the method of payment, and s i g n i f i c a n t l y , race are associated with v a r i a b i l i t y i n c o s t (1967:81). Adams' (1963:169-70, 305)  d i s c u s s i o n of  the  e x p l o i t a t i o n of the Navaho consumer on the r e s e r v a t i o n  by  the t r a d e r ' s p r o t e c t i v e p r a c t i c e s of d o u b l e - p r i c i n g  and  c r e d i t s a t u r a t i o n i s yet another example of the way  i n which  the s a t e l l i t e  Indian  larger metropolis post.  r e s e r v a t i o n supports a segment of  economy —  the t r a d e r and  In a s i m i l a r v e i n , Robertson  the  the  trading  (1970) suggests, more  17 i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c a l l y , the numerous, supposedly  benevolent,  i n s t i t u t i o n s engaged i n the e x p l o i t a t i o n of the Indian i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t p r o v i d e s a t i s f y i n g r o l e s and  —  high-paying  jobs f o r white r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the m e t r o p o l i s but not f o r Indians.  Her c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t the Indian s i t u a t i o n today i s the product of a t i g h t , c l o s e l y s u p e r v i s e d economic system, a system which produces not o n l y the wealth of many Canadians, but a l s o the d e s t i t u t i o n of the Indians (1970:10). The presence of a m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e  is implicit —  i n Gonzalez' d e l i n e a t i o n of n e o t e r i c  those l a c k i n g s t r u c t u r a l s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y  In her a n a l y s i s of Black C a r i b household Gonzalez  relationship societies  (1969, 1970).  structure  (1969),  emphasizes the a d a p t i v e nature of s o c i a l change i n  these s o c i e t i e s .  Although she i s concerned w i t h c r i t i c i s m  of the p a t h o l o g i c a l or social-breakdown  approach  to n e o t e r i c  s o c i e t i e s r a t h e r than w i t h c r i t i c i s m of a c c u l t u r a t i o n studies  (1969:10-11; 1970:8), her view t h a t n e o t e r i c  s o c i e t i e s are " . . .  functioning, thriving units . . .  [that] were -created by the very c o n d i t i o n s to which they are adapted  . . ."  (1967a, 1967b).  (Gonzalez 1969:10-11) echoes Frank's view With r e f e r e n c e t o the m a r g i n a l i t y of  n e o t e r i c s o c i e t i e s , Gonzalez b e l i e v e s w i t h Usher t h a t even though these  societies  . . . may be c o n s i d e r e d t o be the f r i n g e s " of i n d u s t r i a l c i v i l i z a t i o n . . . [they are]  "on  (1972:30)  18 c o m p l e t e l y d e p e n d e n t upon i t and must e i t h e r f i n d ways o f adapting . . . o r d i e (1970:9). This on  p o s i t i o n seems a p p l i c a b l e  contemporary Canadian  specific other  the  c u l t u r e s may  Caribs, and  form of  as  East  Indian  adaptive  be  studies of  social  change  reserves,  although  the  responses of  native  Indian  q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from t h o s e of  E h r l i c h discovered  Indian  to  adaptations  i n comparing B l a c k  to the  or  Black  Jamaican  sugar p l a n t a t i o n  system  (1974). With Gonzalez'  "naturalistic  approach"  1969b:viii),  c h a n g e s i n modern n a t i v e  organisation  and  behaviour patterns  responses to external conditions.  approach, whether a s p e c i f i c brings  a s o c i e t y c l o s e r to  important  point' i s that  ments t o t h e that  allow  external  the  satellite  pressures  ecological adapt  exigencies  change i n s o c i a l  "full  environment, That  necessary  studies  dominant  hinterland  i s stressed  i n order of by  this fact, a d j u s t not  to  this  organisation  a c c u l t u r a t i o n " or  p o v e r t y and  s e e n as  not.  to  adjust-  In  reserve  face  B e n n e t t who  c u l t u r e must  metropolitan  mechanisms  states  that  t h a t e a c h s o c i e t y must o n l y t o i t s own  of  cultural  survive.  these adaptive  The  structural inequality  society.  Indian  as  sociopolitical  according  s t r u c t u r a l l y to v a r i a b l e s i n the  cultural  regarded  s o c i e t y to p e r s i s t i n the  from the  terms, the  little,  and  these changes are of  social  w o u l d be  socioeconomic  It matters very  Indian  (Aberle  are  i n t e r n a l c o n d i t i o n s but a l s o to those set f o r i t by the circumambient community of neighbors, i s an element i n the e c o l o g i c a l adjustment o f s o c i e t i e s and communities t h a t has been i n a d e q u a t e l y d e a l t w i t h i n the l i t e r a t u r e (1969:ix-x), and by Harding who  observes t h a t  . . . no one has looked a t the s t a t u s of [Canadian] people of Indian a n c e s t r y from the p o i n t of view of the o r g a n i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between r e s e r v e s o c i e t y and the l a r g e r p o l i t i c a l economy (1971:248, 251). One of  example i n v o l v i n g , i n p a r t , a b r i e f  examination  the p a r t i c u l a r a d a p t a t i o n s of a Canadian Indian r e s e r v e  to a d i s t i n c t c u l t u r a l e c o l o g i c a l niche i s Bennett's study of f o u r neighbouring Great P l a i n s —  s o c i a l groups on the Canadian  c a t t l e ranchers, wheat farmers,  and remnants of s e v e r a l P l a i n s Cree bands. Braroe  (1965), who  (1969)  Hutterites,  Along  p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the r e s e a r c h ,  with Bennett  c h a r a c t e r i z e s the Indian r e s e r v e as a s o c i e t y "without a permanent f o o t i n g i n the economy"  (1969:156), t h a t i s ,  without a s u r p l u s of c a p i t a l f o r investment, to  without  access  s t a b l e , adequate wage labour, without n a t u r a l resources  worth e x p l o i t i n g even i f c a p i t a l were a v a i l a b l e . quently, the Indians are dependent upon r e l i e f " s o c i a l resources"  (1969:169):  Thus, i n order to s u r v i v e , Jasper Indians had to develop ingenious s t r a t e g i e s of m a n i p u l a t i o n of the  and  Conseother  20 socio-economic environment. They were n e i t h e r more nor l e s s s k i l l e d i n these s t r a t e g i e s than other marginal p o p u l a t i o n s and . . . they were manipulated and e x p l o i t e d , i n t u r n , by the ranchers and other whites (Bennett 1969:166). T h i s p a t t e r n pf r e c i p r o c a l e x p l o i t a t i o n by which whites, e s p e c i a l l y r a n c h e r s , e x p l o i t and  swindle the Indians i n  order to g a i n l a n d , pasturage, or cheap labour, and i n t u r n , con the White man i s d e t a i l e d by Braroe  Indians,  whenever the o p p o r t u n i t y a r i s e s ,  (1965), but i t i s undoubtedly  o n l y one  type of m a n i p u l a t i v e s t r a t e g y among many employed by these Indians and o t h e r s f a c i n g the same disadvantages. Other ethnographic s t u d i e s such as A b e r l e 1969a), Dunning Munsell  (1959), Harding  (1967), Nagata  Schwimmer  (1971), Jorgensen  (1971), Robbins  (1968),  (1966, (1972),  and  (197 0) have been concerned w i t h d e p i c t i n g the  manner i n which North American Indian s o c i e t i e s that have been pushed out of r e l a t i v e l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t p o s i t i o n s i n a b o r i g i n a l environments  i n t o almost e n t i r e l y dependent  p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n the l e s s s a t i s f a c t o r y m i l i e u of a wage labour and w e l f a r e economy a r t i c u l a t e w i t h the dominant society. 1966;  The attempt  Jorgensen  1972;  i n some of these s t u d i e s (e.g., Munsell 1967)  Aberle  i s to focus on the  s t r u c t u r a l dependence of the Indian r e s e r v e on the l a r g e r North American p o l i t i c a l economy and to e x p l a i n c e r t a i n aspects of r e s e r v a t i o n s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , such as r e l i g i o u s movements or household o r g a n i s a t i o n , as a d a p t i v e responses  21 to d e p r i v a t i o n .  Given the broad  scope o f t h e i r  investiga-  t i o n s , the authors have not concentrated upon the day t o day consequences of poverty f o r r e s e r v e i n h a b i t a n t s nor upon the s t r a t e g i e s i n v o l v e d i n meeting b a s i c needs. Stack  (1974), on the other hand, although her  r e s e a r c h i n v o l v e s an urban b l a c k community i n the United S t a t e s , d e a l s e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h the everyday p a t t e r n s by which t h e poor d e a l w i t h t h e i r  behaviour poverty.  D i r e c t i n g her a n a l y s i s to . . . the a d a p t i v e s t r a t e g i e s , r e s o u r c e f u l n e s s , and r e s i l i e n c e of urban f a m i l i e s . . . [and] the s t a b i l i t y o f t h e i r k i n networks . . . under c o n d i t i o n s of p e r p e t u a l poverty (1974:22), Stack's approach r e p l a c e s the negative p e r s p e c t i v e and stereotyped assumptions about s o c i a l pathology among the poor and the c o n f u s i n g arguments over i n t e g r a t i o n , economic development, and the c u l t u r e of poverty w i t h a more p o s i t i v e , realistic  perspective.  She maintains t h a t  . . . The l i f e ways of the poor present a powerful c h a l l e n g e t o the n o t i o n of a s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i n g [and p a t h o l o g i c a l ] c u l t u r e of poverty. The s t r a t e g i e s t h a t the poor have evolved t o cope with poverty do not compensate f o r poverty i n themselves, nor do they perpetuate the poverty c y c l e . But when mainstream v a l u e s f a i l the poor . . . . the harsh economic c o n d i t i o n s o f poverty f o r c e people to r e t u r n t o proven strategies for survival . . . . to h e a l t h y , c r e a t i v e [adaptations]  22 . . . to unhealthy e n v i r o n mental c o n d i t i o n s (Stack 1974:129, 27). Given t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , Stack's  treatment of  r e s i d e n c e and marriage p a t t e r n s , kinship-based  mutual  a s s i s t a n c e networks, and the r o l e o f women i n responding t o ". . . poverty,  . . . i n e x o r a b l e unemployment, . . . [and]  scarce economic resources  . . . " (197 4:124) provides a  f r u i t f u l model f o r examination of some of the responses of n a t i v e Indian people i n r e s e r v e households, i n coping s i m i l a r economic  with  circumstances. Purpose of the I n v e s t i g a t i o n  The o b j e c t i v e s of the present  study a r e the  following: 1.  t o i n v e s t i g a t e the m e t r o p o l i s - h i n t e r l a n d r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Indian r e s e r v e and the l a r g e r economy i n terms of the u t i l i s a t i o n of dwindling  resources f o r  d i r e c t s u b s i s t e n c e as w e l l as f o r commercial purposes, i n order to p o i n t out the l a c k of a v i a b l e , i n t e r n a l , r e s o u r c e - o r i e n t e d economic base f o r the r e s e r v e ; 2.  to d e s c r i b e the g e n e r a l Anglo-Canadian s o c i a l and economic environment w i t h i n which the r e s e r v e and  operates  to d i s c u s s some o f the l i m i t a t i o n s imposed upon  r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s by the m e t r o p o l i s - h i n t e r l a n d relationship; 3.  t o d e l i n e a t e b r i e f l y the ethnographic  background of the  t r a d i t i o n a l n a t i v e c u l t u r e i n order t o draw out the c o n t r a s t between an e a r l i e r p e r i o d of r e l a t i v e s u f f i c i e n c y and t h e present  self-  s t a t e of p o l i t i c a l and  economic dependency upon the m e t r o p o l i s ; 4.  t o d e t a i l the h i s t o r i c a l development of m e t r o p o l i s h i n t e r l a n d r e l a t i o n s from the p e r i o d of c o n t a c t t o the present, from s e v e r a l p e r s p e c t i v e s i n c l u d i n g : tuations i n population;  (a) f l u c -  (b) a change i n the s t a t u s of  the Indian r e s i d e n t i a l s i t e from autonomous winter v i l l a g e to neo-colonial reserve;  (c) the s h i f t of the  n a t i v e economy towards i n c r e a s i n g dependence upon a wage-labour and government t r a n s f e r income base; and (d) the e f f e c t s o f s p e c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n on the s t a t u s o f Indian women; 5.  t o explore the consequences o f these r e l a t i o n s by d e s c r i b i n g the nature and extent o f poverty on the s a t e l l i t e r e s e r v e and i t s e f f e c t s on both n a t i v e I n d i a n men and women and on r e s e r v e households;  6.  to examine some o f the means t h a t Indian people employ t o cope with these consequences, w i t h r e s p e c t t o s t r a t e g i e s f o r o b t a i n i n g housing,  p a t t e r n s of r e s i d e n c e , and c h i l d  care arrangements. Throughout the study,  a t t e n t i o n w i l l be d i r e c t e d  towards problems o f p a r t i c u l a r concern  t o Indian women and  to t h e i r e f f o r t s t o d e a l with p e r s i s t e n t l y circumstances  i n their daily lives.  adverse  Undoubtedly, the  problems of coping a r e faced not o n l y by women but a l s o by a l l but the youngest members of the r e s e r v e . d e p l e t e d n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s , of inadequate  The e f f e c t s o f  income and  s e r v i c e s , o f r e s t r i c t i v e l e g a l measures embodied i n the Indian Act, and of p o l i t i c a l and economic powerlessness, i n g e n e r a l , a r e experienced  and shared by a l l those  with t h e dominant, e x p l o i t a t i v e m e t r o p o l i s .  i n contact  Both men and  women s u f f e r from r e a l d e p r i v a t i o n o f v a r i o u s kinds, most e s p e c i a l l y from economic d e p r i v a t i o n .  Nevertheless,  as the  Report of t h e Royal Commission on the Status o f Women i n Canada p o i n t s out, [Although] poverty a f f e c t s a l l members of a f a m i l y . . . o f t e n i t i s the wife and mother who i s subject to greatest stress. I t i s her immediate r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to cope with crowded, inadequate housing and l i m i t e d budgets. F r e q u e n t l y , she g i v e s p r i o r i t y to the needs o f her husband, who must present a s u i t a b l e appearance t o the o u t s i d e world, and t o the c h i l d r e n , whose f u t u r e depends on the care she can g i v e them. Her needs come l a s t , and she may be the l a s t person i n the f a m i l y t o r e c e i v e medical o r d e n t a l c a r e , t o have new c l o t h i n g , or t o enjoy any r e c r e a t i o n or i n t e r e s t s o u t s i d e her home. I f she takes a j o b t o i n c r e a s e the f a m i l y income, she can probably earn very l i t t l e . U s u a l l y she cannot a f f o r d t o pay f o r household help and so she must do housework i n a d d i t i o n t o her o u t s i d e employment (1970:313). Gelber,  i n d i s c u s s i n g Indian women and poverty,  adds:  [While] i t i s t r u e . . . t h a t such f a c t o r s as poor housing t o which Indian f a m i l i e s both on and o f f the r e s e r v e s a r e r e l e g a t e d i n e v i t a b l y a f f e c t a l l members o f the f a m i l y . . . . i t i s the woman who i s expected t o be the homemaker i n t h i s s o c i e t y which s t i l l preaches t h a t 'a woman's p l a c e i s i n the home'. [ I t i s the woman] . . . who s u f f e r s most . . . (1973a:30). From a t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , Rosaldo and Lamphere  (1974), Smith  Collier  (1974),  (1973), and Stephenson  (1973) argue t h a t i t i s e s s e n t i a l t h a t ethnographers  begin,  at l a s t , t o pay s e r i o u s a t t e n t i o n t o the r o l e of women i n the s o c i e t i e s s t u d i e d .  Almost u n i v e r s a l l y i n ethnographic  accounts, women a r e regarded as t h e o r e t i c a l l y unimportant, because they l a c k p o l i t i c a l and economic power i n the p u b l i c sphere  (Rosaldo and Lamphere 1974:8-9).  Collier,  i n her  d i s c u s s i o n o f the p o l i t i c a l r o l e of women, maintains that women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e p o l i t i c a l l i f e of any group i s patterned, but r e g u l a r i t i e s may be hard t o d e t e c t because n a t i v e models [and those of ethnographers] tend t o d i s c o u n t women's p o l i t i c a l r o l e (1974:90). C o l l i e r p o i n t s out t h a t the behaviour o f women i s f r e q u e n t l y r e l e g a t e d , by male observers,  t o the s t a t u s of "personal  i d i o s y n c r a c i e s o r t o p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c circumstances" and that the r e g u l a r i t i e s and p a t t e r n s unnoticed  i n women's a c t i o n s go  because of t h i s tendency t o e x p l a i n them i n terms  . . . moral i n j u n c t i o n s o r j u r a l r u l e s , both o f which s t r e s s woman's duty t o obey her male r e l a t i v e s . . . (1974:89-90). According  t o C o l l i e r , women must be viewed . . . as a c t o r s whose e f f o r t s t o c o n t r o l the s o c i a l environment are channeled by c u l t u r a l r u l e s , by a v a i l a b l e r e s o u r c e s , and by choices of others within the s o c i a l system (1974:90).  Although  t h e r e i s a growing i n t e r e s t i n f o c u s s i n g  upon women as t h e s u b j e c t of ethnographic Matthiasson  literature  (e.g.,  1974; R e i t e r 1975; Rosaldo and Lamphere 1974),  a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s o f n a t i v e Indian women on Canadian r e s e r v e s a r e scarce  (Abler  Hawthorn's two-volume  et al.  1974; Jacobs 1974).  Even  Survey of Contemporary Indians of Canada  (1966, 1967) y i e l d s few e x p l i c i t r e f e r e n c e s t o n a t i v e Indian women.  There i s b r i e f mention of Indian g i r l s who  stay home from school t o b a b y s i t and p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Indian women i n Homemakers' Clubs and other "entertainment and s o c i a l s e r v i c e " a s s o c i a t i o n s (Hawthorn 1967:135).  A some-  what l e n g t h i e r d i s c u s s i o n i n v o l v e s the p o s s i b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p between " . . . p e r s o n a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . . . . i l l e g i t i m a c y r a t e s . . . . [and] per c a p i t a r e a l income . . ." (Hawthorn 1966:128), with an accompanying t a b l e (1966:129) showing the percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of "unwed mothers" among a l l mothers —  a p p a r e n t l y the only t a b u l a r p r e s e n t a t i o n , i n e i t h e r  volume, o f data r e l a t i n g t o women.  Nor a r e there  separate  economic data f o r women, e i t h e r as i n d i v i d u a l s or household  27 heads, i n the Hawthorn  survey.  Even the Royal Commission on t h e Status of Women i n Canada  (197 0) has very l i t t l e m a t e r i a l of a f a c t u a l  on n a t i v e Indian women, per se.  nature  T h e i r s p e c i a l needs a r e  subsumed under other c a t e g o r i e s r e l a t i n g t o women and education, and women and poverty, among o t h e r s . For t h e purposes o f t h i s a n a l y s i s , then, t h e major concern w i l l be w i t h the women o f the r e s e r v e , f o r i t i s they who a r e c o n f r o n t e d most f r e q u e n t l y and minutely  with  the i m p l i c a t i o n s of a c u l t u r a l environment t h a t i s not only l e g a l l y , but a l s o economically and s o c i a l l y Moreover, i t i s through  the a c t i v e e f f o r t s o f r e s e r v e women  to m o b i l i z e and manipulate  a v a i l a b l e economic and s o c i a l  r e s o u r c e s t h a t the Indian household minimizing  the important  restrictive.  survives.  Without  c o n t r i b u t i o n of Indian men, t h i s  study argues t h a t Indian women a r e a t l e a s t equal pants  i n those c r e a t i v e a d a p t a t i o n s t h a t account  particif o r the  p e r s i s t e n c e of Indian c u l t u r e . The  study w i l l attempt t o show t h a t , i n a sense,  women who r e s i d e on Indian r e s e r v e s i n Canada must endure and cope w i t h the weight of m u l t i p l e sources o f discrimination Gelber  (Adams et al. 1971:xi;  Cheda 1973:58, 65;  1973a:36, 1973b:25; Lotz 1970):  those a s s o c i a t e d  simply w i t h being female, w i t h a l l i t s attendant  stereo-  types; those stemming from being Indian, and thereby subjected t o d i s c r i m i n a t i o n on t h e b a s i s o f e t h n i c i t y , as  28 w e l l as sex, through a whole set of s p e c i a l  legislative  measures w i t h f a r - r e a c h i n g e f f e c t s i n terms o f the most o r d i n a r y aspects o f t h e i r l i v e s ; and those of being poor, f o r , i f women a r e the poorest segment of Canadian s o c i e t y (Adams 1970:62; Gelber 1973b:25-26; Podoluk 1968:145; Royal Commission on t h e Status o f Women 1970:309), Indian women are t h e poorest of a l l (Gelber 1973a:36, 1973b:26;  Royal  Commission on the Status of Women 1970:328). To be an Indian i n Canada, a c c o r d i n g t o the Canadian Government's p o l i c y paper  (Canada 19 69:3)  ". . .  to be a man, w i t h a l l a man's needs and a b i l i t i e s . "  is  To be  an Indian woman i n Canada, on the other hand, i s t o be ignored  (Cheda 1973:65; L o t z 1970).  To be an Indian woman  i n Canada i s t o p e r s o n i f y t h e dependent and e x p l o i t e d s t a t u s of t h e s a t e l l i t e . the l a r g e r s o c i e t y : determined  Indian women a r e e x p l o i t e d e s p e c i a l l y by through  the Indian Act, which has  t h a t Indian women w i l l l o s e t h e i r l e g a l s t a t u s  and/or band membership under c o n d i t i o n s t h a t do not a f f e c t the s t a t u s o f Indian men, thus causing severe  socioeconomic  predicaments and p e r s o n a l f r u s t r a t i o n s f o r these women; by f e d e r a l and other government agencies, as w e l l as by nonI n d i a n i n d i v i d u a l s , who f a i l t o r e c o g n i z e e i t h e r t h e source of these predicaments o r the ways t h a t Indian women contend with them, and who continue t o l a b e l Indian women, sometimes openly, w i t h derogatory  terms; and by employers, who tend t o  pay the lowest wages and t o o f f e r the poorest working  29 c o n d i t i o n s t o n a t i v e women (Gelber 1973a:30; Royal Commission on the Status o f Women 1970:330). Before pursuing the o b j e c t i v e s o u t l i n e d f o r t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n , , i t w i l l be u s e f u l t o d i s c u s s the context and manner i n which f i e l d r e s e a r c h and a n a l y s i s was conducted. Method;  Fieldwork and Research  Procedures  2 C o n t r a c t and E t h i c s F i e l d r e s e a r c h f o r t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n was conducted on the T s a r t l i p Indian Reserve, a suburban r e s e r v e about 12 m i l e s from V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia.  T s a r t l i p i s also  known as West Saanich Reserve, and both names w i l l be used throughout the study.  The d e c i s i o n t o c a r r y out my r e s e a r c h  at T s a r t l i p was based l e s s on s c i e n t i f i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f t h e o r e t i c a l s u i t a b i l i t y than on pragmatic grounds.  Because  i t was necessary t o l i v e a t home, I had t o f i n d a r e s e r v e w i t h i n d a i l y commuting d i s t a n c e o f V i c t o r i a .  T s a r t l i p was  thus an i d e a l l o c a t i o n , although t h e r e were two major drawbacks t o d r i v i n g back and f o r t h each day.  First,  I was  unable t o spend any time l i v i n g on the r e s e r v e and observing over an extended p e r i o d o f time.  Second,  i f the  f i r s t c o n t a c t o f my day was a d i s c o u r a g i n g one, o r i f I was apprehensive about an impending  i n t e r v i e w , i t was much t o o  easy t o t u r n around and go home. 2 P o r t i o n s of t h e s e c t i o n on C o n t r a c t and E t h i c s have appeared i n E f r a t and M i t c h e l l 197 4.  30 Pragmatic c o n s i d e r a t i o n s shaped the focus of r e s e a r c h t o some extent,  as w e l l .  Reserve, a prominent Indian  The c h i e f o f West  Saanich  leader i n the p r o v i n c e , was  outspoken i n h i s i n s i s t e n c e t h a t s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s work on b e h a l f o f n a t i v e people,  studying what Indian people wanted  s t u d i e d , i n s t e a d of d e s i g n i n g  r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t s w i t h no  thought o f r e l e v a n c e to the needs o f the n a t i v e community under i n v e s t i g a t i o n and without community b e f o r e proposing  c o n s u l t i n g members o f t h a t  research.  Consequently, when I  approached the c h i e f about the p o s s i b i l i t y o f doing a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l r e s e a r c h on h i s r e s e r v e , two i s s u e s had t o be r e s o l v e d .  important  The f i r s t concerned the u t i l i t y  of the r e s e a r c h f o r the r e s e r v e , and the second i n v o l v e d p r e p a r a t i o n o f an agreement between t h e band c o u n c i l and the r e s e a r c h e r  i n order t o ensure t h a t the n a t i v e people had  at l e a s t some c o n t r o l over the a c t i v i t i e s o f the r e s e a r c h e r , the conduct of the r e s e a r c h , and the p u b l i c a t i o n of r e s u l t s . The  c o n t r a c t i s presented  drawn up e n t i r e l y by me without the band expressed  as Appendix A.  I t was  l e g a l a d v i c e , both because  r e l u c t a n c e toward i n v o l v i n g a lawyer and  because I was u n w i l l i n g to pay f o r one.  The agreement i s  signed by the 1971 band c o u n c i l l o r s and by me and, hence, i s a l e g a l l y v a l i d document.  However, the f i n a l  statement,  i n s e r t e d a t the i n s i s t e n c e of one of the c o u n c i l l o r s negates i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s as a l e g a l agreement.  Although I p o i n t e d  t h i s f a c t out t o the band c o u n c i l , the c o u n c i l l o r  maintained  31 t h a t i t would p r o t e c t the r e s e r v e .  The most important  p o i n t s i n the agreement i n v o l v e p u b l i s h i n g , d e p o s i t i o n of f i e l d and my  royalties,  notes, p u b l i c i t y , h i r i n g of an a s s i s t a n t  a d d i t i o n a l o b l i g a t i o n s to the band, apart from  the  research. Publishing. between my  The  agreement attempts a compromise  p r o f e s s i o n a l o b l i g a t i o n s to p u b l i s h m a t e r i a l  and  the concern of the n a t i v e Indian groups to m a i n t a i n c o n t r o l over what i s p u b l i s h e d . t h a t any  T h i s was  accomplished by  paper w r i t t e n t h a t i s based on r e s e a r c h  be g i v e n f o r comments and concerned, before  at T s a r t l i p  c r i t i c i s m t o the Indian  people  i t i s submitted f o r p u b l i c a t i o n and  t h e i r remarks be i n c l u d e d excluding  agreeing  i n the p u b l i s h e d  that  version,  the a c t u a l d i s s e r t a t i o n .  Royalties. r o y a l t i e s accruing  The  agreement s t i p u l a t e s t h a t  any  from p u b l i c a t i o n of the r e s e a r c h w i l l  to the T s a r t l i p band.  I t was  pointed  go  out to the c o u n c i l  t h a t s c h o l a r l y p u b l i c a t i o n s were u n l i k e l y to y i e l d r o y a l t i e s , but about Indian  the f e e l i n g of one  people are now  c o u n c i l l o r was  very popular and we  that  "books  ought to  be  covered j u s t i n case". Deposition  of f i e l d  notes.  I t was  agreed to  each p a r t i c i p a n t w i t h d u p l i c a t e s of a l l i n f o r m a t i o n contributed.  L a t e r i t was  decided  provide he  to ask p a r t i c i p a n t s i f  they wished to have c o p i e s and to p r o v i d e t h i s m a t e r i a l to those who  indicated  they wanted i t .  only  V i r t u a l l y no one  wanted the band c o u n c i l to have a copy of the i n f o r m a t i o n , not  even c o u n c i l l o r s themselves. Publicity.  Because of newspaper a r t i c l e s about  T s a r t l i p t h a t the c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r f e l t were derogatory, any p u b l i c i t y concerning the r e s e a r c h was to be e n t i r e l y i n the hands of the band c o u n c i l . d u r i n g the f i e l d w o r k  period.  H i r i n g of an a s s i s t a n t . f o r two r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s , Additional council, a report  The i s s u e d i d not a r i s e  Part-time work was  but only f o r b r i e f  obligations.  provided  periods.  At the request of the band  on housing c o n d i t i o n s  c o u n c i l e a r l y i n the r e s e a r c h p e r i o d .  was w r i t t e n Later,  f o r the  a f t e r the  a c c i d e n t a l death of a c h i l d , the c o u n c i l requested a map  be  drawn that would show the l o c a t i o n s of a l l houses on the reserve.  The map was to be d i s t r i b u t e d to ambulance and  other emergency s e r v i c e s  to enable them to l o c a t e houses  more promptly. Although i t was not s t i p u l a t e d w i t h i n  the  of the agreement, informants were paid a small sum per  session) f o r t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n when formal  schedules were used.  In t h i s ,  I was f o l l o w i n g  conditions ($2.00 interview  the 1961  f i e l d w o r k p r a c t i c e of S u t t l e s , who d i s t r i b u t e d f i f t y - c e n t  p i e c e s t o informants a t each i n t e r v i e w s e s s i o n , and my own e a r l i e r experiences with l i n g u i s t i c  fieldwork.  The  a b o r i g i n a l system of paying witnesses w i t h wealth a t a potlatch  (Barnett 1955:134; S u t t l e s 1963:517) i s s t i l l  e v i d e n t i n Northwest Coast s p i r i t dancing, f u n e r a l s , and other modern r i t u a l of  events.  As w e l l , the n a t i v e p r a c t i c e  "thanking w i t h cash" l e n t i t s e l f r e a d i l y t o the  r e c i p r o c a l nature of everyday  a s s i s t a n c e among r e s e r v e  d w e l l e r s and to the long h i s t o r y of economic t r a n s a c t i o n s with non-Indians.  In a d d i t i o n , i t seemed a f a i r l y e q u i t a b l e  way to d i s t r i b u t e a p o r t i o n of my Canada C o u n c i l f e l l o w s h i p among respondents, as D e l o r i a o t h e r s have  (1969), C a r d i n a l (1969), and  suggested.  Implications.  In terms o f f a c i l i t a t i n g  my fieldwork,  my w i l l i n g n e s s t o enter i n t o a w r i t t e n agreement w i t h the T s a r t l i p Band C o u n c i l was undoubtedly  a major f a c t o r i n  o b t a i n i n g p e r m i s s i o n t o conduct an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l study on the r e s e r v e .  On the other hand, once t h a t p e r m i s s i o n was  obtained, the agreement probably had l i t t l e e f f e c t on e s t a b l i s h i n g rapport with i n d i v i d u a l s .  To some extent, the  focus of my i n v e s t i g a t i o n s was shaped by the c h i e f ' s own i n t e r e s t s , and I was always conscious o f the s t i p u l a t i o n t h a t i l t u r n over c o p i e s of my f i e l d notes to the C o u n c i l . Those c o p i e s , and t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , have been a l t e r e d so t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s and events cannot be i d e n t i f i e d i n any way  34 t h a t might a d v e r s e l y as a whole. authentic, and  a f f e c t e i t h e r r e s i d e n t s or the  Consequently, while  reserve  the name of the r e s e r v e i s  I have used f i c t i t i o u s p e r s o n a l names throughout  have changed circumstances and  l i f e h i s t o r i e s to  provide as much anonymity as p o s s i b l e , without d i s t o r t i n g the o v e r a l l p i c t u r e . Presumably, the most important aspect of  the  agreement from the p o i n t of view of the band i s t h a t i t set a precedent and  a p a t t e r n by which the band can c o n t r o l and  guide f u t u r e r e s e a r c h a t West  Saanich.  From a broader p e r s p e c t i v e ,  i t i s evident t h a t , i n  B r i t i s h Columbia, n a t i v e Indian groups are becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y concerned with the p r o t e c t i o n and  preservation  of t h e i r own  c u l t u r e as w e l l as of n a t u r a l resources  t h e i r land.  Native groups are moving to demand t h a t  e x p l o i t a t i o n of t h e i r l i n g u i s t i c , a r c h a e o l o g i c a l , ethnographic resources  to n a t i v e  regulations.  For example, the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia C h i e f s attempted to formulate  c o u l d ensure what they  would c o n s i d e r r e s p o n s i b l e behaviour by others who  Indian  a set of e t h i c a l g u i d e l i n e s  by which I n d i a n bands i n the p r o v i n c e  l i n g u i s t s , and  and  by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s be r e p l a c e d by a  r e l a t i o n s h i p d e f i n e d i n n a t i v e terms, a c c o r d i n g s p e c i f i c a t i o n s and  on  anthropologists,  would study n a t i v e peoples  t h e i r c u l t u r e s , past, present,  and  future.  and  Although the  r e s u l t s of the Union's d i s c u s s i o n s were set a s i d e f o r other  more.pressing matters, another n a t i v e o r g a n i s a t i o n , C o u n c i l and  C u l t u r a l Committee o f the Hesquiat Band on  west coast of Vancouver I s l a n d , has  produced a  academic community. Complete and  The  terms of t h i s c o n t r a c t  absolute  2.  c o n t r o l over access to the  p u b l i c a t i o n of  all  and  Indian over  of the c o n d i t i o n s of  i n c l u d i n g payment of a $5,000 indemnity  l e g a l c o s t s , and  the  data;  P e n a l t i e s f o r v i o l a t i o n of any contract,  i n the  include:  community, over the nature of the r e s e a r c h , d e p o s i t i o n and  the  legal  document t h a t w i l l have f a r - r e a c h i n g r e p e r c u s s i o n s  1.  the  a court i n j u n c t i o n against  the  and  the  researcher; 3.  Continuing  l e g a l commitment, on the p a r t of the  s c i e n t i s t s , to f u l f i l l even after  permission  the band, and  the o b l i g a t i o n s of the to do r e s e a r c h  has  social  contract  been revoked  by  u n t i l r e l i e v e d of those o b l i g a t i o n s , i n  w r i t i n g , by the band or i t s agent. Although none of the s c h o l a r s c u r r e n t l y working w i t h the Hesquiat C u l t u r a l Committee has  signed  has  been c i r c u l a t e d to other  bands i n the  and  has  served  Indian  t h i s document, i t  as the model f o r a t l e a s t one  c o n t r a c t u a l arrangement i n B r i t i s h Columbia — ment so s t r i n g e n t t h a t two longstanding  f i e l d research  r a t h e r than s i g n i t . My reserve was  anthropologists  own  province  other an  arrange-  chose to g i v e  i n t e r e s t s on an Indian r e c e n t work on t h i s  s e r i o u s l y hampered by the controversy  up  reserve,  latter surround-  ing the c o n d i t i o n s of the c o n t r a c t , although I have not y e t been requested  to sign i t .  Fieldwork and Research Procedures My f i e l d w o r k began a t West Saanich Reserve i n January, 1971. One of the band c o u n c i l l o r s was made r e s p o n s i b l e f o r i n t r o d u c i n g me to the people o f the r e s e r v e , but  i t became c l e a r t h a t no one person c o u l d p r o v i d e me w i t h  e n t r i e s to a l l households.  Eventually, three  reserve  r e s i d e n t s gave me enough i n t r o d u c t i o n s t o make a s t a r t . each case,  I began i n t e r v i e w i n g as soon as p o s s i b l e a f t e r I  r e c e i v e d permission Altogether, occupied  In  to do so •— u s u a l l y w i t h i n one week. I contacted  people i n 48 o f the 50  houses on the r e s e r v e , but I was r e f u s e d  to r e t u r n i n e i g h t of the houses contacted.  permission  The most common  reason g i v e n f o r r e f u s a l was t h a t the respondent d i d not t h i n k the study would do any good, presumably f o r Indian people.  Some i n d i v i d u a l s gave no reason f o r r e f u s i n g .  Eventually, but  I was able to make c o n t a c t with occupants o f a l l  s i x of the 50 houses.  schedules,  with  Through formal, i n t e r v i e w  s p e c i f i c questions  prepared and d u p l i c a t e d ,  through l e s s s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w s , where t o p i c s t h a t I wished to pursue were d i s c u s s e d  and b r i e f notes made, and  through i n f o r m a l c o n v e r s a t i o n s ,  I acquired d e t a i l e d i n -  formation  on the economic s i t u a t i o n o f the occupants o f 37  (74.0%) of the houses.  This represents  70 per cent o f the  1971  a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n of the r e s e r v e .  (14.0%) of the homes, I was  In another seven  able to o b t a i n some of  i n f o r m a t i o n I r e q u i r e d from household members and  the the  from r e l a t i v e s i n other houses.  For i n f o r m a t i o n on  members of f o u r of the remaining  s i x houses, I r e l i e d  e n t i r e l y upon o u t s i d e sources files,  rest  the  such as k i n , band c o u n c i l  and Department of Indian A f f a i r s and  Northern  3  Development  files.  In the other two  cases,  I had  c o n t a c t with any r e s i d e n t s of e i t h e r house d u r i n g fieldwork period  (January,  1971  able to gather  the  through June, 1972), but  l a t e r , through other circumstances, each and was  no  I met  an i n d i v i d u a l from  a t l e a s t some of the  1971  i n f o r m a t i o n I needed. In a d d i t i o n , census i n f o r m a t i o n was  obtained  from  the DIAND D i s t r i c t O f f i c e i n Nanaimo, 70 m i l e s north of Victoria.  Data on r e s e r v e housing  c o n d i t i o n s and  programmes  as w e l l as g e n e r a l i n f o r m a t i o n were a c q u i r e d from the T s a r t l i p Band O f f i c e . Interview  schedules  i n f o r m a t i o n on housing, and  were prepared  education,  income, household income and  composition,  and v i t a l  from these schedules,  and  i n d i v i d u a l work h i s t o r i e s  economy, household  statistics. notes,  to o b t a i n  Data were t r a n s f e r r e d  r e c o l l e c t i o n s of  3  Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development w i l l be a b b r e v i a t e d as DIAND throughout remainder of t h i s study.  the  38 conversations cards.  4  t o l o o s e l e a f notebooks and k e y s o r t a n a l y s i s  There were two s e t s of notebooks  a l p h a b e t i c a l l y by respondents' a c c o r d i n g t o s u b j e c t category. e d i t e d and maintained  one indexed  names and the other  indexed  Notes on k e y s o r t cards were  f o r eventual d e p o s i t i o n with the band,  a c c o r d i n g t o the terms o f my agreement.  Another two s e t s of  k e y s o r t a n a l y s i s cards were used t o code p e r t i n e n t s o c i o economic i n f o r m a t i o n about i n d i v i d u a l s and households a t Tsartlip,  f o r t a b u l a r purposes.  Data c o l l e c t i o n presented u s i n g e i t h e r formal survey informal interviews. cooperate topic.  no p a r t i c u l a r problems,  techniques  and schedules or  Those i n d i v i d u a l s who were w i l l i n g t o  showed the same w i l l i n g n e s s r e g a r d l e s s o f the  Questions  concerning  i n d i v i d u a l or household  economics were answered r e a d i l y and w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e interest.  On o c c a s i o n , a respondent would t e l l me t h a t  i n f o r m a t i o n being o f f e r e d was " c o n f i d e n t i a l " , and i t has remained so.  Perhaps the g r e a t e s t d i f f i c u l t y encountered i n  the course of my f i e l d r e s e a r c h was my own r e l u c t a n c e t o i n t r u d e upon other people's  lives.  Almost a year went by  before I could i n q u i r e i n t o the matter of p e r s o n a l income and  f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n without  anxiety.  experiencing  considerable  My own c u l t u r a l b i a s e s about what were a p p r o p r i a t e 4  Because many r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s expressed o p p o s i t i o n t o being taped, I d i d not use a tape r e c o r d e r except with one experienced respondent, nor d i d I take photographs.  t o p i c s of enquiry caused me  to develop an almost  Machiavellian proficiency i n circumlocution,  circumvention,  s i d e - s t e p p i n g , and other d i z z y i n g t a c t i c s , u n t i l i t o c c u r r e d to me  t h a t I was  r e c e i v i n g vague answers not because of  r e t i c e n c e on the p a r t of the respondents but because I asking c o n f u s i n g q u e s t i o n s . ask someone d i r e c t l y , year?",  "How  The  f i r s t time I was  any was  able to  much money d i d you make l a s t  i r e c e i v e d a d e t a i l e d f i n a n c i a l statement t h a t  i n c l u d e d v a r i o u s sources of income, d u r a t i o n of jobs, other v a l u a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n . as winter dancing,  There were other t o p i c s , such  a l c o h o l consumption, and problems w i t h  the c o u r t s t h a t were t r e a t e d w i t h r e t i c e n c e by but they were beyond the scope of my  respondents,  research interests,  i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t I d i d a c q u i r e oh these included  and  and  s u b j e c t s i s not  here. Similarly,  i t was  my  own  i n s i s t e n c e upon pursuing  t o p i c s t h a t I thought would be worthy of i n v e s t i g a t i o n that l e d me  to overlook,  f o r some time, the problems t h a t  people have i n f i n d i n g a p l a c e to l i v e . but be aware of r e s e r v e housing u n t i l I r e l a t e d my acute housing exasperating  I c o u l d not  conditions>  but  r a t h e r than to the  behaviour of people who  help  i t was  d i f f i c u l t i e s w i t h census-taking  shortage  Indian  to  not the  seemingly  would not stay put  u n t i l I c o u l d count them, t h a t I began to see the whole i s s u e of housing  as a major r e s e a r c h concern.  In the e a r l y  stages of f i e l d w o r k , many r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s mentioned  the  housing problem to me,  but I was  so i n t e n t upon "doing  r e s e a r c h " t h a t I p a i d scant a t t e n t i o n .  When t h e i r p r e -  o c c u p a t i o n w i t h g e t t i n g a house fused w i t h my f r u s t r a t i o n over c e n s u s - t a k i n g , I stopped and began t o  own  "doing f i e l d w o r k "  listen.  Indian people know b e t t e r than anyone e l s e what i s wrong and where the problem l i e s . with H a r r i s  1  statements  Although I c o u l d  agree  that  elements of pathology . . . i n the l i f e of the lower c l a s s have t h e i r source i n the s t r u c t u r e and processes of the t o t a l system, mediated by d e n i a l of c u l t u r a l r e s o u r c e s to the poor . . . . [and] the disadvantaged p o s i t i o n of the poor i s maintained by the behaviour of the higher s t r a t a , a c t i n g i n t h e i r own i n t e r e s t as they see i t to preserve t h e i r advantages by p r e v e n t i n g a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of r e s o u r c e s . . . (1971:330-31), I was  u n w i l l i n g to r e c o g n i s e my  perpetuating t h i s s i t u a t i o n . people of T s a r t l i p my I was  indeed  remainder  own  complicity in  By imposing  n o t i o n s of what was  " a c t i n g i n my  own  interest."  of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s t r u l y  upon the n a t i v e suitable research, Whether the  " i n the i n t e r e s t " of  the Indian people w i l l be f o r them alone to d e c i d e .  CHAPTER I I THE  HINTERLAND  ENVIRONMENT  In order to a p p r e c i a t e the economic and s o c i o c u l t u r a l d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered by the n a t i v e people of West Saanich  Reserve and t o comprehend the major f e a t u r e s  of t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the m e t r o p o l i s , t h e r e s e r v e ' s n a t u r a l s e t t i n g and the resources a v a i l a b l e to i t s r e s i d e n t s w i l l be examined f i r s t .  T h i s examination i s  intended t o o u t l i n e how the u t i l i z a t i o n o f the few resources a v a i l a b l e to n a t i v e people  i s a f f e c t e d by  m e t r o p o l i t a n market c o n t r o l s and by a c t i o n s and l e g i s l a t i o n e x t e r n a l to the Indian r e s e r v e .  Incidents that  serve t o i l l u s t r a t e the r e s t r i c t i o n s and l i m i t a t i o n s placed .upon Indian resource e x p l o i t a t i o n are d e s c r i b e d .  The  second p a r t of the chapter concentrates upon the contemporary c u l t u r a l environment i n which West Saanich operates.  Reserve  I n t e r a c t i o n with other Indian r e s e r v e s i n the  area i s d e s c r i b e d as l a r g e l y complementary and none x p l o i t a t i v e , i n c o n t r a s t t o the c h a r a c t e r of i n t e r a c t i o n between the r e s e r v e and the m e t r o p o l i t a n environment.  cultural  The ways i n which t h i s l a t t e r  interaction  l i m i t s Indian a l t e r n a t i v e s and i n i t i a t i v e and hinders the  42 development o f a secure economic base f o r t h e w e l l - b e i n g of the T s a r t l i p band a r e d i s c u s s e d . Physical  Environment  Location Located on the Saanich P e n i n s u l a o f s o u t h e a s t e r n Vancouver I s l a n d , West Saanich Indian Reserve occupies 48 3 a c r e s on the western  shore o f Saanich I n l e t ,  shallow curve of Brentwood Bay (Figure 1).  along t h e Tsartlip  lies  w i t h i n the boundaries of C e n t r a l Saanich M u n i c i p a l i t y , a predominantly r u r a l area, but i s o n l y 12 m i l e s , by paved road, from the p r o v i n c i a l Columbia,  c a p i t a l of V i c t o r i a ,  a c i t y of 65,300 people  British  (Figure 1 ) .  In a d d i t i o n t o the West Saanich Reserve, the T s a r t l i p band has t h r e e other p i e c e s o f r e s e r v e acreage: 323 a c r e s on the northwestern end o f Mayne I s l a n d i n the G u l f of Georgia; a l l but one-tenth of an a c r e on Senanus I s l a n d , a small rocky i s l e t  i n Saanich I n l e t , used i n  a b o r i g i n a l times as a b u r i a l p l a c e ; and 12 a c r e s of wooded h i l l s i d e and t i d a l f l a t s on the e a s t e r n s i d e o f Goldstream, a spawning stream f o r Chum and Coho salmon and f o r s t e e l head t r o u t  (Figure 2).  clams, mussels,  The t i d a l f l a t s a r e the h a b i t a t of  and o y s t e r s , o f f e r i n g  a shellfish  supplement t o the d i e t of the T s a r t l i p people, almost a l l year round.  Goldstream,  a t the head o f Saanich I n l e t , i s  held i n common by the T s a r t l i p , Tsawout, Tseycum,  43 F i g u r e 1: Indian Reserves of Saanich P e n i n s u l a and M u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Greater V i c t o r i a M e t r o p o l i t a n Area  (.WfSt  Source:  B r i t i s h Columbia, Department of Lands and 1951.  Forests  Figure 2:  Source:  Indian Reserves o f T s a r t l i p Indian Band  Canada, Indian A f f a i r s  n.d.  45 Pauquachin, and Malahat bands  (Figures X,  2).  At present, the Mayne and Senanus I s l a n d r e s e r v e s , as w e l l as Goldstream, are u n i n h a b i t e d ,  although  o c c a s i o n a l l y i n d i v i d u a l s or f a m i l i e s from one of the  five  bands use the Goldstream Reserve f o r salmon f i s h i n g  and  deer hunting,  the  i n the f a l l ;  and Mayne I s l a n d , d u r i n g  summer, f o r salmon, h e r r i n g , and The  rock  r e s e r v e a t West Saanich  cod.  i s cut d i a g o n a l l y by a  two-lane, paved road t h a t c a r r i e s a f a i r l y  steady  stream of  t r u c k and automobile t r a f f i c d u r i n g d a y l i g h t and e a r l y evening  hours.  I t p r o v i d e s an a l t e r n a t i v e to the main,  f o u r - l a n e highway p a r a l l e l i n g  i t to the east  i n general, t r a f f i c  on the road through the  i s slower  r e s e r v e because of many winding s e c t i o n s . slower posted  (Figure 1)  In s p i t e of a  speed, t h e r e are numerous t r a f f i c a c c i d e n t s on  the s t r e t c h of road t h a t passes through the r e s e r v e . 1971,  In  t h e r e were seven a c c i d e n t s , i n v o l v i n g ten c a r s , no  deaths,  and  s i x persons i n j u r e d and,  i n 1972,  t h e r e were  four a c c i d e n t s , i n v o l v i n g s i x c a r s , w i t h no deaths and injuries was  but,  (Miles 1974:  p e r s . comm.).  I t i s not known  no who  i n v o l v e d i n these a c c i d e n t s , but t h i s s e c t i o n of highway  i s c l e a r l y hazardous. The  northern edge of the r e s e r v e i s bounded by Roman  C a t h o l i c Church p r o p e r t y and l e s s , except  s e v e r a l farms, a l l 30 a c r e s or  f o r one very l a r g e e s t a t e .  Along the  eastern  boundary are a number of s m a l l e r farms of about ten acres  46 each, w h i l e t o the south o f the r e s e r v e i s Brentwood Bay, a suburban r e s i d e n t i a l area.  The shore of Saanich  forms the r e s e r v e ' s western edge The  Inlet  (Figure 2 ) .  l o s s o f a b o r i g i n a l t e r r i t o r y and, l a t e r , of  r e s e r v e land d u r i n g European settlement  i s discussed i n  Chapter Three. Climate The  Saanich P e n i n s u l a , l y i n g w i t h i n the r a i n  shadow of the Olympic Mountains, i s d e s c r i b e d by Kerr (1951:29-31) as Cool Mediterranean  and i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d by a  mean annual p r e c i p i t a t i o n of almost 27 i n c h e s , w i t h a d r y , two-month summer p e r i o d of about one i n c h of r a i n , mean January and February  temperatures of 36°F. and mean J u l y and  August temperatures of 67° - 68° F. (Munro and Cowan 1947:33). In g e n e r a l , the c l i m a t e i s m i l d , w i t h 307 f r o s t - f r e e days  (Munro and Cowan 1947:33).  There a r e f r e q u e n t  winds from the southeast d u r i n g f a l l ,  high  winter, and e a r l y  s p r i n g , but t h e r e a r e seldom more than t e n s n o w f a l l s from December t o A p r i l  (Barnett 1955:14).  Winter r a i n s and the r a p i d m e l t i n g o f the snow t u r n the d i r t roads and paths of the r e s e r v e t o mud, and c a r s f r e q u e n t l y must be pushed out of t h e mire, d u r i n g t h e winter months.  The high winds, o f t e n f o r c e f u l enough t o t o p p l e  l a r g e t r e e s , and the damp, c o o l winter weather make the  47 o l d e r houses at West Saanich d r a f t y and e i t h e r  uncomfortably  c o l d , i f t h e r e i s no heat, or u n p l e a s a n t l y warm, i f o i l stoves are kept l i t F l o r a and  a l l day.  Fauna  F a l l i n g w i t h i n the Gulf I s l a n d s B i o t i c area  (Munro  and Cowan 1947:33), the r e s e r v e has v e g e t a t i o n i n c l u d i n g c o n i f e r o u s stands of Douglas and grand  f i r , western red  cedar, spruce, and hemlock, i n the unpopulated e a s t e r n s e c t i o n s , w i t h s c a t t e r e d deciduous  northern  t r e e s -—  b r o a d - l e a f maple, a l d e r , c h e r r y , and dogwood -- and among the c o n i f e r s ,  i n the r e s i d e n t i a l ,  and  largely scrub  partly-cleared  southern, western, and c e n t r a l p o r t i o n s of the r e s e r v e . Wild Himalayan b l a c k b e r r i e s , Oregon grape,  and  s a l a l grow  i n abundance, arid there are four o l d orchards t h a t were p l a n t e d by Indian farmers around the t u r n of the Economically  important  fauna  century.  immediately a c c e s s i b l e  to T s a r t l i p are s e v e r a l s p e c i e s of salmon, i n c l u d i n g s p r i n g , coho, pink and chum, as w e l l as h e r r i n g , s t e e l h e a d t r o u t , h a l i b u t , l i n g cod, and and  flounder.  such bottom f i s h as rock cod,  sole,  V a r i o u s s p e c i e s of i n t e r t i d a l b i v a l v e s ,  i n c l u d i n g the Japanese o y s t e r , b u t t e r clam, horse clam  and  l i t t l e neck clam, and mussels i n h a b i t the beaches. Game b i r d s , such as ducks, geese and pheasant are seen i n the v i c i n i t y of the r e s e r v e but are insignificant.  economically  Deer and other game are r a r e l y  encountered  48 i n the v i c i n i t y of T s a r t l i p ,  although they a r e hunted a t  Goldstream. Topography With i t s western boundary along a 1500-yard  stretch  of g r a v e l and s h e l l beach, the r e s e r v e land s l o p e s g r a d u a l l y from a 25-foot b l u f f o v e r l o o k i n g the water t o a 250-foot hill  i n the southeastern  corner.  The c l e a r e d f i e l d s behind  the houses along t h e  western s i d e o f the highway slope g e n t l y down to t h e l e v e l land along the t o p of the b l u f f .  Some of these f i e l d s a r e  p l a n t e d w i t h v e g e t a b l e crops, such as potatoes, f o r home use, and a few cows, owned by one f a m i l y , graze i n another. Part of t h e e a s t e r n s i d e o f the r e s e r v e , a c r o s s the highway, i s c l e a r e d f o r two farms, one f o r b e r r y - c r o p s and the other f o r hay, but the n o r t h e a s t e r n p a r t i s wooded, beyond T s a r t l i p School  (Figure 3).  The e x t e n s i v e l y f o r e s t e d area  covers the extreme e a s t e r n and n o r t h e r n l i m i t s of r e s e r v e land. An a l l - y e a r  creek a t the n o r t h e r n edge of t h e  present T s a r t l i p cemetery c u t s a c r o s s the extreme n o r t h e a s t e r n corner of the r e s e r v e and, d u r i n g heavy winter another  rains,  appears nearby, f l o o d i n g across a d i r t road t h a t  parallels  the beach.  From the b l u f f o v e r l o o k i n g Saanich I n l e t , the r e s e r v e has a s p e c t a c u l a r ocean and mountain view, marred o n l y , on the o p p o s i t e shore of the i n l e t , by a cement  F i g u r e 3:  1971 Boundaries of T s a r t l i p Indian  Reserve  f a c t o r y t h a t p e r i o d i c a l l y c o a t s the f o r e s t e d h i l l s i d e w i t h a greyish dust.  On a sunny day,  a t any time of the year,  the  scene over the water p r o v i d e s a b r e a t h t a k i n g view t h a t helps to e x p l a i n why. l a n d v a l u e s are so h i g h along the w a t e r f r o n t on e i t h e r s i d e of the r e s e r v e . Resources The Land.  At present, West Saanich Reserve  occupies some of the c h o i c e s t and expensive  p o t e n t i a l l y most  land on the Saanich P e n i n s u l a .  From c o l o n i a l  times u n t i l the e a r l y n i n e t e e n - f i f t i e s , s e t t l e r s and descendants i n C e n t r a l Saanich were engaged e x c l u s i v e l y irt a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s : and g r a i n s f o r the V i c t o r i a market 112-115; F l o y d 1969:122, 125,  152).  their  almost  r a i s i n g d a i r y cows  (Canada Census 1882-85: Since 1950,  however,  land i n C e n t r a l Saanich has been more i n demand f o r r e s i d e n t i a l than f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l In 1875, approximately  one  s e t t l e r , J . Sluggett  selling  purchased  1,0 00 acres to the south of the present  r e s e r v e f o r $7.50 per a c r e . was  purposes.  An a c r e of farm land i n  1971  f o r about $4,000, w h i l e an acre zoned f o r  s u b d i v i s i o n would b r i n g $9,500. r e s e r v e land was  In 1913,  one acre of  valued at $600, f o r a t o t a l worth of  $289,800 f o r the e n t i r e r e s e r v e  (Royal Commission  1913:  Cowichan Agency Table A),. The  Brentwood Bay  area, immediately  t o the south of  51 the r e s e r v e has been h e a v i l y s u b d i v i d e d by 150-foot  l o t s s e l l i n g f o r $3,500.  the land to the n o r t h and predominantly the Saanich  (Figure 1) w i t h  Furthermore,  although  e a s t of the r e s e r v e i s s t i l l  a g r i c u l t u r a l , the s t r i p of w a t e r f r o n t  along  I n l e t i s h i g h l y esteemed as r e s i d e n t i a l  and has been s u b d i v i d e d i n t o r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l l o t s 200')  s e l l i n g f o r approximately  f r o n t a g e or $8,000 per  66-  $150  property (100'  by  per f o o t of water-  acre.  Not o n l y the band a d m i n i s t r a t o r s but a l s o other r e s i d e n t s of the r e s e r v e are aware of the p o t e n t i a l value of t h e i r land and of the dangers of land s p e c u l a t i o n .  All  those connected w i t h band a d m i n i s t r a t i o n expressed  strong  o p p o s i t i o n even t o l e a s i n g the land, as some bands have done.  The  f o l l o w i n g remarks by one member of the  Tsartlip  Band a d m i n i s t r a t i o n seem to r e p r e s e n t the f e e l i n g s of a l l the members: T s a r t l i p people don't want nonIndians to get hold of any permanent stake i n the r e s e r v e . T h i s i s why we won't allow any o u t s i d e r s to l e a s e land or any i n d u s t r y c o n t r o l l e d by whites to move here. We don't want some b i g company coming i n and running t h i n g s . We get approached by people coming i n a l l the time with b i g schemes f o r economic development, but they a l l mean the same t h i n g — p r o f i t f o r Whites and nothing f o r us. An  Indian woman on the r e s e r v e d e s c r i b e d  a t t i t u d e toward the land i n these words:  her  52 The land i s our safe harbour. I t belongs to us but i t i s more than the White man's idea of owning l a n d . This reserve i s p a r t of us and every i n c h of i t must be preserved. I f we l e t j u s t one i n c h go to the White man,.he w i l l take the whole t h i n g . That's why we don't r e n t out or s e l l our l a n d . Another r e s i d e n t , i n d i s c u s s i n g what he i r r e c o n c i l a b l e d i f f e r e n c e s between Indian and  considered  White people  remarked: Indian people don't welcome the White man onto our land because we know we w i l l l o s e i t . The Indian and White man can't ever become b r o t h e r s because the Indian w i l l l o s e h i s land and Indian land i s the most important t h i n g to us. We don't want to be c i v i l i z e d because t h a t means t a k i n g away our l a n d . We want our land l e f t as i t was i n the days of our ancestors. White people want to c i v i l i z e us so t h a t we w i l l leave our l a n d . Then they w i l l c i v i l i z e the land f o r t h e i r own use. A former c h i e f of T s a r t l i p , quoted i n a V i c t o r i a newspaper remarked "land  ...[is]  an extension  of man"  (Paul,  quoted i n Davy, 1973:1). Given the strong o p p o s i t i o n to any development engendered by the m e t r o p o l i s , s u r p r i s i n g t h a t what development there band-operated.  A boat launching  and  an a d j o i n i n g p i c n i c and  was  constructed  i n 1971.  economic i t i s not  i s on the r e s e r v e  ramp was  completed i n  is 1967,  camp s i t e w i t h 4 0 camping u n i t s  Both of these e n t e r p r i s e s were  53 undertaken  by the band alone, w i t h DIAND funds f o r the camp-  ground amounting to $6,000.  A l o c a l high s c h o o l b u i l t  p i c n i c t a b l e s , but c l e a r i n g of the camping s i t e s and work was and  done by band members.  the campsite  the  other  O p e r a t i o n of the boat ramp  p r o v i d e s employment f o r one person, who  r e c e i v e s 25 per cent of each month's t o t a l proceeds  as  commission. I r o n i c a l l y , even the development of a band-owned and -operated campsite  has not proceeded  without the  intrusion  of a metropolis-based m u l t i n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n known as -- Kampsites of America. T s a r t l i p campsite,  KOA  S h o r t l y a f t e r the opening  b u i l t two  KOA  of the  l u x u r i o u s "Kamps" w i t h i n a  few m i l e s of West Saanich Reserve,  but c l o s e r to the main  highway and more a c c e s s i b l e to t o u r i s t s .  The KOA  sites  boast l a u n d r i e s , hot showers, game rooms w i t h p o o l t a b l e s , f u l l y - e q u i p p e d playgrounds,  t r a i l e r hook-ups, and  amenities not a v a i l a b l e a t the r e s e r v e campsite Operating a t c o m p e t i t i v e r a t e s and w i t h brochures KOA  i c e •—  (KOA  n.d.).  attractive  f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n on the f e r r i e s from Vancouver,  i s an e s p e c i a l l y formidable competitor d u r i n g r a i n y  s p e l l s i n the t o u r i s t season. c o u n c i l l o r , KOA  A c c o r d i n g to a band  has o f f e r e d to d i r e c t i t s overflow  (  customers to the T s a r t l i p Band Campsite, but t h i s g e s t u r e i s more i n d i c a t i v e of the dominant p o s i t i o n of the m e t r o p o l i t a n c o r p o r a t i o n than of a p o l i c y of c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h businesses.  local  54 In  1968, T s a r t l i p ' s Mayne I s l a n d Reserve was  evaluated by a timber company i n t e r e s t e d i n l o g g i n g the area. Agency  The Regional F o r e s t r y O f f i c e r f o r Cowichan Indian ( T e l f o r d 1968), then made comments and recommenda-  tions indicating, f i r s t ,  t h a t 75 per cent to 80 per cent o f  the h i g h e s t q u a l i t y timber  (Douglas  f i r ) had been logged  out s i n c e 194 0, but that l o g g i n g of the remaining  lower-  grade timber would both p r o v i d e a s m a l l income t o the band and promote development o f a summer r e s o r t by removing dead trees.  H i s second major suggestion was t h a t t h i s  summer  r e s o r t be b u i l t along the n o r t h e r n shore o f the Mayne I s l a n d Reserve, w i t h 40 o r 50 c o t t a g e s , each on a l o t w i t h 100  f e e t o f water f r o n t a g e .  A marina,  s t o r e , and marine  gas s t a t i o n would p r o v i d e employment f o r band members.  The  band c o u n c i l was then approached by a l a r g e r e a l e s t a t e company i n t e r e s t e d i n undertaking the development of the proposed  resort  (Boyl  et al.  1969) .  The p r o s p e c t s of a  99-year l e a s e on a l l c o t t a g e s i t e s and of r e n t s f i x e d f o r the f i r s t  t e n years and then a d j u s t e d upwards s i x t o t e n  per cent every f i v e years d i d not seem p r o f i t a b l e to T s a r t l i p band c o u n c i l l o r s , who r e j e c t e d the p r o p o s a l . During 1971, a c c o r d i n g t o band c o u n c i l members, the establishment of a Christmas  t r e e farm was proposed  t o the  band c o u n c i l , by an o u t s i d e r from the f o r e s t i n d u s t r y .  The  p r o j e c t i n v o l v e d p l a n t i n g a maximum o f 683 r e s e r v e acres w i t h 3,000 t r e e s per a c r e .  A f t e r t e n y e a r s , the 2,049,000  young t r e e s were to be to two  s o l d , a t p r i c e s ranging  d o l l a r s per t r e e .  average of $1.50  The  from 75  c o u n c i l estimated t h a t , a t  per t r e e , the r e t u r n on the farm would  $3,073,000 a f t e r ten y e a r s .  an be  When c a l c u l a t i o n s were done on  an annual per acre b a s i s , the r e t u r n came t o o n l y acre per y e a r .  cents  Consideration  $440 per  of the expenses i n v o l v e d i n  the p r o j e c t , along w i t h the promoter's cut, made the scheme seem l e s s a t t r a c t i v e , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r i t was  r e a l i z e d that  the promoter would market the t r e e s f o r e i g h t to ten d o l l a r s each. our own  As one  former c o u n c i l l o r remarked, "Without  c a p i t a l , the best  t h i n g we  can do  i s nothing  at  people at T s a r t l i p r e c o g n i z e ,  also, that  the  all. " The  land of the r e s e r v e  is exceptionally f e r t i l e .  i s surrounded by farms and, Bay  even the neighbouring Brentwood  housing development i s b u i l t on f o r m e r l y  a g r i c u l t u r a l land that s t i l l  West Saanich  rich  produces f l o u r i s h i n g gardens.  In s p i t e of t h i s awareness, however, commercial farming the r e s e r v e The  has d e c l i n e d  s i n c e the  on  1930's.  c o s t of modern farming equipment i s one  of  the  major f a c t o r s p r o h i b i t i n g the development of i n d i v i d u a l l y operated commercial farms. own  roto-tillers,  and  Only four people on the  o n l y t h r e e of these have l a r g e r  p i e c e s of farming equipment. o n l y one  reserve  As a consequence, there i s  commercial b e r r y farm o p e r a t i n g ,  b a s i s , at West Saanich.  A few  on a l i m i t e d  non-Indian farmers l e a s e  up  to e i g h t a c r e s of r e s e r v e l a n d , from time t o time, f o r the hay crop i t produces,  but the income i s economically  i n s i g n i f i c a n t f o r the r e s e r v e as a whole.  An e l d e r l y woman,  the m a t r i a r c h of one o f the r e s e r v e ' s w e a l t h i e s t f a m i l i e s , l e a s e s f i v e a c r e s o f her p r o p e r t y along t h e highway t o an auto-wrecker who uses the land f o r a commercial junk  yard.  In e a r l i e r y e a r s , acreage was l e a s e d t o a non-Indian  farmer  f o r the growing o f l o g a n b e r r i e s , but he i s no longer i n business.  On a p u r e l y non-commercial b a s i s , f i v e  Indian  households a t West Saanich m a i n t a i n v e g e t a b l e gardens f o r home use, and one i n d i v i d u a l has two cows. From t h e p e r s p e c t i v e of l e i s u r e use, t h e beach along the western edge of t h e r e s e r v e serves as a p i c n i c and r e c r e a t i o n area f o r the T s a r t l i p people d u r i n g l a t e s p r i n g and  summer.  Warm evenings  and weekends see the shore and  b l u f f d o t t e d w i t h people who come t o r e l a x , t o swim, and t o watch the Saanich P e n i n s u l a crews p r a c t i c e f o r the canoe r a c e s t h a t are h e l d a t each Indian S p o r t s Day throughout the summer, on southern Vancouver I s l a n d , t h e lower mainland of the p r o v i n c e , and i n northwestern  Washington  (Kew 1970:288).  U s u a l l y , T s a r t l i p holds a Water Sports Day d u r i n g t h e summer, but they d i d not do so i n 1971 because, o s t e n s i b l y , they were too l a t e w i t h t h e i r p l a n s t o r e s e r v e a s u i t a b l e weekend i n the southern The  I s l a n d schedule of Sports Days.  q u e s t i o n o f land ownership i s a complex one.  Nearly every one of the a d u l t band, members i n t e r v i e w e d  57 c l a i m s t h a t he o r she has i n h e r i t e d  "twenty a c r e s " from a  c l o s e r e l a t i v e but has been cheated  out of the land by DIAND,  by the band c o u n c i l , o r by wealthy band members p r a c t i s i n g usury  and a c c e p t i n g land as c o l l a t e r a l .  band members,  A t o t a l o f o n l y 28  24 (86.0%) of whom are males, are r e g i s t e r e d ,  f o r 1971, as h o l d e r s of " t i c k e t s of p o s s e s s i o n " ^ t h a t v e r i f y t h e i r l e g a l p o s s e s s i o n o f a t o t a l of 226.66 acres o f r e s e r v e land.  T h i s t o t a l amounts to a mean l a n d - h o l d i n g of 8.1  acres per r e g i s t e r e d land h o l d e r , but a c t u a l h o l d i n g s range from 0.72 to 24,37 a c r e s . possess  The four female land h o l d e r s  a p r o p o r t i o n a t e 15 per cent of the t o t a l acreage, or  an average of 8.4 a c r e s — mean acreage.  s l i g h t l y more than the o v e r a l l  Four of the land h o l d e r s , i n c l u d i n g two  women, a r e now deceased.  No descendants have been r e g i s t e r -  ed as b e n e f i c i a r i e s o f the 27.05 a c r e s covered t i c k e t s o f p o s s e s s i o n , although  by the four  i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d , the  h e i r s w i l l a l l be male. A s i d e from 1.08 a c r e s h e l d as a b u i l d i n g s i t e by the Shaker Church, the remaining  256.34 acres of r e s e r v e  land a t T s a r t l i p i s h e l d i n common by the band. housing and  s u b d i v i s i o n , a soccer p l a y i n g f i e l d ,  A new  longhouse s i t e ,  the s c h o o l grounds a r e c o n s i d e r e d band land a l s o ,  although  s e v e r a l people maintain  t h a t they a r e the r i g h t f u l  ^"According to the Indian A c t , s. 2 (o) , Indian people cannot "own" r e s e r v e l a n d , f o r t i t l e i s vested i n the Crown. Indians may hold land on the r e s e r v e , i f they have a C e r t i f i c a t e o f P o s s e s s i o n . The d i s t i n c t i o n i s between ownership and p o s s e s s i o n .  58 owners o r t h a t they a r e descendants o f t h e r i g h t f u l owners and  t h a t these s e c t i o n s of band land have never been  surrendered  f o r common use.  Customary t i t l e v a r i e s markedly from l e g a l t i t l e , i n terms of c o n t r o l over l a n d . a p p a r e n t l y possesses  One wealthy i n d i v i d u a l who  no l e g a l C e r t i f i c a t e s o f Possession  claims 42. 49 acres o f land —  n e a r l y 19 per cent of the t o t a l  p r i v a t e h o l d i n g s on the r e s e r v e — this,  through purchase.  23.41 a c r e s a r e l e g a l l y possessed  e l d e s t son, who m a i n t a i n  Of  by a man and h i s  they y i e l d e d t h i s land years ago to  the present customary c l a i m a n t , when they were unable to repay a debt t o him.  In the past, the most common methods  by which customary land h o l d e r s gained  de facto,  i f not l e g a l ,  c o n t r o l of r e s e r v e acreage i n v o l v e d e i t h e r purchasing t h e land o u t r i g h t , f o r a small sum, Or c l a i m i n g a p a r c e l i n d e f a u l t of a loan extended t o the l e g a l possessor  to a s s i s t  i n meeting f u n e r a l expenses f o r c l o s e k i n . Although  l e g a l t i c k e t h o l d e r s a r e aware t h a t t h e i r  t i c k e t s of p o s s e s s i o n r e p r e s e n t v a l i d t i t l e  t o the land i n  q u e s t i o n , they a r e r e l u c t a n t t o take the d i s p u t e to a g e n e r a l meeting o f band membership, or t o e i t h e r DIAND o r the c o u r t s , f o r settlement.  As one person who holds  C e r t i f i c a t e s t o over 17 a c r e s , but who e f f e c t i v e l y c o n t r o l s l e s s than two a c r e s  (about  9.0%) of h i s h o l d i n g s , remarks!  I f I go t o t h e band and ask them to s e t t l e up who owns my l a n d , I might l o s e my t i c k e t , and my  59 land w i l l be gone, f o r sure. Maybe he [the person c l a i m i n g the land through d e f a u l t ] w i l l b r i n g a l l h i s r e l a t i v e s to t h a t meeting. Then t h e r e w i l l be too many people a g a i n s t me and my r e l a t i v e s . When the v o t e s come, he might t u r n r e a l l y mean t o get people t o vote f o r him. I f I take the case t o c o u r t , the same t h i n g t h a t happened t o my c o u s i n w i l l happen t o me. The judge w i l l say my t i c k e t i s no good because my f a t h e r borrowed money and c o u l d n t pay i t back. There goes my land, f o r sure. I f I don't say nothing, I don't l o s e t h a t t i c k e t , and t h a t land i s mine, even i f I can't touch i t . Maybe someday they w i l l f o r c e t h a t guy t o g i v e me back that land. 1  There i s awareness among n a t i v e people t h a t possession and  of r e s e r v e  land i s a dubious form o f s e c u r i t y  t h a t o u t s i d e c o n f i s c a t i o n o f t h e i r land i s a l i n g e r i n g  possibility.  Consequently, C e r t i f i c a t e h o l d e r s a r e  unwilling to challenge their  i n f o r m a l or e x t r a - l e g a l takeover o f  land p a r c e l s , f o r they may f o r f e i t what l i t t l e  of p o s s e s s i o n  they have.  Data on land p o s s e s s i o n  and c o n t r o l a r e inadequate,  especially i n h i s t o r i c a l perspective uneasiness of r e s e r v e holdings present  proof  and, g i v e n the  r e s i d e n t s to d i s c u s s t h e i r  land  w i t h an o u t s i d e r , a f u l l - s c a l e d i s c u s s i o n of the s i t u a t i o n i s not p o s s i b l e . The  Sea.  Subsistence  declined considerably  f i s h i n g . a t T s a r t l i p has  i n importance s i n c e e a r l y  contact  60 times, although there i s i n t e r m i t t e n t food f i s h i n g all  almost  y e a r r o u n d by about t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e r e s e r v e f a m i l i e s .  Reasons f o r t h e d e c l i n e a r e p r o b a b l y r e l a t e d t o the  fact  t h a t S a a n i c h I n l e t and o t h e r t r a d i t i o n a l f i s h i n g g r o u n d s i n the In  a r e a a r e now  i n t e n s i v e l y e x p l o i t e d by s p o r t f i s h e r m a n .  a d d i t i o n , o n l y one o r two West S a a n i c h p e o p l e h a v e b o a t s  w i t h outboard motors. are  A l l s p e c i e s o f salmon  except  sockeye  c a u g h t i n S a a n i c h I n l e t and G o l d s t r e a m , a l o n g w i t h r o c k  and b o t t o m f i s h .  A t p r e s e n t , t h e r e a r e no a c t i v e  fishermen at T s a r t l i p ,  p o s s i b l y because  m a i n t a i n i n g a government-approved increasingly  commercial  the c o s t of  f i s h i n g b o a t h a s become  prohibitive.  More i m p o r t a n t , c o m m e r c i a l l y as w e l l as f o r subsistence, are clams, e s p e c i a l l y the b u t t e r [Saxidemus giganteus)  17 dig  and t h e l i t t l e  neck  clam  (Protothia  stamina).  In  (33.0%) o f t h e 51 h o u s e h o l d s a t West S a a n i c h , i n d i v i d u a l s f o r clams r e g u l a r l y f o r s u b s i s t e n c e purposes,  a b u c k e t o r gunny s a c k f u l l chowder o r c l a m f r i t t e r s ,  gathering  -- e n o u g h f o r a m e a l o f c l a m  w i t h some l e f t  over t o  shuck,  t h r e a d t o g e t h e r , and hang f r o m t h e r a f t e r s o f t h e h o u s e t o dry  f o r another  meal.  From M a r c h dug  i n every low-tide period,  t w i c e a month. for  or A p r i l u n t i l  are  l a s t i n g f i v e o r s i x days  Eight households  s a l e d u r i n g t h e s e months.  l a t e October, clams  (16.0%) d i g c l a m s  I n 1971, c o m m e r c i a l  regularly clam  d i g g e r s from T s a r t l i p were r e c e i v i n g e i g h t c e n t s per f o r c l a m s , o r s i x d o l l a r s f o r a 7 5-pound b o x , c e n t s p e r p o u n d , o r s e v e n d o l l a r s and year  before.  fifty  pound  down f r o m  c e n t s a box,  Today, a s i n g l e d i g g e r does w e l l t o d i g  pounds o f c l a m s i n a day, s e t t l e f o r one c l a m b u y e r s who  box  a day  d i g g i n g f o r three hours. t o s e l l t o one  o f two  Most  non-Indian  c r u i s e the beaches w i t h t h e i r t r u c k s .  t o s e v e r a l o l d e r d i g g e r s from T s a r t l i p , o n l y  years  c l a m d i g g e r s c o u l d a v e r a g e 4 00 t o 500  c l a m s i n a day, three-hour  w h i l e y i e l d s of  1000  ten  pounds o f  p o u n d s o r more i n a  t i d e w e r e n o t uncommon b e f o r e t h e m i d - 1 9 5 0 ' s .  With i n c r e a s i n g population i n waterfront residences  on  e i t h e r s i d e o f t h e r e s e r v e , t i d a l p o l l u t i o n f r o m raw has  the  100  According ago  ten  afflicted  the clam beds.  The  s p o i l a g e and  p o l l u t e d beaches a l l along the Saanich summer, as w e l l a s t h e  sewage  c l o s u r e of  Peninsula during  i n c r e a s e d numbers o f n o n - I n d i a n  d i g g e r s , account f o r the d e c l i n i n g  the clam  yields.  C l a m d i g g i n g f r o m November t o e a r l y M a r c h i s u n d e r t a k e n by n a t i v e p e o p l e , activity.  The  but  best t i d e s  i t is a painfully  i n t h e w i n t e r months  unproductive occur  p r o g r e s s i v e l y l a t e r each day,  u n t i l by December l o w  occurs  Even r e g u l a r s u b s i s t e n c e  just before midnight.  tide or  commercial clam p i c k e r s are r e l u c t a n t to endure the c o l d w i n d s and  r a i n of dark winter nights f o r a gunnysackful  clams, whether f o r d i n n e r or f o r a s i x - d o l l a r r e t u r n . o l d e r clam p i c k e r s complain  of Many  of a r t h r i t i s or rheumatism i n  t h e i r hands and f e e t , a t t r i b u t e d t o c o n s t a n t e x p o s u r e t o t h e b o n e - c h i l l i n g dampness o f c l a m beaches  i n winter.  Even i n f i n e w e a t h e r , on r e l a t i v e l y p r o d u c t i v e and u n s p o i l e d beaches, clam d i g g i n g i s not w i t h o u t problems.  In  r e c e n t y e a r s , n a t i v e p e o p l e have e n c o u n t e r e d r e s i s t a n c e t o their clam-digging a c t i v i t i e s , officials  from non-government  and f r o m n o n - I n d i a n r e s i d e n t s o f w a t e r f r o n t homes  along Saanich I n l e t .  A c c o r d i n g t o some I n d i a n p i c k e r s , a  f a m i l y f r o m T s a r t l i p was o r d e r e d b y t h e RCMP t o l e a v e one o f the  beaches  because  n o r t h o f t h e r e s e r v e , d u r i n g t h e summer o f 197 0,  some W h i t e r e s i d e n t s h a d c o m p l a i n e d t h a t I n d i a n s  were t r e s p a s s i n g on t h e i r beaches.  The RCMP a r e r e p o r t e d ,  by a f a m i l y member, t o h a v e e x p l a i n e d t o t h e n a t i v e t h a t although clam d i g g i n g  i s not i l l e g a l ,  pickers  the presence o f  I n d i a n s on "White p e o p l e ' s beaches" might cause t r o u b l e .  A  member o f t h e f a m i l y a d d e d t h a t t h e y w e r e n o t f o r c i b l y removed b u t w e r e a s k e d t o v a c a t e t h e b e a c h v o l u n t a r i l y , t o avoid trouble.  Another d i g g e r mentioned  that,  i n 1 9 7 0 , he  was " k i c k e d o f f o u r own p r o p e r t y a t G o l d s t r e a m , by a game warden". In  A p r i l o f 1971, a s i m i l a r  incident  o c c u r r e d w h i l e I was w o r k i n g a t T s a r t l i p . r e p o r t e d , on A p r i l clam p i c k e r s , evicted  allegedly  A band  councillor  20, 1 9 7 1 , t h a t a g r o u p o f a b o u t 12 I n d i a n  i n c l u d i n g two o r t h r e e f r o m T s a r t l i p ,  were  f r o m one o f t h e S a a n i c h I n l e t b e a c h e s , b y a "game  w a r d e n " who h a d b e e n f o l l o w i n g them a r o u n d f o r t h r e e d a y s .  63 The next day, A p r i l 21st, another  f a m i l y t o l d the w r i t e r  t h a t "the game warden" had been f o l l o w i n g them, as they dug. The c o u n c i l l o r asked me t o f i n d out why t h e Indians were being harassed. determining  He was e s p e c i a l l y i n t e r e s t e d i n  i f foreshore r i g h t s e n t i t l e d  waterfront  p r o p e r t y owners t o chase clam d i g g e r s from t h e beaches, i f the d i g g e r s were below the h i g h t i d e l i n e . concerned,  He was  a l s o , about whether o y s t e r l e a s e s h e l d by  commercial o y s t e r o u t f i t s c o u l d prevent  Indian people  from  d i g g i n g clams i n l e a s e areas, s i n c e clams were below the s u r f a c e of the beach and o y s t e r s were above. A f t e r v i s i t s t o s e v e r a l government o f f i c e s ,  I was  d i r e c t e d , f i n a l l y , t o the o f f i c e of the Deputy M i n i s t e r of Lands.  My f i e l d notes f o r May 3, 1971, summarize the 2 i n f o r m a t i o n obtained from t h i s o f f i c i a l : There a r e two kinds of f o r e s h o r e r i g h t s . The f i r s t i s simply "common law" t h a t assures the owner o f w a t e r f r o n t p r o p e r t y access t o t h a t p r o p e r t y from the water. I t does not g i v e the owner any r i g h t s over the use of the beach but o n l y the r i g h t t o r e a c h h i s p r o p e r t y by water, and to be assured t h a t no one w i l l be permitted t o c o n s t r u c t a wharf o r breakwater i n f r o n t o f . h i s p r o p e r t y t h a t would o b s t r u c t h i s passage by water. The other f o r e s h o r e r i g h t s a r e l e a s e s obtained by sawmills, marinas, e t c . , e n a b l i n g them t o c o n s t r u c t l o g pens, wharves, breakwaters, and the l i k e where such c o n s t r u c t i o n i s i n the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t and does not i n t e r f e r e w i t h the use o f l a r g e s t r e t c h e s o f beach f o r p u b l i c use. A p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y owner c o u l d not o b t a i n Throughout t h i s study, n a r r a t i v e m a t e r i a l taken from my f i e l d notes w i l l be s e t out i n t h i s manner, t o d i s t i n g u i s h i t from both the main t e x t and from q u o t a t i o n s .  t h i s k i n d of f o r e s h o r e l e a s e simply t o keep I n d i a n people, o r anyone e l s e , away from the waterfront adjoining h i s property. Foreshore r i g h t s a r e granted l a r g e l y t o commercial e n t e r p r i s e s a f t e r due c o n s i d e r a t i o n of an a p p l i c a t i o n by the Department of Lands, F o r e s t s , and Water Resources. They a r e not e a s i l y obtained. There a r e no game wardens any more, o n l y conservation o f f i c e r s . They wear a uniform and c a r r y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n which they a r e r e q u i r e d t o show i f t h e i r a u t h o r i t y i s questioned or c h a l l e n g e d . According t o Mr. Borthwick, they bend over backwards to be n i c e to Indians and have nothing t o g a i n by running I n d i a n people o f f the beaches. Mr. Borthwick phoned Commercial F i s h e r i e s t o ask i f t h a t department knew anything about the i n c i d e n t I had mentioned. They d i d not know but suggested another p l a c e t o phone. B o r t h wick phoned the people who have j u r i s d i c t i o n over C o n s e r v a t i o n O f f i c e r s and was t o l d they knew nothing e i t h e r about a "game warden" chasing Indians o f f the beach. The Conservat i o n O f f i c e r f o r the Brentwood Bay area was i n the o f f i c e , however, and when he was questioned he s a i d he had not been i n v o l v e d i n the i n c i d e n t but t h a t F e d e r a l F i s h e r i e s men had had some t r o u b l e w i t h Indians i n t h a t area. Borthwick phoned the F e d e r a l F i s h e r i e s Department and was t o l d t h a t t h e i r boats were i n s p e c t i n g the s i z e of clams c o l l e c t e d and were a l s o t r y i n g t o determine whether or not anyone was s e l l i n g clams without a l i c e n s e . They had caught some Indian people a t Sandy Beach g a t h e r i n g clams f o r s a l e without a l i c e n s e (how they knew t h i s was not determined by Borthwick). The f e d e r a l man a l s o claimed t h a t a number of Indians were t r y i n g t o c l a i m the beaches i n f r o n t o f r e s e r v e p r o p e r t y as belonging t o the r e s e r v e but t h a t t h i s was not a c c e p t a b l e . The beaches were f o r the use o f the g e n e r a l p u b l i c r a t h e r than any one group. Borthwick backed t h i s up by saying t h a t the p r o v i n c e had always regarded the f o r e s h o r e area as f o r the use of the g e n e r a l p u b l i c . Riparian rights e n t i t l e d p r o p e r t y owners t o r i g h t s of access to t h e i r  65 p r o p e r t y but not even Indians c o u l d own the f o r e s h o r e as i t was s o l e l y a matter of user's rights. Commercial clam d i g g i n g , under the best of circumstances,  i s not a p r o f i t a b l e b u s i n e s s .  Although  e i g h t households supplement t h e i r income r e g u l a r l y by d i g g i n g and  s e l l i n g clams, no i n d i v i d u a l s or households r e l y  e n t i r e l y upon clam d i g g i n g f o r cash income. Indian a n c e s t r y who experienced  and  i s c o n s i d e r e d one of the most  e f f i c i e n t commercial clam d i g g e r s on  r e s e r v e expressed operated  A p i c k e r of  the  an i n t e r e s t i n e s t a b l i s h i n g a band-  clamming business  buyer as middleman and  t h a t would e l i m i n a t e the white  r e t u r n l a r g e r sums to the n a t i v e clam  digger: We are g e t t i n g o n l y e i g h t or nine cents a pound f o r clams t h i s year. L a s t year we got ten c e n t s . Each year, the hwani'tem buyers g i v e us l e s s but, each year, we have to work harder to d i g the same amount of clams. The harder we work, the l e s s we get p a i d . The middleman makes a l l the p r o f i t and doesn't have to work f o r i t . Those two hwanitam buyers s e l l the clams they get from us to a canning and f r e e z i n g company i n S e a t t l e . They get 30 or 31 cents a pound, t h r e e times what we get. We should s t a r t a c o - o p e r a t i v e here on the r e s e r v e . The government should re-seed the beaches with new clams, and then the Saanich people could buy a t r u c k and s h i p the clams they p i c k to S e a t t l e . We c o u l d i n v e s t our p r o f i t s i n f r e e z i n g equipment and f r e e z e our own clams. We c o u l d s e l l them f r o z e n i n the S t a t e s , i n Japan, and even here i n B.C.  66 Given the problems of beach c l o s u r e s because o f p o l l u t i o n each summer, band c o u n c i l l o r s regard the i d e a w i t h skepticism. As the f o r e g o i n g d i s c u s s i o n of the p h y s i c a l environment has attempted to show, not o n l y are t h e r e a c t u a l hindrances  to n a t i v e Indian resource development, but a l s o  t h e r e i s c o n s i d e r a b l e u n c e r t a i n t y among Indian people regard to the a c c e s s i b i l i t y of resources exploitation.  Whether the concern  with  for their  i s w i t h simple  possession  or development of r e s e r v e land or w i t h the g a t h e r i n g of s h e l l f i s h o u t s i d e r e s e r v e boundaries, apprehension  a f e e l i n g of  pervades the u t i l i s a t i o n of what remains of  t h e i r p h y s i c a l domain. The  h i s t o r i c a l b a s i s f o r t h i s u n c e r t a i n t y and f o r  the l e g a l and  s o c i a l r e s t r i c t i o n s p l a c e d upon the West  Saanich people w i l l be d e a l t w i t h at l e n g t h i n Chapter Three.  The  remainder of t h i s chapter,  however, w i l l  devoted to a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n o f the c u l t u r a l  be  environment  of T s a r t l i p Reserve. C u l t u r a l Environment In a d d i t i o n to i t s p h y s i c a l environment, T s a r t l i p operates w i t h i n the c o n f i n e s of a complex c u l t u r a l environment comprising Although  both  Indian and non-Indian c u l t u r e s .  i n t e r a c t i o n with the non-Indian c u l t u r a l  environment i s c o n s i d e r e d  the dominant e c o l o g i c a l  relation-  s h i p i n t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n , the c h a r a c t e r of r e l a t i o n s h i p s  between t h e n a t i v e people o f T s a r t l i p and other r e s e r v e s must be d e s c r i b e d , a t l e a s t b r i e f l y , extent determined environment.  f o r i t i s t o some  by the r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the non-Indian  Although  no attempt w i l l be made here t o focus  upon the nature of i n t e r - r e s e r v e a d a p t a t i o n s t o the l a r g e r s o c i e t y , an understanding  o f i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n the Indian  community, as d e f i n e d by S u t t l e s (1963), understanding  i s important  t o an  o f the way i n which one r e s e r v e , T s a r t l i p ,  i n t e r a c t s w i t h the dominant c u l t u r e . The  Indian Community As S u t t l e s argues,  the modern S a l i s h Indian r e s e r v e  i s not a s e l f - c o n t a i n e d s o c i a l u n i t , but i s , r a t h e r , a p a r t of a wider community, or " s o c i a l continuum"  (1963:513), j u s t  as the a b o r i g i n a l S a l i s h a n v i l l a g e was i n the p a s t .  For the  purposes o f t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n , community i s used i n t h i s broader  sense to r e f e r t o a network of Indian r e s e r v e s ,  i n c l u d i n g T s a r t l i p , t h a t a r e l i n k e d through  a v a r i e t y of  s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , much as S u t t l e s (1963) d e s c r i b e s . As w e l l as T s a r t l i p , t h e r e are t h r e e other r e s e r v e s on the Saanich P e n i n s u l a —  Indian  Pauquachin and  Tseycum, on the same s i d e of the P e n i n s u l a as T s a r t l i p , and Tsawout, d i r e c t l y o p p o s i t e , on the e a s t e r n s i d e .  Ten m i l e s  south o f T s a r t l i p , near V i c t o r i a , a r e the adjacent Songhees and  Esquimalt Reserves o f the Songhees people and, f u r t h e r  to the southeast, Beecher Bay and Sooke Reserves,  3 0 and  68 35 m i l e s , r e s p e c t i v e l y , from T s a r t l i p  (Figure 4).  Across  Saanich I n l e t , and a c c e s s i b l e by c a r f e r r y , as w e l l as by major highway, i s the Malahat Pauquachin  (Cole Bay)  Reserve,  people came.  from where the  Up-island S a l i s h  r e s e r v e s , a l l w i t h i n the c u l t u r a l environment  of T s a r t l i p ,  i n c l u d e Cowichan, H a l a l t , Penelakut, Chemainus, Nanaimo, and Nanoose  (Figure 4).  I t i s w i t h these f o u r t e e n r e s e r v e s t h a t most r e g u l a r l y and f r e q u e n t l y i n t e r a c t s . been made to determine frequency, but my  Tsartlip  No attempt  any o r d e r of r e g u l a r i t y  has  and  impression i s t h a t , on the whole, c o n t a c t  i s most frequent and r e g u l a r w i t h Tsawout, of the P e n i n s u l a Reserves, Indeed,  and w i t h Cowichan, of the up-Island r e s e r v e s .  there appears  to be more c o n t a c t w i t h Cowichan than  with e i t h e r of the Songhees or Sooke Reserves, although the l a t t e r two are c l o s e r to T s a r t l i p .  On the b a s i s of  marriages, members of the T s a r t l i p band, male or seem more l i k e l y t o choose spouses who T s a r t l i p , as shown i n Table I. T s a r t l i p spouses  are not  legal  female,  from  I f marriage w i t h  non-  i s c o n s i d e r e d an i n d i c a t o r of frequency, or  i n t e n s i t y , of i n t e r a c t i o n between the people of West Saanich and of o t h e r r e s e r v e s , T s a r t l i p band members i n t e r m a r r y most f r e q u e n t l y w i t h Cowichan band members, from the r e s e r v e at Duncan  (Figure 4).  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note, too, t h a t  speakers of the Cowichan language only to speakers of Saanich  (11) are second  i n number  (25) among r e s i d e n t s of West  69 Figure 4: Indian Reserves of Southern Vancouver I s l a n d , South I s l a n d D i s t r i c t  Source:  Canada, Indian A f f a i r s  n.d.  70 Saanich Reserve. TABLE I INTERMARRIAGE AND BAND AFFILIATION Band Affiliation of Spouses  Tsartlip Females No. %  Tsartlip Males No. %  Total (M + F) No. %  Tsartlip  11  37.0  11  24.0  22  29.0  Non-Tsartlip  19  63.0  35  76.0  54  71.0  Total  30 100.0  Source:  Author's f i e l d census  46 100.0  76 100.0  (1971).  Although v i l l a g e exogamy i s no longer p r e s c r i b e d as i t was i n a b o r i g i n a l Coast S a l i s h s o c i e t y (Barnett S u t t l e s 1963:514), i n t e r - r e s e r v e marriages continue groups and t o p r o v i d e  1955:184; to u n i t e  a b a s i s f o r much of the i n t e r - r e s e r v e  system of mutual a i d , such as v i s i t i n g and h o s p i t a l i t y , borrowing and l e n d i n g of cash and goods, and the s h a r i n g of food. As w e l l as other S a l i s h r e s e r v e s  on the mainland,  e s p e c i a l l y i n the F r a s e r R i v e r D e l t a and V a l l e y area of southwestern B r i t i s h Columbia, n o n - S a l i s h  r e s e r v e s on the  west coast of Vancouver I s l a n d and i n the northern the p r o v i n c e  a r e , t o a l e s s e r extent,  c u l t u r a l environment.  Various  part of  p a r t of the T s a r t l i p  inter-tribal  organisations,  such as the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia Indian C h i e f s , and DIAND-sponsored n a t i v e Indian conferences serve to facilitate  communication and f a c e - t o - f a c e i n t e r a c t i o n among  representatives  of a l l 192 Indian bands i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  There i s i n t e r - s o c i e t a l c o n t a c t , T s a r t l i p population  a l s o , among segments o f t h e  and some northwestern Washington State  S a l i s h Indian r e s e r v a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y Lummi. I n t e r a c t i o n among S a l i s h r e s e r v e s may i n v o l v e economic, r e c r e a t i o n a l , r e l i g i o u s , ceremonial, o r p o l i t i c a l aspects.  Mutual a i d between consanguineal and a f f i n a l k i n  probably p r o v i d e s  t h e most frequent  and r e g u l a r l i n k s among  i n d i v i d u a l s and households a t T s a r t l i p and on other reserves.  Inter-marriage,  f a m i l i e s across  reserves,  mutual a s s i s t a n c e .  i n p a r t , serves  to connect  thus p r o v i d i n g the r a t i o n a l e f o r  Where w i n t e r works or other  government-  s u b s i d i z e d make-work p r o j e c t s i n v o l v e more than one r e s e r v e , i n d i v i d u a l s from s e v e r a l r e s e r v e s may be employed on a s i n g l e t a s k . Saanich P e n i n s u l a and  together  T h i s i s e s p e c i a l l y t r u e f o r the four r e s e r v e s who share a common labour  pool  c l o s e k i n t i e s , as w e l l as a common c u l t u r a l background.  Reserve house c o n s t r u c t i o n , the b u i l d i n g of a community house, a band c o u n c i l o f f i c e , or a Shaker Church — provide  a l l may  temporary employment f o r a few men from each  reserve,  and there  i s a concerted  four band c o u n c i l s t o d e s i g n reserve  long  cooperation.  e f f o r t on the p a r t of the  projects that involve  inter-  In a d d i t i o n , s e v e r a l men from T s a r t l i p  are employed, i n permanent o r temporary p o s i t i o n s , i n a sawmill l o c a t e d on the Songhees Reserve Victoria.  (Figure 4) near  72 The f o u r Saanich bands work j o i n t l y , as w e l l , i n the o p e r a t i o n of an Indian e d u c a t i o n committee e s t a b l i s h e d i n 197 0 t o take over the T s a r t l i p Indian Day School from DIAND. In a d d i t i o n , T s a r t l i p i s r e p r e s e n t e d i n the Southern Vancouver  I s l a n d T r i b a l F e d e r a t i o n and i n the Union o f  B r i t i s h Columbia Indian C h i e f s . One of the most prominent and r e g u l a r types of mutual a s s i s t a n c e on the lower I s l a n d i s t h a t Indian f u n e r a l s . from Vancouver  involving  On the o c c a s i o n of each f u n e r a l , people  I s l a n d Coast S a l i s h r e s e r v e s are brought  t o g e t h e r through a f u n e r a l c o l l e c t i o n system, t o "help'out" the bereaved f a m i l y of the deceased.  Each household donates  a t l e a s t one d o l l a r toward f u n e r a l expenses, w h i l e i n d i v i d u a l s who  a t t e n d the f u n e r a l may make l a r g e r  c o n t r i b u t i o n s i n p u b l i c at the f u n e r a l f e a s t .  Other  ceremonial and r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s , w i t h economic a s p e c t s , a r e the w i n t e r dances h e l d on the I s l a n d from December o r January u n t i l E a s t e r .  Winter dances draw p a r t i c i p a n t s and  observers from the m a j o r i t y of the f i f t e e n Coast S a l i s h r e s e r v e s on the I s l a n d , e s p e c i a l l y on weekends.  Shaker  Church a c t i v i t i e s , on the other hand, are more l o c a l i n nature, but Shakers from a number of the I s l a n d r e s e r v e s do attend s e r v i c e s on other r e s e r v e s . Church was  not completed i n 1971,  The T s a r t l i p  Shaker  so meetings were held i n  p r i v a t e homes or i n churches on d i s t a n t r e s e r v e s ,  including  Cowichan,  on t h e I s l a n d , and Mud Bay, Washington."  3  Sports Days, h e l d each weekend d u r i n g t h e summer months, a r e a l s o o c c a s i o n s f o r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n between reserves.  Canoe crews and t h e i r supporters from each  r e s e r v e t r a v e l e x t e n s i v e l y on the lower I s l a n d and mainland, and i n Washington.  Those who p l a y slehel,  t h e bone game,  f o l l o w v i r t u a l l y t h e same c i r c u i t as the canoe crews, and most S p o r t s Days end w i t h an evening of gambling 283; S u t t l e s 1963:521-22).  (Kew 1970:  Many r e s e r v e s have soccer and  S o f t b a l l teams competing d u r i n g the a p p r o p r i a t e seasons. T s a r t l i p had t h r e e soccer teams d u r i n g 1971, as w e l l as men's, women's, and youth's s o f t b a l l teams.  There i s some  l o c a l t r a v e l l i n g from one r e s e r v e to another f o r games, i n each o f these s p o r t s . Day-to-day  i n t e r a c t i o n i s , o f course, most frequent  and r e g u l a r among near-by r e s e r v e s .  Southern Vancouver  I s l a n d r e s e r v e s , l i n k e d by t i e s o f blood and marriage, as w e l l as by c u l t u r a l bonds, a r e probably i n c l o s e r c o n t a c t w i t h each o t h e r than w i t h r e s e r v e s i n other c u l t u r a l areas of the I s l a n d , or w i t h r e s e r v e s on the mainland, although t h e r e i s some i n t e r - m a r r i a g e w i t h mainland groups. I n t e r - r e s e r v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s a r e , g e n e r a l l y , none x p l o i t a t i v e i n nature.  In terms o f S a h l i n s '  (1965:147-148)  3 When the T s a r t l i p Shaker Church was completed i n the s p r i n g of 1972, the three-day opening ceremony on the E a s t e r weekend a t t r a c t e d Shakers from Washington, Oregon, and C a l i f o r n i a , as w e l l as from t h e B r i t i s h Columbia lower mainland and southern Vancouver I s l a n d .  scheme of r e c i p r o c a l t r a n s a c t i o n s , r e c i p r o c i t y between West Saanich and  other Vancouver I s l a n d r e s e r v e s may  be  g e n e r a l i s e d , with the r e t u r n on an exchange hot s t i p u l a t e d by time, q u a n t i t y , or q u a l i t y , or i t may r e l a t i v e l y prompt and  equivalent  seldom u n i - d i r e c t i o n a l f o r very character.  be balanced, w i t h  r e t u r n expected, but long or negative  Only when the non-Indian m e t r o p o l i s  i t is  in intrudes 4  upon i n t e r - r e s e r v e t r a n s a c t i o n s does negative r e c i p r o c i t y , ".  . . conducted toward net u t i l i t a r i a n advantage"  1965:148), seem to a r i s e among  (Sahlins  reserves.  Although i n t e r - r e s e r v e r e c i p r o c i t y i s not  the  s u b j e c t of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , the f o l l o w i n g accounts i l l u m i n a t e the c o n t r a s t between a m u l t i - r e s e r v e a s s i s t a n c e programme emanating from an agency of metropolis reserves  and  economic the  another o r i g i n a t i n g e n t i r e l y w i t h i n  themselves.  For example, a c c o r d i n g  band c o u n c i l members, i n 1971,  to  the  Tsartlip  18 Indian bands w i t h i n  DIAND South I s l a n d A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  D i s t r i c t that  includes  T s a r t l i p requested a t o t a l of $3,065,700 i n funds f o r housing, f o r the 1971-72 f i s c a l year.  the  new  DIAND a l l o c a t e d to  them o n l y $333,336 to b u i l d a maximum of twenty-nine houses. new  With o n l y one-tenth of the requested funding  for  houses a v a i l a b l e , the 18 South I s l a n d D i s t r i c t bands  were unable to d i v i d e such an a b s u r d l y inadequate amount i n 4 No i n f o r m a t i o n i s presented on i n d i v i d u a l negative r e c i p r o c i t y .  an e q u i t a b l e and i m p a r t i a l way.  Reserves w i t h the s m a l l e s t  p o p u l a t i o n s , where o n l y one o r two houses were needed, l o s t out e n t i r e l y t o l a r g e r r e s e r v e s where housing needs o f 2 0 o r more u n i t s seemed more c r i t i c a l .  U l t i m a t e l y , seven bands  r e c e i v e d a l l the funds f o r housing, w h i l e eleven bands went without.  The d i s p u t e s among a l l 18 bands were under-  standably b i t t e r a n d , l o n g - l a s t i n g . By c o n t r a s t , i n 1972, when a young g i r l was k i l l e d i n an a c c i d e n t i n her home a t West Saanich, the i n t e r r e s e r v e f u n e r a l network was m o b i l i s e d immediately  to provide  emotional and f i n a n c i a l support f o r the bereaved f a m i l y . Although the g i r l ' s mother was l i v i n g on a meagre s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e income, c o n t r i b u t i o n s from twelve r e s e r v e s enabled her t o p r o v i d e a proper f u n e r a l ceremony f o r her daughter, w i t h payments t o i n d i v i d u a l s who helped out and w i t h a f e a s t f o r the 125 o r so people who assembled " t o share the sorrow".  There was even enough money l e f t  over  a f t e r f u n e r a l expenses were p a i d t o purchase a headstone for  the c h i l d ' s grave.  A n a t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h i s very  t a n g i b l e e x p r e s s i o n of i n t e r - r e s e r v e c o o p e r a t i o n i s contained i n the statement who s a i d ,  o f one o f the speakers a t the f u n e r a l  feast  "We a r e gathered here today t o do these t h i n g s f o r  you i n r e t u r n f o r what you d i d f o r us when we were i n trouble." deceased  The statement  was not a s u p e r f i c i a l one, f o r the  g i r l ' s mother i s well-known f o r her w i l l i n g n e s s t o  help out o t h e r s w i t h p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r f u n e r a l o r wedding  76 f e a s t s , o r other events.  In s p i t e of her m a t e r i a l  t h i s woman, l i k e many o t h e r s ,  poverty,  donates her s e r v i c e s whenever  they a r e needed and thus p a r t i c i p a t e s i n the t o t a l  funeral  r e c i p r o c i t y system, both as a c o n t r i b u t o r and as a recipient.  The same network o f r e c i p r o c i t y operates f o r a l l  o t h e r members o f the i n t e r - r e s e r v e system, r e g a r d l e s s of s o c i a l o r economic p o s i t i o n .  Although the t o t a l amount  c o l l e c t e d and the s i z e o f the f u n e r a l and f e a s t undoubtedly v a r i e s w i t h age and s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of the deceased and the prominence of the deceased's f a m i l y , one n a t i v e  Indian  speaker observed: I t doesn't matter whether or not you a r e an important person, or a wealthy or poor person, the Indian people do t h i s [ c o n t r i b u t e to the f u n e r a l fund and attend the ceremonies] to show r e s p e c t i n the Indian way. We come because we know the f a m i l y needs our help and t h a t someday, i f we are i n t r o u b l e , t h i s f a m i l y w i l l help us. Although i t was not p o s s i b l e t o gather data f o r a d e t a i l e d comparison of e x t e r n a l  sufficient  assistance  programs and i n t e r n a l networks o f r e c i p r o c i t y , the examples j u s t given  i n d i c a t e t h a t , i n the former case,  given by the non-Indian m e t r o p o l i s parallel exploitative-appropriate and  assistance  tends t o c r e a t e a s t r u c t u r e among  reserves  to perpetuate i n t e r - r e s e r v e c o n f l i c t , much as Usher  (1972:30-31) suggests.  In the l a t t e r case, on the other  hand, i n t e r - r e s e r v e c o o p e r a t i o n  and e g a l i t a r i a n i s m i s  77 expressed  not o n l y i n n a t i v e o r a t o r y , but a l s o i n a  m u l t i t u d e of t a n g i b l e ways. In a d d i t i o n to i n t e r a c t i o n between the people of West Saanich r e s e r v e and r e s i d e n t s o f other Indian r e s e r v e s , t h e r e a r e a v a r i e t y o f t i e s between those r e s e r v e and o f f - r e s e r v e n a t i v e people.  l i v i n g on t h e  Very  little  i n f o r m a t i o n was c o l l e c t e d on t h e nature and extent of c o n t a c t between T s a r t l i p people and t h e i r urban r e l a t i v e s and  f r i e n d s , and no attempt t o determine i t s importance w i l l  be made here. The Non-Indian  Community  In g e n e r a l , i n t e r a c t i o n between T s a r t l i p r e s i d e n t s and the non-Indian  community i s of a much d i f f e r e n t  order  than t h a t w i t h i n the n a t i v e community, although both i n v o l v e economic, p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , and r e c r e a t i o n a l a s p e c t s . The s t r u c t u r e o f present-day  c o n t a c t s w i t h t h e non-Indian  world can be viewed as a m u l t i p l i c i t y of m e t r o p o l i s s a t e l l i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s that l i n k s T s a r t l i p with  federal,  p r o v i n c i a l , and m u n i c i p a l l e v e l s o f government, w i t h nonnative r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s ,  schools, h o s p i t a l s ,  i n d u s t r i e s , commercial e s t a b l i s h m e n t s , and r e c r e a t i o n a l facilities. The f o l l o w i n g d e s c r i p t i o n o f the non-Indian  cultural  environment of West Saanich i s not intended as an exhaustive catalogue of concrete u n i t s w i t h i n t h a t environment.  Later  78 s e c t i o n s d e a l more i n t e n s i v e l y w i t h t h e nature and e f f e c t s of t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between the r e s e r v e and some - s p e c i f i c f e a t u r e s o f non-native s o c i e t y , but o n l y a g e n e r a l o u t l i n e i s p r o v i d e d here. R e g i s t e r e d Indians a t T s a r t l i p come under the j u r i s d i c t i o n o f the I n d i a n A c t , and t h e i r a f f a i r s a r e a d m i n i s t e r e d by the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, a branch of the f e d e r a l government. West Saanich Reserve DIAND.  i s w i t h i n the South  I s l a n d D i s t r i c t of  The headquarters of South I s l a n d D i s t r i c t have been  moved r e c e n t l y from the town o f Duncan, some 30 m i l e s from West Saanich r e s e r v e , to the l a r g e r community of Nanaimo, 40 m i l e s f u r t h e r n o r t h (Figure 4 ) . There i s no V i c t o r i a o f f i c e of DIAND, so o f f i c i a l s and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f that agency must t r a v e l approximately 7 0 m i l e s t o reach West Saanich.  I f a T s a r t l i p band member wishes  t o take a  request, complaint, or other matter d i r e c t l y t o DIAND d i s t r i c t o f f i c e , a t r i p must be made t o Nanaimo to do so. For i n d i v i d u a l s a t T s a r t l i p , problems i n v o l v i n g  social  a s s i s t a n c e , housing, and, f o r women, changes i n band  list  r e g i s t r a t i o n r e s u l t i n g from marriage or the b i r t h of a c h i l d are the most common reasons f o r c o n t a c t i n g t h e Nanaimo office.  The band c o u n c i l , of course, i n t e r a c t s w i t h the  Nanaimo o f f i c e of DIAND on a wide v a r i e t y o f predominantly economic matters. I n t e r a c t i o n with the p r o v i n c i a l government i s  79 restricted,  l a r g e l y , to the area o f education, a p r o v i n c i a l  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y s i n c e t h e 1950 f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l c o s t s h a r i n g agreement f o r I n d i a n e d u c a t i o n .  Since  per  capita  grants f o r t h e s c h o o l i n g of Indian c h i l d r e n a r e turned to l o c a l s c h o o l boards, Saanich, on t h i s matter,  p r o v i n c i a l involvement  over  w i t h West  i s i n d i r e c t , as f a r as  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n goes. Non-status Indian r e s i d e n t s o f the r e s e r v e who r e q u i r e s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e a r e administered Department of Indian A f f a i r s , are.  through the  j u s t as r e g i s t e r e d  Indians  The p r o v i n c e recompenses DIAND f o r the amounts spent  on i t s b e h a l f , f o r non-status  Indians.  There i s one member of the T s a r t l i p band employed by the p r o v i n c i a l government, but her job, a c l e r i c a l one, i s not r e l a t e d to the r e s e r v e i n any way. Dealings w i t h C e n t r a l Saanich M u n i c i p a l i t y have focussed around the e x t e n s i o n o f a m u n i c i p a l w a t e r l i n e t o r e s e r v e houses on S t e l l y ' s X Road and p r o v i d i n g f i r e protection forTsartlip.  From time t o time, T s a r t l i p men  have been employed by C e n t r a l Saanich M u n i c i p a l i t y i n l a y i n g i  water l i n e s , b u i l d i n g roads, and working on garbage t r u c k s . The M u n i c i p a l i t y does not p r o v i d e garbage d i s p o s a l s e r v i c e s to the r e s e r v e , however, and o n l y r e c e n t l y has a bandoperated, v o l u n t e e r garbage d i s p o s a l s e r v i c e been s t a r t e d .  80 Ambulance s e r v i c e i n C e n t r a l Saanich  i s p r i v a t e l y owned.  5  H i s t o r i c a l l y , the p r o v i n c e and C e n t r a l Saanich M u n i c i p a l i t y have been most d i r e c t l y concerned w i t h  the  t r a n s f e r of " c u t - o f f " and r e v e r s i o n a r y band lands f o r settlement and development, a matter to be d i s c u s s e d i n the next  chapter. F o r t y - s i x c h i l d r e n from T s a r t l i p attend Grades  to  S i x at the DIAND-operated day  Another 13 a t t e n d nursery  One  school on the r e s e r v e .  s c h o o l and  k i n d e r g a r t e n on  other  Saanich r e s e r v e s , f o r a t o t a l o f 59 T s a r t l i p c h i l d r e n i n DIAND s c h o o l s .  F o r t y - s i x of them, i n Grades 1-12,  attend  w i t h i n the Saanich School D i s t r i c t , w h i l e seven go to a p u b l i c high s c h o o l i n Greater V i c t o r i a School  District.  F i v e c h i l d r e n a t t e n d p r i v a t e or p a r o c h i a l schools i n Victoria. DIAND and 117  Thus, enrollment  is split  non-DIAND s c h o o l s , w i t h 50 per cent of the  students a t t e n d i n g the former and  the l a t t e r  almost evenly between total  50 per cent a t t e n d i n g  ( a c t u a l l y , 45 per cent attend p u b l i c schools  and  4 per cent a t t e n d p r i v a t e or p a r o c h i a l s c h o o l s ) . There are, as w e l l , e i g h t a d u l t s a t t e n d i n g  the  N a t i v e Indian Programme at the I n s t i t u t e of A d u l t S t u d i e s , under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the V i c t o r i a School Board, but 5 In 1973, I was asked to draw a map, f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n to ambulance, p o l i c e , f i r e , and other emergency s e r v i c e s , showing the number and l o c a t i o n of a l l houses on the r e s e r v e . The map was requested a f t e r a c h i l d d i e d i n a r e s e r v e home. An ambulance had been c a l l e d but was unable to f i n d the house q u i c k l y i n the dark. The c h i l d ' s l i f e might have been saved i f emergency treatment had a r r i v e d o n l y a few minutes e a r l i e r .  81 f i n a n c e d by DIAND, and there are f i v e a d u l t s financed by Canada Manpower a t t e n d i n g vocational  classes in provincially-run  schools.  T s a r t l i p wage earners n o t employed by DIAND o r t h e band c o u n c i l work i n a number of i n d u s t r i e s i n the V i c t o r i a area.  Greater  Although they w i l l not be d i s c u s s e d  until  Chapter F i v e , most of these i n d u s t r i e s employ n a t i v e people i n u n s k i l l e d , low-wage, l a b o u r i n g s e l l hand-knit goods t o three Sidney, and t o two o r three Within  positions.  T s a r t l i p women  stores i n V i c t o r i a ,  s t o r e s i n Duncan.  walking d i s t a n c e o f the r e s e r v e ,  suburb o f Brentwood Bay, stores, a drugstore,  t o one i n  a r e two neighbourhood  i n the grocery  bakery, second-hand f u r n i t u r e s t o r e ,  laundromat, and s e v e r a l small s p e c i a l t y shops, as w e l l as a service station.  Those West Saanich r e s i d e n t s who do not  have c a r s o r r e g u l a r access t o c a r s , p a t r o n i z e hood grocery  s t o r e s almost e x c l u s i v e l y , although they a r e  aware t h a t p r i c e s a r e somewhat higher chain  supermarkets.  than i n t h e l a r g e r  Women without c a r s make almost d a i l y  t r i p s on f o o t t o t h e Brentwood Bay g r o c e r s . and  t h e neighbour-  The drugstore  secondhand f u r n i t u r e s t o r e , and t o a l e s s e r extent, t h e  laundromat, are used by the people of West Saanich Reserve, but they shop l e s s f r e q u e n t l y i n the bakery and s p e c i a l t y shops because these s t o r e s are r a t h e r expensive.  West  Saanich r e s i d e n t s who have c a r s r e l y on the Brentwood Bay  grocery  s t o r e s f o r emergencies and  some do most of  their  grocery  shopping there because of c r e d i t s a t u r a t i o n . Although t h e r e i s a Roman C a t h o l i c Church j u s t  beyond the r e s e r v e cemetery, few T s a r t l i p a d u l t s regularly.  The  l a r g e Roman C a t h o l i c c a t h e d r a l i n downtown  V i c t o r i a i s used f o r l a r g e weddings and because o f i t s s i z e and p r i e s t who  was  attend  elegance, but a l s o because the  f o r m e r l y assigned  beside the r e s e r v e  funerals, i n part  i s now  to the smaller  a pastor  church  i n the c a t h e d r a l , and  he  i s p r e f e r r e d by the people of West Saanich f o r c e l e b r a t i n g mass on these ceremonial o c c a s i o n s . I was  unable to determine how  Without a t t e n d i n g mass,  many Indian people worshipped  r e g u l a r l y i n the l i t t l e church.  A number of n a t i v e people  expressed d i s a p p r o v a l of the l i b e r a l i z a t i o n of the C a t h o l i c Mass and  s t a t e d t h a t they had  occurred.  Only two  not attended  people attend a P r o t e s t a n t  t h e i r attendance i s f a i r l y  church,  and  regular.  Most people at T s a r t l i p who p a t r o n i z e two  s i n c e the change  need m e d i c a l a t t e n t i o n  d o c t o r s w i t h o f f i c e s i n Brentwood Bay  the s e r v i c e s of a s m a l l h o s p i t a l i n Sidney  and  use  (Figure 1).  Nearly a l l babies o f the r e s e r v e are born i n the Sidney h o s p i t a l , but two  s e r i o u s i l l n e s s e s may  be t r e a t e d at one  of  the  larger Victoria city hospitals. T s a r t l i p r e s i d e n t s who  premises frequent Sidney.  four pubs —  wish to d r i n k i n l i c e n c e d three  i n V i c t o r i a and  one  These beer p a r l o u r s are c u s t o m a r i l y p a t r o n i z e d  in by  83 native  Indian people  living  a r e r e g a r d e d by them, and  i n the Greater V i c t o r i a area  by  some n o n - I n d i a n s ,  and  as I n d i a n  pubs. The  foregoing description  of both p h y s i c a l  c u l t u r a l aspects of the environment intended to e s t a b l i s h status  to delineate  r e s e r v e ' s dependent r e l a t i o n s h i p the major o u t l i n e s Three w i l l  of T s a r t l i p society  a framework f o r v i e w i n g t h e  o f West S a a n i c h and  of  with the metropolis.  of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p  specified,  f o c u s upon t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c background  is  satellite  the essence  h i s t o r i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t o f West S a a n i c h R e s e r v e land .  and  the With  Chapter and  as a  hinter-  CHAPTER I I I ETHNOGRAPHIC AND HISTORICAL SETTING Before an examination can be undertaken of those a s p e c t s o f the p r e s e n t s a t e l l i t e p o s i t i o n of West Saanich r e s e r v e t h a t a r e the concern o f t h i s study, two o t h e r t o p i c s must be d e a l t w i t h .  I t w i l l be u s e f u l ,  first,  t o summarize  what i s known o f the a b o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e and s o c i e t y of the people o f T s a r t l i p , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h r e s p e c t t o r e s o u r c e utilisation,  housing, and the r o l e and s t a t u s o f women and  second, t o t r a c e the h i s t o r y of T s a r t l i p ' s t r a n s i t i o n from a r e l a t i v e l y autonomous Coast S a l i s h v i l l a g e t o a settlement d e f i n e d by and dependent upon the dominant  Canadian  metropolis. Ethnographic Background The people o f T s a r t l i p r e g a r d themselves as the descendants  o f the Saanich people who, i n p r e - c o n t a c t times,  occupied four w i n t e r v i l l a g e s , where the f o u r Saanich r e s e r v e s a r e l o c a t e d today: Tseycum  (Pat Bay Reserve) , Pauquachin  and Tsartlip"'"  by DIAND  Tsawout  (West Saanich Reserve)  (East Saanich Reserve), (Cole Bay Reserve) (Figure 1) .  "'"Spellings of the four v i l l a g e names a r e those used (Canada, Indian A f f a i r s 1970) . B a r n e t t uses tsauiw 84  85 C u l t u r a l l y , the Saanich are a s u b - d i v i s i o n o f the Coast S a l i s h .  S i m i l a r i n c u l t u r e to t h e i r Vancouver  Island  neighbours, the Songhees and the Sooke, and to the Semiahmoo, Lummi, and Samish o f Washington,  the Saanich  spoke d i a l e c t s of S t r a i t s S a l i s h , a sub-grouping of the Coast S a l i s h language f a m i l y 29-31).  Suttles  (Duff 1964:15; S u t t l e s  1954:  (1954:29-31) c l a s s i f i e s these groups, and  the K l a l l u m of the Olympic P e n i n s u l a i n Washington,  who  spoke a s l i g h t l y more d i s t a n t d i a l e c t , as S t r a i t s S a l i s h on the b a s i s of s i m i l a r i t i e s i n language and c e r t a i n important s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s c a r r i e d on i n the waters of Juan de Fuca, Haro, and R o s a r i o S t r a i t s  (Figure 2 ) .  These  s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s c e n t r e d around dependence upon annual salmon runs, e s p e c i a l l y t h a t o f sockeye salmon to the F r a s e r River.  S t r a i t s groups, u s i n g r e e f - n e t s , took sockeye i n the  many s a l t - w a t e r s t r a i t s along the southern c o a s t of Vancouver Suttles  I s l a n d and among the Gulf and San Juan I s l a n d s .  (1954:31) observes t h a t t h i s f i s h i n g technique c o n t r a s t s w i t h those used by neighbors both to the north and to the south, f i s h i n g i n streams w i t h s m a l l e r mobile nets or w i t h w e i r s and traps. Associated with reefn e t t i n g were s e v e r a l unique r i t u a l p r a c t i c e s and a g r e a t s t r e s s on the p r i v a t e ownership of the f i s h i n g l o c a t i o n s . In other r e s p e c t s the S t r a i t s t r i b e s  (East Saanich) , saigwam (Pat Bay) , pakwitoan (West Saanich) (1955:19).  tcahap  (Cole Bay) , and  d i f f e r e d s l i g h t l y from one another and perhaps o n l y s l i g h t l y more from t h e i r most immediate neighbors t o t h e n o r t h and south ( 1 9 5 4 : 3 1 ) . Some f a m i l i e s from T s a r t l i p v i l l a g e took sockeye w i t h i n the Fraser River.  The remainder  the other S t r a i t s groups,  o f the T s a r t l i p people,  like  f i s h e d o n l y i n s a l t water, o u t s i d e  , the F r a s e r R i v e r mouth (Barnett 1955:20, 87). Origins An account o f the o r i g i n s of the T s a r t l i p  people  t h a t i s r e l a t e d by o l d e r band members m a i n t a i n s t h a t the T s a r t l i p , Tsawout, and Tseycum were one people r e s i d i n g i n two w i n t e r v i l l a g e s on t h e Saanich P e n i n s u l a , of Vancouver Island.  T s a r t l i p and Tsawout people were a s i n g l e  r e s i d e n t i a l branch o f the Saanich l i v i n g a t the present s i t e of Tsawout, w h i l e the other branch r e s i d e d a t the v i l l a g e o f Tseycum  (Figure 1 ) .  A c c o r d i n g t o n a t i v e h i s t o r y , the  v i l l a g e of T s a r t l i p was founded  s e v e r a l g e n e r a t i o n s ago:  Tragedy brought t h e Saanich people to T s a r t l i p . Some Saanich people from Tsawout were camped,at D'Arcy I s l a n d . ^ They were r a i d e d by t h e laqwiltoq [Southern Kwagiulth] . The o n l y s u r v i v o r s were a woman and her n i n e - y e a r - o l d son, kwalaxttsnthet.  Her husband and  b r o t h e r s were beheaded i n t h e r a i d . The woman and her son r e t u r n e d t o Tsawout, but they d i d not s t a y . 2 D'Arcy I s l a n d was a Tsawout (East Saanich) r e s o u r c e l o c a t i o n f o r s e a l and p o r p o i s e , i n a b o r i g i n a l times (Barnett 1955:20).  87  In her g r i e f , the woman wandered a i m l e s s l y over the P e n i n s u l a w i t h her l i t t l e son. When she reached the p l a c e t h a t i s now c a l l e d T s a r t l i p , she saw a b e a u t i f u l , p a r k - l i k e land covered w i t h v i n e maples and d i v i d e d by f o u r l i t t l e streams. She c a l l e d the p l a c e hwoh'afalp [Tsartlip] which means 'maple t r e e s . ' Then she looked out over the beach t o the bay and she s a i d , 'Here I w i l l r a i s e my son t o be a man.' And t h a t i s how the people who l i v e d here came t o be known as the oh'dsing?sdt  ['growing up']  —  the people who were r a i s i n g thems e l v e s up, never t o be defeated a g a i n . The woman's son grew up to be a prosperous and very p r o g r e s s i v e man. And that i s why the T s a r t l i p people were such a s e l f - r e l i a n t and p r o g r e s s i v e tribe. They took care o f themselves. U n t i l the white man came, they had no d i s e a s e , no hunger, no immorality, no poverty. They were the r i c h e s t people on e a r t h . They r e s p e c t e d nature and took o n l y what they needed from n a t u r e . They were the world's g r e a t e s t conservationists. There was always more than enough f o r everyone. Before the white man came, everyone shared, everyone c o operated. There was no greed, because everyone had p l e n t y . B a r n e t t r e c e i v e d a somewhat d i f f e r e n t v e r s i o n t h a t suggests the T s a r t l i p s i t e had been occupied a t an e a r l i e r time i n a b o r i g i n a l h i s t o r y : KwalakwanQat was s a i d t o be the f o r e f a t h e r of a l l the tcaLap people. He f o r m e r l y l i v e d on a creek near East Sanetch. A l a z y boy, he had f i n a l l y been shamed i n t o g e t t i n g s u p e r n a t u r a l power — a f a m i l i a r myth p a t t e r n of the whole coast  88 a r e a . He moved to teaLap because ' i t was s a f e r ' from war a t t a c k s , and founded a v i l l a g e . The former i n h a b i t a n t s t h e r e were a l l dead by the time of h i s a r r i v a l . I am not sure who Paul meant by the 'former i n h a b i t a n t s ' . He was not e x p l i c i t (1955:20). Jenness  (n.d.rn.p.) m a i n t a i n s t h a t i t was  v i l l a g e of Tseycum, r a t h e r than T s a r t l i p , established after  that  the  was  18 00 by a group of Tsawout people  who  moved tp P a t r i c i a Bay t o escape the r a i d s of the Southern Kwagiulth  [laqwiltoq]  and the Cowichan.  He s t a t e s f u r t h e r  t h a t around 1850, w h i l e the people of T s a r t l i p were  fishing  on the Malahat s i d e of Saanich I n l e t ,  was  burned by n o r t h e r n e r s but was  their village  later rebuilt.  Duff adds:  about 18 50, most of the Gulf I s l a n d e r s moved i n to Saanichton Bay, so t h a t the t h r e e main v i l l a g e s were on Saanichton Bay, P a t r i c i a Bay, and Brentwood Bay. The Pemberton map of 1855 [Figure 3] shows these three v i l l a g e s , naming them ' T e t a i h i t ' [Tsawout], 'Saikum' [Tseycum], and 'Chawilp' [Tsartlip], respectively. The v i l l a g e a t Cole Bay [Pauquachin] . . . was founded by Malahat Indians who l a t e r moved across Saanich Arm. Douglas' l i s t of 117 North Saanich men [who signed one of the F o r t V i c t o r i a t r e a t i e s ] . . . f a l l s into three parts, which may correspond w i t h the t h r e e Saanich v i l l a g e s (1969;51). There i s no a r c h a e o l o g i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e on the  p r e h i s t o r y of the Saanich P e n i n s u l a , but the ethno-  g r a p h i c evidence would i n d i c a t e t h a t T s a r t l i p d i d not become  89 a permanent winter v i l l a g e u n t i l r a t h e r l a t e , and t h a t Tsawout, on the e a s t e r n s i d e o f the P e n i n s u l a i s the o l d e s t of the f o u r v i l l a g e s . Aboriginal Territory and S u b s i s t e n c e According t o B a r n e t t  (1955:251-52) and S u t t l e s  (1966:171, 174), among the Coast S a l i s h , r e s o u r c e such as r e e f net f i s h i n g areas, s e a l i n g rocks>  locations  shellfish  beaches, b i r d r o o k e r i e s , camas beds, and b e r r y patches were owned by c e r t a i n f a m i l i e s who possessed e x p l o i t these s i t e s .  Barnett  hereditary r i g h t s to  (1955:252) was unable t o g a i n  a c l e a r p i c t u r e o f f i s h i n g , hunting, and g a t h e r i n g t e r r i t o r i e s f o r i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l i e s among t h e T s a r t l i p , but he does d e s c r i b e the t e r r i t o r i a l extent o f the T s a r t l i p as a whole: During J u l y the toaLap people and a l s o those o f P a t r i c i a Bay moved across the s t r a i t to f i s h f o r sockeye, humpback, and sturgeon. The l o c a t i o n was on the i n n e r s i d e of the narrowest p a r t o f the p e n i n s u l a , j u s t o p p o s i t e Tewasan (near P o i n t Roberts) . . . For the f a l l salmon, the toaLap f i s h e d nearer home a t camps on Gold Stream (northwest o f V i c t o r i a ) (1955:20). W i t h i n the memory of s e v e r a l long-time r e s i d e n t s of T s a r t l i p , from June through August, Some people  from  T s a r t l i p l i v e d a t Henry Island,which i s separated from the northwestern  shore o f San Juan I s l a n d i n Washington s t a t e ,  90 by  a narrow s t r i p  Here, t h e y fishing  o f w a t e r known a s M o s q u i t o  engaged  f o r humpback, and  w e s t c o a s t o f San territory the  in reef-netting  Juan  of the T s a r t l i p  southern  end  o f San  eggs were c o l l e c t e d Salmon, h e r r i n g , their  Mayne I s l a n d  steelhead late  and  there  and  dog  Island,  the rocks  fishing  and,  same  p i n k s and  former on  seagull  spring  from  supplied salmon i n  D e e r were  hunted  also.  the g a t h e r i n g of p l a n t parsnips,  bracken  camas b u l b s .  people  recall  the use  foods  roots,  a wide v a r i e t y  each  U n d e r b r u s h was  fall  away f r o m  the growing  still  uncovered  today  them as Church camas  A large  by  cleared  piles  important  and  certain summer f o r  asparagus,  of b e r r i e s ,  ( J e n n e s s n . d . : n . p . ) , and  were " c u l t i v a t e d "  Catholic  such as w i l d  of  wild and  Camas b u l b s p r o v i d e d t h e m a i n v e g e t a b l e  the Saanich  regard  the  locality.  Goldstream  areas of the Saanich P e n i n s u l a d u r i n g s p r i n g  them.  as  in  on  i n A c t i v e Pass  salmon i n t h e f a l l .  Native T s a r t l i p  for  Bay,  i n May,  i n the  station.  spring,  also  P o r p o i s e were t a k e n  r o c k c o d were t a k e n  i n the e a r l y  spring,  regarded  2).  (Figure  and  Mitchell  is also  Saanich.  Juan  from  f o r sockeye,  coho s a l m o n .  Island,  Pass  by  fields  f a m i l i e s who out,  areas.  and  o f camas  owned r i g h t s  or  p r o p e r t y n o r t h of  to  s t o n e s were heaped i n  These  s t o n e heaps  Saanich Peninsula r e s i d e n t s  "Indian b u r i a l s "  food  "forts".  The  are who  Roman  t h e c e m e t e r y was  once  an  bed. swamp, e x t e n d i n g  along the present  eastern  91 boundary of t h e r e s e r v e was used u n t i l almost 1930 by t h e Indian people of T s a r t l i p .  I t s economic importance i s  e x p l a i n e d by one of the o l d e r band members, as f o l l o w s : The P e n i n s u l a gets v e r y a r i d i n summer except f o r t h a t swamp. As t h e surrounding area d r i e d out, the game -- deer, e l k , and s m a l l e r animals '•— moved i n t o the swamp. Thousands o f grouse, ducks, and geese r e s t e d t h e r e , too. My mother s a i d t h a t the day darkened w i t h ducks f l y i n g . o v e r the swamp a r e a . We used t o go t h e r e t o g e t those t a l l reeds t o make mats t o l i n e the w a l l s o f our houses, and f o r c a s c a r a bark f o r medicine. The c a s c a r a t r e e s grew very l a r g e i n the swamp, t o three f e e t i n diameter. We used to hunt t h e r e , too, d u r i n g the summer. The l a s t t h i n g we took from the swamp, i n t h e f a l l , were the c r a n b e r r i e s . When t h e swamp was d r a i n e d i n 1927 o r 1928, I can remember my mother c r y i n g , " i t w i l l be no more good. I t i s l o s t t o u s . " C u l t u r a l Background Although d i s t i n c t i v e i n terms o f a r e e f - n e t technology f o r sockeye  salmon f i s h i n g , S t r a i t s S a l i s h were  s i m i l a r t o o t h e r southern Coast S a l i s h groups, both on Vancouver I s l a n d and the mainland,  as f a r as other f e a t u r e s  of a b o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e were concerned.  Straits  groups  f o l l o w e d a p a t t e r n o f r e g u l a r , seasonal moves t o r e s o u r c e l o c a t i o n s , r e t u r n i n g t o t h e i r permanent v i l l a g e s f o r t h e winter.  The v i l l a g e of T s a r t l i p ,  l i k e other southern Coast  92 S a l i s h v i l l a g e s , c o n s i s t e d o f a row of l a r g e , plank houses, each family was  shed-roofed  t h e d w e l l i n g o f a p a t r i l a t e r a l extended  (Barnett 1955:241-42).  Although  the descent  system  b i l a t e r a l , , there was a strong p a t r i l a t e r a l b i a s i n the  i n h e r i t a n c e of p r o p e r t y , as w e l l as l a r g e l y residence  patrilocal  (Barnett 1955:242, 250-51).  P r i v a t e p r o p e r t y i n c l u d e d both t a n g i b l e and i n t a n g i b l e p o s s e s s i o n s , as Barnett  (1955:250) notes:  . . . the p o s s e s s i o n of p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y and i t s m a n i p u l a t i o n a c c o r d i n g t o the accepted p a t t e r n s of l i b e r a l i t y were g i v e n g r e a t emphasis. Property i n goods and p r o p e r t y i n p r i v i l e g e were both important. To the f i r s t category belonged c e r t a i n hunting, g a t h e r i n g , and f i s h i n g s i t e s and the instruments f o r t h e i r u t i l i z a t i o n ; houses and t h e i r f u r n i s h i n g s ; canoes; items of excess such as b l a n k e t s , v a l u a b l e s k i n s , s l a v e s , and coppers; and o b j e c t s of p e r s o n a l ornament and d r e s s . Except f o r minor a r t i c l e s worn by females o r used by them i n t h e i r occupations, a l l such p r o p e r t y was i n t h e hands of men. To the second category belonged p e r s o n a l names, songs, dances, s p i r i t powers, magic, and ceremonial p r e r o g a t i v e s of v a r i o u s k i n d s . Ownership by sex w i t h i n t h i s category was about e q u a l l y d i v i d e d , but the most important p r i v i l e g e s were male owned o r governed. Husbands and wives pooled t h e i r l a b o r and a l l proceeds went toward the common f a m i l y s t o r e . In the event of s e p a r a t i o n , t h e common p r o p e r t y remained with the husband. Daughters i n h e r i t e d the p r o p e r t y  of t h e i r mothers, and sons and grandsons t h a t o f t h e i r male predecessor. The possession,  d i s t r i b u t i o n , r a t h e r than simple i n h e r i t a n c e and o f wealth was l i n k e d t o the v a l i d a t i o n of one's  s o c i a l status. ranking  (1966:170-71) observes t h a t although  was " p o o r l y developed", Coast S a l i s h s o c i e t y was  stratified smaller  Suttles  i n t o a c l e a r l y d e f i n e d upper c l a s s , a much  lower c l a s s , w i t h l i m i t e d upward m o b i l i t y , and the  s l a v e s of the upper c l a s s .  S u t t l e s contends, f u r t h e r , t h a t  high c l a s s s t a t u s was dependent a l s o upon being o f good f a m i l y , of high b i r t h , . . . t h a t i s , having no t a i n t of s l a v e a n c e s t r y , lowc l a s s ancestry, o r d i s g r a c e f u l conduct i n the f a m i l y . . . [and possessing] a stock of good h e r e d i t a r y names and . . . a s o r t of p r i v a t e o r guarded knowledge . . . u s u a l l y t r a n s l a t e d 'advice'. Advice cons i s t e d o f g e n e a l o g i e s and f a m i l y t r a d i t i o n s revealing family greatness, g o s s i p about other f a m i l i e s demonstrating how i n f e r i o r they are, i n s t r u c t i o n i n p r a c t i c a l matters such as how to quest f o r the r i g h t kind of guardian s p i r i t , s e c r e t s i g n a l s f o r i n d i c a t i n g t h a t someone i s of l o w e r - c l a s s , and a good d e a l of s o l i d moral t r a i n i n g (1966; 171-72). Evidence f o r the e x i s t e n c e  of a c l a s s structure i n  Coast S a l i s h s o c i e t y " . . . comes from d e s c r i p t i o n s of v i l l a g e structure residence  . . . i n which there was a d i v i s i o n of  between upper-class  and l o w e r - c l a s s  people"  94 ( S u t t l e s 1968:168).  B a r n e t t ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of toaLap v i l l a g e  p r o v i d e s t h i s kind of evidence: There were seven b i g houses a t toaLap. S i x of these were l i n e d up p a r a l l e l to the beach and were separated by s m a l l c r e e k s . The seventh was back behind the o t h e r s . The houses of the most important f a m i l i e s were i n the middle; those on the ends and at the back belonged to l e s s e r men. On the extreme ends were the s m a l l houses of the poor and lowly . . . The house a t one end was owned by a man w i t h no s u p e r n a t u r a l power and l i t t l e influence. The next was occupied by my informant's w i f e ' s grandf a t h e r and h i s b r o t h e r . He was 'smart f o r . . .' r i t u a l magic. Beyond the next creek i n the second l a r g e s t house l i v e d two b r o t h e r s and t h e i r male c o u s i n . The head was a ' f i g h t i n g man'. In the next house l i v e d the owner and s e v e r a l of h i s w i f e ' s relatives. He was 'not good -no power f o r anything.' On the f a r end l i v e d another 'good hunter' w i t h h i s b r o t h e r and t h r e e 'cousins'. Although a good hunter, t h i s man was not very 'high'. The house i n the r e a r belonged to a c h i l d l e s s , b r o t h e r l e s s i n d i v i d u a l who was 'not very good -- poor'. In a l l , or most, of these houses of course t h e r e were a number of women and c h i l d r e n . Only the p r i n c i p a l a d u l t men were remembered (1955:19-20). The c o u s i n terminology of the Saanich people, as f o r all  southern Coast S a l i s h groups, was  Hawaiian  (Murdock  1949:229), r e f l e c t i n g the b i l a t e r a l descent p a t t e r n . most important aspect of the k i n s h i p t e r m i n o l o g i c a l  The system,  i n the view of S u t t l e s (1960:297) was c l a s s i f i c a t o r y nature, equated i n ego's own corresponding descending  i t s broadly  i n which s i b l i n g s and  generation  cousins were  (Hawaiian c o u s i n forms) w i t h  e q u i v a l e n c i e s f o r f i v e ascending  generations.  and  five  S u t t l e s (1960:302) maintains  that  t h i s terminology, combined with the r u l e s p r o h i b i t i n g marriage between "cousins", was environmental  an a d a p t a t i o n to the  f a c t o r of c y c l i c a l v a r i a t i o n i n abundance o f  resources,  i n t h a t i t l e d to marriages between d i s t a n t  villages.  Coupled w i t h the s p e c i a l food-wealth  r e l a t i o n s h i p between "co-parents-in-law" law",  the k i n s h i p marriage p a t t e r n helped  exchange  or " b r o t h e r s - i n to s o l v e the  problem of temporary, but c r i t i c a l , r e g i o n a l food  scarcity.  Coast S a l i s h r e l i g i o n c e n t r e d around a b e l i e f m u l t i t u d e of s u p e r n a t u r a l h e l p e r s who and  fishing,  misfortune,  gave a i d i n hunting  s u p e r n a t u r a l causes f o r i l l n e s s e s the performance of magical  d u r i n g p e r i o d s of a n x i e t y or c r i s i s , l o s s and r e s t o r a t i o n , and  and  the concept  the m a n i f e s t a t i o n of  s i n g i n g d u r i n g winter ceremonials,  i n d i v i d u a l s who initiation  and  p r a c t i c e s by shamans  p o s s e s s i o n i n the form of a p u b l i c d i s p l a y of dancing  of s o u l spirit  spirit by  had encountered s p i r i t power d u r i n g  (Barnett 1955:  passim).  in a  their  The S t a t u s of Women i n A b o r i g i n a l Coast S a l i s h S o c i e t y In  s p i t e o f s e v e r a l ethnographic accounts of Coast  Salish culture Gunther  {e.g.,  B a r n e t t 1955;  1927; H a e b e r l i n and Gunther  Smith 1940;  S t e r n 1934;  Elmendorf 1960; 1930;  Jenness n.d.;  S u t t l e s 1951), t h e r e has been no  systematic d e s c r i p t i o n of the r o l e and s t a t u s of Coast S a l i s h women.  An examination o f the l i t e r a t u r e  reveals  d i s c u s s i o n of g i r l s ' puberty r i t e s and treatment of h i g h c l a s s g i r l s of m a r r i a g e a b l e age, b r i e f mention  o f the  economic r o l e of women, and o f the importance of o l d women, but l i t t l e mention  o f how women were t r e a t e d or regarded  nor o f t h e i r t o t a l r o l e i n t h e c u l t u r e .  Consequently, t h e  d e p i c t i o n t h a t f o l l o w s of the a b o r i g i n a l p o s i t i o n of Coast S a l i s h women r e l i e s l a r g e l y on i n f e r e n t i a l Barnett had more freedom  statements.  (1955:150-55) notes t h a t Coast S a l i s h boys than g i r l s ,  e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g puberty,  when a g i r l was expected t o prepare h e r s e l f f o r marriage. He remarks t h a t pubescent  girls  . . . were c o n s t a n t l y impressed w i t h the advantages of w e l l connected in-laws and were taught to wish f o r a r i c h husband. They bathed and scrubbed themselves i n creeks near home and were under c l o s e r watch than t h e i r b r o t h e r s . They d i d not go on quests which took them away from home overnight (1955:150). The time o f her menstrual p e r i o d was f r a u g h t w i t h s u p e r n a t u r a l danger,  both f o r t h e menstruating g i r l  and f o r  o t h e r s who might  come i n c o n t a c t w i t h her (Barnett 1955:151).  A f t e r puberty, g i r l s were expected t o remain chaste and modest and ". . . t o look upon marriage w i t h a r i c h gentleman as the consummation o f t h e i r l i f e (Barnett 1955:180). c l a s s Saani.ch g i r l ,  interest  . . ."  B a r n e t t observes t h a t , f o r the upperi d l e n e s s and "conspicuous l e i s u r e " were  developed t o t h e f u l l e s t as i n d i c a t i o n s of upper  class  status: The [Saanich] g i r l was allowed to go o u t s i d e o n l y a t n i g h t and then i n s e c r e c y and accompanied by her mother. She d i d n o t h i n g , and her continued i n a c t i v i t y and s e c l u s i o n made her weak, p a l e , and incompetent to perform any p h y s i c a l t a s k . As a r e s u l t o f her years of s i t t i n g , she o f t e n walked q u e e r l y the r e s t o f her life. Yet her v e r y d e f e c t s were valued as marks o f the u l t i m a t e a r i s t o c r a t , and noble f a m i l i e s sought these secluded g i r l s . . . i n marriage f o r t h e i r sons . . . . P r e m a r i t a l sexual r e l a t i o n s among w e l l b o r n g i r l s were not tolerated. The s e d u c t i o n o f an a r i s t o c r a t i c g i r l was regarded as murder (1955:180). I l l e g i t i m a t e b i r t h s seem to have been r a r e u n t i l European child  c o n t a c t , when they " . . . brought  and the f a m i l y o f i t s mother"  after  shame upon the  (Barnett 1955:181).  With r e s p e c t t o marriage, Coast S a l i s h g i r l s seem to  have had l i t t l e say i n the s e l e c t i o n o f a marriage  partner.  Although they " . . . were not f o r c e d  into  98 distasteful alliances"  (Barnett 1955:181), they were  expected t o be obedient and to acquiesce t o p a r e n t a l decisions. Among the Saanich, d i v o r c e may  have been  i n f r e q u e n t because of the s t r o n g e f f o r t s o f k i n on both s i d e s t o keep a couple t o g e t h e r , w i t h magic b e i n g employed i f necessary  (Barnett 1955:194).  Women who  left  their  husbands were not w e l l r e c e i v e d a t the homes of t h e i r f a t h e r s , and even i f a woman were m i s t r e a t e d by her husband, the c o - f a t h e r s - i n - l a w made every attempt r e c o n c i l i a t i o n , by exchanging side  to e f f e c t a  g i f t s and f e a s t i n g the o t h e r  (Barnett 1955:194). Barnett comments: the prominence of p o s i t i v e mechanisms f o r s t r e n g t h e n i n g the marriage bonds does not mean that s e p a r a t i o n s were unknown. As a matter of f a c t , d i v o r c e everywhere was easy, f a r e a s i e r than w i t h us, f o r i t was a p r i v a t e and not a p u b l i c concern. The consequences of i t a f f e c t e d the f a m i l i e s i n v o l v e d , not s o c i e t y as a whole. Matters of i n h e r i t a n c e and c h i l d r e a r i n g were the main problems, and these were decided i n accordance w i t h p a t t e r n s of alignment and support a p p l i c a b l e t o the extended f a m i l y group. Male c h i l d r e n beyond i n f a n c y always remained w i t h t h e i r f a t h e r s , and sometimes the g i r l s d i d t o o . They were cared f o r by aunts, grandmothers, or stepmothers. I n f a n t s i n arms went w i t h t h e i r mothers and sometimes remained w i t h them, but a boy, at l e a s t ,  was l i k e l y t o f a r e b e t t e r u n d e r the guidance of h i s f a t h e r . Men held  and manipulated  property,  and b o t h b o y s a n d g i r l s c o u l d normally expect g r e a t e r expenditures of property f o r t h e i r s o c i a l advancement f r o m t h e i r f a t h e r s than from o t h e r m a l e r e l a t i v e s (1955:195, emphasis added). The  preceding  passage i s e s p e c i a l l y  contemporary p a t t e r n s of c h i l d Tsartlip  couple  separate,  Although  important  i n terms o f  c a r e a r r a n g e m e n t s when a  t o be d i s c u s s e d  later.  Barnett asserts that  the primary f o o d - g e t t i n g o c c u p a t i o n s o f h u n t i n g and f i s h i n g , combined w i t h t h e simpler d i r e c t gathering a c t i v i t i e s , consumed most o f the p r o d u c t i v e e f f o r t s o f both men and women f o r t h e g r e a t e r p a r t o f t h e y e a r . . . (1955:76). it and  i s apparent  from  hisdescription  woodworking were p r i m a r i l y  women were engaged storage, cooking, pursuits.  i s used  reiterated  males.  weaving, b a s k e t r y , and o t h e r  domestic  s u p e r n a t u r a l h e l p e r s were n o t  ( B a r n e t t 1955:78), a s t h e y were f o r men.  Barnett's  property,  t h e d o m a i n s o f men, w h i l e  f o r women ". . . t o a c h i e v e p r e - e m i n e n c e i n some  occupation"  property  hunting,  i n g a t h e r i n g , f o o d p r e p a r a t i o n and  Moreover,  necessary  that fishing,  (1955:250) d i s c u s s i o n o f p r i v a t e earlier  i n this  chapter,  b u t i t s h o u l d be  t h a t he c l a i m s t h a t o w n e r s h i p o f i m p o r t a n t both  t a n g i b l e and i n t a n g i b l e ,  Furthermore,  although  "daughters  was i n t h e hands o f inherited the  p r o p e r t y o f t h e i r mothers, and sons and grandsons t h a t o f t h e i r male p r e d e c e s s o r " pattern  i s only  superficially  down by women t o t h e i r socially  ( B a r n e t t 1955:250), t h e i n h e r i t a n c e bilateral,  daughters  insignificant.  i f what was handed  was e c o n o m i c a l l y and  The f a c t  that  "daughters  important  p r o p e r t y o n l y when t h e r e were ho n e a r  relatives  left"  rather  (Barnett  than c o n t r a d i c t  t h e l a c k d f e c o n o m i c power o f S a l i s h Island.  seem t o have b e e n p o l i t i c a l l y Barnett  positions of p o l i t i c a l not  say e x p l i c i t l y  that  male  1955:251) s e r v e s t o e m p h a s i z e  women o n s o u t h e r n V a n c o u v e r  other groups.  inherited  Similarly,  powerful  women do n o t  among t h e S a a n i c h o r  (1955) d e s c r i b e s O n l y men i n power and a u t h o r i t y ,  a l t h o u g h he d o e s  l e a d e r s h i p r o l e s were m a i e  prerogatives. The  roles  and s t a t u s o f Twana women o f W e s t e r n  W a s h i n g t o n were n o t u n l i k e parts, under  according to Elmendorfs stricter  puberty,  and u p p e r - c l a s s g i r l s ,  regarded  (Elmendorf of  marriage, (Elmendorf  (Elmendorf  Saanich  (1960) a c c o u n t . once they  at least,  After  menstruation,  a fact  a girl  were  reached  were e x p e c t e d t o  1960:434-35).  ritual  counterGirls  Menstruation  b y t h e Twaha ". . . w i t h awe, f e a r ,  1960:436).  the f i r s t  of their  s u p e r v i s i o n than boys,  be modest and q u i e t was  that  and d i s g u s t "  s e c l u s i o n a t the onset  was e l i g i b l e  for  announced by h e r f a t h e r a t a s p e c i a l  feast  1960:443).  Marriage  was ". . . a n e g o t i a t e d f a m i l y - c o n t r a c t  101 affair  . . . " (Elmendorf 1960:353) among the Twana, with  n e i t h e r p r i n c i p a l being w i t h t h e Saanich, f a m i l y pressures  i n much o f a p o s i t i o n t o o b j e c t .  As  d i v o r c e was r a r e f o r the Twana because of on both s i d e s t o keep the couple  "Permanent s e p a r a t i o n "  together.  (Elmendorf 1960:359) o c c u r r e d ,  with  the husband keeping the c h i l d r e n i f he sent the wife away and the w i f e keeping them i f she l e f t her husband. If discovered,  a Twana woman committed a d u l t e r y and was she might r e c e i v e harsh punishment, even death,  at  the hands o f her husband, but her l o v e r was not punished.  If  a Twana man were caught i n an a d u l t e r o u s a f f a i r , h i s  a c t i o n s were regarded  l i g h t l y , although  h i s w i f e might f e e l  c o n s i d e r a b l e resentment toward him (Elmendorf 1960:361). Elmendorf  (1960:396) r e c o r d s a c l e a r sexual  of labour f o r most " . . . s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s , c r a f t s and manufactures, and household t a s k s " b u t the g u a r d i a n - s p i r i t b a s i s f o r o c c u p a t i o n a l s k i l l f o l l o w e d sex labour-division l i n e s to a rather s l i g h t extent. There was no d e f i n i t e dichotomy o r s p e c i a l i z a t i o n o f s p i r i t powers f o r male and female o c c u p a t i o n s . A few guardian s p i r i t s were a c q u i r e d o n l y by women; these c o n f e r r e d power o r s k i l l o r l u c k i n such t h i n g s as r o o t d i g g i n g . More c o n f e r r e d s p e c i a l powers f o r e x c l u s i v e l y male p u r s u i t s -hunting, canoe-making, and the like. But i n theory, almost anyone c o u l d g e t almost any kind of s p i r i t . . . without regard to sex. I t i s t r u e t h a t women  division  handi-  102 d i d n o t r e c e i v e hunting o r canoe-making powers i n v i s i o n encounters w i t h c e r t a i n s p i r i t s which o f t e n accorded these s k i l l s t o men, but they d i d sometimes o b t a i n these s p i r i t s as guardians i n a v i s i o n encounter o r i n h e r i t e d them from a male a n c e s t o r , although t h e i r e x e r c i s e of such s p i r i t s was u s u a l l y p u r e l y ceremonial (1960:397). Economic and p o l i t i c a l power were c o n c e n t r a t e d , a p p a r e n t l y , i n the hands of Twana men (Elmendorf  1960:313,  328-31). H a e b e r l i n and Gunther  (1930) d e s c r i b e the r o l e o f  women i n the Puget Sound a r e a , i n terms s i m i l a r to those f o r other Coast S a l i s h a r e a s .  Instruction i n cleanliness,  basket-making, and w i f e l y d u t i e s , extended  seclusion during  f i r s t menses, and c l o s e s u p e r v i s i o n of unmarried  high c l a s s  g i r l s t o ensure p r e m a r i t a l c h a s t i t y , i s recorded f o r Snohomish, Snuqualmie, and N i s q u a l l y women ( H a e b e r l i n and Gunther 1930:45, 48-49).  I l l e g i t i m a c y was shameful but d i d  not n e c e s s a r i l y r e s u l t i n the woman's o s t r a c i s m ( H a e b e r l i n and Gunther 1930:50). involved  families  ". . . a c o n t r a c t between [the] two f a m i l i e s "  (1930:50), 50-51).  Marriages among wealthy  an exchange o f g i f t s , and a d i s t r i b u t i o n  (1930:  S e p a r a t i o n and d i v o r c e o c c u r r e d , although the  couple were u s u a l l y urged t o r e - u n i t e  (1930:52).  The d i v i s i o n o f labour i n v o l v e d women i n c o l l e c t i o n and p r e p a r a t i o n o f a l l v e g e t a b l e foods, cooking, weaving,  103 b a s k e t r y and mat-making, and men i n f i s h i n g , hunting, woodworking,  and t o o l making  ( H a e b e r l i n and Gunther 1930:20-36).  The o n l y o v e r l a p seems t o have o c c u r r e d when men a s s i s t e d women i n s e r v i n g food a t f e a s t s 1930:24).  ( H a e b e r l i n and Gunther  A c c o r d i n g t o the authors, "A [Puget Sound] woman  could never be c h i e f  . . . [and] g e n e r a l l y o n l y the men  took p a r t i n t r i b a l meetings . . ." (1930:58-9). F i n a l l y , although H a e b e r l i n and Gunther a r e not e x p l i c i t on t h i s p o i n t , they i n d i c a t e t h a t o n l y a man c o u l d be possessed by a guardian s p i r i t and engage i n s p i r i t dancing  (1930:61). Jenness remarks t h a t : a [Saanich] g i r l ' s four-day confinement d i f f e r e d i n no e s s e n t i a l prospect from a boy's, except t h a t her s e c l u s i o n was more r i g i d and the p r o h i b i t i o n a g a i n s t her e a t i n g and d r i n k i n g e n f o r c e d more s t r i c t l y . . . . [ F a m i l i e s ] of h i g h rank announced t h e i r daughter's coming of age with s p e c i a l entertainments . . . . p a r t l y t o improve the g i r l ' s chances i n the marriage market . . . . From the time of her 'coming o u t ' no g i r l o r woman might enter a man's f i s h i n g and hunting canoe . . . . N e i t h e r might she walk on any f i s h - w e i r , o r touch any t o o l s or weapons used i n f i s h i n g , hunting, and war . . . . Parents o c c a s i o n a l l y married o f f t h e i r daughters w i t h i n a few days of t h e i r 'coming out'. More o f t e n they waited a year or longer . . . . During t h e i n t e r v a l maidens remained  104 i n s e m i - s e c l u s i o n , weaving wool, making r u s h mats, and busying themselves with o t h e r housew i f e l y d u t i e s , but never l e a v i n g the house u n l e s s accompanied by some female r e l a t i v e (n.d.:n.p.). Saanich marriages were arranged, among upper c l a s s f a m i l i e s , but seem t o have been a matter o f c h o i c e , among commoners  (Jenness n.d.:n.p.).  Residence f o r t h e newlyweds was p a t r i l o c a l , and s i n c e v i l l a g e exogamy was the r u l e among the Saanich, t h i s n e c e s s i t a t e d a major move f o r the young woman (Jenness n.d.:n.p.).  Jenness c o n t i n u e s : Though t h e r e was no r e a l c o u r t s h i p p r i o r t o marriage and the young couple might never have seen each other b e f o r e t h e i r wedding, t h e l a c k o f p r i v a c y i n a b i g house and the numerous inmates were i n some measure a safeguard; f o r a man c o u l d not abuse h i s w i f e , nor she n e g l e c t her d u t i e s , without i n c u r r i n g the condemnation o f the whole household. Always i n the background, too, was her f a m i l y , which would c e r t a i n l y r e s e n t any i l l - t r e a t m e n t , and i n the l a s t r e s o r t might o f f e r her an asylum and marry her t o some one e l s e . The s o c i a l code e n j o i n e d s t r i c t c h a s t i t y both before and a f t e r marriage, and t h e g r e a t m a j o r i t y of Saanich l i v e d up t o t h i s code. I f a woman proved u n f a i t h f u l her husband might c u t o f f her nose and m u t i l a t e the s o l e s of her f e e t without i n t e r f e r e n c e from her k i n , o r he might d i v o r c e her by sending her back t o her people; and he might k i l l her paramour without s t a r t i n g a blood-feud, i f he had the courage t o a t t a c k him.  105  Such p r o v o c a t i o n , however seldom arose. Only t h e p r i n c i p a l nobles c o u l d a f f o r d more t h a n o n e w i f e ; and t h e i r w i v e s came f r o m d i f f e r e n t d i s t r i c t s and o c c u p i e d s e p a r a t e rooms ( n . d . m . p . ) . Jenness'  (n.d.) d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e e c o n o m i c c y c l e o f  t h e S a a n i c h i n d i c a t e d t h a t men w e r e f i s h e r m e n a n d h u n t e r s , w h i l e women w e r e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r g a t h e r i n g a n d p r e p a r i n g b e r r i e s and o t h e r v e g e t a b l e f o o d s , f o r c o o k i n g , and f o r home-^making a n d c h i l d - r e a r i n g shamans a n d m i g h t n.d.;n.p.).  a l s o seek  i ngeneral.  Women c o u l d be  supernatural helpers  He d o e s n o t m e n t i o n  t h e r o l e o f women i n  p o l i t i c a l matters except t p note t h a t an e l d e r l y woman m i g h t  (Jenness  Saanich  r i d e i n t h e bow o f a w a r c a n o e a s i t h e a d e d o u t  on a r a i d i n g e x p e d i t i o n  (n.d.:n.p.).  A l t h o u g h P u y a l l u p - N i s q u a l l y women u n d e r w e n t t h e same ritual  s e c l u s i o n and t r e a t m e n t a s o t h e r Coast S a l i s h  w i t h m e n s t r u a t i o n b e i n g r e g a r d e d as a c o n t a m i n a t i n g and v i r g i n i t y a s a v i r t u e ,  Smith maintains that:  a f t e r m a r r i a g e t h e woman c o m p l e t e l y discarded her bashfulness i n the p r e s e n c e o f men a n d r e t u r n e d t o t h e a t t i t u d e of free give-and-take between t h e sexes w h i c h had characterized her pre-menstrual years. Women w e r e a s a c t i v e i n instigating extra-marital affairs a s men a n d a s f r e q u e n t l y assumed the i n i t i a t i v e i n b r i n g i n g about a change o f spouse. A c t u a l rough and t u m b l e f i g h t i n g b e t w e e n two m a r r i e d women o v e r a man, m a r r i e d o r s i n g l e , was n o t uncommon. A l t h o u g h ' h i g h c l a s s ' women h a d f e w e r h u s b a n d s a n d i l l i c i t a f f a i r s t h a n 'low c l a s s ' ,  girls, factor  they used t h e same t a c t i c s i n keeping t h e i r husbands s a f e from the p u b l i c advances and i n making such advances themselves . . . . Men were extremely j e a l o u s of other men o f t h e i r own g e n e r a t i o n and t h r e a t e n e d o v e r t advances t o t h e i r wives w i t h death, a t h r e a t which was not i d l e . . . Once a marriage was consummated, t h e r e f o r e , men and women had equal r i g h t s and i t was up t o them to • r e t a i n t h e i r m a r i t a l s t a t u s a g a i n s t the c h a l l e n g e o f o t h e r members of t h e i r own sex (1940:198). There was a p p a r e n t l y no c l e a r d i v i s i o n of labour on the b a s i s o f sex among the P u y a l l u p - N i s q u a l l y , and men and women o f t e n helped each o t h e r , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h f i s h i n g , b e r r y - p i c k i n g , meal p r e p a r a t i o n , food p r e s e r v a t i o n , and other s u b s i s t e n c e t a s k s as a matter o f convenience 1940:138-9).  (Smith  On t h e other hand, a d i s t i n c t d i v i s i o n of  labour operated where h a n d i c r a f t s were concerned,  w i t h men  i n v o l v e d i n a l l a s p e c t s of equipment, t o o l , and weapon c o n s t r u c t i o n , and i n woodworking, and w i t h women making baskets, mats, and c l o t h i n g  (Smith 1940:139).  P u y a l l u p - N i s q u a l l y women were excluded  from  a c q u i r i n g economic c o n t r o l o r p o l i t i c a l power, and . . . although they might o b t a i n p r e s t i g e as women, [they] were excluded from the p u b l i c operation of authority, a d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t them f o r sex d i f f e r e n c e s alone which i s almost unique i n the s o c i e t y (Smith 1940:48). Moreover, women were " r i g i d l y excluded" from  participating  107 in v i l l a g e leadership deliberations In  (Smith  summary, most ethnographers  1940:35).  d e p i c t the r o l e of  Coast S a l i s h women i n a b o r i g i n a l times as t h a t o f w i f e and mother, engaged i n seasonal g a t h e r i n g a c t i v i t i e s , p r e p a r a t i o n , and i n other domestic p u r s u i t s .  i n food  There  i s no  i n d i c a t i o n t h a t the s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s of women were regarded as i n f e r i o r t o those o f men.  Although they might  a c q u i r e s u p e r n a t u r a l power and become shamans, Coast  Salish  women a p p a r e n t l y had l e s s i n t e n s e and l e s s frequent encounters w i t h t h e s p i r i t world.  Women i n Coast  s o c i e t y might be o f high c l a s s s t a t u s , but t h e i r was  Salish position  dependent upon the s t a t u s o f t h e i r f a t h e r s and husbands  who had t h e means t o o b t a i n wealth and p r e s t i g e .  Wealth l a y  o u t s i d e the d i r e c t c o n t r o l o f Coast S a l i s h women, and consequently, they seem t o have had l i t t l e o r no e x t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l power.  Leadership and a u t h o r i t y r o l e s were  e s s e n t i a l l y t h e domain o f males.  On the other hand,  a v a i l a b l e ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e p r o v i d e s v i r t u a l l y no i n f o r m a t i o n about the a u t h o r i t y of women w i t h i n the domestic sphere nor about to  " . . . women's e f f o r t s t o achieve power and  i n f l u e n c e d e c i s i o n s . . . " ( C o l l i e r 1974:91) by u s i n g  every r e s o u r c e that might have been a v a i l a b l e t o them. While  i t has not p r o v i d e d a f u l l p i c t u r e o f the  m u l t i p l i c i t y o f behaviour p a t t e r n s by which women o r men operated i n t h e i r everyday  lives) this brief  ethnographic  account o f a b o r i g i n a l Coast S a l i s h s o c i e t y may enhance an  108 understanding of the changes t h a t o c c u r r e d w i t h the a r r i v a l of the European on Vancouver I s l a n d .  The  impact of  European i n t r u s i o n and settlement upon the l i f e w a y s of the Saanich people of T s a r t l i p i s the s u b j e c t of the f o l l o w i n g section. Historical  Setting  E a r l y Contact Although northwest  i n t e n s i v e European e x p l o r a t i o n of the  c o a s t of North America  (Duff 1964:55), i t was  was  w e l l underway by  not u n t i l 1790  t h a t Manuel de Quimper  entered the S t r a i t of Juan de Fuca and s a i l e d harbour a t the p r e s e n t s i t e of V i c t o r i a Between 1791  and 1795,  1785  i n t o the  (Floyd 1969:20).  when B r i t a i n took p o s s e s s i o n of the  e n t i r e I s l a n d , other Spanish s h i p s s a i l e d through Haro and Rosario S t r a i t s , as w e l l as Juan de Fuca S t r a i t ,  and  C a p t a i n George Vancouver circumnavigated the I s l a n d , but c o n t a c t w i t h the n a t i v e v i l l a g e s at the I s l a n d ' s southern end appears  to have been v i r t u a l l y n o n - e x i s t e n t .  (1954:38) remarks t h a t the Indians who 1791,  Suttles  were encountered  in  f i s h i n g f o r salmon a t P o i n t Roberts, by the Spanish,  were "probably the Saanich and Semiahmoo a t t h e i r r e e f - n e t locations".  He notes f u r t h e r , t h a t the Spanish were t o l d , or b e l i e v e d t h a t they were being t o l d , * t h a t l a r g e r v e s s e l s had been i n Georgia S t r a i t b e f o r e , and from them the Indians had o b t a i n e d engraved brass b r a c e l e t s , which the  109 Indians Even a f t e r Fort  showed them  the establishment  Langley  (1954:38).  o f F o r t Vancouver  i n 1824, and  i n 1827, s p e c i f i c m e n t i o n o f t r a d e o r o t h e r  c o n t a c t w i t h the Indians o f s o u t h e a s t e r n Vancouver lacking  i n the h i s t o r i c a l  suggests few  record.  t h a t because t h e S t r a i t s  sea-otter resource locations,  trading  s h i p s tended  Island  the Olympic  (1963:213-14,  from  involvement  1795 u n t i l  from  Vancouver  t h e middle of  the n a t i v e i n h a b i t a n t s of southaffected,  during  raids  a s t h e y were known t o t h e S a a n i c h ,  on I n d i a n v i l l a g e s  as f a r s o u t h a s P u g e t  ( D u f f 1964:60; F l o y d 1969:28; T o l m i e  carrying  o f f women and c h i l d r e n  In response  1963:219),  a s s l a v e s and b e h e a d i n g  to these predations, the Saanich,  as o t h e r g r o u p s who had n o t a c q u i r e d f i r e a r m s constructed their  refers  i n the sea-otter  almost  I s l a n d were i n d i r e c t l y  The laqwiltoq,  made p e r i o d i c  men.  Tolmie  p e r i o d , by t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f guns t o t h e S o u t h e r n  Kwagiulth.  Sound  and B r i t i s h  i n t h e summer o f 1813, b u t t h e y  direct  the n i n e t e e n t h century,  that  Spanish  t o so  224-25).  that flourished  e a s t e r n Vancouver  S a l i s h had a c c e s s  Peninsula r a t h e r than  Whatever t h e i r trade  (1954:38)  t o ignore these groups.  to trade with the "klalams" were f r o m  Suttles  Island i s  fortifications,  villages  ( F l o y d 1969:28;  As w e l l , contributed  including Suttles  stockades,  as w e l l 1964:59),  around  1951:323).  European d i s e a s e , e s p e c i a l l y  to the estimated  (Duff  the  smallpox,  p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e amongst t h e  1X0 aboriginaX i n h a b i t a n t s of s o u t h e a s t e r n Vancouver I s i a n d , from 2700 n a t i v e peopie i n X780 to about  2000 by X842  (FXoyd  X969:29). SuttXes summarizes the e f f e c t s on the S t r a i t s SaXish of these two  factors,  smallpox and  raiding;  The S t r a i t s t r i b e s themseXves seem to have been expanding t h e i r t e r r i t o r y just before discovery: the Lummi and p o s s i b l y the Samish had onXy r e c e n t l y reached the Mainland from the San Juan IsXands. Then, when the smaXXpox wiped out a smaXX t r i b e on Boundary Bay, the Semiahmoo took over t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . A f t e r the i n t r o d u c t i o n of f i r e a r m s t h e r e seems to have been some f i g h t i n g a t the western end of S t r a i t s t e r r i t o r y ; a c c o r d i n g t o one account, the Sooke employed the Makah to wipe out another s m a l l t r i b e on Sooke Bay so t h a t they c o u l d expand westward. But the combination of epidemics and r a i d s from the north produced some empty pockets i n the c e n t r e of S t r a i t s territory. The G u l f and San Juan I s l a n d s were p a r t i c u l a r l y v u l n e r a b l e to a t t a c k from the n o r t h , and probably f o r t h i s reason the Saanich v i l l a g e s a t A c t i v e Pass and elsewhere i n the G u l f I s l a n d s moved t o the Saanich Peninsula. In the San Juan I s l a n d s two or t h r e e Lummi v i l l a g e s and one or two Samish v i l l a g e s were n e a r l y wiped out by smallpox, and the s u r v i v o r s moved to Mainland villages. These t r i b e s s t i l l used the i s l a n d s s e a s o n a l l y , but no longer b u i l t t h e i r winter v i l l a g e s there; t h a t i s , they no longer made them t h e i r bases of o p e r a t i o n , Epidemics l e f t another gap on the south shore of Vancouver I s l a n d , between the Sooke and the Songish. A p a r t of t h i s was f i l l e d , j u s t  Ill a f t e r V i c t o r i a was e s t a b l i s h e d , by K l a l l u m from a c r o s s the s t r a i t (1954;42). European C o l o n i z a t i o n i n Straits Salish Territory According to Floyd  (1969:1), w i t h the v i s i t t o  southern Vancouver I s l a n d of S i r James Douglas, i n 184 2, and his  e s t a b l i s h m e n t , one year l a t e r , o f F o r t V i c t o r i a as a  Hudson's Bay Company post, a b o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e i n the r e g i o n was i r r e v o c a b l y a l t e r e d .  N e v e r t h e l e s s , d u r i n g the f i r s t two  decades a f t e r c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e f o r t , t h e Indians o f the Saanich P e n i n s u l a were a f f e c t e d t o a much l e s s e r extent were the Songhees, who soon found  t h a t some o f t h e i r  than  winter  v i l l a g e s and seasonal r e s o u r c e s i t e s were occupying l o c a t i o n s coveted by the European i n t r u d e r s (Duff 1969: passim;  F l o y d 1969:28).  The Songhees were f o r c e d t o move, i n  1844 and a g a i n i n 1850, t o l e s s d e s i r a b l e areas f u r t h e r west.  The Saanich, r e s i d i n g i n v i l l a g e s some 12 t o 18 m i l e s  from the s i t e of F o r t V i c t o r i a , were a t s u f f i c i e n t d i s t a n c e from t h i s c e n t r e of Anglo-Canadian a c t i v i t y t o escape being d i s p o s s e s s e d o f t h e i r winter s e t t l e m e n t s .  Their aboriginal  t e r r i t o r y , however, l a y d i r e c t l y i n the path of White colonial  expansion. The opening  o f the lands o f Vancouver I s l a n d f o r  settlement as a Crown Colony,  i n 1849, l e d t o the drawing up  by Douglas o f 11 t r e a t i e s t h a t were signed, o s t e n s i b l y , by n a t i v e people  i n the v i c i n i t y of F o r t V i c t o r i a ,  i n 1850 and  1852.  As Duff  observes:  . . . b e f o r e any s e t t l e r s c o u l d be g i v e n t i t l e to lands, i t was c o n s i d e r e d necessary to conform w i t h the u s u a l B r i t i s h p r a c t i c e of f i r s t e x t i n g u i s h i n g the p r o p r i e t a r y r i g h t s of the n a t i v e people. T h i s was done by n e g o t i a t i n g agreements by which they were p a i d compensation and r e s e r v e d whatever p o r t i o n s of land and s p e c i a l r i g h t s they were c o n s i d e r e d to need; i n s h o r t , by making t r e a t i e s w i t h them. The task f e l l to James Douglas, c h i e f f a c t o r of the Company (and a l s o , a f t e r September 1851, governor of the colony) . . . . In the s p r i n g of 1850 he concluded nine agreements c o v e r i n g V i c t o r i a , Metchosin, and Sooke: . . . i n 18 52, two c o v e r i n g the Saanich P e n i n s u l a (1969:6) . According.to  F l o y d , the F o r t V i c t o r i a  treaties  . . . r e f l e c t e d the Hudson's Bay Company's d e s i r e to a c q u i r e t i t l e to a l l a g r i c u l t u r a l land to ensure development of the area as a food supply depot of the North P a c i f i c Ocean (1969:51). Regardless  of t h e i r i n t e n t , the t r e a t i e s  effectively  t r a n s f e r r e d c o n t r o l of most of the lands on  southeastern  Vancouver I s l a n d from the a b o r i g i n a l occupants to the B r i t i s h Crown, Although  a l l of the t r e a t i e s s t i p u l a t e t h a t  . . . our v i l l a g e s i t e s and enclosed f i e l d s are to be kept f o r our own use, f o r the use of our c h i l d r e n , and f o r those who may f o l l o w a f t e r us [and that] . . . . we are a t l i b e r t y to  * 113 hunt over the unoccupied lands and t o c a r r y on our f i s h e r i e s as f o r m e r l y (B.C. Dept. of Lands and Works 1875:10), Duff remarks t h a t the bands under the F o r t V i c t o r i a  treaties  have not b e n e f i t t e d much more g r e a t l y than those not covered by t r e a t i e s "unoccupied  (1969:54-55).  The q u e s t i o n s of  l a n d s " and o f c a r r y i n g on w i t h f i s h e r i e s "as  f o r m e r l y " remain unresolved and undefined, as the problem d e s c r i b e d i n the p r e v i o u s chapter, concerning n a t i v e peoples' access t o s h e l l f i s h  beaches,illustrates.  The t r e a t y w i t h the North Saanich t r i b e ,  affecting  the present day T s a r t l i p band does not d i f f e r a p p r e c i a b l y i n terminology from any of the other F o r t V i c t o r i a