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UBC Theses and Dissertations

In this neglected spot : the rural cemetery landscape in Southern British Columbia Philpot, Mary Elizabeth 1976

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IN THIS NEGLECTED SPOT: THE RURAL CEMETERY LANDSCAPEIN SOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIAbyMARY PHILPOTB.A. (lions.) University of Toronto, 1973A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF ARTSDepartment of GeographyWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAApril, 1976\.-) Mary Philpot, 1976In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements foran advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree thatthe Library shall make it freely available for reference and study.I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesisfor scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department orby his representatives. It is understood that copying or publicationof this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without mywritten permission.Department of_________________TheUniversityofBritishColumbia2075 Wesbrook PlaceVancouver, CanadaV6T 1WSDate 4ri_P 2 i’jiL1Abs tractThe cemetery is a feature of the human landscape. It has beendescribed as a memorial to the living as well as to the dead becauseit reflects the various sustaining mechanisms of the society whichcreates it. Wealth, prestige, kinship, ethnic and religious barriersare all represented to a degree in the cemetery. This study focuses onthe rural cemetery landscape of southern British Columbia in the socialand economic context of the 19th century.The cemetery is first described in subjective terms as a seriesof vignettes. The aesthetic qualities of the cemetery are stressedand the emotions they evoke are considered. A more rigorous examination of the rural graveyard landscape in southern British Columbiafollows Chapter 1, where the results of field work are presented. Thescene is set for an interpretation of that landscape in Chapter 3,including a discussion of English and American antecedents in cemeteryplanning and ‘death’s celebration’ in the 19th century. Chapter 4considers the rural cemetery landscape of southern British Columbiaas a reflection of 19th century society in that province.11TwoThreeTABLE OF CONTENTS71011• 13• 1618334570• • 73• . 81• . 8791100104106Page•1CHAPTEROne CEMETERY IMPGES: BRITISH COLUMBIA AND ONTARIOSt. Stephen’s ChurchyardYale CemeteryRock Creek CemeteryPhoenix CemeteryConclusionsTwo THE RURAL CEMETERY LANDSCAPE OF SOUTHERNBRITISH COLUMBIAField ResultsTombstone Classification ResultsThree THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT OF THECEMETERY IN EARLY BRITISH COLUMBIAThe Southern British Columbia Cemetery inPerspective: Cemetery PlanningThe Monument as Part of the Cemetery LandscapeDeath’s Celebration in the 19th CenturyFour CONCLUSIONS: SOCIETY AND THE 19TH CENTURY RURALCEMETERY IN SOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIASELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHYAPPENDICESOne Marble Dealers and Monument Makers inBritish Columbia (1870-1910)Tombstone MotifsEpitaphs Found on Tombstones in Southern BritishColumbia 109111LIST OF PLATESSt. Stephen’s Churchyard--SaanichSt. Stephen’s Churchyard Ca. 1900A view of the Yale cemeteryOld cemetery gate at the entrance to RockCreek graveyardPhoenix cemeteryThe Murrayville CemeteryThe Fort Langley CemeteryMatsqui CemeterySurrey Centre ChurchyardThe Hope CemeteryThe Lytton CemeteryA View of the Lillooet Cemetery .A View of the Hedley CemeteryThe Princeton CemeteryThe Greenwood CemeteryThe Midway CemeteryThe New Denver CemeteryPicket fence around the Shady Creek CemeteryPicket fence enclosure around an individual plotIron grave enclosure at LyttonP LATE1.1 The rural Ontario graveyard landscapePage21.21 . 2a1. 3a2. 3b2.• . 3030353739ivPLATE Page2.15 Lead piping enclosure in foreground and concretekerbing in background at Ross Bay cemetery 392.16 Japanese marker at Princeton 442.17 A fine brown slate marker found at the Yale cemetery 482.18 Classic Weeping Willow Motif 542.19 An elaborately sculpted variation on the weepingwillow motif. Ross Bay 542.20 Classic Pointing Finger Motif 552.21 Classic Clasped Hands Motif 562.22 Clasped Hands Motif on marble marker at Courtenay . . 562.23 Classic Rose Motif 572.24 Lamb Motif on child’s marker at Princeton 572.25 Wooden Headboard in the Greenwood Cemetery 602.26 Rough-cut gray granite tablet with ledger inforeground 602.27 A gabled version of the tablet 642.28 Obelisk shaped marker 662.29 A tombstone shape popular at the turn of the20th century 662.30 Variation on the simple cross: ivy draped acrossone arm, a bird perched on the other 672.31 Second variation on the simple cross 674.32 “Where one might ponder . . . “ 93VLIST OF FIGURESFIGURE Page1 Cemetery Sample Area--Lower Fraser Valley 202 Cemetery Sample Area--Southern British Columbia . . 213 Cemetery Sketch Maps 22-234 Tombstone materials 1870-1925 465 Tombstone motifs 1870-1925 536 Gates Ajar and Leafy Branch Motifs 597 Popular Tombstone Shapes in Southern British Columbia 63viAcknowledgementsAfter several false starts and dead ends, this thesis has finallyreached its present state. While the research and writing of it was upto me, I relied on several people to maintain my mental health statethroughout what sometimes seemed a never-ending process.I would like to thank my academic advisors: Cole, for his patience, wisdom and editorial skills at a crucial stage; Dick for hisfriendship, his unique approach to ideas, his enthusiasm and encouragement. My friends and fellow graduate students provided a shoulder tolean on when it was needed and were always willing to discuss thingsover a beer. (They were also the source of endless witicisms over thefact that I had chosen a “dead-end” topic, a matter of “grave concern”etc.). In alphabetical order, and hoping that I do not miss anyone,I would like to thank Adriane, Angus, Deryck, Donna, Jan, Joan andWarren-—for being there. Thanks also to a good friend, Chris Webber,who helped with computing matters, to William Driftwood for his helpwith the maps and to Sir Thomas Gray, who provided a title.It is always easier to tread a path which has been clearedbefore you. To Mark I owe so very much--he cajoled, berated, sympathized and encouraged when I needed it most. I thank him for caringenough to see me through.Finally, I thank my family, who never quite understood why Ileft the comforts of southern Ontario, but who knew this was importantto me. I hope I can repay them some day for the support they havegiven.I’r)1 dS %1’4 t, ‘4 5’1LrSummer and winter she viewed the town with sightless eyes. She wasdoubly blind, not only stone but unendowed with even a pretense ofsight. Whoever had carved her left the eyeballs blank. It seemedstrange to me that she should stand above the town, harking us allto heaven, without knowing who we were at all. But I was too youngthen to know her purpose although my father often told me she had beenbrought from Italy at a terible expense and was pure white marble.I think now she must have been carved by stone masons in that distantsun who were the cynical descendants of Bernini, gouging out her likeby the score, gauging with admirable accuracy the needs of fledglingpharoahs in an uncouth land.Margaret LaurenceAbove the town, on the hill brow, the stone angel used to stand.I wonder if she stands there yet, in memory of her who relinquishedher feeble ghost as I gained my stubborn one, my mother’s angel thatmy father bought in pride to mark her bones and proclaim his dynasty,as he fancied, forever and a day.CHAPTER ONECEMETERY IMAGES: BRITISH COLUMBIA AND ONTARIOThe impetus for this study stems from my earlier interest inthe rural cemetery as a landscape feature in southern Ontario. There,you can travel the county backroads and see a dozen or so small graveyards within a distance of 60-70 miles. The tell-tale symbols--afield of precisely carved, white marble headstones, on a slight lean,surrounded by the towering red granite shafts of a different era--areconspicuous against the rolling Ontario countryside (see Plate 1.1).Invariably, these cemeteries are located between two small towns, atthe corner of a crossroads, or beside a rect-brick or fieldstone church.They are often, but not always, found on a grassy knoll, which isusually shaded in spring and summer by a row of mature elm or mapletrees. When Ontario is at her verdant, summer best, the rural cemeteryis a cool, green haven—-appealing to the eye and soothing the soul.The scenes described above strike a chord within me. I findthe rustic setting of the rural cemetery-—the leafy old trees and agingmarble headstones——aesthetically pleasing. They are silent places buttheir silence is not the frightening stillness of the unknown. Rather,it is conducive to quiet walks and calm reflection and in that settingI can sense and accept, the natural order of events.While examining characteristics of the country graveyard insouthern Ontario, I came to realize that I had not only stepped into anunique place but also back through time. I had unknowingly entered a12Plate 1.1 The rural Ontario graveyard landscape.A cemetery near Brougham, Ontario.3different world and the people I met there intrigued me. I became interested in knowing their names, their origins, and the events that hadaffected their lives. Few of those people are my own ancestors and yetthey felt as close to me as my own kin, because they are part of myOntario heritage.The people who created the rural cemeteries throughout southernOntario (and who are now buried in them), established the foundationsof the province. Those foundations are strong and that strength is reflected in the landscape of the graveyard. I am impressed by the audacityof the red granite obelisk which proclaims not only wealth and prestigein a comunity, but also endurance. Similarly, I cannot ignore thesight of sons, fathers and grandfathers laid side by side in familyplots begun well over a century ago. There is a sense of continuity inthose cemeteries; the names on the headstones are names still listed inthe nearest town’s phone directory. These were real people--coping aswe all do with whatever the present circumstances happen to be. I cansmile and mus upon the character of one Patrick McConnel, laid to restin a Medonte township cemetery beside his three wives. He survived themall and married the last in his eighty-fifth year. I can pause and reflect for a moment at the sight of five small graves in a row, allchildren and members of the same family, all dead within days of eachother. In cases such as these, the cemetery is much more to me than acollection of markers with faceless names. It is a reminder of thosepeople who had a hand in shaping Ontario’s landscape as it appears today.Those who settled the Ontario countryside early in the nineteenth century4took up the task of making a home and completed it. They cleared theland, built houses, barns, roads, churches, and schools for theirchildren. Those same people built the cemeteries.The graveyard then, is as much a memorial to the living as itis to the dead and as such, reflects those ideas which we hold to beimportant. The types of monuments, the placement of trees, shrubs,grave enclosures, pathways, and driveways in the cemetery landscape maytell us as much about a society as does, for example, its architecture.Similarly, the barriers which divide religious, ethnic and economicgroups are often as clear in the layout of a cemetery as in society atlarge. Our present means of interment in a spacious memorial garden,with a standard size bronze marker set flush to the ground is an accuratereflection of the loss of individuality in todays society.The cemetery evokes shared associations and feelings. It maywell have unpleasant associations for many people. They set foot insideon no more than two or three occasions during a lifetime at a time ofsorrow. They are unlikely to remember details of the cemetery apart froma desire to escape the situation as soon as possible. Far more than amonument in praise of the dead, the cemetery is a reminder of our ownmortality, which few can accept comfortably. An eighteenth centuryepitaph conveys the message that we ignore today.Remember me as you pass byAs you are nowSo once was IAs I am now,So you must bePrepare thereforeTo follow me.5In contrast, our society has been accused of engaging in a conspiracy“to pretend that death does not exist; corpses, bones and funerals beingkept well out of sight and segregated from everyday life.”1While the cemetery fulfills a practical function as well as asymbolic one, it is also a sacred place. The fence which surrounds itseparates it from the profane world. Entering through the cemetery gateis like walking through the doors of a church. A special set of feelings is aroused. These feelings are presumably widely shared, for mostsocieties have burial places that are hallowed to them. Depending uponour mutual regard, we may honour and respect those places as we wouldour own. Emily Carr for example, paints a vivid picture of an Indiangraveyard.It was a quiet place, this Indian cemetery, lying a little alooffrom the village. A big stump field, swampy and green separatedthem. Birds called across the field and flew into the quiettangle of the cemetery bushes and nested there among foliage sonewly created that it did not know anything about time. Therewas no road into the cemetery to be worn dusty by feet, or stirredinto gritty clouds by hearse wheels. The village had no hearse.The dead were carried by friendly hands across the stump field.2The aspect of quiet depicted in that selection and the chanceit affords for respite, from a world which appears to ignore both, aretwo of the cemetery’s most important and attractive ingredients as aplace. There is an opportunity to come to terms with oneself regarding1 James Curl, The Victorian Celebration of Death, p. 14.2 Emily Carr, Klee Wyck, pp. 94-95.6death and the mortal nature of the human being. It is also a “firm andfixed social place, ritually consecrated for this purpose, where thedisturbed sentiments of human beings about their loved ones can settleand find peace and certainty.”3 A final feature of the cemetery isthat it is a testimony to our ancestral roots, a . . . book of history,biography, an instructor in architecture and sculpture.”4A history book, a sacred place and a haven from the outside worldwere the characteristics present to varying degrees in the cemeteries Ivisited in southern Ontario. On moving to British Columbia, I was curiousto know whether or not these same characteristics applied to the cemeteries here. Essentially then, I looked for the southern Ontario landscape in British Columbia, and I did not find it. Rather, I found acultural landscape totally different from anything I had known before.The difference is related to both different physical environments andsettlement histories. The variety in British Columbia landforms andclimatic conditions, for example, is striking. There is a dramatic con—trast between the arid interior plateau and the wet coastal mountains.Similarly, the social environment (settlement patterns and development)seemed as variegated as its physical setting. Only fragments of BritishColumbia reflected the agrarian stability of rural Ontario; the rest wasapparently settled by a mainly itinerant population, often more interested in quick profit than in permanent settlement. With such a socialW. Warner, The Living and the Dead, p. 49.John Morley, Death, Heaven and the Victorians, p. 16.7and physical mosaic, British Columbia could not reproduce the Ontariocemetery. I cannot envision a ‘typical’ British Columbia cemetery--my varied impressions of individual cemeteries appear below in theform of several vignettes.ST. STEPHEN’S CHURCHYARDAt St. Stephen’s churchyard on the Saanich peninsula, I foundperhaps the closest British Columbian equivalent of the Ontario cemetery.It is more reminiscent, however, of the English country churchyard (seePlate 1.2). One passes under the lychgate at the entrance and walksdown a central gravelled pathway towards a small, white frame church.On either side are the graves of departed members of the flock, shadedin spring and summer by gnarled oaks. The wisps of reindeer moss whichhang from the branches in fall and winter give the place a ghostlyatmosphere, somewhat different from the welcoming green of the otherseasons. A photograph taken in about 1900 reveals that each grave wasonce surrounded by a freshly whitewashed picket fence (see Plate l.2a).The fences are gone but the solid gray granite crosses and white marbleslabs remain. No grave is beyond the sight and presence of the churchand the feeling is strong that one walks upon consecrated ground. Tomy mind, there is a feeling in that churchyard of permanence and stability--very like the impression conveyed by the Ontario cemetery. Thegray granite crosses seem to symbolize strength and the nearby churchenhances the sense of durability. You may indeed “sleep the long sleep8Plate 1.2 St. Stephen’s Churchyard--Saanich.The Romantic landscape of the Englishchurchyard recreated in British Columbia.9St. Stephen’s Churchyard ca. 1900.Note picket fences around the plots.Plate l.2a10of death” in St. Stephen’s churchyard.5THE YALE CEMETERYThe cemetery near the small settlement of Yale in the FraserCanyon brings British Columbia’s colourful past into sharp focus. Ifind a strong sense of history here, as strong as that in any Ontariocemetery. Yale was an important gold rush town and its cemetery is agood reflection of the time when miners struggled through the FraserCanyon on their way to the goldfields. Natives of Scotland, Ireland,England, North Wales, Germany, Ontario, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick,Quebec, Massachusetts, and Ohio are buried here. A number of the gravesare those of young men, but there is also the plot of six year old DaisySummer who “faltered by the wayside and the Angels took her home.” Themarkers represent the work of several stonecarvers in Victoria and atleast one stone was brought from outside the province, carved by a W. A.Smith in Ingersoll, Ontario. They were made of wood, marble and graygranite and one was a very fine brown slate. (Slate is rarely used inBritish Columbia; it is unfortunate that the origin of this marker isnot known, see Plate 2.17). A few plots at Yale are enclosed by woodenpicket fences and two by very elaborate wrought ironwork. While ironenclosures may also be seen in the Ontario cemetery, wooden picket fencesare not usually evident and thus provide a point of contrast betweenBritish Columbia and Ontario. I saw little ironwork on the mainland orKenneth Lindley, Of Graves and Epitaphs, p. 20.11in the interior apart from Yale. Its presence there is probably dueto the town’s accessibility to foundries at Victoria or New Westminster.Presumably, steamers travelling up the Fraser to Yale on a regular basiscarried items such as grave enclosures and mail-order headstones as partof their cargo.The variety of markers and enclosures at Yale cemetery, datingback to the Gold Rush and representing individuals from several ethnicbackgrounds, give the place a charm all its own. It is by no means aswell—tended nor as peaceful as the churchyard in Saanich or the typicalOntario graveyard; and in spite of its relative age, there is little ofthe sense of continuity with the past. It is located on a steep hillabout a half mile south of town, totally overgrown by a shrub of theacacia family (see Plate 1.3). Hence, it is difficult to locate andany efforts to find the graves are hampered by a thick tangle of thorns.Persistence is rewarded however, and there is much of interest in theYale cemetery.THE ROCK CREEK CEMETERYThe Rock Creek cemetery sits on an old river terrace overlooking the Kettle Valley. The town it serves is located below on thevalley bottom, another creation in the rush for gold. Unlike many ghostlycounterparts in the interior, Rock Creek survives as a place on the map.The cemetery appears to be only a small part of that survival; it liesto one side of a gravel track which winds up and west of the town intothe surrounding hills. I found the Rock Creek graveyard dry and dusty;12Plate 1.3 A view of the Yale cemetery. It isextremely difficult to see the headstones because of the vegetationgrowth. Two or three monuments areevident in this picture while therest are well hidden.13the breeze soon obliterated my footsteps on the trail which dividesthe cemetery. The deciduous grove of trees in St. Stephen’s churchyardor in the Ontario cemetery is absent at Rock Creek and the July sunbeats down on an open landscape. A wild mixture of rabbitbrush, sage,and speargrass hides many of the markers, both old and new. I did notfind the Rock Creek cemetery as inviting as I did the glade at St.Stephen’s. With its thorns and prickles, it requires almost as mucheffort to walk through as the cemetery at Yale. The predominantly marblemarkers I found there are a startling white--apparently the arid climatebleaches them out. They are simple in style and shape, without thevariety displayed at Yale or the gentle weathering of those at St.Stephen’s. The rows are neat, but have wide gaps, giving the impressionof something started but incomplete. The Rock Creek cemetery seemed tostress the graveyard’s functional role as a disposal ground for the dead.I found little evidence that the people in the town below cared whetheror not the graves go untended, and no sense of the permanence found inthe solid granite at St. Stephen’s.PHOENIX GRAVEYARDThe Phoenix cemetery is green and shaded, not by leafy old elms,but by tall firs. The grave markers are aging but they are wooden, notmarble. The small picket fences around them are charming in their simplicity. It is a quiet place and encourages the same opportunity forpeaceful reflection as the Ontario cemetery.14Plate 1.4 Old cemetery gate at the entranceto Rock Creek graveyard. The dirttrack in the foreground peters outabout 10 yards from the entrance ina tangle of underbrush.15I found the Phoenix cemetery a welcome relief after a particularlyfrustrating search on a hot, dusty day. It is a half mile or so south ofthe old mine along the road between Phoenix and Greenwood and almost outof sight on a steep, heavily treed slope. On the sight of what was oncethe town of Phoenix is now a huge open pit. The desolation is so completethat a description of Phoenix in its heyday reads as fantasy. Between 1890and 1920, it was “a big, brassy place, full of locomotives, blasting, fourchurches, champion hockey teams, 28 saloons, five dance halls, gamblingcasinos and the biggest plate glass windows in the west.”6 This was thePhoenix of not even a century ago; unlike the mythical bird, it is unlikelyto rise from the ashes. Only the cemetery marks the old townsite and onlyit testifies to the fact that people once lived and worked there.From contemporary accounts, a lychgate marked its entrance; now ahand-painted sign hangs slightly askew on a brand new chain-link fence.Entering the gate, I faced a disarray of markers--some broken and leaningagainst the wooden picket fences that surround them, others tilting againsttrees at awkward angles. The gates of toothless picket fences swing onrusty hinges. Many of the wooden markers have withstood time well enoughbut are weathered, like the fences around them, to a uniform gray. Ifthe plots themselves were once neat and well—kept, they are no longer.As at Yale, a number of young men are buried at Phoenix. Themarkers tell of birthplaces in Nova Scotia, Ontario, Quebec, Italy,Austria, Switzerland, Scotland, and North Wales. Several children also6 Bruce Ramsey, Ghost Towns of British Columbia, p. 1 75.16have plots there and the local Oddfellow Lodge reserved a large pieceof consecrated ground for its members. Mature fir trees stand tallamong the graves, giving the place a kind of cathedral effect (seePlate 1.5).Phoenix graveyard is now a world in itself and stands as asilent monument to a town which has long since disappeared. Its markersfail in their duty to commemorate individuals--there is no one left tobe reminded.CONCLUSIONSI have included the above series of sketches to highlight thecontrasts between the southern Ontario and the British Columbia cemetery. I was also concerned with pointing out the differences in theBritish Columbia cemeteries themselves. It became clear to me in thecourse of my field work that it is not so easy to stereotype the BritishColumbia cemetery as the Ontario cemetery. There is a difference inthe overall morphology of the cemetery between the two provinces, inphysical settings and in the societies they represent. There is asmuch difference between cemeteries in different parts of British Columbia.If it is true that a cemetery reflects the people who made it, then theseBritish Columbia cemeteries, so unlike those in Ontario, so different onefrom another, have something to say about the nature of early BritishColumbia. My task here will be to describe these cemeteries, and then,insofar as I am able, to interpret them. Chapter Two is given to adetailed description and Chapter Three to interpretation.17Plate 1.5 Phoenix cemetery. The tall trees andsurrounding shrubbery, aging grave markersand the picket fences surrounding themmake Phoenix as aesthetically appealingas the Ontario graveyard.CHAPTER TWOTHE RURAL CEMETERY LANDSCAPE OF SOUTHERNBRITISH COLUMBIAReconnaissance surveys of several cemeteries in the Fraser Valleywere carried out during the late spring of 1975, to assess the volume andkinds of information which would be available for a study of the cemeterylandscape. On the basis of material gathered at that time, a classification scheme was devised for noting the following features: visibility(whether or not the cemetery was an outstanding part of its surroundings),site location, the method of enclosure, vegetation inside and outsidethe cemetery, internal kerbing and/or fencing of grave plots, the spatialarrangement of grave spaces and walkway patterns. A similar scheme wasdevised for tombstones in the cemetery. In the field, information wastaken concerning (1) the date of death on the marker: (2) the materialfrom which the marker was carved; (3) the predominant motif; (4) lettering; (5) the epitaph; (6) the shape of the marker; (7) the compassorientation of the marker. Each piece of data was assigned a code forcomputer processing. A tombstone sample size of 1000 was arbitrarilychosen and I imposed a temporal limit, 1850-1925. This period takesinto account the earliest settlement phase in British Columbia and givessome scope for exploring changes in tombstone fashion. By 1925, tombstone art seems to be directed towards functional purposes rather thanartistic expression.1819Fieldwork was conducted during the summer and fall of 1975 andwas limited to southern British Columbia, an area that was accessibleto me and that represents strikingly different environments and settlement histories. Highway 3, which runs along the southern border ofBritish Columbia was used as a transect line, as was the Fraser Canyonroute to Lillooet, and the Island Highway on the east coast of VancouverIsland to Courtenay.Any cemetery with more than an estimated total of 1000 tombstoneswas excluded from the sample. Following similar field experience insouthern Ontario, I found that a unit of this size (containing 500-1000)stones is the most manageable one for detailed study.1 An exception tothe preferred sample size is Ross Bay cemetery in Victoria. It providesa cross-section of tombstones before 1880 and there I selected at random100 markers to record in the tombstone classification scheme. Ross Bayis also used as a model for the Victorian cemetery, an important consideration in future discussion. Using the sample size limit mentionedabove, large cemeteries at Grand Forks, Rossland, and Trail were excluded from the sample, although a general set of field notes was takenfor each one. Similarly, Doukhobor, Mennonite, Japanese, and Indiancemeteries were viewed, but in a most general sense. Ethnic diversity in1 This fact is verified by the work of others. Gillespie andPrice dealt with cemeteries in Delaware and Illinois respectively, andthey too selected those with fewer than 1000 stones. Francaviglia’sstudy in Oregon, though a basic work in the field of necrogeography,does not mention the size of the cemeteries sampled.liflcCemetery0LowerFraserValley0SimilkameenSouthOkanaganBoundary—WestKootenay0C) C m (‘3SAMPLEAREA-SOUTHERN.s..c.___________________W076Bay)ChurchyardPhoenixFraserCanyonCSoutheastVancoUverISland0+04QScaleCEMETERY0HEDLEY22MAPS OF CEMETERIEScha,. 1i,,k’ Fnt peiMefFORT vu. c.iiarn +o k’eremeos—rRG3 Cemetery Sketch flapssk? iuFF.4ds,oft. pint Corfeft4i_______________ ____________________23r old -J /qtwdrj v€e.rmt’ -over,sw,.-- Ic!di# romdshtp IIFP Oy&fIooA #own.an4 Kc ffl V’4IItf *i 4owi. *#34?Hdu4(Out’ hie,ROCK CREEKs’”p ?u1Ifo(o14 clirlYc.5qraVeij4rd’iS rr*teJp054o’c.oc. piiic- I is..’.amos!I IiardpJcd( th4 kuKI I newckRilt. CDt.- IILYTTON—t24the cemetery landscape is recognized but as I have been most interestedin the cemeteries created by what might be called the predominant society,I confined my recording to the small graveyards (see Plates 1.2-1.5 pp. 2,8,9,12,14,17 and Plates 2.1—2.11).The undifferentiated cemetery described by Price (10 graves orless) and the small family plot recognized by both Price and Francaviglia(20 graves or less)2 undoubtedly exist in British Coluntia, but wereneither sought nor found in this study. To some, there may be no morepoignant statement than the single cross or headstone against a gatheringsky: a solitary grave slab (of wood, not stone) meekly rising from thelowly grave mound near an old established looking settler’s homestead,its simple lettered story upon the white painted board, telling of oneor more breaches in the family since it came there.”3 These are impossibleto locate however, without a good deal of intimate, local knowledge.4Even the small cemeteries I studied were often hard to find.Topographic maps at a scale of 1:50,000 were virtually useless becausegraveyards were not consistently marked on them (they appeared on some2 Larry Price, “Some Results and Implications of a CemeteryStudy,” Professional Geographer, Volume XVIII, No. 4, 1966.Edwin Guillet, The Pioneer Farmer and Backwoodsman, p. 208.In a recent historic survey of the Squamish-Lillooet area (unpublished), two such graveyards were documented. One was on the site of29-Mile House (along the old Harrison Lake-Lillooet road) and apparentlydates from about 1860. The authors of the report conclude that, “althoughthe picket fence of the small cemetery is broken down and scattered on theground and the headboard is apparently missing, one might safely assumefrom its style and obvious age that the grave or graves there date fromthe gold rush period.” Another cemetery was located in “thick brush” nearthe site of Port Douglas and was also dated to the Gold Rush.25Plate 2.1.Plate 2.2.The Murrayville CemeteryThe Fort Langley Cemetery26Matsqui Cemetery. Ornamentalvegetation in the cemetery landscape.Note arrangement of boxwood shrubsand weeping willow in background.Plate 2.3b. Surrey Centre Churchyard. MatureDouglas fir among the headstones.Plate 2.3a.CPlate 2.5. The Lytton Cemetery. Note broad dirttrack dividing the cemetery in half.27Plate 2.4. The Hope Cemetery28Plate 2.6. A View of theNote lychyateLillooet background.A View of the Hedley Cemeteryfrom the highway.Plate 2.7.29The Princeton Cemetery and the tallPonderosa Pine among the graves inthe old section.Plate 2.9. The Greenwood Cemetery--a terraced effect.Plate 2.8.30Plate 2.11. The New Denver CemeteryPlate 2.10. The Midway Cemetery31maps and not on others). Many were hidden by an overgrowth of vegetation and could not be seen from the highway. The best procedure forfinding a cemetery was to consult an official in a village or town hail,the local museum, tourist information booth, or at the local cafe. Inmost cases, the cemetery was located beyond the town limits and usuallywell off the main road. It was known to local people only; the outsider would see it only if he had a reason for doing so.This transect of southern British Columbia established a veryclear division between coastal and interior cemeteries. Those in theLower Fraser Valley and on southeastern Vancouver Island are well-keptand parklike, with regular rows of evenly spaced granite and marble headstones. Both regions reflect a similar settlement history. The FraserValley was settled in the latter third of the 19th century because ofits arable potential and because of its proximity to centres like Victoriaand New Westminster. Southeastern Vancouver Island was settled at approximately the same time for like reasons and an image of each region mightinclude cleared, cultivated fields dotted with barns and houses--evidenceof a rural, sedentary existence.There is a clear distinction between the landscape described aboveand that of the Fraser Canyon or Similkameen cemetery. With the exceptionof a well-watered municipal lawn cemetery at Oliver and the recentlylawned section of the Princeton cemetery, the interior graveyard landscape is dry and bare. Ground vegetation is at a minimum, the paths between the graves are often gravelled over, many of the plots are kerbedwith concrete, or mounded with loose dirt. Both the Fraser Canyon and32Similkameen cemeteries represent a dramatic change in climate and vegetation from the coastal zone. They are part of a semi-arid belt whichstretches through a major portion of central British Columbia. In termsof settlement history, the towns in the Fraser Canyon are among theoldest in British Columbia, but they did not develop within an agrarianeconomy. They were little more than stopping places along the corridorto the Cariboo goldfields and once harboured a highly mobile population.Towns in the Similkameen and south Okanagan were settled after 1890; somestarted off as mining camps (Princeton and Hedley) and others became knownas service centres for the orchards in the Okanagan (e.g., Keremeos andOsoyoos).The graveyard landscape in the Boundary-West Kootenay countryis slightly different from that described above. It tends to be an unkempt landscape--vegetation grows virtually unchecked. Internal graveenclosures (i.e., picket fences or kerbing) are much more evident herethan in any other region of southern British Columbia. The gravestonesare less regularly spaced and the path between the graves is no more thana worn track. The Boundary-West Kootenay cemetery reflects a gradualshift in vegetation zones caused by an increase in precipitation. Thechange is particularly marked after Grand Forks, where the Columbia andSubalpine forest are the major biotic zones. Extremes are representedby the semi-arid Rock Creek graveyard landscape (very like the southOkanagan cemetery) and the leafy green grove at New Denver. While physically different, the Boundary-West Kootenay region has a settlementhistory as a mining area and thus, a shared development with the Similkameen and Fraser Canyon comunities.33FIELD RESULTSThe rural cemetery is not an obvious feature of the human landscape in southern British Columbia, as are churches, barns, fences, andfield patterns. It is not the striking part of the country scene thatit is in southern Ontario.The visibility of cemeteries (defined solely on the basis ofwhether or not the cemetery could be seen from the main road) variesregionally, but only slightly so. They are less hidden in the FraserValley and southeastern Vancouver Island than elsewhere in southernBritish Columbia. Fort Langley, Matsqui, and Surrey Centre cemeteries,for example, are apparent from the road to the casual observer. On theother hand, the graveyards at Lytton, Yale and Hedley, although foundalongside the highway, are well protected by vegetation and hidden fromview. Cemeteries in the Similkameen-south Okanagan and the Boundary-West Kootenay regions are also well-disguised. One must know exactlywhere to look for them. Town burial grounds at Princeton, Rock Creek,Midway, Greenwood, and Salmo are beyond the town limits and along poorlymarked tracks off the main route.The visibility of a cemetery depends largely on its site. Thereis a popular conception that graveyards are placed on elevated ground,hilltops being the preferred location from both a practical and symbolicstandpoint. In this study, that generalization could not be made. Onlyhalf the cemeteries sampled, including Murrayville, Surrey Centre, Chilli—wack, Greenwood, Midway, Phoenix, Salmo, Yale, and Lytton could be34considered to be on any slope at all. Others were on old river or laketerraces, New Denver and Rock Creek holding commanding views of SlocanLake and the Kettle Valley respectively. The hillside is not alwaysthe favoured site in cemetery location in southern British Columbia.5Most of the rural cemeteries sampled are set apart from thesurrounding landscape by a fence, either a modern post or chain linkfence. There are a few exceptions. A tall cedar hedge marking thesoutheastern boundary of the Surrey Centre churchyard is one, and a whitepicket fence at Shady Creek churchyard is another (see Plate 2.12). Contemporary accounts would suggest that the picket fence was usually thefirst to be built whenever ground was set aside for a graveyard.6 EmilyCarr described the old Quadra Street cemetery in Victoria in the following manner: “it had a picket fence and was surrounded by tall, pale trees.”7Undoubtedly, a whitewashed picket fence enhanced the appearance of theAn interesting variant on the cemetery location theme was introduced in a paper on the placemen of a Chinese cemetery in Victoria. According to the author, it seemed highly likely that an ideal location wasdetermined through the application of feng shui or “a combination ofChinese philosophical, religious, astrological, cosmological, mathematical and geographical concepts.” In fact, records indicate that theChinese Association in Victoria purchased a parcel of land in Saanichwhich apparently fulfilled the proper balance of factors. It was neverdeveloped as a cemetery however, because of opposition from local residents. See David Lai, “A Feng Shui Model as a Location Index,” AAG, Vol.64, Dec., 1974, pp. 506-513.6 See contract of the Sandon Miner’s Union for a picket fence tobe built around the town cemetery. MSS, Victoria, 1912. A descriptionof a small graveyard in rural Ontario contains the passage: “it wassurrounded by willow trees and a picket fence.” Pen Pictures of EarlyPioneer Life in Upper Canada.Emi y arr, The Book of Small.35Plate 2.12. Picket fence around theShady Creek Cemetery.-j36• graveyard, but most have long since weathered and rotted. Many havebeen completely removed to make way for newer fences.Picket fences inside the cemetery around individual grave plotshave survived much better. The enclosure of plots appears to have beena widespread practice in the late 19th and early 20th centuries insouthern British Columbia. It is a noticeable characteristic of theSimilkameen-south Okanagan and Boundary-west Kootenay cemeteries wherethe fences have been well preserved in a dry climate. There is everylikelihood that the custom was carried on throughout the entire studyarea but that the pickets were removed when they reached a derelict stateto facilitate modern cemetery upkeep. This is almost certain to havebeen the case in the Fraser Valley, for example, where upkeep is kept ata high standard. The absence of these small fences in graveyards atHope, Yale, and Lillooet is conspicuous because the older the area, themore likelihood of finding picketed graves. They marked graves for instance in the old Quadra Street cemetery in Victoria and at St. Stephen’schurchyard on the Saanich peninsula8 (see Plate l.2a, p. 9). The graveyard at Phoenix contains several examples of the varied and ornate stylesused in making these fences (see Plate 2.13).Other methods of delineating individual graves include concreteor fieldstone kerbing, mounding, wrought iron enclosures (Lytton, Yale,8 See plates on pages 69, 71 in Bruce Ramsey, Bakerv’tlle: AGuide to the Fabulous Cariboo Gold Camp. Also see Plate, page 129 inEdgar Fawcett, Reminiscences of Old Victoria——The Old Quadra Cemetery.I37Plate 2.13. Picket fence enclosure aroundan individual plot.‘V138Ross Bay) and lead piping between granite or marble corner posts (seePlates 2.14, 2.15). Kerbing is found throughout the sample area withslight variations in style. In the Similkameen-south Okanagan, thecentre space is sometimes filled with bits of gravel or limestone.Mounding appears to be a response to shallow soil conditions and is generally found in the dry interior cemetery. The origin of the iron graveenclosures is not known, but they were probably produced by BritishColumbia foundries. In the B.C. Directory for 1877, a firm in Victoriaadvertised, “Monuments, Headstones, Grave Enclosures--Undertakers, Funerals Conducted with Care and Economy.” Presumably, the metal graveenclosures cost more than simple wooden fences. They are rare in southern British Columbia, appearing on only a dozen of the 1000 plots inthe tombstone sample.The lead piping method, consisting of one or two pipes placedaround the perimeter of the grave between granite or marble corner posts,is often combined with kerbing and is found in all regions except theFraser Valley. Again, such enclosures may have been removed recentlyto facilitate maintenance.A large number of graves in the sample were unenclosed (at leastthree-quarters), but there is reason to believe that enclosure by any ofthe above means was once common. Modern regulations often prohibit themaltogether.9Municipal cemetery by-laws in the Fraser Valley include thefollowing regulation: “No grave or lot shall be defined by fence, railing, coping, hedge or any other marker save by tablet or marker as hereinfor provided for.”I39Plate 2.14.Plate 2.15.Iron grave enclosure at Lytton. Notetasseled urns on the corner posts.Lead piping enclosure in foregroundand concrete kerbing in backgroundat Ross Bay cemetery.‘\40One of the more noticeable features of a cemetery is its ornamental vegetation. While symbolic associations of cemetery vegetationare discussed in Chapter 3, the types of vegetation and their spatialarrangement are considered here. It is to be expected of course thatspecies will vary regionally since climatic conditions are quite different throughout the study area. At least six biotic zones are representedin the sample,1° responding to various moisture, temperature and soilconditions. Any attempt at ornamental vegetation in a graveyard musttake into account these local conditions.In the Fraser Valley, a few attempts have been made to mark individual graves with an arrangement of boxwood, rhododendrum or yew bushes,often at the four corners of a grave. Though by no means a common practice,it occurred in half a dozen cases at the Fort Langley, Matsqui and SurreyCentre cemeteries. At Surrey Centre, the graves are shaded by matureDouglas fir and cedar (see Plate 2.3b, p. 26). The old section of theMurrayville cemetery is bordered on two sides by mature cedars and theFort Langley graveyard is bordered by a streetside row of chestnut trees.Every cemetery visited in the Valley has a well-kept lawn and, exceptfor the species given above, little other vegetation. The cemeteriesobserved on Vancouver Island are similar except for St. Peter’s Quamichan10 These zones include the Gulf Islands, the Coastal Forest(north bank of the Fraser River to Hope), the Puget Sound lowland (southbank of the Fraser River and the Lower Mainland), the Dry Forest (theFraser Canyon north of Boston Bar to Lytton and Lillooet, also Princeton), Osoyoos Arid (Keremeos and Osoyoos), the Columbia Forest east ofGrand Forks and the Subalpine Forest of the West Kootenays. B.C. NaturalResources Conference, 1954, Resource Map No. 11.41and St. Stephen’s churchyards, where Gary oaks have been planted betweenthe graves.In contrast to the greenery of the coastal cemetery, the graveyards of the interior are open and arid, until the moist slopes of theKootenays are reached. In the interior graveyard, including those inthe Similkameen-south Okanagan and parts of the Boundary country, thegraveyard vegetation tends to be a wild mixture of sage, rabbitbrush,thistle and speargrass. Midway is an exception; there the sparse grassis clipped close to the bare ground. At Princeton and Lytton, tallPonderosa Pine give shade to the graves while mature fir dwarf the disarray of markers at Phoenix. In no cases does there appear to be anyrhyme or reason to the ground plan of these trees; nothing of the manicured landscape of the Fraser Valley and southeastern Vancouver Islandis suggested.As with enclosure, the practice of marking graves with flowers,trees or shrubs may have been more widespread earlier in the centurythan present appearances would suggest. Only vestiges of the customremain and without contemporary accounts or photographs, it is difficultto speculate much further on its extent. Today, the same regulationwhich restricts the enclosure of graves also prevents the planting of11 When the first cemetery regulations were passed in 1877, oneof the expressed goals of the cemetery trustees was to “ . . . ornamentsuch cemetery in such manner as may be most convenient and suitable forthe burial of the dead and to embellish the same with such walks, avenues, roads, and shrubs, as may to them seem fitting and proper.” Aconversation with a Cemeteries Division officer in 1975 revealed thatlandscaping is no longer a prime consideration, but that profit (sellinggravespaces) is.42ornamental vegetation on a grave-site-—again, to facilitate maintenance.Landscaping in a more general sense, i.e., the attractive presentation of the cemetery as a whole, was possibly a consideration inlocating the graves among the trees at Phoenix, Princeton, and Lytton.Planned paths and walkways are not corion in the small cemeteries of southern British Columbia. There is usually a centrally placeddrive or track dividing the cemetery in half. In some cases it isbarely distinguishable. At other cemeteries--Murrayville, Chilliwack,Princeton and Ross Bay--there are well-gravelled drives winding aroundthe perimeter. In most graveyards there is evidence of a worn pathbetween the rows of graves but only in Ross Bay are foot paths a deliberately planned feature. A network of attractive footpaths would implythat the cemetery may serve a function beyond that of a simple buryingground. In fact, urban cemeteries in the 19th century often providedan additional service to the public as greenspace in their parklikesetting. Ross Bay appears to have been designed with that in mind.A regular row grave pattern is used in all the cemeteries sampledalthough the unevenness of some rows at Matsqui, Hope, Surrey Centre andPrinceton indicates that the first few burials may have been made in morehaphazard fashion. A scattered plot arrangement could well have been afeature in the earliest phase of creating a cemetery. Emily Carr notedfor example that the first few graves in Ross Bay cemetery seemed lonelyand far apart.1212 Emily Carr, The Book of Small.43Systematized burial is used not only for efficiency but alsoserves to separate religious, ethnic and fraternal factions in somecemeteries. When Ross Bay cemetery opened in Victoria, it was notedthat Episcopalians could not lie beside Nonconformists or Catholics andthat Methodists, the Chinese, paupers, and atheists alike were allotedseparate blocks of consecrated ground.13 When the B.C. Cemetery Billcame under revision, the Daily British Colonist argued vehemently forthe right of such groups to be buried apart from one another.14 Indeed,the general populace seemed to agree. The issue was an important oneand had racial overtones, as witnessed in the following statement: “therewould be nothing to prevent the interment of a Chinaman directly alongside a dear friend, and the living relatives of that friend would havethe pleasure of witnessing the Chinese burial decorations of pork,chicken, and other luxuries.”15Ethnic divisions were made clearly in cemeteries at Princetonand Maple Ridge where the Japanese are buried in a separate corner ofthe graveyard (see Plate 2.15). If a cultural group were strongly represented in an area however, it tended to bury its dead in separatecemeteries. The Japanese at Greenwood, the Doukhobors at Grand Forksand in the Slocan Valley, and the Mennonites in the Fraser Valley (Abbotsford, Clearbrook, Yarrow) all have their own burial places.13 Emily Carr, The Book of Small.14 Daily British Colonist (Victoria), April 2,8,17, 1879.15 British Daily Colonist, May 14, 1876, p. 3.44Plate 2.16. Japanese marker at Princeton.The Japanese are buried in aseparate section of the graveyard.45Cemeteries at New Denver, Rossland, Phoenix, Princeton andChilliwack had separate sections reserved for the Masonic and Oddfelloworders. With the exception of Phoenix and the old Rossland cemeterywhich are now completely abandoned, the sections reserved for the fraternal organizations are well-maintained--apparently by local chapters.The Masonic cemetery at Hedley, for example, has a lawn, totally incontrast to the rest of the cemetery which is bare ground. From theinscriptions on some of the older stones, it is likely that both societies took over the burial duties for some of their poor members. AtPhoenix, there is a stone erected to an individual by the CranbrookI.O.O.F. Lodge--probably the chapter to which he belonged. At Courtenay,the I.O.O.F. Brierville, Tennessee Lodge erected a stone to one of itsmembers killed in a mine explosion (see Plate 2.22).TOMBSTONE CLASSIFICATION RESULTSThe most obvious element in the morphologic character of thecemetery--any cemetery--is the grave marker.Almost all the gravestones erected in southern British Columbiabetween 1850 and 1925 were made of wood, marble, or British Columbiagray granite. Of the eight tombstone materials found in this study(cast zinc, red granite, slate, sandstone, wood, marble, and gray granite) the latter three were by far the most popular choices in all regions.Between 1870 and 1880 (see Figure 4-a), twenty-eight markers wererecorded on Vancouver Island, eleven in the Fraser Canyon and two in theFraser Valley for that period. The small number of markers in these three100908070605040302010nTOMBSTONE MATERIALS 46FIGURE 4M MarbleSS SandstoneW WoodS SlateGO Gray graniteRO Red graniteCC Cast Concretevi Vancouver Islandltv Lower Fraser ValleyIC Fraser CanyonSm Similkameenbk Boundary. Kootenay1870SWM M1880SSMCzWUsSUUvi Ky Ic Sm bkA1900100.RG90 GG RG .— —RG80_ W70 GG —6050 —40M UMM30 W20100vi liv Ic Sm bkB1920—= =RG .!2_GG GOGO GO--w-GO—w U UUUv liv IC Sm bkCvi liv Ic sm bkDFigure 4. Tombstone materials 1870-1925.47regions could reflect both low population density at this time (especially in the Fraser Valley) and the disappearance of the earliest markers.There is a notable lack of headstones for example at Lillooet and Lyttonfor the Gold Rush period; because of the age of the settlements, thereshould be a few in each place. No gravestones could be found however,which were older than 1885.At least half the markers recorded for this decade were made ofmarble (see Figure 4-a, p. 46). A brown slate and a wooden marker addedsome variety in the Fraser Canyon and both of these were found at Yale(see Plate 2.17). The very low proportion of wood is somewhat surprising, since it was probably the most readily available material. Possibly wooden headboards were more numerous than the study showed but havegradually weathered, fallen and been removed. This might explain thelack of old markers at Lillooet and Lytton.Sandstone made up 42 per cent of the sample on Vancouver Islandand was most strongly represented in the 100 stone sample taken at RossBay. It was obtained from a quarry at Haddington Island off the northeastern coast of Vancouver Island.16 It appears to have been worked byone man, a Robert Foster, who was employed as a stonecarver in Victoriaduring the 1870’s (see Appendix One). Sandstone was used as a materialuntil about 1885 and is found only in Victoria and at the Fort Langleycemetery. It is not especially durable, being susceptible to exfoliation,and was rarely used after Foster left the business.16 Information obtained from the present owner of the StewartMonumental Works in Victoria, October, 15, 1975.48F E.D\i\/IR[ FEcK1/ FI DIED M A7A fine brown slate marker foundat the Yale cemetery. Slate wasrarely used as a carving materialfor British Columbia gravestones./f11*JLTi(,1iT-iJi J,f !\Plate 2.17.49In the 1880’s, the Fraser Canyon, Fraser Valley, and VancouverIsland are again represented in the sample. Marble was still used withthe greatest frequency--over 75 per cent of the time in all three regions(see Figure 4b, p. 46). Sandstone virtually disappeared from the Vancouver Island sample after 1885 and only one gray granite marker createsdiversity there. Marble continued to be popular throughout the ‘90’s.By 1900, the Similkameen-south Okanagan and Boundary-West Kootenaycemeteries are added to the tombstone sample. Marble is a popular material in the Fraser Canyon and on Vancouver Island but is displaced toa certain extent in the Fraser Valley by red and gray granite. The graygranite, a local resource from coastal quarries on Nelson, Texada, andGranite Islands, was increasingly used throughout the province towards192517 (see Figure 4-c, p. 46). At least one dealer in New Westminstersold granite monuments throughout the Lower Mainland and its appearancein the Fraser Valley at this time may reflect his influence. Red granitemonuments were imported from Aberdeen, Scotland, Sweden, New Brunswick,and were distributed from New Westminster as well.18 The small numberof gray granite markers on Vancouver Island for this period (1900-1910)could be an indication of the fact that most monument makers in BritishColumbia were still living in Victoria and that their professional preference was for marble. At this time at least two kinds of marble werebeing used: a white marble which was imported from Vermont, Italy, Sweden,17 Information gathered in conversation with Mr. J.B. Newall ofthe Newall Monumental Company (since 1909) in Vancouver, July, 1975.18 Ibid.50and Scotland; and a blue marble, actually a dark gray, which came fromVermont.Marble markers were not represented at all in the Similkameensouth Okanagan between 1900 and 1910. Wood was used in about 50 percent of the sample, while red and gray granite comprised the rest. Presumably, wood was obtained locally, whereas red and gray granite markerswere shipped in from coastal dealers.Approximately three-quarters of the tombstones in the Boundary-West Kootenay region were carved from marble (1900-1910). The remainderare wood or gray or red granite. There seems to be some evidence for aslight time lag with the introduction of materials to different regions.By 1910, the Fraser Canyon, Fraser Valley, and southeastern VancouverIsland settlements were well-established. A good communications networklinked all three regions and tombstones could be distributed easily frommanufacturing centres in New Westminster, Victoria, and Vancouver. Achanging preference from imported marble to local gray granite andforeign red granite is reflected in all three regions.On the other hand, towns in the Similkameen-south Okanagan andthe Boundary-West Kootenay districts were in the preliminary stages ofsettlement at the turn of the century and links to the coast were lessstrong. This may explain the slightly higher proportion of wooden headboards in these areas because it was readily available. The high percentage of marble monuments in the Boundary-West Kootenay region isprobably attributable to a marble firm which existed in Nelson for a51short time early in the 20th century.19Between 1920 and 1925 (see Figure 4—d, p. 46) there was a striking increase in the use of gray granite in all study regions. By thistime, wooden markers were rarely used in the Similkameen-south Okanaganand the Boundary-West Kootenay regions, probably because of improvedtransportation links to the coast. The high representation of marbleand red granite in both those places may indicate a slight time lag intombstone style preference across the province. Marble and granite (red)are present only in a few cases in the Fraser Valley and on southeasternVancouver Island. These regions are close to monument makers in Vancouver and Victoria20 as well as to the source of gray granite. It isto be expected that any changes or trends in the carving material (suchas the tendency to use British Columbia granite) would occur first inthose regions closest to the point of origin. Before 1900, the centreof diffusion was in Victoria. After 1900, a number of firms were established in Vancouver and they distributed tombstones throughout theprovince. The only granite and marble dealer in the Directory outsideof the Lower Mainland for this period was the one at Nelson.Many different motifs were used (see Appendix Two) but only fivewere used frequently. Almost half the stones recorded displayed nodesign at all--merely a brief inscription. Approximately fifteen of the19 A listing for the Kootenay Marble and Granite Works in Nelsonmay be found in the B.C. Directory for the period 1905-1909. The nameof the firm was observed on a marker at Midway.20 A partial listing of monument makers and their approximatelength of stay in the business is contained in Appendix One.q52thirty-one designs were represented in only one or two instances. Theireffect on the overall sample is negligible and they are included in themiscellaneous category in Figure 5. Another half dozen motifs (rosettein corner, wheat sheaf, cross and crown, cherub, Rock of Ages andthistle) were found on only five to ten stones each and also fall intothe miscellaneous category on the graph.Between 1870 and 1880, the so-called “classic” designs, whichare well-represented in the tombstone art of southern Ontario21 and theAmerican West during the 19th century, are also found in the FraserCanyon, Fraser Valley, and Vancouver Island cemeteries. The weepingwillow, pointing (heavenward) finger, clasped hands, rose, lamb ofinnocence (popular on childrens’ markers), and dove of peace were thecommon motifs (see Plates 2.18 to 2.24).Monument makers in British Columbia were attuned to the currentfashion in tombstone art. The similarities in the designs themselves,which exist from British Columbia to southern Ontario and throughoutthe American West, indicate that pattern guides were probably availableto monument dealers.In the decade of the 1880’s, there came to be more variety asfar as choice in motif is concerned, but the classic designs are stilladhered to in most cases. By 1900, there was a decided increase in therange of motifs available. There is little regional distinction exceptthat the variety of motif is greatest on the Island. This may be because21 Carolyn Hanks, Early Ontario Gravestones. See also plates inLambert Florin, Tales the Western Tombstones Tell.FIGURE 5TOMBSTONE MOTIFSREGIONAL DISTRIBUTION1870 188053MC— MCNMCNLBMC MCN N9080706050403020100I(0MCNvi liv IcA1900BFt Family InitialGA Gates ajarvi If’, fcN No motifMC Mixed ClassicalPointing fingerclasped handswillowflorallambdoveLB Leafy branchMIS Mjscellanec,us 19209080706050403020100--GAMC__MIS— MISLB MIS LB LBMCLB —MC ._i2_ NMCNNN N-— - -=MIS JI. MIS— LB MISLB — LB —LB,MC MCN NN N Nvi Ifv Ic sm bkCvi lfv Ic Sm bkDFigure 5. Tombstone Motifs 1870-192554Plate 2.19. An elaborately sculpted variation onthe weeping willow motif. Ross Bay.Plate 2.18. Classic Weeping Willow Motif.I55Plate 2.20. Classic Pointing Finger Motif.56Plate 2.21.Plate 2.22.Classic Clasped Hands Motif.Clasped Hands Motif on marblemarker at Courtenay.57Plate 2.23.Plate 2.24.Classic Rose Motif.Lamb Motif on child’smarker at Princeton.58the cemeteries here are closer to the monument makers in Victoria. Atthis time the classic designs declined and others such as the leafybranch, Gates Ajar and family initial were introduced22 (see Figure 6).The latter three designs are indicative of a particular marker typewhich appeared in British Columbia at the turn of the century. Theobelisk shaped monument was offered by most dealers between 1890 and1910 and was often chosen by the public. The designs offered in thecatalogues and associated with the obelisk include the three mentionedabove. They are highly stylized and destroy whatever remained of thecreativity and individuality of the 19th century tombstone carver.There is a complete lack of design displayed on tombstones inthe Similkameen-south Okanagan region. The wooden headboards consistentlylacked decorative symbols as did the rough-cut gray granite slab of theearly 20th century (see Plates 2.25 and 2.26).Between 1920 and 1925, there is a marked tendency to eliminatethe motif. The wider choice in the Similkameen-south Okanagan andBoundary-West Kootenay may be due again to a slight time lag in responseto changing tombstone fashion, but the trend to have no decorative symbolat all reflects an overall attitude change. Both markers and cemeterylandscapes lost the Victorian flair for elaborate display and romanticimages of death, and became much more subdued in appearance. Utmostsimplicity in tombstone style and cemetery design was the order of theday after about 1915. Monument makers rarely worked as individual22 See plates in Lambert Florin, op. cit.\I- 1 ittip,huul.11lflNLEAFYBRANCH(IVY)MOTIFGATESAJARMOTIFONOBELISKFIGURE6Plate 2.25. Wooden Headboard in the GreenwoodCemetery. Note that there is nomotif, only an inscription.60Rough-cut gray granite tabletwith ledger in foreground.I!aPlate 2.26.61craftsmen as they had in the 19th century. They formed partnershipsand employed as many as fifteen men to keep up with the demands of anexpanding trade.23Further evidence of the trend towards a more subdued responseto death is supplied by the epitaphs which appeared at the turn of thecentury. Again, these are a function of time and do not vary acrossthe province. After 1900, the use of short, one line phrases such as“Gone But Not Forgotten,” “At Rest” and “Rest in Peace” became fashionable (see Appendix Three). The longer verses of the 19th century whichsometimes referred to the deceased directly or which repeated Biblicalquotations were abandoned in favour of the shorter forms. The following is an example of direct reference to the deceased, found in theChilliwack cemetery.Gone dear Angus, How we miss theeLonely is our homeFor the one we loved so dearlyHas forever passed away.Lettering on tombstones combined a series of techniques; incising and relief, block print, and script appeared in varying proportionsthroughout the time period. Various combinations of the above were foundin all areas. One notable historic trend may be seen in the increaseduse of individual lead letters which were fastened to the marker withtiny studs. The method was used throughout the study area and in every23 Information gathered in conversation with Mr. Newall, whowas referring to his father’s business. July 1975.162case it appears on a particular type of gray granite marker which became popular after about 1910 (see Plate 2.26, p. 60).A final category employed in the classification of tombstonesin the study was that of shape. Shape has already been mentioned abovein reference to motif. It was stated, for example, that the obeliskwas introduced and became popular between 1890 and 1910.The tablet shape (see Figure 7) and its variations is probablythe most stereotyped tombstone image and was chosen frequently after1850 throughout the study area. It was especially popular before 1890and is associated with a mass-produced white marble marker popularthroughout the 19th century and with wooden headboards of the sameperiod (see Plates 2.25 and 2.26,p. 60). It appears again after 1910as the rough-cut granite tablet. A gabled version of the tablet wasused to some extent before 1900 and was invariably carved from marble(see Plate 2.27). The wooden cross, another typical way to mark agrave, is represented in only a few cases prior to the turn of thecentury. There are fewer of these markers than one might expect; obviously they could be quickly and easily constructed. Possibly therewere more than the sample indicates but they have not survived thepassage of time.About 1900, the obelisk tombstone appears on the market. It,too, was a mass-produced marker, usually of marble, although red graniteobelisks were imported from the east and distributed throughout southernBritish Columbia between 1890 and 1910. The obelisk enjoyed only a briefstay in tombstone fashion and even at the turn of the century, gave wayFIGURE 7POPULAR TOMBSTONE SHAPESIN63TABLETplainSOUTHERN B.C..shoulderd1850-1925gothicGABLEDtiered cross ‘breadbox’plain pulpit rounded edge64Plate 2.27. A gabled version of the tablet.-i• ,• 65to other, angular forms (see Plates 2.28 and 2.29). This trend wasevident across the province and continued to the end of the sampleperiod (1925). The new forms took on a variety of rectangular andangular shapes (see Figure 7, p. 63) and were carved from both marbleand granite.The cross reappeared as a tombstone shape in most areas after1900 but it was no longer made of wood. Instead, it was carved frommarble or gray granite and placed on top of a two or three tier base(see Plates 2.30 and 2.31).It should be obvious that certain types of tombstones are identifiable on the basis of their composite features. The white marbletablet shape of the 19th century is one, defined on the basis of material,shape, standard dimensions and a certain range of classic motifs. Theobelisk is another type and it, too, was manufactured according to setmeasurements and was usually carved from marble with a standard seriesof designs. The angular forms which eventually surpassed the obeliskin gravestone fashion displayed basically the same motifs. After 1910,the gray granite marker appeared increasingly in one of two forms: asa rough-cut bell or tablet shape, or as a rough-cut rectangle. Bothmodels were bulky and clumsy looking, but were essentially a reflectionof a desire for simplicity (or perhaps low cost). Finally, the plainwooden cross, the ultimate symbol of Christian death and the resurrection,is replaced in the 20th century by white marble and gray granite versions,precisely cut and durable.ceramic memory picture--a customassociated with Eastern Europeans.66Plate 2.29.--.--S-- r -—..CAGI .O-:‘ -S’- —--—-- -- -p-(•:. ‘r---- -A tombstone shape popular at the turn of the 20thcentury. Note the ‘manufactured’ appearance.Plate 2.28. Obelisk shaped marker. Note the[4,‘fluff hctrZ9t67Plate 2.30. Variation on the simple cross: ivy drapedacross one arm, a bird perched on the other.Plate 2.31. Second variation on the simple cross.The stone is carved to simulate barkcovered logs.68Because of standardization in tombstone styles, there is littleregional variation in monuments in southern British Columbia. A fewminor differences have been pointed out, relating to the types of carving media, design and shape trends, but these are probably more a functionof a time lag in the diffusion of tombstone fashion than a reflection ofdefinite regional preferences. Overall, I noticed that monuments in theinterior tended to be quite plain. In the Similkameen—south Okanagan,Boundary-West Kootenay, and Fraser Canyon regions, at least 52 per centof the tombstones sampled had no motif at all. This could be comparedto a slightly lower proportion (40 per cent to 46 per cent) on VancouverIsland and in the Fraser Valley. The cost of a tombstone varied according to size, intricacy of design, length of inscription and the distanceit had to be shipped. Artistry and fashion may have been sacrificed forthe sake of economy in the interior.The reader is reminded at this point that the tombstone is onlypart of the larger landscape being considered here--the cemetery. Thetombstone is certainly a key element in cementery morphology but so arethe fences, walkways, trees, shrubs, and enclosures described in previoussections. All are tangible statements of the contemporary attitudes ofa society toward death. While the elements themselves do not seem tovary much across the province, there are differences in overall morphology.The contrast between the ‘Wild West’ appearance of the graveyard at RockCreek and the pastoral scene at St. Stephen’s churchyard is striking.Living people create the cities of the dead; the monunents, landscape vegetation, pathways and driveways are a reflection of their tastes69in design and the way they choose to symbolize death. An individual’sattitude toward death will depend heavily upon the values shared withthe society around him. Accordingly, different cemetery landscapesare not only a function of different physical elements, they are alsoa function of different attitudes within a society. What, then, werethe significant values of those who created the cemetery ar Rock Creekor the churchyard at St. Stephen’s? This question must be answered, ifthe character of small cemeteries in southern British Columbia is to befully explained.CHAPTER 3THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXTOF THE CEMETERYIN EARLY BRITISH COLUMBIABritish Columbia was settled in the late 19th and early 20thcenturies by immigrants from the British Isles, Ontario, the Maritimes,by Americans from California and the Midwest, by some Continental Europeans, and by some Chinese and Japanese. Society was not reborn, denova, on the frontier; rather, institutions, technical skills and socialorder brought from their homelands were introduced and adapted to a newenvironment.Free land was not the incentive for migrating to the PacificNorthwest as had been the case in Ontario, in the American Midwest, andon the Canadian Prairies.Unlike the Prairies, British Columbia was not originally settledby agriculturalists and the culture which eventually gelled didnot have an agrarian hue.lWith the exception of a few small regions--the Lower Fraser Valley,parts of eastern Vancouver Island, the Okanagan, where potentially arableland was developed--minerals, forests, and fish were the province’s outstanding economic assets. Individuals brought both ambition and entrepreneurial skills to the task of turning them into cash. This pioneerpopulation was young and vital, predominantly male and drawn by the1 Martin Robin, The Rush for Spoils, p. 36.7071prospect of challenge and prosperity on a new frontier. While immigrant ships sailed to destinations in Upper Canada with Scots and Irishfamilies who had been misled by reports of the agricultural potentialon the Canadian Shield, a motley collection of prospectors toiled upthe Fraser Canyon to the Cariboo goldfields.The Gold Rush in 1858 created New Westminster and stimulatedmushrooming growth in Victoria. Both Victoria and New Westminster offereda variety of services, goods and amusements; they were linked to eachother by a daily steamer run, and had strong ties with San •Francisco andeastern Canada. Less sophisticated were interior towns such as Hope,Yale, Lytton, and Lillooet which earned places early in provincial historyas stopover points along the Fraser Canyon route. Later, strikes wereinstrumental in the creation of towns like Princeton, Hedley, Rock Creek,Phoenix, and Greenwood. The ore was not always gold but the pattern ofsettlement was much the same. Miners stayed as long as the ore lasted,until a richer claim was staked elsewhere, or until the bottom droppedout of the market. Remnants of ore buckets and tramlines, disentegratingsmelters and collapsed mineshafts haunt the landscape today. It was amobile existence characterized by a boom-and-bust mentality, and forordinary miners a restless search for work in the mining camps of thewestern third of the continent.In Chapter 2, I suggested that the cemetery, a landscape manifestation of death, is not a striking feature of the human landscape insouthern British Columbia. Generally, cemeteries are located outsidepopulation centres and are hidden from view. Elevated locations are not72always preferred or chosen. Each cemetery is separated from its surround-ing environment by a fence. The demarcation of individual graves throughthe use of wooden and wrought iron enclosures or concrete kerbing is acharacteristic of the late 19th century. The practice had disappeared forall intents and purposes by 1925. Walkways and paths tend to be inconspicuous and there are few apparent attempts at landscaping using ornamental trees or shrubs. Monuments of the period (1850—1925) displaycontemporary trends in style and shape, with few regional variations.Variations do occur however in the overall appearance of the cemeteries;coastal cemeteries, created by relatively stable, settled populations,are quite different from cemeteries associated with itinerant miners.Yet these British Columbia cemeteries, relatively inconsequential on thehuman landscape, have something to say about early British Columbia.The cycle of life continued here. British Columbia was as much a placeof death as of progress. The businessman in Victoria, the settler onhis homestead in the Fraser Valley, the hardrock miner in camps in theKootenays--each had an investment in a rapidly growing British Columbia,but all died in the end. This new place did not always turn out to bethe promised land. Women died in childbirth and children of fever. Menwere killed in mining or logging accidents. While youth, vigour, andnew beginnings were stressed at every turn, death was never far away.How could they cope with it psychologically? Was death a part of life’sconsciousness? How were the dead to be buried? And where? People herefaced those questions again and again.I73THE SOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA CEMETERY INPERSPECTIVE: CEMETERY PLANNINGIn 1870, the Governor of the province and his council passed“An Ordinance to Make General Regulations for the Establishment andManagement of Cemeteries in the Colony of British Columbia.” The ordinance made provision for a board of trustees to be set up to administerpublic cemeteries. This board was “at liberty to withhold such permission and prevent the erection of any monument which shall appear to theminappropriate or unbecoming and shall determine and fix the position ofany monument which may be proposed to be erected, according to the description, size and character thereof, having reference to the generalplan for ornamenting the said cemetery in an appropriate manner.”2 In1877, an amendment was added that public burial grounds were to belocated outside of city and town limits. Both regulations provide thekey to the larger practical and theoretical framework against which therural cemetery in southern British Columbia may be viewed.The first consideration, that public cemeteries were to be plannedspaces, had antecedents in cemetery reform movements in England and theeastern United States during the 19th century. By 1800, churchyards inEngland (the comon burial place) were badly overcrowded. The grislydetails of interment practices which were brought to public attentionincluded the fact that there could be as many as seventeen or eighteencorpses crammed into a single grave space. Recently interred bodies were2 Consolidated Laws of British Colwthia Victoria, 1877.74• often dismembered or disturbed to make room for the newest addition.3The problem was not confined to England; in France it was recognized that• churchyards threatened the public health with their “pestilential emanations.”4 A movement was begun to relieve overcrowding and the chance of• disease (cholera)5 through the design of planned public cemeteries.Elysium and Arcady were to be the ideals, where memorials to thedead standing among pastoral landscapes created in the best traditions of English classical design would give solace to the• bereaved.6Cemetery planning and the notion of a public burying ground wasintroduced to the United States in 1796 with the building of the NewBurying Ground in Connecticut.7 A square-plot pattern was adopted forthe graveyard, very like the grid system introduced in city streetpatterns of the period. The New Burying Ground was designed by the prominent 19th century urban planner, James Hillhouse. Each grave space wasof equal dimensions and dug to face in an easterly direction, accordingto the traditional Christian association with the Resurrection. Walkwaysand lawns were rolled and smoothed to present an orderly but pleasantappearance which became the model for English and American cemeteries• John Morley, Death, Heaven and the Victortans, p. 35.Phillipe Aries, Western Att-t.tudes Towards Death, p 69James Curl, The Victorian Celebrati-on of Death, p 183p 53J. B. Jackson, “From Monument to Place,” Landscape, Winter1967-68, p. 23.75alike. Each element in the landscape was designed to offset the others--in totality, a tasteful arrangement of trees, shrubs, enclosures,monuments, and pathways.By mid-century, planning guides were available to aid in properdesign. John Louden’s widespread ‘The Laying Out, Planting and Managing of Cemeteries and on the Improvement of Churchyards’ (1843) forexample, listed over 500 trees, shrubs and flowers which would be suitable for graveyard display.8 Suitability was defined not only in termsof a species’ biologic needs and the way it lent itself to maintenance,but also in terms of its symbolic associations. The connection betweendeath and the garden is a long one in Christian tradition. Evergreensand especially yew trees were attached to sacred places and burialseven before Christian times.9 The yew especially is a common plant inEnglish churchyards, the longevity of the tree being a symbol of eternity.1° In fact, most evergreens find a place in cemeteries as an emblemof endurance (including spruce, pine, cedar, and cypress). Louden dismissed the deciduous weeping willow as tending towards “modern sentamentalism [sic],” but it is traditionally linked with grief or mourning.As a water-loving plant, it filled an additional practical function inthe drainage of low-lying churchyards.128 John Morley, op. cit., p. 41.Kenneth Lindley, Of Graves and Epitaphs, p. 16.10 Ibid., p. 89.Morley, op. cit., p. 41.12 Lindley, op. cit., p. 90.I76It was suggested in Chapter 2 that landscaping by ornamentalvegetation is not an outstanding feature of the rural cemetery insouthern British Columbia although the few plantings were symbolicallysignificant. The use of yew trees on a few graves at Surrey Centre,Matsqui-Aberdeen, Fort Langley, and at St. Stephen’s on Vancouver Islandis directly attributable to English influence. In addition, they areextensively used in Ross Bay cemetery in Victoria. Boxwood and rhododendrum bushes displayed in a limited number of cases probably have thesame origin, as does the willow tree at Matsqui and the oak trees atSt. Stephen’s and St. Peter’s churchyards.13 The Douglas fir and westernred cedar in Surrey Centre and the Ponderosa pine at Lytton and Princeton symbolize life eternal with their ever-greenness.Another method of marking individual graves, i.e., enclosure bypicket fences or kerbing is more difficult to trace in terms of origin.It was not mentioned as a planning consideration in the design of theNew Burying Ground, although it seems to have been a common practice inNorth America after 1850 and possibly before. Francaviglia found itto be a characteristic of his Victorian period (1880-1905) when graveenclosures were particularly elaborate and made of wrought iron.14 Onlytwo such enclosures were found outside of Ross Bay cemetery, but woodenpicket fences surrounding single graves were apparently part of a widespread13 Curl notes that the oak was used as a symbol to ward offevil, James Curl, op. oit., p. 41.14 See Plates in Lambert Florin’s, Boot Hill, Historic Graves ofthe Old West, pp. 170-171 for grave enclosures in Idaho.77• practice throughout southern British Columbia before about 1910. Thereare two possible explanations for the custom. The first and obviouslypractical one, “to keep out intruders in the shape of cattle which mightbe grazing in the adjacent fields.”15 Though the latter observation wasmade in Upper Canada, similar reasoning was undoubtedly used elsewhereincluding southern British Columbia.Secondly, enclosure was a way of emphasizing and maintaining thedeceased’s individual identity in a graveyard.16 It was abandonedgradually as a practice, as cemetery architects moved away from theheavily symbolic Victorian landscape of the 19th century cemetery, towards a less cluttered one.17 The lawn cemetery--as the new plan wascalled--was a forerunner of the modern memorial garden. Adherents tothe idea urged the removal of fences, hedges and shrubs for both practical (maintenance) and aesthetic reasons. Simpler forms, including lawns,tree clusters, winding roadways, and inconspicuous graves replaced previous manifestations of death on the landscape. Spring Grove Parkcemetery in Cincinnati was one of the first to adopt this plan and,using it as a guideline, “the cemetery became more spacious and parklike.It ceased to be a motley collection of monuments of every style, eachenclosed in its own well—defined space, and became instead an integratedcomposition of lawns and clusters of trees.”18 With the advent of the15 Sketches of Upper Canada, p. 110.16 W. Warner, The Living and the Dead, p. 282.17 j B. Jackson, op. cit., p. 25.18 j• B. Jackson, American Space, p. 70.78lawn cemetery then, the enclosure practice disappeared.Concrete kerbing was used for a time early in the 20th century(apparently a more subtle form of enclosure) to mark both single gravesand family plots, but had disappeared from the scene by about 1925.The outer fence of a cemetery has a similar function to innerenclosure in the sense that livestock intruders are kept out. Thefence’s symbolic purpose however, lies in the separation of sacred andprofane space. The outer boundary of a cemetery distinguishes deathand its visible signs from the surrounding landscape. Indeed,• rituals of consecration have transformed a small part ofthe common soil of the town into a sacred place and dedicatedthis land of the dead to God, to the sacred souls of the departedand to the souls of the living whose bodies are destined for suchan end.19On passing through the cemetery gate, one enters a differentworld.The threshold that separates the two spaces also indicates thedistance between two modes of being, the profane and the religious. The threshold is the limit, the boundary, the frontierthat distinguishes and opposes two worlds--and at the same timethe paradoxical place where those worlds communicate, wherepassage from the profane to the sacred world becomes possible.2°Most North American cemeteries followed the example of the NewBurying Ground in adopting a square-plot pattern (regular rows, equally19 W. Warner, op. ci.t., p. 280.20 Marcel Elaide, The Sacred and the Profane, p. 22.spaced) and most cemeteries in southern British Columbia seem to havebeen designed with that principle in mind.21 Most were dug with an• eastern exposure in preparation for the Final Judgement.22 A few gravesin the sample faced other directions (south, southeast and northeast)and it was not uncommon to find a marker in a churchyard which faced thechurch itself. These tend to be the exception rather than the rulehowever. Today, the “orientation of graves is becoming more and more a• matter of convenience to the cemetery and less a matter of popular custom. ,,23A final consideration in planning the public cemetery, thoughcertainly not the least important factor, is that of topography. Designers recommended high ground or gently rolling terrain24 and graveyards are often associated with hilltop or hillside locations. Thehilltop is traditionally a spiritual location; in practical terms, itis the least susceptible to floods and often has little agriculturalvalue.25 Poor drainage could be a serious problem from more than onestandpoint, implied in the following observation at Ross Bay cemetery:21 The plot pattern for the cemetery at Sandon illustrates thetendency to conform to some sort of regular burial system. MSS, Victoria.22 Donald Jeane, “The Traditional Upland South Cemetery,” Land—scape, p. 39.23 Donald Drewes, Cemeter’y Land Planning, p. 64.24 Ibid., p. 6.25 Francaviglia, op. cit., p. 503.80I have known when it was necessary to hold the coffin down inthe water with shovels or have a man get down and stand on thecoffin until enough soil was thrown on it to keep it down.26The cemeteries in southern British Columbia adhere to some ofthe principles of cemetery management outlined in the 1870 Ordinancein the sense that they have an ordered layout and the graves are dugfor the most part facing the same direction. Ornamentation in a tasteful or iappropriateu manner however, appears to have been ignored. RossBay is the exception and is probably what the Governor and his councilhad in mind for cemetery landscapes throughout the province when theregulation was passed.It is important to realize that the landscape of Ross Bay is afar cry from the large public cemetery in 19th century London wherethe bid for burial reform was brought to fruition. Ross Bay has none ofthe “Greek Revival of Kensall Green,” the “Egyptian Revival of Highgate,”or the “strange melancholy Gothic of Nunhead.”27 Moreover, it appearsto be a transitional cemetery, somewhere between the heavy romanticismof the Victorian landscape and the simpler forms which are the antecedents of today’s lawn cemetery. Nevertheless, Ross Bay is as close tothe Elysium or Arcady model described above as the 19th century BritishColumbian would get. The monuments are imposing, some even ostentatious.Several are surrounded by wrought iron enclosures and many more aremarked with well-placed trees or shrubs Paths and driveways wind26 Edgar Fawcett, op. cit., p. 130.27 James Curl, op. cit., p. 190.81throughout. With its “tumultous detail” and “historical ornament,”Ross Bay is the Victorian cemetery. “The Victorians did things in abig way and their cemeteries echo that grandeur of vision and hope for,,28a future which vanished in 1914.Few of the other cemeteries in the study display the overall formof that era. A wrought iron enclosure at Yale or Lytton, a yew borderedgrave at Matsqui or Fort Langley are only token gestures. The churchyards at Surrey Centre, St. Stephen’s and St. Peter’s are perhaps theclosest to Ross Bay in total atmosphere, including their additional valueas greenspace.29 The rest appear to be functional, with little concernfor outward display.THE MONUMENT AS PART OF THE CEMETERY LANDSCAPEGrave markers in southern British Columbia reflect a similaremphasis on function rather than form. Few monuments in the interiorcould be called imposing either in size or design, unlike the elaboratedisplays at Ross Bay.The custom of erecting a memorial to the deceased has a longhistory, although for several centuries it was reserved for wealthy secular persons or members of the clergy. Tombs lined the Appian Way toRome and Medieval or Rennaissance civilization may be studied throughtheir respective sepulchral art forms. European cathedrals and churches28 James Curl, ibid., p. 190.29 Ibid.IWe do not find memorials in the churchyard before 1700, apartfrom the occasional small and usually plain headstone, and a fewbox—tombs to local gentry, who, when the church could take nomore burials, had to be buried outside. Whether many headstoneswere put up before that date is hard to say, but it is fairlysafe to assume that there could only have been a few.31the eastern United States andOn the Atlantic seaboard indeveloped individualistic artBy the time colonies were established inCanada, the custom was more widespread.fact, gravestone carving became a highlyform in the 17th and 18th centuries.32The tombstones in British Columbia cemeteries bear little resemblance to those carved in New England during the 17th and 18th centuries. They vary little in design and have none of the individuality ofthe latter. The very fact that monument makers in Victoria and NewWestminster offered design pamphlets to their customers by about 188030 For a detailed discussion of sepulchral art see both KatherineEsdaile, English Church Monwnents 1510—1840 and Henriette s’Jacob,Idealism and Realism, A Study of Sepulchral Symbolism.31 Pamela Glover, “Country Churchyards,” Commemorative Art, July,1966, p. 223.32 Harriet Forbes, Gravestones of New England and the Men WhoMade Them, p. 113. Several motifs designed and used by New Englandstonecarvers diffused along the eastern seaboard and appear on tombstones in the Maritimes for the 18th and 19th centuries. See Plates inWilliam Morse, Land of the New Adventure.82are littered with the monuments to kings, queens, lords and ladies,bishops and archbishops.3° It is difficult to say when the common manplaced a marker above the head of his fellow. One writer suggests thatin England it was not much before the 18th century.J,1183indicates that much of the tradition had vanished by the time BritishColumbiawas settled.33 One writer suggests in fact that a peak inthe art of gravestone carving was reached during the period between 1750and l85O. Another finds the white marble tablet-shaped monuments,among the earliest markers in southern British Columbia, “excruciatingcompared with the splendours of early monumental design.”35It was the destiny of rural stonecarving to remain only awhispered promise of what might have been. It was a ruraltradition of seeing never fated to transcend its vernacularbeginnings because the Middle Ages whose child it was vanishedwith the Puritans from the face of New England.36Perhaps the closest thing to a carving tradition in southern BritishColumbia is the wooden marker. Although the headboards themselves aresimple in shape and design, artistic endeavour is expressed through thevariation in script and the care taken in its carving. While stone-carvers often created their markers in conjunction with related businessactivities, wooden monuments may have been carved by a friend or relativeof the deceased. Even that fact is in doubt however. In a Guide to theSee monument maker George Rudge’s adve-tisement in the BritishColwnbiai, July, 1886, “Designs, Samples of Material and Prices Furnishedon Application,” and James Fisher, “Persons living at a distance, bysending a description of what they wish, can have designs, prices, etc.,furnished on application.”Pamela Glover, op oi-tJames Curl, op ci.t,p 15636 Al lan L udwi g, Graven Images: New EngZand Stonecarving andits Symbols 1650—1815, p. 421.I84Province of B.C., (1877-1878), it was noted that a contractor and builderin Nanaimo offered “Monuments and Headboards” in the latest styles.This would suggest that even the wooden markers, the earliest in theprovince, can lay no claim as unique, local art forms. In fact, theseemingly ubiquitous distribution of the wooden headboard in BritishColumbia and the American West would tend to support an argument formass production. Chips of paint are visible on the few that remain andsuggest that the marker was freshly whitewashed when first set up.The marble and granite markers in southern British Columbia weredistributed for the most part from Victoria, New Westminster and Vancouver(after 1900 in the latter case). Possibly some markers were importedfrom Spokane or Seattle. In the Boundary-West Kootenay region for example, it was easier to patronize American firms than it was to dealwith monument makers in Victoria or on the mainland. Without evidence,it is difficult to know the volume of imported American tombstones.Very few firms operated for any length of time in the BritishColumbia interior. The carvers in the vicinity of Victoria and on themainland (see Appendix 1) used both local and imported materials. Somewere apparently shipped pre-cut37 while the rest were carved and inscribedlocally. The earliest tombstone designs seem to have their antecedentsin eastern Canada, New England and Great Britain. The clasped hands andpointing finger motifs for example are strongly represented in southernSee advertisement for dealer Alexander Hamilton in the BritishColwnbian, 1889. “Just arrived, A Large Shipment of the Finest Red Granite Monuments from New Brunswick.”85Ontario graveyards and are associated in that province with the arrivalof the professional stonecarver8and his chisel. They may also beseen in Scottish churchyards, a possible centre for outward diffusion.The weeping willow, Scots thistle, dove and rose motifs are other popular designs in eastern Canada, New England, the American West and Midwest which were apparently introduced to British Columbia by carvers whohad gained their experience in these places. They appear infrequentlyhowever (partly because the marble tablets on which they are displayedwere replaced quickly in British Columbia by the granite and marbleobelisk of the 1880’s and 1890’s) and the designs, as suggested earlierindicate a degree of standardization. While professional competence mayfoster and encourage individuality, it may also destroy personal expression through increasing demand for a product. In the case of southernBritish Columbia it is clear that the professional monument maker hadlittle chance to develop a distinctive style.39 In fact, it is quitepossible that the apparently classic motifs mentioned above found theirway into design pamphlets prior to 1850 and were simply copied (unaltered)by stonecarvers all over the continent. While a client was free to suggest his own design and certainly had the power to choose an appropriateepitaph and inscription, the process was simplified with the advent ofmonumental pattern books. As yet, there is little substantive proof to38 Carolyn Hanks, op. cit.There are a few exceptions. In Victoria, for example, RobertFoster worked primarily with sandstone. His markers in Ross Bay andPioneer Square in Victoria are simply designed but display both varietyand skill in the inscriptions.86support such a statement but it is implicit in the frequency with whicha motif like clasped hands appears in eastern Canada and the AmericanWest.4° Certainly mass production techniques are well in evidence by1890 with the appearance of symbols such as the “Gates Ajar,” the laurelleaf branch41 and the “Rock of Ages” motif (see Figure 6, p. 59). Theyappear along with others in the catalogues offered by monument makers.42Presumably, the customer chose what he felt to be an appropriate shapeand design and the carver reproduced it exactly, leaving little roomfor artistic flair.Because monuments in British Columbia are similar to those inOntario and the American West which were produced after about 1880, themass produced gravestone was apparently characteristic in the province.British C1umbia was settled too late for the craft of rural stonecarving to develop.43Whatever variation occurs in the style of the markers between ‘1850and 1925 reflects to a certain extent the attitudes which prevailed incemetery design. The gradual trend towards simplicity in form and designafter about 1910 is reflected in a move towards these same characteristics40 See plates in Lambert Florin, Tales the Western Tombstones Tell.Lambert Florin, Boot Hill. See plates, pp. 188-189.42 Alexander Stewart, op. cit.The use of local gray granite during the period may be theprovince’s one claim to uniqueness in this field, but the markers areclumsy in shape and rarely display any design. The inscription invariablyappears in raised lead block lettering.87in cemetery morphology. At present, the marker in British Columbia isa standard size rectangular block, flush with the lawn.DEATH’S CELEBRATION IN THE 19TH CENTURYThe amendment to the provincial Cemetery Bill in 1877 effectivelyhid most cemeteries from public view. Practically speaking, a locationaway from population centres reduced the chance of disease from “pestilential emanations.”44 Symbolically, it might be that such a move reflected and bolstered a changing attitude towards death in the westernworld.45 The old attitude, “that death was both familiar and near, evoking no great fear or awe”46 changed gradually and was dramatized in theprocess. After 1700, man became less concerned with the fact of his ownmortality and more so with the death of his fellow. This trend of thoughtpersisted in the 19th century and was reflected both in the Romanticcemetery landscape and in what has been interpreted as a memory cult.47Because people were unwilling to accept the passing of a close friend orrelative (epitaphs such as “Gone But Not Forgotten,” “Not Dead But Sleeping,” support this view, see Appendix 3) the cemetery became a “substantial and visible symbol of the agreement among men that they will notThis in fact was a reason advanced for locating cemeteries inChicago--that they be well away from population concentrations. Nodoubt similar reasoning was used elsewhere. See William Pattison, “Cemeteries of Chicago,” 1L40, Vol. 45, 1955, p. 248.Jackson, “From Monument to Place.”Aries, op. cit., p. 13.mis.88let each other die.”48 Death was expressed personally and privately ina variety of ways and the trappings of mourning sold widely.49The congealed romanticism that encapsuled Victorian family life,that produced the keepsake and sentimental ballad, and thateffloreced in the Valentine, found its reverse expression inobjects, poems, ceremonies, and clothes in remembrance of thedefunct. 5uThe Victorian era was both transitional and paradoxical in itsdealings with death: transitional because the “leafy melancholy of theVictorian cemetery, the dark mourning of Victorian clothes, and thesombre hush of the Victorian parlour”51 are no longer acceptable inour society which shuns most outward manifestations of death. The erawas paradoxical because the intense desire to commemorate the individualin a manner deemed fitting and proper, actually became a highly publicaffair. Neighbours vied with each other to provide their kin with themost splendid funeral possible. It was a custom which eventually transcended class lines in a class-conscious society and the poor often chosedebt in order to emulate the ostentatious funeral displays of theirbetters. In the cities, sanitary measures were taxed beyond capacityand epidemics lead to high mortality rates. People were obsessed bydeath in all its gloomy grandeur. Even in the capital of this province,things were little different.48 w• Warner, op. cit., p. 285.49 James Curl, op. cit., p. 15.50 John Morley, op. cit., p. 14.51 Ibid.189Crepe streamed from the hats of the undertaker, the driver, thewidow’s bonnets, the carriage whips, and the knobs of the housedoors where death awaited for the hearse. The horses that draggedthe dead were black and wore black plumes, nodding on the top oftheir heads, black nets over their backs with drooping mournfulfringes that ended in tassels tumbling over the shafts.Funerals were made as slow and nodding and mournful as possible.52To say that the same customs were carried on outside of the urban scenemay be a misinterpretation of what few facts are available. Large andshowy displays for funerals seem out of place in towns such as Hedleyor Rock Creek and it has already been suggested that the people livingin these places were less interested in form than function. The graveyard was a place to bury the dead; outward display, whether it be inthe form of a large and expensive monument or a long and gloomy funeralprocession was strictly a matter of individual choice. Cemetery morphologyand monument design in British Columbia indicate that many individuals preferred very sinple burial practices.The treatment of the common or average person at his death is anissue here. Traditionally, it was the practice “to interre persons ofthe rusticks or plebian sort, in Christian buriall, without any furtherremebrance of them, either by tombe, gravestone or epitaph.”53 In theMiddle Ages, the very poor were buried in common graves, “several yardsdeep and wide. They were gradually filled up with cadavers sewn intotheir shrouds. When one ditch was full it was covered with earth, an old52 Emily Carr, The Book of Small.Allan Ludwig, op. cit., p. 54.90one was reopened and the bones were taken to the charnel house.”54 InUpper Canada in the 19th century, it was observed that all the workconnected with a burial was done by family and friends. A carpenter orhandyman was employed to make the coffin and at an appropriate time, themourners gathered at the house of the deceased to follow in a processionto the final resting spot. “In the early days, if the cemetery was anydistance from the residence of the deceased, the funeral would consistof a line of farm buggies.”55 The same custom was probably carried onin the smaller settlements of southern British Columbia--a simple ceremony attended by family and friends.Aries, op. cit., p. 22.55 . .Pen Pwtures of Early P-ioneer Life, p. 91.CHAPTER 4/CONCLUSIONS: SOCIETY AND THE 19TH CENTURY RURALCEMETERY IN SOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIAMost of the people who settled the province late in the 19thcentury held certain coninon attitudes towards death. Undoubtedly,they recognized its inevitability, a view which the French demographerPhilippe Aries described as “resignation to the collective destiny ofthe species.”1 At one time, he notes, the celebration of death wasvery much a public affair, the dying man’s bedchamber a place for observant friend and relatives. The individual accepted his fate andmade peace with his gods and the world, according to the natural courseof events.2 In the Middle Ages when plagues swept much of Europe, sparing neither rich nor poor, death came to be seen as a traumatic departurefrom loved ones; it seemed untimely and unfair. With death so close athand in this period, the uglier aspects of it were more apparent. Thetombs of the wealthy in the Middle Ages display vivid portrayals ofskeletons and decomposing cadavers as contemporary sepulchral art subjects.3 It was only the well-to-do who could afford elaborate forms ofcomemoration at this time.1 Aries, op. cit., p. 55.2 Ibid., p. 8.See plates in Katherine Esdaile’s, English Church Monuments.91I92Not until the early 18th century were memorials erected in thechurchyards of the western world to anyone but local gentry.4 Then,in Europe and the colonies, man’s involvement and concern with the lossof those closest to him, blossomed into a romantic, highly emotionalresponse to death. Great attention was paid to the outward display ofgrief. In some quarters, it took the form of gruesome skull and crossbones motifs or hourgiasses with the sands of time running out.5 Themore frightening aspects of death and especially the void it representswere gradually transcended in the 19th century by a note of optimism.The belief “of life everlasting, of the paradise that ultimately awaitedthose who had not transgressed overmuch in this life . . . softened theterrors of dissolution and made possible death’s celebration as a passageto perfect happiness.”6Most of the first settlers of European background in BritishColumbia probably accepted a Christian view of life after death and hadbeen exposed, at least, to the drama and display of the Victorian funeral.Yet the romantic landscape of the Victorian graveyard, where one mightponder long on the passing of someone dear (see Place 4.32), is rarelyfound outside the Ross Bay cemetery. Two wrought iron enclosures atLytton, a yew bordered grave at Fort Langley and a weeping willow treeat Matsqui are but single features of the Victorian cemetery landscape.Pamela Glover, op. cit., p. 223.These were particularly popular motifs on the New Englandgravestones. See Harriette Forbes, op. cit.6 Morley, op. cit.93Plate 4.32.I“Where one might ponder . .94A romantic vision of death may have been widely held in British Columbia,but it was not always put into practice. The difference between theuntamed graveyard at Rock Creek and the refined churchyard atmosphereof St. Stephen’s is striking, as I have said before.If one is to explain the variegated cemetery landscape insouthern British Columbia, it is best to turn to the people themselves,as individuals and as components of a larger society. It is importantto consider not only the values and attitudes which allow a society tofunction, but also the lifestyles within a society. Did people havethe time to treat death as solemnly as the tenets of the 19th centurydemanded? Could they afford a showy funeral and an ostentatious monument? Questions such as these must be considered in the interpretationof the rural cemetery landscape in southern British ColUmbia.In Chapter 3, I stressed that settlement in British Columbia wasdirected primarily towards the exploitation of certain natural resources.The physical character of the land did not generally permit a sedentary,agricultural life. The Fraser Valley and southeastern Vancouver Islandconiiiunities (particularly the Saanich peninsula) are exceptions; bothareas project the air of permanence associated with people who come tosettle and farm, inspired by the agrarian ideal that agriculture providesa stable economic and moral foundation for society.7Even in these areas, one could not completely escape thespectre of exploitation. Progress could be measured in board feet andlogging firms and sawmill operations were major employers in both theValley and on the Island.I95Settlers in the Fraser Valley and on the Saanich peninsula wereconcerned with the business of building a farm or a farming communityand thus establishing the strong foundations that one finds, for example,in southern Ontario. Their tasks included clearing, dyking, drainingthe land and building the homes, schools and churches which ensure thesurvival of a certain lifestyle. The population in nearby centres atVictoria, New Westminster, and Vancouver strove for similar goals. Thetools and skills they brought as businessmen and industrialists werethose learned elsewhere--in eastern Canada or the United States for themost part--and transplanted in British Columbia. Innovation was required when the new environment demanded it. Otherwise, those attitudesand values which contributed to the stability of society were carefullymaintained. Hence we see the Victorian celebration of death in theprovincial capital, complete with black horses, ostrich plumes, crepestreamers, and a distinctive cemetery landscape. Presumably, some citydwellers had both the time and money to devote to an impressive funeraldisplay. Some of the wealthiest and most influential families in theprovince are buried at Ross Bay cemetery, including James Douglas’, theDunsmuirs, and the Todds. Each is marked by an ostentatious granitemonument or a mausoleum. While a. centre for change and diffusion then,the city is also the keeper of custom; the Romantic vision of death inall its melancholy splendour was relatively safe in 19th century Victoria.The same vision is not so apparent in the cemetery landscapes ofthe Lower Fraser Valley and southeastern Vancouver Island. With one ortwo exceptions, none of the monuments in the regions approach the grandeur96seen in Ross Bay cemetery. Similarly, the wrought ironwork, ornamentaltrees and shrubs, and carefully planned walkways are missing. Thereis however, a sense of permanence--like that of the rural Ontario cemetery.The churchyards at St. Peter’s, St. Stephe&s, and Surrey Centre recallthose in England and appear older than their 90-odd years. The province’s first permanent settlers are buried in cemeteries throughout theLower Mainland and southeastern Vancouver Island. Their graves arestill tended by descendants and family plots are added to year afteryear. Each cemetery is well-kept and there is a sense that the communitycares about its appearance.The undercurrent of stability in this particular segment of19th century in British Columbia allowed time for death and its fittingcelebration. There may have been fewer ostrich plumes and less crepethan in Victoria--we are not dealing with wealthy men--but customs wereprobably adhered to as far as economy would allow. The use of boxwoodbushes, yew trees, and rhododendrum on some graves indicate individualacceptance of contemporary trends.Outside the Fraser Valley, cemetery landscapes seem to have beencreated by a different segment of 19th century society. In the miningcommunities of the Fraser Canyon, the Similkameen, and the West Kootenays,mobility characterized the population. Some miners followed a dream theyhad pursued elsewhere, while others were simply in search of a job. Allhad few intentions of staying in what may have seemed at first a godforsaken landscape. Even when they did decide to remain, an exhaustedore supply or an unpredictable market forced them to leave a decade or so.197later. The bustling frontier town of Phoenix for example, had a lifespan of twenty years.Evidence in the graveyard would suggest that most of the inhabitants of the interior mining communities were young men. Most werefar from their families and there was no need for them to recreate themanifestations of home that one sees in the farm settlements in theFraser Valley. In the event of death, they would have to depend on theirfellow workers for a decent burial. I have already mentioned that fraternal societies such as the Masons and Oddfellows often took over thetask for some of their poorer members. The Sandon Miner’s Union tendedthe plots in that community. Two headboards at Phoenix bear a simpleinscription after the name of the deceased, “Erected by His Friends.”Many of the markers are plainly carved, with nothing more than the mostconcise information--a man’s name and his lifespan. The glorious clutterof the Victorian graveyard--draped urns and stone angels--is missing inthe interior cemetery. It is missing because many were either unawareof, or unconcerned with the romantic vision of death in the 19th centuryheld by those who were either educated enough to understand it or wealthyenough to afford it. Many could simply not afford an expensive monument.Many of the interior cemeteries now go untended; there are fewdescendants in the nearby communities and thus, little continuity with• the past. Names are forgotten, truly faceless, and many family plotsremain unfilled--evidence of a transient population. The cemetery landscape in the interior is totally hidden from public view. It is purelyfunctional space and affords little opportunity for a quiet stroll in aI98parklike atmosphere. The provision of greenspace was a problem of thecities. Theclass of people who took advantage of such planned spacein sedate outings was not present in the interior mining camp.Rural cemetery landscapes in southern British Columbia reflect,as do cemeteries elsewhere, the structure and sustaining mechanisms ofthe society which created them. Position in the community, wealth, kinship ties, ethnic and religious barriers are all represented to somedegree, no matter how small or how remote the cemetery. The monumentand where it stands in relation to another is a clear mark upon the landscape. One of the most intriguing stones I found came near the end of mysearch. It stands in the Cumberland cemetery and commemorates unionleader Ginger Goodwin. It is a jagged pink granite boulder on a roughbase. Above his name is a hammer and sickle insignia; below are thewords “SHOT--A worker’s friend.” There are few other ways of summarizinga man’s life and work so completely.The small public graveyards considered here were built by peopleof European descent. The antecedents for planned burial space with aneye to form or function or both, came from England and the eastern UnitedStates. Tombstone motifs, shapes, and materials often came from thesame places; the art of rural stonecarving had died before reachingBritish Columbia and monument makers wasted little time in setting upconcerns which often employed as many as a dozen men. From Victoriaand New Westminster, stones were distributed all over the province inthe 19th century, customers indicated their preference with the aid ofmail-order catalogues.I99There was a belief that each god-fearing citizen deserved hisbid for inuiiortality; the poor man was granted a humble wooden markerand the rich man, a towering granite obelisk. The man who built hishome and contributed to the growth and stability of a community probablyhas a well—tended plot today and a link with the present through hisdescendants. The man who found his way to a mining camp in the interioris more liable to be forgotten--a name from the past on a weathered headboard. One part of society carried out death’s celebration accordingto Victorian custom, the other conducted it simply and without fanfare.The differences are due to a society’s stability, individual and sharedawareness and acceptance of custom, economic factors and time. In manyplaces, there was simply no time for death in the everyday bustle oflife. It was accepted as the natural course of events, but was dealtwith efficiently and quickly by the transient interior population. Inthe city, there was time and the wealth necessary for a “slow, nodding,melancholy” funeral.The rural cemetery landscape in southern British Columbia is notparticularly noticeable; it is however, an accurate reflection of theway the men who created it conducted affairs in life and death.Selected BibliographyAdams, R. “Markers Cut By Hand,” The American West, Vol. 4, 1967,pp. 59-64.Aries, Philippe. Western Attitudes towards Death: From the Middle Agesto the Present. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1974.Boase, T.S.R. Death in the Middle Ages--Mortality, Judgement andRemembrance. London: Thames and Hudson, 1972.“Canuck.” Pen Pictures of Early Pioneer Life in Upper Canada. Toronto:Wm. Briggs Co., 1905.Carr, Emily. The Book of Small. London: Oxford University Press, 1942.________Klee Wyck. London: Oxford University Press, 1942.Chuen-Yan David Lai. “A Feng Shui Model as a Location Index,” Annals ofAssociation of American Geographers, Vol. 64, No. 4, (December, 1974),pp. 506-513.Curl, James. The Victorian Celebration of Death. London: RedwoodPress, 1972.Drewes, Donald. Cemetery Land Planning. Pittsburgh: Matthews andCompany, 1964.Deetz, James and Dethlefson, Edwin. “Death’s Heads, Cherubs, andWillow Trees.” American Antiquity. Vol. 31, 1965-1966.Eliade, Marcel. The Sacred and the Profane. New York: Putnam andCompany, 1968.Esdaile, Katherine. English Church Monuments 1510—1840. London:Oxford University Press, 1966.Fawcett, Edgar. Reminiscences of Old Victoria. Toronto: William Briggsand Company, 1912.Florin, Lambert. Boot Hill——Historic Graves of the Old West. Seattle:Superior Publishing Company, 1966.Tales the Western Tombstones Tell. Seattle: Superior Publishing Company, 1967.100101Forbes, Harriette. Gravestones of Early New England and the Men WhoMade Them 1653—1800. New York: Da Capo Press, 1967.Francariglia, Richard. “The Cemetery As An Evolving Cultural Landscape,” Annals of Association of American Geographers. Vol. 61,No. 3, (Sept. 1971), pp. 501—506.Gillespie, Angus. “Gravestones and Ostentation,” Pennsylvania Folklife,Vol. 19, No. 2, 1970, pp. 34-43.Glassie, Henry (ed.). Forms Upon the Frontier—Folklife and Folk Artsin the United States. Utah: Utah University Press, 1969. See MauryHaseltine, “A Progress Report on the Pictorial Documentation ofEarly Utah Gravestones,” pp. 79-89.Glover, Pamela. “Country Churchyards,” Commemorative Art. July, 1966,pp. 223-230.Gillon, Edmund Vincent Jr. Early New England Gravestone Rubbings.New York: Dover Publications, 1966.Guillet, Edwin. The Pioneer Farmer and Backwoodsman. Toronto: Universityof Toronto Press, 1963.Habenstein, R.W. The History of American Funeral Directing. Milwaukee:Bulfin Printers, 1955.Hanks, Carolyn. Early Ontario Gravestones. Toronto: McGraw-HillRyerson, 1974.Jackson, J.B. “From Monument to Place,” Landscape, Winter, 1967-1968.s’Jacob, Henriette. Idealism and Realism—-A Study of Sepulchral Symbolism.Lerden: E. J. Brill, 1954.Jeane, Donald. “The Traditional Upland South Cemetery,” Landscape.Spring-Summer, 1969, pp. 39-41.Kephart, W. “Status After Death.” American Sociological Review. Vol.15, 1950, pp. 41-60.Kniffen, Fred. “Necrogeography in the U.S.,” Geographical Review, Vol.57, 1967, p. 48.Lindley, Kenneth. Of Graves and Epitaphs. London: Hutchison Press, 1965.Ludwig, Allan. Graven Images--New England Stonecarving and Its Symbols1650—1815. Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1966.102Morley, John. Death, Heaven and the Victorians. London: Studio Vista,1971.Mosse, William. The Land of the New Adventure. London: 1932.Pattison, William. “Cemeteries of Chicago: A Phase of Land Utilization,”Annals of American Association of Geographers. Vol. 45, 1955, pp.245-257.Price, Larry. “Some Results and Implications of a Cemetery Study.”Professional Geographer. XVIII, No. 4, 1966, pp. 201-207.Ramsey, Bruce. Barkerville: A Guide to the Fabulous Cariboo Gold Camp.Vancouver: Mitchell Press, 1961.________Ghost Towns of British Columbia. Vancouver: Mitchell Press,1962.Smith, W. L. The Pioneers of Old Ontario. Toronto: G.N. Morang, 1923.Tarpley, F. “Southern Cemeteries: Neglected Archives for the Folklorist,”Southern Folklore Quarterly. Vol. 27, 1963, pp. 229-236.Warner, W. The Living and the Dead. New Haven: Yale University Press,1959.Young, F. “Graveyards and Social Structure,” Rural Sociology. Vol. 25,1960, pp. 253-260.PRIMARY SOURCESCemeteries Act, Revised Statutes of British Columbia.Guide to the Province of British Columbia, 1877—1878. Victoria, B.C.Henderson’s B.C. Gazeteer and Directory, 1889—1915. Victoria, B.C.Howard, F. (ed.). The British Columbian and Victoria Guide and D-trectory,1863. Victoria, B.C.Sandon Cemetery. MSS, Victoria, B.C. : Provincial Archives.Stewart, Alexander. “A Few Choice Designs in Monuments and Headstones,”Victoria: ca 1912.103NEWSPAPERSBritish Colwnbian (New Westminster), March 28, 1889, p. 2.Nov. 29, 1889, p. 3.________•July 13, 1886, p. 2.June 8, 1887, p. 3.June 15, 1887, p. 2.August 13, 1887, p. 3.__Noventer 16, 1887, p. 4.December 13, 1892, p. 2.British Daily Colonist (Victoria), August 7, 1870, p. 3.April 14, 1875, p. 2.May 14, 1876, p. 3.Feb. 27, 1879, p. 3.Mar. 25, 1879, p. 2._•April 1, 1879, p. 2.April 8, 1879, p. 3.April 17, 1879, p. 2.March 18, 1888, p. 3.APPENDIX ONEMARBLE DEALERS AND MONUMENT MAKERS INBRITISH COLUMBIA (1870-1910)104a-JAPPENDIX ONEMARBLE DEALERS AND MONUMENT MAKERS INBRITISH COLUMBIA (1870—1910)104 bRalph Ingham (Victoria)--before 1877.Robert FosterWilliam Bell(Victoria)-.-in business duringapparently preferred sandstonework with. Most of his stonesBay. There is no signature onValley but it is possible that(Victoria) 1884-1891.the 1870’s. Heas a material toare found in Rossthose in the Fraserhe did those as well.George KirsopJames FisherJohn MortimerJoseph PhillipsThomas Bradbury(Victoria) 1877-1893.(Victoria) 1886-1897. Fisher was the owner of theAlbion Granite and Marble Works. He advertisedperiodically in the Daily Colonist; “All workguaranteed equal to any on the Pacific Coast and atreasonable rates.” He also advertised a design cat-.alogue for mail orders. (Daily Colonist, May 31,1886).(Victoria) 1877 - ? Mortimer appears to have beenone of the more successful members of his tradeand the company he founded still operates in Victoriatoday as the John Mortimer Company. His work isprimarily with marble and best represented in RossBay. Four of his stones were located in the FraserValley and one at Yale. The identical appearanceof two stones, one at Fort Langley and one at Murrayyule suggests a set of available patterns from whichthe customer might choose.(Victoria) 1884—1904. Phillips was born in Cornwall,England and apprenticed there as a stonemason. Hearrived in Victoria in 1881 and by 1893 was advertising one of the largest stocks of rough and finishedstone in British Columbia (B.C. Directory, 1887). Heowned the Phillips Granite and Marble Works and waspublicizing in 1887 as an “Importer of and Dealer inall Kinds of Polished Granite and Marble.” (B.C.Directory, 1887).(Victoria) 1895—1900. A contractor and builder,Bradbury moved to Vancouver as a contractor in 1900and presumably left the monument business.105George Rudge (Victoria) 1884-1894. Rudge was born in New Brunswick where his father was engaged in a marbledealership in St. Stephen’s. Rudge apprenticedwith his father and left for San Francisco in 1875.He formed a partnership in a marble firm in Seattle,but the business was destroyed by fire. He thenwent to Victoria and established a marble works there.In 1886 he appointed an agent at New Westminster to• deal with the mainland trade (British Colwnbian,July 1886). In 1894, George Rudge was listed at thesame address as four other members of the family--all• stonecutters. By 1898, he had moved to Port Simpson,in partnership with a combined hotel and marble worksoperation. Rudge’s signature was found on half adozen markers at Lytton (2), Yale (2) and Fort Langley(2). The motifs were in a classic vein and themedium used was white marble.Alexander Stewart (Victoria) 1886-1904. Stewart owned the StewartMonumental Works which are still operating under thatname today.Alexander Hamilton (New Westminster), 1886-1902. Hamilton’s work iswell represented throughout the Lower Mainland. Hewas born in Scotland and apprenticed as a stonecutterto a large firm of marble and monument engraversthere. He also studied higher forms of the trade atEdinburgh University. He founded the B.C. MonumentalWorks in New Westminster and regularly advertised inthe British Colurnbian: “Plain or Elaborate, made toorder and guaranteed to suit the tastes of the mostsedate or fastidious. Parties wishing fair dealingand honest work will do well to give me a call.”(British Colwnbian, Aug., 1887). He urged his potential customers to “Call and Inspect before PatronizingIsland Capital.” While all the markers recorded inthis sample were marble, he also imported ScotchGranite, Swedish and New Brunswick red granite monuments (British Colwnbian, Mar. 28, 1889).P. Wade (Kamloops) l887(?) - ? Although this individual’ssignature was found on three stones, he could notbe traced through the directories.W. A. Smith (Ingersoll, Ontario). Signature found on a markerat Yale--apparently shipped from Ontario.APPENDIX TWOTOMBSTONE MUTT FS106a106bzzCLASPED HANDSPOINTING FINGERWREATHFLORAL5 WILLOW LAMB107\\\I4STAR AND CROWN LEAFY BRANCHCROSS AND CROWN HEARTROCK OF AGES ANCHOR108WHEAT SHEAFSCROLL OPEN BOOKDOVE URNTHISTLEAPPENDIX THREEEPITAPHS FOUND ON TOMBSTONES INSOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA10 9aAPPENDIX 3EPITAPHS FOUND ON TOMBSTONES INSOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA1. “At Rest” (common to all).2. “Gone but not forgotten” (common to all).3. “Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord.” Rev. 14.13(Murrayvil le).4. “Remember now as you pass byAs you are now so once was IAs I am now you soon shall beSo now prepare to follow me.” (Murrayville)5. “Budded on earth to bloom in heaven” (common on child’s marker).6. “Though lost to sight, to memory dear.” (common to all).7. “He is not dead but sleepeth.” (Fort Langley).8. “Rest in peace” (common to all).9. “Suffer little children to come unto meand forbid them not for such is theKingdom of Heaven.” (Murrayville)10. “Gone Home” (Murrayville).11. “I have fought the good fightI have finished my workI have kept the faith.” (Murrayville).12. “They trials ended, thy rest is won.” (Murrayville).13. “No pains, no grief, no anxious fear, can reachour loved one sleeping here” (Fort Langley, Matsqui).14. “I am the Resurrection and the Life” (common to all).15. “Calm on the bosom of thy GodFair spirit rest thee nowE’en while with ours thy footsteps trodHis seal was on thy brow,109 bI110Dust to its narrow house beneathSoul to its place on highThey that have seen thy look in deathNo more may fear to die” (Fort Langley).16. “Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God” (FortLangley).17. “I heard the voice of Jesus sayCome unto me and restLay down thou weary one, lay downThy head upon my breast.No home on earth have weNo resting place beforeFrom sin and earth and self set freeTo dwell with God we go.” (Fort Langley).18. “May he find joy in the life everlasting” (Fort Langley).19. “‘Tis a little grave but have careFor world-wide hopes are buried thereHow much of light, how much of joy[s buried with a darling boy” (Fort Langley).20. “Until the day breaks and the shadows flee away” (Fort Langley).21. “Peace, perfect, peace” (common to all).22. “Sleeping” (common to all).23. “He giveth his beloved sleep” (common to all).24. “Blessed are they which do hunger and thirst after righteousnessfor they shall see God” (Fort Langley).25. “A tender mother and a faithful friend” (common to all).26. “Passed through the golden gateInto the beautiful shining land” (Matsqui).27. “Sorrow vanquished, Labour ended, Jordan passed” (Matsqui).28. “Safe At Home” (Matsqui).29. “Not lost, But Gone Before” (common to all).30. “They loved in life and in death they were not divided”husband and wife (Matsqui).-JI/— II•lll31. “We will meet again” (common to all).32. “Asleep in Jesus” (common to all).33. “He shall gather the lambs with his arms andcarry them in his bosom” (common on child’s marker).34. “Sleep on sweet babeAnd take thy restGod called thee home,He thought it best” (common child’s marker).35. “Thy will be done” (common to all).36. “Happy in life, peaceful in death” (Hedley).37. “Requiescat in pace” (Princeton).38. “A precious one from us has goneA voice we loved is stilledA place is vacant in our homeWhich never can be filled” (Rock Creek, Greenwood).39. “In the midst of life we are in deathThe Lord giveth and the Lord taketh away” (Phoenix).40. “The Lord is my Shepherd I shall not want” (Greenwood).41. “He died as he lived, on the square” (Phoenix).42. “Farewell my friends and loved ones dearI am not dead but sleeping hereI was not yours but Gods aloneHe loved me best and took me home” (Surrey Centre).43. “A faithful friend, a wife most dearA loving mother lyeth here.Great is the loss we here sustainBut hope in heaven we meet again” (Surrey Centre).44. “He is gone but not forgottenNever shall his memory fadeFondest thoughts shall ever lingerRound the grave where he is laid” (Surrey Centre).45. “His toils are past, his work is doneHe fought the fight, the victory won” (Chilliwack).I11246. “She faltered by the wayside and the Angelstook her home” (Yale).47. “So loved, so mourned” (Yale).48. “Happy soul thy days are ended” (Ross Bay).49. “They shall renew their strength; thy shallmount up with wings as eagles; They shallrun and not be weary; They shall walkand not faint” (St. Stephen’s).


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