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In this neglected spot : the rural cemetery landscape in Southern British Columbia Philpot, Mary Elizabeth 1976

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IN THIS NEGLECTED SPOT: THE RURAL CEMETERY LANDSCAPE IN SOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA by MARY PHILPOT B.A. (lions.) University of Toronto, 1973  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF ARTS Department of Geography We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1976 \.-)  Mary Philpot, 1976  In presenting this thesis in partial  fulfilment of the requirements for  an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia,  I agree that  the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I  further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis  for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives.  It is understood that copying or publication  of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of TheUniversityofBritishColumbia  2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1WS  Date  4ri_P  2 i’jiL  1  Abs tract The cemetery is a feature of the human landscape.  It has been  described as a memorial to the living as well as to the dead because it reflects the various sustaining mechanisms of the society which creates it.  Wealth, prestige, kinship, ethnic and religious barriers  are all represented to a degree in the cemetery.  This study focuses on  the rural cemetery landscape of southern British Columbia in the social and economic context of the 19th century. The cemetery is first described in subjective terms as a series of vignettes.  The aesthetic qualities of the cemetery are stressed  and the emotions they evoke are considered.  A more rigorous examina  tion of the rural graveyard landscape in southern British Columbia follows Chapter 1, where the results of field work are presented.  The  scene is set for an interpretation of that landscape in Chapter 3, including a discussion of English and American antecedents in cemetery planning and ‘death’s celebration’ in the 19th century.  Chapter 4  considers the rural cemetery landscape of southern British Columbia as a reflection of 19th century society in that province.  11  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page  CHAPTER One  •1  CEMETERY IMPGES: BRITISH COLUMBIA AND ONTARIO  7  St. Stephen’s Churchyard  Two  Three  Yale Cemetery  10  Rock Creek Cemetery  11  Phoenix Cemetery  •  13  Conclusions  •  16  THE RURAL CEMETERY LANDSCAPE OF SOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA Field Results  33  Tombstone Classification Results  45  THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT OF THE CEMETERY IN EARLY BRITISH COLUMBIA The Southern British Columbia Cemetery in Perspective: Cemetery Planning  Four  18  70  •  •  73  The Monument as Part of the Cemetery Landscape  •  .  81  Death’s Celebration in the 19th Century  •  .  87  CONCLUSIONS: SOCIETY AND THE 19TH CENTURY RURAL CEMETERY IN SOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA  SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY  91 100  APPENDICES One  Marble Dealers and Monument Makers in British Columbia (1870-1910)  104  Two  Tombstone Motifs  106  Three  Epitaphs Found on Tombstones in Southern British Columbia  109  111  LIST OF PLATES P LATE  Page  1.1  The rural Ontario graveyard landscape  2  1.2  St. Stephen’s Churchyard--Saanich  8  1 2a  St. Stephen’s Churchyard  1.3  A view of the Yale cemetery  1.4  Old cemetery gate at the entrance to Rock Creek graveyard  14  1.5  Phoenix cemetery  17  2.1  The Murrayville Cemetery  25  2.2  The Fort Langley Cemetery  25  2. 3a  Matsqui Cemetery  26  2. 3b  Surrey Centre Churchyard  26  2.4  The Hope Cemetery  27  2.5  The Lytton Cemetery  2.6.  A View of the Lillooet Cemetery  2.7  A View of the Hedley Cemetery  28  2.8  The Princeton Cemetery  29  2.9  The Greenwood Cemetery  29  2.10  The Midway Cemetery  2.11  The New Denver Cemetery  2.12  Picket fence around the Shady Creek Cemetery  2.13  Picket fence enclosure around an individual plot  37  2.14  Iron grave enclosure at Lytton  39  .  Ca.  1900  28  .  •  .  30 30  iv PLATE 2.15  Page Lead piping enclosure in foreground and concrete kerbing in background at Ross Bay cemetery  39  2.16  Japanese marker at Princeton  44  2.17  A fine brown slate marker found at the Yale cemetery  48  2.18  Classic Weeping Willow Motif  54  2.19  An elaborately sculpted variation on the weeping willow motif. Ross Bay  54  2.20  Classic Pointing Finger Motif  55  2.21  Classic Clasped Hands Motif  56  2.22  Clasped Hands Motif on marble marker at Courtenay  2.23  Classic Rose Motif  57  2.24  Lamb Motif on child’s marker at Princeton  57  2.25  Wooden Headboard in the Greenwood Cemetery  60  2.26  Rough-cut gray granite tablet with ledger in foreground  60  2.27  A gabled version of the tablet  64  2.28  Obelisk shaped marker  66  2.29  A tombstone shape popular at the turn of the 20th century  66  Variation on the simple cross: ivy draped across one arm, a bird perched on the other  67  2.31  Second variation on the simple cross  67  4.32  “Where one might ponder  93  2.30  .  .  .  “  .  .  56  V  LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE  Page  1  Cemetery Sample Area--Lower Fraser Valley  2  Cemetery Sample Area--Southern British Columbia  3  Cemetery Sketch Maps  4  Tombstone materials 1870-1925  46  5  Tombstone motifs 1870-1925  53  6  Gates Ajar and Leafy Branch Motifs  59  7  Popular Tombstone Shapes in Southern British Columbia  63  20 .  .  21 22-23  vi  Acknowledgements After several false starts and dead ends, this thesis has finally reached its present state. While the research and writing of it was up to me, I relied on several people to maintain my mental health state throughout what sometimes seemed a never-ending process. I would like to thank my academic advisors: Cole, for his pat ience, wisdom and editorial skills at a crucial stage; Dick for his friendship, his unique approach to ideas, his enthusiasm and encourage  My friends and fellow graduate students provided a shoulder to lean on when it was needed and were always willing to discuss things over a beer. (They were also the source of endless witicisms over the fact that I had chosen a “dead-end” topic, a matter of “grave concern”  ment.  etc.). In alphabetical order, and hoping that I do not miss anyone, I would like to thank Adriane, Angus, Deryck, Donna, Jan, Joan and Warren-—for being there. Thanks also to a good friend, Chris Webber, who helped with computing matters, to William Driftwood for his help with the maps and to Sir Thomas Gray, who provided a title. It is always easier to tread a path which has been cleared before you. To Mark I owe so very much--he cajoled, berated, sympath ized and encouraged when I needed it most. I thank him for caring enough to see me through. Finally, I thank my family, who never quite understood why I left the comforts of southern Ontario, but who knew this was important to me. I hope I can repay them some day for the support they have given.  I’ r)1 S  d  %  t  1’4 ,  ‘4  5’  1  L r  Above the town, on the hill brow, the stone angel used to stand. I wonder if she stands there yet, in memory of her who relinquished her feeble ghost as I gained my stubborn one, my mother’s angel that my father bought in pride to mark her bones and proclaim his dynasty, as he fancied, forever and a day. Summer and winter she viewed the town with sightless eyes. She was doubly blind, not only stone but unendowed with even a pretense of sight. Whoever had carved her left the eyeballs blank. It seemed strange to me that she should stand above the town, harking us all to heaven, without knowing who we were at all. But I was too young then to know her purpose although my father often told me she had been brought from Italy at a terible expense and was pure white marble. I think now she must have been carved by stone masons in that distant sun who were the cynical descendants of Bernini, gouging out her like by the score, gauging with admirable accuracy the needs of fledgling pharoahs in an uncouth land. Margaret Laurence  CHAPTER ONE CEMETERY IMAGES: BRITISH COLUMBIA AND ONTARIO The impetus for this study stems from my earlier interest in the rural cemetery as a landscape feature in southern Ontario.  There,  you can travel the county backroads and see a dozen or so small grave yards within a distance of 60-70 miles.  The tell-tale symbols--a  field of precisely carved, white marble headstones, on a slight lean, surrounded by the towering red granite shafts of a different era--are conspicuous against the rolling Ontario countryside (see Plate 1.1). Invariably, these cemeteries are located between two small towns, at the corner of a crossroads, or beside a rect-brick or fieldstone church. They are often, but not always, found on a grassy knoll, which is usually shaded in spring and summer by a row of mature elm or maple trees.  When Ontario is at her verdant, summer best, the rural cemetery  is a cool, green haven—-appealing to the eye and soothing the soul. The scenes described above strike a chord within me.  I find  the rustic setting of the rural cemetery-—the leafy old trees and aging marble headstones——aesthetically pleasing.  They are silent places but  their silence is not the frightening stillness of the unknown.  Rather,  it is conducive to quiet walks and calm reflection and in that setting I can sense and accept, the natural order of events. While examining characteristics of the country graveyard in southern Ontario, I came to realize that I had not only stepped into an unique place but also back through time. 1  I had unknowingly entered a  2  Plate 1.1  The rural Ontario graveyard landscape. A cemetery near Brougham, Ontario.  3 different world and the people I met there intrigued me.  I became in  terested in knowing their names, their origins, and the events that had affected their lives.  Few of those people are my own ancestors and yet  they felt as close to me as my own kin, because they are part of my Ontario heritage. The people who created the rural cemeteries throughout southern Ontario (and who are now buried in them), established the foundations of the province.  Those foundations are strong and that strength is re  flected in the landscape of the graveyard.  I am impressed by the audacity  of the red granite obelisk which proclaims not only wealth and prestige in a comunity, but also endurance.  Similarly, I cannot ignore the  sight of sons, fathers and grandfathers laid side by side in family plots begun well over a century ago.  There is a sense of continuity in  those cemeteries; the names on the headstones are names still listed in the nearest town’s phone directory.  These were real people--coping as  we all do with whatever the present circumstances happen to be.  I can  smile and mus upon the character of one Patrick McConnel, laid to rest in a Medonte township cemetery beside his three wives. all and married the last in his eighty-fifth year.  He survived them  I can pause and re  flect for a moment at the sight of five small graves in a row, all children and members of the same family, all dead within days of each other.  In cases such as these, the cemetery is much more to me than a  collection of markers with faceless names.  It is a reminder of those  people who had a hand in shaping Ontario’s landscape as it appears today. Those who settled the Ontario countryside early in the nineteenth century  4 They cleared the  took up the task of making a home and completed it.  land, built houses, barns, roads, churches, and schools for their Those same people built the cemeteries.  children.  The graveyard then, is as much a memorial to the living as it is to the dead and as such, reflects those ideas which we hold to be important.  The types of monuments, the placement of trees, shrubs,  grave enclosures, pathways, and driveways in the cemetery landscape may tell us as much about a society as does, for example, its architecture. Similarly, the barriers which divide religious, ethnic and economic groups are often as clear in the layout of a cemetery as in society at large.  Our present means of interment in a spacious memorial garden,  with a standard size bronze marker set flush to the ground is an accurate reflection of the loss of individuality in todays society. The cemetery evokes shared associations and feelings. well have unpleasant associations for many people.  It may  They set foot inside  on no more than two or three occasions during a lifetime at a time of sorrow.  They are unlikely to remember details of the cemetery apart from  a desire to escape the situation as soon as possible.  Far more than a  monument in praise of the dead, the cemetery is a reminder of our own mortality, which few can accept comfortably.  An eighteenth century  epitaph conveys the message that we ignore today. Remember me as you pass by As you are now So once was I As I am now, So you must be Prepare therefore To follow me.  5 In contrast, our society has been accused of engaging in a conspiracy “to pretend that death does not exist; corpses, bones and funerals being 1 kept well out of sight and segregated from everyday life.” While the cemetery fulfills a practical function as well as a symbolic one, it is also a sacred place. separates it from the profane world.  The fence which surrounds it  Entering through the cemetery gate  is like walking through the doors of a church. ings is aroused.  A special set of feel  These feelings are presumably widely shared, for most  societies have burial places that are hallowed to them.  Depending upon  our mutual regard, we may honour and respect those places as we would Emily Carr for example, paints a vivid picture of an Indian  our own. graveyard.  It was a quiet place, this Indian cemetery, lying a little aloof from the village. A big stump field, swampy and green separated them. Birds called across the field and flew into the quiet tangle of the cemetery bushes and nested there among foliage so newly created that it did not know anything about time. There was no road into the cemetery to be worn dusty by feet, or stirred into gritty clouds by hearse wheels. The village had no hearse. 2 The dead were carried by friendly hands across the stump field. The aspect of quiet depicted in that selection and the chance it affords for respite, from a world which appears to ignore both, are two of the cemetery’s most important and attractive ingredients as a place.  There is an opportunity to come to terms with oneself regarding  1 James Curl, The Victorian Celebration of Death, p. 14. 2 Emily Carr, Klee Wyck, pp. 94-95.  6  It is also a “firm and  death and the mortal nature of the human being.  fixed social place, ritually consecrated for this purpose, where the disturbed sentiments of human beings about their loved ones can settle 3 and find peace and certainty.”  A final feature of the cemetery is  that it is a testimony to our ancestral roots, a  .  .  .  book of history,  4 biography, an instructor in architecture and sculpture.” A history book, a sacred place and a haven from the outside world were the characteristics present to varying degrees in the cemeteries I visited in southern Ontario.  On moving to British Columbia, I was curious  to know whether or not these same characteristics applied to the ceme teries here.  Essentially then, I looked for the southern Ontario land  scape in British Columbia, and I did not find it.  Rather, I found a  cultural landscape totally different from anything I had known before. The difference is related to both different physical environments and settlement histories.  The variety in British Columbia landforms and  climatic conditions, for example, is striking.  There is a dramatic con—  trast between the arid interior plateau and the wet coastal mountains. Similarly, the social environment (settlement patterns and development) seemed as variegated as its physical setting.  Only fragments of British  Columbia reflected the agrarian stability of rural Ontario; the rest was apparently settled by a mainly itinerant population, often more inter ested in quick profit than in permanent settlement.  With such a social  W. Warner, The Living and the Dead, p. 49.  John Morley, Death, Heaven and the Victorians, p. 16.  7 and physical mosaic, British Columbia could not reproduce the Ontario I cannot envision a ‘typical’ British Columbia cemetery--  cemetery.  my varied impressions of individual cemeteries appear below in the form of several vignettes. ST. STEPHEN’S CHURCHYARD At St. Stephen’s churchyard on the Saanich peninsula, I found perhaps the closest British Columbian equivalent of the Ontario cemetery. It is more reminiscent, however, of the English country churchyard (see Plate 1.2).  One passes under the lychgate at the entrance and walks  down a central gravelled pathway towards a small, white frame church. On either side are the graves of departed members of the flock, shaded in spring and summer by gnarled oaks.  The wisps of reindeer moss which  hang from the branches in fall and winter give the place a ghostly atmosphere, somewhat different from the welcoming green of the other seasons.  A photograph taken in about 1900 reveals that each grave was  once surrounded by a freshly whitewashed picket fence (see Plate l.2a). The fences are gone but the solid gray granite crosses and white marble slabs remain.  No grave is beyond the sight and presence of the church  and the feeling is strong that one walks upon consecrated ground.  To  my mind, there is a feeling in that churchyard of permanence and stabil ity--very like the impression conveyed by the Ontario cemetery.  The  gray granite crosses seem to symbolize strength and the nearby church enhances the sense of durability.  You may indeed “sleep the long sleep  8  Plate 1.2  St. Stephen’s Churchyard--Saanich. The Romantic landscape of the English churchyard recreated in British Columbia.  9  Plate l.2a  St. Stephen’s Churchyard ca. 1900. Note picket fences around the plots.  10  5 of death” in St. Stephen’s churchyard. THE YALE CEMETERY The cemetery near the small settlement of Yale in the Fraser Canyon brings British Columbia’s colourful past into sharp focus.  I  find a strong sense of history here, as strong as that in any Ontario cemetery.  Yale was an important gold rush town and its cemetery is a  good reflection of the time when miners struggled through the Fraser Canyon on their way to the goldfields.  Natives of Scotland, Ireland,  England, North Wales, Germany, Ontario, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Quebec, Massachusetts, and Ohio are buried here.  A number of the graves  are those of young men, but there is also the plot of six year old Daisy Summer who “faltered by the wayside and the Angels took her home.”  The  markers represent the work of several stonecarvers in Victoria and at least one stone was brought from outside the province, carved by a W. A. Smith in Ingersoll, Ontario.  They were made of wood, marble and gray  granite and one was a very fine brown slate.  (Slate is rarely used in  British Columbia; it is unfortunate that the origin of this marker is not known, see Plate 2.17).  A few plots at Yale are enclosed by wooden  picket fences and two by very elaborate wrought ironwork.  While iron  enclosures may also be seen in the Ontario cemetery, wooden picket fences are not usually evident and thus provide a point of contrast between British Columbia and Ontario.  I saw little ironwork on the mainland or  Kenneth Lindley, Of Graves and Epitaphs, p. 20.  11 in the interior apart from Yale.  Its presence there is probably due  to the town’s accessibility to foundries at Victoria or New Westminster. Presumably, steamers travelling up the Fraser to Yale on a regular basis carried items such as grave enclosures and mail-order headstones as part of their cargo. The variety of markers and enclosures at Yale cemetery, dating back to the Gold Rush and representing individuals from several ethnic backgrounds, give the place a charm all its own.  It is by no means as  well—tended nor as peaceful as the churchyard in Saanich or the typical Ontario graveyard; and in spite of its relative age, there is little of the sense of continuity with the past.  It is located on a steep hill  about a half mile south of town, totally overgrown by a shrub of the acacia family (see Plate 1.3).  Hence, it is difficult to locate and  any efforts to find the graves are hampered by a thick tangle of thorns. Persistence is rewarded however, and there is much of interest in the Yale cemetery. THE ROCK CREEK CEMETERY The Rock Creek cemetery sits on an old river terrace overlook ing the Kettle Valley.  The town it serves is located below on the  valley bottom, another creation in the rush for gold.  Unlike many ghostly  counterparts in the interior, Rock Creek survives as a place on the map. The cemetery appears to be only a small part of that survival; it lies to one side of a gravel track which winds up and west of the town into the surrounding hills.  I found the Rock Creek graveyard dry and dusty;  12  Plate 1.3  A view of the Yale cemetery. It is extremely difficult to see the head stones because of the vegetation growth. Two or three monuments are evident in this picture while the rest are well hidden.  13 the breeze soon obliterated my footsteps on the trail which divides the cemetery.  The deciduous grove of trees in St. Stephen’s churchyard  or in the Ontario cemetery is absent at Rock Creek and the July sun beats down on an open landscape.  A wild mixture of rabbitbrush, sage,  and speargrass hides many of the markers, both old and new.  I did not  find the Rock Creek cemetery as inviting as I did the glade at St. Stephen’s.  With its thorns and prickles, it requires almost as much  effort to walk through as the cemetery at Yale.  The predominantly marble  markers I found there are a startling white--apparently the arid climate bleaches them out.  They are simple in style and shape, without the  variety displayed at Yale or the gentle weathering of those at St. Stephen’s.  The rows are neat, but have wide gaps, giving the impression  of something started but incomplete.  The Rock Creek cemetery seemed to  stress the graveyard’s functional role as a disposal ground for the dead. I found little evidence that the people in the town below cared whether or not the graves go untended, and no sense of the permanence found in the solid granite at St. Stephen’s. PHOENIX GRAVEYARD The Phoenix cemetery is green and shaded, not by leafy old elms, but by tall firs.  The grave markers are aging but they are wooden, not  marble.  The small picket fences around them are charming in their sim  plicity.  It is a quiet place and encourages the same opportunity for  peaceful reflection as the Ontario cemetery.  14  Plate 1.4  Old cemetery gate at the entrance to Rock Creek graveyard. The dirt track in the foreground peters out about 10 yards from the entrance in a tangle of underbrush.  15 I found the Phoenix cemetery a welcome relief after a particularly frustrating search on a hot, dusty day.  It is a half mile or so south of  the old mine along the road between Phoenix and Greenwood and almost out of sight on a steep, heavily treed slope. the town of Phoenix is now a huge open pit.  On the sight of what was once The desolation is so complete  that a description of Phoenix in its heyday reads as fantasy.  Between 1890  and 1920, it was “a big, brassy place, full of locomotives, blasting, four churches, champion hockey teams, 28 saloons, five dance halls, gambling 6 casinos and the biggest plate glass windows in the west.”  This was the  Phoenix of not even a century ago; unlike the mythical bird, it is unlikely to rise from the ashes.  Only the cemetery marks the old townsite and only  it testifies to the fact that people once lived and worked there. From contemporary accounts, a lychgate marked its entrance; now a hand-painted sign hangs slightly askew on a brand new chain-link fence. Entering the gate, I faced a disarray of markers--some broken and leaning against the wooden picket fences that surround them, others tilting against trees at awkward angles. rusty hinges.  The gates of toothless picket fences swing on  Many of the wooden markers have withstood time well enough If  but are weathered, like the fences around them, to a uniform gray.  the plots themselves were once neat and well—kept, they are no longer. As at Yale, a number of young men are buried at Phoenix.  The  markers tell of birthplaces in Nova Scotia, Ontario, Quebec, Italy, Austria, Switzerland, Scotland, and North Wales.  6  Several children also  Bruce Ramsey, Ghost Towns of British Columbia, p. 1 75.  16 have plots there and the local Oddfellow Lodge reserved a large piece of consecrated ground for its members.  Mature fir trees stand tall  among the graves, giving the place a kind of cathedral effect (see Plate 1.5). Phoenix graveyard is now a world in itself and stands as a silent monument to a town which has long since disappeared.  Its markers  fail in their duty to commemorate individuals--there is no one left to be reminded. CONCLUSIONS I have included the above series of sketches to highlight the contrasts between the southern Ontario and the British Columbia ceme tery.  I was also concerned with pointing out the differences in the  British Columbia cemeteries themselves.  It became clear to me in the  course of my field work that it is not so easy to stereotype the British Columbia cemetery as the Ontario cemetery.  There is a difference in  the overall morphology of the cemetery between the two provinces, in physical settings and in the societies they represent.  There is as  much difference between cemeteries in different parts of British Columbia. If it is true that a cemetery reflects the people who made it, then these British Columbia cemeteries, so unlike those in Ontario, so different one from another, have something to say about the nature of early British Columbia.  My task here will be to describe these cemeteries, and then,  insofar as I am able, to interpret them.  Chapter Two is given to a  detailed description and Chapter Three to interpretation.  17  Plate 1.5  Phoenix cemetery. The tall trees and surrounding shrubbery, aging grave markers and the picket fences surrounding them make Phoenix as aesthetically appealing as the Ontario graveyard.  CHAPTER TWO THE RURAL CEMETERY LANDSCAPE OF SOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA Reconnaissance surveys of several cemeteries in the Fraser Valley were carried out during the late spring of 1975, to assess the volume and kinds of information which would be available for a study of the cemetery landscape.  On the basis of material gathered at that time, a classifica  tion scheme was devised for noting the following features: visibility (whether or not the cemetery was an outstanding part of its surroundings), site location, the method of enclosure, vegetation inside and outside the cemetery, internal kerbing and/or fencing of grave plots, the spatial arrangement of grave spaces and walkway patterns. devised for tombstones in the cemetery.  A similar scheme was  In the field, information was  taken concerning (1) the date of death on the marker: (2) the material from which the marker was carved; (3) the predominant motif; (4) let tering; (5) the epitaph; (6) the shape of the marker; (7) the compass orientation of the marker. computer processing.  Each piece of data was assigned a code for  A tombstone sample size of 1000 was arbitrarily  chosen and I imposed a temporal limit, 1850-1925.  This period takes  into account the earliest settlement phase in British Columbia and gives some scope for exploring changes in tombstone fashion.  By 1925, tomb  stone art seems to be directed towards functional purposes rather than artistic expression. 18  19 Fieldwork was conducted during the summer and fall of 1975 and was limited to southern British Columbia, an area that was accessible to me and that represents strikingly different environments and settle ment histories.  Highway 3, which runs along the southern border of  British Columbia was used as a transect line, as was the Fraser Canyon route to Lillooet, and the Island Highway on the east coast of Vancouver Island to Courtenay. Any cemetery with more than an estimated total of 1000 tombstones was excluded from the sample.  Following similar field experience in  southern Ontario, I found that a unit of this size (containing 500-1000) 1 stones is the most manageable one for detailed study.  An exception to  the preferred sample size is Ross Bay cemetery in Victoria.  It provides  a cross-section of tombstones before 1880 and there I selected at random 100 markers to record in the tombstone classification scheme.  Ross Bay  is also used as a model for the Victorian cemetery, an important con sideration in future discussion.  Using the sample size limit mentioned  above, large cemeteries at Grand Forks, Rossland, and Trail were ex cluded from the sample, although a general set of field notes was taken for each one.  Similarly, Doukhobor, Mennonite, Japanese, and Indian  cemeteries were viewed, but in a most general sense.  Ethnic diversity in  1 This fact is verified by the work of others. Gillespie and Price dealt with cemeteries in Delaware and Illinois respectively, and they too selected those with fewer than 1000 stones. Francaviglia’s study in Oregon, though a basic work in the field of necrogeography, does not mention the size of the cemeteries sampled.  0 +  Cemetery  Churchyard  CEMETERY  Bay)  liflc  SAMPLE  Scale  AREA-  0  SOUTHERN  4Q  C  0  .s..c.  Boundary —West Kootenay  0  SimilkameenSouth Okanagan  Lower Fraser Valley  Southeast VancoUver ISland  Fraser Canyon  Phoenix  0  0  W076  (‘3  m  C) C  MAPS OF CEMETERIES 22 cha,. 1i,,k’  Fnt  peiMef  FORT LANGLEY  va vu. c.  ditch.  +o k’eremeos—r  iiarn  RG3  Cemetery Sketch flaps  HEDLEY  ______________  ____  sk? iuFF.4ds,oft.  r  pint Corfeft4i  23  -J /  old  qtw  drj v€e.rmt’ -over,sw,. -  -  shtp  Ic!  IIFP Oy&fIooA #own.  di#  V’4IItf  an4 Kc ffl  romd  4owi. ?Hdu4  *i  (Out’  ROCK CREEK  s’”p  ?u1Ifo(  o14  cli rlYc.5  qraVeij4rd’iS rr*teJ 4 p05  o’c.oc. piiic-  ckRilt.  CDt.-  I I  IiardpJcd th4 kuK  (  II II  LYTTON  —t  new  amos!  is..’.  *#34 hie,  24 the cemetery landscape is recognized but as I have been most interested in the cemeteries created by what might be called the predominant society, I confined my recording to the small graveyards (see Plates 1.2-1.5 pp. 2, 8,9,12,14,17 and Plates 2.1—2.11). The undifferentiated cemetery described by Price (10 graves or less) and the small family plot recognized by both Price and Francaviglia 2 undoubtedly exist in British Coluntia, but were (20 graves or less) neither sought nor found in this study.  To some, there may be no more  poignant statement than the single cross or headstone against a gathering sky: a solitary grave slab (of wood, not stone) meekly rising from the lowly grave mound near an old established looking settler’s homestead, its simple lettered story upon the white painted board, telling of one 3 or more breaches in the family since it came there.”  These are impossible  4 to locate however, without a good deal of intimate, local knowledge. Even the small cemeteries I studied were often hard to find. Topographic maps at a scale of 1:50,000 were virtually useless because graveyards were not consistently marked on them (they appeared on some  2  Larry Price, “Some Results and Implications of a Cemetery  Study,” Professional Geographer, Volume XVIII, No. 4, 1966.  Edwin Guillet, The Pioneer Farmer and Backwoodsman, p. 208. In a recent historic survey of the Squamish-Lillooet area (un published), two such graveyards were documented. One was on the site of 29-Mile House (along the old Harrison Lake-Lillooet road) and apparently dates from about 1860. The authors of the report conclude that, “although the picket fence of the small cemetery is broken down and scattered on the ground and the headboard is apparently missing, one might safely assume from its style and obvious age that the grave or graves there date from the gold rush period.” Another cemetery was located in “thick brush” near the site of Port Douglas and was also dated to the Gold Rush.  25  Plate 2.1.  The Murrayville Cemetery  Plate 2.2.  The Fort Langley Cemetery  26  Plate 2.3a.  Matsqui Cemetery. Ornamental vegetation in the cemetery landscape. Note arrangement of boxwood shrubs and weeping willow in background.  Plate 2.3b.  Surrey Centre Churchyard. Mature Douglas fir among the headstones.  C  27  Plate 2.4.  Plate 2.5.  The Hope Cemetery  The Lytton Cemetery. Note broad dirt track dividing the cemetery in half.  28  Plate 2.6.  A View of the Lillooet Cemetery. Note lychyate in background.  Plate 2.7.  A View of the Hedley Cemetery from the highway.  29  Plate 2.8.  The Princeton Cemetery and the tall Ponderosa Pine among the graves in the old section.  Plate 2.9.  The Greenwood Cemetery --a terraced effect.  30  Plate 2.10.  Plate 2.11.  The Midway Cemetery  The New Denver Cemetery  31 maps and not on others).  Many were hidden by an overgrowth of vegeta  tion and could not be seen from the highway.  The best procedure for  finding a cemetery was to consult an official in a village or town hail, the local museum, tourist information booth, or at the local cafe.  In  most cases, the cemetery was located beyond the town limits and usually well off the main road.  It was known to local people only; the out  sider would see it only if he had a reason for doing so. This transect of southern British Columbia established a very clear division between coastal and interior cemeteries.  Those in the  Lower Fraser Valley and on southeastern Vancouver Island are well-kept and parklike, with regular rows of evenly spaced granite and marble head stones.  Both regions reflect a similar settlement history.  The Fraser  Valley was settled in the latter third of the 19th century because of its arable potential and because of its proximity to centres like Victoria and New Westminster.  Southeastern Vancouver Island was settled at approx  imately the same time for like reasons and an image of each region might include cleared, cultivated fields dotted with barns and houses--evidence of a rural, sedentary existence. There is a clear distinction between the landscape described above and that of the Fraser Canyon or Similkameen cemetery.  With the exception  of a well-watered municipal lawn cemetery at Oliver and the recently lawned section of the Princeton cemetery, the interior graveyard land scape is dry and bare.  Ground vegetation is at a minimum, the paths be  tween the graves are often gravelled over, many of the plots are kerbed with concrete, or mounded with loose dirt.  Both the Fraser Canyon and  32 Similkameen cemeteries represent a dramatic change in climate and vege tation from the coastal zone.  They are part of a semi-arid belt which  stretches through a major portion of central British Columbia.  In terms  of settlement history, the towns in the Fraser Canyon are among the oldest in British Columbia, but they did not develop within an agrarian They were little more than stopping places along the corridor  economy.  to the Cariboo goldfields and once harboured a highly mobile population. Towns in the Similkameen and south Okanagan were settled after 1890; some started off as mining camps (Princeton and Hedley) and others became known as service centres for the orchards in the Okanagan (e.g., Keremeos and Osoyoos). The graveyard landscape in the Boundary-West Kootenay country is slightly different from that described above.  It tends to be an un  kempt landscape--vegetation grows virtually unchecked.  Internal grave  enclosures (i.e., picket fences or kerbing) are much more evident here than in any other region of southern British Columbia.  The gravestones  are less regularly spaced and the path between the graves is no more than a worn track.  The Boundary-West Kootenay cemetery reflects a gradual  shift in vegetation zones caused by an increase in precipitation.  The  change is particularly marked after Grand Forks, where the Columbia and Subalpine forest are the major biotic zones.  Extremes are represented  by the semi-arid Rock Creek graveyard landscape (very like the south Okanagan cemetery) and the leafy green grove at New Denver.  While phy  sically different, the Boundary-West Kootenay region has a settlement history as a mining area and thus, a shared development with the Similka meen and Fraser Canyon comunities.  33 FIELD RESULTS  The rural cemetery is not an obvious feature of the human land scape in southern British Columbia, as are churches, barns, fences, and field patterns.  It is not the striking part of the country scene that  it is in southern Ontario. The visibility of cemeteries (defined solely on the basis of whether or not the cemetery could be seen from the main road) varies regionally, but only slightly so.  They are less hidden in the Fraser  Valley and southeastern Vancouver Island than elsewhere in southern British Columbia.  Fort Langley, Matsqui, and Surrey Centre cemeteries,  for example, are apparent from the road to the casual observer.  On the  other hand, the graveyards at Lytton, Yale and Hedley, although found alongside the highway, are well protected by vegetation and hidden from view.  Cemeteries in the Similkameen-south Okanagan and the Boundary-  West Kootenay regions are also well-disguised. where to look for them.  One must know exactly  Town burial grounds at Princeton, Rock Creek,  Midway, Greenwood, and Salmo are beyond the town limits and along poorly marked tracks off the main route. The visibility of a cemetery depends largely on its site.  There  is a popular conception that graveyards are placed on elevated ground, hilltops being the preferred location from both a practical and symbolic standpoint.  In this study, that generalization could not be made.  Only  half the cemeteries sampled, including Murrayville, Surrey Centre, Chilli— wack, Greenwood, Midway, Phoenix, Salmo, Yale, and Lytton could be  34 considered to be on any slope at all.  Others were on old river or lake  terraces, New Denver and Rock Creek holding commanding views of Slocan Lake and the Kettle Valley respectively.  The hillside is not always  5 the favoured site in cemetery location in southern British Columbia. Most of the rural cemeteries sampled are set apart from the surrounding landscape by a fence, either a modern post or chain link fence.  There are a few exceptions.  A tall cedar hedge marking the  southeastern boundary of the Surrey Centre churchyard is one, and a white picket fence at Shady Creek churchyard is another (see Plate 2.12).  Con  temporary accounts would suggest that the picket fence was usually the 6 first to be built whenever ground was set aside for a graveyard.  Emily  Carr described the old Quadra Street cemetery in Victoria in the follow 7 ing manner: “it had a picket fence and was surrounded by tall, pale trees.” Undoubtedly, a whitewashed picket fence enhanced the appearance of the  An interesting variant on the cemetery location theme was intro in a paper on the placemen of a Chinese cemetery in Victoria. Ac duced cording to the author, it seemed highly likely that an ideal location was determined through the application of feng shui or “a combination of Chinese philosophical, religious, astrological, cosmological, mathema tical and geographical concepts.” In fact, records indicate that the Chinese Association in Victoria purchased a parcel of land in Saanich which apparently fulfilled the proper balance of factors. It was never developed as a cemetery however, because of opposition from local resi dents. See David Lai, “A Feng Shui Model as a Location Index,” AAG, Vol. 64, Dec., 1974, pp. 506-513. 6 See contract of the Sandon Miner’s Union for a picket fence to be built around the town cemetery. MSS, Victoria, 1912. A description of a small graveyard in rural Ontario contains the passage: “it was surrounded by willow trees and a picket fence.” Pen Pictures of Early Pioneer Life in Upper Canada. Emi y  arr, The Book of Small.  35  Plate 2.12.  Picket fence around the Shady Creek Cemetery.  -j  36  •  graveyard, but most have long since weathered and rotted.  Many have  been completely removed to make way for newer fences. Picket fences inside the cemetery around individual grave plots have survived much better.  The enclosure of plots appears to have been  a widespread practice in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in southern British Columbia.  It is a noticeable characteristic of the  Similkameen-south Okanagan and Boundary-west Kootenay cemeteries where the fences have been well preserved in a dry climate.  There is every  likelihood that the custom was carried on throughout the entire study area but that the pickets were removed when they reached a derelict state to facilitate modern cemetery upkeep.  This is almost certain to have  been the case in the Fraser Valley, for example, where upkeep is kept at a high standard.  The absence of these small fences in graveyards at  Hope, Yale, and Lillooet is conspicuous because the older the area, the more likelihood of finding picketed graves.  They marked graves for in  stance in the old Quadra Street cemetery in Victoria and at St. Stephen’s ula (see Plate l.2a, p. 9). 8 churchyard on the Saanich penins  The grave  yard at Phoenix contains several examples of the varied and ornate styles used in making these fences (see Plate 2.13). Other methods of delineating individual graves include concrete or fieldstone kerbing, mounding, wrought iron enclosures (Lytton, Yale,  8  See plates on pages 69, 71 in Bruce Ramsey, Bakerv’tlle: A Guide to the Fabulous Cariboo Gold Camp. Also see Plate, page 129 in Edgar Fawcett, Reminiscences of Old Victoria——The Old Quadra Cemetery.  I  37  ‘V  Plate 2.13.  Picket fence enclosure around an individual plot.  1  38 Ross Bay) and lead piping between granite or marble corner posts (see Plates 2.14, 2.15).  Kerbing is found throughout the sample area with  slight variations in style.  In the Similkameen-south Okanagan, the  centre space is sometimes filled with bits of gravel or limestone. Mounding appears to be a response to shallow soil conditions and is gen erally found in the dry interior cemetery.  The origin of the iron grave  enclosures is not known, but they were probably produced by British Columbia foundries.  In the B.C. Directory for 1877, a firm in Victoria  advertised, “Monuments, Headstones, Grave Enclosures--Undertakers, Fun erals Conducted with Care and Economy.”  Presumably, the metal grave  enclosures cost more than simple wooden fences. ern  They are rare in south  British Columbia, appearing on only a dozen of the 1000 plots in  the tombstone sample. The lead piping method, consisting of one or two pipes placed around the perimeter of the grave between granite or marble corner posts, is often combined with kerbing and is found in all regions except the Fraser Valley.  Again, such enclosures may have been removed recently  to facilitate maintenance. A large number of graves in the sample were unenclosed (at least three-quarters), but there is reason to believe that enclosure by any of the above means was once common.  Modern regulations often prohibit them  her. 9 altoget  Municipal cemetery by-laws in the Fraser Valley include the following regulation: “No grave or lot shall be defined by fence, rail ing, coping, hedge or any other marker save by tablet or marker as here infor provided for.”  I  39  Plate 2.14.  Iron grave enclosure at Lytton. Note tasseled urns on the corner posts.  ‘\  Plate 2.15.  Lead piping enclosure in foreground and concrete kerbing in background at Ross Bay cemetery.  40 One of the more noticeable features of a cemetery is its orna mental vegetation.  While symbolic associations of cemetery vegetation  are discussed in Chapter 3, the types of vegetation and their spatial arrangement are considered here.  It is to be expected of course that  species will vary regionally since climatic conditions are quite differ ent throughout the study area.  At least six biotic zones are represented  ° responding to various moisture, temperature and soil 1 in the sample, conditions.  Any attempt at ornamental vegetation in a graveyard must  take into account these local conditions. In the Fraser Valley, a few attempts have been made to mark indi vidual graves with an arrangement of boxwood, rhododendrum or yew bushes, often at the four corners of a grave.  Though by no means a common practice,  it occurred in half a dozen cases at the Fort Langley, Matsqui and Surrey Centre cemeteries.  At Surrey Centre, the graves are shaded by mature  Douglas fir and cedar (see Plate 2.3b, p. 26).  The old section of the  Murrayville cemetery is bordered on two sides by mature cedars and the Fort Langley graveyard is bordered by a streetside row of chestnut trees. Every cemetery visited in the Valley has a well-kept lawn and, except for the species given above, little other vegetation.  The cemeteries  observed on Vancouver Island are similar except for St. Peter’s Quamichan  10  These zones include the Gulf Islands, the Coastal Forest (north bank of the Fraser River to Hope), the Puget Sound lowland (south bank of the Fraser River and the Lower Mainland), the Dry Forest (the Fraser Canyon north of Boston Bar to Lytton and Lillooet, also Prince ton), Osoyoos Arid (Keremeos and Osoyoos), the Columbia Forest east of Grand Forks and the Subalpine Forest of the West Kootenays. B.C. Natural Resources Conference, 1954, Resource Map No. 11.  41 and St. Stephen’s churchyards, where Gary oaks have been planted between the graves. In contrast to the greenery of the coastal cemetery, the grave yards of the interior are open and arid, until the moist slopes of the Kootenays are reached.  In the interior graveyard, including those in  the Similkameen-south Okanagan and parts of the Boundary country, the graveyard vegetation tends to be a wild mixture of sage, rabbitbrush, thistle and speargrass.  Midway is an exception; there the sparse grass  is clipped close to the bare ground.  At Princeton and Lytton, tall  Ponderosa Pine give shade to the graves while mature fir dwarf the dis array of markers at Phoenix.  In no cases does there appear to be any  rhyme or reason to the ground plan of these trees; nothing of the man icured landscape of the Fraser Valley and southeastern Vancouver Island is suggested. As with enclosure, the practice of marking graves with flowers, trees or shrubs may have been more widespread earlier in the century than present appearances would suggest.  Only vestiges of the custom  remain and without contemporary accounts or photographs, it is difficult to speculate much further on its extent.  Today, the same regulation  which restricts the enclosure of graves also prevents the planting of  11  When the first cemetery regulations were passed in 1877, one ornament of the expressed goals of the cemetery trustees was to “ such cemetery in such manner as may be most convenient and suitable for the burial of the dead and to embellish the same with such walks, aven ues, roads, and shrubs, as may to them seem fitting and proper.” A conversation with a Cemeteries Division officer in 1975 revealed that landscaping is no longer a prime consideration, but that profit (selling gravespaces) is. .  .  .  42 ornamental vegetation on a grave-site-—again, to facilitate maintenance. Landscaping in a more general sense, i.e., the attractive pre sentation of the cemetery as a whole, was possibly a consideration in locating the graves among the trees at Phoenix, Princeton, and Lytton. Planned paths and walkways are not corion in the small cemeter ies of southern British Columbia.  There is usually a centrally placed  drive or track dividing the cemetery in half. barely distinguishable.  In some cases it is  At other cemeteries--Murrayville, Chilliwack,  Princeton and Ross Bay--there are well-gravelled drives winding around the perimeter.  In most graveyards there is evidence of a worn path  between the rows of graves but only in Ross Bay are foot paths a deliber ately planned feature.  A network of attractive footpaths would imply  that the cemetery may serve a function beyond that of a simple burying ground.  In fact, urban cemeteries in the 19th century often provided  an additional service to the public as greenspace in their parklike setting.  Ross Bay appears to have been designed with that in mind. A regular row grave pattern is used in all the cemeteries sampled  although the unevenness of some rows at Matsqui, Hope, Surrey Centre and Princeton indicates that the first few burials may have been made in more haphazard fashion.  A scattered plot arrangement could well have been a  feature in the earliest phase of creating a cemetery.  Emily Carr noted  for example that the first few graves in Ross Bay cemetery seemed lonely 12 and far apart.  12 Emily Carr, The Book of Small.  43 Systematized burial is used not only for efficiency but also serves to separate religious, ethnic and fraternal factions in some cemeteries.  When Ross Bay cemetery opened in Victoria, it was noted  that Episcopalians could not lie beside Nonconformists or Catholics and that Methodists, the Chinese, paupers, and atheists alike were alloted 13 separate blocks of consecrated ground.  When the B.C. Cemetery Bill  came under revision, the Daily British Colonist argued vehemently for 14 the right of such groups to be buried apart from one another. the general populace seemed to agree.  Indeed,  The issue was an important one  and had racial overtones, as witnessed in the following statement: “there would be nothing to prevent the interment of a Chinaman directly along side a dear friend, and the living relatives of that friend would have the pleasure of witnessing the Chinese burial decorations of pork, 15 chicken, and other luxuries.” Ethnic divisions were made clearly in cemeteries at Princeton and Maple Ridge where the Japanese are buried in a separate corner of the graveyard (see Plate 2.15).  If a cultural group were strongly re  presented in an area however, it tended to bury its dead in separate cemeteries.  The Japanese at Greenwood, the Doukhobors at Grand Forks  and in the Slocan Valley, and the Mennonites in the Fraser Valley (Abbots ford, Clearbrook, Yarrow) all have their own burial places.  13 14 15  Emily Carr, The Book of Small. Daily British Colonist (Victoria), April 2,8,17, 1879. British Daily Colonist, May 14, 1876, p. 3.  44  Plate 2.16.  Japanese marker at Princeton. The Japanese are buried in a separate section of the graveyard.  45 Cemeteries at New Denver, Rossland, Phoenix, Princeton and Chilliwack had separate sections reserved for the Masonic and Oddfellow orders.  With the exception of Phoenix and the old Rossland cemetery  which are now completely abandoned, the sections reserved for the fra ternal organizations are well-maintained--apparently by local chapters. The Masonic cemetery at Hedley, for example, has a lawn, totally in contrast to the rest of the cemetery which is bare ground.  From the  inscriptions on some of the older stones, it is likely that both soc ieties took over the burial duties for some of their poor members.  At  Phoenix, there is a stone erected to an individual by the Cranbrook I.O.O.F. Lodge--probably the chapter to which he belonged.  At Courtenay,  the I.O.O.F. Brierville, Tennessee Lodge erected a stone to one of its members killed in a mine explosion (see Plate 2.22). TOMBSTONE CLASSIFICATION RESULTS The most obvious element in the morphologic character of the cemetery--any cemetery--is the grave marker. Almost all the gravestones erected in southern British Columbia between 1850 and 1925 were made of wood, marble, or British Columbia gray granite.  Of the eight tombstone materials found in this study  (cast zinc, red granite, slate, sandstone, wood, marble, and gray gran ite) the latter three were by far the most popular choices in all regions. Between 1870 and 1880 (see Figure 4-a), twenty-eight markers were recorded on Vancouver Island, eleven in the Fraser Canyon and two in the Fraser Valley for that period.  The small number of markers in these three  MATERIALS  TOMBSTONE  46  FIGURE 4 1880  1870 100  80 70  Cz  sS  S  90  W  W  M  U  SS  60 M  50  U  40 30  U M  20 10 n  vi  Ic  Ky  Sm  vi  bk  SS  Sandstone  W  Wood  S  Slate  GO  Gray granite  RO  Red granite  CC  Cast Concrete  —  RG  .  RG  bk  RG  = .!2_  GG  GO  1920  100 GG  Sm  B  1900  90  Ic  Marble  M  A  liv  =  —  .—  RG 80_  W  GG  70  —  60 50 40  GO  GO  --w-  —  M  30  U  GO  M  M  —w  W  20  U  U  U  10  U  0 v  liv  IC  Sm  C  Figure 4.  bk  vi  vi  Vancouver  ltv  Lower Fraser Valley  Island  Canyon  IC  Fraser  Sm  Similkameen  bk  Boundary. Kootenay  Tombstone materials 1870-1925.  Ic  liv  D  sm  bk  47 regions could reflect both low population density at this time (espec ially in the Fraser Valley) and the disappearance of the earliest markers. There is a notable lack of headstones for example at Lillooet and Lytton for the Gold Rush period; because of the age of the settlements, there should be a few in each place.  No gravestones could be found however,  which were older than 1885. At least half the markers recorded for this decade were made of marble (see Figure 4-a, p. 46).  A brown slate and a wooden marker added  some variety in the Fraser Canyon and both of these were found at Yale (see Plate 2.17).  The very low proportion of wood is somewhat surpris  ing, since it was probably the most readily available material.  Possi  bly wooden headboards were more numerous than the study showed but have gradually weathered, fallen and been removed.  This might explain the  lack of old markers at Lillooet and Lytton. Sandstone made up 42 per cent of the sample on Vancouver Island and was most strongly represented in the 100 stone sample taken at Ross Bay.  It was obtained from a quarry at Haddington Island off the north  16 eastern coast of Vancouver Island.  It appears to have been worked by  one man, a Robert Foster, who was employed as a stonecarver in Victoria during the 1870’s (see Appendix One).  Sandstone was used as a material  until about 1885 and is found only in Victoria and at the Fort Langley cemetery.  It is not especially durable, being susceptible to exfoliation,  and was rarely used after Foster left the business.  16  Information obtained from the present owner of the Stewart Monumental Works in Victoria, October, 15, 1975.  48  /f11*JLTi(,1i  T-iJi J,f  F 1/  Plate 2.17.  !\  E.D\i\/IR[ FEcK  FI DIED M A7  A fine brown slate marker found at the Yale cemetery. Slate was rarely used as a carving material for British Columbia gravestones.  49 In the 1880’s, the Fraser Canyon, Fraser Valley, and Vancouver Island are again represented in the sample.  Marble was still used with  the greatest frequency--over 75 per cent of the time in all three regions (see Figure 4b, p. 46).  Sandstone virtually disappeared from the Van  couver Island sample after 1885 and only one gray granite marker creates diversity there.  Marble continued to be popular throughout the ‘90’s.  By 1900, the Similkameen-south Okanagan and Boundary-West Kootenay cemeteries are added to the tombstone sample.  Marble is a popular ma  terial in the Fraser Canyon and on Vancouver Island but is displaced to a certain extent in the Fraser Valley by red and gray granite.  The gray  granite, a local resource from coastal quarries on Nelson, Texada, and Granite Islands, was increasingly used throughout the province towards 192517 (see Figure 4-c, p. 46).  At least one dealer in New Westminster  sold granite monuments throughout the Lower Mainland and its appearance in the Fraser Valley at this time may reflect his influence.  Red granite  monuments were imported from Aberdeen, Scotland, Sweden, New Brunswick, and were distributed from New Westminster as well. 18  The small number  of gray granite markers on Vancouver Island for this period (1900-1910) could be an indication of the fact that most monument makers in British Columbia were still living in Victoria and that their professional pre ference was for marble.  At this time at least two kinds of marble were  being used: a white marble which was imported from Vermont, Italy, Sweden,  17 Information gathered in conversation with Mr. J.B. Newall of the Newall Monumental Company (since 1909) in Vancouver, July, 1975. 18  Ibid.  50 and Scotland; and a blue marble, actually a dark gray, which came from Vermont. Marble markers were not represented at all in the Similkameen south Okanagan between 1900 and 1910.  Wood was used in about 50 per  cent of the sample, while red and gray granite comprised the rest.  Pre  sumably, wood was obtained locally, whereas red and gray granite markers were shipped in from coastal dealers. Approximately three-quarters of the tombstones in the BoundaryWest Kootenay region were carved from marble (1900-1910). are wood or gray or red granite.  The remainder  There seems to be some evidence for a  slight time lag with the introduction of materials to different regions. By 1910, the Fraser Canyon, Fraser Valley, and southeastern Vancouver Island settlements were well-established.  A good communications network  linked all three regions and tombstones could be distributed easily from manufacturing centres in New Westminster, Victoria, and Vancouver.  A  changing preference from imported marble to local gray granite and foreign red granite is reflected in all three regions. On the other hand, towns in the Similkameen-south Okanagan and the Boundary-West Kootenay districts were in the preliminary stages of settlement at the turn of the century and links to the coast were less strong.  This may explain the slightly higher proportion of wooden head  boards in these areas because it was readily available.  The high per  centage of marble monuments in the Boundary-West Kootenay region is probably attributable to a marble firm which existed in Nelson for a  51 19 short time early in the 20th century. Between 1920 and 1925 (see Figure 4—d, p. 46) there was a strik ing increase in the use of gray granite in all study regions.  By this  time, wooden markers were rarely used in the Similkameen-south Okanagan and the Boundary-West Kootenay regions, probably because of improved transportation links to the coast.  The high representation of marble  and red granite in both those places may indicate a slight time lag in tombstone style preference across the province.  Marble and granite (red)  are present only in a few cases in the Fraser Valley and on southeastern Vancouver Island.  These regions are close to monument makers in Van  20 as well as to the source of gray granite. couver and Victoria  It is  to be expected that any changes or trends in the carving material (such as the tendency to use British Columbia granite) would occur first in those regions closest to the point of origin. of diffusion was in Victoria.  Before 1900, the centre  After 1900, a number of firms were es  tablished in Vancouver and they distributed tombstones throughout the province.  The only granite and marble dealer in the Directory outside  of the Lower Mainland for this period was the one at Nelson. Many different motifs were used (see Appendix Two) but only five were used frequently.  Almost half the stones recorded displayed no  design at all--merely a brief inscription.  19  Approximately fifteen of the  A listing for the Kootenay Marble and Granite Works in Nelson may be found in the B.C. Directory for the period 1905-1909. The name of the firm was observed on a marker at Midway. 20 A partial listing of monument makers and their approximate q length of stay in the business is contained in Appendix One.  52 thirty-one designs were represented in only one or two instances.  Their  effect on the overall sample is negligible and they are included in the miscellaneous category in Figure 5.  Another half dozen motifs (rosette  in corner, wheat sheaf, cross and crown, cherub, Rock of Ages and thistle) were found on only five to ten stones each and also fall into the miscellaneous category on the graph. Between 1870 and 1880, the so-called “classic” designs, which 21 and the are well-represented in the tombstone art of southern Ontario American West during the 19th century, are also found in the Fraser Canyon, Fraser Valley, and Vancouver Island cemeteries.  The weeping  willow, pointing (heavenward) finger, clasped hands, rose, lamb of innocence (popular on childrens’ markers), and dove of peace were the common motifs (see Plates 2.18 to 2.24). Monument makers in British Columbia were attuned to the current fashion in tombstone art.  The similarities in the designs themselves,  which exist from British Columbia to southern Ontario and throughout the American West, indicate that pattern guides were probably available to monument dealers. In the decade of the 1880’s, there came to be more variety as far as choice in motif is concerned, but the classic designs are still adhered to in most cases. range of motifs available.  By 1900, there was a decided increase in the There is little regional distinction except  that the variety of motif is greatest on the Island.  21  Carolyn Hanks, Early Ontario Gravestones.  Lambert Florin, Tales the Western Tombstones Tell.  This may be because  See also plates in  FIGURE  53  5  TOMBSTONE MOTIFS REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION 1880  1870  90 LB 80 70 60 50  MC  MC  MC  N  N  MC  MC  40 —  MC  30 20 N  N  N  10  B  0 liv  vi  vi  Ic  A  N  No motif  MC  Mixed  If’,  fc  Classical  Ft  Family Initial  GA  Gates  Pointing finger clasped hands willow floral lamb dove  1900 I(0  70  Leafy branch  MIS  Mjscellanec,us  1920  -— --  GA  90 80  LB  MIS  MC —  __  MIS —  MIS  LB LB  MIS  LB  LB  -  JI. LB —  MC  ._i2_  —  LB  MC  MC  N  N  MC  LB  50  LB  ,  60  40  -= MIS MIS  —  MC  N  N  30  N  N N  20  N  10  N  N  0 vi  Ifv  Ic  sm  bk  C  vi  lfv  Ic  D Figure 5.  Tombstone Motifs 1870-1925  Sm  bk  ajar  54  Plate 2.18.  Plate 2.19.  Classic Weeping Willow Motif.  An elaborately sculpted variation on the weeping willow motif. Ross Bay.  55  Plate 2.20.  Classic Pointing Finger Motif.  56  Plate 2.21.  Classic Clasped Hands Motif.  Plate 2.22.  Clasped Hands Motif on marble marker at Courtenay.  57  Plate 2.23.  Plate 2.24.  Classic Rose Motif.  Lamb Motif on child’s marker at Princeton.  58 the cemeteries here are closer to the monument makers in Victoria.  At  this time the classic designs declined and others such as the leafy ced (see Figure 6). 22 branch, Gates Ajar and family initial were introdu The latter three designs are indicative of a particular marker type which appeared in British Columbia at the turn of the century.  The  obelisk shaped monument was offered by most dealers between 1890 and 1910 and was often chosen by the public.  The designs offered in the  catalogues and associated with the obelisk include the three mentioned above.  They are highly stylized and destroy whatever remained of the  creativity and individuality of the 19th century tombstone carver. There is a complete lack of design displayed on tombstones in the Similkameen-south Okanagan region.  The wooden headboards consistently  lacked decorative symbols as did the rough-cut gray granite slab of the early 20th century (see Plates 2.25 and 2.26). Between 1920 and 1925, there is a marked tendency to eliminate the motif.  The wider choice in the Similkameen-south Okanagan and  se Boundary-West Kootenay may be due again to a slight time lag in respon l to changing tombstone fashion, but the trend to have no decorative symbo at all reflects an overall attitude change.  Both markers and cemetery  landscapes lost the Victorian flair for elaborate display and romantic images of death, and became much more subdued in appearance.  Utmost  simplicity in tombstone style and cemetery design was the order of the day after about 1915.  22  Monument makers rarely worked as individual  See plates in Lambert Florin, op. cit.  ON  OBELISK  LEAFY BRANCH (IVY) MOTIF  FIGURE 6  it 1 -  \  tip,  GATES  AJAR  MOTIF  huul .11lfl  I  N  60  ! a  Plate 2.25.  Plate 2.26.  Wooden Headboard in the Greenwood Cemetery. Note that there is no motif, only an inscription.  Rough-cut gray granite tablet with ledger in foreground.  I  61 craftsmen as they had in the 19th century.  They formed partnerships  and employed as many as fifteen men to keep up with the demands of an 23 expanding trade. Further evidence of the trend towards a more subdued response to death is supplied by the epitaphs which appeared at the turn of the century.  Again, these are a function of time and do not vary across  the province.  After 1900, the use of short, one line phrases such as  “Gone But Not Forgotten,” “At Rest” and “Rest in Peace” became fashion able (see Appendix Three).  The longer verses of the 19th century which  sometimes referred to the deceased directly or which repeated Biblical quotations were abandoned in favour of the shorter forms.  The follow  ing is an example of direct reference to the deceased, found in the Chilliwack cemetery. Gone dear Angus, How we miss thee Lonely is our home For the one we loved so dearly Has forever passed away. Lettering on tombstones combined a series of techniques; incis ing and relief, block print, and script appeared in varying proportions throughout the time period. in all areas.  Various combinations of the above were found  One notable historic trend may be seen in the increased  use of individual lead letters which were fastened to the marker with tiny studs.  23  The method was used throughout the study area and in every  Information gathered in conversation with Mr. Newall, who was referring to his father’s business. July 1975.  1  62 case it appears on a particular type of gray granite marker which be came popular after about 1910 (see Plate 2.26, p. 60). A final category employed in the classification of tombstones in the study was that of shape. in reference to motif.  Shape has already been mentioned above  It was stated, for example, that the obelisk  was introduced and became popular between 1890 and 1910. The tablet shape (see Figure 7) and its variations is probably the most stereotyped tombstone image and was chosen frequently after 1850 throughout the study area.  It was especially popular before 1890  and is associated with a mass-produced white marble marker popular throughout the 19th century and with wooden headboards of the same 26,p. 60). period (see Plates 2.25 and .2 as the rough-cut granite tablet.  It appears again after 1910  A gabled version of the tablet was  used to some extent before 1900 and was invariably carved from marble (see Plate 2.27).  The wooden cross, another typical way to mark a  grave, is represented in only a few cases prior to the turn of the century.  There are fewer of these markers than one might expect; ob  viously they could be quickly and easily constructed.  Possibly there  were more than the sample indicates but they have not survived the passage of time. About 1900, the obelisk tombstone appears on the market.  It,  too, was a mass-produced marker, usually of marble, although red granite obelisks were imported from the east and distributed throughout southern British Columbia between 1890 and 1910.  The obelisk enjoyed only a brief  stay in tombstone fashion and even at the turn of the century, gave way  FIGURE 7  POPULAR  TOMBSTONE SHAPES  63  IN  SOUTHERN B.C.  1850-1925  .shoulderd  gothic  TABLET plain  plain  pulpit  rounded edge  GABLED  tiered cross  ‘breadbox’  64  Plate 2.27.  A gabled version of the tablet.  -i •  65  ,•  to other, angular forms (see Plates 2.28 and 2.29).  This trend was  evident across the province and continued to the end of the sample period (1925).  The new forms took on a variety of rectangular and  angular shapes (see Figure 7, p. 63) and were carved from both marble and granite. The cross reappeared as a tombstone shape in most areas after 1900 but it was no longer made of wood.  Instead, it was carved from  marble or gray granite and placed on top of a two or three tier base (see Plates 2.30 and 2.31). It should be obvious that certain types of tombstones are identi fiable on the basis of their composite features.  The white marble  tablet shape of the 19th century is one, defined on the basis of material, shape, standard dimensions and a certain range of classic motifs.  The  obelisk is another type and it, too, was manufactured according to set measurements and was usually carved from marble with a standard series of designs.  The angular forms which eventually surpassed the obelisk  in gravestone fashion displayed basically the same motifs.  After 1910,  the gray granite marker appeared increasingly in one of two forms: as a rough-cut bell or tablet shape, or as a rough-cut rectangle.  Both  models were bulky and clumsy looking, but were essentially a reflection of a desire for simplicity (or perhaps low cost).  Finally, the plain  wooden cross, the ultimate symbol of Christian death and the resurrection, is replaced in the 20th century by white marble and gray granite versions, precisely cut and durable.  66  Obelisk shaped marker. Note the ceramic memory picture--a custom associated with Eastern Europeans.  Plate 2.28.  [4, ‘fluff hctrZ9t  -. -  -  —  -  p -  Plate 2.29.  -  ..CAGI  -—-(•:.  .O -  --  r -:‘  --S -  -S’  —  -  ‘r----  -  A tombstone shape popular at the turn of the 20th century. Note the ‘manufactured’ appearance.  67  Plate 2.30.  Variation on the simple cross: ivy draped across one arm, a bird perched on the other.  Plate 2.31.  Second variation on the simple cross. The stone is carved to simulate bark covered logs.  68 Because of standardization in tombstone styles, there is little regional variation in monuments in southern British Columbia.  A few  minor differences have been pointed out, relating to the types of carv ing media, design and shape trends, but these are probably more a function of a time lag in the diffusion of tombstone fashion than a reflection of definite regional preferences.  Overall, I noticed that monuments in the In the Similkameen—south Okanagan,  interior tended to be quite plain.  Boundary-West Kootenay, and Fraser Canyon regions, at least 52 per cent of the tombstones sampled had no motif at all.  This could be compared  to a slightly lower proportion (40 per cent to 46 per cent) on Vancouver Island and in the Fraser Valley.  The cost of a tombstone varied accord  ing to size, intricacy of design, length of inscription and the distance it had to be shipped.  Artistry and fashion may have been sacrificed for  the sake of economy in the interior. The reader is reminded at this point that the tombstone is only part of the larger landscape being considered here--the cemetery.  The  tombstone is certainly a key element in cementery morphology but so are the fences, walkways, trees, shrubs, and enclosures described in previous sections.  All are tangible statements of the contemporary attitudes of  a society toward death.  While the elements themselves do not seem to  vary much across the province, there are differences in overall morphology. The contrast between the ‘Wild West’ appearance of the graveyard at Rock Creek and the pastoral scene at St. Stephen’s churchyard is striking. Living people create the cities of the dead; the monunents, land scape vegetation, pathways and driveways are a reflection of their tastes  69 in design and the way they choose to symbolize death.  An individual’s  attitude toward death will depend heavily upon the values shared with the society around him.  Accordingly, different cemetery landscapes  are not only a function of different physical elements, they are also a function of different attitudes within a society.  What, then, were  the significant values of those who created the cemetery ar Rock Creek or the churchyard at St. Stephen’s?  This question must be answered, if  the character of small cemeteries in southern British Columbia is to be fully explained.  CHAPTER 3 L AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT OF THE CEMETERY THE SOCIA IN EARLY BRITISH COLUMBIA British Columbia was settled in the late 19th and early 20th es, centuries by immigrants from the British Isles, Ontario, the Maritim Euro by Americans from California and the Midwest, by some Continental peans, and by some Chinese and Japanese.  Society was not reborn, de  nova, on the frontier; rather, institutions, technical skills and social new order brought from their homelands were introduced and adapted to a environment. Free land was not the incentive for migrating to the Pacific st, and Northwest as had been the case in Ontario, in the American Midwe on the Canadian Prairies. Unlike the Prairies, British Columbia was not originally settled by agriculturalists and the culture which eventually gelled did not have an agrarian hue.l , With the exception of a few small regions--the Lower Fraser Valley arable parts of eastern Vancouver Island, the Okanagan, where potentially out land was developed--minerals, forests, and fish were the province’s standing economic assets.  Individuals brought both ambition and entre  preneurial skills to the task of turning them into cash.  This pioneer  the population was young and vital, predominantly male and drawn by  1 Martin Robin, The Rush for Spoils, p. 36. 70  71 prospect of challenge and prosperity on a new frontier.  While immi  ships sailed to destinations in Upper Canada with Scots and Irish grant families who had been misled by reports of the agricultural potential on the Canadian Shield, a motley collection of prospectors toiled up the Fraser Canyon to the Cariboo goldfields. The Gold Rush in 1858 created New Westminster and stimulated mushrooming growth in Victoria.  Both Victoria and New Westminster offered  a variety of services, goods and amusements; they were linked to each other by a daily steamer run, and had strong ties with San •Francisco and eastern Canada.  Less sophisticated were interior towns such as Hope,  Yale, Lytton, and Lillooet which earned places early in provincial history as stopover points along the Fraser Canyon route.  Later, strikes were  instrumental in the creation of towns like Princeton, Hedley, Rock Creek, Phoenix, and Greenwood.  The ore was not always gold but the pattern of  settlement was much the same.  Miners stayed as long as the ore lasted,  until a richer claim was staked elsewhere, or until the bottom dropped out of the market.  Remnants of ore buckets and tramlines, disentegrating  smelters and collapsed mineshafts haunt the landscape today.  It was a  mobile existence characterized by a boom-and-bust mentality, and for ordinary miners a restless search for work in the mining camps of the western third of the continent. In Chapter 2, I suggested that the cemetery, a landscape mani festation of death, is not a striking feature of the human landscape in southern British Columbia.  Generally, cemeteries are located outside  population centres and are hidden from view.  Elevated locations are not  72 always preferred or chosen.  Each cemetery is separated from its surround-  environment by a fence. The demarcation of individual graves through ing the use of wooden and wrought iron enclosures or concrete kerbing is a characteristic of the late 19th century. all intents and purposes by 1925.  The practice had disappeared for  Walkways and paths tend to be incon  spicuous and there are few apparent attempts at landscaping using orna mental trees or shrubs.  Monuments of the period (1850—1925) display  contemporary trends in style and shape, with few regional variations. Variations do occur however in the overall appearance of the cemeteries; coastal cemeteries, created by relatively stable, settled populations, are quite different from cemeteries associated with itinerant miners. Yet these British Columbia cemeteries, relatively inconsequential on the human landscape, have something to say about early British Columbia. The cycle of life continued here. of death as of progress.  British Columbia was as much a place  The businessman in Victoria, the settler on  his homestead in the Fraser Valley, the hardrock miner in camps in the Kootenays--each had an investment in a rapidly growing British Columbia, but all died in the end. the promised land.  This new place did not always turn out to be  Women died in childbirth and children of fever.  were killed in mining or logging accidents.  Men  While youth, vigour, and  new beginnings were stressed at every turn, death was never far away. How could they cope with it psychologically? consciousness?  Was death a part of life’s  How were the dead to be buried?  And where?  People here  faced those questions again and again.  I  73 THE SOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA CEMETERY IN PERSPECTIVE: CEMETERY PLANNING In 1870, the Governor of the province and his council passed “An Ordinance to Make General Regulations for the Establishment and Management of Cemeteries in the Colony of British Columbia.”  The ordin  ance made provision for a board of trustees to be set up to administer public cemeteries.  This board was “at liberty to withhold such permis  sion and prevent the erection of any monument which shall appear to them inappropriate or unbecoming and shall determine and fix the position of any monument which may be proposed to be erected, according to the des cription, size and character thereof, having reference to the general 2 plan for ornamenting the said cemetery in an appropriate manner.”  In  1877, an amendment was added that public burial grounds were to be located outside of city and town limits.  Both regulations provide the  key to the larger practical and theoretical framework against which the rural cemetery in southern British Columbia may be viewed. The first consideration, that public cemeteries were to be planned spaces, had antecedents in cemetery reform movements in England and the eastern United States during the 19th century.  By 1800, churchyards in  England (the comon burial place) were badly overcrowded.  The grisly  details of interment practices which were brought to public attention included the fact that there could be as many as seventeen or eighteen corpses crammed into a single grave space.  2  Recently interred bodies were  Consolidated Laws of British Colwthia Victoria, 1877.  74 n. 3 often dismembered or disturbed to make room for the newest additio  •  The problem was not confined to England; in France it was recognized that churchyards threatened the public health with their “pestilential emana  •  4 tions.” •  •  A movement was begun to relieve overcrowding and the chance of  a) through the design of planned public cemeteries. 5 disease (choler Elysium and Arcady were to be the ideals, where memorials to the dead standing among pastoral landscapes created in the best tradi tions of English classical design would give solace to the 6 bereaved. Cemetery planning and the notion of a public burying ground was introduced to the United States in 1796 with the building of the New 7 Burying Ground in Connecticut.  A square-plot pattern was adopted for  the graveyard, very like the grid system introduced in city street patterns of the period.  The New Burying Ground was designed by the prom  inent 19th century urban planner, James Hillhouse.  Each grave space was  of equal dimensions and dug to face in an easterly direction, according to the traditional Christian association with the Resurrection.  Walkways  and lawns were rolled and smoothed to present an orderly but pleasant appearance which became the model for English and American cemeteries  •  John Morley, Death, Heaven and the Victortans, p. 35. Phillipe Aries, Western Att-t.tudes Towards Death, p  69  James Curl, The Victorian Celebrati-on of Death, p  183  p  53  J. B. Jackson, “From Monument to Place,” Landscape, Winter 1967-68, p. 23.  75 alike.  Each element in the landscape was designed to offset the others  arrangement of trees, shrubs, enclosures, --in totality, a tasteful monuments, and pathways. By mid-century, planning guides were available to aid in proper design.  John Louden’s widespread ‘The Laying Out, Planting and Manag  ing of Cemeteries and on the Improvement of Churchyards’ (1843) for example, listed over 500 trees, shrubs and flowers which would be suit 8 able for graveyard display.  Suitability was defined not only in terms  of a species’ biologic needs and the way it lent itself to maintenance, but also in terms of its symbolic associations.  The connection between  death and the garden is a long one in Christian tradition.  Evergreens  and especially yew trees were attached to sacred places and burials 9 even before Christian times.  The yew especially is a common plant in  English churchyards, the longevity of the tree being a symbol of eter In fact, most evergreens find a place in cemeteries as an emblem  ° 1 nity.  of endurance (including spruce, pine, cedar, and cypress).  Louden dis  missed the deciduous weeping willow as tending towards “modern sentamen talism [sic],” but it is traditionally linked with grief or mourning. As a water-loving plant, it filled an additional practical function in 12 the drainage of low-lying churchyards.  8  John Morley, op. cit., p. 41. Kenneth Lindley, Of Graves and Epitaphs, p. 16.  10  Ibid., p. 89. Morley, op. cit., p. 41.  12  Lindley, op. cit., p. 90.  I  76  It was suggested in Chapter 2 that landscaping by ornamental rural cemetery in vegetation is not an outstanding feature of the southern British Columbia although the few plantings were symbolically significant.  The use of yew trees on a few graves at Surrey Centre,  Matsqui-Aberdeen, Fort Langley, and at St. Stephen’s on Vancouver Island is directly attributable to English influence.  In addition, they are  extensively used in Ross Bay cemetery in Victoria.  Boxwood and rhododen  drum bushes displayed in a limited number of cases probably have the same origin, as does the willow tree at Matsqui and the oak trees at yards. church3 St. Stephen’s and St. Peter’s 1  The Douglas fir and western  red cedar in Surrey Centre and the Ponderosa pine at Lytton and Prince ton symbolize life eternal with their ever-greenness. Another method of marking individual graves, i.e., enclosure by picket fences or kerbing is more difficult to trace in terms of origin. It was not mentioned as a planning consideration in the design of the New Burying Ground, although it seems to have been a common practice in North America after 1850 and possibly before.  Francaviglia found it  to be a characteristic of his Victorian period (1880-1905) when grave 14 enclosures were particularly elaborate and made of wrought iron.  Only  n two such enclosures were found outside of Ross Bay cemetery, but woode picket fences surrounding single graves were apparently part of a widespread  13 Curl notes that the oak was used as a symbol to ward off evil, James Curl, op. oit., p. 41. 14 See Plates in Lambert Florin’s, Boot Hill, Historic Graves of the Old West, pp. 170-171 for grave enclosures in Idaho.  77  •  practice throughout southern British Columbia before about 1910. are two possible explanations for the custom.  There  The first and obviously  practical one, “to keep out intruders in the shape of cattle which might 15 be grazing in the adjacent fields.”  Though the latter observation was  made in Upper Canada, similar reasoning was undoubtedly used elsewhere including southern British Columbia. Secondly, enclosure was a way of emphasizing and maintaining the 16 deceased’s individual identity in a graveyard.  It was abandoned  gradually as a practice, as cemetery architects moved away from the heavily symbolic Victorian landscape of the 19th century cemetery, to 17 wards a less cluttered one.  The lawn cemetery--as the new plan was  called--was a forerunner of the modern memorial garden.  Adherents to  the idea urged the removal of fences, hedges and shrubs for both practi cal (maintenance) and aesthetic reasons.  Simpler forms, including lawns,  tree clusters, winding roadways, and inconspicuous graves replaced pre vious manifestations of death on the landscape.  Spring Grove Park  cemetery in Cincinnati was one of the first to adopt this plan and, using it as a guideline, “the cemetery became more spacious and parklike. It ceased to be a motley collection of monuments of every style, each enclosed in its own well—defined space, and became instead an integrated 18 composition of lawns and clusters of trees.”  With the advent of the  15  Sketches of Upper Canada, p. 110.  16  W. Warner, The Living and the Dead, p. 282.  17 18  j  B. Jackson, op. cit., p. 25.  j•  B. Jackson, American Space, p. 70.  78 lawn cemetery then, the enclosure practice disappeared. Concrete kerbing was used for a time early in the 20th century (apparently a more subtle form of enclosure) to mark both single graves and family plots, but had disappeared from the scene by about 1925. The outer fence of a cemetery has a similar function to inner enclosure in the sense that livestock intruders are kept out.  The  fence’s symbolic purpose however, lies in the separation of sacred and profane space.  The outer boundary of a cemetery distinguishes death  and its visible signs from the surrounding landscape.  Indeed,  • rituals of consecration have transformed a small part of the common soil of the town into a sacred place and dedicated this land of the dead to God, to the sacred souls of the departed and to the souls of the living whose bodies are destined for such an end. 19 On passing through the cemetery gate, one enters a different world. The threshold that separates the two spaces also indicates the distance between two modes of being, the profane and the relig ious. The threshold is the limit, the boundary, the frontier that distinguishes and opposes two worlds--and at the same time the paradoxical place where those worlds communicate, where possible. ° passage from the profane to the sacred world becomes 2 Most North American cemeteries followed the example of the New Burying Ground in adopting a square-plot pattern (regular rows, equally  19  W. Warner, op. ci.t., p. 280.  20  Marcel Elaide, The Sacred and the Profane, p. 22.  spaced) and most cemeteries in southern British Columbia seem to have 21 been designed with that principle in mind.  Most were dug with an  ent. 22 eastern exposure in preparation for the Final Judgem  •  A few graves  in the sample faced other directions (south, southeast and northeast) and it was not uncommon to find a marker in a churchyard which faced the church itself.  Today, the “orientation of graves is becoming more and more a  however. •  These tend to be the exception rather than the rule  matter of convenience to the cemetery and less a matter of popular cus tom.  ,,23 A final consideration in planning the public cemetery, though  certainly not the least important factor, is that of topography.  De  24 and grave signers recommended high ground or gently rolling terrain yards are often associated with hilltop or hillside locations.  The  hilltop is traditionally a spiritual location; in practical terms, it is the least susceptible to floods and often has little agricultural Poor drainage could be a serious problem from more than one  25 value.  standpoint, implied in the following observation at Ross Bay cemetery:  21  The plot pattern for the cemetery at Sandon illustrates the tendency to conform to some sort of regular burial system. MSS, Victoria. 22 Donald Jeane, “The Traditional Upland South Cemetery,” Land— scape, p. 39. 23 Donald Drewes, Cemeter’y Land Planning, p. 64. 24  Ibid., p. 6.  25  Francaviglia, op. cit., p. 503.  80 I have known when it was necessary to hold the coffin down in the water with shovels or have a man get down and stand on the 26 coffin until enough soil was thrown on it to keep it down. The cemeteries in southern British Columbia adhere to some of the principles of cemetery management outlined in the 1870 Ordinance in the sense that they have an ordered layout and the graves are dug for the most part facing the same direction.  Ornamentation in a taste  ful or iappropriateu manner however, appears to have been ignored.  Ross  Bay is the exception and is probably what the Governor and his council had in mind for cemetery landscapes throughout the province when the regulation was passed. It is important to realize that the landscape of Ross Bay is a far cry from the large public cemetery in 19th century London where the bid for burial reform was brought to fruition.  Ross Bay has none of  the “Greek Revival of Kensall Green,” the “Egyptian Revival of Highgate,” 27 or the “strange melancholy Gothic of Nunhead.”  Moreover, it appears  to be a transitional cemetery, somewhere between the heavy romanticism of the Victorian landscape and the simpler forms which are the antece dents of today’s lawn cemetery.  Nevertheless, Ross Bay is as close to  the Elysium or Arcady model described above as the 19th century British Columbian would get.  The monuments are imposing,  some even ostentatious.  Several are surrounded by wrought iron enclosures and many more are marked with well-placed trees or shrubs  Paths and driveways wind  26  Edgar Fawcett, op. cit., p. 130.  27  James Curl, op. cit., p. 190.  81  throughout.  With its “tumultous detail” and “historical ornament,”  Bay is the Victorian cemetery. “The Victorians did things in a Ross big way and their cemeteries echo that grandeur of vision and hope for ,,28 a future which vanished in 1914. Few of the other cemeteries in the study display the overall form of that era.  A wrought iron enclosure at Yale or Lytton, a yew bordered  grave at Matsqui or Fort Langley are only token gestures.  The church  yards at Surrey Centre, St. Stephen’s and St. Peter’s are perhaps the closest to Ross Bay in total atmosphere, including their additional value pace. 29 as greens  The rest appear to be functional, with little concern  for outward display. THE MONUMENT AS PART OF THE CEMETERY LANDSCAPE Grave markers in southern British Columbia reflect a similar emphasis on function rather than form.  Few monuments in the interior  could be called imposing either in size or design, unlike the elaborate displays at Ross Bay. The custom of erecting a memorial to the deceased has  a  long  history, although for several centuries it was reserved for wealthy secu lar persons or members of the clergy.  Tombs lined the Appian Way to  Rome and Medieval or Rennaissance civilization may be studied through their respective sepulchral art forms.  28 29  European cathedrals and churches  James Curl, ibid., p. 190. Ibid.  I  J  82  are littered with the monuments to kings, queens, lords and ladies, ,1  hops. 3 archbis bishops and °  It is difficult to say when the common man  placed a marker above the head of his fellow.  One writer suggests that  in England it was not much before the 18th century. We do not find memorials in the churchyard before 1700, apart from the occasional small and usually plain headstone, and a few box—tombs to local gentry, who, when the church could take no more burials, had to be buried outside. Whether many headstones were put up before that date is hard to say, but it is fairly 31 safe to assume that there could only have been a few. By the time colonies were established in the eastern United States and Canada, the custom was more widespread.  On the Atlantic seaboard in  fact, gravestone carving became a highly developed individualistic art es. 32 form in the 17th and 18th centuri The tombstones in British Columbia cemeteries bear little re semblance to those carved in New England during the 17th and 18th centur ies.  They vary little in design and have none of the individuality of  the latter.  The very fact that monument makers in Victoria and New  Westminster offered design pamphlets to their customers by about 1880  30  For a detailed discussion of sepulchral art see both Katherine Esdaile, English Church Monwnents 1510—1840 and Henriette s’Jacob,  Idealism and Realism, A Study of Sepulchral Symbolism.  31  Pamela Glover, “Country Churchyards,” Commemorative Art, July, 1966, p. 223. 32 Harriet Forbes, Gravestones of New England and the Men Who Made Them, p. 113. Several motifs designed and used by New England stonecarvers diffused along the eastern seaboard and appear on tomb stones in the Maritimes for the 18th and 19th centuries. See Plates in William Morse, Land of the New Adventure.  1  83 indicates that much of the tradition had vanished by the time British 33 One writer suggests in fact that a peak in was settled. Columbia the art of gravestone carving was reached during the period between 1750 and l85O.  Another finds the white marble tablet-shaped monuments,  among the earliest markers in southern British Columbia, “excruciating 35 compared with the splendours of early monumental design.” It was the destiny of rural stonecarving to remain only a whispered promise of what might have been. It was a rural tradition of seeing never fated to transcend its vernacular beginnings because the Middle Ages whose child it was vanished 36 with the Puritans from the face of New England. Perhaps the closest thing to a carving tradition in southern British Although the headboards themselves are  Columbia is the wooden marker.  simple in shape and design, artistic endeavour is expressed through the variation in script and the care taken in its carving.  While stone-  carvers often created their markers in conjunction with related business activities, wooden monuments may have been carved by a friend or relative of the deceased.  Even that fact is in doubt however.  In a Guide to the  See monument maker George Rudge’s adve-tisement in the British Colwnbiai, July, 1886, “Designs, Samples of Material and Prices Furnished on Application,” and James Fisher, “Persons living at a distance, by sending a description of what they wish, can have designs, prices, etc., furnished on application.” Pamela Glover, op James Curl, op  oi-t  ci.t  ,  p  156  36 Al lan L udwi g, Graven Images: New EngZand Stonecarving and its Symbols 1650—1815, p. 421.  I  84 Province of B.C., (1877-1878), it was noted that a contractor and builder  in Nanaimo offered “Monuments and Headboards” in the latest styles. This would suggest that even the wooden markers, the earliest in the province, can lay no claim as unique, local art forms.  In fact, the  seemingly ubiquitous distribution of the wooden headboard in British Columbia and the American West would tend to support an argument for mass production.  Chips of paint are visible on the few that remain and  suggest that the marker was freshly whitewashed when first set up. The marble and granite markers in southern British Columbia were distributed for the most part from Victoria, New Westminster and Vancouver (after 1900 in the latter case). from Spokane or Seattle.  Possibly some markers were imported  In the Boundary-West Kootenay region for ex  ample, it was easier to patronize American firms than it was to deal with monument makers in Victoria or on the mainland.  Without evidence,  it is difficult to know the volume of imported American tombstones. Very few firms operated for any length of time in the British Columbia interior.  The carvers in the vicinity of Victoria and on the  mainland (see Appendix 1) used both local and imported materials.  Some  37t while the rest were carved and inscribed were apparently shipped pre-cu locally.  The earliest tombstone designs seem to have their antecedents  in eastern Canada, New England and Great Britain.  The clasped hands and  pointing finger motifs for example are strongly represented in southern  See advertisement for dealer Alexander Hamilton in the British Colwnbian, 1889. “Just arrived, A Large Shipment of the Finest Red Gran ite Monuments from New Brunswick.”  85 Ontario graveyards and are associated in that province with the arrival 8 and his chisel. They may also be of the professional stonecarver seen in Scottish churchyards, a possible centre for outward diffusion. The weeping willow, Scots thistle, dove and rose motifs are other popu lar designs in eastern Canada, New England, the American West and Mid west which were apparently introduced to British Columbia by carvers who had gained their experience in these places.  They appear infrequently  however (partly because the marble tablets on which they are displayed were replaced quickly in British Columbia by the granite and marble obelisk of the 1880’s and 1890’s) and the designs, as suggested earlier indicate a degree of standardization.  While professional competence may  foster and encourage individuality, it may also destroy personal ex pression through increasing demand for a product.  In the case of southern  British Columbia it is clear that the professional monument maker had 39 little chance to develop a distinctive style.  In fact, it is quite  possible that the apparently classic motifs mentioned above found their way into design pamphlets prior to 1850 and were simply copied (unaltered) by stonecarvers all over the continent.  While a client was free to sug  gest his own design and certainly had the power to choose an appropriate epitaph and inscription, the process was simplified with the advent of monumental pattern books.  38  As yet, there is little substantive proof to  Carolyn Hanks, op. cit.  There are a few exceptions. In Victoria, for example, Robert Foster worked primarily with sandstone. His markers in Ross Bay and Pioneer Square in Victoria are simply designed but display both variety and skill in the inscriptions.  86 support such a statement but it is implicit in the frequency with which a motif like clasped hands appears in eastern Canada and the American ° 4 West.  Certainly mass production techniques are well in evidence by  1890 with the appearance of symbols such as the “Gates Ajar,” the laurel 41 and the “Rock of Ages” motif (see Figure 6, p. 59). leaf branch  They  42. appear along with others in the catalogues offered by monument makers Presumably, the customer chose what he felt to be an appropriate shape and design and the carver reproduced it exactly, leaving little room for artistic flair. Because monuments in British Columbia are similar to those in Ontario and the American West which were produced after about 1880, the mass produced gravestone was apparently characteristic in the province. British C1umbia was settled too late for the craft of rural stonecarv p. 43 ing to develo Whatever variation occurs in the style of the markers between ‘1850 and 1925 reflects to a certain extent the attitudes which prevailed in cemetery design.  The gradual trend towards simplicity in form and design  after about 1910 is reflected in a move towards these same characteristics  40  See plates in Lambert Florin, Tales the Western Tombstones Tell. Lambert Florin, Boot Hill.  42  See plates, pp. 188-189.  Alexander Stewart, op. cit.  The use of local gray granite during the period may be the province’s one claim to uniqueness in this field, but the markers are clumsy in shape and rarely display any design. The inscription invariably appears in raised lead block lettering.  87  in cemetery morphology.  At present, the marker in British Columbia is  a standard size rectangular block, flush with the lawn. DEATH’S CELEBRATION IN THE 19TH CENTURY The amendment to the provincial Cemetery Bill in 1877 effectively hid most cemeteries from public view.  Practically speaking, a location  away from population centres reduced the chance of disease from “pesti 4 4tions.” lential emana  Symbolically, it might be that such a move re  flected and bolstered a changing attitude towards death in the western 45 world.  The old attitude, “that death was both familiar and near, evok  46 changed gradually and was dramatized in the ing no great fear or awe” process.  After 1700, man became less concerned with the fact of his own  mortality and more so with the death of his fellow.  This trend of thought  persisted in the 19th century and was reflected both in the Romantic 47 cemetery landscape and in what has been interpreted as a memory cult. Because people were unwilling to accept the passing of a close friend or relative (epitaphs such as “Gone But Not Forgotten,” “Not Dead But Sleep ing,” support this view, see Appendix 3) the cemetery became a “substan tial and visible symbol of the agreement among men that they will not  This in fact was a reason advanced for locating cemeteries in Chicago--that they be well away from population concentrations. No doubt similar reasoning was used elsewhere. See William Pattison, “Cem eteries of Chicago,” 1L40, Vol. 45, 1955, p. 248. Jackson, “From Monument to Place.” Aries, op. cit., p. 13.  mis.  88  48 let each other die.”  Death was expressed personally and privately in  49. a variety of ways and the trappings of mourning sold widely The congealed romanticism that encapsuled Victorian family life, that produced the keepsake and sentimental ballad, and that effloreced in the Valentine, found its reverse expression in objects, poems, ceremonies, and clothes in remembrance of the defunct. 5u The Victorian era was both transitional and paradoxical in its dealings with death: transitional because the “leafy melancholy of the Victorian cemetery, the dark mourning of Victorian clothes, and the r” are no longer acceptable in 51 sombre hush of the Victorian parlou our society which shuns most outward manifestations of death.  The era  was paradoxical because the intense desire to commemorate the individual in a manner deemed fitting and proper, actually became a highly public affair.  Neighbours vied with each other to provide their kin with the  most splendid funeral possible.  It was a custom which eventually trans  cended class lines in a class-conscious society and the poor often chose debt in order to emulate the ostentatious funeral displays of their In the cities, sanitary measures were taxed beyond capacity  betters.  and epidemics lead to high mortality rates. death in all its gloomy grandeur.  Even in the capital of this province,  things were little different.  48  w•  49  James Curl, op. cit., p. 15.  50  John Morley, op. cit., p. 14.  51  Warner, op. cit., p. 285.  Ibid.  People were obsessed by  1  89 Crepe streamed from the hats of the undertaker, the driver, the widow’s bonnets, the carriage whips, and the knobs of the house doors where death awaited for the hearse. The horses that dragged the dead were black and wore black plumes, nodding on the top of their heads, black nets over their backs with drooping mournful fringes that ended in tassels tumbling over the shafts. possible. Funerals were made as slow and nodding and mournful as 52 To say that the same customs were carried on outside of the urban scene may be a misinterpretation of what few facts are available.  Large and  showy displays for funerals seem out of place in towns such as Hedley or Rock Creek and it has already been suggested that the people living in these places were less interested in form than function.  The grave  yard was a place to bury the dead; outward display, whether it be in the form of a large and expensive monument or a long and gloomy funeral procession was strictly a matter of individual choice.  Cemetery morphology  and monument design in British Columbia indicate that many individuals pre ferred very sinple burial practices. The treatment of the common or average person at his death is an issue here.  Traditionally, it was the practice “to interre persons of  the rusticks or plebian sort, in Christian buriall, without any further .” 53 remebrance of them, either by tombe, gravestone or epitaph  In the  Middle Ages, the very poor were buried in common graves, “several yards deep and wide.  They were gradually filled up with cadavers sewn into  their shrouds.  When one ditch was full it was covered with earth, an old  52  Emily Carr, The Book of Small.  Allan Ludwig, op. cit., p. 54.  90 ” 54 one was reopened and the bones were taken to the charnel house.  In  Upper Canada in the 19th century, it was observed that all the work connected with a burial was done by family and friends.  A carpenter or  handyman was employed to make the coffin and at an appropriate time, the mourners gathered at the house of the deceased to follow in a procession to the final resting spot.  “In the early days, if the cemetery was any  distance from the residence of the deceased, the funeral would consist s.” 55 of a line of farm buggie  The same custom was probably carried on  in the smaller settlements of southern British Columbia--a simple cere mony attended by family and friends.  Aries, op. cit., p. 22.  55 Pen Pwtures of Early P-ioneer Life, p. 91. .  .  CHAPTER 4 /  CONCLUSIONS: SOCIETY AND THE 19TH CENTURY RURAL CEMETERY IN SOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA Most of the people who settled the province late in the 19th century held certain coninon attitudes towards death.  Undoubtedly,  they recognized its inevitability, a view which the French demographer Philippe Aries described as “resignation to the collective destiny of .” 1 the species  At one time, he notes, the celebration of death was  very much a public affair, the dying man’s bedchamber a place for ob servant friend and relatives.  The individual accepted his fate and  made peace with his gods and the world, according to the natural course 2. of events  In the Middle Ages when plagues swept much of Europe, spar  ing neither rich nor poor, death came to be seen as a traumatic departure from loved ones; it seemed untimely and unfair.  With death so close at  hand in this period, the uglier aspects of it were more apparent.  The  tombs of the wealthy in the Middle Ages display vivid portrayals of skeletons and decomposing cadavers as contemporary sepulchral art sub It was only the well-to-do who could afford elaborate forms of  3 jects.  comemoration at this time.  1  2  Aries, op. cit., p. 55. Ibid., p. 8.  See plates in Katherine Esdaile’s, English Church Monuments. 91  I  92 Not until the early 18th century were memorials erected in the 4 churchyards of the western world to anyone but local gentry.  Then,  in Europe and the colonies, man’s involvement and concern with the loss of those closest to him, blossomed into a romantic, highly emotional response to death. grief.  Great attention was paid to the outward display of  In some quarters, it took the form of gruesome skull and cross  5 bones motifs or hourgiasses with the sands of time running out.  The  more frightening aspects of death and especially the void it represents were gradually transcended in the 19th century by a note of optimism. The belief “of life everlasting, of the paradise that ultimately awaited those who had not transgressed overmuch in this life  .  .  .  softened the  terrors of dissolution and made possible death’s celebration as a passage 6 to perfect happiness.” Most of the first settlers of European background in British Columbia probably accepted a Christian view of life after death and had been exposed, at least, to the drama and display of the Victorian funeral. Yet the romantic landscape of the Victorian graveyard, where one might ponder long on the passing of someone dear (see Place 4.32), is rarely found outside the Ross Bay cemetery.  Two wrought iron enclosures at  Lytton, a yew bordered grave at Fort Langley and a weeping willow tree at Matsqui are but single features of the Victorian cemetery landscape.  Pamela Glover, op. cit., p. 223. These were particularly popular motifs on the New England gravestones. See Harriette Forbes, op. cit. 6 Morley, op. cit.  93  Plate 4.32.  “Where one might ponder  .  .  94 Columbia, A romantic vision of death may have been widely held in British but it was not always put into practice. The difference between the here untamed graveyard at Rock Creek and the refined churchyard atmosp of St. Stephen’s is striking, as I have said before. If one is to explain the variegated cemetery landscape in lves, southern British Columbia, it is best to turn to the people themse as individuals and as components of a larger society.  It is important  to consider not only the values and attitudes which allow a society to function, but also the lifestyles within a society.  Did people have  the time to treat death as solemnly as the tenets of the 19th century demanded? ment?  Could they afford a showy funeral and an ostentatious monu  Questions such as these must be considered in the interpretation  of the rural cemetery landscape in southern British ColUmbia. In Chapter 3, I stressed that settlement in British Columbia was directed primarily towards the exploitation of certain natural resources. The physical character of the land did not generally permit a sedentary, agricultural life.  The Fraser Valley and southeastern Vancouver Island  coniiiunities (particularly the Saanich peninsula) are exceptions; both areas project the air of permanence associated with people who come to es settle and farm, inspired by the agrarian ideal that agriculture provid ty. 7 a stable economic and moral foundation for socie  Even in these areas, one could not completely escape the and spectre of exploitation. Progress could be measured in board feet the in both yers emplo major were ons logging firms and sawmill operati Valley and on the Island.  I  95 Settlers in the Fraser Valley and on the Saanich peninsula were concerned with the business of building a farm or a farming community and thus establishing the strong foundations that one finds, for example, in southern Ontario.  Their tasks included clearing, dyking, draining  the land and building the homes, schools and churches which ensure the survival of a certain lifestyle.  The population in nearby centres at  Victoria, New Westminster, and Vancouver strove for similar goals.  The  tools and skills they brought as businessmen and industrialists were those learned elsewhere--in eastern Canada or the United States for the most part--and transplanted in British Columbia. quired when the new environment demanded it.  Innovation was re  Otherwise, those attitudes  and values which contributed to the stability of society were carefully maintained.  Hence we see the Victorian celebration of death in the  provincial capital, complete with black horses, ostrich plumes, crepe streamers, and a distinctive cemetery landscape.  Presumably, some city  dwellers had both the time and money to devote to an impressive funeral display.  Some of the wealthiest and most influential families in the  province are buried at Ross Bay cemetery, including James Douglas’, the Dunsmuirs, and the Todds. monument or a mausoleum.  Each is marked by an ostentatious granite While a. centre for change and diffusion then,  the city is also the keeper of custom; the Romantic vision of death in all its melancholy splendour was relatively safe in 19th century Victoria. The same vision is not so apparent in the cemetery landscapes of the Lower Fraser Valley and southeastern Vancouver Island.  With one or  two exceptions, none of the monuments in the regions approach the grandeur  96  seen in Ross Bay cemetery.  Similarly, the wrought ironwork, ornamental  trees and shrubs, and carefully planned walkways are missing.  There  ry. is however, a sense of permanence--like that of the rural Ontario cemete The churchyards at St. Peter’s, St. Stephe&s, and Surrey Centre recall those in England and appear older than their 90-odd years.  The prov  ince’s first permanent settlers are buried in cemeteries throughout the Lower Mainland and southeastern Vancouver Island.  Their graves are  still tended by descendants and family plots are added to year after year.  Each cemetery is well-kept and there is a sense that the community  cares about its appearance. The undercurrent of stability in this particular segment of 19th century in British Columbia allowed time for death and its fitting celebration.  There may have been fewer ostrich plumes and less crepe  than in Victoria--we are not dealing with wealthy men--but customs were probably adhered to as far as economy would allow.  The use of boxwood  bushes, yew trees, and rhododendrum on some graves indicate individual acceptance of contemporary trends. Outside the Fraser Valley, cemetery landscapes seem to have been created by a different segment of 19th century society.  In the mining  communities of the Fraser Canyon, the Similkameen, and the West Kootenays, mobility characterized the population.  Some miners followed a dream they  had pursued elsewhere, while others were simply in search of a job.  All  had few intentions of staying in what may have seemed at first a god forsaken landscape.  Even when they did decide to remain, an exhausted  ore supply or an unpredictable market forced them to leave a decade or so  .1  97  later.  The bustling frontier town of Phoenix for example, had a life  span of twenty years. Evidence in the graveyard would suggest that most of the inhab itants of the interior mining communities were young men.  Most were  far from their families and there was no need for them to recreate the manifestations of home that one sees in the farm settlements in the Fraser Valley.  In the event of death, they would have to depend on their  fellow workers for a decent burial.  I have already mentioned that fra  ternal societies such as the Masons and Oddfellows often took over the task for some of their poorer members. the plots in that community.  The Sandon Miner’s Union tended  Two headboards at Phoenix bear a simple  inscription after the name of the deceased, “Erected by His Friends.” Many of the markers are plainly carved, with nothing more than the most concise information--a man’s name and his lifespan.  The glorious clutter  of the Victorian graveyard--draped urns and stone angels--is missing in the interior cemetery.  It is missing because many were either unaware  of, or unconcerned with the romantic vision of death in the 19th century held by those who were either educated enough to understand it or wealthy enough to afford it.  Many could simply not afford an expensive monument.  Many of the interior cemeteries now go untended; there are few descendants in the nearby communities and thus, little continuity with •  the past.  Names are forgotten, truly faceless, and many family plots  remain unfilled--evidence of a transient population.  The cemetery land  scape in the interior is totally hidden from public view.  It is purely  functional space and affords little opportunity for a quiet stroll in a  I  98 parklike atmosphere.  The provision of greenspace was a problem of the  The class of people who took advantage of such planned space cities. in sedate outings was not present in the interior mining camp. Rural cemetery landscapes in southern British Columbia reflect, as do cemeteries elsewhere, the structure and sustaining mechanisms of the society which created them.  Position in the community, wealth, kin  ship ties, ethnic and religious barriers are all represented to some degree, no matter how small or how remote the cemetery.  The monument  and where it stands in relation to another is a clear mark upon the land scape. search.  One of the most intriguing stones I found came near the end of my It stands in the Cumberland cemetery and commemorates union  leader Ginger Goodwin. base.  It is a jagged pink granite boulder on a rough  Above his name is a hammer and sickle insignia; below are the  words “SHOT--A worker’s friend.”  There are few other ways of summarizing  a man’s life and work so completely. The small public graveyards considered here were built by people of European descent.  The antecedents for planned burial space with an  eye to form or function or both, came from England and the eastern United States.  Tombstone motifs, shapes, and materials often came from the  same places; the art of rural stonecarving had died before reaching British Columbia and monument makers wasted little time in setting up concerns which often employed as many as a dozen men.  From Victoria  and New Westminster, stones were distributed all over the province in the 19th century, customers indicated their preference with the aid of mail-order catalogues.  I  99 There was a belief that each god-fearing citizen deserved his bid for inuiiortality; the poor man was granted a humble wooden marker and the rich man, a towering granite obelisk.  The man who built his  home and contributed to the growth and stability of a community probably has a well—tended plot today and a link with the present through his descendants.  The man who found his way to a mining camp in the interior  is more liable to be forgotten--a name from the past on a weathered head board.  One part of society carried out death’s celebration according  to Victorian custom, the other conducted it simply and without fanfare. The differences are due to a society’s stability, individual and shared awareness and acceptance of custom, economic factors and time.  In many  places, there was simply no time for death in the everyday bustle of life.  It was accepted as the natural course of events, but was dealt  with efficiently and quickly by the transient interior population.  In  the city, there was time and the wealth necessary for a “slow, nodding, melancholy” funeral. The rural cemetery landscape in southern British Columbia is not particularly noticeable; it is however, an accurate reflection of the way the men who created it conducted affairs in life and death.  ________ ________  Selected Bibliography Adams, R. “Markers Cut By Hand,” The American West, Vol. 4, 1967, pp. 59-64. Aries, Philippe. Western Attitudes towards Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1974.  Boase, T.S.R. Death in the Middle Ages--Mortality, Judgement and Remembrance. London: Thames and Hudson, 1972. “Canuck.”  Pen Pictures of Early Pioneer Life in Upper Canada.  Toronto:  Wm. Briggs Co., 1905. Carr, Emily.  The Book of Small.  London: Oxford University Press, 1942.  London: Oxford University Press, 1942.  Klee Wyck.  “A Feng Shui Model as a Location Index,” Annals of Association of American Geographers, Vol. 64, No. 4, (December, 1974), pp. 506-513.  Chuen-Yan David Lai.  Curl, James. The Victorian Celebration of Death. Press, 1972. Drewes, Donald. Cemetery Land Planning. Company, 1964.  London: Redwood  Pittsburgh: Matthews and  Deetz, James and Dethlefson, Edwin. “Death’s Heads, Cherubs, and Willow Trees.” American Antiquity. Vol. 31, 1965-1966. Eliade, Marcel. The Sacred and the Profane. Company, 1968. Esdaile, Katherine.  New York: Putnam and  English Church Monuments 1510—1840.  London:  Oxford University Press, 1966. Fawcett, Edgar. Reminiscences of Old Victoria. and Company, 1912.  Toronto: William Briggs  Florin, Lambert. Boot Hill——Historic Graves of the Old West. Superior Publishing Company, 1966. Tales the Western Tombstones Tell.  ing Company, 1967.  100  Seattle:  Seattle: Superior Publish  101 Forbes, Harriette. Gravestones of Early New England and the Men Who Made Them 1653—1800. New York: Da Capo Press, 1967. “The Cemetery As An Evolving Cultural Land Vol. 61, scape,” Annals of Association of American Geographers. No. 3, (Sept. 1971), pp. 501—506.  Francariglia, Richard.  Gillespie, Angus. “Gravestones and Ostentation,” Pennsylvania Folklife, Vol. 19, No. 2, 1970, pp. 34-43. Glassie, Henry (ed.). Forms Upon the Frontier—Folklife and Folk Arts in the United States. Utah: Utah University Press, 1969. See Maury  Haseltine, “A Progress Report on the Pictorial Documentation of Early Utah Gravestones,” pp. 79-89.  Glover, Pamela. “Country Churchyards,” Commemorative Art. pp. 223-230. Gillon, Edmund Vincent Jr.  July, 1966,  Early New England Gravestone Rubbings.  New York: Dover Publications, 1966.  Guillet, Edwin. The Pioneer Farmer and Backwoodsman. of Toronto Press, 1963.  Toronto: University  The History of American Funeral Directing.  Habenstein, R.W.  Milwaukee:  Bulfin Printers, 1955. Hanks, Carolyn. Early Ontario Gravestones. Ryerson, 1974. Jackson, J.B.  Toronto: McGraw-Hill  “From Monument to Place,” Landscape, Winter, 1967-1968.  s’Jacob, Henriette. Idealism and Realism—-A Study of Sepulchral Symbolism. Lerden: E. J. Brill, 1954. Jeane, Donald. “The Traditional Upland South Cemetery,” Landscape. Spring-Summer, 1969, pp. 39-41. “Status After Death.” 15, 1950, pp. 41-60.  Kephart, W.  American Sociological Review.  Vol.  Kniffen, Fred. “Necrogeography in the U.S.,” Geographical Review, Vol. 57, 1967, p. 48. Lindley, Kenneth. Ludwig, Allan. 1650—1815.  Of Graves  and Epitaphs.  London: Hutchison Press, 1965.  Graven Images--New England Stonecarving and Its Symbols  Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1966.  ________  102 Death, Heaven and the Victorians.  Morley, John.  London: Studio Vista,  1971. Mosse, William.  The Land of the New Adventure.  London: 1932.  “Cemeteries of Chicago: A Phase of Land Utilization,” Annals of American Association of Geographers. Vol. 45, 1955, pp. 245-257.  Pattison, William.  “Some Results and Implications of a Cemetery Study.” Professional Geographer. XVIII, No. 4, 1966, pp. 201-207.  Price, Larry.  Ramsey, Bruce. Barkerville: A Guide to the Fabulous Cariboo Gold Camp. Vancouver: Mitchell Press, 1961. Ghost Towns of British Columbia.  Vancouver: Mitchell Press,  1962. Smith, W. L.  The Pioneers of Old Ontario.  Toronto: G.N. Morang, 1923.  “Southern Cemeteries: Neglected Archives for the Folklorist,” Southern Folklore Quarterly. Vol. 27, 1963, pp. 229-236.  Tarpley, F. Warner, W. 1959.  The Living and the Dead.  New Haven: Yale University Press,  Young, F. “Graveyards and Social Structure,” Rural Sociology. 1960, pp. 253-260.  Vol. 25,  PRIMARY SOURCES Cemeteries Act, Revised Statutes of British Columbia. Guide to the Province of British Columbia, 1877—1878. Henderson’s B.C. Gazeteer and Directory, 1889—1915.  Victoria, B.C. Victoria, B.C.  Howard, F. (ed.). The British Columbian and Victoria Guide and D-trectory, 1863. Victoria, B.C. Sandon Cemetery.  MSS, Victoria, B.C. : Provincial Archives.  Stewart, Alexander. “A Few Choice Designs in Monuments and Headstones,” Victoria: ca 1912.  __• __• ________• ________• _____ _____ ________• ________• __ _____ ________ ________  103  NEWSPAPERS British Colwnbian (New Westminster), March 28, 1889, p. 2.  Nov. 29, 1889, p. 3. July 13, 1886, p. 2. June 8, 1887, p. 3. June 15, 1887, p. 2. August 13, 1887, p. 3. Noventer 16, 1887, p. 4. December 13, 1892, p. 2. British Daily Colonist (Victoria), August 7, 1870, p. 3.  April 14, 1875, p. 2. May 14, 1876, p. 3. Feb. 27, 1879, p. 3. Mar. 25, 1879, p. 2. April 1, 1879, p. 2. April 8, 1879, p. 3. April 17, 1879, p. 2. March 18, 1888, p. 3.  APPENDIX ONE MARBLE DEALERS AND MONUMENT MAKERS IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (1870-1910)  104a  -J  104 b APPENDIX ONE MARBLE DEALERS AND MONUMENT MAKERS IN BRITISH COLUMBIA (1870—1910) Ralph Ingham  (Victoria)--before 1877.  Robert Foster  (Victoria)-.-in business during apparently preferred sandstone work with. Most of his stones Bay. There is no signature on Valley but it is possible that  William Bell  (Victoria) 1884-1891.  George Kirsop  (Victoria) 1877-1893.  James Fisher  (Victoria) 1886-1897. Fisher was the owner of the Albion Granite and Marble Works. He advertised periodically in the Daily Colonist; “All work guaranteed equal to any on the Pacific Coast and at reasonable rates.” He also advertised a design cat-. alogue for mail orders. (Daily Colonist, May 31, 1886).  John Mortimer  ? Mortimer appears to have been (Victoria) 1877 one of the more successful members of his trade and the company he founded still operates in Victoria today as the John Mortimer Company. His work is primarily with marble and best represented in Ross Bay. Four of his stones were located in the Fraser Valley and one at Yale. The identical appearance of two stones, one at Fort Langley and one at Murray yule suggests a set of available patterns from which the customer might choose.  Joseph Phillips  (Victoria) 1884—1904. Phillips was born in Cornwall, England and apprenticed there as a stonemason. He arrived in Victoria in 1881 and by 1893 was advertis ing one of the largest stocks of rough and finished stone in British Columbia (B.C. Directory, 1887). He owned the Phillips Granite and Marble Works and was publicizing in 1887 as an “Importer of and Dealer in all Kinds of Polished Granite and Marble.” (B.C. Directory, 1887).  Thomas Bradbury  (Victoria) 1895—1900. A contractor and builder, Bradbury moved to Vancouver as a contractor in 1900 and presumably left the monument business.  the 1870’s. He as a material to are found in Ross those in the Fraser he did those as well.  -  105 George Rudge  (Victoria) 1884-1894. Rudge was born in New Bruns wick where his father was engaged in a marble dealership in St. Stephen’s. Rudge apprenticed with his father and left for San Francisco in 1875. He formed a partnership in a marble firm in Seattle, but the business was destroyed by fire. He then went to Victoria and established a marble works there. In 1886 he appointed an agent at New Westminster to deal with the mainland trade (British Colwnbian, July 1886). In 1894, George Rudge was listed at the same address as four other members of the family--all stonecutters. By 1898, he had moved to Port Simpson, in partnership with a combined hotel and marble works operation. Rudge’s signature was found on half a dozen markers at Lytton (2), Yale (2) and Fort Langley (2). The motifs were in a classic vein and the medium used was white marble.  Alexander Stewart  (Victoria) 1886-1904. Stewart owned the Stewart Monumental Works which are still operating under that name today.  Alexander Hamilton  (New Westminster), 1886-1902. Hamilton’s work is well represented throughout the Lower Mainland. He was born in Scotland and apprenticed as a stonecutter to a large firm of marble and monument engravers there. He also studied higher forms of the trade at Edinburgh University. He founded the B.C. Monumental Works in New Westminster and regularly advertised in the British Colurnbian: “Plain or Elaborate, made to order and guaranteed to suit the tastes of the most sedate or fastidious. Parties wishing fair dealing and honest work will do well to give me a call.” (British Colwnbian, Aug., 1887). He urged his poten tial customers to “Call and Inspect before Patronizing Island Capital.” While all the markers recorded in this sample were marble, he also imported Scotch Granite, Swedish and New Brunswick red granite monu  • •  ments (British Colwnbian, Mar. 28, 1889).  P. Wade  ? Although this individual’s (Kamloops) l887(?) signature was found on three stones, he could not be traced through the directories.  W. A. Smith  (Ingersoll, Ontario). Signature found on a marker at Yale--apparently shipped from Ontario.  -  APPENDIX TWO TOMBSTONE MUTT FS  106a  106b  zz CLASPED  HANDS  POINTING  FINGER  WREATH  FLORAL  5  WILLOW  LAMB  107  \\\I4  STAR AND CROWN  CROSS AND CROWN  ROCK OF AGES  LEAFY  BRANCH  HEART  ANCHOR  108  DOVE  URN  WHEAT SHEAF THISTLE  SCROLL  OPEN  BOOK  APPENDIX THREE EPITAPHS FOUND ON TOMBSTONES IN SOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA  10 9a  APPENDIX 3 EPITAPHS FOUND ON TOMBSTONES IN SOUTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA 1.  “At Rest” (common to all).  2.  “Gone but not forgotten” (common to all).  3.  “Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord.” Rev. 14.13 (Murrayvil le).  4.  “Remember now as you pass by As you are now so once was I As I am now you soon shall be So now prepare to follow me.”  (Murrayville)  5.  “Budded on earth to bloom in heaven” (common on child’s marker).  6.  “Though lost to sight, to memory dear.”  7.  “He is not dead but sleepeth.”  8.  “Rest in peace” (common to all).  9.  “Suffer little children to come unto me and forbid them not for such is the Kingdom of Heaven.” (Murrayville)  (common to all).  (Fort Langley).  10.  “Gone Home” (Murrayville).  11.  “I have fought the good fight I have finished my work I have kept the faith.” (Murrayville).  12.  “They trials ended, thy rest is won.”  13.  “No pains, no grief, no anxious fear, can reach our loved one sleeping here” (Fort Langley, Matsqui).  14.  “I am the Resurrection and the Life” (common to all).  15.  “Calm on the bosom of thy God Fair spirit rest thee now E’en while with ours thy footsteps trod His seal was on thy brow,  (Murrayville).  109 b  I  -J  110 Dust to its narrow house beneath Soul to its place on high They that have seen thy look in death No more may fear to die” (Fort Langley).  I  /  —  16.  “Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God” (Fort Langley).  17.  “I heard the voice of Jesus say Come unto me and rest Lay down thou weary one, lay down Thy head upon my breast.  I  No home on earth have we No resting place before From sin and earth and self set free To dwell with God we go.” (Fort Langley). 18.  “May he find joy in the life everlasting” (Fort Langley).  19.  “‘Tis a little grave but have care For world-wide hopes are buried there How much of light, how much of joy [s buried with a darling boy” (Fort Langley).  20.  “Until the day breaks and the shadows flee away” (Fort Langley).  21.  “Peace, perfect, peace” (common to all).  22.  “Sleeping” (common to all).  23.  “He giveth his beloved sleep” (common to all).  24.  “Blessed are they which do hunger and thirst after righteousness for they shall see God” (Fort Langley).  25.  “A tender mother and a faithful friend” (common to all).  26.  “Passed through the golden gate Into the beautiful shining land” (Matsqui).  27.  “Sorrow vanquished, Labour ended, Jordan passed” (Matsqui).  28.  “Safe At Home” (Matsqui).  29.  “Not lost, But Gone Before” (common to all).  30.  “They loved in life and in death they were not divided” husband and wife (Matsqui).  I  •lll  31.  “We will meet again” (common to all).  32.  “Asleep in Jesus” (common to all).  33.  “He shall gather the lambs with his arms and carry them in his bosom” (common on child’s marker).  34.  “Sleep on sweet babe And take thy rest God called thee home, He thought it best” (common child’s marker).  35.  “Thy will be done” (common to all).  36.  “Happy in life, peaceful in death” (Hedley).  37.  “Requiescat in pace”  38.  “A precious one from us has gone A voice we loved is stilled A place is vacant in our home Which never can be filled” (Rock Creek, Greenwood).  39.  “In the midst of life we are in death The Lord giveth and the Lord taketh away” (Phoenix).  40.  “The Lord is my Shepherd I shall not want” (Greenwood).  41.  “He died as he lived, on the square” (Phoenix).  42.  “Farewell my friends and loved ones dear I am not dead but sleeping here I was not yours but Gods alone He loved me best and took me home” (Surrey Centre).  43.  “A faithful friend, a wife most dear A loving mother lyeth here. Great is the loss we here sustain But hope in heaven we meet again” (Surrey Centre).  44.  “He is gone but not forgotten Never shall his memory fade Fondest thoughts shall ever linger Round the grave where he is laid” (Surrey Centre).  45.  “His toils are past, his work is done He fought the fight, the victory won” (Chilliwack).  (Princeton).  I  112 46.  “She faltered by the wayside and the Angels took her home” (Yale).  47.  “So loved, so mourned” (Yale).  48.  “Happy soul thy days are ended” (Ross Bay).  49.  “They shall renew their strength; thy shall mount up with wings as eagles; They shall run and not be weary; They shall walk and not faint” (St. Stephen’s).  


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