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UBC Theses and Dissertations

The Irish-Canadian : image and self-image, 1847-1870 Conner, Daniel 1976

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THE IRISH-CANADIAN; IMAGE AND SELF-IMAGE, 1847-1870 by DANIEL CONNER B.A. (Hon.), Oxon., 1969 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA AUGUST, 1976 (c), Dan i e l Ch r i s t ophe r Conner, 1976 In presenting th i s thes is in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary shal l make it f ree ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thesis for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thesis for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be al1 owed without my writ ten permission. Department of H i s t o r y The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date O c t o b e r 6 . 1 9 7 6 . i i ABSTRACT This thesis explores the ways in which the Irish-Catholic popula-tion of Canada was perceived and described by the newspapers of mid-Victorian Toronto and Montreal. A study of the leading po l i t i ca l and rel igious journals at mid-century demonstrates the prolonged existence in Canada of hosti le feelings towards the immigrant community, based both on Protestant aversion to Catholicism and on stereotypes of Irish character in general. The thesis argues that these antagonisms and un-favourable images were identi f ied by the Irish community as contributing to i t s lack of economic, social and po l i t i ca l progress. In defence against the host i l i ty which they detected at a l l levels of society, and which was especially apparent in the vocabulary of disparagement and abuse with which Irish af fa irs were reported in Canadian newspapers, Irish-Catholics maintained a d ist inct and self-conscious sense of national community. This sense of group identity was c lear ly expressed in the emergence of an Irish ethnic press. The thesis presents the reactions of f ive Irish-Catholic newspapers, in Toronto and Montreal, to the infer ior status of the immigrants in Canadian society. While showing the sensi t iv i ty of Irish-Catholics to the soc ia l , po l i t i ca l and economic exclusion produced by their unfavourable reputation, i t also argues that the Irish press simultaneously encouraged a coherent Irish group feeling in a conscious attempt to disarm ant i-Ir ish prejudice. Irish-Catholic editors reminded their readers that in Canada the immigrants might prove that Irish national ity, given the equal opportunity and responsible government which they demanded for Ireland, could develop in loyalty , wealth and social respectabi l i ty. The thesis concludes that i t was this concern with social mobility which made the Irish press so sensitive to the ways in which the Canadian image of Irish-Catholics reflected and reinforced their soc ia l , economic and po l i t i ca l retardation. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 1 Chapter One. The Newspaper in the Irish Community . . . . 17 Chapter Two. The Image of the Irish in the Canadian Press 50 Chapter Three. The Irish-Canadian Self-image 93 Conclusion 147 Appendix I 153 Appendix II . 154 Bibliography . 157 V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l ike to express my thanks to a l l those who have helped me to complete this thesis. I am indebted to Anne Yandle of the Special Collections Division of the Main Library at U.B.C. for many kindnesses, and to the staff of the l ibrary in general for their courteous and fr iendly assistance. I owe a great deal to the tolerance and support of friends and fellow graduate students, especially Virginia Careless, Stuart Farson, Gregory Thomas, Susan Burt, B i l l Kerr, John Black, Robin Fisher, Nick Rundall, Clare Rogers, Al Hudson, and Ray Nettles. I am grateful as well to Professor Charles Humphries for his patience and good humour in supervising my study. F inal ly and above a l l , I must thank my family for a l l their understanding and encouragement. 1 INTRODUCTION In t h e e i g h t e e n - f o r t i e s , many t h o u s a n d s o f I r i s h , most o f them C a t h o l i c s , e s c a p e d t o Canada from t h e economic and s o c i a l d i s t r e s s o f famine s t r i c k e n I r e l a n d . The one t r a g i c y e a r o f 1847 b r o u g h t some hundred and t e n t h o u s a n d I r i s h i m m i g r a n t s t o Canada, o n l y t h i r t y t h o u s a n d l e s s t h a n a r r i v e d t h a t y e a r i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . * D u r i n g t h e f o l l o w i n g two d e c a d e s , t h e U n i t e d P r o v i n c e s r e c e i v e d o v e r one hundred and t h i r t y t h o u s a n d I r i s h i m m i g r a n t s , more t h a n one f i f t h o f t h e I r i s h i m m i g r a t i o n 2 t o N o r t h A m e r i c a as a whole. A C a n a d i a n community which had few o f t h e p u b l i c works o r community r e s o u r c e s o f t h e R e p u b l i c w i t h which t o meet s u c h an i n f l u x was c o n f r o n t e d w i t h an i m p o v e r i s h e d I r i s h - C a t h o l i c p o p u l a -t i o n , w h i c h , by t h e c e n s u s o f 1851, numbered some two hundred t h o u s a n d , 3 o r t w e l v e p e r c e n t o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l t o t a l . A p p r o x i m a t e e s t i m a t e s from b a l a n c i n g c e n s u s f i g u r e s f o r o r i g i n s and r e l i g i o n , g i v e an I r i s h - C a t h o l i c p o p u l a t i o n , by 1861, o f two hundred and e i g h t y t h o u s a n d . A t t h e c e n s u s o f 4 1871, i t was a p p r o x i m a t e l y two hundred and s i x t y t h o u s a n d . The g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f t h e I r i s h - C a t h o l i c i m m i g r a n t s s e t t l e d on t h e l a n d i n Canada West. Thomas D'Arcy McGee c l a i m e d i n 1866, t h a t a l m o s t t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f them b r e a t h e d t h e pure and h e a l t h f u l a i r o f t h e 5 C a n a d i a n c o u n t r y s i d e . Y e t , s u b s t a n t i a l numbers o f them a l s o c o n g r e g a t e d i n t h e c i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y T o r o n t o and M o n t r e a l , which b r o u g h t t o them an even g r e a t e r a t t e n t i o n than was w a r r a n t e d by t h e i r t o t a l numbers i n t h e p r o v i n c e . The I r i s h - C a t h o l i c p o p u l a t i o n o f M o n t r e a l s t e a d i l y i n c r e a s e d 2 from c e n s u s t o c e n s u s b e f o r e 1871. In 1844, some t e n t h o u s a n d , o r one f i f t h o f t h e I r i s h - C a t h o l i c p o p u l a t i o n o f Canada E a s t , was c o n c e n t r a t e d i n M o n t r e a l . ^ By t h e e i g h t e e n - s i x t i e s , t h e number had i n c r e a s e d t o o v e r twenty-two t h o u s a n d , r e p r e s e n t i n g a l m o s t a q u a r t e r o f t h e t o t a l M o n t r e a l p o p u l a t i o n . ^ The I r i s h - C a t h o l i c p o p u l a t i o n o f T o r o n t o a l s o i n c r e a s e d g r e a t l y t h r o u g h o u t t h i s p e r i o d . I t grew from a p p r o x i m a t e l y e i g h t t h o u s a n d i n 1851, t o t w e l v e t h o u s a n d i n t h e e i g h t e e n - s i x t i e s , o r o v e r a q u a r t e r o f g t h e T o r o n t o p o p u l a t i o n . The s i z e and i m p o v e r i s h e d c o n d i t i o n o f t h e I r i s h - C a t h o l i c immig-r a t i o n , a f f e c t e d C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y a t many l e v e l s . As w e l l as c h a n g i n g t h e e t h n i c b a l a n c e o f C a n a d i a n c i t i e s , t h e I r i s h i n t r o d u c e d problems o f p o v e r t y , c r i m e and s o c i a l d i s o r d e r on an u n p r e c e d e n t e d s c a l e . T h e i r dominant p r e -s e n c e i n t h e c i t i e s c o n f l i c t e d w i t h t h e p r e v a i l i n g view o f t h e l i m i t l e s s c a p a c i t y o f t h e l a n d t o s u p p o r t new a r r i v a l s . T h e i r C a t h o l i c i s m as w e l l , s h a t t e r e d t h e v i r t u a l P r o t e s t a n t c o n s e n s u s i n Canada West a t a t i m e when t h e P r o t e s t a n t i s m o f E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g C a n a d i a n s was p i t t e d a g a i n s t t h e C a t h o l i c i s m o f F r e n c h C a n a d i a n s i n an i n c r e a s i n g l y e m b i t t e r e d p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e . In p o l i t i c s , as i n a r e a s o f s o c i a l c o n c e r n , I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s were a t t h e c e n t r e o f many o f t h e i s s u e s u n s e t t l i n g t h e C a n a d i a n community a t m i d - c e n t u r y . Y e t , t h e impac t o f t h e I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s on V i c t o r i a n Canada has, f o r t h e most p a r t , r e c e i v e d i n d i f f e r e n t t r e a t m e n t from C a n a d i a n h i s t o r i a n s — n o t t h a t t h e I r i s h i m m i g r a n t s who f l o o d e d i n t o t h e c i t i e s and c o u n t r y s i d e have been i g n o r e d . Indeed, t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e r e l i g i o u s r i o t s , l a b o u r d i s p u t e s , e d u c a t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o v e r s i e s and s o c i a l 3 d i s o r d e r s o f t h e time have demanded a t t e n t i o n . U n t i l r e c e n t l y , however, l i t t l e i n t e r e s t has been shown towards t h e I r i s h e x i s t e n c e i n C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y as a d i s t i n c t , s e l f - c o n s c i o u s , and a r t i c u l a t e e t h n i c and r e l i g i o u s g r o u p , w e l l aware o f i t s i n t e r e s t s and s e n s i t i v e t o i t s p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , and economic i s o l a t i o n . Rowdy I r i s h b e h a v i o u r on t h e c a n a l s and r a i l r o a d works, t h e i r "mob" c o n t r i b u t i o n t o g e n e r a l and m u n i c i p a l e l e c t i o n s , t h e c l a s h e s between C a t h o l i c s and Orangemen, have t o o o f t e n been d i s m i s s e d as 9 examples o f vague and r a r e l y d e f i n e d " I r i s h " b e h a v i o u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Even t h e n o t o r i o u s F e n i a n e p i s o d e s , c u l m i n a t i n g i n t h e a s s a s s i n a t i o n o f Thomas D'Arcy McGee i n 1868, have been p r e s e n t e d as l i t t l e more t h a n examples o f an I r i s h p r o p e n s i t y f o r s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s and an i m p u l s i v e p a t r i o t i s m , and d i s m i s s e d as s i m p l e a b e r r a t i o n s i n t h e i r p r o g r e s s t o " C anadianization".*° The I r i s h e l e m e n t i n s o c i a l l y d i s r u p t i v e , and t h e r e f o r e n o t i c e a b l e , b e h a v i o u r has been g e n e r a l l y p r e s e n t e d as a c o l o u r f u l a d j u n c t t o immigrant" a d j u s t m e n t i n g e n e r a l . * * T h e r e has been l i t t l e a n a l y s i s o f t h e u n d e r l y i n g group s o l i d a r i t y o f t h e I r i s h community, o r i t s e t h n i c s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s . E v e n t u a l a s s i m i l a t i o n has masked t h e I r i s h h i s t o r i c a l i d e n t i t y and d e p r i v e d C a n a d i a n h i s t o r i a n s o f t h e broad frame o f r e f e r e n c e which c o n t i n u i n g I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s m and a much l a r g e r t o t a l I r i s h i m m i g r a t i o n have s u p p l i e d t o I r i s h s t u d i e s i n E n g l a n d and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . Hence t h e y have been more c o n c e r n e d t o d e s c r i b e the i n f l u e n c e s i n C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y which e v e n t u a l l y 12 b l e n d e d t h e I r i s h i n t o t h e C a n a d i a n " n a t i o n a l - p i e " , t h a n t o n o t i c e t h e f a c t o r s which c o n s o l i d a t e d t h e i r sense o f n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y and m a i n t a i n e d 13 t h e i r e x i s t e n c e as a t r o u b l e s o m e and a n x i o u s " t h i r d s o l i t u d e " . 4 I t i s n o t t h a t C a n a d i a n h i s t o r i a n s have f a i l e d t o n o t i c e t h e I r i s h ; t h e y have s i m p l y n o t been c o n c e r n e d t o ask t h e q u e s t i o n s w hich would d i s c o v e r and a c c o u n t f o r t h e i r s e p a r a t e group e x i s t e n c e . P a r a -d o x i c a l l y , even t h e i d e a o f t h e m o s a i c as an e x p l a n a t i o n o f C a n a d i a n n a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r has masked t h e I r i s h i d e n t i t y . B a s i c t o t h a t theme 14 has been t h e a b s e n c e i n Canada o f an i d e a l n a t i o n a l t y p e . I t has been a r g u e d , a c c o r d i n g l y , t h a t t h e I r i s h , S c o t t i s h o r E n g l i s h i m m i g r a n t was r e l i e v e d from any o b l i g a t i o n t o abandon h i s " O l d W o r l d " c u l t u r e and a d o p t 15 a w h o l l y new way o f l i f e . Y e t , i f t h e r e was n o t a " n o r m a t i v e E n g l i s h -1 c s p e a k i n g t y p e " t o w hich t h e I r i s h i m m i g r a n t was e x p e c t e d t o a d a p t , t h e Canada o f t h e m i d - n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y was d o m i n a t e d by t h e V i c t o r i a n e t h i c s o f hard-work, i n d i v i d u a l e n t e r p r i s e , and s o b e r P r o t e s t a n t m o r a l i t y . ^ I t i s a p p a r e n t t h a t t h e I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s were t h o u g h t r a r e l y t o l i v e up t o t h e s e norms. T h e i r b e h a v i o u r was seen t o t h r e a t e n C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y a t i t s v e r y r o o t s . E g e r t o n R y e r s o n , C h i e f S u p e r i n t e n d e n t o f E d u c a t i o n , warned i n 1848, t h a t "the p h y s i c a l d i s e a s e and d e a t h " w h i c h accompanied t h e I r i s h f a m i n e i m m i g r a n t s "may be t h e p r e c u r s o r o f t h e worse p e s t i l e n c e o f s o c i a l i n s u b o r d i n a t i o n and d i s o r d e r . " He s t r e s s e d t h e need t o e d u c a t e t h e I r i s h i n Canada so t h a t t h e y "may grow up i n t h e i n d u s t r y and i n t e l l i g e n c e o f t h e c o u n t r y and n o t i n t h e i d l e n e s s and p a u p e r i s m , n o t t o s a y m e n d i c i t y 18 and v i c e o f t h e i r f o r e f a t h e r s . " S c o t t i s h , E n g l i s h o r German i m m i g r a n t s , 19 even B l a c k s , were no t r e g a r d e d w i t h t h e same s u s p i c i o n , o r s u b j e c t e d t o t h e abuse and c r i t i c i s m p r o v o k e d by p e r s i s t e n t a n x i e t y about I r i s h be-h a v i o u r and u n f a v o u r a b l e images o f t h e i r n a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r . A p r o p e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e s e views o f t h e I r i s h must r e s t on 5 their relations with other immigrant groups and on considerations of their status within the community in general. This comparative approach has been outside the scope of specif ic studies of Irish settlement in Canada, which have simply been concerned to isolate the Irish in the 20 s tat i s t i ca l record. Such studies have approached questions relating to Irish locations, numbers and occupations, and presented prof i les of the more prominent and accessible Irish businessmen and po l i t i ca l leaders, but they have lacked the capacity to provide any but the most 21 interpretative analysis of Irish group behaviour. Especially have they neglected to estimate Irish social and economic mobility in com-parison with other groups in the community. The methods of quantative analysis, however, have begun to provide this necessary perspective for understanding Irish development in Canada. The "new social history" has hinted at a constant and complex Irish presence in many of the areas of soc ia l , economic and social mobility on which data analysis is trying to shed l ight . It has been argued, indeed, that such methods provide the only possible means of 22 answering questions about group interaction. Certainly, analysis of transiency, home-ownership patterns, occupations, school-attendance, i l l i t e r a c y , crime and poor-rel ief , and the comparison of these factors among the different immigrant groups, have begun to make clear the 23 existence of highly individual Ir ish group character ist ics . A social and geographic analysis of Victorian Toronto from the assessment r o l l s for instance, has discovered the isolat ion of the c i t y ' s Irish-Catholics as the only group separated res ident ia l ly by class, re l ig ion and ethnicity. A comparison of c i ty directories and census returns for Montreal has demonstrated the highly transient l i f e -style of i t s Irish-Catholic population in the eighteen-sixties, i t s pre-dominance in unskilled occupations and i ts fa i lure even to approach the. wealth or influence of the far less numerous Scottish, English or Ir ish-25 Protestant groups. A pioneer survey of the Irish-Catholic position in Hamilton has shown that the fortunes of those born in Ireland worsened in the generation after the famine. Their occupational prof i le re-mained dist inct ive and dismal. Irish-Catholics f i l l e d the ranks of labourers and servants while English, Scottish and Irish Protestants settled on their own land or established themselves in commerce or the 27 professions. Irish-Catholics were even forced out of some occupations When English or Scottish immigrants moved into trades, the Ir ish-Catholics gradually became excluded and concentrated only in the low-paying areas. Michael Katz, indeed, has speculated that "the Irishman as Nigger" might be a f a i r summary of his social and economic position 29 in Victorian Canada. Without an appreciation of the contemporary social perception of the I r i sh , however, such findings are presented in a s ta t i s t i ca l vacuum, or at best explained by reference to the general characterist ics of 30 Irish settlement in the United States. In i ts isolat ion of the Irish an ethnic group, moreover, quantative analysis contains an inherent con-tradict ion. The proper l imits of ethnic group identity are personal, emotional, and psychological, features impossible to capture in a 31 s tat i s t i ca l record. The def init ion of an Irishman on census r o l l s , 7 tax l i s t s , assessment r o l l s , and a l l the routinely generated records necessary to quantative analysis, is therefore inadequate. Country of origin is not necessarily related to ethnic origin or ethnic sympathy. Especially is this so in the case of Irish immigrants. Indeed, a major problem in the study of the Irish in the Canadian past has been the d i f f i c u l t y of assessing the social and economic differences between Irish-Catholics and Irish-Protestants, which existed so obviously in 32 the rel igious area. The census def init ion of "Ir ish" also excluded those Irish born in Canada, who in many cases, as was frequently com-33 mented, were more fervently Irish than their parents. It is important, therefore, to be as famil iar as possible with sources of opinion which commented on the characterist ics thought to belong to the Irish as an ethnic group. This thesis makes such an attempt. A reading of the leading newspapers of Montreal and Toronto at mid-century, revealed the large amount of anxious attention which the Irish attracted. The thesis explores the nature and development of that anxiety and the framework of ideas which coloured i t , during a period which experienced the Irish famine immigration, the Fenian raids of the late eighteen-sixties, and the Confederation debates. These events pro-voked much comment on the nature of Canadian society and considerable speculation as to the place of the Irish within i t . The thesis notices the hostile and deprecatory nature of these feelings towards the I r i sh , which were dai ly articulated in the aggressive or denigratory vocabulary of the newspapers. These hostile images of the Irish in Canadian society were 8 related to the problems and disruptions which a large, destitute and dis-oriented Catholic immigration presented to the Protestant and French Canadian communities. They were conditioned as wel l , however, by the reiteration in Canada of the antipathies towards Irish-Catholics which permeated Victorian England. Not only were the social and cultural differences between Protestants and Catholics regenerated in Canada, but the hostile stereotypes of the Irish which developed in England during the agitations for Repeal and Home Rule were f a i t h f u l l y redrawn in the 34 Protestant press. Inferior Irish adjustment in Canada was explained by reference to the helpless condition of their Catholic countrymen at home. The social problems which they presented in Canada, as in Ireland, were given an ethnic explanation. The fu l les t and most revealing source of these perceptions of the Irish in Canada is found in the press of the period. The newspapers of Canada West and Canada East provide an extensive survey of contemporary generalizations about the Ir ish . They collected together reports of meetings on immigration, schemes of colonization, accounts of Parliamen-tary debates, reports of the Houses of Industry and Providence, and the Police and Gaol Reports. The press also contains information not available elsewhere, such as Board of Health Reports, City Corporation minutes, and local immigration s ta t i s t i cs whose originals have been destroyed. Edi-tor ia ls provided commentary on a wide range of issues concerning the Ir ish . Their interest reflected that of the public. A comparison of the frequency of themes expressed in ed i tor ia l s , with the areas of con-cern enunciated in public meetings, petitions and Grand Jury Reports, 9 i n d i c a t e s t h e c l o s e sympathy between e d i t o r i a l s and p u b l i c a t t i t u d e s t o -35 wards t h e I r i s h . Newspapers were i n v a l u a b l e m o n i t o r s o f the mid-n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y e n v i r o n m e n t i n t h e i r r e p o r t i n g and a s s e s s m e n t o f how C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y r e a c t e d t o i t s own I r i s h Q u e s t i o n . The newspapers s t u d i e d h e r e , were, f o r T o r o n t o , t h e P r o t e s t a n t -L i b e r a l Globe f o r t h e y e a r s 1844-1870, and t h e P r o t e s t a n t - C o n s e r v a t i v e L e a d e r f o r 1852-1870. F o r M o n t r e a l , t h e y were t h e W i t n e s s from 1846-1870, t h e " b l e u " La Mi n e r v e from 1842-1870, and t h e "rouge" Le Pays from 1852-1870. The G l o b e , e d i t e d by t h e Reform l e a d e r George Brown, and t h e L e a d e r , owned by U l s t e r P r o t e s t a n t James B e a t y , and e d i t e d by t h e s t a u n -c h l y a n t i - C a t h o l i c C h a r l e s L i n d s e y , dominated o p i n i o n i n Canada West a t m i d - c e n t u r y . In M o n t r e a l , t h e W i t n e s s , e d i t e d by C a l v i n i s t S c o t , James D o u g l a s , e x e m p l i f i e d extreme P r o t e s t a n t r e a c t i o n t o t h e l a r g e I r i s h -C a t h o l i c p r e s e n c e i n Canada. La Mi n e r v e and Le Pays p r e s e n t e d a l t e r n a t e l y c o n c i l i a t o r y and h o s t i l e a t t i t u d e s t o t h e I r i s h from o p p o s i t e ends o f t h e p o l i t i c a l s p e c t r u m . The a t t i t u d e s e x p r e s s e d i n t h e s e p a p e r s were n o t a r t i c u l a t e d w i t h o u t p r o v o k i n g an I r i s h - C a t h o l i c r e s p o n s e . C r i t i c i s m a c t e d as a group s t i m u l u s t o t h e i m m i g r a n t s . The t h e s i s p r e s e n t s t h e r a n g e o f I r i s h r e -a c t i o n s t o t h e u n f a v o u r a b l e image o f them i n C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y . I t a r g u e s t h a t t h e s o c i a l image o f t h e I r i s h was an a l l - i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r i n t h e i r a d j u s t m e n t . I r i s h l e a d e r s urged t h e i r f e l l o w e x i l e s i n Canada t o d i s -p r o v e t h e V i c t o r i a n s t e r e o t y p e o f them i n I r e l a n d as i n h e r e n t l y i n f e r i o r and i n c a p a b l e o f s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t , by a c h i e v i n g economic i n d e p e n d e n c e and 37 s o c i a l r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . Under c o n d i t i o n s o f freedom and o p p o r t u n i t y i n 10 Canada, they were to give the l i e to the hosti le images which worked against appeals for Irish Home Rule. By the same token, Irish fai lures in Canada, their lack of po l i t i ca l representation, their overriding poverty, and their predominance in the crime s t a t i s t i c s , were pointed to by Irish-Catholic spokesmen as the continuing legacy in Canada of Protestant discrimination against Ir ish-Catholics. The immigrants reacted with according sens i t iv i ty to hosti le cr i t i c ism of them in the Protestant press. The thesis argues, therefore, that Irish-Catholics were acutely conscious of the ways in which their low status reflected and reinforced their infer ior soc ia l , economic and po l i t i ca l progress in Canadian society. The Irish-Catholic press educated the Irish community to this sense of awareness, grievance and national self-consciousness. It re-peatedly insisted that Irish-Catholics were entit led to a f u l l and effective representation in provincial and municipal a f f a i r s , prompting the Witness to complain that "their own papers, the only ones they read, have told them in every issue of their superior ity," so that "there is •30 no l imit to their arrogance." These papers, studied here, were for Toronto, the Mirror, from 1837-1866, the Catholic C i t izen, 1854-1857, the Canadian Freeman, 1857-1870, and the Irish Canadian, 1863-1870. For Montreal, they were the True Witness and Catholic Chronicle, from 1850-1870, the flew Era, 1857-1858, and the few extant copies of the Irishman. A few selections s t i l l survive as wel l , in other papers, of the Montreal  Freeman and the Irish Express. In the e ighteen-f i f t ies , no less than seven Irish-Catholic newspapers were published in Montreal and Toronto to counter the host i l i ty of the Protestant press and to defend Ir ish-11 Catholic interests in the community. The thesis argues that these papers, which so far have only been studied in their po l i t i ca l and rel igious 39 aspects, also had a very real existence as ethnic newspapers. They reflected and informed the views of the Irish on the problems they faced personally and in relation to society, furnishing many of them with their only reading material. The f i c t i o n , history and poetry that attracted their readers were sensitive mirrors of what went on in Irish immigrant minds. The Irish turned to their newspapers for news of home, accounts of their own act iv i t ies and organizations, and above a l l sympathetic advice. Indeed, the content and dimensions of Irish-Catholic thinking about their environment and themselves, is an essential but neglected aspect in the understanding of their eventual "Canadianization". The cultural and social processes by which they were assimilated to Canadian society cannot be identif ied without recognizing the strength and manner of their attachment to the psychological props of their old national associations and way of l i f e , without an understanding, in fact , of their adjustment from the inside. This thesis , through an analysis of their press during the f i r s t generation of their settlement in Canada, attempts such an understanding. 12 FOOTNOTES TO INTRODUCTION T e r r y Co l eman , Pas sage t o A m e r i c a : A h i s t o r y o f e m i g r a n t s f r om  G r e a t B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d t o A m e r i c a i n t h e m i d - n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ( L o n d o n , H u t c h i n s o n & C o . , 1 9 7 2 ) , p. 134 . 2 G. R. C . Keep , " I r i s h M i g r a t i o n t o N o r t h A m e r i c a i n t h e Second H a l f o f t h e N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y , " ( P h . d . t h e s i s , T r i n i t y C o l l e g e , D u b l i n , 1 9 5 1 ) , p. 3 0 0 . , 3 G l o b e , J a n 2 0 , 1862 . 4 H. C. P e n t l a n d , " L abou r and t h e Deve lopment o f I n d u s t r i a l C a p i -t a l i s m i n C a n a d a , " ( P h . d . t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o , 1 9 6 0 ) , p . 2 20 . 5 Thomas D ' A r c y McGee, The I r i s h P o s i t i o n i n B r i t i s h and i n  R e p u b l i c a n N o r t h A m e r i c a ; A L e t t e r t o t h e E d i t o r s o f t h e I r i s h P r e s s , I r r e s p e c t i v e o f P a r t y ( M o n t r e a l , M. Longmoore and C o . , 1 8 6 6 ) , p . 13 . 6 G . R. C . Keep , "The I r i s h M i g r a t i o n t o M o n t r e a l , 1 8 4 7 - 1 8 6 7 , " CM.A. t h e s i s , M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y , M o n t r e a l , 1 9 4 8 ) , p . 4 . 7 T r ue W i t n e s s , 1 2 , 2 6 , 1 861 . g Census o f t h e Canada s , 1 8 5 1 - 2 , two v o l s . (Quebec , P r i n t e d by J . L o v e l l 1 8 5 3 - 5 5 ) , V o l . I . p . 6 6 . Census o f t h e Canada s , 1861*2 , two v o l s . (Quebec , P r i n t e d by S . B. F o o t e , 1 8 6 3 - 6 4 ) , V o l . I , p. 128 . g See f o r i n s t a n c e A . R. M. L owe r , C a n a d i a n s i n t h e M a k i n g : A  S o c i a l H i s t o r y o f Canada ( T o r o n t o , Longmans , G r e e n , 1 9 5 8 ) , 2 0 7 - 2 0 8 . Lower n o t i c e s t h e I r i s h as a v i o l e n t , t u r b u l e n t and d i s r u p t i v e e l e m e n t i n C anad i a n h i s t o r y . He i n t r o d u c e s them as r i o t i n g c a n a l l e r s , as C a t h o l i c and Orange p r o t a g o n i s t s , and even i n c l u d e s t h e l e g e n d a r y B l a c k D o n n e l l y s , t o emphas i z e t h e i r i m p a c t on t h e C anad i a n c o u n t r y s i d e . Lower e x p l a i n s I r i s h s o c i a l d i s o r d e r as a f r o n t i e r p a t t e r n o f b e h a v i o u r , bu t one w h i c h owed i t s s e v e r i t y t o an I r i s h p r o p e n s i t y f o r v i o l e n c e . ^ See C P . S t a ' c e y , "A F e n i a n I n t e r l u d e : The S t o r y o f M i c h a e l M u r p h y , " C anad i a n H i s t o r i c a l R e v i e w , V o l . XV, 1934 , p. 154 . S t a c e y d i s m i s s e s t h e F e n i a n e p i s o d e as "one o f t h e most amus ing b i t s o f p o l i -t i c a l comedy p l a y e d i n t h e p r o v i n c e s i n t h e e r a o f C o n f e d e r a t i o n . " 11 See D. S . S h e a , "The I r i s h Imm ig r an t A d j u s t m e n t t o T o r o n t o 1 8 4 0 - 1 8 6 0 , " C anad i a n C a t h o l i c H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , S t u d y S e s s i o n , 1 9 7 1 , p p . 5 3 - 6 0 . 13 12 Pau l F o r d , Our N a t i o n a l P i e and What i t C o n t a i n e d ; B e i n g a  R e p o r t o f t h e P r o c e e d i n g s o f t h e A r i g l o - F r a n c o - H i b e r n i a n - S c o t t i s h - C anad i a n N a t i o n a l S o c i e t y , He l d A p r i l 1 s t , 1878 ( M o n t r e a l , W. Dugda l e and Co . 1 8 7 7 ] . 13 J . S . M o i r , "The P r ob l ems o f a Doub l e M i n o r i t y , " H i s t o i r e  S o c i a l e , A p r i l , 1 971 , p. 5 . 14 15 16 17 A l l a n S m i t h , "Me tapho r and N a t i o n a l i t y , " CHR, 1970 , p. 254 . I b i d . , p. 2 5 5 . I b i d . The M o n t r e a l W i t n e s s , i n c e s s a n t l y p r a i s e d t h e h a b i t s o f " i n d u s -t r y , f r u g a l i t y , and p e r s e v e r a n c e . " F o r t h e h i g h v a l u e p l a c e d on p e r s o n a l i n i t i a t i v e and e n d e a v o u r , as t h e keys t o s u c c e s s , see L o u i s e W y a t t , e d . "The J ohnson L e t t e r s , " O n t a r i o H i s t o r y , 1948 , p. 3 9 . The P r o t e s t a n t work e t h i c i n Canada i s d e s c r i b e d i n R. C o l e H a r r i s , "The S e t t l e m e n t o f Mono T o w n s h i p , " C anad i a n G e o g r a p h e r , V o l . X I X , S p r i n g , 1975 , pp . 1 - 15 . See a l s o , J . J e r a l d B e l l o m o , "Upper C anad i a n A t t i t u d e s Towards C r ime and P u n i s h m e n t , 1 8 3 2 - 1 8 5 1 , " O n t a r i o H i s t o r y , 1972 , p p . 1 1 - 1 6 ; L a u r e n c e S . F a l l i s J r . , "The Idea o f P r o g r e s s i n t h e P r o v i n c e o f C a n a d a , " i n W. L. Mo r t on e d . The S h i e l d o f A c h i l l e s : A s p e c t s o f Canada i n t h e V i c t o r i a n  Age ( T o r o n t o / M o n t r e a l , M c C l e l l a n d & S t e w a r t L t d . 1 9 6 8 ) , p p . 1 7 0 - 1 8 1 , and W. L. M o r t o n , " V i c t o r i a n C a n a d a , " I b i d . , p . 3 2 8 . I Q Quoted i n Susan E. H o u s t o n , " V i c t o r i a n O r i g i n s o f J u v e n i l e D e l i n q u e n c y ; A Canad i a n E x p e r i e n c e , " H i s t o r y o f E d u c a t i o n Q u a r t e r l y , V o l . 1 2 , 1972 , p p . 2 5 5 - 2 5 6 . 19 See M i c h a e l K a t z , " B l a c k s i n H a m i l t o n , "The C anad i a n S o c i a l H i s t o r y P r o j e c t , R e p o r t No. 5 , 1 973 - 74 , p p . 2 9 - 3 7 . See a l s o t h e e v i -dence hea rd by t h e Ame r i c a n F r eedmen ' s I n q u i r y C o m m i s s i o n , 1 863 - 1864 , I b i d . , p p . 3 8 - 8 5 . S e v e r a l c o m p a r i s o n s , u n f a v o u r a b l e t o t h e I r i s h , were made between t h e I r i s h and B l a c k c o m m u n i t i e s o f T o r o n t o . 20 See f o r e x a m p l e , D. C . L y n e , "The I r i s h i n t h e P r o v i n c e o f Canada i n t h e Decade l e a d i n g t o C o n f e d e r a t i o n , " CM.A. t h e s i s , M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y , M o n t r e a l , 1 9 6 0 ) . The s t u d i e s by Keep s u f f e r f r om t h e same 1 i m i t a t i o n s . 21 Keep, f o r e x a m p l e , i g n o r e s t h e d i s t r e s s o f t h e many unemp l o y ed , d e s t i t u t e , and s t a r v i n g M o n t r e a l I r i s h , i n h i s c o n c l u s i o n t h a t t h e e l e c t i o n o f Thomas D ' A r c y McGee as an I r i s h r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n M o n t r e a l Wes t , i n 1857 , p r o v ed t h a t t h e I r i s h commun i t y , as a who l e had p r o s p e r e d s i n c e t h e f am ine i m m i g r a t i o n . See G. R. C. Keep , " I r i s h A d j u s t m e n t i n M o n t r e a l , " CHR, 1950 , p p . 3 9 - 4 6 . 14 22 H a r o l d T r o p e r and Ian W i n c h e s t e r , " E t h n i c S t u d i e s and t h e New S o c i a l H i s t o r y ; A D i s c u s s i o n on R e s e a r c h P o s s i b i l i t i e s , " CSHP R e p o r t No. 5 1 973 - 74 , Wo r k i ng P a p e r , No. 9 9 , p p . 1 -17 . 23 See f o r e x a m p l e , M i c h a e l K a t z , "Homeownersh ip and a Model o f S o c i a l p r o c e s s , H a m i l t o n , O n t a r i o 1 8 5 1 - 1 8 6 1 , " I b i d . , p p . 2 6 4 - 2 9 2 , and t h e o t h e r r e p o r t s o f t h e Canad i a n S o c i a l H i s t o r y P r o j e c t . 24 P e t e r Goheen , V i c t o r i a n T o r o n t o 1850 -1900 ; P a t t e r n and P r o c e s s  o f Growth (The U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o , D e p t . o f Geog r aphy , R e s e a r c h P ape r No. 127 , 1 9 7 0 ) , p p . 1 53 - 154 . 2 5 D. S . C r o s s , "The I r i s h i n M o n t r e a l 1 8 6 7 - 1 8 9 6 , " (M .A . t h e s i s , M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y , M o n t r e a l , 1 9 6 9 ) , p . 4 1 . pe M i c h a e l K a t z , " I r i s h and Canad i an C a t h o l i c s ; A C o m p a r i s o n , " CSHP, R e p o r t No. 4 , 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 . Wo r k i ng Pape r No. 3 0 , p p . 2 6 - 3 6 . 2 7 Idem, "The S t r u c t u r e o f I n e q u a l i t y , " CSHP R e p o r t Mo. 4 , Wo r k i ng Pape r No. 3 2 , p p . 114-117-. See a l s o C r o s s , p . 8 , p p . 2 6 2 - 2 6 3 . 2 8 K a t z , "The S t r u c t u r e o f I n e q u a l i t y , " p . 117 . Idem, " I r i s h and Canad i a n C a t h o l i c s , " p p . 3 5 - 3 6 . 30 See f o r i n s t a n c e K. Duncan , " I r i s h Famine I m m i g r a t i o n and t h e S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e o f t h e Canad i a n W e s t , " C anad i a n Rev i ew o f S o c i o l o g y and  A n t h r o p o l o g y , V o l . 2 , N o . l , 1965 , pp . 19^W. 31 T r o p e r and W i n c h e s t e r , p . 3 . op See S . D. C l a r k , The S o c i a l Deve lopment o f Canada ( U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1 9 4 6 ) , pp . 2 2 2 - 2 2 3 . 3 3 I r i s h C a n a d i a n , J a n . 2 8 , 1863 . See a l s o Rev . M. B. B u c k l e y , D i a r y o f a Tou r i n Ame r i c a n ( D u b l i n , 1 8 8 9 ) , p p . 5 0 - 5 1 . The t o u r was made i n 1 8 7 0 - 1 8 7 1 . 34 Fo r an a n a l y s i s o f t h e s e s t e r e o t y p e s , see L . P. C u r t i s J r . , A n g l o - S a x o n s and C e l t s ; A S t u d y o f A n t i - I r i s h P r e j u d i c e i n V i c t o r i a n  Eng l a nd ( B r i d g e p o r t , C o n n . , P u b l i s h e d by t h e C o n f e r e n c e on B r i t i s h S t u d i e s a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i d g e p o r t , 1 9 6 8 ) , and Idem, Apes and A n g e l s ; t h e  I r i s h m a n i n V i c t o r i a n C a r i c a t u r e , ( W a s h i n g t o n , S m i t h s o n i a n I n s t i t u t i o n P r e s s , 1 9 7 1 ) . R. Haywa rd , " C o n t e n t A n a l y s i s i n H i s t o r i c a l Geog raphy : A Case S t u d y i n I m m i g r a t i o n i n T o r o n t o i n 1 8 4 7 , " (M .A . t h e s i s , Queen ' s U n i v e r s i t y , K i n g s t o n , 1 9 7 2 ) , p . 6 1 . 15 Lindsey was editor in-chief of the Leader from 1853-1867. His anti-Catholicism was c lear ly stated in his Rome in Canada (Toronto, 1877). 37 The most frequent argument in Victorian England against Home Rule for Ireland, was that the Irish were inherently unfit for se l f -government. See Curt is , Anglo-Saxons and Celts, pp. 6-9. 3 8 Montreal Witness, Jan. 13, 1858. 39 One study, for instance, ranks the fervently national ist Irish  Canadian, as a rel igious newspaper, alongside the Br i t ish American  Presbyterian and the Christian Guardian. See M. Galvin, University of Toronto, 1962), p. 9. 17 CHAPTER ONE THE NEWSPAPER IN THE IRISH COMMUNITY The newspapers of Victorian Canada have been a popular and re-warding source of information for Canadian historians. Indeed, l i t t l e else exists through which to explore the minds of Victorian Canadians.* Yet, while acknowledging their debt, Canadian historians have been 2 careful to warn of the hazards of reliance on newspaper coverage. Newspapers, in this period, functioned as organs of d is t inct po l i t i ca l and rel igious interests, and, as such, their accounts of past events should be treated with caution and discrimination. This caveat especial ly applies to newspaper handling of Irish matters. The large Ir ish presence in any consideration of provincial and local p o l i t i c s , in rel igious ques-tions and in areas of social pol icy, conditioned and coloured reporting of events in which the Irish were involved. Episodes such as the canal 3 4 workers' str ikes, the Montreal Gavazzi r iots during the summer of 1853, 5 the attack on the Toronto National Hotel on March 17, 1858, the annual disturbances throughout the province on St. Patrick's Day and the Twelfth of July , and the whole Canadian background to the Fenian panic of the late eighteen-sixties, were reported in the press with calculated inaccuracy, exaggeration and d istort ion. The contradictions and confusion in reports and ed i tor ia l s , makes i t d i f f i c u l t to reconstruct the Ir ish participation in these events with any certainty. 18 These v e r y l i m i t a t i o n s on newspape r s as a c c u r a t e do cumen t a r y a c c o u n t s , howeve r , r e v e a l as much as t h e most d i r e c t e d e d i t o r i a l s abou t t h e g e n e r a l s t a t e o f p u b l i c f e e l i n g t owa r d s t h e I r i s h . T h e i r b i a s and e x a g -g e r a t i o n , t h e v e r y t one o f t h e i r r e p o r t i n g , was a r e s p o n s e t o what t h e pub -l i c e x p e c t e d and e n j o y e d t o r e ad abou t " Poo r P addy . "^ The e x a g g e r a t i o n s o f t h e G l obe abou t t h e f a n a t i c i s m o f I r i s h - C a t h o l i c i s m s a y s l e s s abou t I r i s h -Canad i a n r e l i g i o u s p r o p e n s i t i e s and b e h a v i o u r , t h an abou t c o n t e m p o r a r y d i s -r e g a r d f o r t h e i r s o c i a l r e p u t a t i o n . The c o m p l a i n t s i n t h e I r i s h p r e s s abou t t h e h o s t i l i t y o f t h e e s t a b l i s h e d commun i t y , s a y s l i t t l e a bou t t h e a c t u a l d i f f i c u l t i e s o f I r i s h a d j u s t m e n t , bu t much abou t t h e s en se o f i s o l -a t i o n w h i c h t h e y came t o d e v e l o p . These d i s t o r t i o n s r e f l e c t t h e n e w s p a p e r ' s f u n c t i o n as a h i g h l y r e s p o n s i v e s e n s o r o f commun i ty f e e l i n g . A l t h o u g h many a t t i t u d e s t owa rd s t h e I r i s h were c o n d i t i o n e d by p o l i t i c a l e x p e d i e n c y and i n v o l v e d a d eg r e e o f s i m p l e p o s t u r i n g , and t h e r e a c t i o n s o f t h e I r i s h p r e s s were o f t e n o v e r - s t a t e d , t h e v e r y t a k i n g o f t h e s e p o s i t i o n s by t h e newspapers r e f l e c t e d t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y a p p r a i s a l o f t h e I r i s h as a f a c t o r w i t h i t s own d i s t i n c t c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n t h e p u b l i c m i n d . Fo r i t s p a r t a l s o , t h e I r i s h communi ty d e v e l o p e d i t s own d e f i n i t i o n o f i t s p o s i t i o n i n Canad i an s o c i e t y . I n d e e d , t h e s t r u g g l e s w i t h i n t h e I r i s h commun i ty a g a i n s t a h o s t i l e s o c i a l , p o i i t i c a l , and economic e n v i r o n m e n t , were e p i t o m i z e d i n t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s between t h e I r i s h p r e s s and t h e l e a d i n g P r o t e s t a n t and F r e n c h Canad i a n j o u r n a l s . The newspape r s were d i r e c t p r o t a g o n i s t s i n communi ty c o n f l i c t ; t h e y n o u r i s h e d a n t a g o n i s m s , i d e n t i f i e d g r i e v a n c e s , and p o l a r i z e d l o y a l t i e s . ' ' The h o s t i l i t i e s t h a t m a n i f e s t e d t h e m s e l v e s a l m o s t e v e r y y e a r i n v i o l e n t c o n f l i c t between I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s on 19 St. Patrick's Day and the Twelfth of July, which plagued Irish relations with their French Canadian co-re l ig ion ists , and which characterized c i ty and provincial elections, were articulated and rationalized continually in the press. The newspaper was the most direct and inf luential monitor of public sentiment. As such, newspapers provided a vicarious battle arena for the resolution of confused, hostile and bitter group feel ings. Thus, the Catholic community could claim the existence of regular and powerful prejudice against the Irish by reference to Globe ed i tor ia l s . Similar ly, the very art iculat ion of separate Irish-Catholic attitudes and interests in the Irish press, made them the more open to suspicion and attack. Newspapers, therefore, had a deeper significance than the information they carried and the views the proposed. They encapsulated community feelings about the Ir ish . Even the f inancial d i f f i c u l t i e s of the Catholic press were compared with the growing strength of the Protes tant papers as a ref lection on the very ethos of a separate Ir ish-Canadian existence. Newspapers themselves, came to be regarded as the physical representatives of r ival group feel ings. Thus, after a meeting of Irish Catholics in Toronto to organize group action in the 1858 c i ty elections in the face of Protestant hos t i l i t y , a crowd of them went to the Globe 8 off ice as the natural target for their jeers and shouts of abuse. During the scare of November 5, 1864, when Toronto Orangemen were d is-suaded from burning eff ig ies of Daniel O'Connell and the Pope, by fears of Irish-Catholic reta l ia t ion , the rumour circulated that the latter were arming themselves at the off ices of the Mirror and Canadian Freeman 20 The Catholic newspapers were focal points of Irish community l i f e . When D'Arcy McGee f i r s t v is i ted Toronto in 1855, he automatically went to the Mirror of f ice to be introduced around town.*^ McGee claimed, indeed, that a recognized Ir ish paper had "a representative character and a represen-tative responsibility."'''''' Cr it ic ism acted as a group stimulus to the Irish community and closely identif ied i t with i t s newspapers. A l l the Ir ish papers announced their resentment at the treatment given the Irish in the Protestant press, 12 which was objected to as impeding the Ir ish struggle for "equal r ights" . Both the Mirror, in 1852, and the Canadian Freeman, in 1861, tes t i f i ed to their primary Ir ish al legiance, by changing their po l i t i ca l loyalt ies from Reform to Conservative because of the hos t i l i t y towards Ir ish-13 Catholics expressed by the Reform champion, the Globe. The Irish news-papers presented themselves as a protective barrier to the Catholic com-munity against what D'Arcy McGee characterized as "the detonating effect of an organized press f i r ing by f i l e s . T h e press greatly contributed to the persistence of ant i -Ir ish feel ing and to the Irish sense of isolat ion in the community. "Surrounded by a hosti le majority lashed into frenzied anger by the incendiary appeals of the Protestant press," warned the Irish Canadian, "we have neither sympathy nor assistance to expect 15 outside of our own body." The Canadian Freeman reminded i t s readers of how Irish-Catholics •were v i l l i f i e d in the Protestant papers. "Every week," i t complained, "brings i t s fresh budget of vi l la inous misrepresentation, unmitigated falsehood, the truth grossly perverted . 1 , 1 6 "Foul calumnies" against the 21 I r i s h , i t p r o t e s t e d , whe the r i n Canada o r I r e l a n d , were p r i n t e d w i t h o u t h e s i t a t i o n by t h e P r o t e s t a n t p a p e r s "whose c a t e r i n g s t o t h e v i t i a t e d 17 a p p e t i t e s o f t h e i r r e a d e r s a r e so u n t i r i n g . " The r e a d i n e s s o f t h e p r e s s t o d e n i g r a t e t h e I r i s h c h a r a c t e r , d i r e c t l y pande red t o t h e " u n j u s t p r e j u d i c e s " o f i t s r e a d e r s , many o f whom, l amen t ed t h e F reeman , were " t o o r e a d y t o g u l p down e v e r y s t a t e m e n t , no m a t t e r how v o i d o f t r u t h , w h i c h r e f l e c t s on t h e h o n o u r , t h e l o y a l t y o r t h e h o n e s t y o f I r i s h Roman 18 C a t h o l i c s . " The r e a l enemy o f t h e I r i s h commun i t y , i t r e a l i z e d , was no t j u s t t h e p r e s s bu t p u b l i c o p i n i o n i n g e n e r a l ; I t i s t h i s u n f a i r b i a s o f t h e p u b l i c m ind . . . t h a t t emp t s t h e p r e s s t h u s t o m i s r e p r e s e n t o r t r a d u c e t h e I r i s h c h a r a c t e r , n o t o n l y w i t h o u t t h e d r e ad o f c e n s u r e , bu t a c t u a l l y w i t h t h e hope o f s t r e n g t h e n i n g i t s own i n f l u e n c e and a d d i n g t o i t s p o p u l a r i t y , by e x c i t i n g t h e l a t e n t p r e j u d i c e s o f a c l a s s r e q u i r i n g no v e r y s t r o n g s t i m u l a n t s t o b r i n g them i n t o a c t i v i t y . 1 9 "'v The Canad i an Freeman w e l l r e c o g n i z e d t h e weakness o f t h e I r i s h p o s i t i o n . They c o u l d o n l y a ppea l t o t h e j udgemen t o f t h e p u b l i c a g a i n s t t h e " u n j u s t a s p e r s i o n s o f a p a r t i s a n p r e s s , " bu t a t t h e same t i m e , I r i s h - C a t h o l i c p r i v i l e g e s were " e xposed t o a s s a u l t on t h e whim o r c a p r i c e " o f t h a t same p u b l i c . I t was a b s o l u t e l y e s s e n t i a l , t h e r e f o r e , s t r e s s e d t h e Freeman f o r I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s " t o m a i n t a i n j e a l o u s l y e v e r y atom o f o u r p o l i t i c a l s t r e n g t h , " a s , no t o n l y " t h e s u r e s t g u a r a n t e e o f t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f ou r r i g h t s as c i t i z e n s , " bu t a l s o as " t h e b e s t means o f s e c u r i n g t h e r e c o g n i t i o n o f o u r s o c i a l s t a t u s and t h a t c o n s i d e r a t i o n as an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f t h e commun i t y , t o w h i c h o u r numbers , o u r i n t e l l i g e n c e and ou r w e a l t h , s m a l l t hough t he 22 latter may be, f a i r l y ent i t le us." The press, which was their worst enemy, was also to be their means of f ighting back; If then the press wil l fabricate . . . i t is only l e f t for us to f ight through the press, and our readers to struggle in their respective spheres for that fu l l measure of social and po l i t i ca l equality which in the eye of the law is our due; but of which prejudice in many instances seeks to de-prive us and in which an unscrupulous press endeavours to screen or supplement i ts efforts.20 Many of the Irish journals were established with the express pur-pose of vindicating the Irish posit ion, as were the Montreal Freeman, after the Gavazzi r iots in 1853, and the Montreal Sun in 1877, after the 21 shooting of a Protestant, Thomas Hackett, on July the Twelfth. The f i r s t issue of the Catholic Cit izen, January 5, 1854, announced that "the dai ly increasing number and violence of attacks on our fa i th and social charac-ter , and the rabid and unchristian efforts to exclude us from the enjoy-ment of our free inst i tut ions, are evi ls too dangerous to be longer over-looked." It claimed i ts purpose to be "to f l ing back in his teeth the wholesale slanders of the Globe against anything and everything Irish and 22 Catholic." George Moylan of the Canadian Freeman dedicated his paper to the "welfare of the children of Ireland in Canada." "To seek their moral and social elevation," he avowed, "to vindicate their rights and to repel the ungenerous attacks of those who are inimical to our country and creed, 23 are duties inseparable from my c a l l i n g . " The Irish Canadian explained i t s motivation in similar terms; "We knew that our fellow countrymen formed a separate class from the rest of the community—that they had views, tastes, affections and prejudices different in some respects from other people—that they had 'wrongs to be righted' and interests to be 23 24 served that could in no other way be affected." The newspapers studied here as "Ir ish" or "Catholic" presented a speci f ic appeal to I r i sh-Catholic group loyalty. None of the other English-speaking papers mani-fested the same identity with a single national sentiment. The Globe, or the Montreal Witness, despite their strong Scottish editor ia l influence, did not publish in the "Scottish interest", nor was the Leader of Ulsterman, James Beaty, characterized as an Irish-Protestant newspaper, in the same . way that the Irish-Catholic press was identi f ied with Irish immigrants. The Irish-Catholic papers informed their readers about the ways in which p o l i t i c s , local af fa irs and the wider constitutional issues affected specif ic Irish interests. They reported on the progress and a c t i -v i t ies of Irish inst i tut ions , reviewed Irish entertainments and pressed Ir ish claims for a share of local influence. They also ident i f ied them-selves as a national press by the presentation of a great deal of Irish material. The Mirror claimed to contain the f inest selection of Irish news 25 of any paper on the continent. Its devotion to the cause of Ireland and 26 Repeal earned i t a resolution of thanks from Daniel O'Connell himself. Indeed, the Mirror carried so much Ir ish news and editor ia l ized so f re-quently on Ir ish events, that happenings in Ireland were as current to i t s readers as af fa irs in Canada. Irish news was a strong sel l ing point. D'Arcy McGee recommended to George Moylan of the Canadian Freeman, that Irish items would be "of pretty general interest to your readers at a l l times," advising that, "the changed and cheering condition of Ireland . . . the growth of her colleges, the achievement of her sons in ex i le ; a l l 27 these are topics always safe and always gratifying to us in Canada." 24 Moylan extended his paper's interest in Ireland when, as emigration com-missioner in Dublin, 1869-1872, he sent back a detailed f i r s t hand weekly 28 account of Irish a f fa i rs . Even the s t r i c t l y Catholic press represented a strong Irish character. The f i r s t volume of the True Witness and Catholic Chronicle, organ of the Bishop of Montreal, was fu l l of Irish reports of hunger, pestilence, evictions, souperism, extermination, proselytism and emigration. Irish news dominated i t s selections. A sample issue gives thirty-two notes of Irish news compared to twenty-two from Britain and twenty from the 29 United States. Its prospectus acknowledged, "The condition of Ireland must ever be the subject of the deepest interest to a l l Catholics, espe-c i a l l y to those who speak the English language. And as we look for sup-port in a great measure to the generous efforts of our Irish Brethren, i t 30 is proposed to borrow largely from the columns of the Irish papers." By the end of the eighteen-sixties, the True Witness was printing an average of six columns of cuttings of Irish news with generous extracts from Irish journals. Yet, i ts editor, George Clerk, only supported Irish interests as far as they were compatible with his purpose to make his paper a r a l l y -ing point for Catholics. Frequently these interests were seen to clash, and attempts were made throughout the eighteen-f i ft ies by the shortlived New Era, the Irishman, the Montreal Freeman and the Irish Express to pro-vide journalism with a more pronouncedly Irish rather than Catholic focus. None of these papers survived for long, however, and in Montreal at mid-century, the True Witness was the chief Ir ish outlet. The rel igious press coverage i t provided, i l lustrates the way in which the Catholicism of 25 the Irish immigrants was fused with their ethnic identity. The Globe O "I described Catholics as "that semi-ethnic sect," while La Mi nerve commented that i ts Catholicism made the True Witness, "ni bleu, ni min ister ie l , ni 1iberal-conservateur," but by nature of i ts readership 32 " i l est vert" and i ts party allegiance was to "1 1 Irishisme." Just as a man was identif ied p o l i t i c a l l y by the newspaper he 33 read, so the existence of a fervently rel igious or national ist Irish press presupposed a wide sympathy for those sentiments among the Irish public. Ogle Gowan, Grand Master of the Orange Order in Canada, quoted freely from the Canadian Freeman to prove the dis loyalty of Irish-Catholic immigrants, 3 4 and the Leader claimed that the "treasonable utterances" of the Irish Canadian proved the existence of a subversive element in the 35 Irish community. The Globe asserted that the Catholic community as a whole was to be held responsible for the burning of an Orange Lodge on Yonge Street, in November 1864, because of the support given by i ts press to sentiments of dis loyalty and sedition. It alleged that "there are newspapers in the country which print such stuff nearly every week. These newspapers must have readers to whom their dis loyalty gives sat is fact ion, 37 or they would starve." The Irish newspapers were more than wi l l ing to interpret host i l i ty towards them as a manifestation of feeling towards Irish-Catholics in general. The Mirror protested that i t was excluded from the Toronto Commercial News Room because i t was "a paper devoted heart and soul to the interests of Ireland and to the vindication of the national character 38 of Irishmen." An Irish member of the Montreal Mechanics Institute 26 complained that prejudice against Irish-Catholics expressed i t s e l f in the exclusion of the New Era and Irish newspapers from the reading room; "The scarcity of Irish papers is too well known; there are papers and magazines from different parts of England and Scotland and the United States in i t but not one from Ireland . . . although many of i ts members are Ir ish . 3 Now I need scarcely say that this looks l ike something akin to prejudice." And the suspension of the Irish Canadian on the suspicion of Fenian a c t i -v i t i e s , and the supervision of i t s subscription l i s t s by Government agents was presented as a triumphal proof, by i ts editor Patrick Boyle, of the low 40 regard in which Irish-Catholics were held by the Government. Newspaper v i a b i l i t y was important to the image of the Irish com-munity and i t s claims for po l i t i ca l recognition. Hence, when the financial position of the Canadian Freeman looked weak enough in 1860 to threaten i t s demise, D'Arcy McGee insisted that the editor should give reasons of health for the closure rather than admit that defaulting sub-scribers had caused a fa i lure of finances. McGee stressed the necessity to "break the f a l l p o l i t i c a l l y . " ^ The Irish press, in fact , constantly faced financial d i f f i c u l t y . Circulation figures and the appeals of Catholic editors for support became part of the ammunition with which the large and growing Protestant press sniped at the Irish community. The Montreal Witness, noting that "Roman Catholic journals are not numerous yet i t appears d i f f i c u l t to sustain them," drew the conclusion that Irish Catholics were " i l l i t e r a t e and apathetic" and that their press was 42 "trashy and useless". A newspaper worth having,proposed the Globe, would be supported; 27 The o n l y ma r ve l i s , t h a t t h e s e " I r i s h C a t h o l i c " newspape r s g e t any s u p p o r t a t a l l . They n o t o n l y c o n f i n e t h e m s e l v e s t o one n a t i o n a l i t y , bu t by p l a c i n g t h e m s e l v e s c o m p l e t e l y unde r t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e c h u r c h , t h e y a r e r e a d and adm i r ed o n l y by t h e most b i g o t e d and i g n o r a n t o f t h a t n a t i o n a l i t y . The g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f men a r e m o d e r a t e l y i n c l i n e d ; t h e y l i k e t o l i v e i n peace w i t h t h e i r f e l l o w - s u b j e c t s , and l o o k w i t h d i s g u s t and d i s l i k e upon t h e c o n s t a n t and p e r s i s t e n t a t t e m p t s o f t h o s e who wou l d s t i r up s t r i f e and c r e a t e d i s c o r d . T h i s has been t h e g r e a t f a i l i n g o f t h e I r i s h - C a t h o l i c n e w s p a p e r s . W i t h t h e i d e a o f r e p r e s e n t i n g I r i s h f e e l i n g , t h e y have i d e n t i f i e d t h e m s e l v e s w i t h t h e most v i o l e n t and t h e most r a b i d , and by u s i n g t h e i n -f l u e n c e o f t h e c h u r c h , t h e y have t r i e d t o g a t h e r a s e c t i o n a r ound t hem, e x c l u s i v e and i n t o l e r a n t , bound t o g e t h e r by t h e i d e a o f f i c t i t i o u s w r o n g s , and b y t h e f a n c i e d s u f f e r i n g s o f i m a g i n a r y e v i l s . But f a c t s and t h e common sense o f mank ind a r e t o o s t r o n g f o r t hem. Thus i t i s n o t o n l y i n Canada , bu t i n I r e l a n d i t s e l f , t h a t t h e s e v i o l e n t a n t i - B r i t i s h , a n t i - P r o t e s t a n t , p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s hebdomada ls a r e f a r f r om s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g . They a r e a l l i n a most m i s e r a b l e , shaky c o n d i t i o n . 4 3 The l i m i t e d c i r c u l a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s t h a t a r e a v a i l a b l e , show f o r t h e M i r r o r , i n 1857 , a w e e k l y f i g u r e o f 1 , 5 0 0 , 4 4 and f o r t h e C a t h o l i c C i t i z e n , 45 a f i g u r e o f 4 , 0 0 0 . The T rue W i t n e s s c l a i m e d a w e e k l y f i g u r e o f 2 , 8 3 7 , i n 1858 , w i t h a u t h o r i z e d a g e n t s i n t w e n t y - o n e t o w n s . 4 6 In c o m p a r i s o n , t h e G l o b e , i n 1854 , c l a i m e d a w e e k l y c i r c u l a t i o n o f 12 ,288 and t h e L e a d e r , i n 1859 , a c i r c u l a t i o n o f 1 0 , 7 5 1 . 4 7 I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o a s s e s s t h e a c c u r a c y 48 o f t h e s e f i g u r e s . What i s i n d i c a t e d , howeve r , i s t h e p r edom inance o f t h e G l obe and L e a d e r , and t h e g r o w i n g i n f l u e n c e o f t h e i r d a i l y e d i t o n s . By t h e end o f t h e e i g h t e e n - f i f t i e s , t h e s e two p a p e r s s t o o d o u t a l l o v e r t h e p r o v i n c e as g i a n t s o f C anad i a n j o u r n a l i s m - - " t h e two g r e a t mas todons o f 49 newspaper l i t e r a t u r e —who by b u y i n g o u t a l l bu t t h e i r C a t h o l i c c o m p e t i -50 t i o n , became t h e l e a d i n g spokesmen o f C l e a r G r i t i s m and C o n s e r v a t i s m . I r i s h - C a t h o l i c e d i t o r s and c o r r e s p o n d e n t s were i n c l i n e d t o a t t r i b u t e most o f t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s t o t h i s i n c r e a s i n g i n f l u e n c e o f t h e 28 dai ly press. A letter from "Wolfe Tone" of Quebec exhorted the Irish to establish their own dai ly newspaper, since their weekly press competed with d i f f i c u l t y against the Globe and Leader. Commenting on the importance of newspapers in elevating to prominence individuals l ike Brown of the Globe, Couchon of Le_ Journal and Evanturel of Le_ Canadien, he drew the moral for Irish readers; "As with individuals so i t is with nations and communities. As dai ly papers multiply and increase so do the people in intel l igence, 51 morality and in the duty each owes the other." The need for an Ir ish-Catholic dai ly newspaper was a recurring theme. A v i s i t ing Irish pr iest , Father M.B. Buckley, noted in 1870 that the Irish in Montreal suffered from want of a dai ly paper to help inculcate "that blessing of cohesion which would make them a compact body, a phalanx of strength and thus a terror 52 to their enemies." The Catholic Citizen argued that the "disgraceful po l i t i ca l in fer ior i ty" of the Irish in Upper Canada was due to the lack of a strong Catholic dai ly press; "Two or three weekly papers in Canada West wil l never raise the s p i r i t or intel l igence or power of the Catholic to the Protestant body, whose tables are covered with the broad sheets of 53 the dai ly anti-Catholic press." The Mirror suggested that the only answer to Irish-Catholic division and weakness was to combine their weekly journals 54 into one powerful dai ly . Indeed, the f i r s t attempt to develop an Ir ish-Catholic dai ly press, the Montreal Sun, was greeted by an Irish travel ler in 1877 as a sign of their improved social status. Peter O'Leary remarked, "I am proud to say that the Irish in Montreal hold a very good status, having a dai ly paper of their own, the only one I believe on the continent." The extensive Protestant dai ly press not only made l i f e d i f f i c u l t 29 for the Catholic weeklies. It disadvantaged the Irish-Catholic community as a whole. The Citizen warned that Protestants were able da i ly , to advertise goods and merchandise to a vast public, whereas Catholics lacked this f a c i l i t y . It identif ied this difference as the answer to "why so many non-Catholics have made large fortunes while the many Catholics around them are at best at a s t a n d s t i l l . " Advertisements also helped pay for the press, so that both sides benefitted. Meanwhile, "the Catholic scarcely keeps his head above water and is not known out of his own neighborhood, and the community to which he belongs . . . has l i t t l e or no po l i t i ca l power." 0 6 Catholic editors reminded their readers, however, that they could scarcely hope to sustain a dai ly press, when they did not properly support their weekly newspapers. The Irish press was constantly jeopar-dized by the slow payment of subscriptions. The defaulting Irish public, at time of f inancial c r i s i s , was indignantly castigated by i t s erstwhile editor ia l defenders. The Canadian Freeman published a b lack- l i s t of offenders and was forced to enl ist the aid of Bishop Lynch of Toronto in 57 persuading the Irish to pay their dues. The Freeman complained that the "Irish-Catholics do less just ice to their newspapers than any other 58 portion of the community." The Mirror recounted, to the Globe's amusement, "in as doleful strains as ever sprung from the wires of 59 Erin's harp," the d i f f i c u l t i e s in the way of composing editor ia ls "on the great questions which are agitating the world," and at the same time of attending to "the disgusting labour of dunning beggarly, miserable miserly, neglectful thousands."6^ It lamented that "there are no class 30 of persons who act more ungenerously and dishonestly with the Catholic CI press than a certain class of Irishmen." The Citizen warned Ir ish-Catholics that only their press could help to "elevate them above the degreding position of serfs ," and they were obiiged, therefore, to support i t ; "Can i t be that Irishmen wi l l l ive on condemned to labour as oxen . . . CO for the want of a dol lar every three months?" Echoing the Cit izen's foreboding that the strong Protestant press was giving i ts readers "an enormous increase in po l i t i ca l power . . . by putting them in possession of the ear l iest information on a l l subjects of po l i t i ca l interest ," the Canadian Freeman warned that "surely the Catholics of Canada are not CO less al ive to their own interests than are Protestants to the i rs . " Yet, i t had reluctantly to admit that Irish-Catholics were less inclined to support their press; The lukewarmness and indifference of Catholics in this respect presents an anomaly for which we can offer no solution. In theory they admit--nay, ins is t upon—the necessity of a Catholic press; in practice, this desideratum is for the most part ignored. Were the want of exponents of Catholic views and mediums for correcting misrepresentations once f e l t , their u t i l i t y and benefit might be more generally appreciated. We trust that the Catholics of Canada West by a more generous support of their organs wil l provide against a contingency which would be sorely fe l t .64 It was a constant theme of the Irish papers, in face of these d i f f i c u l t i e s , to stress their importance to the Catholic community. The Mirror claimed that though Irish-Catholics were weak in po l i t i ca l and social power they were, nevertheless, "represented by journals admitted 65 on a l l hands to be conducted with energy and a b i l i t y . " It pointed out 31 how the newspaper was effecting the same transformation in Canada as in Ireland; "Where half a century ago a newspaper was never looked into once in a twelvemonth," i t was now "the current medium of instruction and i n -tel l igence." It made much of the boast that in the crucial period of the Irish Famine, i t was the f i r s t Canadian paper to urge "the expediency of our fellow-countrymen in Canada coming forward with assistance to their starving brethern at home.." It claimed that i f Toronto had the honour of being the f i r s t town in Br it ish North America to respond to the cal l for 67 Irish r e l i e f i t was due to the efforts of the Mirror. The New Era agreed that a newspaper voice was essential i f the Irish were to obtain po l i t i ca l and social recognition. It pointed to the neglect of Irish interests in the established press, complaining of the Montreal Gazette, during the 1857 e lect ion, that "the subject of the election has been referred to in i ts columns almost every day for weeks, but never once did i t even by a l lus ion, admit that there was such an element in the constituency as 68 free cit izens of Irish birth and or ig in . "Without organs," D'Arcy McGee wrote to the editor of the Canadian Freeman, "what are we and where 69 are we?" The situation of the Irish in Canada, insisted Moylan, made a strong press essential ; A population of a quarter mil l ion mixed up in a chance medley with over a mil l ion people of other origins and other pr inciples; a population of farmers surrounded with hostile or heedless neighbours—or of tradesmen struggling up the f i r s t steps of the social ladder; a population of Catholics surrounded by a vast secret society . . . such a population must require in their newspaper press both boldness and prudence.™ 32 The Irish Canadian maintained that the press was v i ta l for union among the Irish in Canada, and demanded support; "Unless sustained in this age of intel l igence by an honest and uncompromising press, a nationality must droop and f a l l into absolute nothingness and i ts interests and identity be scattered to the winds." An independent Irish press, i t ins isted, was essential for the promotion of the interests of Ireland and the I r i sh . Indeed, there are numerous testimonies from readers to the value which the Irish public placed upon i t s papers. The d i f f i c u l t y of col lect ing subscriptions indicated a lack of desire to pay rather than 72 absence of desire to read. A letter from "Eire Ogue," exhorted Ir ish-Catholics to support the Mirror; "If you are unrepresented in the press of the country you can never elevate yourselves as a class of the community." The value of the Mirror in countering the frenzy of the Globe, he claimed, was recognized by the great increase in Irish subscribers in his area of 73 Brantford. Father J .B . Proulx, writing to J.A. Macdonald for f inancial aid for the Canadian Freeman, urged that the paper was the means "through which we address our people . . . If you suffer i t to collapse we lose a great deal of our in f luence ."^ John Mulvey, a founder of the Toronto Young Men's St. Patrick's Association, wrote in support of the Mirror and Ci t izen, that "If we would have our nationality respected and ourselves powerful, i f we desire a medium to communicate our views to the public, our Catholic journals are the safest . . . for in speaking the honest 75 mind of the people depends their existence." The value of the True  Witness to Irish-Catholics was recognized at the time of the Gavazzi r iots in Montreal, when, the Mirror claimed, they would have been 33 otherwise defenceless against "a class of the most vindictive and un-76 scrupulous bigots on this continent." A correspondent to McGee from Cornwall tes t i f i ed to the marked success of the New Era "in removing many of the absurd and hereditary prejudices formerly existing against Ireland': creed and chi ldren. A large proportion of our population here, who were heretofore accustomed to look upon us as l i t t l e better than Hindoos . . . are now beginning to think and acknowledge that the Irish are after a l l as good as the sons of other nations." He acknowledged the New Era as largely responsible for this important concession. 7 7 This indispensabil ity of their newspapers to the Irish community, attracted a degree of po l i t i ca l opportunism. In 1844, the Irish Tory cabinet minister, Dominick Daly, bought out the Irish Reform paper in Quebec—the Freeman's Journal--in the intent of bringing i t to Montreal to divide Irish Reformers by confusing their loya l t ies . The Irish paper, now in the Tory interest, was to appeal for loyalty to Daly as an Irishman Four years la ter , the American organization for Irish Republican Union, established a newspaper in Montreal—the United Irishman—to promote their cause in Canada. Lord Elgin noted that i t was "a miserable parody of the 79 journal with the same t i t l e published at Dublin." In 1866, "rouge" supporters of annexation to the United States published the Irish Express, an Irish version of their own newspaper, L'Union Nationale, to preach 80 the anti-Confederation cause to the Irish public. And Toronto Orangemen during the election of 1858 concocted their own bogus "Irish-Catholic" newspaper—the Catholic Tribune—whose threats of violence and ant i -Protestant rhetoric were intended to confirm Toronto cit izens in their 34 host i l i ty and apprehension towards Irish-Catholics as a force of social 81 disruption. The po l i t i ca l differences between the Irish-Catholic newspapers themselves, were indicative of their different reactions to the problems associated with Irish adjustment to the Canadian environment. The True  Witness took the position that the best course for the Irish immigrant was to forget his old identity and become Canadian. It insisted that "in this country there can be no 'national interests' or national considera-tions of any kind which should prescribe to Irishmen . . . one course of policy in preference to another." In their national capacity, i t reasoned, "Irishmen in Canada have no interests, rights or duties distinguishable from those of any other section of the community." It was, therefore, ridiculous to talk of an "Irish Question" in Canada, as d is t inct from the interests of other races. For the True Witness, the only dist inct ion was one of re l ig ion . It admitted that there were "many questions upon which Catholics and Protestants, irrespective of a l l ethnological questions, may be expected to take different sides." There were "Catholic Questions" and 82 interests, just as there were "Protestant Questions" and interests. This rel igious emphasis prompted the paper to remonstrate with the Mirror, for reading an a r t i c le which praised Catholic f i d e l i t y under oppression as an assault on Irish character. The Mirror, i t claimed, "has allowed him-83 self to be carried away by the warmth of his nat ional i ty ." This dismissal of the Irish element was not popular. A letter to the Irish Canadian claimed that the Irish Catholics of Montreal did not 84 consider the True Witness a true exponent of their po l i t i ca l opinion. 35 Even the clergy had reservations. Father P. Murphy of St. Patrick's church in Montreal, complained that creditable though Clerk's defence of Catholic rights was, he appeared to ignore altogether the existence of the social and po l i t i ca l rights of the Ir ish-Catholics. The Irish priest contended that the man who claimed that the Irish had no rights except Catholic rights was "guilty of a crying injustice towards the Irish people." In fact , he indignantly pointed out, " i f they are denied a l l social and po l i t i ca l r ights ," as Irishmen, "they may be good Catholics . . . but i t is the same 85 as i f they were condemned to be 'hewers of wood and drawers of water'." Criticisms of the True Witness' shortcomings by i ts readers, i l -lustrates the role which they expected their newspapers to play in the community. The press, for instance, was delegated with the responsibi l i ty of maintaining a watchful eye on representatives of Irish constituencies who had influence in awarding contracts for the various departments of local 86 government. The Catholic Citizen warned representatives returned by Irish votes that " i f they calculated on stu l t i fy ing or stupefying or evading an Irishman's love of just ice or keen perception of i ts v io lat ion , they should know that an Irishman would resent injury to his dog, let alone the injury 87 of a betrayal of his confidence.1 The fa i lure of the True Witness to push 88 local grievances, was blamed for the deplorable condition of Griffintown, the Irish d i s t r i c t of Montreal, bordered by the Lachine canal, the St. Lawrence r iver , McGill street and William street. The Catholic paper's neglect of po l i t i cs was accused of leaving the Ir ish population "isolee, quant e l le pourrait excercer une influence legitime sur les destinees 89 politiques de son pays d'adoption." In response to this need, 36 the Montreal Freeman intended to be to the Ir ish in the secular order, what the True Witness was in the re l ig ious—"to be solely a po l i t i ca l 90 paper, the organ of the I r i sh . " The prospectus of the New Era also 91 emphasized i t s secular nature. It was supported by a group of prominent Montreal Irishmen because of concern that the Irish in Canada were not obtaining the position and influence their numbers should demand. They f e l t that the True Witness, as the spokesman of the Catholic hierarchy, was over preoccupied with rel igious questions, and had fa i led to present 92 the Irish point of view. The rel igious emphasis of the True Witness was c r i t i c i z e d by D'Arcy McGee, for i t s adverse effect on the Irish community. He warned of Clerk's vituperation against Protestantism that "the results of rel igious newspaper warfare are public results , far extending in their social con-sequences." By exciting rel igious h o s t i l i t y , he claimed that Clerk was "ready to sacr i f ice a l l those classes of Irish Catholic who are in any way dependent on the good off ices and good opinion of Protestant neighbours and 93 Protestant employers." McGee objected that the True Witness was taken as speaking for the whole Irish-Cathol ic body, despite Clerk's insistence that i t was a Roman Catholic rather than an Irish-Catholic journal , and that this was dangerous for peaceful Protestant relations with Ir ish-Catholics. McGee sought to persuade in the New Era, that Irish-Catholics should look forward to the time when national dist inctions would fade away, while recognizing that until then the Irish had to protect their r ights. The dissension among the Irish and Catholic papers reflected the different ways of thinking as to how this should be achieved. 37 A policy of conci l iat ion was articulated in the New Era and Canadian Freeman as an alternative to the rel igious fervour of the True  Witness. It softened, as wel l , the national extremism manifested by the Catholic Cit izen and the Mirror. Both papers were c r i t i c i z e d for their lack of moderation in defending Irish interests. The Canadian Freeman claimed that "although we might be prepared to do and dare as much for Ireland as the next man, we have always careful ly avoided making a 95 stalking horse of our patriotism or trading upon our nat ional i ty ." Nevertheless, the Canadian Freeman was fundamentally opposed to attitudes which weakened the Irish as a force in the community. It d i f fered, accordingly, from the True Witness, in i t s approach to the Irish role in Canadian p o l i t i c s . The latter maintained that Irish-Catholics should maintain po l i t i ca l neutral ity, boycotting either party and voting accor-ding to the merits of each candidate. The Freeman's position was that such a lack of committment would not command, for the I r i sh , suff ic ient influence "to obtain for the starving labourer employment even as a scavenger." It proposed that the Irish-Catholic purpose in po l i t i cs should be to seek a " fa i r division of spoils" through po l i t i ca l a l 1 i a n c e s . 9 6 Both the Canadian Freeman and the True Witness, however, agreed in their opposition to the openly national ist Irish Canadian. The latter proposed to provide a want that had been neglected by i t s Ir ish counter-parts in their concern for recognition and reward for the Catholic community. It claimed that until i ts appearance, the Irish nationality in Canada had had no real advocate. Although many papers professed to be Irish and 38 pronounced on what they professed to be Irish hopes and aspirations, they 97 were nothing more than a "flunkey press". The Irish Canadian boasted that i t kept the Irish emigrant properly aware of events in Ireland, by carrying the sort of Irish news which the other Irish papers excluded. It insisted that a strong nationalist press was necessary to combat the ant i -Irish tendencies of Canadian newspapers, claiming that i t was the policy of the Protestant press, in their host i l i ty to the Irish immigrants, "to abuse soundly Ireland and the I r i sh , " to publish "every scurrilous para-graph slandering the character of both," and to "refuse publ ic ity to any-thing savouring of f a i r play or vindication in their behalf." The Irish  Canadian endeavoured to "combat the evi l influence thus evoked," and supply a resume of Irish news which would "prove acceptable to the mass of the 98 Ir ish people in Canada." The True Witness denounced the Irish Canadian's repudiation of any d ist inct ive Catholic or rel igious character, as a contradiction of i ts 99 ambition of "elevating the national character of Irish-Canadians." The Canadian Freeman complained that i t s national ist tone was harmful to the prospects of Irish traders and to the employment of Irish servants. The Irish Canadian was accused of scandalizing i ts countrymen, bringing suspicion and discredit upon them, prejudicing their interests, and in -terfering with their prosperity. It recognized that many Irish-Canadians dissented from i ts doctrines and disfavoured i t s publication. Yet, i t promised to persevere in i ts ambition to become a "beacon" that Irishmen in Canada could look to for guidance in time of t r i a l and d i f f i c u l t y . A self-conscious nationalism was encouraged to incite new Irish aspirations 39 and urge new conquests--"conquests both of our own bad habits and the prejudices of our enemies." The paper insisted on i ts neutrality in po l i t i cs to maintain i t s freedom of expression, since i t was the com-promising of Irish group interests in return for po l i t i ca l favour which prompted the establishment of the Irish Canadian in the f i r s t p l a c e . L ^ It claimed to be the only paper in Canada, published in the Irish interest, which existed solely on voluntary subscriptions. In proclaiming this i n -dependence, i t warned that there would be no end to the "periodical on-slaughts made upon the Irish people of Canada, and their shameful exclusion from off ice and trust ," while they continued "in the ranks of our hereditary enemies, lending strength to their arms by our suicidal 102 conduct and actually r ivett ing more firmly the chains which bind us." Accusations of dependence on o f f i c i a l patronage or on unsuitable advertising, and the consequent charges of dis loyalty to Irish or Catholic interests exposed the sensi t iv i ty of the Irish press to i ts reputation. D'Arcy McGee dismissed the hostile cr i t i c ism of the Catholic Citizen and Mirror as those of the "paid writers and advertising agents of the present ministry," and urged Irish-Catholics to withdraw their support from these 1 03 papers. The Mirror f e l t obliged to defend i t s acceptance of Post Office advertising by explaining that i t had the duty to publish l i s t s of uncalled for letters since i t had the largest c irculat ion of any paper in Toronto among the class of people to whom such letters were generally addressed.^ 4 The editor of the Canadian Freeman made much of his paper's concern for Irish good character and v irtue, by announcing his refusal to "prostitute his space to the insertion of gross and bestial quack 4 0 advertisements," unlike the Mirror, whose l i s t s of remedies for female 105 ailments, i t was implied, were l i t t l e more than inducements to abortion. Such efforts to vindicate a newspaper's integrity to the detriment of the reputation of an Irish-Catholic r i v a l , was underlaid by an element of financial competition. The host i l i ty of the True Witness to the New Era and the Irish Canadian, indicates the threat they presented to i t s Ir ish readership. The latter was sold out within f i fteen minutes of i t s arr ival off the train at M o n t r e a l . I n Toronto, the competition between the Citizen and Mirror was intense, the former publishing one day ear l ier to steal a march on i t s r i v a l . ^ For i t s part, the Mirror accused the Citizen of being a "purchased hirel ing" and "a second edition of the con-temptible Telegraph, the Dublin organ of the betrayers of Ireland's r ights . ' 109 Dispute sometimes degenerated into personal attack. Two Irish trustees of the Canadian Freeman and supporters of McGee, sent in the b a i l i f f s to take possession of the paper after i t s po l ic ica l volte face in declaring support for the Conservatives in 1861. Both parties subsequently appeared in the Police Court on assault charges.*^ Moylan himself took out a l ibe l prosecution against the Irish Canadian, as McGee had done against the 111 Cit izen. In return, the Irish Canadian l i s ted ten charges of impeach-112 ment against the Freeman for damaging the Irish name. It was common for the Irish newspapers to accuse each other of betraying Irish interests while insist ing on the purity of their own patr iot ic credentials. The editor ial introduction to the Canadian Freeman claimed i t had been founded because the Mirror and Citizen were "no longer 113 wholly devoted to our interests," and for a long period Moylan published 41 114 a t e s t i m o n i a l t o h i s " t r u e p a t r i o t i s m " f r om t h e Tuam H e r a l d . The M i r r o r c l a i m e d t he s o l e g l o r y o f h a v i n g c a r r i e d on t h e f i g h t t o pa rdon t h e e x i l e d I r i s h p a t r i o t , S m i t h O ' B r i e n , among t h e p ape r s i n t h e P r o v i n c e . In O c t o b e r 1856 , i t made a g r e a t d i s p l a y o f t h e e x i l e ' s l e t t e r o f t h a n k s f o r 115 i t s e f f o r t s on h i s b e h a l f . The r e was e a s y r e c o u r s e t o t h e c r y o f p a t r i o t i s m . D ' A r c y McGee was g i v e n t o d e n o u n c i n g h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d s him i n t h e I r i s h p r e s s as m o t i v a t e d by u n p a t r i o t i c s e l f - i n t e r e s t . He b lamed t h e Canad i a n F r e eman ' s w i t h d r a w a l o f s u p p o r t i n 1 861 , on t h a t "mora l d i s t e m p e r wh i c h has f a s t e n e d on some o f t h e weake s t members o f t h e I r i s h f a m i l y a t home and a b r o a d , b e l i e v i n g w i t h t h e C a s t l e t r a de smen i n D u b l i n . . . t h a t 116 gove rnment money was b e t t e r t h an p e o p l e ' s money . " The I r i s h C a n a d i a n c l a i m e d , "we have r un ou r eye o v e r t h e c a r e e r o f t h e C a n a d i a n Freeman s i n c e 1858 , i n w h i c h we can f i n d n o t h i n g bu t a r d e n t and d e v o t e d a t t a c h m e n t 117 t o t h e powers t h a t b e . " In t u r n , t h e Freeman o b j e c t e d t h a t t h e M i r r o r ' s second r e v e r s a l o f a l l e g i a n c e i n 1 8 6 1 , back t o t h e Re fo rm p a r t y , was s a c -r i f i c i n g I r i s h i n t e r e s t s to t h e mercy o f a p a r t y whose p r i n c i p l e s were i 1 g t h o s e o f " o p p r e s s i o n t owa rd s o u r r a c e and c r e e d . " The New E r a , i n i t s r o l e o f g u a r d i a n o f I r i s h w e l l - b e i n g , c o m p l a i n e d t h a t t h e M i r r o r was no t s u f f i c i e n t l y c r i t i c a l o f O r ange i sm t o even p r o t e s t t h e murde r o f a C a t h o l i c a t t h e i r h and s . "What k i n d o f c h a r l a t a n i s m i s t h i s , " r e t o r t e d t h e M i r r o r , " w h i c h t r a d e s upon t h e b l o o d o f a coun t r yman f o r p o l i t i c a l p u r -119 p o s e s ? " I t was a r e g u l a r f e a t u r e o f t h e s e q u a r r e l s f o r ea ch pape r t o c l a i m a s u p e r i o r m o r a l i t y , a c c u s i n g i t s r i v a l s o f s i m p l y p l a y i n g t h e 120 p a t r i o t i c r o l e t o i n c r e a s e s u b s c r i p t i o n s . These a n t a g o n i s m s , howeve r , r e p r e s e n t e d more t h a n e d i t o r i a l j e a l o u s y o r h o s t i l i t y . They r e f l e c t e d t h e d i s s e n s i o n s w i t h i n t h e I r i s h 42 community on which the papers depended for support. "Party quarrels," the Mirror lamented, "divided the element from which v i t a l i t y would otherwise have flown," and "that strength which might have l i f t e d the Irish name above the aspersions of i ts enemies . . . was thus rendered a 121 n u l l i t y . " The Mirror warned of the dangers of this d iv is ion; "Let us divide and the experience of centuries has warned us that our destruction 122 is inevitable." Yet, paradoxically, the Irish press, which saw i ts very purpose as to i n s t i l l a sense of unity among i t s countrymen, was a powerful agent in their separation from each other. It was not possible for a single paper to express the variety of frustrations and ambitions within the Irish community as i t came to terms with i t s Canadian environ-ment. The tensions, confusions and r iva l r ies which the Irish papers reveal, mirrored the insecurity and self-consciousness of the immigrants while at the same time making them feel their common identity as Irishmen and Catho-l i c s . The working-out of that identity in Canada, against such a back-ground of uncertainty and d iv is ion, was a development which, through the press in general, attracted a constant and concerned public attention. 43 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER ONE 1 J . M . S . Careless, "Mid-Victorian Liberalism," CHR, 1950, p. 221. 2 See Peter Waite, "A Point of View," in J . S. Moir, ed. Character and Circumstance: Essays in honour of Donald Grant Creighton (.Toronto, MacMillan of Canada, 1970), pp. 229 3 The major disruptions took place in the eighteen-forties, but there was constant labour unrest on the canals and rai l roads, throughout the e ighteen-f i f t ies . The fact that the majority of the labourers were Ir i sh , and that the troubles on the works often contained elements of "Old Country" feuding, did not dispose many editor ia ls to view with sympathy their claims for better wages and treatment. See H. C. Pentland, "The Lachine Strike of 1843," CHR, 1948, pp. 255-277. La Mi nerve, June 16, 1843, commented on the strike of the workers on the Beauharnois canal, that the Irish could hardly demand more money, when master-carpenters were forced to accept forty sous a day, and the Irish could only handle a pick or axe. It attributed the strike to "1'esprit d 1 insubordination" of the Ir ish . ^ Gavazzi was a renegade Ital ian pr iest , who drew large and enthusiastic Protestant audiences in Toronto, Quebec and Montreal, to hear his denunciation of the Pope and Catholicism. He announced that his mission in Canada was especially to "the poor I r i sh . " See the Leader, Oct. 28, 1858. In Montreal, June 1853, there were r iots outside the church in which he was speaking. Several Protestants were k i l led and a Protestant chapel attacked. For conf l ict ing accounts see the Leader, Globe and True  Witness, during the second week of June 1853. Gavazzi's career and it inerary in Canada, are described i n , Fr&re Robert Sylvain, "Un 'quarante-huitard' du Risorgimento au Canada," La Revue de 1'Universite Laval, Vols XI and XII 1957." c The Catholic St. Patrick's Society dinner in the National Hotel, Toronto, was disrupted by an attack on the hotel by Irish Protestants, fresh from their own celebration at another hotel. Shote were f i red and windows broken. For conf l ict ing accounts see the Globe, March 19, 1858, and the Leader, March 22, 1858. 6 Mirror, Feb. 7, 1851. Globe, Oct. 18, 1856. The Irish Canadian claimed that press attitudes to the Irish were intended to "cater to the tastes of a class of the community who sneer at everything I r i sh . " Irish  Canadian, March 3, 1869. 44 The M i r r o r ' s i n d i g n a t i o n a t t h e e x e c u t i o n o f an I r i s h - C a t h o l i c M a r t i n S u l l i v a n , i n O c t o b e r 1 8 5 6 , made a d i r e c t appea l t o I r i s h C a t h o l i c g roup g e e l i n g . The M i r r o r a c c u s e d t h e G l obe o f e x a l t a t i o n o v e r S u l l i v a n ' s s e n t e n c e because he was I r i s h and a C a t h o l i c . See G l o b e , O c t . 18 , 1856 . 8 L e a d e r , A u g . 18 , 1858 . 9 G l o b e , Nov. 7 , 1864 . 10 M i r r o r , J u l y 2 7 , 1855 . I r i s h e d i t o r s were a l s o e v i d e n t as commun i t y l e a d e r s . P a t r i c k B o y l e o f t h e I r i s h - C a n a d i a n , was P r e s i d e n t o f t h e H i b e r n i a n S o c i e t y o f T o r o n t o . C h a r l e s D o n l e v y , p r o p r i e t o r o f t h e M i r r o r , was V i c e - P r e s i d e n t o f t h e C a t h o l i c I n s t i t u t e ; t h e t r e a s u r e r was M i c h a e l Hayes o f t h e C a t h o l i c C i t i z e n . The e d i t o r o f t h e M i r r o r , C . P. O 'Dwye r , was C o r r e s p o n d i n g S e c r e t a r y f o r t h e T o r o n t o Repea l A s s o c i a t i o n . B e r n a r d D e v l i n , o f t h e M o n t r e a l F r eeman , s e r v e d t h e I r i s h communi ty as an a c t i v e and em inen t l a w y e r . George M o y l a n , o f t h e C anad i a n F reeman , s e r v e d on t h e c omm i t t e e o f t h e S t . P a t r i c k ' s S o c i e t y i n T o r o n t o . 11 Canad i a n F r eeman , A u g . 2 9 , 1 861 . 1 2 New E r a , A u g . 2 7 , 1857 . 13 J a c q u e s G i b e a u l t , " L e s R e l a t i o n s e n t r e Thomas D ' A r c y McGee e t James G. M o y l a n , e d i t e u r du Canad i a n F r eeman , 1 8 5 8 - 1 8 6 5 , " (M .A . t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f O t t a w a , 1 9 7 1 ) , p. 1 2 . 1 4 New E r a , A u g . 2 7 , 1857 . 15 16 17 18 19 Quoted i n G l o b e , Nov. 18 , 1864 . C a n a d i a n F reeman , Dec . 7 , 1866 . M i r r o r , O c t . 3 0 , 1846 . C anad i a n F reeman , Dec . 6 , 1866 . I b i d . 2 0 I b i d . 21 In J u l y 1877 , t h e I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s o f M o n t r e a l , " d e e p l y i n d i g n a n t a t t h e f e r o c i o u s t o n e o f t h e d a i l y p a p e r s " t o w a r d s t hem , a f t e r t h e s h o o t i n g o f H a c k e t t , h e l d m e e t i n g s t o e s t a b l i s h an I r i s h - C a t h o l i c d a i l y pape r t o d e f e n d them. A p p e a l s were made by t h e c l e r g y o f S t . A n n ' s and S t . P a t r i c k ' s w h i c h r a i s e d s u f f i c i e n t f u n d s t o s t a r t M o n t r e a l ' s f i r s t I r i s h - C a t h o l i c d a i l y , t h e Sun . See J . C . F l e m i n g , O range i sm and t h e 12 th o f J u l y R i o t s i n M o n t r e a l ( M o n t r e a l , P r i n t e d f o r t h e A u t h o r , 1 8 7 7 ) , p. 5 2 . F l e m i n g , h i m s e l f s u b -e d i t o r o f t h e T rue W i t n e s s , c o m p l a i n e d t h a t t h e r e was no t a s i n g l e C a t h o l i c 45 writer on the dai ly press of Montreal, which had given a prejudiced and one-sided view of the incident, to the disadvantage of the Irish-Catholics. See Preface. 22 Quoted in Irish Canadian, Sept. 23, 1863. 23 Canadian Freeman, March 10, 1864. 24 Irish Canadian, Jan. 28, 1863. 25 Mirror, May 9, 1856. 2 6 Ib id . , Nov. 17, 1843 2 7 Gibeault, p. 19. Canadian Freeman, Nov. 4, 1869. 29 Agnes Coffey, "The True Witness and Catholic Chronicle, Sixty Years of Catholic Journal ist ic Action, 1850-1910," CCHA Report, 1937-38, p. 38. 30 True Witness, Aug. 16, 1850. 3 1 Globe, Oct. 25, 1856. 3 2 La Minerve, Sept. 16, 1858. 3 3 Leader, Oct. 21, 1858. 34 J H Globe, July 13, 1859. 3 5 Leader, Dec. 29, 1864. 3 6 Globe, Nov. 24, 1864. 3 7 Ib id . , March 18, 1864. 3 8 Mirror, Feb. 5, 1847. 3 9 New Era, March 2, 1858. 40 Irish Canadian, March 31, 1869. 4 1 Gibeault, p. 28. 42 Montreal Witness, Nov. 13, 1858. 4 3 Globe, Dec. 13, 1862. 4 4 New Era, July 9, 1857. 4 5 Ibid. 46 4 6 C o f f e y , p. 3 8 . 47 J . J . T a lman , "The Newspaper P r e s s o f Canada Wes t , 1 8 5 0 - 1 8 6 0 , " Roya l S o c i e t y o f Canada , T r a n s a c t i o n s , T h i r d S e r i e s , V o l . X X X I I I , 1939 , p. 162 . 48 R o b e r t E. H i l l , f o r i n s t a n c e , c l a i m s t h a t t h e c i r c u l a t i o n o f t h e T rue W i t n e s s i n t h e l a t e e i g h t e e n - f i f t i e s , c o u l d be c o u n t e d i n h u n d r e d s . See "A Note on Newspaper P a t r o n a g e i n Canada d u r i n g t h e l a t e 1 8 5 0 ' s " CHR, 1968 , p. 4 6 . 49 The K e m p t v i l l e P r o g r e s s i o n i s t , q u o t e d i n L e a d e r , O c t . 9 , 1860 . 50 See C a r e l e s s , p . 2 2 2 , and a l s o h i s Brown o f t h e G l o b e , 2 V o l s . ( T o r o n t o , M a c m i l l a n Co . o f Canada , 1 9 5 9 - 1 9 6 3 ) , V o l . I , p. 1 7 6 . 51 "The Mo ra l o f N e w s p a p e r s , " I r i s h C a n a d i a n , J a n . 8 , 1868 . 5 2 B u c k l e y , p p . 2 3 6 - 2 3 7 . 53 C a t h o l i c C i t i z e n , r e p r i n t e d i n M o n t r e a l W i t n e s s , Nov. 15 , 1856 . 54 M i r r o r , c i t e d i n G l o b e , S e p t . 9 , 1864 . 55 P e t e r 0 L e a r y , T r a v e l s and E x p e r i e n c e s i n Canada , t h e Red R i v e r  T e r r i t o r i e s and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s ( L ondon , J . B. O ' D a y , n . d . ) , p. 5 9 . 56 C a t h o l i c C i t i z e n , r e p r i n t e d i n M o n t r e a l W i t n e s s , Dec . 10 , 1856 . 57 Canad i a n F reeman , A p r i l 18 , 1861 . 5 8 I b i d . , quo t ed i n G l o b e , Dec . 1 3 , 1862 . 5 9 I b i d . 60 M i r r o r , q uo t ed i n Canad i an F r eeman , Nov. 2 0 , 1862 . The M i r r o r e x p l a i n e d an e m b a r a s s i n g a r t i c l e w h i c h m i g h t have been c o n s t r u e d as i n s u l t i n t o t h e C a t h o l i c p r i e s t h o o d , by p r o t e s t i n g t h a t ; " a t t h i s s ea son o f t h e y e a r we a r e h a l f t h e t i m e o u t o f t h e o f f i c e on b u s i n e s s , t r y i n g t o g e t ou r own f r om d e f a u l t i n g C a t h o l i c s u b s c r i b e r s , and i t i s no wonder t h a t some t h i n g s s h o u l d c r e e p i n t o o u r co lumns w h i c h a r e c o n t r a r y t o t h e i r u s u a l t e n o r . " See M i r r o r , r e p r i n t e d i n Canad i a n F reeman , Dec . 12 , 1 861 . 6 1 M i r r o r , O c t . 3 0 , 1862 . C a t h o l i c C i t i z e n , r e p r i n t e d i n M o n t r e a l W i t n e s s , Nov. 1 5 , 1856 . CO I b i d . , C anad i a n F reeman , Nov. 2 0 , 1862 . 47 6 4 Ib id . 6 5 Mirror, June 18, 1858. 6 6 Ib id . , Oct. , 23, 1857. The Mirror attributed the d i f f i c u l t y experienced by England in recruiting troops to put down the Indian Mutiny, to the fact that the class who would normally be induced to e n l i s t , through "ignorance of Ireland's history and i t s wrongs," had now been reached by the newspapers. fi7 Mirror, Feb. 12, 1847. The Mirror accordingly resented the fact that the treasurer of the Ir ish Relief Fund preferred to send communications to the Globe, from which the Mirror was meant to copy. The Mirror deprecated this behaviour, from someone ca l l ing himself an Irishman, towards the only Irish journal in Toronto. See Mirror, May 14, 1847. 6 8 New Era, Dec. 5, 1857. In the 1857 e lect ion, McGee success-f u l l y stood as Irish candidate for Montreal West. 6 9 Gibeault, p. 22. 7 0 Canadian Freeman, July 10, 1858. 7 1 Ir ish Canadian, July 8, 1863. 72 Talman, p. 165. 7 3 Mirror, Feb. 7, 1851; Apri l 25, 1851. 7 4 Quoted in Lyne, p. 133. 7 5 Mirror, June 18, 1858. 7 6 Ib id . , Jan 23, 1854. 7 7 New Era, May 1, 1858. 7 8 Mirror, Sept. 13, 1844. 7 9 Elgin-Grey Papers, 1846-52. ed.. Sir Arthur Doughty, 4 Vol . (Ottawa, King's Printer, 1937),Vol .1, Appendix XV, p. 1479, Elgin to Grey, Montreal, Sept. 7, 1848. 8 0 Leader, March 21, 1866 g I Canadian Freeman, August 27, 1858. 8 2 True Witness, Jan. 30, 1863. 48 True Witness, Feb. 6, 1857. 84 Irish Canadian, Feb. 14, 1866. 8 5 Mirror, Feb. 19, 1858. 8 6 Cross, pp. 59-60. 87 Catholic C i t izen, quoted in Montreal Witness, May 16, 1855. 88 Irish Canadian, Feb. 14, 1864. 89 Letter from "Hibernicus", Le Pays, April 20, 1853. 90 See True Witness, June 16, 1854 9 1 New Era, May 25, 1857. 92 See Robin Burns, "D'Arcy McGee and the New Nationality," CM.A. thesis , Carleton University, Ottawa, 1966), p. 14. 9 3 Globe, March 14, 1861. 94 Ib id . ; True Witness, March 30, 1866. 95 Canadian Freeman, Dec. 31, 1868. y o Leader, April 26, 1859. 97 Ir ish Canadian, Jan. 24, 1866. 9 8 Ib id . , Dec. 29, 1869. 99 True Witness, Jan. 30, 1863. 1 0 0 Canadian Freeman, cited in Irish Canadian, Aug. 24, 1864. 1 0 1 Irish Canadian, Jan. 7, 1863; Jan. 13, 1864. i o? Ib id . , Dec. 2, 1868. 1 0 3 True Witness, June 18, 1858. 1 0 4 Mirror, May 23, 1851. 105 Canadian Freeman, Aug. 9, 1860. 1 0 6 Irish Canadian, A p r i l , 1864. 49 107 Mirror, July 11, 1856. At times the Citizen witheld communi-cations intended for both papers, such as the obituary notice for the Catholic priest in Guelph, the omission of which would damage the Mirror's repu-tation in that area. See Mirror, Oct. 24, 1856. 1 0 8 Ib id . , July 11, 1856. 109 Canadian Freeman, Sept. 5, 1861. See, for example, the bitter personal attack by the Mirror on the private l i f e of Moylan; Mirror, Aug. 30, 1861. 1 1 0 Canadian Freeman, Sept. 26, 1861. 1 1 1 "The Canadian Freeman and Ourselves," Irish Canadian, Aug. 24, 1864. 112 Irish Canadian, Sept. 21, 1864. One charge accused the Freeman of referring to the Irish as "canai l le" . 113 Canadian Freeman, July 16, 1858. 1 1 4 Ib id . , Sept. 10, 1858. 1 1 5 Mirror, Oct. 10; 31, 1856. 1 1 6 Globe, Sept. 21, 1861. 1 1 7 Ir ish Canadian, Feb. 5, 1868. 118 Canadian Freeman, Sept. 19, 1861. 1 1 9 Mirror, Feb. 19, 1858. 1 20 See Irish Canadian, Aug. 24, 1864. 1 2 1 Mirror, July 27, 1849. 1 2 2 Ib id . , June 11, 1858. 5 0 CHAPTER TWO THE IMAGE OF THE IRISH IN THE CANADIAN PRESS Historians of the Irish famine immigration to Canada have generally noticed the horror and fear which the immigrants provoked as a consequence of the diseased and destitute circumstances of their a r r i v a l . * The start l ing dimensions of the immediate problems of immigrant welfare, however, have obscured the existence of a more lasting concern f e l t by many Canadians at the presence of such an intensely "national" people among them. Such anxiety was given substance by the prospect of a wholesale and systematic Irish-Catholic colonization of Canada. Several proposals for 2 the organization of a "New Ireland in Canada" were current at mid-century. The most ambitious of them, reviewed by a startled Canadian press as the emigrant vessels began to deliver their f i r s t wretched cargoes, threatened to sett le through an "Irish Canada Company," extensive communities of some two mil l ion Irish-Catholics within a period of four years. In essence, the scheme intended that the colonists should form in Canada "a d is t inct Ir ish nation." The "pecul iar it ies and sympathies" of Ir ish historical recol lect ion, i t argued, bound them together and kept them "separated from the rest of the world," making them reluctant to mix with any other people. It anticipated, accordingly that in Canada "a powerful Irish national ity would at once take root," with such "intimate relations of sympathy with Ireland," as to ensure a continuous flow of new Irish colonists. 51 The Canadian press reacted with hosti le intolerance to the national sens i t iv i t ies on which Irish-Catholic colonization schemes were founded. The Globe protested that there was "too much nationality" in the idea of exclusive Irish-Catholic settlements--"too much anxiety to maintain a marked separation in country and rel igion between the new sett lers and those now in Canada." 4 Introducing a theme which underlay a long campaign against the persistence of a separate Irish identity in Canadian society, i t warned that "we know not a more serious obstacle to the absolute and unqualified enjoyment of equal rights and privi leges by a l l , than the perpetuation of 5 national dist inctions within the same country." It was, in fact , a con-stant cr i t i c ism of the Irish-Catholic immigrants in the mid-Victorian Cana-dian press, that they maintained social and po l i t i ca l divisions based on national ity. The English-speaking Protestant and French Canadian papers deprecated the confusion introduced to elections and to educational and constitutional issues by Irish appeals to group loyalty. "National jealousy is rampant among us," complained the Globe, "and i t is the f ru i t fu l source of many public r i va l r ies and dissensions." • It insisted that "the people of Canada must be nat ional ised." 7 The Leader protested that Irish immigrants would offer nothing to Canada, nor improve their own circumstances, by continuing in communities "in which every prejudice of their early associations" would be fostered and in which would develop "the feelings of aliens in place of the broader sympathies which should o pertain to the colonist who makes Canada his home." It urged that i t should be the duty of every patr iot , "to fuse a l l nat ional i t ies in one 9 homogeneous Canadian society," insist ing that "every one who real ly 52 means well to his country as a Canadian wi l l discontinue any attempt to divide the population on grounds so dangerous to the general welfare as nat ional i ty ," 1 ^ Yet, nowhere was a separate Irish identity more c lear ly underlined and perpetuated than in the attention which the immigrants received in the Canadian newspapers. Canadian reactions to the prospect of a large Irish-Catholic colonization revealed a series of general assumptions about Irish character and i t s su i tab i l i t y to the rigours of Canadian settlement. The Globe re-ported widespread fears that the Catholic Irish would be "unaccustomed to the habits and occupations of Canadians," and that they would "sink down into the sloth to which they have been accustomed at home." 1 1 These anxieties were shared by the French Canadian press. Le Canadien was fearful that Ir ish "refugies" in Canada would f ind nothing but suffering 12 and death. It recommended Texas as a better refuge. The Journal de Quebec protested that Canada i t s e l f was too poor to support large numbers of destitute Irish,who would be unable to survive the hardships of 13 settlement and end by being a burden on public charity. The Globe warned that a large Irish-Catholic population in.Canada, persisting in i ts old habits and loyalt ies would be "as great a curse to i t as the locusts were in the land of Egypt, and we shall have a second Connaught, a second 14 d i s t r i c t of Quebec, a second Naples—no schools, no roads, no progress." The same low estimation of Irish a b i l i t i e s was shared by the Leader. It claimed that "no enlightened economist—no man indeed who wishes well to his country, can seriously recommend a segregation of Catholic Irishmen 15 into communities by themselves." 53 In opposing the idea of separate Irish colonies as a means of organizing Ir ish immigration, the Canadian press began to art iculate i t s own view concerning the best practice in immigrant adjustment. Rather than allowing the Ir ish to settle in communities of their own, i t was proposed to place them among Scottish or English sett lers , in the ex-pectation that they would prosper far more by imitating the t h r i f t of their neighbours. The Globe suggested that i t would be better for the Ir ish to be dispersed among older sett lers "whose industry and per-severence wi l l operate as a powerful incentive to their exertions.""'' 6 The Leader was optimistic that interspersal would "temper many national and rel igious prejudices and result in the growth of "larger sympathies, more catholic sentiments and more industrious habits" as a result of "fr iendly emulat ion." 1 7 Even the Witness conceded that Irish-Catholics be-18 came almost tolerable i f mixed with "Anglo-Saxons." Basic to this thinking was the notion that Irish-Catholics would especial ly benefit from the example set by Protestant set t lers . At a meeting of several thousand Toronto Protestants in February, 1856, to pro-test Irish-Catholic applications for extensive grants of the Canadian "wild lands," to form, as the Leader warned, "a second Ireland where only the 'true f a i t h ' would be professed," i t was proclaimed that the only way to make an Irish immigration prosperous would be to "scatter them among the population, bring them into contact with c i v i l i z e d men and give every one 19 of them a Bib le ." The Catholic Ir ish were otherwise denounced as "a curse to every country they go into, destroying peace and happiness wherever their numbers predominated." The meeting applauded a series of 54 damning estimations of Irish reputation and character. The Scots, i t was claimed came to Canada "with their honesty, their industry, their re l ig ion , their Bible, their love for the primer" and with "rare exceptions they do well for themselves and the country." The English also came "on the whole to do us good," as did the Irish Protestant, with his joyousness, versa-t i l i t y , f rugal i ty and social habits." But the "Irish Papists came in 20 swarms, on the whole to do us e v i l . " The Rev. Dr. Lett warned that the "exterminating masses of Irish-Catholics would not be welcome in Canada," and that i t would "go forth to the world that we the cit izens of Toronto 21 do not want them." Another speaker objected to the Irish-Catholics because "they have no minds of their own—their body, soul and inte l lec t are in the hands of a bigoted priesthood," and Canada risked having i t s "morality destroyed" by lett ing them sett le . He exhorted his fellow 22 Protestants to turn their faces against the "common enemy." The meeting resolved that the perpetuation of Irish communities in Canada would be "a 23 great calamity, dangerous to our c i v i l and rel igious l iber ty . " The attention which the Irish attracted as potential colonists, continued to follow the progress and development of those who actually settled in Canada. Their circumstances habits and re l ig ion , the "pecu-24 l i a r i t i e s of their social character," were a constant preoccupation of mid-Victorian Canadian newspapers. This interest in the Irish indicates more than their capacity to provide sensational headlines. The many ways in which they attracted the notice of the public, reveals the special consideration with which they were regarded by their Protestant and French Canadian neighbours. As well as giving f u l l space to the 55 25 incidents of Ir ish adjustment, to anecdotes of Irish behaviour and to 26 news of Ir ish community a f fa i r s , those who wrote about Canadian society attempted to explain and draw lessons from Irish behaviour. The terms in which they did so, reveal the persistence in Canada of negative assum-ptions about Irish character and how those notions were adapted to Canadian circumstances. At the same time, they i l lus t ra te the basic values and ideals against which the Irish contribution to Canadian society was measured. In developing their views concerning the problems of Irish immigrant adjustment, the press was convinced that the best place for Catholic immigrants was on the land. Irish immigration to Canada was con-sidered as a natural addition to the farming economy. It was expected that the Irish peasants would move eagerly into the inter ior , f i r s t f i l l i n g a need for farm labourers and then moving onto land of their own, forgetting the "penury and starvation" of the "potato patch" to become 27 Canadian farmers. The "effects on the condition of the emigrants, morally as well as physical ly ," promised the Globe, "will be most 28 benef ic ia l . " The Globe extolled the poss ib i l i ty of converting what had been a "crushed peasantry," in Ireland, into a hardy and independent 29 yeomanry," in Canada. Even the "destitute and debi l i tated" refugees from the famine of 1847, promised "to add to the productive means of the 30 Province as they attained health and strength." In a population over-whelmingly composed of rural landowners, there was a v i ta l sentiment ideal izing yeoman virtues, pioneer struggles, and the superiority of l i f e on the land as the most healthy foundation of national l i f e . The press 56 radiated confidence in the capacity of the land to accommodate even the poorest newcomer. The increasing size of the Irish-Catholic c i ty population, however, and their predominance on the public works, made i t obvious that many im-migrants were not moving on to the farms, in pursuit of a l i f e of "hardy 31 independence." The breakdown of the planned pattern of integration, perplexed and exasperated many Canadians. It had worked for immigrants other than the Catholic I r i sh . C r i t i c s of the growing landless Irish proleter iat , fa i led to recognize that the transit ion from immigrant to farm labourer to farmer, seen by contemporaries as the most appropriate for new Canadians, was a pattern of adjustment that could not be expected 32 to f u l l y deal with the large number of Irish immigrants. Despite the rhetoric of abundance in the press, the boasts of the Globe that "the Canadas can easi ly support the whole population of Ireland i f necessary," 33 and the bel ief in Canada's "wonderful capacity for employment," f u l l -time farm-work was scarce, and opportunities for poor emigrants to achieve se l f -suff ic iency were much narrower than Canadian editors and public 34 men assumed. Only a few Irish-Catholic immigrants would have been able 35 to make use of the imagined opportunities of the "New World." Their conviction, however, that farmers were eager for labour in the countryside and the bel ief that land was available to those who saved a small sum as labourers, persuaded observers that the I r i sh-Catholic poor who hung about the c i t i e s , were idlers who lacked the i n i -ttat ive or enterprise to seek out opportunities. Before the massive Irish-Catholic immigration of the late eighteen-forties and early 57 eighteen-f i f t ies , Canadians had greeted a l l emigrants from Britain as 37 countrymen, asserting that i n i t i a l poverty was no bar to success. The immigrant Ir ish , however, who massed in the towns and haunted the country-side as wanderers or outcasts, caused legis lators and journal ists to declare openly that Irish-Catholic immigration to Canada was not welcome. Mayor Beard of Toronto, attacked "the d i r ty , lazy I r i sh , " asserting that "there was no hope le f t for us while the 'race' remained. They would not work; they had never worked and i t was absurd to expect that they would TO ever work." The bel ief that Canada could regenerate the down-trodden of the "Old World" was muted by the suspicion that Irish-Catholic immigrants 39 would remain poor, and deservedly so. They were treated with contempt as a source of cheap labour, in building, rai l roads, business and in houses, freeing native and other more acceptable immigrant groups to undertake more rewarding occupations. Their poverty and low status in the "land of promise," 4^ developed an easy j u s t i f i c a t i o n . As the most cultural ly d ist inct of the large ethnic groups of the day, i t was possible to view them as d i f ferent; and because they were poor as wel l , i t was easy to argue that they were i n f e r i o r . 4 1 Their poverty was explained, not in terms of 42 their vulnerabi l i ty and exploitation as Canada's f i r s t labour surplus, but in terms of their background and national character. Notions of Irish character in general, were supported in the press by regular reference to the history and contemporary experience of Ireland. Reports of Ireland's problems of economic disaster, social unrest, po l i t i ca l agitation and rel igious conf l i c t , dominated the foreign selections on most front pages. The frequent headlines and leading editor ia ls 58 in the Canadian press, and features by "special correspondents," underlined the news appeal of Irish excitement. 4 3 Yet, Canadian attention to events' in Ireland, represented more than an indication of their newsworthiness. Ireland's experience of the struggle for self-government, the balance between her Catholic and Protestant populations, her experiments with a national education system, the land question, and the debate over church disestablishment, had a direct relevance to Canadian circumstances. The analogies between the constitutional situations of the two countries i n -44 vited their mutual interest, as sections of the same Imperial community. Events in Ireland, however, were especial ly noted for the perspective they offered to an appraisal of the situation of her countrymen in Canada. The Globe acknowledged that "Ireland has contributed so large a proportion of the population of our own country that whatever concerns i ts weal is 45 matter of the deepest interest to thousands in Canada." The interest was pointed. The ways in which the press reported on the condition of Ireland, the reactions of sympathy or exasperation which greeted news of famine and r i o t , the diagnoses of Irish problems, were extensions of opinion about their situation as immigrants. The French Canadian press was part icular ly conscious of close paral le ls between Irish circumstances and the experience of French Canada, Distress at Irish-Catholic support for the Clear Grit enemies of the Lower Province, provoked bitter reminders to the immigrants to remember from their history that they should have no affection for English-speaking Protestants, and to real ize that their natural loyalt ies should l i e with 46 their French Canadian co-re l ig ionists . The Catholic Irish immigrants were looked to by the French Canadian newspapers as a l l i e s in the defence 59 of a French Canadian and Catholic identity against the growing Protestant population of Canada West . 4 7 La Mi nerve insisted that "les Irlandais libeYaux et les Canadiens Francais pour tous les motifs possibles, doivent 4 8 faire cause commune." Irish-Catholic immigrants were especial ly urged to join with French Canadians in opposing any movement to change the union of the provinces in favour of the Protestant sector. La Mi nerve remanded them that union based on representation by population was the grievance which made Ireland seek separation from England. The history of Ireland, i t argued, had shown that union between peoples divided by blood, language and re l ig ion , inevitably worked to the disadvantage of the lesser popula-t ion. A union which would give Canada West preponderance in the common legis lature, threatened the po l i t i ca l destruction of French Canada. It would resurrect in "les possessions Britanniques du 'New World' les int imit ies et les luttes qui ont trouble pendant si longtemps et d'une maniere si d^sastreuse leur paix et mis des entraves a leur progres dans le 'Old World."' Just as the Ir ish wanted just ice in Ireland, they had a duty to jo in with French Canadians in opposing in Canada the unequal p o l i -t i ca l system which they cursed at home. The exiled Irish in Canada, were hailed in the French Canadian press as l iv ing witnesses of the fatal con-49 sequences of a leg is lat ive union based on representation by population. The natural allegiance which should exist between French Canadians and Irish-Catholics was a persistent theme in the French Canadian press. Campaigners for Ir ish votes, professed to detect in the judgements of the English-speaking Protestant press on Irish questions, an expression of English-Canadian attitudes towards French Canada. Observations on the 60 state of Ireland in the Globe and Leader, were regarded as vicarious comment on that of the Lower Province. A fraternal sympathy was expressed for the plight of Catholic Ireland, oppressed, exploited and mis-governed by the Protestant Anglo-Saxon. Each St. Patrick's Day, French Canadians were encouraged by their press to display green banners from their windows "comme une nouvelle preuve de 1'esprit de respect mutuelle qui anime notre 50 population." La Minerve reminded both communities; combien sont nombreux et puissants les motifs qui doivent les unir a nous et nous unir a eux. Puissions-nous longtemps et toujours marcher ensemble et montrer que les communautes de malheurs et de sentiments qui ont merite au peuple Canadien et au peuple Irlandais les justes sympathies de tous les hommes honnetes et vertuex, a eu encore pour effet de fa ire des Irlandais et des Canadiens un seul et meme peuple, d'origines et de langues differentes mais dir ige par une meme pensee de l iberte c i v i l e et relieieuse.51 As a conscious testimony to the common cause of Ireland and French Canada, 52 Papmeau in 1848, became vice-president of the Montreal Irish League. Both countries, he proclaimed at the St. Patrick's Day Dinner in Montreal, in 1846, "souffraient pour les memes causes--les tentatives injustes que , . - 5 3 I'on fesait pour gouverner leurs majorites par leurs minorites." Irish agricultural distress prompted him to warn that the misery of Ireland could repeat i t s e l f in Canada, and for the same reason--"Un quart de sa surface est inculte, parce qu'el le n'a jamais eu un gouvernement 54 national." Concern over the economic retardation of Lower Canada was a regular platform of the "rouge" press. Lack of encouragement to industry, manufacture and agriculture was blamed for emigration from French Canada to the United States as i t was for the emigration from 55 Ireland to Canada. 61 The analysis of Ireland's problems in the English-speaking press was not as sympathetic as the French Canadian. The Globe did not ignore the opportunity presented by Ir ish history to condemn "the in -56 tolerable sectionalism of English Toryism," but there was l i t t l e tolerance of Irish-Catholic complaints of oppression and persecution. "Irish patr iots ," in the French Canadian papers, became "Irish convicts" 57 in the English. The Witness saw the essence of the Irish Question as "what is to be the result of Roman Catholic treason and Br i t i sh for-58 bearance." The request to the Imperial Parliament by the Ir ish-Catholic Bishop Lynch of Toronto, that the same principles of respon-sible government be applied to Ireland as to Canada, was denounced by the 59 Globe as "disloyal and treasonable." The Br i t ish Government could find fin many apologists in Canada for i t s record in Ireland. The Leader denied that Br i t i sh rule was the cause of Ireland's decline. "That decl ine," i t maintained, "has i t s roots within," and po l i t i ca l change would not a lter 61 i t . The Huron Signal denied that the Irish had any grounds of complaint against the Br i t ish Government. It claimed that i f the Catholic Irish "do not make that progress in moral and intel lectual culture which they should 62 do, the blame can only rest on their own shoulders." The causes in the way of Irish advancement, i t ins isted, "are to be found in the people them-co selves rather than in the Br i t ish Government." The Globe, blamed Irish troubles on Irish ignorance, not the Br i t ish connection. It catalogued with enthusiasm Br i t ish measures of improvement in Ireland—the school and college system, improvement in land tenure, agricultural improvement, re-duction of the f r a n c h i s e . 6 4 Even so, i t argued that the evi ls of Ireland 62 were not those over which government could maintain much control but were* 65 due to the "prejudices and passions" of the people. Repeal of the Union, the Globe emphasized, would be "the blackest day that Ireland ever saw." Left to govern themselves, i t maintained, the Ir ish would degenerate into a state of "total anarchy. " ^ The value placed on Br i t ish inst i tut ions and ideas, revealed in these diagnoses of the problems of Ireland, was one of the most constant themes in the mid-Victorian Canadian press. It was especially obvious in the attention which the newspapers devoted to weighing the relat ive merits fi7 of the Br i t ish and American po l i t i ca l systems. The condition and progress of the Irish populations of Canada and the United States, was a regular vehicle for such comparison. The Ir ish situation in the Republic, argued the Globe, their exploitation on the canals and rai l roads, their condi-tion in the large c i t i e s , was a permanent "raw spot in the social system CO of the United States." The Leader boasted, that whereas in the United States the Irish were generally "looked down upon" and i t was made a "social and po l i t i ca l crime to have been born in Ireland," no such feel ing 69 existed in Canada. In the Br i t ish provinces, asserted the Globe, the Irish found the "freedom and position" denied them in the Republic. 7^ It was argued repeatedly in the Protestant press, in reply to Irish-Catholic complaints of prejudice against them in o f f i c i a l appointments and patro-nage, that the Irish in Canada suffered from no economic or social d is-a b i l i t y , save their own shortcomings. Their lack of po l i t i ca l influence was attributed to their own divis ion rather than to any discrimination against them. Irish-Catholic protests at Protestant host i l i t y were 63 discounted as the product of an over-developed sense of persecution and a capacity to manufacture grievance. The Protestant newspapers, on occasions of Irish-Catholic complaints of bias, reacted with exasperation at their fa i lure to appreciate that they were "exceedingly well treated under Br i t ish r u l e , " 7 1 in contrast to the social and po l i t i ca l exclusion which they experienced in the United States. The same perception of Canada's constitutional best interests, underlay conservative French Canadian attitudes towards the I r i sh . Ex-pressions by La Mi nerve of a fraternal sympathy with the sufferings of Ireland, under the union with England, were intended to encourage Ir ish cooperation in preserving the Catholic freedom and French Canadian iden-t i t y , maintained under the happier experience of Canadian leg is lat ive union. Fear of Irish-Canadian involvement in the Fenian invasion of 1866, and the threat of annexation to the United States, prompted La  Mi nerve to affirm confidence in the system of constitutional monarchy which guaranteed French and Catholic "immunites." It urged the Irish to apply to Ireland the lessons taught by French Canadian history and experience. The Irish immigrants were reminded that the French Canadians were also a conquered people, but that unlike the I r i sh , they had ac-cepted the consequences of defeat. Although i t recognized paral le ls between the French and Ir ish experiences, La Mi nerve argued that the French had adjusted better. They had been loyal without grovell ing and had earned respect from their conquerors. If Ireland had imitated French Canada instead of following impulses of pride, and her obsession with vengance, suggested La Mi nerve, she would have suffered less 64 72 oppression. Similarly in Canada, the fortunes of the Irish-Catholic immigrants "promettait de s'ameliorer par leur soumission." They had only to look to the experience of their countrymen in the United States, La Minerve agreed with the Globe and Leader, to appreciate the l iber t ies 73 they enjoyed under the Br i t ish crown in Canada. Whereas under the Republican system the Irish formed "une caste a" part, une race de parias," the opportunities available to them in Canada, "fournit une nouvelle preuve de la superiorite des inst itut ions qui nous r e g i s s e n t . " 7 4 In contrast, the "rouge" press saw in the situation of the Ir ish in Canada, an opportunity to condemn the t ie with Br i ta in . Le Pays, in urging annexation to the United States and denouncing Confederation, sym-pathized with the Irish in Canada as s t i l l oppressed by Protestant h o s t i l i t y , to establish that Canadian inst i tut ions offered them l i t t l e more than those of the Republic. It argued that the Canadian system had not enabled the Irish to escape the consequences of their brutal ization 75 under Br i t ish misgovernment. They were s t i l l , in Canada, the unfortu-nate victims of the lawlessness and violent inst incts i n s t i l l e d in them by Protestant oppression. Le Pays pointed to the miserable condition of Montreal's Griffintown as a repl ica of the horr i f i c Irish ghettoes in New York and Boston.7*' Ir ish rel igious c o n f l i c t , the excesses of the Gavazzi r i o t s , the yearly skirmishes on July the Twelfth, Irish dest i tu-t ion , vagrancy and misery on the public works, were evidence that despite, in Canada, "le bonheur incomparable de vivre sous un gouvernement monarch!que . . . i l arrive que nous ne valons pas mieux que nos voisins 77 les Yankees." The hardships endured by the Catholic Ir ish in Canada: 65 78 gave no cause for the celebration of a superior "condition sociale." Rather than presenting an example of the benefits to Canada of Br i t i sh inst i tut ions , the Irish continued as victims of the vices "qui regissent 79 le vieux mode, et dont VIr lande donne un si t r i s te exemple." By thus emphasizing the d i f f i c u l t i e s of Irish adjustment in Canada, Le Pays looked to their support in i t s rejection of the Br i t ish connection. The context, however, against which both "bleu" and "rouge" newspapers attempted to educate the Irish immigrants to an understanding of their common interests, indicated an underlying tension and misunder-standing between the two communities. Appeals for po l i t i ca l cooperation were made against a background of endemic host i l i ty between the potential a l l i e s , on the streets, in the c i ty council and even on the steps of their 80 churches. These antagonisms were especial ly noticed by the English-speaking press, eager to exploit the d i f f i c u l t i e s in the way of a French Canadian and Irish-Catholic a l l iance. The Witness reported in 1859 that "a French Canadian boy can hardly pass a few Irish boys without being stoned or vice versa." It forecasted that the animosity between the two 81 communities seemed l ike ly to be perpetuated by their chi ldren. Sometimes fighting broke out on a large scale. In 1858, a mob of some f ive or six hundred Irish from Griffintown disrupted a meeting of French Canadians, in dispute of their claim to locate new docks in the East rather than the 82 Ir ish West of Montreal. The Globe reported, to denials from both the French and Irish press, that the Irish-Catholics "bear no part icular goodwill to the French Canadians, who lose no opportunity of showing con-83 tempt for them," Outbreaks of violence on the street extended to 66 c l a s h e s between I r i s h and F r e n c h C a n a d i a n members o f t h e C i t y C o u n c i l . M i c h a e l R yan , t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e f o r G r i f f i n t o w n , was f i n e d t w e n t y - f i v e 84 pounds f o r a s s a u l t i n g a f e l l o w c o u n c i l l o r , M o n s i e u r Hom i e r . H i s f i n e gc was p a i d by h i s c o n s t i t u e n t s as a t e s t i m o n y o f s u p p o r t . In t h e s p r i n g o f 1854 , F r e n c h C anad i a n c o u n c i l members r e f u s e d t o v o t e f o r a s s i s t a n c e t o t h e I r i s h v i c t i m s o f t h e d i s a s t r o u s f l o o d s t h a t y e a r i n G r i f f i n t o w n . Even Sunday mass was no t exempted f r om e x p r e s s i o n s o f a n t a g o n i s m between F r e n c h C anad i a n and I r i s h c o n g r e g a t i o n s . Le Pays r e p o r t e d t h a t t h e I r i s h members o f S t , P a t r i c k ' s c h u r c h had t h r e a t e n e d t o burn i t down, r a t h e r t h an s h a r e i t w i t h F r e n c h C a n a d i a n s , "ou de b a t t r e l e s C a n a d i e n s % 87 q u i i r a i e n t l a , a f i n de l e s empecher d ' y r e t o u r n e r . " I t was a n a t u r a l r e a c t i o n o f F r e n c h C anad i a n e d i t o r s , t h e r e f o r e , t o b lame t h e f a i l u r e o f F r e n c h and I r i s h c o o p e r a t i o n on t h e a g g r e s s i v e i n s t i n c t s and u n r e a s o n i n g h o s t i l i t y o f t h e i m m i g r a n t s . The sympathy o f t h e E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g p r e s s l a y l a r g e l y w i t h t h e F r en ch Canad i a n s i n t h e i r q u a r r e l s w i t h t h e I r i s h . The W i t n e s s f o und t h a t t h e r e was " c e r t a i n l y a w ide d i f f e r e n c e between I r i s h and F r e n c h R o m a n i s t s , t h e one c o a r s e and s l a n d e r o u s , v i o l e n t and f o nd o f b l o o d s h e d , t h e o t h e r c o m p a r a t i v e l y p o l i t e , r e f i n e d a v o i d i n g w h o l e s a l e f a l s e h o o d and 88 opposed t o b r u t a l i t y . " N e v e r t h e l e s s , F r e n c h C a n a d i a n s were no t exempted f r om r e c u r r e n t c r i t i c i s m and s c o r n i n t h e P r o t e s t a n t p r e s s , as examp le s o f t h e d e b i l i t a t i n g s o c i a l c on sequence s o f C a t h o l i c i s m . The W i t n e s s , w h i c h a s s o c i a t e d p r o g r e s s and p r o s p e r i t y w i t h D i v i n e a p p r o v a l , c o n t r a s t e d t h e d e ve l o pmen t o f Upper Canada " i n a l l t h e e l e m e n t s o f g r e a t n e s s , " w i t h t h e e conom i c r e t a r d a t i o n o f Lower Canada w h i c h i t d e s c r i b e d as n o t o n l y 67 89 stationary but "retrograding." The Leader commented that the Celt ic race, in which i t included both Irish and French Canadians, was "hastening 90 to i t s d issolut ion." Sir Edmund Head referred to the French Canadians, 91 in a notorious speech in Hamilton, as "an infer ior race." Yet, although French Canadians suffered from Protestant attacks on Catholicism in general, and f e l t themselves equal victims, with the I r i sh , of Anglo-Saxon 92 disdain, the circumstances of Catholic Ireland attracted a more hosti le attention in the English-speaking papers than did those of French Canada. The Canadian press showed more interest in the progress of evangelical missions to the Irish than in those which spread the word to French 93 Canadians. Irish-Catholicism provided Protestant editors with a wider and more start l ing range of issues. Famine, poverty, crime and insur-rection in Ireland presented themselves as dramatic confirmation of the evil consequences of Catholicism. The Catholic fa i th of the Irish was seen to be a menace in Canada as i t was in Ireland. The Protestant papers readily catalogued the i n c i -dents of Irish immigrant violence and disorder, as a proof that the opportunities for independence and prosperity enjoyed by Protestant settlers could promise l i t t l e to the Irish while they continued as fanat i -cal slaves to their re l ig ion . The Globe denounced Catholicism as "a system of superstition and mental darkness unworthy of the age in which we 94 l i v e , " and presented the Irish as examples of i t s worst consequences. 95 From i ts vantage as "the unflinching organ of Protestant pr inc ip les ," i t warned that Canada had more need of an ant i -Ir ish Know-Nothing Party 96 than did the United States. "Ever since the arrival of the editor of 68 the Globe newspaper in Canada," protested the Mirror, "he has waged a kind of guer i l la warfare against a certain portion of the inhabitants . . . his anti-Popish tendencies . . . preyed upon his brain l ike a feverish 97 disease." The Witness was part icular ly alert to the dangers of I r i sh-Catholicism, warning that Canada was "in danger of having the natives of the soi l swamped at every election and hampered in many points by the in -troduction of an element in the form of ignorant men who wi l l not learn 98 and who are at the beck of a designing priesthood." The minds of Irish-Catholics i t described as "dark and degraded." The immigrants were "aliens in blood, speech, in re l ig ion , and quarrelsome and reckless of blood." They were bondsmen, slaves of a false re l ig ion , and in i t every 99 correct moral and social feeling is destroyed." Numerous editor ia ls proclaimed the antipathy of Catholicism to progress and po l i t i ca l freedom. The Witness recommended that Protestants send Scripture readers in the Irish tongue to the I r i sh , claiming that i t would be "cheaper to enlighten them than to maintain t h e m . " 1 0 0 Rejection of Catholicism was thought to be Ireland's only salva-t ion , and the spread of Protestant principles the only way "to elevate Ireland in the social s c a l e , " 1 0 1 and free her from "the mass of moral 102 corruption which has so fa i th fu l l y been guarded by Pr iestcraft . " The Witness claimed that "Under the influence of Protestant Christanity, the 103 Irishman became a good c i t i zen , in te l l igent , industrious and peaceable." In i t s turn, the Globe contrasted the misery and poverty of Catholic Ireland with the general prosperity of the Protestant inhabitants of the north, blaming the "chief cause of the unhappiness of Ireland," on the 69 "malign influence which the church of Rome exercises throughout the 104 is land." The same comparison between the social qual i t ies of Protes-tants and Catholics were pointedly made with regard to the quality of Irish-Catholic immigration to Canada. It was a stock in trade of platform orators on Protestantism to abuse the "d i r t , poverty and igno-105 ranee" of the Irish-Catholics. The True Witness noted the general sense of such sermons as arguing that "Popery must be bad for i t keeps i ts votaries poor, because i t leaves them so ignorant." 1 0 ^ One sermon derided "those dirty Papists, always serfs, always doing our d i r ty work, to i l ing in canals and on rai lroads, whilst the overseers and superinten-dents of the works are good sound Protes tants . " 1 0 7 The English-speaking press displayed a marked preference for Protestant immigrants. The " th r i f t l ess , Romanist population of Ireland" was described in sorry contrast to the sturdy, independent, German, I no Scottish, English and Ulster immigrants. In a feature, ent it led the "Progress of Canada," the Globe noted the contrast between Irish-Catholic and Protestant communities in the early Irish settlement area around Peterborough. The township of Ennismore, i t proclaimed, was "almost entirely settled by Irish Roman Catholics, who certainly are twenty 109 years behind those of the [Protestant] township of Smith." The Witness, in i t s own survey of the area, reported that "the difference between a Protestant and a Catholic community is as marked here as in other parts of Canada ." 1 1 0 Whereas the Irish-Catholic immigrants to the area were "tota l ly destitute of the energy and foresight which are essential to success," and therefore "total ly unable to take advantage of the 70 favourable circumstances of their settlement," the Protestant townships displayed "the f ru i ts of hard and continued t o i l ; which united with foresight and enterprise have created from the forest some of the f inest farms in Canada."'''1 1 The dist inct ion between "that enslaved race" of Ir ish-Cathol ics, and the "manly and well-informed Protestant population of 112 Ireland," was clear cut. The Leader commented on the Irish ennumera-tion in the 1861 census that "the Irish constitute in some sort two peoples; the l ine of division being one of re l ig ion and also . . . one of r a c e . " 1 1 3 The degraded image of the Catholic Ir ish in the Canadian news-papers was intensif ied by the numerous ant i -Ir ish reports selected from the English press. There was l i t t l e dispassionate reporting of Irish 114 af fa i rs in the newspapers of Victorian England. Their aggressive reaction to events in Ireland and to the physical presence of Ir ish im-migrants in the slums of their c i t i e s , was a famil iar part of Canadian newspaper reading. The Times especial ly , whose long campaign against Irish causes was conducted with a large vocabulary of abuse, contempt, and r id i cu le , was a p r o l i f i c contributor to Canadian understanding of 115 Irish a f f a i r s . The Canadian Freeman protested that i t was the ambition of the leading English newspapers, part icular ly the Times, "to egg on the population of the great English c i t i es to a war against the I r i sh . " The press influence in England as a whole, i t lamented,"has gone to persuade the English mobs that they are f u l l of hatred to the I r i sh , and that they must have blood to satiate that hatred." 1 1 ^ rrtsh-Catholic papers resented b i t ter ly the prevalance of such 71 reporting in the Canadian press. The Canadian Freeman denounced the eagerness with which the predilection of "the Times and other unfair English journals for expiating upon the cruel and bloodthirsty instincts of the Ir ish character," was "copied approvingly into certain newspapers in Toronto . . . as a l l such art ic les ref lect ing injuriously upon Irishmen and their r e l i g i o n . " 1 1 7 The Mirror indignantly drew attention to the regularity with which Canadian editor ia ls repeated the invectives of the English "bigot press" against the "heathen I r i sh . " The Irish Canadian accused the Leader of drawing inspiration for i ts analysis of Irish problems and i ts condemnation of Irish behaviour "from that arch-enemy of our race, the Satanic Times." "Is there no manhood in our public writers," i t queried, "that wi l l l i f t them above their prejudices or 119 prevent them from pandering to a false feeling?" It suggested that i f the editor of the Leader "wishes to write inte l l igent ly on the ques-tion of Ireland, he "should study i t for himself, instead of adopting the 12 unfair and interested assumptions of the English press on Irish matters." The Globe was also b i t ter ly c r i t i c i zed by the Irish-Catholic papers for i r s perpetuation in Canada of the "anti-Ir ish and anti-Catholic malignancy" 121 of the English press. The Globe, protested the Canadian Freeman, "not sat isf ied with heaping proprio motu i t s dai ly abuse upon Ireland and everything I r i sh , has as a last resource, called to i t s aid the Cockney 122 diatribes of the London Times." In the eyes of the Globe, i t claimed, "every idea, no matter how false or absurd about Ireland emanating from 123 that unscrupulously lying sheet, ought to be considered . . . Truth." So close was the Globe's sympathy with English attitudes to Irish 72 a f f a i r s t h a t t h e M i r r o r mocked t h a t i t n o t o n l y wanted r e c o g n i t i o n as o r gan o f t h e P r o v i n c i a l m i n i s t r y , bu t a l s o as o r gan o f t h e Whig m i n i s t r y 124 i n E n g l a n d . T h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e h o s t i l e E n g l i s h r e a c t i o n t o I r i s h a f f a i r s i n f l u e n c e d t h e ways i n w h i c h t h e C anad i a n p r e s s t h o u g h t abou t i t s own I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n . R e p o r t s o f t h e p o v e r t y , c r i m e , d e s t i t u t i o n , r i o t , and mu rde r i n f l i c t e d by t h e I r i s h i m m i g r a n t p o p u l a t i o n on London , L i v e r p o o l and M a n c h e s t e r , p e r s uaded Canad i a n e d i t o r s t o d i l i g e n t l y u n e a r t h 125 an I r i s h p r ob l em i n t h e i r own c i t i e s . E n g l i s h newspape r s were e s p e -1 p c c i a l l y c o n c e r n e d w i t h I r i s h c r i m i n a l i t y . T h e i r f e a r s and d e t e s t a t i o n o f t h e I r i s h a s a c r i m i n a l c l a s s were r e p e a t e d i n C anada . M i nd s f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e c o n s t a n t r e c i t a l i n t h e E n g l i s h p r e s s o f I r i s h d e p r e d a t i o n s and 127 b r u t a l b e h a v i o u r , w i t h t h e mu rde r o f E n g l i s h p o l i c e m e n by F e n i a n s , and I p Q t h e r i o t s o f I r i s h l a b o u r e r s i n L ondon , r e a c t e d w i t h h o s t i l e a n x i e t y t o t h e t h r e a t s u g g e s t e d by t h e l a r g e I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n s o f T o r o n t o and M o n t r e a l . The I r i s h had an o v e rwhe lm i ng p r e p o n d e r a n c e i n t h e Canad i a n c r i m e s t a t i s t i c s . Over h a l f o f t h e men and t w o - t h i r d s o f women c h a r g e d w i t h c r i m e i n M o n t r e a l and T o r o n t o i n t h e l a t e e i g h t e e n - f o r t i e s and t h r o u g h o u t t h e e i g h t e e n - f i f t i e s and s i x t i e s were I r i s h , and most o f them were 129 C a t h o l i c . The w e i g h t o f such f i g u r e s , w h i c h were i t e m i z e d d a i l y i n t h e p o l i c e co lumns o f t h e n ewspape r s , s u p p o r t e d t h e common b e l i e f t h a t I r i s h -C a t h o l i c s c o n t r i b u t e d d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y t o t h e c r i m i n a l c l a s s , and gave 130 s u b s t a n c e t o w i d e l y h e l d f e a r s o f rampant I r i s h c r i m e and d e b a u c h e r y . The p r o b l e m o f l aw and o r d e r was one o f t h e most p r o m i n e n t s o c i a l i s s u e s 73 131 in the press at mid-century. A col lect ive alarm permeated society over the great increase in crime and violence which was widely attributed to 132 the influx of criminal elements from Ireland. The Witness trembled at the thought of common Irish v i l l a i n s "trained by the state of society in Ireland to commit murder in retal iat ion for real or fancied wrongs, who may be hired by any Ribbon society for a few shi l l ings to take away human 133 l i f e . " The volume of Irish-Catholic arrests and court appearances pro-gressively worsened their col lect ive reputation. The Canadian press regularly identif ied the dai ly l i s t of Irish prisoners by their nation-a l i t y and re l ig ion , frequently reporting the proceedings in an outrageous 134 brogue. In the police courts, "the moral pulse of the c i t y , " a long and repetit ive l i s t of crimes and unacceptable behaviour was attributed daily to the Irish community, increasing i t s strangeness and alienation from sober, peaceable and respectable c i t i zens . In i t s concern with Ir ish crime and disorder, the press art icu-lated the dominant social, values of Victorian Canada. The criminal ten-dencies of the Irish were attributed by the Canadian newspapers to their idleness, lack of moral principles and their distance from true re l ig ion . They were especially linked to the Irish weakness for drink. Temperance was a major social value in Victorian Canada, and the Irish were castigated as i t s greatest enemy. The press was f u l l of "sensation scraps" relating to Irish drunkenness. By 1848, the characteristics of the drunk in many temperance stories had become equated with those of an intemperate 135 Irishman. Behind these explanations of Irish cr iminal ity was a profound conservatism, worried and confused by the intensifying social problems of 74 urbanization, and reacting against the Irish immigrants with contempt and fear as an alien assault on society. They were seen to threaten the values and virtues of hard work, rel igion and sobriety which most English-speaking Canadians considered to be the basis of social order. Middle-class Victorian Canadians were horrif ied and frightened by the disruption and violence which the Irish seemed constantly to threaten. They were stigmatized in the press as unruly and discontented beings who allowed 137 their criminal passions fu l l freedom. The preponderance of the Irish in the criminal s t a t i s t i c s , as well as worsening their reputation for social disorder and lawlessness, i l lustrated the self-perpetuating nature of the stereotype. The Canadian Freeman complained that many of the charges for which Irish-Catholics were penalized were too petty to have been brought against Protestant malefac-138 tors. A drunken Irish-Catholic, in Toronto, i t protested, ran more risk of arrest than a drunken Protestant, especially since nearly a l l the 139 police constables were Irish Protestants. The s tat i s t i cs for acquit-t a l , moreover, as well as those for arrest , seem to suggest that the stereotype of Irish cr iminal ity prejudiced their chances in court. An analysis of gaol and court registers for Middlesex County has shown a sharp difference in rates of acquittal between Irish-Catholic and other ethnic groups at mid-century, suggesting judic ia l prejudice in the courts relating to Irish birth and C a t h o l i c i s m . 1 4 0 Prejudice against the Irish in court is apparent as well in the tone of censure and condescension towards "typical Irishmen of the lower class" adopted by Police Magis-trates in Toronto and M o n t r e a l . 1 4 1 Society and the legal authorities 75 seemed to have a role in perpetuating the Irish-Catholics as a criminal c lass . At the centre of the stereotype of Irish cr iminal ity was the feeling that they were corrupted. The degraded and disorganized way of l i f e , which the Canadian newspapers described as typical of the Irish population, the vagrancy, destitution and poverty which they saw on their streets, were blamed on moral weakness. As proof of the low moral con-dit ion of the Ir ish , the newspapers drew attention to the Irish-Catholic l i f e - s t y l e . There was a definite d ist inct ion in the Irish way of l iv ing that separated them in the community. An English observer reported in 1870 that "In Canadian towns, i t i s s t i l l very noticeable that the Irish quarter is at once the poorest and least orderly, and i t is in these denser communities that one gets the least favourable view of the 142 Celt ic population." The squalor of Irish housing conditions, and the Irish slowness in transforming into models of sober se l f - re l iance, pro-vided evidence to support their image as a police problem and as social outcasts. The d i r ty houses and f i l t h y streets of Irish areas in Toronto and Montreal were proof of degraded l ives and disorderly, brutal behaviour. The "dark hovels" of the Irish-Catholics and their "idleness and wretched-143 ness" was a common analogy in the Canadian press. Punch in Canada reported in 1849, that he had "herded with monstrosities in the meanest ce l lars of Griffintown in order to study the character of humanity in i ts 144 lowest phase." Definite areas of Toronto and Montreal were known as Ir ish d is-t r i c t s . The Witness complained constantly about "the unwholesome condition" 76 of Irish Griffintown, protesting that "altogether a more l i k e l y place to 145 engender pestilence does not exist on this continent." The "forlorn appearance" of the Irish quarter was contrasted pointedly with "the com-fort of French Canadian wards." Conditions worsened in the eighteen-s ix t ies , as the Irish crowded into Montreal from the countryside to f i l l 147 the open spaces of swamp with shacks and shanties. They retained their peasant l i f e - s t y l e even in the c i ty . A v i s i to r to Griffintown in 1869 remarked that "the houses—shall we cal l them such—of the i n -habitants of Griffintown, were a reproduction of the Irish huts in 148 Connemara." Irish sanitary practices, suited to a dispersed cot-tage l i f e , invited epidemics. "Every house almost," sniffed the Witness, "has a stable, cow-house or pig-sty attached, a l l reeking with the close 149 vapours." The editor of the Montreal.Gazette,recorded his disgust at the "stench and sickening sights" to be seen in "the pestiferous l i t t l e streets" of Griffintown, "which to our disgrace, rot and reek into the polluted a i r . " 1 5 0 Toronto as wel l , predicted La Mi nerve, "ne tardera pas a avoir 151 son Griffintown." Its Irish population was congregated in rough shan-t ies on the Don Flats and near the core of the c i ty close to the wharves, with centres of concentration in the southern and eastern sections of the 152 c i t y . The Irish tenement areas around Yonge and King Streets, es-pecial ly Stanley Street, were notorious for their overcrowded, ramshackle buildings, their "shebeen" shops, Irish rowdyism, drunkenness and assault. Stanley Street was a byword in the Toronto newspapers for Irish v io lence. 1 It was a standard form of Police Court reporting, to identify prisoners as 77 Irish by their Stanley Street address. Such was the reputation of the area, that the c i ty magistrate concluded that the very fact that an Irish 155 prisoner actually l ived there, was suggestion enough of his cr iminal i ty . 156 Free-for-al l f ight ing, amounting at times to the scale of "insurrections," provoked the Globe to complain against the existence of such a loca l i ty in the heart of the c i ty as a "source of continued annoyance to a large number of c i t i zens ." It proposed that some effort should be made "to break up the dens of iniquity and f i l t h which constitute the larger portion of i t s 157 tenements." Underlying the contempt with which the Canadian newspapers des-cribed the degraded and unruly position of the Catholic Irish at the bottom of the social p i l e , was a deeper anxiety. The crowded Irish popu-lations of Toronto and Montreal were seen as more than a social l i a b i l i t y . They frequently provoked panic as a threat to the security of the country i t s l e f . Irish centres of population were identi f ied regularly in the press as hotbeds of c i v i l d isaffect ion. Many Canadian attitudes towards the Catholic Irish were coloured by doubts about their loyalty and by fears of their propensity to organized violence. In the debate on the M i l i t i a B i l l in 1853, these fears were expressed in the proposal that they be prohibited from carrying weapons since "dangerous consequences might ensue from put-ting arms in the hands of a section of the Irish p e o p l e . " 1 5 8 The formation of Irish Catholic M i l i t i a companies in Montreal, excited the Witness to panic fears of a St. Bartholomew night massacre of Canadian Protestants in 159 support of an invasion by an army of Irish-Americans. Fears of such an insurrection and an Irish inspired invasion caused consternation several 78 times at mid-century. In 1848, the po l i t i ca l authorities in Canada, ex-pecting repercussions of the r is ings in Europe and Ireland, held their breath for six months in fear of what they perceived as "le peri l i r l anda i s . " La Minerve reported that the Montreal Irish-Catholic lawyer, Bernard Devlin, at a convention of the New York Republican Union, had promised "que tous les Irlandais de Montreal sont sous les armes, et qu ' i l n'attendent que son signal pour marcher a la charge." "En Canada," he was alleged to have asserted, "notre argument doit etre le canon, le mousquet et le bayonet." The Globe warned that for a l l Irish-Catholic attachment to Responsible Government, they were "never for one moment oblivious that England is their deadly enemy" and that i t "behoves them to be perenially the staunchest foe of that accursed empire." The image of the Irish in Canada in the English-speaking press was continu-a l l y haunted by the spectre of a widespread Ribbon organization, thirst ing 163 for Protestant blood and sworn to vengeance against England. Readiness to believe in the subversive tendencies of I r i sh-Catholics in Canada reached i ts peak during the years of Fenian act iv i ty in the eighteen-sixties. The organization of a Fenian army in the United States and i t s threat to invade the Br i t ish North American provinces, pro-voked in the Canadian press many expressions of deep distrust for the Catholic Irish population. There is l i t t l e evidence of any Irish-Canadian 164 support for the idea of a Fenian invasion of Canada. On the contrary, there were many expressions of Irish-Catholic distress at the way in which threats of Fenian host i l i ty added a further menace to their already un-favourable image. It was not easy, however, for the Irish community to 79 clear i t s e l f of the Fenian ta int . Editor ials and a flood of readers' l e t ters , disclosing suspected Fenian d r i l l i n g and arming throughout the province, and advising loyal Canadians to be on the alert against their Catholic neighbours, displayed a revealing willingness to expect the 165 worst of the Irish community. The press stimulated these anxieties. The Mirror complained that the Leader and Globe were "continually f u l l of suggestions calculated to s t i r up the most dangerous feelings in the mind of our Canadian popu-la t ion . " The Irish Canadian protested that "the Globe for months has been doing i ts best to produce a Feniaphobia in Canada." 1 6 7 A letter from Perth was indignant that the "slanderous" Globe "uses the term. Fenians with regard to a l l Catholics" and that i t s "malicious howlings" contributed much "towards causing disunion between parties which would I CO otherwise l i ve in harmony." The Stratford Beacon pointed out that "with some narrow-minded people the idea seems to prevail that i f a 169 person is a Catholic he must necessarily be a Fenian." A let ter to the Globe warned that the "attrocit ies of the 'White-Boys' are about to be re-enacted in Canada and our hitherto peaceful country is to be devested, [s ic] by similar horrors to those perpetrated by the midnight assassins in I r e l a n d . " 1 7 0 Charles Dilke recorded his impression that there was a general fear as to whether "the whole of the Canadian Irish are not d i s a f f e c t e d . " 1 7 1 Many Irish-Catholics lost their jobs, suffered 172 insul ts , threats and arbitrary arrest during the Fenian panic. Such was the feeling against them, that John A Macdonald had to issue a c i r -cular to a l l crown attorneys in Upper Canada warning them against the 80 p r a c t i c e o f a l l o w i n g " i l l i t e r a t e m a g i s t r a t e s t o a r r e s t e v e r y man whom t h e y c hoo se t o s u s p e c t , " s i n c e t h e r e had r e s u l t e d , "a g r e a t d e a l o f u n e a s i n e s s among t h e I r i s h Roman C a t h o l i c p o p u l a t i o n i n c on sequence o f 173 t h e s e h a s t y and i l l - j u d g e d a r r e s t s . " J . L. P. O ' H a n l e y r e c a l l e d t h e p e r i o d a s "a r e i g n o f t e r r o r " a g a i n s t I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s . ' ' ' ' 7 4 The i n s u l t s , a b u s e , and s u s p i c i o n w h i c h t h e C a t h o l i c I r i s h com-m u n i t y as a who l e s u f f e r e d d u r i n g t h e F e n i a n p a n i c was t h e n a t u r a l r e a c t i o n o f a C anad i a n s o c i e t y w h i c h had l e a r n t t o a c c e p t t h e i d e a o f t h e I r i s h as an i n f e r i o r and a l i e n r a c e . The h o s t i l i t y t o t h e I r i s h a p p a r e n t d u r i n g t h e F e n i a n e p i s o d e s was n o t an i s o l a t e d phenomenon i n t h e h i s t o r y o f I r i s h - C a n a d i a n a d j u s t m e n t . I t was s i m p l y t h e most f o r c e -f u l e x p r e s s i o n o f an a n t i - I r i s h f e e l i n g w h i c h had l o n g been e v i d e n t i n t h e Canad i an n e w s p a p e r s . The C a t h o l i c I r i s h had been a n a t h e m a t i z e d , b lamed and r i d i c u l e d f o r t h e i r s o c i a l h a b i t s , p o v e r t y and r e l i g i o n . The Canad i a n Freeman p r o t e s t e d t h a t t h e G l obe u sed t h e I r i s h name and r a c e " a s synonyms f o r a l l t h a t i s l ow and deba sed i n t h e mo ra l and s o c i a l 175 o r d e r . " Under h e a d l i n e s su ch as " I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s t h e C u r s e o f t h e L a n d " and "The I r i s h P a p i s t a Rebe l and a J u d a s , " t h e y had been p e r s i s -t e n t l y v i l l i f i e d a s " D o g a n s , " " P a p i s t s , " " R e l i g i o u s F a n a t i c s , " " B e g g a r s , " and " V e r m i n . " ' ' ' 7 7 I t i s f r om such p i c t u r e s o f o u r r e l i g i o n and n a t i o n a l i t y , " as drawn by t h e G l o b e , L e a d e r and W i t n e s s , e x p l a i n e d t h e I r i s h C a n a d i a n , " t h a t t h e m a j o r i t y o f P r o t e s t a n t s i n t h i s c o u n t r y have f o rmed t h e i r o p i n i o n o f u s . Taugh t f r om so p o l l u t e d a s o u r c e , c o u l d t h e i r c o n c e p t i o n be o t h e r -1 yp w i s e t h an f o u l o r h o r r i b l e ? " The image o f t h e I r i s h as a s o c i a l menace e n cou r aged and i n t e n s i f i e d t h e s e p a r a t e g r oup i d e n t i t y w h i c h P r o t e s t a n t e d i t o r s condemned as a s t u b b o r n r e f u s a l t o a s s i m i l a t e . The i r o n y was 8 1 a p p a r e n t t o I r i s h - C a t h o l i c e d i t o r s . " T a l k t o t h e I r i s h o f n a t i o n a l and r e l i g i o u s d i s t i n c t i o n s : " p r o t e s t e d t h e T rue W i t n e s s ; "They a r e e v e r y -179 where d r i v e n t o make and keep them u p . " I t was no wonde r , a d m i t t e d t h e I r i s h - P r o t e s t a n t c h r o n i c l e r o f t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e I r i s h m a n i n Canada , t h a t t h e I r i s h s h o u l d c o n t i n u e t o be " p e c u l i a r and p u z z l i n g , t h a t t h e i r t h o u g h t s s h o u l d n o t be o u r t h o u g h t s , no r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l p a s s i o n s o u r p o l i t i c a l p a s s i o n s , " when Canad i an h o s t i l i t y and I r i s h d e f e n s i v e n e s s c au sed them t o " l i v e amongst u s , bu t n o t o f u s , a l m o s t as s e p a r a t e d as t h e 180 Jews were f r om t h e s u r r o u n d i n g p o p u l a t i o n i n m e d i e v a l t i m e s . " 82 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER TWO 1 See Duncan, p. 22; Coleman, pp. 137-154; Lesl ie Harvey, "The Canadian Response to the Irish Famine Emigration of 1847," (M.A. thesis , University of Br i t i sh Columbia, 1973), pp. 98-103; John A. Gallagher, "The Irish Emigration of 1847 and i ts Canadian Consequences," CCHA Report,1935, pp. 43-57; and Gilbert Tucker, "The Famine Immigration to Canada, 1847," American Historical Review, Vol. XXVII, No. 3, 1930-31, pp. 533-549. 2 See, William Bridges, The Colonization of Br i t ish North  America . . . (London, 1848), and James Fitzgerald, A Plan of Settlement  and Colonization adapted to a l l the Br i t ish North American Provinces . . . , (Toronto, 1850). See also, the Montreal Witness, July 30, 1856, for detai ls of a grant of land on the Gatineau to the Catholic Bishop of Bytown. 3 A Pamphlet Addressed to the Right Hon. Lord John Russell , F i rs t Lord of the Treasury on Irish Emigration to Canada, dated as evidence 23 March 1847 but without t i t l e . 4 Globe, May 1, 1847. 5 Ibid. 6 Ib id . , Jan. 2, 1847. ' Ib id . , April 19, 1848. The Globe suggested that, a St. Lawrence Society be formed to encourage Canadian arts , science and l i terature in an: effort to foster national feeling in Canada. The clearest def in i t ion of what the newspapers meant by national feeling was that the different im-migrant groups should cease to think in terms of old country r i va l r ies and their own group interests. The Irish were identi f ied as the worst offen-ders. The context in which Irish loyalty to their own group interests was discussed, usually implied cr i t i c i sm of French Canadian sectionalism. 8 Leader, Feb. 19, 1856. 9 Ib id . , May 2, 1854. Ib id . , Oct. 23, 1858. Globe, Apri l 21, 1847. Quoted in La Mi nerve, May, 1847. 83 1 3 Ibid. 1 4 Quoted i n Canad i a n F r eeman , Nov . 2 8 , 1 8 6 1 . 1 5 L e a d e r , F eb . 8 , 1856 . 1 6 G l o b e , May , 1, 1847 . 1 7 L e a d e r , F eb . 8 , 1856 . 1 8 M o n t r e a l W i t n e s s , Nov. 2 4 , 1 8 5 1 . 19 L e a d e r , F eb . 1 1 , 1856 . A t an I r i s h - C a t h o l i c C o n v e n t i o n i n B u f f a l o , New Y o r k , i n F e b r u a r y , 1856 , e i g h t y l a y and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l l e a d e r s f r om Canada and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , p r o p o s e d t o f o rm a j o i n t s t o c k company t o buy l a n d f o r I r i s h s e t t l e r s i n C anada , on an i n s t a l m e n t b a s i s . 2 0 L e a d e r , F eb . 1 1 , 1856 . 2 1 I b i d . 2 2 Speech o f M r . H o l l a n d , I b i d . 2 3 I b i d . OA A Pamph l e t A d d r e s s e d t o L o r d John R u s s e l l , p . 1 2 . 25 I r i s h t r a i t s were a p o p u l a r f i l l e r i n t h e C anad i a n p r e s s , even t h e F r e n c h C a n a d i a n . La Mi n e r v e , had a r e g u l a r s e c t i o n i l l u s t r a t i n g t h e p e c u l i a r i t i e s o f I r i s h c h a r a c t e r . I t was e n t i t l e d , " T ou t a f a i t , I r l a n d a i s . " pc S t . P a t r i c k ' s S o c i e t y m e e t i n g s were a l m o s t as f u l l y r e p o r t e d i n t h e G l obe and L e a d e r , a s t h e y were i n t h e I r i s h p r e s s . 2 7 G l o b e , Feb . 2 0 , 1847 ; Nov. 2 9 , 1862 . See a l s o , G . J . P a r r , "The Welcome and t h e Wake; A t t i t u d e s i n Canada West t owa r d s t h e I r i s h Famine I m m i g r a t i o n , " O n t a r i o H i s t o r y , V o l . L X V I , No. 2 , J u n e , 1974 , p. 105 . 2 8 G l o b e , Feb . 2 0 , 1847 . 2 9 I b i d . , M a r c h 3 , 6 , 1847 . 3 0 I b i d . , J a n . 2 6 , 1848 . The G l obe p r e d i c t e d , howeve r , t h a t " t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f consumers o v e r p r o d u c e r s i n t h a t v a s t i m m i g r a t i o n w i l l be s e v e r e l y f e l t f o r some y e a r s t o c ome . " 3 1 P a r r , p . 1 0 8 . 84 3 2 I b i d . , p. 109 . 3 3 G l o b e , Ma r ch 6 , 1847 ; A u g . 9 , 1849 . 34 See J u d i t h F i n g a r d , "The S ea sona l C o n t o u r s o f P r e - I n d u s t r i a l P o v e r t y i n B r i t i s h N o r t h A m e r i c a , 1 8 1 5 - 1 8 6 0 , " C anad i a n H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , H i s t o r i c a l P a p e r s , 1974 , p. 7 8 , and P a r r , p. 110 . 35 K a t z , " I r i s h and Canad i a n C a t h o l i c s , " p . 3 5 . 3 6 P a r r , p. 113 . 3 7 I b i d . 3 8 Quoted i n M i r r o r , O c t . 1, 1847 . 39 ° P a r r , p . 1 1 3 . 4 0 L e a d e r , Dec . 3 1 , 1862 . 4 1 See K a t z , I r i s h and C a n a d i a n C a t h o l i c s , " p . 3 6 . 42 See H. C . P e n t l a n d , " L a b o u r and t h e Deve lopment o f I n d u s t r i a l C a p i t a l i s m i n C a n a d a , " ( P h . d . t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o , 1 9 6 0 ) , p. 228 . 43 Even t h e F r e n c h Canad i a n newspape r s had c o r r e s p o n d e n c e f r om I r e l a n d . See t h e l e t t e r s t o Le P a y s , S e p t . - D e c , 1865 , f r om Rev . 0 . V . P e r r a u l t . The G l o b e , i n S e p t . , 1864 , p r i n t e d r e p o r t s f r om "Our Own C o r r e s p o n d e n t " on t h e B e l f a s t r i o t s . 4 4 The Canad i a n P a r l i a m e n t d e b a t e d r e s o l u t i o n s on I r i s h a f f a i r s s e v e r a l t i m e s t h r o u g h o u t t h e c e n t u r y . In t h e House o f A s s e m b l y , Nov. 4 , 1852 , W. L. M a c k e n z i e p r opo sed a r e s o l u t i o n f o r an appea l t o t h e Queen f o r amnes ty t o t h e I r i s h e x i l e s o f 1848 . See La Mi n e r v e , Nov. 9 , 1852 . The M i r r o r c l a i m e d t h a t t h e e v e n t u a l r e l e a s e o f I r i s h e x i l e , Sm i t h O ' B r i e n , was a c on sequence o f an a d d r e s s on h i s b e h a l f by t h e Canad i a n P a r l i a m e n t . See M i r r o r , March 6 , 1857 . In J u n e , 1869 , t h e House o f Commons d e b a t e d a , p r o p o s a l t o make some Canad i an e x p r e s s i o n o f s a t i s f a c t i o n a t t h e B i l l b e f o r e t h e I m p e r i a l P a r l i a m e n t f o r t h e d i s e s t a b l i s h m e n t and d i sendowment o f t h e c h u r c h i n I r e l a n d ; See L e a d e r , J une 1, 1869 . I n A p r i l , 1882 , t h e C anad i a n P a r l i a m e n t s u b m i t t e d an a d d r e s s t o t h e Queen , u r g i n g t h e g r a n t i n g o f Home Ru l e t o I r e l a n d . F u r t h e r r e s o l u t i o n s i n f a v o r o f I r i s h s e l f -gove rnment were p a s s ed i n 1886 by t h e Canad i a n House o f Commons, and by t h e L e g i s l a t i v e A s s emb l y o f Quebec . In 1887 , t h e C a n a d i a n House o f Commons, t h e L e g i s l a t i v e A s s emb l y o f O n t a r i o , and t h e Quebec L e g i s l a t u r e , a dop t ed r e s o l u t i o n s a g a i n s t t h e I r i s h C o e r c i o n B i l l . See S t a n l e y H. H o r r a l l , "Canada and t h e I r i s h Q u e s t i o n ; A S t u d y o f t h e C anad i a n Response t o I r i s h Home R u l e , 1 8 8 2 - 1 8 9 3 . " (M .A . t h e s i s , C a r l e t o n U n i v e r s i t y , O t t a w a , 1 9 6 6 ) , p p . 1 55 - 164 . 85 4 5 Globe, Nov. 13, 1863. 46 This was a persistent theme in French Canadian attitudes towards the Ir ish. Henry Bourassa, in an appeal for Irish-Canadian support for the protection of the French language, in 1914, claimed that "the only explan-ation that can be given of the attitudes of those Irish-Catholics, more noisy than numerous, who work hand in hand with the enemies of French Canada, is that they have forgotten the history of Ireland and not learned the history of Canada." See Henry Bourassa, Ireland and Canada, (Montreal, Imprimerie Le Devoir, 1914), p. 14. See also, Claude Trott ier , "Lettre amicale et franche, & un Irlandais bien intentions," L'Action Nationale, Vol. LIV, No. 2, 1964, p. 156. Trott ier repeats the complaint that "Les Irlandais Canadiens, Catholics Romains ou pas, Quebecois ou autres, se conduisent envers les Canadiens Francais, comme des Anglais Protestants." 4 7 La Minerve, Feb. 22, 1861. 4 8 Ib id . , Jan. 12, 1854. 4 9 Ib id . , Feb. 22, 1861. Ib id . , March 19, 1859. Music for the Montreal St. Patrick's Society dinner on St. Patrick's Day, 1864, was performed by French Canadians, as a token of f raternity . See La Mi nerve, March 18, 1864, "The Harp that Once Through Tara's H a l l , " was sung by Mile. Regnaud, and "Kathleen Mavourneen," by Mile. Dupres. 5 1 Ib id . , Jan. 30, 1851. 52 Papineau was frequently compared with Daniel O'Connell. See La Mi nerve, June 22, 1843. 5 3 Ib id . , March 23, 1846. 54 L'Avenir, April 19, 1848. Quoted in Tucker, p. 546. 5 5 Le Pays, May 29, 1866. 0 0 Globe, Nov. 23, 1859. 5 7 Leader, July 27, 1853. 5 8 Montreal Witness, Jan. 14, 1860. 59 Globe, quoted in True Witness, March 25, 1864. fin See Canadian Freeman, June 26, 1862, Ed i to r ia l , "The Br i t ish  Whig [Kingston! on the Constitution of Ireland." 6 1 Leader, Nov. 25, 1863. 86 CO Quoted in Irish Canadian, Feb. 18, 1863. 6 3 Ibid. 6 4 Globe, Dec. 29, 1853. 65 Quoted in Canadian Freeman, Nov. 16, 1863. The Freeman reacted with a sense of b itter irony. If "prejudices and passions," were causes of a country's material decadence," i t declared "what would become of Canada where they have been lashed into fury repeatedly for the last f i f -teen years by the unscrupulous writers in the Globe . . . No country ever suffered more from prejudices got up for a purpose and manufactured to order than this Canada of ours." 19, 1863. 67 CC Globe, Aug. 16, 1848, and quoted in Canadian Freeman, Nov. Careless, "Mid-Victorian Liberalism," p. 223. 6 8 Globe. Nov. 23, 1855. 69 Leader, July 28, 1865. 7 0 Globe, Nov. 23, 1855. 7 1 Globe, March 18, 1864. 72 La Mi nerve, Jan. 18, 1867. 7 3 Ib id . , March 23, 1866. 7 4 Ibid. 7 5 Le Pays, Sept. 16, 1857. 7 6 Ibid. 7 7 Ibid. 7 8 Ibid. 7 9 Ib id . , Dec. 7, 1865 80 This host i l i ty seems to have been based on clashes over employ-ment. Contemporaries who noticed the antagonism between the two communities, seemed unable to understand i t . Their myopia was encouraged by the fact that the French Canadians had not real ly exploited the unskilled employment into which the Irish pushed. Yet, they s t i l l regarded these jobs as customarily ' their own, and increasingly needed them as outlets. By the eighteen-s ix t ies , however, the Irish had made the unskilled urban employment of Lower Canada, their private preserve. See Pentland, pp. 241-243. Pentland suggests that the French Canadians were the only group in Canada that the Irish fe l t they could attack with impunity, both in the labor market and physically. The Irish often terrorized the French Canadians on the public works in Lower Canada, where the French were rarely employed as labourers, but regularly as carters and wood cutters. pi Montreal Witness, May 29, 1858; June 8, 1859. pp Le Pays, May 19, 1858; Montreal Witness, May 19, 1858. go Quoted in Montreal Witness, Sept. 3, 1859. 84 O H Montreal Witness, Nov. 11, 1857. 8 5 New Era, Nov. 7, 1857. 8 6 Le Pays, Feb. 1, 1854. 8 7 Ib id . , Nov. 13, 1866. 8 8 Montreal Witness, Feb. 25, 1857. 89 Quoted in J . L . Cooper, "The Early Editorial Policy of the  Montreal Witness" CHA Reports, 1947, pp. 57-58. 90 Quoted in True Witness, Nov. 2, 1855. 9 1 Ibid. 92 See Le Canadien, Dec. 26, 1862. Letter of Charles de Cazes. See Mirror, March 5, 1852; Montreal Witness, Jan. 7, 1857, Globe, Feb. 18; 27, 1861. 9 4 Globe, Feb. 26, 1853. Q5 3 Montreal Witness, Sept. 3, 1856. 9 6 See Globe, June 12, 1855. 9 7 Mirror, April 25, 1851. 9 8 Montreal Witness, July 26, 1847. Ib id . , May 7, 1862. 88 1 0 0 Ib id . , Aug. 23, 1847/ 1 0 1 Ib id . , Jan. 7, 1857. 1 U Globe, Sept. 6, 1853. 1 0 3 Montreal Witness, Nov. 7, 1857. 1 0 4 Globe, Nov. 17, 1866. 1 0 5 True Witness, Feb. 6, 1852. 1 0 6 Ibid. 1 0 7 Ibid. 1 0 8 See Montreal Witness, Aug. 23, 1847; March 12, 1849; Nov. 24, 1851, Aug. 4, 185~o\ Describing the great progress made by the vi l lage of Lintowell in Perth County—from one log house to a f lourishing community in two years—the Witness emphasized that "The people are pr inc ipal ly from Scotland and the North of Ireland, and a l l are Protestants." 1 0 9 Globe, Nov. 14, 1856. 1 1 0 Montreal Witness, Dec. 12, 1855. 1 1 1 Ibid-1 1 2 Ib id . , March, 19, 1849. 113 Leader, Jan. 25, 1862. See also Fleming, Orangeism and the 12th  of July Riots, p. 6. He finds that Irish Protestants were so concerned to distinguish themselves ethnical ly from Irish-Catholics, that many of those representatives l i s ted in the Canadian Parliamentary Companion, took the trouble to trace their pedigree back to Cromwell, or William the Third's colonists. 114 See Curt is , Apes and Angels, p. 21. 115 Leaders from the Times appeared almost in fu l l in the Globe in the e ighteen-f i f t ies . See F.H. Underbi l l , "Canada's Relations with the Empire as seen by the Toronto Globe, 1857-1867," CHR, 1929, pp. 106-109. 1 1 6 Canadian Freeman, Feb. 18, 1869. 1 1 7 Ibid. 1 1 8 Mirror, Sept. 2, 1853. 89 11Q Irish Canadian, Dec. 2, 1863. 1 2 0 Ib id . , Dec. 16, 1863. 121 Canadian Freeman, Oct. 25, 1860. 1 2 2 Ib id . , Nov. 19, 1863. 1 2 3 Ib id . , Nov. 19, 1863. 1 2 4 Mirror, April 25, 1851. 125 See Houston, "Victorian Origins of Juvenile Delinquency," p. 255. 1 2 6 See Mirror, Dec. 19, 1856. 127 See the selections in the Canadian Freeman, Dec. 12, 1867. 1 2 8 Globe, Nov. 13, 1862. 12Q See Appendix I. 1 on Jean Burnet, Ethnic Groups in Upper Canada, (Ontario Historical Society, Research Paper No. 1, Toronto, 1972), p. 78. 131 The concern of the Globe with law and order is i l lustrated in a series of ar t ic les in 1865—"Visit to the City Gaol," "Prof i le of a Policeman," etc. ,See Globe, during May, 1865. l 0 C Bellomo, p. 11. 133 1 0 , 3 Montreal Witness, March 9, 1859. 1 3 4 Ib id . , Jan. 9, 1861. 1 3 5 James M. Clemens, "Taste Not; Touch Not; Handle Not; A Study of the social assumptions of the temperance l i terature and temperance sup-porters in Canada West between 1839-1859," Ontario History, Vol. 64, 1972, p. 145. 1 3 6 Bellomo, p. 16. 1 3 7 Clemens, p. 148. 138 Canadian Freeman, Jan. 28, 1859. 90 139 The Police Report to the Toronto City Council in 1851, l i s ted a l l off icers as English, and a l l but two constables as Irish Protestants. Even the reformed Police force in 1859, contained only one Irish-Catholic of f icer out of seven, and seven Irish-Catholic constables out of a total of f i f ty -n ine . Five of the off icers and thirty-four of the constables were Irish-Protestant. See Minutes of the City Council, 18593 "Decriptive and Nominal Roll of the City of Toronto Police Force, Organized February 9th 1859." 1 4 0 Harvey J . Graff, "Crime and Punishment in the Nineteenth Century; The Experience of Middlesex County, Ontario," CSHP Report No. 5, p. 150. Irish-Catholics had an acquittal rate in Middlesex County Courts of 13.6%, compared to 24.6% for Irish Protestants, 34.5% for Scottish Presbyterians, 39.8% for English Protestants, 43.0% for Canadian Protestants, and 39.1% for Canadian Catholics. 1 4 1 See Colonel George T. Denison, Recollections of a Police  Magistrate, (Toronto, The Musson Book Company L td . , 1920), pp. 178-194, p. 213. John White, Sketches from America, (London, Sampson Low, Son & Marston, 1870), pp. 47-48. 143 144 145 146 See Globe, Nov. 25, 1859. Punch in Canada, Preface to Vol . 1, Jan, 1, 1849. Montreal Witness, Sept. 2, 1857. Ib id . , The contrast between the image of the Irish residents of Griffintown, and that of the more respectable c it izens of Montreal is i l l u s -trated in the sketches in Appendix II . 1 4 7 Cross, pp. 32-36, 200. I AO A. J . Thebaud, Forty Years in the United States of America, (New York, U.S. Catholic Historical Society, 1904), p. 223. 1 4 9 Montreal Witness, Sept. 12, 1857. 1 5 0 Quoted in True Witness, Nov. 10, 1865. 1 5 1 La Mi nerve, March 31, 1860. 1 0 £ Shea, p. 19. 1 CO The Br i t ish Colonist referred to Irish immigrant housing in the area as the "v i lest of the v i l e , " July 23, 1847. 91 154 Stanley Street was previously known as March Street, and later as Lombard Street. Denison attributed the change of name to attempts by City Council to improve the area, which he described as one of the slums of the c i t y , with "a very unsavoury reputation." See Denison, p. 178. Nevertheless, Stanley Street was the home of the Juvenile Catholic Library, the Catholic Institute, and the Toronto Total Abstinence Society, a l l of which met in the Catholic Brick School Room. See Mirror, March 7, 1851; Jan. 23, 1852; Nov. 9, 1855. 155 156 157 158 159 Toronto Daily Telegraph, May 21, 1866. Leader, Jan 29, 1859. Globe, July 26, 1866. Leader, March 30, 1855. Montreal Witness, July 16, 1856. 160 >e 161 Lional^Groulx, "Papineau et le peYil Ir landais," Revue d'histoire de 1'Amerique Francaise* Vol • IV, No. 4, 1951, p .513 . La Minerve, July 3, 1848. 1 6 2 Globe, May 25, 1857. 163 St. Patrick's Societies, Gun Clubs, and Franchise Clubs, were suspected of being Ribbon lodges, "in direct communication with the Phoenix Society of Ireland and the United States." See Leader, March 7, 1859; Globe, March 1, 1859. 164 165 Stacey, "A Fenian Interlude . . . , " p. 141. The Globe proclaimed that "society at large is i t s own best detective." Every Protestant was urged to be "on the lookout for evidence whereby the conspirators may be brought to just ice and every l i t t l e t i t t l e that can be procured wi l l be at the service of the publ ic ." Globe, Nov. 24, 1864. 166 167 168 169 Mirror, Dec. 8, 1865. Irish Canadian, Jan. 18, 1865. True Witness, April 4, 1865. Stratford Beacon, June 8, 1866, quoted in W. S. Neidhardt, "The Fenian Brotherhood and South Western Ontario," (M.A. thesis, University of Western Ontario, 1967), p. 77. Globe, Nov. 19, 1864. 92 171 Charles Dilke, Greater Br i ta in . A Record of Travel in English- Speaking Countries in 1866 arid 1867, (New York, Harper & Brothers, Publishers. 1866). P- 61. 172 The Irish Canadian reported on March 28, 1866, that "eighty-three Irish-Catholics in the neighbourhood of Montreal, were cast adr i f t by the Grand Trunk Company last week," for refusing to take the oath of allegiance imposed by the largely Protestant Volunteer Corps being raised by the Grand Trunk. The Irish-Catholics objected, not to the oath of allegiance, but to i ts being forced upon them in question of their loyalty. 17? 1 / 3 Leader, June 29, 1866. 174 J . L. P. O'Hanley, The Pol i t ica l Standing of Irish-Catholics in Canada; A Cr i t i ca l Analysis of Its Causes, with Suggestions for i ts  Amelioration, (Ottawa, 1872), pp. 42-43. 175 Canadian Freeman, Aug. 27, 1858. 1 7 6 Quoted in Irish Canadian, Nov. 23, 1864. 1 7 7 The Montreal Advertiser, referred to the Irish-Catholics of the c i ty as " l i t t l e above the beasts." See New Era, Dec. 8, 1857. 170 Irish Canadian, Nov. 23, 1864. 1 7 9 True Witness, Feb. 15, 1856. 180 Nicholas Flood Davin, The Irishman in Canada,(Shannon, Irish University Press, 1969; reprint of 1877 ed . ) , p. 254. 93 CHAPTER THREE THE IRISH-CANADIAN SELF-IMAGE The i s o l a t e d and d i s t i n c t e x i s t e n c e o f t h e I r i s h - C a t h o l i c com-m u n i t y i n V i c t o r i a n Canad i an s o c i e t y , r e p e a t e d i n many ways t h e g e n e r a l e x p e r i e n c e o f I r i s h i m m i g r a n t a d j u s t m e n t i n Eng l a nd and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . The a l i e n a s p e c t o f t h e i m m i g r a n t s was i n d i c a t e d i n t h e C anad i a n n e w s p a p e r s , as i n t h e E n g l i s h p r e s s , by t h e v o c a b u l a r y o f d i s p a r a g e m e n t and t h e t o n e o f s u p e r i o r i t y w i t h w h i c h I r i s h a f f a i r s were r e p o r t e d . In T o r o n t o and M o n t r e a l , as i n Bo s t on and New Y o r k , t h e s e p a r a t e I r i s h i d e n t i t y was r e c o r d e d i n t h e i r own i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r t h e c a r e o f t h e I r i s h p oo r and s i c k , i n t h e i r n a t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s , l i t e r a r y and s o c i a l c l u b s , and i n I r i s h s c h o o l s and c h u r c h e s . Y e t , t h e s en se o f I r i s h g r oup i d e n t i t y i n Canada was s e l f - c o n s c i o u s l y d i f f e r e n t f r om t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f t h e i r coun t r ymen e l s e w h e r e . I t s s p e c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e a p p a r e n t i n t h e c o n c e r n and a t t e n t i o n w i t h w h i c h t h e I r i s h - C a t h o l i c newspape r s i n Canada i n t e r p r e t e d t h e i r new e n v i r o n m e n t t o t h e i m m i g r a n t s , and d e f i n e d t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as I r i s h m e n , as C a t h o l i c s and a l s o as C a n a d i a n s . "We a r e I r i s h - C a n a d i a n s " p r o f e s s e d t h e M i r r o r , " v i e w i n g e v e r y q u e s t i o n as i t a f f e c t s Canada o r I r e l a n d . " 1 The I r i s h - C a n a d i a n newspape r s were n o t o n l y t h e b e s t e v i d e n c e i n t h e m s e l v e s o f an I r i s h n a t i o n a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s i n C anada , bu t were a l s o i t s mos t i n t e r e s t e d and a r t i c u l a t e a n a l y s t s . The n a t u r e and c h a r a c t e r o f I r i s h n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y i n Canada was t h e s u b j e c t o f c o n s t a n t commentary i n t h e e d i t o r i a l and c o r r e s p o n d e n c e 94 co l umns o f t h e I r i s h - C a n a d i a n n ewspape r s . The c o n t i n u i n g g roup l o y a l t y o f t h e i m m i g r a n t s was p r e s e n t e d as a l a s t i n g i n d i c t m e n t o f E n g l i s h o p -p r e s i o n and m i sgove rnmen t i n I r e l a n d , b i n d i n g them t o g e t h e r i n t h e c au s e o f I r i s h i n j u s t i c e and f r e e d o m . In b e i n g f o r c e d by Eng l and t o l e a v e I r e l a n d , e x p l a i n e d t h e I r i s h C a n a d i a n , t h e I r i s h had come t o u n d e r s t a n d 2 t h e m s e l v e s , and i n Canada t h e i r n a t i o n a l i s m had i n t e n s i f i e d . B i s h o p L y n c h , an a r d e n t and o u t s p o k e n s u p p o r t e r o f I r i s h Home Ru l e and a b i t t e r c r i t i c o f t h e E n g l i s h r e c o r d i n I r e l a n d , c l a i m e d t h a t t h e I r i s h i n Canada 3 r e ad I r i s h h i s t o r y w i t h g r e a t e r a v i d i t y t h an had t h e y r ema i ned a t home. I r i s h n o v e l s , and h i s t o r i e s , on s a l e a t C o s g r o v e ' s b o o k s t o r e i n T o r o n t o , 4 and a t S a d l i e r ' s i n M o n t r e a l , and s e r i a l i z e d i n t h e n ewspape r s , r e c a l l e d 5 t h e g l o r y o f I r e l a n d ' s p a s t and t h e h o r r o r s o f P r o t e s t a n t p e r s e c u t i o n . Numerous I r i s h p l a y s r e p r e s e n t e d t h e same t h e m e s . 6 So s t r o n g was t h e I r i s h s e n t i m e n t t h a t he f o u n d , t h a t t h e Rev . M. B. B u c k l e y , i n Canada t o c o l l e c t f o r t h e Co rk C a t h e d r a l F und , c o u l d h a r d l y p e r s u ade h i m s e l f he was no t a t h o m e . 7 I r i s h - C a n a d i a n s a t t e n d e d l e c t u r e s on I r e l a n d i n t h e i r g n a t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s , l i t e r a r y i n s t i t u t e s and C a t h o l i c A s s o c i a t i o n s . D e s p i t e q t h e i r p o v e r t y , t h e y c o n t r i b u t e d l a r g e sums f o r I r i s h f am i ne r e l i e f and f o r t h e b u i l d i n g o f I r i s h c o l l e g e s and c h u r c h e s . 1 0 C o p i o u s e x t r a c t s f r om I r i s h j o u r n a l s m a i n t a i n e d I r i s h - C a n a d i a n a n t a g o n i s m t o E n g l i s h r u l e i n I r e l a n d . 1 1 The a u t h o r o f R i dgeway , an I r i s h - C a n a d i a n nove l o f t h e F e n i a n i n v a s i o n s , c l a i m e d t h a t t h i s " c o n s t a n t p r o m u l g a t i o n o f sound i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g t h e p a s t and p r e s e n t o f o u r n a t i v e l a n d " m a i n t a i n e d among I r i s h - C a n a d i a n s a 12 b u r n i n g e n t h u s i a s m f o r t h e c au se o f I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s m . The r e was a v i t a l f e e l i n g o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n I r i s h a f f a i r s . N o t i n g 95 t he annoyance w i t h w h i c h Canad i an newspape r s a s k e d , "Why so p e r s e v e r i n g l y c r y up I r i s h g r i e v a n c e s i n Canada?" t h e I r i s h p a t r i o t , D r . O ' B r e n n a n , l e c t u r i n g i n T o r o n t o and M o n t r e a l on t h e m i s f o r t u n e s o f I r e l a n d , r e sponded t h a t " p u b l i c o p i n i o n i s t h e l e v e r w i t h w h i c h n a t i o n a l wrongs have been g r e a t l y r e m o v e d , " and t h a t i n C anada , where he e s t i m a t e d t h a t one t h i r d o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n was I r i s h , " above a l l p l a c e s he had a r i g h t 13 t o speak o f I r i s h g r i e v a n c e s . " Repea l A s s o c i a t i o n s and C a t h o l i c De fence A s s o c i a t i o n s c o n t i n u e d t h e s t r u g g l e i n b e h a l f o f I r i s h c au se s on 14 Canad i a n s o i l . The I r i s h i n Canada , i t was c l a i m e d , wou l d " r e i t e r a t e t h e s h o u t o f Repea l f r om t he f o r e s t s o f Canada t h a t s h a l l c au se t h e . 15 enemies o f E r i n t o f e a r and t r e m b l e . " News o f t h e a r r e s t o f a p r i e s t i n I r e l a n d f o r d e f a m a t i o n o f a l a n d a g e n t , p rompted t h e M i r r o r t o a s k , 16 "Can we i n Canada h e l p t o d e c i d e t h i s i s s u e ? " B i s h o p Lynch o u t l i n e d t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s o f I r i s h - C a n a d i a n s t owa rd s t h e i r mo the r c o u n t r y ; " I t may be a s ked what we can do i n t h i s c o u n t r y t o r e d r e s s t h e e v i l s o f I r e l a n d . We can a t l e a s t p r o t e s t . " ^ I r i s h s e r v a n t g i r l s i n M o n t r e a l bough t F e n i a n bonds on t h e f u t u r e R e p u b l i c , o f Canada , t h i n k i n g t h e y wou l d 18 h e l p " f r e e I r e l a n d f r om t h e y o k e o f B r i t i s h r u l e . " V i s i t o r s home t o I r e l a n d f r om Canada , f e l t c o m p e l l e d t o send back f i r s t hand r e p o r t s o f t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s t h e y f ound t h e r e . F a t h e r Roche o f P r e s c o t t r e p o r t e d i n 1 9 " b u r n i n g wo rd s " o f t h e c o n d i t i o n o f I r e l a n d . F a t h e r F l a n n e r y r e p o r t e d 20 an e m o t i o n a l v i s i t t o O ' C o n n e l l ' s tomb. B i s h o p Lynch r e c e i v e d a warm a d d r e s s o f t h ank s f r om h i s c o n g r e g a t i o n f o r r e a f f i r m i n g t h e i r bond o f 21 sympathy w i t h t h e i r coun t r ymen by h i s v i s i t t o I r e l a n d i n 1862 . The s en se o f i n v o l v e m e n t , howeve r , was somet imes t oo d i r e c t t o be we l come . 96 In 1852, James McMahon, a p e d l a r , was a r r e s t e d i n S t a n b r i d g e , Canada West, on a w a r r a n t a c c u s i n g him o f h a v i n g murdered a b a i l i f f i n t h e County 22 A n t r i m , I r e l a n d , some f i f t e e n y e a r s b e f o r e . In 1855, Simon P e t e r K e l l y , a l i a s Hawkins, was h e l d i n c u s t o d y f o r i n d i s c r e e t l y c o n f e s s i n g t o h a v i n g 23 s h o t t h e Deputy L i e u t e n a n t o f T i p p e r a r y i n 1847. O t h e r s f o u n d i t e q u a l l y d i f f i c u l t t o e s c a p e t h e i r p a s t . Many I r i s h went i n t o t h e "bush" o n l y t o f i n d t h a t t h e y were s t i l l l i t t l e b e t t e r than " r a c k - r e n t - t e n a n t s , " 24 i m p r o v i n g a l a n d l o r d ' s p r o p e r t y w i t h o u t r e ward. I t was d i f f i c u l t f o r some t o a d j u s t t o t h e i d e a o f a new c o u n t r y . When as k e d by t h e m a g i s t r a t e , "Have you no home?" John M u r p h i e s r e p l i e d , "Sure and I l i v e i n t h e County 25 K e r r y y o u r honour when I'm a t home." The s t r e n g t h o f f o r m e r a s s o c i a -t i o n s b r o u g h t v i o l e n c e as w e l l as d i s l o c a t i o n . W i l l i a m Mahon, t h e mur-d e r e r o f an o l d Englishwoman, was he a r d t o s h o u t d u r i n g h i s b r u t a l 26 a s s a u l t - "Wicklow f o r e v e r . " In many ways, t h e I r i s h i m m i g r a n t s t r a n s l a t e d t h e i r s i t u a t i o n i n Canada i n t o o l d c o u n t r y t e r m s . I r i s h - n e w s p a p e r s i n t e r p r e t e d C a n a d i a n p o l i t i c s and p a r t i e s and t h e ma j o r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s s u e s o f t h e day by 27 r e f e r e n c e t o I r i s h e x p e r i e n c e . The M i r r o r r a l l i e d I r i s h - C a n a d i a n s u p p o r t f o r R e s p o n s i b l e Government by e q u a t i n g t h e s l o g a n s o f Repeal and Reform. I t was a c o n s o l i n g t h o u g h t , i t s u g g e s t e d , t h a t by j o i n i n g i n t h e Reform movement, " e v e r y humble shanty-man b u r i e d i n t h e deep r e c e s s e s o f our f o r e s t w i l d s must now bear a p a r t i n t h e g r e a t work o f I r e l a n d ' s 28 r e d e m p t i o n . " The I r i s h p a p e r s a r g u e d t h a t both i n Canada and i n 29 I r e l a n d , i d e n t i c a l r e l i g i o u s and p a r t y enemies w i e l d e d power. The M i r r o r i n s i s t e d t h a t no t r u e I r i s h m a n c o u l d v o t e f o r t h e T o r i e s , who had 97 never accomplished anything for Ireland; "Irishmen wil l you cherish anew those principles which were the means of driving you from your native country?" Canadian Toryism was condemned by the New Era as the "Mimic-31 kry of old-country p o l i t i c s . " Analogies were drawn between the cor-ruption of the Cartier-Macdonald administration and the Irish-Tory re-32 presentation at Westminster. J . L. P. O'Hanley recalled that Ir ish-Canadian experiences of Toryism were " s t r i c t l y in accord with i t s history 33 in unfortunate Ireland." In the Peterborough election of 1855, the Mirror warned Irish-Catholics not to vote for the Tory candidate who, as in Ireland, represented the prospect of "ruin, destruction and degrada-tion to your race and c r e e d . " 3 4 In turn, George Brown and his followers 35 suffered by association with the English Whigs. During the Haldimand election of 1851, in which the Irish-Catholic vote was a decisive factor in Brown's defeat, pamphlets were circulated and publicly read in Catholic churches, warning the Irish that a vote for George Brown was a vote for Lord John Russell and Penal Legislat ion; "Will you help Lord John Russell to r ivet . . . sp ir i tual chains around the souls of your own Countrymen in Ireland? If such be your intention vote for George Brown, for he too has declared that Popery must be put down." Arguments both for and against Representation by Population were presented in terms of 37 the Irish experience of leg is lat ive union. It was a general po l i t i ca l ra l ly ing cry for the Irish-Canadian papers, whether their sympathies were Reform or Conservative, s t r i c t l y Catholic or ardently national ist that the immigrants "had the same principles to battle for here as their ancestors 38 so gloriously contended for on Irish s o i l . " 98 The ident i f icat ion of famil iar issues and enemies in Canada, indicated an awareness of nationality which was as much a consequence of the Irish experience as immigrants as of their sentiments of patr iot ic sympathy for Ireland. Nostalgia and concern for the fortunes of the "Old Country" were indications as well of the Irish need for ethnic so l idar i ty and group cohesion within their new environment. The immigrants developed a strong sense of national community which extended throughout the whole province. D'Arcy McGee, elected to the legislature in 1857 as "member for 39 Griffintown," claimed to represent a l l Irish-Canadians. "We are fighting in Griffintown," he claimed, "a battle for Irish e q u a l i t y . " 4 0 The immigrants in the larger centres, he proposed, had a responsibi l i ty to their countrymen in other parts of the country. This general concept of Irish so l idar i ty was given practical demonstration at a local l eve l . Irish-Catholic organized 41 to build their own churches, schools and hospitals. St. Patrick's societies provided a forum for the expression of national sentiments and for the organization of community welfare. Collectors were appointed in Irish d i s t r i c t s to receive contributions for the immigrant poor as well as 42 for the r e l i e f of distress in Ireland. Local agents were financed to 43 supervise the welfare of new arr iva ls . Destitute Irish children were cared for in the St. Patrick's orphan asylums and in the Catholic House of 44 Providence. The success with which the Irish managed to sustain their inst i tut ions , despite their poverty, provided a v is ib le symbol of their national existence. Even Irish-Catholic recreation emphasized their d is-tinctiveness. They gathered together for organized picnics and excur-sions, and for large football and hurling matches. In Montreal they 99 fielded a conquering lacrosse team as one of their few chances of excell ing 45 in the community. The Irish-Catholic sense of group so l idar i ty , was underlined by demonstrations of community loyalty against the forces of authority. Many a simple arrest developed into a battle with the police as Irishmen tr ied 46 to free their countrymen from the constables. Ir ish-Cathol ics, fined for their attack on the Orange Day dinner in the St. Charles saloon, in Montreal, had their fines made up by subscr ip t ion . 4 7 The magistrates court in Toronto was notorious for i ts noisy crowd of Irish spectators who shouted encouragement and sympathy to Irish prisoners and applauded their 48 performance in the dock. Irishmen convicted on capital charges became national martyrs. La Mi nerve reported that during the t r i a l of Michael Fennell and John McKeown for murder, during a disruption of the polls in the 1844 Montreal e lect ion, the court was fu l l of I r ish , who strongly 49 demonstrated their sympathy and support for the prisoners. The execu-tion of a young Irish-Catholic couple, the Aylwards, for the murder of their Protestant neighbours was condemned in the Catholic press as 50 judic ia l murder. Such basic expressions of community s p i r i t were matched by a ready resentment at the idea of group betrayal. After an Ir ish-Catholic assault on the Protestant Fire Company in Griffintown, Irish pro-perty owners called a meeting to express their abhorrence of such conduct. The meeting had to be cancelled, however, because of unmistakable hints that "the leaders would not be allowed to whitewash themselves by meaningless resolutions at the expense of their followers, but that a l l 51 must stand or fa l l together." The same standards were applied in a 100 wider context. D'Arcy McGee and James G. Moylan of the Canadian Freeman, both suffered from the stigma of having sacrif iced their group loyalty to their general standing in the community. Moylan received death threats for his support for the suspension of Habeas Corpus during the Fenian 52 scare of 1866. It was the dilemma of McGee's po l i t i ca l career also, that many of his followers f e l t that "Irish class interests—the c i v i l and rel igious l ibert ies of the Irish-Catholic body" which he had been elected to defend, were being made subservient to his general duties as a leg is lator . In his attempts to teach the Irish their duties as Canadians, 53 McGee was accused of forgetting his own responsib i l i t ies as an Irishman. The consciousness of a coherent group feeling was heightened by the Irish-Catholic sense of exclusion from f u l l participation in society. Their sense of identity increased as they perceived themselves to be the victims of bigotry and discrimination. Accounts in the Irish papers of Protestant bias, especially the influence of the Canadian Orange Order, constantly reminded them of spec i f i ca l ly ant i -Ir ish and anti-Catholic 54 elements in Canadian society. The s ize , number and power of the Orange Lodges, especially in Toronto, were pointed to as evidence that, as in Ireland, "Irish-Catholics would have to f ight the same old battles 55 of c i v i l and rel igious l iberty in Catholic Canada." The dangers of Qrangeism to Catholic rights and privi leges was a popular po l i t i ca l platform in the Irish-Canadian press. The influence of Orangemen on jur ies , their predominance in municipal government, their control of patronage, raised in the Catholic papers "the overwhelming question . whether Orangeism was to become in Canada, as i t was in Ireland, a 101 51 p o l i t i c a l power o v e r a w i n g t h e h i g h e s t j u d i c i a l and e x e c u t i v e a u t h o r i t i e s . " In " t h e f i e l d , i n t h e c i t y and i n t h e c o u r t , " warned t h e New E r a , 57 "Orangeism o p e r a t e s a g a i n s t t h e m a t e r i a l w e l l - b e i n g o f t h e I r i s h . " The T r u e W i t n e s s , f o u n d t h e c u r s e o f Orangeism "more g r i e v o u s i n Upper Canada 58 t h a t i t e v e r was i n I r e l a n d . " I t s menace was i n t e n s i f i e d by r e c a l l i n g 59 t h e h o r r o r s o f i t s h i s t o r y i n I r e l a n d , w hich were c o n s t a n t l y p a r a d e d i n t h e C a t h o l i c p r e s s , t o s t i m u l a t e I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s t o oppose Orangeism w i t h t h e i r v o t e s . The v i r u l e n c e o f C a n a d i a n Orangeism, t h e p e r p e t u a t i o n o f " O l d C o u n t r y " g r i e v a n c e s w hich had no r e l e v a n c e t o Canada, were a t t r i b u t e d by t h e I r i s h - C a t h o l i c p r e s s t o t h e c l i m a t e o f s e c t a r i a n h o s t i l i t y m a i n t a i n e d by t h e P r o t e s t a n t newspapers. The v i o l e n t c l a s h e s between Orangemen and I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s , t h e Orange a t t e m p t s t o blow up t h e C a t h o l i c House o f P r o v i d e n c e i n T o r o n t o and t h e i r t h r e a t s t o burn e v e r y house i n S t a n l e y S t r e e t , t h e e x c l u s i o n o f I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s from Orange dominated t o w n s h i p s , fiO and t h e r e c o r d o f i n t e r n i c i n e a s s a u l t and murder, were r e g r e t t e d as t h e l o g i c a l outcome o f t h e r e l i g i o u s h a t r e d t o w hich C a n a d i a n P r o t e s t a n t s were e x c i t e d by t h e d e n u n c i a t i o n o f C a t h o l i c i s m i n t h e i r newspapers, from fil t h e i r p u l p i t s , and even i n t h e i r c l a s s r o o m s . The Globe e s p e c i a l l y , was s i n g l e d o u t f o r i t s d e l i b e r a t e e n m i t y t o I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s . George Brown was a c c u s e d by t h e T r u e W i t n e s s o f " c l e v e r l y u s i n g t h e b i g o t r y and C O f a n a t i c i s m o f 'No Popery' t o b u i l d h i s p o l i t i c a l f o r t u n e . ' W h i l e a p p e a r i n g as "an a p o s t l e o f c i v i l and r e l i g i o u s l i b e r t y , " p r o t e s t e d t h e I r i s h  C a n a d i a n , Brown had "sown deep i n C a n a d i a n s o i l t h e s e c t a r i a n hate o f the CO O l d W o r l d . " The Globe e d i t o r i a l s on t h e s e p a r a t e s c h o o l c o n t r o v e r s y , 102 and the "Papal Aggression" in England, were credited with doing more to f i l l the Orange Order with "unreasoning bigots" than a dozen Grand 64 Masters. The growth of the Order intensif ied Irish-Catholic isolat ion in the community, as i t attracted not only Irish Protestants but also 65 Scottish and English recruits . Canadian Orangeism became identi f ied in the Irish-Catholic press with the Know-Nothing nativism of the United 66 States. The constant reiteration of the Catholic menace in the Protestant papers was blamed for raising "insurmountable barriers of separation" between Irish-Catholic and Canadian Protestants, involving them in po l i t i ca l and social as well as rel igious warfare,^ 7 in which the Irish-Catholics saw themselves as inevitable victims. The Irish-Catholic press presented i ts readers with a fu l l catalogue of examples of ant i -Ir ish bias. Protestant hos t i l i t y was uniformly blamed for lack of Irish-Catholic social and po l i t i ca l influence. The Irish Canadian warned Irish-Catholic immigrants to Canada that they should be "prepared to be frowned down upon and insulted." They would find out through bitter experience, i t predicted, that whether as day labourers, as artisans or as parlour maids their prospects would be dampened, their chances curtailed and the opportunities for employment lessened because of CO their re l ig ion . It was explained to Irish readers that in Protestant eyes they were the "pariahs of society," fated to endure "soc ia l , po l i t i ca l 69 and public persecution." The Irish experience in Canada was described as one of "enslavement," in which they had been "trampled on and insulted, stripped of l iberty and denied j u s t i c e . " 7 0 "Paddyism and Poperyism," complained the True Witness, were "unpardonable sins in the eyes of l iberal 103 and enlightened Protestants ." 7 1 They were "a race proscribed," con-72 sidered "aliens" and "ostracized as such." In a land of supposed c i v i l and rel igious l iberty , the Mirror protested, "why should any class or 73 denomination be under the ban of exclusion?" Yet, the famil iar s t r i c -tures of "No Irish need apply," were discovered at a l l levels of society. Irish-Catholics claimed a lack of proper representation in Parliament be-75 cause of the refusal of party leaders to accept their candidates. In the House of Commons i t s e l f , they were subject to "sneering a l lus ions," "contemptuous language," and "constant taunts respecting our national ity. In every department of state and in the c i ty corporations especial ly , the Irish press reminded i ts readers that there was a ban placed on them on 77 account of their re l ig ion . In Toronto, in 1850, the Mirror indignantly noticed that the Corporation had not employed a single Irish-Catholic 78 although they formed over a quarter of the c i ty population. It ident i -f ied an "o f f i c ia l determination of excluding Irish-Catholics from any 79 post of honour or emolument in the province." Ir ish-Cathol ics, i t was claimed, were not included on Jury L i s ts , and were shut out from the 80 Customs Department, and the Post Office and Excise Department. They 81 82 were denied public contracts and municipal employment. In Montreal, the delapidated condition of Griffintown was blamed on i ts neglect by City Council. Councillor Donovan resigned because of prejudice against him on the council and over the deliberate exclusion of Irish-Catholics 83 from the Fire-Company. The dismissal of Irish servant g i r l s from even their humble occupations was blamed on the influence of the Protestant 84 press in disseminating calumnies against the Irish character. The 104 Protestant Ascendancy, lamented the Mirror, which the Irish had thought to leave behind them in Ireland, "was f u l l y and firmly established in Canada," and manifested i t s e l f dai ly "in a soc ia l , po l i t i ca l and rel igious .,85 sense. Irtsh-Catholic resentment at the.tr "unfair and vigorous social and po l i t i ca l p r o s c r i p t i o n , " 8 6 was deepened by a fu l l sense of their contribu-tion to Canadian economic, social and po l i t i ca l development. The Irish  Canadian boasted that "to no other people is the prosperity of our adopted country so much due as to the I r i sh , " who had subdued the forest and opened the country, erected the public works and bui l t the towns and 87 c i t i e s . Protestant domination was an unjust recompense, protested the Canadian Freeman when "we have helped to build up your railways, to dig your canals and the soi l around for inches deep is moist with our sweat." The lack of Irish representation in Parliament, objected the New Era, was a mockery of Irish numbers, industry, and their loyalty to Canadian i n s t i -89 tutions. Their lack of reward showed in the absence of Irish names on the map of Canada. "Let i t str ike at the heart of the hard-working Irish of Upper Canada," proclaimed the New Era, "that their very existence is blotted out by the underground ramifying English prejudice of North 90 America." The Mirror reminded i ts readers that the I r i sh , whose bones and sinews and hard labour had converted the muddy streets of Toronto into beautiful avenues, were those who worked hardest in the community and 91 yet were the worst paid. "Poor Paddy," i t lamented, "how you do work 92 your passage on the canal boat." 105 Irish-Catholic feelings of social and po l i t i ca l inequality in Canada, their sense of grievance and injust ice , encouraged the aggres-sively national ist Irish Canadian to declare for severance of the Br i t ish connection and for annexation to the United States. In the Republic, i t claimed, where Fenian leaders were free to loudly declare for the armed l iberation of Ireland, there was "no paral lel to the bigotry 93 and unscrupulousness towards Irish-Catholics found in Canada West." It argued that "there do not exist half the drawbacks to the advancement of our co-rel ig ionists socia l ly and p o l i t i c a l l y in the United States that exist here," and reminded i t s readers that many Irish-Canadians had gone to the States "to seek that employment, appreciation and advancement 94 which they would not find here i f they remained t i l l they rotted." Such sentiments were confident of a wide and sympathetic response among Irish-Canadians, many of whom had close ties with their countrymen in the United States. In winter, the southern c i t i e s and public works attracted a regular migration of Irish-Canadian labour who readily iden-t i f i e d with the national ist rhetoric of the exiled Irish patriots in the 95 United States. The extent of popular Irish-Canadian attraction to the Republic, and sympathy with the revanchist aspirations of the American Ir ish , were emphatically demonstrated by their angry response to the hosti le account of Irish conditions in the United States presented by D'Arcy McGee on a v i s i t to Ireland in 1865. In a notorious and widely reported speech at Wexford, in which he claimed that the patr iot ic fervour of Irish-Americans grew solely from their al ien position in the Republic, McGee presented a damning picture of Irish l i f e in American c i t i e s , while extol l ing the wealth, happiness and prospects of 106 96 his countrymen in Canada. His account of the social and rel igious con-tentment of Irish-Canadians, their prosperity and po l i t i ca l opportunity, at the expense of the Irish-American reputation, was f ierce ly repudiated by his own constituents. Hundreds of Irish in Montreal, signed a d is-claimer against McGee's euphoric comparison of Irish-Canadian progress 97 with the moral degradation and material decline of the Irish in America. A flood of letters to the Irish Canadian insisted on the well-being of the immigrants in the Rupublic in direct contrast to their experience in Canada. Father Beausang claimed that Irish-Canadians were leaving in their thousands for the United States. "In Canada," he stated, "there is 98 poverty, depression and discouragement." The overcrowding, poverty and wretchedness of Irish c i ty d i s t r i c t s , the hundreds of "stalwart" but unem-ployed Irish on the streets of Toronto and Montreal, the distress caused by Protestant bigotry, and the prejudice against the I r i sh , even in Catholic Lower Canada, were presented as a sorry contrast to the refuge 99 and success which the Irish had found in the United States. The more conservative Irish-Catholic press in Canada, however, agreed with McGee in his cr it ic isms of l i f e in the United States. In contrast to the "democratic despot ism" 1 0 0 of the Protestant Republic, Irish editors were concerned to convince their readers that despite i n -justices toward them, Irish-Catholics enjoyed many advantages in Canada. The attraction was not economic. The True Witness appealed to pro-spective immigrants to stay in Ireland i f they possibly could, since the challenging climate of Canada, their own weak physical condition, and the lack of employment for unskilled labour created "a fearful amount of 107 pauperism." 1 0 1 It ins isted, however, that i f an Irishman had to emigrate, then Canada possessed "peculiar advantages" over the United States "in a 102 moral and rel igious point of view." Although Canadian Protestants, i t admitted, were, " i t is true, quite as bad, quite as ready to persecute Catholics as are the Know-Nothings in the United States" they were not as numerous, and thanks to the Catholic population and the "high moral tone" of Lower Canada, they were "in a great measure incapacitated from giving 103 fu l l play to their Protestant bigotry." The Irish clergy expressed general alarm at the threat to rel igion and morality in the United States. Bishop Lynch, in a letter to the Dublin Freeman, warned Irish immigrants against the dangers of l i f e in the Republic, where "they pass from the 104 landing stages l ike a torrent of rain into the sewers of society." Father Dowd, at the consecration of the corner-stone of St. Anne's church in Griffintown, in 1851, pointed out "the many mercies for which the Irish in Canada have abundantly cause to be thankful," in contrast to the 105 oppressed condition of their countrymen in the United States. The True Witness argued, moreover, that "even upon secular and po l i t i ca l grounds" Irish-Catholics were better off in Canada than in the Republic because of the security which monarchical inst itut ions provided against mob violence and mob persecution." Nativist outrages against the Irish in American c i t i e s , prompted the Mirror to see no alternative for the Irish but a speedy escape to Canada, where rational laws gave safety and p r o t e c t i o n . 1 0 7 Despite the d i f f i c u l t i e s due to their minority posi-tion in Canada West, i t asserted, Catholics in Canada, had "more l ibert ies 1 gg and privi leges than in Ireland, the Eastern States or even in France." 108 Bernard Devlin, President of the Montreal Young Men's St. Patrick's Association, reminded the Irish that their "exile" in Canada was "exempt from that despotic oppression which renders i t almost unendurable by our 109 expatriated countrymen in the neighbouring Republic." Paradoxically, Br i t ish rule, which even the most conservative Irish-Canadian opinion denounced as deleterious in Ireland, was accepted in Canada as a protec-tion and guarantee of Irish-Catholic hopes for social and po l i t i ca l equality, against the extreme Protestant bigotry of "Yankeeism. 1 , 1 1 0 In Canada, promised the True Witness, despite a l l their d i f f i c u l t i e s , the Irish had the opportunity to exercise an influence and command a con-sideration which was "utterly impossible" to the Irish in the United S t a t e s . 1 1 1 The Irish papers recognized, however, that i f in Canada Ir ish-Catholics were the potential equals of other national and rel igious groups in po l i t i ca l and economic strength and in social prestige, the burden of proof was on them. Editorials persistently blamed the Irish-Catholic community i t s e l f for i ts soc ia l , economic and po l i t i ca l retardation. "As in Ireland, so in Canada," accused the True Witness, "the grievances of which Catholics complain are the direct result of our own cowardice, our 112 own laziness, our own treason and our own corruption." Lack of p o l i -t ica l influence was blamed on the Irish inab i l i ty to take a decided and consistent stand on issues which concerned them. Instead of impressing their po l i t i ca l enemies with their numerical strength, ran the complaint 113 at election time, the Irish allowed themselves to be used. They were too easi ly convinced, scorned the True Witness, by harangues at the 109 hustings and electioneering intrigues, by "bombastic appeals to the ' I r i sh vote' and the ' I r i sh i n t e r e s t . ' " 1 1 4 When choosing part ies, lamented the Canadian Freeman, they were influenced by local considerations, personal motives or bar-room po l i t i c ians , without considering the group interest or inquiring into policy or pr inciples. "Ours is the only national ity in Canada," i t declared, "that has allowed i ts strength and unity to be im-paired by knaves and demagogues." It castigated those Irish-Catholics who made their countrymen a "laughing-stock," by allowing themselves to be "misled and duped and sold by those who make sport of their g u l l i b i l i t y , and capital of their p r e j u d i c e s . 1 , 1 1 6 To make themselves respected, in-sisted the New Era, Irishmen had to prove that their vote was "worth more 116 than a glass of whiskey." On voting day, mocked the Mirror, half the Irish in Toronto would hide under their beds, and the other half would get drunk, make fools of themselves and side with the winning p a r t y . 1 1 7 As damning to the social and po l i t i ca l prestige of the Irish community as this blameworthy suscept ib i l i ty to po l i t i ca l manipulation, was i t s reticence in bringing forward i ts own candidates for o f f i ce . The Mirror scorned that the Irish in Toronto would never have the courage to bring out a candidate as long as they "did not dare to think for them-118 selves or dare not be ashamed of being I r i sh . " The Canadian Freeman rejected "stereotyped" Catholic complaints at their lack of representation in Parliament, arguing that the fault was greatly with the Irish themselves, since those who f e l t they were suitable candidates, fa i led to take the proper steps to gain influence and popularity. No po l i t i ca l leader, i t argued, could be expected "to ring the bell in every county and riding and no shout out "is there any Catholic here who wishes to go into Parliament, 119 i f so let him show himself and that is enough." Lack of ambition was a common cr i t ic ism of the Irish community by i ts newspapers. The Mirror recognized that "we have too low an estimate of our a b i l i t i e s , and far too many consider themselves to be 'hewers of wood and drawers of water." 1 This self-effacement, i t real ized, was induced by "that in fe r io r i ty to which we have been accustomed in poor Ireland." "But," i t ins isted, "we must shake off this lethargy, we must assume a lofty and manly att itude. We must write, speak, agitate until we convince our rulers of our deter-mination to be placed upon an equality with a l l other men, no matter of 120 what creed or country." Under the headline "Aspire," even the Irish Canadian, usually so wi l l ing to see the Irish as victims, exhorted the immigrants to be "ambitious, work hard and persevere." It warned i t s readers that bigotry and prejudice were not the only obstacles to social and po l i t i ca l advancement, but that effort and endurance had much to do with success. "With what intensity of zeal and e f for t , " i t demanded, should not an Irish-Catholic in Canada, "strike out into the current of everyday l i f e to show the blindness of the prejudice that opposes him and 121 the undeservedness of the social contempt in which he is often held." That the Irish-Catholic did not "stand on even terms with others" i t acknowledged, was evident in many ways, but i t admitted as well that "the fault is as much our own perhaps as anybody else 's and we desire to remove i t . » 1 2 2 A common theme in a l l the Irish-Canadian newspapers was that Irish-Catholics were themselves to blame for their social i n f e r i o r i t y , I l l because of their inab i l i ty to demonstrate their common identity through po l i t i ca l unity. The Irish vote was frequently s p l i t by opposing Ir ish-Catholic candidates standing in the Reform or Conservative interest, but claiming a primary allegiance as Irishmen. Clashes between r iva l Irish [ factions were a violent aspect of Montreal elections in the eighteen-s ixt ies . In 1861, McGee's supporters attacked the hustings against the Irish candidate Thomas Ryan, former President of the St. Patrick's 123 Society. In the 1867 elections for the Dominion Parliament, in which Bernard Devlin ran against McGee as the Irishman's candidate, Devlin's 124 supporters v iolently broke up McGee's meetings. Editor ia ls and letters persistently denounced this s p i r i t of faction and controversy as damaging both to Irish social character and to their po l i t i ca l strength. The Catholic Citizen protested that Irish energy was "fr i t tered away in petty bickerings," whereas, i f the Irish could concentrate their energies "upon the advancement of our own peculiar welfare as a peculiar people we should form less of the f loating population of the country than we do 125 today." A letter to the New Era asserted that i f the Irish could only show a common front, they could "do something to elevate ourselves to the level of those around us who have hitherto dared to asperse our 126 public character . . . and treat us with studied contempt." The Irish Canadian lamented that the Irish in Canada "have always permitted their feuds and jealousies to destroy their legitimate power i f not their 127 identity." They were warned that they would never obtain a proper share in the public administration "until we make up our minds to unite our power instead of pull ing in opposite direct ions, for then only wi l l 112 the effect of our force be f e l t and the directions of our union made happy . " 1 2 8 The Irish-Canadian press and public leaders demonstrated an urgent concern to inform Irish-Catholics of their po l i t i ca l potent ia l , to teach the Irish public to "properly value the importance of their 129 posit ion." Bernard Devlin's proposal in 1854 for the combination of a l l the St. Patrick's Societies in the province into one organization 130 under a single direction was widely applauded. Such an a l l iance , i t was urged, would "show that we are determined to be judges of our own conduct." "If we are but true to ourselves," Devlin promised, "we have i t within our power to attain a position which must always command respect 131 and guarantee the fa ithful observance of our r ights ." The Irish were encouraged to assert themselves, to assume a more independent position and to express their group identity through the franchise. D'Arcy McGee warned that "we cannot r ise simply by wishing i t to a position of 132 po l i t i ca l equality." Above a l l , i t was necessary for the Irish to organize. For want of a proper po l i t i ca l organization, proclaimed Devlin, Irish influence was "uselessly i f not injuriously exercised and almost 133 invariably ungenerously acknowledged." The Catholic Institutes es-pec ia l ly , supported the press in i ts task of giving the immigrants les-sons in po l i t i ca l education. At the formation of the parent inst i tute in Toronto in 1851, i t was resolved to promote "such a perfection of organi-zation and such unity of action on the part of the Catholics as wi l l in -sure to them their proper weight at the hustings . . . and thereby pro-cure a f a i r representation of their views and wishes in a l l the elective 113 b o d i e s o f t h e c o u n t r y . " 1 3 4 The I n s t i t u t e , e x p l a i n e d t h e M i r r o r , w o u l d a c t as a g u i d e t o t h e p o l i t i c a l movements o f t h e day, showing t h e r i g h t p a r t y 135 f o r I r i s h - C a t h o l i c s t o s u p p o r t when C a t h o l i c p r i n c i p l e s were i n v o l v e d . T h i s c o n c e r n t o o r g a n i z e I r i s h v o t i n g s t r e n g t h was e s p e c i a l l y a p p a r e n t i n t h e e f f o r t s o f t h e I n s t i t u t e and t h e p r e s s t o a c q u a i n t t h e i m m i g r a n t s w i t h t h e i r p o s i t i o n f o l l o w i n g t h e l o w e r i n g o f t h e f r a n c h i s e q u a l i f i c a t i o n i n 1854. "When t h e e n l a r g e d f r a n c h i s e comes i n t o o p e r a t i o n " p r e d i c t e d 137 t h e M i r r o r , " I r i s h e l e c t o r a l power w i l l be o v e r w h e l m i n g . " The T r u e  W i t n e s s , which r e g u l a r l y p u b l i s h e d an " I r i s h C a t h o l i c V o t e r s ' G u i d e , " e x h o r t e d i t s r e a d e r s t o use t h e i r v o t e s w i t h f i r m n e s s , d i s c r e t i o n , and i n t h e p r o p e r d i r e c t i o n . "Throw n o t one v o t e away," i t u r g e d , " i n t h e ward, i n t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y o r i n t h e c o u n t y . I t i s i n y o u r own hands t o make I op both be f e l t . " The terms on which v o t i n g was a l l o w e d were c a r e f u l l y 139 p o i n t e d o u t t o s e c u r e p r o p e r C a t h o l i c c o n d u c t a t t h e p o l l s . S p e c i f i -c a l l y p o l i t i c a l I r i s h o r g a n i z a t i o n s were formed t o promote I r i s h p o l i t i c a l s o l i d a r i t y . In t h e T o r o n t o e l e c t i o n o f 1858, an a t t e m p t was made t o o r g a n i z e an I r i s h - C a t h o l i c v o t i n g b l o c J 4 0 In Lower Canada, A s s o c i a t i o n s o f " F r i e n d l y Sons o f S t . P a t r i c k " were a c c u s e d o f " s e c u r i n g i n f l u e n c e f o r 141 e l e c t i o n e e r i n g p u r p o s e s " t h r o u g h t h e t h r e a t e n i n g t a c t i c s o f R i bbomsm. In Upper Canada, "The I r i s h S o c i e t y o f Canada," more a m b i t i o u s l y and more p e a c e f u l l y , p l a n n e d a s e r i e s o f c o u n t y and g r a n d c o n f e r e n c e s " t o d i f f u s e sound p o l i t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n " as t h e b a s i s o f " I r i s h e n l i g h t e n m e n t and 142 I r i s h advancement." Through t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f I r i s h - C a t h o l i c v o t i n g s t r e n g t h , t h e I r i s h p r e s s hoped t o i m p r e s s t h e r i v a l p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s w i t h t h e 114 importance of cult ivat ing and rewarding Irish-Catholic support. "We must 143 inspire fear i f not affection in our public men" advised the New Era. The effectiveness of the Irish vote was stressed accordingly. The Mirror warned "that without the assistance of the Catholics, the Reformers of 144 Upper Canada as a party would be utterly powerless." In the struggle over Representation by Population, the True Witness was confident that 145 victory would rest with that party to which Irish influence was given. In Upper Canada at Confederation, the Canadian Freeman, boasted that the Irish-Catholics could decide an election contest in no less than th i r ty 146 constituencies, on whatever side they cast their vote. The Irish press kept a careful f i l e of Irish election v ic tor ies . The defeat of George Brown in the 1861 election in Toronto, and the sweeping Conservative 147 gains in that year were accredited to the change of Irish al legiance, 148 as was the Conservative defeat in the Leeds election of 1864 and the 149 return of Isaac Buchanan for Hamilton. The Hibernian Benevolent Society of Toronto, exuberantly claimed to be able to bring down the 150 government by i t s control of Irish voting strength. Such confidence in their united po l i t i ca l a b i l i t y , and the uncomfortable dilemma of choice between the anti-Catholic and ant i -Ir ish "Clear Grits" and the Orange based Tory party, even encouraged the idea of an exclusively I r ish-Catholic po l i t i ca l party in Canada. The Irish Canadian avowed i ts deter-mination "to stand clear of local po l i t i ca l parties and to urge the unity 151 of our countrymen for their own advantage." Irish candidates for of f ice were instructed to stand as national representatives and not com-promise themselves by "place-begging," which had been in Ireland, "the 115 152 prostration of her national dignity." They could serve their country-men better, the paper argued, by staying in the ranks as fellow workers. Those who objected to a lack of government situations for the I r i sh , i t protested, were simply contributing to the system by which their real 153 strength was ignomoniously bartered and destroyed. In general, however, the Irish papers were anxious that Ir ish-Catholics should not invite host i l i ty by singling themselves out in a po l i t i ca l grouping which might only consolidate a l l Protestant opposition. The Mirror warned that an Irish-Catholic combination would only encourage an anti-Catholic party of exceptional strength and advised Catholics to 154 vote for any candidate who proved favourable to Irish interests. The Irish-Catholic press took the responsibi l i ty of identifying for the Irish public the existence and exact nature of such interests. Each election issue and proposal for constitutional reform was viewed from a peculiarly Irish perspective. The press applauded, accordingly, the intention of an Irish-Catholic po l i t i ca l Convention in Toronto in 1867, to establish a 155 f a i r and equal representation of Irish-Catholics under Confederation. The conservative Irish editors denied, however, that such a result could be brought about by the "ostracism and exclusiveness" of a separate Ir ish-156 Catholic organization. The lack of Irish influence, recognition and reward in Canadian po l i t i ca l l i f e , could be best remedied, the Irish newspapers taught, by the pressure they could exert on existing part ies, as an organized, informed and united body. This attitude was more than a practical assessment of po l i t i ca l r e a l i t i e s . It demonstrated a w i l l ing-ness to view Canadian po l i t i cs with a wider vision than that of group 116 interest. The idea of an Irish party for po l i t i ca l purposes, recognized the Mirror, " is scarcely desirable . . . for i t would be bringing to bear on Canadian questions an extraneous influence of very questionable j u s t i c e . " 1 5 7 Irish-Catholic ambitions for po l i t i ca l respectabi l i ty were sup-ported by the concern expressed by editors and community leaders for their social reputation. A dominant theme in a l l the Irish-Catholic newspapers was their intention to "improve" the I r i sh , to teach them a s p i r i t of industry, sel f-rel iance and respectabi l i ty , while f ighting for their r ights. The Mirror recognized that many Canadians regarded the . Ir ish as "guided by impulses and by moral rules of conduct different from 158 those which direct their fellow subjects." The Irish press, in i t s campaign for Irish social and po l i t i ca l advancement, was sensitive to the truth behind such an estimate. The Irish Canadian stated i ts resolve to make the Irishman in Canada "lose the bad habits which stick and are hard to eradicate," proclaiming that "our great object of course, must be, as 159 a people cast here among many others, to gain respect." The Mirror professed that "our dearest object is the elevation of our national charac-ter ," and the "enlargement of the moral standing and general reputation of our countrymen. 1 , 1 6 0 The Irish press exhibited great sens i t iv i ty to the public estimation of Irish character. The New Era, for instance, com-plained at the large attendance of Irish at plays and performances which presented English caricatures of Irish behaviour. D'Arcy McGee stormed out of one such performance. 1 6 1 Ir ish papers were quick to condemn be-haviour which further contributed to the unfavourable Irish stereotype. 117 Editors who were loyal to the idea of Irish Home Rule were hosti le to Fenianism because i t confirmed the popular image of the Irish as an im-mature, undignified and impractical people. The image they preferred was described by the True Witness. The truly patr iot ic Irishman, i t suggested, is "he who sets a l iv ing example of integr ity , sobriety and 1 co of unostentatious piety and Christian charity in Canada." Irish editors especially condemned the Irish perpetuation in Canada of their reputation for violence. Complaining of the tradit ional f ighting on St. Patrick's Day and July the Twelfth, the Mirror protested that " i t is impolitic in the parties concerned to degrade their own I CO character—national and social—by their disgraceful conduct." A l l Irishmen were exhorted to forget old enmities for the sake of peace in their new home, and for the benefit of Irish social standing in general. Editorials which sympathized with the just ice of Catholic grievances against Orange aggression, nevertheless denounced their internicine feud-ing. "Shame!" cried the Mirror, "that Irishmen should be the corroding cancer of their adopted country, and cause the rest of the world to des-pise them because they despise each other and trample on them because they trample on each other."^ 6 4 "We can never be respected as a people," 1 cc i t warned, "so long as we l ive at enmity among ourselves." It reminded Irishmen that in Canada they enjoyed a l l the blessings of rational freedom; that they were protected and encouraged by the laws, and that the least 1 c return they could make for such benefits was to be orderly and peaceable. The President of the Toronto St. Patrick's Society in 1859, urged Ir ish-Catholics to make the symbolic sacr i f ice of foregoing their public 118 processions, arguing that nothing could do more to advance their social and po l i t i ca l condition than to abandon these displays--"for the sake of example, for the sake of proving to our Protestant countrymen that we are lovers of peace . . . ready to surrender a fondly cherished observance for the general good of Canada." The Irish papers b i t ter ly denounced the r iots of labourers on the public works as bringing opprobrium on Irish-Catholics in general. The Mirror suggested that "cheap, short but expressive addresses" be distributed among the labourers to enlighten 168 them "as to the disgrace their conduct ref lects on Ireland." It was optimistic that Irishmen would l ive in harmony i f they were only made aware of the "horrible jests and fiendish taunts" to which their faction fights gave currency and of "the glow of delight with which newspaper 169 editors chronicle their faults to the world." Intemperance was identi f ied as a major obstacle to Irish social progress. "If the graves of the Irish in Canada could yawn and give up their dead," remonstrated the Mirror, "what a story of poverty and misery, the result of an excessive use of whiskey, would f a l l upon the ears of the l i v i n g . " 1 7 0 A "perusal of the Police Reports and chapters of acc i -dents in various c i t i e s , " provoked dismay at the "flood of misfortunes" produced by the Irish "Whiskey D e v i l . " 1 7 1 The Mirror produced regular tables of the names of Irish arrested for drunkenness and the amount of fines paid, in a long campaign to impress the value of sobriety on the Irish community. It deplored the frequency with which Irishmen threw away a week's labour to pay for being drunk and disorderly, condemning the waste of money as a betrayal of group interests. Apart from the 119 general misery, accidents and violence induced by whiskey, the money lost in fines was an amount of cap i ta l , which, i f placed in the Catholic Sav-ings Bank, would add greatly to the general wealth of the Irish community. 1 7 Thomas Barry, of the Toronto Total Abstinence Society, exhorted Irishmen to "wipe away that foul national stigma that is so long attached to our national character as the "drunken I r i sh . " He regretted that the immigrants seemed to be "indifferent to the blessings of temperance." Instead of saving their earnings and becoming propserous and industrious, they were compelled to l ive a l i f e of poverty because of their addiction to the 173 tavern. Drink was also blamed for Irish unemployment. Father Fitzhenry, a leading advocate of Irish temperance in Toronto, explained that "during the summer the drunkard labours and drinks. When winter brings scarcity of work he is discharged because of his unsteady d i s p o s i t i o n . 1 , 1 7 4 Tem-perance orators spoke of the respectabi l i ty and high standing which the Irish might claim in Canada, were they to avoid intemperance and i t s con-175 comitant e v i l s . The message seemed to have i t s effect . The Irish temperance societies reported huge enrollments. In one year the Montreal St. Patrick's Total Abstinence Society reported twelve hundred and f i f t y -176 one new members. In Toronto, the St. Patrick's Temperance Society stamped i ts character on St. Patrick's Day celebrations, organizing Temperance Pic-Nics and "dry" national d i n n e r s . 1 7 7 Not a l l recruits or even their mentors persevered against temptation. The Witness reported with malicious re l ish the arrest of an Irish temperance preacher, found 178 drunk in the gutter. Yet, increasing Irish sobriety was a phenomenon which contemporaries thought worth of remark. Father Buckley was assured 120 179 by Father Dowd that he had not seen a drunken Irishman for f ive years. He confirmed himself that he had not seen any signs of over-indulgence on St. Patrick's Day. "This is very creditable to our people," he was grat i f ied to report, "and c lear ly proves that there is nothing in the national character incompatible with temperance." As much as they were concerned to "improve" the Irish social status, however, the Irish-Canadian newspapers were loyal in the defense of their national character. While deploring the consequences of intem-perance, Irish editors emphasized that i ts origins were not in any innate Irish disposition to drink, but in the enforced idleness and wretchedness of peasant l i f e in Ireland, and in the misery and dislocation of their 1 PI adjustment as immigrants. The same causes mitigated the Irish repu-tation for lawlessness. The Irish Canadian explained that "those who are driven from their native land with a l l the old t ies rent asunder, wretched and destitute, f a l l rapidly into intemperance, and from thence the down-182 ward path is easy." It was not surprising, suggested the Canadian  Freeman that the Irish "in their deep distress and in their hour of dejec-tion" should y ie ld "to the weakness which for the most part causes them to figure in the police courts." The Irish press strongly objected, therefore, to the a lacr i ty with which the Protestant press emphasized Irish cr iminal ity without any explanation of the causes which led to their offences. The True Witness insisted that few of the Irish who appeared in court were gui lty of anything more than poverty, and that the majority of Irish "criminals" were simply the hungry and the homeless, in need of 184 protection rather than punishment. Yet, protested the Canadian Freeman, 121 "to pal l iate in any manner the faults of the offenders would not suit the purposes of the "Globe," since, "the slur upon the Irish would thereby 1 85 lose i ts malice and point." In their defence of the Irish against 'their criminal stereotype, the Catholic newspapers were part icular ly resentful of the treatment they received in the police court reports of the Protestant press. The New Era complained of the keeping of a "Calendar of Crime by National ity," in which only the Irish were ident i f ied . "We hear nothing of the national ity of 'McGaffrey' or 'Cummins,' i t protested. "But i f in any corner of the Province or any back street of the City , a scoundrel with an Irish name commits an outrage, his.crime is at once gazetted, not only as h is , but in some way or other connected with national principles or causes." A let ter to the Leader objected to the "continual f l ings" against the Irish which appeared dai ly in the police court reports of the Globe. Such was the Globe's malice, the writer protested, that " i t frequently occurs that 187 when a Scotchman is arrested his nationality is changed to I r i sh . " The Mirror deplored the press habit of singling out the Irish and "attributing to them faults and fa i l ings which are common to mankind, as 1 pp i f they alone were gui lty and degenerate." Irish protestations at this malicious enlargement of their criminal reputation included a vigorous denial of the va l id i ty of the criminal l i s t s in which they figured so prominently. The Canadian Freeman remonstrated against "the cordial unanimity that influences a l l Protestant prison o f f i c i a l s to sieze every opportunity of blackening the character of the Irish community by 189 fraudulent criminal s t a t i s t i c s . " The l i s t s of Irish criminals which 122 provided the Protestant press with so much ammunition against their r e l i -gion and national ity, were claimed to be fa lse ly augmented by separately recording the repeated committals of habitual Irish offenders, a practice which conspired to distort the law-abiding character of the Irish com-190 munity in general. Toronto Gaoler A l len, who was also Orange Grand Master, was accused, moreover of attr ibuting to Catholics a large propor-tion of the crimes committed by his Orange confederates. Some of the Irish in gaol in Toronto, the Canadian Freeman asserted, had even been duped by whiskey into getting arrested so as to add a "reinforcement for the stone and hammer heap," since the gaoler was allowed to pocket the proceeds of stones broken by convict labour. Certainly, i t ins isted, the 191 Irish were " in f in i te ly more sinned against than sinning." The panacea for Irish poverty, crime and intemperance, their release from social and economic vict imizat ion, the salvation of their national character and the general basis for their material and moral development was uniformly considered by the Irish press to be their rejection of c i ty l i f e and wage labour, and their return to the land. Settlement on their own farms, promised the True Witness, would rescue the Irish "from that physical , social and moral degradation to which 192 they are as much condemned in the new as in the Old World." A "Canadian Directory for Promoting Catholic Settlement" was organized in 1856 to help the Irish take advantage pf the public land released for 193 settlement, by the Government, in the Ottawa valley. The Irish press regularly published information as to the best locations for settlement and gave advice on land clearance and early survival . New immigrants 123 were constantly urged to move immediately into the country rather than hover about the c i t ies and public works. Whereas the Protestant press blamed the Irish for many of the social problems of their growing c i t i e s , the Catholic newspapers reversed the roles. They shared the same i d e a l i -zation of the rural and pastoral l i f e , but while the Protestant papers intended that settlement on the land would develop in the Irish the habits and character of Canadians, Irish leaders sought to consolidate and protect the Irish national and rel igious identity. "Our people are, and have been, for the most part, given to agricultural pursuits," claimed the True Witness, " and i t was never safe to expose them to the contami-nating influence of an over-crowded, sweltering c i ty . . . for ours are a people ever prone to imitate and f a l l in with the prevailing habits of 194 their associates." Catholic editor ia ls exhorted the immigrants to "the 1 Q C speedy occupation of the s o i l , " extolled the dignity of agricultural 196 labour and the "beatitudes of a set t ler ' s l i f e , " in comparison to the 197 easy temptations and "pestiferous atmosphere" of the c i t y , and praised a rural existence as contributing most to health, happiness and indepen-198 . dence. Work on the land was advocated as affording the best opportunity both for individual advancement and Irish social progress in general. By giving the "poor, homeless exiles an interest in the s o i l " urged Father O'Brian of St. Anne's, "they wi l l become steady sober and industrious . . . they wil l become in short a body of comfortable and respectable yeomanry." On the land, proclaimed the Mirror, "instead of being the ignominy of their country," the Ir ish in Canada would become again, "a bold peasantry, their country's p r i d e . " 2 0 0 Situated permanently in their own homesteads, 124 201 they would "add strength and numbers to the Irish interest ." The rights of ownership would raise them to an "equality with their fellow men, whose 202 labourers they have hitherto been." In agricultural employment, the Irishman would learn "the habits of economy and prudence" instead of ex-posing himself to the "baneful and pernicious influence of a l i f e on the 203 canal or ra i l road." The Irish labourers on the public works were con-204 sidered to be " p o l i t i c a l l y but cyphers and morally a disgrace." On the soi l of Canada, however, their energies could be directed to purposes of usefulness and prof i t . The Irishman who went on to the land could secure for himself an independent estate instead of becoming "an outcast on the 205 public works, where he was nothing but an object of scorn. The Mirror exhorted the Irish to "flee the c i t i es of the plain to the undulations of a land overflowing with milk and honey, in peace and productive labour." The preoccupation of Irish-Catholic editors, priests and public leaders with the physical and moral welfare of the Irish community, and their concern for i t s social standing, was c lear ly expressed in the em-phasis they placed on the importance of general education. The message was proclaimed on the St. Patr ick's Day banner which stood on the a l tar between the banners of Temperance and the Irish Harp--"Knowledge is 207 Power." The Irish response to the denial of their rights to separate school funds in the e ighteen-f i f t ies , indicates their cultural so l idar i ty in the interests of the education of their c h i l d r e n . 2 0 8 A v i ta l object of the Ladies' Catholic Benevolent Society in Toronto, for instance, was to provide for Ir ish children unable to attend school for want of 209 clothes. In i ts f i r s t year of organization, in 1854, i t distributed three hundred items of clothing to Catholic children and forty-four pairs 125 210 of shoes. There was an immediate concern as wel l , however, for the needs of Irish-Catholic adults and young men. The Catholic Institutes especial ly, were intended to give Irish-Catholics a chance "to cult ivate 211 their social and intel lectual qua l i t ies , " through popular lectures on 212 social and po l i t i ca l economy, c irculat ing l ibrar ies and reading-rooms. A manifesto from the Toronto Catholic Institute, urging the formation of similar societies throughout the province, declared that Protestant disregard for Catholics in Canada was due to the fact that their impres-sions were derived "from having come more frequently in contact with the 213 humbler and less enlightened of our co-re l ig ion is ts . " The basic motivation behind the idea of Catholic Institutes was the acknowledgement that this ignorance had retarded Irish-Catholic social progress. Catholic in te l lec t needed to be properly equipped to counteract Protestant preju-dices. The President of the Catholic Institute in St Thomas exhorted Irish-Catholics to advance their social posit ion. He asked i f they were "so degenerate as to remain content to be pointed at by the finger of scorn as the ignorant, uneducated Ir ish-Cathol ics, f i t for no position in society unless to excavate h i l l s , dig canals or carry the hod," while "al l other sects are endeavouring to improve themselves" and by so doing "leave us in the shade and attribute the cause to the rel igion we profess. The value placed by the Irish community on self-improvement was demonstrated by the success of the Juvenile Catholic Library Association of Toronto, founded in 1847, and later taken over by the Young Mens' St. Patrick's Association. In 1856, i t was described as "in the zenith of i t s power and influence." From a membership of a hundred and twenty in 126 i ts f i r s t year, i t reached i ts peak in 1853, when a col lect ion of six hundred books was purchased solely by penny subscriptions from youths under twenty-one. "Whatever of intel l igence, of learning, of i n t e l l e c t , sel f-rel iance and national pride, the Catholic youth of Toronto have acquired, acknowledged the Mirror, "have been in great part drawn from 215 the shelves and social meetings of this pioneer society." The break-up of the Toronto Catholic Youths' Debating Society in 1855, caused the Mirror some anxiety. It feared that the eagerness of young Irish-Catholics for intell igence would lead them to "obtain the desired instruction by attending lectures and joining in debate" at Protestant societ ies , "where their fa ith and the country of their ancestors are held up to r id i cu le . " The Irish press was part icular ly concerned at the choice facing young Irish-Catholics, between attending Protestant Evening Schools, or spending their nights "in dancing part ies, saloons etc ." The Mirror called for the establishment of Irish-Catholic Evening Schools to 217 meet the demand. • In the meantime, the Irish were exhorted to par t i -cipate in the l i terary and social ac t iv i t ies of the St. Patrick's Associa-t ion, whose l ibrary and news-room, regular debates, lectures, essays and 218 recitat ions, would i n s t i l l "better tastes and more profitable habits." A letter to the Canadian Freeman from "A Working Irishman and Member," proclaimed: "Thus wi l l the s p i r i t of emulation s t i r within them—thus wi l l the love of their race be cherished and honour acquired for themselves and for u s . " 2 1 9 The importance attached by the Irish community to self-improvement, the stress placed by i ts leaders on respectabi l i ty , were a conscious 127 refutation of the popular fear of the Irish as a social menace. The concern of Irish editors to locate the immigrants in peaceful and prosperous settlement on the land, away from the debi l i tat ing influences of the c i ty and public-works, and their attempts at po l i t i ca l education and organization, indicate, indeed, an awareness of social mobility which mil itated against any tolerance for social disorder. Irish leaders preached, rather, a sense of Irish mission in Canada which denounced any cause for perpetuating their unfavourable public image. The New Era reminded the immigrants that "in order to create a respect for the land from which they have come, let their conduct among strangers be of such 220 a nature as to command respect." A letter to the True Witness claimed that "If any influence for the good old land is required i t is by our own 221 social weight alone we can exercise i t . " The Mirror exhorted Irishmen to remember that in Canada they had the opportunity to "offer a sound proof to our fellow subjects of the empire and to the whole world the soundness of our country's claims to be treated with consideration and 222 respect. They had a duty, i t ins isted, to demonstrate that Ireland suffered from "bad government" and "vicious laws," by showing that "the so-called lazy, improvident Irish peasantry, who could not procure food enough to preserve l i f e , or clothes enough to cover their bodies in their 223 own country," could succeed in Canada. The prosperity and progress of the Irish in Canada, argued the Canadian Freeman, would prove that "there is nothing in the nature of Irishmen to prevent them from making . • 224 their country prosperous and happy." M. W. Kirwan, successor to George Clerk as editor of the True Witness, urged that "we Catholics and 128 Irishmen of Canada should do a l l we can to build up here a power becoming our mission—to prove that our national a ltar and our national l i f e is 225 free from sta in . ' In Canada, Irishmen could "repel the doctrine that there is no hope l e f t for Ireland's nat ional i ty." In vindication of their assertion that, given responsible govern-ment and equal rights and opportunities, the Irish could become leading and responsible c i t i zens , there was a v i ta l insistence in the Irish-Canadian newspapers on the loyalty of the immigrants to Canadian inst i tut ions. In reply to the expression of public doubt and fears of an inherent Irish disposition to social and po l i t i ca l insubordination, Irish editors re-peatedly stressed the loyal record of the Irish in Canada, referring back to their demonstration of allegiance in 1837 to prove the injustice of 227 their rebell ious reputation. During the months when the Trent a f fa i r of 1861 threatened war with the United States the Irish communities in Toronto and Montreal volunteered to organize their own, exclusively Irish regiments in their desire to emphasize their loyalty by acting as a 228 body. Yet, their declarations of loyalty to Canada did not diminish their c r i t i c i sm of Br i t ish rule in Ireland. The aspirations of Fenianism for the l iberation of Ireland received a general sympathy in the Irish-Canadian newspapers, unti l they threatened the security of Canada. Irish editors easi ly reconciled the seeming incompatability of Irish af-firmations of loyalty to Br i t ish rule in Canada and their denunciations of i t s presence in Ireland. The constant theme in editor ial discussion of Irish problems and in St. Patrick's Day speeches was "Give to Ireland 229 what Canada has." The Irish papers proclaimed that Irish contentment 129 with conditions in Canada was condemnation in i t s e l f of circumstances in 230 Ireland. By making their appeal for Irish freedom from a basis of appreciation of their l ibert ies in Canada, the immigrants claimed to be demonstrating their loyalty as Canadians. There was no recognition in the Irish-Canadian newspapers, therefore, of a contradiction between their encouragement of Irish national identity, and the development of the sympathies of the immig-rants as Canadians. The assertion of Irish national coasciousness, indeed, s ignif ied an acceptance of those social values which the immigrants were thought to threaten. Irish sens i t iv i ty to the existence of prejudice as an impediment to their fu l l and equal participation in Canadian public and po l i t i ca l l i f e , sprang from their ambition to demonstrate that there was nothing incompatible between Irish nationality as such, and the achievement of economic and social respectabi l i ty. Yet, by i t s cr i t ic isms of those aspects of Irish behaviour in Canada, which injured their social and po l i t i ca l standing, the Irish press further contributed to the hos-t i l e perception of the immigrants in the Protestant newspapers. At times, the Irish press, which existed to defend and advance the Irish reputation, became i ts worst enemy. By reminding the Irish that they should be tem-perate, and in exhorting them to peaceful relations with their neighbours and with each other, Irish editors admitted that many of the Irish were drunkards and that many were violent. By encouraging the immigrant to a l i f e on the land they underlined the problems of their urban existence. In debating the criminal s t a t i s t i c s , they emphasized the poor, homeless and wretched condition of Irish immigrants, thus confirming their degraded 130 position at the bottom of the social heap. In urging the Irish to unity, they acknowledged that at most times they were disunited. Above a l l , by pointing out to the Irish in Canada why they should be loyal to their new home, Irish newspapers increased suspicions that many were not. In i ts appeals to a sense of Irish national ity, therefore, as a basis for adopt-ing standards of behaviour which would improve the image of the immigrants, the Irish press only succeeded in arming those prejudices which confirmed their infer ior status. Yet, Irish social aspirations in Canada, depended on the fu l l assertion of an Irish group identity. By demonstrating i ts national strength, respectabil ity and influence, the Irish community hoped to achieve an equality of social prestige and po l i t i ca l recognition. The assertion of Irish group consciousness, by appeals to past experiences and present respons ib i l i t ies , represented neither a stubborn retention of Old Country associations, nor a rejection of Irish duties as Canadians. It demonstrated, rather, a sense of Irish frustration at their p o l i t i c a l , economic and social exclusion and their eagerness to participate more f u l l y in Canadian public and po l i t i ca l l i f e . Irish editors urged that i t was not at a l l contrary to their duty as Canadians for the Irish to advance their cause as a national ity, since the Irish community could best contribute to Canada by working to improve i ts own condition and to elevate i ts own standard. It was the paradox of Irish newspaper attitudes towards immigrant adjustment in Canada that the national and rel igious d ist inct ions, which helped keep the immigrants apart from the wider com-munity, were encouraged and maintained by their press as the means of demanding equality within i t . 131 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER THREE Mirror, March 14, 1856. 2 Irish Canadian, Sept. 13, 1865. 3 Ib id . , Jan 28, 1863. 4 See Mirror, Feb. 22, 1850, for advertisement by Cosgrove's bookstore, announcing the arr ival of pamphlets by the Irish exi le O'Donohue. 5 The t i t l e s of these ser ia l s , indicate the patr iot ic nature of the Irish-Canadian l i terary diet; The Fortunes of Colonel Torlogh O'Brien; A Tale of Aughrim and the Boyne, (New Era, Nov. 1857); Kenny Kilfoy or  Murder wi l l Out; A t h r i l l i n g tale of peasant l i f e , (True Witness, May 1858); Shawn na Sogarth; or the Priest Hunter; an Irish Tale of Penal Times, (Ibid, Aug. 1860); Crohore of the B i l l Hook,(Ibid.,Oct., 1862); Tales of  the Jury Room, (Canadian Freeman, July, 1858); Con Cregan the Irish Gil  Bias, (Irish Canadian, March, 1869); The Catholic Soldier, (Mirror, Sept. 1850). 6 Ir ish plays were a popular item of entertainment in mid-Victorian Toronto and Montreal. Many appealed to both Irish and English audiences. The Irish were moved by the representation of themes of eviction, f i d e ! i t y , oppression and emigration, while English audiences enjoyed the generally pathetic or comical delineation of Irish character. The following presen-tations were a standard part of the repertoire of Canadian theatre companies; Ireland and America; An Irishman's Heart; Colleen Bawn; Ireland as i t Was; Kathleen Mavourneen; Kate Kearney; Katy 0'Shi e l ; Arrah na Pogue; The Green  Bushes; Wild Oats; The Limerick Boy; Robert Emmett; The Irish Tutor; The  Rose of KiHarney; The Irish Emigrant; Peep O'Day; The Irish Lion; The Irish  Attorney; The Irish Cousins. There are several testimonies to the effect of these plays on the Irish community. A witness at the t r i a l of James Whelan for the murder of D'Arcy McGee, tes t i f i ed that Boucicault's Arrah  na Pogue, which Whelan had seen in Montreal in 1867, had had a d is-turbing affect on him; "The play's about hanging a man for 'the wearing of the Green,' and that roused Whelan." See T. P. Slattery, They Got to  Find Mee Guilty Yet, (Doubleday Canada L t d . , Toronto 1972), p. 144. For evidence of the emotions roused at a concert of Irish songs, see the account by "Terry Finnegan," of Jack Dil lon being raised to such a pitch by the singing of "Garryowen," that he got into a f ight with another Catholic, who he mistakenly thought was whistling the "Protestant Boys." Letters of  Terry Finnegan to the Hon. D'Arcy McGee, (Toronto, 1864). The Toronto Irish showed great enthusiasm in May 1852, at the arr ival of the famed 132 Irish singer Catherine Hayes—"the Swan of Er in ," the "Sweet Warbler of the Channon." There was an even greater attendance on her second night because of the "sneering c r i t i c i sm," of the Globe, who "could not conceal his ant i-Ir ish b i l e , " and was "rash enough to spit forth a l i t t l e of i t at Miss Hayes, thereby displaying at once the extent of his ignorance and his national prejudices." See Mirror, May 28, 1852. 7 Buckley, pp. 50-51. g See for example, Mirror, Sept. 18, 1846. The lectures in Montreal of Mr. Mooney, the Irish historian, were reported as gripping his audience "by the generous and impassioned sympathy which he exhibits for the land of his b i r th , i t s glory and i t s wrongs." See also the True Witness, May 11, 1860, for the address of Father Farrel l to the St. Patrick's L i te-rary Association on the subject of "Ireland as she has been—as she is—as she ought to be." 9 Globe, June 29; July 18, 1863, reported that the Irish Relief. Committee in Toronto had collected over $1,000. The Leader, Jan. 23, 1862, reported that the Irish Relief Committee in Montreal subscribed $900, on the spot. The Montreal Irish Relief Fund, raised over $3,000, to be sent to Ireland. See True Witness, Jan. 24, 1862. The Mirror reported, March 5, 1847, that "some of the col lectors have stated that they have received money from many to whom they fe l t more inclined to offer a i d . " 1 0 See the New Era, Sept. 22, 1857. Father Michael Duggan from Longford, Athlone, was col lecting contributions in Montreal for his church back home. The Irish Canadian, Dec. 30, 1863, published a c i rcular from St. Brigid's orphanage, Dublin, asking for assistance. 1 1 See the headline in the True Witness, Aug. 20, 1852—"Massacre of people at Sixmilebridge by the Mi l i tary ." On Sept. 17, 1852, i t edi-tor ia l ized in v i t r i o l i c terms on the English soldiers , "transfixing with their bayonets the Popish dog for presuming to look cross at his Anglo-Saxon lord and master." 1 2 James M. McCarroll, Ridgeway, (Buffalo, 1868), p. 232. 13 Irish Canadian, Feb. 17, 1869. Dr. 0'Brennan was the author of Irish History and Antiquit ies. See also the Mirror, April 2, 1852. In petitioning for a pardon to the Irish exi les , the Mirror claimed that Canada might more effect ively intervene in the issue than Ireland herself. The paper was grat i f ied to note, March 21, 1856, that petitions for the release of the exiles were being signed a l l over Canada. 14 Mirror, May 14, 1841. An important function of the Canadian Repeal Associations, was the contribution of funds to the parent body in Dublin. The Catholic Defence Association performed the same service. 133 See True Witness, June 6, 13, 1861. It reported that three hundred sub-scribers contributed one hundred and sixty pounds to the Catholic Defence Association. The True Witness acknowledged this as a large amount, con-sidering the means of most subscribers. The Canadian Irish Associations, had a direct po l i t i ca l involvement. The Montreal branch of the Catholic Defence Association was established for the express purpose of aiding Irish bishops to violate the Penal Laws; "We must be prepared," insisted the True Witness, Sept. 12, 1851, "to assist our fellow countrymen with something more substantial than mere verbal expressions of sympathy with their wrongs." 15 16 17 18 Mirror, Oct. 8, 1841. Ib id . , July 26, 1850. Globe, March 19, 1864. Irish Canadian, Nov. 15, 1865--"and they's spend their last sh i l l ing for that." A Fenian bond in this instance, sold for four pounds. See Leader, Dec. 29, 1865. 19 Canadian Freeman, Aug. 29, 1861. It was his second v i s i t in twenty-eight years. He was "real ly truly humiliated on their account." 20 Ib id . , Aug. 27, 1858. Father Flannery promised to contribute a series of weekly art ic les from Ireland. For other letters see Canadian  Freeman, July 16, Sept. 17, 1858. See also New Era, Feb. 16, 1858, for a letter from "A Young Canadian Celt ," describing his v i s i t to Dublin. 21 22 Globe, Sept. 6, 1862. True Witness, July 23, 1852. 23 ; C 24 Leader, Aug. 16, 1855. He was released on Dec. 28, under writ of Habeas orpus. True Witness, Dec. 5, 1851. 25 Leader, June 19, 1855. On being pressed he was less certain; "I think i ts in Canada your honour." He had been arrested for throwing stones at a father and son gymnast team at the c ircus. Montreal Witness, June 5, 1861. He had come to Canada from Wicklow with his parents. 27 The Irish-Canadian press, for instance, constantly referred to the Irish experience in their opposition to common schools. See True Witness, Oct. 10, 1851, for the letters of the Archbishop of Armagh on National Schools. The Irish example strengthened Catholic opposition to common schools in Canada, See Globe, Sept. 12, 1859. 134 28 Mirror, April 5, 1844; "The friends of good government for Ireland cannot fa i l to see that her cause is identif ied with that of Canada . . . The Irishman who acts against the principle of Responsible Gobernment is an enemy to his native country." 29 " Ibid.,Sept. 18; Oct. 9, 1840; Jan. 2. 1841. 3 0 Ib id . , March 20, 1840. 3 1 New Era, Jan 19, 1858. 32 Canadian Freeman, June 17, 1859. 3 3 O'Hanley, p. 232. 3 4 Mirror, Nov. 23, 1855. 35 The Catholic C i t izen, quoted in True Witness, May 18, 1855., reminded Irish-Canadians that in England, the Reform party was loudest in protest against the claims of the starving Irish multitude, and that in Canada, as in England, the Reform press was crowded with calumnies against Ir ish-Catholics. 3fi Mirror, April 19, 1851; "Would you bring shame and disgrace upon the memory of the martyred dead whose kindred dust now sleeps in the graveyards of Erin . . . If so vote for George Brown." 3 7 True Witness, Feb. 15, 1861; Feb. 27, 1863. 38 Speech of J . G. Moylan, quoted in Leader, Jan. 29, 1861. 39 Leader, Nov. 5, 1865, recognized that McGee "is not only the representative of a constituency but of a pretty large section of the entire electoral body." 40 New Era, Dec. 10, 1857; "The electors of Montreal who have taken the determination to place one Irish-Catholic in parliament, have done so far more for the sake of their friends throughout the province than for their own sake." 41 Unlike the Protestant General Hospital, whose patients were limited to Montreal, St. Patrick's Hospital admitted the sick from a l l over the province—a conscious example of the wide extent of Irish group responsibi l i ty; See the True Witness Aug. 20, 1852; "There is scarcely a town in the country which has not furnished a representative of the present number in hospital ." Funds were raised by church col lections and at bazaars. It was even suggested that a poor-box, with "St. Patrick's Hospital" written on i t , be placed in every Irish grocery and tavern in the c i ty . In f ive years, from i ts founding in 1852, St. Patrick's Hospital 135 admitted 2430 Irish out of a total admission of 3214, See True Witness, May 21, 1858. 42 H See Globe, Oct. 18, 1866. 43 New Era, June 3, 1857; True Witness, June 5, 1857. The Montreal St. Patrick's Society voted $100 towards paying someone to watch over the interests of the immigrants from Ireland as they arr ive ," and to "direct them to respectable lodgings." See also the True Witness, Dec. 25, 1851, for the proposal to erect an Irish Emigrant Lodging House on the Liverpool model. It would be supplied by Irish reta i lers who would continue to provide for the immigrants after they had sett led. 44 The Irish orphans were a poignant reminder to the Irish com-munity of their past sufferings and their present respons ib i l i t ies . The Mirror recalled to i ts readers that the parents of the orphans had been victims of oppression, in urging them to give generously to the orphan fund. Bishop Lynch emphasized that the orphans of the House of Providence were "not the orphans of common people, but were the children of those who had been dispossesed of the land in Ireland and had come to this country and perished." See Leader, March 18, 1867. The sense of community that the orphans represented included the Irish-Catholic soldiers in the, 20th regiment, garrisoned in Montreal. They contributed seventeen pounds to-wards the St. Patrick's orphans in 1851. See True Witness, July 25, 1851. The l inks between the Ir ish soldiers and the Catholic immigrant community, caused great concern during the Fenian panic. 45 Buckley, p. 56, The Shamrock Lacrosse Club, was formed from Griffintown artisans, and encouraged by Father Hogan of St. Anne's "for he knew the strong prejudices existing against his countrymen, and was glad to discover at least one new means by which they could cover them-selves with honour." 46 For one example, see Le Pays, Sept. 26, 1855. Five Irishmen were arrested for trying to free a countryman from the hands of the police. 47 48 49 50 51 Montreal Witness, July 22, 1857. Leader, May 11, 1865. La Mi nerve, Aug. 7, 1845. See True Witness, Jan. 16, 1863. Montreal Witness, Aug. 7, 1857; The property owners were worried by the threat of Insurance Companies not to deal in Griffintown. The Protestant press reported that the Fire Company had been deliberately called out to an ambush. 136 52 Canadian Freeman, Aug. 26, 1859. 53 Mirror, June 25, 1858. A part icular ly bitter accusation against McGee was his refusal to intervene in the Aylward case. See Irish Canadian, April 24, 1865. The Irish papers were especial ly c r i t i c a l of McGee's al l iance with George Brown--"the rev i ler of our race and re l ig ion"—after he had been elected "to avenge Irish-Catholics from Brown's insul ts ." See True Witness, quoted in Globe, May 27, 1859. For a hosti le summary of McGee's career, see Irish Canadian, April 13, 1864. The disappointment of the Ir ish community with McGee is described in W. M. Baker, "Turning the Spit; Timothy Anglin and the Roasting of D'Arcy McGee," CHA, Historical Papers, 1974, pp. 135-156 54 The fu l l es t studies of Orangeism in Canada, are W. S. Mood, "The Orange Order in Canadian p o l i t i c s , 1841-1867," (M.A. thesis University of Toronto, 1950), and Hereward Senior, Orangeism; The Canadian  Phase, (Toronto, McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1972). L i t t l e attention is given in either study to the attitude of the Irish-Catholic community to Orangeism. 55 56 New Era, Sept. 19, 1857. New Era, Sept. 15, 1857. The New Era, in 1857, identi f ied th i r -teen M.P.'s as Orangemen, half the magistracy in Upper Canada, and the bulk of the employees in the Customs House, Post Office and Land Off ice. A great Irish-Catholic objection to S i r Edmund Head, was his o f f i c i a l re-cognition of the Orange Order at Government House on July 12, 1859. See Canadian Freeman, Oct. 24, 1861. 5 7 New Era, March 8, 1858. 5 8 True Witness, June 29, 1860. 59 New Era, Aug. 20, 1857. The Irish Canadian, Nov. 10, 1854, accused Toronto Orangemen of being determined "to follow the example of the brethern in Belfast," where there had been "murder and pi l lage and sacri lege." fin For the violent history of Orangeism in Toronto, see the Irish Canadian, Nov. 9, 1864. 6 1 Letter of Bishop Lynch to the Mayor of Toronto, quoted in Globe,Jan. 4, 1866. 6 2 True Witness, May 21, 1858. fi3 Irish Canadian, quoted in Globe, Nov. 18, 1864. 6 4 Ibid. 137 65 The sub-editor of the True Witness, J .C . Fleming, claimed that "the majority of the Orange body of Montreal is not at a l l composed of Irish or of men of Irish descent, but includes even negroes and Indians." Fleming, Orangeism, p. 28. 6 6 True Witness, Sept. 8, 1854; New Era, Nov. 26, 1857. As a specif ic instance of American ant i -Ir ish feeling extending to Canada, see the True Witness, March 21, 1856. The True Witness reported that f ive poor Irishmen were held in j a i l in Montreal at the instigation of the American Consul, on "trumped up" charges of being involved in the death of an American sa i lor . An American witness was given b a i l , but an Ir ish witness was held in prison with the accused. 67 68 69 70 71 72 Mirror, Apri l 18, 1856. Ir ish Canadian, Sept. 29, 1869. Ib id . , June 30, 1869. Ib id . , Jan 20, 1869. True Witness, Nov. 24, 1854. See Annual Concert and Ball of the St. Patrick's Society, Montreal, 15th Jan. 1872. Address delivered on the invitat ion of the Society  by John O'Farrell esq. , Advocate, President of the Hibernian Benevolent  Society of Quebec, p. 28. 7 3 Mirror, Jan. 22, 1847. 74 Ibid.,May 31, 1861. See the let ter from an "Irishman," Toronto, who had come to Canada looking for a job as a coachman; "I went to several places and the people generally asked me, 'are you a Protestant?' and i f I were an 'Englishman.' Of course I told them that I was an Irishman and a Catholic and had lately arrived in this country. It was no go; they wanted none but Protestants." 75 The Mirror, Nov. 30, 1855, protested that "Irish votes are very valuable and thankfully received at elections; but when an Irishman has the presumption to aspire to a seat in Parliament, he is l e f t in the lurch--the Conventicles meet and convict him of 'Popery.'" It recalled the 1851 election in Toronto, in which Presbyterian Reformers, at the instigation of the Globe, would not vote for the Irish Reform candidate, T. J . O 'Ne i l l . For an account of that e lect ion, see Mirror, Dec. 5, 1851. 7 6 Leader, Oct. 17, 1863. Sandfield Macdonald especial ly , was notorious for his contemptuous attitude towards the Ir ish. He referred to the quarantining of Irish immigrants at Grosse Is le , as "whitewashing." See Irish Canadian, Oct. 21, 1863. 138 Canadian Freeman, April 29, 1859. Toronto City Council turned down a request for aid to the Catholic House of Providence and orphan asylum. The reject ion, on grounds of their exclusive Cathol ic i ty , claimed the Freeman, "is eminently worthy of an Anglo-Saxon corporation." 7 8 M^ror, Nov. 8, 1850. 79 Mirror, quoted in True Witness, Oct. 6, 1854. 80 Irish Canadian, Jan. 10, 1866. 81 See Canadian Freeman, Nov. 5, 1858; "Nowhere have Catholics been treated with more injustice than by the present corporation. Con-tracts were witheld from men whose estimates f a i r l y and just ly entit led them to the work, which was given out to partisans, at far greater expense to the c i t y , and Catholic contractors were obliged to work as sub-contractors or labourers." 82 See New Era, June 15, 1857, Letter from "Fair Play," complaining that Irish-Catholics were discriminated against in public employment and that "to remonstrate ever so mildly or respectfully against such injustice is denounced as clamour to an Ir ish-Cathol ic , whilst in everyone else i t would come as a matter of course." 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 See La Minerve, March 22, 1867. Canadian Freeman, Aug. 29, 1867. Mirror, May 16, 1851. True Witness, Jan. 30, 1863. Irish Canadian, Jan. 21, 1863. Canadian Freeman, Nov. 17, 1864. New Era, Nov. 12, 1857. Ib id . , March 4, 1858. Mirror, Feb. 12, 1847. Ib id . , April 2, 1847. It added, "Really the more we contem-plate the position of our fellow countrymen in Canada, the more we think of the Connaught man's privi lege of paying his passage by dragging the tow-line on the canal track." 93 Irish Canadian, April 12; Dec, 27, 1865. 9 4 Ibid. ,Jan. 24, 1866. 95 y o Pentland, p. 220. 139 96 The report of McGee1s Wexford speech, which appeared in the Dublin Evening Mai l , was reprinted in the Irish Canadian, June 7, 1865. 97 Irish Canadian, June 28, 1865. 9 8 Ib id . , July 12, 1865. 99 ^ Ib id . , Aug. 16, 1865, March 14, 1866. 1 0 0 True Witness, May 4, 1855; Feb. 30, 1860. 1 0 1 Ibid.,May 31, 1861; June 13, 1862. 1 0 2 Ib id. ,July 20, 1855. 1 0 3 Ibid. 104 Quoted in Leader, June 4, 1864. 105 True Witness, Aug. 8, 1851. See also the sermon by Father O'Brian of St. Anne's. The Irish in the United States, he proclaimed, were "persecuted as Catholics and as Irishmen despised . . . t o i l i n g l ike slaves and as slaves oppressed from day to day and from year to year without ever bettering their condition, bringing up their children in the midst of unparalled wickedness and corruption." Ib id . , Jan. 18, 1856. 1 0 6 Ib id . , May 4, 1855; July 4, 1856. 1 0 7 Mirror, Sept. 1854. 1 0 8 ib id . 109 , u y True Witness, Sept. 15, 1854. The True Witness, described "Yankeeism" as "the extreme of Protestantism--mean, s e l f i s h , sensual--the lowest stage of non-Catholic degradation." Quoted in Montreal Witness, Aug. 8, 1855. 1 1 1 True Witness, Feb. 27, 1857. 1 1 2 Ib id . , Nov. 13, 1857. 11 3 Ibid. .Apr i l 2, 1861; Canadian Freeman, Oct. 15, 1863. 114 True Witness, April 12, 1861. 115 Canadian Freeman, Oct. 15, 1863. 1 1 6 New Era, July 25, 1857. 140 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 Mirror, Nov. 12, 1847. Ibid. Cited by Leader, July 10, 1867. Mirror, quoted in True Witness, Oct. 6, 1854. Irish Canadian, Feb. 11, 1863. Ib id . , Feb. 18, 1863. Lyne, p. 204. Ibid. Catholic C i t izen, quoted in Montreal Witness, Dec. 10, 1856. Letter from "One of the I r i sh , " New Era, Nov. 14, 1857. Irish Canadian, Aug. 12, 1863. True Witness, Jan. 8, 1858. Ib id . , Sept. 15, 1854. Bernard Devlin called for a general organization of Irish Catholics in Canada, by combining a l l the St. Patrick's Societies in the Province into a single society. He proposed a general constitution for the Association, with a central committee. See True Witness, Sept. 15, 1854. The idea was repeated by the proposal of the St. Aylmer's St. Patrick's Society in 1857 for a grand Convention of St. Patrick's organi-zations, and in the appeal of the St. Patrick's Society of Montreal in 1869 to form, for po l i t i ca l purposes, a "Grand Dominion Ir ish Catholic St. Patrick's Society." See Catholic C i t izen, quoted in Montreal Witness, Dec. 10, 1856, and the Canadian Freeman, Aug. 5, 1869. 1 3 1 True Witness, Sept., 15, 1854. 1 3 2 Quoted in Leader, March 22, 1858. 1 3 3 True Witness, Sept. 15, 1854. 1 34 Mirror, Aug 22, 1851. The Catholic Institute was formed to meet the Protestant crusade against "Papal Aggression," at a meeting in Toronto, August 1851, of three to four hundred of "the most inte l l igent and respectable of our Catholic population." For accounts of the immediate establishment of Catholic Institutes in London, Guelph, St. Catherines's, and Hamilton, see the Mirror, Oct. 10, 17, 24, 27, 1851. 141 135 Mirror, Sept. 26, 1851. The Institute would also provide the necessary organization "to resist the sort of bigoted aggression and penal laws common in Ireland, should they be introduced in Canada." •j O C See New Era, Dec. 8, 1857. The reduction of the franchise qual i f icat ion from a yearly rent of ten pounds, to one of seven pounds ten sh i l l ings , was expected to add " fu l ly f i f teen hudnred to the former Irish vote," in Montreal. 137 138 139 140 Mirror, quoted in True Witness, Oct. 6, 1854. True Witness, July 16, 1858. Mirror, May 19, 1854. Canadian Freeman, Aug. 20, 1858. A notice was circulated to Irish-Catholic voters, warning them that they "should hold themselves free from pledges to any candidate in order that they may be prepared to follow unanimously the course which the general meeting wi l l see f i t to adopt." 1 4 1 Leader, March 7, 1859. 142 Project of an Organization to be called the Irish Society  of Canada, (London, Canada West, Sept. 4, 1861). See also True Witness, Sept. 27, 1861. 1 4 3 New Era, Nov. 14, 1857. 1 4 4 Mirror, Jan. 17, 1851. 145 True Witness, July 3, 1863. 146 Canadian Freeman, March 28, 1867. 147 The Leader, Jan. 29, 1861, reported a meeting of seven to eight hundred Irish-Catholic electors of the Toronto East Division to pledge support for John Crawford in his election battle with George Brown. The precise reasons for Irish-Catholic opposition to Brown were stated as "his extreme views and i l l i b e r a l i t y , " his "clannish indisposition to unite and co-operate with the more honest and less se l f i sh men because of their being Irishmen and Catholics, and his "unhappy propensity of playing off class against class and creed against creed." Canadian Freeman, July 18, 1861. 148 The Irish-Catholic vote was given against the So l i c i to r -General West, A. N. Richard, as a mark of Irish disfavour to Sandfield-Macdonald, for his exclusion of McGee and Foley from the cabinet. In the previous election claimed the Irish Canadian, most Irish voters in Leeds 142 had supported Richards. But, "our national honour must be maintained and a l l attempts to ignore our r ightful position in Canada must be punished. We are not to be treated with impunity." Since Sandfield-Macdonald had shown that "No Irish need Apply," he "must not therefore complain now when he finds that he need not apply to the I r i sh ." See Irish Canadian, Feb. 3, 1864. 1 4 9 Globe, May 6, 1864. 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 Ibid. Irish Canadian, Jan. 13, 1864. Ib id . , June 16, 1869. Ibid. Mirror, Nov. 12, 1855; July 18, 1856. Canadian Freeman, July 4, 1867. Canadian Freeman, quoted in Leader, July 8, 1867. Mirror, Feb. 7, 1851. Ib id . , May 24, 1844. 1 5 9 Ir ish Canadian, Jan. 21, 1863; Feb. 4, 1863. 1 6 0 Mirror, Feb. 5, 1847. ^ The Leader's review of Boucicault's Colleen Bawn, i l lust rates the manner in which the Irish were generally represented on stage in Canada: " There was plenty of whiskey, plenty of love-making, lots of misunderstand-ings and the general hullabaloo appropriate to Irish plays. Outbursts of applause now and again interrupted some quaint characterist ic Milesian pecul iar i ty ." Leader, Dec. 28, 1861. See also the reveiws of the following Irish farces;. Head Centre Stephens in America (Globe, May 12, 1866), The  Happy Man or the~Magic Shirt , (Leader, May 18, 1858), The Omnibus (Ib id . , June 2, 1869), Dennis and Biddy, or Love in the Emerald Is le , ( Ib id . , June 8, 1869). I CO True Witness, Jan. 3, 1862. 1 6 3 Mirror, Aug. 2, 1850. 1 6 4 Ib id . , Jan. 1, 1847. 1 6 5 Ib id . , Feb. 5, 1847. 143 1 6 6 Ib id . , Aug. 2, 1850. 1 6 7 Canadian Freeman, Feb. 25, 1859. 1 gg Mirror, Apri l 16, 1852. 1 6 9 ibid. 1 7 0 Quoted in Montreal Witness, Sept. 21, 1859. 171 T . • . Ibid. 172 T . . . Ibid. 173 Mirror, March 24, 1854. 174 " H Ib id . , Nov. 9, 1855. 175 " a Ib id . , March 23, 1855. 1 7 6 True Witness, Feb. 16, 1866. 1 7 7 Mirror, March 24, 1854. 178 Montreal Witness, March 13, 1861. 179 1 / 3 Buckley, p. 247. 1 8 0 Ib id . , p. 233. 181 MJrror, March 24, 1854; True Witness, Feb. 20, 1852. 182 Irish Canadian, May 10, 1865. 1 gg Canadian Freeman, Apri l 6, 1865. 184 ~~ True Witness, Feb. 20, 1852; March 17, 1854; Feb. 3, 1860. 185 Canadian Freeman, April 6, 1865. 1 8 6 New Era, Sept. 12, 1857. 187 l o / Leader, July 27, 1865. 188 0 0 Mirror, Dec. 6, 1850. 1 8 9 Canadian Freeman, Jan. 28, 1859. 190 T. . j Ibid. 144 191 Ibid. The Freeman suggested that Gaoler Allen obtained twen-ty dollars worth of labour for twenty cents worth of whiskey given to "a batch of fool ish Catholics." 1 9 2 True Witness, Feb. 29, 1856. 193 See Mirror, Nov. 16, 1855; True Witness, May 30, 1856. 1 9 4 True Witness, Feb. 15, 1856. 1 9 5 Mirror, Nov. 14, 1851. 1 96 True Witness, June, 13, 1862. 197 Ib id . , Dec. 28, 1855. Letter from Bernard Devlin. 1 9 8 Mirror, July 16, 1852. 199 True Witness, Jan. 18, 1856. Father O'Brian described in glowing terms the advantages awaiting the emigrant both as regards body and soul, i f he be enabled to settle at once on a good farm of land in a rural d i s t r i c t , far away from the foul and pest i lent ia l dens to be found in the dark recesses of every c i t y . " 2 0 0 Mirror, Nov. 16, 1855. 201 True Witness, March 26, 1852. The editor acknowledged, "there is weight and importance in t i t l e deeds." 2 0 2 Ib id . , Feb. 15, 1856. 2 0 3 Mirror, Nov. 14, 1851. 2 0 4 Ibid. 2 0 5 Ibid. 2 0 6 Ib id . , Sept. 19, 1856. . 2 0 7 Ib id . , March 19, 1852. 208 See Haley P. Bamman, "Patterns of School Attendance in Toronto, 1844-1878: Some Spatial Considerations," History of Education Quarterly, Vol. 12, 1972, pp. 381-410. See also Franklin A. Walker, Catholic Education  and Pol i t i cs in Upper Canada, (Toronto, J.A. Dent & Sons (Canada) L td . ) , pp. 76-250. 2 0 9 Mirror, Sept. 19,1895. 2 1 0 Ib id . , March 2, 1855. 145 2 1 1 True Witness, Oct. 24, 1851. 212 A founding resolution of the Toronto Catholic Institute stated "we are of opinion that the advancement of our social and po l i t i ca l posit ion, the e f f i c ient discharge of our duties as c i t i zens , the attainment and pro-tection of our dearest rights--nay, even the safety of our c i v i l and re-l igious l iberty and our fu l l participation in the ample educational endow-ments of the province imperatively cal l for the proposed Association." Mirror, Aug..22, 1851. 213 214 215 216 Ibid. Ib id . , March 5, 1852. Ib id . , Nov. 14, 1856. Ib id . , Oct. 26, 1855; "There are about three hundred young men in Toronto, pr incipal ly mechanics and merchants who are Irish and Catholic by rel igion and descent, who [since the demise of the debating Society] have no public means of learning how to read, write or speak with ease or elegance." 217 Canadian Freeman, Dec. 3, 1858. 218 219 220 221 222 223 Ibid. Ibid. New Era, April 13, 1858. Letter from "Catholicus," True Witness, March 26, 1852. Mirror. Ib id . , May 23, 1851. 224 Canadian Freeman. 225 True Witness, Jan. 26, 1877. 2 2 6 Ib id . , March 26, 1852. 227 See Mirror, Feb. 24, 1854; Irish Canadian, March 31, 1869. 228 Globe, Dec. 27, 1861; Canadian Freeman, Dec. 26, 1861. The Ir ish resented, as a s lur on their loyalty, the refusal of the Governor General to accept an Irish batall ion as such. 146 229 Irish Canadian, Sept. 2, 1868; True Witness, April 29, 1864; Dec. 29, 1865; March 23, 1866. 230 "Ireland-Canada-the Br i t ish Constitution," Canadian Freeman, Dec. 31, 1863. See also True Witness, Feb. 7, 1862. 147 CONCLUSION The ways in which Irish-Catholics were perceived and described by the newspapers of mid-Victorian Toronto and Montreal, indicate the prolonged existence in Canada of an ant i -Ir ish prejudice, based both on Protestant aversion to Catholicism and on stereotypes of Irish character in general. These antagonisms and hosti le images were identi f ied by the Irish community as contributing to their economic, social and po l i t i ca l retardation, which they measured against the success of other, more assi-• milable immigrant groups. In defence against the host i l i t y which they detected at a l l levels of society, and especial ly in the Canadian press, Irish-Catholics in Canada maintained a d ist inct and self-conscious sense of national community. This sense of isolat ion was c lear ly expressed through the emergence of an Irish ethnic press, which demonstrated the sens i t iv i ty of the immigrants to their soc ia l , po l i t i ca l and economic exclusion. At the same time, however, this coherent group feel ing, based on sentiments of national loyalty, was encouraged and maintained by the Irish-Canadian newspapers in a conscious attempt to disarm ant i -Ir ish pre-judice. Irish-Catholic editors argued that in Canada, the immigrants might prove that Irish national ity, given the equal opportunity and responsible government which they demanded for .Ire land, could develop in loyalty, wealth and social respectabi l i ty. The aggressive and deprecatory attitudes towards Irish-Catholics evident in the Protestant Canadian newspapers, reflected the anxiety that the immigrants would perpetuate in Canada the characterist ics of moral 148 weakness and social disruptiveness to which Protestant opinion in Canada, as in England, attributed the poverty and wretchedness of Ireland. In the expression of these hosti le assumptions about Irish national and rel igious character, Canadian editors also indicated the dominant social values of Victorian Canada. It was widely accepted that Irish-Catholics threatened the behavioural standards of hard-work, individual enterprise and sober Protestant morality. Yet, i t was also anticipated that Irish-Catholics could be taught to adopt the habits of Canadians by emu-lating Protestant set t lers , in pursuit of independence and se l f -suff ic iency on the land. Canadian editors revealed an unreal ist ic bel ief in the l imit less capacity of the land to support new ar r iva l s , and to regenerate even the degraded Catholic peasantry of Ireland into a sturdy Canadian yeomanry. They presented a confusing balance of arguments, therefore, between acceptance of an inherent Irish i n f e r i o r i t y , and an optimistic environmental ism. Large numbers of Irish-Catholics did not follow the settlement pattern expected of them. Actual opportunities for the successful settlement of the many Irish immigrants on farms of their own, or even as agricultural labourers, were more limited than Canadian editors supposed. Where land was cheaply available and workable, as in the Government free grant areas, Irish-Catholic leaders encouraged the im-migrants to establish themselves on the s o i l . The numerous immigrants who stayed on the public works, or in the c i t i e s , however, produced a Canadian image of them based on their urban presence. The growing, un-ski l led and poverty-stricken Irish populations of Toronto and Montreal, 149 whose Irish communities greatly increased at mid-century, as immigrants returned from the surrounding countryside, confirmed suspicions that the Irish were incapable of self-improvement, and were themselves responsible for their own misfortunes. Irish urban existence in Canada, and i t s accompanying crime and social disorder, were attributed to an inherent Irish lack of ambition, i n i t i a t i v e and moral fort itude. Stereotypes of Irish character in general, were adduced accordingly, to explain their anomalous existence as a persistently poor and soc ia l ly immobile mass, incapable of participating in the imagined opportunities of the "New World." Inferior Irish social and economic adjustment in Canada, which were the natural consequences of their vulnerabi l i ty as Canada's f i r s t labour surplus, were explained in the Protestant press by reference to derogatory Irish ethnic characterist ics. Irish social mobility in Canada came to depend on escape from their public image as well as from their economic circumstances. The degraded image of the Irish in Canada, was not just the re-sult of Canadian experience of the immigrants. It was influenced as well by the numerous ant i -Ir ish reports reprinted in the Canadian newspapers from the English press. English-speaking Canadians were famil iar with the hosti le reactions of Victorian Englishmen to Irish af fa irs and to Ir ish immigrants, and adopted the same hosti le attitudes. Canadians were especial ly influenced by the English stereotype of the Irish as a criminal c lass , which persuaded them to detect dangerous elements in their own Irish population. Irish preponderance in the Canadian criminal s tat i s -t i cs both strengthened their anti-social image and demonstrated the 150 self-perpetrating nature of the stereotype. Fear of the Irish as a social l i a b i l i t y extended to a concern that they were a danger to the security of the country i t s e l f . Many Canadian attitudes towards the Irish were coloured by doubts about their loyalty to Br i t ish inst i tut ions. This bel ief in an inherent Irish tendency to po l i t i ca l insubordination persisted despite declarations and demonstra-tions of loyalty from the Irish community, and their record of al legiance. It culminated in the panic fears of an Irish insurrection in Canada in support of a Fenian invasion. The insults and abuse which the Irish suf-fered in these years, were the natural reaction of a Canadian society which had learnt to regard them as an alien and infer ior race. Canadian his-torians of Fenianism have generally drawn attention to i ts lack of sup-port from the Irish in Canada. They have fa i led to notice, however, the readiness of the Canadian community to think the worst of i ts Irish popu-lat ion. This antagonism was not an isolated phenomenon in the history of Irish adjustment in Canada. It was simply the most dramatic expression of an ant i -Ir ish feeling which had long been evident in the Canadian newspapers. The amount of just ice or accuracy in the hosti le perception of the Irish in Canada is d i f f i c u l t to ascertain. The images of them as d is-loya l , intemperate, criminal and improvident, are much clearer than the rea l i ty . Certainly, the frequency with which the Irish-Canadian newspapers remonstrated against Irish social disruption, and their very insistence on the loyalty of the immigrants, seems to indicate that there was some basis to Canadian fears about the Irish presence. Irish editors were as much 151 concerned to impress upon the Irish immigrants that they owed allegiance to Canada, as to convince Canadians that they real ly were loya l . Yet, there is also apparent in the Irish newspapers a consciousness of social mobility which would have mil itated against social disorder. The Irish were encouraged to work hard, to be ambitious and to persevere. That many of them believed in the promise of self-improvement is evident in the concern of the Irish community with education and in the efforts and success of the Irish temperance movement. It is also indicated in the anxiety of Irish leaders to sett le their countrymen on the land. Whether the Irish formed a large c i ty population by choice or necessity are questions which require a sophisticated analysis of their movements between c i ty and farm. It does seem c lear , however, that where free land was available for settlement, Irishmen who had lacked the capital to locate in settled areas, were encouraged by their leaders to attempt l i f e as respectable farmers. It was this concern with social mobility which made the Irish press so sensitive to the ways in which the Irish image reflected and reinforced their infer ior soc ia l , economic and po l i t i ca l progress. The Irish newspapers, which were intended both to defend and advance Irish social and national character, consciously sought to refute the degraded image of the Irish as a social menace, by encouraging a sense of national identity in pursuit of social respect and po l i t i ca l influence. This ambition related both to Irish social advancement in Canada, and to their mission, as Irishmen, to belie the Victorian stereotype of them as inherently infer ior and incapable of self-government. Expressions of 152 Irish national consciousness further contributed to Canadian perceptions of the immigrants as al ien and d is loya l . Yet, i t was a basic theme of the Irish newspapers that Irishmen in Canada, by advancing their own national interests, could best f u l f i l l their responsibi l i t ies as Canadians. The Irish nationality could best contribute to Canada, they argued, by working to improve i ts own condition, through p o l i t i c s , educa-tion and sobriety, and by raising i ts own standards. The sense of Irish nationality was encouraged, therefore, to f a c i l i t a t e their acceptance as social and po l i t i ca l equals. The processes by which that acceptance eventually developed are less obvious than the fact that throughout much of the Victorian period, the Irish community in Canada fe l t i t s e l f to be confined soc ia l ly and p o l i t i c a l l y by i ts unfavourable image. Much further questioning of the s ta t i s t i ca l data of Irish adjustment is necessary for a better understand-ing of Irish opportunities for economic and social advancement. While i t is evident that many Irish immigrants expressed frustration at their lack of social and economic progress, i t is not clear how restr icted they actually were. It is to be hoped that the ident i f icat ion of those aspects of Irish behaviour which most concerned contemporaries, and the sen-s i t i v i t y of the Irish themselves to their social status, wi l l lead to those questions being asked. APPENDIX I Annual s tat i s t i cs of arrest in Montreal, 1853-1866, taken from the Reports of the Chief of Police to City Council, and published in the newspapers. Stat ist ics of arrest for females are given in brackets. 1856 1857 1858 1859 1860 1862 1863 1866 Total 4135 4394 5474 6881 7390 9140 12132 12810 Irish 2175 2401 (lo43) 2774 (1066) 3313 (1206) 4410 (1382) 3631 5232 (2493) 5943 French Canadian 925 858 1255 1726 ( 179) 2098 ( 225) 2331 3041 ( 510) 3746 Br i t ish 870 956 1376 ( 543) 347 (115) Annual s tat i s t i cs of arrest in Toronto, 1853-1868, taken from the Reports of the Chief of Police to City Council, and published in the newspapers. Stat ist ics of arrest for females are given in brackets. 1853 1856 1858 1859 1860 1861 1862 1863 1868 Total 2162 5117 4187 4437 3796 (1275) 3598 (1185) 4544 4124 (1337) 4459 (1230) Irish 1390 (384) 3555 2816 (921)2942 (1175) 2564 (1076) 2504 ( 983) 2902 2440 ( 998) 2250 (1342) English 903 478 ( 76) Scottish 315 192 ( 17) Canadian 344 310 ( 32) Toronto Gaol S ta t i s t i cs , 1856-1866, from Annual Report of City Gaoler to City Council, published -in the newspapers. Stat ist ics of arrest for females are given in brackets. 1856 1858 1860 1861 1863 1864 1866 Total 1967 1941 (783) 2056 (1027) 1815 (846) 1961 1525 (769) 1855 (639) Irish 1314 1279 (612) 1349 ( 820) 1262 (721) 1168 (703) 817 (511) 700 (408) en co 154 APPENDIX II The following sketches appeared in Canadian Il lustrated News, Vol. VII. No. 17, Saturday, April 26, 1876. pp. 261 and 264. The con-trast is quite clear between the sturdy, noble and resolute family in the f i r s t sketch, and the disreputable Griffintown Irish in the second. Note the plaids, the claypipe and the bott le, as ways of depicting the I r i sh , and the urchin children playing with the rats. Note also, the crowded street and the absence of any trace of nobi l i ty in the Irish characters depicted. 157 BIBLIOGRAPHY Newspapers Toronto: Globe, 1844-1870, Canadian Library Association Microfilm. Leader, 1853-1869, National Archives, Ottawa. Daily Telegraph, 1866-1870, CLA Microfilm. 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