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The essence of Hagakure Alexander, Howard Kevin 1976

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THE ESSENCE OF HAGAKURE by HOWARD KEVIN ALEXANDER B.A., University of Lethbridge, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Asian Studies We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY" OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1976 (cT) Howard Kevin Alexander, 1976 In presenting th i s thes is in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree l y ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thesis for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th i s thes i s fo r f i nanc i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion. Department of Asian Studies The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1W5 i ABSTRACT In 1700 Yamamoto Tsunetomo, a samurai of the province of Saga i n northern Kyushu, r e t i r e d from active duty i n order to spend his remaining years praying for his l o r d , who had died that year. In collaboration with a younger associate, Tashiro Tsuramoto, who recorded his lectures and conversations, Tsune-tomo authored a book e n t i t l e d Hagakure. Finished i n 1716, the work had taken s i x years, and upon completion i t consisted of eleven volumes of short passages, mainly of a moral or anecdotal nature. Through d i d a c t i c i l l u s t r a t i o n s Tsunetomo delineated behaviour proper to the samurai class. Realizing that the extended age of peace of the Tokugawa period was having a d e b i l i t a t i n g e f f e c t on the morals of the warrior c l a s s , Tsunetomo attempted i n Hagakure to reverse this trend. Aware of the changing circumstances, i n which the samurai were increasingly assuming the role of administrators rather than warriors, Tsunetomo emphasized the development of mental attitudes appropriate to the b a t t l e f i e l d . Self d i s c i p l i n e and unquestioning l o y a l t y , such as might be expected of an i d e a l warrior, even to the extent of being resigned to death at any time, was, he believed, a prerequisite to service of any kind. By developing such moral virtues as rectitude, courage, honour, decorum, compassion, unselfishness, f r u g a l i t y , and, most im-portantly, l o y a l t y , Tsunetomo expected a samurai to prepare himself to serve his l o r d i n any capacity. On the other hand, he derided samurai who were obsessed with i n t e l l e c t u a l or ar-t i s t i c pursuits, s t a t i n g that they often became excessively proud and l o s t t h e i r a b i l i t y to carry out t h e i r duties e f f e c -t i v e l y . Because of Tsunetomo's emphasis on regional history and on loyalt y to his p r o v i n c i a l l o r d , Hagakure, would most certain-l y have displeased the authorities i n Edo had i t been widely c i r c u l a t e d . Therefore, following the author's orders, i t re-mained secret among the leading samurai of Saga u n t i l the middle of the nineteenth century. Then the rigorous loyalty found i n Hagakure was redirected away from the regional l o r d to the em-peror, i n keeping with the r i s i n g sense of nationalism which accompanied the imperial restoration. Hagakure thus took on a new function. During the period of" m i l i t a r i s m leading to the P a c i f i c War, Tsunetomo's declaration that a warrior must be resigned to death i n the cause of lo y a l t y brought widespread recognition to Hagakure. In fact, the book came to be equated with a determination to die for the sake of the emperor. To give a manageable structure to the hundreds of loosely associated passages of which Hagakure i s composed, a modified framework of Confucian mores has been employed i n this essay. Since the most prevalent philosophy of the book, and indeed of the whole Edo period, was Neo-Confucianism, this framework, however a r t i f i c i a l , seems appropriate. Other approaches may also have been possible f o r Hagakure contains much more than only Neo-Confucian philosophy. The emphasis on s i m p l i c i t y and the reliance on one's own e f f o r t s , concepts which form i n t r e g a l parts of Zen Buddhism, also held great appeal to Tsunetomo. He did not c l e a r l y conceptualize his b e l i e f s as being Confucian, Buddhist, or native Japanese components. Rather a l l his ideas were amalgamated into a syncretism which he expresses Hagakure as the way of the warrior. i v PREFACE' I f i r s t became aware of the existence of Hagakure a decade ago, yet I remember the circumstances wel l . At that time I had been i n Japan t r a i n i n g i n martial arts for almost two years and f e l t that I was f i n a l l y making progress. My misplaced pride was soon dislodged, however, by a respected i n s t r u c t o r who said that although p h y s i c a l l y r was s t a r t i n g to learn the techniques, my mind had not yet begun to control my body. Unless, he advised, I studied the contents of books such as Hagakure I would never be able to comprehend the true s p i r i t of the Japanese martial arts. In the following years, as I became more interested i n the h i s t o r i c a l and s p i r i t u a l aspects of Japanese budo, I heard repeated references to Hagakure, p a r t i c u l a r l y by those p r a c t i -tioners of the more t r a d i t i o n a l forms of martial a r t s . I came to r e a l i z e that Hagakure i s indeed a seminal work i n the ethics of the samurai class during the Edo period. Because of t h i s i n t e r e s t i t was natural that I would sele c t Hagakure as the topic of my Master's thesis. Unfortunately, due to the book's great length, I have found i t p r a c t i c a l to l i m i t my studies for this thesis to the f i r s t chapter, which I believe to be representative of the whole. Close examination of the remaining portion of Hagakure may indicate a need for a s l i g h t s h i f t i n emphasis and provide more exacting examples. However, I believe that further research would almost c e r t a i n l y support the conclusions reached i n this paper. V TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I. 1. Introduction p. 1 2. H i s t o r i c a l Background p. 8 3. Yamamoto Tsunetomo p. 17 4. Compilation and Textual Information p. 26 Chapter I I . 1. Internal Aspects p. 34 2. Training p. 44 3. Loyalty p. 51 4. Attitude Toward Death p. 55 5. Personal Appearance p. 6 3 Chapter I I I . 1. Conduct i n Society p. 66 2. Rectitude p. 71* 3. Compassion p. 76 4. Courage and Honour p. 78 5. Etiquette p. 82 Chapter IV. 1. Conclusion p. 85 Chapter I. 1 1. Introduction By the turn of the eighteenth century the Tokugawa bakufu had, a f t e r a hundred years of rule, firmly secured i t s p o s i t i o n of supremacy i n Japan. A stable relationship had been struck between the central regime i n Edo/:C , the present Tokyo, and the, dainty o 7\ jfc 2 of the various han )J^~.3 The resultant baku-h a n ^ system had proven i t s e l f as an entity s u f f i c i e n t l y viable to have r e a l i z e d a period of extended peace. The absence of war eroded the need for, and therefore the q u a l i t y of, the mi l i t a r y techniques of the samurai. In t h e i r place s p e c i a l i z e d administrative and bureaucratic s k i l l s became more highly valued as the demand for such talent increased. As the position of the samurai at the top of the four class s o c i a l system^ had not yet been threatened by the r i s i n g merchant c l a s s 6 and the surge of production and prosperity during the l a t t e r part of the seven-teenth century had benefited the samurai as well as others, i t was only natural that a relaxation of the moral f i b r e of the code of bushi "fyj^C ^ ethics should r e s u l t . Hagakure ^  , 8 known also as Hagakure rongo ^$f[*g^Nffiv Nabeshima r o n g o f f l j&f%*, or Hizen rongo fflijfc)^ffi*/ exemplifies exce l l e n t l y one attempt to counteract the movement toward the impotency of bushi conduct and to restore the q u a l i t i e s which had enabled the samurai to r i s e to the pinnacle of society. En-compassing well over a thousand passages or paragraphs of varying length, each more or less a complete unit i n i t s e l f , Hagakure was not intended to constitute material for casual reading nor entertainment but was rather composed as a book of moral and 2 s o c i a l injunctions. As such, s t r u c t u r a l q u a l i t i e s and literary-smoothness were forced into a position subservient to such things as i t e r a t i o n of the samurai code of ethics. In spite of certain l i t e r a r y d e f i c i e n c i e s suffered because of this requirement, the manner of presentation, mainly through the incorporation of various forms of d i d a c t i c , permits Hagakure to be designated one 9 of the important books of Japanese c i v i l i z a t i o n . Yet the essen-t i a l value of Hagakure i s not primarily as a work of l i t e r a t u r e . The importance of this book may be found partly i n the great amount of h i s t o r i c a l information which may be gleaned from i t . The varied passages, through the provision of diverse ex-emplary descriptions, include much of the history of the Nabeshima 1 0  h a n / ^ a n d thus o f f e r innumerable facts concerning the devel-opment of S a g a ^ prefecture. ^  To scholars of l o c a l history intent on c a r e f u l l y d e t a i l i n g the past of that p a r t i c u l a r part 12 of Kyushu, Hagakure has long been a source of valuable d e t a i l s . S ocial h i s t o r i a n s , too, have discovered a great deal of material 13 regarding marital and family conditions. References to o f f i -c i a l documents, deliberative meetings, duties required of par-t i c u l a r o f f i c e s , and expected behavior regarding intercourse between various ranks of samurai e x i s t as concrete examples. For instance, the n o t i f i c a t i o n of a raise i n stipend arrived by 14 means of an o f f i c i a l l e t t e r from the l o r d . Another paragraph 15 deals with methods by which a new group member was selected. The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y attached to duty i s c l e a r l y depicted i n a statement explaining the precautions required when d e l i v e r i n g a 16 message and i n the a l l u s i o n to the role of an o f f i c i a l witness 17 at the r i t u a l of seppuku jfl j f f . Furthermore, historians i n t e r -3 ested i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l development of administrative appa-18 ratus w i l l f i n d many passages of s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t . The re a l significance of Hagakure, though, l i e s beyond a s u p e r f i c i a l examination of the text i n search of s p e c i f i c accounts depicting certain aspects of h i s t o r i c a l study. Rather i t exists as an outstanding record of the code of conduct of the i d e a l i z e d samurai i n the province of Saga. The fact that i t indeed rep-resents but a small portion of the whole country does not de-t r a c t from i t s c r e d i t a b i l i t y because i t s author, Yamamoto Tsune-tomo ^ f l ? (1659-1719), while drawing on l o c a l events for i l l u s t r a t i o n , propounds what may be regarded as the culmination of-the set of ethics which l a t e r came to be known as bushido bushi which he so conscientiously portrays were i d e a l models who, i n a c t u a l i t y , did not e x i s t at any time i n Japanese hist o r y . This f a b r i c a t i o n i s openly admitted. At present, models of great retainers have disappeared. Therefore i t i s probably best to make one's own model and imitate that. The way to create this model i s to take the decorum of one person, the courage of another and a third's way of using words. Add some-one's proper behavior and the firm obligation of someone el s e . Study yet another man's way of quickly and firmly making good decisions. If from among people one selects men who each have an outstanding q u a l i t y , and selects only the best of these q u a l i t i e s , he can make a model.20 The Utopian q u a l i t i e s depicted i n Hagakure nevertheless coin-cided almost exactly with the established c r i t e r i a of the stand-ard bushi i n other parts of Japan. The point of difference, then, l i e s not so much i n the content as i t does i n degree. For Tsunetomo pictured his model i n succinct and f o r c e f u l terms and, Tsunetomo was influenced by various sources and the 4 because of th i s emphasis which bordered on the i l l u s i o n a r y , Hagakure provides an excellent example of the basic precepts which the bushi of the middle Edo period were expected to emulate. While i t i s possible and e x c i t i n g to s e l e c t s p e c i f i c sen-tences or paragraphs and attempt to relate them to situations of theppresent age, caution on th i s point i s imperative. However much certain passages lend themselves to this p r a c t i c e , i t does not serve the purpose of finding the true essence of the book. For, as i t w i l l be seen, Hagakure was produced with a certain intention and subsequently the passages, a l b e i t varied and color-f u l , constantly return to the exposition of p r i n c i p l e s meant to strengthen that o r i g i n a l intent. Naturally the words themselves have an important role to play and each must be considered care-f u l l y . The use of these words by the author, however, sometimes playing on t h e i r shock value, sometimes on t h e i r emotional value, and other times upon t h e i r a b i l i t y to impart l o g i c , constantly reconfirms and s o l i d i f i e s Tsunetomo's point of view. Common sense was, i n his day, based on fundamentals of reasoning d i f f e r e n t from the present age. With the modern em-phasis upon the feelings and rights of the i n d i v i d u a l , i t i s not expected that an employee w i l l have the degree of commitment 21 which was demanded of the retainers of the Nabeshima han. By present standards that dedication to service would appear to be fanaticism bordering on insanity. Indeed, even Tsunetomo f r e -quently mentions the need for a b l i n d and unreasonable devotion 22 which he c a l l s shinigurui f^cj^ £wi, "death madness." In appa-rent opposition to th i s he also states the need for l o g i c and 23 s e l f c o n t r o l . To Tsunetomo adherence to two such contradictory 5 viewpoints presented no problem because inconsistencies could be caused only by deviation from the main duty of a bushi which was to f u l f i l l his role i n l i f e . Tsunetomo believed that the Nabeshima House was among the foremost i n Japan. "Among the generations of lords of our House there have been no bad men and no stupid men. Nor have there been any who have dropped to second or t h i r d among the daimyo of Japan. This marvelous House must have been divin e l y protected by the piety of our ancestors." He further believed that the entire l i f e of a bushi, p a r t i c u l a r l y one who was a retainer of such an unequalled House, could center around only one thought, the utter and complete devotion to the service of one's l o r d . ...having been born by happy chance into a House where the vows between l o r d and follower are strong, the retainers, and even the peasants and townsmen, have such deep indebtedness, the inheritance of successive generations, that words are inadequate to express i t f u l l y . When one thinks of this with the resolution fixed i n his heart that i n the repayment of this indebtedness he has to somehow be employed, he serves even more s e l f l e s s l y . Even i f ordered to become a masterless samurai or to commit seppuku, he knows these to be duties. From the depths of the mountains and from under the earth, from l i f e to l i f e and age to age, determining to serve i s the fundamental stage of the resolution of the samurai of the Nabeshima. This i s our heart and soul. Although i t does not s u i t my present s e l f , Iwithdrawn as I am from the world as a monk,] I never pray for such things as attaining Buddhahood. Being born as a Nabeshima samurai for seven l i v e s , and the determination to serve the f i e f , i s stained on my very l i v e r as long as I l i v e . A b i l i t y i s not needed. A l l that i s necessary i s the determination to bear the House by m y s e l f . ^ No action could be considered insane or i l l o g i c a l i f i t were sincerely intended to further the cause of the lo r d . Conversely, any e f f o r t which was made i n an attempt to better one's personal 6 l o t i n l i f e was regarded as wicked. Therefore, the use of exam-ples, s t o r i e s , incidents taken from history f a m i l i a r to the bushi of the time, quotations from other books, admonitions, accusa-tions employing harsh and cruel words for the purpose of shocking the reader, the use of humour, the stimulation of the emotions of love and compassion and of hatred for cowardice, and even the appeal to the vengeance of the gods, are a l l employed when needed to convince the young samurai i n one way or another that the prac-t i s e of chu , " l o y a l t y , " constituted the main factor i n t h e i r way of l i f e . There are indications that the author was c l e a r l y aware that the age i n which the major service of the retainer was to f i g h t for his l o r d on the b a t t l e f i e l d had passed. Tsunetomo himself had had no battle experience and the incidents dealing with war which are sprinkled throughout Hagakure are a l l drawn from e a r l i e r periods as examples of accepted behaviour i n the contingency of war. More often the passages of Hagakure attempt to deal with the problem of how to maintain the proper attitude of complete lo y a l t y i n a period of peace. The young samurai of the mid-Edo period were destined to become o f f i c i a l s and administrators rather than warriors, but i n the discharge of t h e i r duties they were expected to f u l f i l l the requirements of lo y a l t y and devotion to t h e i r l o r d . Thus, Hagakure deals d i r e c t l y with the delicate problem of achiev-ing a mental attitude of preparedness or resolution (kakugo,^(j^^f) and sustaining t h i s concentration of purpose throughout a l i f e t i m e i n which there may have been no concrete opportunity to consummately demonstrate i t . Taken as a whole, the concentration of e f f o r t must be directed toward the c u l t i v a t i o n and development of an awareness 7 of the d i s c i p l i n e which i s necessary to properly serve one's lo r d . I t i s i n this respect that Hagakure d i f f e r s from the great c l a s s i c s of war i n two main but related respects. The 25 26 Sun Tzu ffi Jj- , Machiavelli' s The Art of War, and On War by 27 Clausewitz, a l l but ignore the mental attributes of sol d i e r s as i n d i v i d u a l s , emphasizing instead instructions to the comman-der of the army and the actual strategy to be employed by that commander i n leading his army to vic t o r y . Hagakure, on the other hand, i s a book which revolves around the individuals who make up the army, not around the leader. These individuals e x i s t only i n response to the needs of t h e i r l o r d . Hagakure provides them with directions on how to become commendable re-tainers and i n c i t e s them to do t h e i r utmost to attain a degree of mental d i s c i p l i n e which would enable them to achieve the most favorable r e s u l t s . Hagakure's concept of devotion to service incorporates an amalgamation of Confucian, Buddhist, and Taoist ideas together with expressions reminiscent of native Japanese modes of thought. The doctrines of "reason" or "rationalism" (ri,/?_) and "human-2 8 ism" (j i n , •fa- ) are central to orthodox Confucianism and are supported by such Confucian virtues as " l o y a l t y " (chu),, " f i l i a l p iety" (ko, j% ) and " r i t u a l " or "decorum" ( g i , ) . The r e i t e r -ation of these elements i n the Neo-Confucianism of the Sung dynasty i n the philosophical teachings of Chu Hsi \ , (113 0-29 1200, Japanese name Shushi) and the o f f i c i a l adoption of this 30 school by the Tokugawa bakufu gave further strength to the influence of Chinese thought. The emphasis on moderation, con-servatism and the maintenance of relationships between i n d i v i d -8 uals and among groups exemplifies the d i r e c t e f f e c t of orthodox Neo-Confucianism on Hagakure. Inclinations toward ethnocentrism and h i s t o r i c a l studies also indicate an indebtedness to Confu-31 danism. Apparent, too, i s the harmonizing e f f e c t of the ancient yin-yang (in-yo, ffip^ ) philosophy of C h i n a . 3 2 The legacy from Buddhism i s also present, and the expressed necessity to gain release from worldly desires and the acknowledgment of the 33 transitory nature of the world plays an obvious role i n Hagakure• Esoteric patterns, i n the methods of transmitting knowledge for example, are also closely associated with the practises of Bud-34 dhist sects. On the other hand, Zen Buddhism added the recog-n i t i o n for self-understanding and s e l f - r e l i a n c e to Tsunetomo's 35 i d e a l bushi. Furthermore, Tsunetomo's support of the very r i g i d h i e r a r c h i c a l system, while influenced by Confucianism, i s a s o c i a l phenomenon which appeared i n Japan even i n very early times. Some of the elements regarding r i t u a l and etiquette 37 can also be traced to very early native t r a d i t i o n s . Since a l l of these components are diffused throughout Hagakure and have become i n t r i n s i c parts of the text, further attention w i l l be given them as they relate to the contents of this paper. 2. H i s t o r i c a l Background During the ninth century p r o v i n c i a l governors began to surround themselves with armed men. By the eleventh century the bushi had emerged with enough power to become a source of anxiety to the government i n Kyoto, and before the twelfth century had come to a close they had established a bakufu i n Kamakura^ 3 8 which held a wide range of administrative power. Thereafter, the samurai class continued to be a tremendously powerful force 9 i n Japanese history. Beginning with the Onin/ciWar (1467-39 1477), armed c o n f l i c t ravaged Japan almost constantly for nearly a century and a h a l f . H o s t i l i t i e s continued u n t i l they culminated i n the u n i f i c a t i o n of the country i n 1600 by Tokugawa 40 Ieyasu. After he had s o l i d x f i e d his grip on the nation through . . . - 41 the elimination of the Toyotomi faction at Osaka i n 1615, any m i l i t a r y actions which occurred, such as the suppression of l o c a l i z e d uprisings, constituted only minor skirmishes, with the exception of the Christian uprising at Shimabara i n 42 1638. Ieyasu established a-period of peace which was to l a s t for more than two hundred and f i f t y years u n t i l the M e i j i Restor-ation of 1868. The m i l i t a r y s k i l l s of the bushi declined through the protracted period of i n a c t i v i t y and the function of the samurai evolved from one of physical combat into one of adminis-t r a t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Among those who were concerned with the status of the samurai during the prolonged peace was Yamaga Soko who attempted to j u s t i f y the continued importance of the bushi. He believed that samurai, who received sustenance as a r e s u l t of the e f f o r t s of the other s o c i a l classes, must earn t h e i r yearly stipend, not only by maintaining proper m i l i t a r y preparedness, but by d i s c i p l i n i n g themselves i n arts and virtues which would equip them as proper models and leaders for others 43 to follow. Yamaga was not alone i n his concern for the future of the samurai. One hundred years a f t e r the b a t t l e of Osaka and eighty a f t e r Shimabara, at a time when the nation was engrossed i n en-joying the benefits of peace, Hagakure was written (1716). Con-demning the lack of m i l i t a r y virtues i n terms which were often 10 extremely harsh and b r u t a l , such as, " A l l the work of men used to have the stench of blood about i t . In the present age this i s said to be f o o l i s h . Through cleverness i n the use of words people tidy up t h e i r appearance, and i f there happens to be a s l i g h t l y d i f f i c u l t task, they avoid i t . I would l i k e the young 44 people to r e f l e c t c a r e f u l l y on t h i s , " Tsunetomo appealed for a return to the s t r i c t e r mental and physical d i s c i p l i n e of e a r l i e r times. Why, i t may be asked, did Tsunetomo f e e l the need to revert to what appears to be a more primitive l i f e style? The author himself describes graphically the circumstances which induced him to write. In the t h i r t y years p r i o r to the compila-tion of Hagakure, ...the character of the world changed. When the young samurai get together, t h e i r conversation consists e n t i r e l y of such things as chatter about money, accounts of p r o f i t and loss, talk of the private a f f a i r s of families, styles of clothing, and gossip related to l u s t . I f the conversation does not turn to this kind of thing, they are a l l bored. This t r u l y has become a custom devoid of a sense of r i g h t and wrong. In the old days, u n t i l the age of twenty or t h i r t y young men did not talk of such things because they did not have such despicable things i n t h e i r minds in the f i r s t place. The older men, too, i f they said something inadvertently, recognized i t as an error. I t must be because the world has become garish and only the way to get richer i s seen to be important.^5 Instead of devoting themselves completely to preparation for 46 proper service, they show much more i n t e r e s t i n the material 47 goods which may be found on the shelves of merchant's stores 4 8 .and try to avoid any duty which may be at a l l d i f f i c u l t . The anxiety expressed i n Hagakure regarding the i l l e f f e c t s of the process of moral degeneration which was taking 11 place i s mirrored i n other works as well. Ogyu Sorai ^ JL jO^s^ (1666-1728), i n Seidan hints that the lack of d i s c i p l i n e 49 was the r e s u l t of poor government control. In Sundai zatsuwa •^jtfr -jjH&fl^' written i n 1732 and published i n 1750, Muro Kyuso ^ JjL. (1658-1734) indicates his g r i e f for the dismal state of s o c i e t y . 5 0 A few years e a r l i e r Kaibara Ekken ^ ^ l ^ j ] ^ ( 1 6 30-1714) had stressed the need for proper e t h i c a l conduct i n his Yamatozokukun XJjfl jfafy^,51 and Kumazawa Banzan jl\ (1619-1691) was being ostracized by the bakufu for suggesting action which might be taken to remedy p o l i t i c a l and economic d e f i c i e n -52 53 cies. The Imagawa l e t t e r , attributed to Imagawa Ryoshun )lj T $Ml325-1420) , governor of S u r u g a j j ^ ^ , expounds the fundamental p r i n c i p l e s of morality. Although written about 200 years before Hagakure, i t s c l a r i t y and structure allowed i t to a t t a i n and sustain a high degree of popularity. During the Muromachi period the practise of writing such l e t t e r s of instruct tion to incoming heads of m i l i t a r y houses was quite common and 54 this custom was revived i n the Edo era. The Imagawa l e t t e r , for instance, was republished at l e a s t 220 times during the Tokugawa p e r i o d . 5 5 The memorandum of Tokugawa Mitsukuni )'| ^|^| (1628-1700) of Mi to ^  j* i l l u s t r a t e s a s i m i l a r method by which moral advice was given to retainers at a time nearly con-temporary to Hagakure. 5 6 Only s l i g h t l y l a t e r Daidoji Yuzan T\i^A.ik (1639-1730) wrote Budo shoshin shu -jfr jjjS-ri H* 5 7 On the major points of l o y a l t y and views regarding death^this text 5 8 coincides closely with Hagakure. On minor points also, such as the avoidance of friends who seek only pleasure, Daidoji's ideas overlap with Tsunetomo 1s. 12 A response to moral degeneration made i t s e l f v i s i b l e i n — 59 — popular l i t e r a t u r e as well. The forty seven r o n i nS k . K o r had gained t h e i r revenge i n 1703 and during the years imme-diatel y following t h e i r mass suicide, various stage versions of this story,, culminating i n the mid, eighteenth century drama ca l l e d Chushingura t^ 'l£yf& appeared. The f i r s t successful play, appeared i n 1706. I t was written by Chikamatsu Monzaemon jfr f^frjjtff^ (1653-1724) and e n t i t l e d Gob an t a i h e i k i fjO. 60 The plays produced for bunraku JZJ 1-^ ^ and kabuki^||$jJ* 2 by Chikamatsu, often praised as Japan's greatest playwright, are inculcated with the Confucian themes of l o y a l t y and f i l i a l piety and generally depict the c o n f l i c t between feudal obligations, c j i r i ^ ^ , , and human emotions, ninjo A'ffi • ^  While the n o v e l i s t Ihara Saikaku 4 $ (1642-1693) 6 4 i s celebrated mainly for his prose f i c t i o n concerning townsmen and e r o t i c adventures, he also wrote did a c t i c material featuring the incompatibility of g i r i and ninjo. The most important of his works i n this f i e l d are Buke g i r i monogatari-^ ffjty 5 a n d Budo denraiki ^ x J L f a ^ j ? ^ These men, Chikamatsu and Ihara, as the leading authors of pop-ular l i t e r a t u r e , indicate through t h e i r works the value placed on moral behavior i n the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. By i l l u s t r a t i n g that dedication to the advocated code of ethics was not always as i t should be, they validate the con-tention that Hagakure was compiled as a measure to counteract, p a r t i c u l a r l y among the samurai of the Nabeshima han, the decline of morality which was obvious throughout Japan. Hagakure, then, may be regarded not only as a protest against the degeneration and ostentation of the age but also as 66 13 p o s i t i v e action toward correcting those e v i l s . Tsunetomo, acutely-aware of the continuing vulgarization of society, states that the beginning of a reversal must emanate from sound knowledge of the history of the han. He f e l t that the value of the t r a d i t i o n a l mores could be seen by the young retainers only i f r t h e y were f i r s t enlightened about the deeds and per s o n a l i t i e s i n the history 6 8 of the Nabeshima han. In e a r l i e r years, he declares, "... the retainers a l l worked d i l i g e n t l y at t h e i r family occupations. The lords searched for persons who would serve well, and the sub-ordinates were eager to comply. The hearts of thev.upper and 69 lower classes met, and the House prospered." That i s , through the honest endeavor of both leaders and followers, cooperation was possible with the r e s u l t that there was peace and success within the f i e f . Tsunetomo, i n r e f e r r i n g to the men of old, understandably ignores the numerous instances of i n s i n c e r i t y , treachery, and deceit which abound throughout Japanese history. By emphasizing the commendable t r a i t s only, admittedly a biased use of only some of the facts, he f a i l s i n the cause of presenting a true history. However, to do so was not his intention. With a s i n g l e -mindedness bordering on the fanatic he drew i l l u s t r a t i o n s from l o c a l history only to encourage t h e i r emulation by the youths of the han. I t i s necessary at t h i s point to describe b r i e f l y the s o c i a l and economic si t u a t i o n of the country i n general and of Saga han i n p a r t i c u l a r . The response of the society to the great peace that accompanied Tokugawa rule was profound. Increases i n the quantity and variety of a g r i c u l t u r a l products and freedom of 14 70 movement on the transportation routes prompted economic expansion, i n i t i a l l y i n the larger centers of population, and l a t e r , through the process of d i f f u s i o n , to the castle c i t i e s of regional capi-t a l s . In addition to increased material goods, prosperity brought a great c u l t u r a l surge which originated i n the major c i t i e s of Edo, Kyoto, and Osaka and which i s epitomized i n the flowering, e s p e c i a l l y during the Genroku/L-^era (16 88-170 3) , of bunraku and kabuki theater, the art s t y l e known as ukiyoe ^ ^ J l f f t ^ , and var-ious forms of l i t e r a t u r e and poetry. The entertainment quarters of every c i t y and town carried on an increasingly l i v e l y business. Forms of this c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y spread to even the most remote provinces. One main c a r r i e r of t h i s culture was the i n s t i t u t i o n of sankin kotai with i t s requirement that the daimyo, with.a number of t h e i r retainers, make frequent t r i p s between th e i r p r o v i n c i a l capitals and Edo. Yet there were other means, too, by which the provinces came into contact with the c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s of the large c i t i e s . Contained i n Hagakure, for ex-ample, i s the story of a man who had been stationed i n Osaka for a number of years. When he returned to Saga he was r i d i c u l e d because of his new accent and affected manner. In this connection Tsunetomo said, "In our province, s i m p l i c i t y i n the country s t y l e i s best. I t may be said that imitation of the manners of other 73 provinces i s f a l l a c i o u s . " While much of the benefit from the new prosperity found i t s way i n t o the purses of the r i s i n g merchant class, the samurai c l a s s , too, was able, through stipends, special taxes and loans, forced or otherwise, to procure enough funds to take part i n the general c u l t u r a l expansion. Even the selection of marriage part-15 ners began to take on some of the aspects of an open market, as each family placed an increasing emphasis on wealth rather than upon s o c i a l standing, much to the dismay of Tsunetomo, who c a l l e d 74 this "outrageous and inexcusable." In view of the above-described s o c i a l and economic state of a f f a i r s , i t i s not s t a r t l i n g to see the appearance of a reac-tionary movement. Conservative men were concerned that the samurai cla s s , which i n practise supplied v i r t u a l l y a l l of the administra-tive o f f i c i a l s to the governments, both national and l o c a l , would jeopardize i t s a b i l i t y to rule e f f e c t i v e l y . Tsunetomo laments, "When there i s peace the world gradually becomes a gaudy show-place; people become extravagant and i n d i f f e r e n t to the ways of war. They have many f a i l u r e s . Persons of both high and low ranks are sorely troubled and people, both inside and outside of 75 the f i e f , are ashamed. The f i e f may even f a l l into ruin." In other words Tsunetomo f e l t that war may be necessary to maintain the moral r i g o r of the samurai. Without war to ensure dedication to matters of moral conduct attention may be diverted away from the f u l f i l l m e n t of duties. Through neglect of t h i s sort the very fate of the clan could be i n jeopardy. Thus, through proper morality one's personal fate and the destiny of the han could be influenced. Tsunetomo's l i n e of reasoning i n t h i s regard was closer to the Confucian concept of rectitude than to Buddhist theories of an i n a l t e r a b l e fate. One Hundred years l a t e r Takizawa Bakin (1767-1848), one of the most popular writers of di d a c t i c f i c t i o n of the Edo period, expressed a s i m i l a r view. "Fate i s indeed capricious, but morality can sway i t . Morality 7 6 i s more c r u c i a l than fate." The Nabeshima han, i n spite of i t s remoteness, was not free 16 from the degenerative influences of the age. According to Tsune-tomo, the p r o h i b i t i o n of junshiffi] jf^, infant succession to family headship, and the cessation of the custom of c h i l d pages, a l l newly introduced measures, were not good for society i n gen-e r a l , and the young samurai of Saga han i n p a r t i c u l a r , because each of these new elements was detrimental to the t r a i n i n g of good retainers. Instead of learning things which would help to serve the l o r d and the House, he says, they become addicted to mischief during t h e i r spare time. Because they are treated as adults at the age of f i f t e e n or sixteen and as yet have no taste, they spend a l l t h e i r time eating, drinking and t e l l i n g obscene 78 s t o r i e s . In his opinion they would do better to ignore a l l outside influences and apply themselves only to the study of kokugaku||] , the history and accepted t r a d i t i o n s of the Nabe-79 shima f i e f . Early i n Hagakure Tsunetomo makes a statement which, at f i r s t glance, seems to be at odds with his reactionary views. 80 He declares that since Buddha, Confucius, Kusunoki, and Shin-gen , ^  had never served within the Nabeshima han, and so had not experienced the circumstances of that f i e f , t h e i r teach-82 ings are of no relevance to Nabeshima retainers. After having gained the attention of his readers by means of this s t a r t l i n g statement, however, Tsunetomo proceeds to use the instructions and p r i n c i p l e s of these men throughout Hagakure. The e s s e n t i a l purpose i n introducing such a provocative declaration was, no doubt, to emphasize his contention that a l l learning i s v a l i d only i f i t d i r e c t l y a s sists the samurai of the Nabeshima han i n serving t h e i r l o r d . 17 3. Yamamoto Tsunetomo Although Yamamoto Jinuemon Tsunetomo fc'ffi] P^^ty^ ,83 was himself a product of the age of peace, his i n s t i n c t was to react against what he considered to be the degenerate trend of the times. Born i n the Katataekoji f^j $ yS->\>.$& section of Saga 84 castle town i n 1659, twenty years a f t e r the Shimabara re v o l t , he had no battle experience. As no war took place during his l i f e t i m e , his contact with actual combat existed only through the s t o r i e s of the older bushi of Saga han, those who had taken part i n the b a t t l e of Shimabara. The tales of such men dot the pages of Hagakure, either as d i r e c t quotations or as s p e c i f i c p r. i l l u s t r a t i o n s of Tsunetomo1s standards. Tsunetomo1s own paternal grandfather, Nakano Jinuemon Kiyoaki vf (1555-16 20) , was the ninth generation de-scended from Nakano Goto Y o r i a k i ^ $ f i % J ^ 4 * 5 $\ , who had founded a branch of the mightly G o t o f | t ^ clan. Kiyoaki had, i n true bushi fashion, gained recognition for m i l i t a r y exploits while serving under Nabeshima Naoshige. Tsunetomo1s father, Yamamoto Jinuemon Shigezumi hJfffifr^P^iLi'ft (1590-1669), the t h i r d son of Kiyoaki, became the adopted he i r of Yamamoto Sukebei Muneharu Qpfy^ffififcA and so assumed the family name of Yamamoto. He par t i c i p a t e d both in the Osaka campaigns and i n the Shimabara incident, and was 8 6 renowned for his m i l i t a r y valor. He was seventy years o l d at the time of Tsunetomo's b i r t h but even at thi s advanced age he was an active man who, according to Tsunetomo, retained his health and energy by using moxa cautery and being prudent i n 87 sexual intercourse. He remained vigorous u n t i l his death i n the year that Tsunetomo turned eleven. Thereafter Tsunetomo 18 received much of his t r a i n i n g from Yamamoto Gorozaemon Tsuneharu is/^JLtf^.%t^ r] f^l<a (1639-1687); whose blood relationship to Tsune-8 8 tomo was that of a nephew although he was twenty years older. Both Shigezumi and Tsuneharu were among those who r e s i s t e d the wave of deterioration which was beginning to appear even i n the remote Nabeshima han. While Shigezumi remained "as a shadowy figure" (kageboshi ^ ^ ^ ^ t l ^ ) ^ he strongly influenced Tsunetomo1 s thinking during his early years. Shigezumi had earned a commendable rep-utation within the fief,and the f i r s t han leader, Nabeshima K a t s u s h i g e ^ f t *%>% (1580-1657), had said that the men under 90 Shigezumi were the most trustworthy i n the province. He i n -s t i l l e d t his strong sense of l o y a l t y not only i n the minds of his men but also i n the mind of his young son by whispering, "You must become a strong man and serve the l o r d , " into the ears of Tsunetomo, even while he was an infant too young to understand. 92 Tsunetomo l i s t s some of the other remarks which his father was fond of saying. I f one comprehends one thing he comes to understand many things. I t i s best to think that people who. laugh at the wrong times are, i n the case of men, fellows with no sense of dignity, and i n the case women, shameless. When ta l k i n g , e i t h e r on formal occasions or i n normal circumstances, i t i s best to speak while looking into the other person's eyes. I t i s s u f f i c i e n t to bow with one's head lowered only when greeting someone. To talk while looking downward i s inattention. To put one's hands inside one's clothing i s inattention. After reading a l e t t e r or document, i t i s to be burned immediately. Looking at documents i s the job of o f f i c i a l s , and the duty of the Nakano family i s to grasp swords of oak and be d i l i g e n t i n the martial way. An eccentric man [who i s not concerned with making an impression] i s a man to be trusted. Rise at four i n the morning, have a bath and arrange 19 the hair every day, eat with the r i s i n g sun, and r e t i r e when the sun sets. Although he may not have eaten, a bushi uses a toothpick. E x h i b i t the fur of a t i g e r on the outside even though the inside may be the fur of a dog. Most of these injunctions are straightforward and need no ex-planation but the l a s t i s the source of some puzzlement. The point of focus here i s that while a bushi may, i n the manner of a dog, f e e l personal fear, he must show the world an exterior 9 3 of courage, confidence, and composure. Tsuneharu, too, continued as an important influence i n Tsunetomo's l i f e , by sending him, for instance, a g i f t of en-couragement when he had done a fine job of kaishaku /^^nf . 9 4 In addition to moral support, Tsuneharu related stories of great m i l i t a r y heroes and provided i l l u s t r a t i o n s of proper bushi con-95 duct u n t i l 1687 when, assuming r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for a f i r e , he 96 committed suicide m atonement. In addition to these f a m i l i a l influences, Tsunetomo's character was molded by three other forces, each i n a diverse way. When he was nine years old, Tsunetomo was given the name Fukei-^-1^ and assigned the position of personal page to and play-mate 9 7 of Tsunashige^Kjj^ (1652-1706) , the son of the second head of the Nabeshima House, Mitsushige. Although i t must be granted that Mitsushige was a strong leader, he was of the b e l i e f that the sphere of the l o r d of a han encompassed more than m i l i t a r y e x p l o i t s . At an early age he developed a deep i n t e r e s t i n poetry, much to the chagrin of his father, Katsushige, who, at one stage when his son was s t i l l young, even burned his c o l l e c t i o n of 98 poetry books. Nevertheless, Mitsushige maintained his active involvement i n poetry and Tsunetomo, through contact with his 20 l o r d , developed an i n t e r e s t i n poetry. His talent was soon rec-ognized, and he was offered the opportunity to become a pupil of Kuranaga Rihei ^.»\<.V}^^\ ,the o f f i c i a l i n charge of poetry under Mitsushige. Tsunetomo declined this o f f e r on the grounds that i t would i n t e r f e r e with the carrying out of his primary duty as 99 a companion to Tsunashige. When he was i n his twelfth or thirteenth • year f-^0 T S u n etomo was allowed to withdraw temporarily from service i n order to l e t his h a i r grow out of the p a r t i a l l y shaved style of a c h i l d . This period of i n a c t i v i t y was expected to be about one year but i t grew longer. During t h i s time Tsunetomo was constantly f i l l e d with the desire to serve his l o r d and his determination to do so i s demonstrated by his actions. Having been t o l d that his face exhibited i n t e l l i g e n c e , and that the lo r d d i s l i k e d such faces, Tsunetomo studied his f a c i a l expression i n a mirror with the intention of a l t e r i n g i t s appearance. He was successful i n thi s regard, for at the end of the period his countenance had changed, i t i s said, from one of i n t e l l i g e n c e to one of sleepiness, which, apparently, was p r e f e r a b l e . 1 0 1 He relates the in t e n s i t y of his feelings by saying that during this period he had seen the pro-cession of his lords pass by and was so driven by his anxiety to serve that he went to a certain shrine and made a p e t i t i o n to the gods. Because his true feelings were thus known to the gods, his prayers were not denied and within a short time he was once again , . , , 102 serving his l o r d . In 1672 his name was changed to Ichijuro ^t£j!> and seven years l a t e r , at the age of twenty, he experienced the ceremony of manhood, genpuku /L ^ JL' At this time he assumed the name 21 Gonnosuke tlx . During these teen-age years another major force entered Tsunetomo's l i f e and helped to mold his character. 104 He met the Zen monk Tannen Ryoju Osho i&fZL'fctfc^ (died 1680) whom he praised as the most learned and understanding of a l l the 105 monks i n Japan. A man of firm moral convictions, Tannen had resigned his post as the head monk of Kodenji v£) i n pro-. . . 107 test of a decision to punish a fellow monk. He r e t i r e d to the small v i l l a g e of Matsuze4&&l[in Saga Gun and i t was: ihere that Tsunetomo came to him for i n s t r u c t i o n i n Zen Buddhism. At the age of twenty-one Tsunetomo had the Buddhist name Kyokuzan Jocho conferred upon him."*"^ The compassion and sensi-t i v i t y for human emotion which may be found i n Hagakure no doubt r e f l e c t s the t r a i n i n g which Tsunetomo received under Tannen. One prominent example of the incorporation of Tannen's benevolence into Tsunetomo's thought i s i t s appearance as one of the Four 109 Vows which Tsunetomo established as the foundation upon which a good bushi should base his l i f e . Other examples of ideas which obviously derive from his Buddhist background are found i n var-ious passages throughout Hagakure. ^ These injunctions to love, e s p e c i a l l y as expressed i n the fourth vow, are apparently i n di r e c t contrast to the Sun Tzu which states e x p l i c i t l y that com-passion i s a f a u l t i f found i n a general."^"'" The fourth great influence, one which permeated a l l aspects of his upbringing and l a t e r l i f e , was Neo-Confucianism. This modified form of Confucianism had the support of the Tokugawa bakufu because i t s precepts upheld the,continuation of the s o c i a l order i n s t i t u t e d by Tokugawa Ieyasu. I t i s unclear as to whether Tsunetomo had d i r e c t access to the writings of such noted Con-22 zaki Ansai (1618-1682) , or Ito J i n s a i {f%- f=.|j-(1627-1705) . As much of his t r a i n i n g had been i n l i t e r a t u r e , i t i s not incon-ceivable that he had read at least some of t h e i r works. The fact that no mention i s made of them in Hagakure may indicate nothing more than his devotion to his own teacher of Confucian ethics. This was Ishida I t t e i ^ W — (1628-1693)^ who had once occupied the position of top Confucian scholar i n the Nabeshima 112 han. He had been a close and respected advisor to Katsushige but found, upon Katsushige's death, that his views clashed with those of the new han chief, Mitsushige. His b e l i e f that nothing i s more important than working d i l i g e n t l y to f u l f i l l one's sta-tion i n l i f e was not favourably accepted by Mitsushige, who had, from an early date, showed his preference for poetry. Remaining steadfast to his convictions, I t t e i refused to compromise his views and consequently was banished from the lord's c a s t l e . After eight years of e x i l e i n YamashirogoJ^^V^k i n Matsuura Gun respect of the senior retainers of the han and, even during t h i s sojourn, he was often i n v i t e d to t h e i r homes, where he gave retirement was Tsunetomo, who not only learned from him the basic tenets of Neo-Confucianism but also developed a determination to f a i t h f u l l y follow these precepts. Such phrases as, "No matter what, i f one concentrates one's mind, there i s nothing which lectures and advice. 113 Among those who v i s i t e d his place of cannot be done," were to remain intense i n Tsunetomo's con-sciousness for the rest of his l i f e . Another recorded thought i l l u s t r a t e s I t t e i ' s d a i l y resolution to service. To Naoshige's maxim, "Important thoughts must be taken l i g h t l y , " he added, 115 "Unimportant thoughts must be taken seriously." By t h i s he meant that as there are only a few thoughts which are very serious, they can be considered i n advance and one w i l l be prepared to deal with them as the occasion demands. On the other hand, be-cause there are so many unimportant thoughts, one has the tend-ency to overlook them and therefore does not administer to them competently. For that reason one must be p a r t i c u l a r l y careful to give appropriate attention to a l l things, no matter how t r i v i a l they may appear. Yamamoto's character, then, was b u i l t upon the strong foundation of Confucian ethics which had been i n s t i l l e d by his father and nephew. When added to this basis, the Neo-Confucian teachings of Ishida I t t e i formed an extremely s o l i d understanding of the precepts of moral and s o c i a l obligations of his cl a s s , the samurai. The harshness of these convictions was, at certain times and i n p a r t i c u l a r areas, softened by the more humanitarian and compassionate tones of Buddhism. A t h i r d element of his personal d i s p o s i t i o n , that centered around his t r a i n i n g i n l i t -erature, provided the tools and perhaps part of the incentive for the composition of the book, Hagakure. Hagakure primarily expresses views demonstrative of the Confucian p r i n c i p l e s harboured nationally, and as c l e a r l y ex-— — 116 pressed by Yamaga Soko, Kumazawa Banzan, and Ogyu Sorai. The influence of Zen Buddhism tends, however, to moderate the cold-24 ness of Confucianism with the warmth of Buddhism. Thus there i s a sharp contrast between the harsh and r a d i c a l words used to emphasize the duties of the warrior and the almost gentle e f f e c t of the passages advocating love. The combination of these con-t r a s t i n g styles into a unity shows the l i t e r a r y aspect of Tsune-tomo' s t r a i n i n g . But the a b i l i t y to combine Confucianism and Buddhism was not merely i n d i c a t i v e of l i t e r a r y talent, for the two were inseparable i n his mind. For him to believe that either of the two was d i f f e r e n t from the way which the warrior must 117 follow was wrong, for they were one and the same. In what appears to be a conscious e f f o r t to show that the two were, i n fact, i d e n t i c a l , Tsunetomo quotes I t t e i as saying that he had f e l t at an early age that he must devote his l i f e to study and did not f i r s t accumulate knowledge and then become a sage. Im-mediately following t h i s , Tsunetomo repeats the same concept i n a Buddhist sense by sta t i n g that at the time of r e l i g i o u s 118 awakening one already has r e l i g i o n i n one's heart. L i t e r a r y a b i l i t y , although v i t a l for the administrative duties of the samurai, was not a p a r t i c u l a r l y commendable s k i l l , according to Tsunetomo, for a devoted bushi. Indeed, i t w i l l be seen that there are numerous places i n Hagakure where such ac-complishments are berated as being obstacles to the true duty of a bushi, namely service to the lord. Nevertheless, Tsunetomo's l i t e r a r y interests were instrumental i n the writing of Hagakure. Furthermore, i t was his c a p a b i l i t y i n l i t e r a t u r e which provided him with the opportunity to serve his lo r d . In 16 82 he was given the duties of Okakimono Yakut*)'-} <f$ ULr " O f f i c e r of Books," and i n 16 86 he was appointed to the post of Shoshamono 25 If} /"Copier of Books/' i n Edo. Twice he served Kyoto Zume %%tyt& /"Duty at Kyoto," f i r s t i n 1687 and again i n 1696. From this diverse background of t r a i n i n g and service, Tsunetomo evolved what he considered to be the key to the con-tinuation of an ardent desire to serve. Each bushi should i n -120 tone the Four Vows every morning so that he w i l l come to possess the strength of two men and the w i l l to apply this power i n the prescribed way. Here, he believed, was the magic formula which, i f pursued seriously, would make even a weak person into a commendable bushi. The Four Vows are: Bushido n i o i t e okure t o r i mosu majiki koto. One must not be behind i n taking up the way of the warrior. 2' i S f l Iff ffl l< i L ^ A* 3 ^ Shukun no goyo ni tatsu beki koto. One must be of service to the lo r d . 3 . J f r -Oya n i koko tsukamatsuru beki koto. One must serve one's parents with f i l i a l piety. D a i j i h i o okoshi h i to no tame n i naru beki koto. One must give r i s e to great good w i l l and compassion and thus serve others. As the f i r s t three vows are obviously founded on Confucian p r i n -c i p l e s , i t i s not su r p r i s i n g to discover that they, together with the idea of presenting one's central b e l i e f s i n the form of an oath, were derived from the works of his Confucian teacher, 26 Ishida I t t e i . In 1672 I t t e i had written a document e n t i t l e d Bushido yokansho i n which he delineated the f o l -, . 121 lowing three vows: Bushido n i o i t e miren o toru bekarazu. One must not be u n s k i l l f u l i n the way of the warrior. Senzo no myoji o danzetsu subekarazu. One must not discontinue the family name of one's ancestors. Hikkyo, shukun no goyo n i tatsu beshi. Ultimately, one must stand i n the lord's service. The fourth and l a s t vow d i f f e r s from the other three i n that i t i s imbued with Buddhist thought rather than Confucianist. That i t s content was extracted from the teachings of Tsunetomo's Zen teacher i s c l e a r l y expressed within Hagakure i t s e l f . Tsunetomo - 122 attributes the following statement to Tannen Osho: Bushi wa yuki o omote ni shite naishin n i wa hara no  waruru hodo d a i j i h i s h i n o motazareba, kagyo wa tatazaru  mono n a r i . Unless a bushi does not have within him deep compassion while exhibiting outward courage, he w i l l not be success-f u l i n his occupation. 4. Compilation and Textual Information In 1694 Mitsushige transferred the headship of the Nabeshima 27 123 House to his son, Tsunashige. Although Tsunetomo had been a close companion to Tsunashige since childhood and may have had a chance to atta i n a position of higher prestige under the new administration, he believed that his loyalt y must remain with his l o r d , Mitsushige. In speaking of this decision he ex-h i b i t s a certain amount of pride and shows his disdain for other retainers who had been very l o y a l i n t h e i r words but who quickly changed t h e i r allegiance to the new leader when the time was 124 most advantageous to themselves. In order to serve Mitsushige, Tsunetomo had himself appointed to a minor post i n Kyoto and devoted himself to the procurement of a book of poetry, the Kokin denju {i>J$sL^~^ which Mitsushige had desired for many years. F i n a l l y , with this book on his back, he returned to Saga on the f i r s t day of the f i f t h month of the thirteenth year of Genroku 126 (1700). On the sixteenth day of that month Mitsushige died, leaving Tsunetomo with a sense of gratitude that he had been able to complete his task i n time. Yet, he also f e l t a strong conviction that his duty to his l o r d remained u n f u l f i l l e d . He says that i n order to be able to accomplish his long-cherished ambition of service he would have to be born into the House of 127 Nabeshima seven times over. Mitsushige's demise and the fe e l i n g of u n f u l f i l l e d obliga-tions l e d Tsunetomo to the conclusion that the most appropriate course of action would be to commit juhshi so that he might con-tinue to serve his lo r d i n the next world. This was rendered i n f e a s i b l e , however, by the ban on such action. He lamented this s i t u a t i o n with the statement, " I t i s tru l y a lonesome thing that not even one person accompanies a daimyo at the time of his 28 128 death." Because o f f i c i a l s who had been important men under 129 Mitsushige merely turned th e i r backs upon t h e i r lord's death, Tsunetomo considered himself to be the only honourable r e t a i n e r . 1 Such honour had been acquired through his decision that the next best thing to junshi was retirement from this mundane world and assumption of the l i f e of a monk so that he would be better able to devote his l i f e to prayers for his departed l o r d . 131 . . 132 At the age of forty two he took his wife and s e t t l e d i n a secluded spot c a l l e d K u r o t s u c h i b a r a ^ i n a forested - A. -* 133 area near Kinryu/f^JL mountain i n the northern part of Saga. Here he passed his remaining years, although he often l e f t for 134 135 memorial services and personal v i s i t s . Nor was his spot of retirement so i s o l a t e d that he had no v i s i t o r s . In fact, he f e l t somewhat g u i l t y about the many friends who came to c a l l on him and about the kindness they showed him. He said, "The kind treatment given to me by various people i s more than I deserve 136 and surely I w i l l be punished for i t . " One of those v i s i t o r s , Tashiro Matazaemon Tsuramoto )31 (1678-1748), came to Kurotsuchibara on the f i f t h day v. of the t h i r d month i n the seventh year of H5ei*f?-fj^ (1710). On the occasion of his f i r s t meeting with Tsunetomo, they exchanged the following haiku fy>Q . 1 3 7 Ukiyo kara i k u r i aro ka yamazakura. From the mundane world, how many miles might i t be? — mountain cherry blossoms. Kogan tfcTtft, (Tsunetomo) Shirakumo ya tadaima hana n i tazune a i . Among the s i l v e r clouds — now together we ask the cherry blossoms. Kizui (Tsuramoto) The question being asked by Kogan, the name Tsunetomo used when writing poetry, i n the f i r s t haiku i s not the physical distance t r a v e l l e d but rather the degree to which Tsuramoto has made the t r a n s i t i o n from the secular diversions of the mundane world to an awareness of a more s p i r i t u a l existence. That i s , i n addi-ti o n to se t t i n g the season and the mood, the cherry blossoms metaphorically s i g n i f y the purity of a mental or s p i r i t u a l en-lightenment. Thus, behind the obvious, there appears a query of deeper s i g n i f i c a n c e . In response to the question of whether he knows his d i r e c t i o n and destination, Tsuramoto, under his pen name, K i z u i , admits his uncertainty. For the word shira ity , "white," because of i t s o r a l s i m i l a r i t y to shiranai %p ^ /"jTn , "not knowing," i s a kakekotoba^|- Y] , a play on words. As such, the s i l v e r or white clouds provide not only a metaphor for confusion or uncertainty but also a negative answer to Tsunetomo's ques-t i o n . Yet he expresses his desire to search, together with Tsunetomo, for an enlightening escape fromvthe.:perplexity of the mundane world. Tsuramoto took up residence nearby and c a l l e d regularly on Tsunetomo, making conversation and l i s t e n i n g to advice. A l l this he recorded and compiled into a c o l l e c t i o n which came to be known as Hagakure. Tsuramoto was well q u a l i f i e d for t h i s task of pre-serving Tsunetomo's ideas for, u n t i l being reliev e d of "his duties 30 i n 1709, he had spent thirteen years as amanuensis to the t h i r d 13 8 and fourth lords of the Nabeshima han. Tsunetomo and Tsuramoto continued to work together u n t i l 1716 when they completed Hagakure. I t had come to consist of eleven volumes containing about 1,350 sections or a r t i c l e s , each of which delineated a s p e c i f i c thought or injunction. Of vary-ing lengths, from one sentence to several paragraphs, and diverse s t y l e , these passages were more or less verbatim accounts of Tsunetomo's discourses. In addition, extensive use was made of documents which had been written by Tsunetomo himself i n e a r l i e r years. Those known to have been used are Gukenshu ^  ^ (1708), Tsunetomo kakioki *npffij^(1714) , Juryoan Chuza no n i k k i j^^jk-* vffe-*) '0i't> ( 1 7 1 1 ) ' Sembetsu or Tsunetomo sembetsu sho tfjp ^ ^L^l^t ( 1 7 1 5 ) ' Yamamoto Jinuemon Kiyoaki nempu ^  %ffl%$T\fe\ '^^h J^$fc i and Yamamoto Jinuemon Shigezumi nempu ht 139 • Works of former han leaders, such as Naoshige's Nao-shigedono goheki sho ffiffi^ffiffi^,"*"4^ were also c a r e f u l l y studied. Furthermore, almost constant reference i s made throughout Hagakure to things said by other han leaders, by famous persons i n Jap-anese hi s t o r y , and by the teachers, r e l a t i v e s , and acquaintances of Tsunetomo himself. I t was his sty l e to use such phrases as "a certain person" or "a certain., retainer" without mentioning names. He also had a penchant for old expressions the sources of which cannot be i d e n t i f i e d , and these appear at various places i n the text. Consequently, while Hagakure i s outwardly a com-p i l a t i o n mirroring the ideas of Tsunetomo, i t more r e a l i s t i c a l l y r e f l e c t s the thoughts and concepts which he believed to be the most important elements i n the l i t e r a t u r e with which he was 31 f a m i l i a r and the society i n which he l i v e d . Unlike the authors of most of the other books of moral instructions mentioned e a r l i e r , Tsunetomo1s personal q u a l i f i c a -tions are unimpressive. At the time of his retirement from active service, he was but a lowly-ranked samurai within the Nabeshima House. He received a modest r i c e allowance of about one hundred 141 twenty f i v e koku. Although he had shown i n t e l l i g e n c e and l i t -erary talent during his youth, much of his adult l i f e was spent i n performing r e l a t i v e l y minor c l e r i c a l duties, and he never f u l -f i l l e d his dream of achieving a p o s i t i o n of importance i n the han. He himself r e g r e t f u l l y admits that, due to certain obsta-cles which he was unable to overcome, he could not succeed as well 142 as he had hoped. Because I have been the i n s i g n i f i c a n t fellow you see before you since I was young, I have not done any exceptional service. Whenever I saw persons who asserted themselves, I f e l t envious. But I knew in my heart that probably there was no one who compared with me i n tendering concern for the l o r d . This one thing i s enough to soothe my feelings. I served i n t o t a l disregard of my low status and lack of talent. Tsunetomo's purpose i n writing Hagakure may be traced to the desire to implant such an attitude i n other retainers of the han. He did not, however, favour a program of mass indoctrina-143 tion as the method for achieving his aim. Some editions of Hagakure include a preface which indicates that Tsunetomo cer-t a i n l y did not intend this document to be read widely, even within Saga han. He doubtlessly r e a l i z e d that i t s preoccupation with han a f f a i r s and the repeated demands for undivided l o y a l t y to the Nabeshima House, rather than to the Tokugawa bakufu, would have placed i t and the han i n an unfavourable p o s i t i o n with re-32 144 gard to the Edo regime. He instructed Tsuramoto that, as Hagakure was written for the personal use of selected samurai of 145 Saga, i t was meant to be burned a f t e r having been read. Throughout the remaining century and a h a l f of Tokugawa ru l e , Hagakure retained i t s status as a shielded book, passing only i n t o trusted hands to be copied clandestinely. No doubt this secrecy was due at le a s t i n part to fear of bakufu r e t r i b u t i o n , but there can also be sensed an aspect of the esot e r i c element found i n many areas of Japanese l i f e , including r e l i g i o n and the m i l i t a r y sciences. Yet, although Hagakure was not published and widely read, i t was f a m i l i a r enough that a commentary e n t i t l e d Hagakure k i k i g a k i koho ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ / ^ i w a s written near the end of the Edo period."'"4^ Perhaps because of Tsunetomo's e x p l i c i t l y stated desire, the o r i g i n a l manuscript, gempon j^jf^ t i s no longer in.'existence . This regrettable deficiency i s , i n part, compensated for by a number of copied manuscripts, shahon Those which are known to be extant are the Kohaku hon -fa ^  , the Nakano hon \J3 the Yamamoto hon )L\Jf jfc*., the Furukawa hon $C > {}jf> , the Go jo hon J2L v^ p'jfc i and the Matsumoto hon yfej^fc. 4 7 As the p o s s i b i l i t y no longer exists to make a comparison between these copies and the o r i g i n a l manuscript, there i s no way of ascertaining which of them follow the record of Tsuramoto most c l o s e l y . During tran-s c r i p t i o n , the copier of any shahon was bound to commit certain errors of omission and e d i t i o n , with the r e s u l t that no two copies are i d e n t i c a l . A careful study of the extant manuscripts has led the foremost scholar of Hagakure to select the Kohaku 148 hon as the most accurate and r e l i a b l e , p a rtly because i t was copied by a contemporary of Tsuramoto, Kabahara Kohakuiffl The extensive research and r e v i t a l i z a t i o n which led to the publication of Hagakure i n the twentieth century was ca r r i e d out almost exclusively by one man, Kurihara Arano (or Koya) ^J^L 149 who devoted almost his entire adult l i f e to the study of Hagakure. His c a r e f u l l y organized, f u l l y researched, and complete work, Kochu hagakure !^ tl.^^fehas provided the basic text, sokuhon Jjj^fc , for most modern publications, as i t has for this p a p e r . 1 5 0 Through his e f f o r t s of arrangement, Hagakure has taken i t s present form. The general information presented i n the introductory section, which i s c a l l e d Yain no kandan followed by eleven chapters. In general, the f i r s t two chapters l i s t moral instruc-tions. Chapter three deals with the deeds of Naoshige, the founder of the Nabeshima l i n e of han leaders. The feats of the f i r s t head of the House, Katsushige, are depicted in the fourth section, and the f i f t h depicts Mitsushige and his son Tsunashige. Chapters six through eleven give concrete examples of the h i s -t o r i c a l incidents and t r a d i t i o n s of Saga han, and record the outstanding actions of the samurai of that province. 34 Chapter I I . 1. Internal Aspects As previously mentioned, Hagakure was not written as a manual for generals to guide t h e i r armies to victory as were Sun Tzu and Machiavelli's The Art of War. As a book of conduct, i t s design i s c l e a r l y to i n s t r u c t the warriors, who i n the Japan of the Edo period were v i r t u a l l y a l l members of the samurai class, i n the proper attitude b e f i t t i n g men of t h e i r p o s i t i o n . There i s almost no mention of the actual physical techniques of b a t t l e , and m i l i t a r y strategy, i f referred to at a l l , i s dealt with only i n conjunction with some other matter."'"5''" In place of the e l e -ment of physical prowess, Hagakure concerns i t s e l f more with the mental d i s c i p l i n e which a samurai must undergo i n order to become a man worthy of the designation bushi. A l l people are human and therefore i t i s only natural that they have shortcomings. The emotions of greed, selfishness, pride, l u s t , cowardice, and hatred, however natural they may be, are a l l i n d i c a t i v e of the worst aspects of human nature. They are also most commonly manifested among people who think of t h e i r own i n d i v i d u a l being as the most v i t a l element i n the world. Therefore, the existence of i n d i v i d u a l i t y among members of the samurai class of the Edo period was not a respected v i r t u e . The i n d i v i d u a l was consequently expected, indeed required, to f o r f e i t his personal goals and adopt those which would benefit the group."'" Such conformation ensured that he would have no enemies among 153 his associates. From the viewpoint of the present day western world, which places so much emphasis on the rights of the i n d i -35 vidual, this appears to be an extremely confining fate, but to the samurai, who had never experienced anything s i m i l a r to the freedom of our age, i t was a t r a d i t i o n a l aspect of the society and had proven i t s e l f a most e f f e c t i v e force for maintaining the system. I t was, actually, within this framework that the samurai found his reason for existence. The statements, "Nothing should please one more than to pass on to others that which ones possesses, i f i t i s i n the best 154 interests of the l o r d , " and, " A l l people must act for the 155 benefit of others," are s i m p l i s t i c i n t h e i r meaning but are not e a s i l y c a r r i e d into practise. Human nature dictates that when a person i s developing a course of action, he may think that he i s being impartial, but i n r e a l i t y his plans a l l revolve around himself. The end r e s u l t of any s e l f i s h action cannot be anything but f a i l u r e . "People who aim at certain duties, which they fancy to be better, and who work for the sake of personal gain and selfishness by gauging the moods of t h e i r l o r d and group leaders, may be successful i n ten cases but when they f a i l i n one every-156 thing i s ruined, and they are disgraced." To become completely unselfish i s a d i f f i c u l t task. The Buddhist b e l i e f that the hard road to Nirvana could be covered only i n many l i v e s of v i r -157 tue and s e l f s a c r i f i c e can be seen here i n adaptation to the system of feudal l o y a l t i e s . Tsunetomo believed that only through utter devotion to the lord and continuous dedication to the Four 15 8 Vows could such selflessness be achieved. Accounts of deeds which were considered to be s e l f i s h and uns e l f i s h abound i n Hagakure. The two following examples i n d i -cate a subtle awareness of the s l i g h t shades of difference bet-159 ween the acceptable and the unacceptable. The f i r s t of these deals with a man who had been promoted to a p o s i t i o n of promi-nence and i n that post was sent g i f t s by a number of people. He declined these g i f t s , •ostensibly - ' because he was neither greedy nor p a r t i a l , but, to Tsunetomo, this r e f u s a l was done i n a manner so as to a t t r a c t notice to the righteousness of the man himself, and so was not t r u l y without s e l f i s h motive. He says, "To remove selfishness from the bottom of your heart with-160 out drawing attention i s d i f f i c u l t . " There i s also an account of a man who had been i n service for many years and was expect-ing a substantial reward for his e f f o r t s . He became angry when instead he received only a small increase i n his stipend and threatened to r e t i r e from service. His conduct i s r i d i c u l e d by Tsunetomo for, "...the resolution to service i s forgotten com-p l e t e l y , because he i s thinking only of personal pride." S e l f - s a c r i f i c e underwent a q u a l i t a t i v e change during the 16 years of peace. The decreasing need for men with m i l i t a r y s k i l l s and the increasing trend toward a c t i v i t i e s of pleasure near the end of the seventeenth century weakened s t r i c t observance . of the practise of o f f e r i n g oneself for the sake of others. There was less of a necessity and l i t t l e desire to follow the example of men l i k e Yamasaki Kurandoh^rfj^who disdained material goods. 1 6 2 I t had become far more enjoyable to spend time looking at the 163 goods displayed on the shelves of the shops. I t i s impossible for any ethic such as l o y a l t y or courage to e x i s t within the mind of one person. Mores are recognizable only when they are the accepted norm. Because orientation i s with the i d e a l of group unity, the presence of such ethics can 37 be v a l i d only within the larger c i r c l e of s o c i a l organization. Nevertheless, values must be i n t e r n a l i z e d by each i n d i v i d u a l for i t i s from within the mind of each person that the underlying strength of the concept i s created. In this respect moral p r i n -c i p l e s may be regarded as in t e r n a l e n t i t i e s which must be sup-ported by a great majority of the members of society before they become viable mores. For this reason, Tsunetomo, although he rea l i z e d that i t was the society which was degenerating, appealed to the individuals to i n t e n s i f y t h e i r inner determination. Each man must, within himself, come to recognize the proper way. To shun unrighteousness and p e r s i s t i n righteous-ness i s a d i f f i c u l t thing.... Over and above loyalty to p r i n c i p l e there i_s a Way. But to f i n d i t i s d i f f i c u l t . Those who can do i t are the pos-sessors of superior wisdom. When one thinks about i t from this standpoint, even p r i n c i p l e and things of that sort are rather small matters. Unless one has experienced this by himself, he probably cannot understand. But even i f one cannot experience this alone, there i s a method by which he can achieve the Way. That i s to have dialogue with others. x^4 The Tokugawa bakufu i n s t i t u t e d various l e g a l controls such as the Buke shohatto ^ , the Shoshi hatto |p§-JT and the Tokugawa seiken hy akk a j o fe^x165 i n an attempt to sustain the rigorous mental d i s c i p l i n e of the samurai class and to d i r e c t that d i s c i p l i n e toward the continuation of the regime 166 i n Edo. Additionally there were numerous methods of s o c i a l control, both formal and informal, by which the samurai were constantly observing each other to maintain, through various 167 degrees of s o c i a l pressure, including systems of inspectors 16 8 and spies, r i d i c u l e , and ostracism, a state of a f f a i r s favour-able to the bakufu. In the l a s t analysis, however, i t , too, was dependent upon the determination of each i n d i v i d u a l to reinforce 38 moral standards through i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n . Tsunetomo obviously believed that the moral pressure being applied by the samurai as a group upon i t s wayward members had become, i n r e a l i t y , i n e f f e c t i v e because of the generally wide-spread divergence from s t r i c t observance of proper morals. In-dicating that men no longer had the courage nor desire to make use of t h e i r weapons, the symbol of the samurai class, he says, "Proof that manly courage has f a i l e d i s shown i n the fact that there are few persons who have even cut o f f the heads of con-demned criminals, l e t alone any who have assisted at seppuku. I t has become an age i n which people who s k i l l f u l l y decline are 169 considered clever persons or accomplished people." Phrases such as "be resolved," "be determined," "make up 170 one's mind," "set one's heart," " s e t t l e one's b e l l y , " and "decide," p r e v a i l i n almost every portion of Hagakure. Tsunetomo i s evidently aware of the necessity to support the mental deter-mination of the i n d i v i d u a l and throughout the book directs a rep-171 etxtous campaign toward that end. In doing so he demands, 172 173 174 cajols, teases, reasons, appeals to emotions and i n -175 176 s t i n c t , c a l l s on the reputations of ancestors, and threatens 177 with the 'curse of the gods. He delineates the proper a t t i -tude and the best way of attaining the determination to achieve that attitude by describing improper conduct of certain people and explaining why i t i s considered to be improper. In other illu m i n a t i n g stories and incidents he praises the proper elements of behaviour. He states repeatedly such things as, Upon looking at the retainers of the present time, one notices that t h e i r aspirations are low. The way they use t h e i r eyes reminds one of pickpockets. 39 Generally this may be attributed to personal selfi s h n e s s . By giving a i r s of cleverness, they appear to be at ease with themselves, but this i s nothing more than a b l u f f i n front of people. When one does not fasten one's eyes upon the strengthening of the foundations of the province, attend to one's duties and re-port to the lord, consider the lord's welfare seriously a l l day and night, and o f f e r oneself to the l o r d , while being resigned to death, one cannot be said to be a re a l r e t a i n e r . x 7 8 Mistakes are to be expected and are not condemned. "When one knows his mistakes and corrects them, they are i n s t a n t l y erased. When one t r i e s to gloss over those errors, they become a l l the 179 more disgraceful and one comes to suffer for i t . " Perhaps the most esse n t i a l requisite i n a bushi i s a com-plete devotion to service i n which he advances b l i n d l y with no thought of anything but the execution of what he knows to be his duty. In bushido, forward progression with a recklessness border-u • ' J ' 180 ing on rashness i s indispensable. I f service i s striv e n for without regard to reason or substance, and i f everything i s forgotten and only the l o r d i s thought to be important, that i s a l l that i s needed. Such i s a good retainer. By being too fond of serving and being too concerned about the l o r d , i t i s possible to f a l l into error, but that i s what a retainer's basic wish should be." Therefore, while i t may sometimes be better to advance cautiously, 182 in many cases i t i s best to proceed wholeheartedly. Tsunetomo 183 reinforces this concept by r e i t e r a t i n g the ancient expression, "Seven breaths make a plan," by quoting Ryuzoji Takanobu, "Even a good plan becomes rotten i f l e f t too long," and Naoshige, "If one takes too much time i n everything, seven times out of ten i t w i l l turn out bad. In any s i t u a t i o n a bushi must be quick to act." The space of seven breaths gives s u f f i c i e n t time for a bushi to gain composure and determine to do what must be done. 40 This i s true of a l l aspects of l i f e , even the writing of Chinese characters. "A warrior need only write from his heart and not consider the q u a l i t y of his work. Deciding good or bad i s the job of a professional. A bushi does things i n an unwavering ,,184 manner. Advocacy.! of impetuous action i s one point i n which the thought of Hagakure stands diametrically opposed to the c l a s s i c m i l i t a r y manual of China, the Sun Tzu. Granting that the words of the Sun Tzu were meant d i r e c t l y for the commander of the army and conceding that he must be more conservative i n his actions than the average s o l d i e r , nowhere i s there an expression to the e f f e c t that the warrior must forsake l o g i c . Instead, one of the most dangerous q u a l i t i e s that a general might possess i s said to be recklessness, for a commander who i s courageous but stupid 185 i s a calamity. " I t i s the business of a general to be serene 186 and inscrutable, impartial and s e l f controlled." This view of expectations was v a l i d also for the lower ranks of the Chinese armies. In a discussion between Confucius'- and one of his d i s -c i p l e s , the following exchange i s said to have taken place. Tzu-lu said, Supposing you had command of the Three Hosts, whom would you take to help you? The Master said, The man who was ready to beard a t i g e r or rush a r i v e r without caring whether he l i v e d or died - that sort of man I should not take. I should c e r t a i n l y take someone who approaches d i f f i c u l t i e s with due caution and who preferred to succeed by strategy. x^7 When i t i s r e c a l l e d that Hagakure was written during a period of peace and that the emphasis was upon the upgrading of mental d i s c i p l i n e , the obsession with recklessness and rashness can be brought more c l e a r l y into focus. By means of such a doctrine 41 Tsunetomo i s attempting to reduce the indecision and p r o c r a s t i -nation which he observed i n the young samurai around him. In this Hagakure i s weakened, i n comparison with Sun Tzu, as a text to be followed i n winning wars. Yet i t i s strengthened i n i t s purpose of a l l e v i a t i n g the e v i l s of society as seen by Tsunetomo. A strongly stated disregard for i n t e l l i g e n c e and l o g i c , an often repeated theme i n Hagakure, may be attributed to the 188 Zen preference for i n t u i t i o n over i n t e l l e c t . Utter devotion to one's duty requires that one "...relinquish one's mind and 189 body and come to think only of the l o r d . " I f , i n addition to this frame of mind, one also has i n t e l l i g e n c e and talent, 190 one i s able to give even better service. But there i s also a very r e a l danger that mistakes may be committed because of 191 an excessive devotion to learning. That i s , duties may be neglected i f a person comes to value his accomplishments more 192 than his reason for attaining them. I f he develops a f e e l i n g of immoderate pride, he becomes useless i n his work. "No matter how superior one's talents, a person with a d i s p o s i t i o n which i s not l i k e d by people i s useless. A person who humbles himself and who feels happy at being i n a lower position than his com-19 3 panions cannot be d i s l i k e d . " Therefore, people who are outstanding i n t h e i r accomplish-ments may be regarded as fools, because i n order to achieve such outstanding s k i l l s , they have exhausted much time and e f f o r t . If what they have learned i s not useful, i t has been a complete 194 waste of time. A samurai who has a r t i s t i c accomplishments, then, has his status as a bushi ruined. He begins to serve as . 195 an entertainer, and this i s not the occupation of a bushi. 42 While, as mentioned e a r l i e r , Tsunetomo held the b e l i e f that a bushi must pay careful attention to d e t a i l s of conduct i n his dai l y l i f e , he did not f e e l that such issues should become the end i n themselves. He says, "People who are bright i n l o g i c are, i n most cases, overly p a r t i c u l a r about minute d e t a i l s , and 196 spend t h e i r whole l i v e s wastefully. This i s regrettable." His view on this point appears to be i n d i r e c t contrast to Kaibara 197 Ekken's b e l i e f that the study of the c l a s s i c s i s a universal duty. Yet i t was not learning i t s e l f which Tsunetomo frowned upon, for he himself had a r e l a t i v e l y sound background i n the Chinese c l a s -sics and i n Buddhist doctrines. His concern was that an over-emphasis on knowledge tor knowledge's sake had begun to o b l i t e r a t e the bushi's conception of his true duty, service to the l o r d . A number of m i l i t a r y men are remembered for t h e i r l i t e r a r y a b i l -i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the composition of waka fa^fcJt9^ poetry, and indeed Tsunetomo himself was accomplished i n this f i e l d . But surely this trend away from m i l i t a r y matters and toward l i t e r a r y s k i l l i s the very reason why disdain for i n t e l l e c t u a l and ar-t i s t i c a c t i v i t i e s was not limited to Hagakure alone, but was a . - 199 common element i n bushido throughout the country. Because the main occupation of the samurai was to serve, l o g i c was unnecessary. "In whatever l o g i c i s applied, r e a l reason i s l o s t . " 2 0 0 "To become confused with excess ideas cannot be 201 said to be the Way." A bushi i s able to serve much better, therefore, i f he avoids thinking about too many i r r e l e v a n t things. " I t i s not good to be confused over one thing and another. I t i s best i f one discards everything and sets his mind only on 20 2 service." This i s applicable whether one i s a bushi of a low or a high rank. When one i s a country bushi, for example, he imagines that the o f f i c i a l s who are i n high places must neces-s a r i l y have spe c i a l a b i l i t i e s , but t h i s , according to Tsunetomo, i s not true. "When one becomes intimate with the House elders and senior advisors and exchanges casual conversation, one sees that they never forget that they are i n service and worry about various things i n p o l i t i c s , but apart from that, are no d i f f e r e n t from o n e s e l f . " 2 0 4 The head monk of Soryuji ^ C ^ - 2 0 5 temple, Konan Osho ^c)>j explains why knowledge may be a d e t r i -ment to proper service by saying, "The more one knows about con-crete things, the farther one i s removed from the Way. The reason i s that by having read or heard about the words and ac-tions of other people, one acquires knowledge, comes to believe himself equal to the Sages, and therefore looks down upon the 207 common people as though they were insects." Furthermore, Tsunetomo says, A c a l c u l a t i n g person i s a cowardly person. Be-cause he always thinks about the cal c u l a t i o n of loss and gain, the idea of p r o f i t and loss i s constantly on his mind. Because death i s a loss and l i f e i s a gain, he w i l l not l i k e death. That i s why he i s a coward. Again, a learned person hides congenital cowardice and greed with cleverness and eloquence. This i s something by which people are fooled. ^ Of course, without a certain degree of i n t e l l i g e n c e a bushi w i l l be unable to carry out even the most basic duties. I f i t can be said that a cunning man does not succeed i n l i f e , i t can also 209 be said that a f o o l i s h man does not succeed either. I t i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important to have strength of s e l f w i l l and to act without obtrusively using one's i n t e l l i g e n c e and d i s -cernment u n t i l the age of forty. After that, i f i n a pos i t i o n 44 of leading others, i n t e l l i g e n c e and discernment play a more v i t a l role i n prompting response from one's charges. S l i g h t l y paraphrasing the words of Confucius-",^ Tsunetomo states, "In the f i r s t forty years of one's l i f e i t i s best to be bold i n every-thing. From the age of f i f t y i t i s more suitable to be reserved." At a l a t e r point i n the text he adds, "Whether one i s wise or f o o l i s h , when one reaches the age of forty he achieves the degree of maturity appropriate to himself, and i s no longer i n doubt 211 as to his course of action." Tsunetomo's view that a bushi must forsake learning and the arts only to rush b l i n d l y forward i n service takes on a much more f l e x i b l e appearance with these statements. Devotion to service must evolve from experience and experience can be gained only by following the way of the true bushi with a l l one's heart. The use of l o g i c and i n t e l l e c t to question the v a l i d i t y of commands forms a diversion from the way i n the same manner as the s a t i s f a c t i o n of s e l f i s h desires. In e i t h e r case, the youthful bushi would be directed away from the path of bushido. To ensure that, upon reaching middle age, he would have gained s u f f i c i e n t experience to qu a l i f y as a leader of men, Tsunetomo f e l t , samurai should undergo a s t r i c t regime of t r a i n i n g . 2. Training Even though there were no wars a f t e r 1638, the physical t r a i n i n g of the Japanese bushi could not be separated from the values of the samurai class. The combination of scholarly learn-ing, bun on one hand and m i l i t a r y s k i l l , b u ^ , on the other 212 had a t r a d i t i o n of some length i n Japan. The placement of 45 the concept of bun-bu i n the f i r s t a r t i c l e of the Buke shohatto indicates the importance i n i t i a l l y accorded i t by the Tokugawa authorities. Yet each time the code was reissued, the emphasis s h i f t e d s l i g h t l y i n the d i r e c t i o n of the c i v i l and away from the 213 martial. Nevertheless, t r a i n i n g i n the physical use of weapons continued to be an important aspect of samurai education u n t i l the end of the Edo period. Kaibara Ekken once expressed the b e l i e f that a bushi needed 214 only moral t r a i n i n g and m i l i t a r y s k i l l s . When the need for the l a t t e r decreased during the period of peace, more attention was given the former. Thus the d i s t i n c t i o n between bujutsu^fo'^ , m i l i t a r y s k i l l s used i n combat, and budo ffi^jf martial arts practised as a means of s e l f c u l t i v a t i o n and moral d i s c i p l i n e , 215 . . i s a v a l i d one. Furthermore, as success i n m i l i t a r y opera-tions had come, to jdspehd.almost s o l e l y on firearms and group tac-t i c s , the older arts of archery, swordsmanship, and r i d i n g be-came primarily methods of s p i r i t u a l t r a i n i n g . Teachers of the martial arts were expected not only to i n s t r u c t the students i n the physical aspects of a technique, but also to guide them i n the proper mental attitude and i n s t i l l i n them the w i l l for perpetual s e l f improvement. The ethics of rectitude, l o y a l t y , courage, honour, etiquette, respect for superiors, compassion, and resolution to service, were constantly being substantiated 216 within the framework of the t r a i n i n g session. Because Yamaga Soko recorded his thoughts on the role of moral s e l f - c u l t i v a t i o n 217 through physical t r a i n i n g , he i s perhaps the best-known early proponent of the unity of mental and physical d i s c i p l i n e i n the martial arts. Yet most of the concepts which he taught were — o 218 also being d r i l l e d i n one form or another i n various do j o jji T% throughout the country. The physical techniques became a form of s e l f c u l t i v a t i o n s i m i l a r to Zen-oriented practises such as the tea ceremony. 2 x 9 In Hagakure the arts of y a r i ^ ^ , yumi Zj , and j u j u t s u ^ f f i j " , as well as the practise of r e n g a o e t r y 219 are introduced, not i n the d e t a i l of t h e i r physical appearance, but i n r e l a t i o n to how they may be employed to improve one's a b i l i t y to serve one's lord. While i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of the mores of the society rested within the i n d i v i d u a l , methods of teaching them r e l i e d more heavily upon group t r a i n i n g . Instruction generally took place with a number of students at the same time and, as was the case even i n private lessons, there was bound to be a certain amount of' intercourse, spoken or unspoken, between teacher and student. Because of this human element, the learning process of the phys-i c a l arts occurred i n a setting strongly influenced by the ac-cepted morality of the l o c a l i t y and the i n s t r u c t o r . Tsunetomo says that, for him, t r a i n i n g was a f u l l - t i m e a f f a i r which never 221 gave him a chance to bend his knees and rest. He f e l t that such extended e f f o r t s were required so the d i s c i p l i n e attained through guided physical t r a i n i n g would provide the samurai with the resolution that, i f , on a b a t t l e f i e d , ...one leads the charge and i s determined to destroy the enemy ranks, he w i l l not f a l l be-hind others, his heart w i l l become brave, and he w i l l be able to make a glorious display of martial courage. One must have, as a usual p r a c t i s e , the resolution that when he dies i n a b a t t l e , he w i l l f a l l facing i n the direc-tion of the enemy. 2 2 2 Furthermore, he must not regard superior people as being i n v i n -47 c i b l e , for they, too, are human. " I f one makes up his mind that 22 he i s i n f e r i o r to no one, everything w i l l soon turn out f i n e . " Of course, this does not mean that a samurai should be content with what he has. Exert your mind to the utmost. F i r s t of a l l , grasp the seeds firmly and c u l t i v a t e your conduct, a l l your l i f e , i n such a way that these seeds ripen. Whatever you may have found, do not think i t i s s u f f i c i e n t . Think only that i t i s wrong and that i t i s not enough. In a l i f e l o n g quest one must search for the way i n which the truth can be followed. Herein l i e s the r e a l Way. 2 2 4 Naturally, during the great peace, s k i l l i n combat was of less importance to the samurai than i t had been i n time of war. Nevertheless, t r a i n i n g i n the c l a s s i c a l methods of combat was carried on to impart to the practitioners -.the mental d i s c i p l i n e which was required of them i n t h e i r roles as samurai and as ad-. . 225 ministrators. The sign i f i c a n c e of physical t r a i n i n g was rec-ognized c l e a r l y by the samurai of the Edo period. Kumazawa Ban-zan and Yamaga Soko are but two men who expressed t h e i r opinions on this matter. 2 2 6 Yagyu Munenori <#p£,£££-.(1571-1646) , the founder of the o f f i c i a l fencing school of the bakufu, i s quoted in Hagakure as having said, "I don't know how to win against 227 others; I only know how to control myself." Although he was a master swordsman and could handle the weapon extremely w e l l , he considered i t s main function to be an instrument of t r a i n i n g . The fact that Tsunetomo quotes Yagyu shows that he, too, was aware of the importance of proficiency i n the martial arts as a prerequisite to mental control, and hence to confidence. He also recognized that this t r a i n i n g was not an easy nor a s u p e r f i c i a l task. He exploits the words of an unidentified o l d 48 master of swordsmanship who says that people i n the lower levels of the samurai class are not useful even i f they t r a i n . Those in the middle levels also f a i l to serve but at lea s t are aware of t h e i r shortcomings. People i n the upper ranks are capable of being b e n e f i c i a l because they have a f u l l e r understanding. But with this understanding comes a fe e l i n g of pride, and they begin to believe that they are superior to others. Such an at-titude i s detrimental. Men of re a l service are found only above this l e v e l , but i t i s not easy to atta i n such heights. When one becomes deeply involved i n such advanced t r a i n i n g , "...one f i n a l -ly discovers that there i s no l i m i t . One never thinks that he has completed i t . Realizing that he has shortcomings, a l l of his l i f e he never fancies himself to have succeeded, he doesn't preen himself, and he doesn't b e l i t t l e others. He improves day by day and there i s no l i m i t to his improvement. This i s the 228 way one advances." I t i s tr u l y lamentable, says Tsunetomo, that there are so few such persons. "There are no great men. There are not even any who w i l l l i s t e n to advice which would 229 benefit them, l e t alone t r a i n to become great men." Attainment of the proper attitude of determination to serve without f l i n c h i n g i s something which must be accomplished 230 through many years of practise. According to the old saying, 231 "Great genius comes slowly," proficiency i n service cannot be gained rapidly. I f a young person t r i e s to progress too quickly, he becomes rude and overconfident, and develops an a i r of i n s i n c e r i t y . He i s then scorned by others and may be consid-ered a f a i l u r e . To prevent this one must suffer hardships i n tra i n i n g and adopt the attitude that, "...nothing i s impossible... 49 moving the universe without using any strength i s but a question 232 of determination." The doctrine of Zen Buddhism pervades this statement, for Zen, with i t s emphasis on s i m p l i c i t y , d i r e c t -ness, and s e l f - r e l i a n c e , may be regarded as a r e l i g i o n of w i l l 233 power. Shitsuke J j ^ , "proper u p b r i n g i n g , " 2 3 4 should begin at a very early age. According to Tsunetomo, a boy must be taught to fear nothing, for i f he i s a coward as a baby, i t w i l l become a l i f e t i m e habit. He should not, therefore, be scolded strongly l e s t he come to have a timid nature. Gradually he should be made to pay attention to the ways of speaking and to courtesy. Selfishness must not be permitted. I f he i s normal he w i l l develop well. I f the parents do not get along there can be no f i l i a l piety because children imitate t h e i r parents. "Even birds and animals, aft e r they are born, always do what they see and hear and thus determine th e i r characters." The mother should not always defend the c h i l d from the father because i f she does, 235 discord w i l l develop between father and son. From about the age of f i f t e e n , a youth must s t a r t t r a i n -ing i n earnest to make a s o l i d foundation so that he may be pre-pared to deal with any contingency. If he has a strong base he 2 36 may persevere through any setbacks caused by errors. People who have served as pages during t h e i r youth are es p e c i a l l y use-237 f u l , because they are f a m i l i a r with performing various duties. Training was also c a r r i e d out through admonitions by seniors. Tsunetomo cites one lecture which he himself delivered to a young man who was having a problem pleasing a very d i f f i c u l t father-in-law. 50 To begin with, i t must be r e a l i z e d that being born as a human being i s a t o t a l l y unexpected stroke of good fortune. Besides that, being able to serve as one of the retainers of this Nabeshima House i s a l i f e l o n g desire. I f one looks at the peasants or townsmen one w i l l understand t h i s . Being born the eldest son and i n h e r i t i n g the estate of one's true father i s indeed a very blessed thing but a l l the more so for you, born the youngest c h i l d , to i n h e r i t another household and c l e a r l y become one of the retainers of our l o r d i s a rare bless-ing. To f a i l i n this and become a bushi who has no stipend i s d i s l o y a l t y and displeasing one's father i s u n f i l i a l . A person who has strayed from the way of l o y a l t y and f i l i a l piety has no place i n this world. Return to the proper path and consider this very c a r e f u l l y . Now, the l o y a l t y and f i l i a l piety which concern you i s only to please your father-in-law. You have to take into account the p o s s i b i l i t y that, no matter how hard you try to please him, he might not accept you. So I w i l l teach you a way to a l t e r his mood. You should pray to the family god, crying tears of blood, that your f a c i a l expression, i n whatever you do, may please him. This i s not for private i n t e r e s t , but a matter of p r i n c i p l e . The mere thought w i l l s t r i k e a responsive chord i n your father-in-law's heart. Go home and try i t . Before you know i t your father-in-law's mind w i l l be changed. This phenomenon of heaven, earth, and man on the same wave length i s an expression of the mysterious incomprehensible truth. What I've j u s t said to you i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true i n this case because your father has long been i l l . He can't l a s t long. Being f i l i a l for a short time i s easy, even standing on your head.238 Advice of this type was e s s e n t i a l for a young samurai to develop the strength of character which would be required at a l a t e r time. He must learn to honour his duties and respect his supe-r i o r s . For example, upon his f i r s t audience before the l o r d , a certain young samurai was instructed, "At the time that you bow and lower your head, swear to yourself, 'This i s a fortunate thing indeed! Not having received an interview u n t i l now, I have l i v e d i n obscurity. I am as happy as one can possibly be. From now on I must discard my own l i f e and serve my l o r d . 1 This 51 thought w i l l be transmitted to the l o r d and you w i l l be able ..239 to serve. Rewards were given for work well done and punishments for behaviour other than the expected norm. But of more consequence was the fa c t that a bushi was trained to respect propriety. He was taught to be c a r e f u l i n everything he did and to do i t well. Even when writing, for example, each l e t t e r was to be written 240 as though i t were for a picture s c r o l l . Through l i f e l o n g i n -doctrination, the bushi was taught to be s e l f confident yet hum-ble, compatible yet reserved, brave yet cautious,'compassionate yet stern, p o l i t e yet prudent, and above a l l , l o y a l . 3. Loyalty Loyal and devoted service to one's lord i s central, to the maintenance of any feudal society. Tokugawa Japan was no excep-t i o n , and bushido, which developed as the code of the samurai did, i n f a c t , consist e s s e n t i a l l y of diligence i n the duty of service, even to the extent that i t may have had r e l i g i o u s over-tones. Adherence to the p r i n c i p l e s of bushido required a l o y a l t y 241 which would override other r e l i g i o u s commitments and by doing t h i s , bushido became what might be c a l l e d a r e l i g i o n of l o y a l t y . According to Tsunetomo, the bushi must preoccupy himself with bushido, and the:.ma;jor duty of bushido being devotion to the l o r d , he must dwell on l o y a l t y . These bare facts, he says, de-242 scribe the ambitions of a perfect retainer. Support for the lord was i n r e a l i t y support for the group of which the l o r d was but a figurehead, but t h i s fact i s e i t h e r deliberately neglected by Tsunetomo or not comprehended. The duties performed for the 52 lo r d and the return of certain benefits provided the group with s o l i d a r i t y which allowed i t to overcome obstacles and to re t a i n i t s p o s ition of power. The p a t e r n a l i s t i c form of this arrange-ment, i n which the l o r d may be seen as a father figure to his retainers, i s common to Japanese society, even i n the present day. Within the organizations under various daimyo, such forms were also present, notably i n the relationships between the 243 groups and t h e i r leaders. On a broader scale, the bakufu may 244 be seen as an extension of the p a t e r n a l i s t i c phenomenon. Nor i s such a concept l i m i t e d to Japan. The Sun Tzu says, "Because ...a general regards his men as infants they w i l l march with him into the deepest v a l l e y s . He treats them as his own beloved 245 sons and they w i l l die with him." The obli g a t i o n of loyalty to a superior i s a basic tenet 246 i n the teachings of Confucius- and i s p a r t i c u l a r l y obvious i n Japanese feudalism. The ethic.of devotion to a sovereign 247 may be found throughout Japanese history. Nitobe says that " the virtues of homage and fea l t y to a superior i s a d i s t i n c t i v e 2 48 feature of feudal morality. The duty of loy a l t y stood at the axis of bushido, and such sentences as, "We bushi know nothing 249 but to think of our l o r d , " are found i n abundance i n Hagakure. By actual count one hundred twenty six of the two hundred three a r t i c l e s comprising the f i r s t chapter mention at lea s t some aspect of l o y a l t y , and of these, sixty f i v e are primarily con-cerned with devotion to service. Because l o y a l t y could not be ensured by a written contract alone, stress was placed, i n a manner d i s t i n c t i v e of Japanese bushido, upon i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of the concept of lo y a l t y within 53 the minds of i n d i v i d u a l bushi. While there were innumerable instances of d i s l o y a l t y throughout the history of Japan, most notably i n the Sengoku period but also i n the battle of Sekigahara, the concept of l o y a l t y remained a viable ethic i n the code of bushido. Indications are that this was not the case i n the armies of China and Europe. There the practises of corvee and conscrip-tion placed a l i m i t on the amount of lo y a l t y which might be ex-250 pected. Although the samurai received stipends for t h e i r services, and so may be considered, i n a sense, mercenaries, i n actual practise by the Edo period t h e i r e f f o r t s were almost so l e l y administrative. Furthermore, from about the middle of this period onward, when the economic s i t u a t i o n of the bakufu was becoming progressively worse, the stipends of many retainers were c u r t a i l e d 251 for i n d e f i n i t e periods of time. In spite of t h i s , outward symptoms of d i s l o y a l t y did not appear u n t i l near the end of the Edo period. A d d i t i o n a l l y , the receipt of an allowance and the r e l a t i o n of the soldiers to the commanders was not of the same nature as that i n China. In Japan, aft e r a l l , the sol d i e r s and the o f f i c e r s were, i n the Tokugawa period of peace, drawn solely from the samurai cla s s , and thus the "...payment of a large 252 bounty to assure the lo y a l t y of the army..." was not as nec-essary as i t was with the conscript armies of China. Of the re l a t i o n s h i p between lo y a l t y and punishment, Sun  Tzu states, " I f troops are punished before t h e i r l o y a l t y i s secured they w i l l Be:~disdbedient. I f not obedient, i t i s d i f -f i c u l t to employ them. I f troops are l o y a l , but punishments are 253 not enforced, you cannot employ them." Of course, punishment for lack of dedication and for disobedience functioned i n Japan 54 254 also, and there i s no doubt that i t had a great deal of i n -fluence i n preserving l o y a l i n c l i n a t i o n s . There remain, however, many cases, such as the retirement of Tsunetomo himself, i n which uncalled-for acts of lo y a l t y were exhibited. Tsunetomo would undoubtedly have been i n a better position had he continued to serve i n the Nabeshima House under Tsunashige aft e r the death of Mitsushige, but he f e l t that to turn his back on the l o r d was 255 not i n keeping with his b e l i e f s . I t was Tsunetomo's contention that persons who make a fuss of serving, and outwardly appear to be very l o y a l i n t h e i r ac-tions, may i n r e a l i t y not have the same depth of character as lowly-ranked persons who are devoted i n t h e i r hearts. Natu-r a l l y i t i s hard to maintain an intense degree of l o y a l t y . S t i l l , i f one remembers that the oaths between retainer and lord are not something remote from r e a l i t y , but rather are something very near at hand, and i f one. reinforces his resolution to them d a i l y by repeating the Four Oaths over and over, one w i l l f u l f i l l the requirements of a retainer admirably. The l o y a l t y so often mentioned by Tsunetomo i s limited a l -most exclusively to that of a retainer for his lord and does not carry with i t the seeds of greater l o y a l t y , to the emperor, as i t did 257 ii v . the writings of Yamaga Soko and Motoori Norinaga. On the other hand, he gives some f l e x i b i l i t y to his concept of lo y a l t y by s t a t i n g that since the relationship between a lord and his retainer resembles that between father and son, the lo y a l t y which a samurai has for his master i s not d i f f e r e n t i n essence from the piety he has for his parents. Some authors, Chikamatsu i n his Tamba Yosaku P^y&Jfrtff,^^ for example, centered t h e i r s t o r i e s around a c o n f l i c t between loyalty to the l o r d and f a m i l i a l love. While recognizing l o y a l t y as an extremely important v i r t u e , Takizawa Bakin was i n c l i n e d to place f i l i a l piety i n an even 259 more .exalted p o s i t i o n . Tsunetomo's approach d i f f e r e d some-what i n that he believed that no such c o n f l i c t could e x i s t , be-cause l o y a l t y and f i l i a l piety constituted the same basic e l e -ment. Both show i n t r i n s i c involvement with helping others by 260 giving of oneself u n s e l f i s h l y . In the morning, when one addresses the gods, the lo r d should receive attention f i r s t , then one's parents, and f i n a l l y the gods and buddhas. I f prayers are carried out i n this manner a l l w i l l be well because, " I f the lord i s served seriously, parents w i l l also r e j o i c e , and the gods 261 and buddhas w i l l be s a t i s f i e d . " Following this Confucian l i n e of reasoning Tsunetomo repeats the old saying, "Look for a 26 2 l o y a l retainer, i n the home of a f i l i a l son." For i t i s only after one has learned how to serve one's parents that one can 26 3 f u l f i l l one's duty to the sovereign. Under normal circum-stances this devotion e i t h e r to the lo r d or to the parents i s not readily observed; the strength of faithfulness i s exhibited most c l e a r l y when there i s an emergency or hardship. Yet a samurai must be singlemindedly devoted every minute for, "This, i n r e l a t i o n to one's l o r d i s l o y a l t y , to one's parents, f i l i a l p iety, to m i l i t a r y matters, bravery, and i s something which can be used i n a l l t h i n g s . " 2 6 4 4. Attitude Toward Death Soldiers who r e a l i z e that there i s no escape from the b a t t l e f i e l d w i l l f i g h t much more intensely. This fact has long 56 been recognized as the natural i n s t i n c t of any man or animal who i s cornered. Use of this desire to f i g h t to the death was recorded as part of the strategy of the Sun Tzu. To defeat a surrounded enemy more e a s i l y , a commander must always leave j. 265 o . , , J_ , 266 an avenue of escape, and he must not press an enemy at bay. Thorough comprehension of this fact w i l l also allow i t to be applied i n a reverse fashion, that i s , toward the management of one's own army. Make i t "...evident that there i s no chance of s u r v i v a l . For i t i s the nature of soldiers to r e s i s t when surrounded; to f i g h t to the death when there i s no a l t e r n a t i v e , 26 7 and when desperate to follow commands i m p l i c i t l y . " "Throw the troops into a p o s i t i o n from which there i s no escape and even when faced with death they w i l l not f l e e . For i f they are prepared to die, what can they not achieve? Then o f f i c e r s and men together put forth t h e i r best e f f o r t s . In a desperate s i t u a t i o n they fear nothing; when there i s no way out they stand f i r m . " 2 6 8 Certainly Hagakure was greatly influenced by the thought of Sun Tzu, which had been f i r s t introduced into Japan as 269 early as the eigii.th century. Many leading writers of the 270 Edo period wrote commentaries on the Sun Tzu i n Japanese. Hayashi Razan, for instance, wrote Sonshi genkai }%^t%'ffi^~ i n 1626. Yamaga Soko wrote at le a s t three essays, Sonshi gengi Sonshi kuto V $ a n d Sonshi kogi 3$ }- B-|^  • Both Sonshi kokujikai } )|] $?$jp and Sonshi kai were produced by Ogyu Sorai, and Muro Kyuso was responsible for Sonshi kibun ffiWhether or not Tsunetomo had d i r e c t access to a l l or any of these secondary works i s uncertain, 57 but i t i s highly l i k e l y that, due to his i n t e r e s t i n l i t e r a -ture, he was f a m i l i a r with the ideas contained i n Sun Tzu. However, because Hagakure i s not directed toward m i l i -tary commanders, Tsunetomo views the f i g h t i n g attitude of cornered men from a decidedly d i f f e r e n t perspective than Sun  Tzu. He feels that the i n d i v i d u a l bushi must t r a i n to be l o y a l even i n .his d a i l y actions and devotion as though he were i n a p o s i t i o n of having no escape. The extreme expression of l o y a l t y i s manifested i n the willingness to s a c r i f i c e everything, even one's l i f e , for the sake of the l o r d and the good of the House. The general estimation i n which Hagakure i s held by the public i n present day Japan rests mainly upon i t s views concerning the expressed necessity for a retainer to give up his l i f e i n service. The most famous words i n Hagakure, and those most often quoted, appear very early i n the book. They are, 58 Bus h i do to i u via, shinu koto to mitsuke t a r i . Futatsu futatsu no ba n i te > havaku shinu ho  ni katazuku bakari n a r i . Betsu n i s h i s a i  nashi. Mune suwatte susumu n a r i . Zu_ni ataranu  wa i n u j i n i riado i u koto wa, kamigatafu no uchi-agari taru budo riaru beshi. Futatsu futatsu no  ba n i te., zu n l ataru yo ni suru wa oyobanu koto n a r i . Warehito, ikuru ho ga suki n a r i . Tabun  suki no ho n i r i g_a tsuku beshi, moshi zurhi hazurete i k i taraba koshi nuke n a r i . Kono sakai ayauki n a r i . Haji n i wa narazu. Kore ga budo  ni jobu n a r i . Mai asa mai yu, aratamete wa  shini : shi'ni, j o j u shinimi n i marite oru toki wa, budo n i j i y u o e_,; issho ochido naku, kashoku o shios u beki n a r i . The way of the warrior amounts to being resigned to death. In a s i t u a t i o n of two choices, l i f e or death, there i s nothing but to decide upon death immediately. I t i s as simple as that. I t i s to make up one's mind and proceed. The statement, 'To die without attaining one's goal i s a useless deaths' must surely be the conceited Kyoto version of bushido. In a s i t u a t i o n of two choices i t i s not necessary to act so as to always achieve one's goal. We a l l prefer to l i v e . Our preference would seem to p r e v a i l . I t i s cowardice i f one l i v e s without attaining one's goal. This point i s c r i t i -c a l . I f one misses the goal and dies, i t simply proves that he was f a n a t i c a l l y determined to die i n vain. But thi s i s no disgrace. On the contrary, th i s i s heroic behaviour. Every morning and every evening, when one repeatedly thinks of dying and dying, and i s always as a dead body, he should be able to acquire mastery i n the martial way, l i v e a l i f e free of f a u l t s , and f u l f i l l his occupation i n life.271 At f i r s t glance these words can be, and often are, mistaken to mean that a warrior must desire death. This i s d e f i n i t e l y not the inference here. On the contrary, this paragraph means that the bushi' must recognize the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of death, and upon having done so, must be determined that when the time comes to die, he w i l l be prepared to give his l i f e i n a way b e f i t t i n g one of his class. Sun Tzu states, i n a s i m i l a r vein, that good o f f i c e r s have no expectation of long l i f e , but this 272 i s not because they have disdain for l i f e . If a bushi confronts a predicament i n which there are 59 but two choices, l i f e or death, he should without h e s i t a t i o n 273 choose death. That i s , he must be resolved beforehand that, i f a l i f e - o r - d e a t h s i t u a t i o n arose, he would not waver. For i n his mind, as a l o y a l retainer, there would be but one thought: service to his l o r d . Even though part of that service be death, there i s no choice. Pessimistic as this may i n i t i a l l y appear, in a c t u a l i t y , for a m i l i t a r y man this p r a c t i c a l form of reason-ing was perhaps even a somewhat optimistic way of regarding the s i t u a t i o n . "When as a usual practise one has c a r e f u l l y accustomed one's mind to the fact of death, i t i s possible to 274 die with peace of mind." Admitting the i n s t i n c t i v e human desire to remain a l i v e , and further granting that a l l people naturally fear death, Tsunetomo reasons that i n this desire to stay a l i v e a warrior may hesitate i n the execution of his duty by attempting to f i n d a way i n which to avoid death. A l -though one may f a i l i n the endeavour, he must not consider 275 taking a roundabout route but must advance d i r e c t l y . A se-cond of indecision could prove f a t a l , i n that i t might allow the enemy to s t r i k e a l e t h a l blow. Thus by predetermining that he may die, and preparing himself mentally for that death, the bushi demarcated the path which he was obliged to follow while eliminating a l l other courses. A Chinese commentator on the Sun Tzu says that the general who esteems l i f e above a l l else w i l l be overcome with hesitancy, and t h i s , i n a commander 276 i s a calamity. Hagakure, too, states repeatedly that i n order to serve his l o r d and avoid shame, there i s only one path for a bushi to follow. The required resolution to accept r e a l -i t y i s i l l u s t r a t e d also i n the following account. At the time 60 of a certain -festival, "...there was a sudden shower. In order not to get wet some people ran quickly down the road and others walked along under the eaves, yet this did not stop them from getting wet. Had they been resolved to get wet from the be-ginning, they would not have had unpleasant thoughts. For they would have gotten wet no matter what they did. This i s an 277 understanding which permeates everything." The fundamental statement being made here, then, i s simply that death i s l i f e , a concept very reminiscent of Zen thought. For by recognizing death as the only viable choice,, a bushi, when confronted by the enemy, i s not at a l l encumbered by any indecision as to the course of action which he must take. Free-dom from diversionary notions allows him to concentrate f u l l y upon the immediate problem at hand, namely, the dispatching of the enemy, or, i n the time of the Edo peace, the f u l f i l l m e n t of duty. Thus, his chances of leading a commendable l i f e are improved. Here the s i m p l i s t i c appeal of Zen, with i t s b e l i e f 2 78 that destiny i s determined by fate, tended to help erase the fear of death. Suzuki Daisetz expresses the Zen attitude toward death i n the following way, "When one i s resolved to die, that i s , when the thought of death i s wiped o f f the f i e l d of consciousness, there arises something i n i t , or, rather, apparently from the outside, the presence of which one has never been aware of, and when this strange presence begins to di r e c t one's a c t i v i t i e s i n an i n s t i n c t u a l manner wonders are achieved. In emphasizing the extreme form of service, the s a c r i f i c e 2 80 of one's l i f e , Tsunetomo attempts to shock the young samurai 61 out of t h e i r l a c k a d a i s i c a l attitude toward service. He r e a l -ized, of course, that i n a time of peace there would be very l i t t l e c a l l for a bushi to s a c r i f i c e his l i f e i n b a t t l e . S t i l l he was trying to i l l u s t r a t e that the same attitude was a p p l i -cable, not only on the b a t t l e f i e d , but to any of a samurai's various duties. Making reference to the ancient example of Sato Tsugunobu (1158-1185), who gave his l i f e i n the 2 81 service of his l o r d , Yoshitsune, Tsunetomo says, "More than the k i l l i n g of an enemy, the d i s t i n c t i o n of a warrior i s dying 282 for the sake of the lo r d . " This superior q u a l i t y should be carri e d over into one's d a i l y l i f e . Reflecting an attitude 28 3 toward l i f e and death s i m i l a r to that of Taoism, Tsunetomo asserts that one must go about his duties with the thought that the physical body i s not his own but i s rather that of a ghostly being acting i n service to the lor d . When he says 2 84 that one should always be as a dead body, he means that one's body i s not one's own but, i n f a c t , belongs to the lord. Nitobe c l a r i f i e s such thinking even further with the statement, "Him who has once died i n the bottom of his breast, no spears 285 of Sanada nor a l l the arrows of Tametomo can pierce." Placing one's own best interests foremost and thinking that because one may make a mistake i n an important p o s i t i o n , i t i s better to r e t i r e from that position i s the same as showing one's back to the enemy on the b a t t l e f i e l d . I t i s cowardly 286 and unworthy of a bushi. While the Tokugawa bakufu had banned the t r a d i t i o n of junshi, the i n s t i t u t i o n of seppuku came to be established on a formal basis. Although there are indications that i t was 62 used less as the years passed, there i s l i t t l e doubt that i t was an ever-present feature of the samurai class during the Edo period. The act of s e l f disembodiment as a form of honour-able death for a samurai developed from a spontaneous commit-2 87 ment i n the late Heian period into a regulated and very 288 s t y l i z e d ceremony i n the Edo period. B a s i c a l l y there were but a few accepted and sanctioned reasons for performing seppuku, and i l l u s t r a t i o n s of each are found i n Hagakure. The three 289 mam motives were to atone for a crime or f a u l t , to demon-290 291 strate one's s i n c e r i t y , and to draw attention to one's cause. A decision to commit suicide was not irrevocable, whether that decision was the r e s u l t of the p r i n c i p a l ' s own resolution or of a d i r e c t i v e from the lo r d . One account i n Hagakure deals with an o f f i c i a l who used the threat of suicide as a lever to manipulate the l o r d . Tsunetomo condemns such action as a de-preciation of the true meaning of the i n s t i t u t i o n for the 292 reason that i t was not behaviour rooted i n service. On the other hand, a request by Nakano Kazumaf I^J^(1627-1699) , 2 9 3 repeated seven times, for the pardon of five convicted men, gains his sympathy. 2 9 4 The case of Sagara KyubaJJ!Q %fyS-1619-29 5 1670) i s somewhat of an oddity i n that he was once sentenced and forgiven, but l a t e r committed seppuku to save his l o r d from embarassment. Tsunetomo also relates advice put forth when a certain person was confronted with the p o s s i b i l i t y of being charged with an error of serious consequences. In the f i r s t place, even though the incident has occurred, i t i s possible that i t w i l l be overlooked. I f there i s an investigation, l i e s must not be t o l d . Relying on the good reputation of your 63 ancestors, plead your case, and i f you are not forgiven even 296 after t h i s , be resolved to die. The duty of kaishaku, a s s i s t i n g at seppuku, i s c l e a r l y considered by Tsunetomo to be an appointment of honour, and proper execution of this task indicated a b i l i t y and i n t e g r i t y . 297 i n a bushi. Many of the young samurai f e l t a d e f i n i t e aver-sion to the work of beheading, and thereby became the objects of Tsunetomo's scorn. 5. Personal Appearance The degree to which each bushi accepted and i n t e r n a l i z e d the values of the society as a part of his own existence was generally v i s i b l e only through the manner i n which he carried out his d a i l y duties. His conduct i n emergencies, or i n the execution of matters of great importance, c l e a r l y indicated his degree of inner conviction. The most perceptible mani-fes t a t i o n of the i n t e r n a l determination, as expressed on a dai l y basis, was the meticulous care a samurai paid to his personal appearance. The bushi of u n t i l about f i f t y or six t y year ago took baths, shaved t h e i r heads, scented t h e i r h a i r , cut the n a i l s of t h e i r hands and feet, f i l e d them with pumice and polished them beau-t i f u l l y with golden grass, and without f a i l , arranged t h e i r appearance every morning. Of course, no tarnish became attached to t h e i r weapons, dust was wiped away, and they were polished and stored away. The great attention paid to appearance, although i t was somewhat gaudy, was not for false elegance. Every day they resigned themselves to inevitable death. In the event that they died i n battle with an unslightly physical appearance, the degree of t h e i r previous lack of determination would be revealed, they would be scorned by t h e i r enemies, and would be disgraced. Therefore both old and 64 young men d i d t h e i r grooming c a r e f u l l y . Although i t i s troublesome and takes a l o t of time, a bushi has no other business. Nor i s there any-thing else which can intrude on his t i m e . 2 ^ A secondary consideration i n the matter of attention to physical appearance i s the f a c t that the habits i n s t i l l e d i n the i n d i v i d u a l through the custom of personal cleanliness could be extended to other segments of l i f e . A samurai who, by habit or design, was solicitous i n the care of his weapons, his cloth-ing, and his body, would be far more l i k e l y to develop commend-able customs regarding the manners, learning, and behaviour, expected of a man i n his p o s i t i o n . One must have a "modest and sternly handsome" countenance and "be calm i n deportment and behaviour." " I f a man has no substantial dignity and majesty, his appearance, posture, and bearing w i l l not look good." 3 0 0 As i n w r i t i n g Chinese logographs, one must be d i s -301 t i n c t i v e i n his actions and yet true to the accepted form. Speech, too, i s very e s s e n t i a l to the presentation of a proper impression for, as Kaibara Ekken says, words are the clothing of one's body and show the fe e l i n g of a person on 302 the inside. One must always be careful i n choosing one's 303 words as they indicate one's mental determination. A bushi must pay attention not to say anything l i g h t l y i n d a i l y l i f e , even as a joke, because t h i s exposes his true heart. Tsunetomo himself determined when he was young that he would use only 304 one word i n the place of ten. " I t i s best to appear quiet 305 on the surface but to contain strength underneath." But to remain completely s i l e n t shows confusion and this too i s , . , - 306 undesirable. 65 Because the external appearance i s but a r e f l e c t i o n of in t e r n a l thoughts, a bushi must s t r i v e to purify his mind. When given a post, be glad of the assignment. When there i s a fe e l i n g of excessive pride, i t appears on one's face. I have seen several such people and they are disgraceful. 'As a useless person assigned to this post, how can I carry i t out. This i s r e a l l y an anxious and d i s t r e s s -ing thing.' People who think i n this way are aware of t h e i r own weakness and, even i f they do not express i t i n words, show thi s humility on t h e i r faces, and appear modest. 3u"7 66 Chapter III 1. Conduct i n Society While concentrating on the importance of s e l f d i s c i p l i n e , . Tsunetomo does not lose sight of the fact that the whole must be considered along with the parts. The development of •'•properly trained and l o y a l retainers was, he believed, for the purpose of generating a harmonious society within Saga han. The i d e a l of harmony can, as has been mentioned, be traced back to the duality of the ancient yin-yang philosophy of China. Supple-mentary to t h i s , Buddhist, Confucian, and Neo-Confucian ideas 30 8 stressed the maintenance of an orderly society. Through the adherence of each person to his p a r t i c u l a r station i n l i f e , harmony could be achieved and continued i n d e f i n i t e l y . To Tsunetomo, harmony also meant cooperation with one's fellow bushi i n serving the lo r d . He says, "If a l l people are i n harmony and trust i n the way of the gods, they w i l l have peace of mind." Acknowledgment that the e s s e n t i a l nature of mutual endeavour had considerable importance i s apparent i n Tsunetomo's work. In ancient times, he states, the intimacy between group leader and the members of his group l e f t no room for other 309 matters. "Bad feelings between the r e t i r e d and the present heads of the family, between father and son, and between elder 310 and younger brothers arise from base selfishness." When relations deteriorate to the point where attendance at meetings and discussions begins to f a i l , consequences of a serious nature may occur. For i f people are not used to working together they 311 w i l l be useless i n a time of emergency. I t i s imperative, then, for samurai not only to maintain c o r d i a l friendships but to t ry to develop these into intimate and meaningful re-latio n s h i p s . Lord Naoshige believed that a determined samurai 312 was one who associated with many friends. In order to be-come and remain f r i e n d l y with many people, each must be ad-dressed i n the proper way. So the correct use of words i s e s s e n t i a l . Many are the people who talk b o a s t f u l l y as a habit but who, i n a c r i s i s , 313 are generally speechless. "People who are discreet with t h e i r mouths are well employed i n periods of good government 314 and i n times of bad government are not punished." A bushi should not open up his heart completely to strangers but rather should express his feelings through his da i l y conduct and 315 . . . . speech. When tal k i n g to friends i n dai l y conversation, care must be taken not to lose concentration on what they are saying. I f one agrees with them on every matter, duty i s being neglected. Pay attention and discuss anything which does not coincide with one's own opinion, because small oversights may grow into large 316 errors. When things are going w e l l , one must be doubly care-f u l to guard against pride and extravagance, for a person who 317 becomes happy e a s i l y can just as e a s i l y become discouraged. A well-trained bushi uses his friends and associates i n the proper way. Friends who are close to the lo r d are of special value when a samurai needs to communicate an idea to the lo r d . But unless they are completely l o y a l to the lo r d , they may misrepresent one's intentions to promote t h e i r own 318 cause. In any case, although i t may be necessary at times to request aid from others, this should be avoided as far as 68 319 possible l e s t i t appear to be begging. Furthermore, the use of friends can only be condoned i f the e f f o r t i s made, not 320 for a s e l f i s h purpose, but for the sake of the lord. Another element which Tsunetomo considered c r i t i c a l re-garding friends must be presented. In the course of doing things one e a s i l y makes mistakes and, even more seriously, there i s a tendency to become s e l f i s h . Through consultation with others, one's actions can be tempered and s o l i d i f i e d , and one can become as stable as a great tree with many roots 321 rather than l i k e a twig which just has been stuck i n the ground. There i s no one from a lowly foot s o l d i e r to a l o r d who would not benefit from the advice of others. "A person who contem-plates his own mistakes as a usual routine and searches for 322 the Way during his whole l i f e , i s a treasure to the han." Various methods of obtaining knowledge are open to those who search. The maxims of previous generations can be good models 323 for the men of the present but may be hard to understand. In fact, that which i s understood may be only s u p e r f i c i a l 324 knowledge. Therefore, do not be a f r a i d that by seeking advice from others you w i l l be showing ignorance for, "...to 325 request the advice of others i s to surpass them." The way of righteousness i s very d i f f i c u l t to understand by oneself 326 and may be followed more e a s i l y by consulting others. On the other hand, i n cert a i n circumstances consultation may be disadvantageous, and at those times one must be prepared to 327 use one's own judgment. In such instances, " . . . i n order to make a proper decision, study the Four Oaths and the solu-32 8 tion w i l l appear naturally." In a l l cases i t i s best to 69 accept any advice gladly and l a t e r decide whether or not to adopt i t . For i f one refuses advice i t may be that that person 329 w i l l never again o f f e r i t . I t i s also the duty of a bushi to advise others. In this there must be no intention of r i d i c u l i n g or shaming the other party. The sole purpose l i e s i n better preparing him for serv-330 i c e . "In the world there are many people who give moral in s t r u c t i o n s . However, there are few people who l i s t e n gladly 331 to i n s t r u c t i o n s . And people who obey them are even fewer." I t i s a prerequisite that the person whom one wishes to advise be brought to the proper frame of mind so that he i s l i k e "a t h i r s t y man drinking water." This may be done by c a r e f u l l y studying the receptive capacity of the person and becoming i n t i -mate with him. Use words in a way so as to give them c r e d i -b i l i t y . Talk f i r s t about things which he l i k e s and think about how to speak. Choosing the proper opportunity, talk about one's own faults i n such a way as to make him understand. Be sure 332 to praise his good points and speak to him from your heart. Only i n thi s way w i l l your advice be believed and trusted. A l -though i t i s generally thought to be kindness only to point out the faults i n other people, this does no good unless suggestions are thoroughly discussed i n a peaceful manner so that they w i l l 333 be accepted. Once good advice i s adopted by the other party, he w i l l be better equipped to serve his lord. An even more d i f f i c u l t task i s the admonishment of one's superiors. I f one's position i s not of s u f f i c i e n t status to advise that senior d i r e c t l y , i t i s best to do so through the 334 medium of a fr i e n d who i s close to him. I f one's actions 70 are motivated by lo y a l t y , i t i s not necessary that the r e c i p i -335 ent know the source of the advice. A serious f a u l t that obviously requires correction must be pointed out immediately, for i f one waits for a better opportunity, there i s the chance 336 that further damage w i l l accrue. Fear that the l o r d might r e t a l i a t e i f given advice when he i s i n an unfavourable mood should not deter your decision to correct him. If one i s sincere i n his determination to state his point of view, the 337 lord w i l l l i s t e n . On the other hand, i f he i s a l o r d who i s excellent i n a l l things, advice on very petty matters can 33 8 do naught but harm. A l l advice and admonition must be meted out for the sole end of lo y a l t y . When this i s not the case, and i t i s done only to exhib i t one's own power, i t i s s e l f i s h 339 and shameful. One further type of s o c i a l relationship i s dealt with i n Hagakure. Although few i n number, there are some allusions to homosexuality. This i s not a p a r t i c u l a r l y s u r p r i s i n g re-velation when one re a l i z e s the low s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of women and the disdain which samurai had for passionate love between man and woman. In fac t , homosexuality had a long t r a d i t i o n i n Japan, being recorded i n l i t e r a t u r e as early as the eighth 340 century i n the Manyoshu 7^"^.%^' The proh i b i t i o n of women from monasteries resulted i n close physical relationships bet-ween the monks. The t r a d i t i o n of homosexuality thus established i n the Buddhist orders continued to thrive through subsequent 341 centuries. A s i m i l a r set of circumstances i n the armies of the samurai led to a corresponding popularity of homosexu-a l i t y among bushi. Tsunetomo, therefore, does not introduce any new elements, but rather tenders advice on how to s e l e c t 342 male companions properly. He stresses the fact that a f r i e n d -ship must be a l a s t i n g one i n order to be a c c e p t a b l e . 3 4 3 The story of a close relationship between two men gives the d e t a i l s of t h e i r f i r s t meeting and t e l l s of the deep s i n c e r i t y of t h e i r 344 mutual a f f e c t i o n . Information i s also related on how the man Tsunetomo considers to be the founder of homosexuality i n Saga han, Hoshino Ryotetsu Iff 7 $ (1607-1680), e s o t e r i c a l l y 345 passed secret i n s t r u c t i o n in' the practise to others. Thus Tsunetomo deals with the matter of homosexuality with no hint of sensationalism. Instead he indicates only that, as i n a l l other conduct, a bushi must behave as required by propriety. 2. Rectitude The teachings of the Sung scholar, Chu Hsi, provided the foundations for orthodox Neo-Confucianism which, under the auspices of Hayashi Razan, became the o f f i c i a l philosophy of 346 the Edo regime. Chu Hsi held that the "great ultimate" ( t ' a i - c h i ^ , taikyoku i n Japanese) consists of p r i n c i p l e i n i t s t o t a l i t y but takes no physical form. The manifestation of the great ultimate involves both " p r i n c i p l e " ( l i fff , ri_ i n Japanese) and "material force" ( c h ' i % . , k i i n Japanese). P r i n -c i p l e explains the r e a l i t y and u n i v e r s a l i t y of things while material force epitomizes the physical form. The apparently d u a l i s t i c nature i s counteracted..'by the fact that neither l i nor ch'i can e x i s t without the other. The p r i n c i p l e , l i , of a thing or a man i s his very nature and, i n i t s o r i g i n a l state, i t i s perfect goodness. Physical nature i s p r i n c i p l e mixed 72 with material force and involves both good and e v i l . The r e s u l t of this mixture i s expressed i n feelings. I t i s the mind which unites human nature and human feelings, and so i t i s the mind which must be cu l t i v a t e d i n morality. This c u l t i -vation simply serves to bring human feelings back into harmony with l i . Combined with the concept of jen^= ( j i n i n Japanese), "humanity," the rationalism of Chu Hsi's philosophy dominated a l l o f f i c i a l scholarship during the Tokugawa period i n Japan. To Tsunetomo such scholarly debate was, as has been mentioned, not the concern of the bushi. In the portion of Hagakure studied for t h i s paper, Tsunetomo makes no d i r e c t re-ference to Neo-Confuciah theory. On the other hand, most of the f i r s t chapter of Hagakure i s devoted to the p r a c t i c a l ap-p l i c a t i o n of Neo-Confucian precepts to the l i f e s t y l e of the samurai. Tsunetomo f e l t that a l l the e f f o r t of a bushi, i f not put forth i n the way of the warrior, bushido, was meritless. Actions of samurai, i f they do not follow reason and moral 34 7 righteousness, were regarded as shallow and useless. The bushi's concept of righteousness centered around r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to one's po s i t i o n i n l i f e , that i s , to duty performed for the r. , . , , 348 cause of his l o r d . The term g i r i ^ f f j , introduced previously as obligation, at this point needs to be explained i n terms of i t s r e l a t i o n -ship with rectitude. In i t s o r i g i n a l sense g i r i meant duty, duty performed only because to do so was the way of r i , " r i g h t reason" or " p r i n c i p l e . " The meaning changed, as time passed, to encompass obligatory relationships between s o c i a l classes, parents and children, and master and follower. I t became the authority used to compel the performance of duties which were then done as moral requirements and not necessarily spontaneous 349 acts of love. In this context the obligations of g i n may be seen as the enforcer of the true p r i n c i p l e , r i . The samurai was kept on the path of righteousness by the more c l e a r l y re-cognizable manifestations of g i r i . Adherence to the way of righteousness, or proper conduct, was expected of a l l bushi' regardless of t h e i r rank or age. Tsunetomo commands them to conduct themselves i n accordance 350 with t h e i r status at a l l times. Naturally, the higher one's pos i t i o n and the closer one becomes to the l o r d , the more care-351 f u l l y one must abide by reason and j u s t i c e . In addition to reprimanding those under him, a senior statesman must administer 352 the province j u s t l y . He must be firm, but i f he i s too s t r i c t things cannot prosper. Just as f i s h grow better i n the shade of duckweed than they do i n clear water, the people 353 f l o u r i s h when controls are loosened s l i g h t l y . "By punishing with a heart of benevolence and working with a heart of com-354 passion, there i s no l i m i t to strength and righteousness." Furthermore, compassion dictates that reason may sometimes be 355 found outside of j u s t i c e . Therefore, i f the proper way of 356 government i s pursued, there w i l l be peace and harmony. If the people are l i v i n g i n t r a n q u i l i t y and the retainers f e e l happy i n giving service, the government of the province goes 357 well. However, i f the way of rectitude i s not followed, 358 the rulers may expect divine r e t r i b u t i o n . Revenge, too, had long been a t r a d i t i o n a l method of r i g h t i n g an i n j u s t i c e . The case of the ronin of Ako, which 74 has already been introduced, i l l u s t r a t e s the degree to which revenge, carried out i n the name of righteousness, was accepted 359 and praxsed. In Hagakure, Tsunetomo, while condoning and actually advocating the d e s i r a b i l i t y of revenge for any obvious i n j u s t i c e , expresses some reservations as to the manner i n which i t should be achieved. Attention to the c r i t e r i a of honour and rectitude i s e s s e n t i a l . In keeping with the element of l o y a l t y , he indicates that a vendetta should be undertaken only as a part of the duty to one's l o r d . In addition, revenge i s not something which should be c a r e f u l l y planned. By cautiously deliberating the methods to be used, the odds may appear overwhelming, and l o g i c may d i c -tate that the whole a f f a i r be forgotten. Such a r e s u l t would be disgraceful. The way of revenge i s to f l y into action immediately, u n t i l one i s cut and k i l l e d . I f one does this there w i l l be no shame. When one thinks that he must de-feat the enemy, he misses his chance.... Even i f the enemy i s several thousand, i f one proceeds with the enthusiasm that he w i l l k i l l many with each sweep of his sword, a l l he has to do to succeed i s stand up and face them.... Neither wisdom nor art i s necessary. Those people who are strong men do not think about victory or defeat; without second thoughts they are madly intent upon death.^60 While recognizing the popularity of the two most famous cases of revenge, Tsunetomo c r i t i c i z e s the vendettas of the ronin of Ako and of the Soga^ -^ b r o t h e r s . 3 6 1 That the men of Ako did not disembowel themselves at Sengakuji Ik-fc^ must be regarded as a f a u l t . In addition, the time from the death of t h e i r l o r d u n t i l the k i l l i n g of the enemy was too long. I f during that time Lord Ki ra had died of sickness, i t would have been most deplorable.... The vendetta of the Soga brothers, too, took a very long time.... I do not, i n general, make c r i t i c i s m of this sort, but since t h i s i s a close 75 _ 3 62 examination of budo, I am mentioning i t . Many years of experience and t r a i n i n g were required be-fore the average samurai was able to discern c l e a r l y the d i f -ference between good and e v i l . Some factors, such as the ab-363 horence of "underhanded dealings and crooked undertakings," were obvious, but i n more subtle instances problems occurred. I t t e i provided a rule of thumb for samurai to follow when i n doubt. He said that any behaviour was good i f i t was accom-364 panied by s u f f e r i n g , and e v i l i f there was no such su f f e r i n g . In this statement he appears to be formulating a p r a c t i c a l guide which he has derived from the Neo-Confucian view of human nature. The resolving of the c o n f l i c t between p r i n c i p l e , r i , and s e l f i s h human desires i s a matter only of clearing away these desires so 36 5 that the inherent goodness of human nature w i l l p r e v a i l . I t t e i seems to be saying that a samurai must suffer i n the at-tempt to purify himself of selfishness and follow the way of righteousness. He must not succumb to the temptation to lead an undisciplined l i f e . A bushi, furthermore, should maintain unslackening e f f o r t s to serve with utmost rectitude. To break one's concentration at any time reveals one's weakness, but this i s even more applicable to a person serving i n an o f f i c i a l post. By acting i n a relaxed manner when not performing of-f i c i a l functions, he reveals the exact amount of e f f o r t which 366 he expends on his duties. Leadership gave a samurai an opportunity to incorporate the precepts of righteousness into his duties. Years of ex-perience plus a conscientious e f f o r t gave him the a b i l i t y to 36 7 observe signs of any secrets i n the faces of his subordinates. Of the many examples of leadership q u a l i t i e s described i n Hagakure, two are t y p i c a l . One, i n which a certain o f f i c i a l o f f e r s to sponsor a bushi' who has once been convicted of drunken disorderly conduct, i l l u s t r a t e s i n s i g h t and understanding. In this instance the o f f i c i a l had said, "To abandon a person who has erred only once does not educate others. A person who has committed an i n d i s c r e t i o n only once i s one who has repented 368 that error. He behaves himself well, and i s useful." The second story depicts the opposite q u a l i t i e s i n a leader. While t r a v e l l i n g on a boat, a young page became rowdy and began an argument with the ship's captain. He took out his sword, and the captain h i t him on the head with a pole. The leader of the group of samurai t r a v e l l e r s did nothing, not even apologize. Tsunetomo feels that the proper action for the leader i n this instance would have been to cut down both the captain and the • , . . • , 369 page with his sword. 3. Compassion The already mentioned virtue of jen /^=. ( j i n i n Japanese) , "humanity" or "benevolence," was a key concept to the Confu-. 370 cianism of Confucius himself, of Mencius, and of Chu Hsi. The scope of i t s meaning was extremely wide, ranging from the basic goodness of man to the suggestion of a cosmic force, de-pending on the context and the int e r p r e t a t i o n . However, as with the theories of ri_ and ki_, Tsunetomo does not concern him-s e l f with explanations of the meaning of the term j i n . Instead he amalgamates i t with the somewhat si m i l a r term j i h i ffiffi* / a concept of Buddhism. In his mind the two schools of thought, 77 Confucianism and Buddhism, did not d i f f e r on the point of love for one's fellow man. Therefore, he uses both the word j i n and the word j i h i , often interchangeably. In emphasizing benevo-lence and compassion for others, Tsunetomo follows a tendency 371 which was apparent throughout Japan. He says, "We must think and act i n a l l things for the sake of our l o r d and parents, for the sake of other people, and for the sake of our descendants. This i s great compassion. The wisdom and courage which come 372 from compassion are fundamental elements." When i n a position of su p e r i o r i t y , a person must conduct himself c a r e f u l l y for his. actions are e a s i l y seen by others. Yet people i n high posts often forget to carry out t h e i r duties with compassion. Tsunetomo states repeatedly that for a supe-r i o r to be kind to an i n f e r i o r i s an act worthy of praise. Nakano Kazuma, even though very busy, always found time to stop, on his way home from service at the c a s t l e , at the homes of those of his group who were sick or who had a problem. He was 373 greatly loved for t h i s . Tsunetomo's father, Shigezumi, once said, "Where holding men i s concerned, one cannot eat by one-s e l f alone. I f one shares his meal with his men, they can be held." 3^ 4 A group leader who praises his men l a v i s h l y whenever they do something commendable w i l l f i n d that they w i l l there-375 afte r commit t h e i r l i v e s to him without regret. In spite of the need for this sort of kindness, i t i s dangerous to be less than firm i n managing men. Even though Shigezumi was a compassionate group leader, on one occasion one of his men made a mistake. Shigezumi did not mention anything about i t u n t i l 376 the end of the year, and then he discharged the man. 78 Compassion should be held for a l l other people regardless of rank. One should convey sympathy to a bushi who i s having hardships or misfortunes and thus help him i n becoming coura-geous enough to overcome his d i f f i c u l t i e s . Once he does t h i s , 377 he w i l l be able to serve the han. In t h i s way, one also serves the lo r d . I f , for the sake of one's own pride, one embarrasses others instead of helping them, i t i s not only unkind but also 37 8 does not serve to help the lord. When f i v e men were sentenced to punishment, Nakano Ka.'zuma,at the r i s k of incurring anger upon himself, begged seven times for t h e i r pardon u n t i l i t was 379 f i n a l l y granted. He also had the reputation of a man who 380 gave l i g h t e r sentences than offenses c a l l e d f o r . He exem-p l i f i e s the f a c t that there i s no l i m i t to the amount of love 381 and a f f e c t i o n which can be d i s t r i b u t e d . I t i s therefore not good to speak badly of anyone, even a criminal. Instead, 382 help people who are i n dire s t r a i t s . To receive help when one i s having trouble i s wonderful, but one must not neglect 3 83 to be compassionate when times are good. 4. Courage and Honour In contrast to the general attitude toward m i l i t a r y ac-tion i n China, where there was a tendency "...to disesteem 384 heroism and violence, not to g l o r i f y i t , " valour was de-f i n i t e l y a cherished virtue i n Japan. Bravery for the sole sake of personal gain, however, was considered meritless and di s g r a c e f u l . Courageous s p i r i t must be cultivated for the 385 purpose of serving the lord or the House. Naturally, l i f e or death struggles on the b a t t l e f i e d provided the best opportu-nity for retainers to demonstrate physical courage. "An old bushi once said words to the following e f f e c t . I f at the time of a r e a l b a t t l e , determined that he w i l l outdo even famous bushi, a man continuously thinks, morning and night, that he wants to somehow k i l l a strong enemy, his heart w i l l become brave, he w i l l not become t i r e d , and he w i l l be able to display 3 86 courage." Bravery on the b a t t l e f i e l d may be regarded as control of the fear of death and d i s i n t e r e s t i n worldly con-cerns. For that purpose Zen Buddhism was p a r t i c u l a r l y useful 387 as a guiding doctrine. But the Edo period was a time of peace, and courage had to be exhibited i n ways other than b a t t l e . "In a period of 3 88 peace the way to display bravery i s by words." "This i s the way one wants to be, not only at the time of a real b a t t l e , 389 . . but also i n normal times." Sentences such as these indicate that Tsunetomo was attempting to transfer the courage required i n b a t t l e to the da i l y duties of a samurai. Yet, while showing a heroic frame of mind to the whole world, a bushi must not 390 become conceited. At no time, even as a joke or during one's sleep may a bushi say such words as, " I t i s frightening," or, "Ouch," for these may indicate a subconscious weakness, 391 or may be misunderstood by others. Instead, one should have the determination to perform as Mitsushige did when he was required to read a sutra i n front of a monk. At that time he said, "Everybody come and l i s t e n to me for i t i s d i f f i c u l t 392 to read when there are only a few l i s t e n e r s . " I t i s inner confidence i n one's own a b i l i t y which pro-vides a man with courage. "For both service and courage one 80 393 must be determined to become completely singleminded." As a da i l y practise one must po l i s h and expand confidence and conviction. "Courage must be fostered by always being determined to surpass brave men and by thinking that one w i l l not be beaten 394 by others." I t i s important, naturally, that determination does not become obstinateness. However, a bushi must not re-treat from the way of righteousness. As mentioned e a r l i e r , a bushi must try to correct the errors of others, even the l o r d . I f by doing so he incurred the wrath of his l o r d and was sen-tenced to commit seppuku, i t was a fate he had to accept bravely. A second form of castigation which ca bushi might be forced to undergo consisted of being ordered to f o r f e i t his stipend and become a ronin. Becoming a ronin was not necessarily f i n a l , and Tsunetomo expressed the opinion that l i f e as a ronin was 395 not as uncomfortable as usually portrayed. Repeated sojourns, he says, are perhaps necessary to make a samurai strong and courageous. In this connection Katsushige said, "Someone who has not become a ronin seven times cannot be said to be a re a l 396 servant. F a l l down seven times and get up eight." In fact, a l l bushi "...must be resolved from the beginning that the ultimate end of service i s e i t h e r to become a ronin or to commit 397 seppuku." Thus a true bushi shows his courage and determi-nation to serve the House, and fears nothing i n the e f f o r t to do so. "One who i s a f r a i d of f a i l u r e i n assigned duties i s 398 a coward." That i s , one must not worry about making a mistake i n his duty, but must advance with complete devotion. As there were no wars at the time i n which Hagakure was written, mental courage i n one's d a i l y l i f e was far more p r a c t i c a l than 81 physical courage shown on the b a t t l e f i e l d . Honour, too, could best be gained i n the t r a d i t i o n a l manner of displaying bravery on the b a t t l e f i e l d , but war was not an indispensable requirement. To a properly trained bushi, honour originated i n the judgment of one's actions by one's peers and superiors. Accomplishments deemed honourable were d i v e r s i f i e d , but praise normally came from others for action i n accordance with the accepted conduct for s p e c i f i c circum-stances, whether the s i t u a t i o n entailed physical battle or the proper greeting of an acquaintance. Generally speaking, i t was possible to earn honour in two broad ways, by doing heroic or meritorious deeds and by avoiding mistakes while serving 399 u n s e l f i s h l y . In keeping with Confucian p r i n c i p l e s , poverty and distress did not deprive a man of honour. Confucius him-s e l f i s reported to have said, "Having only coarse food to eat, p l a i n water to drink, and a bent arm for a pillow, one can s t i l l f i n d happiness therein. Riches and honour acquired by unright-eous means are to me as d r i f t i n g c l o u d s . " 4 0 0 Thus, any action done for the purpose of gaining wealth or fame, even death i n 401 bat t l e or seppuku, was not considered proper nor honourable. When a bushi has honour i n his heart, i t w i l l c e r t a i n l y 402 appear in a time of emergency. Yet i t i s something which i s also expressed i n da i l y behaviour and speech. One example of the way i n which honour can be expressed verbally i s by 403 not speaking i l l of a man after his death. Another l i e s i n adherence to truth, so that a man may be trusted at a l l times. "The word of a samurai i s firmer than metal. Because I have decided, not the Buddha, the gods, nor anything else 82 ,,404 w i l l move me. 5. Etiquette Harmonious in t e r a c t i o n between members of any society dictates that an accepted set of rules of etiquette be i n s t i -tuted and followed. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y v i t a l i n a feudal society, deeply infused as i t was with a hierarchy i n which even the s l i g h t e s t difference of s o c i a l position necessitated f a m i l i a r i t y with the proper s o c i a l response. Following the example set by the Chinese c l a s s i c , The  Book of Rites (Li Chi ^ L.j>£)/ Japanese Raiki) a n ( j s u c n early Japanese documents as Shotoku Taishi's seventeen a r t i c l e con-t i t u t i o n of 604, 4 0 6 much of Hagakure i s devoted to in d i c a t i n g , e i t h e r through d i r e c t instructions or by c i t i n g examples, the proper conduct applicable to a certain circumstance. Knowledge of the course of action to be taken on a s p e c i f i c occasion was not only commendable, but the lack of such preparation was considered disgraceful. Therefore, one must prepare i n advance what one would do and say i n a given s i t u a t i o n . When i n v i t e d somewhere, a bushi should plan from the previous night and make notes so 407 that he could act smoothly. "Nothing i s as important as one's f i r s t words." 4 0 8 When speaking, speak only after considering 409 who i s present and then do not say anything that might 410 shame others. Verbosity i n a bushi was disrespectable. 411 Tsunetomo decided while young to use less words than expected. 412 People i n high positions made a habit of not using many words, and for a person of lower rank to say too much when facing supe-83 413 r i o r s was "discourteous and bad mannered." Even more care in one's d a i l y speech was required when one was very busy i n one's post, for to become excited and speak harshly was the . 414 way of lowly servants and was not b e f i t t i n g a samurai. A minor contradiction appears regarding the proper e t i -quette for bowing. Tsunetomo quotes his father, Shigezumi, as saying, " I t i s best to bow r e s p e c t f u l l y to everyone without d i s t i n c t i o n . People of recent times have no courtesy and 415 have become impetuous." Shigezumi maintained that no one ever broke his back from bowing. But Tsunetomo also praises the conviction of another bushi who says that because his hips hurt at the New Year from excessive bowing, he has decided that 416 he w i l l not bow unless he i s the r e c i p i e n t of a bow f i r s t . This same person had furthermore stated that during the New Year celebrations he would completely refuse to drink 417 liquor. Tsunetomo c e r t a i n l y agrees that li q u o r should not be drunk i n great volume, because when one becomes drunk one 418 w i l l not be able to act without mistakes. Besides, one's 419 true mental convictions may be seen by a l l . On the other hand he states that i t i s also poor manners to repeatedly re-* 4- * • 1 4 2 0 fuse to drink. People who rely on natural i n t e l l i g e n c e w i l l make many 421 . . mistakes i n etiquette. Surely, at times a quick wit i s very important to save a p o t e n t i a l l y disastrous s i t u a t i o n , as i n the case of a samurai who was searching for a criminal. When a palanquin passed, he thought the criminal was inside and prevented i t s passage, but i t turned out to be someone completely d i f f e r e n t . He saved the s i t u a t i o n by saying that 84 he thought i t was a f r i e n d whom he had long been waiting f o r , 422 and begged forgiveness. Tsunetomo himself saw that the best way to correct this type of mistake was to remember not to repeat the same error. When he was young he began to com-p i l e a diary ^ containing the mistakes that he had made each day. He soon gave i t up because there were just too many. S t i l l , even as an adult he took a few moments while he was l y i n g i n bed every night to think over the mistakes of the 423 day, and no day passed when there were none. One must also be careful of appearances. Extravagance i s to be avoided except perhaps for fans, tissue paper, writ-ing paper, and bedding, which may be of s l i g h t l y better qual-424 . . . . l t y . When reading aloud, be certain to read using the dia-425 phragm, and the results w i l l be much more e f f e c t i v e . Do 426 not yawn or sneeze i n public. Such guidelines on small matters of etiquette, found throughout Hagakure, show the de-gree of attention which any samurai must give toward proper manners. In a s t r i c t and closed feudal society, dependent upon obedience and respect, adherence to accepted norms of politeness was e s s e n t i a l for i t s continuation. 85 Chapter IV 1. Conclusion Tsunetomo intended that Hagakure be read only by a few selected retainers of Saga han. Reproductions were, however, copied by hand and Hagakure, while not a book for popular con-sumption, c e r t a i n l y was not completely inaccessible. Because this book was oriented toward han a f f a i r s and l o y a l t y to the p r o v i n c i a l l o r d , i t could not be expected that the regime i n Edo would approve of i t . Therefore, when i n 1781 Nabeshima Harushige/jfiA $ j? (1745-1805) b u i l t the f i e f school which ment prevented Hagakure from being included as part of the essence of the thought stated therein, served as a constant guideline i n the i n s t r u c t i o n of the young samurai of Saga. In a number of places i n the text statements, i f studied as i n d i v i d u a l units, appear to be contradictory to other pas-sages. Yet when taken as i n t e r r e l a t e d elements a l l directed toward the same end, the differences resolve into a unity. For Tsunetomo, the major aim i n writing Hagakure was to i n s t i l l i n the samurai of Saga han an intense l o y a l t y toward t h e i r l o r d . He believed that the e f f o r t put forth i n the pursuit of devotion to one's l o r d and one's duty would act as a cat-a l y s t for other revered ideals such as f i l i a l piety, rectitude, courage, honour and etiquette. Apart from the purpose for which i t was written, namely to a s s i s t the samurai of Saga i n attaining a higher l e v e l of fear of offending the Edo govern-curriculum. 427 In spite of this Hagakure, or at l e a s t the 86 moral existence, Hagakure provides an additional benefit. By c r i t i c i z i n g the actions of the samurai of his day and sug-gesting methods of improving behaviour, Tsunetomo indicates, and perhaps exaggerates, the moral degeneration of the times. Clear and emphatic statements c a l l for a return to the Way. Pointing out the Way through advice, examples, and admonitions, Tsunetomo gives a certain degree of insight into the psycho-l o g i c a l composition of r u r a l samurai i n the early eighteenth century. Scorn for i n t e l l e c t u a l reasoning and l o g i c , as well as for excessive emphasis on a r t i s t i c pursuits, i s often voiced. The fundamental appeal of Hagakure i s to the emotions, and there i s l i t t l e doubt that Tsunetomo i s attempting to e l i c i t an emotional response from his readers. Such an appeal re-f l e c t s the i n t u i t i v e elements expressed i n the Zen sect of Buddhism and the Oyomei J!^®^ (Wang Yang-ming i n C h i n e s e ) 4 2 8 school of Neo-Confucianism. The concepts depicted i n Hagakure t y p ^ i f y the p r i n c i p l e s which the samurai of the Edo period held to be those deserving of emulation. The ending of the feudal age with the return to imperial government i n 186 8 did not eliminate feudal values with one clean sweep. V i r t u a l l y a l l of the active leaders of the Restoration movement, and of the administration upon the i n i t i a t i o n of the new government, were samurai. Most be-longed to the lower s t r a t a of the samurai class of the r u r a l han of Satsuma, Choshu w^JI'j , Tosa and Hizen (Saga) i t s e l f . A ctually, four of the primary leaders of the Restoration were from Hizen. These were Eto Shimpei^Xrfk f f f ^ (1834-1874) , Okuma Shigenobu /\.$=Lf 11 (1838-1922), Soe jima Taneomi % 4f £ (1828-87 1905), and 5 k i T a k a t o j C ^ f j j^fc (1832-1899) . 4 2 9 Abolishment of the four-class system cleared away the o f f i c i a l status of the samurai but i t did not change the fact that the M e i j i leaders had been educated i n the manner of samurai. The influence of Hagakure and s i m i l a r works i s apparent i n the words and deeds of many statesmen of the period, but i s most v i s i b l e i n the Satsuma general Saigo Takamori. Following very clo s e l y the l i n e of thought stated i n Hagakure he stressed, "...that one must free himself from a l l fear of death and be constantly prepared for i t s advent as an indispensable condition for .... s e l f l e s s n e s s . " 4 3 0 Although he uses the word makoto fifa , " s i n c e r i t y , " as his key term> i t bears many s i m i l a r i t i e s to Tsunetomo's concept of devout l o y a l t y . In his attitude re-garding moral t r a i n i n g , compassion, f r u g a l i t y , and excessive pride, Saigo shared an almost i d e n t i c a l viewpoint with Tsune-431 tomo. To the end he remained a follower of the ethos of the r u r a l samurai as portrayed i n Hagakure. As close as Saigo's b e l i e f s were to those expressed i n Hagakure, there i s no proof that he had firsthand knowledge of the book. That i t was available and being read by other national leaders, however, i s a fac t . Okuma Shigenobu, who l a t e r founded Waseda ^ f"4$j V£? University, may be taken as an i l l u s t r a t i o n . He strongly f e l t that the scope of l o y a l t y as stressed i n Hagakure, being so l e l y directed as i t was to the l o c a l l o r d , was far too r e s t r i c t e d . In his view, the world extended far beyond Tsunetomo's regional l i m i t a t i o n s . Yet, 432 i n spite of his depreciatory view of Hagakure, he had been schooled i n i t s t r a d i t i o n . The progressive nature of the 88 i n s t i t u t i o n a l changes wrought by the M e i j i leaders i s well documented, and the tremendous influence of western ideas and technology cannot be doubted. Yet the advances of the M e i j i period were fashioned upon a base of t r a d i t i o n a l ethics. Ha-gakure , and other such works, played a d e f i n i t i v e role i n pro-viding the foundation of morality upon which reforms could be 1 * * 4 3 3 moulded. The words bushido and Yamato damashii T\%o-*$ki "the Jap-anese s p i r i t , " came into widespread use as Japan asserted herself m i l i t a r i l y with v i c t o r i e s over China and Russia. The two words were commonly employed to s i g n i f y i d e n t i c a l meanings although, t e c h n i c a l l y speaking, they were d i f f e r e n t . Yamato damashii was a term which had been used a thousand years e a r l i e r 434 to designate a s p i r i t of l o y a l t y to the emperor and country. Bushido, on the other hand, only became more or less standardized during the feudal organization of the Edo period. In i t , as so emphatically shown i n Hagakure, lo y a l t y was directed to the regional lord. Such subtle nuances soon l o s t t h e i r significance as the M e i j i administration attempted to re d i r e c t the loyalty . - . 435 of bushido away from p r o v i n c i a l leaders and toward the emperor. In this they were successful for by 1907 Haga Yaichi was able to say, "The s p i r i t of bushido which has been devel-oped by the warrior class over a long time now has come to be 436 directed s o l e l y toward the imperial throne." During the i n t e n s i f y i n g m i l i t a r i s m of the period leading to the P a c i f i c War, the precepts of bushido played an ever-increasing part i n encouraging Japanese soldiers to maximum 437 e f f o r t s . By this time no doubt remained as to the object 89 of l o y a l t y . One study of Hagakure, t y p i c a l of the many pub-li s h e d during the decade up to and including the Second World 438 War, declares that i f Tsunetomo had been born i n the world of that time, the second of his Four Vows would c e r t a i n l y have 439 demanded loyalty to the emperor rather than to the l o r d . The contents of this book are further distorted by the state-ment that the s p i r i t of Hagakure dictates that a l l people, including farmers, teachers, students, workers, merchants, o f f i c e r s , and sold i e r s should l i v e with determination to serve 440 the emperor. Thus moral instructions o r i g i n a l l y meant sole-ly for the samurai class, were extended to cover a l l segments of society, and lo y a l t y was redirected to the head of the nation, In this converted version, Hagakure formed one of the basic elements of the bushidp of the P a c i f i c War. Recently, Hagakure has been c a l l e d , "...the most i n f l u e n t i a l of a l l 441 samurai treatises written." Indeed, i t i s un l i k e l y that there was any Japanese s o l d i e r who did not know at le a s t the t i t l e of Hagakure, and i n fact most were able to quote some lin e s which had been learned by heart. Perhaps the single most important aspect of Hagakure's contents, with respect to World War I I , can be singled out i n the attitude toward death. Mag-n i f i e d far beyond Tsunetomo's intention, Hagakure became almost 442 synonymous with the w i l l to die. Toward the end of the war es p e c i a l l y , as i t became apparent that there were serious de-f i c i e n c i e s i n the supply of war materials, the Japanese be-lieve d even more deeply that t h e i r ultimate strength l i e i n 443 t h e i r moral supremacy. At the same time, attitudes regard-ing the purity and s i n c e r i t y of death i n service to the emperor 90 became more e x p l i c i t l y expressed, both i n word and deed. The kamikaze or shimpu ffi ^ s q u a d r o n s 4 4 4 were taught how to courage-ously face death. One young man, the p i l o t of a suicide torpedo, quotes, i n a farewell l e t t e r , the words of one of his i n s t r u c -tors. "Never shirk facing death. I f i n doubt whether to l i v e 445 or die, i t i s always better to die...." These words are taken almost verbatim from Hagakure, and serve as an i n d i c a -tion of i t s influence. After Japan's crushing defeat, a l l m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g was naturally banned. Even sports such as judo and kendo were prohibited because they had developed from t r a d i t i o n a l martial arts and stressed a r i g i d d i s c i p l i n e . Hagakure, too, suffered 446 a setback. Due to i t s f e u d a l i s t i c ideology i t no longer had a place i n the individualism and personal independence of the western value system/which characterized postwar Japan. But the pervasive pattern of intense westernization which Japan experienced during the two decades following the P a c i f i c War has, i n recent years, cqme to be counterbalanced somewhat by the development of a growing respect for the t r a d i t i o n s of Japan's own history. Indications of t h i s are apparent i n the increased enrollment i n national history courses at the uni-v e r s i t i e s and i n the popularity of new books dealing with the archaeological, h i s t o r i c a l , and c u l t u r a l aspects of Japan. Thus, while the importation of diverse c u l t u r a l and technical elements from outside countries continues unabated, the es-tablishment of an as yet subtly manifested chauvinism i s be-coming more and more v i s i b l e . Though only c l e a r l y percepti-ble i n a small segment of the population, signs reveal that 91 the number of individuals assuming a reactionary viewpoint i s expanding. One of the e a r l i e s t and perhaps most e a s i l y seen delineators of this trend i s the appearance and public accept-ance of a number of authors whose works r e s u l t either d i r e c t l y from a study of the history and customs of Japan or i n d i r e c t l y from the basic precepts and themes inherent i n the t r a d i t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Japan. The depth of research and the quality of the r e s u l t ranges from s u p e r f i c i a l i t y to exhaustive accuracy. Mishima Yukio provides one obvious example of a modern nov e l i s t who believed i n and expressed the opinion that re-version to t r a d i t i o n a l values with a minimum concession to the requirements of the age constitutes the only v a l i d cure for the despicable condition into which he thought Japan had de-generated. His book Hagakure nyumon i s es p e c i a l l y i l l u s t r a t i v e of this l i n e of thought. The popularity of i t s recent publica-tion serves to show the degree to which such a work can f i n d 447 a c c e p t a b i l i t y i n present day Japan. In many of Mishima's 448 other works, also, the reader can sense the same sort of s p i r i t that moved Tsunetomo to write Hagakure. Both men attempted i n t h e i r works to d e f l e c t the society away from a course of s e l f destruction and moral degeneration. The tw.o men also shared a respect for the ideals of the past and c a l l e d for a study of history. Mishima recognizes the great importance 449 of Hagakure i n the P a c i f i c War, but d i f f e r s with i t s pre-mises on one main point. As i l l u s t r a t e d i n "Erei no koe," he believes that a l l devotion must be to the emperor as a deity and as a national leader. In a short a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Hagakure to watashi," Mishima states that since the war he kept Hagakure 92 near at hand, and each time he referred to i t he was emotionally 450 moved i n a way no other book could move him. He furthermore declares that Hagakure was not only a great influence on his l i f e , i t was indeed the womb of his l i t e r a t u r e and the source 451 of his energy. Thus, through the. words of Mishima and other modern writers, Hagakure has once more been revived. In Japanese there are a number of excellent books a v a i l -able on the subject of bushido i n general and Hagakure i n p a r t i c u l a r . Yet almost no extensive work has been done i n English. There have been only two e f f o r t s to translate Hagakure, and both of these have l i m i t e d themselves to selected passages only. Beyond the barest essentials neither work provides i n -formation regarding the h i s t o r i c a l background of the period, the p e r s o n a l i t i e s of the-men involved i n i t s composition, tex-tual information, or an interpretation of i t s contents. Daisetz Suzuki, Robert Bellah, and more recently, Ivan Morris have re-cognized and quoted Hagakure, but unfortunately have confined t h e i r extracts to Hagakure's views on death. Surely a text of Hagakure's importance has merited more extensive research. 93 FOOTNOTES 1 The bakufu was the headqu^ers of the m i l i t a r y govern-ment under the sho gun-, "commander i n chief." The word o r i g i -n a l l y designated the commander's tent, from which orders em-anted during f i e l d operations. Kojien j^&f'TtL, ed. Shinmura Izurul^-rt ^ (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten % , 1969), pp. 1776-77. 2 Although they had e a r l i e r o r i g i n s , during the Tokugawa period (1600-186 8), daimyo, "regional lords," were d i r e c t re-tainers of the shogun who controlled t e r r i t o r y which produced more than 10,000 koku ^ of r i c e . (1 koku = 4.96 bushels). Kojien, p. 1831. 3 The general term applied to the t e r r i t o r y , the adminis-t r a t i o n , and the administrative o f f i c i a l s under the control of a daimyo during the Tokugawa period. Kojien, p. 1831. 4 The feudal p o l i t i c a l system of the Tokugawa i n which the central bakufu existed as the supreme authority and de-legated daimyo to c o l l e c t taxes from the peasants i n return for m i l i t a r y obedience. Kojien, p. 1776. 5 The four major di v i s i o n s of society under the Tokugawa regime were samurai^^f- (shi -jT ) , peasants (no.Jt,) , artisans (ko_;£ ) , and merchants (sho ) . 6 G.B. Sansom, Japan: A Short Cultural History (London: The Cresset Press, 1931), pp. 511-12. 94 7 Although the term bushi may at times be synonymous with samurai, the connotation of warrior or m i l i t a r y personnel re-mained while the meaning of samurai became broader as the samurai expanded into the f i e l d of administration. See Kojien, p. 1935. The characters of Hagakure mean "hidden" and "leaves" ^ or, "hidden i n the leaves." The t i t l e was most l i k e l y de-signated i n recognition of the forested area of Yamamoto Tsune-tomo' s place of retirement, where the book was written. I t may also indicate, as Suzuki suggests, that i t was a virtue for a samurai to be reserved i n his demeanor. See Suzuki Daisetz, Zen and Japanese Culture (New York: Pantheon Books Inc., 1959), p. 70. Yet again, Iwado states that the t i t l e came from a poem by the monk Saigyo *5> i'f (1118-1190). See Iwado Tamotsu "Hagakure Bushido," Cultural Nippon, VII, 3 (1939), p. 34. 9 An e d i t i o n i n the modern Japanese language has been included i n a series of the f i f t y great books of Japan. Nara-moto Tatsuya^/M* J&>&, Hagakure ^  $2, Nihon no meicho B % *) fo% , Vol. 17 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha*f 7 v £ $ ^ t , 1967). The Nabeshima or Saga han, also known as H i z e n ^ ^ j pro-vince, was located i n the northwest part of Kyushu. During the late stages 3of the Sengoku period the area was governed by the Ryuzoji " C i ^ r f - c l a n . Nabeshima Naoshige^fj% (1538-1618) served under Ryuzoji T a k a n o b u ( 1 5 2 9 - 1 5 8 4 ) , and assumed control of the han upon his lord's death. The han was formally 95 placed i n his charge by Tokugawa Ieyasu^») lJ^^^(1543-1616) i n 1601 with a r i c e production value of 357,000 koku. See Nara-moto, Hagakure, p. 447. 11 The modern prefecture i n Kyushu occupying the same general region as the feudal Nabeshima han. One example deals with the B e n z a i g a t a k e - ^ " b o r d e r dispute between Hizen and Chikuzen^^^j i n 16 92. See Kurihara Arano ( K o y a ) ^ ^ %^j> , Kochu hagakure ffifjjffffi^Tokyo: Naigai Shobo J ^ k f " " ^ , 1940), p. 81 (# 99) and p. 571 (# 685). See also Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 452. Throughout this paper, when-ever d i r e c t reference i s being made to the text of Hagakure, the source used w i l l be Kurihara's Kochu hagakure. In t h i s thorough commentary on Hagakure, Kurihara has numbered the passages consecutively from 1 to 1353. These same numbers are often employed by l a t e r scholars when r e f e r r i n g to the corresponding passages although i n some books no numbers are used at a l l , and i n others the passages are arranged i n s l i g h t -ly d i f f e r e n t order. Therefore, a l l textual notes i n this paper w i l l c i t e the page number followed by the designated passage number i n parenthesis for the sake of convenience i n locating the passage i n question. Commentaries other than Kurihara's work w i l l be used as sources of secondary material only. 13 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 73-74 (# 86), for instance, describes the proper methods for t r a i n i n g a c h i l d and so pro-vides a glimpse into household a c t i v i t y . The problems of deal-ing with a d i f f i c u l t father-in-law are also recorded. Ibid., pp. 57-58 (# 59). 14 Ibid., p. 75 (#88). 15 Ibid., pp. 62-63 (#63). 16 Ibid., p. 66 (#66). 17 Ibid., p. 82 (# 100). Seppuku or hara k i r i , suicide through s e l f disembowlment, w i l l be dealt with more thoroughly l a t e r i n this paper. See Kojien, p. 1251. 18 For example, the duties of a metsuke jflffi / "inspector, are c l e a r l y delineated. Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 85-86 (# 110). See also i b i d . , pp. 70-71 (#78) and pp. 62-63 (# 63) for other examples of the duties of o f f i c i a l s . 19 Bushido, "the way of the warrior," refers to a code of ethics which developed within the bushi c l a s s . I t began to evolve during the middle ages and was firmly established by the Edo period. Confucianism played a strong role i n i n -fluencing i t s ideals of l o y a l t y , s e l f s a c r i f i c e , f i d e l i t y , i n t e g r i t y , courtesy, modesty, f r u g a l i t y , honour, and love. Yamaga Soko (1622-1685) was one of the f i r s t scholars to expound on bushido at length. See "Shido i n Yamaga Soko bunshu jL.Jt-jff'^T> e d < Tsukamoto Tetsuzo f^Zsfa ^ » =-(Tokyo: Yuhodo Bunko /*j fifj %.jjf-, 1930), pp. 45-207. Sansom says that the term bushido i s comparatively recent and was not i n wide use even i n the eighteenth century. See Sansom, Japan A Short Cultural History, p. 487. Most modern h i s t o r i a n s , how 97 ever, make no mention of this point at a l l . The prevalent use of the term i n Hagakure indicates that i t was, i n fact, i n existence and use i n the early part of the eighteenth century. As yet the best work on the subject of bushido i n English i s Nitobe Inazo ^iiLf' Bushido : The Soul of Japan (1905; rpt. Tokyo: Kenkyusha^ , 1935). For two excellent works in Japanese, see Morikawa Tetsuro $%)x\ 5. , Nihon bushido shi (Tokyo: Nihon Bungei sha EJ Jtj&Jftj 1972), and F u j i Naomoto $J$f , Buke j i d a i no shakai seishin ^ ^ M^t^flf (Tokyo: Sogensha^'l&jft- ' 1 9 6 7 ) / PP- 3-316. 20 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 65-66 (# 65). 21 According to the author of Hagakure, a l l other regions of Japan were at that time i n f e r i o r to the Nabeshima han i n the service and attitude of i t s retainers. Ibid., pp. 75-76 (# 89) and p. 86 (# 111). 22 Ibid., p. 88 (# 114). See also Suzuki, p. 70. 23 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 83-84 (#105). 24 Ibid., pp. 4-5 (# 1). The wish to be reborn seven times i n order to serve the f i e f i s very reminiscent of a statement generally attributed to Kusunoki Masashige jEjfy (1294-1336), but actually made by his brother, Kusunoki Masasue ^ ^ £ ? f r (died 1336) i n 1336. Ivan Morris, The N o b i l i t y of  F a i l u r e : Tragic Heroes i n the History of Japan (New York: Holt Reinehart and Winston, 1975) , p. 133. The o r i g i n a l statement can be found i n the Tai h e i k i Nihon koten bungaku t a i -98 kei % ' e d « G o t ° Tanji^ j ^ f b l W d Kamada K i -saburo (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1960), I I , 159. The phrase shichisho hokoku -t^^_^$J%^, "to serve the Emperor for seven l i v e s , " l a t e r became a famous p a t r i o t i c slogan. See Morris, p. 386. 25 Samuel B. G r i f f i t h , trans., Sun Tzu: The Art of War (Oxford: Claredon Press, 1963). 26 Niccolo M i c h i a v e l l i , The Art of War, trans. E l l i s Farneworth (New York: Bobbs M e r r i l l Company, 1965). 27 Karl von Clausewitz, On War, trans. J . J . Graham (London: Routledge and K. Paul, 1968). 28 Wm. Theodore de Bary, Wing-tsit Chan, and Burton Watson, Sources of Chinese Tr a d i t i o n , ed. Wm. Theodore de Bary (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1970), I, 16-17. 29 Ibid., I, 455-57. 30 Sansom, Japan,: A Short Cultural History, pp. 49 3-96. 31 Ryusaku Tsunoda, Wm. Theodore de Bary, and Donald Keene, Sources of Japanese Tr a d i t i o n , ed. Wm. Theodore de Bary (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1969), I, 342-43. 32 The Chinese p r i n c i p l e s of the cosmic forces, y i n and yang, are apparent even i n the e a r l i e s t Japanese records. Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tradition , I, 56-59. The pre-faces of both the KOjiki Jb^tZj (712) and the Nihon shoki 99 (or Nihongi Q^£to / 720) introduce these p r i n c i p l e s . See B a s i l H a l l Chamberlain, K o j i k i or Records of Ancient Mat-ters (Kobe: J.L. Thompson and Co., 1932), p. 37; Donald L. P h i l l i p p i , K o j i k i (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1968), p. 37; and W.G. Aston, Nihongi.: Chronicles of Japan From The E a r l i e s t Times To A.D. 69 7 (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1956), p. 1. 33 De Bary, Sources of Chinese Tradition, I, 26 8. 34 Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tradition, I. 135. 35 Ibid., I, 226. 36 This aspect .is attested to even by the o r i g i n myths i n which the gods have a d e f i n i t e order of hierarchy. Ibid., I, 14-15. 37 For example, kneeling with both hands on the ground was a sign of respect to a superior even i n the t h i r d century. Reported i n an o f f i c i a l history of Han China i n 297 A.D. Ibid., I, 5. 38 For accounts of this r i s e to power see George Sansom, A History Of Japan (19 58; rpt. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1974), I, 234-38 and 312-18; John Whitney H a l l , Japan; From  Prehistory to Modern Times (Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1971), pp. 78-79; and H. Paul Varley, Samurai (New York: Dell Publishing Co., 1970), pp. 47-68. For a more complete account see Takeuchi B±zo^jP\ #Cc:, Bushi no to jo "fy^/i- 0 ^ , Nihon no r e k i s h i $ ^ $L , Vol. 6 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1965). 100 39 H. Paul Varley, The Ohin War (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967). 40 Following the pattern of expansion set by his prede-cessors, Oda NobunagaM^® {T^L (1534-15 83) and Toyotomi Hide-yoshi O (1536-1598), Ieyasu extended his influence over the greater part of Japan with a victory i n the bat t l e of Sekigahara^fj4YV|t x n 1600. The events leading to this decisive b a t t l e are covered i n d e t a i l i n Hayashiya Tatsusaburo Tenka i t t 6 ~f\^ ^ "&1L> > Nihon no r e k i s h i , Vol. 12 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1966) . In the Genna Embu&J$o {l^jft^, the summer and winter campaigns against Osaka Castle, a c o a l i t i o n of supporters of Hideyoshi's h e i r , Hideyori^* , was de c i s i v e l y beaten and Hideyori was k i l l e d . T s u j i T a t s u y a i j ^ ^ t " ^ , Edo ka i f u ; x J~f^^ , Nihon no r e k i s h i , Vol. 13 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1973), pp. 311-12. 42 T s u j i , Edo k a i f u , pp. 392-418. 43 Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tradition, I, 385-86. 44 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 41 (# "37) . 45 Ibid., pp. 64-65 (# 64). 46 Ibid., p. 17 (# 2) 47 Ibid., p. 24 (# 11). 48 Ibid., p. 40 (# 36). 101 49 "Seidan," i n Ogyu Sorai mjL^iJUfc Nihon no shiso t a i k e i ^ % & ? v ^ X J f w e d « T s u j i Tatsuya (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1973), pp. 444-45. This passage i s translated i n Tsunoda, Sources of  Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I, 420-21. 50 "Sundai zatsuwa" i n Me Ik a zuihitsu shu ^ % rS' % , ed. Tsukamoto Tetsuzo (Tokyo: Yuhodo Bunko, 1930), I, 109-26. For as English translation see George Wm. Knox, "A Japanese Philosopher," Transactions of the A s i a t i c Society of Japan, XX (1893), 1-133. Pages 81-91 deal with Muro 1s views regarding the extravagance of society. For a re p r i n t of part of this p a r t i c u l a r section see Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tr a d i t i o n , I, 431-33. 51 o > , , "Yamatozokukun" i n Ekken jukun ^jr Iffi *f p'L ed. Tsukamoto Tetsuzo (Tokyo: Yuhodo Bunko, 19 30) , or i n Ekken z e n s h u 4 f f | / ^ ^ , ed. Ekken Kai (Tokyo: Ekken Zenshu Kanko 1881), I I I , 44-164. For an edition i n modern Japanese, see Matsuda Michio./J2v &j^jfyr Kaibara Ekken, Nihon no meicho, Vol. 14 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1969). For a discussion of Ekken's works i n r e l a t i o n to bushi ethics see Sakurai Shotaro-^^ Jf-fsf,^ , Meiyo to chi joku i (Tokyo: Hosei Daigaku Shuppan Kyoku S f s ^ ^ M J l '  1 9 7 1 ) '  PP'  104- 30' 52 Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tr a d i t i o n , I, 377. During the Kyoho|!^ era (1716-1736), Tokugawa Yoshimune $j^ >)J (1684-1751) i n s t i t u t e d reforms, known as the Kyoho Reforms, i n an attempt to overcome the f i n a n c i a l and s o c i a l problems of the country. These were only p a r t i a l l y successful. See Sansom, 102 A History of Japan, I I I / 15.5-66. 53 A de t a i l e d analysis and tr a n s l a t i o n of t h i s document i s Carl Steenstrup, "The Imagawa Letter," Monumenta Nipponica, XXVIII, 3 (1973), 295-316. See examples of this and other such documents i n Yoshida Yutaka^lS ^ / Buke no kakun "if\ ^ (Tokyo: Tokuma S h o t e n f ^ ^ ^ / l - , 1972). 54, Ishikawa Ken, "On Kaibara's Thought and Reasoning as Expressed i n His Yamatozokukun," Cultural Nippon, VII, 1 (1939) , 24. 55 Steenstrup, p. 296. E n t i t l e d Giko meirei £\ . See Ernest W. Clement, "Instructions of a Mito Prince to His Retainers," Transactions  of the A s i a t i c Society of Japan, XXVI (1898) , 115-53. 57 Daidoji Yuzan, Budo shoshin shu i n Yamaga Soko shu -Daidoji Yuzan shu, Dai Nihon shiso zenshu j\ 6 j& J l ^ T ^ ^ J j ^ / ed. Uemura K a t s u y a j l ^ r ^ $ ^ (Tokyo: Senshinsha 1932) , pp. 2 31-334. For a modern commentary on this book see Daidoji Yuzan, Budo shoshin shu, ed. Yoshida Yutaka (Tokyo: Tokuma Shoten, 1971). 58 A comparison of the attitude toward death i n these two books i s summarized i n Suzuki, pp. 71-72. 59 The death or disinheritance of a lord , punishment, or personal choice could leave a samurai i n a position i n which he owed allegiance to no p a r t i c u l a r l o r d . In such a case he 103 was a ronin or masterless samurai. See Kojien, p-. 2355. The account of the vendetta of the forty seven ronin of Ako i s well known, and may be found i n a number of English versions. See, for example, Shioya Sakae, Chushingura: An Exposition (Tokyo: The Hokuseido Press, 1949). For a more recent trans-l a t i o n see Donald Keene, trans., Chushingura;. Treasury of  Loyal Retainers (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1971). "Goban t a i h e i k i , " i n Chikamatsu j o r u r l shu jjfjfex ffi^jj^ % ed. Tsukamoto Tetsuzo (Tokyo: Yuhodo Bunko, 1930), I I , 85-109. 61 A form of drama performed by puppets and accompanied by ba l l a d music. Kojien, p. 1982. See Donald Keene, Bunraku, The Puppet Threatre of Japan (Tokyo and Palo A l t o : Kodansha International, 1965),. 62 A dramatic performance which became popular with the common people at the end of the seventeenth century. The play usually involved h i s t o r i c a l events or s o c i a l situations which happened before or during the Edo period. Stage sets are used, and performances are always accompanied by Japanese music. There i s also an element of dancing. See Kojien, p. 445. See also Toita Yasuji, Kabuki: The Popular Theater, trans., Don Kenny (New York and Tokyo: Walker/Weatherhill, 1970), and Zoe Kincaid, Kabuki: The Popular Stage of Japan (New York: Benjamin Blom, 1965). 63 Donald Keene, trans., Major Plays of Chikamatsu (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1961), pp. 33-35. 104 See also Sansom, Japan : A Short Cultural History, pp. 476-80, and Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tradition , I, 436. For a discussion on his c o n f l i c t between g i r i - and nihjo see Minamoto Ryoen £ ^ f , G i r l to nih j o ^ ^ v ) t A'i^" (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1969), pp. 98-153. 64 H. Paul Varley, Japanese Culture: A Short History (New York and Washington: Praeger Publishers, 1973), pp. 123-26. 65 Ihara Saikaku, "Buke g i r i monogatari, 1 1 i n Saikaku zenshu >&5tfc/fe4\ ' ed. Ohashi Taro Tv^jS (Tokyo: Teikoku Bunko np7)£) J\ffi, 1894), pp. 361-454. See Minamoto, pp. 70-97 for a d i s -cussion of the- g i r i i n this story, and for a short comparison to Hagakure see Iwado, p. 91. 66 Ihara Saikaku, "Budo denraiki," i n Saikaku zenshu, ed. Ohashi Taro (Tokyo: Teikoku Bunko, 1894), pp. 729-910. For a discussion of bushi propriety i n Saikaku 1s works see Sakurai, Meiyo to chijoku, pp. 333-36. 67 An emphasis on history i s a mark of orthodox Neo-Con-fucianism. Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese History, I, 384. I t is also a common element i n other Chinese philosophies. See Hajime Nakamura, Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples: India, China, Tibet, Japan, ed. P h i l i p P. Wiener (Honolulu: East West Center Press, 1964), pp. 204-16. 68 For examples see Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 1 (# 1), p. 39 (# 35), p. 51 (# 52), and pp. 65-66 (# 65). 69 Ibid., p. 2 (# 1). 105 70 Thomas C. Smith, The Agrarian Origins of Modern Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959), p. 204 and Sansom, Japan ; A Short Cultural Hi story, p. 505. 71 L i t e r a l l y the " f l o a t i n g world," this style of art de-picted the mundane or genre aspects of l i f e . The best known medium for expression was the woodblock p r i n t . See Kojien, p. 178; Frank A. Turk, The Prints of Japan (Worcester and London Arco Publications, 1966); and Takahashi S e i i c h i r o , T r a d i t i o n a l  Woodblock Prints of Japan, trans. Richard Stanley-Baker (New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Heibonsha, 1972). 72 Sankin kotai was the bakufu regulation which required that each daimyo spend part of each year serving the shogun i n Edo. I t was enforced by the retention of hostages i n Edo. Kojien, p. 916. See Toshio George Tsukahira, "The Sankin Kotai System of Tokugawa Japan, 1600-1868," Diss. Harvard 1951, or Toshio G. Tsukahira, Feudal Control i n Tokugawa Japan, The  Sankin Kotai System (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966). 73 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 50 (# 50). 74 Ibid. , p. 125 (#' 198) . 75 Ibid., p. 3 (# 1) 76 Leon M. Zolbrod, Takizawa Bakin (New York: Twayne Pub-l i s h e r s , 1967), p. 120. 77 Junshi , also known as oibara jjj_ff%or t s u i f uku ^ flffi^ was the custom of following one's l o r d i n death by committing 106 suicide. Kojien-, p. 10 75. As i t was wasteful of trained men and distruptive to the continuity of administration, i t was forbidden by an e d i c t of the bakufu i n 166 3. I t had been pro-h i b i t e d even e a r l i e r i n Saga han by Nabeshima Mitsushige ^iffj J*-j (1632-1700) i n 1661. See Sagara Toru jflj ^ , KOyo  gunk an : gorlnsho: hagakure shu ^f^/^'jffgL' 3 L $ ^ £ • ^fj^-jj^ (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo ^ H.J^'^M ' 1 9 6 9 ) > P« 2 8 6 « F o r more de-t a i l e d information on junshi, see Furukawa Tesshi "^ T^ j yL^ , Junshi: Higeki no i s e k i ^/SJ^_J> *) (T° kY° : Jimbutsu Oraisha J\fty ^JL , 1967) ; Furukawa Tesshi, Nihon r i n r i shiso no de-flto Q ^  ^ ? t £ I^ vf ^ {% iftj (Tokyo: sSgensha, 1965), pp. 86-154; and Furukawa Tesshi, "Junshi," i n Edo j i d a i bushi no seikatsu j* ^ S, f) jii^ , ed. S h i n j i Yoshimoto ^ j f T i (Tokyo: Yuzankaku Shuppan jfe. ] ^ ^  1 9 6 6 ) ' PP« 249-58. Jun-shi i s also the theme of Mori OgaiJ^i^^^f) Abe ichizoku p£j^"p^^j^ i n Mori Ogai zenshu ^ $$j4\-Jt^ , Vol. 3 (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1959), pp. 111-34. 78 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 87 (# 113). 79 Tsunetomo uses the term kokugaku to indicate a study of the hi s t o r y of Saga han. I t i s not to be mistaken, there-fore, for the kokugaku fej^which was described by such nation-a l i s t i c thinkers as Motoori Norinaga y4v^1»C'^--( 1730-1801) . The l a t t e r centered around the study of early Japanese l i t e r a t u r e and developed into a consciousness of national p o l i t y . See Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tradition, I I , 1-35; Masaharu Anesaki, History of Japanese Religion (Rutland, Vt. and Tokyo: Charles E. T u t t l e , 196 3), p. 30 8; and Motoori Norinaga zenshu 107 • ^ / ^ T ^ - S j ^ ^ e d . Ono S u s u m u A ^ ^  and Okubo Tadashi X A "ff; (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1968). Kusunoki Masashige. A powerful general from Kawachi^J ll/sj , who loyaly supported Emperor Godaigo j j ^ ^ j | _ ^ ^ ( r . 1318-1336) i n the Kemmu^L^^Restoration of 1334. He died i n the defense of the Court against Ashikaga Takauji Jl_%{}(1305-1358) . See Morris, pp. 106-42. 8 1 . >. Takeda Shingen ^  T# % \ (1521-1573). Became l o r d of Kai province i n 1541 and through m i l i t a r y a b i l i t y expanded his t e r r i t o r y . Considered one of the great generals of Japanese history, he died while besieging the forces of Oda Nobunaga. 82 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 2 (# 1). 83 May also be pronounced Yamamoto Jinuemon Jocho. 84 Saga ken shi ^ ^ 4 $ ^ ' e d « S a g a Ken Shi Hensan Iin k a i > f c | [ i ^ ^ / | | ^ ^ | - ^ ( S a g a : Saga ken, 1968), I I , 185. 85 Examples of such stories may be found i n Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 72 (# 84), pp. 80-81 (# 98), p. 106 (# 163), and pp. 119-20 (# 189). 86 This biographical information was taken from Saga ken s h i , I I , 185; Naramoto, Hagakure, pp. 19-2 5; Kurihara, Kochu  hagakure, pp. 3 0-33; and Kurihara Arano (Koya), Hagakure no shinzui l|[ *) %f ^ (Saga: Hagakure Seishin Fukyu Kai |j^ ^)\J5 ^ , 1935) , pp. 66-72 87 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 93 (# 12 9). 108 88 Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 20. 89 _.. _ Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 93 (# 129). 90 Ibid., p. 95 (# 132) . 91 Ibid., p. 541 (#.742). 92 Ibid., pp. 59-60 (# 61) . 93 Ibid., p. 101 (# 146) . 94 Ibid., pp. 28-29 (# 17). The duty of a kaishaku was to a s s i s t i n the r i t u a l of seppuku by beheading the samurai committing suicide. I t demanded complete composure as well as excellent swordsmanship. 95 The manner i n which he handled himself i n the i n v e s t i -gation of a certain f i r e , for example. Ibid., p. 35 (# 29). 96 Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 20. 97 Saga ken s h i , I I , 187, and Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 21. 98 Ibid., p. 21. 99 Ibid., p. 22 . 100 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 85 (#M08)'and p. 123 (# 195). 101 Ibid., p. 85 (# 108) . 102 Ibid., p. 123 (# 195). 109 103 Saga; ken shi-, I I , 187. 104 Tannen Osho was the eleventh head p r i e s t of the Nabe-shima family temple, Kodenji. See a more complete biography of Tannen i n Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 36-37; Kurihara, Hagakure no shinzui, pp. 73-74; Saga ken s h i , I I , 187; and Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 450. 105 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 107 (# 166). 106 _ J* -Located i n Honjomachi^^l^y , Saga City ^ , Kodenji has been the family temple (bodaij i ^ t ^ ^ C ) of the Nabeshima House since the seventeenth century. I t was founded i n 1552 and i n 1655 was extended considerably by Nabeshima Katsushige. See Saga ken s h i , I I , 187; Saga gun shi ^ ^ J t ^ j J i G f e d « S h i r i t s u Saga Gun Kyoiku Kai J$A"ft tfc^l&^ffity^ (Tokyo : Meicho Shuppan ]k% ^ty^> 1973), pp. 430-31; and Hori Yoshizo ^  , ed., Dai Nihon j i i n soran T v ^ / f c ' ^ j ^ ^ ^ f t (Tokyo: Meicho Kahko Kai ?*%y)tf\^'  1 9 1 6 ) '  PP*  2648-49' S p e c i f i c a l l y Sonryo Osho-^ 5-^ °)^ ) ' w n o n a d been chief monk at the small temple calle d Enzoin See Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 22. Unfortunately, the d e t a i l s of the o r i g i n a l disagreement are obscure, but Tsunetomo t e l l s his version i n Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 468-70 (# 653). 108 Saga ken s h i , I I , 187. 109 These Four Vows w i l l be discussed i n more depth at a l a t e r point i n this paper. 110 110 These passages w i l l be presented l a t e r i n this paper. I l l See G r i f f i t h , p. 115. 112 More information on Ishida I t t e i may be found i n Saga gun s h i , pp. 469-71; Dai Nihon jlmmel jisho T\)b%*kjb. £ f " ^ ' ed. Dai Nihon Jimmei Jisho Kanko Kai j\0 Jfc J\fa. (Tokyo : Naigai Shoseki, 1937), p. 195; Saga ken s h i , I I , 187; Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 23; Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 34-36; and Kurihara, Hagakure no shinzui, pp. 64-66. 113 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 108 (# 168). 114 Ibid., p. 83 (# 103). See also i b i d . , p. 100 (# 144). 115 Ibid., p. 47 (# 47). For the o r i g i n a l statement see i b i d . , p. 1023. 116 P a r t i a l translations of the works of these men may be found i n Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tradition, I, 385-401, 378-83, and 413-24 respectively. 117 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 99 (# 140). 118 Ibid., p. 89 (# 117). 119 See Saga ken s h i , I I , 187, and Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 24. 120 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 5-6 (# 1). Further r e f -erences are found i n other places i n the text. See i b i d . , p. 18 (# 5), p. 31 (# 20), p. 36 (# 31), and p. 95 (# 109). I l l These vows are translated i n Iwado, p. 37 as: 1. We w i l l be second to none i n performance of our duty: 2. We w i l l make ourselves useful to our l o r d : 3. We w i l l be d u t i f u l to our parents: 4. We w i l l attain greatness i n charity. A more recent translation i s as follows: 1. Never lag behind i n theipractise of Bushido. 2. Always be l o y a l and devoted i n the service to your l o r d . 3. Do your duty to your parents. 4. S t i r up your compassion for a l l sentient beings i n order to devote yourself to the service of others. See Tanaka Minoru, Bushido, Way of the Samurai (Albuquerque, New Mexico: Sun Books, 19 75), p. 21. 121 See Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 1034-35., and Saga ken s h i , I I , 188. This book has also been known as Bushido  yokansho r f ] % y , or simply as Yokansho. I t provides proof that the word bushido was i n use even i n the seventeenth century. A complete e d i t i o n of this text may be found i n Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 1033-57. 122 Ibid., p. 474 (# 654). 12 3 Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 24. 124 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 26 (# 13). 112 125 This book, one of many of the same t i t l e , had been passed down i n the Sanjonishi family of Kyoto. See Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 24. Tsunetomo's request for the Kyoto appointment may be found i n Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 84 (# 107). 126 Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 24. 127 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure , p. 93 (# 129) . 128 Ibid., p. 24 (# 13). See also i b i d . , p. 87 (# 113). 129 Ibid., p. 23 (# 10). 130 Ibid., p. 24 (# 13), and p. 123 (# 195). 131 Ibid., p. 41 (# 38). 132 S t r i c t l y speaking, the term shukke ^ a p p l i e s to the practise of cutting o f f t i e s with the common world and assum-ing a l i f e of t r a i n i n g i n Buddhism. Technically this meant that a man should leave his wife behind. However, the e x i s t -ence of a s p e c i a l tax, shukke s a i t a i yaku ^ ^ " ^ ^ f ^ / levi e d against certain married monks i n the sixteenth century, shows that the pra c t i s e of taking one's wife was not unknown. See Nihon kokugo d a i j i t e n # ^ )|]^r j\ , ed. Nihon Dai j i t e n Kanko Kai ^ £ f $ N (Tokyo: Shogakkan J o f ^ , 1974), X, 371. Furthermore, i t i s not completely clear whether Tsune-tomo actually took the tonsure or whether he merely assumed the role of a lay monk. The l a t t e r case seems more probable. 113 133 A description of this area, as i t i s today, i s given i n Naramoto Tatsuya, Nihoh r e k i s h i no suigenchi ^h]^.%S) J ^ j ^ & l (Tokyo: Bungei Shunj u , 1972), pp. 9-29. 134 Kurihara, Kochu: hagakure, p. 108 (# 168) . 135 Ibid., p. 122 (# 195) . 136 Ibid., p. 41 (# 38). 137 Ibid., p. 1. O r i g i n a l l y a haiku ^ ^ w a s the f i r s t portion of linked verse, renga ^ j f f i , but l a t e r , through pop-u l a r i z a t i o n by the poet Basho Matsuo 4-1694), i t came to stand as a type of poetry by i t s e l f . I t consists of a t o t a l of seventeen s y l l a b l e s which are c l e a r l y divided into three sections of f i v e , seven, and f i v e s y l l a b l e s each. A word which s i g n i f i e s the season of the year i s required. 138 For biographical information see Kurihara, Kochu ha-gakure , pp. 33-34; Kurihara, Hagakure no shinzui, pp. 72-73; and Kamiko Tadashi ^$?T ' ed. , Hagakure (Tokyo: Tokuma Shoten, 1973), p. 23. 139 See Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 1059-1108 for trans-c r i p t s of Gukenshu, Sembetsu, Tsunetomo kakioki, and Juryoan Chuza no n i k k i . See also Saga ken s h i , I I , p. 180. 140 See Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 1009-31; Kamiko Tadashi, Busho goroku, ^ $ f jfcl&fc (Tokyo: Hyakusen Shobo 13 fk > 1969) , pp. 121-26; and Yoshida, Buke ho kakun, pp. 261-72. 114 141 Naramoto/ Hagakure, p. 29. This compares with amounts of from three to s i x thousand koku which were paid to the karo r "house elders," of about the same period. See Saga ken s h i , I I , 110. Toshiyori ^ ^if , "Councillors," such as Sagara K y u b a ^ %J[i ,^(1618-1696) , received one thousand two hundred koku. See Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 449. In 1767 a certain karo, Nabeshima K o j i r o / ^ i received 6,262 koku, which he divided among 237 retainers. Their allowances ranged from one koku for the lowest foot s o l d i e r to f i f t y four koku for the senior advisor. See Kimura Motoi ^s^^j" /^ jlL ' K a k Y u bushi ron ^&3jKl-%fifj (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobo , 1967) , pp. 165-66. 142 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 123 (# 195). See Wa t s u j i Tetsuro and Furukawa Tesshi, ed., Hagakure (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1965), I, 16; and Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 3. 144 Furukawa, Kinsei Nihon shis5 no kenkyu, pp. 255-57. 145 Saga ken s h i , I I , 190-91. 146 Ibid., I I , 191. This may be the same preface which was written i n 1852. See Samura Hachiro Kokusho kaidai Hflj^ f% IS>( Tokyo : Rokugokan A j ^ t f f 1926), p. 1625, 147 These shahon are mentioned i n Saga ken s h i , I I , 181; Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 19-24; Watsuji and Furukawa, Hagakure, I, 12; Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 51; Kamiko, Hagakure, p. 8;'..and Sagara, Koyo gunkan: go r i n sho: hagakure shu, p, 206. 115 148 The reasons for this selection may be found i n Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 19-24. For another discussion of the shahon see Watsuji and Furukawa, Hagakure, pp. 12-14. 149 Naramoto, Nihon r e k i s h i no suigenchi, pp. 19-21; and Saga keh s h i , I I , 180-81. 150 The following books a l l use Kurihara 1s Kochu hagakure as t h e i r source: Kamiko, Hagakure; Naramoto, Hagakure; Mishima Yukio j^f] Hagakure nyumon l^ft^ ^ y (Tokyo : Kobunsha iC* JL^tf 1967); and Shiroshima Seisho "$J$^ Hagakure (Tokyo: Jimbutsu Oraisha, 196 8). 151 For example, the receipt of instructions by Minamoto Yoshitsune jf^feh (1159-1189) from T e n g u ^ ^ w a s only for the purpose of establishing a d i f f e r e n t style of m i l i t a r y t a c t i c s . Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 84 (# 106). The story regarding Yoshitsune and the Tengu i s recounted i n English. See Helen Craig McCullough, Yoshitsune: A Fifteenth Century Japanese  Chronicle (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1966), pp. 37-38. 152 Nakamura, Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples, p. 409. 153 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 34 (# 27). 154 Ibid., p. 92 (# 125) . 155 Ibid., p. 31 (# 20). 156 ' Ibid., pp. 105-06 (# 161). 157 De Bary, Sources of Chinese T r a d i t i o n , I, 271. 116 158 I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d that three of the Four Vows con-ta i n the idea of unselfishness. 159 _ Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 121-22 (# 193). 160 Ibid., p. 75 (# 88). 161 Previously, m i l i t a r y service i n the han had been from the age of thirteen to s i x t y , and the older men had l i e d about th e i r age to stay i n longer. See Sagara, Koyo gunkan: gorinsho: hagakure shu, p. 320. 162 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 25 (# 12). Yamasaki Kurando, mentioned a number of times i n the text, served as a senior retainer under Nabeshima Mitsushige. Except for informa-tion provided i n Hagakure, l i t t l e i s known about this man. 163 Ibid., p. 25 (# 12). 164 Ibid., pp. 45-46 (# 45). The Way referred to i n t h i s passage i s the way of bushido. 165 These laws were reissued p e r i o d i c a l l y during the Edo period. Transcripts of the editions of various years may be found i n I s h i i Shiro ^ , Kinsei buke shiso i ^ - t ^ f ^ ^ Kr^V Nihon shiso t a i k e i , Vol. 2 7 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1974), pp. 454-75. A discussion may be found i n T s u j i , Edo k a i f u , pp. 313-16. English translations of the Buke shohatto may be found i n Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tr a d i t i o n , I, 326-29; and Sansom, A History of Japan, I I I , 7-8. 117 166 _ . . For example through the system of sankin kotai which has already been defined. 167 _ _ Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 85-86 (# 110) mentions the metsuke system of inspection with reference to i t s opera-tion i n Saga. 168 Each daimyo, as well as the bakufu i t s e l f , retained a number of spies c a l l e d ninj a K ^ ^ J or shinobimono iX"^ to follow the actions of neighbours. 169 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 40-41 (# 37). 170 "Settle one's b e l l y , " i s only an approximate tr a n s l a -tion of the phrases hara o ochi ts uke ru t" 3 and hara o shizumeru ffi.'fc^ffi'ff? <3 • Both phrases mean to gather composure or get control of oneself. The haraijjj^, " b e l l y , " or, "abdomen," indicates, to the Japanese, the seat of the human soul and the source of human energy. See K a r l f r i e d Graf von Durckheim, Hara: The V i t a l Center of Man (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1962) . 171 As i n delineating drinking habits. See Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 33 (# 24). 172 By saying not to imitate the poor example of people from other provinces. See i b i d . , p. 105 (# 158). 173 He says, for example, that men have become s i m i l a r to women. See i b i d . , p. 40 (# 37). 118 174 He gives medical proof that the bodies of men have declined p h y s i c a l l y . Ibid., p. 40 (# 37). 175 He c a l l s for a return of the t r a d i t i o n of bravery. Ibid., p. 72 (# 84). 176 Ibid., p. 125 (# 197). 177 He t e l l s how the poor planning of a f e s t i v a l caused heavenly r e t r i b u t i o n . Ibid., p. 37 (# 34). He also says that persons with excessive pride w i l l be struck down. See i b i d . , p. 91 (# 133) . 178 Ibid., pp. 39-40 (# 36). The phrase translated i n this pas&age as, " t h e i r aspirations are low," i s iko hikui me no tsuke tokoro nari o ? -j {{^ <?) ^ fl] H j . . i t may be more l i t e r a l l y translated as, " t h e i r eyes are fixed on a very low place." The word rihatsu iftjffi^, which appears l a t e r i n the passage, i s a contraction of riko hatsumei T^'j t3,ffi^fl)jand has been rendered into English as "cleverness." 179 Ibid., p. 78 (# 91) . 180 Ibid., p. 120 (# 190). 181 Ibid., pp. 124-25 (# 196). 182 Ibid. , p. 67 (# 68) . 183 Ibid., p. 91 C# 122). The expression, shichisoku shian i o r undetermined origin, may be understood to mean either that one should take one's time i n reaching a decision 119 or that one should not wait too long to make a decision. I t i s obvious i n the present passage that Tsunetomo took i t to mean the l a t t e r . The text of Ryuzoji Takanobu's statement may be found i n Kamiko, Busho: goroku, p. 123; Yoshida, Buke no kakun, p. 272; and Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 1027. 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 Ibid., p. 36 (# 30). G r i f f i t h , p. 114. Ibid., p. 136. Ibid., p. 41. Suzuki, p. 61. Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 18 (# 4) . Ibid. , p. 18 (# 4% t Ibid., p. 69 (# 73). Ibid., p. 71 (# 81). Ibid., pp. 91-92 (# 123). Ibid., pp. 124-25 (# 196). Ibid., pp. 75-76 (# 89). Ibid., p. 125 (# 196). See Tsukamoto, ed., Ekken jukun, I, 67. These ideas are summarized i n R.P. Dore, Education i n Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 120 1969) , p.. 35. 198 Waka i s the generic term used to designate Japanese forms of poetry as opposed to Chinese. Included among waka, therefore, are choka ^Jeffij long poems with a r e p e t i t i o n of 5 - 7 s y l l a b l e s and usually ending with 7 - 7; tank a short poems consisting of 5 - 7 - 5 - 7 - 7 s y l l a b l e s ; sedoka poetry i n which the f i r s t h a l f and the l a s t h a l f con-tain the same number of s y l l a b l e s such as 5 - 7 - 5 — 5 - 7 - 5; and katauta tf^fi^ poetry of 5 - 7 - 7 or 5 - 7 - 5 s y l -lables and used mainly i n the form of a question during the Nara period. See Kojien, p. 2368. 199 Nitobe, pp. 17-18. Takeda Shingen, also, said that those retainers who were only s l i g h t l y i n t e l l i g e n t were not useful. See Kamiko, Busho goroku, p. 29. 200 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 125 (# 198). 201 Ibid., p. 99 (# 140) . 202 lb i d . , p. 125 (# 196) . 203 Ibid., p. 40 (# 36) . 204 Ibid., p. 201 (# 200). 205 A temple i n Saga City, b u i l t i n 1588 by Nabeshima Naoshige to honour the memory of Ryuzoji Takenobu. See i b i d . , p. 48. 206 Almost nothing i s known about t h i s monk other than 121 what i s found i n this passage. Ibid., p. 48. 207 Ibid., p. 47 (# 48). 208 Ibid., p. 87 (# 112). 209 Ibid., p. 113 (# 180). 210 Ibid., p. 102 (#149). The words of Confucius were, "At f i f t e e n , I set my heart on learning. At t h i r t y , I was firmly established. At forty, I had no more doubts. At f i f t y , I knew the w i l l of Heaven. At s i x t y , I was ready to l i s t e n to i t . At seventy, I could follow my heart's desire without transgressing what was r i g h t . " This English t r a n s l a t i o n i s found i n De Bary, Sources of Chinese Tradition, I, 22. See also Kimura E i i c h i ^ v . ^ " a n d Suzuki K i i c h i / ^ ^ ^ ^ - , ed. , Rongo Chugoku kotan bungaku t a i k e i ^IfcHf-^ i Vol. 3 (Tokyo: Heibonsha ^ f f * l ^ i l , 1970), p. 9. A s l i g h t v a r i a t i o n of this theme, and one which more closely f i t s Tsunetomo's statement, may be found i n Takeuchi Teruo TH. $L>^\, Raiki ^[ . j f u Chugoku koten bungaku t a i k e i , Vol. 3 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 19 70), p. 435. Takeda Shingen also incorporated this concept into his writings. See Kamiko, Busho goroku, p. 32. 211 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 109-110 (# 171). 212 See Dore, pp. 16-17. 213 See I s h i i , pp. 454-62; Dore, p. 151; Herbert Passin, Society 1 and Education i n Japan (New York: Teacher's College, Columbia University, 1965) , p. 13; and Donn F. Draeger, 122 C l a s s i c a l Budo.; The Martial Arts and Ways of Japan, Vol. II (New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill, 1973), pp. 20-21. 214 _ . . Tsukamoto, ed., Ekkeh jukun, I, 8-12. 215 _ . Draeger, C l a s s i c a l Budo/ pp. 33-36. 216 Ibid., pp. 24-30, and 41-65. 217 His discourse e n t i t l e d Shindo has been previously noted. 218 Although a dojo may be a school or a place where Bud-dhist services are held, i n this context i t refers to a place where martial arts are taught and practised. A further mean-ing designates a place where a group of people t r a i n and l i v e for the achievement of a common objective such as s e l f d i s -c i p l i n e . See Kojien, p. 1570. 219 For discussions of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between budo, Zen, and chado "tea ceremony," see F u j i , pp. 317-516; and Suzuki, pp. 269-314. D o g e n ^ ^ (1200-1253) , a Zen monk, had e a r l i e r advocated Zen enlightenment through d i s c i p l i n e of the body. See Nakamura, Ways of Thinking of E as tern Peoples, pp. 366-67. 220 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 72 (# 83). Yari designates a form of martial art which uses the spear as a weapon. I t came into popularity from the end of the Kamakura period. See Kojien, p. 2154; Donn F. Draeger, C l a s s i c a l Bujutsu,- The Martial Arts and Ways of Japan, Vol. I (New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill, 1973), pp. 71-72; and Imamura Yoshio/^ft , ed. , Nihon budo zenshu iz] - ^ A i ^ E ^ (Tokyo: Jimbutsu Oraisha, 1967) , VII, 193-25 2, and VI, 11-372. Yunti i s the martial art of archery. See K o j i e n p . 2178; Draeger, C l a s s i c a l Bujutsu, pp. 81-83; and Inamura, I I I , 13-27, and 43-458. An empty handed form of com-bat, jujutsu i s an older form of judo. I t uses the opponent's strength and motion to overcome him. See Draeger, C l a s s i c a l  Budo, pp. 106-22. During the Edo period a l l of these forms l o s t much of t h e i r combat effectiveness and became instead methods of achieving a high l e v e l of mental d i s c i p l i n e . Renga designates a form of Japanese poetry i n which poems are linked together. One person reads the f i r s t stanza and a second caps this with a stanza of his own. I t i s possible for such poetry to become very long. See Kojien, p. 2261. 221 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 90 (# 120). 222 Ibid., p. 106 (# 163). 223 Ibid., p. 89 (# 117). 224 Ibid., p. 59 (# 60). 225 Dore says, "The samurai's vocation was government and . good government was largely a matter of correct moral d i s p o s i -tions on the part of the governors. Hence moral t r a i n i n g was the fundamental element of the samurai's vocational education See Dore, pp. 41-42. 226 Yamaga Soko believed that a major obligation of the samurai was the proper preparation to serve as good examples of conduct for the lower classes. See "Shido" i n Yamaga Soko 124 bunshu, pp. 45-48. For a v i v i d description of how at le a s t one bushi trained, see the account of Kumazawa Banzan. The English t r a n s l a t i o n i s found i n Galen Fisher, "Kumazawa Banzan, His L i f e and Ideals," Trans action s: of the A s i a t i c Society of Japan, second se r i e s , XVI (1938), 230-31. This passage has been re-produced i n Tsunoda, Sources Of Japanese1 T r a d i t i o n , I, 378-79. 227 Part of this text has apparently been omitted i n Kuri-hara, Kochu hagakure, p. 46 (# 46). The phrase i s complete, however, i n two other texts. See Watsuji and Furukawa, Hagakure, I, 41; and Sagara, Koyo gunkan: gorinsho; hagakure shu, p. 295. For a comprehensive account of the Yagyu school of swordsman-ship see Murayama Tomoyoshi ^ X\ , Muto no den: Yagyu shin- kage ryu gokui fa 73 t) ^^^^^ikJ^%^°^°'- s h i n Nihon Shuppansha 2). English translations of many of Yagyu's ideas may be found i n Suzuki, pp. 95-113, and 147-68. 228 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 46 (# 46). 229 Ibid., pp. 107-08 (# 167) . 230 Ibid., p. 75 (# 87). 231 Ibid., p. 104 (# 156). This saying was o r i g i n a l l y used i n the forty f i r s t chapter of the Chinese c l a s s i c , Lao  Tzu See Morohashi Tetsuji Dai kanwa j i t e n fis'&fri^ ^ (Tokyo: Taishukan Shoten T\A$?A*% ^ [ , 1955), I I I , 384. 232 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 100 (# 144). 125 233 Suzuki, pp. 62-63. 234 The term: shitsuke designates both i n s t r u c t i o n i n the accepted decorum and the manners possessed by a person. Kojien, p. 989. One of the-most famous discourses on t r a i n i n g was Kaibara Ekken's Shogakukun ;]\ ^  f 1 1 . See Ekken zenshu, I I I , 1-43. Regarding t r a i n i n g , Passin says, "Samurai children took t h e i r f i r s t steps i n education i n t h e i r own homes, acquiring not only some rudimentary, r i t u a l m i l i t a r y s k i l l s but, more importantly, the elements of a self-image proper to t h e i r class and family status. The upbringing was severe, emphasizing the develop-ment of character t r a i t s considered appropriate to potential ruler's proper manners, proper language to superiors and i n -f e r i o r s , s e l f respect, f r u g a l i t y , toughness, and moderation i n food and drink." Passin, p. 22. The great N£ master, Zeami -^tfft^ffi (1363-1443) , wrote a t r e a t i s e on t r a i n i n g for No perform-ance. While the technical aspects of his t r a i n i n g have no sim-i l a r i t y to the t r a i n i n g of a bushi, the emphasis on improving mental d i s c i p l i n e i s quite s i m i l a r . See Zeami, Kadensho * trans. Sakurai Chuichi^^p^ (Tokyo: Sumiya-Shinobe Shuppan Kaife>£- 1968), pp. 17-24. 235 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 74 (# 86) . 2 36 Ibid., p. 93 (# 127) . 237 Ibid., p. 87 (# 113) . 238 Ibid. , pp. 57-58 (# 59). The phrase udonge ho shiawase f ^ ^ ^ O fc^^has been translated as, "a rare blessing." The 126 udonge was a flower of India sacred to Buddhism, and was said to bloom only once i n three thousand years. Thus I have ren-dered i t s meaning i n this context as "rare." See Hojien, p. 203. 239 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 96 (# 135). 240 Ibid., p. 76 (# 90) . 241 Bellah, p. 81. 242 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 18 (# 4). 243 See, for example, i b i d . , p. 119 (# 187). 244 Tsunetomo quotes Tokugawa Ieyasu as saying, "If a l l people thought l i k e children, they would think of me as th e i r father." Ib i d . , p. 113 (# 179). 245 G r i f f i t h , p. 12 8. 246 De Bary, Sources of Chinese Tradition , I, 25. 247 Nakamura, Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples, p. 429. 248 Nitobe, p. 86. 249 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 36 (# 32) . 250 The s i t u a t i o n i n China i s described i n Herbert Franke, "Siege and Defence of Towns i n Medieval China," Chinese Ways  in Warfare, ed. Frank A. Keirman, J r . and John K. Fairbank (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974), p. 156. For the European experience see Machiavelli, p. 26. 127 251 _ . _ See Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 122-2 3 (# 195). Tsunetomo c a l l s this curtailment denial kyusoku^^lbfcf^ • • T n e exact meaning i s not clear, however. In Osaka during the Edo period, demai was r i c e received i n exchange for special r i c e coupons. See Nihon kokugo dai j i t e n , XIV, 275. According to Kurihara, during a period of demai kyusoku a samurai was given a temporary leave of absence from his duties. He continued to receive a stipend but this was reduced i n si z e . See Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 124. See also Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 454. 252 Charles Peterson, "Regional Defense Against the Central Power, The Huai-hsi Campaign 815-817," Chinese Ways i n Warfare, ed. Frank A. Kierman, J r . and John K. Fairbank (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 19 74), p. 12 9. Peterson also mentions recurring schemes to prevent the army from taking over more control than the central government wanted to give i t . 253 G r i f f i t h , p. 122. 254 Most notably being ordered to become a ronin or to commit seppuku. Both of these punishments w i l l be discussed at a l a t e r point. I f demoted to ronin status or forced to commit seppuku, a good retainer was expected to exhi b i t great courage, even when g u i l t y of no crime. See Kurihara, Kochu  hagakure, p. 75 (# 88) . 255 Tsunetomo does not see any c o n f l i c t between this ac-tion and his statement that those who refused an appointment or resigned from a post because of something they d i d not l i k e 12 8 were acting i n treason. See i b i d p. 105 (# 158). 256 Ibid pp. 23-24 (# 10) . 257 A discussion of Yamaga's views on loyalt y may be found i n Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tradition, I, 38 8. A sample of Motoori's works i n translation are found i n i b i d . , I I , 1-35. ed. Tsukamoto Tetsuzo (Tokyo: Yuhodo Bunko, 1930), I I , 223-62. An English translation may be found i n Donald Keene, trans., Major Plays of Chikamatsu (New York and London: Columbia Uni-ve r s i t y Press, 1961). 259 See Zolbrod, p. 65. 260 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 31 (# 20). See also Bellah, p. 93. 261 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 36 (# 32). 262 Ibid., p. I l l (# 176). Although there are numerous idioms of a s i m i l a r nature, t h i s phrase i s almost i d e n t i c a l to one found i n the l a t t e r Han dynasty document, the GOkanjo f & ^ U f • S e e Morohashi, IV, 971. 258 II Tamba Yosaku," i n Chikamatsu j o r u r i shu 263 De Bary, Sources i n Chinese Tr a d i t i o n , p. 169. 264 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 61 (# 62). 265 G r i f f i t h , p. 109. 266 Ibid., p. 110. 129 267 Ibid., p. 133. 268 Ibid., p. 134. For a very s i m i l a r point of view see Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 17-18 (# 3). 269 G r i f f i t h , p. 169. 270 The Kokusho somokuroku l i s t s ninety one commentaries on the Sun Tzu, a l l of which begin with the word Sonshi. See Kokusho s o m o k u r o k u T o k y o : Iwanami Shoten, 1970), V, 349-51. A fourth essay by Yamaga, e n t i t l e d Sonshi Kyokai If/ftkj^ ' k e f o u n d i n Tsukamoto, ed. , Yamaga Soko bunshu, pp. 39-43. 271 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 17-18 (# 3). The f i r s t sentence of this passage has been translated into English by four authors. These are as follows: "I have seen i t eye to eye: Bushido, the way of the warrior, means death." Iwado, p. 38. "I have found the essence of Bushido: to die!" Tanaka, p. 22. "Bushido means the determined w i l l to die." Suzuki, pp. 72-73. "The way of the warrior i s [ f i n a l l y ] revealed i n the act of dying." Morris, p. 15. 272 G r i f f i t h , p. 135. 273 Tsunetomo re i t e r a t e s this statement i n other places also. See Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 49 (# 49), and p. 88 130 (# 115). Muro Kyuso, i n Sundai zatsuwa, says almost the same thing. Nothing i s more important to the samurai than duty. Second i n importance comes l i f e , and then money. Since both money and l i f e are also of value, a man i s l i k e l y when confronted by a life-or-death s i t u a -tion or when faced with money matters to depreciate the precious thing c a l l e d duty. Hence, only i f the samurai i s ca r e f u l not to speak of greed for l i f e or greed for money can he remove himself e n t i r e l y from avaricious desires. What I c a l l avaricious desires i s not li m i t e d to love of money, for con-cern with one's own l i f e i s also avarice. Is one's l i f e not more precious than money? When faced with however unpleasant a duty, the way of the samurai consists i n regarding his own wishes - even l i f e i t s e l f - as of less value than rubbish." Tsukamoto, ed., Meika zui h i t s u shu, I, 293. This English translation was taken from Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tradi- t i o n , I, 428. 274 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 79 (# 93). This attitude was also observed i n Mito and reported i n Clement, p. 153. See also Furukawa, Nihon r i n r i shiso no dento, p. 79. 275 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 120 (# 190). 276 G r i f f i t h , p. 114. 277 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 71 (# 80). 278 Nakamura, Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples, p. 49 4. 279 Suzuki, p. 197. 280 As well as to encourage, for he also says, "In a great emergency one must advance with joy and be i n high s p i r i t s . " Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 89 (# 116). 131 281 Ibid., p. 110 .(# 172). See also McCullough, p. 20. 282 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p.'110 (# 172). He also says that service can be performed even a f t e r one's head has been cut o f f . See Ibid. , p. 90 (# 121). 283 De Bary, Sources of Chinese T r a d i t i o n , I, 246. 284 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 18 (# 3) . 285 Nitobe, p. 132. Nitobe also says, "Talk as he may, a samurai who ne'er has died i s apt i n decisive moments to flee or hide." Ibid . , pp. 131-32. 286 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 105 (# 160). 287 _ , The account of the suicide of Sato Tadanobu ^  jffe. flj. (1161-1186) i s given i n McCullough, pp. 201-06. 288 The term seppuku has been defined e a r l i e r . The c l a s -s i c a l western account of seppuku i s by Mitford. See A.B. Mitford, Tales of Old Japan (London: Macmillan and Co., 1883), pp. 329-63. See also Nitobe, pp. 117-33. A less scholarly but more recent work i s Jack Seward, H a r a k i r i : Japanese Ritual Suicide (Rutland, Vermont and Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1968). 289 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 82 (# 101). 290 Ibid., p. 84 (# 107). 291 Ibid., p. 86 (# 111). 292 Ibid., p. 86 (# 111). 132 293 Kazuma was a house elder during the time that Nabeshima Mitsushige was chord. See a short biography i n i b i d . , p. 29. 294 Ibid., pp. 97-98 (# 137). 295 Kyuba was the childhood playmate of Mitsushige and l a t e r became a House elder. See a biography i n i b i d . , p. 21. For references to his suicide see i b i d . , p. 20 (# 8), pp. 22-23 (# 9), and pp. 97-98 (# 137). 296 Ibid., pp. 80-81 (# 98). 297 Ibid., pp. 28-29 (# 17). 298 Mitford also makes the point that people who could do a commendable job as kaishaku were so rare that certain daimyo were often forced to borrow someone to perform the task when they were responsible for the f u l f i l l m e n t of a sentence. See Mitford, p. 330. 299 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 64 (# 64). During the Edo period i t was the custom for adult men to shave the top front part of t h e i r heads. This custom and the hair style i t s e l f were referred to as sakayaki Js-jf^. See Nihon kokugo dai j i t e n , VIII, 646. 300 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 85 (# 108). 301 Ibid. , p. 79 (# 92) . 302 See Tsukamoto, ed., Ekken jukun, I, 178. 303 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 100 (# 142). 304 Ibid., p. 90 (# 120). 305 Ibid., p. 76 (# 90). 306 Ibid., p. 68 (# 72). 307 Ibid., p. 68 (# 72). 308 The f i v e human relationships of Confucianism (between father and son, r u l e r and subjiect, husband and wife, older and younger brother, and between friends) emphasize rules which are congenial to feudal society as i t existed during the Edo period. See Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tradition, I, 342. The constitution of Shotoku Taishi ^JtzJk J ~ (573-621), also, had the concept of harmony as i t s f i r s t a r t i c l e . See Ibid., I, 48 for an English t r a n s l a t i o n . See also Shotoku T a i -shi j u s h i c h i j o kempo j^? j \ "j"*t. iv^ / ed. , Mombusho Shakai Kyoiku Kyoku^||>^/^^/5^|j,/|j (Tokyo: Shakai Kyoiku Kyokai ^i.^ Mm%>i936)'p-24 • 309 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 62 (# 63). 310 Ibid., p. 92 (# 126). 311 Ibid., pp. 106-07 (# 164). 312 Ibid., p. 94 (# 130). 313 Tsunetomo relates the story of a person i n China who l i k e d dragons very much. He had pictures and images of dragons throughout his house, and talked of dragons continually. One 134 day a r e a l dragon appeared i n his garden. This surprised him so much that he fainted. Ibid., p. 72 (# 82). The phrase Yeh Gong hao lung "jj^ 4A ^ - ^ ^ refers to Yeh Gong, a man who loved dragons. I t was o r i g i n a l l y used i n the Chuang Tzu ^JT. See Huang Yen-kai, A Dictionary of Chinese Idlomatic Phrases (Hong Kong: The Eton Press, 1964), p. 1176. The complete story i s found i n Ch'iu T'ing jsj^ , L i - s h i h ch'eng-yu ku-shih J% ^fc ^ jfe (Hong Kong: Ch'iao Kuang S h u - c h u , 1968), pp. 106 -07. 314 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 96 (# 135). 315 Ibid., p. 90 (# 119). 316 Ibid., pp. 73-74 (# 86). 317 Ibid., p. I l l (# 175). 318 Ibid., p. 102 (# 151). 319 Ibid. , p. 71 (# 79). 320 Ibid., p. 92 (# 124). Naoshige had once said that a bushi must associate even with d i s t a s t e f u l persons i n the course of duty. See Kamiko, Busho goroku, p. 126. 321 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 19 (# 6). 322 Ibid., p. 102 (# 148). 323 Ibid., pp. 19-20 (# 7). 324 Ibid., pp. 129-30 (# 203). 135 325 326 Ibid. , p. 99 (# 138) . Ibid., pp. 45-46. Naoshige said that a superior man learns from watching and l i s t e n i n g to others, and that even the most lowly ranked person may have a good idea. See Kamiko, Busho goroku, p. 126. 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 122 (# 194). Ibid., p. 85 (# 109) . Ibid . , p. 103 (# 152) . Ibid., p. 27 (# 15). Ibid., p. 103 (# 154). Ibid . , p. 27 (# 15). Ibid., p. 103 (# 154). Ibid., p. 92 (# 124). Ibid., pp. 44-45 (# 44). Ibid., pp. 44-45 (# 44), and p. 92 (# 124). Ibid. pp. 97-98 (# 137). Tsunetomo himself turned down a post i n Nagasaki so that he could remain with his l o r d . His request was granted. See i b i d . , p. 84 (# 107). 338 339 Ibid., p. 103 (# 153). Ibid., p. 86 (# 111) 136 340 . The Manyoshu i s the oldest and perhaps the greatest co l l e c t i o n s of Japanese poetry. Indications of i t s reference to homosexuality i s given i n Ichiko T e i j i 7^ %. , Chusei shosetsu no kenkyu *jpt£ ;)NfJL<9 ffijffi (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppan Kai f t f \ f ^ ^ K ^ , 1962), p. 131, 341 . See "Chigo m o n o g a t a r i ^ ^ " i f f r " i n Ichiko, pp. 130-42. 342 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 113-14 (# 181). 343 Ibid., p. 114 (# 181) . 344 Ibid., pp. 116-17 (# 183). 345 Ibid., p. 115 (# 182). 346 A summary of the philosophy of Chu Hsi may be found i n Wing-tsit Chan, A Source Book i n Chinese Philosophy (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1969), pp. 588-93; and i n Maruyama Masao, Studies i n the I n t e l l e c t u a l History of  Tokugawa Japan, Mikiso Hane, trans. (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1974), pp. 20-24. 347 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 19 (# 6). 348 Ibid., p. 18 (# 4). 349 See Nitobe, pp. 25-26; Nihon kokugo dai j i t e n , VI, 26 8; and Kojien, p. 589. 350 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 68 (# 70). 351 Ibid., p. 121 (# 192). 352 Ibid., p. 31 (# 20). The idea that a statesman was bound to rule j u s t l y also derives from Confucism thought. The views of Mencius on thi s subject may be found i n De Bary, Sources of  Chinese T r a d i t i o n , I, 92-9 3. 353 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 33 (# 25). 354 Ibid. , pp. 112-13 (# 179). 355 Ibid., pp. 112-13 (# 179). 356 For example, the head monk of a certain temple was a very able administrator because he re a l i z e d that he could not do everything himself and employed deputies e f f e c t i v e l y . See i b i d . , p. 39 (# 35). 357 Ibid. , p. 103 (# 153) . 358 This statement strongly r e f l e c t s the influence of the ancient Chinese concept of the mandate of heaven. See Chan, pp. 6-8. One concrete example given i n Hagakure relates the events which occurred at the annual f e s t i v a l of Kinryu Shrine -01 ^ i n 1713. Preparations for the f e s t i v i t i e s had not been car r i e d out properly with the r e s u l t that a disturbance broke out over the proper way to beat the drums. A f i g h t ensued and some people were k i l l e d . I t was said that due to divine r e t r i b u t i o n , many of the elders who had pa r t i c i p a t e d in the planning of the event f e l l upon bad times, and some died by accident or by execution. See i b i d . , p. 37 (# 34). 359 Although the forty seven ronin were ordered to commit 138 seppuku, t h i s was not because of t h e i r act of revenge but rather i t was because they had broken a bakufu law by disturbing the peace and breaking into a nobleman's house. Before they were sentenced, there was a great deal of debate as to whether they should be pardoned. See Naramoto Tatsuya, Bushido no k e i f u jk^^Ly (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1971), p. 92. 360 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 54 (# 56). 361 >j. Soga Sukenari Juro *$.|jfc^'t'tf (1172-1193) and his brother, Soga Tokimune Goro ^ fy^ l ^ l ^ & f f (1174-1193) suceeded i n avenging t h e i r father's death by k i l l i n g Kudo Suketsune only a f t e r a period of eighteen years. See Soga monogatari ^ ifc , ed. Sshima Tatehiko %Jfa*S$L.ff and Ichiko T e i j i (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1966). 362 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 54 (# 56). 363 Nitobe, p. 23. 364 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 118 (# 184). 365 See Maruyama, pp. 35-36. 366 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 66 (# 67). 367 Ibid., p. 83 (# 104). 368 Ibid., p. 51 (# 51). 369 Ibid., p. 120 (# 190). 370 English translations of the views of Confucius regard-ing jen are found i n De Bary, Sources of Chinese Tr a d i t i o n , I, 26-2 7. See also Chan, pp. 16-17. Comments on the attitude of Mencius toward jen are given i n Chan, p. 50, and pp. 788-89; and i n De Bary, Sources of Chinese Tradition, I, 86-92. Chu Hsi's ideas are recorded i n i b i d . , I, 501-02; and Chan, pp. 593-97. 371 Nakamura, Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples, pp. 381-83. 372 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 112 (# 179) . 373 Ibid., p. 119 (# 187) . 374 Ibid., p. 95 (# 132). 375 Ibid., p. 95 (# 132). 376 Ibid., p. 80 (# 97). 377 Ibid., p. 69 (# 74). 378 Ibid., pp. 31-32 (# 21). 379 Ibid., pp. 97-98 (# 137). 380 Ibid., p. 51 (# 52). 381 Ibid., p. 112 (# 179). 3 82 Ibid., p. 121 (# 192). See also i b i d . , p. 112 (# 179). 383 Ibid., p. 80 (# 95). 384 John K. Fairbank, "Introduction:Varieties of the 140 Chinese M i l i t a r y Experience," i n Chinese Ways i n Warfare, ed. Frank A. Kierman, J r . and John K. Fairbank (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1974), p. 25. 385 "Courage was scarcely deemed worthy to be counted among virtue s , unless i t was exercised i n the cause of Righteousness." Nitobe, p. 29. 386 387 388 389 390 391 392 393 394 395 396 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 72 (# 84) Nakamura, Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples, p. 492. Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 100 (# 142). Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. p. 72 (# 84) . p. 31 (# 20). pp. 89-90 (# 118). p. 36 (# 31). p. 99 (#139). p. 106 (# 162). p. 79 (# 93). p. 93 (# 12 8). A search has f a i l e d to unearth any document i n which this i s stated by Katsushige. As Tsune-tomo states that i t was a favourite expression of Katsushige, i t may have been transmitted o r a l l y . 397 Ibid., p. 79 (# 93). This attitude i s very s i m i l a r to 141 that r e f l e c t e d by Saigo Takamori Y$)jtj£$ (1827-1877), of the nearby Satsuma^ iff' han, when i n 1862 he was ex i l e d to a small i s l a n d near Okinawa. Told that he need not remain i n the small cage which had been b u i l t for him once the ship had l e f t port, he answered, "Thank you, but whatever happens I must obey the lo r d [of Satsuma], I am a convict and must be where a convict should be...." Morris, p. 362 quoting the tr a n s l a t i o n of Sakamoto Moriaki, The Great Saigo: The L i f e of Takamori  Saigo (Tokyo: 1942). 398 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 79 (# 94). 399 Ibid., pp. 18-19 (# 5). 400 De Bary, Sources of Chinese Tradition, I, 20. See also i b i d . , I, 16-17, and 27. 401 See Morikawa, pp. 82-83; Nitobe, pp. 102-04; and Kuri-hara, Kochu hagakure, p. 56 (# 57). 402 Ibid., p. 90 (# 119) . 403 Ibid., p. 126 (# 199) . 404 Ibid. , p. 81 (# 99). 405 A Japanese e d i t i o n of this book i s edited by Takeuchi. I t has been noted e a r l i e r . An English t r a n s l a t i o n has been made by James Legge, L l C h i B o o k of Ri :tes (18 85; rpt. New York: New Hyde Park, 1967). 406 A r t i c l e Four of this document i n c i t e s o f f i c i a l s to 142 behave with decorum. An English t r a n s l a t i o n may be found i n Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese- Tr a d i t i o n , I, 48. See also Shotoku Taishi j u s h i c h i j o kempo, pp. 25-26. 407 408 409 410 411 412 413 414 415 416 417 418 419 420 421 422 423 Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 30 (# 19). Ibid., p. 42 (# 39). Ibid., p. 78 (# 91). Ibid., p. 32 (# 21), and p. 34 (# 26). Ibid., p. 90 (# 120). Ibid., p. 118 (# 185). Ibid., p. 34 (# 27). Ibid., pp. 70-71 (# 78). Ibid., p. 100 (# 145). Ibid., p. 42 (# 38). Ibid., p. 42 (# 38). Ibid., p. 67 (# 69). Ibid., p. 33 (# 24). Ibid., p. 30 (# 19). Ibid., p. 110 (# 173). Ibid., p. 70 (# 76). Ibid., p. 110 (# 173). 143 424 Ibid., p. 57 (# 58) . 425 Ibid., p. I l l (# 174) . 426 Ibid., pp. 29-30 (# 18) . 427 . . . Saga; ken :shi, I I , 191. 428 See Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese Tr a d i t i o n , I, 369-83; Maruyaraa, pp. 31-32; and Morris, pp. 181-83. 429 H a l l , p. 268. 430 Morris, p. 235. 431 Ibid., pp. 243-47. 433 See Sagara Toru, Nihonjin no dentoteki r i n r i kan $ ^fcKtL^j <f) ^ ^ j ^ (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1972), p. 102 435 F u j i , p. 246-47. 432 436 of Thinking of Eastern Peoples, p. 467. 437 F u j i , p. 221. 144 438 Some of the books published during this period were: Ogasawara Akira J\s fifc B)?J , "Hagakure" h i miru j i n s e i no kangae- kata ^frs<4lj (Tokyo: Shinsei Shuppansha ^ ^ !t\%ftJt'i-' 1 9 3 4 ) Nakamura Yuichi /^ }>-—, Nabeshima rohgo hagakure zehshu J j j ^ 1 ^ ^ ^ y f c - | r (Tokyo: 1936) ; Oki Yodo fUj^t' H a g a k u r e zensho - ^ ^ ^ " ( T o k y o : Kyozaisha /$^ $t^ > 1936) ; Oki Yodo/ Hagakure kowa: Nabeshima rongo ' ^ ^ ^ ^ • ^ > ^ ^ ( T o k y o : Mikasa Shobo Z.$l%fj$, 1938) ; Hamano Sujiro f >ti}> H a g a k u r e ^ i s h i n t o kyoiku % fa \ (Tokyo: D a i i c h i Shuppan Kyokai £ \^j#r>^ , 1939) ; Nakamura Tsuneichiro ^^tf> / Hagakure bushido s e i g i ^ f^J.^ (Tokyo: Takunansha ^  1942) ; Oki Shunkuro 7\^ Fv $W £|\ Hagakure no s e i s u i °) (Fukuoka: Junshindo f f f| ^  , 1942) ; Yamagami Sogen ^ £ If ' Hagakure bushi no seishin ^FJ^r^V^ ^ $j#f (Tokyo: Sanyusha 1942) ; and Oki Yodo, Chushaku hagakure Z^^fJjfffyj.Tokyo: Kyozaisha, 1943) . 439 Yamagami, p. 6. 440 I b i d . , p. 8. 441 Morris, p. 315. 442 See, for example, F u j i , p. 246; and Morris, pp. 315-16 443 Morris, p. 285. 444 An excellent account of these suicide squadrons may be found i n Morris, pp. 276-334. 445 Morris, p. 320. The o r i g i n a l text of these words may 145 found on pages 57 and 58 of this paper. 446 _ _ Furukawa Tesshi, Kinsei Nihon shiso ho kenkyu j^_iJhi ) | ^ f t - f d ^ £ ( T o k y o : Koyama Shoten >V)l^^ , 1948) , p. 255. 447 By October, 1975, Hagakure riyumon had been reprinted 62 times. 448 ima Some of these are " E i r e i no koe " ^ ^ . 0 ^ ," i n Mishi   Yukio zenshu ^ $$.Zj.f-\ ' V o 1 - 1 7 (Tokyo: Shinchosha H> 1973) , pp. 511-65; "'Hagakure' to watashi  f^ j^-j " i n Mishima Yukio bungakuron shu ^ j^ j $1 fotj'fc X . ^ i f ^ ' ^ (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1970 ) , pp. 435-39; Ken/^)(Tokyo: Kodansha, 1971) ; and "Yukoku^l^J ," i n Mishima Yukio zenshu, Vol. 13 , pp. 221-241. This l a s t story has been translated into English. See Geoffrey W. Sargent, "Patriotism," in Death i n Midsummer and Other  Stories (New York: New Directions, 1966) , pp. 93-118. 449 In " E i r e i no koe" the ghosts of the kamikaze fighters t e l l of t h e i r favourite passages from Hagakure. See Mishima, " E i r e i no koe," pp. 551-52. 450 Mishima "'Hagakure' to watashi," p. 4 36. 451 Ibid., p. 439. 452 by Iwado i n 1939 and Tanaka i n 1975. 146 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Editions ;and Commentaries on Hagakure 1. In Japanese Kamiko Tadashi ^  }" f/vj. Hagakure ^/^j- Tokyo: Tokuma Shoten f f e f f i - r£l973. Kurihara Koya (Arano) ^^f" • Hagakure no shinzui : bunrui chushaku ^ fffe <0%f$^'^$^f£,$J^ • Saga: Hagakure Seishin Fukyu Kai $^^f4A^ 1935. . Kochu hagakure ^ ) ^ - Tokyo: Naigai Shobo $ ^Hf*J- , 1940. Mishima Yukio ^$Z^f\ . Hagakure nyumon^^$>j\f^. Tokyo: Kobunsha %j X7rK 196 7. Morikawa Tetsuro ^.^\ $t^>. Hagakure nyumon ' ^ T ^ X l ^ Tokyo: Nihon Bungeisha 0 Jf. , 1975. Nakamura Tsuneichiro Hagakure bushido s e i g i ^ l ^ ^ i O f ^ - Tokyo: Takunanshaf^ l ^ ^ i , 1942. Naramoto T a t s u y a ^ $,2J>> . H a g a k u r e . Nihon no meicho °) fo% t Vol. 17. Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha f 1967. Oki Yodo X ^ j ^ 1 ^ - Hagakure jj^j^;• 2 vols. 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