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Local area planning: a process of conflict resolution in Provincial/Municipal land use disputes Stone, Robert Little 1976

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LOCAL AREA PLANNING: A PROCESS OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN PROVINCIAL/MUNICIPAL LAND USE DISPUTES by ROBERT LITTLE STONE B.A., UNIVERSITY OF ALBERTA, 1972 A Thesis Submitted In P a r t i a l F u l f i l m e n t Of The Requirements For The Degree Of Master Of A r t s i n the School o f Community and Regional Planning We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1976 0 Robert L i t t l e Stone, 1976 In presenting th i s thes is in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary shal l make it f ree ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is f o r . f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permission. Department o f Community and Regional Planning The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date May 3. 1976 ABSTRACT Conflicts between the Province and municipalities over the develop-ment of Provincial land holdings are a common occurrence in Provincial-municipal relations. It is inevitable that a municipality and the Prov-ince will come into conflict because of the differing communities of int-erest that they serve. This is especially true when, to be effective, one jurisdiction must depend on the cooperation of another. Conflict is often the result of the unexpected impact of a government project. The Provincial Government holds large amounts of land and is a very major developer. Its projects are often large. The municipality is expected to exercise land use controls and must absorb the immediate, im-pacts created by the Provincial project. Yet the success of any govern-ment depends, in large part, on its sensitivity to the validity of other concerns which may exist. For example, traffic congestion, increased park-ing, noise, decreased property values, pressure to change land use are the types of concerns which may arise. In addition to the concerns expressed by government, citizens have been playing a more explicit role in the decision-making process. This has increased the spectrum of concerns which decision-makers must account for thereby heightening the potential for conflict. The resolution of land use conflict then, is a common situation for a planner. The potential for conflict is increasing due to pressures of urbanization. It is these pressures which have increased the need for greater cooperation between the Province and municipalities in order for them to carry out effectively their respective mandates. The mechanisms for - i i -r e s o l v i n g c o n f l i c t then become very important i f the d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of government are t o be e f f e c t i v e i n o p t i m i z i n g the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . This t h e s i s examines the p o t e n t i a l of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a mech-anism f o r r e s o l v i n g P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l land use c o n f l i c t . There are many p o s s i b l e forms of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and t h e i r e f f e c t i v e n e s s v a r i e s w i t h numerous f a c t o r s . To determine whether c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n aggravates or a l l e v i a t e s P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t the author constructed a h y p o t h e t i c a l c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n model and te s t e d i t against a case study. The case study was the proposed expansion of the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l by the B r i t i s h C o l -umbia Medical Centre. The author chose l o c a l area p l a n n i n g , a c u r r e n t means of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r a c t i s e d i n Vancouver, as a p o t e n t i a l l y r e s o l v i n g i n f l u e n c e i n land development di s p u t e s between the Province and the C i t y of Vancouver. I t was hypothesized t h a t : The r e s o l u t i o n of P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l land development c o n f l i c t s would be improved by the establishment of a l o c a l area planning process i n a f f e c t e d p a r t s of a m u n i c i p a l i t y . The study method included a survey of p e r t i n e n t l i t e r a t u r e and a n a l -y s i s of documentary evidence of a r e l e v a n t case study. I t e s t a b l i s h e d the sequence of events and the v a r i o u s communities of i n t e r e s t i n the case study. The main source of data was a s e r i e s of t e n s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w s . These i n t e r v i e w s were w i t h r e p r e s e n t a t i v e people w i t h d i f f e r e n t degrees of involvment i n the case p r o j e c t and v a r y i n g p e r s p e c t i v e s on c i t i z e n p a r t i c -i p a t i o n . To the author's knowledge, so f a r no attempt has been made t o monitor the area planning process w i t h respect t o i t s a b i l i t y t o a l l e v i a t e P r o v i n -- i i i -c i a l - m u n i c i p a l l a n d use c o n f l i c t . This t h e s i s served as a f i r s t attempt. Consequently g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s on i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s i n r e s o l v i n g c o n f l i c t cannot be made. However, the f i n d i n g s supported the co n t e n t i o n t h a t a consensus b u i l d i n g f o r c e should e x i s t i f the process of c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n i s t o be improved. In t h i s case the consensus f o r c e was the c i t i z e n group. The research showed t h a t the e f f e c t i v e s n e s s of c i t i z e n involvement, as a c o n f l i c t r e s o l v i n g i n f l u e n c e , was enhanced by o r g a n i z a t i o n and access to in f o r m a t i o n and t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e . This would enable the c i t i z e n groups to present a b e t t e r prepared case. I t was the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a b i l i t y and access to t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e which i m p l i e d t h a t an area planning process would improve the e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f the c i t i z e n p o s i t i o n i n the d e c i s i o n -making process. On the b a s i s of t h i s evidence i t was concluded t h a t l o c a l area p l a n n i n g , i n t h i s case, would have aided the process of c o n f l i c t r e s -o l u t i o n . There i s a l a c k of data and experience comparing "'existing area p l a n -ning processes w i t h each other and w i t h other forms of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p -a t i o n . This i n d i c a t e s t h a t before e f f e c t i v e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s can be made of the a b i l i t y of area planning to a l l e v i a t e P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t t h a t f u r t h e r comparative case s t u d i e s be undertaken. I t i s recommended t h a t the c u r r e n t area planning process be monitored and t h a t s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s be undertaken of who makes d e c i s i o n s and how they are made. This i s d i s t i n c t from p a r t i c i p a t i o n where groups are inv o l v e d i n the process and present t h e i r case. However, a f t e r t h e i r p r e s e n t a t i o n i t i s up t o the decision-makers to make the d e c i s i o n . - i v -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract i i Table of Contents v List of Tables v i i List of Maps v i i i Acknowledgements ix Chapter 1.0 Introduction 1 1.1 Problem Statement 1 1.2 Objectives 3 1.3 Significance of Research [j. 1.U Scope of Thesis 5 1.5 Thesis Outline 6 2.0 Towards a Decentralized Decision-Making Process 7 2.1 Literature Review 7 2.1.1 The Case for Decentralization 8 2.1.2 The Case against Decentralization 13 2.1.3 Discussion 15 2.1.2+ Canadian Situation 19 2.2 The Nature of Community Decision-Making 22 2.3 A Decentralized Decision-Making Model 25 3.0 The Method 31 3.1 Basis of the Case Method 31 3.2 Applicability of the Case Method to Thesis 3li 3.3 Research Procedure 35 3.3.1 Literature Review 35 3.3.2 Documentation 36 3.3.2.1 Purpose of Documentary Analysis 36 3.h Interviews 37 3.U.1 Informants 38 3.5 Limitations 1*0 -v-U.O Fi n d i n g s iu1 Vancouver C i t y Area Planning Program U.2 Documentary A n a l y s i s U.2.1 Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l Expansion U.2.2 Neighbourhood A n a l y s i s U.2.2.1 Land Use U.2.2.2 P o p u l a t i o n U.2.3 Sequence of Events U.2.1; Neighbourhood Viewpoint U.2.5 C i t y o f Vancouver Viewpoint li . 2 . 6 R e l a t i o n s h i p Between P r o v i n c e , C i t y and Neighbourhood i i . 3 Summary of Personal Interviews 5.0 Conclusions 5.1 T e s t i n g the Hypothesis 5.1.1 Evidence from the L i t e r a t u r e Review 5.1.2 Documentary Evidence 5.1.3 Conclusions from Per s o n a l Interviews 5.2 Impact of C i t i z e n Involvement i n the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l Case 5.2.i M o d i f i c a t i o n of Model 5.3 Summary 5.U Recommendations f o r F u r t h e r Study 6.0 B i b l i o g r a p h y Appendix, I n d i v i d u a l Questionnaire Responses - v i -L i s t of Tables Page Table 1 Neighbourhood A n a l y s i s Table 2 Age Composition of P o p u l a t i o n i n the Study Area 51 - v i i -L i s t o f Maps Page Map 1 L o c a t i o n of Member I n s t i t u t i o n s of the B r i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre 1*6 Map 2 Area of Impact and Component Neighbourhoods 50 - v i i i -ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e t o thank my w i f e B e t t y , f o r her understanding, patience and encouragement. Her love and support made these past two years a more rewarding experience than would otherwise have been p o s s i b l e . I would a l s o l i k e t o extend my thanks t o my a d v i s o r s , Dr. H.P. Oberlander and Mr. G. Stead. I c o n s i d e r myself very f o r t u n a t e t o have been a b l e t o work w i t h these two men. - i x -CHAPTER 1 1.0 Introduction 1.1 . Problem Statement Canada has a federal system of government. Two senior governments (Federal and Provincial) share power each having i t s own area of j u r i s d i c -t i o n . Within t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n s they are able to delegate t h e i r authority as they wish. Municipalities are created by the province to exercise spe-c i f i c l o c a l functions on i t s behalf. The delegation of municipal authority to c i t i e s , represents acceptance by the province that certain types of issues, such as l o c a l land use regulation, are best handled at the l o c a l l e v e l . Section 92 of the B r i t i s h North America Act contains the matters of exclusive P r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n . Subsections 8, 13 and 16 of Section 92 relate to the authority of the province to create and delegate constrained l e g i s l a t i v e authority to municipalities. 92. In each Province the Legislature may exclusively make Laws i n r e l a t i o n to matters coming within the Classes of Subject next herein-after enumerated; that i s to say -8. Municipal i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the Province. 13. Property and C i v i l Rights i n the Province. 16. Generally a l l matters of a merely l o c a l or private nature i n the Province. The municipal l e v e l of government serves a community of interest vastly d i f f e r e n t from that of the Province. I t s scope i s limited to l o c a l i s -sues. However, i n exercising t h e i r respective authority, p r o v i n c i a l and municipal governments often come into c o n f l i c t . This i s a natural conse-quence when two governments, i n exercising t h e i r authority, impinge on one -1--2-another's jurisdiction. This thesis examines the conflict which arises between the Province and a municipality over the development of provincially owned land within municipal boundaries. The communities of interest are the Province and the municipality. The Province owns and manages large amounts of land on be-half of a l l British Columbians. Several government departments manage land for specific purposes in the name of the Province. The municipality is responsible for regulating land use within its boundaries on behalf of its citizens. However, Provincial land is not subject to municipal regulations. R. Simmons (1970) estimates that twenty percent of a l l land in Canadian urban centres exclusive of streets, is owned by the three levels of government. For example, the Federal Government is the largest single land owner in Vancouver. The Provincial Government owns at least 600 acres of land and water in Vancouver. The City of Vancouver owns 117 properties throughout the City. This land makes government at a l l three levels the largest single land owner and a very major developer. Provincial government undertakings often have considerable local im-pacts. The municipality, with its responsibility for local transportation and infrastructure must bear the impacts. Thus the potential for Provincial-municipal conflict over land development exists in every municipality in Canada. Conflict is further heightened by the involvement of local citizens. Because there is l i t t l e undeveloped land remaining in most urban municipal-ities, development often occurs in or near established residential areas. The immediate local impact is felt in these areas and so often the Province must contend not only with the municipal council but also groups of concerned -3-c i t i z e n s . C i t i z e n groups are demanding, and g e t t i n g , o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o play a gre a t e r r o l e i n making d e c i s i o n s which a f f e c t the f u t u r e of t h e i r neigh-bourhoods. Vancouver now has c e r t a i n neighbourhoods w i t h t h e i r own l o c a l planning advisory committees (Vancouver C i t y Planning Department, Shaping  the Future, 197U). As a r e s u l t more groups and agencies are in v o l v e d i n the a c t u a l process of making a l a n d use d e c i s i o n . I t i s t h i s w r i t e r ' s i n t e n t i o n t o determine i f the l o c a l area pl a n n i n g program of the C i t y of Vancouver can be used as an e f f e c t i v e v e h i c l e t o help r e s o l v e P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t over the development of P r o v i n -c i a l l y owned l a n d . 1.2 Objectives 1. To determine the a c c e p t a b i l i t y and a p p l i c a b i l i t y of a d e c e n t r a l i -zed decision-making system on the process of intergovernmental c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n of land development i s s u e s . 2. To examine the nature of P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t over land development. 3. To o u t l i n e a process which accounts f o r d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n which would a l l e v i a t e intergovernmental land development c o n f l i c t . D e f i n i t i o n s A v a s t amount of m a t e r i a l e x i s t s on the concept of d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . Perry (197U) i n h i s Master's t h e s i s " C o n d i t i o n i n g of a Planning Team" has an extensive l i t e r a t u r e survey of the term. Quoting from the U.S. Advisory Commission, 1972, Perry d e f i n e s d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n as: a p u b l i c p o l i c y i s s u e , a means of i n c r e a s i n g b u r e a c r a t i c responsiveness, improving s e r v i c e d e l i v e r y , reducing c i t i z e n a l i e n a t i o n and r e s t o r i n g grass r o o t s government Perry (197U) d e f i n e s three types of d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . T e r r i t o r i a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n r e f e r s t o the d i s t r i b u t i o n of f i e l d o f f i c e s away from the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y . This i s a p h y s i c a l and not power d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . Ad-m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i s the p a r t i a l t r a n s f e r of p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i n g a b i l i t y t o sub u n i t s of the same system. P o l i t i c a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n r e f e r s to the complete d e l e g a t i o n of p o l i c y and program a u t h o r i t y . In t h i s type of d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y l i e s w i t h the c o n s t i t u e n t u n i t s of the c e n t r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The c e n t r a l agency a c t s i n an advisory c a p a c i t y . The Concise Oxford D i c t i o n a r y d e f i n e s d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n as flto confer l o c a l government upon". I t i m p l i e s the c r e a t i o n of delegated a u t h o r i t y , t o be e x e r c i s e d by subordinate bodies w i t h i n c o n s t r a i n t s imposed by the s e n i o r l e v e l of government. I t i s not synonomous w i t h p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 1.3 S i g n i f i c a n c e of Research R e s o l u t i o n of land development c o n f l i c t s i s a common s i t u a t i o n con-f r o n t i n g planners. C i t i z e n s are becoming more v o c a l i n t h e i r demands f o r g r e a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n . On the other hand, problems created by u r b a n i z a t i o n have increased the need f o r g r e a t e r cooperation between the Province and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . Each must be able t o c a r r y out t h e i r mandates e f f e c t i v e l y and y e t be s e n s i t i v e to the v a l i d i t y of other concerns which a r i s e i n the course of t h e i r work. C o n f l i c t i s annatural occurrence when two l e v e l s o f government attempt to c a r r y out t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e f u n c t i o n s i n s i t u a t i o n s where the success of one depends on the cooperation of the other. However, the growth of c i t -i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n land development d e c i s i o n s adds another l e v e l of con-cern which must be incorporated i n t o intergovernmental n e g o t a t i o n s . -5-What has been the impact of t h i s c i t i z e n involvement? Has i t proven to be a u s e f u l t o o l i n a l l e v i a t i n g P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l land use c o n f l i c t ? Vancouver's Area Planning program has not been monitored bo determine i f i t i s an a l l e v i a t i n g o r aggravating i n f l u e n c e on C o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n . Would other forms of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n be more conducive to r e s o l v i n g i n t e r governmental c o n f l i c t over land development. For the purpose of t h i s t h e s i s i t i s hypothesized t h a t : The r e s o l u t i o n o f P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l land development c o n f l i c t s would be improved by the establishment of a l o c a l area planning process i n a f f e c t e d p a r t s of a m u n i c i p a l i t y . 1,k Scope of the Thesis The research focusses on the case of the dispute between the Govern-ment of B r i t i s h Columbia and the C i t y o f Vancouver over the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a major new r e f e r r a l h o s p i t a l on the s i t e of the Shaughnessy Veteran's H o s p i t a l . L o c a l area p l a n n i n g , as i t i s p r a c t i s e d i n Vancouver, i s the subject of the case. The research w i l l examine the range o f o p i n i o n r e g a r d i n g d e c e n t r a l i z e d decision-making and neighbourhood p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y . The d i f f e r i n g communities o f i n t e r e s t w i l l a l s o be s t u d i e d . An examination of the nature of P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l land development c o n f l i c t w i l l be made. The f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c i n g the c o n f l i c t , the s i z e and sc a l e of the development and the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p a r t i c i p a n t s and t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n w i l l be i n v e s t i g a t e d t o determine the course of events and the impact of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . -6-1.5 Thesis O u t l i n e Chapter two presents the l i t e r a t u r e review on the theory and exper-ience w i t h neighbourhood p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Canada and the United S t a t e s . I t d i s c u s s e s trends towards c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and o u t l i n e s a model of a d e c e n t r a l i z e d system t o be t e s t e d i n t h i s t h e s i s . Chapter three i s the methodology. I t uses the case of the B r i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre's plans t o b u i l d a new P r o v i n c i a l r e f e r r a l centre on the s i t e of the Shaughnessy Veteran's H o s p i t a l . This example i s chosen because i t i s a c u r r e n t event and a p p l i c a b l e t o the t o p i c of P r o v i n c i a l -m u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n . I n a d d i t i o n a l o c a l area p l a n n i n g process was proposed but not c a r r i e d out. Therefore, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o speculate on what i t s impact might have been had i t been implemented. Chapter f o u r r e p o r t s the f i n d i n g s from the l i t e r a t u r e review, .documen-t a r y evidence and p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w s . The hypothesis i s t e s t e d i n t h i s chapter u s i n g the r e s u l t s of the f i n d i n g s . The c o n c l u s i o n s are presented i n Chapter f i v e . The impact of c i t i z e n involvement and the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of area planning to the process of con-f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n i s assessed. F o l l o w i n g the summary o f the r e s e a r c h some recommendations f o r f u r t h e r study are made. CHAPTER 2 2.0 Towards a De c e n t r a l i z e d Decision-Making Process 2.1 L i t e r a t u r e Review Kornhauser (1959) noted the i n c r e a s i n g tendency of government t o cent-r a l i z e decision-making a u t h o r i t y . In land use c o n t r o l such c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i s a more recent phenomenon according to Bosselman and C a l l i e s (1972) who demonstrate an i n c r e a s i n g w i l l i n g n e s s on the p a r t of American s t a t e s to take over c e r t a i n f u n c t i o n s of land use c o n t r o l normally e x e r c i s e d by l o c a l admin-i s t r a t i o n s . The passage of the B r i t i s h Columbia Land Commission Act i s a Canadian example o f s i m i l a r l e g i s l a t i o n . Formerly c o n t r o l o f land use i n B r i t i s h Columbia rested w i t h the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . Now land which has been designated as a g r i c u l t u r a l land reserve i s d i r e c t l y c o n t r o l l e d by the Land Commission. Kornhauser (1959) f e e l s t h a t t h i s tendency o f s e n i o r l e v e l s o f govern-ment to c e n t r a l i z e f u n c t i o n s i s due to the pressures of u r b a n i z a t i o n . The complexity and c o s t s of the u r b a n i z a t i o n process are s e r i o u s l y t a x i n g the powers of l o c a l governments t o d e a l w i t h them. By removing a u t h o r i t y from the lowest l e v e l s of government (those which are the c l o s e s t o the i n d i v i d u a l c i t -i z e n ) the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of in p u t from the both the l o c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n and the c i t i z e n i s reduced. The f o l l o w i n g quotations e x p l a i n why: I t i s much more d i f f i c u l t , even f o r people who are attached to community groups, l e t alone f o r people without such attachments, to acquire i n f o r m a t i o n and understanding concerning l a r g e r s o c i e t y . (Kornhauser, 1959, i n Walton, 1973) . . . Members of s e l f governing groups are more and more removed from e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p -a t i o n and c o n t r o l i n t h e i r own o r g a n i z a t i o n . (Kornhauser, 1959, i n Walton, 1973) -7 --8-Their access to decision-makers i s reduced and their influence i s lowered because of the competing claims for attention by other local interests. Developing concurrently with this tendency towards centralization,! Kornhauser (1959) identifies three aspects which w i l l necessitate new types of participation. The growth of suburbanism which allows people to function at a neighbourhood level; the growth of leisure time which provides a new resource for participation and f i n a l l y the growth of professionalism i n a l l types of organizations which provides special competence for groups and i n -creases their influence. Walton (1973) concurs with Kornhauser's observations on centralization. However, he notes an increasing trend that shows local communities becoming more oriented to outside systems. For example, he cites the example of the local labour union amalgamating with a national body. The result i s that local autonomy i s decreased, local cohesion reduced and the local area i s l e f t with a narrower scope of action. 2.1.1 The Case for Decentralization The trend towards centralization has not gone unopposed. Friesema (1971) and Lindblom (1965) both argue that central control i s not always i n the best interest and that other means are available. Friesema states that i t i s implicit that central coordination i s not always the best answer and that some form of mutual adjustment among groups i s sometimes more e f f i c i e n t . (Friesema, 1971) Lindblom feels that people can coordinate with each other without anyone's coordinating them, without a common purpose and without the rules that f u l l y prescribe their relations with each other. (Lindblom, 1965) -9-Agger (196I4.) attempts to answer the question of why people want to participate. For some participants p o l i t i c a l demands may represent narrowly defined, institutionally related preferences: for others, p o l i t i c a l demands may stand for broadly defined cross institutional preferences. (Agger, 196U) A wide range of opinion exists as to the scope of participation. (Maass, 1957; Arnstein, 1969; Van T i l , 1970; and Friesema, 1971). In effect a cont-inuum of participation exists with increasing amounts of power diffused down-wards as the continuum proceeds closer to complete devolution of power to loc a l groups. Zimmerman (1971) writing on American urban problem states from the perspectives of the ghetto resident, city government appears distant and unconcerned, the possibility of effective change remote. (Zimmerman, 1971) He concludes that the feelings of many people are that the possibility of i n -fluencing the decision-making process i s remote. They have a feeling of alien-ation and powerlessness partly brought about by a ponderous administrative structure and remote decision processes. On the other hand we liv e i n a democracy and as Van T i l (1970) says the most important function of a democracy i s to promote the intelligence of the individual. There are many forms of participation such as voting, but Van T i l feels that c i t i z e n participation i s a variation on the theme of p o l i t i c a l representation. Arnstein (1969) goes farther by saying that there can be no participation without power. Agger (1961*) joins the l i s t of authors seeking to find a suitable def-i n i t i o n of participation. We shall assume that p o l i t i c a l participation i s an ever present, necessary, intervening variable between such economic or social variables and - 1 0 -the scope of government. The scope of government cannot change un l e s s and u n t i l more people p a r t i c i p a t e t h a t i s , a c t i n p o l i t i c a l decision-making. (Agger, 196U) According t o Agger the purpose of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s t o pressure govern-ment and to promote change i n government scope. P o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a c t i o n intended t o a f f e c t the a t t i t u d e of others i n pursuing preferences f o r a c e r t a i n scope of govern-ment. (Agger, 196U) Agger f e e l s t h a t p a r t i c i p a t i o n concurs w i t h a p l u r a l i s t i c approach i n government. A p l u r a l i s t approach recognizes numerous holders of power and t h a t power i s not s t a t i c but changeable w i t h respect t o the access groups and i n d i v i d u a l s have t o i n f l u e n c e power. I f the scope of a u t h o r i t y changes i t i s because c e r t a i n groups have access t o a u t h o r i t y and are able t o i n f l = uence i t (Agger, 196U). This p o i n t s t r e s s e s the d i f f e r e n c e between p a r t i c -i p a t i n g i n the decision-making process and a c t u a l l y sharing the a u t h o r i t y t o make a d e c i s i o n . In the former case c i t i z e n s may have v a r y i n g degrees of i n -volvement but the a u t h o r i t y t o make d e c i s i o n l i e s w i t h another group. They must r e l y on i n f l u e n c e and persuasion. Where power i s shared, the component groups must accommodate one another i n order t o a t t a i n a s a t i s f a c t o r y r e s u l t . As mentioned e a r l i e r , A m s t e i n ' s (1969) premise i s t h a t c i t i z e n p a r t -i c i p a t i o n i n v o l v e s a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of power so t h a t those formerly excluded from the decision-making process are i n v o l v e d i n sharing d a t a , s e t t i n g goals and p o l i c y , a l l o c a t i n g resources and operating programs ( A r n s t e i n , 1969). A r n s t e i n ' s typology of p a r t i c i p a t i o n c o n s i s t s of e i g h t b a s i c l e v e l s . The lowest l e v e l s are manipulation and therapy. She maintains t h a t these are not p a r t i c i p a t i o n but merely education of the p o p u l a t i o n by the power ho l d e r s . The next three l e v e l s ( i n f o r m i n g , c o n s u l t a t i o n and appeasement) she terms tokenism. In these cases people are allowed t o be heard but there - 1 1 -i s no guarantee t h a t they w i l l be heeded. P a r t i c i p a t i o n becomes mors e f -f e c t i v e i n her l a s t three l e v e l s , p a r t n e r s h i p , delegated power, and c i t i z e n c o n t r o l . P a r t n e r s h i p a l l o w s people t o ne g o t i a t e and engage i n trade o f f s , Delegation and c i t i z e n c o n t r o l r e s u l t when c i t i z e n s are given power, or a t -t a i n m a j o r i t y i n f l u e n c e or f u l l power. In 1957, A. Maass observed a growing tendency f o r i n t e r e s t group p a r t i -c i p a t i o n i n decision-making. He f e l t t h a t t h i s trend was b e n e f i c i a l be-cause i t e q u a l i z e d the opportunity f o r p r o t e c t i n g and f u r t h e r i n g group i n -t e r e s t s . These groups provided extended sources of i n f o r m a t i o n and served as a means of b u i l d i n g support f o r a p r o j e c t . L a t e r Maass (1959) wrote about a c o r r e l a t i o n which he b e l i e v e s to e x i s t between area and power. E s s e n t i a l l y h i s argument i s t h a t t o govern e f f e c -t i v e l y a government's power must be e x e r c i s e d i n p r o p o r t i o n t o the s i z e of the area. Thus a m e t r o p o l i t a n area would need wider powers than an i n d i v i d u a l m u n i c i p a l i t y . The government must be able t o govern g e n e r a l l y . In terms of our a n a l y s i s such a general power to govern must i n c l u d e a wide range of govern-mental f u n c t i o n s , a c a p a c i t y t o use a l l processes of government, and a constituency l a r g e l y autonomous of other government or u n i t s of government. (Maass, 1959) Maass terms the e x e r c i s e of dispersed power as an " a r e a l d i v i s i o n of power" (Maass, 1959). I f the amount of power of a l o c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n i s t o be expanded i t must be accompanied by a corresponding r e d u c t i o n of power at higher l e v e l s . But i n order to be more e f f e c t i v e the area of j u r i s d i c t i o n of the m u n i c i p a l i t y , f o r example, would have t o be expanded t o cover a broader area because of the r e l a t i o n s h i p Maass b e l i e v e s e x i s t s between area and power. While q u a n i t i f i c a t i o n of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p i s d i f f i c u l t Maass b e l i e v e s t h a t i t i s p o s s i b l e t o order the l e v e l s of government. - 1 2 -In most cases the higher l e v e l w i l l be stronger i f i t s government i s s e l e c t e d and c o n t r o l l e d by a unique constituency r a t h e r than by organs of c o n s t i t u e n c i e s of lower l e v e l s . (Maass, 195a) Maass supposes t h a t the e f f e c t i v e e x e r c i s e of government f u n c t i o n s i s enhanced i f the government i s not dependent or r e s p o n s i b l e t o other govern-i n g bodies w i t h i n i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of an a r e a l d i v i s i o n of power over a more c e n t r a l i z e d system i s t h a t i s i s "always as s o c i a t e d i n t i m a t e l y w i t h the b a s i c values of the community; a r e a l d i v i s i o n of power i s an instrument f o r r e a l i z i n g these v a l u e s * . (Maass, 1959) Y l v i s a k e r b u i l t on Maass's ideas of an a r e a l d i v i s i o n o f power. He s t a t e s t h a t i t "helps r e a l i z e the b a s i c i n s t r u m e n t a l v a l u e s of s o c i e t y , but we have no p r o o f . " ( Y l v i s a k e r , 1959). He concurs w i t h Maass t h a t the gen-e r a l power t o govern helps ensure the s u r v i v a l and e f f e c t i v e n e s s of an a r e a l d i v i s i o n o f power. He f u r t h e r s t a t e s t h a t the area i n question must have d i v e r s i t y " t o transcend communities of i n t e r e s t among s e v e r a l components". ( Y l v i s a k e r , 1959). In h i s s t u d i e s of urban ghettos A l t s h u l e r sensed t h a t c o n t r o l a t the l o c a l l e v e l i s seen as a means of improving c o n d i t i o n s and a l l o w i n g these m i n o r i t y groups t o experience a f e e l i n g of m a j o r i t y . E a r l i e r Eldregge (1967) and A r n s t e i n (1969) came to a s i m i l a r c o n c l u s i o n . The a c t i v i s t l e a d e r s of the r e b e l l i n g i n h a b i t a n t s from our urban ghettos v o c i f e r o u s l y c l a i m t h a t nothing can be done f o r them only by them and most c e r t a i n l y w i t h them. (Eldredge, 1967) People are simply demanding t h a t the degree of power (or c o n t r o l ) which guarantees t h a t p a r t i c i p a n t s o r r e s i d e n t s can govern a pro-gram o r an i n s t i t u t i o n , be i n f u l l charge of p o l i c y and managerial aspects. ( A r n s t e i n , 1969) -13-A l t s h u l e r (1970, i n Feagin, 1973) notes some a d d i t i o n a l reasons why de-c e n t r a l i z e d power i s d e s i r a b l e . F i r s t l y he; f e e l s t h a t d e c e n t r a l i z e d power i s a c o n s e r v a t i z i n g f o r c e because i t g i v e s people r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . T h i s means t h a t people must begin t o grapple w i t h problems i n s t e a d o f c r i t i c i z i n g them from the s i d e l i n e s . He f e e l s t h a t ' " d i s t r i b u t i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t y widely would spread competence throughout s o c i e t y * (1970). A l s o , he f e e l s t h a t widespread p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government i s a value i n i t s e l f , n o t i n g i t s u t i l i t y as an instrument of democratic e d u c t i o n and s o c i a l i z a t i o n . P a r t i c i p a t i o n can b u i l d confidence i n the e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l system by showing t h a t i t i s f a i r and ai d s i n r e c o n c i l i a t i o n and a m e l i o r a t i o n of c o n f l i c t . ( A l t s h u l e r , 1970; i n Feagin, 1973). The case f o r c e n t r a l i z a t i o n covers a broad spectrum of what ite i s and what forms i t may take. Authors are not agreed on the degree of a u t h o r i t y which should be devolved downwards. However, those who support the concepts of d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n b e l i e v e t h a t these aspects improve the decision-making process by making the opportunity t o p r o t e c t and f u r t h e r group i n t e r e s t s more equa l . 2.1.2 The Case ag a i n s t D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n The comments expressed by authors such as Agger, 196U; A r n s t e i n , 1969; Friesema, 1971 e t c . are arguments i n favour o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n and not necess-a r i l y d e c e n t r a l i z i n g power. D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n may be a d i s p e r s a l o f admi n i s t -r a t i v e c a p a c i t y . I t more commonly r e f e r s t o the d i s p e r s a l o f power. American planning experience i s very much concerned w i t h s o c i a l problems. Some opponents t o d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power f e e l t h a t t h i s step would i n c r e a s e separatism. ( A r n s t e i n , 1969; Zimmerman, 1971; Friesema, 1969; A l t s h u l e r , 1970 and Eldredge, 1967). Respecting land use c o n t r o l the power t o exclude people i s also inferred. Opposition i s also engendered by those who claim that decentralized control fragments provision of public goods and services and makes them more costly and less e f f i c i e n t . Further opposition i s created by feelings that radicals w i l l take over and be equally as unacceptable as the situation which was replaced. Another reason for opposition i s that ife i s incompatible with the merit system and professionalism. This means that the most professionally competent persons sh ould run the program. : Van T i l (1970; i n Walton, 1973) notes that the active participation of the poor i n poverty programs hasrnot worked out well. They conclude this i s because the poor do not have adequate time to participate f u l l y because their personal problems are too great to be burdened with additional responsibility. Also they f e e l that existing institutional arrangements militate against their effective participation. One of the main objections to participation i s that i t i s in e f f i c i e n t i n terms of monetary resources and i n attaining desired results. Burns (1973) and Beecroft (1971) recognize the need for improved participation of munic-i p a l i t i e s i n policy formulation commejnsurate with their importance. Beecroft feels that the trend for municipal participation i s towards some form of cons* olidation such as to a metropolitan or regional form. Burns states: . . . any effective progress i n municipal rationalization must come from the senior level of government. If l e f t to l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e , too many loc a l pressures work to the detriment of any logical development. (Burns, 1973) There are a wide range of reasons opposing decentralization. The most common are that i t i s inefficient i n decision-making and encourages paroch-ialism at the expense of the public interest. -15-2.1.3 Discussion Arnstein (1969) and Zimmerman (1971) concede that these criticisms are valid but are not sufficient to limit active control by citizens. Instead they f e e l that these objections signal the location of trouble spots which are solvable. For example, Zimmerman feels that the question of parochialism i s solvable through a federated structure. The charge that local citizen boards are not responsible and are open to corruption i s not a function of size. The observation that citizens are not competent may be countered by arguing that most new governments require experience before they become ac-quainted with the problems of governing. (Zimmerman, 1971). Zimmerman (1971) also notes an objection to citizen control that i t does not revitalize democracy. Earlier i t was shown (Van T i l , 1970) that a function of democracy was to promote the virtue and intelligence of the c i t -izen and that this was possible through effective participation. However, the low voter turnout normally associated with local elections leads oppon-ents of participation to conclude that the process of democracy i s not en-hanced by increasing the opportunity of participation. Altshuler counters the argument about greater inefficiency of decentral power by evaluating community control on a basis other than efficiency. Would community control be conducive to the development of s k i l l s , incomes and improvements of conditions? (Altshuler, 1970; i n Feagin, 1973) If efficiency i s the sole c r i t e r i a i t can produce equally negative results. (Altshuler, 1970; i n Feagin, 1973). He does not question that community control i s inefficient. Would community control increase efficiency? The issue, i t seems, i s ,less clear cut than i t sounds. The answer w i l l largely depend on whose conception of problem and purpose one adopts. From a -somewhat different per-spective i t i s li k e l y to depend on whether one interprets the question to be about efficiency i n the small or i n the large. (Altshuler, 1970J i n Feagin, 1973) In the Canadian context Plunkett (1955) writes: What we really desire i s efficient local government i n the sense that i t responds to the community's needs and aspirations, that i t permits maximum participation of local citizens i n the direction and con-t r o l of local a f f a i r s and that, within this framework local undertakings are administered economically and e f f i c i e n t l y . (Plunkett, 1955) Despite the opposition to decentralization and participation there seems to be a general willingness to experiment. The "Model Cities Program0 i n the United States i s an example of an attempt to encourage greater partic-ipation of citizens i n decisions which affect their neighbourhoods. The Model Cities Program was implemented under the Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Development Act of 1966. The basic concept of this program was that the "improvement of the quality of l i f e i n the participating neigh-bourhoods can only be accomplished through personal involvement of neigh-bourhood residents i n the program." (Hruza, 1972). The program was an att-empt by the Federal government to develop a problem solving mechanism that could aid those urban areas of the United States which were experiencing particularly severe stress conditions. The program made Federal funds available to designated c i t i e s to under-take a Model Cities project. The approach allowed the city a high degree of control over setting of the objectives of the program i n i t s area and i n the implementation of the program. In return for Federal funds the city had to demonstrate: 1. that the resources of other departments, with programs designed to alleviate urban problems, -17-are coordinated i n t h a t neighbourhoodj 2. c o o r d i n a t i o n of F e d e r a l , S t a t e , L o c a l , P u b l i c and P r i v a t e i n i t i a t i v e was encouraged and supported; 3 . there was s p e c i a l funding f o r i n n o v a t i v e p r o j e c t s ; i u t e c h n i c a l a s s i s t a n c e was made a v a i l a b l e t o the r e s i d e n t s ; 5. l o c a l c i t i z e n s were i n v o l v e d throughout the process. The approach of each p r o j e c t was t o be comprehensive i n order t o co-o r d i n a t e the f u l l a r r a y of e x i s t i n g programs designed t o a l l e v i a t e urban problems. Cason ( 1970) s t a t e s t h a t c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i n the Model C i t i e s program, i n order t o be e f f e c t i v e , would i n v o l v e : - representativeness - t e c h n i c a l a s s i s t a n c e and f i n a n c e - independence from the establishment - no dominance by one community f a c t i o n - exposure t o p o s i t i v e e d u c a t i o n a l and t r a i n i n g experiences t o increase t h e i r confidence - develop a decision-making mechanism t o enable the c i t i z e n s to respond t o s i t u a t i o n s e f f e c t i v e l y and r a p i d l y . (Cason, 1 970 ) Kaplan, Gans, and Kahn ( 1970) have sta t e d t h a t the Model C i t i e s program had t o i l l u s t r a t e an increased c a p a c i t y of l o c a l r e s i d e n t s flto respond t o the range of model neighbourhood area problems i n a coordinated and innov-a t i v e way - a way t h a t i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h r e s i d e n t i a l needs and p r i o r i t i e s 1 ' . Much r e l i a n c e was placed on l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e and committment. -18-The Neighbourhood Improvement Program is an example of a Canadian effort to improve local conditions through local involvement. The scope of NIP is less than that of the Model Cities Program. It deals primarily with improving the physical qualities of a neighbourhood (housing, infrastructure, daycare, recreation) whereas the Model Cities Program is also concerned with employment, education, and promoting racial equality. The major similarity of the two programs is the importance placed on the involvement and partic-ipation of area residents in planning and implementation of local programs. In Vancouver, area planning is included as a component in designated Neighbourhood Improvement Projects. This enables area residents to have acc-ess to planning expertise and advice. However, an area planning process can and does function separately from neighbourhoods which are designated under the Neighbourhood Improvement Program. Administrative aspects have been decentralized to allow greater partic-ipation in some types of decisions on a localized basis. The Vancouver Local Area Advisory Planning Committees are an example. In these neighbourhoods representatives are chosen and have the responsibility of advising City Coun-c i l on land use matters within the neighbourhood. They also have control over their own budgets subject to Council veto. Walton (1973) feels that the trend is towards dispersion of power due to recognition of pluralism in society and the forces of change. For example, Altshuler states; No society adopts fundamental change because the dominant groups have suddently acquired virtue or become horrified by waste. (Altshuler, 1970; in Walton, 1973) The Neighbourhood Improvement Program is contained in Section 27.1 and 27.2 of the National Housing Act. -19-2.1.li Canadian S i t u a t i o n American and B r i t i s h experiences i n l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n provide Canada w i t h an a t t i t u d e regarding c i t i z e n involvement d i f f e r e n t from t h a t of the United States where e t h n i c f a c t o r s have l e d t o a demand f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n f a r more i n s i s t e n t than i n Canada. The focus of power d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n f o r t h i s t h e s i s i s the m u n i c i p a l l e v e l of government. Canada has i n h e r i t e d the Council-Committee form of l o c a l government from Great B r i t a i n . ( P l u n k e t t , 1955). E s s e n t i a l l y t h i s i s a system where C o u n c i l delegates i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o v a r i o u s committees whose f u n c t i o n i s t o g i v e d e t a i l e d review t o matters un-der t h e i r concern and t o make recommendations t o C o u n c i l . The C o u n c i l r e -t a i n s approving a u t h o r i t y . I n e x e r c i s i n g s u p e r v i s i o n over the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f u n c t i o n assigned t o i t , a committee i n i t i a t e s p o l i c y i n the form of r e p o r t s and recommendations . . . but i t cannot u s u a l l y do more than i n i t i a t e . ( P l u n k e t t , 1955) The C o u n c i l remain accountable t o the e l e c t o r a t e f o r e x e r c i s i n g power because of the concept of r e s p o n s i b l e government i n h e r e n t i n the B r i t i s h and Canadian system. Power i s e x e r c i s e d by the consent of the governed and once e l e c t e d a m u n i c i p a l government may only be removed from o f f i c e by the P r o v i n c i a l Government without a l o c a l e l e c t i o n . Thus, a t the m u n i c i p a l l e v e l , b earing i n mind the f a c t t h a t m u n i c i p a l i t i e s only have delegated power, C o u n c i l i s supreme i n e x e r c i s i n g i t s power. This i s t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and has been conferred on them by the p r o v i n c i a l government. I n e x e r c i s i n g t h e i r power, C o u n c i l s r e q u i r e good advice and the committee system -improves q u a l i t y of advice a v a i l a b l e t o C o u n c i l . An important f u n c t i o n of the comm-i t t e e system i s t o reduce the work l o a d of C o u n c i l by undertaking the sub-s t a n t i v e work of many d i f f e r e n t f a c e t s of l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . This f r e e s -20-C o u n c i l t o concentrate on p o l i c y matters and enables the business of running a m u n i c i p a l i t y t o be e f f i c i e n t l y c a r r i e d out. The power t o govern m u n i c i p a l i t i e s may not be redelegated. This acc-ounts f o r C o u n c i l s ' u n w i l l i n g n e s s t o di s p e r s e t h e i r l e g i s l a t i v e a u t h o r i t y . A problem faced by m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i s whether p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n and mu n i c i p a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n should be separate. The Committee system accepts t h a t the two are interdependent. The task of f o r m u l a t i n g p o l i c y cannot be completely divorced from a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , f o r the knowledge of problems i n v o l v e d i n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n f r e q u e n t l y i n f l u e n c e the course of p o l i c y . ( P l u n k e t t , 1968) In the United S t a t e s , p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n and m u n i c i p a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s separate. A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s c o n t r o l l e d by a C i t y Manager. Some Canadian c i t i e s have evolved a form o f c i t y manager to coordinate the a c t i v i t i e s of the numerous committees. Vancouver i s an example of the Council-Committee system of m u n i c i p a l government (Bernard e t a l , 1975) but does have a C i t y Manager r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c o o r d i n a t i n g committee a c t i v i t i e s . There are s i x standing committees of C o u n c i l , each w i t h i t s own mandate. These committees e x e r c i s e some power i n t h e i r area of j u r i s d i c t i o n . The Committees of C i v i c Development and Comm-u n i t y Development are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r planning matters. I t i s through these committees t h a t the c i t i z e n advisory committees r e p o r t to C o u n c i l . In a d d i t i o n , three s p e c i a l committees e x i s t . They have s p e c i f i c terms of reference but no power. L o c a l area c i t i z e n ' s advisory committees or committees l i k e the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n s Advisory Committee e x i s t o u t s i d e of C o u n c i l . No C o u n c i l members s i t on them. The f o l l o w i n g diagram i l l u s t r a t e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f the Standing Committees t o the C i v i c Admin-i s t r a t i o n and C i t y C o u n c i l i n Vancouver. -21-ELECTORS COUNCIL BOARD OF ADMINISTRATION STANDING COMMITTEES OF COUNCIL CIVIC DEPARTMENTS CIVIC COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT DEVELOPMENT FINANCE - HOUSING SOCIAL - WATERFRONT SERVICES Source: Bernard, A. et al. Profile: Vancouver. 197?. The powers of Vancouver City Council are enumerated in Part three of the Vancouver Charter, a piece of Provincial legislation. These powers are to be exercised by Council through by-laws or resolutions. This i s the leg-islative authority which may not be delegated. It would appear on the basis of the preceding literature that a situ-ation exists which demands that centralization occur to make policy formul-ation and implementation practical and efficient. On the other hand, cons-iderable pressure exists to provide greater decentralization of legislative and administrative functions to improve bureaucratic response and grassroots democracy. This dichotomy is an obvious source of conflict. -22-2.2 Nature of Community Decision-Making In Urban P o l i t i c a l Systems, Kaplan (1967) l i s t s a number o f c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s of l o c a l d e c i s i o n making u n i t s . Bodine 1s (1967) c o n t r i b u t i o n t o Taming Me g a l o p o l i s ' a l s o c h a r a c t e r i z e s d e c i s i o n making a t the l o c a l l e v e l . I n g e n e r a l , they conclude t h a t : 1. there i s a weaker commitment by members' of the system t o the l o c a l l e v e l . 2. the l o c a l system i s weakly i n t e g r a t e d . 3. apathy i s more pronounced. Bodine (1967) concurs w i t h some of Kaplan's ob s e r v a t i o n s . The inadequacy of suburban governments t o d e a l w i t h expanding urbanism i s a l l too f a m i l i a r . With few exceptions they are too s m a l l , too numerous, too weak, too poor t o formulate e f f e c t i v e p o l i c i e s t o c a r r y them out. (Bodine, 1967; i n Eldredge, 1967) Kaplan f e e l s t h a t there are s e v e r a l f a c t o r s which cause l o c a l d e c i s i o n u n i t s t o e x h i b i t the above f e a t u r e s . The f i r s t f a c t o r i s the s p e c i f i c i t y of l o c a l i s s u e s . Because they are so s p e c i f i c (eg. t r a f f i c l i g h t s ) i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o f i t these i n t o an i d e a l o g i c a l framework which would enable them t o be considered as higher l e v e l i s s u e s . Secondly, most m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n North America were created by s e n i o r governments and r e l y on them f o r cons-i d e r a b l e f i n a n c i a l support. L o c a l groups l a c k resources and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s k i l l s . L o c a l groups are l e s s l i k e l y t o understand the i s s u e s , t o r e l a t e the i s s u e s t o group i n t e r e s t s , or t o d r a f t a l t e r n a t i v e p o l i c i e s t h a t would p r o t e c t and enhance g r o u p - i n t e r e s t s . (Kaplan, 1967) Consequently, l o c a l groups are at a disadvantage compared t o the n a t i o n a l o r p r o v i n c i a l government. Kaplan (1967) observes t h a t l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s , because of t h e i r depen--23-dence on s e n i o r governments are l e s s a s s e r t i v e than t h e i r f e d e r a l o r prov-i n c i a l c o u n t e r p a r t s . A l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n i s o f t e n l e s s a r t i c u l a t e than a s e n i o r l e v e l p o l i t i c i a n and devotes only p a r t of h i s energies t o p o l i t i c s . According t o Kaplan a l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n i s . . . u n w i l l i n g t o devote f u l l energies t o p o l i t i c s not y e t committed to a career as a p r o f e s s i o n a l p o l i t i c i a n and sometimes usi n g p o l i t i c s p r i m a r i l y t o promote t h e i r p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s . (Kaplan, 1967) Kaplan f e e l s t h a t the c h r o n i c low v o t e r turnout a t l o c a l e l e c t i o n s i n -d i c a t e s a lower l e v e l of commrbment by the c i t i z e n t o l o c a l government. The l o c a l community i s a s o c i a l system whose membership changes f r e e l y and f r e q u e n t l y . Most of the members seem unconcerned w i t h the f u t u r e of the system. (Kaplan, 1967) Conversely, i t may a l s o be s a i d t h a t the low v o t e r turnout i n d i c a t e s a degree of s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h what i s happening. L o c a l government i s o f t e n s a i d t o be the c l o s e s t t o the c i t i z e n i n terms of access ( B e e c r o f t , 1970). For Kaplan t h i s means t h a t g r e a t e r r e l i a n c e i s placed on "personal c o n t a c t " when determining the outcome of an i s s u e . Kaplan's l a s t s p e c i f i c f e a t u r e about community d e c i s i o n making i s t h a t the l o c a l u n i t i s more homogenous than the e n t i t y of which i s i t a p a r t . The neighbourhood's i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e i s l e s s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d which provides l e s s opportunity f o r i n t e r n a l competitive p o l i t i c s . Instead "consensual p o l i t i c s " (Kaplan, 1967) are used i n i n t e r n a l d e c i s i o n s . Superimposed on the c h a r a c t e r i s i t c s of community d e c i s i o n making i s the p r e v a i l i n g " p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e " (Kaplan, 1967). The p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e i n Can-ada v a r i e s from c i t y t o c i t y but i s s a l i e n t f e a t u r e s are noted below. Kaplan d e s c r i b e s the p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e of Canada as " d e f e r e n t i a l " . That i s a g e n e r a l w i l l i n g n e s s among the p o p u l a t i o n t o l e t our l e a d e r s s e t t l e t h i n g s . (Kaplan, - 2 i | -1967). Attempts t o d e f i n e the Canadian p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e and t o d i s t i n g u i s h i t A-from the American have emphasized the g r e a t e r r e s p e c t i n Canada f o r law and order; the l e s s e r importance i n Canada of i n d i v i d u a l i s m , experimentation and a s p i r i t of r e v o l t , and the g r e a t e r s t r e n g t h i n Canada of an a r i s t -o c r a t i c or c l a s s t r a d i t i o n as opposed t o an e g a l i t a r i a n t r a d i t i o n . These aspects of c u l t u r e may produce i n Canada as they do i n B r i t a i n a w i l l i n g n e s s t o l e t p u b l i c p o l i c y matters be handled by the o f f i c i a l ' s g r e a t e r understanding of the i s s u e s and t o r e l y on the o f f i c i a l ' s s e l f r e s t r a i n t f o r the p r o t e c t i o n of one's r i g h t s . (Kaplan, 1967) Canadians, i t seems, ho l d a u n i t a r y r a t h e r than a p l u r a l i s t view of the p u b l i c i n t e r s t . I n the u n i t a r y view, informed persons i n p o s i t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y , proceeding i n camera and f r e e from p o l i t i c a l p r e s s u r e s , search out the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . Canadians seem l e s s w i l l i n g than Americans t o accept the n o t i o n t h a t the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t w i l l emerge through the open a g i t a t i o n of i s s u e s and the open c l a s h of opposing groups i n a f r e e p o l i t i c a l market p l a c e . (Kaplan, 1967) I t i s Kaplan's b e l i e f t h a t these values are h e l d by i n d i v i d u a l s p r i o r t o the c r e a t i o n of the system. Once the system i s formed, these values become a -part of i t since they are imputed t o i t by i t s components. Agger (l961i) shows the d i f f e r e n c e between l o c a l p o l i t i c s between Canada and the United S t a t e s . The most p r e v a l e n t p o l i t i c a l ideology he noted i n 1961* valued harmony, wanted broad based p a r t i c i p a t i o n , u n i t e d l e a d e r s h i p and p r i o r c o n s u l t a t i o n . As Kaplan has noted, Canadians seem more w i l l i n g t o a l l o w t h e i r l e a d e r s t o s e t t l e matters. Bolan (1969) would agree w i t h Kaplan's views on l o c a l government. H i s f e e l i n g s were t h a t the " i d e a l s and procedures e f f e c t i v e f o r the n a t i o n a l or s t a t e ( p r o v i n c i a l ) l e v e l bear l i t t l e r e l a t i o n t o governance of c i t i e s " . (Bolan, 1969). The i s s u e s , scope and time frame are d i f f e r e n t and i t i s the -25-v a r y i n g p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic environment which i n f l u e n c e s d e c i s i o n making. . . . the time ho r i z o n s and i s s u e s t h a t have preoccupied planners are l a r g e l y i r r e l e v a n t and l o c a l governments are so d i s o r g a n i z e d , fragmented, dispersed and incompetent t h a t no i n j e c t i o n of r a t i o n a l planning (even when r e l e v a n t ) can sur v i v e such a p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e . (Bolan, 1 9 6 9 ) L o c a l governments are the f i r s t l e v e l of government to experience d i r -e c t l y the impacts o f u r b a n i z a t i o n . W r i t i n g on B r i t i s h t r a f f i c problems, Buchanan ( 1 9 6 1 ) s t a t e s t h a t "the problems o f t r a f f i c are crowding i n on us w i t h desperate urgency". Due t o t h i s c r i s i s atmosphere d e c i s i o n s a t a l l three l e v e l s of government tend t o be made q u i c k l y i n order t o ameliorate the s i t u a t i o n (Bolan, 1 9 6 9 ) . Continuous p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s not always p o s s i b l e but the l a c k of involvement i n the formative stages has p o t e n t i a l l y s e r i o u s consequences. . . . people who do not p a r t i c i p a t e . . . are l e s s l i k e l y to understand what i s going on, and t h i s l a c k has had p a r t i c u l a r l y s e r i o u s consequences. (Kornhauser, 1959; i n Walton, 1973) 2 .3 Towards a D e c e n t r a l i z e d D e c i s i o n Making Model In 1 9 6 9 , M. Kaplan c h a r a c t e r i z e d c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n o r g a n i z a t i o n as s h i f t i n g and v a r i e d communities of i n t e r e s t which change w i t h the i s s u e i n que s t i o n . Member responsiveness i s low and the degree of involvement depends on the stakes the i n d i v i d u a l p e r c e i v e s t o be i n v o l v e d . Due to a l i e n a t i o n and l a c k of experience l o c a l groups are s u s p i c i o u s of s e n i o r l e v e l s of govern-ment. T h e i r own l a c k of resources and l i m i t e d s t r a t e g i e s a v a i l a b l e t o them c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e i r f e e l i n g of powerlessness. Friesema ( 1 9 6 9 ) observed of American m i n o r i t y groups who have or are -26-about t o acquire c o n t r o l of major c i t i e s through t h e i r numerical s u p e r i o r i t y , s t i l l w i l l not achieve the gains p o l i t i c a l power should b r i n g them. This i s because the f e d e r a l system leaves m u n i c i p a l i t i e s dependent on se n i o r l e v e l s of government which are c o n t r o l l e d by the suburban p o p u l a t i o n . Some r e a l gains are made but unless they have l a s t i n g value and are what was expected Friesema (1969) i s concerned t h a t the f e e l i n g of a l i e n a t i o n w i l l i n c r e a s e . A d e c e n t r a l i z e d system must a t t a i n p o s i t i v e v i s i b l e r e s u l t s (Friesema, 1969). I t must recognize the inh e r e n t d i v e r s i t y and complexity of l o c a l government. (Ostrum, 1971; Bodine, 19675 Bolan, 1969). L o c a l commitment must be im-proved (Kaplan, 1967; Bodine, 1967) and l e a d e r s h i p and resources made a v a i l -a b l e . Bodine (1967) f e e l s t h a t the prime o b s t a c l e t o be overcome i s the present nature of the system. For t h i s t h e s i s the system i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and the province i n the area of land use c o n t r o l . Bodine does not expect overnight changes but emphasizes patience and hardwork. . . . the f u e l f o r t h a t f i r s t i n d i s p e u s i b l e step must come not from pressure, but from p a t i e n c e ; not from prominence, but from h u m i l i t y ; not from wealth, but from v i s i o n ; not from power, but from d e d i c a t i o n . (Bodine, 1967; i n Eldredge, 1967) Bolan (1969) o u t l i n e s f o u r b a s i c i n g r e d i e n t s r e q u i r e d by d e c i s i o n making systems; an a b i l i t y t o evaluate community circumstances; t o determine g o a l s , o b j e c t i v e s and implemenation s t r a t e g i e s ; an i n t e g r a t i o n mechanism t o accomm-odate other i n t e r e s t s ; and a b i l i t y t o s e l e c t a l t e r n a t i v e s . In a d d i t i o n , Bolan o u t l i n e s f o u r a d d i t i o n a l v a r i a b l e s : 1. r o l e s of p a r t i c i p a n t s 2. p r e v a i l i n g " o r g a n i z a t i o n a l arrangements . . . and t h e i r i n f l u e n c e i n s t r u c t u r i n g the r o l e s of a c t o r s and i n determining complexity of problem s o l v i n g arrangements (Bolan, 1969). -27-These arrangements are the decision-field which i s affected by leadership and social differentiation i n the community. 3. knowledge of planning strategies and implementation. U. character and origin of issues. Bolan's conception of setting up a decision-making process follows five steps. 1. definition and structure of proposals 2. identify alternatives 3. identify decision f i e l d U. carry out social transactions 5>. react to consequences Bolan (1969) specifies that the persons playing roles must have s k i l l , mot-ivation and opportunity. The decision f i e l d i s affected by two features. The f i r s t i s the "decision environment" which i s the formal legal structure. If the decision environment i s highly focussed and centralized there i s a greater propensity for action than i f power i s widely dispersed. Informal elements of the decision environmnet are the real and imagined stakes a person feels he has i n a decision. A further influence on the decision en-vironment i s the homogeneity of the decision unit. If this group has numer-ous goals time w i l l be lost determining p r i o r i t i e s . The wdecision-unit" i s the second feature influencing the decision en-vironment. These are the groups which make decisions. Bolan feels that they must have a source of power which increases their stability and confidence. Decision units must be accountable and disciplined in order to achieve their goals. The roles of the unit members and the groups i t s e l f must be clearly articulated. Operation w i l l be improved i f people know what i s expected of -28-them. The area of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y should be as narrowly defined as p o s s i b l e t o e f f e c t a c t i o n . I f the d e c i s i o n u n i t i s broadly comprehensive i t i s l e s s l i k e l y t o e f f e c t a c t i o n because of u n c e r t a i n t y as t o i t s a b i l i t y and knowledge. The v a r i a b l e of i n t e r v e n t i o n and planning st r a t e g y i s a f f e c t e d by two f a c t o r s : "planning st r a t e g y and a c t i o n s t r a t e g y " (Bolan, 1969). Planning strategy i n v o l v e s : planning p o s i t i o n , method of i n t e r v e n t i o n , content, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p u b l i c i s s u e s and s p e c i f i c i t y o f means (Bolan, 1969). P l a n n i n g p o s i t i o n i s a f f e c t e d by the degree o f power assigned t o i t . An ad-v i s o r y group may have l e s s i n f l u e n c e than a group e x e r c i s i n g l e g i s l a t i v e pow-e r s . The method of planning i n t e r v e n t i o n may be more s u c c e s s f u l a t the l o c a l l e v e l i f i t i s o p p o r t u n i s t i c and incr e m e n t a l . This approach i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the f a c t t h a t many l o c a l planning i s s u e s are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o the c i t -i z e n ' s d a i l y l i v e s . Kaplan (1967) would maintain t h a t the Canadian p o i n t of view would be more t o l e r a n t o f the broader p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . Consequently the i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n would be more l i k e l y t o l e t h i s l e a d e r s d e a l w i t h the i s s u e . Planning content should r e l a t e to the immediate needs of the c i t i z e n s . I f plans s p e c i f y the means to an end these plans w i l l tend t o be more success-f u l than those d e a l i n g i n g e n e r a l i t i e s . of The method i n t e r v e n t i o n v a r i a b l e i s r e l a t e d t o the a l l o c a t i o n of resources, the degree o f change sought i n s o c i a l behaviour and i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . Generally the l e s s the st a t u s quo i s d i s t u r b e d the more l i k e l y t h a t a pr o p o s a l w i l l be adopted. (Bolan, t'969). For the f o u r t h v a r i a b l e , ( C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p u b l i c i s s u e s ) , Bolan hypo-t h e s i s e s t h a t p o s i t i v e a c t i o n i s more l i k e l y when the consequences of the a c t i o n are e a s i l y p r e d i c t a b l e , e a s i l y accomplished (cost and e f f o r t ) and l i e w i t h i n the present preferences which are held by the d e c i s i o n u n i t . The d i s t -r i b u t i o n of c o s t s and b e n e f i t s i n f l u e n c e s the d e c i s i o n makers. I f an unaccept--29-able amount of uncertaintly exists, action may be deferred. The amount of coordination to achieve a desired result can influence the action taken. A small unit i s more manageable than a large unit and thus more conducive to action. Finally, public issues are influenced by the ease with which they may be communicated. People understand concrete proposals better than abstractions. Basic to the preceding summary of Bolan's work i s the idea that more5 informal means of exercising leadership must be worked out, (Bolan, 1969). He does not question the need for comprehensiveness and coordination but feels that people must be motivated to adopt coordination of their own v o l -i t i o n . In this way consensus may be b u i l t . This idea i s i n accord with Lindblom1s (196$) and Friesema's (1971) ideas of mutual adjustment. The decentralized decision making model proposed to be examined in this thesis i s the exercise of delegated power outlined by Arnstein (1969). In this model citizen groups become the dominant decision making authority. They would not only have the ab i l i t y to start the bargaining process but also enter into contracts. In addition to having their own budget they would have the capacity to acquire staff. The role of such groups would be specified by an Act of the Legislature allowing municipalities to delegate power to the neighbourhood level. The decision-field i s land use regulation within neighbourhood boundaries. The decision-unit would be elected local area councils. Being an elected group they would be responsible to their electorate, the local neighbourhood. Citizens, resident i n the area, would be eligible to run for seats on the neighbourhood council. Area residents, over eighteen years old, would be permitted to vote for these candidates. The role of the decision unit i s limited in scope because this has been -30-the tradition when one level of government delegates power to another level. The powers and responsibilities are fully circumscribed by provincial stat-ute. Planning strategy places these groups in a position to exercise a leg-islative function. Land use plans, binding on a l l land may be prepared. Development approval also lies within the jurisdiction of these groups bec-ause i t is a day to day matter the results of which are readily visible. Consequently, the area council may take advantage of opportunities presented by individual developments to attain neighbourhood objectives. Those devel-opments which have a major impact can be focussed upon in order to optimize c^ommunity benefit. In Time Present - Time Past, (Seelig, 1973) showed that neighbourhoods tend to be conservative with respect to change. Thus i t is likely that these local area groups will not wish to radically alter the land use status quo in their neighbourhood. Slower incremental change may be expected. In summary, the literature shows l i t t l e unanimity of the desirability of decentralization and citizen participation or on what forms they should take. None of the authors indicate that public participation is repsesent-ative of neighbourhood opinion. However, most agree that participation ex-pands the scope of decision-making by providing for the injection of points of view which otherwise may not be raised. CHAPTER 3 3.0 The Method 3.1 B a s i s of the Case Method The case method of study has i t s o r i g i n s i n the case-law of Common Law c o u n t r i e s . Case-law o r i g i n a t e d i n England under the e a r l y Norman k i n g s . During the Medieval ages, i n England, very few s t a t u t e s of importance e x i s -ted to guide j u d i c i a l d e c i s i o n s . Thus judges were l e f t the task of c r e a t i n g the bulk of law using past experience and common sense. the b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s of p r i v a t e law were l e f t t o be l a i d down by the co u r t s i n l i g h t o f common sense and experience under the p r e v a i l i n g f e u d a l c o n d i t i o n s . ( K i r a l f y , 1973) Thus as K i r a l f y (1973) p o i n t s out, "Case-law i s a product of n e c e s s i t y r a t -her than c h o i c e " . I t i s the thousands of i n d i v i d u a l cases, going back to 1066 AD, on which i s based our fundamental l e g a l concepts. Case-law i s o f t e n s a i d to be the r e s u l t of i n d u c t i v e reasoning, i n the sense t h a t broad p r i n c i p l e s of law emerge as a r e s u l t of the c o l l a t i o n and study of a l a r g e number of separate i n s t a n c e s . ( K i r a l f y , 1973) Thus, case-law c o n s i s t s o f : . . . r u l e s l a i d down by judges. In a system based on case law, judges i n subsequent cases must have regard t o these r u l e s . (Cross, 1968) ft case e x i s t s where one e n t i t y i s seeking l e g a l redress from wrongs i n f l i c t e d by another e n t i t y . A judge must r u l e on each case r e g a r d l e s s of the l a c k of a p p l i c a b l e s t a t u t o r y guidance. In the absence of such guidance judges can only r e l y on precedents. -31--32-I t i s a b a s i c p r i n c i p l e of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e t h a t l i k e cases should be decided a l i k e . This i s enough to account f o r the f a c t t h a t i n almost every j u r i s d i c t i o n , a judge tends t o decide a case i n the same way as t h a t i n which a s i m i l a r case has been decided by another judge. (Cross, 1968) When a judge makes a d e c i s i o n on a case before him he r u l e s on what i s t o happen to the l i t i g a n t s and g i v e s reasons f o r h i s f i n d i n g s of f a c t and h i s l e g a l r u l i n g . The case are precedents which bind lower c o u r t s and which must at l e a s t be considered by a judge of a higher c o u r t . The f a c t t h a t E n g l i s h law i s l a r g e l y a system of case-law means t h a t the judge's d e c i s i o n i n a p a r t i c u l a r case c o n s t i t u t e s a precedent. (Cross, 1968) There are at l e a s t three advantages of the case approach i n law and as a s o c i a l science research t o o l . F i r s t l y , i t enables b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s t o be e s t a b l i s h e d by b u i l d i n g on known experience. A precedent never l o s e s i t s a u t h o r i t y through the passage of time. Provided i t i s s t i l l r e l e v a n t i n p r i n c i p l e , i t r e m a i n s • a u t h o r i t a t i v e . ( K i r a l f y , 1973) Secondly, i t allows past mistakes t o be recognized and avoided. F i n a l l y the case approach encourages consistency by r e f l e c t i n g the "fundamental u n i f o r m i t y o f custom*'. ( K i r a l f y , 1973) In a d d i t i o n to the l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n , authors i n a wide range of f i e l d s have recognized the case approach t o be a u s e f u l t o o l f o r i n f o r m a t i v e r e s -earch and education (Doby, 1967; Madge, 1965; W i l l i n g s , 1968; S e l i t z e t a l , 1959). The study of cases i s an e s s e n t i a l aspect of i n q u i r y and i s p r e l i m i n a r y t o the f o r m u l a t i o n of types and g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s . (Doby, 1967-) -33-. . . the most w i d e l y used, and indeed w i d e l y misused, method of p r a c t i c a l t r a i n i n g i n management i s the case method. ( W i l l i n g s , 1968) The case approach i n research may apply f o r a range of o b j e c t i v e s . I t s purpose may be t o describe "the case i n terms of p a r t i c u l a r i t i e s t h a t are observable" (Doby, 1968). In some s o c i a l research the case study analyzes only w r i t t e n records. S e l l i t z e t a l (I9f>9) proposes a broader d e f i n i t i o n of the use of the case method. . . . The i n t e n s i v e study of s e l e c t e d i n s tances of the phenomenon i n which one i s i n t e r e s t e d . The focus may be on i n d i v i d u a l s , on s i t u a t i o n s , on groups, or on communities. The method of study may be the examination of e x i s t i n g records. I t may a l s o be unstructured i n t e r v i e w i n g or p a r t i c i p a n t observation or some other approach. ( S e l i t z e t a l , 1959) By adapting t h i s d e f i n i t i o n the e x p l o r a t o r y nature of the case method i s heightened and g r e a t e r i n s i g h t i s f o s t e r e d by using a d d i t i o n a l data sources. S e l l i t z e t a l s u b s t i t u t e the term " e x p l o r a t o r y " o r " f o r m u l a t i v e " f o r case study. They see t h i s type of research as an i n i t i a l step i n the study of human r e l a t i o n s because i t a i d s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of problem d e f i n i t i o n , i n f l u e n c i n g v a r i a b l e s and the s e t t i n g s i n which the v a r i a b l e s p f u n c t i o n . Con-sequently a broader base of knowledge develops upon which experimental r e s -earch can be performed. ( S e l l i t z e t a l , T959). These authors o u t l i n e s i x purposes which are r e l e v a n t to the use of the case study method of research. 1. formulate a problem f o r more s p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n 2. development of a hypothesis 3. increase f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h phenomenon t o enable f u r t h e r , more h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d , study 4. c l a r i f y i n g concepts -3k-5. establish priority for further research 6. provide consensus of problems for people working in specific areas (Sellitz et al, 1959) 3.1 Applicability of Case Method to Thesis The focus of this thesis is facilitating resolution of intergovernmental conflict by local area planning. Satisfactory resolution of these conflicts is an important issue in a society where many valid demands exist. The case of the proposed expansion of the Shaughnessy Hospital i l l u s -trated a common situation of inter-governmental conflict where the partic-ipants were trying to advance their own interests. Thus this approach a l l -owed the author to determine what factors were involved in this particular conflict and how they interacted in a situation of current interest to planners. Local area planning is currently practised in several parts of Vancouver. Some proponents argue that more power should be transferred to the neigh-bourhood level while others feel that broader civic interests would be pre-judiced by such actions (Stott, 197li). The case method permitted the au-thor to become familiar with the problems of neighbourhood government and the ramifications these would have for the hypothesis. Generalizations were made about the applicability of conferring land use approval authority upon neighbourhoods. Conclusions were drawn on the role of the neighbourhood, its impact on conflict resolution and how its role could be made more eff-ective in this context. This particular case was well documented and many of the people invol-ved were readily accessible. The case method permitted the integration of these sources of information. -35-The literature review revealed l i t t l e unanimity about the desirability of decentralized neighbourhood power either i n general or specific instances. An approach which examined a specific case demonstrated the applicability of neighbourhood involvement i n that instance. Thus, some conclusions were drawn, which when considered with the subject literature permitted consensus to be formed about the use and desirability of neighbourhood power i n the process of inter-governmental conflict resolution. 3.2 Research Procedure S e l l i t z et a l (1959) indicate that a case study should include three basic elements: literature review, analysis of documentation, substantive interviews. The following procedure was carried out. Pertinent literature was reviewed. Next a number of personal interviews were held with people who were involved i n the proposed Shaughnessy Hospital expansion. Finally, the Shaughnessy case was analysed i n detail which i n -volved a search of existing documentation and integration of that research with the personal interviews. 3.2.1 Literature Review The literature review which was documented in Chapter two, served as the foundation for the remainder of the thesis. It outlined the type of work which existed i n the f i e l d of neighbourhood government and illustrated the conclusions made by various authors. It showed what aspects of the i s s -ue of neighbourhood power have been studied and thus aided i n the formulation of my own hypothesis. The literature revealed that l i t t l e work has been done on inter-governmental conflict resolution. This discovery prompted ex-ploratory research by the author i n this f i e l d i n the Vancouver setting. -36-3.2.2 Documentation Considerable documentation of the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l expansion ex-i s t e d a t Vancouver C i t y H a l l . P u b l i c documents were defined by Gottschaulk (19U5) i n (Madge, 1965) as documents "intended t o convey i n s t r u c t i o n s r e g -arding a t r a n s a c t i o n or t o a i d the memory of persons i n v o l v e d " . Madge (1965) considers records as the most c r e d i b l e form of documentation because they are i n s t r u c t i o n s of command and the people who frame them are anxious t o ensure t h a t t h e i r i n s t r u c t i o n s are understood. Madge does not consider r e p o r t s as accurate as records because they are w r i t t e n a f t e r the event and are thus second hand i n f o r m a t i o n . A l s o they represent the b i a s of the author. Nevertheless, they are u s e f u l f o r the d i v e r s i t y of o p i n i o n which they express and thus are of value i n i d e n t i f y i n g p a r t i c u l a r v i e w p o i n t s . The value of documentation i s t h a t i t r e v e a l s the sequence of events and provides i n s i g h t i n t o the s t r u c t u r e of the problem. However, documents are not s u f f i c i e n t i n themselves "to determine i f a f e a t u r e i s of common occurrence" (Madg^1965) nor i s i t n e c e s s a r i l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the o p i n i o n of a l l those i n v o l v e d . 3.2.2.1 Purpose of Documentary A n a l y s i s Documentary a n a l y s i s provided background f a c t s and f i g u r e s r e l a t e d t o the case study and formed the b a s i s of the i n t e r v i e w questions. The f o l l -owing documentary evidence was c o l l e c t e d . 1. D e s c r i p t i o n of the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l expansion - the need f o r expansion - f u n c t i o n of the B r i t i s h Columbia M e d i c a l Centre - 3 7 -2 . Neighbourhood a n a l y s i s - land use - demographic data - income and occupation - neighbourhood s t a b i l i t y - neighbourhood viewpoint 3. C i t y of Vancouver viewpoint i i . Sequence of events $. R e l a t i o n s h i p which developed between the p r o v i n c e , c i t y and the neighbourhood 3.3 Interviews There were three reasons f o r undertaking p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w s . F i r s t l y , they were used t o v e r i f y c o n c l u s i o n s drawn from the a n a l y s i s of the document-a t i o n . Secondly, they provided i n s i g h t i n t o the o p i n i o n o f those i n v o l v e d as t o how the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n process worked i n t h i s case and whether the r o l e o f the c i t i z e n would be enhanced by c o n f e r r i n g more power t o the neighbourhood l e v e l . F i n a l l y , they f u r n i s h e d p e r c e p t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the three p r i n c i p a l p a r t i c i p a n t s ( P r o v i n c e , C i t y and Neighbourhood) which helped determine whether the c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n process would be im-proved i f c i t i z e n s were b e t t e r organized and more powerful. The type of i n t e r v i e w used may be termed a focussed, formative i n t e r -view. According to Madge (196$) the formative nature of the i n t e r v i e w a l l -ows the informant a wide range of freedom i n h i s answers. This permitted the i n t e r v i e w e r t o deepen h i s own understanding of the informant's p e r c e p t i o n and to formulate conclusions on t h i s b a s i s . However, the author wished t o g a i n a b e t t e r i d e a of the informant's views on l o c a l area planning and d e c e n t r a l -i z a t i o n . Consequently, the questions were aimed i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n which per-mitted comparison of responses. The questions themselves were focussed but the respondent was not l i m i t e d i n h i s r e p l i e s . The questions were r e l a t e d t o -38-the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l expansion and informants were s e l e c t e d from groups and agencies having v a r y i n g degrees of involvement i n t h i s i s s u e . Other questions r e f l e c t e d the s a l i e n t f e a t u r e s of l o c a l area planning i n Vancouver because not a l l informants were cognizant of t h i s process* A d e s c r i p t i o n of t h i s process i s presented i n Chapter f o u r . I t was hoped t h a t the i n t e r v i e w s would e i t h e r c o n f i r m or c l a r i f y the hypothesis. This i s because the importance of c i t i z e n involvement v a r i e s f o r each i n d i v i d u a l . Madge pointed out t h a t every i n t e r v i e w e r must r e a l i z e t h a t "not every t o p i c operates a t the same p s y c h o l o g i c a l l e v e l " . (Madge!, 1965). 3.3.1 Informants Ten people were i n t e r v i e w e d . They possessed a wide range of backgrounds and represented d i f f e r i n g p e r s p e c t i v e s and degrees of involvement i n the proposed h o s p i t a l expansion. Regardless of th i e r i n v o l v e m e n t i n the case study each informant had an o p i n i o n on the concept o f e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n par-t i c i p a t i o n . The s e l e c t i o n of informants was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of p u b l i c agencies, the medical p r o f e s s i o n , three l e v e l s of p o l i t i c a l involvement, and the S o c i a l C r e d i t and New Democratic p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . I t was not the purpose of the research t o compare responses based on a preconceived n o t i o n o f whether an informant represented the p r o v i n c i a l , m u n i c i p a l o r neighbourhood p e r s p e c t i v e . Rather, the questions were designed to probe the group's p e r c e p t i o n of i n -creased c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and power. Comparison of i n d i v i d u a l responses was made t o see what opinions and p e r s p e c t i v e s emerged r e g a r d l e s s of the informant's a f f i l i a t i o n . These r e s u l t s were then r e l a t e d to the viewpoints i d e n t i f i e d i n the documentary a n a l y s i s . This determined which p o i n t of view -39-predominated and what i t meant t o the degree of i n f l u e n c e c i t i z e n s should possess a t the neighbourhood l e v e l . The questions asked were as f o l l o w s : 1. Are you s a t i s f i e d w i t h the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n which was c a r r i e d out f o r the proposed Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l expansion i n Vancouver? 2. For the proposed expansion of the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l please i n d i c a t e : a) favourable aspects of c i t i z e n involvement b) unfavourable aspects of c i t i z e n involvement 3. Do you f e e l t h a t the c i t i z e n s on the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n s Advisory Committee are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the neighbourhood? Please e x p l a i n . U. Would your o r g a n i z a t i o n have been aided by the establishment by C i t y C o u n c i l o f a committee o f l o c a l c i t i z e n s from the neighbour-hood t o advise on the l o c a l impact o f the proposed h o s p i t a l ? Please e x p l a i n . $. Should the c i t i z e n s committee be e l e c t e d ? What s i g n i f i c a n c e do you f e e l an e l e c t e d committee would have? 6. From what area should the committee be chosen? a) area of immediate impact b) e x i s t i n g d e f i n e d neighbourhood 7. Should the land use approval and rezoning a u t h o r i t y f o r i t s r e s p -e c t i v e area be vested i n the l o c a l committee? Please e x p l a i n . 8. What o p e r a t i o n a l f a c t o r s would be necessary t o make the c i t i z e n s committee e f f e c t i v e r e g a r d l e s s of i t s power? Please e x p l a i n . 9. Would the establishment o f a l o c a l l y e l e c t e d c i t i z e n s committee have aggravated or a l l e v i a t e d the c o n f l i c t which developed between -Uo-the Province and the C i t y over the proposed Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l expansion: a) i f the c i t i z e n committee e x e r c i s e d land use r e g u l a t o r y power, b) i f the c i t i z e n committee acted i n an advisory c a p a c i t y . The preceding questions were d i r e c t e d t o the f o l l o w i n g people: Mr. D. Cocke. Former M i n i s t e r of Health and H o s p i t a l Insurance. NDP MLA f o r New Westminster. Mr. R. Cummings. Former NDP MLA - Vancouver L i t t l e Mountain. Dr. W. Gibson. Head of the Department of the H i s t o r y of Science and Medicine, UBCj former Alderman, C i t y of Vancouver; present e l e c t e d member, Vancouver Parks Board. Mrs. G. McCarthy. P r o v i n c i a l S e c r e t a r y . S o c i a l C r e d i t MLA - Vancouver L i t t l e Mountain. Mr. D. McGougan. Member, Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n s Advisory Committee; P r e s i d e n t , C e n t r a l Cambie Rate Payers A s s o c i a t i o n . Mr. R. Spaxman. D i r e c t o r of P l a n n i n g , C i t y of Vancouver. Mr. J . V o l r i c h . Alderman, C i t y of Vancouver. Mr. D. Weaver. P r e s i d e n t , B r i t i s h Columbia Me d i c a l Centre. Mr. E. Wolfe. M i n i s t e r of Finance. S o c i a l C r e d i t MLA - Vancouver L i t t l e Mountain. Miss P. Young. Former M i n i s t e r of Consumer A f f a i r s ; former NDP MLA -Vancouver L i t t l e Mountain. 3.U L i m i t a t i o n s The problems encountered w h i l e c a r r y i n g out t h i s research l a y w i t h the p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w s . A l l the i n d i v i d u a l s noted above c o n t r i b u t e d t o the r e s u l t s o u t l i n e d i n the next chapter. However, two of the respondents are now Cabinet M i n i s t e r s i n the P r o v i n c i a l Government. I t simply was not poss-i b l e t o i n t e r v i e w them p e r s o n a l l y o r by telephone because of t h e i r schedules. Questionnaires were mailed t o which they r e p l i e d . However, they responded - U 1 -to the questionnaire in general and not to specific questions. Thus, their views on some of the questions can only be inferred. This situation greatly reduces the effectiveness of their replies. However, i t is not judged to reduce the overall validity of the total questionnaire results. CHAPTER h U.O F i n d i n g s This chapter d e s c r i b e s the L o c a l Area Planning process of the C i t y of Vancouver, which forms the b a s i s of the hypothesis, namely t h a t the r e s o l -u t i o n of p r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l land development c o n f l i c t s would be improved through the establishment of l o c a l area planning programs. The f i n d i n g s of the documentary a n a l y s i s are presented followed by a d i s c u s s i o n of the r e s u l t s of the personal i n t e r v i e w s . Vancouver C i t y Area Planning Process The L o c a l Area Planning process f o r the C i t y o f Vancouver i s r e f l e c t e d i n the Planning Department document, Shaping the Future, 197U. The purpose of area planning i n Vancouver i s : . . . to develop planning and implementation p o l i c i e s f o r s p e c i f i c areas of the c i t y and t o provide day t o day planning s e r v i c e f o r every p a r t of the c i t y . (Shaping the Future, 197U) The o b j e c t s of the process are t o : . . . continue d e t a i l e d s t u d i e s of l o c a l areas w i t h i n the c i t y ; to be responsive to l o c a l needs, and t o assess p u b l i c o p i n i o n i n those areasj t o recommend p o l i c y and co-ordinate development compatible w i t h the o v e r a l l p o l i c y s t r u c t u r e . (Shaping the Future. 197U L o c a l Area Planning i s a l e v e l o f d e t a i l e d planning t o ensure t h a t the needs of neighbourhoods are r e f l e c t e d i n the c i t y - w i d e p e r s e p e c t i v e . Shaping  the Future (197U) i n d i c a t e s t h a t c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p o l i c y i s not e x p l i c -i t l y stated but f i n d s expression i n one of the planks of The E l e c t o r s A c t i o n -1x2--1*3-Movement (TEAM) p l a t f o r m . TEAM i s one of the f o u r l o c a l p o l i t i c a l groups i n v o l v e d i n c i v i c e l e c t i o n s i n Vancouver. The i n t e n t of the p l a t f o r m i s t o encourage c i t i z e n involvement during the formative stages of any planning proposals and t o make a v a i l a b l e t o c i t i z e n s any i n f o r m a t i o n which would have a bearing on t h e i r neighbourhood. The primary c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a l o c a l area planning process i n c l u d e a s i t e o f f i c e w i t h planning s t a f f , l o c a t e d i n a neighbourhood. C i t i z e n s i n the l o c a l area are chosen t o s i t on a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e advisory committee. This s t r u c t u r e g i v e s the neighbourhood access t o C o u n c i l from duly recognized committee and t o the c i v i c bureaucracy through planning s t a f f i n the s i t e o f f i c e . The choice of c i t i z e n s t o s i t on the l o c a l advisory committee v a r i e s between p a r t i c i p a t i n g neighbourhoods i n Vancouver. The committee s t r u c t u r e and s e l e c t i o n process i s geared t o the p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n i n the neigh-bourhood. For example, the advisory committee i n K i t s i l a n o i s made up of i n d i v i d u a l s s e l e c t e d from a number of l o c a l community groups. Cedar-Cottage has open membership. The committee i n Grandview-Woodlands was e l e c t e d on a mini-ward b a s i s . C i t y C o u n c i l i n s i s t s t h a t these committees be represen-t a t i v e of the neighbourhood, and much work, i n the neighbourhood, i s under-taken to ensure r e p r e s e n t a t i v e groups are s e l e c t e d . To date C i t y C o u n c i l has accepted the d i v e r s i t y of neighbourhood committee s t r u c t u r e . ( I n t e r v i e w w i t h ¥. Buholzer, Area Planner, Vancouver Planning Department, March 10, 1976.) The emphasis of the l o c a l area process i s concerned w i t h area conserv-a t i o n , development, and l o c a l zoning but d e t a i l s may d i f f e r between neigh-bourhoods. C i t i z e n s p l a y a major r o l e i n e s t a b l i s h i n g development g u i d e l i n e s f o r t h e i r neighbourhoods. They a l s o advise C o u n c i l on d a i l y development -hh-matters, such as rezoning or development permit a p p l i c a t i o n s w i t h i n the l o c a l area. C i t y C o u n c i l r e t a i n s the development approval f u n c t i o n and has veto power over proposed neighbourhood p l a n s . Thus, neighbourhood goals are kept i n c i t y - w i d e p e r s p e c t i v e . I n d i v i d u a l aldermen a c t as the p o l i t i c a l l i a s o n between C i t y C o u n c i l and the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee. The d i f f e r e n c e between l o c a l area planning and c i t y - w i d e planning i s t h a t the former assumes t h a t the i n i t i a t i v e f o r planning l i e s w i t h the comp-onent neighbourhoods of the c i t y w h i l e i n the l a t t e r case the i n i t i a t i v e l i e s w i t h C i t y C o u n c i l f o l l o w e d by c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h the neighbourhood and adjustment of c i t y and l o c a l o b j e c t i v e s . Neighbourhoods are designated as l o c a l areas on the b a s i s of l o c a l needs, development pressures and l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e . At t h i s time the l o c a l area planning process i s operating i n K i t s i l a n o , Grandview-Woodlands, F a i r v i e w Slopes, Downtown East S i d e , and Cedar Cottage-Kensington. In a d d i t i o n , ex-t e n s i v e p u b l i c contact i s maintained i n those areas of the c i t y where major developments are t a k i n g p l a c e . Examples are the Burrard I n l e t Waterfront, F a l s e Creek, Champlain Heights and the North Arm of the F r a s e r R i v e r . The emphasis i n these l a t t e r areas r e l a t e s s p e c i f i c a l l y to the p r o j e c t underway as opposed t o the numerous i s s u e s faced i n a l o c a l area. The remainder of the c i t y does not have l o c a l area s t a t u s p r i m a r i l y because of the f i n a n c i a l l i m i t a t i o n which n e c e s s i t a t e t h a t p r i o r i t i e s be e s t a b l i s h e d f o r s e l e c t i o n of neighbourhoods. This i s because the i s s u e s i n one neighbourhood may be more p r e s s i n g than i n another. The area Planning D i v i s i o n does provide s t a f f a s s i s t a n c e t o these other l o c a l r e s i d e n t i a l areas. This planning s t a f f works w i t h community groups and provides a contact f o r p u b l i c e n q u i r i e s r e l a t e d t o l o c a l matters. They a l s o review and advise on a l l planning and development p r o j e c t s throughout the c i t y t o ensure t h a t the -U5-l o c a l and c i t y goals may be as compatible as p o s s i b l e . li.2 Documentary A n a l y s i s U.2.1 Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l Expansion The i n i t i a t i n g f o r c e behind the proposed expansion of the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l was the B r i t i s h Columbia Me d i c a l Centre. The Centre was created because the Province perceived a need f o r upgrading and expanding medical s e r v i c e s and e d u c a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . B r i t i s h Columbia t e r t i a r y s e r v i c e s at the Vancouver General H o s p i t a l are out of datej f a c i l i t i e s f o r c h i l d r e n and high r i s k i n f a n t s are p a r t i c u l a r l y u n s a t i s f a c t o r y : f a c i l i t i e s f o r teaching p r o f e s s i o n a l s , p h y s i c i a n s , nurses, d e n t i s t s e t c . are f a r from adequate; emergency wards are over-loaded and not s a t i s f a c t o r y , l a c k i n g e s p e c i a l l y p r o v i s i o n of proper treatment of acute p s y c h i a t r i c p a t i e n t s . ( E x t r a c t from B r i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre's p r e s e n t a t i o n t o Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l , February 25, 1975.) The terms of reference of the M e d i c a l Centre are contained i n the M e d i c a l Centre of B r i t i s h Columbia A c t , 1973. S e c t i o n 6, 7, 16 and 18 spec-i f y i t s powers and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . E s s e n t i a l l y i t i s a c o r p o r a t i o n resp-o n s i b l e f o r c o - o r d i n a t i n g the a c t i v i t i e s of i t s member i n s t i t u t i o n s t o avoid d u p l i c a t i o n of s e r v i c e s . The B r i t i s h Columbia Me d i c a l Centre (see Map l ) i s a complex of h o s p i t a l s and r e l a t e d h e a l t h f a c i l i t i e s organized t o provide the best p o s s i b l e p a t i e n t care s e r v i c e s , h e a l t h s c i e n c e s , teaching and r e l a t e d r e s e a r c h f o r the e n t i r e p r o v i n c e . I t i s composed of the f o l l o w i n g medical i n s t i t u t i o n s : Vancouver General H o s p i t a l , Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l , St. Paul's H o s p i t a l , B r i t i s h Columbia Cancer I n s t i t u t e , G.F. Strong R e h a b i l i t a t i o n Centre, C h i l d r e n ' s H o s p i t a l and the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Health S e r v i c e s P s y c h i a t r y U n i t , a l l l o c -Legend St. Pauls BC Cancer Institute Vancouver General GP Strong Rehab-i l i t a t i o n Centre Shaughnessy Veteran's Hospital BC Children's Hospital UBC Health Services Psyc-h i a t r y Unit Map 1 Location of Member  Ins t i t u t i o n s of the  British.Columbia  Medical Centre miles Scource: Bernard,et a l . P r o f i l e : Vancouver. 1975 -H7-ated i n the Vancouver area. The services provided are highly sophisticated and require that the services of the member institutions be integrated under on Board of Directors for coordination. The enormous needs, as well as, public expectations for advanced services provided by British Columbia Medical Centre Hospitals, represent a significant funding requirement from a l l levels of government. The Centre has a responsibility to ensure that the public funds are allocated i n the best interest of the total community. The est-ablishment of the Br i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre, under one Board of Directors, provides the mechanism for achieving this through cooperative planning and by avoiding duplication of costly f a c i l i t i e s and services within a decentralized framework. (Extract from the Br i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre's presentation to Vancouver City Council, February 25, 1975) The i n i t i a l plans of the Medical Centre called for the construction of a new hospital of 1.5 million square feet, containing 1120 acute care beds on the Shaughnessy site. Shaughnessy i s presently a 920 bed chronic hosp-i t a l . (Hayes, 197U). The new f a c i l i t y would emphasize pediatrics, obstet-r i c s , gynaecology cancer research and education. The plans have since been reduced to 950 acute care beds. Roughly 500 beds w i l l be i n the present structure and the remainder i n a new 350-UOO bed f a c i l i t y located on the same site. (Shaughnessy Hospital Citizen's Advisory Committee, "Interim Report to Council", June 13, 1975; mimeograph). The Shaughnessy site was chose because of i t s large size (46 acres), and i t s accessibility within the Greater Vancouver area with respect to the other members of the Medical Centre and indeed the Province, due to the near-ness of the site to the International Airport. (Extract from the Br i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre presentation to Vancouver City Council, February 26, 1975). -U8-Map # 1 i l l u s t r a t e s the l o c a t i o n of the Shaughnessy Hospital.. I t was the p o l i c y of the P r o v i n c i a l Government and the Medical Centre to cooperate w i t h the C i t y . This d e c i s i o n i s confirmed i n correspondence w i t h the P r e s i d e n t of the Centre t o Mayor A. P h i l l i p s . We have i n d i c a t e d t o your t e c h n i c a l s t a f f , t h a t we w i l l cooperate i n every way p o s s i b l e i n order t o o b t a i n development and zoning permits. (K. Weaver, P r e s i d e n t t o B r i t i s h Columbia Med i c a l Centre t o Mayor A. P h i l l i p s , J u l y 10, 197U). A meeting held on May 8, 197U, between o f f i c i a l s of the C i t y and the Medical Centre a l s o i n d i c a t e d w i l l i n g n e s s of the Province t o cooperate w i t h the c i t y . Mr Christensen assured Dr. Bryson t h a t i t i s the B r i t i s h Columbia Me d i c a l Centre's p o l i c y t o cooperate w i t h the C i t y of Vancouver i n a l l r e s p e c t s and the M e d i c a l Centre Shaughnessy s i t e development and other member i n s t i t u t i o n ; developments would f o l l o w normal C i t y H a l l procedures. (Minutes of a meeting between the M e d i c a l Centre and C i t y H a l l o f f i c i a l s , May 8, 197U). U.2.2 Neighbourhood A n a l y s i s Map # 2 i l l u s t r a t e s the e x i s t i n g d e f i n e d neighbourhoods i n the v i c i n i t y of Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l . The o u t l i n e d area i s the extent over which the major l o c a l impact of the i n i t i a l Shaughnessy proposal would be f e l t . Im-pact i s not confined to one p a r t i c u l a r area but r a t h e r p a r t s of a number of neighbourhoods. This means t h a t the a c t u a l community of i n t e r e s t transcends r e a l and perceived neighbourhood boundaries. U.2.2.1 Land Use The s i z e of the area which would be impacted upon i s roughly one square -h9-mile (61*0 a c r e s ) . Table # 1 i l l u s t r a t e s some of the s a l i e n t f e a t u r e s of t h i s area. Table 1 Neighbourhood A n a l y s i s POPULATION DENSITY/ACRE HOUSING TYPE {% of t o t a l s i n g l e f a m i l y , m u l t i p l e f a m i l y TENURE (% of t o t a l ) owned rented LENGTH OF RESIDENCE 2 years (% of t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n INCOME R i l e y Park 16.6 69.0 31.0 63.0 37.0 31.5 low-medium Shaughnessy S. Cambie Vancouver 9.0 12.9 15.3 75.0 25.0 72.0 28.0 28.0 h i g h 65.0 35.0 62.0 38.0 U9.0 51.0 U7.0 53.0 22.5 ii0.2 medium-high S o u r c e : C i t y of Vancouver Planning Department, Vancouver L o c a l Areas, 1975 The f i g u r e s i n t h i s t a b l e r e l a t e t o the i n d i v i d u a l neighbourhoods and not t o the area of community o f i n t e r e s t . However, they do provide some i n -s i g h t of the chara c t e r of the impacted area. Housing type, tenure and income vary throughout the study area. The hi g h e s t d e n s i t y and lowest income area corresponds t o e a s t e r n s e c t i o n s of the study area. The remainder i s p r i m a r i l y s i n g l e f a m i l y r e s i d e n t i a l w i t h h i g -her income. R e n t a l accommodation i s l o c a t e d mostly i n South Cambie and R i l e y Park where 37 and 38 percent of the housing i s rented. West of Oak only 25 percent i s r e n t a l accommodation. R e s i d e n t i a l s t a b i l i t y i s roughly equal throughout the study area. Betw-een 22 and 32 percent of the p o p u l a t i o n have l i v e d here two years or l e s s . Shaughnessy Heights z: \ \ South Cambi* R i i s y Park ! SHAUGHNESSY: HOSPITAL SITE Map 2, Area of Impact and Coaponent Neighbourhoods S c a l e Legend 500 0 500 1000 1500 % mile radius pg5g»f^ ^FMmgm I • % mile radius 1" * 1000' N institutional land use neighbourhood boundaries - 5 1 -Land use in the study area is predominantly residential. Small pockets of commercial areas are found around the edges of the neighbourhood. A most significant feature is the amount of government owned land in the area. Institutions make up nearly 27 percent of a l l developable land in the area. The Shaughnessy site is the second largest parcel in the area comprising U6 acres. The study area contains a range but not a mix of land uses. Zoning in this area is quite restrictive and thus the land uses are made internally homogenous. The presence of major institutions in this area indicate that govern-mental agencies recognize the strategic importance of this location with respect to Vancouver, the Regional District, and the Province as a site for the provision of various health services. (Stone, 1975. Unpublished term paper. Planning 510a). h.2.2.2 Population Table # 2 illustrates the breakdown of age groups living in the three neighbourhoods which comprise the study area. Table 2 Age Composition of Population in the Study Area  4 m a % Composition of Total Population Shaughnessy South Cambie Riley Park Vancouver 0 ---1U 21.6 16.8 23.3 19.6 15 - 19 10.8 7.7 8.9 7.8 20 - 3h 17.7 20.5 21.9 2U.3 35 - Sh 2U.7 22.2 23.0 23.5 55 - 6U 11.3 12.3 11.1 11.3 65+ 13.9 20.5 11.8 13.5 Source: Vancouver Planning Department. Vancouver Local Areas, 1975 * Compiled from a l n to 1000' map. -52-A l l three areas have a w e l l balanced age d i s t r i b u t i o n s i m i l a r t o t h a t of Vancouver. The l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of c h i l d r e n i n the study area means t h a t there i s a l a r g e f a m i l y component. When compared w i t h the l e n g t h of residence l e s s than two years (Table 1) i t appears t h a t these areas are, f o r the present, q u i t e s t a b l e from a demographic standpoint. 4.2.3 Sequence of Events C i t y C o u n c i l was concerned t h a t congestion at the Vancouver General H o s p i t a l had reached unacceptable l e v e l s . On May 15> 1973 C o u n c i l r e s o l v e d : . . . t o express t o the Greater Vancouver Regional H o s p i t a l D i s t r i c t the d e s i r e of the Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l t h a t the concen-t r a t i o n o f medical f a c i l i t i e s a t the Vancouver General H o s p i t a l not be increased above present and t h a t needed f a c i l i t i e s be placed elsewhere. (Minutes of a C o u n c i l meeting. Vancouver, May 15, 1 9 7 3 ) . At t h i s same meeting i t was f u r t h e r r e s o l v e d t h a t C o u n c i l seek d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h the M i n i s t e r of Health about the f u t u r e use of the Shaughnessy M i l i t a r y H o s p i t a l . On J u l y 20, 1973, the M i n i s t e r of Health S e r v i c e s and H o s p i t a l Insurance announced the formation of the B r i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre. I t was i n -corporated under the Medical Centre of B r i t i s h Columbia Act on November 7, 1973. On A p r i l 23* 197U, the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l s i t e was t r a n s f e r r e d from the F e d e r a l Government t o the Province and i n J u l y 197U, the M e d i c a l Centre assumed p r o p r i a t o r s h i p of the s i t e under s e c t i o n 18 (1) of the M e d i c a l Centre of B r i t i s h Columbia A c t . Under the F e d e r a l - P r o v i n c i a l agreement t r a n s f e r r i n g the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l t o the P r o v i n c i a l government, B r i t i s h Columbia agreed to assume f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the veterans l i v i n g a t the h o s p i t a l . -53-When City Council learned that the Shaughnessy site was to be used by the Medical Centre, i t resolved on August 1U, 1973s that the Council extend instructions given to the Planning Department respecting future Vancouver General Hospital expansion plans, to include study of the area ex-tending from West Broadway to 33rd Avenue between Oak and Cambie Streets and in-cluding the Shaughnessy site. (Minutes of a Council meeting. Vancouver, August 1u, 1973). At the same meeting Council also asked that an Area Planning program proposal be drawn up. This point indicated Council's concern that expan-sion of the Shaughnessy site would have adverse local impacts. It also dem-onstrated Council's desire that a mechanism be established so that local c i t -izens could be involved in the formative stages of planning for the proposed hospital. The f i r s t meeting between the City of Vancouver and the Medical Centre occurred on May 8, *\97h at which time the Centre assured the City of its willingness to cooperate. On May 17, 1971* the Director of Planning reported to the Standing Committee on Civic and Community Development: The local area planning program proposed for the Shaughnessy Hospital area is put forward on the basis that the development of this massive centre will bring with i t a whole series of consequences for the immediate neighbourhood. The Medical Centre has agreed to bear the costs of a local area planning operation in this area. The President of the Medical Centre also informed the Mayor of the Centre's willingness to bear the costs of a local area planning program. As you know we are prepared to allocate funds to provide staff in or out of City Hall, to help City Hall co-operate to the best extent to meet the very stringent timetable we have for construction. (K. Weaver to Mayor A. Phillips. Vancouver, July 10, 19710. In l i g h t of the d i f f i c u l t y the Medical Centre had i n h i r i n g q u a l i f i e d s t a f f the Planning Department f e l t t h a t i t should undertake an impact study of the proposed h o s p i t a l . This study began on September, 197U. The Planning Department a l s o acquired i t s own s t a f f to work w i t h the community groups i n the area, r a i s e awareness of the Shaughnessy proposal and t o organize a p u b l i c hearing f o r November 27, 197U. A p u b l i c hearing was necessary because the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l was zoned RT-2 (two f a m i l y d w e l l i n g d i s t r i c t ) . This H o s p i t a l predated the present zoning d e s i g n a t i o n . To b u i l d the proposed d e n s i t y CD-1 (Comprehensive Dev-elopment) d e s i g n a t i o n was r e q u i r e d . P r i o r t o the p u b l i c hearing the planner working i n the area advised t h a t c i t i z e n i n t e r e s t was very h i g h and t h a t they wanted answers to questions of Medical Centre p o l i c y . For example, why was the Shaughnessy s i t e chosen? Why weren't e x i s t i n g b u i l d i n g s being r e t a i n e d ? (Interdepartmental memorandum. W. Buholzer t o R. Youngberg, D i r e c t o r Area Planning D i v i s i o n . Vancouver, November 1a, 197a). On November 26, 197a, 350 people turned out at the p u b l i c hearing f o r the rezoning of the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l s i t e . Reaction from the meeting showed t h a t c i t i z e n s were very much opposed t o the i n i t i a l proposals of the Medical Centre. As a r e s u l t s o f t h i s meeting a committee of v o l u n t e e r s was stru c k t o work w i t h the Medical Centre t o ensure t h a t the neighbourhood concerns were considered. The f i r s t few meetings of the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee and the B r i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre were not very p r o d u c t i v e . The Medical Centre showed l i t t l e i n c l i n a t i o n t o compromise and as l a t e as February 25» 1975 was s t i l l t r y i n g t o advance i t s o r i g i n a l concept. From i t s i n c e p t i o n the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee -55-held s e v e r a l meetings on i t s own and w i t h the Medical Centre t o t r y and achieve a compromise s o l u t i o n . I t s f u n c t i o n was t o examine and o f f e r a l -t e r n a t e - p r o p o s a l s f o r d i s c u s s i o n w i t h the M e d i c a l Centre. The Committee toured the e x i s t i n g Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l to determine i f i t needed t o be demolished. I t was an ongoing s t r u c t u r e composed of i n d i -v i d u a l s who were rpragmatic, p o s i t i v e and dedicated t o t h e - r e s p o n s i b i l i t y they had undertaken. This i s an impression which i s borne out i n the documen-t a t i o n ' and i n the i n t e r v i e w s which are- reported l a t e r . On February 25, 1975, a s p e c i a l C o u n c i l meeting was held w i t h the M i n i s t e r of Health and o f f i c i a l s of the B r i t i s h Columbia Me d i c a l Centre. This meeting culminated i n a r e p o r t of the Vancouver Sun on March 6, 1975 t h a t the i n i t i a l p roposal of the Medical Centre was unacceptable t o C i t y C o u n c i l and the M i n i s t e r and would be scaled down. Fol l o w i n g the February 26, 1975 s p e c i a l meeting a s e r i e s of meetings were held between the Medical Centre and the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee. On June 18, 1975 the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee r e -ported t o "City C o u n c i l t h a t they-had reached."Lagreement w i t h the Medical Centre, on some terms of reference f o r f u t u r e M e d i c a l planning w i t h respect to the Shaughnessy s i t e . These are summarized below: 1. E x i s t i n g b u i l d i n g s would not be demolished. 2. Present f a c i l i t i e s would be upgraded to provide acute c a r e . 3. Teaching f a c i l i t i e s would be spread amongst other Medical Centre i n s t i t u t i o n s . 1*. The Vancouver General would remain the main r e f e r r a l centre f o r the Province but the number of beds would be reduced. -56-5. A new 350 - 1*00 bed h o s p i t a l f o r mother and c h i l d care would be b u i l t on the Shaughnessy s i t e . With the defeat of the New Democratic Party on December 12, 197$, the Medical Centre was put under study by the new government. On March 3, 1976 the new M i n i s t e r of Health and H o s p i t a l Insurance announced t h a t the B r i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre had been phased out. The 'demise' of the M e d i c a l Centre may be a t t r i b u t e d to at l e a s t two f e a t u r e s . F i r s t l y , i t i n f r i n g e d on the U n i v e r s i t i e s Act. This Act had made the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l -umbia s o l e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r medical education i n the P r o v i n c e . Secondly, i t v i o l a t e d the Regional D i s t r i c t s Act which makes the r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r b u i l d i n g and m a i n t a i n i n g h o s p i t a l s . (Personal i n t e r v i e w w i t h Dr. W. Gibson, UBC School of Medicine). In the former case the M e d i c a l Centre would have assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r medical education i n the Prov-i n c e . In the second case, i t c e n t r a l i z e d a u t h o r i t y f o r a l l expenditure f o r h o s p i t a l planning and c o n s t r u c t i o n w i t h i n the P r o v i n c e . The r e s u l t of t h i s trend to c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of medical f a c i l i t i e s and education alone created considerable o p p o s i t i o n t o the concept of the Medical Centre. (Dr. W. Gibson, UBC School of Medicine). 4.2.U Neighbourhood Viewpoint An i n t e r i m r e p o r t to C i t y C o u n c i l by the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee on January 28, 1975 expressed neighbourhood o p i n i o n . I n -i t i a l l o c a l r e a c t i o n t o the proposed plans of the Medical Centre was n e g a t i v e . At the p u b l i c hearing (November, 27, 1975) c i t i z e n s were angry t h a t they had not been i n v o l v e d e a r l i e r . -57-This was the f i r s t time, a f t e r over a year of p r e p a r a t i o n by BCMC, t h a t the gene r a l p u b l i c became aware of the tremendous scope of the proposed development. (Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee. 'Interim Report t o C o u n c i l ' . Vancouver, January 28, 1975. Mimeograph) The l o c a l concerns expressed i n the above r e p o r t were about the l i k e -l i h o o d of increased t r a f f i c and parking i n the adjacent r e s i d e n t i a l s t r e e t s . The c i t i z e n s a l s o expected pressure f o r higher d e n s i t y housing p l u s increased demand f o r commercial and o f f i c e space. T h i s would s u b s t a n t i a l l y a l t e r the present c h a r a c t e r o f the area. Hayes (197U) bears out t h i s concern i n h i s impact statement, The Proposed Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l Expansion: An Assess- ment of P o t e n t i a l Impacts. Chapters t h r e e , f o u r and f i v e d e a l w i t h the f o r e -going concerns. C i t i z e n s a l s o c r i t i c i z e d the Medical Centre's i n t e n t to demolish the e x i s t i n g h o s p i t a l which they b e l i e v e d t o be s t r u c t u r a l l y sound. They f e l t too many a c t i v i t i e s were included i n one l o c a t i o n and i n s u f f i c i e n t thought g i v e n t o p o s s i b i l i t i e s which may be afforded by other member i n s t i t u t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n , the present h o s p i t a l has a great d e a l of importance t o the l o c a l community. (Personal i n t e r v i e w w i t h Dr. W. Gibson, UBC School of Medicine, March 5, 1 9 7 6 ) . For example, v a r i o u s l a d i e s ' groups i n the area go t o the h o s p i t a l r e g u l a r l y to v i s i t w i t h the veterans. Volunteer work such as t h i s i s common i n the area, according to Dr. Gibson, and considered very important by those who p a r t i c i p a t e . The C i t i z e n ' s Committee d i d recognize the need f o r new medical f a c i l i t i e s and t h a t the Shaughnessy s i t e afforded scope t o provide them. Most r e s i d e n t s recognize t h a t there should be proper u t i l i z a t i o n of the Shaughnessy s i t e f o r h o s p i t a l purposes. (Mr. D. McGougan, P r e s i d e n t , C e n t r a l Cambie Ratepayers A s s o c i a t i o n t o Alderman J . V o l r i c h , December, 197U). -58-A f t e r the n e g o t i a t i o n s w/ t H - ; -the M e d i c a l Centre ; the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee reported t h e i r s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the outcome t o C i t y C o u n c i l . I t i s the o p i n i o n of t h i s Committee t h a t the formation of t h i s committee of i n t e r e s t e d c i t i z e n s , and the work done by the Committee over the months along w i t h other i n t e r e s t e d o r g a n i z a t i o n s was a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n the d e c i s i o n o f the M i n i s t e r of H e a l t h t o r e - d i r e c t the e f f o r t s of the B r i t i s h Columbia Med i c a l Centre towards a more r e a l i s t i c approach to the s o l u t i o n of p r o v i d i n g work-able teaching h o s p i t a l f a c i l i t i e s w i t h the ongoing h e a l t h care requirements of the g e n e r a l p u b l i c . (Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee, " I n t e r i m Report t o C o u n c i l " . Vancouver, June 18, 1975• Mimeograph). U.2.5 C i t y of Vancouver Viewpoint I t w i l l be remembered t h a t the Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l i n s t r u c t e d t h a t an area planning process proposal be drawn up by the Planning Department. An i n t e r d e p a r t m e n t a l memo o u t l i n e d the goals o f the proposed process. r e l a t e the goals of the a f f e c t e d communities and o v e r a l l C i t y p o l i c i e s w i t h h o s p i t a l expansion p l a n s . (T. Geach t o R. Spaxman, Planning D i r e c t o r , Vancouver, A p r i l 29, 197U). The program would i n v o l v e e s t a b l i s h i n g community p a r t i c i p a t i o n proced-u r e s . Data t o be c o l l e c t e d would i n c l u d e the type of proposed h o s p i t a l f a c i l i t i e s , land ownership, land use, redevelopment p o t e n t i a l , p o p u l a t i o n , employment, t r a f f i c and p a r k i n g , and community f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s . The i n f o r m a t i o n would then be analyzed to determine the impact of the development and t o propose a l t e r n a t i v e s . Community problems and i s s u e s would be i d e n t i f i e d . From t h i s p o i n t s p e c i f i c community o b j e c t i v e s could be e l u c -i d a t e d and ranked i n order of p r i o r i t y . The f i n a l component of the process would e s t a b l i s h a l t e r n a t i v e development -59-proposals i n c l u d i n g statements of consequences, f e a s i b i l i t y c o s t s and b e n e f i t s and p o s s i b l e implementation s t r a t e g i e s . This stage leads i n t o the d r a f t i n g of proposals which would i n c l u d e statements on design standards, housing and p o s s i b l e s o c i a l programs as w e l l as t r a f f i c c i r c u l a t i o n . The C i t y ' s viewpoint pertained to the proposed expansion as i t would a f f e c t the broad p e r s p e c t i v e of the c i t y as w e l l as i t s p o s s i b l e impact on the l o c a l area. For example, a t a meeting on A p r i l 23, 197U between o f f i c i a l s of the C i t y and the Medical Centre, the C i t y Engineer i n d i c a t e d t h a t the surrounding r e s i d e n t i a l s t r e e t s could not absorb the increased t r a f f i c and parking load which could be expected. U.2.6 R e l a t i o n s h i p between the P r o v i n c e , C i t y and Neighbourhood The C i t y of Vancouver contacted the Province over the f u t u r e use of the Shaughnessy s i t e (May 15, 1973) p r i o r t o the formation of the M e d i c a l Centre. From t h a t p o i n t on a c l o s e t e c h n i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p developed between the C i t y and the M e d i c a l Centre. The Centre made a v a i l a b l e whatever i n f o r m a t i o n i t could t o help the C i t y determine the impact of the H o s p i t a l so t h a t the i n -formation exchange and cooperation would f a c i l i t a t e speedy approval of t h e i r p l a n s . The r e l a t i o n s h i p which developed between the C i t y and the Medical Centre was s i m i l a r t o t h a t between the C i t y and a p r i v a t e developer. T h i s was be-cause the C i t y d i d not i n i t i a l l y t e l l the Medical Centre the type of d e v e l -opment i t wanted i n t h a t neighbourhood. Instead the M e d i c a l Centre, l i k e most developers, submitted i t s own plans of what i t wanted t o do on the Shaughnessy s i t e . From t h a t p o i n t i t was matter of n e g o t i a t i o n between the C i t y and the Medical Centre, w i t h the C i t y t r y i n g t o s c a l e down the magnitude of the p r o p o s a l . However, i t took the o p p o s i t i o n of l o c a l c i t i z e n s and u l t --60-imately the i n t e r v e n t i o n of the M i n i s t e r of Health to make the Centre r e -t h i n k i t s proposals. On a broader l e v e l the B r i t i s h Columbia Me d i c a l Centre and Vancouver were i n agreement t h a t the development of the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l would:be mutually b e n e f i c i a l . I t would b e n e f i t the Centre by the newer and b e t t e r h e a l t h f a c i l i t i e s . The C i t y would d i r e c t l y b e n e f i t due t o the r e l i e f of congestion a t Vancouver General. We agree w i t h you t h a t t h i s a l l o c a t i o n of beds f a l l s w i t h i n the C i t y ' s concept of t r y i n g to decongest the l a r g e r h o s p i t a l areas and i n p a r t i c u l a r the Vancouver General. (K. Weaver, P r e s i d e n t , B r i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre t o Mayor A. P h i l l i p s , Vancouver, J u l y 10, 197a). The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the M e d i c a l Centre and the neighbourhood was l e s s cooperative. P r i o r t o the November 27, 197a p u b l i c h e a r i n g , there had been no c i t i z e n i n p u t i n t o the process. The Medical Centre, as evidenced by the quote on page 53 was not convinced t h a t the l o c a l c i t i z e n s had a major r o l e to play i n making p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s . C i t i z e n i n t e r e s t and involvement i n the proposed h o s p i t a l was c o n s i d e r a b l e . Over 350 people attended the p u b l i c hearing and f o r t y volunteered t o serve on a committee to work w i t h the Medical Centre. This committee served as an ongoing body which proposed a l t e r n a t i v e s and reviewed the M e d i c a l Centre p l a n s . I t was not a p r o t e s t group which forms f o r a s p e c i f i c moment i n time. Rather i t s involvement meant t h a t i t worked c l o s e l y w i t h the Medical Centre u n t i l they both a r r i v e d at a mutually s a t i s f a c t o r y agreement. The i n t e r v i e w s , (Appendix), showed t h a t t h i s committee had worked hard and was b a s i c t o the eventual agreement of June 18, 1975. The documentary evidence from November 27, 197a t o June 18, 1975 demon-s t r a t e d t h a t a r a t h e r stormy r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t e d at times between the Centre -61-and the Citizen's Advisory Committee. However, the revised Medical-Centre plans had the enthusiastic backing of the Advisory Committee. This was because the result was arrived at as a result of the Committee's involvement and so was partially their own idea. Thus, the June 18, 1975 "Interim Report to Council" by the Citizen's Advisory Committee indicated that the outcome of their involvement with the Medical Centre was eventually prod-uctive. U.3 Summary of Personal Interviews The results of each interview may be found in the Appendix. These individuals were selected on the basis of the following criteria: variety of professional and social backgrounds, involvement in the hospital debate, representative public and private perspective (Provincial, City, neighbour-hood ). Mr. J. Volrich represented the city-wide perspective. As an alderman he worked very closely with the Shaughnessy Hospital Citizen's Advisory Committee. Mr. K. Weaver was the President of the Medical Centre. Thus, he represented the provincial perspective as well as the viewpoint of a corporate executive. Mrs. G. McCarthy and Mr. E. Wolfe are the Social Credit MLA's for the area in which the proposed hospital was to be located. As such they are in-timately familiar with the area. They represent not only the provincial perspective but also a political ideology. Theformer New Democratic MLA's, Miss P. Young and Mr. R. Cummings provide a contrasting political viewpoint, plus familiarity with the neighbourhood. Mr. D. Cocke was the former Minister of Health and was responsible for the Medical Centre. His perspective was provincially oriented but:as a - 6 2 -p o l i t i c i a n and Cabinet M i n i s t e r combined s e n s i t i v i t y t o l o c a l and p r o v i n c i a l concerns. Mr. D. McGougan l i v e d i n the area t o be a f f e c t e d by the proposed h o s p i t a l and served on the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee. Thus, he r e p r e -sented the l o c a l viewpoint. Mr. R. Spaxman i s the D i r e c t o r of the C i t y o f Vancouver Planning Depart-ment. He * s ais° committed t o the coneept of organized c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a -t i o n . - As a p l a * " 1 6 1 " and p u b l i c servant he represents a comprehensive view-p o i n t of the planning process which recognizes the importance of both the l o c a l and c i t y p e r s p e c t i v e . Dr. W. Gibson, of the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia F a c u l t y of Medicine, represented a medical p e r s p e c t i v e as i t a p p l i e d t o the U n i v e r s i t y and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the Medical Centre. He was a l s o a former alderman of the C i t y of Vancouver when the h o s p i t a l proposal was f i r s t made. He i s now an e l e c t e d member of Parks Board. Thus, he a l s o represented the C i t y v i e w p o i n t . Question 1 T h i s q u e s t i o n sought t o determine respondent s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the c i t -i z e n ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n process f o r t h i s i s s u e . The r e s u l t s were: s a t i s f i e d (3>), not s a t i s f i e d ( u ). S a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n process f o r t h i s i s s u e was f a i r l y d i v i d e d . Question 2 Respondents were asked t o i d e n t i f y both favourable and unfavourable aspects of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h i s i s s u e . The most commonly mentioned favourable aspects were t h a t sjprocess which worked was c r e a t e d , the people became w e l l informed, the c i t i z e n s were a pragmatic and p o s i t i v e f o r c e , the -63-c i t i z e n s were e n t h u s i a s t i c and f i n a l l y , t h a t the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Com-mittee was a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e group. The most common unfavouarable aspects mentioned were the p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e which was cre a t e d , t h a t the Medi c a l Centre d i d not appreciate the v a l i d i t y of the r o l e of the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee and t h a t the process s t a r t e d too l a t e . This l e d t o a f e e l i n g of f r u s t r a t i o n on the p a r t of the Committee. F i n a l l y , one informant f e l t t h a t the Committee had t o absorbv much i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h which i t was u n f a m i l i a r . This aspect made t h i e r job d i f f i c u l t . Question 3 This question sought t o determine i f the respondents f e l t t h a t the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the neighbourhood. G e n e r a l l y , the informants b e l i e v e d the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . r e p r e s e n t a t i v e (U) not r e p r e s e n t a t i v e (1) don't know (2) Members of the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee were sel e c t e d from the people who volunteered t o work w i t h the Medical Centre. C o u n c i l s e l e c t e d the mem-be r s h i p based on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the neighbourhood. People from a wide range of economic, s o c i a l and et h n i c backgrounds, found i n the neigh-bourhood were chosen. E x i s t i n g community o r g a n i z a t i o n s were a l s o represented and each of these s e l e c t e d one of t h e i r members to s i t on the committee. The one d i s s e n t i n g view was t h a t the group was not r e p r e s e n t a t i v e because C i t y C o u n c i l had s e l e c t e d most of the committee members i n order t o be sure t h a t i t r e f l e c t e d i t s own p e r s p e c t i v e . The s e l e c t i o n of most committee members was by means of a sub-committee of C o u n c i l working w i t h the Me d i c a l Centre. The two people who d i d not know i f the committee was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e had not -6H-been c l o s e l y i n v o l v e d i n the debate. They d i d i n d i c a t e t h a t such a'group should be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . Question U Question k asked respondents i f a f o r m a l l y c o n s t i t u t e d committee would a i d t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n . Seven informants s a i d i t would and one f e l t t h a t i t would not. Three of those who f e l t a f o r m a l l y c o n s t i t u t e d committee would be b e n e f i c i a l t o t h e i r agency f e l t t h a t i t would i f i t e x i s t e d .as-an ohgbihg general" purpose-group... > This was because i t would re p l a c e s e l f - i n t e r e s t groups and groups which were formed f o r a s p e c i f i c purpose ( i e . p r o t e s t ) . Issues could be d e a l t w i t h on a c o n t i n u i n g b a s i s . The ongoing nature and mandate from C i t y C o u n c i l t o perform c e r t a i n f u n c t i o n s on b e h a l f of the l o c a l area would g i v e t h i s type of group gre a t e r c r e d i b i l i t y . Question $ Question 5 asked i f the c i t i z e n committee should be e l e c t e d . Opinion was evenly d i v i d e d . Yes (ii) No (U). Those i n favour f e l t t h a t being e l e c -ted would g i v e the group g r e a t e r i n f l u e n c e since i t would be speaking f o r a whole neighbourhood not j u s t i t s e l f . A l s o , being e l e c t e d made the group accountable t o i t s e l e c t o r s which ensured t h a t people who appeal t o the n e i g h -bourhood p o i n t of view would be chosen. Those who opposed an e l e c t e d group mentioned t h a t the low v o t e r t u r n -out normally associated w i t h l o c a l e l e c t i o n s would m i l i t a t e a g a i n s t a rep-r e s e n t a t i v e committee being chosen. They a l s o f e l t t h a t there were other means of choosing a committee such as o b j e c t i v e s e l e c t i o n , which would, ac-cording to them, ensure a rep r e s e n t a t i v e , committee. This l a s t p o i n t i s s i g -n i f i C a n t because even though o p i n i o n on the d e s i r a b i l i t y of e l e c t e d groups -65-was s p l i t , n e a r l y a l l respondents f e l t t h a t the committee which was formed was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . This r e l a t i o n s h i p means t h a t the s e l e c t i o n of committee members can have b e n e f i c i a l r e s u l t s . Question 6 Question 6 sought t o determine i f the respondents f e l t t h a t a l o c a l area c i t i z e n ' s committee concerned w i t h land use should be chosen from an e x i s t i n g defined neighbourhood or from the area which expects t o experience impact from a s p e c i f i c i s s u e . Four r e p l i e d t h a t an e x i s t i n g defined area was best f o r the purposes of c o n t i n u i t y . Such a committee could d e a l w i t h a range of land use r e l a t e d i s s u e s from t h e i r i n i t i a l occurrence. Two inform-ants b e l i e v e d t h a t the committee should be chosen from the area which expects to experience the impact because impact does not respect boundaries. Other people may be a f f e c t e d and deserve t o be heard. The two respondents i n the'other' category b e l i e v e d t h a t f o r pragmatic purposes those involved i n the i s s u e must be prepared t o l i s t e n to people from f a r t h e r a f i e l d than the area immediately adjacent t o the source of im-pac t . T h i s means t h a t the area from which the c i t i z e n committee i s chosen must be r e l e v a n t to the i s s u e s a f f e c t i n g the area. Question 7 Question 7 asked i f the c i t i z e n committee should be allowed t o e x e r c i s e land use approval and rezoning a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n i t s r e s p e c t i v e area. A l l informants i n d i c a t e d t h a t l o c a l areas should not e x e r c i s e t h i s f u n c t i o n . In order to r e t a i n a broad p e r s p e c t i v e and avoid p a r o c h i a l i s m land use app-r o v a l should continue to be vested w i t h the C i t y . However, one f e l t some d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n was d e s i r a b l e i f i t r e l a t e d to the community's a b i l i t y t o - 6 6 -e x e r c i s e delegated f u n c t i o n s . Question 8 Respondents were asked to l i s t o p e r a t i o n a l f a c t o r s which would improve the f u n c t i o n i n g o f a c i t i z e n ' s advisory committee r e g a r d l e s s of i t s power. The most commonly noted f a c t o r s are l i s t e d below: Access t o : # of Times Mentioned a) Information 5" b) T e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e 3 - a b i l i t y t o c o l l e c t and disseminate i n f o r m a t i o n 2 - a b i l i t y t o c a r r y out i n v e s t i g a t i o n s 1 Meaningful Role a) C o n s u l t a t i o n and involvement 3 Question 9 Question 9 asked respondents t o i n d i c a t e i f a l o c a l c i t i z e n ' s committee would aggravate or a l l e v i a t e land use c o n f l i c t between C i t y and Province i f i t (a) e x e r c i s e d the land use approval f u n c t i o n , or (b) had an advisory func-t i o n . . aggravate a l l e v i a t e other a) 5 0 2 b) 0 6 1 The f e e l i n g was t h a t i f a l o c a l c i t i z e n ' s committee were t o e x e r c i s e land use power i t would aggravate P r o v i n c i a l - C i t y r e l a t i o n s w i t h respect t o land use. On the other hand an advisory r o l e was considered as a p o s i t i v e f o r c e t o a l l e v i a t e such c o n f l i c t s . This i s because the l a t t e r s i t u a t i o n i s more conducive t o compromise. I t enables another group of people t o present t h e i r case more e f f e c t i v e l y w i t h i n the e s t a b l i s h e d framework. I t does not - 6 7 -create another l e v e l of decision-making a u t h o r i t y which must be co-ordinated. Those who responded i n the 'other'category f e l t t h a t the C i t y - P r o v i n c i a l r e l a t i o n s would be aggravated or a l l e v i a t e d depending on the p a r t i c u l a r s i t -u a t i o n and stance of the c i t i z e n group. They i n d i c a t e d t h a t j u r i s d i c t i o n a l powers and h i e r a r c h i e s would be of considerable importance. CHAPTER 5 $.0 Conclusions Chapter five presents the conclusions drawn from this research. Fin-dings from the documentary evidence and personal interviews test the selec-ted hypothesis; - The resolution of Provincial-Municipal land development conflicts would be improved by the establishment of local area planning proc-ess in affected parts of the municipality. The hypothesis assumes that the effectiveness of local area planning process in conflict resolution would be enhanced by the authority to regulate land use within the neighbourhood. 5.1 Testing the Hypothesis 5.1.1 Evidence from the Literature Review The literature review revealed no unanimity on the effectiveness or desirability of community control of such things as land use, housing, anti-poverty programs etc. Disagreement centred on the role and responsibilities of the community. American planning experience has been very much concerned with the demands of Black Americans and the integration of their demands into a power structure which will give them more influence. (Van T i l , 1970; Friesema, 1969, 1970; Zimmerman, 1971; Arnstein, 1969; Eldredge, 1967; Altshuler, 1970). Altshuler (1970) summarizes the feelings of many American authors on the desirability and purpose of community control. -68--69-The hope of community c o n t r o l i s t h a t i t might provide a base f o r long term reform. ( A l t s h u l e r , 1970; i n Feagin, 1973) E . . i t would give Blacks a t a n g i b l e stake i n the American p o l i t i c a l system. ( A l t s h u l e r , 1970; i n Feagin, 1973) However, Friesema (1969) i s not convinced t h a t community c o n t r o l r e s u l t s i n e f f e c t i v e g a i n f o r American m i n o r i t y groups because of the way i n which power i s d i s t r i b u t e d i n the American f e d e r a l system. In t h i s case he i s r e f e r r i n g to c o n t r o l of the c e n t r a l c i t y areas by m i n o r i t y groups. These c i t i e s remain dependent f o r funds from State and Fe d e r a l governments whose power base l i e s i n suburbia. The r e s i d e n t s of suburbia may not wish t o provide funds f o r expensive a i d t o the c e n t r a l c i t y . His f e e l i n g i s t h a t r e -or g a n i z i n g urban centres w i t h i n a m e t r o p o l i t a n s t r u c t u r e would be more bene-f i c i a l t o achiev i n g m i n o r i t y o b j e c t i v e s by i n c r e a s i n g t h e i r importance a t se n i o r l e v e l s o f government. He r e a l i z e s t h a t the c o s t f o r m i n o r i t y groups would be l o s s of c o n t r o l of c e n t r a l c i t i e s . T his f a c t i s l i k e l y t o m i l i t a t e against r e o r g a n i z a t i o n t o the me t r o p o l i t a n l e v e l because the gains m i n o r i t y groups have made i n a t t a i n i n g c o n t r o l of c e n t r a l c i t i e s , w h i l e s m a l l i n the t o t a l p i c t u r e , are t a n g i b l e and represent r e a l g a i n s . Friesema (1969) s t i l l f e e l s t h a t i n the long run c o n t r o l of c e n t r a l c i t i e s w i l l not be s u f f i c i e n t to a t t a i n m i n o r i t y o b j e c t i v e s . Canada does not possess the same e t h n i c problems as the United S t a t e s . However, the same trend o f the more a f f l u e n t people moving t o the suburbs does e x i s t . As a r e s u l t , the c e n t r a l c i t i e s i n Canada have an i n c r e a s i n g component of lower income people. Thus, the c e n t r a l c i t i e s i n Canadian metro-p o l i t a n areas a l s o depend on funding from f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l sources.,, which, as i n the United S t a t e s , are c o n t r o l l e d by the more a f f l u e n t r e s i d e n t s of the suburbs. Examples of such programs would be the Neighbourhood Improve--70-ment Program and the R e s i d e n t i a l R e h a b i l i t a t i o n A s s i s t a n c e Program. The American l i t e r a t u r e p o i n t s to the c o n f l i c t i n g d e s i r e to i n c r e a s e governmental e f f i c i e n c y through c e n t r a l i z a t i o n or to d e c e n t r a l i z e power to r e t a i n g r e a t e r c o n t r o l a t the grass r o o t s l e v e l . From the United States./ l i t e r a t u r e i t would appear t h a t people are more concerned w i t h c o n t r o l r a t h e r than e f f i c i e n c y i n a p o l i t i c a l sense. For example, A l t s h u l e r (1970) w r i t e s : White America . . . has q u i t e r e g u l a r l y placed other values before e f f i c i e n c y i n i t s p o l i t i c s . . . The e f f i c i e n c y experts who c a l l f o r m e t r o p o l i t a n government continue to be ignored . . . We purchase t h i n g s (such as s m a l l s c a l e suburban gov-ernment) because they please us and t h e i r c o s t s seem t o l e r a b l e . We recognize t h a t e f f i c i e n c y i s a word w i t h l i t t l e meaning where values are problemic. (Altshuler.,(1970), i n Feagin, 1973) Canadian authors (Kaplan, 1967; P l u n k e t t , 1905, 1968) p o i n t t o the fragmented nature of l o c a l government i n Canada. They note t h a t e f f i c i e n c y i n government i s r e l a t e d to the manner i n which i t c a r r i e s out the wishes of the p o p u l a t i o n . Thus, the s i t u a t i o n p a r a l l e l s t h a t of the United S t a t e s . In 1959, A. Maass i n d i c a t e d t h a t a r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t e d between area (population) and the amount of power needed to be e f f e c t i v e i n governing a p a r t i c u l a r area or p o p u l a t i o n . He f u r t h e r s t i p u l a t e d t h a t power may be d i v -ided by area, f u n c t i o n or by o f f i c i a l s who e x e r c i s e power. An a r e a l d i v i s i o n of power may be f u r t h e r d i v i d e d by process ( l e g i s l a t i v e versus a d m i n i s t r a t i v e ) , f u n c t i o n (where powers are assigned to d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of government) and constituency (where power i s assigned to d i f f e r e n t groups of v o t e r s ) . Maass maintains t h a t the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of an a r e a l d i v i s i o n of power depends on the extent to which the "constituency i s composed of or independent of lower These are j o i n t F e d e r a l , P r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l l y funded programs designed to improve the s t a b i l i t y o f neighbourhoods threatened by p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l d e t e r i o r a t i o n . The primary g o a l i s to preserve e x i s t i n g housing stock and improve l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s of r e s i d e n t s i n such neighbourhoods. -71-l e v e l s " . (Maass, 1959). the higher l e v e l w i l l be stronger i f i t s government i s s e l e c t e d and c o n t r o l l e d by a unique constituency r a t h e r than the organs of the c o n s t i t u e n c i e s of the lower l e v e l s . (Maass, 1959) In other words, a p r o v i n c i a l government whose r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and o f f i c i a l s are el e c t e d d i r e c t l y by the v o t e r s w i l l be more independent and more e f f e c t i v e than one whose delegates and o f f i c e r s are sel e c t e d by the governing bodies of the counties and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . (Maass, 1959) Maass concludes by s t a t i n g t h a t an a r e a l d i v i s i o n of powers i s always r e l a t e d to the v a l u e s of the area and does not have to be l i m i t e d i n i t s f u n c t i o n (Maass, 1959). Even i n 1959, Maass noted t h a t the trend i n govern-ment had been towards the use of shared power. Due to the great spending power of the f e d e r a l government and the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the s t a t e (province) sharing power has become a common fe a t u r e of government i n both Canada and the United S t a t e s . Shared power i s a l s o found a t l o c a l l e v e l s . The r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t system i n B r i t i s h Columbia i l l u s t r a t e s how a number of m u n i c i p a l i t i e s c o l l -aborate i n order to provide s e r v i c e s on a r e g i o n a l l e v e l f o r t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e b e n e f i t . An i n d i v i d u a l m u n i c i p a l i t y would not be able t o a f f o r d such s e r v i c e s , nor could i t attempt to d i r e c t c e r t a i n forms of development a t the r e g i o n a l l e v e l ( i e . water and sewer) without the consent of other a f f e c t e d m u n i c i p a l -i t i e s . Maass hypothesizes t h a t i f community values are to be optimized through increased a r e a l d i v i s i o n of power then the c e n t r a l power must correspondingly reduce i t s a u t h o r i t y . According to Y l v i s a k e r an a r e a l d i v i s i o n of power must govern g e n e r a l l y t o be e f f e c t i v e . That i s , i t should be able t o make and im-- 7 2 -plement law w i t h i n i t s boundaries. ( Y l v i s a k e r , 1959; i n Maass, 1959). These areas must have d i v e r s i t y "to transcend communities of i n t e r e s t among s e v e r a l components 1 1. ( Y l v i s a k e r , 1959, i n Maass, 1 9 5 9 ) . This l a s t p o i n t i s important t o the t h e s i s because neighbourhoods are o f t e n homogenous. D i v e r s i t y s t i m u l a t e s consensus because other viewpoints are expressed t h e r e -by c r e a t i n g a wider p e r s p e c t i v e . Values may be optimized because they must adjus t to other e x i s t i n g v a l u e s . Thus, Maass and Y l v i s a k e r b e l i e v e t h a t the amount o f power t o be ex e r c i s e d i n an area should be r e l a t e d to i t s s i z e and d i v e r s i t y . The smaller and l e s s d i v e r s e areas need l e s s power to optimize t h e i r o b j e c t i v e s . The Canadian l i t e r a t u r e which was reviewed i n d i c a t e s t h a t Canadians are prepared to demand l e s s a u t h o r i t y i n the decision-making process (Kaplan, 1 9 6 7 ) . Rather, they are in v o l v e d i n an advisory c a p a c i t y . Burns ( 1973 ) notes t h a t m u n i c i p a l p o l i t i c i a n s are already under c o n s i d -e r a b l e p o l i t i c a l pressure becuase of t h e i r a c c e s s i b i l i t y . Various pressure groups (developers, ratepayers a s s o c i a t i o n s e t c . ) can ex e r t considerable i n -f l u e n c e over l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s thereby a f f e c t i n g t h e i r decision-makers o b j -e c t i v i t y . A f u r t h e r d e v o l u t i o n of power, according t o Burns, would r e s u l t i n even l e s s o b j e c t i v i t y . Consequently i n Canada, there i s heavy r e l i a n c e on the Council-Committee system of l o c a l government ( P l u n k e t t , 1955). C i t y C o u n c i l r e t a i n s decision-making a u t h o r i t y but sets up v a r i o u s advisory comm-i t t e e s . The L o c a l Area Planning committees are the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee are examples of such committees. Thus, the l i t e r a t u r e i s d i v i d e d on the e f f e c t , extent and d e s i r a b i l i t y o f neighbourhood power. Some authors f e e l t h a t only through the e x e r c i s e of l e g i s l a t i v e power can a neighbourhood achieve i t s o b j e c t i v e s . Others b e l i e v e t h a t only the implementation and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of a p p l i c a b l e programs should -73-be delegated to t h i s l e v e l . S t i l l others b e l i e v e t h a t the neighbourhood i s too s m a l l and homogeneous t o a c t i n other than an advisory c a p a c i t y . None of the l i t e r a t u r e suggested t h a t neighbourhoods are a v e h i c l e f o r r e s o l v i n g P r o v i n c i a l - M u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t . The Council-Committee system of l o c a l government i n Canada does provide opportunity f o r neighbourhoods to i n f l u e n c e the decision-making process. The l i t e r a t u r e i n d i c a t e s t h a t i t i s d e s i r a b l e t h a t neighbourhoods be i n v o l v e d i n the decision-making process and t h a t an organized e f f o r t i s more conducive to i n f l u e n c i n g the outcome of development i s s u e s . Thus, the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a b i l i t y of a l o c a l area planning program would be b e n e f i c i a l to the neighbour-hood by enabling i t t o present i t s own s t r o n g , w e l l documented case to the decision-makers. In presenting a 'good' case, i t would improve the data base of the decision-makers and thus f a c i l i t a t e a d e c i s i o n . In t h i s sense, a l l e v i a t i n g means the process of c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n because a l l v a l i d con-cerns would be before the decision-makers. 5.1.2. Documentary Evidence Documentary evidence shows s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n was given t o e s t a b l i s h i n g a l o c a l area planning program i n the area around the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l . This program would ensure t h a t l o c a l concerns were given s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n and incorporated i n t o any development of the Shaughnessy s i t e . C i t i z e n s would have been i n v o l v e d i n the formative stages of planning. Evidence shows t h a t the c i t i z e n s were i n t e r e s t e d i n p o l i c y matters and p r e f e r r e d to be a p o s i t i v e f o r c e . The proposed area planning program was not i n i t i a t e d because the M e d i c a l Centre, which was t o fund the program, f a i l e d t o f i n d q u a l i f i e d p l a n n i n g s t a f f to undertake the proposal. Rather than w a i t , they wanted t o proceed w i t h t h e i r -71*-own p l a n s . The C i t y f e l t an impact study should be c a r r i e d out and a r i c i t -i z e n ' s advisory committee set up. These recommendations were adopted and were the only aspects of the process which resembled the o r i g i n a l area planning p r o p o s a l . Nevertheless, the author f e e l s t h a t the documentary evidence i n d i c a t e s t h a t the process which was implemented-was s u c c e s s f u l i n a l l e v i a t i n g p r o v i n c i a l -m u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t . T his i s because the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee pre-s e n t e d ^ -strong case on t h e i r own b e h a l f . Thus, the decision-makers ( C i t y C o u n c i l and the M i n i s t e r of Health) were able to consider two w e l l documented a l t e r n a t i v e s . The d i s c u s s i o n s between the Med i c a l .Centre and the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee permitted the two s i d e s t o reach consensus on the medical needs of the province and the neighbourhood concerns. Once consensus was e s t a b l i s h e d a compromise s o l u t i o n was p o s s i b l e . These f i n d i n g s do not i n d i c a t e t h a t an area planning process would have been more s u c c e s s f u l than the approach taken. The f a c t t h a t i t was proposed, but not adopted, means t h a t the p a r t i e s i n v o l v e d were making do w i t h an a l -t e r n a t i v e . ' Because an area planning program was proposed before the method e v e n t u a l l y adopted was undertaken, i t means t h a t C i t y C o u n c i l and the neigh-bourhood, f e l t i t to be the best approach. The c i t i z e n committee and C i t y C o u c i l were a compromising f o r c e by acknow-l e d g i n g t h a t the s i t e should, be developed f o r - m e d i c a l purposes. . Evidence showed t h a t the new h o s p i t a l would be mutually b e n e f i c i a l . However, the M e d i c a l Centre stood f i r m l y by t h e i r o r i g i n a l proposal u n t i l ordered by the M i n i s t e r t o s c a l e down the s i z e of t h e i r p r o p o s a l . Thus, according t o the C i t i z e n ' s Committee i t was the i n t r a n s i g e n c e of the Med i c a l Centre which aggravated the s i t u a t i o n . The Medical Centre d i d not recognize the v a l i d i t y of t h e i r concerns and r o l e they wished t o play even though both the C i t y C o u n c i l and the Health -75-M i n i s t e r d i d . The evidence does i n d i c a t e t h a t the presence of a consensus b u i l d i n g f o r c e i s e s s e n t i a l t o c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n because i t encourages a compromise s o l u t i o n . There are many examples of c i t i z e n groups adopting the extreme p o s i t i o n t h a t the only a l t e r n a t i v e t o a development proposal i s no development a t a l l . Many of the c i t i z e n s groups i n v o l v e d i n the d i s c u s s i o n s surrounding the runway expansion plans a t the Vancouver I n t e r n a t i o n a l A i r p o r t are i n t h i s category. On t h i s b a s i s , the e x e r c i s e of land use development power co u l d be a negative f o r c e j one which would aggravate p r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t . 5.1.3 Conclusions from Personal Interviews Interview responses support the hypothesis t h a t l o c a l area planning would a i d c o n l f i c t r e s o l u t i o n s between the C i t y and Province i n t h i s case. Nearly a l l respondents f e l t t h a t the establishment of a l o c a l committee would ai d t h e i r own o r g a n i z a t i o n . For maintaining c o n t i n u i t y most informants f e l t t h a t an ongoing group would be more b e n e f i c i a l . This l a s t p o i n t i s a f e a t u r e of a l o c a l area program i n Vancouver. I t was observed e a r l i e r t h a t there i s already c o n s i d e r a b l e i n s t u t i o n a l development i n the study area. Thus, i t i s conceivable t h a t these other i n s t i t u t i o n s may a l s o be expanded. An ongoing committee could d e a l w i t h the p o t e n t i a l development as i t a r i s e s and net r e q u i r e the formation of a new committee w i t h each proposed development.,! There was no unanimity on s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the process which was under-taken. On t h i s b a s i s alone i t cannot be argued t h a t since p a r t i c i p a t i o n d i d occur t h a t an area planning process would not have achieved s i m i l a r r e s u l t s . The most common complaint was the ad hoc nature of the committee and th a t the Medical Centre d i d not give credence t o the r o l e of t h i s committee. Both a -76-l o c a l area planning advisory committee and the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee were approved by C i t y C o u n c i l . Thus, from a l e g a l p o i n t of view the c i t i z e n s have a v a l i d r o l e t o play which must be recognized. Since respondents f e l t t h a t c o n t i n u i t y was a major p o s i t i v e f a c t o r i t i s presumed t h a t the permanent nature of the l o c a l area planning process would be more b e n e f i c i a l to a l l e v i a t i n g M u n i c i p a l - P r o v i n c i a l land use c o n f l i c t than separate committees e s t a b l i s h e d t o d e a l w i t h each new i s s u e . Admittedly some c a t a l y s t must i n i t i a t e the formation of the program. Consequently, i t may be seen as a r e a c t i v e measure i n i t s i n c e p t i o n . However, the ongoing nature of a l o c a l area program allows i t g r e a t e r f l e x i b i l i t y i n m aintaining c o n t i n u i t y i n the f u t u r e development of the neighbourhood. The respondents nearly a l l agree t h a t the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . C i t y C o u n c i l i n s i s t s t h a t any neigh-bourhood committees r e f l e c t the components of the l o c a l area ( i n t e r v i e w w i t h Mr. J . V o l r i c h , C i t y of Vancouver Alderman, Vancouver, January 23, 1976.) Consequently i t i s concluded t h a t representativeness i s not a f e a t u r e of l o c a l area planning which favours i t over the case study. Most respondents i n d i c a t e d t h a t the c i t i z e n ' s group should be e l e c t e d . I t should be remembered t h a t t h i s was one c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the model d e v e l -oped i n Chapter two. The l i t e r a t u r e was not unanimous on t h i s i s s u e and n e i t h e r were the respondents. The f a c t t h a t most p r e f e r r e d an e l e c t e d group does not mean t h a t an e l e c t e d group would be more amenable to r e s o l v i n g P r o v i n c i a l - M u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t . The i n t e r v i e w s suggested t h a t e l e c t i o n would make the community group a stronger f o r c e because i t would e l e c t o r a l l y represent i t s area and be resp-o n s i b l e t o i t . Thus i t would be a group which could speak f o r the neighbour-hood and not j u s t on i t s own b e h a l f . Those of the respondents who answered -77-t h a t the committee should not be e l e c t e d d i d so p r i m a r i l y because i t could lead to an unrepresentative committee. The Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee was se l e c t e d from a group of v o l u n t e e r s . As noted e a r l i e r a l l respondents were s a t i s f i e d t h a t the committee was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e even though they were d i v i d e d on the i s s u e of whether t h i s committee should have been e l e c t e d . I t i s concluded from t h i s evidence t h a t the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of l o c a l area committee i n t h i s case would not be l i m i t e d i f i t was unelected. What i s important to the success of the committee i s t h a t the committee be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e r e g a r d l e s s of how i t i s chosen. As an a l l e v i a t o r of c o n f l i c t much would depend on the a t t i t u d e of the committee members and t h e i r terms of reference as e s t a b l i s h e d by the munic-i p a l c o u n c i l . Reasons given which suggest t h a t t h i s committee was able to ameliorate the c o n f l i c t between the C i t y and Province i n the case of the pro-posed h o s p i t a l expansion 1 were t h a t the c i t i z e n ' s committee was a p o s i t i v e f o r c e and viewed the i s s u e i n a pragmatic manner. Thus i t may be concluded t h a t a f6 r m a l i z e d area planning process need not n e c e s s a r i l y be more e f f e c t i v e than what d i d occur so long as the committee was able t o work w i t h both the Province and the C i t y . I t was not p o s s i b l e t o determine from the i n t e r v i e w s i f the neighbourhood committee needed to have land use approving a u t h o r i t y to be e f f e c t i v e . The respondents i n d i c a t e d t h a t such a d e v o l u t i o n of power would be unacceptable to them because i t would c o n f l i c t w i t h the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l use of power by C i t y C o u n c i l . The m u n i c i p a l i t y regards land use r e g u l a t i o n as i t s respons-i b i l i t y and d i v i d i n g t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y among neighbourhoods would aggravate t p r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l r e l a t i o n s . R e l a t i o n s would be aggravated because of the narrow p e r s p e c t i v e o f t e n held by the neighbourhood and i n t h i s case, which was apparent during the e a r l y phases of the c i t i z e n involvement. - 7 8 -The advisory f u n c t i o n was seen as more conducive t o a l l e v i a t i n g Prov-i n c i a l - M u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t because i t l e t s the e s t a b l i s h e d decision-making s t r u c t u r e make i t s d e c i s i o n from a b e t t e r data base. I f the l o c a l area had power t o r e g u l a t e land use i t would mean t h a t another l e v e l of d e c i s i o n -making would have t o be coordinated. 5.2 Impact of C i t i z e n Involvement i n the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l Case The i n t e r v i e w s were designed t o r e f l e c t aspects of Vancouver's area planning process t o see i f i t would be conducive to a l l e v i a t i n g p r o v i n c i a l -m u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t . The f i n d i n g s i n d i c a t e d t h a t i t has p o t e n t i a l t o do so based on the impact of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The o r i g i n a l concerns of the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee are l i s t e d below: 1. Demolition of the e x i s t i n g Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l 2. Size of the i n i t i a l p r oposal 3. Cost of the new proposal U. L o c a l impact on t r a f f i c and land use 5. Poor c i t i z e n involvement With respect t o number 5, once the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee was e s t a b l i s h e d i t held frequent meetings w i t h the M e d i c a l Centre. C i t i z e n i n -volvement was d r a m a t i c a l l y increased:. The f i n a l M e d i c a l Centre p r o p o s a l , p r i o r t o December 12, 1975 P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , d e a l t w i t h c i t i z e n concerns. 1. None of the e x i s t i n g b u i l d i n g s would be demolished. 2. The number of a c t i v i t i e s o r i g i n a l l y proposed f o r the s i t e were reduced. This would have the e f f e c t of reducing the l o c a l impact w i t h respect t o t r a f f i c and land use change. - 7 9 -3. The s i z e of the o r i g i n a l h o s p i t a l was scaled down from an 1100+ bed h o s p i t a l to one new 350 - 1*00 bed h o s p i t a l . k» Other Medical Centre f a c i l i t i e s would be upgraded t o assume the proposed f u n c t i o n s of the i n i t i a l p r o p o s a l . 5. Only one t h i r d of the Shaughnessy s i t e w i l l be b u i l t upon. The r e s t w i l l remain landscaped. On.March 3, 1976, the new S o c i a l C r e d i t government of B r i t i s h Columbia announced t h a t the B r i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre was being a b o l i s h e d . The f u t u r e development of the Shaughnessy s i t e now seems u n c e r t a i n , although i t may s t i l l be used as a l o c a t i o n f o r a new c h i l d r e n ' s h o s p i t a l . (Vancouver Sun, March 3, 1976). Personal correspondence w i t h the S o c i a l C r e d i t MLA f o r Vancouver L i t t l e Mountain i n d i c a t e d t h a t any development of the Shaughnessy s i t e would be s e n s i t i v e t o m u n i c i p a l neighbourhood concerns. t h a t the area be considered so as not to a l t e r the way of l i f e f o r l o c a l r e s i d e n t s , who could be adversely a f f e c t e d by t r a f f i c n o i s e e t c . (Correspondence, G. McCarthy, P r o v i n c i a l S e c r e t a r y , t o R. L. Stone, V i c t o r i a , February 1976.) 5.2.1 M o d i f i c a t i o n of Model The authors s t r e s s e s t h a t only one case was studied and t h a t the conc l u -s i o n s are based on t h i s case. The reader must be aware of t h i s l i m i t a t i o n . I t i s apparent from the r e s u l t s of the research t h a t the model i d e n t i f i e d i n Chapter two would not be acceptable i n the Vancouver s i t u a t i o n . The e l e c t e d nature of the model committee and the e x e r c i s e of power would r e q u i r e major adjustments to the e x i s t i n g c o n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e which a l l informants f e l t - 8 0 -was unacceptable. 4 new model i s proposed based on advisory f u n c t i o n which i s i n the mold of the area planning process as p r a c t i s e d i n Vancouver. The Vancouver Planning D i r e c t o r i n d i c a t e s t h a t the s t r u c t u r e o f any area planning process would be t a i l o r e d t o the s i t u a t i o n e x i s t i n g i n the neighbourhood. Other major f e a t u r e s o f the model proposed i n Chapter two i s t h a t the area t o which the process i s a p p l i e d be determined by i t s relevancy t o the i s s u e s a f f e c t i n g the area. Thus an area would be defined and would continue t o f u n c t i o n the d u r a t i o n of the process. The committee would be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e and i t s terms o f reference would be j o i n t l y determined by C i t y C o u n c i l and neighbourhood r e s i d e n t s . The authors makes no recommendation on the d e s i r a b i l i t y o f an e l e c t e d committee. Arguments i n favour of an e l e c t e d committee are t h a t : 1. i t would be more responsive t o the neighbourhood 2. i t would speak on b e h a l f o f the neighbourhood and be accountable t o i t 3. r e s i d e n t s would have more f a i t h i n a committee which they chose r a t h e r than i n one which was appointed. Arguments opposing e l e c t i o n o f neighbourhood committees are: 1. i t does not ensure a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e group w i l l be chosen. 2. i t would r e f l e c t a p a r o c h i a l view. In order t o make the c i t i z e n ' s committee as e f f e c t i v e as p o s s i b l e i t i s proposed t h a t s t a f f be assigned t o i t i n order to provide i t w i t h t e c h -n i c a l e x p e r t i s e . This has the e f f e c t o f en a b l i n g the c i t i z e n ' s committee t o provide b e t t e r advice t o C o u n c i l since i t s own data base i s improved. The d u r a t i o n o f an area planning process i s c u r r e n t l y up t o the d i s c r e t i o n of C o u n c i l . Most are e s t a b l i s h e d f o r a two or three year p e r i o d but may be ex-- e x -tended. This i s considered by C o u n c i l t o be enough time t o study the neigh-bourhood i n d e t a i l and propose plans f o r the area. The c o s t s of ma i n t a i n i n g the s i t e o f f i c e and s t a f f are a l s o given c o n s i d e r a t i o n . However, on the assumption t h a t planning i s an ongoing process the long-term e f f e c t i v e n e s s of an area planning process should not be based e n t i r e l y on the f i n a n c i a l c o s t s of the process. The l a s t i n g b e n e f i t of an area planning process i s t h a t i t leaves behind g r e a t e r o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the community. Also the comm-u n i t y has become more i n t i m a t e l y aware of the processes a f f e c t i n g i t . The c i t i z e n ' s committee would s t i l l be able to provide good advice t o C o u n c i l . I t s most l a s t impact would, be t o e s t a b l i s h i t s v a l i d i t y i n the planning process. $.3 Summary This case supports the view t h a t e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n can a l l e v i a t e p r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t i n the context of land development. L o c a l area planning i n c r e a s e s the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n because i t enables c i t i z e n s t o become b e t t e r organized and more informed of the processes a t work i n t h e i r neighbourhoods. I t a l s o enables the neigh-bourhood to prepare i t s own w e l l documented case. The research confirms the need f o r consensus between the a f f e c t e d p a r t i e s i n order t o a r r i v e a t comp-romise. This case supports area planning as an e f f e c t i v e means of r e s o l v i n g p r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l land use c o n f l i c t . I t i s the c o n t i n u i n g nature of area p l a n n i n g and the f a c t t h a t i t o u t l i n e s d e s i r a b l e f u t u r e development i n the neighbourhood t h a t enhances i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s . This case does not support the co n t e n t i o n t h a t neighbourhoods should e x e r c i s e land use approval a u t h o r i t y i n order t o e f f e c t i v e l y a l l e v i a t e prov--82-i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t over land use. Evidence i n d i c a t e s t h a t i f the neighbourhood possessed t h i s a u t h o r i t y c o n f l i c t would be aggravated. This i s because land use r e g u l a t i o n must be c a r r i e d out on a p e r s p e c t i v e broader than the neighbourhood possesses/ F i n a l l y , the research i n d i c a t e s t h a t the l o c a l area chosen should be r e l a t e d to the area of impact and t h a t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s f o r the c i t i z e n ' s committee should be chosen from t h a t area. However, i f broader i n t e r e s t s were i n v o l v e d they should not n e c e s s a r i l y be excluded from the committee. Membership could be increased f o r i s s u e s w i t h a wider impact. This case d e a l t w i t h a s i t u a t i o n whose impact was p r i m a r i l y l o c a l . Des-p i t e i t s importance t o B r i t i s h Columbia and the Lower Mainland, the impact of the proposed Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l would p r i m a r i l y be f e l t a t the l o c a l l e v e l . Opponents d i d not question the need f o r improved medical f a c i l i t i e s which would have been an i s s u e 6f broader concern. Thus, i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n l o c a l area planning was an a p p l i c a b l e method of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Since the impact was e s s e n t i a l l y l o c a l , area planning could be afforded a more i n f l u e n c i a l r o l e i n the d e c i s i o n . Had the i s s u e been d i f f e r e n t or had the impact been more widespread the use of l o c a l area planning would have been l e s s a p p l i c a b l e . I t would have been very d i f f i c u l t t o d e f i n e a l o c a l area s u i t e d to a broader or g e o g r a p h i c a l l y l a r g e r s i t u a t i o n . Thus the i s s u e i t s e l f tends to determine how much i n f l u e n c e a c i t i z e n group, organized or otherwise, should and could have on the d e c i s i o n -makers and who the decision-makers should be. In the case of the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l nobody objected to the need f o r b e t t e r medical f a c i l i t i e s . The i s s u e a f f e c t i n g the neighbourhood was one of reducing the impact of the proposed h o s p i t a l on the surrounding area. Since t h i s type of i s s u e d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d the l o c a l r e s i d e n t s the importance of -83-t h e i r r o l e on the d e c i s i o n process was in c r e a s e d . L o c a l area planning was a p p l i c a b l e f o r t h i s type of i s s u e . 5.U Recommendations f o r F u r t h e r Study The l o c a l area planning program has e x i s t e d i n Vancouver f o r only three t o f o u r y e a r s . To t h i s w r i t e r ' s knowledge, no attempt has been made t o s y s t e m a t i c a l l y monitor i t s ongoing e f f e c t i v e n e s s i n improving c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . S e v e r a l area planning programs are now op e r a t i n g i n d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of the c i t y and a f f o r d c o n s i d e r a b l e scope f o r comparative r e s e a r c h . Each program s u i t s the s i t u a t i o n e x i s t i n g i n the p a r t i c u l a r neighbourhood. For example, the committ.ee s t r u c t u r e i n each of the designated neighbourhoods ranges from e l e c t e d t o s e l e c t e d . I n each case, c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s c u s s i o n ; occurs between C i t y C o u n c i l and l o c a l c i t i z e n s t o determine the committee s t r u c t u r e and i t s terms of r e f e r e n c e . Beyond the c u r r e n t t h e s i s t o p i c no attempt has been made t o determine i f l o c a l area planning i s an aggravating o r a l l e v i a t i n g f a c t o r i n r e s o l v i n g P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l land use development i s s u e s . I t i s recommended t h a t f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h be undertaken i n the f o l l o w i n g g e n e r a l f i e l d s . 1. Impact of l o c a l area planning on improving c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 2. E f f e c t i v e n e s s of l o c a l area planning as a t o o l t o a l l e v i a t e inter-governmental land development d i s p u t e s . The case study method i s recommended as an appropriate method of research because: - o f the exi s t e n c e o f s e v e r a l l o c a l area planning processes i n the C i t y , and - the p o t e n t i a l f o r P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l c o n f l i c t over -8U-land development i s l i k e l y t o remain because of the Province's extensive h o l d i n g s w i t h i n the c i t y . The author recommends comparative and s p e c i f i c case s t u d i e s of programs and P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l l a n d use c o n f l i c t s . The scope of the research should i n v o l v e : 1. Comparative case s t u d i e s of the e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f : a) c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n between neighbourhoods w i t h designated l o c a l area s t a t u s , b) c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n between designated l o c a l areas and other r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods. 2. Monitoring of the l o c a l area planning process. 3. 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Walton (ed) Boston: A l l y n and Bacon, 1973. Walton, J . (ed) "The Bearing o f S o c i a l Science Research on P u b l i c Issues", C i t i e s i n Change. Boston: A l l y n and Bacon Inc., 1973. Walton, J . (ed) " D i f f e r e n t i a l P a t t e r n s of Community Power S t r u c t u r e : An Explanation Based on Interdependence", C i t i e s i n Change. Boston: A l l y n and Bacon, 1973-W i l l i n g s , D.R. How t o Use the Case Study f o r T r a i n i n g i n D e c i s i o n - M a k i n g . L o n d o n : Business P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1968. Wood, R.C. "A D i v i s i o n of Powers i n M e t r o p o l i t a n Areas", A. Maass (ed) Area and Power. Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : The Free P r e s s , 1959. Y l v i s a k e r , P. "Some C r i t e r i a f o r a Proper A r e a l D i v i s i o n of Governmental Powers", A. Maass, Area and Power. Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : The Free P r e s s , 1959. Jo u r n a l A r t i c l e s A r n s t e i n , S.R. "A Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n " , American I n s t i t u t e  of Planners. V o l . 35, J u l y , 1969. Bolan, R.S. "Community D e c i s i o n Behaviour: The C u l t u r e of Pl a n n i n g " , American I n s t i t u t e of Planners. V o l . 35, J u l y 1969. Burns, R.M. "Intergovernmental R e l a t i o n s i n Canada", P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  Review. V o l . 33, 1973 . Cason, D. "Model C i t i e s : Relevancy and R e s u l t s " , Planning 1970. Chicago: American Society of Planning O f f i c i a l s , 1970. Friedman, J . "A Response t o A l t s h u l e r : Comprehensive Planning as a Process", AIP, August 1965, Friesema, H.P. "Black C o n t r o l of C e n t r a l C i t i e s : The Hollow P r i z e " , American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, V o l . 35, March 1969. Hayes, D. "The Proposed Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l Expansion: An Assessment of P o t e n t i a l Impacts". Vancouver: C i t y of Vancouver Planning Department, 197U. Kaplan, M. "Advocacy and the Urban Poor", American I n s t i t u t e o f Planners. V o l . 35, March 1969. - 8 8 -Kaplan, M., Gans, H., Kahn, . "Model C i t i e s and N a t i o n a l Urban P o l i c y " , Planning- 197-1. Chicago: American Society of Planning O f f i c i a l s , 1971. Zimmerman, J . "The P o l i t i c s of Neighbourhood Government", Comparative  L o c a l Government. V o l . 5, # 1, 1971. Miscellaneous Unpublished Sources P e r r y , R. "Co n d i t i o n i n g of a Planning Team". M.A. The s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 197U. Hruza, F.L. " S e a t t l e Model C i t i e s Program: A Case Study of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Planning Process", unpublished Master's t h e s i s , Department of Urban P l a n n i n g , U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, S e a t t l e , 1972. Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee. " P r e l i m i n a r y Report to Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l " , January 28, 197$. (Mimeographed) Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee. " I n t e r i m Report To Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l on the Proposed Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l Re-development", June 18, 197$. (Mimeographed) "Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l Transfer Agreement", A p r i l 23, 197U. (mimeographed) Stone, R.L. "The Use of P r o p r i e t a r y O p p o r t u n i t i e s t o A t t a i n Area Conservation O b j e c t i v e s " , unpublished term paper i n the School of Community and Regional Pla n n i n g . Planning $10a, 197$. S t o t t , A. "The I n t r o d u c t i o n o f L o c a l Planning i n K i t s i l a n o " . unpublished essay f o r the School of Community and Regional P l a n n i n g , A p r i l 197U. Vancouver C i t y Planning Department. "Vancouver L o c a l Areas". 197$. D.B. McGougan t o J . V o l r i c h , December 1, 197U. L e t t e r . K. Weaver, P r e s i d e n t , BCMC t o Mayor A. P h i l l i p s , J u l y 10, 197U. L e t t e r . The Honourable Grayce McCarthy t o R.L. Stone, February 17, 1976. P e r s o n a l L e t t e r . The Honourable Evan Wolfe t o R.L. Stone, February 26, 1976. Personal L e t t e r . W.A. Buholzer (Area Planner, Vancouver Planning Department), telephone i n t e r v i e w held on March 1976. APPENDIX - 9 0 -Appendix. R e s u l t s of I n d i v i d u a l Interviews Mr. J . V o l r i c h . Alderman, C i t y of Vancouver Mr V o l r i c h was not s a t i s f i e d w i t h the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l expansion. His d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n was because the c i t i z e n s were brought i n t o the process at too l a t e a date. The Medical Centre had already made important p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s which l i m i t e d the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of l o c a l i n p u t . He f e l t the most favourable aspect of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n was t h a t the s t r u c t u r e which was adopted was appropriate and t h a t the Committee was eager. However, he f e l t t h a t the M e d i c a l Centre f r u s t r a t e d the Committee by not r e c o g n i z i n g the importance of i t s r o l e . V o l r i c h was c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee and was among those interviewed who f e l t t h a t the committee was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . I t was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e because i t s members were s e l e c t e d from a broad c r o s s s e c t i o n of socio-economic background, e t h n i c o r i g i n , l o c a t i o n and i n t e r e s t . He f e l t t h a t a c i t i z e n ' s committee duly e s t a b l i s h e d by C i t y C o u n c i l should have been e s t a b l i s h e d i n the area because i t was through c i t i z e n r e a c t i o n t h a t C o u n c i l was made aware of the depth of o p p o s i t i o n t o -the p r o j e c t . He was not convinced t h a t t h i s committee should be e l e c t e d because i t would not n e c e s s a r i l y l e a d t o a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e committee. He considered r e p r e s e n t a t -iveness to be an important f a c t o r and an o b j e c t i v e s e l e c t i o n process would achieve t h i s end. However, he f e l t t h a t the r o l e of the committee would r e a l l y determine i f i t should be e l e c t e d . I f the i s s u e was r e l a t e d to a spec-i f i c development the s e l e c t i o n process would be more appropriate since t h i s type of committee could be d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the i s s u e . I f the mandate was t o be more broadly based then perhaps l o c a l area e l e c t i o n s would be b e t t e r . -91-He mentioned t h a t C o u n c i l would want to maintain i t s c o n t r o l over the committee and be able t o f e e l t h a t i t could work w i t h i t . I d e a l l y the comm-i t t e e should c o n t a i n e l e c t e d and appointed members, the l a t t e r t o ensure o b j e c t i v i t y . V o l r i c h does not b e l i e v e t h a t the committee should be chosen from an e x i s t i n g d efined neighbourhood. This i s because the impact extends beyond s p e c i f i e d boundaries. Nevertheless f o r p r a c t i c a l purposes the area should be r e l a t i v e l y c l o s e to the source of impact. He d i d not elaborate on t h i s p o i n t . He f e e l s t h a t a l o c a l committee should serve i n an advisory c a p a c i t y to C i t y C o u n c i l . I t i s the r o l e o f C o u n c i l t o e x e r c i s e land development approval power. To delegate t h i s a u t h o r i t y would abdicate C o u n c i l ' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . C o u n c i l r e q u i r e s advice and i n order f o r the c i t i z e n committee to be e f f e c t i v e i n t h i s c a p a c i t y i t must be able t o provide good advice. Thus i t s r o l e must be meaningful. Both C i t y C o u n c i l and the Medical Centre must recognize i t s v a l i d i t y and i t must have access t o t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e . T h i s would enable the c i t i z e n committee to prepare i t s own case. Mr. V o l r i c h f e l t t h a t through an advisory c a p a c i t y t h a t a c i t i z e n comm-i t t e e would a l l e v i a t e c o n f l i c t between the C i t y and Pro v i n c e . Mr. R. Cummings. Former NDP MLA f o r Vancouver L i t t l e Mountain Mr Cummings was not s a t i s f i e d w i t h the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l i s s u e because he f e l t t h a t people i n the area were not conversant w i t h e i t h e r the plans of the Medical Centre or the concerns of the C i t y . He a l s o f e l t t h a t the Committee was not r e p r e s e n t a t i v e but d i d not e l -aborate on t h i s o b s e r v a t i o n . He d i d not f e e l t h a t a l o c a l c i t i z e n committee would be of a i d t o the P r o v i n c i a l Government because of l o c a l p a r o c h i a l i s m . -92-However, i f such a committee was t o be e s t a b l i s h e d i t should be e l e c t e d because i t would then be accountable f o r i t s a c t i o n s t o i t s own e l e c t o r a t e . I t would a l s o speak f o r a l l c i t i z e n s w i t h i n i t s area and not j u s t on b e h a l f of a group which represents no one but themselves. Mr Cummings was among those who f e l t t h a t a c i t i z e n committee should be chosen from a s p e c i f i e d area. He f e l t t h a t a s p e c i f i e d area would maintain c o n t i n u i t y of both the committee and i n d e a l i n g w i t h i s s u e s r e l a t e d t o the neighbourhood. The c i t i z e n ' s committee should only have an advisory c a p a c i t y . To ensure i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s , r e g a r d l e s s of i t s c a p a c i t y , t h i s committee should have access t o i n f o r m a t i o n and be able t o create and disseminate i n f o r m a t i o n . F i n a l l y , he f e l t t h a t i f the c i t i z e n ' s committee had advisory c a p a c i t y i t would be more conducive t o a l l e v i a t i n g c o n f l i c t between the C i t y and the Province over land use i s s u e s . Miss P. Young. Former NDP MLA f o r Vancouver L i t t l e Mountain Miss Young was s a t i s f i e d w i t h c i t i z e n involvement although she d i d r e c -ognize t h a t there were i n i t i a l problems. She f e l t the most favourable impact was t h a t the c i t i z e n ' s committee had done a great d e a l of work and was a pragmatic and p o s i t i v e f o r c e . To support her r e p l y she pointed out t h a t the c i t i z e n ' s committee now supported the new M e d i c a l Centre p l a n s . She a l s o b e l i e v e d t h a t the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee was a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e group. The presence of a committee of c i t i z e n s e s t a b l i s h e d by C i t y C o u n c i l i n an area would be b e n e f i c i a l to the P r o v i n c i a l Government because i t would s serve as a p o i n t of c o n t a c t . She c i t e d the Community Resource Boards as an example of a contact u t i l i z e d by the Province i n c a r r y i n g out i t s f u n c t i o n s . Despite the dangers of p a r o c h i a l i s m these l o c a l c i t i z e n ' s committees -93-should be e l e c t e d . Her own experience has been t h a t i f r a d i c a l elements take over more moderate f o r c e s e v e n t u a l l y p r e v a i l . L i k e the m a j o r i t y of respondents, Miss Young b e l i e v e d t h a t the c i t i z e n ' s committees should be r e l a t e d to a s p e c i f i c area f o r the sake of c o n t i n u i t y . However, they should only have an advisory f u n c t i o n and the C i t y should r e -t a i n land use approval and rezoning power i n the i n t e r e s t s of the broader p e r s p e c t i v e . To be e f f e c t i v e the c i t i z e n ' s committee should have access t o i n f o r m a t i o n and s t a f f e x p e r t i s e . These f e a t u r e s are important elements which a l l o w a c i t i z e n s group the a b i l i t y t o i n v e s t i g a t e a proposal and t o determine impact, community f e e l i n g s , and c o s t s and b e n e f i t s of a development. F i n a l l y , she f e l t t h a t an advisory r o l e was more conducive to a l l e v i a t i n g c o n f l i c t between C i t y and Province on questions of land use. This was because she f e l t t h a t another l e v e l of a u t h o r i t y was not needed. Mr D. McGougan. Member - Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee Mr McGougan was u n s a t i s f i e d w i t h c i t i z e n involvement i n the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l i s s u e mostly because the membership f o r the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory committee was s e l e c t e d . He f e l t t h i s was because C o u n c i l wanted t o f e e l t h a t i t could work w i t h the Committee and keep c o n t r o l of i t . The favourable aspects of t h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n process was t h a t i t brought people together and gave them access t o i n f o r m a t i o n . As a r e s u l t they were able to present t h e i r own case and have i t backed up by r e l e v a n t f a c t s . The unfavourable aspect was t h a t the c i t i z e n ' s committee was d e a l i n g w i t h i s s u e s (land use, medical planning) w i t h which they were t o t a l l y u n f a m i l i a r . T h i s does not mean t h a t he t h i n k s t h a t c i t i z e n groups should not get in v o l v e d i n i s s u e s l i k e the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l expansion but t h a t they need a s s i s t a n c e -91*-t o help them understand the processes which are i n v o l v e d . He f e l t t h a t the c i t i z e n ' s committee was not a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e body because of C i t y C o u n c i l ' s manipulation i n s e l e c t i n g the committee. Mr McGougan was of the o p i n i o n t h a t committee of l o c a l c i t i z e n s estab-l i s h e d by C i t y C o u n c i l i n the area would be b e n e f i c i a l t o groups such as ratepayers a s s o c i a t i o n s . He f e l t t h a t ratepayers groups g e n e r a l l y form i n response to p a r t i c u l a r i s s u e s . Having a formal s t r u c t u r e i n the area would replace the ad hoc group and be able t o d e a l w i t h numerous i s s u e s on a cont-i n u i n g b a s i s . These groups should be e l e c t e d because an e l e c t e d groups would have more i n f l u e n c e , i n t h a t i t could speak on b e h a l f of the area. F u r t h e r , such a group should be chosen from a s p e c i f i e d area f o r the sake of c o n t i n -u i t y . The c i t i z e n ' s committee should not have land use or rezoning power. The C i t y maintains the broader p e r s p e c t i v e and the concerns of the l o c a l group can be maintained through a meaningful advisory r o l e . For example, he f e l t many of the problems which arose i n t h i s case could have been mvoided i f the M e d i c a l Centre had consulted w i t h the c i t i z e n s e a r l i e r . The e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the committee could be f u r t h e r strengthened by g i v i n g i t access t o inform-a t i o n and s t a f f . T his would a l l o w the c i t i z e n s t o b e t t e r understand t h e i r own p o s i t i o n and see how i t r e l a t e s t o the o v e r a l l p e r s p e c t i v e . He d i d not answer whether the type of power ex e r c i s e d by the committee would aggravate or a l l e v i a t e P r o v i n c i a l - C i t y c o n f l i c t . He d i d s t a t e t h a t whatever c a p a c i t y i s given t o the committee i t must be given credence by the both the Province and the C i t y i f the committee i s to be a p o s i t i v e f o r c e . -95--Mr K. Weaver. P r e s i d e n t , B r i t i s h Columbia M e d i c a l Centre Mr Weaver was s a t i s f i e d w i t h the c i t i z e n involvement process once i t was e s t a b l i s h e d . He f e l t t h a t the most favourable aspect of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n was t h a t the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory 1 Committee and the M e d i c a l Centre e v e n t u a l l y came to accord on the scaled down v e r s i o n of the h o s p i t a l p r o p o s a l . The unfavourable aspect he mentioned was t h a t some of the people who apposed the H o s p i t a l p l a n s were doing so f o r t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l reasons. L i k e the m a j o r i t y of the informants, Mr Weaver f e l t t h a t the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee was a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e committee. He concurred w i t h Mr V o l r i c h ' s remarks t h a t the committee represented a broad c r o s s s e c t i o n of neighbourhood c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . He a l s o f e l t t h a t a duly c o n s t i t u t e d comm-i t t e e i n a l o c a l area should e x i s t i n a s p e c i f i e d area. However, he pointed out t h a t any of the d e c i s i o n s of t h i s committee as they r e l a t e t o the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l s i t e would impact on the other s i x members of the M e d i c a l Centre because of the i n t e g r a t e d nature of the Centre. The c i t i z e n ' s committee should not have land use approval power f o r i t s r e s p e c t i v e area. This i s because p e r s p e c t i v e must be maintained of the whole c i t y . The l o c a l area concerns should be considered and the committee r e p r e s e n t i n g the neighbourhood should be so c o n s t i t u t e d so t h a t i t i s e q u a l l y able to formulate and present i t s own case as w e l l as other agencies or groups t h a t are i n v o l v e d . The c i t i z e n ' s committee may be made more e f f e c t i v e i f i t had access t o i n f o r m a t i o n and t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e . These a t t r i b u t e s would enable the l o c a l people t o make t h e i r i n p u t more e f f e c t i v e . Mr Weaver f e l t t h a t the advisory f u n c t i o n would be more s u i t a b l e f o r a l o c a l area committee to e x e r c i s e than having the a u t h o r i t y to r e g u l a t e land use i f land use c o n f l i c t s between C i t y and Province were to be r e s o l v e d . Ad-v i s o r y c a p a c i t y would be b e t t e r because i t would already be p a r t of an e x i s t i n g -96-system and not a new decision-making body which would r e q u i r e a d d i t i o n a l c o o r d i n a t i o n . Mr Dennis Cocke. NDP MLA f o r New Westminister. Former M i n i s t e r o f Health  Services and H o s p i t a l Insurance Mr Cocke, although r e c o g n i z i n g t h a t the i n i t i a l c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n was l a t e g e t t i n g s t a r t e d , was s a t i s f i e d t h a t the process, once e s t a b l i s h e d , l e d to p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s . He f e l t t h a t the c i t i z e n s demonstrated great enthusiasm f o r t h e i r task and approached the problem i n a pragmatic and p o s i t i v e manner. He was aware t h a t the i s s u e was surrounded by a p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e which was created by some i n d i v i d u a l s seeking to f u r t h e r p e r s o n a l p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s . He d i d not know i f the Advisory Committee was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e because he was not c l o s e l y i n v o l v e d a t the l e v e l o f s e t t i n g up the Committee. He f e l t t h a t the existence of a duly c o n s t i t u t e d l o c a l c i t i z e n ' s committee e s t a b l i s h e d by C i t y C o u n c i l i n the community would have been of great b e n e f i t had i t e x i s t e d p r i o r to the proposed plans of the B r i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre. He d i d not s t a t e i f the l o c a l group^should be e l e c t e d or not. However, he d i d f e e l t h a t organized groups should s e l e c t t h e i r own r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s f o r such a committee. Mr Cocke was one of the informants who f e l t t h a t the c i t i z e n ' s committee should not be chosen from a s p e c i f i e d area. His reason was t h a t the area of impact o f t e n extends beyond defined neighbourhood boundaries and people l i v i n g beyond the neighbourhood should not be excluded i f they f e e l t h a t they w i l l be a f f e c t e d . The c i t i z e n ' s committee should only have advisory c a p a c i t y . In order t o make the committee f u n c t i o n w e l l i t should have access t o i n f o r m a t i o n and be -97-able to prepare i t s own case. The c i t i z e n ' s committee would be i n a p o s i t i o n t o help a l l e v i a t e C i t y - P r o v i n c i a l c o n f l i c t over land use i f i t acted i n an advisory c a p a c i t y . Mr R. Spaxman. D i r e c t o r , Vancouver C i t y Planning Department Mr Spaxman was very d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h the c i t i z e n involvement experienced f o r the proposed expansion of the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l . I t was i n i t i a t e d too l a t e and he f e l t t h a t the Medical Centre d i d not have a programme which was s u f f i c i e n t l y w e l l thought out t o which the C i t y could r e a c t . The favourable aspects of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n was t h a t c i t i z e n d s d i d e v e n t u a l l y become i n v o l -ved and dialogue w i t h the Centre occurred. He does notknow i f the C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee was a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e group because he was not t h a t c l o s e l y i n v o l v e d w i t h the i s s u e . He d i d f e e l t h a t the c r e a t i o n of a duly c o n s t i t u t e d committee of c i t i z e n s would be e s s -e n t i a l but cautioned t h a t i t must have something t o do. In the case of the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l , the Medical Centre's plans seemed to disappear and the r e s u l t has been t h a t since i t s "Interim Report to C o u n c i l " on June 18, 1975, the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l C i t i z e n ' s Advisory Committee has not met e i t h e r by i t s e l f or w i t h the Meddcal Centre. Mr Spaxman f e l t t h a t an e l e c t e d group was not the only p o s s i b l e a l t e r n -a t i v e f o r a c i t i z e n s group. Rather the type of s t r u c t u r e should s u i t the m e r i t s of each case and the e x i s t i n g community s t r u c t u r e . He f e l t t h a t some l o c a l areas i n Vancouver would not be ready f o r an e l e c t e d group. Some do not understand the processes which are o c c u r r i n g i n t h e i r area. The area from which a group should be chosen must be r e l e v a n t to the area's needs. For example, c i t y wide groups should not be excluded i f they are r e l e v a n t t o the i s s u e . - 9 8 -The l o c a l group should not have land use and rezoning a u t h o r i t y because they would not be accountable to the c i t y e l e c t o r a t e . Rather he f e l t t h a t power should be exercised at the l e v e l of government which e x i s t s . The c i t y should encourage d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f the t h i n g s which i t can d e c e n t r a l i z e , but t h i s d e l e g a t i o n should only be the t h i n g s which the l o c a l group can do themselves. In order to be e f f e c t i v e a l o c a l c i t i z e n ' s committee should have w r i t t e n a u t h o r i t y t o advise c o u n c i l . This would strengthen t h e i r c r e d i b i l i t y w i t h other groups or agencies. A l s o they must be included i n c o n s u l t a t i o n s . Whether a l o c a l group would a l l e v i a t e or aggravate C i t y - P r o v i n c i a l c o n f l i c t would depend on the h i e r a r c h i a l s t r u c t u r e and how the components i n each s t r u c t u r e i n t e r a c t w i t h i n t h e i r own system and between systems. Dr W. Gibson. U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Medical School. Former  Alderman, C i t y of Vancouver Dr Gibson was s a t i s f i e d w i t h the c i t i z e n involvement which took place w i t h respect t o the case study. The c i t i z e n s c a l c u l a t e d the impacts of the proposal and presented them c o n v i n c i n g l y . The Committee was a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e body and a p o s i t i v e f o r c e i n the d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h the C i t y and Medical Centre. Dr Gibson b e l i e v e d t h a t a committee of l o c a l c i t i z e n s , duly e s t a b l i s h e d by C i t y C o u n c i l i n the neighbourhood would have been b e n e f i c i a l t o C i t y C o u n c i l and the Medical Centre. He f e l t t h a t at the neighbourhood l e v e l , i t was very d i f f i c u l t f o r e l e c -t i o n s to ensure t h a t a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e committee would be chosen. He b e l i e v e s a wise course of a c t i o n i s f o r the mayor t o e x e r c i s e h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g advisory committees and i n v i t e known community groups to d i s c u s s the i s s u e . I t may then be decided, a t t h i s meeting, to go on and i n i t i a t e a committee s t r u c t u r e . -99-The area from which a committee i s chosen should be r e l a t e d to the area of impact. The maxim f o r c o n s i d e r a t i o n by t h i s committee should be, "What i s the area s a c r i f i c i n g and what i s i t gaining? 1" I t should not be given land use r e g u l a t o r y a u t h o r i t y , but act i n an advisory c a p a c i t y t o C i t y C o u n c i l . To improve i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the c i t i z e n ' s committee, i t should have a small budget to enable i t to disseminate i n f o r m a t i o n . Tempor-ary headquarters should be l o c a t e d i n the neighbourhood w i t h planning s t a f f attached to i t e i t h e r i n the o f f i c e or at C i t y H a l l . C i t i z e n ' s committees are volunteer groups and are an e s s e n t i a l f e a t u r e of l o c a l decision-making. To make t h e i r advisory r o l e e f f e c t i v e they must be a s s i s t e d . C i t y H a l l must r e t a i n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and openess i n government. Dr Gibson f e e l s t h a t a c i t i z e n ' s committee p l a y i n g an e f f e c t i v e advisory r o l e would help a l l e v i a t e c o n f r o n t a t i o n between the P r o v i n c i a l government andthe C i t y . This i s because i t would supply b e t t e r i n f o r m a t i o n and a r t i c u l a t e area concerns on behalf of the neighbourhood and not on b e h a l f of a group of people who are not n e c e s s a r i l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the neighbourhood. The Honourable Grace McCarthy. P r o v i n c i a l Secretary Mrs McCarthy b e l i e v e d t h a t the e n t i r e concept of the B r i t i s h Columbia Medical Centre needed t o be re-evaluated. Her major concerns were t h a t p r i o r i t y be given to the p a t i e n t s now l i v i n g i n the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l . Also any development of the Shaughnessy s i t e should not a l t e r the way of l i f e of area r e s i d e n t s . The Honourable Evan Wolfe. M i n i s t e r of Finance Mr Wolfe f e e l s t h a t the degree of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been e x c e l l -ent, because as a r e s u l t , the p r o j e c t was scaled down i n s i z e . 

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