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Catalan modernism and E. d’Ors ideology of noucentisme Maingon, Louis 1976

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CATALAN MODERNISM AND.E. d'ORS IDEOLOGY OF NOUCENTISME Louis Maingon ' B.A., University of British Columbia, 1973 A thesis submitted i n partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Hispanic and Italian Studies We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May 1976 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of •ti-.s.&^ic S ^ ^ t The University of Brit ish Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date Aa... 2s n»6 i i Abstract In this thesis we have attempted to demonstrate that Noucentisme, as defined and propugnated by Eugeni d'Ors in the Glosari 1906-1910 is a continuation of the f i r s t Catalan Modernism. This theory has in great part been influenced by research on this subject compiled by the late Eduard Valentf, in his book, KL primer modernising Catalan y_ sus fundamen- tos ideol6gicos. We have, therefore, greatly relied on his generational and theological definition of Catalan Modernism, which we elaborate upon and sum up in the f i r s t two chapters. Owing to the extensive nature of Houcentisme, as of any l i t e r -ary movement, we have restricted our research to the work of its origina-tor and theoretician, Eugeni d'Ors. In our thesis we have tried to point out that d'Ors reacted against the "fin de siecle" literary movements, which were a degenerate form of the original Catalan Modernist grouping, represented by L'Avenc.that was dispersed aflter 1893. In order to demonstrate that d'Ors absorbed, reorganized, and modified Catalan l i t e r -ary modernism, we have proceeded by closely examining the greater part of his work and ideology between 1900 and 1910, as well as most posterior writings concerning this period of. his development. In Chapter IV ye have studied his so-called modernist writings produced between 1900 and 1905, and collected in La muerte de Isidre  Nonell seguida de otras arbitrariedades,'. From these we have determined the basic "modernist" ideas forwarded by d'Ors during those years. Between Chapter V and Chapter VII we have delineated the aesthetic and political ideology which d'Ors considers to be the basis of Noucentisme, and which was primitively contained in La muerte de Isidre Nonell seguida i i i 11 otras arbitrariedades. In Chapter T i l l we have examined the direct relations between d'Ors theories and the modernist writers. The explicit formal relation between Modernism and Noucentisme is briefly discussed in the conclusion. iv TABLE OP CONTENTS Page Chapter I Catalan Nationalism and Modernism 1 Chapter II Catalan Mterary Modernism 20 Chapter III D'Ors and Noucentisme 48 Chapter IT La muerte de Isidre Monell seguida de otras arbitrariedades 55 Chapter V "Amiel a Vic" 101 Chapter VI The Glosari 1906-1910 and d'Ors1 metaphysics 112 Chapter VII D'Ors and politics in the C-losari 1906-1910 180 Chapter VIII Noucentisme and Modernism: The Literary delations 211 Chapter IX Conclusion 266 Bibliography 294 V Orfy>graphical Note Throughout t h i s thesis we have respected the s p e l l i n g of names; and places used by Catalan writers at the turn of the century.: Therefore, what may seems l i k e an error on our part i n certain quotations i s e n t i r e l y the f a u l t of the writer quoted. Also,since Noucentisme and Modernism r e f e r to s p e c i f i c national movements:,in t h i s t h e s i s , they have remained c a p i t a l i z e d . vi ACMO¥LEDGEMEH0S should like to express our sincere thanks to our Supervisor, Sr. A, Pacheco-Bansanz, for his encouragements, and most socratic guidance in the writing of this thesis, and Professor T. Bartroli for the patient ear he lent to our metaphysical elaborations on the nature of Woucentisme, and the enthusiasm for Catalan literature he imparted to us during our undergraduate studies. We also wish to thank the ladies and gentlemen of the Archivo de Barcelona who facilitated our research during the summer of 1974. Special thanks must also be given to a l l the faculty and students of the department of Hispanic Studies without whom this thesis might never have been written. Chapter I Catalan Nationalism and Modernism The r e v i v a l of l i t e r a r y culture i n Catalonia i s intimately related to the r i s e of nationalism i n the nineteenth century. I t i s agreed by most l i t e r a r y historians that t h i s r e v i v a l begins with Bonaventura Sarles Aribau's poem, "La P a t r i a " , written i n 1833. Catalan nationalism i s , therefore, a re s u l t of the r i s e of Romanticism on the Iberian peninsula. As a l l romantic products, i t represents a break with the s o c i a l patterns established 4 u n t i l the end of the eighteenth century. Catalonia, as the rest of the occidental nations,,is affected by two major events i n the course of contemporary European history that gave r i s e to Romanticism arid continue to affect us to t h i s day. These are The French Revolution of 1789 and Kant's Critique of Pure Reason. Hehrich Heine once r e f l e c t e d : "that Kant's ' c r i t i c a l philosophy' was i n the world of thought the analogue of the French Revolution i n the world of a f f a i r s " . The s o c i a l turmoil of 1789 incurred the destruction of the ancien  regimesand the structure that i t implied. The r i s e of the bourgeoisie, j u s t i f i e d by a r a t i o n a l outlook on l i f e , denied the divinely ordered structure that preceded i t . It was therefore an attack on the Church as an i n s t i t u t i o n p o l i t i c a l l y involved i n a hierarchic regime. Indeed, the French Revolution was characterized by a wave of a n t i - c l e r i c calism and an e f f o r t to create a lay State. Kant's " c r i t i c a l philosophy" weakened the transcendental p o s i t i o n of the Catholic Church, which understood the nature of 2 God as having an i d e n t i t y d i s t i n c t from the world which He had created. This i d e n t i t y had been revealed through miracles, i n -explicable by natural s c i e n t i f i c methods. The creation of the world was a purely voluntary act. The existence of t h i s Being could be proven r a t i o n a l l y and rested on the v a l i d i t y of the Scriptures. The b e l i e f i n the toanscendental nature of God en-t a i l e d a b e l i e f i n man's transcendental salvation, that i s , the immortality of the soul. The c r i t i c a l approach of Kant destroyed the " r a t i o n a l " proofs of God's existence, and , consequently, the b e l i e f i n the soul's immortality. Religion, i n Kant's approach, i s only j u s t i f i e d by the v a l i d i t y of the moral obligation i t imposes on man. The result of Kant's c r i t i c a l position was to place God's existence not i n transcendence, but i n immanence. The most important successor of Kant was the JProtestant theologian, F. D, &chleiermacher. The l a t t e r furthered Kant's b e l i e f s by estab-l i s h i n g the v a l i d i t y of r e l i g i o n , neither by deductive reasoning, nor by revelation, but through: an analysis of the r e l i g i o u s experience of men who f i n d themselves, as belonging to a C h r i s t i a n community, the subject of the redeeming and r e c o n c i l i n g grace which such a community mediates to i t s members. 2 This replaced the conception of a transcendent Divine Being, by the b e l i e f i n God's immanence. Thus, the perfection which man sought to achieve i n the a f t e r - l i f e was to be found and estab-l i s h e d within the community of mankind. The Church, i n t h i s understanding, ceased to be an i n s t i t u t i o n ; rather i t was to be found within c i v i l i z a t i o n , that i s , secular society, ^he tendency of the nineteenth century was to move towards an immanent conception of Christianity, and a secularization of the Church. The Catholic Church, as an institution,: was incompatible with the social progress of the nineteenth century. After the fiestoration in France, the Church became gradually divorced from the p o l i t i c a l movements of the times. The Holy See neither joined liberal movements nor the "Holy Alliance"; i t refused to take part in, or become the instrument of, any secular interests. It attempted to exercise spiritual power only. However, this also had p o l i t i c a l implications. The Church could not approve of the li b e r a l tendencies that had resulted from Kant and the French Revolution, for, as E.Valenti has explained: Cualquiera que fuera l a forma adoptada por el liberalism©, p o l l -t i c a p intelectual, el punto de partida explicito o taeito era l a afirmacion de l a autosufiencia del espiritu humano. Los ante-cedentes mas pr&ximos de este principio habia que buscarlos en e l campo protestante: en el libre examen de l a Escritura, en l a liber -tad del individuo para juzgar las cosas religiosas sin que su raz&n tenga que somejfterse en todo punto al control de una instancia superior. 3 This tendency culminated in the Syllabus of Errors, which con-demned li b e r a l Catholicism and which declared the Pope i r r e -concilable with "progress, liberalism and ci v i l i z a t i o n ". This placed the clergy in a position of staunch traditionalism and intellectuai'obscurantism. Although the Syllabus of Errors and other papal decrees opposed and crushed the l i b e r a l reformation within the Church, i t was ojaly the beginning of a long series of attempts to change the position of the Church. After i 8 6 0 , scientific progress, made by Darwin, Huxley and Lyell,began to invalidate the position defended by the Holy See even further. In the United States the Catholic minority tried to adjust i t s Christian beliefssto the material progress of the nation. In order to keep up with the intellectual and material progress of a Protestant majority which was becoming more tolerant and less dogmatic, the S a t h o l i c minority had to follow their example. This involved an indifference to the dogmas, which, as E. Valenti points out, paradoxically enabled them to accept the promulgations of the Holy See. Thus: Mientras en los paises latinos se seguia pensando que l a gran herejia de nuestro tiempo consistia en creer a l hombre capaz de mejorar el mundo y mejorarse a s i mismo por sus propios medios, los obispos americanos afirmaban que l a Iglesia bendecia tambien el progreso material, gracias al cual l a humanidad camina hacia un future mejor. Esto significaba aceptar el mundo moderno t a l corao es, aprobar su afan de mejoramiento y sus ideales de justicia social.... Entre unas cosas y otras, el catolicismo norteamericano tendia a perder sus rasgos especificos y a convertirse en una "religion de l a humanidad" injertada en el tronco cristiano. 5 This position, which accepts the traditional point of view of the Holy See, and accomodates i t to the progress of humanity, and therefore immanentism, i s fundamental to what i s known as Modernism. The American reaction was condemned by Leo# XIII in 1899, under the name of Americanism. Previous to i t s condemnation, Americanism had repercussions in Europe. Slightly prior to I89O a novement, known as neo-spiritualism, began in France. It was a reaction against positivism and represented an effort to secularize religion. Typical of most ideological movements of the end of the century, i t combines the tendencies to irrationalism, intuition and vitalism. Two directions must be pointed out in i t : liberalism and conservatism. The liberals were represented by the "mouvement neo-chretien" and came to an end after the condemnation of Americanism in 1899• ^be reactionary tendency was represented by the "Action francaise" and i t s predecessor, the social Christianism of Marc Sangnier. Towards the end of the century, i t was thought that the Church and the world might be reconciledU. i i , for i t was believed that science had now been defeated. The end of the century i s dominated by a fundamentally reactionary current which opposes the Catholic liberalism and Americanism that preceded i t . Eduard Valenti explains the polarization of the two tendencies in the Latin world as follows: Si el fflfin de siglo" (para designar el fen&meno con su expresi6n mas vaga y menos comprometedora) vuelve l a espalda a l cientismo decimon6nico, el modernismo religioso es ante todo un intento de conciliaci&n entre l a ciencia y el dogma. Si el f i n de siglo es social y politicamente reaccionario, los modernistas tienden a tomar en po l i t i c a posiciones avanzadas. 6 Yet, during that end of the century the conservative parties, representing the high bourgeoisie, reacted against the progresses: by assuming the form of a more modern outlook on l i f e , which Valentl sums up as being: una modernidad que pretendejser tanto o mas avanzada que cualquier otra. Ellos s8n los mas modernos de todos; estan mas al dia que los positivistas y los naturalistas. Por eso pueden anunciar l a quiebra de l a ciencia, l a insuficiencia de l a raz&n y los derechos de l a intuici&n. Hacen suyas las reacciones lite r a r i a s contra el naturalismo y les bfrecen una base te&rica no„,positivista y una actitud practica antidemocratica. 7 This conservative" view entailed a return to a semi-feudal, and therefore, "divinely ordered", social structure. Religious Modernism, which i s related to these social movements, was specifically an effort to reconciliate science and dogma. It tried to justify the compatibility of tradition, Catholicism and modern l i f e , and reached i t s acme shortly after 1900. Its main concern was to revitalize Catholicism's intellectual and scientific outlook on modern l i f e . As such., i t was related to the fundamental problems of the vivification of dogmas and the justification of self-examination. These tendencies were advocated by such men as J.H. Newman, A. Loisy, R. Murri, H. Blondel and Father Laberthonnidre. The problem of immanence that Modernism involved became explicit especially in the work of the latter two men. Owing to the Protestant character of the move-ment , the Holy See condemned i t s activities towards the middle of 1907, in the decree "Lamentabili sane exitu", and the encyclical 8 "Pascendi gregis". In a country as Catholic as Spain, the position of the Holy See towards progress and liberalism could only play a decisive role in the course of p o l i t i c s . The desire of the small bour-geoisie to progress and keep up, with the pace of l^f^sta^': Europe, and yet remain Catholic, incurred the problem of what i s con-sidered as the secular, modernist position generally defended by the progressive-conservative parties of Spain. It has been defined by E. Valenti as being an effort to modernize Spain without de~fej stroying the essential structures: Su programa se reduce; a aplicar un remedio o a echar un remiendo con objeto de salvar una situaci&n d i f i c i l , s a l i r de un estancamiento.... En general vel modernismo es, pues un movi-miento "reforraista" que no pretende destruir nada sustantivo. Es indice. de una c r i s i s que viene dada desde fuera y en l a que se plantea l a posible caducidad de valores que siempre se habian tenido por absolutos. 9 As such, Modernism ,is the attitude of a progressive-conservative class. It i s dominated by the same sp i r i t as l i b e r a l Catholicism, which in Spain is principally defended by Krausism, between 1857 and 1873. 7 The rise of Catalan nationalism, beyond the f o l k l o r i s t i c conscience of regional identity, that prevails between 1835 and 1865, i s sociologically related to the w i l l of the Catalan middle class, industrial and intellectual, to surpass the limitations imposed by Madrid's predominantly agrarian, ruling class. It i s , above a l l , the product of the opposition between traditionalism and progressive liberalism. J. Sole-Tura has summed up the rise of Catalanism in four stages. The f i r s t i s the regionalist conscience developed by Pi y Margall's ideology, which depended on the support of the proletariat and the lower-middle class. The federal ideal reached i t s acme in 1868 with the "Gloriosa". Thlterevolution was headed by the Catalan middle class, which desired to alter/the structure of Spain's p o l i t i c a l economy in order to make i t progress at the pace of /Europe. This f i r s t effort failed for two reasons: a) the rise of socialism in l8?0, which resultied in the formation of an independant socialist party; b) the bourgeoisie's fear of socialism, which incited i t to withdraw i t s support and form an alliance withrthe Gastilian, agrarian oligarchy, ..against the pro-letariat. Although this f i r s t effort to give Catalonia a p o l i t i c a l identity, and to make Spain progress along the lines of a truly European state, had failed, i t did lay down the foundations of the need for progress divorced.from Madrid's traditionalism, and for a national consciousness. A disciple of Pi y Margall, Valenti Almirall, furthered this ideology after 1875. Unlike Pi y Margall^ who had developed his p o l i t i c a l ideology along the lines of 8 romantic historicism, Almirall tried to use the social ideology of positivism, that i s , a scientific method. Whereas Pi y Margall had believed in federal unity through "unitarismo" of the various traditional, regional entities, Almirall's policy rested on the principle of "particularismo". In this theory the state was not Spain, but the region i t s e l f ; a l l union based.on'historical, or traditional bonds i s a r t i f i c i a l , ^he only unity that can exist i s to be " s c i e n t i f i c " , that i s , i t must arise out of common, commercial and industrial relations. Almirall, therefore, breaks with tradition and believes in science and the present reality: Almirall aclara que^ Cataluna a que aspira no es l a tradicional, sino l a actual, con personalidad definida por l a historia ciertamente, pero tambien - y sobre todo - por l a realidad actual, industrial y urbana. 10 Almirall's opposition to tradition had two facets. It was an effort to develop Catalonia's urban industrialization on the model of England, and was therefore, a form of liberalism. The second facet,that arises from this liberalism, i s Almirall's anti-clezdgal and predominantly secular point of view on the reality of Catalonia. Through the principle of "particiiaTismo", Almirall stressed the "nationality" of Catalonia. After Spain's financial c r i s i s of 1885, which proved Madrid's economical debility, Cata-lonia's national consciousness rose rapidly. Almirall, who ap-pealed to the higher bourgeoisie, tried to unite a l l p o l i t i c a l tendencies in the Centre Catala ( 1 8 8 3 ) . Sole-Tura has noted: Corolario de esta actitud integradora es l a defensa del accidentalismo en p o l i t i c a : bajo l a bandera del catalanismo caben todos, monarquicos y republicanos, revolucionarios y 9 tradicionalistas.... ^1 objetivo de esta movilizaci&n colectiva del pueblo Catalan bajo l a direcci6n hegem&nica de l a burguesia industrial y urbana es claro y explicito. 11 In spite of this Almirall failed to convince the bourgeoisie, for a number of reasons. He had overestimated the industrial potential of the urban middle class,which was s t i l l o a t the stage of light industry. The passage to heavy industry involved a serious risk of capital, and the growing strength of the prole-tariat increased this risk. For these reasons the bourgeoisie preferred to cast their lot with the traditionalist Madrid o l i -garchy. As a corollary to this position, the bourgeoisie that Almirall appealed to had originated in the land-owning class; i t was basically a rural and traditionalist class i t s e l f . The anti-clericalism and the "s c i e n t i f i c " approach of Almirall was contrary to i t s traditionalist values. A few years after the publication of Almirall*s work, Lo catalanisme ( 1 8 8 6 ) , which defines his p o l i t i c a l theories, the traditionalist point of view was exposed by the future Bishop of Vic, Josep Torras i Bages, in his work La tradicio catalana ( 1 8 9 2 ) . Contrary to Pi y Margall's openly pantheistic-immanentist beliefs, and Almirall's anti-clerical, scientific point of view, Torras i Bages* conception of regional identity was intransigently catholic. The theories of progress through urbanization and industrialization that Valenti had forwarded were rejected by Torras i Bages, who believed in the natural voices of the land. The region i s defined as distinct from others through the w i l l of God. Thus, Torras i Bages opposes the scientific theories of Almirall that emphasized the importance of urban centres, and returns to the rural,"carlista" scheme of the "ancien regime": Torras y B a g e s ve el regionalismo como un principio politico esencialmente conservador, directamente opuesto a las doctrinas de inspiraci&n urbana e industrial: el liberalismo y su con-secuencia, el socialismo: "El regionalismo tiene por principio no tocar las cosas del lugar en que ^>±os las ha puesto, de l a tierra en que l a naturaleza las cria, y s i bien quiere su perfeccionamiento en virtud del estudio y de l a comparaci&n con las demas, por lo mismo que ama el pro^ greso, aborrece i a destrucci&n o l a adulteraci&n, considera un crimen l a sofisticaci&n social. Amamos. pues, l a verdad de l a naturaleza, y todo sistema que lleve a l a destrucci&n de cual-quiera de sus instituciones debe ser combatido y abandonado... " Entre l a revoluci&n y el regionalismo hay una antitesis absoluta. Acepta plenamente el analisis de l a Revoluci6n francesa de De Maistre y Taine y resume, aprobandola, l a i d i l i c a imagen del ancien regime. 12 Progress, according to Torras i Bages* interpretation, i s an ideal limiting the "perversions" of man. In his plan he condemns a l l forms of liberalism and urbanization; cities are centres of sin, they destroy the familial unity. Virtue, in Torras i Bages' .".< social ideal, i s to be found in the rural family unit, inspired by "nature". The praise of nature and ruralism rests on this belief in the familial structure of society. For Torras i Bages, the acme of regionalism and familial structure was the Middle Ages. 'Ihus;,; he clearly praises that age and urges man to return to feudalism, ^his structure denies a l l the achievements of libera-lism: universal suffrage, unions, individual rights and social liberties, p o l i t i c a l parties and revolutions, 'forras i Bages' solution to these i l l s i s : ... La restauraci6n de l a religi6n, l a propiedad- y l a familia... Los propietarios, los patronos son autoridades jerarquicas naturales, puestas por l a providencia. Siempre ha de haber senores: querer destruir l a jerarquia fundada en l a propiedad y l a riqueza es una utopia, una locura. ^or esto, contra el sociallsmo ... no caben paliativos, sino l a restauraci6n de los buenos principios de l a sociedad. Querer limitar l a acumulaci6n de riquezas es un delito contra l a instituci6n natural de l a propiedad. 13 The definitely reactionary beliefs of Torras i Bages rest on a rejection of nationalism. I'his traditionalist ideal, which i s i n -spired by an emotional appeal of the land and i t s past, fears change that might be brought from Europe. The defence of the unlimited right to property i s an appeal to the land-owning and industrial bourgeoisie. What Torras i Bages reacts against i s the intellectual middle class. As Sole-Tura explains: Torras y, Bages rechaza explicitamente el predominio urbano e industrial preconizado: vpor Almirall. La soluci&n federal, l a Cataluna dirigida por "unos cuantos artistas" y "algufeos sabios", "segfin el patron dibujado por un artista habil siguiendo l a moda suiza o norteamericana (...), tendria los mismos inconvenientes que hoy lamentamos en el Gobierno de Espana, una oligarquia quiza peor vendria a oprimirnos". Ik The solution of Torras i Bages, therefore, rests on a feudal, rural oligarchy. In his scheme, regionalism, intimately related to the clergy, shall develop, i f Divine Providence permits, without the activity of man. Progress imposed by the latter i s contrary to nature, and can only be detrimental. This conception of regionalism, which found much support amongst the bourgeoisie, since i t off ere d what was desired, that i s , a sense of stability, or immobility, was diametrically opposed to the ideas of Almirall. It was supported by much of the bourgeoisie, but i t was unviable because i t alienated the higher and lower industrial, urban bourgeoisie. With the disaster of I898 and the loss of the Cuban and Philipine markets, the ab-solute immobility of this system was obvious and the higher bourgeoisie was forced to act in order to secure i t s interests. The Catalanist movement as a viable, p o l i t i c a l entity only came into being after 1898. The course chosen by the bour-geoisie represented a synthesis of Almirall's and i'orras i Bages' policies. A primarily "opportunist" politician, Enric Prat de l a Eiba, conceived this synthesis and formed the f i r s t valid, p o l i -t i c a l party, the Lliga Catalana. Although his view of social organization was principally influenced by Torras i Bages*, Prat de l a Riba understood that a return to the rural ideal was im-possible. He chose a course that permitted industrial progress and a hierarchical, social organization . As an ardent nationalist, he stressed the importance of placing national interests before those of the individual. In this way he intended to bring together the various classes under the leadership of the higher bourgeoisie. As we shall see in chapter VII of this thesis, his religious outlook was intransigent and corresponded to an imposition of Torras i Bages' feudal con-ception of a rural society on the city. Yet, he managed to follow Almirall's scheme of uniting the various factions, by over-looking his own personal prejudices, and facing off the national ideal against i t s antagonist, Madrid. His policy was entirely based on the idea that the means justified the endi Prat was primarily interested in the defence of the bourgeoisie's interests, both in rural and urban contexts. Thus, in keeping with Torras i Bages' theory of Catalan identity, he opposed reason and secularization, and followed the neo-spiritual tendencies of the end of the century. As Sole-Tura explains: Su objetivo es, pues, "el sentimiento de patria catalana". Ante los intentos de dar al hecho particular Catalan una base f i l o -sdfica y racional, Prat acentua su aspecto irracional y mistico. Racionalizar l a realidad catalana equivaldria, a corto o a largo plazo, a ver sus elementos contradictories, las divisiones i n -ternas. La apelaci&n directa al elemento irracional, al senti-miento, permite, en cambio, ahogar las divisiones internas en el mar de l a exaltaci&n mistical permite sustituir l a Cataluna real por l a Cataluna sonada, ideal. 15 Prat de l a Riba had l i t t l e use for the social progress dreamt of by intellectuals. What use he made of cultural progress was only instrumental to his p o l i t i c s , as an element of differentiation from Castile. His conception of progress i s best defined by his theory of imperialism; i t meant the exportation of Catalan pro-ducts for material reasons. The cultural aspects of this imperialism were purely accessory. Science and illustration were useful as long as they did not contradict the medieval structure praised by Prat in the beginning of his work, La nacionalitat catalana (1906). As Raymond Carr has pointed out, Prat's intention was: " arrancar e l movimiento (catalanista) de los intelectuales de Barce-16 lona y ganar a l a causa del campo conservador". When Prat de l a Riba fomented the development of the Centre d'Estudis Catalans, i t was as much a means of control, as an organization of culture. It relegated the function of intellectualism to philology. The modernization of Catalonia proposed by Prat de l a Riba was, therefore, extremely conservative, and yet progressive in an outward fashion. It saved the inherently conservative values of a rural mMdle class, and enabled material progress to be achieved within a stable structure. Contrary to his intellectual predecessors, such as Pi y Margall and Almirall, Prat de l a Riba was more practical. His sense of progress did not imply any form of revolt within society; i t only served the ends of the ruling class. Sole-Tura explains at length that Prat's social organization represents the imposition of Torras i Bages' feudal social scheme on the urban reality of Barcelona: La mueve el afan de progreso y de modernizacion, pero a l a vez, interpreta muy estrechamente los intereses hist&ricos de una burguesia timida y conservadora y preconiza instituciones politicas directamente encaminadas a apartar a l a clase traba-jadora del poder. 17 This implies a continuation of the traditionalistic interpretation of Torras i B a ges: Cataluna es, pues, para e l , " . . . l a larga cadena de generaciones unidas por l a lengua y l a tradici&n catalanas, que vienen su-cediendose en l a tierra que hoy ocupamos nosotros..." Y esta tradici&n es, como veremos, l a misma de que hablaba Torras i Bages: l a tradicidn rural, l a continuidad de las estructuras y de los valores del campo. 18 •^ s a corollary to this position* Prat opposed a l l forms of liberalism. He stated openly "no ereemos l a llamada ley del 19 progreso". As such, he rejected universal suffrage, parliamentarianism, trade unions. Prat de l a Riba's ideology of Catalanism represents the practical fulfillment of the basic p o l i t i c a l Modernist tendencies, latent between 1880 and 1900. It reformed the social position of Catalonia within Spain, without modifying the essential social structure of the state. Secular progress was achieved without conflicting with the ecclesiastical beliefs of the Holy See. In this way, tradition and progress were conciliated to f u l f i l l the national end of a class, ^his i s one of the possible directions that could be taken by Modernism. Eduard Valenti explains that the neo-spiritual revival at the end of the century could be exploited by men such as Prat de l a Riba, who emphasized the anti-rational aspects of l i f e s . . . l a tesis que venimos sosteniendo: l a reacci&n antipositivista que se produce en las letras francesas y en el pensamiento europeo en general en l a decada de los anos ochenta, comprende una reviviscencia del sentimiento religiosow Estg fen6meno es, en lo esencial, continuaci&n de los intentos de liberalizar l a Iglesia que se haceniien Europa durante todo e l eurso del siglo XIX; pero a fines de siglo tambien puede servir de apoyo a posiciohjes p o l l — tica o intelectualmente reaccionarias, y, de un modo especial, f a c i l i t a l a explotaci&n de l a tradici6n cat6lica en favor de un fantismo nacionalista. 20 The reactionary position of Prat de l a Riba* i s , therefore, not purely modernist; rather i t i s a f a l s i f i e d form of Modernism , which uses the Catholic tradition for nationalistic and materialistic ends. The social vision that i t entails i s an effort to suppress the relaxation of dogmatic ecclesiastical structures. In this understanding of Prat de l a Riba's nationalism, one must realize that the president of the LI ipsa catalana con-<ii<rnofr+<sike t*»R» account tinued the rural ideals of Torras i Bages, and :^^^^~~se=§s^@m the intellectual class of Barcelona. Although both the Gatalanist movement and literary Modernism are chronologically and socially related, and they articulate a similar problem, the modernization of Catalonia, a fundamentally different orientation opposes them. The traditionalist Qatalanist movement, related to Torras i Bages and Prat de l a Riba, desires progress only in as much as this re-presents material gain and st a b i l i t y . The intellectual movement was interested in a more profound reform, the intellectual re-novation of Barcelona, and this often had social repercussions. Literary Modernism desired to break from the intellectual stagnation that resulted from the narrow, traditionalist structures. These limitations that had caused Spain's intellectual obscuran-tism were directly related to the position of the Holy See towards progress. The change that the middle-class intellectual of Barcelona desired to effect was the enlightenment of the tradi*-:..o>3 tional position without the denial of those values that were essential to their class. Modernism was, therefore, the v i v i -fication of traditional values in a modern context; i t was an intent to set C atalonia apace with Europe without undermining the position of the progressive middle class. In this sense i t i s a product of l i b e r a l Catholicism ; i t i s conservative and progres--sive at the same time. As E. Valenti has explained: El modernista es, en primer lugar, aunque no tenga clara con-ciencia de ello, indiferente al contenido de l a doctrina que pro-fesa o que defiende. En segundo lugar, el modernismo es siempre un movimiento secundario y reactive, propcido en zonas que, por una raz6n u otra, han quedado al margen de l a auten£iea actividad creadora de l a epoca respectiva. En este sentido, modernismo, lejos de identificarse, podria contraponerse a modernidad. Un movimiento realmente creador y revolucionario, que suponga una radical transformaci6n de lo antiguo y que se imponga o trate de imponerse sobre lo tradicional tras una lucha dura y sin com-ponendas, no suele adoptar el nombre de modernismo. No fueron modernismos ni el romanticismo, ni el positivismo, ni el marxismo, ni el naturalismo, ni el simbolismo. 'fodas estas corrientes o escuelas, realmente definitorias, mas aun, creadoras de lo moderno, son conocidas con nombre que directa o raetaforicamente hacen re-ferenda a su sustancia o algun accidente que las caracteriza. Pero s i es cierto que, con independencia de toda referencia al contenido, cada uno de estos movimientos puede entrar en un "modernismo", suministrandole doctrina y orientaci6n, s i dejamos los focos y puntos avanzados de l a modernidad para pasar a las zonas marginales o las que, por uno u otro motivo, han quedado rezagadas. 21 Modernism i s therefore an attitude adopted by a minority, which incorporates and adjusts a number of "modern" tendencies to i t s needs. It i6 a particular phenomenon found in countries that have remained culturally under-developed, and incorporates, almost simultaneously, movements that represent a revolt against tradition, without necessarily assimilating the revolutionary content of these tendencies. As such, i t i s an attitude characterized by an avidity for novelty that adjusts a fundamentally middle-class, conservative point of view to progress. Literary Modernism i s , therefore, not reactionary, but conservative; i t aims to vivify traditionoand rejects that part of tradition that impedes progress. Notes to chapter I 1 C.C.J. Webb, "Christianity in the Nineteenth Century" in The  History of Christianity in the Light" of Modern Knowledge , a collective work, (London : Blackie and Son, 1929) p. 703. 2 Ibid. p. 708. 3 E. Valenti, El primer modernising l i t e r a r i o Catalan sus  fundamentos ideologicos. (Barcelona : Ar i e l , 1973) p. 32. C.C.J Webb, p. 709. 5 E l primer modernismo p. 3^. 6 Ibid. p. 39. 7 Ibid. p. 39. 8 It i s important to note that religious Modernism was condemned one and a half years after the beginnings of Noucentisme. This renders; d'Ors religious position, which is not entirely conser-vative, more explicit. Owing to the importance of the concept of immanence in d'Ors.' ideology, i t should be previously understood that, in spite of i t s Protestant origins (Kant and SchleieEmacher),it does not imply individualism. Since the Divine Being i s to be found within c i v i l i z a t i o n , religion, though secular, exists in the par-ticipation of the individual in society. C.C.J. Webb has pointed out : On the contrary the necessary dependence of religious l i f e upon a social environment was a l l the more obvious in proportion as i t became easier for individuals to live their lives in detachment from any particular religious organization. But the evolutionary and immanentist sp i r i t 'of the age had l a i d hands on the concept tion of society also. It came to be thought from the f i r s t and inalienable feature of human l i f e . (p. 722) As we shall see in chapters VI and VII, this i s essential to d'Ors' concept of Catholicism. 9 El primer modernismo p. 25. 10 J. Sole-Tura, Catalanismo y_ revoluci6n burguesa (Madrid : EDICUSA, 1970) p. 108. 11 Ibid. p. 115. 12 i b i d . p. 85. 13 Ibid. pp. 90-91. l*f Ibid. p. 88 19 15 Ibid. p. 176. 16 Ibid. p. 2 2 8 . 17 Ibid. p. 2 0 9 . 18 Ibid. pp. 211-212. 19 Ibid. p. 218. 20 E l primer modernismo p. 7 6 . 21 Ibid. pp. 2*f-25. Chapter II Catalan L i t e r a r y Modernism The long and convoluted history of Catalan l i t e r a r y Modernism has been summed up by E. Valenti i n four basic stages. The thesis of Modernism iiiteiediately originates from the " l i b e r a l -conservative" theories of A l m i r a l l i n the D i a r i CatalJL (l879-l88l). This ideology i s continued and integrated into the l i t e r a r y world by the men of^LAvens, I88I-I885. It i s again renewed and developed i n the second phase of L'Aveng.: > % .1888-1893. The d e f i n i t e l y a n t i -modernist, or t r a d i t i o n a l i s t , reaction i s headed i n 1891 by Torras i Bages. A number of men such as R. Casellas Dou, S. Rusinol, J . Soler i Miquel and J . ^ a r a g a l l were able to synthesize both of these positions into what may be considered the culmination of Modernism, i n the " f i n de s i ^ c l e " . \ In E. Valenti's approach towards a d e f i n i t i o n of Modernism three things must be born i n mind i n order to understand the real-nature of the movement. Although Modernism may seem to have preached anarchy and revolution, i t originated from the middle cl a s s , and remained a middle-class movement. A l l the mani-festations of Modernism were directed to a select minority; the revolt of the middle class considered i t s e l f to be a r i s t o c r a t i c : ...a l a apert.ura a l a s estridencias sociol&gicas y p o l i t i c a s . Iba tambien unida a un concepto, que perduro y> sigue perdurando, del catalanismo como una postura selecta y culturalmente a r i s t o c r a t i c a . La cultura catalana se d i r i g i a a una minoria refinada y cultivada. 1 Even when L 1 Avenc didi seem to -have become r a d i c a l i z e d to the extreme, i t i s evident that the anarchism preached by Brossa -Roger i s a r i s t o c r a t i c anarchism influenced by Zarathustra's teachings. The third point that arises out of this i s that neither Almirall nor any of his followers came to accept parliamentarianism f u l l y . The failure of Pi y Margall's republic had been a disillusionment, and thus Modernism and Catalanism remained anti-democratic movements. This last item i s of particular importance for the understanding of how a radical review such as » L'Ayeny could exist and be accepted by a fai r l y conservative bourgeois public. The political.attitude of L7 Avenc,- was inspired by that defined in Almirall's Diari Catala. E„ Valenti explains that Almirall distrusted the participation of the proletariat, and therefore universal suffrage as well as parliamentarianism, and yet remained 2 a l i b e r a l . His conciliatory attitude i s summed up as follows: E l enfriamiento que en Almirall ha producido l a experiencia demo-cratica, y l a repulsion que le inspira e l parlamentarismo al uso explican que, sin que ello implique retroceso alguno en su radical liberalismo y hasta en su apertura a l a consideraci&n de los pro-blemas sociales, tienda l a mano a los patriarcas de l a Renaixenca y les ofrezca su colaboraci&n para reemprender lo que se habia comenzado. Esta seguro de que no tomaran a mal sus reproches, s i son verdaderos catalanistas. "Mediten sobre nuestra situaci&n actual, y convenzanse de que no basta escribir versos en Catalan ni resucitar antiguallas. Lo que conviene, lo que urge, es que se produzcan ideas catalanistas y que nos dirijamos a un f i n , aunque emprendamos caminos diversos. Al t&rmino de l a Jornada nos encontraremos todoS." 3 The li b e r a l policy of Almirall i s based on the economic principle of "laissez faire", which was at the time important in freeing Catalonia's exportation power from the limitations imposed by Madrid. It had immediate social repercussions as a philosophical ideal in daily l i f e . The "laissez faire" attitude of Almirall.'s liberalism encouraged individualism and adopted a flexible attitude towards ideological problems, in order to f a c i l i t a t e progress. It was not the particular ideology that mattered, but the progress of c i v i -l i z a t i o n . Thus, as long as tradition was viable there was no need to reject i t . The Diari Catala was interested in progress, and this involved a rejection of any attempt to reestablish the past: No volem entrar en l a cent vegadas debatuda cuestio de s i es 6 no convenient ; < ressucitar l a vida provincial. Eer nosaltres esta. ja fa molt temps resolta. Lo mon modern tendeix a l a unitat per lo adelanto, per l a c i v i l i s a c i o , no per l a imposicio, ni per l a forsa, ni- tant sols per l a tradicio; a l a unitat expontanea y f i l l a de l a comunitat de ideas y de interessos, no a l a mnifi-cacio nascuda de l a conquista... k Progress and Catalanism were compatible, for they were both justified as being the rejection of the anachronical p o l i t i c a l system of Madrid's oligarchy. The traditionalist policy supported by the government of the Spanish Restattration imposed a dogmatic structure contrary to the expansive nature of economic progress. In response to the limiting policy of Madrid's government, Almirall emphasized the importance of anti-dogmatism: el Diari esta dispuesto>a dar lecciones o entablar polemicas, no a mezclarse en l a efectiva vida p o l i t i c a . Eso s i , procurara huir de todo dogmatismo, pues todo progreso sale de l a con-frontaci&n de ideas opuestas. 5 Almirall's solution was to place the main interest in the f u l -filment of the Catalanist ideal, and to forget individual party ideologies. This did not mean that Almirall's policy was not to be involved in social p o l i t i c s . In order, to achieve i t s aim, Catalanism had to intervene in Madrid's national p o l i t i c s , as E. Valenti explains: La obsesi&n politico-econ6mica de Almirall no consistia en el proteccionismo, sino en el "intervencionismo", es decir, en el empefio, que no debia cejjar ante ningun contratiempo ni desengano de i n f l u i r sobre l a poli t i c a madrilena y no encerrarse en un esteril aislacionismo. 6 P o l i t i c a l intervention meant participation in national and inter-national affairs; i t was progress onto the European scene. In this basically economic policy there were also cer-tain ideological implications that affected the traditionalist p o l i t i c a l structure of Spain. Almirall*s belief in progress stressed the right of the individual to choose and alter personal destiny. This meant individual freedom of belief, both religious and p o l i t i c a l . Indeed, Almirall's faith in the values of progress could only react against Spain's source of stagnation, the Church. Anti-clericalism in Almirall*s ideology i s related to individua-lism and progress. The latter i s an ideal of humanity, or c i v i -lization: "lo mon tendeix a l a unitat per lo adelanto, per l a 7 ci v i l i s a c i o " . Anti-clericalism does not mean atheism, and religion i s not entirely rejected by Almirall, who; understands i t as part of civilization's basic values. It i s against the Church as an institution supported by the traditionalist Restauration that Almirall reacts. Through the use of science religion i s also capable of progress: Volem anar endavant en tot, absolutament en tot. Aixis en ciencia com en religi&, aixis en arts com?:en politica , sempre que's tra c t i d'avansar un pas, res nos espantara. Si ideas novas y nous des-cobriments tiran per terra tradicions rancias, encara que siguin d'aquellas que volen presentarse com amparadas per l a tradicio de'ls sigles, lo nostre lloch sera al costat de lo nou, y serem enemichs, pero implacables, de tots los fanatismes. 8 As in theological Modernism, Almirall i s suggesting the v i v i f i -cation of dogma. The revaluation of religion through science, or man's c r i t i c a l reason as opposed to tradition, could only lead to a Kantian approach to religion, and eventually to an immanentist position. When Almirall, as a l l Modernists, talks of progress in terms of/inity of c i v i l i z a t i o n and as the achievement of inter-national ideals, he i s adopting a l i b e r a l Catholic position. It i s therefore not surprising to find Almirall praising such secular 9 organizations as the;«,Krausist Instituci&n Libre de Ensenanza. On the whole, the Diari Catala formulated the basic principles of Catalonia's f i r s t modernist programme. Among the novelties introduced by the Diari Catala , impressionism is^ possibly ly the most important. It was defined in immanentist terms by J.L. Pellicer in 1880: son- obras ja mes 0 menys fetas, pero complertas en son conjunt, reproduhint & intentant teproduhir l a unitat armonica de l a vida, de l a realitat; forma, color, Hum y entonacio (...) per aix6, encar que los trevalls d'en Monet distin d'esser obras mestras mereix un aplaudiment (...) Monet y lo impressionisme no son una soluciS, ni sisquera forman lo que s'en pot dir escola, pero son fitefl que indican lo cami del porvenir. 10 Impressionism, as defined by J.L.Pellicer, i s an immanentist point of view, and represents an essential step towards progress, but i t is not a solution. In this Pellicer underlines one of the dangers which was incurred by the f i r s t Modernism of Catalonia; the imitation of European models as an immediate solution to the problems pf Spain's cultural lag. The "modernist!' programme forwarded by Almirall was defined as follows: En estas palabras de Almirall esta ya, en embrion, el programa modernista en su forma catalana: desentenderse de Madrid y de lo que el representa, es decir, el inmobilismo social, el fanatismo religioso, el fetradicionalismo embrutecedor. Abrirse a Europa o al mundo en general, y acudir a sus focos de cultura, no solo para aprendar en ellos, sino para aportar nuestra contribucion especificamente catalana, al progreso humano. 11 When the Diari Catala closed down in the middlenof 1880, another review was immediately established by a group of young students who had the intention of continuing the ideals defined by Almirall. This new literary review took on the characteristic name of L'Avens. As the Diari Catala, L'Avens rejected traditional lism, but remained ideologically neutral, priority being given to the interests of Catalanism and progress. In order to remain neutral i t stressed above a l l the need of progress for the good of Catalonia. is not excessively revolutionary, but i t is characterized by four essential factors of novelty. The young editors of L'Avens had a clear consciousness not only of being Catalans, but of belonging to a new generation, the one that was to impose a national modern nity in Barcelona. This modernity was a break from traditionalist superficial literature. Among the members of the previous generation who were attacked by L1Avens, J.Rubi6 i Ors i s particularly important, fori) iryt his reprehension, the religious attitude of the eminent scholar is blamed because of his incapacity to keep up with the times: Pues no es ni poeta ni sabio. Catedratico de Historia de l a Universidad, su espiritu se ha dispersado entre l a historia, l a poesia y l a apologetica religiosa, pero sin profundizar en nada. El fanatismo religioso es lo unico que ha arraigado en el; el aire meditativo con que nos sorprende ahora l a viene, a lo mejor, de que esta pensando en como podra incluir, en l a lecci6n que hoy va a explicar sobre Antonio y Cleopatra, una digresi&n de pole-mica religiosa de l a que resulte que todos los sabios que no piensan segun l a ortodoxia no son tales sabios, sino unos infelices insignificantes... 12 Thus, Almirall's anti-dogmatic attitude i s perpetuated by the young modernists,who consider religious l i b e r a l i t y to be part of The development of thaL*Avens between l88l and 1885, under the direction of Masso-Torrents, Ramon Casas and J. Meifren, their generational characteristics. The second trait of L1Avens in i t s efforts to modernize Catalonia i s the consciousness of the need for responsible criticism, which could influence the course of cultural destiny. The new approach to criticism involved a complete knowledge of both Spanish and continental literature, in order to move away from provincial attitudes. The work of the c r i t i c was to be two-fold: he was to divulge novelties to the general public of L'Avens« and to be impartial and merciless in his judgment of national literary products. In their radical and anti-traditional approach to Spanish culture, the members of L'Avens considered themselves to be modernists. Indeed, they were the f i r s t to c a l l themselves "modernistas". In an article of October 1883, entitled "La cr i t i c a l i t e r a r i a a Catalunya", R.D.Peres defined the cultural aims of Modernism: defensa(y procura realisar sempre) lo conreu en nostra patria d'una literatura, d'una ciencia y d'un art essencialment modernistas, unich medi que, en consciencia, creu que pot fer que siguem atesos y visquem ab vida esplendorosa. 13 Tliis,essential Modernism was concerned with progress. In the above quotation one should note a slight change of orientation in Modernism, a stress on national modernization. The nationalist endeavour to place Catalonia into a European context i s modified by stressing the particular ambition of placing Catalan art ahead of Spanish art. E. Valenti explains this transition as follows: E l progreso de Cataluna pasa delante del progreso como ideal universalista. Y el unico progreso (avens) que este grupo de escritores y criticos coinciden en desear, es el que ha de situar a Cataluna en vanguardia del arte espanol. Y por esto predica el "modernismo". 1^ This difference of attitude, which i s less internationalistic, i s also more compatible with the conservative beliefs of the public. It i s , therefore, a form of Modernism because i t i s indifferent to the substance or content; what matters i s moderni zation for the sake of modernization. In this i t i s compatible with Catalanism; possessing an aim in which the specific ideology does not matter, as long as i t i s differentiated from, and better than, the rest of Spain. Modernism as being purely modernization and indifference to the content or specific form adopted involves an imitation of the currents prevalent on the European literary scene. The fourth novel characteristic of the f i r s t period of L1Avens i s related t© this aesthetic orientation. Since the prevalent eurrent in the 1880*8 i s naturalism, the members of L'Avens support this movement. The naturalism of L'Avens must not, however, be confused with Zola's use of the term. Certain aspects of naturalism^, such as the approach to a psychological study of scientific reality, are sometimes applicable, but on the whole naturalism is understood in the Spanish sense; "el naturalismo es todavia conceptuado como algo consustancial a nuestros escritores, y se le identifica con el antirretoricismo." It i s identified with the classical realist art of Spain. It i s the simple representation of daily reality. The use made of naturalism by L'Avens i s indeed very conservative and charac-t e r i s t i c a l l y modernist. It i s intended to remain within the "moral" standards of i t s public; Los de L'Avens son, pues, unos naturalistas bien entendidos y, mojigaterias aparte, nunca avalaran obras que contengan El "moralismo" sigue siendo un rasgo i n a l -terable de l a izquierda, aun extrema, tanto de l a catalana como de l a general espanola. 16 Naturalism understood in these terms was not excessively revolu-tionary. It was only a reaction against an academic or rhetorical style. Such a point of view enabled the Modernists to break from the fetid tradition of Spanish romanticism. For a number of personal reasons L'Avens was forced to close down in 1885. When Masso-Torrents and R. Casas renewed i t s publication in 1889, with a revised orthographic presentation as L.' Avenc, naturalism was already on the decline and a number of new literary trends were beginning to affect Europe. It was not spe-c i f i c a l l y this that brought tL' Astenc into being; rather i t was an intent to normalize the language and the course of Catalan literature. Owing to this "phase of normalization" L'Avenc, pre-sents nothing exceptionally revolutionary or modern until 18911, with the anti-rationalist trends prevalent in Europe. In this last, and most important period, covering the years between 1891 and l893» six names dominate the literary scene of Barcelona, a l l of whom collaborated in L'Aveng to some extent: Maragall, Casellas, Santiago Rusinol, Pompeu Gener, A Cortada and Jaume Brossa-Roger. The latter i s considered to be: l a figura mas caracteristica de esta ultima epoca de l a revista y del primer modernismo en general, l a que en mayor grado con-centra en s i todo lo que este movimiento tenia de incoherehte y explosive. 17 In order to understand the volatile character and ideology of Brossa-Roger, one must realize that after 1891 L'Avenc took a new radical position. It continued to aim to "contribuir al progreso l8 intelectual y moral de l a gente catalana", but i t absorbed the reactionary anti-rationalist concepts of "biological, racial science" introduced by Eompeu Gener. These theories led inevi-tably to concepts of superiority and anarchic aristocratism. The rise of socialism and proletarian organization after 1888 brought new fears of social upheaval to the bourgeoisie of Barcelona, of which L'Avenc was part. Consequently, towards the middle of 1892 Cortada formulated a federalist and autonomist programme that would be " l a afirmacion de toda personalidad, individual o colectiva,contra el uniformismo con que nos amenaza 19 l a civilizaci&n modernas". As E. Valenti points out, this fiu romantic position, which maintains Almirall's belief in "laissez faire" and individualism, i s contrary to the fundamental aspira-tions of modernity: La paradoja de l a nueva actitud aparece aqui claramente: el "modernismo" es defendido ahora como una reacci&n contra l a civilazaci&n que se anuncia, unica y uniforme. Pero asoma ademas, aunque sin formulacion expresa ni, por tanto, una consciencia clara, otro rasgo esencial que hemos destacado en nuestra definicion del modernismo: el de ser una reacci&n propia de las comunidades marginadas y refctftadas. 20 The reactionary p o l i t i c a l ideal aspired to by the "modernists" of L'Avenc i s best summed up in the following quotation from Cortada*s art i c l e : asi vemos c&mo el proletariado prefiere un Cesar que nos iguale a todos, £ un gobierno constitucional de sufragio restringido, que establece el predominio de los grandes contra los  pequenos. 21 The e l i t i s t p o l i t i c a l theory of modernist intellectualism i s here compatible with that of Noucentisme, yet an important ideological orientation made Modernism incompatible with the purposes of the bourgeoisie. It was socially reactionary in many aspects, but i t was progressive and anti-traditional, that i s , anti-clerical and secular. As such, i t could not be assimilated into the ideology of Torras i Bages. To complicate the modernist politictal orientation further, i t had "socialist" inclinations in terms of a reform from above, and i t considered i t s e l f to be anti-bourgeois. To the men of: L'Avenc the bourgeoisie represented Barcelona-Is intellectual "vulgus". . This meant that Modernism was the parti-cular expression of Barcelona's intellectual e l i t e . The p o l i t i c a l position of Modernism obviously placed i t in a "cul de sac". There were only two possible solutions: to strike a compromise either with the proletariat or with the bourgeoisie. This was the orientation defended by J. Brossa-Roger between 1892 and 1893. Association of L1Avenc with socialist and anarchist circles can be traced back as far as l889» but i t is with Cortada, and pricncipally J.Brossa-Roger , that this orien-tation is,truly defined. Unlike most men of L'Avenc, Brossa was not the^product of the high-bourgeoisie. He was the son of a school-teacher and as such had closer relations with the lower classes. The relation of Brossa to the proletariat had a direct effect on his aesthetic tendencies. Art had to be the expression of a social reality: Jaume Brossa, en su primer articulo publicado en L'Aveng, lo dice sin paliativos : l a literatura catalana ha de reflejar l a realidad social, y para salvarla de los anacronismos que l a ahogan no hay otro recurso que el de acudir a l a mas anonima : el proletariado. 22 The portrayal of social reality did not imply, howevetr:, that literature had to be realist in the strictest sense. Indeed, Brossa remained a fervent supporter of Zola for the aspects of collective social reality depicted in the French novelist's work. But as for many Catalans and Spaniards, naturalism continued to represent the anti-rhetorical representation of social reality. Consequently, when the European literary scene began to change,owing to the opposition between symbolism and naturalism, Modernism was confronted with two contrary options. Symbolism incorporated the anti-rationalist and v i t a l i s t i c currents; of neo-fehristianism, as opposed to naturalism's faith in science. Thus, after 1891 i t was evident that tteo; Hmoderniems3®had how come into existence. Brossa realized the reactionary pr a n t i - ^ i . j r ^ ^ J progressive potential latent in the anti-rationalist literature of Maeterlinck, but as a l l modernists he accepted the risk i t implied, because i t was "modern" and faith in^rogress could justify i t . In this Brossa i s characteristically modernist. He accepts i t for modernity's sake. As Valenti goes on to state: coexisten dos modernismos opuestos. Se trata, pues, de ver cual es el autentico. Para el nucleo activo de L'Avenc, l a cosa no ofrece duda. Por el moment©, lo que interesa a una cultura raquitica, empobrecida y oprimida como es l a catalana, es l a aper-tura optimista a todas las corrientes: el caracter de nuestro pueblo sabra elegir lo que mas le conviene. Esta es l a posici6n adoptada sin ambages por Jaume Brossa. 23 Much of this attitude is purely aesthetic. When Brossa accepts the modernity of decadentism, for instance, he chooses to overlook the fact that this movement i s contrary to the progress which inspires Modernism, and accepts i t for aesthetic reasons. The function of L'Avenc as a modernist review was not the defence of a certain aesthetic credo, but the anti-dogmatic education of public taste. In this therejare moral or ethical considerations for the progress and welfare of the community. Brossa defined his idealistic orientation in the following statement concerning the modernist celebration of Sitges in l893s Individualment cada. un dels que" hi han pres part tindran les seves prefer.encies li t e r a r i e s , artistiques i filosofiques, i sentiran devoci6 per t a i o qual personalitat; pero no vol dir qu'el seu esperit ni l'idea de L'Avenc siguin fomentar el programa-dels decadents. El verdader l l a c qu'ens uneix es un sincer entusiasme a r t i s t i c qu'ens permet acceptar totes les obres d'art suggestiona-dores d'una emoci& pura i elvada. Un poble jove qu'ha. de refer l a seva educaciS art i s t i c a , intellectiva i moral, qu'ha. de pur'ificar el seu idioroa, qh'ha de sensiblisar el seu sistema nervi&s, no pod alimentar exclusivismes que podrien matar energies qu'estan per despertar. Al contrari, el nostro interes te d'esser aixamplar l a nostra esfera de comprensio arti s t i c a , apoderar-nos de tots els perfeccionaments teenies, educar el nostro gust en el saboreig de les obres de totes les escolese , i no en passeu ansia: el nostro caracter, fatalment, inevitablement, fera una natural selecci6 i s'aprofitara dels factors que s'avinguin mes amb el seu intim modo d'esser. 2k As the above quotation indicates;* i t is renovation at a l l costs that interests Brossa. H e desires to break from the restrictions imposed on the individual by a materialist society, embodied by the financial bourgeoisie of Barcelona. Decadentism and neo-spi r i t u a l i s t currents are compatible with his intentions in as much as they aspire to represent an ideal or pure emotion, which contributes to the enthusiasm and progress '6f Barcelona's youth. As a reaction against the materialist bourgeoisie of Barcelona, the symbolist and neo-christian movements of literature were acceptable to Brossa's ideology. The reserve he had as to their "progressive" potential was concerned with the possibility that they might return to the dogmatic Catholic positions adopted by the traditionalists. This fear is most clearly expressed in his review of Gald&s' La loca de l a casa : Lastima que, dejandose llevar de las corrientes novocristianas cuando Gald&s crea tipos entregados a l a "filantropia religiosa", no sepa hacer nada mejor que situarlos dentro del catolicismo dogmatico. 25 Brossa-Eoger continues the modernist tradition of li b e r a l or modernist Catholicism, and i t may consequently be expected that he remained staunchly conservative in certain social aspects of his work. The conservative facet of Brossa-Koger i s often confused by his proletarian and anarchic associations. As we noted above, in his approach to literature Brossa seems to have been revolutionary in a typically modernist way. There are certain "moralizing" tendencies to be found in his work. As E. Valenti has remarked: Jaume Brossa, a los cinco anos de l a desaparici&n de L'Avenc y despues de pasar por las experiencias del exilio en Paris y Londres, se desata en una furiosa reaccion moralizante, que; haee pensar en unrcontagio del puritanismo victoriano... 26 The moralistic message of Brossa and Cortada was directed, as a l l LTAvene, not to the proletariat but to the young bourgeoisie. Literature was to provide a consciousness of social responsibility and the need of the individual to act. The action of man in society was, however, to be guided by knowledge or Science. Thus Cortada wrote: La nostra obligacio, doncs, joves de l a classe mitja, es de convertir-nos de pie a pie a l a Ciencia; despres an el treball de millorar el funcionament de l a societat com a manera mes apta d'espandir l'individu; per& aixo amb atreviment i sense cap preocupaci&. 27 The moral approach to responsibility of progress as an expansion of the individual's freedom had anarchist overtones. These are more clearly defined by Brossa, who for the sake of this new Nietzschean morale even modified some of the basic teachings of Zola to make them compatible with Nietzsche's irrationalism. In Brossa's understanding, the irrational imposition of the individual w i l l opposes the sense of fatality that pervades l i f e : En el fons de les obres d'en Flaubert, en Zola i en Gonfeourt, no s'hi ven l a voluntat resultant del raonament, sino l a impulsio de-l'istint com a regulador de totes les aceions humanes, acabant-se que l a societat es mou per un determinisme fa t a l . No obstant, de l a literatura realista se'n treu una moral grandiosa, perque exhibint l a societat d'una manera impersonal i abstracta es veu que l a majoria dels mals de l a vida prbvenen generalment de l a falta de voluntat en l'individu. Aquesta condi-cio ens porta al cultiu de l a voluntat com a mes gran i forta propulsora de 1'avenc i el benestar, essent t a l doctrina una bifur-caci6 de l a literatura "egotista", indubtablement l a mes ferma oposici6 a l i a determinista dominant fins ara. En Nietzke (sic), presentant La Moral dels Mestres, i 1'Ibsen exaltant l'acci6 individual com a conseqUdncia logica de l a redemp-ci6 interior, van al gran Excelsior del segle XX: al consorci enSrgic i radical del pensament i l a voluntat. 28 This fusion of the irrational and the scientific literary tendencies prevalent at the turn of the century is the source of one of the most important contradictions present in the ideology of Modernism. Throughout his work Brossa-Roger stresses the importance of a new social era that is to arise out of the decomposition of saeietjs at the end, of the century: "aquesta decomposici6 anarquica que tant en ve de nou i que anuncia una altra vida social" 7 . Yet, his profound sense of individualism inspired by the ibsenian concept of revolt against society impedes him from realizing that his ideological position is contrary to the achievement of a truly social ideal. The anarchist ideal of fraternity and individualism that dominates the ideology forwarded by 1'Avenc between 1891 and 1893 was the cause of i t s closure in December 1893. The violent radi-cality of A. Cortada, and especially of J. Brossa-Roger had a l i -enated much of i t s public. E. Valenti has explained that the s p i r i t of reformation that animated the review was too rapidly presented, and too radical, to be assimilated by Barcelona's bourgeoisie. As in 1885 i t was necessary for the men of L1Avenc to retire until society had accepted the novelties they had presented: "La RedacciS", que es l a que firma l a despedida, reconoce, sin embargo, que ha querido andar demasiado de prisa, y que necesita ahora un tiempo de reposo y de recapacitaci&n 30 Certain p o l i t i c a l factors were also responsible for the closing °^ 1^Avenc. The wave of anarchism, beginning with the bomb of the Liceo theatre on the seventeenth of November 1893» brought on eu severe repression that culminated in the dispersion of the original modernist group of 1,"Avenc. This resulted in the dis-organization of the f i r s t Catalan modernist movement after the closing of L.1 Avenc. The influence of L1Avenc did not end with i t s closure* Among the numerous lasting contributions i t made to the develop-ment of Catalan culture the most important are: the consciousness of Catalonia's need to produce a; literature of European or inter-national calibre, the consequent revision of the appreciation of Catalonia's "renaixentiste" literature ( which made a "tabula rasa' of a l l previous authors except J. Verdaguer, and N. Oiler), and the establishment of certain literary identity. It also began to-renew and standardize the Catalan grammar, a task which was com-pleted by a member of L'Avenc, Pompeu Fabra, during the noucentist* period. All. the novelties introduced by L' Aveng contributed! to placing Catalan culture ahead of the rest of Spain, and divorcing i t from the general intellectual stagnation that prevaled in the Iberian peninsula. The radical innovations of L1Avenc had encouraged indi-vidualism in i t s most extreme expressions, such as, Ibsen's concept of the dissolution of the familial structure, and the revolt of the artist against society and any immediate obligation to the communi-ty. This particular facet of L'Avenc' modernism was incompatible with the traditionalist beliefs defended by Torras i Bages. From the traditionalist point of view the artist's freedom, and the dominion of intellectuals over society, were an attack on the funda-mental hierarchic structure of society designed by Bivine w i l l . In Torras i Bages' words intellectual aristocratism was a revolt against • " • 31 the "senores naturales" . Against modernist individualism which found itsjexpression in an aesthetic based on interiorization, that i s , freedom of examination and conscience, Torras i Bages considered that art was to be formal, or classical, and inspired by the exter-nal imitation of nature. In his interpretation of Catalonia's literary heritage, tradition i s understood to be the mirror of nature. Truly Catalan art must, therefore, be inspired by nature, which i s traditional. The modernist "heresy" i s considered to be a:revolt against the principles of tradition and nature: Base de toda edificacion social o po l i t i c a , coincide, sin mas con l a naturaleza: "Es l a tradiciojun propi, com diuen els escolastics; una nota caracteristica dels animals racionals, que no's troba fdra d'ells en cap altra categoria de sers, ni en l a terra ni en el eel; i avui que tant s'enlaira tot lo que es huma, segons e l llenguabge de moda, es un verdader contrasentit l'odi que una bona part dels modernistes l i tenen. 32 Literature in Torras i Bages' terms must, therefore, take model on the regional, or rural, customs and habits of Catalonia. Any inspiration based on secular interests or erudition is considered harmful to the well-being of the public, and contrary to the aspirations of truly Catalan art. Literary movements such as neo-classicism are therefore severely reprehended. In the context of Modernism Torras i Bages denies the value of any effort to secularize art, and hence both facets of Modernism, naturalism and neo-spiritualism, are condemned. Naturalism is considered to be an aberration of urban ci v i l i z a t i o n leading to the depravation of i t s readers. Only in the case of Oiler's La febre d*or does Torras i B ag es make an exception because of the intensely moral implications of the narration. Neo-spiritualist, or neo-christian literary tendencies are harshly censured. They are considered to be a process of interiorization and pseudo-mysticismj as such, they represent a tendency to Protestantism or secularization of religion. Neo-spiritualism is regarded as a product of the Nordic race. It i s , therefore, contrary to the Latin character of Catalonia, which is thought to -find i t s best expression in the "realist" tradition of medieval art.. A l l that Torras i Bages opposes himself to in the Nordic character is summed up in the following definition: "una raja somniadora que de l a supersticio prestament passa a l'heretgia i amant de les grans constr.uccions intellectuals, es el sorarei 33 celestial de l'esperit mistic". Mysticism and other secular;^ forms of intellectualism are considered to be conducive to heresy. It i s against this that Torras i Bages reacts, since, especially in the case of mysticism or neo-spiritualism, the concept of immanence, or even pantheism, plays an important role. The traditionalist point of view of Torras i Bages was suspicious of any movelty that could alter the structure of society Anything that was opposed to the dogmatic tenets of st r i c t Catholicism was contrary to his concept of tradition. As E. Valenti remarked: Torras desconfia de todas las innovaciones. La tradici&n nacional ha sido identificada con l a tradici&n eclesiastica y cat&lica, esta a su vez con l a tradici&n filos&fica escolastica, y todo lo que trascenda de estos limites resulta sospechoso... 3^ As a manner of opposition to the modernist advance that conflicted with the C atholic position, Torras i &&ges proposed an art based on classical principles of order. Art was to be an imitation of classical art without the possible imaginative content, or what he called the "construccions intellectuals" of Germanic romanti-cism. This waas indeed what might have happened i f Torras i Bages had not adopted a more conciliatory attitude after 1892, with the formation of the Cercle de San Lluc. To many young Catholic artists the condemnations;, of Modernism,and the desire to progress,and yet remain Catholic, posed a serious problem. This was resolved with the formafci6h>of the Cercle de San Lluc, under the leadership of Torras i Bages, which represented the more conservative a r t i s t i c tendencies of Barcelona. In reaction against the "decadentiste" tendencies of the rest of Barcelona, the members of the Cercle de San Lluc attempted to create an art that was somewhat progressive and s t i l l remained morally intact. This was crowned with success at the exposition of the Cercle de San Lluc in November 1893. It was considered by many to be a purer form of Modernism, free of the anarchic tendencies of L'Avenc. R. Casellas considered that i t was "un salon de pintura modernista", but in order to modernize i t s e l f the Cercle de San Lluc had to return to the impressionist currents of l880. On the literary scene a similar reintegration of Modernism into social respectability was necessary. As the l i t e -rary advances of Modernism had been more radical than those of the other arts, this synthesis was more d i f f i c u l t . The f i r s t synthesis was achieved through the work of three men, who were considered respectable bourgeois: S. Rusinol, Soler i Miquel and J. Maragall. The latter personality i s considered by E. Valenti to be: el mas importante de los modernistas catalanes, al que se debe l a definitiva integracion en l a cultura general de lo que hasta en sus momentos mas exaltados y ca&ticos ... tenia de f e r t i l y vitalizador aquel movimiento. A no ser que entendamos el moder-nismo l i t e r a r i o en su sentido mas restringido, definido por el predominio de una determinada sensibilidad expresada en un reper— torio concreto de formas ( que es como hasta ahora ha solido en-tenderse), ^aragall abraza y sintetiza en su obra, y quizas aun mas en su persona, todo el modernismo Catalan. 36 The synthesis that was effected by S. Rusinol and Soler i Miquel culminates in the ideology of J. Maragall. It i s , therefore, necessary to understand a number of particularities of both S. Rusinol*s and Soler i Miquel's conception of Modernism. Especially i n Rusinol's work are we confronted with a particularly conservative and bourgeois form of Modernism. .? Although Rusinol. was among the f i r s t collaborators of LrAvenc in l88l, his actual literary participation does not begin until I89I. As E. Valenti remarks, Rusinol was never able to react positively against the problems of Barcelonian society. His modernity never had the v i t a l i t y and optimism of a Brossa-Roger: "el modernismo de Rusinol es un producto bastante inocuo, a pesar de las e s t r i -37 dencias verbales a que ocasionalmente se abandona". The rebellion of Rusinol agaiHst the bouegeoisie was in great part responsible for his participation in the formation of Barcelona's bohemian circles* These are characterized, as is Rusinol*s ideology, by a desire to make the artist independent from a materialist society, a belief in the aristocracy of art and "en politica, en l a vida, una especie de aurea mediocritas" , com-plemented by a pessimistic outlook on daily l i f e . In this evasive vision of social reality art is to be found in man's instinct and in solitude, that i s , i n introspection. Rusinol i s therefore a modernist in his effort to revive the religious or spiritual aspect of man's l i f e , in his love of novelty, in his rebellion against the bourgeoisie, and in his belief in ah intellectual aristocracy-* Owing to his spiritualist tendencies, i t i s not sur-prising that Santiago Rusinol was responsible for the introduction of Maeterlinck's theatre in Spain at the second Modernist gathering in Sitges, l893« Apart from the immanentist implications of Maeterlinck's work, the aspects that interested the modernists who gathered around the figure of Rusinol were the anti-social connotations and the ide a l i s t i c , or anti-materialistic creation. For many modernists this represented the novelty of spontaneity and a reaction against the oppressive formality of social reality. It was a theatre of escapism. Years later, Maragall reacted against the "decadentiste" tradition presented by Rusinol. In a close examination of the speeches made by Rusinol as an introduction to the f i r s t repre-sentations of Maeterlinck, Maragall pointed out that Rusinol's i only intention was to give some spirituality or ideality to l i f e , not to turn against social reality. According to Karagall, art could never be divorced from the. social reality within which the artist moved, because there was no distinction between art and l i f e . Art was only the perfectioning of the circumstantial reality. There existed no contradiction between the two. In Maragall's reasoning, a l l things have a point of conciliation; contradictions are only apparent: La contradicciones insolubles no existen mas que en l a teoria; en l a vida, h i l i l l o s sutiles enlazan las posiciones mas distanted y de repente aparece armonizado lo que hubieramos dicho inconciliable. 39, Ihis attitude to l i f e i s particular to':the Krausist philosophy in Spain. E. d'Ors, in a series of glosses of 1923jentitled "Keleyendo a Azorin", pointed out that Maragall was a Krausist in a l l his basic conceptions of l i f e . E. Valenti also considers that Maragall, owing to his "racionalismo arm&nico" and to his pan-theistic tendencies, was a Krausist and therefore a religious modernist: Para Ors, nuestro poeta fue krausista en sus concepciones basicas del espiritu, de l a naturaleza, de l a historia, en su culto a l a espontaneidad, en su Weltanschauung toda. Pero es mas: es justa-mente ese krausismo esencial de Maragall lo que permite que lo pongamos en relacion con el modernismo religioso: especialmente por l a tentativa de este de distinguir entre dogmas muertos y vivos, y e l supuesto de que en el principio esta l a pUreza. f^O Maragall did not receive, his knowledge of Krausism directly, but through his friendship with a student of Giner de los Rios, named Josep Soler i Miquel, who seems to have been very influential in Maragall.1 s career. The "racionalismo armonico" used by ^aragall in his con-c i l i a t i o n of extremes enabled him to be both progressive and con-servative at the same time. Thus, whereas he was a friend and admirer of Brossa-Roger, he could also publish anti-socialist ancj^.pparently reactionary articles, without being perturbed by the contradiction that this implied. An example of this is the intro-duction of Nietzsche in Spain. When the article that Maragall prepared on Nietzsche was refused by his employers, the Diario  de Barcelona, Maragall simply modified i t and had i t printed in L'Avenc under the pseudonym of Pamphilus. The influence of Soler i Miquel and Nietzsche is very central to the ideology of Maragall. From the philosophy of the German irrationalist Maragall took the v i t a l i s t i c and optimistic tendencies, as well as the belief in an intellectual aristocracy. This influence he later toned down for Christian reasons,, but at all. times ^aragall maintained^the ideal that action was essential. to l i f e , and the belief in the need intellectual aristocracy to guide Spain. The p o l i t i c a l orientation of Maragall is based on these principles and on the theory of the vivification of the dogmas. It i s best summed up as follows: La juventud conservadora ha de derribar principios e instituciones que un dia pasaron por liberales y progresivas y que hoy resultan obstructoras y podridas. kl Maragall, consequently, continued the progressive-conservative politics of Almirall and the men of L* Avenc, from a liberal Catholic point of view. This energetic p o l i t i c a l orientation given to much of Maragall*s prose writing was only theoretical* The influence of Soler i Miquel brought out the more passive, or static, side of Maragall*s character. Soler i Miquel was a very sensitive, but weak-willed and submissive person. In his writings confusion reigns, as of someone overwhelmed by the magnificence of the world in which he lives, who does not know how to act, or where to begin. E§rez-Jorba has described the personality of Soler i Miquel in the following terms: No era. un mistic estoic ni era un individualista deliquescent, sino que ponderava i adorava l a vida l l i u r e i espontania, l a existencia espandint-se i comunicant-se a totes les criatures. Era un mistic que, prenyat d'humanitat, professava l a religio de l a Vida. 42 It i s evident from the above quotation that in his religion of l i f e , or,Civilization, Soler i Miquel is pantheistic, and typi-cally modernist and immanentist. As Maragall, he adored the idea of action, but i t was impossible for him to act. In his worship of the divine entity in c i v i l i z a t i o n he longed for action, but any movement only seemed to disturb the peace. Positive action that would not destroy the beauty of the world demanded a sense of order that Soler i Miquel lacked. As E. Valenti remarks, this pantheism leads Soler i Miquel and Maragall to evade their social commitments by writing the apology of action as a substitute for action itself:: "Un ultimo rasgo que Josep Soler i Miquel comparte con su amigo Maragall es el uso "evasivo" de las teorias vitalistas y" This evasion of responsibility is complemented by a belief in spontaneity and progress inherent in the motion of l i f e . This social point of view culminates in Maragall's : kh -"Resignem-nos a no entendre. Deixem fer, deixem fer." ..His submission to the circumstance and the longing for action is con-ciliated in the theory of spontaneity, or the "teoria de l a paraula viva". A belief in the spontaneous and inevitable changes, or progress, which is typical of Krausism, enabled ^aragall and Soler i Miquel to be optimistic and yet not interfere directly in the transformation of social reality. It was this attitude that allowed Maragall*s ideology not to conflict with the designs of the bourgeoisie. E. Valenti 1s study of the f i r s t Catalan Modernism and it s f i r s t synthesis culminates in the following definition that stresses the position of alienation in which Modernism had placed i t s e l f by 1900: Hemos definido el modernismo corao un progresis^mo consersrador. Es; la actitud que pretende conservar algo (en este caso Cataluna o su cultura) insuflandole modernidad. Esto implica l a existencia de dos extremos, que siempre amenazan confundirse con lo exterior: Maragall escribiendo articulos reaccionarios en el Diario, los "avencistas" radicales predicando doctrinas que parecian perderse en un vago internacionalismo. Pero el tono empleado por unos y otros no admite confusiones, Ningun tradicionalista podia tomar a Maragall por uno de los suyos, por conservador que fuera e l articuloayque escribiera, y ningun autentico revolucionario podia hacerse ilusiones sobre el dilettantismo l i t e r a r i o o filos6fico de un Cortada o un Brossa. 45 With the rise of the Lliga Catalana after 1900, Catalanism began to be the concern of the--high financial bourgeoisie and was;; being removed from the hands of the intellectuals. The harsh repressions of the end of the century and the consequent dispersion of many of the original modernists had already considerably weakened the intellectual movement. After the b r i l l i a n t surge of an intellec-tual renaissance in Barcelona between 1880 and 1893% a steady decline i s visible in the lack of novelty and the diminishing interest or curiosity in the "testes Modernistas de Sitjes", c which culminates; in the disastrous fiasco of l899« As i s evident in the submissive attitude pf J. Maragall, the general apathy or "abulia" that dominated the rest of Spain seems to have reached Barcelona after 1895. Yet, this did not mean that Modernism was completely unpperative. It was Maragall*s f i r s t synthesis that had failed, not the basic progressive ideology, nor the need for i t . The renewed economic and p o l i t i c a l flourishing of Barcelona at the hands of the Lliga Catalana only indicated that cultural progress would indeed follow suite. J.L. Marfany has noted that after 1906 Modernism began to flourish again: Perd, a mesur.a que l a direcci6 del nacionalisme i;passaBaj, sobretot a^  partir de 1906, a les mans de l ' a l t a burgesia i. que aquesta elaborava uns programes politics i culturals solids i coherents el Modernisme tornava a oscillar capaa l a tenddncia cosmopolita, regeneracionista i europeista que anys abans havia representat "L»Avenc". k6 It i s therefore logical that the literary movement that succeeded Modernism in 1906, with-the name of Noucentisme, represents a continuation of the early Modeenism of L*Avenc. Noucentisme was another synthesis that might be progressive, reformative and capable of being integrated into the schemes of the higher bourgeoisie. Notes to Chapter II 1 E. Valenti, E l primer modernismo Catalan y sus fundamentos ideol6gicos (Barcelona : Ari e l , 1973) p. 238". 2 Among the various social contradictions involved in Almirall's conception of liberalism, one should note that whereas he always claimed to defend progress, he also defended slavery,.which represented an asset to Catalan mercantile expansion. (VideJ £l primer modernismo Catalan p. 138. 3 El primer modernismo Catalan p. 123. 4 Ibid. P» 128. 5 Ibid. P» 129. 6 Ibid. P- 137. 7 Ibid. P- 128. a Ibid. PP . 128-129. 9 Ibid. P» 135. 10 Ibid. P- 1^3. 11 Ibid. P- 127. 12 Ibid. P« 153. 13 Ibid. PP . 158-159. ik Ibid. P« 159. 15 Ibid. P. 160. 16 Ibid. P« 161. 17 Ibid, P» 166. 18 Ibid. p i -I67. 19 Ibid. p« ^70. 20 Ibid. p» 170. 21 Ibid. p» 170. 22 Ibid. p. 174. 23 Ibid. p» 185. 24 Ibid. p. 186. 25 Ibid. p. 179. 26 Ibid. p. 1 8 7 . 2-7 A. Cortada, "Les idees noves en el Brusi", L 1 Avenc. 5 ("13 Marc, 1893) p. 7 8 . 28 J. Brossa-Roger, "Quimeres contemporanies", L'Avenc 1 ( 1 Janer, 1893) p. ^. 29 J. Brossa-Roger, "La joventut catalana d'ara", L'Avenc 12-14 ^13i« l u l i Q W l 8 9 3 ) p. - 2 0 2 . * 30 El primer modernismo catalana p. 240. 31 Ibid. p. 2 5 6 . 32 Ibid., p. 258,,, 33 Ibid. p. 2 6 0 . 34 Ibid. p. 259. 35 Ibid. p. 295. 36 Ibid. pp. 195-196. 37 Ibid. p. 303. 38 Ibid. p. 3 0 5 . 39 Ibid. p. 3 1 8 . 40 Ibid. p. 3 1 8 . 41 Ibid. p. 3 2 6 . 42 Ibid. p. 321 . 43 Ibid. pp. 3 2 3 - 3 2 4 . 44 Ibid. p. 3 3 4 . 45 Ibid. pp. 341-342. 46 J.L.Marfany, Jaume Brossa : regeneracionisme i. modernisme (Barcelona : Edicions 62,1969 ) p. 9T ~ CMpter III D'Ors and Noucentisme Though Modernism in Catalonia did not end until at least 1911» with the death of Joan Maragall, a new cultural vogue which theoretically reacted against Modernism arose in 1906. '^hia new wave; of young intellectuals was directly associated with the rising Lliga Regionalista, which was^Later to become the Lliga Catalana of Prat de l a Riba. Noucentisme may therefore be considered as related to the upper bourgeoisie of Catalonia. Indeed many of the young "Noucentistes" came from the well-to-do class, as had the Modernists before them. The originator of the new movement, Eugenio d'Ors i Roviraa ((l88l—1954)^ was the son of a Barcelonian doctor. He received an essentially secular education. His biographer, Enric Jarda, informs us that, from 189^ to 1895, young d'Ors was* educated at, the "Instituto General y Tecnico", and in the years 1896-1897 he attended classes at the "feolegio Catalunya". Between the years of 1897 and 1903 he continued hie academic career by studying law at the University of Barcelona. As a student, d'Ors took an active part in a r t i s t i c , literary and p o l i t i c a l circles. By 1900 he was considered an artist and writer of fair reputation in Barcelona. During those years. d'Ors was a regular patron of the Modernist club and^tiav.enn, Quatre Gats, which put out a weekly review that printed various articles, poems and short storiies of d'Ors. At the same; time he was a member of Torras i Bages' Circol Ar t i s t i c de Sant Lluc, and ofi the imfamous club, E l Guayaba: "donde empezaron a reunirse; a principios de 1902 un grupo de muchachos algo anarquistas, algo nietzscheanos, algo wagnerianos, algo sorelianos, bastante. 2 modernistas". At university he was closely connected with the Federacto Escolar Catalana, the Lliga Kegionalista's organization for students. In 1903 he took an extremely active part in the Congreso Univensitario Catalan, as a representative, of the CiroJ>l Sant Lluc. At the congress he created a minor scandal by suggesting the eatab-lishment ofra secular faculty of Theology, independant from that of Philose&hy. He was also extremely active, that year as a man of letters; apart from his continuous production of articles, he. collaborated with the playwright, AdriaiGual, in a translation of Oedipus Rex, which was staged shortly after at the Teatre Intim. The year of 1904 proved even more important for d'Ors, who; had just completed his "licenciatura". While studying in Madrid d'Ors maintained himself on the literary and p o l i t i c a l scenes of Barcelona by correspondence or by travelling between the two c i t i e s . During his intermittent two year stay in Madrid, d'Ors came to know such personalities as Juan Valera?, Antonio Maura, Menendez Pelayo, Joaquim Costa, Giner de los Rios and Gumersindo de Azcarate,his thesis director. His association with the latter two also led him to be in close connection with the Institucio'n; Libre de Ensa&anza • It was also during his stay in Madrid that d'Ors wrote a. play, in Castilian, with the collaboration of Jacinto Grau Delgado, entitled"Despues del Milagro". Meanwhile, in B a r c e i o n a , d'Ors' name became p o l i t i c a l l y prominent. After the king's visitcto Barcelona, there occurred a s p l i t in the Lliga. A/group from the l e f t wing of the party separat-ed and formed the Centre Nacionalista* Republica, with a* weekly review "El Boble Catala". D'Ors. took a prominent part in the? publication of this newspaper from the f i r s t issue onwards. At the time he published various literary and syndicalist articles. D'Ors showed a strong tendency towards certain types of socialism. It may be noted: that in 1905 he forwarded a plan to Joaquim Costa and Giner de los Rios for the creation of the Universidad Popular, which was meant to be an "organismo de 3 difusion cultural destinado a l a promocion de l a clase obrera" • At the University of Madrid he presented his doctoral thesis, entitled: Genealogfa ideal del Imperialismo (Teoria del Estado-Heroe). In i t d'Ors sustained Thomas Carlylei's theory that heroic individuals must act as representatives or guides to the community, and therefore certain culturally superior nations have the right to guide others. Part of d'Ors1 thesis was expressed in an article of E l Poble Catala of 1905. As we shall see, many of the main ideas of Noucentisme proceed from this thesis. Enric Jardi gives a resume of the article "Noruega Imperialist at" as follows: ••• presenta l a Historia Universal posterior a Roma como una lucha constante entre dos fuerzas: una disgregadora y otra unificadora. Por un lado: l a que ha sido encarnada sucesivamente por el Germanismo, el Feudalismo, l a reforma protestante, el Absolutismo rehacentista, el Galicianismo, el principio de las Nacionalidadesr,y el Regionalismo, y por e l otro, el Sacro Imperio Romano, las cruzadas, l a recepcion del derecho romano, l a Revoluci&n Francesa, Napoleon, l a lucha por los Mercados, el Socialismo federativo, y el Imperialismo moderno. Una de las fuerzas unitarias mas potentes que contribuira a superar l a disgregacitfn nacionalista es - para d'Ors - l a Ciudad, institucirfn que debera enaltecerse despues de l a convulsion que se aproxima, l a r e v o l u c i 5 n propia de una "Nueva era de Santo Jacobinismo" mas amplio y radical que el Jacobinismo de ayer que derribo las monarquias del Antiguo Regimen. Las as t i l l a s de los tronos quemaran en el hogar de 11a Republica futura; sobre lasruinas de l a s nacioaes edif icaremos: l a Ciudad.... E l resurgimiento de Cataluna solo se lograra robuste-ciendo l a OlujJdad, una esforzada empresa que debe ser llevada a cabo por todos los catalanes con sentido de riesgo y l a aventura, s i n estar voluntariamente confinados en l a domesticidad, posicion que a l a larga r e s u l t a per judicial:, como aconteci6 en e l cuento de Edgar Alla n Poe de un prfncipe cobarde que en vano se recUuyo en su C a s t i l l o por temor a l a epidemia que diezmaba e l pais. Sin embargo esta. convencido de que Cataluna tiene reser-vadocB unos dias de g l o r i a s i logra dar pasos decisivos de una p o l i -t i c a c u l t u r a l genuina... k, D'Ors,therefore, presented a doctrine of s o c i a l u n i f i c a t i o n based: on his b e l i e f i n the necessary hierarchy of the i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e that was to be oriented towards public education and the organiza-t i o n of society around an urban i d e a l , which was^o lead to the voluntary assertion of Catalonia as a European nation. D'Ors' career i n 1905 i s determined by two more important f a c t s . In the summer of that year he published his f i r s t collection^ of short s t o r i e s . La muerte de Is i d r e Nonell, seguida de otras  arbitrariedades, introducing thereby^ the concept of a r t i s t i c a r b i t r a r i t y into his work. This book was not wfell received , no more by the c r i t i c s of E l Poble and Joventut, than by those of La  Veu de Catalunya. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that t h i s c o l l e c t i o n of short s t o r i e s , f i r s t written i n Catalan by d'Ors, only appeared i n the Diez-Canedo cCastilian t r a n s l a t i o n of 1905* In the autumn of 1905, E l Poble Catala intended to expand i t s publication and become a daily newspaper. D'Ors terminated his collaboration with the newspapse i n May 190&, when the d i r e c t i o n of the newspaper was handed to Francisco Rodon and not to himself. His p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n La Veu de Catalunya was previous to t h i s s c i s s i o n . On the f i r s t of January 1906 he had begun to publish his Glosari i n the L l i g a ' s newspaper. I t was with t h i s publication that dt'Ors inaugurated the "Noucentiste" movement. Many c r i t i c s have remained equivocal and rather, dogmatic as to the nature of the new movement. For instance some, as Joan Fuster , state that: E l Noucents e's el contrari del Vuitcents.... enfront del "caos", "l'ordre"; enfront de l a "natura", l a "cultura"; enfront de l a '%xstica"v la= "rao1'', enfront del que era "indefinite, al "blar i distint". 5 and Ruiz i Calonja: "Xenius reacciona contra l a ideologia del moviment modernista del qual havia format part". However, others such as Eduard Valenti have forwarded the idea that: ... e l modernismo orsiano es no solo un modernismo en el sentido gene'rico que hemos definido de este termino, sino l a culminacion del modernismo finisecular, s61o que con un peculiar sesgo. que le viene dado por el prurito de autoafirmacitfn de l a generaci6n nueva frente a las anteriores;y,sobre todo, por una orientacion en el orden politico-social y del pensamiento consecuencia del. nacimiento y consolidacid'n del catalanismo politico. 7 When confronting these two opposite sets of opinions one must beajr in mind that the problem of the extemt to which Noucentisme did, or did not depart from Modernism i s especially rendered unclear by early affirmation of Noucentistes that they rejected the Modernist past, which in the case of d'Ors, and others such as Josep Carner, represents their period of formation. It i s therefore best to begin any attempt to delineate the nature of Noucentisme with an investigation of d'Ors' own attitude towards Noucentisme, and how he defined i t over the years. Indeed, certain statements made by d'Ors in his Glosario de 1923  (U-turn-it) make i t evident that Modernism and Noucentisme are closely linked:-Nada comprendera de l a historia moral de Europa en estos ultimos tiempos quien no parta del principio de que el Noveciehtos. significa una violenta reaccion contra lo que se llamo - y que conviene llamar-- y conviene que antonomasticamente siga llaraandose - "Pin de Siglo". Pero auchas cosas escaparan a quien no: atienda a que en el "Fin de Siglo" se en6ontraba ya en calenturianta gestacio'n el Novecientos." 8 We may therefore deduce from this statement that, though Noucentisme was considered to be a reaction against certain aspects of Modernism, which represents the culmination of nineteenth century tendencies;, i t was not a total rejection of the movement. As d^Ors defined this reaction, Noucentisme assimilated those teachings of Modernism which seemed compatible to the modern European s p i r i t of the twentieth century. Noucentisme i s therefore related to a temporal motion, or progress, which d'Ors tried to perceive around: him. Noucentisme has no set definition. It i s a tendency, or an attitude, which finds i t s manifestations in literature and p o l i t i c s , and is depen-dant on exterior circumstances. D'Ors said in the Glosari of 1907 s-.•.ANosaltres podem dir-nos en l'actualitat dins un esperit unic? ... Jo, l'any passat, commentant l a publicaci6 quasi simultania de L'Enlla, maragallenc, i de La nacionalitat, catalana, d'en Prat de l a Riba, pretenia que s i . I que els mots d'ordre del nostre jovent eren: Arbitrarisme i Imperialisms. Perbno tothom mostra confor-mitat en aixo.... Acontentem-nos, ara per ara, amb anomenar-nos tots, houcentistes; que e*s un adjectiu cronolbgic, que per avui no- te; encara cap concreta significacio, i per ventura dema sigui mes pie de significacio de tots els adjectius." 9 chronological aspect of Noucentisme makes of ^ugenio d'Ors' principal Catalan work, E l Glosari 1906-1910. an essentially developmental or dynamic work in which a l l assumptions depart from a specific attitude in front of circumstances affecting the subject. '•^ his attitude, which d'Ors did not systematize until after he had le f t the Catalan literary scene in 1920, represents the constant factor which determines the ideals of the Noucents. NdtSS- to chapter III 1 In his biography, Eugenio d'Ors ; vida y pbra. (Barcelona : Ayma, 1967) p. 17, Enric Jardi points" out that, contrary to the year of birth of Eugenio d'Ors, stated by d'Ors and his biographers, o f f i c i a l records prove that d'Ors was not born in 1882, but l 8 8 l . This eitcentricity of d'Ors i s as yet unexplained. 2 Ibid. p. 40. 3 Ibid. p. 33. k Ibid. p. 51. 5. Joan Fuster, Literatura catalana contemporania (Barcelona:: Curial, 1972) pp. 153-154. 6 Joan Ruiz i Calonja, Historia de l a literatura catalana ((Barcelona :• Teide, 1964) p. 569. 7 E. Valentx Fio3L, E l primer modernismo Catalan (Barcelona: Ariel, 1973) pp. 298^299. 8 Eugenio d'Ors, E l nuevo glosario VI, (U-turn-it), Ano II : mcmxxi (Madrid: Caro Raggio, 1923) pp. 201-202. 9 Eugenio d'Ors, Glosari 1906-1910 (Barcelona : Selecta, 1950) pp. 503-504.-Chapter IV La muerte de Isidre Nonell seguida de otras  arbitrariedades In order to determine the circumstances against which d'Ors reacted, and what he proposed to replace-: these by, i t i s necessary to retrocede and examine the major works of his so-called Modernist period. We therefore propose to study two works in depth: one, the collection of short narrations, La muerte de Isidre Nonell. seguida de -otrsus arbitrariedades; the other, an explicative gloss composed by d'Ors towards 1920. to prologue a C a 8 t i i i a n anthology of the Glosari 1906-1917i printed by Alfonso Masriera in 1920. Nearly every c r i t i c has paid almost exclusive attention to the gloss "Amiel a V i y e t most have dismissed the other work by contending that i t belongs to d'Ors' Modernist phase; none have examined i t in detail. G. Diaz- Plaja states that : "El cicle juvenil plenamente modernista de Eugenioo d'Ors culmina y termina. 1 con un libro de relatos... La muerte de Isidre Nonell". Much of this attitude may stem from d'Ors' statement in the Foreword of the Glosari 1906-1910, which denies any importance that might be attached to his works pcier to 1906: E l gros de l a seva producci<5 (Xenius) es troba cronolbgicament situat entre els anys 1 9 0 6 - 1 9 2 0 . Si alguna temptativa l i t e r a r i a a l ' e s t i l d'estudiant l'havia precedit, s i alguna revivisce"ncia expressiva l'ha, perllongat despre's poc comptaran aquests f u l l s dispersos a velnatge del bloc massis drecat per l a taleia quotidiana de catorze anys. 2 •:\vis: There are, however, five possible reasons which justify the examination of the Glosari 1906-1910 in the light of the collection La muerte de Isidre Nonell. The f i r s t xS of a chrono-logical, nature. The Glosari began to be published on the f i r s t of January, 1 9 0 6 . La muerte de Isidre Nonell was brought out in the summer of 1905. As one may see, only six months separate the publication of the two works. During those six months d'Ors prepared, or at least conceived the plan for, the Glosari. It i s therefore not surprising that between 1906 and 1910, d'Ors con-tinued to consider the narrations of La muerte de Isidre None11. compatible with his ideology., '^ he second objection i s related to this. D'Ors continued to make references to this collection of stories as late as 1910. Specific examples of this may be found in the glosses, "El psicoleg al miting" (1909) and "Isidre Nonell" ( 1 9 1 0 ) . An important indirect mention of the collection may also be found in "Enlla i l a generacio noucentista" ( 1 9 0 6 ) . It i s also important to note that for those who have?: contended that there i s a radical difference between the'Glosari  1906-1910 and d'Ors' collection of tales, i t becomes very hard to explain why d'Ors directly transposed one of these stories, "Tiempo despues", into the Glosari 19071 as "Historia del Rei Negre". The only difference between the story and what had now become a gloss, is a short prologue that adapts the narration to an audience of-children, for Christmas 1907 in Barcelona. We must also consider the reaction of the c r i t i c s to the work at the moment of i t s publication. As we have already mentioned, i t was very harshly c r i t i c i z e d . Enric Jardi informs us that the work was considered too novel, or modern, for the c r i t i c a l for i t departed radically in i t s conception from the normal re-productions of the Modernists.. This argument does not take into account that most of these stories had been published previously and, as we shall see later, had received prizes in literary circles of Barcelona. In fact, the collection was extremely well received by Gabriel Alomar, who perceived pantheistic influences in i t . This introduces the f i f t h argument in favour oi/a, relation between this collection and the Glosari 1906-1910. ^he point of contention which d'Ors was to maintain throughout his l i f e , and, as we shall see, is essential to a l l his literary production, is; the function of what he called "Art Arbitrari'".. He defined this con-cept in the prologue of Diez-Canedo's translation as follows: "antes que imitar a l a naturaleza (asi con minuscula) prefiere. imitar a Bios". This statement, considered blasphemous, seems to have been the actual cause of the rejection of d'Ors' early work. The meaning of "Art Arbitrari" shall be determined with greater precision later in this thesis. However, i t is important to stress two facts. First,the composition of the stories included in this collection covers a span of approximately five years during which Catalan Modernism reached i t s peak, and in second place, the concept of "Art Arbitrari" was not an invention of d'Ors, but was:, at least, lat.ent in Modernism before 1905. The f i r s t narration, "Lasmuerte de Isidre Nonell" and the last, "Oracion a Madona Blanca Maria^, were 'published in the review Pel i Ploma of 1902. ^he second, "Los cuatro gatos", was published in the review of ;the same name, Els Quatre Gats (1900). The rest are of indeterminate dates, but prior to 1905. The concept of "Art arb i t r a r i " was in fact part of the evolution of Modernism in those years. D'Ors was not the only artist to manipulate the conciept, though he was responsible: for crystallizing the term. C i r i c i Pellicer informs us thatt "De una :posicion casi panteista fue derivando. el culto a l a naturaleza hacia l a arbitrariedad, que se manifesto en el puro estilismo de las artes plasticas,..".^ ^his stylization or arbitration of the aesthetic object was practised, at least by d'Ors, but accepted in •fSodernist circles before 1905. C i r i c i Pellicer goes on to explain that Modernism con-= tained an important formal substratum which manifested i t s e l f during those years:: Fenomeno particular del modsmismo Catalan, que lo diferencia del arte extranjero del 1 9 0 0 , es l a contribuci6n que en el se hizo de las formas propias de l a nebulosidad ndrdica con un poderoso instinto formal, que se expresaba no solo en l a ordenacion de los. con juntos, sino en un cincelado detallismo:.... Jeronimo Zanne nacido en 1873;» y que por lo tanto contaba?, 2? : :anos al empezar el siglo coordino l a estetica de esta posicion a r t i s t i c a . . . En sus Assaigs Esteties, escritos alrededor de los 30 anos, expone sus ideas sobre el arte alrededor de conceptos de amplificacion y concentracion. Ve l a primera, unas veces llevada a cabo por l a exquisitez, como en Eetrarca y en l a musica de Carissimi y Gluck; otras veces por l a pomposidad.como en Victor Hugo. Ve l a concen-tracion, en cambio, en Dante, en Jose" Maria de Heredia, y l a pre-fiere por lo que tiene de precisidn, des concreci(5n de l a forma, ya que su fe le dictaba que " l a forma es le flnica manifestacio"n posible de l a substancia poe'tica". Contra l a teoria del desorden de Verlaine oponia a Horacio, Dante, Petrarca, Ausfas March, Heredia, los lemas, para el eternos, de l a Pleiade de Ronsardi. 6 Although, true to modernist confusion and anarchism, Zanne never put into practice his classical ideals, we may see that in his Assaigs Esteties of 1903 he did manipulate? the ideas that were? to stylization, or formal arbitration. He also based his ideology on the concepts of diversity and ,unity, amplification and concentration, much as d'Ors did in his thesis. It may, therefore, be assumed that the idea of Arbitration was present in the modernist ideology, and that the collection of d'Ors' stories was:'writ ten under that influence:. D'Ors defined the theory of Arbitration in Christian terms in the prologue of his narration. The blasphemous implications of this prologue had more shock-value than novelty, and i t was this that displeased the c r i t i c s . In the short introduction to the narration "Tiempo despues", d'Ors went on to explain the method of arbitration and some of i t s implications. Thus he stated that: Tiempo despue's de escrita l a carta anterior, y como los Reyes Magos hubiesen recompensado mi fe dandome para norte y consuelo de l a vida esta facultad preciosa de fabricar bellos mitos y rimar arbitrariedades, he conseguido, tras larga meditacion,,que mil. imagenes poblaron, adivinar l a olvidada historia del Rey Negro.... Y os puedo responder de l a verdad de esta historia. Como que me ha sido dictada exclusivamente por l a Fantasia, madre de l a realidad doctora de invencicSn, soberana de toda ciencia, "organo de lo divino"1, seguqfel devoto decir del. Fild'sofo, que: a fuerza de con-siderar los misterios de los trajes, supo hacerse de su capa espiritual, uno de los sayos de mas eterno valor que se han conocido en l a sastreria Metafisica. 7 Arbitration as explained in this introduction dispenses with exterior reality, preferring the a r t i f i c i a l i t y of Fantasy which creates new r e a l i t i e s , springing, not from spontaneity, but from an ordered sense of creativity, or as I'Ors states: "after long meditation". Reality as handled by d'Ors i s entirely relative. It i s the product of the amthor!,;s mind and i s therefore removed from exterior contingencies or circumstances, so that these might be organized or controlled. The nature of these circumstances: or contingencies w i l l best be understood by examining the narrations themselves. The-first tale,"La muerte de Isidre Nonell", i s a series of juxtaposed descriptions that relate the fictional death of the modernist painter, Isidre Nonell, at the hands of an angry mob. The tale i s dedicated to "Al pintor de lo horrible, Isidre Nonell". It may be considered a commentary on realism, ^he scene of the action i s the "City". D'Ors here introduces an element of idealism,but he takes special care to indicate that the reader i s viewing the remnants of that ideal which the c i t y should be. The City i s undergoing a pro-cess of destruction; i t i s not an ideal unit, but the dispersion of that ideal. Thus d'Ors begins a long description of the rabble living in the depths of ignorance and industrial evils; Ardia en llamas l a Ciudad.... Era l a primera Jornada de l a gran revolucion, e l despertar de los divididos por las revoluciones preteritas y deltjados por todas en su abyeccion irremediable.... Era el desbordamiento de l a canalla, de los miserables, de los escupidos por l a ley, de los ineptos y vencidos en l a luchapor l a vida, de los detritus de l a maquina social. 9 The narration i s organized around a social problem, that of an international working class, which is paraphrased as : "los divididos por las revoluciones preteritas". The concern of the narrator i s the organization, or unification, of that class so that i t may better i t s l o t . In order to remedy the proletariat's problem, i t s original cause must be found. According to d'Ors' interpretation, social history i s a succession: of periods of unification and dispersion. The models of unification are : Rome, the Holy Roman Empire as exemplified in the reign of Charlemagne, the reign of Charles the First of Spain, and the eighteenth century of enlightenment. A l l these periods correspond to the flourishing of learning. The problem of the masses i s primarily a lack of organization, and, therefore, one of ignorance. Ignorance culminates in a corruption of values by which man understands his circumstance, or condition. Thus every individual in the crowd described by d'Ors believes that he, or she, i s beautiful, ouch as the grotesque figures of Goya do in "Asf se repulen" of Los Caprichos. The bliss of ignorance i s perpetuated until the art i s t reveals to the crowd i t s ugliness. Thus the a r t i s t , as the poet, is the voice of the gods, for he points out the "Truth". Hence the deception is ended; Y he aqui que un dia fino" terriblemente; el engaEo. Un artista, en punzante revelacidn copiandolos, exhibiendolos nudamente, con aguda crueldad de lineas, con brutalidad implacable de colores, habfa roto el prestigio, haciendoles ver con evidencia abrumadora l a profundidad del abismo de su abyeccic'n. Se hizo en ellos una luz dolorosa. Cbmprendieron todos cuan fea^y baja,e irremediable era l a miseria que les tenia) prisioneros entre sus garras. Y empezd" entonees l a era terrible de l a gran desesperacio'n. 10 It i s owing to this despair and ignorance of how to remedy i t s condition that the crowd has recourse to?athe lowest forms of barbarity. The crowd, consequently has recourse to violence in order to destroy anything that points out i t s ignorance:, i t s abject state, and anything which i t may not possess or master. In more specific terms, the barbarity of the crowd leads i t to the desecration of objects of art or beauty; ....un delirio que les agitaba con l a necesidad imperiosa de actos de violencia, de carnaje, de saqueo; de destruir todas las cosas debiles creadas por l a opulencia o el refinamiento del arte. 11 Once the crowd has sacked the Oity, i t then discovers the apparent cause of their f a l l . Someone points out the r-.£3&slfa&ga?, Isidre Nonell, the artist who has destroyed their i l l u s i o n of being beautiful: La multitud noto* subitamente que sentado en una de las piedras; del camino, habfa un hombre, un joven que en descuidada tranquilidad, como s i aquella catastrofe fuese tan solo un interesante espectaculo como s i detra*s de el no floresciesen las llamaradas del incendio colossal, ni bramase en torno suyo el pavoroso desbordamiento de todas las pasiones destructoras, seguia.con ojo curiosamente 62 observador las escenas mas horribles..., y rapidamente lo dibujaba todo...el ejercito inmenso de miserables, con l a terrible i n f a l i -bilidad del instinto, adivinase en 61 al gran responsable, a l reve-lador cruel en cuyas obras habian ellos aprendido cuanto era baja y repugnante y sin remedio su fealdad, al ladr&n que les habia robado para siempre sus consuelos... 12 The angry mob then proceeds to perform the rites of sacrifice of the a r t i s t , until no trace is l e f t of him to remind them of the truth. Finally, at the edge of night the multitudes return to their previous occupations, believing again that they have recovered their lost beauty: Y, como s i con l a sangre del artista fuese lavada l a abyecci&n; como s i con l a muerte del gran responsable quedasen libertados, de una vez para siempre,de las garras innobles de l a fealdad; como s i hubiesen matado el veneno... temblorosos, anhelantes, se espejaron, y, a luz dudosa del ocaso sangriento, todos, todos los hombres se vieron galanes y nobles... sonrieron con orgullo sintiendose toda el alma y toda l a sensualidad subitamente inflamada al beso de una embriagante ilusi6n que les hacia encontrarse hermosas. 13 D'Ors was later to comment on this tale, and on the work of Isidre Nonell, in a gloss of 1910. He specified that Nonell also practised a r t i s t i c arbitrarity in part of his work, and that the tale concerned this aspect of the painter's production: Hi ha dos Isidre Nonell: l'un es un realista, l'altre es un arbitrari; l'un es un auster, l'altre es un voluptu&s; l'un cerca i treballa fatigosament, l'altre juga; L?un madura, 1 1altre impro-visa; l'un pot recordar a Cezzanne, l'altre recorda a Goya... Als dos Nonell, un tercer Nonell, que en diriem el Nonell-con-scidncia, sol judicar-los, i , dels dos, t r i a e l primer,el Nonell honest, i menysprea una mica?, el segon, el Nonell l l i b e r t i . Per6 aquest ultim es que mes estimo. Es el de "La mort d'Isidre Nonell"... Ik Yet, much as d'Ors may have admired Isidre Nonell, he never took his admiration as far as to include Nonell among his group of "Noucentistes", though he was an "artist of arbitrarity". The reason for this i s made clear within the tale. The central theme of the story i s the function of the artist within society, or his moral responsibility. Nonell practises an aesthetic of ugliness; that i s his error. To d'Ors, art i s a powerful tool that f u l f i l l s the social function of revealing their destiny to the on-lookers. It may either inspire or discourage the multitudes to act positively. Nonell f a i l s to f u l f i l l the true sense of his function, owing to two important factors. It i s made clear, both in the 1910 gloss and in the tale, that Nonell i s oblivious to the social implications of his art; he i s found by the mob to be "en descuidada tranquilidad". This leads to the second implication of this attitude: Nonell's aesthetic of the ugly does not inspire, but despairs. It i s an ast that reflects the pessimism of the City as i t had evolved: out of the industrial revolution of the nineteenth century. The narration i s , therefore, also an important social commentary. The language used by d'Ors. in the description of the ugliness of the crowd places much of the emphasis on the source of that ignorance and ugliness not in the object i t s e l f . For instance, in his description of the crowd, the writer specifically names the evils that cause their ugliness and ignorance: Muchas madres contemplaban a sus hijos, aquellas criaturas en-canijadas y enfermas, marcadas por todas las degradaciones, re-pugnantes de porquerfa, deformadas por l a precocidadi. en e l trabajo  y en e l vicio . 15 and: " los que viven en perpetua agonia, consumidos por las 16 faenas que matan; las xinxas deformadas por el. trabajo." Consequently, i t is not the crowd that >"£ i s at fault, but those who have profited from the industrial revolution, the bourgeoisie, and who have not pursued their social responsibility towards their fellow human beings. Here one must consider the problem of the point, of view from which the narration i s told. The greater part of the tale, though narrated in ah^omniscient third person, i s seen through the emotions of the crowd. The solution found to solve their problem, by murdering the a r t i s t , thus derives from their spontaneous, emotional and blind reaction, which sums up their ignorance*. The irony which develops from this i s that no revolution hasytaken place, for the structure of society remains unaltered;; though were the crowd educated and given awareness of the actual source of i t s "ugliness", a real revolution would take place. The actual seeds of revolution are present. "La muerte de Isidre Nonell" represents d'Ors1 condem-nation of the ideas of instinct and spontaneity, which are the only weapons of the crowd, and lead only to barbarity. It i s therefore at very bitter statement on the ignorance and disorganization that evolved out of the industrial conditions at the turn of the century in Catalonia. This, in turn, leads us to believe that d'Ors con-demns Rousseau's myth of the noble savage,, and consequently, the romantic-realist l i b e r a l tradition of the nineteenth century. Previous social revolutions had only been f r u i t f u l for the middle class, which s t i l l had not undertaken to better the lot of the proletarian mass, as i t had promised since 1?89. That i s why d'Ors introduces the narration by stipulating the nature of the temporal setting:: Era la; primera Jornada de l a gran revoluci6n, el despertar de los olvidades por las revoluciones preteritas y dejados por todas en sut abyeccion irremediable. 17 The death of Isidre Nonell represents the death of that tradition 18 inherited from Goya, Daumier, Millet and Gavarni , the social-realist tradition of the nineteenth century. One notices,however, that i t is fJthe f i r s t day of the great revolution" because Isidre Nonell*s work represents a turning point in art; he ridesy©n%bafch traditions, that of the nineteenth, because his work despairs, and that of the twentieth, because his method i s "arbitrary". Thes destruction of the nineteenth century tradition i s the way to true social revolution, that which affects a l l levels of society. The position of this tale in the collection of stories as prepared by d'Ors i s extremely important structurally. The subsequent texts all. stress the importance of idealism in l i f e , and the. function the artist plays to develop this idealism among the public. Thus, as d'Ors has now; established the problem of the proletariat's despair i s caused by ignorance, he now sets out to analyse subsequent social problems in relation to the function of the a r t i s t , and forwards a new solution so that the artist may become a teacher to the people. The:.second narration of this collection,"Los cuatro gatos", i s a description of the bohemian-idealist d'Ors as a young rebel looking for a solution for the opposition between "bohemia", or the world of artists, and the bourgeoisie. It i s significantly dedicated to Joan Maragall, who lived this contra-diction. This tale, which i s the earliest written by d'Ors, analyses the contradictory position of Modernism. The story begins with a statement rejecting the regionalist-provincial bourgeois society of Barcelona at the turn of the century, such as was opposed by the bohemian Modernists; De dia, los grandes gatos burgueses, l a creraa felina del pueblo -el negro panzudo del seffor cura, l a blanca coqueta del Titus, e l Angora de pelo finisimo de dona Petronila -, imperaba por derecho propio afretando l a orgullosa misenia. de aquellos gatos bohemios. 19 The bohemians, who li v e in misery, and by night, represent $he total antithesis of the bourgeoisie, and something just as i n -efficient. The group i s composed of four cats, who gather to-gether at night to relate their adventures: Un gato-brujo, negro y tuerto, como e l memorable de Pbe-j un gato-lujuria, un gato sanguinario..• y un gato idea&istai; unidos por traidorxas de l a fortuna, que: se obstina en volver l a espalda a las buenas gentes. 20 The reader must notice that in the description of the three bohemian cats there is a parallel syntactic description with the three bourgeois cats previously described;. fj?his indicates that they are the product of the same social circumstances, and repre-sent an inversion of values, or the other extremity of the bourgeoisie.. The only cat who i s ft'hew'" or different i s the fourth cat, because he i s an idealist. The three cats gather to narrate; "decadentiste"' tales . which represent a certain bitterness,and lack of hope or energy, which derives from the adversity of fortune which confronts them. Thus, though they reject the materialism of the bourgeoisie, they propose no. alternative; or progress. The f i r s t cat t e l l s of his nightly adventures, and how he shocked the spinster "Fulana". His delight in shocking the innocent bourgeois indicates that he represents what d'Ors was later to c a l l "els Professionals de 21 l'Espaterrament". The second cat, who is sensual, like the "blanca coqueta de Titus" !, and delights in erotic tales of a 22 "bajamente sensual" nature, represents the "decadentiste" trend. The third cat who, as the narrator t e l l s us, enjoys cruelty and blood, interrupts the second cat because he hypocritically finds these tales too cynical. This third cat, who i s cjonnectiedi'with apparently human and social positions, but who,in; reality, delights? in brutality, is a representative, of naturalistic currents. A l l of these three positions represent the three literary tendencies, present in the modernist or "Ein de Siglo"' trends. The fourth cat represents the movement that both emerges out of this one and reacts against iit. Not only is he the "mas idealista"', but he i s also " e l mas joven^ el mas humorista. y mas sentimental, y mlis; bohemio". He has l e f t his parents' home because he. prefers to be free rather than the object of diversion. Art serves a social function and must not be a toal., or object of scorn for the bourgeoisie. Yet, in spite of having l e f t the house, he continues to love i t , especially i t s gardens Amaba aquella quintas. Amaba sobre todo aquel jardxn, tan mal cuidado; a l l f , de noche, entre las extranas silvetas de los arboles Iticos, protegido de l a oscuridad,lhabia incubado tantos suenos...! 2k The concept of the garden as the place, which the fourth cat loves most is extremely important in the understanding of the narration. The image of the garden is , in i t s e l f , confusing. The adjectival, phrase "mal cuidado" may indicate either that i t is "disorderly" or "badly kept1". The nuance i s highly relevant to the function of the garden in the narration.. It may signify that the garden is either naturally disorderly, or that i t is uncared for by the owners. The key to this enigma rests in'the ensuing description of the garden, given to the reader by the omniscient narrator through the eyes of the fourth cat*. The reader is informed 68 that while in the garden, the protagonist has seen "strange silhouettes of 'ethical' trees". The cat has, therefore, received the impression of forms, "arboles eticos", which are further described as: "fantas-ticas combinaciones de sombras y luz, que e l se sabia de memoria".25 This latter description can only remind one of a neo-platonic description of Plato's f i r e and cave image, in which ideal forms are perceived. Furthermore, the adjective "etico" might have an ambivalent meaning, 7 n ' i t either from the Greek^blKOS : showing moral character, expressive thereof" ,^6 or, most l i k e l y , indicating a state of decay and con-gumption (£Kc"lKOS). If we take the f i r s t meaning, the moral .character of these silhouettes has also overtones of c l a r i t y since the silhouettes have protected the narrator from.darkness, as quotation 2k above has indicated. But, in any case, both meanings of the word would r a t i f y the idea of "mal cuidado", so that i t does not signify "disorderly", but "neglected by the owners of the house". The image of the garden, understood in the structural context, is basically part of the ideals contained in the achievements of . the bourgeoisie. It i s , above a l l , an ideal world in the Platonic sense. This explains why a petty, materialist bourgeoisie has excluded i t . It i s , therefore, neither cared for by the owners of the house, nor by the other three cats. In this allegorical conception of the Catalan social situation, there is a basic rejection of the "Fin de Siglo" bohemia; for they cannot perceive the importance of ideals; they are too pessimistic and cynical, as the bourgeoisie is too cynical and materialist. The fourth cat moves between the bohemian ci r c l e and the house, or bourgeoisie, and longs to return to that house. His social:, position i s symbolized by his love of the platonic garden of art, or delights, which l i e s between the street and the house. His ambivalent attitude i s accentuated by the fact that he also lives in the morning light, before the village awakes, and then disappears to a world ignored by the rest of the population. There is in this narration a tension created betv/een the bourgeoisie aiid the bohemia, which confronts the reader with the following social problem: the total rejection of materialism, which i s a form of order, as represented by the parental organization within the house, has entailed general intellectual stagnation owing to the cynical attitude of the bohemian which i s a rebellion against bourgeois concepts of order present in materialism, and has degenerated into chaos or decadent disorder. The fourth cat seeks a solution which he finds in idealism. It must be noted that he preserves a "bohemian" mask : iEllos le tienen por un bromista, un tarambana, un cabeza a pajarosl ICo'mo se habian de vengar de sus chanzas en cuanto sospechasen aquellos idealismos, aquellas ridiculeces, indignas de un espiritu fuertel 27 ^ -He has xiebelled a&aiast both the material and the bohemian worlds, both of which are the products of a materialist society, and yet he lives in both. i'he fourth cat's problem is to incorporate; his idealism into the house and the bohemian world; that i s , to reconciliate the world of the bourgeoisie with that of the a r t i s t i c , so that art may continue to f u l f i l l a progressive social function. The ensuing narrations deal specifically with this problem. The third narration, "Palacio; de loco", dedicated to J. Masso y Torrents, deals with the need for art to live? with the community. It i s , therefore, a condemnation of solipsism, and a justification of the City. As a criticism of excessive individualism, i t leads d'Ors to reprove the lack of technique or method in modernist creations that • are disorderly owing to an inordinate: belief in originality. Consequently, the tale, which evolves around the image of a castle, i s constructed in a circular structure to prove that a single man's effort returns to n i l , because individual creation cannot resist the power of the elements. "Palacioj de loco" i s the tale->©f a madman who sets out to build himself a palace on a high spot, away from the city. In the construction he refusesiiall professional help and build8-|jlfe^«;*iLJs^ palace according to momentary whims, that i s , with no set plans: trabaja de firme, dxa y noche, con sol y con l l u v i a . La con;-struccio'n del Palacio fue una epopeya de energxa... lOh, l a gestai heroica de aquella voluntad fuerte y s o l i t a r i a . . . i Y no fue un poema de unidad: el constructor fle contradecfa a menudo: aterraba lo hecho y comenzaba nuevamente l a tarea. Bien se conocfa que querxa imitar un modelo ideal, guardado en su alma... ISxl La fabrica de aquella extraSa y miserable casucha, era obra de arte; sueSo de belleza - encarnizada lucha victoria definitiva. 28 Owing to the lack of previous organization and skilled labour, the 29 palace, once terminated, i s defined as "Incoherencia, misterio , , :. It i s important to notice that at no time does d'Ors condemn the idealism which motivated the madman to build his palace , but rather the lack of organization, the spontaneous character of inspiration, which -is seen to be the direct exteriorization of the soul's desire. D.'Ors cr i t i c i z e s the lack of formality in the work. The spontaneity involved in the construction i s the source of i t s incapacity to endure. The agent of destruction, that which threatens a l l . the works of man, is Nature. It i s the force of the elements that work against man's desire to endure. Thus:: En l a gestacion preestival, Naturaleza febricitaba. Histeria. tempestuosa se habia ensenoreado de los elementos... IY una noche de tempestad el loco sintiS que se deshacla aquel Palacio de su alma...I La inundacion creciente y bestialmente triunfadora reconquistaba para el camino los pedruscos que un dia le habian sacado. 3© In the morning the palace is in ruins,^.and the madman completes the destruction, after having meditated on the value of his work. He leaves the palace to go back to the company of men with only the dream l e f t to comfort him that he had had a palace. One may, therefore, infer that d'Ors conceives of Nature as the destructive agent fatal to man's work. It is the artist's incapacity to organize his work formally so that the form might endure as much as the idealj that is- the failure to give art some permanency, anC- i s the source of man's f r a i l t y . As a corollary to this sense of organization necessary to the permanent construction of an ideal, the madman returns to the city, which has remained unaffected by Nature. D'Ors indicates to the reader that the endurance of an ideal i s found only in communal efforts that bind men together to work towards a common ideal, such as the building of cathedrals or c i t i e s . After this criticism of the position of the artist i n society, and his need to co-operate, d'Ors reverts to a criticism of the landed middle-class , which must also f u l f i l l a directing role in society. The following tale demonstrates the structural organization present in this collection of narrations. It serves to counter-balance and further that stated in the previous tale. ',!E1 Rabadan" (The Head-Shepherd) is dedicated to Ramon Casellas i Dou, and i s a metaphor on the function to be f u l f i l l e d by the landed gentry. As Narcis Oiler's image of the Catalan land-owner l'Oleguer of L'Escanyapobres, the "Rabadan" is a materialist and a u t i l i t a r i a n , a miser who organizes his l i f e only around material values ; he is incapable of conceiving any spiritual end to l i f e . The f i r s t interesting factor in this tale is that d'Ors introduces with i t the concejpt of "glosa!1:: "Esta arbitraridad glosa l a siguiente cancidh de Nochebuena"..'^ The fantasy of the writer develops an allegorical metaphor from a traditional Christmas carol, which he adapts to the social reality of Catalonia in a transcendental, or metaphysical manner. It under-lines the historical failure of a nation to take a risk* The narration stems from a C'hristmaB song which is. structured in the form of a dialogue between the Head Shepherd and. pilgrims on their way to rBethiie^hem to praise'the new-born Christ. In this dialogue the Rabadan is asked to lead the pilgrims, but refuses because i t involves hardship. D'Ors amplifies the tale in order too demonstrate the complexity of the reason for which the miser refuses to follow the pilgrims. S-uccinctly d'Ors defines the character and values of the Rabadan: .... es una persona formal: que no le vayan a e*l con juegos chi-quillos... tiene mucha gramatica parda; i el que a 41 haga ver lo bianco negro...! un sabio; tiene larga experiencia y mucha ilustracion, y hasta ha vivido en Roma. gasta mucho humor: Icuando uno ha visto tanto...! El Rabadan es hombre prudente; se escUcha al hablar, anda con pies de plomo, obra con mfinita y sabe hacer provisiones alia" para el invierno... Por eso, en esta. noche,. dejando a sus compaSeros que duermen, dirige furtivamente sus pasos a lugar sdlo por el conocido> A l i i , soterradb> en una madriguera, guarda su oro. Va a ajustar cuentas. 32: It i s , above a l l , the Rabadan's excessive care and good sense., combined with pessimism and scepticism that d'Ors c r i t i c i z e s , much as had Santiago Rusinol before him in L'auca del Senyor Esteve• He i s , therefore, a miser both materially and spiritually; form and content are in hiin single. /.-Though the Rabadan is offered a leading position in the pilgrimage, he turns i t down because-iit involves an element of risk. The ideal of the pilgrims is,, according to him, lunatic. It i s not a practical enterprise ; because i t is uncertain in i t s outcome, and, above a l l , i t i s an ..effort which may f a i l ; a pilgrimage i s a dangerous enterprise; i t is a risk of his capital; he may beirobbed on the way. D'Ors goes on to elevate the individual, metaphor to i t s universal scale, as applicable in Catalonia. The Head Shepherd i s a symbol of the nation. His failure i s also that of Cataloniat . ...toda l a tierra nuestra -- a l a que tan practica dicen, y cal-culadora, y de ensueSos y de ideales despojada - entre embria-gueces; de alegrfa y besos de amor.- y lrfgrimas dulces y musicas. insensatas, ante un jugaete — un juguete que hace rezar y llo r a r a los hombres — cantando las c&nciones locas que los pastores cantaban, hace risueno escarnio de l a prudencia del Rabadan. 33 Apart from the importance of toys, as objects of organized fantasy that generate ideals, developed in the Glosari 1906-1910, d'Ors' social commentary in this metaphor is quite clear. The author's^ hierarchical sense of values, obvious in the article of E l Poble, previously quoted, which was published at approximately the same time, leads him to emphasize the fact that the Head Shepherd; has; failed to f u l f i l l his moral obligations towards the public. He has^efused heaven in order to save his material possessions. The public ideal without leadership leads nowhere. It i s the"Rabadan's" apathy or materialism that has affected the development of Catalonia and set i t back, even since the eighteenth century, when Catalonia ceased to have a leading class, conscious of i t s duties. Yet, there i s hope in the fi n a l lines of the narration, for the public scoffs at the Rabadan and now awaits in hope: to find "heaven".. The narration i s a warning to the bourgeoisie that it.,must govern and progress, or i t w i l l be by-passed. It must modernize and participate in the ideals of Catalonia's social destiny. Neither hope nor progress i s materialism or a staunch sense of reality, such as the Rabadan's, but in fantasy, combined with organization, such as "toys" or children's.igamess • Consequently, the following narration w i l l develop this metaphysical concept, by emphasizing the importance, of the function of art in society to develop the sense of Beauty or Ideals. The f i f t h narration, "Gargolas"5, dedicated, to M.S. Oliver, is a series of seven terse images that meditate on the importance of the form and i t s implications in relation to the sense, or con-tent. D'Ors begins this series of images by reflecting on the necessity of stylizing forms in-order to communicate a content con-sisting of ideal material. This, content would, in turn, induce the subject or audience to meditate on divine or metaphysical ideals.. Man, thus inspired by Beauty, would:1 also strive to achieve formal perfection in l i f e . In the introduction d'Ors states:: Quisiera. como los artistas humildes de otrora, tomar l a imagen de alguna cosa familiar, e s t i l i z a r l a , deformarla, enroscarla, darle irrealidad turbadora o grotesca y que, asi y todo aun corriese por su interior l a frescura divina de las aguas del cielo. 3^ There are two highly revealing key-words in this passage, " e s t i l i z a r and "irrealidad", the latter being a consequence, implied by the former. D'Ors' ambition is to stylize the common forms in order to create from them something entirely a r t i f i c i a l , or contrary to realism, '^his a r t i f i c i a l product i s a form arbitrated by the mind of the a r t i s t , in order to reveal the divine or metaphysical essence of reality. Since the subject matter i s chosen from the artist's circumjacent world, the latter's function i s to reduce the object to i t s essence, or platonic idea.. The arbitrated form is not a rhetorical form, lacking substance, but an aesthetic object, organized in such a way as to develop the harmony between i t s appearance and i t s content. It is not the bare essential; i t i s the pleasant essential. The second image i s a corollary of this concept. In this image, the basic idea i s that, in order to approximate the idea of divinity, the form must not be subject to temporal i n -fluences, for these are manifestations of Nature. 'Not only i s the form to be stylized into perfect essence, but i t must reflect total impassivity, no spontaneity or emotion. Consequently,, the idea of divinity expressed by i t is removed from distinctive contingencies: "Ya se' que tu experiencia es larga... Pero disimula. No abras los ojos. No ria s . Duerme, duerme, gargola b u e n a . T h e gargoyle lives in eternity, for i t s experience i s large, but i t i s not affected by immediacy. In i t reality ieB synthesized into i t s essence. In the third image., the rejection of realism as the "picture" or immediate representation of an object, is elaborated upon. Immediacy, as a form of f i n a l i t y , deprives the individual of any hope, for in i t man loses the sense of temporal dimension. Thus, as i t lives in eternity, the stylized form i s not engrossed in the immediate, and, therefore, cannot be subject to temporal contingencies and represent a pessimistic point of view. Reality understood in a temporal framework depends upon the position taken by the a r t i s t . Thus, the understanding of reality depends on the judgment or arbitration of the individual; i t i s always; a point of viewr "Es te'tricaraente grotesca l a procesion de los hombres, con sus paraguas y con sus impermeables. —4 Que me dices de esto, hermana gargola? - Mira, el v6*mito es una opinio'n." The fourth image i s a continuation of this consideration. D'Ors amplifies the problem by raising i t to a metaphysical leve l . Beauty, or the perfection of the craftmanship employed in the con-struction^ of the object, reveals what i s behind the form. Tin this image the gargoyles question each other as to what l i e s behind them, that i s , what l i e s behind their form. TheiE answer i s simple: sometimes they hear music, but know-not the exact nature of what li e s behind them, for they are always looking ahead. The position of man in the universe i s similar} though man can perceive the element of divinity latent in formsfhe cannot see them exactly. The gargoyles' dialogue makes a specific reference, to neo-platonism in the concept of celestial music discussed:: Hermanas nuestras que siempre velais, decidnos, sabednos decir: ique* hay detras de nosotras? A menudo nos llega l a oleada armoniosa de unos canticos entonados por profundas y santas voces. - Tambien nosotras oimos, del misterioso Detras nuestro, celestiales canciones con suavidades que llenan el alma de dulzura. iQue hay detras de nosotras? - Hay un paredon. Espesas rejas y celosias no dejan ver sus adentros. £ Tambie'n detras de vosotras hay un muro. Vidrios de color detienen l a mirada -. iQue' habra* dentro?- - iQue habra dentro? - iSera* el cielo, vecinas? 37 The rhetorical question of the gargoyles, "sera" el cielo" implies the belief that divine essence l i e s behind the form. Similarly, in l i f e , man can perceive the divine w i l l that i s marred by human flaw. The existence of belief in divinity is also a possibility, or reason for hope in l i f e . If the divine exists in l i f e , then there i s some hope to be found in the scheme of things. The search for the divine essence behind a l l things is the search for eternity. As eternity i s found in l i f e , i t i s therein that i t must be sought. In the f i f t h image d'Ors denies the extreme application of the search for eternity removed from mankind. The man who: believes he finds the truth away from mankind i s to him a Tartuffe. The l a t t e r i s found, meditating on eternity in a high place, secluded from society. Another figure steps in and offers him a bottle of wine, asking for his opinion on the quality of the wine. Tartuffe drinks the wine, and as he becomes inebriated he believes he finds eternity:^ "'IRrofunda alegria me ha> inundado las entranasi iParece 38 . que; me haya tragado el sol..!" - As the dialogue continues, v > Tartuffe i s asked i f he has loved, fhis he answers with a "pro— •-) found" statement: " iQuie'n no ha gozado- de una hora de amor...? Y 39 una hora de amor vale por toda una vida...." .'• Tartuffe, there-fore, believes that l i f e has^Little value:, and a l l that matters is "eternity"'. Yet, as he slips from the high wall, he grabs his com-panion in an act of despair. The latter comments: "...mirad a ko Tartufo meditando las verdades eternas..! " L i f e - i s what really matters. It i s the eternal truth to which man clings and cannot take for granted. It is impossible to live alone; love is impor-tant; onHy because man i s a sociable being does he live.. Tartuffe when f a l l i n g meditates upon the importance4f the companion who may save him or let him f a l l . . The metaphor of Tartuffe i s , again, a comment against excessive solipsism that becomes introspection. To d'Ors i t is simply the result of being incapable of co-existing with other people. Tartuffe 1s lack of discipline, and incapacity to compre-hend the value of l i f e , leads to his adoption of a mask and the depreciation of social l i f e . Instead , he prefers the disperse elements (love, light) to the whole. Tartuffe i s essentially a caricature of the romantic hero who, because he i s incapable of adjusting himself to the norms of society, rejects i t . The sixth part of this narration c l a r i f i e s this metaphor.. Out of frustration, man tends to doprooiato what he cannot possess:, just as the crowd in"La muerte de Isidre Nonell" deprecates a r t i s t i c objects. The finalfifiage^resolves the problems established in the previous metaphors. In the preceding narration d'Ors has presented the problem of form and essence, and the equivocal position of the subject, dependingaon his arbitration of the circumstances. Man's metaphysical position as regards the simultaneous perception of the divine and/the material!, or human elements in l i f e leads to an ironical point of view. Man lives in a state of contradiction which requires an understanding that cannot be sought in either extreme. The problem of perception i s basically that of the artist who needs to represent the ideal perceived within the object in terms of that existing, or known to his public. In this seventh image, d'Ors presents the ideal solution to this problem, ^he fate of the artist i s to be a. "Poetas, gargola de palacio". Though he lives above the world and hears celestial music behind him, he i s not yet high enough to be r e -moved from the sight of human suffering. As the author statess Ni tan bajo que te confundas con ellos, ni tan alto que puedas perderlos de vista. iSera- de asco l a extrana mueca que te contrae l a boca inquietante? 4l The answer to the above question i s definitely negative. In the; third image, d'Ors had already disapproved of pessimism or disgust. Thus the solution l i e s in irony, for as we know, irony ( in Greek terms ei^»wv«'*t i s simulated ignorance; is conscious detachment or restraint that denies emotion, which i s an immediate reaction, in front of adverse circumstances. It i s classical form inasmuch as i t i s a r t i f i c i a l . . "Laacopa del rey de T ule", dedicated to Miguel U t r i l l o , may be understood as^-a continuation of the previous narrations. The ironical form adopted by man i s meaningless unless i s given a content. This content corresponds to ideals that give l i f e a sense or meaning. The anecdote around which this narration develops i s very simple. At her death, the wife of fcheik;ing5>fa£l' $ "Tule" hasjleft hira a golden cup. When the king drinks from this cup the memory of his wife returns to him, as though she were at his side. The cup i s a symbolic intermediary between the king and his wife. When the king feels he i s on the point of dying, he divides his kingdom and orders that,at the moment of his death, the cup be thrown into the sea. As his body l i e s in state, an old man comes and declares that the king is not dead but asleep. To prove that he is right, he proceeds to ^awaken the king. Upon awakening the king demands to drink from his cup, but his inheritors remind him that i t i s ; i n the sea» In great sadness, the king con-tinues to reign for a short while, and finall y leaves to rejoin the cup. The metaphor, therefore, returns to the concept that without ideals l i f e i s devoid of f e l i c i t y or meaning. It is important, however, totunderstand the nature of the ideal set by d'Ors. The cup, as we have said above:, i s an-intermediary through which the king finds his loved-one again. Thus, the ideal is the queen herself, and the things with which she i s associated. The only point of reference which i s given to us on the beauty of the queen i s the description of her grave and i t s location. This i s preceded by an elaborate description of the island-kingdom, ruled by the king, in which she i s buried. This description leads to that of the grave and i s directly related.. The island corresponds to d'Ors' belief in formal beauty, as intimated in the "Gargolas". It i s described as a-tuneless, a r t i f i c i a l place, where no movement nor sound disturbs beauty. This conception of beauty i s intimately connected with that of the queen, for i t is where she now rests. It i s also very revealing of d'Ors' classical tendencies. Thus the descrip-tion ensues:^ Y de l a sangre del horizonte surgid l a i s l a con su exquisita vegetacid'n: cedros y laureles>; Slamos y rosales en f l o r , y naranjos con l a fruta encendida entre l a oscuridad del f o l l a j e . — Despues, las arquitecturas locas, incompatibles. Resplandecen en l a cumbre de las colinas los templos de raarmol; y las agujas afiladisimas de lapislazuli que sobresalen de l a verdura, son negras ahora porque tras ellas muere el sol. - Cerca del im-pasible mar, sobre aquella arena quej no recibe espumas:, hay un sepulcro: de porfido en que, dando a l c r i s t a l de las aguas el reflejo de su l u c e c i l l a , tiembla una. lampara arge'ntea. Esta es l a tumba de los amores del Rey. k2 The description of the island can only be Mediterranean, as the vegetation mentioned indicates. The white temples of marble crowning hilltops also refers to those of the Graeco-Roman world* Only two images seem to contradict this belief. The f i r s t , "Despue's, las arquitecturas locas, incom-patibles", seems to contradict the belief of order present in the idea of classicism. Yet, i t is not. This description depends on the point of view of the narrator. As the narrator previously indicates that he is approaching the islandi by boat, one must understand that he i s describing the island from sea-level upwards, and once he has definedthe island , he moves to the ultimate, the grave, which returns to the sea. It i s important, here, to notice that the grave i s removed from the town and at the edge of the sea. It i s at a point of harmony between the two worlds.. Once the position of the narrator is acknowledged, one may understand that the "mad incompatible architectures" at the base of the temples is a metaphor for the disorganized, unplanned villages that_have developed haphazardly by the sea, along the shorelines and hills, of the Mediterranean, and combine buildings of different shapes and proportions. The other disorienting element is the image^"las agujas afiladlsimas- de lapislazmli que sobresalen de l a verdura , son negras ahora porque tras ellas muere el sol". The confusion which may arise from this image originates in the fact that the mention of lapislazuli immediately suggests the setting of Egypt, for this stone occurs frequently in the decorative arts of ancient Egypt. The word"needle" is more d i f f i c u l t to explain on i t s own, unless i t refers to obelisks, which i s highly doubtful since the capacities of that stone limit i t to mostly decorative purposes such as jewelry. Rather, "lap i s l a z u l i " is here used for a chromatic effect, to des-cribe the cypresses, so typical of the Mediterranean countryside, ; " O which do seem b3/ack in the setting sun, but bluish in the day-time. It i s therefore only a poetic device to describe the cypresses as "needles of lapislazuli'^ which adds to the sense of stillness in the description. D'Ors consequently introduces the concept of classical idealism, as a necessary goal that defines beauty meaning to life . , Two things may be inferred from this narration. The king "lives" through a work of art, and therefore art i s necessary to l i f e , because through i t man continues to aspire to ideals. In this case, the work of art is related to the queen, who in turn is associated With the classical tradition. I'he model of man's ideals is therefore fo be found in the t r a d i t i o n of the ancients. The theme rof the need for idealism in l i f e is developed in the "Carta a los Reyes Magos", dedicated to Santiago Rusiffol. The problem i s here made more explicit and d'Ors elaborates another facet of the solution. The structure of the narration is dialec-t i c a l ; d'Ors moves from his individual position to that of a l l men of this century. The individual situation is clearly explained in the f i r s t lines: having lost his innocence, the subject finds himself in a state of abandon, anguish and desolation, which arises from his disillusionment:: Los primeros vientos de adolescencia intentaron barrerlo todo: nubes y astros. Pero siempre mi espfritu supo conservar, en un rincon de horizonte, las ilusiones mas queridas.... Puedo asi, hoy, en lo mas recio de l a tormenta, convertir l a mirada a vosotros, loh, Reyes magos, Reyes consoladores, Reyes de gloria y esperanza, Reyes omnipotentes y magnif icos. . . i Kj> The narrator finds in the Three Kings a comfort against his loss of hope. This individual position of loss or despair originates from the times or circumstances in which he i s given to l i v e . This loss incurred requires that the subject have recourse to illusions as a substitute:: Ebr esto yo, en las oscuridades de hoy, acariciado por las t i n i e -blas y l a angustia y el f r i o de una i n f i n i t a vaciedad, acudo a vosotros, que un dfa supisteis colmar mis suenos. De vosotros ^o, suplico l a medicina de mi desesperanza, una aurora que termine mi noche. Traedme vuestros regalos: una cajita de ilusiones pintadas de nuevo; trompetas y timbales que me llenen el alma de musicas heroicas; arraas de estruendo que aterroricen a los imaginarios enemigos que me asaltan; un arsenal de muHecos con que llenar mis vieiones de arte; un juego de arquitectura para mis ideales-construciones; un area de Noe* que me permita componer l a Naturaleza a imaginen y seme)janza de mi omnipotente: arbitrariedad...... kk The Three Kings have the remedy that w i l l bring baek his lost hopes* This remedy l i e s in the rehabilitation of man's capacity to arbit-rate Nature. As we have already mentioned , Nature i s the destruc-tive; contingency which man must control. Arbitration is that con-t r o l l It i s attained through the a r t i s t i c medium, which is found,in fantasy, which develops out of toys. These are objects of art because they are eternal, or continuously renewed. Their capacity to renew fantasy or to be eternally interesting is what makes them ar t i s t i c objects. There i s in this belief a sense of progress, # einee man must look for ideals in the new productions of his time, because they too contain some eternity. D'Ors has introduced in the above quotation what we may c a l l the "heroic sense", which is the resistance or struggle against contingencies. It is man's sense of dominion over Nature or Time. This heroic sense is connected with the work of art, for i t derives from arbitration. It i s the artist's sense of organization of his cosmic vision, or "Weltanschauung1", from which he may direct or control Nature, ^his heroic organization of contingencies;is; d'Ors' sense of "Mythology". D'Ors states that this mythological perception arises from Fantasy: Yo si que sxistis en aquel mundo misterioso de los sueSos y del arte, lejano de las bajas tierras de los hombres en que conviven y se encuentran todas las imaginarias encarnaciones de l a Belleza, todas l a criaturas de l a Fantasia,los mil y un hijos de l a Eabula; se* que a l l f vivfs fuerte y perdurable vida al lado de los heroes legendarios, de las mujeres de hermosura ideal cantadas por los poetas... de los dioses helenicos y de los dioses germanieos, de los frivolos duendes y de los monstruos apocalipticos; de todos los seres creados por l a emocion, o el simbolo, o l a inspiracic'n, o el entusiasmo, o el delirio, o l a locura y de l a Emperatriz de todos -Nuestra Senora l a Quimera. 45 The mythological source of ideals, which are arbitrated by the mind of the a r t i s t , i s related to man's need for a r t i f i c i a l i t y that organizes fantasy derived from the "Quimera". As d'Ors has ob-served, mythology in l i f e may arise out of enthusiasm, but in order to function, man must organize or codify i t . Man's mind is con-ceived of as a centre that organizes, or plays with, fantasies; fUno tras uno se me han ido estropeando los juguetes; pero el espiritu mio, nino eterno, sin cesar los necesita." Therefore the mind, whether at play or at work, is a force that juggles with the circumstances and contingencies to discover their rules, in order to organize them into a pattern or game, that i s , to formalize them. The constant need for new ideals i s d'Ors' sense of progress. In this narration the contingency to which the author reacts i s , as we have previously noted, fatalism, or existential anguish. The personal situation of the narrator i s elaborated upon to raise i t to i t s universal level. The individual's problem is that of mankind at the turn of the century: Tened misericordia de los hombres de nuestro tiempo, pobres mune-quillos de carne, manojo de nerviosas y nunca satisfechas inquie-tudes, almas tristes de que las ilusiones han sido desarraigadas bien pronto.... borrad de sus labios esta sonrisa de escepticismo que hiela. 47 Thus, the author is reacting against the scepticism of the nine-teenth century as i t culminates in the "Fin de Siglo". It i s the source of general apathy or "mal du siecle". It can only be over-come by finding new illusions, or meanings in Mythology, as sub-stantiated by the organization of a generating force of energy, which i s communal hope. The nature of this communal hope, i s related to the properties of the mythological background from which d'Ors draws material. His description of the mythological world referred to in the above quotation '^5)--. evidently denotes that d'Ors under-stands mythology in terms of the occidental tradition; that i s , the conjunction of (Sermanic and~Hellenic mythologies. This con-junction i s the fundamental nature of a Christian background. The letter addressed to the Three Kings indicates that d'Ors i s specifically interested in Christian mythology. Thus, the problem of scepticism i s directly connected with that of the loss of Christian faith. If d'Ors has' ceased to believe in the existence of the Kings, he has also ceased to believe in what they lead to: "la.carta dirigida a vosotros, a vosotros llegaba, por aquellas invisibles escaleras que enlazan tierra y cielos, por las vlas mis-48 n mas que conducen a los pies del Altisimo." This treatment of religion i s , therefore, something purely formal, though essential in d'Ors' theory, since, as part of Mythology, i t i s organized desire, or fantasy, without which man is subject to existential Aguish. Religion i s a traditional cultural expression out of which mythology evolves. From this mythological tradition come the toys that enable the mind to arbitrate reality. Conversely, the toys or works of art created by men enable them to create: i l l u s i o n . As a result of this, man is the centre of activity. Owing to the fact that "toys" or "art forms" originate from a spiritual longing, and that once created their forms create new illusions, the "art forms" are two-fold in their function. They induce man both to a .spiritual and to a material, reaction,or inspiration. In his theory, d'Ors the antinomy existing between the ideal (spiritual) and the sensual (material), through the arbitration of the mind that organizes the form in such a way as to reflect the spiritual element which i t contains. Religion, consequently, remains in the background the main sources of man's illusions, v i t a l to his existence* The eighth narration, "Tiempo despues", dedicated to Alejandro de Riquer, may also be considered a continuation of the theme of faith. The plot development is extremely simple.. The fantasy of the author reveals to him that the third king, the negro king, was not always a giver of g i f t s , but was at one time= part of the forces of E v i l . He had a very sad childhood, without any "toys", and hadjfgrown up in loneliness under the rule of Nature, who had mistreated him* Thus, when he grew up to: be a. king his hatred aaad bitterness led him to become an ogre who ate children he was the Boogie-man. One night the ogre kidnapped a fatherless child who could not sleep because he was afraid of his loneliness. This child had been punished for naughtiness by being l e f t alone by his mother. When the child saw the Negro King or ogre, he beckoned him to come. The ogre was taken aback, for i t was the f i r s t time in his l i f e that he did not frighten his victim. Overcome by this novelty, the king stepped out of his cave and realized that some-thing new had grown in him: a sense of paternity. Consequently, he joined the other kings to give toys to.naughty children. The sense of paternity developed by the king is extremely important. It is a movement away from barbarity towards c i v i l i z a -tion. "tTSrough i t the king abandons his natural environment of solitude in order to belong to the community. It is an act of Christian love. Two things result from this proposition, D'Ors conceives of religious experience .;as communal. It i s the need for men to unite in order to overcome fatality as perceived in the force of I'Nature. Christian action i s consequently social action.. Religion i s a set of myths that binds men together, or organizes them into a co-ordinate- whole known as Culture. Tlie "Oracion a Madona Blanca Maria" resumes the basic aims of d'Ors. Madona Blanca Maria i s an ideal symbol that unites both art and religion. The adjective "blanca" refers not only to purity, but also to the marble from which the narrator has built the temple. She i s therefore a symbol, of c l a s s i c a l , beauty or ideals. Through her name, Maria, she has Catholic overtones, as the Virgin Mary. She i s , therefore, a symbol of Torras i Bages* Tradicio Catalana, the union of classicism and Catholicism, although d'Ors perceives this on a wider, international scale. The a r t i s t , or poet, has been called to participate in the world by the "austere Monk of Lif e " . Art must descend from i t s ivory tower into the everyday struggle of l i f e . The struggle, to which the poet i s called, is a fight for ideals to oppose death:: el Monje austero de l a Vida ha pasado por mi conciencia predicando l a santa cruzada de l a Acci£n, las gestas del Caballero Esfuerzo, que lleva sus huestes guerreandb a conquistar y entrar triunfadoras en las Jerusalenes de las tierras santas. 50 Life calls the poet to leave his passivity and to take an actives part in the conquest of the enemy, fatality, or death, and enter triumphantly into ideal communities, or ..the world of Ideas, The poet lacks strength and w i l l , for he knows that his participation in l i f e w i l l most certainly wound him mortally. The voice of Life, however, urges him on and compels him to rejoin the crusade. The role of the poet is to carry his ideals into a*, fundamentally materialist: society in order to: inspire i t toi construct ideal cities - "las Jerusalenes de las tierras santas','. As the text indicates, when he dies, the poet w i l l return to Madona Blanca,Maria, with a>consciousness of at ladt having accomplished his duty of spreading cultural, ideals among mankind.. The fi n a l image employed by d'Ors in the "Oracion a*Madona Blanca Maria" i s mystical. It symbolizes the "interior l i f e " toucBaed by divinity at the moment of death. As a symbol, of mystic union, the poet i s touched by grace as a reward for his efforts.: He i s reconciled with the world of Ideas which he worships* In order to understand clearly the meaning of this Collection, i t is important to grasp the significance of the dedications placed at the beginning of each narration. As we noted above, the f i r s t dedication indicated the rejection of Nonell's r e a l i s t , or naturalist, tendencies, though d'Ors recog-nized through i t the concept of arbitration present in the painter work. In the second narration, the "sense" of the dedication is more d i f f i c u l t to perceive. As the previous narration, this one deals with the importance of idealism in l i f e . The narration, dedicated to Joan Maragall, might at f i r s t glance seem to establish a parallel between Maragall and the fourth cat, since;, as we know, the Barcelonian poet straddled the world of the bohemians and that of the bourgeoisie. Two factors seem to deny this possibility. The f i r s t , and most important, i s that d'Ors points out, several times, that this i s the youngster of the cats, or modernists. This renders impossible any parallel with Maragall in, at the earliest, 1900. Rather, i t may define the position of the author, as a young a r t i s t , wishing to overcome the defects or failures of the previous generation. The second reason for denying the parallel, Maragall - fourth Cat, is that the narrator realizes the implicit contradictions anqXhe need to integrate both positions in order to cease living inaromantic contradictions,as had MaragallL. This seems to indicate that d'Ors i s , in fact, trying to integrate. Maragall.'s idealism into d'a'ily l i f e . The third tale i s dedicated to J. MeCsso y Torrents, the great modernist editor of L'Avenc and erudite medievalist. It may consequently represent an attack on romantic historiography and the excessive individualism involved in i t . From his position as secretary of the Centre d'Estudis Catalans, d'Ors was later to cr i t i c i z e the lack of solid scholarship, which was deficient in rigour owing to the refusal of scholars to co-operate with each other. What d'Ors never did condemn was the enthusiasm or ideal-ism underlying the erudites' work. The following tale is dedi-cated to ^asellas i Dou, and is a reaction against the opposite tendency. R» Casellas was greatly influenced in his research by the-positivist ideas: of Taine and fienan. As an art-historian, he continued to make use of these methods. D'Ors does not c r i t i c i z e the organization or method that gives great clarity to Casellas' work, but the lack of idealism in i t , as i t tends to over-rationalize evidence. The f i f t h narration is dedicated to the Mallorcan poet, Miguel dels Sants Oliver, whose work i s almost entirely formal. The content of his poetry i s best described as:: no es el tema historic d'un poeta que ens pfrensb,sino l a poesia d'un historiador, qui com s i fos un antiquari gaudeix contemplant i admirant les coses velles, sense mai oblidar que e l l es exterior a tot, sense sentir-se vestit de vellat o de seda. 51 Such poetry, which i s principally historical, is not deeply con-cerned with metaphysical preoccupations. D'Ors cri t i c i z e s not the lack of form in dels Sants Oliver's, poetry, but the;.;Jack of metaphysical content. The sixth tale.; i s dedicated to Miguel U t r i l l o . ^he latter believed in realism and progress, in as much as that meant for him keeping apace with the cultural activities of Paris. This conception led him to conceive of art as being the representation of the present directed towards the future. This is directly opposed to the conception of Miguel dels Sants Oliver. Thus Utrillo*decreed: "los que siguen ideals fijados en otras epocas quedaran inevitablemente. rezagados: podran ser bueno6 tecnicos, 52 pero nunca buenos artistas." Thus, as i t was later recognized, U t r i l l o did consider formal perfection as important, and did perceive beauty in the world around him: Utr i l l o es realista en el sentido de admitir que incluso en las cosas humildes puede haber belleza, lo cual es perfectamente compatible con ser partidario del "afcte por el arte", entendidio este: principio en el sentido de que el valor artistico de una obra reside en su factura y no en su contenido. 53 Again, d'Ors does not c r i t i c i z e Utrillo's formal preoccupation, but the lack of content and the necessity fel t by the artist to follow European trends. What dels Sant6 Oliver lacks in metaphysical preoccupa-tion because of the "archaeological" aspect of his poetry, U t r i l l o also lacks; because of his error in perspective,which overlooks the importance of tradition for the artist and compels him to "imitate',' and not "create" anything new. D'Ors i s , consequently, suggesting that the "essence" of eternity in art may be found in the European tradition, which is fundamentally a return to the understanding of the classical tradition underlying a l l of occidental man's achievements, and through which both the present and the future may be understood. The seventh narration, dedicated, to Santiago RusiSol, is fundamentally a criticism of the latter's "escepticisme t r i v i a l i desorientat del que nomes s'escapava per l'escletxa d'un CANDID amor a l ' a r t " . There also stems from this, d'Ors rejection of RusiEol's belief in the necessary opposition between art and materialism, and their incompatibility with tradition, as exposed allegorically in E l jardi abandonat. In this narration d'Ors reconcilfc&te« this opposition through the image«.of the "toys", which are the fruits of tradition,and a source of ideals. D'Ors does not reject the belief in idealism professed by RusiSol, but the attitudes•of fatality and pessimism present in his expression of the need for idealism. The subsequent tale reacts against dogmatic Catholicism and i s dedicated to Alejandro Riquer. the latter was aprer-Raf|aelite painter and one of the principal members of the feercle Sant Lluc of Torras i Bages.- His position towards a r t i s t i c representation was, consequently, always controlled by the immediate moral im-plications of works.. TihisAoffcen carried the members of the Cercle Sant Lluc to extremes of narrow-mindedness. An excellent example of Riquer's attitude i s to be found in the position he took during the scandal, of Ateneu of 1893. This scandal involved' a controversy over two paintings of R. Casas and Marti i Alsina, which were considered by some, such as Riquer, to be of provocatives"carnal inspiration".- The membery of Cercle Sant Lluc who forced the jury to remove these paintings was Alejandro Riquer: Los de 1'Avenc mencionan como principal culpable del escandalo del Ateneo a Alexandre de Riquer, socio fundador del cfrculo y mtembro del jurado de admision; y con el,"Lluc intransigent" votaron otros membros del jurado, mas o menos catolicos-, artistas "mansos y burgueses", pintoressde cuadros decentes y vendibles." 55 It i s against this intransigent attitude that d'Ors reacts 'am writing this narration. The metaphor used of "ninos malos" and "ogres" i s designed to emphasize the need to integrate into the Christian community, not only the "ninos malos" such as Santiago Rusinol, but also their aggressors. The author does not condemn religion or the " traditionalist" attitude, but dogmatism to which i t can be conducive, the lack of f l e x i b i l i t y and the obscurantism with which i t imposes i t s e l f . It i s from these considerations that the "Oracion a Madona Blanca Maria11 proceeds, in order to stress the need to integrate art into daily l i f e . Let us, then, recapitulate the various points raised by d'Ors in this collection of stories. In order to do so, we should examine the structure of the work. The f i r s t and most complex narration, "La muerte de Isidre Nonell", introduces the concept of "art arbitrari", the method by which the artist choses the object and stylizes i t to represents an idea preconceived. This entails a rejection of any theory of spontaneity in art. Ideas concerning the need for idealism and the conception of the City as a communal ideal to bring about a social revolution were also introduced in reaction to the nine-teenth century l i b e r a l , naturalist and pessimist tendencies'^ The social preoccupations of d'Ors also lead him to prophesy the beginning of a new era culminating in the end of nineteenth century evils. The cyclic structure of the work leads the reader to con-sider the reasons for the failure of this revolution. It is evi-dent that the failure of the crowd to eliminate the actual source of i t s despair points out the failure of this revolution, which can be considered as no more than an uprising. The failure, to find the actual source of despair stems from the lack of enlighten-ment in the crowd. Ignorance i s a product of the industrial revolution. Consequently, one finds that the lack of enlightenment is not the fault of the crowd, but a lack of social responsibility on the part of the artist,, who has set no ideals for the mass, but only presented a despairing, pessimistic vision of urban-industrial society. This complex series of ideas introduces the ensuing tales. In the fable,, "Los cuatro gatos",d'Ors presents the prob-lems of the modernist secession which,although originating from the bourgeoisie, opposes the provincial- industrial bourgeois society, but which, because of i t s bourgeois nature and absolute polarization of attitudes, i s basically turning i t s back on the actual problem and making no progress, The radical opposition of the modernists to society has degenerated into a pessimistic and hypocritical, position that presents no future and remains a "cul-de-sac". It ceases to be "modern". Thus, d'Ors considers/ the possibility of revitalizing Catalan society from an idealistic platform., By denying the validity of both antagonistic tendencies, the author searches for a platonic world of essential forms, through which he might conciliate both the material and ,;|>he spiritual world. Implied in this condept i s the departure from a provincial society in order to search for Universal Culture. The ensuing tales investigate these considerations on Modernism in the light of this theory of the "happy medium".. The tale, "Palacio de loco", develops the concept that the antagonist of a l l idealism i s Nature and that the only way to resist i t is organization. Individualism, as well as i t s corollary, intro-spection, are therebye condemned. The realization of ideals, or dreams, is possible only through organization, which is their materialization. The opposite tendency, also based on individual-ism, is condemned in "El Rabadan". The excessive common sense, based on materialism, or avarice., causes the Head Shepherd to lose a heaven. Though he may be organized, his lack of ideals is just as disastrous as the madman's excessive idealism. This tale also returns to the idea latent in the f i r s t narration, that the failure of the Catalan bourgeoisie to f u l f i l l , i t s role in the social evolution of the nation is the reason for Catalonia's; backward cultural state among other European nations. The problem of the function of art inis society is elaborated upon in the following texts. "Gargolas" meditates on the importance of form in art. The organization of aesthetic material, must reflect basic human problems as well as embody ideals. The problems must also be seen in an optimistic light and the material, must be adjusted, to man's social development. This progress does not, however, alter man's eternal problems, •'•hough the "form" of l i f e tsjoy be altered, the existential problems of l i f e after death remain., Man, CJon8@q.uentIly„ needs to create new ideals, in order to generate hope. The predominantly ironical position of man develops out of this.. Though he may better his condition, he cannot escape his fate; and metaphysical preoccupations. The artist's position i s similar to this; though he perceives ideal beauty, he is not removed: from human suffering-.. His "arbitrary" function i s , therefore, to create ar t i f i c i a l . , or ironical., constructions, that conciliate the two; contradictory extremes of his l i f e , idealism and reality,, in order: to communicate- his idealism to society. The need for idealism and the nature of idealism i s elaborated upon in the remaining three narrations. In "La copa del rey de Tule"', classicism i s understood to be the basic mode of illusi o n s . It is a formal representation of these in art. D'Ors' concept of "Mediterraneanism" i s here sown in the description of the calm of the sea and the island. As classicism is only part of the Mediterranean tradition, which is a source of illusions, d'Ors:; introduces the. other main source of man"s: existential comfort, Christianity, in "Carta a los Reyes Magos".. She concept of art and a r t i f i c i a l i t y and their relation to European "mythology" i s here elaborated upon. What i s more important i s that in this narration as well, as in "Tiempo despues", Christianity, as part of European mythology, is conceived of as a unifying force that binds men to-gether, and i s fundamental, to the organization of society. D'Ors condemns dogmatism that alienates men from the Christian community and emphasizes the need for tolerances. These considerations are best summed up as follows* Cultural mythology, as conceived and organized by mankind, may only function as a harmonious whole in as much as i t remains the product and belonging of a community. Man i s considered by d'Ors to be at social being who needs to create, not as an individual, but in an organized social body. D'Ors' fin a l consideration to this effect i s an appeal to the artist to carry his ideals out to mankind, in search of perfection. The author of La muerte de Isidre Nonell seguida de  otras arbitrariedades is; reacting against the cultural, stagnation (or circumstances impeding idealism from generating enthusiasm), of the society to which he pertains. His reaction against the general apathy, or fatalism, to promote the quest for ideals in l i f e i s basically a negation of the romantic belief in the search for truth in Nature and introspection which culminates in individ-ualism. To this understanding of r-omanticism he opposed the con-cept of arbitration, as a form of classicism. Arbitration i s perceived as a corollary of classicism, for i t is the control or organization of the circumstances latent in the artist's a. "Weltanschauung"1, not the romantic abandonment to fatalism and. pessimism. The opposition of the romantic point of view to that of classicism is best seen in the antagonistic conceptions Zola and d'Ors of the City. To Zola, i t was the m uncontrollable monster, such as seen in L'Asso^moir, but to d'Ors i t was the community bound together in the optimistic fight against Nature, which incurred a l l forms oil fatality as embodied by Time. Resistance against Nature was founded on social organization deriving from the responsibility of the individual, or class, to the community. La muerte de Isidre Nonell seguida de otras arbitrariedades is a collection of metaphors through which d'Ors expressed and organized his understanding of the problems and ideas of Modernism, and what i t had developed into by the turn of the century. Never wholly rejecting Modernism, d'Ors used this knowledge of i t s contradictions to reintegrate the movement into i t s social, function, as f i r s t conceived by the people of L'Avenc. D'Ors' work basically consisted in reorganizing modernist ideals so that they might function in society. Most of the ideas f i r s t exposed in this collection of stories w i l l be found more explicitly developed in "Amiel a Vic" : and especially systematized in the metaphysics of the Glosari 1906-1910. Notesi to Chapter IV 1 G. Diaz-plaja, Modernismo frente a noventa y_ ocho (Madrid : Espasa-Calpe, 1951) p.332. 2 E. d'Ors, Obra catalana completa : Glosari 1906-1910 (Barcelona : Selecta, 1950) p. x i i i . 3 Enric Jardi, Eugenio d'Ors : vida £ obra (Barcelona :. Ayma 1967) p. 53. 4 Eugenio d'Ors, Cronicas a l a Ermita : "La muerte de Isidre Nonell seguida de otras arbitrariedades" (Barcelona : Plaza y Janes, 1966, primera edicion)pp. 215-262. 5v A* C i r i c i Pellicer, E l arte modernista Catalan (Barcelona: Ayma 19 ) p. 31. 6 Ibid. pp. 41-42. 7 "La muerte de Isidre Nonell. seguida de otras arbitrariedadei p. 257. 8 Ibid. p. 217. 9 Ibid. p. 217. 10 Ibid. p. 218. 11 Ibid. p. 219. 12 Ibid. p. 221. 13 Ibid. p. 224. 14 Glosari 1906-1910, p. 1264. 15 La muerte de Isidre Nonell, p. 218. 16 Ibid. p. 220, 17 Ibid. p. 217. 18 For a more ample study of the influences present in Nonell's work during his stay in Paris, one should consult Ai,' C i r i c i Pellicer, El arte modernistaa C a t a l a n , p. 358. 19 La muerte de isidre Nonell, p. 225. 20 Ibid. p. 225. 21 Glosari 1906-1910, p. 1550. 22 La muerte de Isidre Nonell, p. 226. 23 Ibid. p. 226. 24 Ibid. p. 22?. 25 Ibid. p. 227. 2§ A\ GreekrEnglish Lexicon, compiled by H.G. Liddell and R. Scott (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1901) 8th edition, p. 644. 27 La; Isidre Nonell, p. 227 283 ib i d . p. 230. 29 Ibid. p. 231. 30 Ibid. pp_. 231-232.. 31. Ibid. p. 233. 32 Ibid. p. 234. 33 Ibid. p. 239. 3k Ibid. pp. 240-241. 35 Ibid, p.,2241. 36 Ibid. p. 241. 37 Ibid. p.,;, 242. 3:8 Ibid. p. 242. 39 Ibid. p. 243. 40 Ibid, p.;243. 41 Ibid. py?.244. 42 Ibid. pp. 245-246. 43 Ibid. p. 252. 44 Ibid. pp;. 253-254. 45 Ibid. p. 254, 46 Ibid. p. 253. 47 Ibid. p. 255. 48 Ibid. pp. 252-253. 49 Much of the "Carta a los Reyes Magos" may be understood as an act of faith. In the phrase "de vosotros suplico l a medecina" (p. 254) there i s implied that faith can only come i f the subject is willing to believe. The letter i s in fact a declaration of d'Ors1 "will to believe", '^his idea is developed in the sub-sequent -Gl^saxi, and as.d'Ors mentions William James' book on a pragmatic protestant approach to religion, The Will to Believe (I896), in 1909 (Glosari p. 1148), i t i s possible that he knew of this theory, at least by 1905, since he spoke very highly of a similar book by W. James in the 190? gloss "La varietats de 1'eaperiencia religiosa" (Glosari p. 404). As we shall see later, d'Ors accomodates a sceptical belief to the religious tradition, or cultural mythology, of the society he is given to live i n . 5® La muerte de Isidre Nonell, p. 26l. 51 Joan Kuiz i Calonja, Historia de l a literatura catalana (Barcelona : T.eide, 1954) p. 549. 52 Eduard Valenti, E l primer modernismo Catalan. (Barcelona: Ari e l , 1973) p. 273. 53 Ibid. p. 273. 54 Joan Fuster, Literatura catalana contemporania (Barcelona : Ourial,1972) p. 97. 55 El primer modernismo C a t a l a n , p. 29.4. Chapter V "Amiel a Vic" The late gloss, "Amiel a Vic"', has served as an intro-duction to various collections of E. d'Ors' "glosses", and has been the starting point of many c r i t i c s ' investigations. It is generally agreed that in i t is defined the society, both a r t i s t i c and commercial, against which Noucentisme reacted. The description of the society criticized by d'Ors i s embodied in the work of Franeec Rierola i Musferrer (1857-1908), known as the Dietari, which was published posthumously in 1908. The name of the gloss, "Amiel", refers to the Swiss friend of Sanz del Rio, Henri Fredrich Amiel, whose Journal Intime i s an exploration of the Narrator's inner l i f e and his incapacity to act, or impose his w i l l , in an adverse society The Dietari of Francesc Rierola isi based on similar ideas, in as much as i t is a study on the interior self and the individual's; incapacity to act in society. D'Ors notes that Rierola-'s work, written between 1893 and 1900, depicts the formation period of Noucentisme: " el periode compres en el Dietari de Francesc Rierola fou el de l a nostra primera formacio". Tot alio* d'ell ha entrat en l a composicio* del 2 nostre' esperit com un amarg llevat...." Noucentisme i s , there-fore, a period of reaction against that of ^ ierola, andsfehe; attitudes implied in his work. D'Ors explains that, although the Dietarii is modelled on the Journal Intime, i t i s a work of far inferior quality. The Dietari. i s described as the product of a master of n i l , a "dilettante", who, unlike Amiel, lacks knowledge, or s k i l l j necessary for the manipulation of concepts, and never perceives the total importance of his work. The c r i t e r i a on which the Dietari's description of society are based remain negative, be-cause no effort is made to comprehend the object described!:: Ara l i r i c Amiel, el seu autor; ara objectiu periodista. Un Amiel, de volada curta, d 1 estret c r i t e r i , de tristdr trie's prosaica, de solitud menys pura, amb l a mateixa ineptitud social., perb sense l'excusa. de 1*aristocratisme. 3 The sense of failure that pervades Rierola's work is the f r u i t of his extreme personal point of view and Hack of social aptitude. As d'Ors clearly points-ocut, this originates; from his "narrow cr i t e r i a " that i s related to a f a t a l i s t i c approach to l i f e . The work, and the author's attitude, are, however^, conditioned by his social environment. D'Ors goes on to accuse; that society of provincialism. Its closed c r i t e r i a , or point of view on the world, impeded i t froiac progressing or making any evolution. Rierola's work is. con-ditioned by this atmosphere, and becomes an inefficient commentary on society:: una^vida monotona, nisprou cohtemplativa per donar-se a l a medi-tacio;forta, ni prou activa, per a heure eficacia i f r u i t ; ni amb l'herbisme de l a solitud, ni l a intensitat de l a intervencio c i v i l plenaria Vida mediocre de cafe i de rambleig, de curta excursic' i de peresosa lectura, d'estrena i conferincia i concert, de tedi i tafaneria, de dispersirf-i dissolucio lenta de. totes les forces espirituals. En Rierola sembla haver estat, no un complet ocio"s, pero si un dels mig ociosos que en'la nostra vida intel" lectual sovintegen. En els cine anys que comprenen les memories, i que foren justament els de l a plenitud de sa vida, entre els trenta i cine i els quaranta, cap rastre de treball, ni de serios estudi, ni solament de disciplinada lectura o d'organitzada curiositat. k Rierola i s the product of a mediocre provincial l i f e in which the individual stagnates because the mediocrity of that l i f e has des-troyed a l l . possible sense of idealism in l i f e . ' There i s in that l i f e no ideal for which man may l i v e . The " f i n du siecle" repre-sents the culmination of certain nineteenth century beliefs in individualism, and has destroyed a l l the structures of social organization that might enable some dynamic ideal to animate society. According to d'Ors, the society of the end of the nine-teenth century had ceased to believe in anything. General scepti-cism in Rierola and his contemporaries had degenerated into, cynical, unproductive, social criticism^that paralyzed any possibility of positive -. action,^whether i t be spiritual or material; ...cinicamente els homes que el vivien.... Temps de descomposicio .... La fe religiosa no era pas ben reconquerida; l a fe en l a ciencia redemptora, que durant un segle enter illusions, els homes, era ensorrada ja tambe. 5 D'Ors then prodedes to examine the decomposition of • •= society on a cultural level, that i s , in terms of literary and po l i t i c a l manifestations of the moment*'; The literary movement which he seems to object to principally i s decadentism; "Eou el temps de decadentisme i de l a sensualitat." The combination of these two tendencies that move away from reason and order corresponds to the basic tenets of Romanticism, as understood by d'Ors. The superiority of sensitivity and the belief in individualism directly implies the belief in the superiority vof spontaneity, which also leads to belief in the myth of the noble savage and revolt against organization.. P o l i t i c a l l y these ideas are interpreted as anarchism, which was so active at the end of the century in Barcelona. In literature, L'Avenc had introduced two figures of particuHar importance for Catalan culture at the end of the century: Ibsen-j who preached the dissolution of the family, and L. Tolstoy, who suggested the return to nature, and l i f e in isolation. Their opposite faction was also introduced by L'Avenc at the same moment: "els idealistes l i v i d s , estetes pre-rafaelites o m£stics maeter-linckians, qui tornen de l a rao a l a poruga f o l l i a i del llenguatge 7 al balbuc-eig." D'Ors goes on to establish a direct relation between these two literary currents and the wave of anarchism that rocked Barcelona at the end of the last century. The dissolution of social organization, therefore, corresponds to the presence of literary and artistic; currents; which, owing to their stress on individualism, had taken extreme and incompatible; positions. Again, one finds in this gloss7ai?\strong emphasis on the importance of the influence of art on culture and social, organiz-ation. D'Ors perceives that by moving away from extremist positions and reintegrating the intellectual into his social, function some progress can be made. These extreme ideas, which had the purpose of making Catalonia progress, could not function; as long as they were disorganized and separated from their object, society. The author goes on to explain the state of opposition andJfutility that dominated Barcelona: El nostre no s'havia traduit en un moviment p o l i t i c organitzat:' restava, sobretot, essent una protesta i un plany — una elegia i una blasfemia -. Blasfemia i elegia era tambe' el nostre euro-peisme, enve^ja. i desesperada enyoranca d'allb no conegut o d'alld entrevist; no sacra ambicio' i decisio* d'arribar a posseir-lo. Blasfemia i elegia, el tradicionalismer que l'anhel a restaurar les valors eternals i a ll i g a r - s ' h i no somniava en les direccions en&rgiques i tttils que; avui veiem f l o r i r . . . . 8 Just as he had criticized the stagnation of the arts, so does d'Ors reprehend the landed gentry's lack of participation. The stagnation of the three motive forces of Catalonia, Cataianism, Europeanism and traditionalism, was due to the restrictive^mentality of the-financial bourgeoisie. Whereas the arts had gone to the extremes; of decadentism in modern European literature, the industrial bourgeoisie had remained blindly conservative-. The suffocation of culture in the Catalan world resulted from what d'Ors considered to be a "rural" or "reactionary" traditionalism. People such as Rierola were incapable of going beyond Barcelona-: "En Rierola no somniara pas, com aleshoress feien d'altres, en marxar a Paris. " ^ The rural bourgeoisie's incapacity to transcend i t s socio-cultural circumstance resulted: from i t s bigoted; religious outlook, which was incompatible with social evolution. Rural society was anachronous and destined to end. Religion did not serve it's purposed for men such as Rierola; i t was restrictive; and intransigent, and consequently out of touch with what was required by the times. His extremely conservative; attitude; led him to pervert basic moral concepts: I Aquesta continguda.furia del cor pur i torturat, on anava? Anava a una virtut i anava a un v i c i . La virtut fou l a religiositat de l'home, massissa, drefea, intransigent. Infant d'una f i de segle, en Rierola ho ha sabut fer-se de l a seva fe un remei, un consol a l'anguaia i frisanca.... El v i c i , que diem, te relacio: amb aquesta especial; manera l a seva virtut. £s el vici- de l a crueltat. 10 As we have noted in our study of La muerte de Isidre Nonell seguida  de otras arbitrariedades, d'Ors conceives of religion as a source; of comfort for contemporary man. Erom this point of view, d'Ors criti c i z e s the lack of f l e x i b i l i t y and genuine belief or trans-cendental, hope in Rierola's faith. Religion for Rierola becomes a wall and an obstacle to his adaptation to contemporary l i f e , and thus a source of frustration. Out of this frustration arises his own form of barbarity. Excessive restrictions in the individual's l i f e , brought about by the restrictions imposed on him by a corrupted form of virtue;, or tradition, prevents the freedom of his instincts, or energies, to find some rational expression. Since his potential energy i s pent up within him, i t can only find some sort of expression in brutal vengeance, or cruelty. Rierola explains in the Dietari that he fe l t watch the execution of a terrorist, but desisted out of cowardice, and took his frustration out in the joys of bullfighting: "Perqufc aquest intellectual de Barcelona, aquest catalanista, aquest home devot tingue, clandes-tinament, potser, una afic i o , afield" dominant, boja, per la* barbara festa..." 1 1 The nature of d'Ors' comment, though implicit, is quite clear. Rierola, frightened by the terrorists and the fact that his world, as he understands i t through his religious, or traditional background, might collapse, does not try to understand the reason for this change. Instead, he seeks sublimation for his frustration in vindictive brutality, that i s , sheer barbarity. His criterion cannot accomodate: for change since the former does not rest on reason, but on an emotional reaction. This religious or social attitude had repercussions in cultural manifestations. It was this attitude that impeded the, progress of Modernism. The need to set Catalonia, as well as the rest of Spain, ajpace; with European culture had begun in modernist circles, such as L'Aveng, but these were not sufficiently organized to impose themselves on society. What is more, since: Modernism was limited to a small, intellectual e l i t e , i t never incorporated i t s e l f as something useful to daily l i f e , because i t was not under-stood by people such as Rierola. Indeed, d'Ors goes on to explain that the state of ignorance, stemming from the narrow c r i t e r i a and lack of erudition of men such as Rierola , made i t easy for the ''first come" to astound the petty bourgeois society with any novelty brought from the other side of the Pyrenees. Ilfhis i s cl a r i f i e d in d'Ors' statement:: "1*escriptora, Pardo Bazan, que arriba a Barcelona 12 a espeterrar i fer frases "rebentaht de suficiehcia." This superficial society that after 1898, as d'Ors points out, collapses, needs to be revitalized, or better yet, revolution-ized. It i s very important to note that the years, cri t i c i z e d by d'Ors are those covered by the Dietari, I893-I898. These are the years of the "renaixentiste"*", or traditionalist reaction, when the modernists of L'Avenc were forced underground. Indeed, his c r i t i -cism of the "renaixentiste" reaction i s obvious between pages ten and fourteen of the Glosari 1906-1910, which are too long to quote here;. One may, however, perceive: the nature of this criticism in the following passage;:: £s 1893 i e*s l a tragedia del Liceu... La gent deserta dels espectacles, de les festes, dels passeigs, de les misses altes. A l a f i , es fa un timid esforca de reaccio*.... Per aquelles dies surt "Un saint"' de Paul Bourgat, i en Rierola en comenta l a ten-dencia de reaccio' idealista i parla amb misteri dels nous corrents l i t e r a r i s . 13 Further on, d'Ors explains that the "idealist" reaction is countered by Rierola's own negative reaction founded on intransigency and pessimism. Solitude and the denial of any possible ideals in contemporary l i f e result in Rierola's recourse to superficial introspection. This only leads him to such a state of apathy that the collapse of 1898 goes his Dietari; the society had already collapsed before the disaster of 1898: "E'S d i f f o i l ara imaginar quina arriba a ser l'atonia, l a insensibilitat silenciosai i estupefacta amb que els homes dels temps,agotats per l a llarga / Ik tanda de desiilusio, acollireu en general les horrors." General disillusionment,complemented by the criticism of Rierola's generation and the total decay of their world, led the nation into a definite dead end. ^he collapse of a culture based on absolutely anachronic tradition made i t impossible for Rierola to perceive any possible continuity in Catalan society. As d'Ors^ describes this f i n a l collapse of any spiritual longing in the nation: Arreu de les memories intimes son planys, sospirs de tristor miserable i de neguit, esforcos esvalts en vacultat obscura, par-aules de desesperacio?sorda:- "He fet massa cami" per l'erm i de l a pols recremant de. , 1 a caminada.en porto pie de cendres l ' e s p i r i t . Res m£s no hi fl o r i r a . . . " ' "Barcelona es tornara t r i s t a , perque sap que t£ l a podridura a les entranyes. ..."' "Tot esta fred que gela, tot es decadlncia..." 15 It i s against this sense of stagnation and fatality that-", d'Ors reacted in "Amiel a Vic", without having recourse; to the complext metaphysical apparatus used in La tauerte de Isidre Nonell seguida de otras,aybitrariedades. General apathy and cynicism of a disorganized and ill-informed society that was the product of the errors of Spanish romanticism, were the factors that stimulated d'Ors; to find means to revitalize that society. As d'Ors has suggested in "Amiel a Vic", Modernism before the fatal incidents of I893 had; retried to promote idealism, but had lacked the necessary organization to integrate i t s e l f into Barcelonian daily l i f e : and po l i t i c s . Mention made by d'Ors of religion as a barrier i s also very important in the true understanding of Noucentisme, as he conceived; i t . . Since religion had proved a barrier, owing to; i t s rig i d i t y and intransigence, there was a need to revive, or "modernize" religion, so that i t too might integrate i t s e l f into the circumstances of a twentieth century European society. The gloss, "Amiel a Vic", ends on a note stressing the need for enthusiasm, or hope, to revitalize Catalan society, by giving i t new ideals, and by education. These new ideals are pos-hes kuce_ sible.only through the rSs^affitFat^en of a solidly organized culture. In his description of the present state (1910), d'Ors declaresr. I els pensadors han estat tambe una mica homes d'acci6, volent consagrar ses forces de joventut a l a feina d'instauracio de l a cultura; i els maxims homes d'accid han estat tambe' uns lucids:, estretament l l i g a t s a l'emissic* de les formules del pensament. I ens han vingut del mon, i les hem traduides, ventades de l a nova idealitat, de l a restauracio* de valors, per a l a qual en cada pais laboren els selectes. 16 The new ideals are, therefore, carved out through organized action, and the participation of intellectuals in the duties of daily l i f e , in order to lead the nation to more universal aspirations. The programme for this cultural consciousness was elaborated upon in the Glosari 1906-1910.17 110 ;N$t£s to Chapter V 1 Although Herni Fredrich A m i e l was a friend of Sanz del Rio and studied the philosophy of C F . Krause at Heidelberg with him, i t would be erroneous to assume that Amiel was a Krausist*. Indeed, even though A m i e l revered Krause and attempted to follow his thought, he never came to a complete understanding of the nature of Krausism. J. L6pez-Morillas informs us that: E l propip:? Amiel, sin i r mas lejos, da por evidente que l a f i l o -sofia krausista es una fi l o s o f f a de l a inmanencia. Y, sin embargo, no esta". de mas recordar, sobre este particular, que Krause volvio* l a espalda a su maestro Schelling precisamente por ser este pante'lsta, y que acuno' un vocab&Ilo nuevo, panenteismo, o doctrina de todo en Dios, a f i n de superar las que el estimaba ser limitaciones, ma's bien que errores, de las doctrinas de l a inmanencia y l a trascendencia. (El Krausismo espanol. Mexico: Fondo de 0 uitura Economica, 1956, p. 38.) It would., therefore, be totally erroneous to interpret the. referenee^to Amiel, in this gloss, as a condemnation of Krausism. Rather, i t i s a condemnation, on the f i r s t level, of what Krausism, when poorljjt. understood, degenerated into, and, on the second level, i t condemns immanentism. Amiel was a pantheist, and consequently only believed in immanence. Rierola, on the other hand, was a traditionalist Catholic, who only believed in transcendence. In spite of this opposition, d'Ors calls Rierola an "Amiel a Vic". Rierola is like Amiel in his solitude and incapacity to act. Thus, as a Protestant, ^miel. i s a Germanic case of the religious c r i s i s of the nineteenth century, and Rierola a case of the same problem in the Catholic-Latin culture.. Amiel, who,as an individualist, tends to introspection, f a i l s to find a religious consolation immanent in himself. Rierola, whose traditional! vision does not correspond with the social developments of the nineteenth century, also turns his back on society. Both men live in seclusion and anguish, because of the extremity of their beliefs. In this gloss, d'Ors tnever entirely condemns either man, but he does condemn their dogmatism, """hus, as we shall, see further on in this thesis, d'Ors attempts to conciliate these two positions, as Krause did before him, and, indeed, this i M l l lead him to a pantheistic point of view. 2 Eugenio d'Ors, Glosari 1906-1910 (Barcelona : Selecta, 1950) p.l6. 3 Ibid. p. 6. 4 Ibid. p. 6, 5 Ibid. p. 3. 6 Ibid. p. 4. 7 Ibid. p. 4. 8 Ibid. p. 5 9 Ibid. p. 10. 10 Ibid. pp. &*9. 11 Ibid. p. 9. 12 Ibid. p. 8. 13 Ibid. pp. 10-11. 14 Ibid. p. Ik. 15 Ibid. pp. 14-15. 16 Ibid. p. 16. 17 After the composition of this thesis, we found an article which entirely substantiates our beliefs that i t is not Modernism which d'Ors i s attacking through his criticism of Rierola, but the Renaixentiste6 :: Joan-Lluis Marfany, "Reflexions sobre Modernisme i Noucentisme", Els Marges, I. (1974) pp. 49-74. In this a r t i c l e , Marfany stresses the fact that Rierola was not a Modernist, but a: man of the Renaixenca: L a i realitat Is que el pobre Rierola era un terratinent de l a Plana de Vic, molt carca, col'laborador d';,iEl Cprreo Catalan, que es mirava el "modernisme dels sens coetanis com una pecaminosa ten-dencia, l'agitacid' de-la Barcelona de finals segle com un signe anunciador de l a propera apocalipsi, i els atemptats anarquistes com uns petits tasts dels terribles castigs que l a Providencia impartiria aviat a i a corrupta humanitat moderna*. (p. 55) The reason for which d'Ors did not specifically define his attacks against the Renaixentistes, is c l a r i f i e d when one understands his position in the Lliga Catalana, under Prat de l a Riba, and his relation with the latter, which i s examined further on in this thesis. On this point Marfany again substantiates our beliefs in the following statements-El gran merit de Genius - que, no ho oblidessim, havia comencat a El Poble Catala - fou de comprendre-ho i d'actuar en consequencia. Eero sempre l i costa. un esforc d'adaptar-se, i Prat hague". de vig i l a r - l o molt estretament. La correspondencia entre Ors i Casellas - e*s significatiu que Ors es refies de Casellas**. en ; contlmoltes proves..... L'habil Prat situa l'ambicic's i ego-latra Pantarca en una privilegiada posici"o d'influencia i poder i l i permete certes expansions ocasionals amb les quals es evident que no podia combregar, pero no l i tolera cap desviacio* minimament important. (p. 59) D'Ors had his hands partially tied, but he was clever and sincere enough to transcend the limitations of the Lliga. Chapter VI The Glosari 1906-1910 and d'Ors' metaphysics The aspirations of the generation that came into::; maturity after 1905, the "Noucentistes", originated-from an en-thusiastic attitude adopted towards social action. D'Ors, who: devised the name and was considered i t s theoretician, defined the movement as a product of the philosophy of Ramon L l u l l , not for the latter's ideological content, but for the universal attitude inspiring i t . As L l u l l ' s philosophy, i t was to be a "filosofiai de batalla". This label denotes the dynamic and aggressive: tendencies of the movement, as influenced by Prat de l a Riba's theory of "Imperialism". Its relation to Ramon L l u l l also indicates that the aggressive patriotism of Noucentisme; was inclined to intellectualism as a form of action, and thus i t set art at the service of p o l i t i c s . The name "Noucents" has a variety of implications. On the primary level, i t has normally been related to i t s contemporary Italian movement, "Novecentos", thereby suggesting the idea of the generation of the nineteen hundreds, in opposition to that of the eighteen hundreds, '^he word "nou" also has the meaning of "new", and therefore indicates the sense of progress or novelty implicit in the movement's efforts. ato revitalize the nation. There is also, however, an important relation with the Greek word v©«s or voos^ which means the "mind" or "intelligence", both in a sensitive and a rational context, and i s used as "the active principle of the 2 • Universe",. Noucents, therefore, implies the intellesctualization of sensitivity. Indeed, the movement i s a mixture of aestheticism and rationalism. This intellectual enthusiasm found i t s coordinate expression in d'Ors' work, the Glosari, published daily in the Veu de Catalunya, the officialtgEgan of the Lliga Giatalana. As the^name developed by d'Ors, Noucentisme, indicates, i t represents an effort to understand the times in which the author lived, in one of the early glosses, "Sobre l a dignitat de l ' o f i c i de; period-is t a " , d'Ors explained what he intended to do, and what each gloss was to represent. D'Ors was conscious of his profession, principally as a reporter in La Veu de Gatalunya. He did, however, understand his profession in more aesthetic terms than the direct articulation of reported facts. As we have previously noted, the "nous";. is~ not only rational, but sensitive. D'Ors wished to incorporate both of these currents in his work of reporting. It was imperative; for him, not only jto observe attentively the historical facts, but to sense the meaning inherent in the pattern of these facts. The task that d'Ors had set for himself was to perceive the meaning of actuality and what i t entailed. This implied a total, understanding of the pre-sent, neither in terms of the past nor of the future, but as Time which is eternally present, as in St. Augustine's conceptloii of i t . This attitude also reveals an essentially pragmatic understanding of l i f e . Not so much concerned with either the future or the past, d'Ors' work focuses on the sense of immediacy. In the gloss, "Sobre l a dignitat de 1'of icily de periedista d'Ors explained ;that before him most reporters had interpreted the present in terms of the past, or, at best, as a prediction of the future. D'Ors' outlook on l i f e i s , therefore, based on the con-sideration that man i s not sufficiently conscious of his actual circumstance, which i s , in reality, neither past nor future, for the former i s consumed and the latter i s uncertain; Truth l i e s in the present^ Abans els esperits estaven solament atents a l a llico^ del passat; quan mis, als pressentiments de l'avenir; perb d'un avenir l a deduccid del qual es basava en profecia revelada o en regla logica no en els simptomes latents i palpitants entorn. L'observacid d'aquestes palpitaciones e's moderna; l a seva observaci6 conscient i metodica, modernissima... 3 The conscious observation of the "palpitations of Time"' i s the in specific function of the reporter, as understood by d'Ors. x h i s type of profession i s , a6 d'Ors goes on to explain, not that of the philosopher: " l a funcio' d'aquest 6B negoci de coses eternes, i aqui es tracta. de quelcom d' actual l 1 , nor-that of the historian who deals with the consumed result of events:, nor of the scientist who seeks origins, nor that of the poet, who expresses the effect that these have had on the individual. The function of the reporter i s seen by d'Ors as immediate and transcendental, -and i s of great social importance. The ideal reporter's work consists in revealing the spiritual motivation behind facts and their v i t a l importance to society. This"socialL act" is the existential, function of the Reporter, as understood by d'Ors: d'atendre a les manifestacions espirituals_:de l'hora en que es: viu prendre consciencia de l ' e x i s t i r i el valor d'elles, sentir, en un mot, les palpitacions dels temps. Es tambe" una funcio social altfssima. 5 D'Ors' conception of the work of the Reporter goes back to his «v . : ideas on the^importance of Idealism in l i f e , for the Reporter's work i s to find the essence of his times and demonstrate i t s v i t a l importance to man. In this text, d'Ors has explained that the method of the ideal Reporter is to observe consciously and methodically the "palpitacions dels temps", yet as we see in the above quotation, the origin of this investigation is of a sensitive nature, as the word "sentir" 1 indicates. Thus, i t i s a sensitive understanding or organi zed sensation of the motion of time. As this sensitive element can only originate in the individual, we may logically deduce that the organization or rationalization of sensitivity enables individual sensation to function in a social circumstance, because once i t i s organized i t ceases to be personal; i t has become objective. The process of objectification,which i s related to the idea that organized sensation, or intelligence of the moment, rests on a philosophical or metaphysical basis. If, as d'Ors has stated above, the philosppher deals with eternal things, then i t i s con-ceivable that the "ideal reporter" i s a type of philosopher;, '^he author goes on to explain that the ideal reporter: "Sa informacio sera d' idees, millor, d' animes. ^ara gazetilles d' eternitats.." ^ The objectifying factor i s , therefore, the search for eternity. Such a search does, however, take on a number of forms. The reporter who deals with the sensitive interpretation of the present i s a poet because of his sensitivity, and a philosopher because he feels eternity and seeks to understand i t . He i s also a scientist and a historian, because he organizes or objectifies his vision of time, in order to free i t from subjective, or accidental elements. D'Ors explains this in a more metaphorical fashion:-en Hoc de dentir-se en l 1 exterior, en lee apariencies, en l a closca, atresora els fets-tots amb universal curiositat i els despulla, els pela,... i extreu l a sucosa polpa simbolica. I en rima els simbols, i en descobreix son joc d'harmonies. I.en aquest joc d'harmonies, prescindeix eacara de 1*accidental, i troba en son fons, magn£fica i sobitana, l a l l e i j ' . i enfondint, a:a enfondint, veu, entre els valors ideals que l'envolten, quins son superstites del passat, quins, pressentiments d'avenir, quins roca viva de l'etern. 7 There i s , in this search for eternity, a process, f i r s t of perception beyond the object, or fact, and then of interprets tation, or organization, of the objects perceived, that i s , abstraction thereof. Within this harmonious organization, eternal values are found when they transcend the spurious or accidental elements of their outer structure. These values are, as d'Ors states, "valors ideals", the nucleus of which forms the eternal substance of l i f e . Up to this stage of the process, although i t is methodical, the reporter's relation to the search is s t i l l personal. D'Ors goes on to elaborate: I que, un cop aconseguit tot aixo, sap, desinteressedament, en un moment donat, enderrocar i contradir les coses i esborrar les escrites, perque ha. escoltat una nova palpitacid que sembla contra-dictbria. I que, despre's, aquesta palpitacid....6*8 precisament una rima. mis en sa construccid; i que aquesta, . ..apareix com apoteosica-ment vera a l a Hum. 8 It i s once the object i s incorporated into the mainstream that the reporter ceases to attach any personal interest to i t . The individual then transcends i t s limitations and incorporates i t s e l f into the general process of mankind. The organization of individual feeling develops into a search for perfection. There i s , con-sequently,, in this process a sense of development,or progress, in which man works towards a revelation by continually modifying his discoveries. The search for eternity within the present i s part of the perfectionment of mankind. The "gazetillas d'eternitats" are the forms of this search, and, therefore, represent a kind of historical genre. The gloss has been defined as : a word inserted between the lines or in the margin, as in an explanatory note rendering the meaning of a word in the text; hence a similar rendering in a glossary or dictionary. Also a commentary, explanation or interpolation. 9 D'Ors' use of this genre i s related to the definition. The glosses are an interpretation, or explanation, of the present, or history in the making, from the margin of history, eternity. T n e source of these eternities has been described as being: " sa informacio sera d'ideea, millor, d'animes".^"^ D'Ors once described himself and his intellectual pursuits as :. "Amic de Plato^perb: mee^  eiicara de l a Veritat".^^ His conception of truth does not rest on a partial acceptation, but on a sense of totality. For, although d'Ors begins with.the search for ideal forms, these are com-prehended in a pragmatic sense. Ideal Forms, or Ideas, in d'Ors' ideology, are accepted to be the result of the perception of sensitive or v i t a l objects. This is compatible, not with the purely mechanistic-intellectual conception of the universe, but with the greater consciousness of l i f e as the confluence of man's rational approach, as well as his sensitive, reaction to the object. The reporter's approach, as d'Ors understands i t , i s t. based on sensing the eternal, or ideal, factors in the present stage of man's development. These ideal factors are what gives man's existence a sense of stab i l i t y . The sensing of eternity i s fundamentally motivated by a personal apprcCach to the object, which may be classified as an intuitive act. D'Ors explains at some length in part five of the gloss "&chinz" (1909), that his own method was based on intuition. The key element to his inter-pretation of the circumstancels essence i s what d'Ors considered to be the "biological" factor in his ideology. The term "biologi-cal factor*1-1 i s , in fact, understood to be the study of l i f e in the etymological sense of the word. For the "Glosador", i t comes to mean, "interest, or meditation, on l i f e " . In this gloss, d'Ors interprets Professor Schinz's statement on the function of intellectualism in society as implying that the latter must be divorced from daily l i f e , because i t s function i s unsuitable to practical applications;: " e l l digui que 'lo intellectual' , l a ciencia i lai doctrina res tenen a veure amb -'lo biSlogic" , amb 1'interSs 12 v i t a l . " The parallel structure of d'Ors' syntax defines the biological element as "1'interes vital" 8, interest in l i f e . Contrary to Schinz's removal of the intellectual from daily l i f e , d'Ors'beliefs-vare greatly involved with the social. implications and benefits of intellectualism. Reason must adapt i t s e l f to v i t a i circumstance. There i s a need to harmonize the division, or even "opposition", between rationalism and idealism, and i t i s rational! intuition that assumes, the fusion of both antagonistic tendencies. D'Ors goes on to explain that his approach is a reaction against the dogmatic "scientific"or purely methodical and rational (mechanical) approach of the nineteenth century, such -i•:: found in positivism, and also against i t s counterpart, the romantic, sensitively effusive and sensual approach:; Observeu aqui* com el nostre l l i u r e i flexible metode de recerca d'"interessos biologies" en les doctrines, s'allunya i separa de 1 ' a r t i f i c i a l determinisme inflexible dels metodes tainians,, per exemple. - En rigor, i en el cas concret de 1'antipragmatisme de M.Schinz, les; nostres explicacions : no han u t i l i t z a t altres ele* ment6 que els topics tradicionals de l a "raca", del "medi", del "moment historic"... Pero,.quina.divergSncia tan profunda en l a manera d'interpretar aquesta elements.7 La nostra interpretacld intul'tiva, "endevinatoria", mes que inductiva o deductiva, dc'na el Hoc i 1'honor degut a l a conting^ncia, a l a l l i b e r t a t , a l'atzar: d<5na entrada a factors tan subtils, tan "espirituals", tan " l l i u r e s " com 1* "esperit de contradiccio'"; recull i harmonitza resultats en aparenca tan contradictoris com el d'una tendlncia a 1•absolutisms idealista, f i l l d'un geni nacional, amb una tendencia a alld prltctic, f i l l a del geni d'una raca; pren model de l a complexitat de l a psicologia i no de l a simplicitat de l a mecanica. Prodecint a i x i , ofereix un valor d'objectivitat molt mes ser id's... 13 D'Ors' method of investigation, since i t i s principally interested in practical, aspects of research, is related to William James' American philosophy of pragmatism. The level of intuition employed in di'Ors' method places scientific investigations on sensitive perception.. The element of conciliation employed dis-misses the apparent antinomies existing between "sc i e n t i f i c " and "intuitive". Conciliation is fundamental to the organization of the total complexities involved in the comprehension of the object or phenomenon. T nus, though d'Ors f i r s t begins intuitively, he organizes and proves his intuition through the logical or deductive organization of that which he perceives. The complexities involved in scientific exactitude are therebye resolved.. The inductive; and deductive approaches, when used on their; own, have tended, according to d'Ors, to reduce a l l investigation to their exterior, or mechanical sequences, thereby^ overlooking individual complexities that act to modify the structure. D'Ors therefore combines both in his method. This approach to Truth, which places extreme emphasis on the social implications of individual action, and develops a sense of primarily human importance in the Universe, leads to thaa metaphysical consciousness present in d'Ors' ideology. In the end 120 of the year gloss, "La metaflsica usual"' (1906), he expressed his position towards metaphysics;L :. "Mentrestant jo, personalment, estic 14 tot alegre de poder-me dir: 'Metaffsic d'estar per casa'." Metaphysics has been defined as: The science of being as such, to be distinguished from the study of being under some particular aspect; ... The term "science" here is used in i t s classic sense; of "knowledge by causes", where knowledge i s contrasted with "opinion".... The causes which are objects: of metaphysical cognition are said to be " f i r s t in natural order ( f i r s t principles), as being founded in no higher or more complete generalizations available to the human intellect by means of i t s own natural power. 15 Metaphysics;, in the Platonic or Aristotelian acceptation of the- term, is the speculation on the ontologicalL origin, through the abstraction of objects to Ideas or Forms, respectively. Consequently, Ideas or Forms are conceived to be "the highest degree: of generalization". This is intimately related to d'Ors* sense of totality referred to previously. When d'Ors referred to himself as a "Metaffsic d'estar per casa", he laid down the foundation for the nature of his own perception of "generalizations". The idea of a "metaphysician at home" defines d'Ors' desire to make practical use of metaphysics by integrating i t into daily l i f e . In the same gloss, d'Ors states that he perceives the notion of Time as the integration of al l . things into the Whole: l a humanita* s'aproxima a una altfssima? integracio'l -Aquesta. integracid e*s l a de totes les coses en l a Vida. Fusid* de l a Ciencia amb l a Vida. Fusio de l'Art amb l a Vida., FusiiS de l a Filosofia - o, millor dit, de la-Sofia - amb l a Vida.... 16 Thus, Life is conceived of as the greatest generality, in which al l . i s harmonized; i t eliminates a l l contradictions. As d'Ors said in quotation thirteen, his system harmonizes a l l contra-dictions. The practical integration of the various composite bodies of knowledge into Life results from a double movement which determines the "stylization" or "formalization" of the object. D'Ors* pragmatic position i s not only based on the practical, but also on the pleasant as part of L i f e . The stylization of the ob-ject i s , f i r s t , the simplification of the excessively complicated; to i t s functional necessities, and, then, the embellishment of this purely u t i l i t a r i a n object, so that i t also becomes a source of spiritual delight. In art, d*JOrs explains that objects of public use have been stylized so that their t r i v i a l , or pleasant, aspect also participates*in L i f e . These objects become spiritually use-f u l : l a tendencia a 1'estilitzacio', a 1' embelliment dels objectes d'us. Per tots els details del modern viure, ha passat triomfalment aquest fet, deixant sobre quiscuna de los coses ut i l s a les nostres; necessitats practiques una carlcia de formosor. 17 The pleasant stylization of the common object reveals its. meta-physicalil. essence. Stylization i s an approximation to the Form, or origin of the object, which, in turn, approximates; the Platonic Idea, and thereby reveals i t s function in Life. Both Plato and Aristotle tried to determine the cause of being as perceived in the generalization of objects, in order to understand the underlying reason:: the true cause or explanation of things i s to be sought, not in the beginningm but the end.... In other words, the question that both can and must be answered, i s . the question] "Why?". To answer "How?" is not enough. 18 D'Ors, whose constant and "passionate" interest i s the pragmatic application of ideas, sees the f i r s t and foremost object of speculation as everyday Life, "bios", since i t is the greatest generality. In order to answer the question "Why?", d'Ors' meta-physics organize the object into a Form. The ultimate Form is consequently the stylization of Life, on the principle of totality, as the harmonious content of the parts. It i s also the simplifica>-tion of the object to i t s essential factors. The stylization of Life is the organization of the composites that gives the object (Life) i t s significance. The latter arises out of the form which represents the essence. D'Ors explains in the gloss , "La metaflsica usual", that : una taula fa viva i es fa immortalL davant els temps i davant les hores, els dies i els cores 19 dels temps.."1 Again d'Ors returns to ,the concept of the reporter infeearch of eternity, here understood as Truth or Perfection, in which man's progress; towards eternity is perceived.. T a e table, once elevated to the Idea of a table, achieves meaning in eternity. The form is therefore eternal or true. From an ontological. point 20 of view, Life becomes eternal when i t i s formalized. before going on to examine d'Ors' formalization of l i f e , one should bear in mind and take into consideration the following corollaries existing in d'Ors' position or system.. When bringing the various constituents of Life into a harmonious fusion, d'Ors primarily understands Life in human terms. His focal point of interest i s Man, and he considers that he is "humanizing" the various composite elements. The organization of any set of objects is feasible only in the measure of Man's capacities. The organ-ization of Life i s j consequently, dependant on man's intellectual capacities, Thus, i t is a function of the "Nous", which becomes the active principle of the Universe, for the "Nous" pertains to Man, as a gift of God; i t i s Man's;divine essence, through which he may find God, D'Ors has asserted his "idealist position" in a highly relevant gloss, "Pragmatisme" (1907), as " l a posicid* ideal d'aquest 21 Glosari", The metaphysical intention erf d'Ors' Glosari is intimately the author"s. sense of enthusiasm, which compensates for defects in favour of harmony. The "Nous" is man's principal instrument through which he can manipulate his circum-stance in order to find harmony within it:: l a posici6 metaffsicaa. en l'home modern no pot cenyir—se ai un dogmatisme, ni abandonar-se a un escepticisme, ni aconsolar—se amb un diletantisme, sine' que, armada, d'un u*til de voluntat, d*arbi-trarietat, deu a cada punt construir nous sistems metafisics, .aptes per a.l'accid*, 22 Man must arbitrate his circumstance by making use. of the "Nous". As we have noted earlier, the "Nous"' i . i s sensitive intelligence, and d'Ors wishes to make maximum usage of the potententials of the various elements, in order to achieve a harmonious fusion of these in Life. The metaphysical construction of this harmonious system is the responsibility of man, who i s both a sensitive and a rational being. Since d'Ors reacts against total rationalism, he admita; that he is> not entirely pragmatic, but haasmodified this system to better i t : com ell s repugnen l a Lbgica sistematica, l a Construed^, reduint-se a una.metaffsica "improvisadora", el ^losador, per u n a i indestruct-ible "fe estetica" creu profundament en l'eficacia de les Con-struccions i troba en sa mateixa Harmonia, en sa bellesa, ra<5 mes sa " u t i l i t a t " . . . . I per. aixb mateix es resis t i r a a abandonar el nou "Arbitrarisme" que l i sembla me*s comprensiu i de mes sentit a r t i s t i c , pel de Pragmatisme, d'un sentit massa limitat. Ara, s i , . . . e l Pragmatisme prengue*s el-nom d' "Humanisme"; i s i aquest humanisme inclogue*s en el seu joc de valor, el valor estetic. a l costat de 1 1 u t i l i t a r i s l a cosa ja foVa diferent. 23 Since d'Ors integrates the "sensitive" or "aesthetic" element into his pragmatic aims, his position is primarily concerned with the totality of man, not with a partial aspect* There develops out of this a sense of man's universal importance. The centre of d'Ors' metaphysical construction or system being man as his total self, the point of view adopted by i t s originator is "humanist". In the above quotations, d'Ors stressed the relative, or improvisatory, nature of man's constructions. This is part of the organization and progress towards eternal truth, as described In d'Ors' theory of the function of the ideal Reporter. Behind this theoretical progress of man towards eternity, there is a certain ambiguity. In the f i r s t of the above two quotations the author implies that the position of man is a reaction to the torment of existential vacuum. Man cannot be dogmatic, nor sceptical, but must determine his own fate through metaphysical constructions. Itt is deducible fribm this that man's arbitration or organization of Life from a certain point of view corresponding to his desires, is in reality the imposition of a certain meaning on Life, which is then put to test. Thus, a certain amount of "f a l s i f i c a t i o n " i s involved in this organization. In a later gloss, d'Ors did explain this existential problem through a metaphorical fable. The gloss, "Les taques. Conte barceloni d'aquestes diades."(l910), is again a narration styled on Santiago Rusinol's L'Auca del Senyor Esteve. Similarly i t i s based on the development of three generations of the petty bourgeoisie. In d'Ors' tale, the development is not narrated in as festive, cynical manner, but rather as a solemn continuation of eternity. The metaphorical element in the tale consists of the traditional, handing down of a suit of clothes from one generation to the next. This suit of clothes is worn only on Sunday to go to mass. There i s , however, a defect in the suit of clothes; i t appears to accumulate certain stains in the same area each Sunday. In order to give the suit an appearance of freshness the owner wipes the stains with benzine, tilhen the father i s about to die, he calls on his son to inform him that during a l l the years since he had given him his suit, he had been lying to him: Doncs, cal que sapigues avui, que no hi ha en tot aixo sino' una mentida pietosa. Les taques de les levites no se'n van. La  benzina 4s una i l l u s i o . . . Tot just aquesta-Zis" seca, aquelles tornen a so r t i r . . . Per aixb, per aixb s6n sempre les mateixes. Les taques que tu creies noves del darrer any, no s6n s i n 6 les mateixes taques amb que jo et vaig entregar l a prenda. No eres pas tu, qui les produis... Ni tan sols vaig ser jo, perque les taques ja hi eren iguals, iguals, quan em va donar l a levita el meu pobre pare... Ja veus que no hi ha en aixb sino error i engany. Pero*, el mon, tot e l l is altra cosa que error i engany?.... 2k After reflecting on the'last problem and seeing that his father i s right, the son resolves to keep the secret, because he understands that i t i s important to continue l i f e , even i f one believes there is some fal s i f i c a t i o n in i t . The isuit of clothes is. the form, or tradition, which contains some defect which we cover with illusions, benzine, but which is our comfort and.; sense of solidarity with fellow men. Thus tradition i s the form which determines what we are and gives us a sense of endurance or stability. The element of fal s i f i c a t i o n or illusion present in tradition i s necessary for the continuation of the form, or l i f e - s t y l e . As d'Ors explains in glosses such as "Una histori de v e i l " and "Un altre v e i l " , both of which date V _ to"~ 1910, men live through illusions. Therefore, the son in the preceding narration decides to preserve these illusions: Perque cal que les generacions es transmetin les unes a les altres aproximadament, una quantitat d'illusions i de veritats. I aixf, el pas dels homes sobre l a terra, a travls dels segles, es una cosa tan profunda, i va resolent-se lentament en una tan solida i meravellosa Continuacio. 25 One should not see in this narration a purely traditionalist argument. As the above quote states, equal amounts, of truth and of il l u s i o n are handed over from generation to generation. Man does progress towards trut-h, as we s h a l l see later on; tradition only provides a stable base for man's achievements, which are progressive. Just as the reporter in search of truth constructs metaphysical systems, which are.constantlyImbdif:ied^«so<?are man's achievements in constant modification, which ultimately culminate in Perfection. Thus man lives in irony, since he depends on two antinomies to give meaning to L i f e * truth and i l l u s i o n . Yet, as tradition i s the largest set of generalizations available to man, i t i s therein that truth l i e s . The formalization or stylization of Life depends on this. The stains of:the above tale are what man tries to erase; they represent the flaw of, human nature: death. Thus the need to formalize, understood as an approximation to eternity, as part of the search for the origin of "ontos", is logically a reaction against the primary negation of the "ontos", which i s understood by d'Ors as being death. Death i s , consequently, the negation of a l l that the stylization, or organization, of Life entails. . It i s the dispersion, or ^.decom-position of unity. It is Chaos. D'Ors expresses this abstraction in an early gloss, "On es l a Mort" : Oh Mort, poderosa regina, per l'humil Glosador t ' l s ara declarada l a guerral Tu el nodries, Mort, el teu negre ventre de Caos, de certes; excelses perfeccions formals, que ara l a gran ciutat dels barcelonins sabra. arrabassar-te. 26 Death, understood here as the protagonist of Chaos, is the destructive agent of the form which represents organization. In opposition to the disorganization sown by Death, .d'lOrs suggests the collective entity, the community or City, which repre-sents man's highest organized and generalized form. The City is founded on St. Augustine's idea of the New Jerusalem, for i t is something eternal.; i t is the Idea of the City; Doncs, aixl anirem fent amb tot, amb l'ajuda de Deu. I ja, en aquesta Jerusalem, construida arbitrariament per nosaltres, cap volca, ni cap terratremol, ni cap pluja de foe podra res destruir... 27 Eternity i s sought in the divine model as arbitrated by man's "Mous". Arbitration, therefore, becomes the organization of external reality in the Form, or Ideas, in order to resist the on-slaught of Nature, as expressed in the above quotation. Contrary to the essentially romantic position, Nature is not conceived of as the source of l i f e , but as a destructive force opposed to eternity or divine design. Man's function is to organize, or harness, this source of energy to his benefit. Through organization nature becomes a r t i f i c i a l . In a humanistic context, as d'Ors has adopted, man must tiring Nature to his measure, ^he theory of arbitration, as conceived by d'Ors, is resumed in the following definitions:. Ii?Arbitrarietat no es llexcentricitat, sino, contrariament, alio* concentric, allb classic. - Es tracta del segitent: En l a l l u i t a de l a l l i b e r t a t humana contra les fatalitats - naturals (1'hostilitat dels animals salvatges, per exemple) - o socials (l'esclavitud, en l a historia, verbigracia) - iquin partit prendra l a idealitafc,?! Posant-se, completament,.absolutament, de l a part d'aquella; afirmant que tota floracic^ humana — art, ciencia, etica — ha d'exalcar i refor^ar l a l l i b e r t a t , 1'albir, l a idealitat crea l a 1'Arbitrarisme. 28 Thus, arbitration i s creation through an act of "free w i l l " or "albir". The latter i s defined as : "Anonjeu® * Albir • l a t 29 " Voluntat ordenada per l a Representacicv', and "triomf de l a volun-30 tat en l a vida". Arbitration i s man's manipulation of his circum-stance; in order to achieve freedom from metaphysical or "existential" torment. ihus, freedom i s understood not as an individual freedom from obligation imposed by the organized community, but as the liberation of mankind from existential torment originating in the problem of Death and Af t e r - l i f e . It i s the achievement of that which is classical, in the sense of eternal. As we may deduce from d'Ors', statements, the theory of arbitration i s entirely dependent on the power of the w i l l to dominate, ^he importance of the w i l l in d'Ors' ideology i s , con-sequently, prior to that of arbitration. D'Ors seems to have been entirely conscious of this when composing the Glosari, and of i t s modernist implications. &ince only two modern philosophers, stressed the importance of the w i l l previous to d'Ors, i t is conceivable that d'Ors was influenced by them. Indeed, the writings of Nietzsche,-seem to have been a principal source of influence for the theory of arbitration. Schopenhauer's use of the theory of w i l l which is based on immobilization and pessimism is evidently incompatible with the sense of "enthusiasm" which d'Ors wished to infuse into his ideology.. This is made clear in the gloss "Ahir a l a ait"'. The Nietzschean approach, however, is not totally rejected since 129 i t represents a form of action and optimism. The inconveniences that faced d'Ors were the anti-Christian sense that pervades a l l of Nietzsche's philosophy, the important stress placed on individualism, and the general "romantic" connotations of this system. D'Ors partially solved this problem by creating ai three-voice level operative in the Glosari. The f i r s t voice, is that of Eugenio d'Ors:, which, though constantly present behind the work, is that of the passive figure, or poet,of the "Oracle* a Dona Maria Blanca". The second voice i s that of "Xeniue", who represents the ideal Reporter, or "Glosador", as d'Ors explains in the gloss "De com el Glosador es diu Xenius" (1906). The name is essentially a play on words, which derives from d'Ors' f i r s t name,"EugeniV, turned into "Genius". The third voice, possibly the most complex and directly Nietzschean and "modernist" is that of "Octavi de Romeu", who is presented throughout the Glosari as a friend of Xenius. "Octavi de Romeu", in fact, refers to a pseudonym of d'Ors, used throughout his l i f e to sign his own drawings or paintings. It i s of great importance., to note that this alter-ego is considered by d'Ors to be: "1'Octavi de Romeu - mon mestre dilectlssim". References made to Octavi de Romeu are characteristically accompanied by such phrases as "Aixl* parlava 32' l'Qctavi de Romeu", "— "Thus spoke Zarathustra". Octavi de Romeu's sense of superiority which rests on his strong sense of class-individualism is pointed out in the gloss "Josep Maria Sert, noucentiste" (1907), and his elitism in "Tal dia com avui" (1910). Octavi de $omeu is described as a master of arbitration; as a 1 perfect gentleman, he dominates the situation at any moment; "son meravellos domini sobre les febleses n a t u r a l s " D ' O r s justifies 0. de Romeu's individualism by the fact that he i s an aesthete and a dandy, but he warns that he i s a very unpleasant person: "Em 5k limitare* a repetir que l'Octavi de ^ omeu, home antipatic..." . Aestheticism becomes a partial justification for his disagreeable character and repulsion of the masses, because he already belongs to the realm of the Ideal. D'Ors, who is a "reporter"', is more profoundly attracted to the masses: "Esguaaideu-les, les multituds. ' 35 Sapigueu esguardar-les amb un esguard amoros, f i l i a l ' " . The w i l l , therefore., loses i t s individualistic implications in d'Ors' ideology when i t is harnessed, or organized to function in a social context. Ahe social integration of the wi l l results in the creation of the City as an ideal. As quotation twenty-eight above, pointed out, arbitration i s classicism,. We must, therefore, understand that "classical" in d'Ors' vocabulary has the basic meaning of "organized consciously and sensibly". Thus he defined classicism in those terms: Quan die Classicisme, vull dir sentit de les proporcions.(I ho vull dir perque. e*s aixf com s'ha de dir.) Precisem mis encara : Classicisme es sentit "religios" de les proporcions... I, per consegiient, significa una disposicic' eminentment intel-lectual. Es tracta de l a Intel'ligencia, l 1 Intel'lectualisme, e*s el que dona sentit a la tradicio* patrfcia. que ens ve dels grecs. E l l a uneix en una-ssola i noble famflia, a trave's dels temps, artistes, f i l o -sops, savis, p o l i t i c s , poetes, desde Pitagoras fins a Josep Carner. 37 The specific sense of harmonious proportions, as d'Ors defines 'classicism, implies the idea of "harmonious organization", and consequently " pleasant organization". It therefore requires Intelligence, in the sense of "nous", that i s both sensitive and rational.„ The evolution of GrecoSRoman culture is part of the inheritance of the Mediterranean people, and, therefore, is funda-mental to the tradition of Catalonia. Intellectualism-is the content that gives a meaning to the form of tradition, because i t has a continuation through time. Again, tradition, as conceived by d'Ors, is not hollow, but rich and dynamic, as i t evolves and perpetuates i t s e l f through time. As d'Ors furthers his definition of the intellectual tradition, he explains that the intellectual organization of the object is also what one may c a l l the capacity to abstract. According to Xenius, classicism begins with Pythagoras: qui havia apres l a geometriaidels orientals, una geometria purament sensual., on els problemes es resolien per l'aplicacio* material de mesures planes, unes damunt les altres, i quan no es podia passar de figures, arriba a donar un pas mes, d'originalitat propia;., i troba un teorema, purament intellectual,-que es demonstrava per l'absurde i no tk possibilitat d'esser-ho per les figures... E l dia en que aquest aconteixement s'acompli", una era nova va comen-^ar per al mon. Aquell dia, l a nostra Raca va neixer. 38 Classicism, therefore, elevates the sensual to the abstract. It is the organization of purely sensual conceptions of understanding to their intellectual comprehension. The continuation through the ages of this intellectual tradition is the continuation of the Greco-Roman race. This knowledge of racial origins gives sense, or identity, to the community. Intellectualism,understood in the above terms as the supercession of the sensual comprehension of l i f e , can become removed from the v i t a l context. Also, classicism, reduced to c']b-sheer intellectualism, though i t may be part of the identity of the Race or community, is not a valid, or relevant, expression because i t lacks content. D'Ors expressed the need to unite both of these concepts in what he considered to be humanism. In his own words: Tot Classicisme que, no sigui animat per un Humanisme £s una closcaa sense f r u i t . I tot Humanisme suposa dues coses: pie viure material 1 pie-viure- ;ihtellectiur;. o, ben concretament J Riquesa i Curiositat. 39 It is the synthesis of the intellect into Life. Through i t s enthusiastic attitude Life inspires the intellect, and Life, the content of the intellect, reflects the same v i t a l plenitude: s i (Xenius) s'entusiasma amb l a Renaixenca i elogia el mateix segle XVIII, no 6s sols pel que l a literatura d'aquest temps deu a Horaci, sind* pel que el seu viure deu a Rabelais i l a seva ciencia a Galileu i a Pico ;della Mirandola. ko D'Ors* understanding of Humanism places great importance on the figure of Rabelais, the ideal Renaissance man. Rabelais represents both the "bon vivant", =-±.he man of flesh and earthly desires, and the man of great curiosity and knowledge. Indeed, d'Ors described Rabelais in those terms:; Mestre Francesc Rabelais es, dels homes de l a Renaixenca, el mes Renaixenca: el qui ha-, re unit mis opulent suma de sensualitat i de curiositat o, millor dit - perque es tracta d'una cosa uhica de sensualitat-curiositat* En aquell temps ditxos l a vida i las. Ciencia foren tot u: i ho foren de g^ ran i generosa sabor.... Les ^  coses s'esguerraren mis tard. La Ciencia caigul en l a supersticio d'ella mateixa, fins arribar a It'abjeccio antivital del positivisme. hi Humanism, understood in d'Ors' frame of reference, forms a reaction against excessive rationalism, which must be differentiated from Intelligence, since i t lacks the vital,sensual element that gives plenitude and harmony to Rabelais' work. The sensual-curiosity i s the concept of the "nous" which places Intelligence in a v i t a l context. T nus, the reaction of d'Ors against positivism, which is part of the general reaction against the nineteenth century, de-lineates his "pragmatic" attitude against afepurely mechanistic conception of society.-The importance attributed to humanism in d'Ors' social-;" ideology stems from a wish?for his community to participate in man's conquest of Intelligence. As the Glosador explains, this represents for Catalonia* an effort to integrate i t s e l f within the Mediterranean tradition, that i s , to achieve a national identity by asserting i t s racial characteristics, and by being able to re-late to other nations. This involves a return to the sixteenth century, for then Catalonia,as a cultural entity, had ceased to exist virtually, and had not been able to take part in the great humanist flourishing: Pantagruel, f i l l de Gargantua, partint del port Thalassic, en l a companyia dels seus, dins una gran mestressa nau, cap catala no s'afegfs a l a joiosa companyia. El toiso. d*or de t a l navegacio no era res menys que l'Hamanisme. Pero a nosaltres, restats a platja, no ens va tocar cap part del boti'. Vol dir que d'e'sser arribats a l'edat contemporania sense haver passat per l'esperit del Renaixement, encara n'anem geperuts: i que 4s avui empresa heroica l a guarir-nos d'aquest gep. kp The aim of Noucentisme is to classicize Catalonia in as much as this represents the "humanization" of the country. Humanism, how ever, i s understood as enlightenment. Since Catalonia began i t s decline in the sixteenth century, d'Ors considers that i t has always remained in the pre-^enaissance of the fifteenth century. Noucentisme must f i l l , the gap between the sixteenth and the twentieth century. '^he enlightenment which d'Ors professes that he wishes to bring about i s scientific and pedagogical. As the Modernists before hinrj, d'Ors wishes to leave the obscurantism int which traditionalists had fallen. His humanism is a "Renaissance sp i r i t in the f u l l sense of the word, a reawakening of curiosity, which implies a search for knowledge and culture through the understanding of the "classics". "Knowledge", thus understood, is the instrument that en-ables man to understand his circumstance in order to arbitrate i t . Faithful to his imitation of classical humanism, d'Ors incorporates a l l manner of human knowledge in his definition of Science. The wi l l to incorporate a l l forms of human knowledge into l i f e also entails an open attitude to the exterior. Curiosity is a reaction against any form of "casticismo" or excessive national pride and chauvinism. It requires of the individual an internationalist attitude. D'Ors' humanist approach to knowledge is best expressed in the following quotation:. Ii no t€ dret un poble a fer literatura horaciana,.si no fa horac-iana l a sevaa existencia, procurant que mil naus duguin a sos ports els productes d*Orient. I no te" dret una literatura a omplir—se d'estrofes safico-ad&niques s i abans no l'han incorporada a l a humanitat molta de fi l o l o g i a l l a t i n a i grega, molta d'hist<3ria, molta d'arqueologia, molta de filosofiaa, molta de fisiologia. i tot A» P E R dir-ho en quatre paraules, clarament, UNA INTENSA FEBRE.r D'ESPERIT CIENTTFICT k~3 The interest in Science., which is understood not only as knowledge^, or natural and applied science, but as "Wissenschaft", as in the Krausist school, is an intent to " c i v i l i z e " man. Man as a humanist is interested in al l . human things. Thus he is ultimately interested in understanding fellow men. He must, therefore, communicate and relate, so that his social act becomes c i v i l , within the "Civitas", and, therefore, c i v i l i z e d . The signification of the word "Civilization" in d'Ors' vocabulary can only represent that which is classical and humanistic, as we have defined these words, for i t is from that tradition the Culture arises. His statement in the prologue to the edition of the Glosari 1906-1910 thereby becomes clear: l a Cultura, es sempre, i per xntima llei,tradicional i ecumenica." Occidental Culture i s always traditional because any of i t s manifestations inevitably finds i t s origins in the Greco-Roman and Christian, or Medi-terranean tradition, and ecumenical! because i t is based on intern-national c r i t e r i a . As we have indicated earlier in this thesis, d'Ors' classical posture is in reaction to romanticism, the nineteenth century tradition* The intimate association between romanticism and Rousseau's admiration of Nature make; ii? easy to understand that, for the most part, d'Ors' c r i t i c s have conceived of Romanticism and classicism as two diametrically antithetical movements. One should note, however, that d'Ors never proposed a complete definition of romanticism, but, rather, he commented on i t s special aspects, or generalities, when comparing i t with 'classicism. D'Ors' fundamental reaction against romanticism stems from his metaphysical battle against Nature. Romanticism, as-defined by d'Ors, is the negation of unity represented by Classicism. Thus i t was fundamentally uncivil: Ell romanticisme, aqui, com pertot arreu, va trobar, en l a seva aversio envers l a vida corrent, dos temes de llunyania predilectes: el tema histSric, que duia l'amor a les coses medievals; el tema geografic, que l i donava una-predileccio per les terres exotiques i - segons el mot adnfts - verges". k5 In the context of this quotation, the phrase : "aversio* envers l a vida corrent" expresses the "excentric" and"anti-humanist" quality of romanticism, as i t tends to seek that removed from the c i v i l community. As we also noted earlier, arbitrarism, which is essential to classicism,is; "concentric" and leads to unity. Romanticism, because i t is excentrie, tends to dispersion and disolution. "Exeentricity" originates in the longing for exoticism, or something out of reach, such as medievalism and the cult of the wild. Since Nature is understood to be a destructive, uncontrolled force, the "cult of the wild" is the idolization of savagery, founded on the belief in the noble savage; i t is anarchy. Anarchy is the justification of individualism at i t s maximum potential. Logically, i t is then deducible that individualism is contrary to Civilization. The fundamental difference between classicism and Romanticism i s the opposition between the individual and collect t i v i t y . The "classical" artist as a social being is interested, not in nature, nor in himself, but, because he i s a "humanist", in the social implications of his art.. In a discussion on Parnassianism, d'Ors expressed the idea that:. "Deixant aApart, deixant lluny tot parnassianisme, sempre quedara l'obligacid 'classica', de puresa art£stica,impedint als poetes les caigudes antisocials, i n c i v i l s en anecdbta, o 'pathos'I.." ^ The roman-t i c writer applies his art on that which is individual, and this preoccupation is expressed in "anecdotes", that i s , fragments that do not reflect the essence of Life, but only an infinite^simal part of i t . This dispersed vision is inevitably faced with the overpowering presence of total circumstance, because i t places too much emphasis on the particular and i s out of focus with the whole. The poet, consequently, projects a "pathetic" vision of Life, for his point of view originates from sentiments and not reason. In the classical vision "cap sentimentalisme no les taca, sino* que es mantenen en serenitat, en malenconia greu, noble..." The point of division between Romanticism and classicism is that, whereas the latter is an expression controlled by the intellect, the former is that which is abandoned to the whims of the sentiments. It is important, however, to understand that d'Ors does not wholly reject romanticism. The intellect may control, but i t does not totally obliterate the presence of sentiment in expression. The "totalizing" endeavour of d'Ors' ideology cannot completely reject sentiment, since that too belongs to Man's "nous". Romanticism, the irrational, exalts the individual and raises him to the level of "genius". As a genius, such as Byron and Nietzsche, man becomes divorced from society, because of his superiority. Classicism, as the sense of proportions, harmonizes social relations and integrates the genius into society to serve his social function. Thus the genius imparts his superiority, or better judgment, as "taste" to society. D'Ors explains this as follows:-•..Classicisme vol dir, en essencia, aixo : valor de superioritat concedit al Gust sobre el Geni. I Romanticisme, aixo altre:- valor de superioritat concedit al Geni sobre el Gust. No us apresseu massa a cridar a heretgiaj Penseu que el Gust no es t a i vegada una altra cosa que el Geni socialitzat. kS Socialization i s , as we have seen above, intellectualization understood as abstraction1-, or organization. There is in the above quotation the implication that d'Ors' classicism is in fact l i t t l e more than the organization of romanticism within a social context. The implication is rectified by the following quotation used, and accepted, Vby d'Ors, which is originally by Maurice Barres: "Jo crec que un sentiment dit romantic, quan arriba a un grau superior de cultura, esdeve* classic... Devenir classic, senyors, e*s, decididament, detestar tota sobrecarrega, es assolir una delicadesa d'esperit, que rebutja les mentides, per araables que es facin, i que no pot gustar ja sino' e l que es ver: I s , en una paraula, devenir mes hones£." 49 Classicism, in this statement, is a development of romanticism. It i s a clarification of the untidy "tota sobrecarrega', so that the expression approximates Tnuth^iv,'devenir honest". The que6t for Truth in Life, which i s the aim of intellectualism, i s , metaphysically speaking, the organization or stylization of the object, which is the product of arbitration. In the above quotation we note that (classicism i s the -simplification, or organization,of -romanticism. It i s , in d'Orsian vocabulary, the elevation of the anecdote to the 'category. This Category i s , in fact, synonymous with the Platonic Idea or the Aristotelian Form, with the added sense of order, or hierarchy, included in i t . Thus, the Category by simplification reduces the object to i t s essence, which is the closest approximation to Truth available to man. Similarly, we may say that classicism is the reduction, or "essentialization" of romanticism. She social ideal of d'Ors, when elevating the anecdote to the category, rests on the ideal of the City. The latter i s also understood in terms the classical tradition. The "City" has, of course, classical resonances, such as the city-state of Athens, etc, but for d'Ors what matters i s the idea of a tight and harmonious social organization with a sense of form. In a series of glosses written in 1907, "Estetica de les eleccions", "La Ciutat t r i a " , " V i g i l i a " and "L'Endema", d'Ors tried to define the classical, implications of the City. The Hellenicworld*has'legged t b . m a n T - i -kind^three*creations:'statuary art, tragedy and the City. D'Ors considers the City to be the most beautiful because i t combines the other two. A-Hegelian aesthetic progression i s also implied here: Eerb de les dues hel«llniques creacions - l a Ciutat i l'Estatua encara Is l a Ciutat l a mis bella. Te", damunt l a linea, el move-ment. Es alhora Estatua i Tragedia. TrageMia en el. mis elevat sentit de l a paraula: espesctacle d'un moviment nodrit de l l i b e r t a t . 50 Though the City represents restraint and organization, i t is dynamic and alive:;. Its movements are determined by the arbitration of a group of individuals who co-exist within a community, and whose participation and co-operation determine the future of the City. The tragic sense alluded to in the above quotation refers to the arbitration of the citizens within the City. Through elections men choose the destiny of the City and thereby determine, not only i t s fate, but their own. Thus, as in Electra and Frometheus, where the heroes' acts and decisions determine their fate and make them tragic figures, so is the City tragic. As an antonym of "Nature", the City i s regulated or organized. Similar.:ta the regularity present in tragedy, the regulation of the City comes from the progressive development and from the passions that underlie the tense restraint, or form, of the heroes.. There i s , consequently, in the City, as in tragedy, the formation of rhythm that develops out of the opposition, of the various controlled passions;; I, com en l a Tragedia classica, aquesta bellesa essencial: l'aus-tera limitacio* d'expressioV En l a Tragedia classica, l a c r i s i de woluntat per l a qual. travesse*s un heroi eixia, mesurada, numerada, ponderada, en els peus del vers. En les Eleccions, l a mis profunda c r i s i de voluntat cfvica ix, mesurada,. numerada, ponderada,, en els noms de l a candidature. T l un metre determinat. En e l l cal que. l a ciutat ho expressi tot: amors, odis, dolors entusiasmes, ideals, coleres, venjances, agralments.... 51 The City i s a form, stylized by the regulation of i t s rhythms. These are controlled by rules, or norms, that condition c i v i l l i f e . This concept is fundamental to d'Ors' theory of urbanity. Urbanity is the manner in which an individual must act within the City, ^he fate of the ^ i t y is determined, in great part, by the "heroes", and then by the participants in the "tragedy". These participants must act according to the norms that condition the degree of the relation established between two. characters;. This entails the suppression of extreme individualism, for the individual functions in society in as much as he works for the achievement of one greater ideal,from which he w i l l then reap particular benefits. The treatment of the individual in d'Ors' ideology, consequently, leads to a certain amount of depersonalization, and man truly becomes a mere actor en the stage of the City. There is in this a very existential corollary: man must participate in this com-munal effort in order to give significance to his l i f e ; Els que es proposin espectadors restar, demll no sabrien gaudir-ne. La festa sera tfhicament per als actors. Diu avui aquesta f i l o s o f i a nova d'America, tan interessant, que ha pres nom pragmatisme. E l coneixement es f i l l de l'acci6. El sol mitja. per a coneixer una cosa -, 4s f e r - l a . 52 Action here i s understood as the individual's participation in society in order to erect the City, as the crystallization of action that gives sense to Life; the gloss "L'Endema" elaborates on this idea. Thus, knowledge of the joy of participation in the construction of anseternal structure can only be had through active arbitration of circumstances. This gives sense to the individual's l i f e , because through his action he has l e f t some mark on the passage of Time. Arbitration of circumstance i s , nonetheless, founded on an a r t i f i c i a l situation, since i t is purely the fruit of man's arrangement. D'Ors did contend, on the other hand, that a r t i -f i c i a l i t y and "nature" were mere variations of the same thing, their distinction being very relative. It i s essentially a point of view, or matter of degree, and the acceptance thereof by the individual. On this d'Ors did say something very important. The Creation i s understood by d'Ors as being the product of God's universal mind arranging a prime substance. It i s therefore a r t i f i c i a l (, as; the meaning given to this adjective in a l l of d'Ors' work the arbitration of an object) :. Quan es pensa en Deu Creador - Suprem Artifex - tota l a creacio' es quelcom d' " a r t i f i c i a l " ;*ai r e v e l s , davant les obres de l'home mes a r t i f i c i a l s encara, l a creacio es natural... 53 D'Ors' point of view is that this world i s imperfect, and that perfection arises out of the degree of a r t i f i c i a l i t y . God, as Supreme A rtifex, has arbitrated the prime substance to his uni-versal Will, but his creation,as opposed to "nature": with a small "n", has; ^ remained a r t i f i c i a l . D'Ors had explained in 1905, in the prologue to LLa  muerte de Isidre Nonell seguida de otras arbitrariedades, that. arbitrary art : "antes que imitar a l a naturaleza (as£ con minus-5k cula) prefiere imitar a Dios". What d'Ors indicated, when stipulating "nature" in small letters, i s that the artist should be ah a r t i f i c e r - "Artifex" - and not imitate the imperfect vision of nature, but as God, impose his w i l l on nature so as to create i t s Idea or form. The artist should stylize or organize, that i s , arbitrate, the object perceived and elevate;it to a greater level of reality. A r t i f i c i a l i t y i s , consequently, the rearrangement of brute reality, nature, into Nature, or Reality. It is man's.. adjustment of prime substance to the Ideal measure.^ The arbitration of reality to i t s Ideal measure leads inevitably to the codification, or stylization of reality. This codification i s Culture. As we mentioned previously, d'Ors1 conception of Mediterranean Culture i s governed by the conjunction of two traditions, Greco-Roman and Christian. Both of these con-dition man's perception of reality and his capacity to idealization. As both traditions find their expression in mythology, the idealiza-tion of reality perceived! through the heritage; of tradition i s man's mythological sense.. A r t i s t i c arbitration i s , therefore, the v.v^'. artist's ability to mythologize reality present before him. Mytho-logy i s for d'Ors the formal expression of reality, projected into eternity, since mythology is timeless., D'Ors' admiration of Rodin had lead him to express the belief that the French sculptor was a prophet, and an essential philosopher, who,elevated reality to i t s Idea:: Filosop, ens revela, no un aspecte de l a realitat, sino* el ritme de l a realitat plena.... Modela en vius slmbols el gran bloc del misteri. Aquella gran obra. col-lectiva dels pobHes en infltncia:: l a creacid-d'una Mitologia - que es l a revelacio" de l a seva consciencia en imatges — e l l , Rodin, l a repeteix, avui, i l a repeteix tot sol -convertit en organ essencial de l a revelacio de l a consciencia moderna. 56 Rodin i s expressing in mythological, or eternal,cfeerms?present reality. Thus, Rodin's arbitration raises reality to i t s mytho-logical or eternal state, and elevates the lowest instincts: of mankind to an ideal state. It thereby sublimates the profligate to the beautiful, the carnal to the spi r i t u a l . According to d'Ors, Rodin has revealed the Ideal that l i e s behind the base form. As a prophet, Rodin can perceive the divine in mankind. The consciousness that the artist has of "mythological" beauty that elevates man to his "divine" essence i s elaborated upon in the ensuing quotation:. L-'home de l'edat de pedra, que es desperta a lasllum; Adam i Eva, que, inclinats al pes de l a culpa, semblen sostenir sobre les seves espatlles, que l a paternitat enforteix, l a volta entera de tots els humans dolors; els Burgesos de Calais, figures gairebe" grotesques embellides per l a presencia de l'anima augustai de Ciutat; l a Faunessa jove, ardent d'animalitat beata; aquell bust de dona que l a tristessa fa noble i-enigmatic: el monstruo's Balzac (..;) s 6 n per a nosaltres, s6n per a l a consciencia humana actual,,quelcom mi's que alegories, molt mi's que imitacions de cossos; s6*n represen-tacions de vives entitats sobrenaturals; s6n Imatges, Iconos, sers nodrits de divinitat i perennals en l ' e x i s t i r , i miraculosos per virtut de presencia.... 57 In this statement, d'Ors seems to imply that the sense of mythology separates the savage from the ci v i l i z e d man, because the latter has an understanding of that which is divine. The elevation of reality in i t s primary, or immediate, form, mythology, implies not only divinity, or eternity ("sers nodrits de divinitat i perennals), but, as the qa*a±* suggests in "embellides per l a presencia de l'anima augusta de l a Ciutat", mythologized figures of reality are an approximation to Civilization; for they represent the conscience of social unity and are, consequently, a " c i v i l " expression. In this way divine w i l l i s perceived by d'Ors as latent within man's social consciousness. Mythology is a social espression that affects directly, not the individual, but the group to which the artist belongs, be-cause i t i s a collective heritage. D'Ors went on to express the national importance of Mythology:: Sant Jordi i el Drac. Mitologia nostra, mitologia essencial, nacional. Ai del pohle que deixa marcir l a seva mitologiai Alia on exiateix fervor social al contrari, l a mitologia no sola-ment daura el passat, s i n ! que es projecta en l'avenir. Un mito central, col-locat en l'avenir, is una font d'energia, d'accio, d'heroisme. 58 Mythology i s consequently the set of ideals that impels-men to action. It i s not only what gives men a sense of beauty and a moral conception of union with fellow men, but also what inspires men to heroism, that i s , the sacrifice of individualism for the benefit of the group. Its "essential" or "eternal" quality renders i t beneficial to mankind, not only in the past, but also in the future. The . a r t i f i c i a l i t y of i t s nature is fundamental to i t s timelessness. Being timeless,mythology i s a measure for the future and invites men to participate within the community or nation. More than an ideal that gives meaning only to the individual, i t establishes the cultural values of the nation to which the individual belongs. It therefore benefits not only the nation, but the individual, since i t gives him a sense of identity. As we have stated previously, mythology originates* from two sources, the Greco-Roman world and Christianity. The latter i s divided into two tendencies, Roman Catholicism and Protestantism. D*Orst, whose values are tied to the destiny of the Mediterranean world, could not defend the secession of Protestantism, which Luther himself had not desired. His defence of Catholicism was founded on the same logic as his defence of classicism. Romanticism and Protestantism both originating in the Germanic world tended, in d'Ors' interpretation, towards individualism, and consequently to dispersion of unity. They represented anti-social tendencies. It must be noted, however, that between 1906 and 1920, d'Ors, whose general attitude was conciliatory, and who opposed himself to dogmatism, never did o f f i c i a l l y repudiate Protestantism on theological grounds. On a l l occasions d'Ors tried to comprehend, and just as the dictates of the humanistic internationalism that he advocated required, he proved quite tolerant. His 1910 glosses of Munich are an example of his tolerance. The opposition to Protestantism which he demonstrated is only a refutal of individualism. In the gloss "Mis notes de Societat", d'Ors examined the national psychology of Germany. He concluded that Germans were externally c i v i l , or formal, but at heart they were definitely individualists. C o ntrary to the Germans, Latins are externally rebellious or individualistic, but internally disciplined. D'Ors then went on to explain that Luther 's doctrine was an effort to discipline Germans internally:. Tres grans temptatives de canvi en l'anima germanica: Carlemany, Luter, Goethe. Totes tres, fracassades. Es tractava de sotmetre els alemanys a una disciplina interior. Infitil. 59 Luther 's efforts to simplify the ecclesiastical apparatus and re-turn to the origins of Christianity*taera^basically aimed at inte-grating Christian doctrine into the l i f e of the individual. It was a form of vivification of religion. His opposition to the revolt of the peasants and to the anabaptists also indicates his true desire to maintain the unity of the Church. D'Ors, with the support of his theory of the internal schism in the Germajiic attitude, goes on to contend the following:. En el cas del luteranisme, sobretot, I s curio's de veure, adhuc avui dia... com el principi del luteranisme l l u i t a contra l a doctrina luterana, o, en altres termes, com el viu exemple de Luter, que es quelcom de profundament germanic, l l u i t a contra 1'obra de Luter. El conflicte I s , ;per-tot-lalemany protestant, entre el seu cor i l a B^blia, entre l'esperit protestant i l'Esgllsia protestant. Qui triomfa de veritat, I s el primer element. D'aqul Schleier-marcherj d'aqui tota l'exe'gesi protestant moderna, des de Strauss^ a Harnack, passant per Baur. iQue vol dir, en sentit psicolbgic, tota aquesta exe"gesi?. Vol dir %ue l<';o.brar.luterana ha estat i n d t i l per als alemanys. Vol dir que aquests s'han c i v i l i t z a t j : s'han socialitzat d'actitud, pero de cor. 60-It i s very important to note that the limiting adverbial phrase, "per als alemanys", indicates that Luther's work has not been entirely useless. Indeed, d'Ors' "anti-casticismo", pragmatism, his interest in learning and humanism can only agree with ideas concerning the vivifying of Roman Catholicism and i t s integration into secular l i f e . As we should r e c a l l , d'Ors condemned Rierola's dogmatic, traditionalist Catholicism. Without openly supporting Lutheranism, d'Ors does not censure Luther's ideas, but the German individualistic s p i r i t . Luther's personal opposition to the Church which produced the schism of the Reformation, is what d'Ors per--ceives as unviable to collective Christian l i f e . In this sense, Luther's l i f e worked against his work. In a subsequent gloss, "Luteranisme i Hellenisme", d'Ors confronted Lutheranism with Hellenism, and demonstrated that they were antithetical.. Hellenism, understood as the sense of propor-tion,conveys the idea of harmonious unity, which Protestantism denies historically., Hellenism i s , however, compatible with Catholicism, which etymologically signifies "the whole together".. Religion i s , for d'Ors, a total experience. The Church is a com-munity and the individual finds his religious experience in the Church, when the latter i s understood as the gathering of men. D'Ors' belief was that religion i s the exchange and participation of the individual in a communal endeavour. Therefore, the essence of religion depended on the sense of community, as the body of Christ, received in participation. Thus, he firmly believed that religion existed outside Church buildings, especially in public places, that i s , outside the institution. This belief was expressed in the gloss "II vetlla de concert": klxb mateix ho vaig sentir fa alguns mesos en un concert de nit, a l a Catedral de Ginebra. La Catedral restava en 1'obscuritat. El concert era d'orgue. No obstant, em va ser impossible obtenir el menor recolliment. Aquf, en canvi, en un teatre, entre Hums, entre escots, oint aplaudiments i aspirant perfums, aquesta musicai s'ha fet r e c o l l i r fins a les mateixes fonts de l a vida. Es que soc de sang catolica... Tambe n'era Wagner. I estic dubtant sobre s i Joan Sebastia Bach n'era o no. 6 l Religious experience i s , according to d'Ors, the sense of p a r t i c i -pation. The Church, thus understood, is not an institution dis-tinct from secular l i f e ; indeed, i t i s a secularization of religious experience. It i s , as the Greek ItocXtftflol, an assembly. Religious experience found within secular society is:a fundamentally immanentist point of view , for i t i s an effort to find spiritual values within society. The references to R. Wagner and J.S.Bach are of utmost importance to understand this concept. Wagner, who was the hero of the Modernists, had fought for the revival of spiritual values inaa materialist art. He was, however, ^ermanis and Protestant, though he evolved to "paganism". Yet d'Ors considers him a Catholic, because he revived spiritual values and because his art is a massive stage operation that captivates the audience and makes i t a total social experience. Similarly, J.S.Bach, who was a Lutheran, i s considered by d'Ors to be a Catholic, because the musician's attitude to his art was social, ^his is best summed up in the following statement: He regarded himself as a conscientious craftsman doing a job to the best of his ability, for the satisfaction of his superiors, for the pleasure and edification of his fellow men, and to the glory of God. 62 Both Bach's and Wagner's work is consequently social. Its func-tion was to inspire the secular community, especially in the case of Bach, where i t is the edification of man's spiritual Christian values. The importance of man's secular expression is such that Art must serve a social function. Art is not only the expression of the Self, but i s , above a l l , a means of communication. As such, i t brings together the community. The artist must participate in the community. Even though d'Ors rejected naturalism and such ten-dencies of the nineteenth century, he continued to respect those artists who had taken an active" part in po l i t i c s . He maintained that even though their"art" might be forgotten, one could not dis-miss the importance of their social a c t i v i t i e s . An important example of ;this is the great respect d'Ors showed for the free-mason, Zola: ^...aquella gran figurad'Emil Zola... vel, r i c , respectat, popular, r e c o l l i t dins l a f e l i c , calma de son benestar i de sa feina., va saber tot sacrificar-ho... I aquell clam va substahtivar-se a i x i : "Jo acusoi"... -Heus aqui que l'home de lletres no 4B ja un home de lletr e s , sin6 un ciutada. Heus aqu^ue, en un moment, per ser el mes alt, per ser el me*s noble, per ser el mes vident entre tots, ha pres sobre d'ell, en acte magnific de paternitat, el pes del dolor de tots. 63 Zola, who forsakes his own comfortable social position to take part in society and i t s destiny, in the arbitration of national destiny, becomes immortal, not for his previous work, but for his p a r t i c i -pation in the Dreyfus case. The value of art, consequently, rests on i t s social importance. D'Ors elaborated on this belief in a gloss on the fundamental importance of the national character of a r t : Xenius roman p a r t i d a r i de 1' "Art c i v i l " . Creu que un a r t i s t a s o l i t a r i e*s sempre,me*s o menys, un a r t i s t a mutilat... Quant a l a f o r t a poesia, sempre l'he v i s t a , en l a int i m i t a t restar r e l i g i o s a . i P e r a nosaltres, e l s - l l a t i n s , religions vol d i r gairebe' e l mateix  que p o l f t i c . Perque no podem i s s e r r e l i g i o s o s a soles, com els protestants, sin6 que, c a t o l i c s de nosaltres, ho som sempre en companyia, en companyia c i v i l . 64 The significance of r e l i g i o n , or "C&tholicism", as d'Ors understands i t , i s p o l i t i c a l , s i n c e . i t i s secular, and thus i t i s immanent. It i s , however, also transcendant, since i t partakes 1 i n the construc-tio n of the ^ i t y . Art, since i t must also contribute to the s o c i a l formation, i s p o l i t i c a l . Since the p o l i t i c a l e ntity i s an expres-sion of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of man i n the community, or " p o l i s " , and i s a communal experience, art i s said to be r e l i g i o u s . Art that i s " c i v i l " i s consequently also r e l i g i o u s , since i t expresses the i d e a l values of the community. A l l l i f e thus perceived must be s o c i a l . The function of the i n d i v i d u a l i s to contribute to the construction of the i d e a l C i t y . As an actor i n the City,the individual's judgment determines the fate of the community. The fundamental problem i n the f u l -f i llment of d'Ors' i d e a l i s t p o s i t i o n i s , therefore, the "albedrfo" or f r e e - w i l l of the i n d i v i d u a l i n society, The l a t t e r must con-form to the norms of the community, even i f he i s to contribute to.the a l t e r a t i o n of these norms. The communal desire to formalize s o c i a l l i f e on the basis of a Mediterranean t r a d i t i o n , r e s t i n g on c l a s s i c a l and Christian i d e a l s , demands that the individual's l i f e also be formalized.. As d'Ors explained i n the gloss "L'Essencia de l a vida", the generating p r i n c i p l e of l i f e i s formal perfection. The metaphor used by d'Ors i s that of Crookes' accidental, scientific discovery of the glycerine crystal in I867. This f i r s t glycerine crystal is the matrix of a l l subsequent glycerine crystals. From this d'Ors deduces that perfection generates perfection. In a similar manner, so that society may achieve formal perfection, the City, individual l i f e must be formally arranged, in order to create harmonious social relations. With this implication in mind, d'Ors forwards the rhetorical question:"£La essencia de l a vida no es x i f r a r i a sempre en l a suma perfeccio* formal?"^ This is in opposition to the romantic conception that brute matter, or "imperfection", is Life; "Davant una cosa imperfecta, un romantic 67 diu: 'Aixo es l a vida!..." Thus, according to d'Ors, Life, is not the prime substance, but arbitration, or formalization, thereof. Since models of such individual formalization exist mainly in Catholicism, d'Ors aimed at the formation of what c r i t i c s such 68 as J.L.Aranguren have named a "secular saint". The point of de-parture for the normalization of the will, was found in the prag-matic ideology of W. James' successor, J.Royce. The latter's book, The Philosophy of Loyalty, was resumed by d'Ors in a 1908 gloss of #he same name ("La f i l o s o f i a de l a l l e i a l t a t " ) . In this book, Royce stressed the fundamentally moral responsibility implied in the relations existing between the individual and the group.. The problem of individualism l i e s in the assertion of identity, or personality. Royce overcomes this d i f f i c u l t y by suggesting that identity is vindicated only through relation with the group. D'Ors resumed the position as follows: La teva personalitat no existeix en tu, viu eh les relacions entre tu i els altres. E l teu f i moral, en cada moment de l a teva vida, es girar-te envers les altres. Com seras lliure? £Com guanyaras l a independencia?... Escollint lliurement una causa. Perb, un cop hagis escol l i t , "servint-la", fins al s a c r i f i c i de l a teva vida. Servir e"s l a funcio' de l a l l i b e r t a t . 69 Freedom and personality, in the above quotation, are l i M t e d to their ethical, or collective, end. Loyalty to that end i s the basis of a l l moral purpose; i t is loyalty only to a chosen cause. The w i l l must choose that cause. Again, under the i n f l u x ence of the pragmatic school, d'Ors knows that the choosing of that cause depends on the attitude of the individual. In this, W.James' book, Ther.Will to Believe ( 1 8 9 6 ) , seems to have had a considerable impact on d'Ors. Though he glosses on i t only in 1909, he seems to have had some knowledge of i t at an earlier date, undoubtedly during his studies in France. It was in that country, under the tutelage of Emile Boutroux, to whom he refers frequently, that he was intro-duced to the philosophy of W. James. The latter was originally a psychologist interested in the conditioning of optimism. D'Ors commented on this aspect of ilames' works as early as 1907, in the gloss " 'Curaci6 mental', s ' i l vous p l a i t " . James believed in the importance of action^ as a means of conditioning the mind. He maintained that the exterior attitude leads to an interior parallel, that i s , to smile leads to happiness, and conversely., to be happy leads to smiling. D'Ors referred also to fames' book, "Les varietats de 1 *experiencia religiosa", and explained that the disciples of James: Professen un arbitrari optimisme, que defensen i tracten de fer crlixer, per una metodica disciplina exterior, en l a qual entren certes prescripcions i prohibicions, cerimonials i rituals gairebe*. 70 The external discipline alluded to in the above passage refers to the formalization of individual l i f e - s t y l e s . The Will to Believe, which is an essentially moral work, also stresses the importance of the formalization of l i f e in matters of faith. This was by no means a new idea to Christian writers, but i t is of singular im-portance that d'Ors, in an effort to "modernize" Catalonia, re->; ferred, not directly to St. Ignatius, but to a modern protestant writer, who was applying these ideas in a secular context. In these glosses d'Ors does not mention the problem of faith. His primary aim was to modernize Catalonia, but not to upset the existing stability. Yet, this innovation was directly aimed at a religious problem. As we have mentioned previously, d'Ors perceived a lack of discipline in the Latin character. :.:if Germans were considered unruly internally, as great individualists who followed the Lutheran example, Spaniards were undisciplined; externally. The problem, owing to i t s national or traditional character, i s Catholic, and the solution proposed by d'Ors found i t s expression, in the context of secularized religion, for in the ideal City, p o l i t i c s , art and religion are one. This solution was elaborated upon in the series of glosses: "Entorn de l'educacio' de l a voluntat":!—¥ 1 1 " ( 1 9 0 6 ) , "Tasca de Quaresma " I - VII (1908) , "Guia de 1 'albir en els nerviosos i escrupulos " ( 1 9 0 9 ) . In the f i r s t group of these series, d'Ors suggests that the fundamental problem originates in man's resistance to action, because the w i l l is two-sided. Since i t originates in our nature, i t i s disorderly and incapable of constructive action. Yet, i f i t is ordered, or organized, i t becomes a tool compatible with any ideal chosen by the individual until he automatically becomes the ideal embodied, or represented, by these actions. Thus, man simulates what he desires to be, in order to become that ideal. Man acts out his part so that the "persona" or "mask" becomes his true image. D'Ors explains: Els sentiments generen els actes. PerS els actes, a son torn, poden generar, per l a repeticio", sentiments. I com a l a i n t e l ' l i — gericia directriu l i es m6s f a c i l de produir 1' exterior i t at-, d' un acte, que; l a interioritat d'un sentiment, utilitzara. habilment una s&rie d'actes, encara que sigui buida, per adquirir un sentiment que mestard es traduira en actes;> i llavors els omplira de. sub-stancia. En una paraula, es tracta de servir-sse,estrate'gicament, de l a  simulacio. 71 This is an imposition of the intelligence on the w i l l in order to achieve; an ideal. It i s an arbitration of individual destiny that w i l l find i t s expression in the City. The traditional, models of this-"therapeutic" treatment are:; Pascal and Saint Ignatius of Loyola, who set forth the idea that by going through the gestures of religion, man begins to believe. D'Ors' point of view, based on a more aesthetic and pragmatic set of c r i t e r i a , i s secular. Man, the actor in the theatre of the City, as in a play, develops the important sense of ifaythm which, when i t is continually repeated, establishes a norm in Li f e . There consequently exists the problem of continuity of the w i l l — How does one continue the individual rhytiim? D'Ors' answer is that continuity l i e s in inspiration: man can only be inspired by the lives of exemplary men. This i s a short-termed solution, for individual contin-uity is impossible. A l l ends in death, and therefore, individual struggle leads apparently to failure. For d'Ors the consolation of man l i e s in his effort to turn his l i f e into a work of art. Individual formalization transcends the bounds of the immediate; i t approximates eternity.. Thus, as the Reporter's ideal i s to find eternities, but these are continually modified in order to find the Ideal or ^ivine model, so i s the individual formalization a trans-formative step towards that Ideal. Hence d'Ors explains:: L,,:,exit?-... -No sere*" jo d'aquells que us diguin que no importa. Es bo; 1'exit. Eero no e's el me*s bo. Val mes un noble intent sense exit;, que un pie exit sense intent, per casualitat, buit d'albir. V6s intenteu rimar-vos energicament l a vida. -Fareu l'esforc. Tot l'exercit enemic de les naturalitats, de les fatalitatS:, es posar^i enfront de l a vostra arbitrarietat guerreral Guanyareu unes batalles; altres, les perdreu. Mes vindra l a mort, i entrareu a l a suprema ll i b e r t a t ; i , llavors, esvaides, talment com fantasmes, totes les tropes enemigues, restareu sol. I us trobareu l'anima ordenada, rimada. I vd's, pel vostre intent d'avui, us sentireu, en aquell mom-ent, l'artesa del vostre propi ritme. I direu amb mi. Beneit 1'intent... 72; This passage, much as the "Oracio a Madona Blanca Maria',* does deny the absolute success of the individual man, or art i s t , to overcome nature or fa t a l i t y . Yet i t takes comfort irii the satisfaction man draws from the effort made to achieve social perfection. In the two series of glosses that follow, d'Ors went much deeper into the actions that could socially redeem the individual's failure. The second series, "Tasca de Quaresma", presents the problem from a more overtly religious point of view. It i s a resume" and commentary of the l i f e of St. Francis of Sales. Again, i t s corner-stone is the conoept of the domination of the -:JV will, through external actions. The difference primarily resides in the more theistic inclination of this series, in which d'Ors specifies the necessity of cultivating, not a certain virtue of which one is particularly endowed by nature, but the totality of a l l Christian precepts. This requires not only discipline, but method. The latter i s man's capacity to arbitrate his condition. The arbitration of man's social condition requires a sense of tradition that gives meaning to the community to which the individual belongs, and, consequently, to the individual himself. '*-his meaning,inherent in tradition, rests in what d'Ors names the Holy Continuation; 'Encara que els stngels de l'escala de Jacob tenen ales, no per aixo volen, sind* que pugen i baixen per ordre, de grao...* ... S6n aquelles (paraules) el millor sirabol del Classicisme, del-metode, de l a Santa Continuacid', que es pugui trobar. 73 Arbitration of individual w i l l i s the acceptance of social norm in order to continue a spiritual struggle which modifies- collective: destiny. D'Ors goes on to quote St. Francis of Sales : "no ens torbin, doncs, les nostres imperfeccions, perquei: en combatre-les / Ik consisteix l a nostra perfeccio". Thus, the individual w i l l can-not despair or accept a sceptical outlook on l i f e , for the know-ledge of human failures i s also a benefit. Since man knows them, i t i s these that man must seek to overcome in order to achieve perfection. The arbitration of St. Francis of Sales is based on two principles that imply each other; heroism and asceticism* The individual, struggle i s the continuation or maintenance of national values against adverse conditions; i t is both heroic and ascetic. As d'Ors has previously said, heroism in the confrontation of adverse forces is a "noble intent" that enriches the value of the individual's actions, for in the end i t is noble. D'Ors interprets St. -Francis of Sales' heroism as a rebellion against excentric passion. In d'Ors' words, he rejects romanticism., In the words of the saint, this romanticism is represented by: certes coses que molts tenen per virtuts i que no ho s6n pas, ... Aquestes s6n els extasis, o raptes, les impas.sibilitats, unions deifiques, elevacions, transformacions i altres perfeccions de les quals tracten certs l l i b r e s , que prometen exalcar I'anima fins a l a contemplacio purament intellectual, a l'aplicacid essencial de l'esperit, i l a vida sobreeminent...aquestes perfeccions ho son virtuts sin<$ recompenses que Deu d6na per les virtuts, o unes mostres de les fe l i c i t a t e de la vida futura, que algunes vegades es concedeixen als homes,... aquestes gracies no es pbdem adquirir per treball ni industries. Perque mes son passions ..... 75 Saint Francis of Sales 1 heroism i s his confrontation with his existential circumstances, which he attempts to arbitrate to the best of his capacities. It i s a "noble intent" of perfection and not a pseudo-mystic evasion of reality. Kather, he attempts to modify this reality. His arbitration is accompanied by a sense of fortitude which in a l l his acts corresponds to intellectual normal-it y , which responds directly toiihis social circumstance.. His asceticism is not that of most saints, who chose poverty, or mortification of the flesh, which represents a deviation from normal, or secular,life, but rather, a severe-elegance compatible with daily, secular l i f e . . It i s normalized asceticism. To attain the state of purity, Saint Francis conr- ... : sidered i t important to establish a constant harmony between his exterior and interior appearances. Thus, severe elegance, which is external beauty, reflects the state of the soul, '^his was1? in accordance with the teachings ..pfiShrist, in the saint's words:. "Nostre Senyor, que en l a seva vida mortal, ho va fer tot 76 parellament a S O B germane, excepte el pecat." The asceticism of the saint i s the severity of the application of normality, for his l i f e i s one devoid of uncontrolled, "natural" emotions or passions, and one aimed only at the participation of the soul on earth. To the sensual, or passionate, individual this might seem an austere l i f e removed from any form of pleasure. Yet some pleasure is to be found in the fact that this is part of a motion towards the Holy Sp i r i t , and the betterment of man's condition on earth. Fundamentally, this arbitrary betterment i s considered to be a fight against E v i l : " l a voluntariosa alegria en que* els: bons hagin aconseguit de mantenir l a seva anima, amenaci de decaure -, 77 que e l l s , per desfer, l'operacio de l'Enemic, cantini..." The religious metaphysics of the saint's ideology find-an immediate application in secular interests. The saint remained within society and to d'Ors, he was, above a l l , ani;i,artist. His main achievement is aesthetic. It is the stylization of his own l i f e , which, through technique and arbitration, he has made into a work of art. Through an act of individual w i l l directed to the expression of an ideal, Saint Francis of Sales endeavoured to achieve that ideal by never stopping or finding satisfaction in his work, but continually modifying i t to approximate the divine model: arborat son desig fe un gran foe ideal, ferma l a voluntat en l a decisio" de dur a l a perfeccio' d e l * ideal totes les imatges. Hue el Devot Vividor no es altra cosa que un artista. L'anima propia . e"s l a seva obra d'art. I sense acostar cada dia mesal foe de 1' ideal divi l a seva obraa, el bon artista no s'assossega. 78 The ideal of Saint Francis of Sales i s not carried out in the same manner as that of most other aaints, who are considered by d'Ors to be excentric because they set themselves apart from society. Thus, just as St. Jerome, some of them remove?/ themselves physi-cally from social intercourse, while others, as St. Francis of Assisi, differentiate themselves through excessive virtue, and yet others, like Santa Teresa, remove themselves-spiritually. Thus., according to d'Ors, Saint Francis of Sales' sanctity is "pragmatic" or "humanistic", for i t integrates the practice of the spiritual ideal into daily l i f e . The third series, "Guia de 1'albir en els nerviosos i escrupolosos", goes even further into the importance of the inte-gration of the individual w i l l into society. It also renders more explicit the religious and secular manners of self-control. The fundamental theme of this series i s s t i l l :. " l a reorganitzacio de 1'albir i , tant com fos possible, el seu futur funcionament normal" The source of the problem is considered as the romantic inheritance, that has l e f t twentieth-century man in a state of constant neurosis The importance, of individualism stressed by the Somantics has alienated the individual from the group. This state of alienation or solitude has l e f t the individual helpless * against the elements of fatality that plot his destruction. The individual's neurosis is-his fear of the passage of time. He is uncertain of his future. D'Ors* solution i s that the existential circumstance of Man i s fundamentally irremediable, but the torment that results from i t may be remedied. The control or arbitration of individual future is man's opposition to fata~Lity. There i s , therefore, in this solution, a certain measure of resignation, which i s counter-balanced by an-: active, or optimistic, attitude that'.originates in the hope to assert the collective ideal against f a t a l i t y . D'Ors considers that:"... val rue's - ... avui per avui - que, sens per— judici d'esperar-ne l a guaricio, acceptis l a teva malaltia i feblesa, i provis, tanmateix, malgrat e l l a , d'exercttar el teu ' Since the source of this problem l i e s in romantic individualism, d'Ors condemns individualism. It i s a manifestation of egoism and represents a desertion from the group, for the individual abstains from participating in society. The remedy for individualism lie s in i t s antonym. From a religious point of view, individualism is a manifestation of the sin of Pride, and hence the solution i s humiliation. The subjectivity of the individual must be repressed by the objectivity of the mass. Pride is personal subjectivity, whereas the mass i s more objective because i t is a generalizing factor. Thus: PER UN ACTE ESSEN CI AL;>D«HUMILIACIO. V u l l dir, sortint d'un mateix, i deixant fondre l a prbpia • individualitat en el. mar de les realitats exteriors. Prenent banys d'objectivitat... -I per a aixb cal sobretot, sotmetre's a les coses que semblen inferiors, vulgars., grolleres. Cal conformar-se amb els instints obscurs, amb el sentit comu de les gents, amb les fosques tradicions de l a propia..-raca amb els topics i les practiques mis exteriors ,me's ingenues de l a fe popular*.. Cal "s'ab"e*tir" segons el mot profund de Pascal. I no discernir, no judicar, guardar-se l a c r i t i c a . 8l Inspired by Pascal's Jansenistic belief in simplification, d'Ors proclaimed the importance of the simplicity of the individual. The latter must conform with the group in order to return to the traditional., or essential.rhythms of the "race" or community to which he belongs.. Scepticism, and the"semblance" of originality that often accompanies scepticism, are excentric because they oppose this tradition which is the basis of Culture. In the above quotation i t should be noted that d'Ors places great emphasis on the return of the individual to the beA<-l i e f s of his community. The book on which d'Ors based these glosses was written by a German Dominican, Father Raimond, and is consequently directed to a devotional community. D'Ors, who 6<-t-' perceived the intellectual and aesthetic drawbacks of the work, also perceived i t s pragmatic u t i l i t y . He therefore undertook to make these same precepts function^ within a secular context; that i s , to secularize religion: Conte' preceptes; i en ell a els preceptes representen una part de l a r&6 de l a seva forca... Devem,doncs, comengar per fer-nos aquests preceptes,procurant portar-los a una psicologica general— it a t , tradnint de vegades al llenguatge munda el que en llenguatge devot s'expressa eh el llibre". 82 Since in a religious context humiliation i s a fundamental art of obedience, this also finds a parallel in a secular context. For d'Ors, obedience is a form of freedom, since i t frees the A individual fribm scruples and nervousness, torment that leads to the neuroses of the twentieth century. Obedience, because i t places the weight of conscience on someone else, is an act of submission on the part of the individual. In d'Ors' cosmic scheme, man works towards perfection, as exemplified in the work of St. Francis of Sales; the sense of responsibility is not lost, but amplified. The individual does not understand the designs of God, and his subjective interpre-tation of reality loses perspective of the Whole. Neurasthenia is the "sentiment d1incompletud" that results thereof. Following this definijbionsid1 Ors explains that the "sense of unfulfillment"' comes from the preoccupation of the victim with details that acquire a disproportionate magnitude in his l i f e . The excessive mania for detail represents the unharmonious nature of the victim, who,/as an emotionally unbalanced being, i s subject to unnecessary torments.. This tormented sense of unfulfillment is accentuated by the victim's tendency to interrogate himself on the validity of memories: l a ''mania d' interrogacio de records", de l a "mania de precisio' en els. records'- , de les manies de presagi i interrogacid de sort, de transcendencia, de rebusca, dSexplicacid... 84 Since d'Ors considers that Life has no comprehensive meaning outside the collective ideal set up by the individual, the sceptical interrogation of the validity of parts to Life distracts the individual from the vision of the Whole, or the Ideal. The ensuing loss of perspective causes him to face "Nada", which in turn weakens the w i l l , or hope of action, and allows torment to set i n . The individual who stops to question the detail excessively, when i t is removed from i t s harmonious context as i t functions in the progress of the community, i s evading his responsibilities towards the group. It i s important that the individual respect the norms of the community:. Res mes eficac contra KI'exacerbacio de responsibilitat" que aquest "sentiment d'incompletud" suposa, que 1'admirable; d i s c i -plina i el suprem confort representats per 1'Obediencia... 85 D'Ors does recognize, however, the numerous possibilities of deviation from the norm, even i f the individual wishes to be obedient, f-he tendency to autonomous movements that lead to the questioning of details is a constant factor in man's l i f e . As an antidote to this, d'Ors f i r s t suggests the methods of Father Raimond, which are Prayer and Confession. Both of these actions are important, for they constitute a means of communication, the f i r s t with God, and the second with GQd and men in the figure of one man. At this point, d'Ors makes an important parenthesis on the power ;.of language. When Adam was f i r s t in the garden of Eden, he named a l l things around him and was, consequently, given control of them. Thus d'Ors states that in the same way, language is man's power to exorcize e v i l , that i s , to "arbitrate" ^haos. When man names an object, he perceives i t s reality and becomes i t s master, because speech organizes reality; Anomenar una cosa 4s esdevenir el seu senyor. Que fa l'esperit quan anomena? Engrapa un boc£ de realitat, que l i era interior i l i era un peaar; i el treu enfora i el modela a l a propiaiv. imatge i semblanca. ... Aixf, anima turmentada, treu a fora el teu turment. Anomena'1. Explica'l. Explica'l, ,.ho amb l a l f r i c a complaehca del que cerca una voluntat sin<5 en aquesta exterioritzacic'; perque" llavors el turment et creixeria i et tornaria a dins; s i no amb l'afany de precisio'cdiART, del qui vol definir, que e*s el roe's alt anomenarr» 86 To name an object is to define i t in rational terms, since i t involves the f u l l comprehension of i t s nature. In order to "name" an object, d'Ors specifies that the act cannot be " l y r i c a l " , that i s , spontaneous and emotional. It most be a function of reason, which through understanding establishes a harmonious relation with the context. This is a form of harmonious rationalism. Con-fession is a method of rational objectivizing. It cannot be carried out with a friend or relative, because these would guess in advance the word, and thereby subjectivize the process. To objectivize i t , rather, one should confess to "un home que no et sia un amoros parent o amic". Owing to the power of language to control exterior reality, confession becomes a means of ordering, or rationalizing the source of anguish. According to d'Ors, Confession is consequently the individual's liberation from passions. In a similar way, Prayer i s based on the precise nature of language. The difference, from Confession rests on two factors. D'Ors explains that the object of Prayer is a dialogue with God or Eternity. It is not an exposition of torment, but of desire or ideal. Through Confession man rids himself of torment. He is then free to express in Erayer his true desire as precisely as possible, in order to capture the ideal of that desire. Thus, as Erayer captures the true "reality" of the ideal, is brings about the realization of that desire, which, like the Prayer, must be constant in order to be f u l f i l l e d . D'Ors goes on to explain the nature of prayer in terms of collective liberty from f a t a l i t y * "El nostre desig es l a nostra llibertat.;! Vet aqui l a i n f i n i t a l l i b e r t a t i l ' i n f i n i t poder s'aj-un— ten. I l a i n f i n i t a l l i b e r t a t din a l ' i n f i n i t poder: "Vina amb mi 88 pels camins de l a reallitzacions' ..." Prayer, thus defined, is man's w i l l united to Divine w i l l in order to achieve the Ideal of the City. There i s in this definite pantheistic overtones, for the prayer i s understood in secular terms, and the secular and religious are one.. jThe prayer i s an act, and as d'Ors, has stated earlier, the repetition of acts leads to the realization of the desired object.. The prayer is therefore a way of l i f e ; i t is constant. In a pantheistic conception, Kanftdepends on Cod and God also depends on Man to f u l f i l l his creative pos s i b i l i t i e s . D'Ors ennunciates this concept in'1 his understanding of the nature of Prayer, for, as he states, "infinite liberty", Man ("Albir") joins "infinite power" (God). As an act to incorporate individual w i l l into collective? w i l l , Prayer i s an end, but not a solution in i t s e l f . Should i t f a i l , d'Ors returns to his previous suggestion of simulation, and introduces what he calls the method of "compensation". This method i s considered by d'Ors to be heroic, for i t is the absolute affirmation of the w i l l , and originates in Nietzschean principles of superiority. It is a form of arrogance by which a man, conscious of the weaknesses of his w i l l , strengthens i t by dominating a person of weaker w i l l . This leads to self-assertion and strengthens the will:-una le les parts exagera el sentiment o estat en que tambe comenpa. a trobar-se l ' a l t r a . Si aquesta no es arrossegada i segueix, una reaccio' es produeix en e l l i cerca llavors compensacio en un senti-ment o estat contrari. S'ha observat, per exemple, que s i dos companys travessen plegats una peripecia, el menys temerari pren el partit de tenir enteniment s i veu a l'atre molt excitat... La natura humana I s feta talment, que el millor per a deixar l a irresponsibilitat de " f i l l " I s sentir-se l a responsibillitat de "pare1'. 89 Thus, the w i l l of the individual i s increased when, by dominating another man, the individual feels the neeessityibf responsibility. By feeling responsibility to one individual, he becomes responsible to a number of other subordinate entities that form a community. The.adeal towards which man works is too complex for the individual, to understand.fully. Divine w i l l is unknown to the individual. It i s the fulfillment of the divine w i l l that matters and, consequently, a l l rests on the importance of the human act, since, as we have seen, man f u l f i l l s the ^ivine ideal. At the end of the series of glosses, "Guia de l'Albir en els nerviosos i escrupalosos", d'Ors explains in ten points the way in which the individual must act. It is fundamental to the subsequent fulfillment of human acts that the individual isolate each of his actions, so that i t is complete and so that he does not stop to consider them individually. Man thereby achieves normality or conformity with society, because he becomes an actor, and, beyond the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the act i n '.' i t s e l f , nothing matters. xhe sense and consequence of his act are i n t r i n s i c , for through i t s quality the act becomes a piece of art, and thus achieves some approximation to eternity. For th i s reason d'Ors quotes Goethe: " E l millor que pot fer un home sobre l a 90 te r r a 6s durar." ; that i s , to ensure Continuation. The meaning of L i f e i s i n the object i t s e l f . Man i s , from b i r t h onwards, a sinner, but his consolation l i e s i n brotherly love, social, co-operation, which i s the essence of L i f e i t s e l f . In order to have any sig n i f i c a n c e , the ind i v i d u a l must part i.e.ipate, or act, i n society, with constancy and consciousness of his r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , and respect for the norms of that society. Should his individualism clash with the norms, then the i n d i v i d u a l must humiliate himself by doing what repulses him most. I f , on the other hand, he i s uncertain of the ide a l that he must set for him-s e l f , he should select a person of his s o c i a l rank and question people on the l a t t e r ' s defects and merits, i n order to imitate the model gentleman of his class, as defined by society. He should also compare his l o t v/ith that of less fortunate people, i n order to r e a l i z e how close he i s , humanly, to the l a t t e r , and to perceive the irony, or vanity, that l i e s i n his material well-being, that i s to say, his mortal condition. D'Ors' f i n a l point i s that man's salvation i s to l i v e i n irony:-La i r o n i a , vet aquf l a salvacid. S i ets noma's i n t e l l i g e n t , seras incapaj; d'heroisme, perque l a teva c r f t i c a deturara l a teva accid. Si ets nomes heroic, seras incapac d 1 i n t e l l i g e t t c i a , perque l a teva accio* et demanara. ceguera, i no discerniment... S i pots arribar a 1'admirable po s i c i d d'ironia,sabras ser alhora supremament i n t e l l i -gent i magnificament heroic. 91 The conciliatory position' adopted by d'Ors requires of the ind i v i - - i dual that he be neither too rational nor excessively emotional, but that he find the happy medium that harmonizes both tendencies* Man must make use of his "nous" to arbitrate his l i f e , and never lose perspective of the importance of living and having a sense of continuity, as found in social l i f e . A l l social l i f e obeys a number of rules,in order not to infringe upon which, man's l i f e must be formal, that i s , disciplined. Discipline is art. As d'Ors has pointed out earlier, man's expression in naming, or articulating the definition of an object, must not be spontaneous, but controlled. In other words, i t must be done with Art. If man's l i f e i s to be, as d'Ors has stated repeatedly, a work of art, then i t should be formal. We. may deduce from this that, for d'Ors, "hbucentiste" art is formal.. The various aesthetic precepts developed in the Glosari 1906—1910 rest on a statement made by d'Ors in 1906, which para-phrases the ideas of the Protestant, neo-Kantian. theologieM, Schleiermacher: "Signeu, davant elles, artistes, prenent de les coses 1'aparenca i 1'entitat enseras com Schleiermacher, el teolog 92 11 exigia." The form must reflect the essence of the object. The latter i s approximated to the Platonic Idea. In order to represent the idea of the object, i t must be severely stylized. The form must reflect the true, or v i t a l , nature of the object. Stylizing, which is the organization or arbitration of the object, is , as a l l forms of order, dependant on the point of view of the individual. To know the true identity of the object, the latter must, be free of the artist's subjective passions, so that the art form may be objective. As in the case of man's organization of his l i f e , the ar t i s t i c object depends on the wi l l of the individual, combined with general w i l l . Inevitably, art is the mirror of the a r t i s t . It i s his expression, even when i t is an act of communication. Thus, the organized w i l l which obeys and perceives the v i t a l elements of tradition, or in<other words, as d'Ors states, that which makes culture continual, w i l l produce an art form that re-flects the v i t a l elements that n&titute. the object. This fundamental relation of art to Culture makes of i t an intellectual art. It is arbitration of, and resistance against, nature; i t is consequently a r t i f i c i a l . In an important gloss., "Glosa d'art" (1909), d'Ors. expressed the theoretical precepts employed in the formalization of noucentiste art. The origin *-'.of a l l art is man's longing for immortality, for beauty is immortal, and art is the expression of that beauty perceived by man. It i s , therefore, the source of ideals. Art is also a social act and the expression of a l l beauty in the march of progress is a r e v i t a l i z -ation, or renovation, of an ideal perfection; v. that i s : "En el somni hi ha el germen de tota renovacio: es com.gsi I'anima amforauplena de vi d'immortalitat, es vesses pel cos, donant-li l'estremitud i 1'embriaguesa d'un natalici." 93 Art, like a dream, is a renovation of ideals. It is a betterment of nature, an as such i t perfects matter already in existence. As in the case of the Reporter, art adds a new sense of ideal . Each piece of art is a modification of our sense of essential perfection, and forwards man's approximation to Eternity. From this conception of art, d'^rs elaborates his ten precepts, as devised by Octavi de Romeu. In order to perfect 168 nature,^ that i s , to arbitrate i t , the artist must be detached from his object. Thus:: "El primer deure del paisatgista es no 94 formar part del paisffi^ge."y Once removed from the object, when i t ceases to be his individual interpretation of what he perceives, the artist must consider the moral implications of the painting; that is : "II. Collocat 'enfront' del paisatge:, ffsicament i moralment." and "III. Tenir l a sensacid que el quadre es fa sol i s * > 95 que es el mon alio que el pintor fa." The idea implied here is that, just as the individual man accomodates his style of l i f e by conforming to the general pattern, and thereby reflects.; the same fhythms as the iuoiversal architecture, so must the individual scene reflect the clarity, or eternity, of the cosmic organization. Since the painting, as a work of art, reflects Eternity, d'Ors be-lieves that the scene must be illuminated, that i t must be free, of shadows which create details or points of individuality that detract theiiaesthetic object from i t s ideal form. The scene, must k~ irfadlate.idivine light. To approximate the ideal form of the object, the artist must be conscious of the fact that the object which inspires: him is hot the whole of Reality, but only i t s shadow. Thus the immediate copy of an object is not Reality, for this l i e s behind the object, in the form. The fourth precept derives from this idea: "Saber que l'arbre que copies ja no sera e l mateix quan 1' 96 " hagis copiat." The irony of this statement is that, in the imitation of nature, man does not "immortalize" the object in:a work of art, for in the flux of time a l l changes constantly and evolves. Thus, as in the precepts of the prologue to La muerte 4e . < de Isidre Nonell seguida otras arbitrariedas, i f the artist wishes A to find eternity, he must not copy, but, like God, arbitrate nature. The eternity underlying an object perceived i s "sensed" by the a r t i s t . Once removed from^.the object, he must organize these sensations harmoniously, so that they truly reflect the beauty of the object, and not his personal interpretation of Beauty. D'Ors explains that sensations act as a buffer between the xobject and it s subsequent intellectualjL,izaition: "V. Cobreix-te de les teves sensacions com d'un reia l mantell. Disposa-les en plecs harmon -97 iosos.", and "VI. Preveure el marc futur." y f The artist, having understood in the present the transitive quality of the aesthetic object, must apprehend the present in terms of the future, so as to span eternity in his work. Eternity i s found in the organiza-tion of the sensual elements of beauty pertinent to the object. The ideal form is thus approximated, f i r s t through the senses and then through their intellectualization. In this there is an amorous relationship. Sensually the lover-artist becomes enraptured with the object, but when this object is no longer in his immediate presence, when he is removed from i t , the qualities of the beloved object are emphasized and the defects forgotten. The object is idealized. D'Ors, therefore, explains how the artist must love the object, in the seventh 98 precept: "Ssguarda amorosament. Oblida generosament. The intellectual idealization of the object arranges i t s constituents in harmonious prpportions that stylize the object. The object i s therefore stylized in such a way as to represent i t s ideal form. The landscape, to which these precepts refer, must represent an ideal, or cosmic, vision of the world: "El mon es una arquitectura. Refe's el mon, s i vols, pero sempre amb arquitectura. 99 Art is consequently no.t a spontaneous art, but the arrangement of reality into a real creation. This arrangement, or arbitration, in art of a given vision demands that the artist be primarily an a r t i f i c e r , who can arrange the object with taste and order. The scene i s a mirror of the art i s t , for i t is his creation. He is the measure of the scene. In this sense, i t is done in his image, but he is not the protagonist, because he is removed from the scene Once created, i t is beyond the control of i t s a r t i f i c e r ; i t is i t s own protagonist. Precepts nine and ten clearly enunciate this principle: "IX. La mesuar del paisatge ets tu.", and "X. Pero tu no n'ets el protagonista. El protagonista del paisatge £ . " ... 100 es el paisatge.I1 D'Ors' predominantly humanist p°oint of view places man as/the measure of a l l things. There is inevitably a certain personal level, in the interpretation of the a r t i s t . T n i S subjecti-vity is only reduced by the fact that the artist has already stylized or objectified his own l i f e to function with the whole of society.. Thus, the protagonist of the landscape is not the. a r t i s t , because, as d'Ors has suggested above, i t ?.is;.a;:.cosmic> vision that is beyond the creator ( from which he is "removed"), but as i t s own protagonist, i t represents the.fulfillment of his creative possibilities, which he has set into the architecture of the landscape. Again, there are important theological overtones to this aesthetic theory. As d'Ors had stated in his prologue to La muerte  de Isidre Nonell seguida de otras arbitrariedades, the "arbitrary" artist must imitate God. The theories which d'Ors conveniently attributes to the. enigmatic Octavi de Romeu, the master arbitrator, clearly define arbitrary art, and the religious implications are obvious. These are the rules according to which the work of God, the "Creador - Artxfex, i s conceived. There i s a definite paneritheistic concept involved in this. The a r t i f i c e r who produced the scene has le f t some reflection of himself in i t ; he i s the "measure of the scene". On a theological plane, this reflection of measure is God's essence perceived within the Creation . It is immanent. The fact that the Artificer i s only reflected in the Creation - which per-fects i t s e l f - suggests that in the Creation there are accidents distinct from His nature. His existence and essence are distinct for although He is i t s measure, He i s removed from the Creation. As such,."• the .scene i s i t s own protagonist, that i s , i t f u l f i l l s the possibilities inherent in the Creation. The fulfillment of the Creation is consequently reliant on Man, who i s the only being capable of perceiving Divine essence and design. Thus, God is reliant on Man to f u l f i l l , his creative potential. Since, however, Man is part of God's Creation, Man is also reliant on God. The Creation is the ideal set into motion by God's "Nous", and as such i t pertains to the "Nous" which is in God. Man, as a l l the Creation, is consequently in God's "Nous", the active principle of the Universe, and f u l f i l l s a transcendental function. As d'Ors has stated previously, he understood the times, the twentieth century, as being the moment in v/hich a l l things would be integrated into the Whole of Life, and even the opposi-tions would find harmony. Noucentisme i s the integration of man into the Divide Ideal of the City, of which Cod is the A r t i f i c e r . It i s the metaphysical integration of a l l things into the "Nous". It is consequently logical that d'Ors1 theological view was predominantly secular. As we have seen before, d'Ors considers that art and poli t i c s are always religious and that the Church <.: exists outside the institution. In other words, the abstraction, the transcendence of God, had to return into Life. If man, through mythology, was united by the immanent essence, or Culture, then the continuation of this, which d'Ors calls "heroism",lis transcendental. The importance of the secularization of the; "Church", that is of the Whole, is basically an expression of religious Modernism. litotes to Chapter VI 1 E. d'Ors, Glosari 1906-1910 (Barcelona : Selecta, 1953) p. 9 4 0 . 2 A Greek-English Lexicon, compiled by H.G.Laddell and R.Scott (Oxford : Clarendon.Press, 1901) 8 t h edition,.p. 1009. 3 Glosari p. 6 0 . 4 Ibid. p. 6 0 . 5 Ibid. p. 60.. 6 Ibid. p. 6 2 . 7 Ibid. pp. 6 1 - 6 2 . 8 Ibid. p. '62. 9 W. L i t t l e , H.W. Fowler and J. Coulson, The Shorter Oxford  English Dictionary, ed. L.T. Onions (Oxford.: Clarendon, 1965) "p. 8 0 2 . 10 Glosari p. 6 2 . 11 Ibid. p. 134. 12 Ib'id. p. 1141. 13 Ibid. p. 1147. 14 Ibid. p. 3 4 3 . 15 A. Dictionary of Philosophy, ed. Dagobert D. Runes (Totowa : L i t t l e f i e l d , Adams and Co., 1970) 16 Glosari p. 3 4 l . 17 Ibid. p. 341-342. 18 W . R . a . Guthrie, The Greek Philosophers (New York : Harper and Row, I960) p. 126. . 19 Glosari p. 342-243. 20 One should note that there is implied in this belief of man's progress towards the harmonious whole, not to say "God", through work in order to ach*4ve revelation, an essentially modernist religious position, very close to that of pantheism, which we shall resume and obviate in the conclusion of our thesis. 21 Glosari p. 636. 22 Ibid. p. 637. .23. Ibid. pp.: .637-638. 24 Ibid. p. 1308. 25 Ibid. pp. 1 3 0 8 - 1 3 0 9 . 26 Ibid. p. 102. 27 Ibid. p. 1 0 3 . 28 Ibid. p. 242. 29 Ibid. p. 1 2 8 l . 30 Ibid. p. 3 6 l . 31 Ibid. p. 8 6 8 . 32 Ibid. P. 7 6 9 . 33 Ibid. p. 507. 34 Ibid. PP. 5 8 3 - 5 8 4 . 35 Ibid. p. 84. 36 As we page 275 shall, see, towards the end of this thesis, ChapterVIII , d'Ors sees Nietzsche as a step towards classicism. 37 Glosari p. 1259. 38 Ibid. p. 1259-1260. 39 . Ibid. P. ^55. 40 Ibid. p. 4 5 5 . 41 Ibid. p. 1336. 42 Ibid. p. 1335. 43 Ibid. pp. 4 5 5 - 4 5 6 . 44 Ibid. p. x i i i . 45 Ibid. p. 974. * 6 Ibid. p. 9 7 0 . 47 Ibid. p. 971. 48 Ibid. p. 1552. 4 9 Ibid. p. 1319. 50 Ibid. P« 3 9 6 . 51 Ibid. P- 397. 52 Ibid. P» 398. 53 Ibid. P« 952. 54 Op. C i t . P- 215. 55 Implied i n the two preceding quotations i s an important theological problem. When d'Ors states that the Creation i s the work of God the Creator, understood as the "Suprem Artffex", that the Creation i s a r t i f i c i a l and that God i s an " a r b i t r a t o r " or architect of Reality, he implies that God has arranged prime substance. In order to arbitrate an object, some de f i n i t e substance must already e x i s t . The a r t i s t must be l i k e God, and create, i n the sense of a r b i t r a t e , "nature". In t h i s statement made bjjfcl'Ors. i t i s l o g i c a l l y implied that a r b i t r a t i o n has been a function of God. This view i s fundamental to any pantheistic ideology. As Bertrand Russell explains:: When Plato speaks of creation, he imagines a primitive matter to which God gives form; and the same i s true of A r i s t o t l e . Their God i s an a r t i f i c e r or architect, rather than a creator. Substance i s thought of as eternal and uncreated; only form i s due to the w i l l of God. A s against t h i s view, St. Augustine maintains, as every orthodox Ch r i s t i a n must, that the world was created, not from any certain matter, but from nothing. God created substance, not only order and arrangement. The Greek view that creation out of nothing i s impossible has recurred at intervals i n Christian times, and has led to pantheism. Pantheism holds that God and the world are not d i s t i n c t , and that everything i n the world i s part of God. ( A History of Philosophy, London : Unwin, 1974, p. 352) The "immanentist" po s i t i o n implied by t h i s point of view explains why d'Ors, -;as a Reporter, searches for eternity, or divine essence in a l l things. Some r e f l e c t i o n of the divine w i l l i s to be found i n the world. God i s consequently immanent in d'Ors' philosophy. But he i s also transcendent, for when d'Ors c^atess that man's works are even more a r t i f i c i a l , he implies that man i s perfecting God's work, and, therefore, f u l f i l l i n g God's creative p o s s i b i l i t y . God i s also the Creator, IsihQe i n thevQreation God's a r b i t r a t i o n gave r i s e to man i n order to f u l f i l l His crea-ti v e potential.. Thus, a l l i s i n God, and God depends on man. The combination of the immanent and transcendent theories of Divine, existence leads d'Ors to panentheism. ._*. ~ - _ ) i o f s ' references to Spinoza, Kant, Schleiermacher.:, Darwin, Hu^§Q)y and Herbert Spencer substantiates t h i s b e l i e f . In .a gloss, "Musica de Bach" (1908 - p. 8 5 6 ) , d'Ors quotes and admires Spinoza for his i n t e l l e c t u a l perception,of the divine i n a r t , that i s , man's work: "Bach I s ,per essencia, un a r t i s t a religio's, perque es un a r t i s t a de-puresa matematica. La pura matematica vol ja d i r una i n t i m i t a t amb a l i o d i v i . 'De*u es f a present - deia Spinoza -, en e l fet que l a suma dels angles i n t e r i o r s d'un t r i a n g l e , valgui igual que dos angles rectes." On a number of occasions throughout the Glosari 1 9 0 6 - 1 9 1 0 i be states that the Noucentistes are the " f i l l s de Kant" ("Les Inquietuds i Protestes" - 1 9 0 8 , and " A Revisar" - 1 9 0 9 ) . He praises H. Spencer in a gloss, "L'autobiograf'ia d'Herbest Spencer" ( 1 9 0 7 - pp. 421-422) and Schleierma.cher i n the gloss, "'Les Multituds' d'en Casellas" ( 1 9 0 6 ) . Huxely i s quoted i n the gloss, "Entorn de l'educacio' de l a Voluntat II ( 1 9 0 6 ) . Darwinvis referred to frequently, and indeed, d'Ors never does deny his theory of evolution, but he sees i t i n the l i g h t of more contemporary modifications of Hue de Vries amd Weissrnan. According to the work of these l a s t two men, sudden mutations are possible, and acquired t r a i t s are not always trans-mitted. This does not deny the theory of evolution, but modifies i t ; a number of inexplicables are possible within the r a t i o n a l process, such as the existence and sense of man's l i f e . D'-'Ors condemns extremist positions;: "Els t e r t u l i a n s de l'Afeneu de Madrid disputa, a c r i t s i entre fumera de cigaretes, sobre l a t e o r i a de l'evolucio, prenent-le t a l com l a deixa Darwin, sense n o t l c i a de Weissrnan qui ha negat l a transmissio dels caracters adquirits, sense n o t l c i a d'Huc de Vries, qui ha mostrat experimentalment l a p o s s i b i l i t a t de mutacions fe;; brusques. In the l i g h t of the novelties of science, d'Ors perceives that not a l l i s r a t i o n a l , and some.^sensitive element i s present i n a l l . Thus he c o n c i l i a t e s extremes. D'Ors' attitude towards Kant i s s i m i l a r . Though he admires the German philosopher's work, and acknowledges the importance of. l o g i c and idealism, fie does condemn the extreme that denies man any hope of continuation. As d'Ors informs us i n his gloss "Schinz I I I " ( 1 9 1 0 ) , " E l jove Pragmatisme l l i v r a b a t a l l a amb e l v e i l absolutisme germanic". i.American Pragmatism i s i n opposition to German Idealism. However, d'Ors saves the better part of both worlds; through his theory of aesthetic pragmatism, which includes both idealism and pragmatism ("Pragmatisme" - 1 9 0 7 p. 6 3 6 - 6 3 8 ) . D'Ors incorporates l o g i c into l i f e , but l i m i t s i t s capacities so that i t does not im-pede transcendental motion. This leads him on to a form of "racionalismo armonico ". As d'Ors states various times, though he respects Kant's use of logic-and reason, i t i s only v a l i d when i t permits l i f e to go on, that i s , when i t preserves man's hope for transcendent salvation. xhe reader may v e r i f y t h i s statement i n glosses " E l tragic c o n f l i c t e " ( 1 9 0 7 - p. 647) and "A r e v i s a r " ( 1 9 0 9 - p. 1 0 7 3 ) . . . Kant' s.critique of pure reason had destroyed the r a t i o n a l proofs of God's existence and the immortality of the soul, and had only l e f t man with the immanent b e l i e f of the moral values of our r e l i g i o n . 177 Darwin's theory of evolution had contributed to the destruction of'the-belief in the veracity of Creation as explained in the bib l i c a l narrations. This had l e f t nineteenth century man with only an immanent belief in God, that i s , pantheism. In thengloss "La intellegencia de les florS'i", 6m the book of the same;- same, written by Maeterlinck, d'Ors suggests that there is a relation between Darwin's theories-and pantheism;: Ja he dit que no tot en el l l i b r e de Maeterlinck tenia aquesta commosa gravetat. Les peigines referents a l a facundacio de les orqufdies, que sd"n tanmateix unes boniques il»luminacions al tractat de Darwin (quin poeta, quin arbitrari Darwini I Linneu, doncsj) - em deixen mis fred. Les combinacions folletinesques de la-Corianthes macrantha no se m'emporten lassimpatia... Un vibrar especial d'uncio separa aquesta predica de l a dels mil i un pedants del pamfilisme, que solen u t i l i t z a r arguments analegs. Maurici Maeterlinck no es com e l l s , encara.que alguna volta parli'.\ ~ corn e l l s . Davant l a moderna floracid d»arbitrarietat, que te... un fonament metafisic dualista, Maurici Maeterlinck es el darrer  Doctor .-efusiu en poesia panteista. En premi a l a generositat de l a seva efusio, nosaltres, en aquest Maig f l o r i t , rebrem amb efusio, tambe' generosa. La intel'ligencia de les f l o r s . (pp. kk±-kk2) The dualism here mentioned is the arbitration of mind and matter into the Whole; i t reduces the polarity existing between the two. Thus, introspectioni into "matter", or objects, that i s , immanence, i s arbitrated into harmony with the"mind'.J, or s p i r i t , that i s , transcendence. Thus, d'Ors avails himself of an abstraction not present in pantheism. In the same gloss he states of Maeterlinck:: Mai Maeterlinck en l'epoca activa de sa triumfal produccio dramatica, no> deixa. de veure una e s p e c u l a c i 6 mistica en el fons de l'accio shakespeariana;, mai, ara, retret voluntari en el,pur conversar intern de l a d i s s e r t a c i 6 metafisica, no porta aquesta pels camins eisuta de 1'abtraccio; mis l a deixa reposar-se en els jo:es d'una acolorida mitologia. (p. kkO) As we should remember, d'Ors perceives the world as a stage, and his reference here to the Shakespearean action i s directly applicable to l i f e . Maeterlinck i s a pantheist, and as such per-ceives the Divine immanently, but does not abstract enough to per-ceive the Divine in transcendence, which does not outr.ule an immanent God. For as we should also remember, d'Ors specified that intellectualism, abstraction, had to integrate i t s e l f into Life; i t had to be pragmatized, (see quotes 38 and 40), for a totally transcendent God would be removed from Life. what i s more, d'Ors' statement that God i s a "Suprem: Artifex! 1 i s intimately his concept of the City. .For a number of reasons, i t seems to us that d'Ors' metaphysical.ideal originates from Hebrews 11:10. In the Vulgate, God i s referred to as an "artifex" (this i s the only biblical reference of this kind): "expectabat enim fundamenta habentem civitatem, cuius artifex et conditor Deus." In d'Ors' ideology, the City towards which a l l men must con\tri bute ±B the City of which God is the Supreme. Architect. By contributing to the building of the City, man f u l -f i l l s the Divine w i l l on earth. Again, this is a fundamentally panentheistic concept. As we shall see at the end of this chapter this aesthetic conception culminates into a fu l l y panentheistic system. 56 Glosari p. 111. 57 Ibid. p. 111. 58 Ibid. p. 1333. 59 Ibid. p. 1487. 60 Ibid. p. 1488. 61 Ibid. p. 1280. 62 Donald Joy Grout, A, History of Western Music;(.New York. : W..W.. Norton and Co., i 9 6 0 ) pp. 382-38X 63 Glosari p. 45 64' Ibid. p. 1534. 65 In the idea, developed in this gloss, that perfection only originates from perfection, there i s another important theolog-i c a l implication. Since supreme perfection i s God, and God i s a .Supreme Artifex, having given form to prime matter, such as the glycerine crystal, and formal perfection on earth depends.; on man's w i l l , d'Ors implies that not only does the world depend on God for salvation, but God depends on the world to f u l f i l l His Divine w i l l , or Creation. The bi b l i c a l quotation referred to in 55 above cl a r i f i e s d'Ors' theological ideal of the City,as. the aim of man's w i l l . This is the main panentheistic current. As such, i t is in opposition to the "romantic" tendency to "imper-fection", which is the consideration that l i f e evolved "naturally" without any divine intercession, as referred tiO in the following quotation. Thus d'Ors, without denying scientific theories, also perceives therein Divine w i l l . 66 Glosari p. 712. 67 Ibid. p. 711. 68 Jose L. Aranguren, La filosof1a,de Eugenio d'Ors (Madrid : Edicions y Publicacions Esparlolas, 1945; p. 1 0 o . . 69 Glosari p. 9 0 3 . 70 Ibid. p. 404. 71 Ibid. p. 2 5 3 . 72 Ibid. p. 2 6 0 . 179 73 Ibid. P» 7 0 0 . 74 Ibid. P« 7 0 0 . 75 Ibid. P» 714. 76 Ibid. P- 716. 77 Ibid. P- 721. 78 Ibid. PP . 727-728. 79 Ibid. P» 1001. 80 Ibid. P» 9 6 8 . 81 Ibid. P» 977. 82 Ibid. p.; , 9 8 1 . 83 Ibid. p. 990,. 84 Ibid. p- 9 9 1 . 85 Ibid. pp . 9 9 1 - 9 9 2 . 86 Ibid. pp . 9 9 5 - 9 9 6 . 87 Ibid. p. 9 9 6 . 88 Ibid. p» 9 9 7 . 89 Ibid. pp . 1003-1004. 90 Ibid. p- 1007. 91 Ibid. p. 1009. 92 Ibid. pp . 84 -85. 93 Ibid. p. 1012. 94 Ibid. p« 1012. 95 Ibid. p» 1012. 96 Ibid. p» 1013. 97 Ibid. p« 1013. 98 Ibid. p« 1013. . 99 Ibid. p« 1013. l o o i ; Ibid. p- 1013. Chapter VII D'Ors and politi c s in the Glosari 1906-1910 After hawing dealt at considerable length with the meta-physical aspects of d'Ors'ideology between the years 1906 and 1910, one should consider i t s practical application within the Catalanist movement, since d'Ors played an important role in the development of that organization. His*\appareht p o l i t i c a l participation in the Lliga Catalana has often lead to a misunderstanding concerning his p o l i t i c a l orientation. D'Ors' relation to Prat de l a Riba has been speculated upon, but never clearly defined. On the one hand, J.L. Aranguren contends that Prat de l a Riba needed an intellectual, or a philo* sopher, who could act as a f o i l to the cultural output of the generation of; 98*s Madrid circles. D'Ors was that desired intellectual who entered the literary scene at the right moment. Aranguren also notes that d'Ors; was never a member of the Lligat Lo cierto es que dentro de un regimen verdaderamente autocratico, pese a las apariencias, nuestro filosofo gozo; siempre, mientras vivio el "presidente absoluto", de una independencia completa merced a l a cual pudo desempenar los puestos de mayor responsibili-dad cultural sin estar afiliado siquiera al partido de l a Lliga y predicar un sindicalismo, no por incruento menos escandalizador, en el seno de una organizacic*n archiburguesa. 1 Contrary to Aranguren, G. Diaz-Plaja sees d'Ors as intimately connected with the Lliga, and propounding the ideology of the Lliga:. No constituye azar alguno, sino logicocy natural coincidencia, el hecho de que l a doctrina del Glosari de Eugenio d'Ors, director de l a Instruccion Publica, en l a Mancomunitat que presidia Prat de la, Riba, estuviese configurada como un ariete de combate contra les delicuencias neorromanticas del fin-de-sigle, arogie'ndose a aquella segura doctrina del Clasicismo en que l a razon domina equilibrada-mente todo el mensaje intellectual. 2 The solution of this problem is to be found in the Glosari 1906-1910, to which neither of the two c r i t i c s previously men-tioned, refer. In the glosses "Dos Llibres", "La nacionalitat catalana'i l a generacid noucentiste" and "En presum", a l l of 1906, d'Ors c l a r i f i e s the position of the Noucentistes in relation to the Lliga. Part of this series of glosses discusses the value of Prat de l a Riba's work, La nacionalitat catalana, for the Noucents;. In the f i r s t gloss, "Dos Llibres", which discusses both this work of Prat de l a Riba and J. Maragall';s Enlla., d'Ors; establishes a very important difference between the Noucents and the "others". As we mentioned towards the beginning of our discussion on Noucentisme, d'Ors considers the latter as being "chronological"; consequently, d'Ors explains that the difference between the Noucentistes and Prat de l a Riba is generational: Un i altre procedeixen de l a generacid que;' arda)-arriba a- l'hora= -magistra£,^d*:tllT^iAa:genera.c.i^}.- ;deli¥uitcents, de l a generacio' que immediatement ens ha precedit a nosaltres. - vull dir, nosaltres joves, els del Noucents.... 3 This chronological difference i s of the utmost importance, for throughout the Glosari, d'Ors specifies that he is reacting against the Vuitcents, the "fin-de-siecle". Prat began his career in 1888, and is consequently a " f i n de siecle" man, whom: d'Ors; should react against. Indeed, one cannot overlook d'Ors' defection from the Lliga in 1904, to join the "Centre Nacionalista Republica", which was followed by a reconciliation two,years later. There are, consequently, some differences between d'Grs and Riba, but at the same time there had to be some points of agreement. In his appreciation of La nacionalitat catalana, d'Ors recognized the importance of Prat de l a Riba's work, and saw him as a master:. "Mestre: perque l a doctrina vostra es tambe l a nostra doctrina, l i jurem f i d e l i t a t a l a doctrina vostra." This master was, however, a man of the nineteenth century, and d'Ors could not fully agree with him. It i s interesting to note that in these glosses d'Ors is not concerned with the theory included in a l l the chapters of the book, but only with the f i n a l chapter, which deals with Catalonia's evolution away from a provincial-regionalist society towards a future Imperial power, that i s , an international entity. It is specifically this doctrinal message that interested d'Ors. He states that: Llico' de doctrina, perque, amb aquest l l i b r e d'en Prat, el Nacionalisme catala, que potser en algun moment, l a generaci! noucentista pogud creure hostil al pensar propi, s'eixampla generosament i fa entrar amb pportunitat, dins son s i el verb p o l i t i c de l a generacid nova: 1'Imperialisms* 5 As d'Ors suggesta, ".nationalism" is fundamentally contrary to the ecumenical, cultural aspirations of the Noucents. The theory of Imperialisme as the diffusion of Culture i s , however, compatible with the Noucentiste ideal. Thus, though Prat de l a Riba shows the way to the new generation, he i s not himself a Noucentiste. In his book, La. nacionalitat catalana. Prat had followed a romantic interpretation of history. He had. gone into elaborate praises of the Middle Ages), and the spontaneity of the people then, but the Renaissance and heo-classicism he had condemned* When d'Ors states that Prat de l a Riba's nationalism might seem incom-patible with the ideology of Nouc;*.tisme, i t is partly to this that., he. is referring. D'Ors supports "Imperialisme"when this term is understood in.••..a cultural sense. The Catalan nation, having come into existence, must be representative, on the international scene. This is what d'Ors referred to in his praise of Humanism, when he lamented the fact that no Catalan had taken part in Pantagruel's search for the Golden Fleece: El toisd d'or de t a l navegacio no era res menys que l'Humanisme. Perb a nosaltres, restats a platja, no ens va tocar cap part del botf. Vol dir que d'e'sser arribats a l'edat contemporania sense haver passat per l'esperit del Renaixement, encara n'anem geperuts: i que 6s avui empresa heroica l a de guarir-nos d'aquest gep. 6 Since d'Ors understands Culture in terms of European Culture, and since the international p o l i t i c a l scene that dominates Europe between 1900 and 1910 is characterized by a scramble for power, manifested in Imperialist policies, the assertion of Catalonia on that scene could only be achieved through similar Imperialistic p o l i t i c s . D'Ors' aesthetic precepts, which stressed arbitration and condemned "imitation", lead, to the creation ctf a. stri.ctly Catalan national art. The artist did not copy the trends of Paris or Madrid, but created an art form that reflected national or "rac i a l " identity. Imperialism was the method of incorporating the intellectual output of Catalonia into the European context, in order to gain recognition. Metaphysically, this was a means of incorporating a part, as a complement, into the Whole.. Imperialism, as understood by Prat de l a Riba, meant a work of c i v i l i z a t i o n . It wastthe diffusion of Culture among uncivilized countries. Above a l l , i t was also the crystalization of nationalism, that i s , nationalism recognized internationally. D'Ors follows these ideas almost to the letter. The ideal of the City functions both as a national ideal and as an international ideal. It is based on the importance of the cultural group over that of the individual. The national entity must eletfate i t s e l f to an imperial, power to gain recognition and to participate in European Culture: "Certs homes tenen el DEURE d'esser grans. Tots ........ ~ iy els pobles tenen el DEURE d'esser grans Imperia]£&B#!e! " The obligation of nations to Imperialism i s another manifestation of arbitration and the w i l l in d'Ors' ideology. D'Ors defines "Imperi" as an elevation of the City. Thus, much as the City i s created by the arbitrary w i l l of men, so is the Empire: "Imperi vol dir aixo: s a c r i f i c i de l a Terra a l a Raca; oblit de l a \ 8 diferencia i del fur, a benefici de l a creixen^a i de l'expansio." It i s the expansion of a national, generality to a yet greater international generality. The Empire goes beyond the limitations of the City, for i t overcomes the particulars;.of the City, to harmonize the constituents of the Race. It is the fulfillment of the ecumenical City. The various precepts that contribute, to the establishment of the City also apply to the Imperial ideal. In the Empire, as in the City, a group of men gather together to live in co-existence and resist Nature. D'Ors formulates an "Imperialist t&atechism" on the subject of international human unity, which i s taken from an oath repeated throughout the British Commonwealth on Empire Day. In this credo, d'Ors f i r s t quoted the phrase "Temer Deu, Honorar el 9 Rei..." As in the ideology of the City, fear of God, that i s , the admiration of Divinity, is fundamental, to Man'Usearxh for Eternity or Perfection. This i s paralleled by a respect for government, or "Norm", for as d'Ors had pointed out earlier, the individual is too f r a i l to understand the designs of God, and must follow the group, which is represented by the "government". D'Ors then goes on to state the duties of the individual towards the group; Obeir les l l e i s . . . . Sacrificar son interes personal als grans interessos de 1'Imperi, tant en l a pau com en l a guerra.... Respectar el drets de l a varietat.... Fer. passar els propis deures abans que els propis- drets... Tenir esperit de disciplina.... Tenir el respecte dels altres i d'un mateix.... Venir en ajut, en l a mesura dels propis mitjans, dels pobres i malalts... 10 The above rules are basically a practical paraphrase of d'Ors'theory of civility,and obedience. Their teachings rest on the need of the individual to sacrifice personal interests to those of the community. As we saw in the gloss, "Amiel a Vic", d'Ors, considered-one of the main obstacles to progress to be traditionalist into-lerance, that i s , dogmatism such as Rierola's. In his practical catechism, one of the main tenets i s "to respect the rights of variety". By sacrificing the interests of the individual, d'Ors intended to harmonize apparently antagonistic p o l i t i c a l , social and religious tendencies. His teachings on the importance of hiumanism were an effort to open the Iberian community's mentality to the rich potentials that lay beyond the Pyrenees. The priority given to the duties of the individual towards the community, over per-sonal interests, i s a means of disciplining the Iberian character, which, as d'Ors has stated previously, is externally rebellious. When some homogeneity was established through discipline, some enlightenment could then develop within the nation. Discipline, consequently, implies also a certain social structure, or organization. The Spanish social problem, which involves the historical clash of classes after l8j2, i s of a po l i t i c a l nature. This directly affeetsathe practicali.aspects of d'Ors' ideology, since the latter revolves around the problem of ''urban l i v i n g " . D'Ors1 relation to the proletariat, at least between the years 1900 and 1925, seems to have been quite close. Throughout the Glosari 1906-1910 he shows a great affection for that class. His concern for their lot i s visible in such instances as his participation in the formation of consumers'! leagues, in order to protect workers from employers' abuses. Two examples of this may be found in the glosses "Les Gangues" ( 1 9 0 6 ) , and even "Inter,-vencions" ( 1 9 1 0 ) . In the latter he supported the formation of workers' unions. His own defection from the Lliga in 1904 had been motivated by the latter issue. D'Ors considered one of the fundamental sources of Noucentisme to be the syndicalist ideology of Sorel. Since his own ideology rested on the concepts of urbanity and social co-operation, d'Ors. believed that his work was "socialist", in a special sense of the word. He explained that the world was moving towards socialism, which was man's best achievement; Hi ha animes porugues, que temen que" amb l a inevitable victoria futura del socialisme o, s i voleu, del civilisme a l mdn, anirst l'art de cap a un extrem de ruina. 11 His social concern for the achievement of the ideal of the City required that Noucentistes take socialist action. The form of action that could harmonize society could only be syndicalism, which is collective action.. D'Ors defined p o l i t i c a l Noucentisme as being a form of syndicalism: Som altres, en f i , sindicalistes, i combreguem en l a nocio* de l a nova era proletaria, en el mite de l a Vaga General, i fem, adhuc amb Georges Sorel, 1'apologia de l a Viollncia... Pero aquest Viollncia, forma brutal i "pura", d'intervencid, res no ti que veure amb el revolucionarisme democratic. 12 As in l a muerte de Isidre Nonell", d'Ors understandskthe need to organize the proletariat so as to better i t s l o t . The difference with Sorelian syndicalism is that d'Ors refutes brutal violence and prefers "action through order". This is again a condemnation of a certain form of Jacobin revolutionary practices that benefit only a few, and. leave the proletariat in an unchanged position. The practices only changed the rulers. D'Ors' syndicalist aspirations did not com-prise the belief in physical violence, but forms of "intellectual" violence were possible.., Aranguren has pointed out that in a lecture given at the Real Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislacic^ in 1909, d'Ors outlined his syndicalist beliefs: Eugenio d'Ors senalaba cuatro notas distintivas del Sindicalismo: l.a, " l a aplicacion del principio de l a lucha de clases",en lo cual participa del comunismo; 2.a, "el empleo de los metodos de violencia, que le son comunes con el anarquismo"; 3«a, "el criteri o limitativo y funcional sobre l a propriedad privada"5 4 .a, l a superaci6*n, por obra del Sindicato, de l a antitesis individuo-Estado. Las dos primeras notas eran consideradas como accesorias y circuns.tanciales y, por supuesto, condenabHes. Las dos viltimas, al reve*s, eran vistas, ya en aquella e'poca, como principios de un nuevo tipo de civilizaci6*n:. l a civilizacion sindicalista. 13 His support of syndicalism and limitation of property in order to evolve towards a classless society were definitely contradictory to the ideology of the Lliga. D'Ors believed that this homogeneity of society could only be accomplished by making use of the laws established by the present order. D'Ors did consider himself to be a radical, but hisi radicalism was based on a form of p o l i t i c a l arbitrarism. If Man was to better his social position, he had to arbitrate his po l i t i c a l circumstance. This meant that i t was his duty to inter-vene legally in p o l i t i c s . On this matter, one of d'Ors' catch V °" / 1^  phrases was: "Les l l e i s no son unicament normes; son tambe armes". We shall recall that in the metaphysical conception of the City, d'Ors had specified that the individual had to p a r t i c i -pate in the eleetion of the City's destiny. D'Ors' understanding of legal p o l i t i c a l intervention is best resumed in the gloss "Un que no compren", which discusses the legal methods used by the French C. G. T. (Confederation General du Travail) to place the government of that country in an " i l l e g a l position", so as to better the workers' l o t . In d'Ors' words: Aquesta accio" interve, -. voluntariament, arbitrariament, violenta ment - en l a marxa de les coses. Pero no amb violencia anarquica Interve amb una sort de violencia legal. Aprofita l a quantitat -incalculable - de violencia que permeten les l l e i s humanes. Mes: u t i l i t z a aquestes l l e i s humanes com un instrument de violencia. Fa amb elles, i servint-se de elles, revolucionsl 15 D'Ors, therefore implies that a group wishing to vary the social structure may do so by manipulating, or arbitrating, the legal system, and s t i l l be within the limits of the Law. There arises out of these legal actions a sense of social progress, which d'Or desired. The radicalism of Eugeni d'Ors, which depended on legality, did not aim at the simple modification of the social. structure, but at i t s transformation. In order to understand this, one must consider d'Ors' , intellectual stance as regards the effective application of laws.. The existing judicial system was considered inept by d'Ors. This legal system was not logical enough to represent the Idea of <• Justice. According to d'Ors, the correct, or ideal, use of laws required the removal of the approach to judgment according to "conscience" or "sentiment", on which the existing legal system was founded. D'Ors stated that judicial errors required not a simple pardon by the jury, but a total revision of the judgment and the way i t was carried out: Una veu de radicalisme pur no hauria plorat sentimentalismes, ni tan sols fastiguejat sobre repugnancies estetiques; hauria parlat simplement i estrictament de justicia. Una veu de radicalisme pur no hauria clamat per un indult: hauria exigit una r e v i s i 6 . . . 16 Errors of judgment developed out of the system i t s e l f . It was, therefore, the system that had to be revised. According to d'Ors, most errors, in the judicial system stemmed from the definitive formation of the legal system in the nineteenth century. The latter had evolved a "romantic" approach to the evaluation of most things. It based; i t s reasonings, on sentimentality and not on l o g i c . The consequence of this was; that judgments were carried out on an apparently subjective or "partial" basis. The historical example used by, d'Ors to substantiate his belief was the Dreyfus case. The glosador rejected any approach founded on the irrational judgment of the people and on the concept of spontaneity. He described the nineteenth century's judicial system in the following terms:. Si*. Devia representar 1' "instint" del poble contra el "profession-al tecnicisme". Devia. judicar, segons "consciencia" nomes, i amb irresponsabilitat acabada. Justament se'l creava perque el glavi de l a justicia esdevingue"s roent i espurnejant en els fornals de la passio, sense retrempar-lo en l'aigua freda de l a logica. 17 D'Ors shows here that he does not trust the instinct of the people. The law cannot be based on popular instinct; i t is a matter of logic. This assumes that .although d'Ors is interested in the -• organization of the proletariat, and in the betterment of i t s l o t , he does not believe in "spontaneous"' revolution, but that the people must be educated in order to change the social structure. Thus, d'Ors, as the Neo-classicists, believes in working for the people, without the people. As the above qxe&tee indicates, the failures of the judicial system originate from the p o l i t i c a l corruption of the party-system at the turn of the century. D'Ors does not accept the p o l i t i c a l attitude of the nineteenth century, which represents the i n s t a W a - -tion of democracy in Spain. Consequently, d'Ors does not accept the democratic ideology of the nineteenth century.., However., d'Ors does believe in a form of democracy, since he stresses the impor-tance of participation and elections. What he rejects is the middle-class's interpretation of the word "democracy", and the abuses incurred from that. The author of the Glosari condemned both the conservatism and liberalism of the nineteenth century. The incapacity of these two parties to govern with order and tolerance had only led them to defend the dogmatic interests of their classes. This had culminated in anarchy and the cultural stagnation of Spain. For d'Ors, there were in fact only two parties in Spain : conservatives and progressists, or "arbitrarists": En una banda els fatalistes, els conservadors essencials - diguin -se conservadors o liberals, liberals-conservadors o conservadors -liberals, o com se diguin... En front els arbitraris, les "oposicions". 18 The latter was the position taken by d'Ors. He desired to "arbi-trate" the destiny of Spain, not in chaos, but with order. To find order, he had to turn his attention to the very root of the problem. The "irresponsible" individualistic attitude of nine-teenth century politicians could only lead to a "cul-de-sac" in social progress.. The revolutions of the nineteenth century were never in the interest of the proletariat, but in that of the pecuniary well-being of certain individuals. The solution to the " i l l s " of Spain was to be found in the imperialist policy, as understood by d'Ors. It emphasized the responsibility of the individual to his neighbour and to the State This position was supposed to be in opposition to the liberal attitude that had developed the myth of individualism* This was. considered to be an individualism that had freed the government of immediate social responsibility. D'Ors; interpreted the social climate of his time as follows: I Iavui, en realitat, en tot el mon, en tots els pobles del mdn, entre el bigarrament i confusid de retols i etiquetes, hi ha dos c r i t e r i s , dos partits unicament: el de LMbstencio* i el de l a Intervencid; el de l a politica l i b e r a l i - e l de l a polftica. social el Manchesterianisme i 1'Imperialisme... - L'un vol dir:; super-s t i c i d del fet consumat,-governants irresponsables, fisiocratisme, "laissez-faire - laissez passer", individualisme atomistic, canamitzacio dels horrors de l a l l i u r e concurrehcia, teoria de l'Estat Gendarme, inaccid davant el mal i la ignorancia, "nulla est redempcio", per al proletariat... L*Imperialisme vol dir, a l revds: responsibilitat, solidarisme, reforma, Ciutat, legislaci6 del treball. Estat educacibnal, l l u i t a ; per l'etica i cultura, justicia social... 19 The poli t i c s of Noucentisme were based om the ideal of social.jus-tice. One of the main points that draws our attention in the above quotation is the position of the proletariat in a li b e r a l society. According to ;d'Ors, i t is summed up in the phrase, "nulla est redempcio", which places the working class in a "slave" relationship with the bourgeoisie, and stems from a lack of education. Noucentisme's political;function i s , therefore, peda-gogical. D'Ors stressed the need for the state Control and inter-vention to establish a continual sense of responsibility, in order to limit the abuses of a domineering bourgeoisie. Noucentisme. was theoretically an anti-bourgeois movement within the bourgeoisie. Yet i t is aimed at an orderly social revolution, for i t was the bourgeoisie that controlled the fate of the nation*. In the gloss "La seporacio de l a democracia i de les arts", d'Ors explained that the present state of affairs in Spain was the immediate result of the bourgeoisie's p o l i t i c s : Aquesta democracia se'ns ofereix en una forma precisa, definible. Geneticament se l a pot definir com 1'encarnacio' acomplida en tot , el-jsegle^XIX ,,de l a idedlpglairevolucionariaeeh els instints de l a burgesia. 20 To d'Ors, a l l the irresponsibility of the bourgeoisie was the fruit of i t s "instincts", such as greed and brutality. Therefore, his aim was the dissemination of Culture and learning, which, when integrated into daily l i f e , could lead to the betterment of ethical relationships. The enlightenment preached by d'Ors is summed up in this statement: "A Catalunya l a cosa mes revolucionaria que es pot fer, es tenir Bon Gust." The anti-bourgeois reaction of d'Ors i s ultimately related to the need for Good Taste. D'Ors considers the bourgeoisie to be a class of usurpers that had taken over the function of the aristocracy, without having the same capacity to promote the Arts. In other words, i t lacked the spiritual, values necessary for the continuation of Culture. The Glosador could not approve of middle-class vulgarity. In the glosses, "El chauchar-disme" (1909), "DSis rriecenas" ' (1906), "L'Art de fer f ortuna" , (1907) and "El rei dels 'parvenus'" ( 1 9 0 9 ) , d'Ors emphasized the hypocrisy and materialism of that class. In his opinion, i t was necessary for that class to abandon i t s purely materialistic values in order to participate in society and contribute to the culture of the nation. The industrial bourgeoisie had to be educated in order to become an aristocracy,not in the sense of a ruling class, but as a leading class, that i s , an intellectual aristocracy. The cultural situation of Barcelona at the turn of the century was defined by d'Ors as "primitive", in the most despicable sense of the word. It was a city modelled to the taste of the bourgeoisie: una de tantes abominacions amb que els nostres ulls topen arreu, vergonya- i nausea de l a nostra ciutat miserrima. El gust barbar dels pervinguts hi troba l a seva joia. 22 So far, a l l the reforms effected in Barcelona had been of, a material nature. D'Ors intended to raise these to their spiritual level. The author of the Glosari did not oppose himself to. material progress, for i t did represent the betterment of man's: condition. However, he did believe in the need to make equal spiritual advance, for the former had no value i f man could not understand i t s real value. This is explained in the gloss "Himne; i Tragedia": iAquesta Reforma corporal de l a Ciutat, correspondra, animant-la, una altra Reforma. espiritual, l a veritable, l a importantfssima Reforma?... Jo crec, jo se* tot el que es llegeix sobre l a creixent activitat professional i economica que l a realitzacic* de l a Reforma urbana pot donar a l a nostra ciutat. Pero no es aixo l a cosa que jo pregunto; no es aixo u*nic l a cosa que jo v u l l , Jo parlo de coses de mis endintre. Jo parlo d'allo substancial, sense l a qual cosa l a resta del floriment economic Sdhuc, es vanitat. Parlo de l a gran reforma, <?,d,e. la que haurfem d'anomenar Reforma per antono-masia, l a de les animes, que ha de donar-los en definitiva l i n i e s i amplitud de c i v i l i t a t . 23 . By stressing the importance of a' spiritual reform, d'Ors is also implying a Modernist reform, in a religious sense that i s intri-r-v.'-..v., cately united to i t s p o l i t i c a l circumstance;. This "spiritual' fReformation" is a religious reformation. As we. quoted'Ors in the previous chapter, politics and religion are one. This reform, tehich demands tolerance in order to permit progress, is undertaken within the bounds of c i v i l i t y and respect for fellow man. It i s religious and p o l i t i c a l toler-ance, which is only possible through understanding, that i s , enlightenment. Just as dlassicism is considered to be an empty shell., i f i t is not complemented by humanism, the material progress of the bourgeoisie is fut i l e i f i t is not reinforced by the enlightenment of that "class, and formal c i v i l i t y is worthless i f i t does not lead to an understanding attitude towards c i v i l , or social matters. In d'Ors1 ideology, social progress i s understood as the betterment of man's external condition through learning. As was noted above, humanism is the awareness of foreign culture, and the participation of national culture on the international., scene, that i s , cultural Imperialism. For the bourgeoisie, which.-controlled Barcelona economically after the disaster of I898, progress meant principally the opening of the Catalan, or Spanish- market to the exterior, for financial reasons. Prat de l a Riba saw this progress in terms of the North American model, as commercial exportation, and not so much as cultural dissemination. D'Ors, though influenced by American'pragmatism, conceived of Culture as classical, that is Mediterranean, and consequently believed in a cultural exchange with Europe in order to establish the national character of Catalonia on the universal scene. D'Ors stressed the cultural side of this exchange, which Prat partially overlooks in his theory. The Glosador was concerned with the establishment of what he called "cultural instruments". These included such things as libraries, museums and laboratories, as may be noted in such glosses as "Biblioteca" (1910). His task was one of enlightenment, for he believed that only through education could society be changed. The Imperialist state, as conceived in d'Ors' ideology, i s , above a l l , an educational state. As such, i t presupposes the., existence of an e l i t e . The importance of mass education and en-lightenment stressed throughout the Glosari 1906-1910 indicates: that d'Ors did not believe in the validity of a s t r i c t l y pluto-cratic rule. A social revolution was impossible without the.-. education of the masses. In his glosses on the Portuguese revolu-tion, d'Ors foresaw the f u t i l i t y and chaos that would result from a revolution involving only one class, the bourgeoisie:: "De fet, ha passat Portugal per una Enciclopedia? ... No, no hi deu haver hagut a Portugal una?Enciclopedia, abans de l a Revolucio. " Thus, Portugal had no enlightenment and d'Ors goes on to explain the result of this: £Per. que mudar regims s i els homes no muden, s i el caracter de l a nacid* resta el mateix? La monarquia dels Braganza era mes aviat I'expressio' que no pas l a causa de l a corrupcio* port-uguesa. Els republicans es trobarah dema en contacte amb el parlamentarisme portugues, amb l a burocracia portuguesa, amb l'exercit portugues; deuran l l i u t a r , s i lluiten,contra les mateixes tendencies, les mateixes habituds, els mateixos costums. 25 In d'Ors' opinion, a revolution without a previous enlightenment is only a transformation of the form of government, and this does not affect the fundamental problem. This attitude is compatible with the syndicalist ideology of d'Ors. It suggests not only the organization of the proletariat and the legal method of carrying out reforms, but also the enlightenment of the masses, which would set them in a position equal to,that of the bourgeoisie. Indeed, i t was only natural that both classes should be treated equally^; for without enlighten-ment they both represented the intellectual "vulgus". In this d'Ors was preaching a social ideology similar to that of Pi y Margall, 26 whom he revered. The social ambition of both men was to elevate the social condition of the proletariat to that of the bourgeoisie. The intellectual aristocracy proposed by d'Ors;is, in reality, only an off-shoot of the bourgeoisie. It is an intellectual bourgeoisie that could in turn come from any background, once the proletariat was elevated to the level of the bourgeoisie. The concept of the aristocracy in the Glosari must be understood in terms of the ideal of the City. In ax lecture d'Ors gave: at the Residencia de Estudiantes of Madrid in 1915, Aprendi.-zaje ^ heroismo, he explained that his ideology was designed to give man spiritual values, that i s , to make an aristocrat out of every man: "Nuestra reunion en esta casa obedece al designio. de formar en Bspana algo asi como una acistocracia de l a conducta." The conception of this type of aristocracy rests on the following precept: cualquier oficio se vuelve Filosofxa, se vuelve Arte, Poesia, Invencion, cuando ejb^rabaja^dor.adas-auel*su^vid.a/> ;c-uando no permite que e*sta se parta en dos mitades: la una^para el ideal; l a otra, para el. menester cotidiano. Sino que convierte cotidiano menester e ideal en una misma cosa, que es, a l a vez, obligacidn y libertad, rutina estricta e inspiracidn constamente renovada. 28 Nobility of l i f e is attained through the constant attention given by the craftsman to his work, v/hich is his mirror. Again, isrork and l i f e become one, and must be developed into a work of art. The aristocratic conduct advocated by; d'Ors corresponds to his concept of liberty; the arbitrated participation of the individual in a collective ideal is his freedom. The work-ethic involved here corresponds to the moral obligationtof the individual to his fellow men. It i s based on a quotation from Kierkegaard that is found in the prologue of d'Ors* lecture: E l que no sabe repetir es un esteta. El que repite sin entusiasmo es un f i l i s t e o . Solo el que sabe repetir, con entusiasmo renovado constantamente, es un hombre. 29 This quotation is frequently repeated in the Glosari 1906-1910, as for instance, in the gloss "Etica" ( 1 9 0 9 ) . It is an elaboration of the concept of repetition and continuation with continual, modifications that is found in d'Ors.' metaphysicaliexplanation of the search for Eternity* The aristocratic ideal of conduct is the practical application of the stylization of individual l i f e -styles. The social poli t i c s of d'Ors are, at times, inspired by 30 the works of T. Carlyle. As in the latter's work, Imperialism is founded on a hierarchical pattern. For this reason i t is com-patible with Catholicism, for both are forms 6f paternalism. In a gloss entitled "La paternitat dels Imperis", d'Ors defined Imperialism as: " No altra c o s a i que l a forta consciencia d'una 31 missid sublim de paternitat." D'Ors' social ideal i s , therefore, paternalistic, and in this sense, e l i t i s t . After his stay in Germany in 1910, d'Ors described the intellectual aristocracy as he conceived i t : Munic, ha estat creat per l a collaboracio' idealista i patriotica de reis i d'artistes... I en l a vella bona tradicio germanica de les petites,corts patriarcals, on els esperits superiors trobaven les condicions mes calides i favorables de desenrotllament... I en Joan Wolfgang Goethe conseller aulic... I l a gran qualitat de forces, i els bells resultats possibles que es perden avui miserablement per haver cessat gairebe' arreu aquella col'laboracio excellent - per l a desespiritualitzacio' tristissma de tants i tants sobirans per 1' empoliticallameht banal de savis, descrip-tors, d'artistes... 32 It i s a ruling class of intellectuals and artists who collaborate to f u l f i l l a spiritual ideal. This hierarchical system that is inherent in a l l of d'Ors ideology, reflects the influence of Nietzsche's conception of the power of the w i l l . The main difference i s that dJOrsj "socializes." the use of the w i l l . In his theoretical development of.the use of the w i l l , d'Ors, had suggested a hierarchical pattern when he stated that an individual of superior will-power should dominate one of weaker w i l l . It was, however, not with the intention of sheer-domination, but with that of guiding. The hierarchical pattern in d'Ors' ideology, because i t is paternalistic, rests on a traditional conception of society. As such, i t relies on the Christian family structure. D'Ors'values are, therefore, in some ways similar to those of Torras i Bages. One must understand,^however, that this relation stops at the basic or superficial level. D'Ors, who, as #fc? was seen in the previous chapter, i s a religious modernist, has a greater scope of vision, with which he adapts tradition; to the needs of progress, and integrates i t into an urban ideal. Torras i Bages, who goes unmentioned in the Glosari 1906-1910< only admires a rural con-ception of society. Although d'Ors' conception of social revolution includes the continuation of tradition, this does not imply the imposition of tradition on social patterns, but rather i t s adjustment to the circumstances. In d'Ors" language., i t is the vivification of that which is eternal in man's progress towards the Idea of Eternity. His definition of Revolution implies a dynamic evolution of mankind towards Eternity: una veritable Revolucid no pot fer-se sind invocant l'absolut. E l resultat estara pie de relativitat sens dubte. L'acci'd s'haura  ajustat a les circumstancies. Pero s i l'accio' s'ha. comencat amb una anticipada resignacid del relatiu; s i en un principi no s'ha.. cregut - amb una sinceritat profunda - treballar no solament pel Futur, sino' per I'Etern, pel que esta fora de tota temporalitat, l a gesta sera esteril i vana i no mereixera. el nom de Revolucid. Que tota Revolucid vol dir? una tradicid vindicada. 33 Revolution is , consequently, the purification, or vivification, of an ideal of justice that has been corrupted. In d'Ors' paternalist stratification of society, Revolution only comes about through enlightenment. It is a revolution from above. As a corollary to this, the organization'of society recognizes the importance of every individual, but judges his merits according to his function in the social machinery. It is a system based on pr i o r i t i e s . Superficially, d'Ors' ideology seems compatible with that of the Lliga, for i t seems to raise the bourgeoisie to an aristo-cracy, and incites i t to play a guiding role in the nation's destiny. The primary difference l i e s in the importance that d'Ors allots to the. function of the proletariat. The latter is considered to be v i t a l to the proper functioning of the nation. The social respect that d'Ors has for the proletariat is evident in his desire to give equal opportunity to the working class, so that i t may rise to the level of the bourgeoisie, and may also participate in the intellectual aristocracy. In this there is a certain amount of levelling of society,. which was contrary to the aims of the Lliga. D'Ors' p o l i t i c a l ideology was a warning to the bourgeoisie either'' ^toiassume jits:; social responsibilities, or expect to be overcome. A number of Prat de la Riba's ideas and aims were com-patible with those of d'Ors, but there were also radical differ-ences. In his work, La nacionalitat catalana. Prat de la Riba has suggested the idea of an imperialist policy. This was the only point that d'Ors considered important. It must be understood, however, that although Prat exposed these theories, he was never interested in their practical application. As Rovira i V i r g i l i states, Prat de l a Riba was l i t t l e interested in foreign politics and was a man of limited horizons; Prat de l a Riba ... presenta sens dubte punts flacs, zones, poc treballades. Sovint pogue'rem observar, per exemple, que Prat no> sentia 1*interns de l a pol i t i c a internacional. Un cert innat casolanisme l i donava un aire una mica limitat en algunes questions, Seguia, tanmateix, el moviment de l a politica estrangera i l l e g i a diariament Le Temps de Paris. 3^ Prat was, therefore, a man who, although informed, was not inter-ested in actual participation on the international scene. His interests were the Catalan nation and. the protection of the industrial bourgeoisie's economic dominion. Prat's tendency to isolation, or as Rovira i V i r g i l i calls i t , "casolanisme", reflects his rural background. The president of the Mancomunitat was the offspring of a rural, land-owing family, and as such,his conception of social organization is modelled on that of the traditional rural pattern:: "En l a seva vida i en l a seva. mort, Prat de l a Riba, fou un home r i c de les virtuts de l a 35 nostra pagesia." Unlike d'Ors, who sought to be an- ur.bani..gentleman of international, humanistic culture, Prat remained intensely nation-a l i s t i c . This accounts for a certain narrowness in his under-standing of the social realities of his time. Prat de l a Riba directed his p o l i c i e s only to a national objective that concerned the higher bourgeoisie,, that i s , tbithe economic independence, and protection of Catalan trade. As d'Ors, he did at times consider the necessity of s o c i a l organization, and the p o s s i b i l i t y of sharing some of the dividends, but only as a means of control, during the labour c r i s i s posterior to 1 9 1 2 . That was part of Prat's so-called "evolution towards a certain l i b e r a l i s m " between 1 9 1 3 and 1 9 1 6 . On the whole, Brat's ideology was d i r e c t l y influenced by that of Torras i Bages. Yet, because he moved from the country-side to the Mancomunitat, Prat did make some minor changes to adapt that system to his new urban situation.. Jordi Soli-T-ura notes that t h i s did not r a d i c a l l y a f f e c t Prat's fundamental point of view:. este desplazamiento de l a i n c i t a c i o n r u r a l hacia l a urbana no s i g -n i f i c a , a mi parecer, una anulacioli de l a primera. Al contrario, como dice Carr, e l prop6sito fundamental de Prat era "arranclar e l movimiento (catalanista) de manos de los intelectuales de Barcelona y ganar a l a c a u s a i del campo conservador". 3 6 D'Ors' own position, since i t rests on an urban i d e a l , i s contrary to Prat's, for he emphasized the importance of the i n t e l l e c t u a l s and t h e i r p r i o r i t y i n matters pf p o l i t i c s . In t h i s regard, Prat was much more t r a d i t i o h a l i s t i c and conservative than d'Ors. Prat de l a Riba believed i n the absolute v a l i d i t y of the rural$ f a m i l i a l structure to be used i n urban l i f e . Prat, who praised the Middle Ages and Romanticism, understood the Catalan t r a d i t i o n i n the same fashion as Torras i Bages, ...This implies that he perceived s o c i a l i n the divi n e l y ordered structure of the "Ancien Regime*1. Prat considered that the twentieth century needed to return to the medieval s o c i a l structure that i s , the feudal, paternalistic structures. Prat defined his position in a lecture given in the Centre Catalanista in 1097: La Edad Media es l a edad de las autonomies. Labilegada del Renacimiento, l a instauracion del cesarismo y de las formas c l a s i -cas, que para los romanticos equivalfan a l a rauerte, marchitaron todas las libertades de los tiempos medievales. La nueva era se llama Romanticismo, y por el l a Edad Media vuelve:. 37 His understanding of social organization remained feudal, even in his most liberal moments, of 1913. When he did suggest the possi*^ b i l i t y of Syndicalism and a share in the dividends in order to en-courage the labour force, his conception was entirely patterned on the rural familial system. According to Prat de l a Riba, the ideal situation for the workers was the:! organisation of ""industrial colonies", under the dominion of the employer: El instrumento de esta recreacion ha de ser l a colonia industrial, combinaci6n de las virtudes de l a organizacion feudal, con el dinamismo de l a vida moderna, l a confluencia finalmente encontrada de los valores urbanos y rurales. 38 The modern, dynamic ideal referred to was the economic prosperity of the nation, understood as the material gain of the few. The J structure of the "industrial colony" was to function as a totally autocratic system. The head of this family would be the corpora-tion's employer, who was to have unlimited jurisdiction in the organization and functioning of the colony. Prat defined the.. powers of the employer-father as follows: todas o casi todas l a facultades que necesita el patrono para l a formaci6n del medio mencionado tienen su raiz en el derecho de propiedad, pue.den fundarse. en l a facultad de no permitir dentro de su casa mas que determinadas practicas y costumbres, de expulsar a los que se apartan de ellas, de imponer a los que en e l l a quieran vivir el cumpli'miehtoj de las reglas y preceptos de policia que juzgue pertinentes, de prohibir la entrada en l a misma de las per-sonas y de las cosas, periddicos y libros, por ejemplo, que no le acomoden. El dueno de l a casa, el jefe de l a familia industrial, f i j a un regimen determinado; al entrar en l a familia industrial los obreros aceptan voluntariamente este regimen; s i se cansan de el pueden abandonarlo, abandonando l a casa; pero mientras vivan en e l l a han de sujetarse a l a voluntad del senor que l a preside. 39 The industrial colony i s , therefore, l i t t l e more than a variation of the feudal estate. In i t , the employees are serfs, free to go, but subject to the w i l l of the lord. As Prat goes on to explain, in this "ideal" situation the colony is wholly under the direction of the employer, and separate from the state: La colonia industrial ha de constituir una sociedad aparte; en e l l a los obreros han de v i v i r sujetos a un regimen de direccidn moral y de tutela, radicalmente distinto del de las ciudades.. 40 As this quotation indicates, the industrial colony is in absolute opposition to the ideal of the City. In d'Ors* ideal, every man participates in the fate of the City, every man has rights and obligations in the election of this ideal. The system proposed by Prat de l a Riba suggests that the proletariat has no right to elect i t s fate- and is at the mercy of the employer. The situation in which the proletariat finds i t s e l f in an industrial colony does not allow i t to participate in the state;, for i t lives under the jurisdiction of an employer whose estate is divorced from the laws of the nation. Prat de l a Ribais. anti-democratic point of view led him repeatedly to oppose the concept of universal suffrage. When circumstances in 1913 forced Prat to give way, he limited his "liberalism" to the idea.-of organic suffrage, in which the proletariat was given representation by guild only. This was only a token gesture, for since the members of the guild were controlled by the employer, their opinion, was subject to the judgment of the-' latter. Thus, in Prat's scheme, the proletariat is separated from the government of the State and has no say, that i s , no direct responsibility, in i t s fate, which is contrary to d'Ors'ideal. The fundamental dif f erence>;,is, therefore, that d'Ors urged the limitation of private property, whereas Prat de l a Riba,acknowledged the unlimited right to property. When d'Ors speaks of liberalism, i t i s this unlimited right to property to which he is referring, as we mentioned > previously. The position of d'Ors, as regards the use of democracy and his opposition to i t , is radically opposed to that of Prat de l a Riba. In his gloss " V i g l l i a " (190?), d'Ors had expressed the feeling that the destiny of the City, or State, was in the hands of every man, and as such, every man should participate, that i s , "choose" or "vote". Through syndicalism, d'Ors had opposed the abuse of labour by employers that had developed- out of the: liberal ideology of the right to property. Syndicalism was to limit '. legally the power of the employers. As such, d'Ors placed a great emphasis on the responsibility of the proletariat to the State, and of the State to the proletariat. The paternalistic aspect of d'Ors' ideology is one of guidance, not of total control, such as that of Prat de l a Riba. It is this difference that sets apart Prat de l a Riba's support of a medieval organization from d'Ors' neo-classical conception of society. Prat de l a Riba's theories were inflenced by Torras i Bages' i_a tradicio / catalana. The traits his theories inherited from those of the Bishop of Vic are not only the feudal perspec-tive of l i f e , but also i t s corollary, a short-sighted religious attitude and a very limited belief in progress. Though Prat de l a Riba did close his eyes to the religious orientation of some Catalanists, since the means justified the end, he was what d'Ors: reproached in men of the nineteenth century, such as Rierola : dogmatic in his religious practice and belief.. Rovira i V i r g i l i informs us that: Davant el problema religios Prat, era, intimament, no ja conser-vador, sino' reaccionari. Els seus horitzons, per aquest cpstat, eren d'una limitacio'accentuada. Mirava els no creients amb una certa repulsio'. 41 A.characteristic example of Prat's bigotry, related by Rovira i V i r g i l i , was his refusal to print in the Veu de Catalunya the. picture of Pi i Margall among those of the originators^of "Catalanismo", because of the latter's heterodox ideas. This as-pect of Prat de l a Riba's rather rural, attitude also leads to a. parallel that supports his feudal vision of l i f e , that i s , the negation of progress. Prat declared that: No creemos en l a llamada ley del progreso. T-an caracterfstico de lo humano es el progreso como el retroceso. En l a cuna misma de l a humanidad se registra, segun l a mas universal de todas las tra-diciones, un retroceso tan terrible que en siglos sucesivos de existencia no ha podido todavfa alcanzar de nuevo el estado de perfeccio'n que perdio'. 42 This quotation, which reveals Prat's denial of the theory of evolution, indicates that his belief in transcendental Creation is essential to his vision of social organization. Both Prat de l a Riba's dogmatism and his denial of pro-gress are contrary to d'Ors' ideology. As we mentioned previously, d'Ors had a fai r l y open religious attitude.. His belief in Catholicism was founded on social, reasons of human unity. In j-religious practice, d'Ors condemned religious dogmatism that pre-vented man from progressing. The negation of progress, in as much as i t is f a t a l i s t i c , i s contrary to d'Ors' belief that man evolved towards perfection. In d'Ors' ideology, the function of. the elite i s essentially pedagogical. It must organize and enlighten the proletariat, and hence i t is an intellectual e l i t e , not a pecun-iary one, as was that of Prat de l a Riba. D'Ors ' ideology was therefore compatible with that of the Lliga, in as much as i t was paternalist, but i t differed radically in i t s "socialist" connotations. In an extremely im-portant gloss of 1910, "Five o'clock mind", d'Ors; expressed the actual nature of his ideology and his reasons for participating in the activities of the Lliga. This gloss is presented as a dialogue between two persons of approximately thirty years of age, who com-pare their youthful experiences, in order to define what charac-terizes their generation:. S i . Els qui tingue'rem vint anys quan comenca. l'afer i vint-i-cinc quan l a revisio 7 i trenta avui, havem sofert en el nostre esperit l'emprenta dura d'una terrible experidncia. Tota l a nostra  generacid es troba en eJL cas de nosaltres dos. ~~h~3 The case, or "afer" referred to is the famous Dreyfus case, which took place in 1900, and was re-opened in 1905. Since d'Ors was born in l88l, he is obviously referring to his own generation, that of the Noucentistes. D'Ors explains that the Noucentistes were, before 1906, socialists and revolutionists, fighting for the cause of justice by revolting against the establishment: fa cine anys erem tots dos de l'altre costat de l a barricada,, tots dos socialistes, tots dos dreyfusistes, tots dos combistes, tots dos ardits i cridaners en l a batalla contra l a tradicio. h-k The change occurs through disillusionment, as both come to realize that pure idealism and impatience are devoid of any practical purpose and do not lead to social progress, because such idealism cannot be integrated into society. There is a need to strike a compromise with the existing circumstance in order to modify i t . The two rloucentistes reflect that their own ideals have not changed, but that those companions who continued in their extreme position and formed pol i t i c a l ; parties, have, become as corrupt as the regime they were fighting. D'Ors states quite clearly that a l l reform can only be done from within: ... Despres havem vist els nostres amies d'alehores arribar al poder, mantenir-s•hi. Havem pogut observar-la seva conducta, i com fracassava en les seves mans, i entre mil baixeses, l a renovaciet moral, que ens il*lusionava. Els havem vist encara aixafar, intentar l'a s f i x i a de l'Esperit, en una tirania de baix a dalt, en una intro-missid del filisteismer, sense precedents en l a historia...! aixo es el que nosaltres no havem pogut suportar... I aixo es el que ens ha fet a.tots, l'un darrera l ' a l t r e , sense posar-nos d'acord, quasi sense sentir-ho, saltar la barricada... Vet aqux com de l a nostra generacia nomes els p o l i t i c s , que h'«han tret profit, continuen man— tenint les mateixes "idees" que un dia mantingue'rem tots. Els desertors, no obstant, no hem sigut nosaltres, sind e l l s , perque e l l s , al mercadejar amb aquelles idees, les han buidades del seu contingut espiritual mateix el retroben avui en "idees" aparentment contraries... k5 The moral reform of Spain that the young modernists hadi desired, was now not being carried out by the politicians who, were supposed to be their representatives. The social policies of these politicians lacked content and sincerity. As the gloss indicates, the essential motive of d'Ors.' generation was the establishment of social justice in Catalonia. In order to f u l f i l l this ideal, the young '?:houcentistes-modernists had rebelled against the. traditionalist establishment? that i s , they had tried to "modernize" society from without. Owing to the unsatisfactory, superficial nature of this modernization, they'1, had now reversed the situation by carrying out a revolution from within. By working with the forces of order and integrating their beliefs into the dominating class's sphere of action, the nou-centistes could change the sensibility of that society and increase i t s social consciousness. As such, d'Ors' conception of Noucen-tismie was the integration of Modernism into the ruling class's l i f e . It was the socialization of Modernism, so that i t might f u l -f i l l i t s real function in the destiny of Catalonia. Noucentisme was, therefore, an organized form of p o l i t i c a l Modernism. 209 Notes' to Chapter VII 1 J.L.Aranguren, La f i l o s o f l a de Eugenio d'Ors (Madrid : Ediciones y publicaciones Espafiolas, 1945) p..245. . 2 G. Diaz-Plaja, AIL f i l o del Novecientos (Barcelona : Planeta, 1971) p. 227. 3 E* d'Ors, Glosari 1906-1910 p. 182. 4 Ibid. p. 184. 5 Ibid. p. 183. 6 Ibid. p. 1335. 7 Ibid. p. 1244. 8 Ibid. p. 794. 9 Ibid. p. 755. 10 Ibid. p. 756. 11 •Ibid. p. 5 8 6 . 12 Ibid. p. 1481. 13 La f i l o s o f i a de Eugenio d'Ors p. 2 3 2 . 14 Glosari 1906-1910 p. 4 7 0 . 15 Ibid. pp. 468-469. 16 Ibid. p. 733. 17 Ibid. p. 1176. 18 Ibid. p. 8 9 . 19 Ibid, pp.: 1083-1084. 20 Ibid. p. 1535. 21'. Ibid. p. 1553. 22 Ibid. pp.I533-I534. 23 Ibid. p. 472. 24 Ibid. pp.1472-1473. 25 Ibid. p. 1483. 26 Ibid. p. 10^8, and the gloss "No crid i s " p. 1275. 2.7 E. d'Ors, Aprendizaje v_ heroisme (Madrid ; Rgsidencia de Estudiantes, 1915) -p. 1 0 . • • • .... 28 Ibid. p. 2 2 . 29 Ibid. p. 1 0 . 30 One of the various examples of this may be found in the gloss "Politica!" (1909) p. 1100. 31 Glosari 1906-1910 p. 2 2 1 . 32 Ibid. p. 1422. 33 Ibid. p. 1350. 34 Antoni Rovira i V i r g i l i , Prat de l a Riba (Barcelona! : Edicions 6 2 , 1968) pp. 42-43. 35 Ibid. p. 2 1 . 36 Jordi Sole-Tura, Catalanismo y revolucion burguesa (Madrid: : EDICUSA, 1970) p. 37 Ibid. p. 215. 38 Ibid. p. 247. 39 Ibid. pp.. 248-249. 40 Ibid. p. 249. 41 Prat de l a Riba p. 46. 42 Catalanismo y_ revolucion burguesa p. 218. 43 Glosari 1906-1910 p. 1366. 44 Ibid. p. 1365. 45 Ibid. p. 1366. Chapter VIII Noucentisme and Modernism : The Literary Relations As we have noted in the previous chapter, according to d'Ors many of the noucentistes carried on the ideals of Modernism. In d'Ors' words, theuspiritual ideal of the noucentistes was that which they had supported in 1900. The impossibility of imposing these ideals on society so as to make them function practically had led the noucentistes to try to reform the bourgeoisie from within. The forme*" lack of organization and security that had characterized Modernism had been incompatible with the middle?*; class's interests and beliefs. Thus, Modernism was restructured so as to please both parties involved, the bourgeoisie and the intellectuals. Noucentisme was this intellectual stance adapting Modernism to the tastes of the bourgeoisie. In order to realize the true nature of i'fbucentisrae, one must understand that between 1906 and 1910, d'Ors never entirely rejected the ideals of Modernism; r ather he considered i t to be a- transitional phase. What he did condemn was the method of carrying out these ideals. Indeed, d'Ors never underestimated the importance of Modernism for the cultural development of Catalonia. In a gloss entitled "Ocasi& unica" ( 1 9 0 9 ) , d'Ors explained that the modernist tendencies that originated in the tavern Els Quatre Gats were the spiritual regeneration that gave an identity to Catalonia, for there European culture was introduced to a pro-vincial Barcelona. The gloss, which i s a tribute to Eere Romeu, the owner of Els Quatre Gats, states: Penseu que els noms de Claude Monet, de Faul Verlaine, de Frederic Nietzsche, penseu que l a restauracid de l a mdsica popular i de l a gregoriana, que el wagnerisme i l'ibsenisme, que l a pintura. d'en Mir, 1'arquite.ctura d'en Puig i Cadafalch i d'en Gaudf, l a poesia> d'en Maragall, tingueren un dia alguna cosa a-veure i estingueren en "una complicitat" sorollosa amb 1'existe*hcia d'una cerveseria que es deia "Els quatre Gats"... Penseu que, en bloe, sense des-mescja, tot aixb va ser aplaudit o blasmat, en dos partits con-traris, per l a gent barcelonina. Pero entre aplaudiment o blasme, tot aixb - que era esperit, que era elevacio, que era r e n o v a c i 6 - , anava avancant... 1 Here, d'Ors points out that a l l was a heterogeneous mixture of currents, characteristic of the turn of the century Modernism, but within this lay the renovation of Barcelona, i t s ideal essence. Modernism may, consequently, be regarded as the basis of Noucentisme. The reproach made by d'Ors i s the lack of normality, and the public's lack of selectivity. As the quotation states, the public was divided into two antagonistic parties: "Think that, as a whole, without sorting, a l l this was applauded or damned in two contrary parties". According to d'Ors, there was a consequent lack of genuine c r i t i c a l approach to art, in part by the artists and in part by the public. From this d'Ors realizes that his function was to harmonize this polarization. The noucentiste movement, as we have seen earlier, was aiming to set norms on art, in order to produce works of a higher, or international, quality. This required a more selective approach to a r t i s t i c production. There was also the need to educate the public and render i t more sensitive to idealistic material., that i s , to an aesthetic interpretation of l i f e . This involved making the public aware of the complexities of art, and imparting good taste. To carry out this ideal, i t was imperative, for d'Ors to make a "tabula rasa" of the cultural, circumstance existent in Barcelona. The opposition between the two groups, bohemian and bourgeoisie, was too extreme to permit a simple modification of their relation-ship:. The reigning confusion required a new approach, a radical change of circumstance, on which both parties could meet. To understand the relationship between Modernism and Noucentisme, i t is important to note that fundamentally both reacted against the same preceding movement. Modernism in literature had rejected the excessive use of formulae, or rhetori-cism, of the romantic- Spanish poets, for i t lacked any substantial content. This had led them to the extreme of revolting against any form. When d'Ors reintroduced the necessity of the classical form, he stipulated,as we have already noted, that the form without a substantial content i s an empty shell of no value. The romantic poets mentioned in the Glosari 1906-1910 are the Castilians, Rojas Zoifilla, Espro&ceda, Echegaray and Campoamor, and the Catalans, J.M. Bartrina and F.. Soler. Of these six, d'Ors makes no praise, and what appreciation of their work he does give, is l i t t l e less than slander. The contempt he f e l t to-wards Zorjilla i s best expressed i n the gloss "Rostand",in which d'Ors states that Rostand "ha esdevingut a Franca el que Zonxlla 2 fou a Espanya"; that i s , "un semi-poeta apte a representar als ul l s , i sobretot, a les orelles de l a multitud ignara, l a fina flor 3 i com l'encarnacio vivent de l a poesia." The special reference made to the effect produced by Zorilla's type of poetry, more to the ears than to the eyes or intellect, i s d'Ors' satyrical attitude towards the grandiloquent style of that poet. There i s a similar devaluation of the poetry of Echegaray Campoamor. In his gloss, "Richardo de l a Vega", which is about this author, d'Ors considers that even this poet deserves a Nobel prize, since: •La Verbena de l a Paloma' es una petitai obra mestra. Hi ha e l l a sola mis poesia, s i no m'equivbco, que en les obres completes de don Ramon de Campoamor. I no cal dir que en les;. de don Jose Echegaray... k This contempt for romantic Spanish poetry is not only levelled at Castilian poets, but also at Catalans, who are repre-sented by the figure of Frederic Soler (Pitarra). x'hough he realizedAihe importance of Soler in the development of Catalonia's "Renaixenca" literature, d'Ors. considered, him to be a primitive writer, in the negative connotation : "un primitiu...delicids; en les seves Gatadas, en sos Sjnglots; detestable en els drames, perque en 5 ells es un primitiu sense ingenuxtat." The insipid nature of Soler's theatre is criticized because of i t s lack of verisimilitude. Criticism of the lack of content and of the bombastic form of Catalan and Castilian romantic literature may be found in the ironical gloss "Homenatge a Esproneeda". In this gloss, d'Ors ex-presses genuine scorn for both Esproneeda and J tM.Bartrina: No conec sino* un versif icador. de menys esperit poetic que don Jose de Esproneeda: i es don Joaquxn Marxa Bartrina.... Ambdds.,' no obstant, tenen un gran valor representatiu. - Esprnceda, ignorant, calavera, geni de cafe., Byron 'chispero*, popular i populatxer, pessimists,-, xerraire, • juerguista' sentencid's, is el tipus selecte d'una malaltia endemica en l a vida intellectual de Madrid. - Bar-trina, mig savi, indolent, geni d'Ateneu, Leopardi menestral, fals aristocrata, petit anarquista ambpetites rendes, pessimista, pro-fessional, conversador blafematori, 4s el tipus selecte d'una mal-a l t i a endemica en el viure intellectual de Barcelona. 6-As we may observes in his condemnation of both these poets, d'Ors sees their work as being purely formal and lacking content. They are ''ignorant versifiers!', who -.simulate poetry by having recourse to pessimistic personal sentiments.. Their ignorance i s aggravated by no serious effort jfea erudition or comprehension. Their position, as described by d'Ors, also indicates that , owing to their lack of comprehension and their pessimistic attitude, they can only ex-press a static circumstance. These "masters" never give rise to an ideal and, therefore, never f u l f i l l their social function. ^'his reaction against romantic literature i s similar to that of the Modernists, and indicates that not a l l of Modernism could be rejected by the Noucentistes. In fact, several of the. Modernists were rehabilitated into the noucentiste movement, '^he reason for which those of the older generation were never integrated into the noucentiste movement, i s c l a r i f i e d by d'Ors' statement that the movement was chronological, and therefore generational. When judging the immediate relations between Noucentisme and Modernism, many c r i t i c s have payd^? exclusive attention to d'Ors' statement, made early in the Glosari of 1906, that Costai i Llobrera did not count as a Noucentiste: La direccio: estetica anterior del Catalanisme era produlda sempre en un mateix sentit, en sentit de romanticisme, des d'en Piferrer, el nostre primer gran romantic, fins en Maragall, el nostre darrer gran romantic. Entremig, el cas d',un Costa i Llobrera, no compta* Cal arribar als nostres dies per assistir a 1'obertura. d'un cicle de classicisme essencial. 7 This statement, which confirms the "generational" nature of Nou-centisme, does not impede.. d'Ors. from stressing the importance of Costa i Llobrera's work in his own times, that i s , three years later. The gloss, "La setmana dels poets - Guimera.", l i s t s chronologically the major poetic influences in Barcelona's literary scene: " No cal parlar de les veritables 'escoles' creades per 1'exemplaritat d'un g Maragall, d'un Josep Carner, d'un Costa.i Llobrera." Though this does not indicate complete rehabilitation of Costa i Llobrera, i t does show that d'Ors recognized the literary importance of this; predecessor. Another example of the recognition given to the previous generation by d'Ors, is the case of Costa i Llobrera's contemporary and country-man, Joan Alcover. This poet is not only recognized, but fu l l y rehabilitated. D'Ors considered Alcover as one of the fore-runners of Noucentisme. In a gloss addressed to Alcover, "Pel volts del Parnas" ( 1 9 0 9 ) , d'Ors states:; "-... cal considerar-vos, aixi us considerem tota, poeta Alcover, com un dels primats en • 9 l a depuracio c i v i l de l a poesia catalana...". The " c i v i l depura^ -? tion" of Alcover's poetry i s , consequently, what primarily makes i t acceptable for d'Ors. As we have seen earlier, whem d*Ore. speaks of c i v i l i t y , he i s , in fact, meaning formality. T^us, i t is the formal organization of Alcover's poetry that renders i t acceptable to the aesthetics; of Noucentisme, for the Parnasian formalization of his poetry indicates: an intent to classicize his expression. Alcover was not the only poet to write poetry along a formal pattern. Two modernist figures of fair importance in Barcelona's, literary scene were also rehabilitated by the rroucen-.. tiste movement. These are Apel-les Mestres and Alejandro de Riquer Apel-les Mestres, who was a regular collaborator in the f i r s t two parts of the Avenc, from l 8 8 l to 1888, was essentially an extreme romantic* His poetry i s often "joc-floralesca", extremely senti-mental, and nebulous, and is composedl in the easy manner of quartets Alejandro de Riquer was also a romantic and, as a painter, was very influential in the introduction of the pre-Raphaelite school, in Catalonia. As a writer, he was the director of Juventut. Yet, in a gloss entitled "Moltes coses ;son mudades" ( 1 9 0 6 ) , d'Ors: praises both of these authors for their"forraal" evolution. Apel-les Mestres had written an introduction to a collection of sonnets by Riquer. These sonnets were written prior to 1906, for this is an early gloss of that year. The rehabilitation of these two poets i s motivated by their " c i v i l " conformity, in .spite of the fact that these sonnets were written during the "modernist" years. D'Ors states that the introduction of thev-igenre is new to Barcelona: L'apreci dels sonnets es el e l l a (nostra literatura) cosa novissima. En els darrers dies s'ha portat aquest apreci a limits apotebsics, mes, iquahts eren els qui aixo podien preveure en 1902?... - No, no fe el pensament d'un escriptor el que. ha mudat; es l'atmosfera espiritual catalana l a que es renova, i amplament, i de pressa... 10 As d'Ors specifies above, i t i s not the thought that changes, but the atmosphere in which i t is produced. This implies that the change i s not in the content, but in the w.ay in which the thought is expressed. Alejandro de Riquer, being a pre-Raphaelite, tended to idealize the aesthetic object. One may therefore conclude, from this and from what has already been seen of d'Ors' noucentiste.! ideology, that i t was the idealist element that moved d'Ors: to re-habilitate Mestres and Riquer. One of the best examples that can be given to substantiate the idea that the latter two poets were rehabilitated on account of idealism, i s the rehabilitation of the renaixentiste, A*ngel Guimera (who also collaborated in the Avenc, 1 8 8 0 - 1 8 8 8 ) , as explained by d'Ors: Mehestrant, l a ma's alta.obra de'l'Angel Guimera, e's a dir, el seu teatre idealista, essencialment poetic, restava sense continuacio i sense continuacio ha seguit i Guimera sense deixables fins fa un instant... 11 Though Guimera is best known for his realist productions, such as Terra Baixa, d'Ors points here to a l i t t l e mentioned, symbolist portion of his work, produced after. 1900, as Calonja indicates:: Aixd mateix, La Santa Espina; aixb, La reina jove, l a idealitzacio' de les tesis que no son mes que una sola, l a humanitat, quan es fonen en un sol anhel les persones que representen l a monarquia que se'n va i l a revolucio* que triomfa. Igualment, el romanticisrae social i p o l i t i c de Jesus que torna. Hem de reconeixer que en aquestes darreres obres, oom en les altres de l a mateixa epoca - ,L'anima es meva, Joan Dalla, etc. -minvava l a grandiosa humanitat de les anteriors, tot accentuant-se l a tesi general. 12 The idealist productions of Guimera, consequently, appeal to d'Ors in the sense that ihey are compatible with the noucentiste aesthe^ tics by their general stylization. Their concern for humanity, especially in the case of La Santa Espina and La reina jove, in which humanity i s united and overcomes p o l i t i c a l barriers, may also have interested d'Ors. Just as d'Ors' own work, La ben plantada, they represent stylization pushed to i t s utmost, becoming "pidces a these". The "philosophic-didactic" intention of these plays is also compatible with d'Ors own approach to literature whether in the Glosari.,, LV ben7p 1a n ^ a d a 1 o r e v ? n a s l a t e a s l n t t i e Aldeamediana. The revindication of the idealist trend in theatre also led to the rehabilitation of one of the major figures of Modernism, Adria" Gual. As founder of the Teatre Intim, Gual worked t i l l his bankruptcy in 1927 to make universal, theatrical culture accessible to the Barcelonian public. Thus, his task followed the modernist ideals of'bringing culture to Barcelona, that i s , to educate the public, throughout the Glosari 1906-1910, in the glosses "L'Adria Gual" (1906J, "L.'Intim" ( 1 9 0 7 ) , "Teatre gratuit i teatre economic" (1908). and "El cas Gual" ( 1 9 1 0 ) , d'Ors praised Gual, bath for his literary works and for his actions. There does occur a slight discrepancy in 1908, which concerns the method by which Gual brought the theatre to the public. This, however, is only a minor matter of opinion that does not affect. d'Ors' appreciation of the value • of Gual's work. In the end of the year gloss, "L'Adria. Gual" ( 1 9 0 6 ) , d'Ors specifies that the only reason for which Gual i s not con-sidered a Noucentiste is because he began to write long before 1906: L.'Adria Gual, del qui aquesta nit escoltareu un nou drama, a Romea Is home que, com sabeu tota, pinta i escriu. - Comencii, ja fa i temps (massa per a incloure'l entre els noucentistes), pintant pri"n-ceps i escrivint de prfnceps. - Avui pinta prfnceps, encara, pero ja no escriu sino de pobresa de menestrals. - I pregunta el Glosa-dor : Per que?... El per que ja es podria dir, pero dit, seria massa penos per a l'orgull nostre. 13 The plays presented by Gual that year are "El bon policia" and "Els pobres menestrals". Though Gual continued to work in his original line of idealist theatre., inspired by that of Maeterlinck, he makes a return to a more "realist" or " c i v i l " theatre in the afore-mentioned plays. It i s interesting to note that d'Ors proceeds to level an invective, not against the author, but against the con-ditions with which the artist has to cope in Barcelona, '^hie im-plies that d'Ors reacts against the "bourgeois public, not against the modernist artist, who i s forced to descend to the levels of social r e a l i t i e s . The latter cannot present ideals as he dreams they are, but is forced to face social realities that confront him, that i s , the "social injustice" of v/hich he is aware. He i s also obliged to meet the demands of an insufficiently cultivated public. The importance of the pedagogical function of the artist i s made clear in the gloss "El cas Gual", in which d'Ors draws an important parallel between the German playwright, G. Hauptman, and A. Gual. D'Ors states that, after four years of complying with the demands of the public, i t was necessary for the a r t i s t , Hauptman, to rebel, so that the culture of the nation might progress. The Glosador thereby indicates the pedagogical nature of Noucentisme. Just as Hauptman, Gual had written a type of r e a l i s t i c theatre that won the approval of the public. Once popular figures, both artists could turn back and present the public with purely idealist material, which would make i t s mark on cultural progress. D'Ors explains that, after his earlier modernist period of idealist theatre, the playwright had fi n a l l y resigned himself not to turn against public taste for some time, but to work in agreement with i t . Now he had again revolted against public taste, for its.: good:. Quan fou conegut "Misteri de dolor" es cregue generalment entre els nostres teatre que l'Adria Gual. havia per ultim "posat seny" i que es decidia a treballar "per al public" i no "contra el public" - que es com cal treballar - i treballar contra el public vol dir encara fer Art c i v i l i . . . Un altre drama estrenat despre's i titulat s i be* recordo, "Els pobres menestrals", apareixa persis-tint en l a mateixa via... Pero" avui ens'sorpren l a nova joiosa que el pacte tacit s'ha trencat, que l a submissio* es terrainada, que. novament 1'esperit de revolta, de batalla, d'aventura, ha bufat. en l'anima del nostre amic. Tot anuncia el drama que aquest vespre ha d'estrenar-se com una temptiva gosada i atzarosa. Es diu que en :> e l l es fa a l a idealitat i a l a fantasia generosa porcid.... Elo-giem-lo per aixo i per l a seva valentia i inquietud. La inquietud, en l a vida este'tica com en l'etica, es indici de dignitat.... Al sant, en canvi tot se l i tornen dubtes, remordiments, escrupols; i cada Hum de mati l i porta un nou combat, en l'aspra via vers, l a cobejada perfeccid. 14 In this exposition, d'Ors is indicating some of the similarities between Modernism and Noucentisme. Both aimed at reform and cultural progress. This i s only possible by revolting against the bourgeois taste, or by establishing new norms, that i s , to work towards perfection, by continually modifying i t . As a consequence of this transformative function, the artist must not simply conform. As an aristocrat of the intellect , he must lead the nation. This leadership cannot be static. It is not only dominance, but the imposition of culture. It is pedagogy. For this reason, the artist cannot submit himself to the inferior values of the "vulgus" as understood by d'Ors., It i s imperative that the artist work against pjublic taste for the good of the pub-l i c . The method suggested by d'Ors is that of "art arbitrari", or as stated in the above quotation, "idealism and fantasy". This art is removed from public taste, for i t is invention, not a direct copy of reality. It is better than reality. Art thus con-ceived inspires the public and leads to renovation or progress. The social importance of art may also be seen ih the. revindication of the merits of another important; modernist play-wright, Ignasi Iglesies. In the gloss of the second month of 1906, "L»Iglesies i el teatre de bondat", d'Ors wrote ancapology of this poet on the grounds that his theatre was important to the social function of the Sity. Iglesies' theatre deals with fundamental human problems of the lower classes. As J. Fuster has indicated, i t i s never really "socialist theatre". Though i t i s concerned with the struggles of the individual, confronting the injustices of a materialist society, Iglesies never oriented- his work to class struggles: No hi ha dubte que refle c t i a " l a passio obrera": nomes que ho; feia sense consciencia revolucionaria. Iglesies, que fou anomemat "el poeta dels humils", no arriba a ser mai el poeta - o e l dramaturg -del proletariat. ~, 15 D'Ors explained that his original aversion for the work of Igle'sies stemmed from the sentimentalism which i s present in a l l of Iglesies' theatre. The revision of this..judgment i s founded on the fact that, although d'Ors abhors pathos., which, according to him, is the cul-mination of sentimentality,, and takes a l l rhythm or organized struc-ture out of the play, he recognized that Igle'sies was not interested in pathos, but in human Goodness. This Goodness; mus^be considered as the sense of Christian good w i l l amongst men. Since the City i s based on good w i l l , Iglesies' theatre is complementary to that ideal. Fuster has stated that d'Ors' praise, was only a token gesture, since he comments mostly on a minor work, Juventut : "Eugeni d'Ors s i es decidi a fer-ne un elogi, fou arran de l'estrena l6 d'una obra com Juventut, que no representa 1'Iglesias essencial." This objection i s only partly valid, for d'Ors: does not reject the ideas of Iglesies' theatre, which are, in fact, compatible with his own ideology,' What is rejected is the lack of "art" ; in many of his previous works. These tended to be purely didactic. D'Ors, in his praise of Juventut, specifies that i t is the organization, arbi-tration, or "art", that makes this particular work important 1 Es, com en els drames indies , com potser en alguna de les temp-tatives contemporaries de/jteatre socialista, com segurament en poques m4s obres, Bondat. Y Bondat objective, fonamental, neta de tota psicologia, neta de tota fisi o l o g i a , organitzada, substantiva, es a dir, Deure. E*s a dir L l e i . ^s a dir, Ritme. Vista a i x i , sentida. aixf, es ja l a Bondat una gran forca triigica, parella a l a Fatalitat grega... I noteu com hem vingut a ressentir aqui una de les vibracions'de mes.interes i mes... musicals de l a consciencia.moderna, en que l a Caritat, sortint de son primitiu amorfisme, e"s devinguda nocid etica i adhuc juridica; en que l a idea d'un deure social s'imposa per primera vegada; en que s'or-ganitza, mes encara, es vertebra, l a Bondat... 17 The interest which d'Ors manifested for Igle'sies' work consequently rests on the latter's organization of the idea of social obligation of man to his fellow men within the scheme of the play. As d'Ors points out in the above quotation, he reacts against the "amorphic" nature of Charity and demands that i t be structured, so as^to become applicable to daily l i f e . To do this is to formalize the concept. The formalization demands a generalizsu.' tion of the problem, which is a removal of the predominantly individualistic aspect of Igle'sies' work. Thus, d*Ors. states, that in the playwright's work, Goodness is made objective by being freed of the introspective, or "psychological" elements normally present in his plays. As a refutsl of Naturalism, d'Ors states that Igle'sies' plays are free of "psychological" and "physiological" traits:. These plays do not deal with class problems, but, as Fuster has previously indicated, with essential human problems. D'Ors therefore praises the stylization of Igllsies' social ideas and the message of c i v i l responsibility and participation present in the modernist plays--,:lr>T wright's work. The rejection of Igle'sies' work before this gloss is consequently, a question of disagreement about the method used to present these ideas, not with the fundamental ideas. The importance of social participation is so great in d'Ors' ideology that, as we have seen already, i t led him to recog-nize the value of such writers as E. Zola. Thus, even the nai-*, turalist writer, Narcis Oiler, who was an active figure in both the end of the Kenaixenca and early Modernism, and who was an important collaborator in the f i r s t two parts of the Avenc, until 1891, was rehabilitated for his participation in c i v i l l i f e . The only mention made of Gller in the Glosari 19@6-1910 is the gloss "Per a en Karcis Oiler". In this gloss, d'Ors accuses the generation of Oiler of not having taken active part in p o l i t i c a l l i f e . His accusation i s directed especially against the c r i t i c , J. Ixart,who also collaborated in the Avenc until 1 8 9 L The reproach made f against Ixart and his generation i s their passive, or fa t a l i s t attitude to literature and po l i t i c s : L'Ixart deliciosament conversava. L'Ixart es gronxava en dolces ironies i en balancins peresosos d'Ateneu. iQuina idea tenia 1' Ixart de les l l u i t e s polftiques? iQuina en tenieu, vosaltres tots, amb e l l , en l a blanor del cenacle intim? 18 The condemnation of Ixart's generation is similar to that made in the second part of the Avenc by J. Brossa-Roger, at the end of 1892, who rejected a l l previous literature, with a reserved exception made for Oiler. Long after-Brossa-Roger, d'Ors mocked the si t t i n g -room attitude of that generation to literature, and, in subsequent articles, stressed the need for Catalan youth to take an active part in social l i f e . D'Ors rehabilitates Oiler, and, as he states in this gloss, most other writers, including Ignasi Igllsies: (La Giutat) us ha guanyat, com ha guanyat successivament tants d'altres, dels qui comencaven sent-li mis esquerps, d'un Bartomeu Robert a un Ignasi Igle'sias. A tots ha cridat a intervencid'. I tots haveu anat acudint-hi. Benvingut hi siau, vo's, per ara el. darrer. Benvinguda l'hora en. que l a nocid' d'un deure civic 4s en-trada en l a nostra sang. 19 It i s interesting to nidte that d'Ors never refers in the Glosari to Oiler's literary productions. Indeed, this freed him from aever having to place any judgment on the value of Oiler as a literary figure. D'Ors maintained an ambiguous position towards Oiler's generation, which in matters of literature he neither accepts nor rejects. It i s only in general comments, as we have seen before, against naturalism and the nineteenth century, that he rejects the ideology of that generation. In the case of Masso-Torrents, d'Ors mentions his name once, for the favourable opinion the latter had 20 of his early work, La 'muerte de Isidre Nonell. One of the ^reassessments effected by d'Ors i s that of A. Cortada's scholarship. D'Ors wrote an elaborate eulogy of the latter for his perseverance, which is a sense of Continuation, so much admired by the Glosador. In the gloss "El senyor Cortada", d'Ors points out the very important thing that differentiates the Modernists from the Noucentistes . Cortada had adopted the. basic Germanic virtue© which d'Ors sought to bring into Catalonia - the external formality that the Latins lacked. DiOrs, therefore praised:&: the Germanic aspects of Cortada's personality:"Al tremp, tan ger-manic; al parlar, tan llunya de l a lleugeresa l l a t i n a del senyor Cortada, retis doncs rnerces Barcelona pomposa de les meravelles que admira.." This may be considered to be a reference to the Ger-manic influences that dominated the Barcelonian "fin-de-siecle", and the romanticism that arose out of these influences, that in Cortada found their organization. There is,.however, a certain element of reproach involved in this praise. Cflrtada, who i s so Germanic, lacks the elegance, and yet i t i s to his innate pragmatism that. Barcelona owes her progress. D'Ors does not wholly reject this figure who demonstrates the importance of determination and discipline in civic l i f e . One of the most important pantheists of the turn of the century, Gabriel Alomar, is also partially rehabilitated by d'Ors. Again, no. direct or violent reproofs were made against Alomar, whom d'Ors treated with respect. Alomar, who was educated at the Institutio de libre Ensenanza, developed an ideology similar to 22 that of d'Ors. In 1904, Alomar forwarded in essays and con-ferences his ideology of futurism, which emphasized the need for Idealism based on classical and Christian principles, directed to-wards a national ideal. According to the resumes of Ruiz-Calonja and F u s t e r , Alomar considered that the nation was the expression of a; classical, Greco-Roman ideal, which derived from ancestor-worship, that i s , honour to parents by continuing the evolution of their achievements. From Christianity, this ideal had developed into socialism, or civic fraternity, in order to give rise to national unity. Thus futurism was the* progressive ideal, derived from the conjunction of classicism and Christianity, which was to be con-tinued by future generations for the betterment of society. Though Alomar understood the importance of form, or classicism in literature, his liberal tendencies led him to give more emphasis to progress and to reject the traditionalism of the provincial Balearic society. As such, Alomar was a modernist be-cause he refused to conciliate interests. There i s , consequently, a certain divergence between Alomar and d'Ors as to the direction given to their respective ideologies. In a gloss, "Alomar o 1'engany del temps", d'Ors states that he is not a futurist, for his work as a reporter i s the search for eternity, not for symptoms of the future* Con a sfmptomes del Futur?... - Ah, no: com a jeroglific, millor, • a simbols de 11 Eternitat I... - I aqui s i , aqui s i , que hi ha el comenc d'una fonda divergencia entre el simpatic futurista de les Mallorques i el Glosador. Aquell, messianic de temperament, aristotelic de norma mental, ha trobat per al seu geni profetista, de forta sabor oriental, l a comoda, pressid del temps; i resignat a l a seva condicionalitat estretissima, colloca 1'ideal, en una de ses modalitats - l a mes imprecisa, es ver, pero modalitat del. temps al cap i a la f i n - en "el Futur"... El Glosador, irremeiablement occidental, platonic, no sabria cenyir sa arbitrarietat a l a fatalitat "anecdotica" del temps, i considerant aquesta, com les altres fatalitats enemigues, aparneces, pecats, f i l l e s del Diable enemic - nome's en 1'Eternitat ibroba. l a veritat definitiva, que es l a definitiva alliberacio. 23 The difference established between Alomar and d'Ors lies in what d'Ors calls the Aristotelian nature of Alomar and the Platonic per-spective of d'Ors. In an early gloss, "Doctrina de solidardtat", d'Ors explained! this difference, which is based on a partial, reference to Aristotle's Poetics: La "polis" 4s un sistema d'individns. El "cosmos" i s un sistema d'astres. La ceHula mateixa es un sistema d'elements, i l'univers, en son conjunct, no es evidentment pas una coliecio d'episodis, com el v e i l A r i s t o t i l volia, mes un tot ben l l i g a t , un sistema total... 2k It is t