UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Hachikazuki, a companion story Steven, Chigusa 1976

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Notice for Google Chrome users:
If you are having trouble viewing or searching the PDF with Google Chrome, please download it here instead.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1976_A8 S74.pdf [ 4.88MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0093831.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0093831-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0093831-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0093831-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0093831-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0093831-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0093831-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0093831-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0093831.ris

Full Text

"HACHIKAZUKI," A COMPANION STORY by CHIGUSA STEVEN B.A., University of British Columbia, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of ASIAN STUDIES We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1974 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C olumbia, I agree t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Asian Studies  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8 , Canada i i ABSTRACT This t h e s i s i s c h i e f l y a t r a n s l a t i o n of and commentary on a medieval Japanese short story, "Hachikazuki," or "The Bowl G i r l , " which t e l l s of a stepchild's s u f f e r i n g a f t e r her dying mother places a bowl on her head i n obedience to a di v i n e command. The bowl becomes attached to the g i r l ' s head and only f a l l s o f f when her lover's f i d e l i t y requires him to leave home on account of her. The goddess' mercy i s revealed when he, the youngest son, i s made the family h e i r , because he i s loved by such a b e a u t i f u l woman. The f i r s t three chapters provide h i s t o r i c a l background and develop the c r i t e r i a f o r evaluating the story. They also show why i t belongs to a genre d i f f e r e n t from other l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n s . The t r a d i t i o n a l term, otogi z5shi, or "companion s t o r i e s , " i s argued f o r as the most appropriate f o r the en t i r e genre, because the s t o r i e s were probably read by one person to provide another with companionship, entertainment, and i n s t r u c t i o n , a function commonly performed by pro-f e s s i o n a l s t o r y t e l l e r s . The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the otogi zoshi are then analyzed and seen to be well suited to the way the s t o r i e s were us u a l l y enjoyed. For example, they are short, they grew out of an o r a l t r a d i -t i o n , t h e i r focus i s on events rather than human psychology, t h e i r s t y l e i s adapted to o r a l presentation, and they provide r e l i g i o u s and moral i n s t r u c t i o n . F i n a l l y , the t r a d i t i o n s out of which the otogi zoshi grew reve a l , not merely t h e i r debts, but t h e i r uniqueness as a new genre. i i i Chapter four discusses "Hachikazuki" as an otogi zoshi and draws attention to i t s finest qualities, such as the s k i l l with which diverse folklore elements are weaved together to provide companionship and religious instruction. The reader i s then invited to have someone else read the translation, in order to simulate the medieval practice of reading stories as a way of providing companionship. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1. OTOGI z5SHI: AN APPROPRIATE GENERIC TERM 5 CHAPTER 2. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE OTOGI z5sHI 20 CHAPTER 3. THE OTOGI z5sHI AND OTHER TRADITIONS 30 CHAPTER 4. "HACHIKAZUKI," AN OTOGI z5sHI 43 TRANSLATION OF "HACHIKAZUKI" 56 FOOT-NOTES 85 BIBLIOGRAPHY 97 V ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This t h e s i s owes much to my teachers at the Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, who have read i t i n nearly a l l of i t s versions and have given me innumerable suggestions. I am p a r t i c u l a r l y g r a t e f u l to Prof. Leon Zolbrod, my supervisor, f o r the meticulous care with which he went over every word of each d r a f t , and to Prof. Leon Hurvitz, f o r h i s invaluable help i n t r a n s l a t i n g the text. I am also indebted to Prof. John Howes for p i c k i n g out inconsistencies i n my argument and f o r helping me to tighten i t . For assistance i n converting my Japanized s t y l e i n t o the Englis h idiom, I express my thanks to my husband, Rob, and to Mark Fran c i s . Needless to say, any errors and omissions that remain are my en t i r e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . 1 INTRODUCTION "Hachikazuki" Jiffe -n'% , or "The Bowl G i r l , " i s one of twenty-three short s t o r i e s which were written some time i n the Muromachi P e r i o <^ (1392-1573) and which a bookseller and publisher by the name of Shibukawa Seiemon ") -J^h'published i n the early eighteenth-century under the t i t l e , Go shugen otogi bunko ^ j 7 ^ ^ ; " ^ " N ^- 1 -4(fflfy)U%M- (The Wedding Companion Library) . These otogi zoshi ffiffyv ^ r or "companion s t o r i e s , " as they l a t e r became known, together with the other s i m i l a r s t o r i e s of the Muromachi period, of which nearly f i v e hundred have so f a r been discovered, have not been accorded a prominent p o s i t i o n i n the h i s t o r y of Japanese l i t e r a t u r e . They have generally been regarded as a decline i n the development of the Heian ^ ty* (794-1191) f i c t i o n t r a d i t i o n , and present day scholars see l i t t l e l i t e r a r y value i n them. They are often considered f a i r y t a l e s , not l e a s t because Shibukawa's c o l l e c t i o n was intended to be a wedding g i f t to serve as a guide on self-improvement for women. One of the few Western scholars to make a study of the Muromachi s t o r i e s 2 r e f e r s to them as " a r t l e s s medieval t a l e s . " This unfavourable assess-ment of medieval Japanese l i t e r a t u r e has, u n t i l recently, remained l a r g e l y unchallenged on both sides of the P a c i f i c . The purpose of t h i s t h e s i s i s to reexamine the p r e v a i l i n g view that the otogi zoshi represent a low point i n the development of the 2 f i c t i o n t r a d i t i o n and to t r a n s l a t e and comment on one of them, "Hachika-zuki. " My ce n t r a l theme i s that they belong to a d i f f e r e n t genre from that of Heian and Kamakura ^ (1192-1333) f i c t i o n and that t h e i r value must be assessed according to c r i t e r i a appropriate to that genre. Three main arguments demonstrate the generic d i f f e r e n c e between the l i t e r a t u r e of the Heian and Kamakura periods on the one hand, and that of the Muromachi period, on the other. F i r s t l y , I argue that the name otogi zoshi i s a good one for s t o r i e s that were read by one person f o r another i n order to provide companion-ship (togi suru /fop "jj"?^  ) , s t o r i e s that were enjoyed i n a way quite d i f f e r -ent from the t a l e s of the preceding periods. The p r a c t i c e of providing companionship by reading s t o r i e s was widespread i n the middle ages. Although Shibukawa's c o l l e c t i o n was compiled with a female audience i n mind and has been regarded as sui t a b l e f o r women and ch i l d r e n alone, the discovery of many Muromachi s t o r i e s with themes hardly l i k e l y to e d i f y the naive reveals that the l i t e r a t u r e of the period was not o r i g i -n a l l y written only f o r such an audience. When the newly discovered s t o r i e s were published, they were also c a l l e d otogi zoshi, a term which has ceased to connote merely l i t e r a t u r e f o r female consumption. Because the themes of the Wedding Companion L i b r a r y s t o r i e s are d i f f e r e n t from those of many other s t o r i e s , present day scholars such as Ichiko T e i j i " r f j ^ = 3 ^ /^L and Kuwata Tadachika ffl argue against the use of the term otogi zoshi as the genre name of Muromachi l i t e r a t u r e . 3 Ichiko suggests that the l a t t e r be referred to as chusei shosetsu \z\r A^%^J i o r "medieval f i c t i o n , " because Shibukawa was the f i r s t person 3 to c a l l only twenty-three selected works otogi zoshi. I show why the term shosetsu i s not appropriate and why the term otogi zoshi i s . My second argument i n favour of regarding the Muromachi s t o r i e s as a genre d i f f e r e n t from the shSsetsu depends on an a l a l y s i s of t h e i r charac-t e r i s t i c s . Although there i s no e x p l i c i t evidence s t a t i n g that they were read i n order to provide companionship, they are the kind of story that was probably widely enjoyed i n t h i s way during the Muromachi period. Some s t o r i e s include references to t h e i r readers and hearers. A l l are short s t o r i e s having a strong d i d a c t i c and r e l i g i o u s purpose and empha-s i z i n g events over human emotions, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which make them pecu-l i a r l y s u i t a b l e as otogi zoshi, or s t o r i e s read by one person to keep another company. They are d i s t i n c t i v e l y unlike the Heian t a l e s and r e -quire d e s c r i p t i o n i n a way that captures the relevant d i f f e r e n c e s . My f i n a l argument against seeing middle-age l i t e r a t u r e as a decline i n the development of the Heian t r a d i t i o n i s that i t l a r g e l y represents an improvement of an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t t r a d i t i o n , one whose character-i s t i c s are more s i m i l a r to i t s own than are the main features of the Heian t a l e s . The s i m i l a r i t i e s between the Muromachi s t o r i e s and the setsuwa  bungaku ~yL^£ (narrative l i t e r a t u r e ) of the Heian and Kamakura periods are so great that i t i s hard to understand why the main compari-sons have, u n t i l recently, been made between Heian f i c t i o n and the 4 Muromachi short s t o r i e s . Not only Shibukawa's Companion Li b r a r y , but a l l the s i m i l a r s t o r i e s of the middle ages are well described as otogi zoshi. The word otogi draws att e n t i o n to the way Muromachi l i t e r a t u r e was enjoyed, to i t s main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and to i t s separateness from the Heian t a l e s , i n short to the genre to which i t belongs. The l i t e r a r y value of any p a r t i c u l a r Muromachi story must be assessed with these three points i n mind. "Hachi-kazuki" can be recognised as a great c o n t r i b u t i o n to Japanese l i t e r a t u r e i f one remembers that i t i s an otogi zoshi. "Hachikazuki" i s one of the best known of a l l the Muromachi s t o r i e s . I t appeared second i n Shibukawa's catalogue and i s an excellent otogi  zoshi, s u p e r l a t i v e l y d i s p l a y i n g the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the genre. I also have a personal reason for choosing to t r a n s l a t e i t . As a c h i l d I had heard i t quite often and was strongly impressed by the bowl which became attached to the young g i r l ' s head and which brought her so much s u f f e r i n g but u l t i m a t e l y l e d her to happiness. I have attempted to follow the Japanese text as c l o s e l y as possible and, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the poems, have s a c r i f i c e d poetic s t y l e for accuracy of t r a n s l a t i o n . The imagery behind the verses i s frequently obscure, and rather than jump to conclusions about the many possible implications they may have, I have l e f t them as simple and naked as p o s s i b l e . The o r i g i n a l poems are presented alongside my t r a n s l a t i o n s , which represent the minimum of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . My reasons f o r choosing the p a r t i c u l a r t e x t I d i d are given i n a l a t e r chapter. 5 CHAPTER 1 OTOGI ZOSHI; AN APPROPRIATE GENERIC TERM After the publication of Shibukawa's Wedding Companion Library, the Muromachi short stories became widely known as otogi zoshi, a term which has come to signify the equivalent of Western fairy tales. While this connotation i s unfortunate, the term i t s e l f i s not, because i t uniquely captures the way they were probably enjoyed. Shibukawa's twenty-three stories were published in thirty-nine thin booklets and later in twenty-three. The collection included one or two stories written in the early Edo 5X ^ period (1603-1867), which Shibukawa probably regarded as belonging to the same genre as the rest. From i t s t i t l e , Go_ shugen otogi bunko, the words Go_ shugen seem to have been dropped in later years: Shibukawa's catalogue of books, published sometime in the Meiwa 0$ ^0 Era (1764-1774), l i s t s only Otogi bunko.1 The emphasis then shifted from the collection to the stories themselves, which became popu-l a r l y known as otogi zoshi. Soshi originally meant bound thin booklets, but later a l l stories printed in this form, which included illustrations, were referred to by this name. Most Edo f i c t i o n was known as soshi, for example, the Kana zoshi hl?L%> -^3~ (Stories written in kana) , and Ukiyo  zoshi J^. -t£ ^ ^- (Stories of the Fleeting World) . In his Gunsho Ichiran-<| f }£ —- ^ff (Annotated Bibliography) , published in 1801, the Edo scholar, Ozaki Masayoshi %j$*k Jjg t wrote: "Otogi zoshi . . . i s also called 6 Otogi bunko."" Shibukawa c l e a r l y s p e c i f i e d h i s intended audience by appending to h i s c o l l e c t i o n the words: " A l l the s t o r i e s and t a l e s from former days were c o l l e c t e d and boxed here as a convenient guide on self-improvement ' 3 f o r women." By the end of the Edo period, otogi zoshi were even frowned upon as children's s t o r i e s . A writer, Santo Kyozan jj^ fJL ^ , comment-4 ed that they were entertainment for the young, and they gradually be-came known as f a i r y t a l e s . Kenkyusha's New Japanese-English Dictionary t r a n s l a t e s otogi zoshi as "a book of f a i r y t a l e s . " When, i n the modern period (1868-), many other Muromachi short s t o r i e s were discovered, they were published under the t i t l e of otogi  z5shi, which was conventionally used as t h e i r genre name. But because many of them do not f i t into the category of f a i r y t a l e s , modern scholars no longer be l i e v e that Muromachi l i t e r a t u r e was intended f o r women and c h i l d r e n alone. Ichiko therefore suggests the term chusei shosetsu. The d i s a s s o c i a t i o n of the genre from f a i r y t a l e s i s an important step towards c o r r e c t i n g the unfavourable l i g h t i n which c r i t i c s have viewed Muromachi l i t e r a t u r e . But i t has not brought to t h i s l i t e r a t u r e a name that i s appropriate to the genre, because to a modern reader the term shosetsu connotes the work of a person who i s conscious of h i s authorship and c r e a t i v i t y . The Muromachi s t o r i e s , whose authors are anonymous, do not seem to have been consciously created at any f i x e d point i n time, but frequently were attempts to put an o r a l t r a d i t i o n 7 into writing. Ichiko points out that they often "merely served as some-thing to read, or a readable book, on request."^ The term shosetsu i s misleading because i t raises the question of originality: i f the Muro-machi stories are considered shosetsu, the criticism that they lack originality i s valid. Stories possessing the characteristics and enjoy-ed in the manner of the otogi zoshi are best described by this name. Although Shibukawa was the f i r s t person, as far as we know, to apply the term otogi to any of the Muromachi stories, i t i s an appro-priate term, provided i t i s taken quite l i t e r a l l y without any connota-tion of fairy tales. There i s strong evidence that the works of the Muromachi period were "companion" stories, which were told by one per-son to keep another company. The practice of togi (keeping company) by t e l l i n g stories was widespread in the medieval period, and stories used for this purpose are well described as otogi zoshi. Whether or not Shibukawa chose the word otogi because he knew of i t i s not possi-ble to establish, but contrary evidence should not invalidate the cen-t r a l point of this chapter: a l l classes took part in the practice and otogi zoshi i s an appropriate generic term for the stories used. Although we do not know why Shibukawa chose the word otogi, analy-sis of the word's meaning and the practice to which i t referred does suggest a possible explanation. Otogi i s one of the honorific forms of the word togi, the Chinese character for which consists of the "man" radical A~ and the character for kuwawaru fir} , meaning "to join" or "to 8 p a r t i c i p a t e . " Togi and the older h o n o r i f i c form on t o g i fao f i r s t appeared i n the writings of the Kamakura period, the e a r l i e s t of which i s Mumyo zoshi (Nameless.Story), written some time around 1200. Although the word's o r i g i n i s uncertain, i t meant "to keep some-one company," mainly by means of conversation. When t o g i was done f o r someone of a higher status, the h o n o r i f i c form on t o g i was used. Even i n c e r t a i n r u r a l areas of present day Japan, the expression t o g i suru 6 i s used to mean, "to keep someone company by means of conversation." Later meanings of the word included a c t i v i t i e s such as "to keep v i g i l , " "to keep a guest or master company i n bed," and "to tend the s i c k through the night," i n d i c a t i n g that what was e s s e n t i a l l y involved was the pro-v i s i o n of comfort, assistance, and sympathy. The p r a c t i c e was o r i g i n a l l y provided by and for a l l classes of people. By the middle of the Muromachi period, however, a c l a s s of p r o f e s s i o n a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s of t o g i had come to e x i s t . They had s p e c i a l t a l e n t s , know-ledge, and experience, and were employed by the daimyo (feudal lords) to provide them by means of conversation with entertainment, use-f u l knowledge, and information. They were known as otogi shu ^ f ^ 0 >§c i or "companions," and t h e i r service was c a l l e d o t o g i . The f i r s t person to give the otogi shu the formal status of o f f i c i a l s was 5uchi Yoshitaka 7^vl^ 3 ^ f^r i the daimyo of Suo 1^ f>% , present day Yamaguchi prefecture, _ 7 i n the middle of the sixteenth-century, who had twenty-three otogi shu. The otogi shu system was a product of the warring ages, when the 9 daimyS needed easy ways to educate themselves and relax between b a t t l e s . I t was at i t s height during the l a t t e r part of the sixteenth-century a t the time of Toyotomi Hideyoshi -J^ S. ^jj and Tokugawa leyasu "J ^ ^ , the former having as many as eight hundred otogi shu, although i t i s hard to believe that they a l l served at the same time. With the establishment of the Tokugawa government i n 1603, the daimyo came to r e -quire a d i f f e r e n t type of education and had plenty of time to read books fo r themselves, with the r e s u l t that the otogi shu became l e s s important. By the time of the t h i r d shogun >\$c ^ (generalissimo), Tokugawa Iemitsu ^ML-'1) s%<^~> i t n e shogunate was employing the system o f f i c i a l l y only f o r i t s sons. Thereafter, otogi was regarded as something f o r young 8 people alone, and i t s p r a c t i t i o n e r s also became young people. According to Ichiko, Shibukawa had the changed ot o g i shu system i n mind when he selected h i s s t o r i e s and named h i s c o l l e c t i o n , and also regarded the purpose of o t o g i as the p r o v i s i o n of education and enter-tainment for young people alone. He chose the word otogi because h i s p u b l i c a t i o n was intended to educate young women. Both Ichiko and Kuwata r e j e c t the hypothesis that the twenty-three s t o r i e s were among those used f o r the purpose of t o g i i n the Muromachi period. Their grounds are that there i s as yet no documented evidence that the term o t o g i zoshi was i n use at t h i s time, and that the Muromachi s t o r i e s were not - 9 of the kind read by the otogi shu. The otogi shu served t h e i r masters mainly by means of conversation, although some were employed to read 10 books. For example, Maeda Toshiie ^fj $^7 -^l^C bad an otogi shu by the name of Okamoto Sankyu &\ 'S- h~Ji^ , who was also known as Monoyomi San-kyu , or "Sankyu the Book Reader." But the otogi shu read mainly military epics such as Taiheiki TK.-^  (The Chronicles of Great  Peace) and TenshSki ^Lj£ . " j s f2y (The Chronicles of the Tensho Era) , as li well as some ghost stories, which particularly interested the warriors. The latter were very popular and became closely linked with the practice of togi. When collections of ghost stories were published during the early Tokugawa'4%j "| period (Edo period), the word togi appeared in their t i t l e s . Examples are Togi boko /jflQ -jrj^ 3r~ (The Companion Maid Ser- vant) , Shin otogi boko 3£fj" ^ ff /JUD3p (The New Companion Maid Servant) , and Otogi utsubozaru Jfl&pAllD ^ ^ $lc (The Companion Monkey) . ^ Although Ichiko and Kuwata are correct in pointing out the absence of any e x p l i c i t mention of the term otogi zoshi i n the Muromachi period., and that the otogi shu read chiefly military epics and ghost stories, they offer no justification for limiting their research to a particular type of togi provided for a particular class of people. Rather, the practice of togi should be viewed as a classless phenomenon in the Muro-machi period, and when the daimyo recognised i t s usefulness, they adopt-ed and systematized i t . It i s hardly conceivable that when the otogi  shu system was established, ordinary people suddenly abandoned the prac-tice. The word togi and i t s honorific ori togi occur in the writings of 11 both the Muromachi and Edo periods, and f o r the f i r s t time another hon-o r i f i c form i s found: o t o g i . I t occurs whenever t o g i i s provided by a person of a lower status f o r someone of a higher status. In "Iwaya no soshi" jg£ & % 3p , or "The Story of a Room i n a Cave," the word i s used when a fisherman and h i s wife keep the heroine, a young princess, 12 company. Because the h o n o r i f i c form otogi was not only used when the service was provided f or the daimyo but for other people as w e l l , one must not assume that the p r a c t i c e of reading s t o r i e s to keep someone company existed among them alone. Shibukawa may have got the term otogi  zoshi from the more widespread p r a c t i c e of t o g i . That the p r a c t i c e existed among a l l classes of people i n the middle ages i s well documented. That i t included the reading of s t o r i e s i s also documented i n the case of the warrior c l a s s . Although no e x p l i c i t statement can be found that people from other classes also read s t o r i e s to keep one another company, there i s no evidence that they d i d not. The kinds of s t o r i e s that may have been used i s uncertain, but l i n k s can be established by means of i n d i r e c t evidence. The following section i d e n t i -f i e s the people who probably read the Muromachi s t o r i e s , which i n e f f e c t seem to have been enjoyed as otogi zoshi. The form i n which the s t o r i e s i n Shibukawa's c o l l e c t i o n were present-ed suggests the kind of audience they had i n the Muromachi period. They were accompanied by elaborate i l l u s t r a t i o n s and were a c t u a l l y a cheaper version of the e a r l i e r e d i t i o n s which'were much more decorative and which 12 were known as Nara ehon ^ f e , , or "Nara Picture Books." The Nara ehon were illustrated by professional painters, who originally worked for temples like the Kofukuji ^ B- %§) ^  in Nara but later lost 13 their jobs when the temples could no longer support them. The lux-urious format of the Nara ehon makes i t l i k e l y that the only people who could afford to buy them were the daimyo and wealthy individuals, who probably purchased them for their wives and children. They were also known as Yomeiri hon A_/js- , or "Wedding Books," and Tanakaza- r i hon jffifi ffift, or "Shelf-decorating Books." 1 4 According to Sasano Ken, the Nara ehon were i n effect used as otogi  z5shi; "Stories which were suited to providing otogi for women and young people of the upper classes were prepared in the form of Nara ehon."1^ Shibukawa may have been well aware of this use and may have chosen the word otogi in view of i t . If the word was only associated with the warrior class and military epics and ghost stories, i t i s hard to see why he used i t for a completely different kind of story. To describe his collection and a l l the stories that appeared in the Nara ehon as otogi zoshi i s therefore quite appropriate. But there i s reason to believe that stories besides these, which also appeared in illustrated books, were used to provide togi as well. Shibukawa claimed that his collection included " a l l the stories and tales from former days," apparently oblivious of the existence of hundreds of medieval short stories and the entire Heian literary 13 t r a d i t i o n , as well as the m i l i t a r y epics which were so c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the otogi shu. I t i s inconceivable that Shibukawa's over-statement resu l t e d from ignorance. Barbara Ruch suggests that the exaggeration was an ad v e r t i s i n g technique to s e l l h i s books, but such an explanation s u f f e r s from the d i f f i c u l t y that not many people could be persuaded that 16 the writings he excluded d i d not e x i s t . More l i k e l y , Shibukawa had i n mind a s p e c i f i c genre of " s t o r i e s and t a l e s from former days," a genre which the word otogi would r e a d i l y i n d i c a t e to contemporaries and from which he selected a l l the s t o r i e s most suited to h i s purpose, the provision of a wedding g i f t . To c a l l only twenty-three s t o r i e s the e n t i r e genre of nearly f i v e hundred may well have been an adver-t i s i n g technique. Shibukawa probably intended h i s c o l l e c t i o n to serve as a sample, a l b e i t a selected one, of the genre he re f e r r e d to by the name o t o g i . He may have known or believed that a l l the Muromachi s t o r i e s were otogi zoshi. That s t o r i e s not included i n the Nara ehon belonged to the same genre as those which were i s also suggested by the s i m i l a r form i n which both groups appeared. The former were also i l l u s t r a t e d , although l e s s elaborately so than the l a t t e r . Both groups of s t o r i e s were ehon, or " i l l u s t r a t e d books." Those more suited to the taste of the upper clas s e s were included i n the Nara ehon, and more than l i k e l y a l l these i l l u s t r a t e d books were used i n the t o g i p r a c t i c e . Barbara Ruch c i t e s evidence from contemporary d i a r i e s which confirms 14 how Muromachi s t o r i e s other than those i n the Nara ehon were used to keep someone company. On the twenty-sixth day of the second month i n the t h i r t e e n t h year of Tensho (1585), a samurai by the name of Uwai Kakuken -t. Iff ^ |£ wrote i n h i s Ise no kami n i k k i @ ^ 2/ (The Diary of the Lord of Ise), according to Ruch's t r a n s l a t i o n : "Their master's wife had requested that they transcribe the Tale of Tamamo (Tamamo no mae) from i t s Chinese character e d i t i o n into i 17 a phonetic-syllabary version f o r her." The lady r e f e r r e d to was the wife of Shimazu Jfj ^  , daimyo of Satsuma j$I ^  , and the story was probably intended for her own enjoyment or that of her c h i l d r e n . They d i d not necessa r i l y read i t themselves, because upper-class l a d i e s t r a d i t i o n a l l y looked at the i l l u s t r a t i o n s while t h e i r servants read the s t o r i e s aloud to them. The book was apparently used to provide the 18 service of t o g i f o r the daimyo's family. Ruch c i t e s the same d i a r y to prove that men were also readers of c e r t a i n Muromachi s t o r i e s . The Tale of Tamamo was written i n Chinese characters, which could only be read by educated men. She writes: "The information i n t h i s passage, supported by the existence of act u a l manuscripts of medieval short s t o r i e s employing large numbers of d i f f i -c u l t Chinese characters, makes i t quite c l e a r that educated men, not j u s t women, read these entertaining t a l e s and that, indeed, some s t o r i e s had been meant o r i g i n a l l y f o r a male audience." She t e l l s us that other d i a r i e s confirm that "readers of medieval s t o r i e s included 15 Imperial Princes, a r i s t o c r a t s , l a d i e s - i n - w a i t i n g , samurai, p r i e s t s , 19 linked-verse masters, and even some townspeople." C l e a r l y , the Muromachi s t o r i e s were not o r i g i n a l l y read by and f o r only women and c h i l d r e n , but a l l classes and sexes enjoyed them i n t h e i r heyday. The way i n which the s t o r i e s were appreciated i s another matter, and the next chapter shows that they were well suited to the p r o v i s i o n of t o g i . In the following section I only show that i n medie-v a l times there was a c l a s s of p r o f e s s i o n a l s t o r y t e l l e r s , other than the otogi shu, who also read s t o r i e s and provided the service of t o g i for the commoners. They probably played an important part i n p o p u l a r i -zing Muromachi l i t e r a t u r e and i n a s s o c i a t i n g i t with the p r a c t i c e of t o g i . Most of them had been r e l i g i o u s men and women who t o l d r e l i g i o u s s t o r i e s to c o l l e c t funds f o r t h e i r f a i t h s . When they entered the secu-l a r world, they became t r a v e l l i n g entertainers who l i v e d by t e l l i n g r e l i g i o u s and secular s t o r i e s . Having no p a r t i c u l a r t i e s , they t r a v e l -led widely encountering people from almost every walk of l i f e . One group of s t o r y t e l l e r s was known as the e t o k i hoshi "J^s ffi , or "picture explainers," who made t h e i r f i r s t appearance i n the l a t e Heian period. They were employed by the shrines and temples to provide the o r a l commentary on the p i c t u r e s c r o l l s which i l l u s t r a t e d the h i s t o r y of these i n s t i t u t i o n s . In the Kamakura period, when the established r e l i g i o n s began to su f f e r from a l o s s of a r i s t o c r a t i c 16 patronage, they were employed as " t r a v e l l i n g salesmen" to spread the f a i t h and c o l l e c t funds. To help i n t h e i r work they used s p e c i a l l y i l l u s t r a t e d s c r o l l s and pointed to the appropriate p i c t u r e s as they t o l d t h e i r r e l i g i o u s and l a t e r even secular s t o r i e s . Gradually they became entertainers who c o l l e c t e d money to support themselves. Bar-bara Ruch points out that "by 1440 et o k i are l i s t e d along with chanters, puppet handlers, and no performers as a r t i s t s who were paid f o r t h e i r 20 services by pri v a t e p a r t i e s . " The a c t i v i t i e s of the Kumano bikuni Ifcfc ^  t t i n ]Ci» o r "nuns of Kumano," were comparable to those of the e t o k i . They were o r i g i n a l l y the t r a v e l l i n g missionaries f o r Kumano Sansho Gongen ^j?, If-^ 5 ^ ft) ~%%L 2 1 , or "The Three Shrines of Kumano," when they took with them p i c -ture s c r o l l s of heaven and h e l l and preached l a r g e l y to female audien-ces the benefits of the Kumano d e i t i e s . At f i r s t both the et o k i and bikuni used p i c t u r e s c r o l l s , but be-cause these were e a s i l y damaged while t r a v e l l i n g , they eventually gave way to the i l l u s t r a t e d book. These missionaries, according to Barbara Ruch, "played an important part i n introducing i l l u s t r a t e d texts into the l i v e s of the common people, s e l l i n g them, exchanging them f o r a con t r i b u t i o n , or gi v i n g them away as part of missionary 22 a c t i v i t y . " Their pertinence l i e s i n t h e i r employment i n a new kind of entertainment, the t e l l i n g and i l l u s t r a t i o n of s t o r i e s , and the books probably developed into the i l l u s t r a t e d p i c t u r e books of the 17 Muromachi period. Some scholars even suggest that the word togi 23 derived from toki , or "elucidation," in the compound etoki. Although there were other groups of storytellers, i t i s not known whether or not they used illustrated books. The monogatari so tf^ ]"|lM t^i , or "storytelling priests," told chiefly military epics, and their favourite was Taiheiki. Those o f f i c i a l l y called zato ^§f^ , or "blind men," chanted stories to the accompaniment of the biwa (lute) , and were popularly known as biwa hoshi y^t^> , or "strolling l u t i s t s . " Their female counterparts were the goze ^--jr~ > ° r "blind women," who were mainly responsible for transmitting Soga monogatari ^ 3% (The Tale of the Soga Brothers) , and their part in creat-24 mg the story i s generally acknowledged. Some storytellers had patrons among the privileged classes. The goze used to entertain upper-class women, and their name derived from the honorific form of address for women, gozen jfc) • Sanetaka ko k i ^_?i§T ^  (The Diary of Prince Sanetaka) t e l l s us that an etoki h5shi was even summoned to perform in the imperial palace, though not 25 publicly. Although they might receive a measure of respect them-selves, lik e a l l contemporary entertainers, they possessed the lowest 26 social status i n Japanese society. Most entertainers did not, however, have patrons. Their low status and high mobility brought them into contact with a l l types of people, particularly the uneducated commoners who could not read stories for 18 themselves. Literacy among ordinary people was low, and the demand for professional storytellers must have been considerable. It i s therefore safe to assume that professional storytellers furnished commoners with the service daimyo received from the otogi shu. The zato, according to Ichiko, "were propagators of knowledge and the literary arts among the intellectually underprivileged; in other words, they were a kind of otogi shu who were not stationed at any one place, 27 but were free to move around." By reading or t e l l i n g stories, professional storytellers provided a variety of people with what was essentially the service of togi. Be-cause of their low social standing, the honorific form otogi was appro-priate for whoever received their service. The stories they told may well be described as otogi zoshi, even though there i s no record of this name being applied u n t i l Shibukawa's time. A possible reason why the term was not documented i s that the class of professional story-t e l l e r s disappeared before the end of the Muromachi period, and the stories gradually became disassociated with the practice of togi and came to be regarded as fairy tales for women and children. Only in the middle ages was the occupation of storyteller popular. In the Edo period bikuni referred to a type of prostitute who dressed like a 26 nun. Shibukawa may have been the f i r s t person to apply the term otogi  zoshi to any of the Muromachi stories, but he may have done so because 19 the s t o r i e s were c l o s e l y associated with the t o g i p r a c t i c e i n the medieval period. The term i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s u i t a b l e for s t o r i e s t o l d by one person to provide another with companionship and enter-tainment. The existence of a pr o f e s s i o n a l c l a s s of s t o r y t e l l e r s lends credence to the supposition that the Muromachi short s t o r i e s were enjoyed as otogi zoshi. One need not assume, however, that they were only read by professionals or that a l l of them were always used to provide the service of t o g i . Non-professionals could also read the s t o r i e s f o r other people, and some people also probably read them s i l e n t l y . Nevertheless, the generic term otogi zoshi remains the most appropriate one for the e n t i r e genre, whose common cha r a c t e r i s -t i c s preclude t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n into d i f f e r e n t types of l i t e r a t u r e . These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s also make the s t o r i e s most sui t a b l e f o r providing companionship. 20 CHAPTER 2 CHARACTER!STICS OF THE OTOGI z5sHI Although nearly f i v e hundred Muromachi short s t o r i e s have been found and share common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , l i t t l e attempt has been made to assess t h e i r value i n ways that allow for t h e i r unique features. Their short length, emphasis on events rather than human psychology, rhythmic and unpolished s t y l e , as well as apparent development from an o r a l t r a d i t i o n , a l l make them very d i f f e r e n t from the highly acclaimed monogatari (tales) and support the supposition that they were used to provide the service of t o g i . The present chapter analyzes these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and l i n k s Muromachi l i t e r a t u r e more c l o s e l y with the t o g i p r a c t i c e . The strongest evidence that medieval s t o r i e s were read' aloud to keep someone company comes from the s t o r i e s themselves. A number of them contain references to t h e i r hearers and readers: In "Hachikazuki" we f i n d the words, " A l l who hear t h i s story."''" In "Komachi zoshi" A ) \ Iff^ C^ , or "The Story of Komachi," there i s an invocatory bene-d i c t i o n " f o r the people who l i s t e n to t h i s story, not to mention how much more so f o r the people who read i t , " ^ and i n "Monokusa Taro" ^ , or "Taro the Loafer," there i s a reference to "the person 3 who reads t h i s to others." Although these three s t o r i e s were a l l i n Shibukawa's c o l l e c t i o n , others a l s o contain s i m i l a r a l l u s i o n s to the 21 togi practice; in "Ninmei Tenn5 monogatari" i or "The Story of the Emperor Ninmei," we find the sentence, "Thoughtful people should list e n to this story regularly," and in "Homan choja" j^T i$\ -^.^ , or "The Man with the Greatest Treasures," the writer 4 refers to "the people who li s t e n to this story." Although these allusions to the togi practice are clear, most stories do not contain such explicit evidence oh the way they were generally enjoyed. In order to link the genre as a whole with the practice, an analysis of certain common characteristics i s required. The f i r s t feature that a l l Muromachi stories share i s their short length. A l l average only twenty to forty pages of a modern text. In comparison with the length in tales of the Heian and Kamakura periods, those of the Muromachi period are remarkably short and on this score alone they f a l l into a different category. If they were meant to be read aloud and there was a limit to the amount of time a person could spend in one sitting, the achievement of their purpose depended on their not requiring too much time to read. Even the lengthy military epics lik e Heike monogatari 5^ - ^  ^]"^% (The Tale of Heike) were chanted in separate sections, each of which formed an almost indepen-dent episode, and only two or three of which were completed in one 5 s i t t i n g . That the Muromachi stories were short does not seem to have been accidental but intimately related to their use as otogi zoshi. Although some Heian tales are also f a i r l y short, they are more 22 anecdotal and try to capture only certain important events in the lives 6 of their characters. The Muromachi stories usually follow their cha-racters from cradle to grave, or at least deal with the greater part of their lives. While the Heian tales concentrate on human psychology, the Muromachi stories, as I show in the next chapter, regularly convey religious and moral lessons. The shorter Heian tales have only their length in common with the Muromachi stories. Although some Heian tales such as Genji monogatari, which i s far from short, were on occasion read by one person to another, they were usually read i n solitude. Stories intended for oral presentation, in order to be understood, often require a different Kind of organisation and emphasis from those read silently. A very complicated plot or in-depth handling of psycho-logical tensions may lead their hearers astray or to boredom. Too many crises in the lives of a large number of characters may be too d i f f i -cult for listeners to follow. An emphasis on a rapid succession of events over problems of human nature should not be considered a weak-ness in the Muromachi stories but an essential feature of the genre. Tales read in many leisurely sittings can afford, indeed may require, complicated plots, detailed descriptions of background and emotional tensions, a large number of characters, and diversions into an appre-ciation of natural surroundings. The second typical characteristic of the Muromachi stories i s therefore their comparative lack of concern for details. When 23 psychological d i f f i c u l t i e s are brought out, they are handled simply and b r i e f l y . The s t o r i e s focus c h i e f l y on what happens, and the p l o t s are appropriately organized. For example, i n "On zoshi shima watari" % ?r , or "The Young Lord's V i s i t to the Islands," the hero, Yoshitsune v j^ ,- $§L , sets o f f on a journey to the i s l a n d of Chishima -4" intending to s t e a l the record of the secret m i l i t a r y a r t s , which i s i n the hands of the monster-king of the i s l a n d . A s s i sted by the king's l o v e l y daughter, he succeeds and returns home. On h i s way he stops at numerous strange islands inhabited by weird creatures. There i s no d e s c r i p t i o n of the journey i t s e l f . We are only t o l d that "he set out i n h i s boat, and a f t e r a long time on the seventy-second 7 day he a r r i v e d at another i s l a n d . " Whenever he comes to a new i s l a n d , a number of things happen i n rapid succession, and the story i s f i l l e d with i n t e r e s t i n g events and creatures. What takes place i s described mainly by means of dialogue, which gives the story a dramatic e f f e c t . A l l the Muromachi s t o r i e s share t h i s second c h a r a c t e r i s t i c and are replete with f a n t a s t i c occurrences. Dialogue i s used e f f e c t i v e l y and i n abundance. Stories with d e t a i l e d d e scriptions of nature and human emotions would probably lose the a t t e n t i o n of t h e i r l i s t e n e r s . A t h i r d common feature which di s t i n g u i s h e s the medieval short s t o r i e s as a separate genre i s t h e i r p e c u l i a r rhythm and, compared with the elegant and a r t i s t i c way i n which the e a r l i e r f i c t i o n was written, t h e i r unpolished s t y l e . The expressions used are l e s s 24 o r i g i n a l , and c e r t a i n phrases occur repeatedly. A woman's beauty i s frequently described with words l i k e hikaru ~$t, , or "shining," g which comes from Genji monogatari, or i s compared with that of celebrated beauties l i k e Madame L i and Yang K u e i - f e i of China as 9 well as famous b e a u t i f u l women of Japan. The usual expression f o r someone who i s sad and c r i e s i s r y u t e i kogarete 5 ^ vlja ~ ^'VH ^ 1 or "weep b i t t e r l y i n l o n g i n g . W h e n lovers pledge t h e i r love, a common phrase i s hiyoku r e n r i || ^ J^§~ 1 o r " l i k e b irds which f l y side by side and l i k e trees that stand side by s i d e . " 1 ^ In addition to these and many more stereotyped expressions, there i s often a deliberate r e p e t i t i o n of words. A good example i s found i n "Bunsho s5shi" "5C JE. ^ h L , or "The Story of BunshS": "Are yuki  kore yuki yuku hodo n i mina mina yuki te kaerazu" ( l i t . , "That per-son went, t h i s person went, and having gone, everyone was gone and 12 no one returned"). The st y l e may appear crude, but i t s rhythm i s pleasing to the ear, although the tempo i s d i f f i c u l t to maintain i n t r a n s l a t i o n . Frequently seven- and f i v e - s y l l a b l e phrases are a l t e r -nated. In "Hachikazuki" £his technique i s quite common, f o r example, the sentence, "Sa_ r a de_ da ni/u k i n i ka zu so u_ // na nd da ga wa/ 13 s h i zu mi mo ha te zu // na ga_ ra_ e_ t e / . . ." This a l t e r n a t i o n of seven- and f i v e - s y l l a b l e phrases i s widely used i n other declamatory genre, such as the Yokyoku ftfl ^ # ° £ "No tex t s . " Stereotyped expressions and the r e p e t i t i o n of words 25 should not be seen simply as a f a i l u r e of imagination and o r i g i -n a l i t y . For o r a l l y presented works, f a m i l i a r expressions are often more e f f e c t i v e i n conveying c e r t a i n ideas and purposes, and they also serve to minimize words. A l i s t e n e r confronted by a completely new story written i n unfamiliar phrases may be d i s t r a c t e d from the development of the p l o t . Repetition of customary words and express-ions would be more comforting and serve to release tension: the service of t o g i required a s k i l f u l blending of the f a m i l i a r with the unfamiliar. Many Muromachi s t o r i e s also grew out of an o r a l t r a d i t i o n , a point to be discussed l a t e r , and the frequent use of s i m i l a r phrases and words was a great a i d i n memorizing them. In o r a l l i t e r a t u r e the reader plays an important r o l e and can transform by h i s tone of voice and even f a c i a l expressions a story that may appear drab to the s i l e n t reader. An experienced and talented s t o r y t e l l e r can turn an apparently simple and boring story into a b e a u t i f u l and dramatic work of a r t . A f u l l appreciation of the Muromachi s t o r i e s depends more than anything else on t h e i r being read by a good reader. I t also depends on a proper use of i l l u s t r a -t i o n s , which helped the s t o r y t e l l e r s to gain the desired e f f e c t on t h e i r audience, who probably looked at the p i c t u r e s while l i s t e n i n g to the performance. The f l o u r i s h i n g of p r o f e s s i o n a l s t o r y t e l l e r s i n the Muromachi period may well be c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the popularity of the otogi 26 zoshi, whose fourth characteristic i s that they required for their f u l l appreciation both the eyes and ears of their audience. The s k i l l s needed by the storytellers had been developed by the etoki, bikuni, and other professionals, who were apparently responsible, not only for the popularization of the Muromachi stories, but for the authorship of many. The role of these storytellers may shed light on a f i f t h character-i s t i c of the otogi zoshi, their anonymous authorship and the existence of various versions of the same story. With one exception, the authors 14 of the Muromachi stories are unknown. Ichiko writes, "The problem of 15 who wrote these several hundred stories remains unsolved." The most l i k e l y explanation i s that the actual writers were not authors in the true sense but merely recorded, with perhaps a few embellishments of their own, an oral tradition that had already been popularized by pro-fessional entertainers. They paid l i t t l e attention to originality and creativity, because, as Ichiko points out, the practice of rewriting 16 and borrowing the works of others was common in medieval times. Disrespect for authorship i s quite usual in works deriving from an oral tradition. The writers of folktales, Stith Thompson points out, "are alike in their disregard of originality of plot and of pride 17 of authorship." Yanagita Kunio H) ® % , a Japanese f o l k l o r i s t , demonstrated the folk origins of some otogi zoshi, for example, "Bonten koku" , or "The Country of Brahma," and "Monokusa Taro." He suggested a 'reexamination of the view that these two stories were 27 written by anyone whom we in modern times would describe by the word author. The etoki and bikuni were probably responsible for the develop-ment and transmission of at least one group of Muromachi stories, a groups known as the Honji mono jf>. jtfH, Vfty , or "Stories of Previous Lives of Buddha and other Deities." They t e l l of the suffering of certain people before their ultimate manifestation as deities of particular shrines or as bodisattva. One of the best and most well known i s "Kumano no gohonji no soshi" $L %-f o\ qfrp <* ? 1 I , or "The His-19 tory of the Kumano Deities," which was probably told by the bikuni. Another group of professional storytellers, the sekkyo so ^ , or "preachers," also seem to have played a part in creating cer-tain Honji mono. Many have identical themes, sometimes even contain identical sentences, to those of the stories collected in the Shinto  shu ^aJ^LJjL i a mid-fourteenth-century selection of narratives which describe, as Barbara Ruch writes, "the former (Buddhist) lives, expia-tory agonies, and reincarnations as Shinto Deities, of the diviniti e s 20 from many areas of Japan, together with histories of various shrines." The sekkyo so are considered to have used the ShintS shu as a source book. They belonged to a temple called Agui. v£2 ^  fj[j , one of the.; >, branch temples of the Tendai3^t5 sect 1 s Enryakuj i fi^ ^ , which was established by Agui Choken filj :J& , a famous preacher in 21 the late Heian period. 28 As the sekkyo so also gradually l o s t t h e i r r e l i g i o u s function and became entertainers, more secular elements entered t h e i r s t o r i e s . They customarily used source books, such as the Shinto shu, from which they obtained the o u t l i n e s of t h e i r s t o r i e s , and they f i l l e d i n the d e t a i l s 22 as they saw f i t . Individual s t o r y t e l l e r s could develop t h e i r own ver-sions, which some may have written down themselves. Stories could also be recorded by t h e i r hearers, who probably added a few of t h e i r own touches. The large number of widely d i f f e r e n t texts f o r many Honji  mono probably resulted from t h i s process. Because there are various texts, not only for the Honji mono, but f o r the Muromachi s t o r i e s as a whole, i t seems that the e n t i r e genre grew out of an o r a l t r a d i t i o n . I f some texts do represent copies, rather than d i f f e r e n t versions, quite l i k e l y the writer knew the story was o r a l i n o r i g i n and f e l t free to make h i s own r e v i s i o n s . I t i s safe to conclude that what we know as the medieval short s t o r i e s are probably the combined creations of the s t o r y t e l l e r s , who transmitted them o r a l l y , and the anonymous authors, who u l t i m a t e l y put them into w r i t i n g . Both made t h e i r own modifications, although the contributions of each vary from story to story. Single authors may be e n t i r e l y responsible f o r some s t o r i e s . In chapter four the r o l e s played by f o l k t a l e , l a t e r embellishment, and f i n a l authorship on the development of "Hachikazuki" are assessed as f a r as t h i s i s p o s s i b l e . To q u a l i f y as an otogi zoshi, a story must pass a number of 29 c r i t e r i a . It must have been read aloud by one person to another. It had to be short and easily read in one sitt i n g . Typically, the narra-tor glossed over details and tried to hold the listeners' attention by concentrating on a variety of interesting events. The style had to be adapted for reading aloud, often by professional storytellers of which many existed in the Muromachi period. It had to include illustrations, which many of these storytellers used to add a second dimension to their oral presentations. Its anonymous authorship reveals that i t probably grew out of an oral tradition of stories, which had always been presented aloud. A l l these characteristics, as well as one I discuss in the next chapter—a religious and moral purpose—make i t more than probable^ that the Muromachi stories were enjoyed as otogi  zoshi, even though they may not have been known by this name u n t i l much later. 30 CHAPTER 3 THE OTOGI Z5SHI AND OTHER TRADITIONS Although the Muromachi short s t o r i e s owe much to other t r a d i t i o n s , they represent a new type of work, which forms a genre of i t s own. They are u s u a l l y compared with Heian t a l e s , but have more i n common with setsuwa bungaku, f o r example, t h e i r i n c l u s i o n of main characters from a l l s o c i a l classes, t h e i r development from o r a l t r a d i t i o n , and t h e i r c l e a r d i d a c t i c and r e l i g i o u s purpose. The chief contribution of Japanese f o l k l o r e , as of Heian f i c t i o n , i s i n c e r t a i n themes or motifs, such as that of the stepmother and s t e p c h i l d . But because the setsuwa also sometimes t r e a t s i m i l a r themes, the extent of Heian and f o l k l o r e influence i s hard to determine. The present chapter provides a broad assessment of the r e l a t i v e influence on the otogi  zoshi of the narrative, f o l k l o r e , and Heian t r a d i t i o n s , with emphasis on the former two. The term setsuwa,bungaku usually r e f e r s to a number of c o l l e c t i o n s of short s t o r i e s , which were on the whole transmitted from mouth to mouth before being put into w r i t i n g . Some s t o r i e s are re l a t e d to nat-ive legends and myth; others are about well-known people, while yet others have close t i e s with f o l k l o r e and common b e l i e f s . Many have a d i s t i n c t Buddhist flavour and are often r e f e r r e d to a bukkyo setsuwa /{A 3|>L l ^ i , or "Buddhist narratives." 31 Setsuwa shu ^ g^ S Jfj^ , or "collections of narratives," began to appear for the f i r s t time in the Heian period, and the earliest of these is the Nihon ryoiki ^ ^ (Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition) . A priest by the name of Kyokai -|r -«% (786-822) collected one hundred and sixteen narratives which he recorded in Chi-nese. 1 Many other collections followed, of which the largest and great-est was Konjaku monogatari /^-^ *^ )"t1§" (Ages Ago) of the late Heian period. Although i t s compiler i s referred to as Minamoto Takakuni , his actual identity i s unknown. The collection i s divided into three sections with stories from India, China, and Japan and i n -cludes nearly one thousand two hundred narratives. Most of those in the f i r s t two sections were taken from foreign sources. The f i r s t half of the Japanese section consists mainly of Buddhist narratives, while the second comprises stories of a more secular nature about people from almost a l l walks of l i f e , ghosts, and even animals. Konjaku monogatari appeared at a time when the old order dominated by the great Fujiwara family was being replaced by a new one under minor aristocrats gathered round the Hoo z/£*%. , or "the Emperor who led a pious l i f e in retirement," and the warrior class which was gaining con-t r o l of the country. The new situation rendered less important the position of the court ladies, who used to serve the daughters of the Fujiwara family at court and who were the main readers and writers of Heian f i c t i o n . This literary tradition of the Heian period began to 32 decline, as i t was deprived of the arena in which i t had flourished. The compilation of narratives became even more popular in the Kamakura period. Uji shui monogatari ^ ^%~^_^)^] ir§- (A Collection  of Tales from U j i ) , an early thirteenth-century collection by an un-known compiler, contains many stories originating in folklore. Nearly half of these are closely related to those in Konjaku monogatari. It includes few religious or instructive narratives, unlike later collec-tions which were compiled with a firm intention to provide moral or religious guidance. One example of this latter group i s Shaseki shu >'Y i | L Q Collection of Pebble-Like Tales) , which were gathered together by a priest called Muju fa (1266-1312) in 1283.4 Towards the end of the Kamakura period, people seem to have lost interest in the setsuwa bungaku, and only the Shinto shu, mentioned in Chapter one, and one or two other collections were produced during the Nanbokuchio -j-^ji period (1336-1392). The tradition barely surviv-ed these unsettled years, when the country was divided into two factions who fought for the legitimacy of their respective courts in the north and the south. No new collections were produced in the ensuing Muro-machi period, when the otogi zoshi, which began to appear in the Nan-5 bokucho period, achieved pre-eminence. That the decline of the narra-tive tradition resulted in part from the rise of the otogi zoshi i s an interesting speculation, though the problem i s beyond the scope of this study. 33 The Muromachi period was one of great social upheaval and p o l i t i -cal change. The Ashikaga ^ _ ^ \ shoguns gradually became only nominal rulers, and the real power shifted into the hands of the great feudal lords, who waged constant internecine war. The aristocrats lost their former status and mingled with the commoners, some of whom accumulated great wealth in Osaka and Kyoto with the growth of the money economy and emerged as an important social class. In the country at large peasants grew conscious of their miserable conditions and rioted fre-quently. Whenever they threatened the government by rioting in the capital their demands were usually met. Sir George Sansom wrote that there was "as almost complete breakdown of allegiance, of the habit of submission to authority," although he also said that i t "was an 6 age of ferment, but not of decay." The otogi zoshi were produced and enjoyed in a rapidly changing society, in which class divisions were more blurred than before. The aspirations of the lower classes are revealed in some stories. "Bunsho soshi" i s the success story of a man named Bunsho, who had been a ser-vant in a shrine but who became extremely wealthy by engaging in the salt business. He had two very beautiful daughters, one of whom mar-ried the son of a minister, while the other became an imperial consort, in spite of their non-aristocratic background. Because of his love for the second daughter, the emperor honoured Bunsho by giving him a ministerial post. A mere salt merchant and former servant thereby 34 became one of the highest o f f i c i a l s of the state. Such free and total mobility among classes was completely unheard of before the Muromachi period. Another significant point about this story i s that the main cha-racter came from outside the nobility. While in the monogatari tradi-tion of the Heian and Kamakura periods the heroes and heroines were always aristocrats, the world of the otogi zoshi was as colourful as that of the setsuwa bungaku, i n which main characters are from a l l classes, from the emperor himself to a common thief. Ichiko classifies the Muromachi stories according to the social classes of their heroes and heroines and he further subdivides them according to their themes. I follow his classification, although I translate his term shosetsu as "stories," for reasons already mentioned. I. Stories about Aristocrats. a) Love Stories. b) Stepchild Stories. II. Stories about Religious Men. a) Homosexual Stories. b) Stories about Apostate Priests. c) Stories of Religious Awakening and Confession. d) Stories of Previous Lives of Buddha and Other Deities. e) Stories of Distinguished Priests. f) Stories of the Origins of Temples and Shrines. 35 g) Stories of Religious Admonition and Instruction. III. Stories about Warriors. a) Stories of Fights with Monsters. b) Legends of the Genpei slf-.Jf" Wars. c) Stories of Family Problems and Revenge. IV. Stories about Commoners. a) Humorous Stories and Fables. b) Stories of Love and Marriage. c) Success Stories. d) Auspicious Stories. V. Stories about Foreign Lands. a) Stories of China and India. b) Stories of Fictitious Lands. VI. Stories about Non-Human Creatures. a) Stories of Marriage between Humans and Non-Humans. b) Stories of Poetry Contests. c) Love Stories. d) War Stories. e) Stories of Religious Awakening. Concerning the f i r s t group, in contrast to the monogatari, which dealt exclusively with aristocratic society and usually featured cele-brated nobles, the setsuwa and the otogi zoshi treating this echelon of society had only minor aristocrats as chief characters. The setsuwa 36 influence on the second group i s undeniable, a point to be discussed later, while the third group, particularly the "Legends of the Genpei Wars," probably owes something to the military epics, although in mono- gatari bungaku the warrior class was usually treated as inferior. In only one Kamakura work, Iwashimizu monogatari j^y^Tt^ It^ J^ o* (The Tale g of Iwashimizu), did a warrior appear as a hero. The fourth and perhaps most interesting group of otogi z 5 s h i features the common people as main characters. Bunsho, the salt mer-chant, has already been mentioned, and in "Saru Genji soshi" 5/*^  t\ 3f o r "The Story of the Monkey Genji," the hero is a sardine-monger.9 "Fukutomi choja monogatari" ^ 7 ^  ^<_y% , or "The Tale of Fukutomi the Rich Man," i s about an entertainer, who became wealthy by emitting wind in a musical way, and about his poor neighbour who had a jealous wife."^ The earlier monogatari totally ignored these kinds of people, just as i f they did not exist. Not so the setsuwa, which also included stories about peasants, hunters, village women and children, and even thieves. Konjaku monogatari, for instance, has many interesting stories about the latter. "Akimichi" Hb^2i>'h, a Muromachi story about a thief by this name, obviously owes l i t t l e to the monogatari t r a d i t i o n . ^ The last group of otogi zoshi centres on the activities of non-human figures, who behave like human beings and even take on human form. Stories such as these are quite foreign to Heian f i c t i o n but occur 37 frequently in the narrative tradition, which i s clearly the dominant, i f not the sole, influence on the kinds of persons who are treated in the Muromachi stories. Although the themes of many others also reveal the close links between these two traditions, in the following section I analyze only one theme that i s quite common in the "Stories about Aristocrats," a group that i s influenced by the setsuwa, monogatari, and folktale traditions. Among the most popular otogi zoshi about aristocrats were the mamako mono % tffy , or "Stepchild Stories," which describe the step-mother's cruelty towards her stepchild, usually a g i r l , and the latter's ultimate good fortune resulting, in most cases, from her marriage. A l -though the setsuwa collections do not contain many stories that can be identified as mamako mono, the theme was universally popular in Japanese folklore a l l over the country and was also quite common in 12 the Heian tradition. Certain Muromachi mamako mono are closely related to folklore. Examples are "Hachikazuki," "Hanayo no hime"~$CJ ^ , or "The Flower Princess," and "Ubakawa"-^/ , or "The Garment that Makes 13 One Look Old." Their plots are very similar to those found in Stith Thompson's 510th type of folktale, Cinderella and Cap o' Rushes, and i n -clude five of the six stages he identifies: "the persecuted heroine," "magic help," "meeting the prince," "proof of identity," and "marriage with the prince." Only the f i n a l stage, "the value of salt," i s absent, 38 but in Japanese folktales as well as in the three otogi zoshi the 14 plot i s concluded by a reunion between the father and his daughter. Another group of otogi z5shi with mamako themes bears the marks of strong influence from two Heian tales. In a number of ways stories l i k e "Fuseya" or "The Bedchamber," "Bijin kurabe" ^,A_ < A." , or "The Beauty Contest," and "Akizuki monogatari" -%k.Ei , or "The Tale of the Autumn Moon," are closely related to Ochikubo monogatari ?M- (The Tale of Lady Ochikubo) and Sumiyoshi monogatari /j ^  fcH^J"?^ (The Tale of Sumiyoshi) , 1 5 A l l the heroines have celebrated parents and are born i n the capital, whereas those in the f i r s t group of mamako mono have only minor aristocrats or even commoners as their parents and are born outside Kyoto. Moreover/ the heroines have lovers before they leave home, and their stepmothers behave more wickedly to-wards them when they discover that these are well-respected young men. The g i r l s then leave home. The main difference i n theme between Heian and Muromachi mamako  mono i s that in the former the g i r l s leave home of their own accord, whereas in the latter they are led away at their stepmothers * orders to be k i l l e d , a twist deriving from folklore. Except in Ochikubo mono- gatari , in which the lover himself rescues the heroine, who has been locked up in a storage room, the g i r l s are then a l l sheltered u n t i l a reunion ultimately takes place. In the f i r s t group of Muromachi mama- ko mono, however, the heroines do not have lovers before leaving home. Their stepmothers want them k i l l e d out of hatred. They are sheltered 39 by respected families, for whom they work as servants, and only then do they meet their lovers, who are sons of the families. Although the plots of the second group of stories are basically similar to those of the two Heian tales, even they contain clear evi-dence of some influence of folklore. The most conspicuous element added is that of the magic helper: the g i r l i s aided either by her dead mother or by some god. The Heian tales, on the other hand, con-tain nothing of the supernatural. When Lady Ochikubo, for example, requires assistance, either her l i v e l y maid servant or her lover comes to her rescue. It i s d i f f i c u l t to decide whether one story, "Iwaya no soshi," i s more influenced by the Heian tales or Japanese folklore. The hero-ine i s an upper aristocrat and has a fiance before her mother attempts to have her k i l l e d . But when he hears of the g i r l ' s disappearance in the sea, he becomes a priest, which step indicates that he w i l l not appear again as a suitor. As they had not really become lovers, the slate i s wiped as clean as i s that of folktale heroines. Then while she i s being looked after by a fisherman and his wife on an island, a nobleman passes by and becomes her lover. Because he does not know who she really i s , she has to undergo a test to prove her identity. She also receives supernatural assistance, and on balance the story appears more influenced by the folktale than the Heian tradition. Japanese folklore therefore had a distinct influence on even 40 those stories that did owe something to the monogatari tradition. But these stories and the genre to which they belong were also i n f l u -enced by the setsuwa. They lost their detailed descriptions of human emotions and of natural beauty, and like others which grew out of an oral tradition, became event-centred stories. Unlike the monogatari, the setsuwa tended to economize with words.; and concentrated chiefly on what happened and how people reacted. The technique was most successful in giving vivid images of dynamic men of action, like warriors. One of i t s most effective uses i s in a story in Konjaku monogatari entitled, "Minamoto Yorinobu Ason no otoko Yoriyoshi umanusubito o ikoroshitaru koto" & % ^ Isj 14 ^ 1h or "The Story of how Minamoto Yorinobu Ason's Son, Yoriyoshi, K i l l s the Horse-thief." The concise descriptions by means of carefully chosen words of only the essentials sustain the tension of the story. They also highlight the speed with which the father and son pursue the 16 " horse-thief. Although the otogi zoshi f i l l in more details than do the setsuwa, they are also event-centred, a characteristic which sets them apart from Heian f i c t i o n . Their religious and moral purpose also serves to t i e them more closely to the narrative tradition. - One cannot deny that Genji monogatari and other Heian tales have a certain religious flavour, but this element i s carefully woven into them and reflects the contemporary mind more than i t does a deliberate intent to convey a spiritual message. But the unmistakable, i f not 41 often crudely deliberate, religious messages in many otogi z5shi, some-times suggesting that their prime purposes were to provide religious instruction, derive not from the Heian tales but from the setsuwa. The didactic intent of the Muromachi stories was expressed in a variety of ways. Sometimes we are told that the main characters' births resulted from the prayers of their parents to some deity. I have a l -ready shown how a deity comes to the rescue of a hero or heroine who encounters d i f f i c u l t i e s . Many stories even conclude with an explici t reference to the rewards of r e l i g i S u s belief. "Hachikazuki," for ex-ample, ends with a statement emphasizing the importance and beneficial 17 consequences of faith in Kannon, the Goddess of Mercy. The instruc-tive purpose of "Akimichi" finds expression in the concluding words, 18 "People who read this story should be cautious in a l l their conduct." "Saru Genji soshi" makes explicit an injunction to learn poetry: "Every-19 one should learn the way of poetry." In most cases these exhortations seem a r t i f i c i a l . One often feels that they were merely added in order to conform to the conventional way to end a story. The convention, which i s foreign to the monogatari, can only derive from the narrative tradition, which customarily employ-ed i t . Nishio Koichi ^jtti -~ writes, "This feature of the narratives, their consisting of parts of stories on which comment had been made, had been typical ever since the ancient narrative literature began with 20 Nihon ryoiki. Kyokai's use of a story to convey certain lessons 42 became accepted practice and was maintained throughout the history of narrative literature, and a l l kinds of folktales were used to enlight-en the masses. The educational purpose of compilers was even clearer in later collections of narratives, such as Shaseki shu. If the otogi zoshi were largely a development of the setsuwa tradition, the spiritual note on which even stories with unreligious themes like homosexual love end, i s quite understandable. Their didactic purpose may appear a r t i f i c i a l to a modern reader, but i t was one of their generic features, revealing not merely their distance from Heian f i c t i o n but that they were stories read by one person to another. Ichiko writes, "The author seems to be intending to provide 21 something useful or to educate and enlighten his expected audience." If the duties of the otogi shu included the provision of education as well as entertainment for their daimyo, the stories used to provide togi for other classes were appropriately entertaining and instructive. I have shown how the term otogi zoshi i s the most f i t t i n g for the Muromachi short stories, whose characteristics well qualify them for the service of togi. The different influences on their develop-ment also set them apart as a genre separate from each. The value of "Hachikazuki," lik e that of any other otogi zoshi, must be assessed in the light of a l l that this term conveys. 43 CHAPTER 4 "HACHIKAZUKI," AN OTOGI z5sHI Although today i t i s widely enjoyed only by-, c h i l d r e n , "Hachika-zuki" was one of the most popular of a l l otogi zoshi during the Toku-gawa period. I t i s one of the best examples of the genre, and i t s f u l l appreciation requires considerable s o p h i s t i c a t i o n . While i t grips i t s audience by omitting unnecessary d e t a i l and i s easy to l i s t e n to, the story i s successful mainly f o r how i t combines d i f f e r -ent strands of f o l k l o r e to convey a r e l i g i o u s message. Some of the elements have undergone substantial modification, and the most unique addition i s the use of the bowl to s i g n i f y Kannon's mercy. Apart from being a most e f f e c t i v e way to put across a r e l i g i o u s message, the bowl makes the story quite unique and i n t e r e s t i n g . Although e n t i t l e d , "Hachikazuki" i n the Otogi bunko, i t i s popularly known as "Hachika-t s u g i . " Hachi means "a bowl," and both kazuki and katsugi are nominals of the verb kazuku, which means "to put on one's head." The story t e l l s of a g i r l who must bear a bowl on her head and undergo great s u f f e r i n g before her ultimate release from t h i s burden through the strong commitment of her lover. Like others of i t s type, the story i s short and progresses i n a well-organized way by r e l a t i n g the events of the en t i r e l i f e of i t s heroine. As with many other otogi zoshi, i t begins by b r i e f l y i n t r o -44 ducing her parents, who long to have a child. In response to their ardent prayers before the image of Kannon at the Hase-^_^- temple, they are blessed with a daughter. Without any mention of the g i r l ' s childhood, the story moves on to the next important event, the death of her mother, who, just before she breathes her last, places a box on her daughter's head and covers i t with a bowl, which becomes firm-ly attached to the poor g i r l ' s head. Her father remarries, and be-; cause his new wife hates the g i r l so much, he i s forced to expel his daughter from home. Hachikazuki, as she i s now called, tries to com-mit suicide by drowning in a river, but does not succeed because the bowl brings her to the surface. In her subsequent wanderings, Hachikazuki attracts the eye of a middle-captain and becomes the person who boils bathwater in his house. The family's fourth son, Saisho, notices her and f a l l s in love with her in spite of her a f f l i c t i o n . When he demonstrates that his love for her i s greater than his family tie s , the bowl f a l l s off, revealing not only her beauty but i t s own contents of riches. Events now rapidly turn in the g i r l ' s favour. After a contest in which she reveals herself to be superior in a l l respects to the wives of the other three sons, she marries Saisho, who, although the youngest son, i s made his father's heir, and the couple live "in glory ever after." The story ends with a moving scene in which the g i r l and her father are reunited. 45 The plot i s not indiscriminately constructed. Rather, the im-portance of each event in the g i r l ' s l i f e i s delicately weighed and given appropriate emphasis. Less important and less interesting occurrences are brie f l y dealt with in few well-chosen words. For example, less than a line in the text i s needed to convey the extent of the father's wealth: "There was nothing he lacked."^" The account of his daughter's banishment from home reads simply, "The stepmother pulled Hachikazuki towards her, stripped her of her clothes, and dressed her in a wretched unlined garment. Then she abandoned her 2 at a cross-roads in the middle of a wild f i e l d , alas!" There i s no mention of how or by whom she was taken to the f i e l d , although i t was presumably not by the stepmother herself. The rapid march of events i s much more noticeable in the early part of Hachikazuki•s l i f e , at least u n t i l she meets Saisho. Later on, when c r i t i c a l and interesting things happen to her, for instance, when she f i r s t encounters SaishS and she takes part in the wives' con-test, descriptions become more f u l l y detailed. When even a specific incident calls for the audience's sympathy, the unhappy situation i s set forth in long and elaborate sentences. Rhythmic combinations of seven- and five-syllable phrases are used to appeal to the ear. The briefly described events in the earlier part of the story are used to establish a setting, and the detailed descriptions in the later part serve to win sympathy for the hero and heroine. Another 46 technique that contributes to the story's overall success i s the limit on the number of main characters. When a wider context i s required to give the plot greater depth and large numbers of people appear, events are viewed from the perspective of groups of characters. For example, the gathering for the wives' contest i s seen through the eyes of three groups of participants: the middle-captain's family, Saisho and Hachi-kazuki, and the crowd. Apart from the prologue, which i s an embellishment on the usual plot found i n folktales, "Hachikazuki" clearly has much in common with the mamako mono in Japanese folklore. It brings together a variety of other elements without in any way distracting from the coherence and unity of the whole. The bowl i s the most conspicuous and important element in the story. It is found neither in any other stepchild story i n Japanese folklore nor in any written work. Although three similar folktales with bowl motifs are known today, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine whether or not they existed before "Hachikazuki." Seki Keigo /^ C"^  / the f o l k l o r i s t who collected them, concludes, "It i s worth investigating to what extent these present day stories were influenced by the writ-3 ten work ['Hachikazuki']." There i s , however, a motif in two other otogi zoshi, "Hanayo no hime" and "Ubakawa," which performs the function of the bowl in "Hachi-kazuki." In these two stories, as well as in folklore, a special 47 garment, which makes the g i r l look old as long as she wears i t , con-ceals her true identity and beauty. Somewhat closer to the bowl i s the fuka. amigasa J^c , or "deep straw-hat," found in a folktale in which a stepdaughter wears 4 i t in order to hide her face from her stepmother at a fest i v a l . The fuka amigasa was traditionally used as a disguise, and i t i s quite pos-sible that the bowl motif came from this custom. Because a straw hat wears out quickly and can easily be removed, a similarly-shaped bowl may have been regarded as suitable for the more permanent disguise required by Hachikazuki. Another explanation of the origin of the bowl motif i s possible. Origuchi Shinobu ftf P , a fo l k l o r i s t , suggested a connection between the bowl and the kappa Jp[ T|F , an imaginary water deity which wears a plate on i t s head. The plate was regarded as a place for stor-ing wealth and at f i r s t was possibly worn upside down, covering the head like a hat. Hachikazuki's bowl and the plate do resemble each oth-er in both their shape and their mysterious power to conceal wealth.^ A third possible explanation may be found in a Buddhist custom whereby monks carried with them bowls in which to receive offerings. Hachikazuki's bowl may well symbolize the Buddhist concept of love and charity. By wearing a bowl, she cries out for love, and as soon as she finds i t , the bowl f a l l s off. It i s d i f f i c u l t to decide which influence was the greatest. The 48 fuka amigasa's shape and purpose probably played a part, and the power of the plate on the kappa's head as well as this figure's being a water deity, the importance of which i s discussed below, do suggest strong ties with the kappa legend. The religious purpose of the otogi zoshi makes the third explanation equally convincing. More than l i k e l y , the choice of the bowl resulted from a l l three influences. Next to the bowl, the second most important motif in "Hachika-zuki" i s water. It was in a river and by drowning that the g i r l t r i e d to commit suicide, and her inab i l i t y to do so associates her with the water deity. The kind of work she does in the middle-captain's house is also significant. In "Cinderella" folktales, the stepdaughter i s either engaged i n some kind of domestic work or appears as a servant. In Japanese folklore, as well as in "Hachikazuki" and the other two stepchild stories, she i s a boiler of bathwater. Although in these stories the task i s considered humble, in ancient times i t had r e l i g -ious significance, and women who served i n bathhouses were accorded special respect. Its importance in "Hachikazuki" i s greater than in the others, because the g i r l not only boils bathwater like the others but she i s summoned to serve Saisho while he i s taking a bath. Water i s used in many Shinto purification ceremonies, and the allusion i s to an ancient custom by which the emperor was cleansed just before playing the role of a god. F i r s t , he had to go through a transitional period during which he cut himself off from a l l ac t i v i t i e s 49 which were regarded as unclean, such as drinking and sexual contact. Throughout his stoic existence, he wore a special kind of loin cloth, which he only removed when taking the bath to purify himself before commencing his symbolic l i f e as a god. Certain sacred women were especially employed to help him undo the loin cloth, and the emperor, freed of a l l restraint, often f e l l in love with some of them while they served him.^ By boiling bathwater, Hachikazuki i s given an opportunity to meet a nobleman, and i t i s at the very time of taking a bath that Saisho f i r s t notices her, whereupon he f a l l s in love with her almost instinct-ively. Because his hasty overtures may seem too sudden and unnatural to a modern audience, which knows l i t t l e of such traditions, writers of modern versions of the story give Hachikazuki additional qualities, 7 such as kindness and thoughtfulness, which make her more attractive. Although the emperor's love for the sacred women may have been short-lived, Saisho's was not. When he proves that i t i s stronger than any other t i e , his family accepts Hachikazuki as his formal wife and permits him to become the family heir, even though he i s the fourth and youngest son. Stories which portray the triumph of the youngest child are extremely common in the folklore of the East as well as the West and are particularly appealing to the common people, who are in a situation similar to that of the youngest child, frequently despised and oppressed. 50 The bowl and water motifs, therefore, are the two most important elements, and an appreciation of the s k i l l with which they are brought together requires acquaintance with Japanese folklore. S t i l l other motifs, which are less central to a comprehension of the story as a whole, are given in the notes to my translation. I only emphasize here that the blending of a variety of folklore elements into the mamako theme has made "Hachikazuki" a highly enjoyable work of art. The religious and moral lessons i t teaches are also more subtly incor-porated than in many other otogi zoshi. One cannot help but be inspired by certain qualities displayed by Hachikazuki and Saisho. Such a response i s an important require-ment of the genre, and "Hachikazuki" achieves i t s instructive purpose more naturally than many other otogi zoshi, revealing i n yet another way i t s superiority over them. The main virtue the story teaches is mercy, the cultivation of which depends on belief in i t s divine dispenser, Kannon. Although we are not told ex p l i c i t l y that the g i r l i s Kannon's g i f t to her parents, who are sincere believers, we may infer i t . When the mother i s about to die, she places the bowl on her daughter's head, and her peom indicates that she does so to carry out the goddessV. instructions. The bowl therefore becomes the symbol of mercy, and the g i r l i s placed under divine protection. Although she has to suffer on account of i t , this i s Kannon's way of leading her to Saisho, and the wealth she so 51 desperately needs at the time of the wives' contest comes out of the bowl and saves her. The bowl also teaches Hachikazuki, through suffering, the virtues of patience in the face of hardship, kindness, and mercy i t s e l f . When she i s reunited with her father, who had consented to her expulsion from home, she shows no resentment and welcomes him without hesitation. Even towards her stepmother she i s considerate. She never reveals her true identity to her husband for fear that her stepmother1s reputation may be harmed, and to the end she refuses to take any action of revenge. Hachikazuki has learnt to be merciful herself. The choice of the bowl motif not merely makes the plot unique but enables the story to teach additional virtues, such as f i d e l i t y . "Hana-yo no hime" and "Ubakawa" have almost identical plots and settings, the main difference being that in them an old garment i s used instead of the bowl. Long before the Muromachi period such a garment had become traditionally associated with Kannon's mercy. In Konjaku monogatari and U j i shui monogatari one finds similar stories about a poor young woman who prays to the image of Kannon at Kiyomizu ^  "^C temple for the betterment of her condition. While at the temple, she i s told in a dream to steal a piece of precious cloth from i t . She follows the instruction and makes i t into a garment. When she puts i t on, every-8 thing turns in her favour. Shaseki shu also contains a similar story, but the garment is one which the g i r l was told to steal from a person 52 nearby. She wears i t on her way home and catches the eye of a wealthy 9 man, who takes her as his wife. The garment in "Hanayo no hime" and "Ubakawa," by making the g i r l appear old while she wears i t , protects her by preventing other men from noticing her and brings her safely to the home of her future husband. But i t s role i s limited. In "Hanayo no hime" the g i r l i s given a l i t t l e bag, which produces the treasures before the wives' contest, and in "Ubakawa" she must get by with protection alone. The bowl i s a better symbol, not simply because i t both shields the g i r l and contains wealth, but because i t allows Saisho to display some of his own moral fibre. Unlike the garment.,;:; which can be re-moved and which allows the future husband to see the g i r l as she really i s before f a l l i n g in love with her, the bowl cannot be taken off and partly conceals Hachikazuki's face, preventing Saisho from knowing exactly what she looks l i k e . After only a partial glimpse of her physical qualities, Saisho i s unshakably committed to Hachikazuki, and his f i d e l i t y i s a l l the more admirable because so many people regard her as a monster. His love for her and his independence of s p i r i t i s then severely tested, and when he comes through unscathed, he i s rewarded by having the bowl f a l l off, revealing her unblemished, and by becoming the family heir. Superior also to similar motifs in Western stories, such as Beauty and the Beast, the bowl does not make Hachikazuki into a complete monster. By allowing Saisho to view some 53 of her qualities, i t makes his deep commitment understandable and not merely admirable. 1^ The scene in which the bowl f a l l s off i s far more impressive than similar scenes in the other two stories. The happy and triumphant episode i s highlighted by a tragic one which precedes i t . On the day of the wives' contest, Saisho and Hachikazuki decide to leave home together. Just as they are about to set out on their sad jour-ney, a l l of a sudden the bowl f a l l s off with a crash. The effect i s not only more dramatic and startling than that achieved in the other stories, but i t more successfully reveals the greatness of Kannon's power and mercy, the love for each other of the two main characters, and the lesson that morality pays. Because the religious and moral lessons are inseparable from the story's main themes, the concluding words advocating belief in the goddess are less a r t i f i c i a l than in certain stories. An otogi zoshi with an unambiguous spiritual message, like "Hachikazuki," was probab-ly a favourite among, the religious storytellers engaged in spreading faith in Kannon. Yanagita suggests that the uta bikuni , or "singing nuns," were responsible for i t s transmission. 1 1 In her dissertation on Japanese folklore, Ikeda Hiroko points out that step-child stories were particular favourites among the repertoire of fe-12 male storytellers. These entertainers were probably responsible for some of "Hachikazuki's" embellishments. 54 It i s as d i f f i c u l t to determine the extent to which the trans-mitters of "Hachikazuki" were involved i n i t s creation as i t i s to assess the contribution of any individual author. According to Yana-gita, the bikuni replaced the garment with a bowl, but he provides no evidence for this conclusion. An examination of different "Hachikazuki" texts provides no clues, because, as Matsumoto Takanobu points out, these texts show few discrepancies. Most extant manuscripts are copies of printed texts, the earliest of which were published during the K a n ' e i ^ Era (1624-1644). Only three were written before printed texts, possibly in the late Muromachi or early Edo period, and they are on the whole similar to them, the only differences being in minor details and in the latter part of the story where f u l l e r des-criptions are offered. 1"* There are even fewer clues to the possible contribution of the individual author, although the more refined and polished style of "Hachikazuki," in comparison with that of other otogi zoshi, suggests an important part in the fi n a l version. He or she was also partly responsible, i t seems, for the appropriate emphasis given to the different events. How much the writer must be credited with modify-ing the plot i s unknown. The problem of weighing relative contributions i s more d i f f i c u l t in the case of "Hachikazuki" than in many other stories. This i s be-cause the best way to identify different stages in a story's develop-55 ment i s to examine and compare discrepancies i n the various texts, impossible f o r "Hachikazuki." For the same reason, i t does not make much d i f f e r e n c e which text i s chosen f o r t r a n s l a t i o n . Although most "Hachikazuki" texts are almost equally authorita-t i v e , the one used i n t h i s t h e s i s , reproduced i n Ichiko's Otogi z5shi, was o r i g i n a l l y chosen by Shibukawa and i s regarded as the standard text by modern editors and commentators. "Hachikazuki 1s" l i t e r a r y merit i s apparent i n a v a r i e t y of ways, even though i t may lose something i n t r a n s l a t i o n . I t s p l o t i s the most o r i g i n a l of the mamako mono sub-group, and although o r i g i n a l i t y i s not n e c e s s a r i l y a v i r t u e i n otogi zoshi, i t s r e l a t i v e newness does not d i s t r a c t from i t s purpose but makes i t more i n t e r e s t i n g . The bowl, f a r from representing, i n the words of Yanagita, "an unfortunate" 14 modification of a f o l k t a l e motif, was i n f a c t the f i r s t step towards the story's success. The ease with which a v a r i e t y of well-known f o l k -l o r e elements are weaved together gives the story a natural wholeness and d i d a c t i c purpose, perhaps i t s greatest v i r t u e . Shibukawa's d e c i -sion to include i t i n h i s c o l l e c t i o n was hardly an a r b i t r a r y choice. The t r a n s l a t i o n that follows should be read aloud, or better s t i l l , should be enjoyed by having someone else "perform i t , " as i t were, i n order to simulate the p r a c t i c e of t o g i . TRANSLATION OF "HACHIKAZUKI" 57 Not so long ago, somewhere in Katano in the province of Kawachi, there lived a man by the name of Sanetaka, Governor of Bitchu, 1 who was so wealthy that there was nothing he lacked. He was very fond of poetry and music and used to spend his time standing beneath the cherrytrees, ; lamenting the f a l l i n g of the blossoms, writing Japanese and Chinese poems, or else gazing at the serene sky. His wife was _ _ 2 a reader of the Kokmshu, Man'yoshu, Ise monogatari, and other stories and used to stay up a l l night looking at the moon, regretting i t s dis-appearance. She had no disquieting thoughts, and nothing came in the way of their strong marriage pledge. But although they were very close, they had no children, which caused them continuous grief. Then mira-culously one day they were blessed with a daughter, and their joy was indescribable. They used to treasure her and take i n f i n i t e care of her. As they had always believed in Kannon, the Goddess of Mercy, 3 they made frequent pilgrimages to the image at Hase, and prayed for their daughter's prosperity and happiness. The years passed, and one day when the gentle lady was in her thirteenth year, her mother f e l l i l l with what she believed was a cold. But within a few days, i t was obvious that she was about to die. She summoned her daughter to her bedside and stroking her glossy black hair said, "Oh, what a pity i t i s ! If only I could look after you un t i l you were seventeen or eighteen and see you married at what-ever chance you have, I would die in peace. How sorry I am to abandon 58 you while your future i s so uncertain and you are s t i l l so young." She could not restrain her tears. The gentle lady also wept. Wiping away her tears, the mother picked up her toilet-case and put something into i t . Then heavy though i t seemed, she placed i t on her daughter's head and covered i t with a bowl, which almost came down to the gentle lady's shoulders. She recited the following poem: Then the mother breathed her last. Deeply shocked, the father cried out, "How could you leave such a young g i r l and disappear to the unknown land?" But his cry was in vain. Although i t was hard to part, they could not keep the mother's body and took i t to a desolate f i e l d for burial. Nothing but smoke was l e f t of her. What a shame that such a beautiful and noble face, which shone like the moon, should vanish into the wind. The father called the gentle lady to his side and tried to remove the bowl she was wearing, but i t was stuck too tightly. He became agitated and called out, "What shall we do? You have only just sepa-rated from your mother. How wretched that such a monstrous thing has attached i t s e l f to you." His grief was boundless. As the days and months passed the father carried out regular memorial services for his deceased wife, according to the Buddhist As on mugwort herb We profoundly depend on you. Oh Kannon, In my solemn oath to you I made my daughter bear the box. 4 59 custom. He was also worried about the gentle lady. "In the spring-time," he thought, "when the blossoms have fallen, I am always saddened by green leaves showing here and there on the plum branches by the eaves or on the tops of cherrytrees. But next spring these trees w i l l flower again. And while the moon descends behind a mountain, i t w i l l rise again the following evening, though the night i s no longer the same.^ Images of the dead are obscure in dreams. But when some-one has departed for Hades, we never meet that person again in reality." His imagination ran away with him, like the wheels of a l i t t l e cart. His thoughts, like the spinning of the cartwheels, had no end. Even strangers were f i l l e d with pity. So the father's relatives and intimate friends gathered together to advise him not to remain alone. "Though you lament your wife's death, wetting with tears the sleeves on which you rest your head, i t i s a l l in vain. Do marry some woman and ease your sorrow." In response to their pleas, the father resolved to forget his wife and reflected on his own loneliness. S t i l l , he would not trouble himself to look for another wife and agreed to accept any marriage they arranged. His relatives were delighted and found a suitable woman, whom the father married. A man's mind changes, just as a flower fades 7 away with the passing of time. The dead mother was forgotten, just as red maple-leaves, which f a l l in autumn, are no longer remembered in spring. Only the gentle lady recalled her painfully. 60 When the stepmother saw the g i r l , she thought to herself, "What a strange and awkward creature," and she hated her i n f i n i t e l y . When her own child was born, she desired neither to see Hachikazuki, as g she was now called, nor to hear her voice. She lie d about the g i r l ' s a c t i v i t i e s and slandered her before her"father. Heartbroken, Hachikazuki went to her mother's tomb and cried, "My sad world has become even more melancholy. The tears I shed i n yearn-ing stream down my face, yet I cannot drown myself in them but must li v e with this worthless body. I do so hate the strange and monstrous thing which has stuck to me. No wonder my stepmother hates me. When I was abandoned by my dear mother, I was concerned how my father would grieve i f I died. Now that my stepmother has a daughter by him, I need no longer worry. Because of her hatred, the father on whom I had depended has become distant from me. Seeing that l i f e has lost a l l i t s meaning for me, Mother, please take me to paradise forthwith. 9 When I am also reborn in a lotus flower there, we shall be together again." She wept bitterly in longing, but the dead mother uttered no words of sympathetic understanding. When the stepmother heard of this, she said to her husband, "How frightening that Hachikazuki v i s i t s her mother's tomb and puts a curse on a l l of us." Thus she lie d to him again and again. Men being gullible, the father believed her and summoned his daughter. "Because of the extraordinary and terrible thing that has 61 become attached to you, I have taken great p i t y on you. Nevertheless, to my amazement you have put a curse on your innocent mother and s i s -t e r . " Then he t o l d h i s wife, "We need not keep someone so twisted. Send her away." The stepmother smiled to h e r s e l f very happily. Now, c r u e l t y .of c r u e l t i e s , she p u l l e d Hachikazuki towards her, stripped her of her clothes, and dressed her i n a wretched unlined garment. Then she abandoned her at a cross-roads i n the middle of a wild f i e l d , alas". "Oh what a monstrous world."' Hachikazuki thought. Lost i n the dark and not knowing where to go, she could only cry. Presently she r e c i t e d t h i s poem: She began to wander about aimlessly and f i n a l l y came to the bank of a large r i v e r . There she stood, thinking that instead of roaming hith e r and t h i t h e r she should become i t s sand and j o i n her mother. Yet, when she looked at the r i v e r , the waves beating the banks f r i g h t -ened her and those i n the shallow waters were white and rough with foam, while the surface of the deep made her shudder. S t i l l young and weak, she was h o r r i f i e d and hesitated, but she quickly made up her mind and mused: By the edge of the moors I beat a pathway through the bush. But how s h a l l I go? I wonder as I struggle on Not knowing where my f e e t take me. 10-62 Upon the r i v e r banks Where the willow branches droop In si n g l e strands of threads, I stand and pray with a l l my might For the gods to grant me help. Then she threw h e r s e l f into the deep waters, but the bowl brought her to the surface. As she fl o a t e d down the r i v e r with her head high above i t , a fisherman passed by. "How strange that a bowl i s f l o a t i n g along," he exclaimed. "What could i t be?" When he hauled i t up, he saw that i t had a bowl f o r a head but the body of a human being, and he c r i e d 11' out, "How su r p r i s i n g ! - What on earth can i t be?" Then he threw i t onto the bank. A f t e r a while, Hachikazuki sat up, pondered what had happened, and uttered these words: Then, looking rather confused and more dead than a l i v e , she got up. As she could not j u s t stand there, she wandered on at random t i l l she came to a v i l l a g e . When the inhabitants saw her, they exclaimed, "What kind of thing i s t h i s ? I t has the head of a bowl and the body of a human being. Surely i n some remote mountain an o l d bowl has been transformed and 12 s t i l l has i t stuck on the head of the appa r i t i o n . I t i s c e r t a i n l y not a human being." Pointing a t her, they laughed nervously. far- -„0>%n Oh, how I wish That my body had remained At the r i v e r ' s bottom. Why i s i t That I have r i s e n again? 63 Someone said, "Monster or not, she does have beautiful arms and legs." The others agreed. The governor of the d i s t r i c t was a third-ranking court o f f i c i a l , the Middle-Captain of Yamakage. Hachikazuki passed by just as he was strolling along his veranda, looking at the surrounding trees and thinking, "How wonderful i t would be to have someone I love share with me this charming evening, when the thin smoke from the fi r e s , i n which the villagers burn mugworts to repel the mosquitoes, t r a i l s in the distant sky." When he saw Hachikazuki, he ordered his men, "Summon that g i r l . " A few young attendents ran out and brought her in. "Where have you 13 come from . and who are you?" the Middle-Captain asked. "I am from Katano," Hachikazuki replied. "My mother died while I was s t i l l young, and to compound my sorrow, this misshapen thing became attached to me. No one would have anything to do with me. There was no use staying at Naniwa Bay, and I went wherever my feet carried me." Hearing this, the Middle-Captain took pity on her and ordered his men to remove the bowl. They gathered round her and tried, but i t was hopeless. The gentlefolk looked on and asked in jest, "What kind of monster i s she?" When the Middle-Captain saw that the bowl would not come off, he asked her, "Hachikazuki, where do you intend to go now?" 64 "I have nowhere to go," she replied. "My mother i s dead, and this terrible thing i s stuck to me. Everyone I meet i s frightened and offended. No one has compassion on me." "It i s good for a man to have something outlandish in his possess-ion," the Middle-Captain said, and in accordance with his instruction she was kept. "What s k i l l s have you?" the Middle-Captain asked her. "None worth mentioning," she replied. "While my mother looked after me I learnt to play the koto, the biwa, the wagon, the sho, and 14 the h i c h i r i k i . I also used to read Kokin, Man'yo, Ise monogatari, the Lotus Scripture in eight volumes, and other Scriptures. Apart from this I have no s k i l l s . " "In that case l e t her work in the bathhouse," he ordered. Although Hachikazuki had never performed such a task before, she made the f i r e in the bathhouse, because times had changed for her. The next day, when the members of the household saw her, they laughed and made fun of her. Many were offended, but none f e l t compassion. There were constant demands for a bath. She was p i t i l e s s l y kept up until well after midnight and roused long before dawn. When summoned, she would s i t up looking as fragile as young bamboo, which straightens i t s e l f slowly after lying on the ground covered with heavy snow. She watched the smoke from the f i r e , woefully thinking that when people saw i t rising, they would certainly talk about the person making the 65 f i r e . Someone would always be there to push her on, "The bathwater i s ready. Take i t to the tub!" In the evening the same voice would order her, " B o i l some water f o r washing feet, Hachikazuki." One day she got up sorrowfully, took some scattered firewood, and composed t h i s verse: She complained b i t t e r l y . "What d i d I do i n my previous l i f e that I must endure such sorrow? How long must I keep on l i v i n g ? I think l i k e t h i s even i n my sleep. When I remember my happy past, my 15 heart burns inside l i k e Mount F u j i i n the province of Suruga, and 16 my sleeves get soaked l i k e the b a r r i e r of Kiyomi, against which the waves splash. How long must t h i s go on? I cannot endure hardship, and tears keep flowing down my cheeks. I do not know what fate awaits me. My l i f e i s as ephemeral as that of dewdrops on chrysanthemum leaves. I wonder what w i l l become of me." She r e c i t e d t h i s poem: And she kept on b o i l i n g water for washing f e e t . The Middle-Captain had four sons, three of whom were married. 9 I t i s p a i n f u l To see the faggots which I break and burn Go up i n evening smoke. Would that I i n my misery With i t might r i s e and fade away. & K v z- z :? -N? iT 3 $ £ v.' -> 50s rg. -trehh Wind soughing through the pines, Won't you blow into the sky Out upon the world, And bring a c l e a r b r i g h t moon For me to enjoy sometime. 66 The fourth, His Lordship Saisho, was most handsome and as gentle and 17 g r a c e f u l — i f one looks for examples in the past—as Prince Genji 18 or Ariwara no Narihira. In the spring he would spend time under the cherrytfe.es,lamenting the f a l l i n g of the blossoms, and in summer he took an interest in the water-plants that grew at the bottom of the cool stream. In autumn he would admire the red maples in the gar-den covered with scattered crimson leaves and would stay up a l l night looking at the moon, while in winter he would watch with lonely 19 longing a pair of mandarin ducks, asleep with their wings closed as they floated along the edge of the pond, where thin ice formed among the reeds. He was deeply sorry that he had no wife with whom to sleep sleeve upon sleeve, as he amused himself as best he could. One day, though his elder brothers and mother had already taken a bath, His Lordship Saisho had not. Later that night he entered the bathhouse alone. Hachikazuki's voice, "I w i l l bring some hot water, Sir," sounded most charming to him. And when she handed i t to him with the words, "For your bath," her hands and feet looked very beautiful and elegant. He became curious and said, "Well, Hachikazuki, as no one i s a-round, there w i l l be no trouble, so come and wash my back." Hachika-zuki could s t i l l remember how she used to have someone do the same for her, and she wondered how she could do i t for another. But her master's command l e f t her no choice, and she went to the bathhouse. 67 Looking at her, the master thought that although Kawachi was a small province and although he had encountered many people, he had never beheld such a dainty, superlatively-charming, and b e a u t i f u l g i r l as she. When one year he went to the c a p i t a l during cherry-blossom time, and 20 even when he went flower-viewing at Omuro temple, where people of a l l ranks gathered at the marketplace i n front of the temple gate, he had seen no one comparable to Hachikazuki. He thought that no mat-ter what people might say, he could not put her out of h i s mind. "Hachikazuki," he said, "I have f a l l e n i n love with you, and while the colour of crimson may fade, my f e e l i n g s w i l l never change. He promised that t h e i r love would l a s t forever, l i k e the pinetree that 21 l i v e s a thousand years or the t o r t o i s e s of Pinetree Bay.-. But Hachikazuki remained s i l e n t , l i k e a nightingale u n w i l l i n g to f l y away from a flowering-plumtree by the eaves. 22 "I hope our love i s not l i k e the Tatsuta River," 'he sa i d . "Like 23 a s i l e n t kuchinashi flower, you do not answer me. Or l i k e a l u t e which often has more than one player, you may have another admirer. If you already have someone who v i s i t s you and sends you l e t t e r s , and i f I can-not meet you again, I w i l l not think i l l of you, f o r you are so charming. Although Hachikazuki was sturdy of heart, l i k e a wild horse which a man has j u s t caught, she could not u t t e r a word, because, having been l e f t to her own devices for so long, she knew nothing of lo v e r s ' 68 ways. But she was so ashamed that he'thought she had another lover. "You compared me to a lute," she said, "but since a l l my strings are broken, there can be no other player. I am always sad, thinking about my mother whom I lost so early. I constantly regret that I have to remain in this unhappy world, even unable to become a nun." His Lordship SaishS agreed and said, "As you say, how uncertain i t i s to be born in this transient and fleeting world. Not knowing what hardships we must suffer because of our deeds in a previous l i f e , we live in resentment of God and Buddha for subjecting us to such t o i l . In a previous l i f e you must have caused someone grief by separating 24 lovers, as one would break a twig from a tree m a f i e l d , so that now you are separated from your mother and have so much heartache while s t i l l young, daily dampening your bed with tears. I myself am already twenty and s t i l l have not taken a wife. It seems that I have been sleeping alone without anyone to share my pillow because I loved you so deeply in a previous l i f e . I was destined to love you in this one, and after so many years, fate has at last brought you here. Though there have been beautiful women, I could not care for them, as that was not my destiny, which i s to be with you. That i s why I love you very deeply. Please believe my words. The islands where whales take refuge, the fields where tigers sleep, the deepest part of the sea—everything on this side of the six destinies and the four kinds of births, and everything on the other side of the Nirvana-shore of 69 that river of man and maid—all these may change, but the bond between 25 you and me shall never be altered." Such was his firm pledge. Hachikazuki remained as r i g i d as an anchored boat, but overwhelmed by his words, she began to put her trust in him. That night they lay together, but she was perturbed by the thought that even though he had promised eternal love, their future was s t i l l unsettled, lik e fresh iron ore. Should she not just disappear some-where before people came to know of her love? Touched, SaishS said, "How now, Hachikazuki, why are you so melan-choly? I w i l l never treat you with less care than I now do. I w i l l return in 'the evening." Actually, he visited her a few times even 26 during the daytime. "Comfort yourself with these," he said as he 27 gave her a tsuge pillow and a flute. By this time Hachikazuki was overpowered by feelings of shame. "If I were an ordinary g i r l — e v e n though a man's mind can change like 28 the Asuka River, which has a habit of shifting i t s bed overnight— I would believe you. I am so ashamed to have been revealed to you in my present unworthy state," she wailed. Looking at her, His Lordship thought that i f he were to compare her to anything, she was as fragrant as myrtle- or peach-blossoms and as bright as the moon coming out of the clouds. She was lik e a weeping willow, blowing in the mid-spring wind, and her face, turned aside shyly like a fragile pink inside a bamboo-fence bending i t s head 70 under the heavy dew, was so charming and beautiful that he wondered 29 whether Yang Kuei-fei or Madame L i could have surpassed her beauty. If possible, he thought, he would like to remove the bowl and see her face as f u l l y as the f u l l moon. Saisho then l e f t her room beside the bathhouse where the firewood was piled. On his way to his own quarters, even a plumtree by the eaves reminded him of Hachikazuki, and he thought of how lonely she must be. Waiting for the approach of evening seemed even longer than watching a young pinetree at Sumiyoshi shrine become a thousand years old. Hachikazuki did not know what to do with the tsuge pillow and the flute, because she had no place to keep them. The f i r s t cock-crow announced the break of day, and while the bank of morning clouds was s t i l l in the sky, she was being nagged, "Bathwater, Hachikazuki!" "The water i s ready. Please take i t , " she replied, breaking off some wet firewood and putting i t into the f i r e . Then she recited this poem: The o f f i c i a l i n charge of the bathhouse heard her and thought that although ;she~had an unusual head, her charming voice, her smile, t- f£ vK/ It i s painful To see the faggots which I break and burn Go up in evening smoke. To the place where my love lives How. can I ever make i t go? 71 and her beautiful arms and legs were far superior to the ladies' who were li v i n g there. He approached her intending to become her lover, but when he saw that her face was partly concealed—he could only see from her mouth down but not from her nose up—he naturally gave up the idea, thinking that his friends would laugh at him. Though the spring days were long, this one f i n a l l y ended. As dusk f e l l people became l i v e l y and cheerful, like moonflowers, and-dressed more splendidly than ever, His Lordship Saisho stood beside her wretched room. Unaware of his presence, Hachikazuki thought that the sunset of their tryst had passed. It was late and the dogs in the village had started to bark at passers-by. Picking up the pillow and flute he had l e f t , she cried, % Ay t You111 come back to me —>*.f"<7> f^c The tsuge pillow you pledged. ^7 O) But your promise f( I" <S* \s $ Is as empty as your flute ^ ff \ •? ky Carved out of hollow bamboo. SaishS quickly replied, i-> < 4 i V h For a thousand ages . J . L ^y Z %j Ly Let us sleep side by side. i£- '1*7 0) Like Chinese bamboo %H I* #£j May our promises of love endure With our pillow of tsuge wood. He loved her very much and promised that they would be like a pair of birds which f l y side by side and lik e trees that stand side by side. They tried to keep their love secret, but people came to know of 72 i t . "It i s His Lordship Saisho who i s v i s i t i n g Hachikazuki. How terrible! Of course, even men of rank have lovers. But even i f he does go to see her, she must lack modesty to think of approaching him." Everyone found this offensive. One day a guest came, and as Saisho was kept up most of the night and was late in v i s i t i n g Hachikazuki, she f e l t most uneasy and recited this poem: A^rf ^ While waiting for you V_ cri Only on the empty sky rf -*v' t i i^l-lX" Did I fix my gaze. 1|g- H 3 ( \ And on my tear-dampened sleeves $\ '{" *® ?rv- ^ Light from the moon was glowing. When he heard i t , he loved her more tenderly and deeply. He thought he would never give her up. Ever since time began, people have been in the habit of gossiping about things which do not concern them. They eagerly seized upon this a f f a i r . "His Lordship Saisho acts as i f there i s no other g i r l in the world. He must be very odd." Saisho's mother came to hear of i t . "They may be talking nonsense," she said, "but have the nurse look into the matter." Having done so, the nurse reported that the rumours were true. The mother and the father were speechless. His mother said, "Listen nurse, remonstrate with His Lordship SaishS, and see to i t that he does not go near Hachikazuki again." The nurse went to His Lordship, talked about a number of things, 73 and then said cautiously, "Young master, while i t i s not true, your mother has heard a rumour that you have been v i s i t i n g Hachikazuki, the bathwater boiler. She told me she did not think i t was true, but i f i t were, I should expel Hachikazuki before your father hears about i t . The young master replied, "I have been expecting this. I hear that even when someone shares the shade of a tree with another, or scoops out water from the same river, this i s mapped out in a previous l i f e . In ancient times, there were cases like mine, and when a man was disowned by his lord and was drowned in the deepest seas, he re-mained faithful to his marriage. So i f I have come under my parents' suspicion and sink into Hell, where suffering i s constant, i t w i l l mean nothing to me as long as we can remain husband and wife'. Even i f I am to die by my father's hand, I shall not begrudge i t . I cannot sacrifice her. If my parents are unable to accept my marriage and wish to expel me and Hachikazuki, I w i l l live in a wild f i e l d or a distant mountain with the g i r l I love." Then he l e f t his quarters and entered the room full of firewood. For the past' few days he had been trying not to attract attention, but after the nurse's v i s i t , he remained allday with Hachikazuki. His elder brother prevented him from entering the family s i t t i n g room, but he was not offended. He continued to v i s i t Hachikazuki during the day and at night. "Hachikazuki is an apparition. I do not want to lose my son to 74 her. What can be done, Renzei?" the mother asked the nurse. "Usually His Lordship i s unnecessarily shy and reserved, even in everyday matters," Renzei replied. "That i s his nature, but as far as this g i r l i s concerned, he shows no sign of restraint. Why not have a public beauty contest among the wives of a l l your sons? Hachikazuki w i l l probably leave the house in shame." Taking up the suggestion, the mother had an announcement circu-lated, "On the following day at a prescribed time, there w i l l be a contest among the wives of their Lordships." Meanwhile, Saisho went to see Hachikazuki. "They are trying to get r i d of us by publicly announcing a wives' contest. What shall we do?" he asked. Then he wept. With tears in her eyes, Hachikazuki replied, "Why should I spoil your l i f e ? I w i l l go away." "Without you," Saisho said, "I am unable to l i v e . I w i l l accompany you wherever you go." Not knowing what to do, Hachikazuki wept. Finally the day of the contest arrived. Saisho had decided to leave home with Hachikazuki. Just before the break of dawn, he put on unaccustomed straw sandals and tightened the strings. He was so sorry to be leaving home while his parents were s t i l l alive that his eyes dimmed with tears. How sad he was to take this step into the unknown without even seeing them. "Let me go on my own," Hachikazuki said. "If our love i s genuine, 75 we w i l l meet again." " I t makes me sad to hear you say that," he r e p l i e d . "I w i l l f o l -low you to the end of the earth." He r e c i t e d t h i s poem: %j S - When I think of you >U' f> h Inside my heart I f e e l ^9 J A sense of wild pounding, ^ff\ <r> ^< | i As i f a torrent of water t-t <" A i ^ Were dashing against a rocky shore. Just as they were about to leave, Hachikazuki r e c i t e d t h i s one: Jo #v' ,$, And my love for you 'Ci' <h h <? h From the very depths of my heart 40 2 & Ay % Also r i s e s up % fg\ <?) 7K & As i f the rocky shores ^ K -> Were waiting f o r the waves to s t r i k e . And then t h i s one: $• I 1 s ) V How deeply we' re i n love! r<~ "s % Though I am not a blade of grass f£ ') % Growing on the moors, % $ ]Kl k $ 1 wish that you were a drop of dew ^ 1 - >t] -5^  So we might vanish together. Saish5 r e p l i e d : /<' <?> Although by the side of the road 13 3"<?> ^ ^ < ^ On the leaves of the clover ^'1- t Dew drops cannot l a s t , jgo"* v^ Now that we've pledged our love jp tf^-h fx %• h A/ Y o u m a y kg s u r e I ' n stay with you. Although he had made up h i s mind, he found i t so d i f f i c u l t to leave that he burst into tears. But they could not wait any longer, for i t was almost dawn. Then, j u s t as they took o f f on t h e i r journey, weeping as they went, a l l of a sudden the bowl on Hachikazuki's head f e l l to the ground with a crash. 76 In astonishment Saisho just stared at the gentle lady's face, which was as dazzling as the f u l l moon coming out of the clouds. There was nothing with which to compare her beauty, or that of her hair. Delighted, he picked up and examined the bowl. In the basket, which was fi t t e d to i t , he saw a golden b a l l and sake cup, a l i t t l e silver sake jug, an orange tree with three oranges of placer gold, a silver 30 kempo no nashi, a set of ceremonial robes for a court lady, a care-fully-dyed crimson skirt, and many other precious things. The gentle lady thought that they must be divine gifts from Kannon in Hase, the goddess in whom her mother had put her trust. She wept with both joy and sorrow. "I am delighted at your good fortune," Saisho exclaimed. "Now we need not go." Then they began to prepare for the wives' contest. It was daybreak, and people began to s t i r . "How immodest of Hachikazuki to remain for such an honoured occasion," they said one to another and laughed. A messenger was sent to summon the contestants, and the wife of the eldest son appeared in the most elegant dress. She looked about twenty-two or twenty-three years old. As i t was the middle of the ninth month, she wore a dark-red skirt underneath, which trailed on the floor behind her, as did her long hair. She was radiantly beauti-31 f u l . As presents for her parents-in-law, she brought ten hiki of Chinese t w i l l and ten sets of wadded-silk robes on a large tray. 77 The second son's wife was about twenty years old, and her out-standing beauty was highlighted by her grace and nobility. Her hair just touched the ground, and her costume was a silk-lined robe, which she wore underneath, and a wadded-silk robe, on which were rubbed gold and silver leaves. She trailed an embroidered soft-pink skirt. Her presents were thirty sets of wadded-silk robes. The wife of the third son looked about eighteen and was the most beautiful of a l l , even though her hair did not reach the ground. The moon and the flowers would have envied her. Her under-garment was a pink wadded-silk robe, and covering that was one of Chinese t w i l l . She 32 brought thirty tan of dyed s i l k for her parents-in-law. The three wives were almost equally splendid. A worn-out straw cushion was placed on the lowest-ranking seat for Hachikazuki. "Now that we have seen the three wives," the people said, '.'let us enjoy ourselves and watch miserable-looking Hachikazuki make her appearance." They quivered with excitement, like birds under the eaves tidying their feathers. The three wives also waited impatiently. Then their father-in-law said regretfully, "I am sorry she did not go away, but must now be humiliated. Why have we done this? There was no need for this wives' contest. It would have been better to pretend not to know the difference between f a i r and ugly, and to have l e t things be." A messenger was sent many times to summon Hachikazuki. "She i s 78 coming," Saish5 said, and the crowd grew excited, expecting to laugh. Hachikazuki's entrance•invited comparisons. Her face, which was covered by a fan, was as noble and as beautiful as the moon behind the clouds. Her person was as charming as the blossom of a drooping cherry-tree, seen through the mist of an early spring morning. Her eyebrows were delicate, and her gracefully-hanging side locks were as glossy as the wings of autumn cicadas. Her expression would have been the envy of a cherry-blossom in spring, or the moon in f a l l . She looked about fifteen or sixteen years old. Her costume was a glossed-silk robe underneath, and on top one of Chinese t w i l l and robes of pink, purple, and other colours. She trailed a well-dyed dark-red skirt. Her hair, shining lik e the plumes of a- kingfisher, tossed as she walked. She appeared to be the incarnation of a goddess. The crowd was astonished and disappointed, while Saisho was pleased beyond measure. When the gentle lady was about to s i t on the seat prepared for her, the Middle-Captain said, "We cannot seat a goddess incarnate there," and he invited her to s i t with her parents-in-law. She was so lovely that his wife had her s i t on her l e f t . The gentle lady brought her father-in-law a golden orangetree with three oranges, ten taels of gold, thirty sets of robes of Chinese t w i l l and woven wadded-silk, a l l on a large tray. Her mother-in-law received a hundred tan of dyed clothes, a golden b a l l , and a branch of silver kempo no nashi, a l l on a golden tray. The crowd was overwhelmed, as on every score—appearance, costume, 79 and presents—she was far superior to the others. The parents had thought that the wives of the three elder sons were beautiful, but next to the gentle lady, they seemed like devils and infidels s i t t i n g before a Buddha. "Let us have a closer look at her," said the elder brothers. When they did so, her beauty was such as to illuminate her entire surround-ings. They were struck dumb with admiration and envied their brother, thinking that even Yang Kuei-fei and Madame L i were no match for her. Since they were only human, they would have loved to have spent a single night with such a beauty and kept precious the memory for the rest of their lives. Their father thought i t no wonder that SaishS was willing to die for her. Sake was brought i n , and the mother-in-law drank f i r s t . Then she passed the cup to the gentle lady, and they kept on passing i t between them. The other three wives became jealous and said to one another, "One's looks have nothing to do with one's rank. Let us play music and have her play the wagon. Unless you have really mastered this instrument, i t i s impossible to play well. His Lordship Saisho, who i s a fine player, may be able to teach her later, but he can surely not do so this evening. Let us begin." The wife of the eldest son played the biwa, the wife of the second son the sho, and their mother-in-law the tabor. They a l l urged the gentle lady to play the wagon. 80 But she replied, "As I have only just heard of this thing the wagon for the f i r s t time, I know nothing of i t . " She declined. Observing this, Saisho longed to be able to take her place and play i t . The gentle lady thought to herself, "They believe me to be a humble g i r l and are trying to make me a laughing stock. When my mother was s t i l l alive, I used to play music a l l day long. I do so wish to play." "Let me try," she said, and picking up the wagon beside her, she played three melodies. SaishS was f i l l e d with joy. The other wives got together again and considered that although SaishS might teach her how to compose poems and write beautifully, he could not do so in the short time available. So they decided to l e t her write a verse, and then to make fun of her. "Please look at this, my lady," they said. "A wisteria flower i s blossoming on a cherry-branch. Here we can see spring and summer at the same time. In autumn, the best flower i s the chrysanthemum. My lady, please compose a poem about a l l this." "Oh, what a d i f f i c u l t thing you ask me to do," the gentle lady re-plied. "My s k i l l s are limited to scooping up water with the water-wheel I use every morning and evening, something I learnt recently while working i n the bathhouse. I know nothing of making up verses. Please, you ladies do so f i r s t . I shall try after you." "Because you are a guest today, you try f i r s t , " the ladies urged 81 her. Without further ado, the gentle lady wrote this poem: Cherry-blossoms in spring, fJMj. t~ l * ' ^ Orange-blossoms in summer, Chrysanthemum flowers in autumn. \r^'K^%.\' On which of these %_< % •*). y4"i^tl \ Are dew drops the saddest? Everyone marvelled at her easy brushwork, which was reminiscent 33 of the flowing strokes of Tofu. Looking at her accomplishment, they 34 said, "She must be the reincarnation of the ancient Lady Tamano. This i s alarming!" Sake was brought in again. F i r s t , the father-in-law had some, and then passed the cup to the gentle lady. "Here i s something to go with the sake," he said. "My land i s said to be seven hundred cho, but i t i s actually two thousand three hundred cho. I grant one thousand to the gentle lady and l e t Saisho have another thousand. The remaining three hundred are to be divided among the three sons. Take a hundred each! If you are dissatisfied, I w i l l not think of you as my sons." The three sons thought i t most unreasonable, but because i t was their father's command, there was nothing they could do. They a l l agreed henceforth to regard Saisho as the head of the family. The gentle lady also received twenty-four ladies to serve her, includ-ing Renzei the nurse, and she moved to the so-called Bamboo Palace, where Saisho lived. One day SaishS asked her, "I cannot believe you to be an ordinary person; t e l l me your name i f you please?" 82 She thought of te l l i n g him the truth, but considered how this might give her stepmother a bad name. She subtly changed the subject and talked about a variety of other things. Later, she carefully per-formed religious rites for the salvation of her dead mother. As the years passed, she bore many sons. She was extremely happy, but she s t i l l longed for her father in the home she had l e f t behind. She wished he could see her children. In the meantime at her father's house, the stepmother's stinginess had caused the servants to run away one by one, and the family had be-come quite poor. No one would marry the stepmother's only daughter. Because he f e l t no love for his second wife, the father no longer cared for his wretched home or, indeed, for anything else, and l e f t i t to devote himself to the practice of religion. When he thought seriously, he viewed the past as follows: His late wife, grieved at not having had a child of her own, made a pilgrimage to Hase, where, thanks to sundry prayers and to the grace of Kannon, she gave birth to a daughter. After the mother's passing, a strange and terrible object attached i t s e l f to the poor g i r l , and her stepmother did not act like a parent and heaped many slanders upon her. Horror of Horrors! Believing these slanders true, he had mercilessly driven her out. Even i f she were an ordinary g i r l , she might be dwelling somewhere suffering who knows what fate. How cruel! Then he made a pilgrimage to Kannon at Hase^and offered a heart-83 f e l t prayer, "If the lady Hachikazuki i s s t i l l alive, please bring her back to me." Saisho had gained the emperor's favour and was given three pro-vinces, Yamato, Kawachi, and Iga. He was making a thanksgiving p i l -grimage to Hase in honour of Kannon. The members of his household, including his lavishly-dressed sons, were conspicuous in their loud merriment i n the temple. The gentle lady's father was chanting a prayer before Kannon. Saisho's retainers decided that the ha l l was too small to hold them and this old man. "You there, brother, move on!" they bellowed, and they drove him from the building. He stood looking at Saisho's sons, weeping profusely. When those who noticed him asked, "You, brother, what are you crying about?" he told them a l l about his t r i a l s and added, hesitating-ly, "Those young gentlemen resemble the daughter for whom I have been searching." Hearing this, the gentle lady commanded, "Call that holy man here!" and he was summoned to the veranda of the building. When she looked at him, even though he was aged and had a wizened face, she recognized him at once as her father, and not abashed by the presence of the others, announced, "I, none other, am that Hachikazuki of old!" "Oh, i s this a dream or i s i t real?" exclaimed her father. " A l l thanks to the grace of Kannon!" 84 Then Saisho sai d , "So t h i s lady i s from Katano i n Kawachi, i s she? No wonder she i s not an o r d i n a r y . g i r l . " He made her father the l o r d of Kawachi and h i s son the h e i r , and the couple l i v e d i n glory ever a f t e r . For himself, he b u i l t a palace i n the province of Iga, where h i s descen-dents l i v e d i n great prosperity. I t i s said that a l l t h i s resulted from the di v i n e grace of Kannon at Hase and that to the present day anyone who believes i n Kannon s h a l l receive unmistakable evidence of her beneficent powers. A l l who hear t h i s story should pronounce the name of Kannon ten times: Homage to the greatly benevolent and supremely compassionate Bodhisattva Kannon! How trustworthy you are, Kannon, Goddess of Mercy. How assuring i s your vow To confer comfort and joy In t h i s l i f e and the next. 85 FOOT-NOTES INTRODUCTION 1 His f u l l name, including his trade name, was Shibukawa Shokodo Kashiwabaraya Seiemon % ^  li-13 M- ~i% '^f*] , and he lived in Junkei-machi kita i ru shinsaibashisuji, Osaka-shi. See Ichiko T e i j i , Chusei shosetsu no kenkyu, 5th ed. (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1968), p. 17, hereafter cited as, Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu. 2 Barbara Ruch, "Origins of the Companion Library: An Anthology of Medieval Japanese Stories," Journal of Asian Studies, 30 (May 1971), 593. 3 _ Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu, p. 22. CHAPTER 1 1 Ibid., p. 17. 2 Quoted in ibid., p. 16. 3 Ibid., p. 17. 4 Ibid., p. 19. 5 Ibid., pp. 398-99. Ibid., pp. 7-11. I have heard the expression used i n this way by elderly people in Yatsushiro-shi, Kumamoto-ken. 7 Kuwata Tadachika, Daimy5 to otogi shu (Tokyo: Seijisha, 1942), pp. 8-9. g Ibid., pp. 24, 111. 9 - -Ibid., pp. 156-58; Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu, pp. 21-22. 86 Kuwata, pp. 140, 146-47. 'See also Taiheiki, ed. Goto Tanji and Kamada Kisaburo, in Nihon koten bungaku taikei, Vols. 34-37 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1961). Hereafter cited as NKBT. ^ Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu, pp. 13-14. 12 "Iwaya no soshi," in Otogi zoshi, ed. Tsukamoto Tetsuzo (Tokyo: Yuhodo shoten, 1931), p. 431, hereafter cited as Otogi zoshi, ed. Tsukamoto. 13 Suzuki RySichi, Sengoku no doran, i n Kokumin no rekishi, Vol. 11 (Tokyo: Bun'eido, 1968), p. 15. 14 _ Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu, p. 20. Sasano Ken, "Otogi zoshi no kenkyu," in Monogatari shosetsu  hen, ed. Yamamoto Mitsuo, Nihon bungaku koza, No. 4;(Tokyo: Kaizosha, 1936) , par.t 2", p. 184. 16 Ruch, p. 593. 1 7 Ibid., p. 596. 18 — Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu, p. 400; Tamagami Takuya, Monogatari bungaku (Tokyo: Hanawa shobo, 1967), p. 202. 19 Ruch, p. 596. 20 Ibid., p. 602. They are: Kumano Nachi Jinsha fit ff> # f ^ i , , at Nachi Katsura-cho, Higashimuro-gun, Wakayama-ken; Kumano Nimasu Jinsha $L i$ /r.2-» a t Hongu-cho of the same location; and Kumano Hayatama Jinsha ^ t i n Shingu, Shingu-shi, Wakayama-ken. Ruch, p. 603. 87 23 Araki Yoshio, Chusei Kamakura Muromachi bungaku jiten (Tokyo: Shunjusha, 1961), p. 156. 24 On the monogatari so and the goze, see Tomikura Tokujiro, Katarimono bungei, Iwanami koza Nihon bungakushi, Vol. 5, chusei II (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1958), pp. 23-30, 35. The series i s hereafter cited as IKNB. 25 -Sanetaka ko k i , ed. Takahashi Ryuzo (Tokyo: Zoku gunsho ruiju kanseikai, 1963), I, part 2, 347. 26 Ruch, pp. 601-03. 27 _ Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu, p. 196. 28 — — Kitamura Nobuyo (Sesshin), Kiyu shoran, ed. Kondo Keizo (Tokyo: Meicho kank5kai, 1970), p. 358. CHAPTER 2 ^ Translation, p. 84. 2 "Komachi zoshi," in Otogi zoshi, ed. Ichiko T e i j i , NKBT, Vol. 38 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1958), p. 101, hereafter cited as Otogi z5shi, ed. Ichiko. 3 "Monokusa Taro," ibid., p. 207. 4 As Ichiko points out i n ibid., p. 16. 5 _ Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu, p. 416. 6 _ See Tsutsumi chunagon monogatari, in Tsutsumi chunagon monogatari; Ockikubb monogatari, eds. Matsuo Satoshi and Teramoto Naohiko, 3rd ed., NKBT, Vol. 13 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1959). 7 "Onzoshi shima watari," in Otogi zoshi, ed. Ichiko, p. 106. 88 g Murasaki Shikibu, Genji monogatari, ed. Yamagishi Tokuhei, NKBT, Vol. 14 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1958), p. 56, hereafter cited as Genji. 9 Quoted from my translation, p. 70. ^ Ibid., p. 60. 1 1 Ibid., p. 71. See Genji, NKBT, Vol. 14, p. 425, note 45. 12 "Bunsho no soshi," in Otogi zoshi, ed. Ichiko, p. 50. 13 "Hachikazuki," ibid., p. 61; translation, p. 60. 14 -The exception i s "Tempitsu wago rakuchi fuku kai emman hitsuketsu no monogatari" % ^4fXx£~ ^ j g , *| )f) ~-Jk ^ & -H) ^ t t n e precise meaning of which i s unclear. It is about a family of badgers who act like humans. The author was a retired samurai by the name of I s h i i Yasunaga $ , whose priest-name was Ih5 aj^ " i j ^ . He wrote i t on the 11th day of the f i r s t month i n the 12th year of Bummei (Feb-ruary 22, 1480). See Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu, pp. 388-89. 1 5 Ibid., p. 399. 1 6 Ibid., pp. 398-99. 17 Stith Thompson, The Folktale (New York: Dryden Press, 1951), p. 5. 18 Yanagita Kunio, "Fuefuki muko," in Teihon Yanagita Kunio shu, Vol. 6 (Tokyo: Chikuma shobS, 1962), p. 282, f i r s t published in Mukashi- banashi kenkyu, October 1937, hereafter cited as Teihon. See also "Tonari no NetarS," in Teihon, Vol. 8 (Tokyo: Chikuma shobo, 1963), f i r s t published in Tabi to densetsu, July, 1930. 1 9 — "Kumano no gohonji no soshi," in Otogi zoshi, ed. Ichiko, pp. 411-433. For a discussion of the Honji mono, see Matsumoto Takanobu, "Honji mono no mondai," Kokugo to kokubungaku, special issue, October 1962, pp. 69-78. 89 20 Ruch, p. 601. 21 Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu, pp. 159-61. The temple was at Murasakino, Kita-ku, Kyoto. 22 -Nishio Koichi, Chusei setsuwa bungaku ron, 2nd ed. (Tokyo: Hanawa shobo, 1964), p. 136. CHAPTER 3 1 Kyokai, Nihon ryoiki, eds. Endo Yoshimoto and Kasuga Kazuo, NKBT, Vol. 70 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1967). For an English transla-tion, see Kyoko Motomochi Nakamura, trans, and ed., Miraculous Stories  from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition: The Nihon ryoiki of the Monk  Kyokai (Cam. Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1973). 2 Konjaku monogatari, eds. Yamada Yoshio et a l . , NKBT, Vols. 22-26 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1961). For an English translation of some stories, see S.W. Jones, Ages Ago (Cam. Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1959). 3 _ Mitani E i i c h i , Monogatari-shi no kenkyu (Tokyo: Yuseido, 1967), pp. 467-534. 4 Uj i shui monogatari, eds., Nishio Koichi and Watanabe Tsunaya, NKBT, Vol. 27 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1960), for the English version of which see D.E. Mi l l s , trans., A Collection of Tales from U j i (Lon-don: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1970); Muju, Shaseki shu, ed. Watanabe Tsunaya, NKBT, Vol. 85 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1966). 5 Nishio KSichi, Chusei setsuwa bungaku, IKNB, Vol. 6, chusei III, (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1959), p. 42. 6 George "Sansom, Japan: A Short Cultural History, rev. ed. (New York: Appleton, 1962), pp. 361-62. See Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu. 90 Kuwabara Hiroshi, Chusei monogatari no kisoteki kenkyu: shiryo  to shiteki kosatsu (Tokyo: Kazama shobo, 1969), pp. 160-61. 9 "Saru Genji soshi," in Otogi zoshi, ed. Ichiko, pp. 165-86. For an English translation, see, Edward D. Putzar, "The Tale of Monkey Genji—Sarugenji-zoshi," Monumenta Nipponica, 18, Nos. 1-4 (1963), 286-312. ^ "Fukutomi choja monogatari," in Otogi zoshi, ed. Ichiko, pp. 385-93. 1 X "Akimichi," ibid., pp. 394-410. 12 The term mamahaha mono, or "stepmother stories," i s also used in these stories as well as in the Heian tales mentioned on p. 38. 13 For "Hanayo no hime," see Otogi zoshi, ed. Shimazu Hisamatsu, 26th ed. (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1961), pp. 55-98; "Ubakawa," see Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu, p. 100. 14 Antti Aarne, The Types of Folktales: A Classification and  Bibliography, trans, and enl. Stith Thompson, 2nd rev. (Helsinki: Suomaeainen Tiedeakatemia Academia Scientiarum Fennica, 1964), p. 175. 15 "Bijin kurabe" i s in Otogi zoshi, ed. Tsukamoto, pp. 471-98; Ochikubo monogatari, in Tsutsumi chunagon monogatari: Ochikubo monoga- t a r i , an English translation for which i s in Wilfred Whitehouse and Eizo Yanagisawa, trans., Ochikubo Monogatari, or The Tale of Lady  Ochikubo: A Tenth-Century Japanese Novel (Tokyo: Hokuseido, 1965); Sumiyoshi monogatari, in Sumiyoshi monogatari: Ausa bunko hon, ed. Isobe Teishi (Tokyo: Koten bunko, 1953); and the other stories are discussed in Ichiko, Chusei shosetsu, pp. 91-100. 16 For "Minamoto Yorinobu Ason no otoko Yoriyoshi umanusubito o ikoroshitaru koto," see Konjaku monogatari, NKBT, Vol. 25, pp. 392-94. Translation, p. 84. 91 "Akimichi," in Otogi zoshi, ed. Ichiko, p. 40. "Saru Genji soshi," ibid., p. 186. Nishio Koichi, Chusei setsuwa bungaku, p. 41. Ichiko, Chusei shSsetsu, p. 419. CHAPTER 4 1 Translation, p. 57. 2 Ibid. , p. 61. 3 Seki Keigo, Nihon mukashibanashi shusei: dai ni bu honkaku  mukashibanashi (Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1962), II, 913. 4 Ibid., p. 827. 5 Origuchi Shinobu, "Kappa no hanashi," in Origuchi Shinobu zen- shu, ed. Origuchi hakushi kinenkai (Tokyo: Chuo Koron, 1955), III, 310-11, f i r s t published in Chuo Koron, September 1939. Origuchi, "Mizu no onna," ibid., II, 96-99, f i r s t published in two parts in Minzoku, September , 1927, and January} 1928. 7 A modern version shown on the educational channel of NHK tele-vision on July 21, 1973, especially emphasized such qualities. 8 — "Mazushiki onna Kiyomizu Kannon ni tsukamatsurite micho o tamaeru koto" <^rJ± %&%ff ^&-t& ' in Konjaku monogatari, NKBT, Vol. 24, pp. 485-86; and "Kiyomizu dera micho o tamawaru onna no koto" \% 7)< % ifff ^ 5 ^ <„ ^  , in U j i shui monogatari, NKBT, Vol. 27, pp. 317-19.; 92 9 "Yakushi Kannon riyaku no koto," Shaseki shu, NKBT, Vol. 85, pp. 99-102. 1 0 Mme. Le Prince de Beaumont, "Beauty and the Beast," in Virginia Hariland, trans., Favourite Fairy Tales Told in France (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1959). ^ Yanagita Kunio, "Mukashibanashi oboegaki," Teihon, VIII, 306, f i r s t published i n Bungaku, May;, 1938, hereafter cited as Yanagita, "Mukashibanashi." 12 Ikeda Hiroko, "A Type and Motif Index of Japanese Folk-Literature," Diss. Indiana Univ. 1955, p. 361. 13 Matsumoto Takanobu, ed., E i i n Muromachi monogatari shusei (Tokyo: Kyuko shoin, 1970), I, 261-62, II, 298-99. 14 Yanagita, "Mukashibanashi," p. 306. TRANSLATION OF "HACHIKAZUKI" ^ Present day Hirakata-shi in Osaka-fu. In the Heian period, Katano was an imperial hunting ground and was also known for i t s cherry-blos-soms. The province of Bitchu i s present day Okayama-ken. As he was not l i v i n g in that province, he was not necessarily the active governor at the time. 2 For these works and their translations, see Kokin wakashu, ed. Saeki Umetomo, NKBT, Vol. 8 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1958)> and H. Honda, trans., The Kokin Wakashu: The 10th-century Anthology Edited by the  Imperial Edict (Tokyo: Hokuseido, 1970); Man'yoshu, eds., Gomi Tomohide, Ono Shin, and Takagi Ichinosuke, NKBT, Vols. 4-7 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1957), and Nippon gakujutsu shinkokai, trans., The Manyoshu (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1965); Ise monogatari, eds., Sakakura Atsuyoshi et a l . , NKBT, Vol. 9 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1957), and Helen Craig McCullough, trans., Tales of Ise: Lyrical Episodes from Tenth-century  Japan (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1968). 93 3 Hase i s the popular name for the Chokokuji, the major temple of the Hozan sect of Shingon Buddhism, which i s located at Hatsuse-cho, Isogi-gun, Nara-ken. It was originally built around 720 A.D. by Domyo, and i t s eleven-faced image of Kannon gained the reputation of being particularly responsive to prayer. 4 The reference i s to a poem, believed to be by Kiyomizu Kannon, in Shin K o k i n s h u • . . • f f i r ^ • See Ichiko, ed., Otogi zoshi, p. 59. ff 13- ^ Have more faith in me For though the mugwort in Shimeji f i e l d L •& Cannot bring you r e l i e f , JO j!\ -££ vf | s Y o u r e m a i n i n m y s a f e hands $) V ~<C ') As long as I inhabit this world. ^ Although the difference i s subtle, another text, known as Manji  ninen Matsue ban Jj - , or "The Matsue block-print of the second year of Manji (1659)," has this version: "In the springtime, although plum- and cherry-blossoms by the eaves f a l l to the ground, they w i l l flower again next spring. And while the moon descends behind a mountain, i t w i l l rise again the following evening." See Ichiko, ed., Otogi zoshi, p. 60, note 4. A common belief was that people who died went to the underworld, known as yomi no kuni ^ |gj . 7 The reference i s to a poem by Ono no Komachi ') •> ^  ') #j , in Kokinshu. See Ichiko, ed., Otogi zoshi, p. 61, note 16. The transla-tion comes from Earl Miner, An Introduction to Japanese Court Poetry (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1968), p. 82. ^ ^ i That which fades away >i -> ,J,^>^1 {% Without revealing i t s altered color •iSt ^  <?> Is, in the world of love, /\_>7) iV0'<^  That single flower which blossoms ACJ I" "i" &) ' ) ^ ^ In the fickle heart of man. 8 9 For the meaning of this name, see my page 43. The popular belief was that after death one i s reborn in a lotus flower in the pond in paradise. 94 ^ Another text includes the following poem. See Ichiko, ed. Otogi zoshi, p. 63, note 12. -^ •3 i£ L 0 n » h o w wretched I am! J± IJ £ ? Though there may be many roads P> CJIT^Tc^' Along which I wander, v.1 ->••<£ 3 I "Z No matter what one I take tflft $-t How can I ever find my way? ^ The text known as Manji ninen Takahashi ban 7jj =^  i f jf^ or "The Takahashi block-print of the second year of Manji," has osoroshiya, meaning "frightening." See Ichiko, ed., Otogi z5shi, p. 65, note 17. According to Onyo zakki fiT?!^ $£t %2i •>(The Miscellaneous Records  of Ying Yang), a utensil would come to be possessed by a s p i r i t , tsukumo  garni h*\ , or "the haunting s p i r i t , " and, changing i t s form, would bewitch people. See Ichiko, ed., Otogi zoshi, p. 63, note 20. 13 \ The Middle-Captain's expression i s izuku no ura \js -^X^Ef)' , or "From which bay?" and i s an allusion to Hachikazuki's relationship with water. 14 For illustrations of these musical instruments, see Ivan Morris, The Pillow Book of Sei Shonagon; A Companion Volume (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1967), p. 246. 15 Present day Shizuoka-ken. 16 It was located at what i s today Okitsu-ch5, Shimizu-shi, Shizu-oka-ken, and i t was known for i t s beautiful beach. 17 The hero in Genji monogatari, who i s the most celebrated male character in Japanese literature. 18 Ariwara no Narihira was the son of a prince in the early Heian period and i s one of the thirty-six poet saints. Because he was very handsome and wrote many passionate love poems, he i s regarded as the hero in Ise monogatari. 95 19 These birds are believed to be very faithful to each other and are often used to describe intimate relationships between men and their wives. 20 Omuro i s the popular name for Ninaji, which i s the major temple of the Omuro sect of Shingon Buddhism, and which i s located at Omuro, Ukyo-ku, Kyoto. The Emperor Uda founded i t in 888 A.D. and i t i s well known for i t s cherry-blossoms, which bloom much later than others. 21 A popular saying was that pinetrees live for a thousand years and that tortoises l i v e for ten thousand years. 22 The reference i s to a poem in Kokinshu. See Ichiko, ed., Otogi  zoshi, p. 68, note 2. ® ) Down the Tatsuta River ^ J-h ~h" T~" frl t Scattered red maple-leaves ^ ^ ' ^ V L f e M u s t s u r e l y b e floating, zJk, s V&'&fy A n d should I cross i t , the brocade ^ f 7 £) Pattern might break up and vanish. 23 A kuchinashi i s a cape jasmine, but there i s a play on words, because kuch'i means "mouth," and nashi means "without." 24 This sentence can also mean breaking off a young twig from a tree and making the twig suffer by being separated from i t s parent. 25 On the suggestion of Prof. Leon Hurvitz, I have taken the text to read, 5 - ^ ^ f f T - ? £ [ . 7 \ 3J|L \is»^£ Z t~S-T^ %, instead of the obscure reading in the original, jfJ^T^SL^ <ft ^ - i ^ v ^ ^ - ^ Z T&- T'~H%-26 This sentence contradicts what follows i f i t i s taken to mean that he visited her a few times on that particular day. 27 A tsuge no makura i s a pillow made of boxwood and i s often used in love poems, because the word tsuge also means "to t e l l (one's inner feelings)." This river i s i n Nara-ken. It was known for i t s reckless shifting of i t s pools and shoals. 96 29 Yang Keui-fei was the beloved concubine of Emperor Hsuan Tsung in T'ang China. Madame L i was a concubine of Emperor Wu of the Han dynasty. Both women were known in Chinese history for their beauty. 3^ Kempo no nashi i s hovenia dulcis. Its berries are edible. 31 One h i k i i s about twenty-four yards. 32 One tan i s about twelve yards. 3 3 Ono no Tofu (Michikaze) /)\%% ^t, I^ L (894-966 A.D.) was known as one of the three great calligraphers of Japan who made important contri-butions to the development of the Japanese style of calligraphy. 34 According to "Tamamo no mae soshi," Lady Tamamo was f i r s t the wife of Pan-tsu Wang of Western China and then of Yu Wang of Chou when she called herself Pao-szu. After bringing ruin to her husband and his state, she escaped to Japan and was loved by the Emperor Toba. When her true identity was revealed, she escaped, assuming the form of a fox, but was k i l l e d . See Ichiko, ed., Otogi zoshi, p. 81, note 17. 35 Hase temple was the most l i k e l y place for the reunion of the daughter with her father. It was not only the temple of Kannon, but according to an ancient belief i t was regarded as one where souls would be reunited. With the introduction of Buddhism, the image of Kannon was believed to bring people together. See Norioka Kensei, Kodai  densho bungaku no kenkyu (Tokyo: Ofusha, 1968), p. 206. 97 BIBLIOGRAPHY Aarne, Antti. The Types of the Folktale:: A Classification and Bibliog- raphy. Trans, and enl. Stith Thompson. 2nd rev. Helsinki: Suo-malainen Tiedeakatemia Academia Scientiarum Fennica, 1961. Amano Nobukage ^% ^ • " S h i o j i r i " j)u . Nihon zuihitsu t a i s e i 0 fa life f£ K ' V o 1 , 9 o f P a r t 3« E d - Nihon zuihitsu t a i s e i hen'ibu 13 ^  WL>^ k.#K &i %%%f • Tokyo: Nihon zuihitsu t a i s e i kankokai, 1930. Araki Yoshio fa . Chusei Kamakura Muromachi bungaku jiten # i ± & ^ ^ 1 ^ ^ ^ - • Tokyo: Shunjusha, 1961. Chusei Nihon no shomin bungaku v^ 7 ^& 0 ^ ^ J^ ., ^  ^ ^ Osaka: Shin Nihon tosho, 1947. Chusei bungaku kenkyu nyumon rf* ^ £L*p ^ f 6 ! . Ed. Tokyo daigaku chusei bungaku kenkyukai j | ^ ytov^ ^ i ± 5*L'i£ /5 f^ 'IE ^ • Tokyo: Shibundo, 1965. Chusei bungaku no kenkyu ^ t£ 5L ^ ^ 5^ • E d « Tokyo daigaku chusei bungaku kenkyukai vjj Xj'f^ %> t£ 5L v'^ - ^ ^ • Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1968. Dorson, Richard M. Folk Legends of Japan. Tokyo: Charles Tuttle, 1962. Fujioka Sakutaro $fer&\ h ^ Y . Kamakura Muromachi j i d a i bungaku- shi S E . #1 i3f ^ ' SC^P • Tokyo: Kumimoto shuppan, 1935. Hase dera kenki: Ihon _ j | J§-3^ $$tt& *~$Jh • E d * Nagai Yoshinori ^ j ^ , ^ . Tokyo: Koten bunko, 1953. Hayashiya Tatsusaburo Ph%L fc- 5 . Machishu: Kyoto ni okeru "shimin"  keiseishi fly ^ • ^  |- It* rt>W #K • Tokyo: Chuo K5ron-sha, 1964. Chusei ni okeru toshi to n5son no bunka ^ te I' F$ yTi-^}^9 ^ %^ <n i£_/,tz-. • Iwanami k5za Nihon bungakushi ~0)-jik @ ^ , Vol. 5, chusei rf*II. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1958. Ichiko T e i j i 7^ Y& ^ . Chusei shosetsu no kenkyu tf7 -)£/J \ <?> 3rd ed. Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1962. 98 Ikeda Hiroko. "A Type and Motif Index of Japanese Folk-Literature." Diss. Indiana Univ., 1953. Imai Gen'e 5^ Iff . "Ocho monogatari no shuen" $. ffl & i 0 ~ . Kokugo to kokubungaku g)-|§- t HI Oct. 1954, pp. 19-28. Kazama Keijiro )$L1B[ %?JL$f . Chuseiken' no'"ningen tf*\*t \%\ <*> AJv\ . Kazama Keijiro zenshu ^ f/\ ^ %f %^ t V o 1 - 8« E d « HokkaidS daigaku kokubungakkai 3^ S5£_. X>j£- ^ ir^tg S^- . Tokyo: Ofusha, 1971. Kikuchi RySichi Mj}^ %c — . Chusei setsuwa no kenkyu x^f •>& £ i f % • Tokyo: Ofusha, 1972. Kitamura Nobuyo (Sesshin) itff'ffi^ ). Kiyu shoran . ^ L 3 £ ^ . Ed. Kondo Keizo jjjr. $$k. 3^  i f - . 2 Vols. Tokyo: Meicho kanko-kai, 1970. Kokon chomonju & fi^ % ^ . Eds. Nagazumi Yasuaki /jc ^ and Shimada Isao Jg, ^7 ^ . Nihon koten bungaku taikei 5=) ^ ^£1 5t_ili£ X jfc ' Vol. 84. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1966. Konjaku monogatari y^-fj" . Eds. Yamada Yoshio tU IS /^-irfk. et a l . Nihon koten bungaku taikei g ^ £ ^ "X & , Vols. 22-26. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1961. Kuwabara Hiroshi ifc ^ f$j-. Chusei monogatari no kisoteki kenkyu: shiryo to shiteki kosatsu jV_ t$)-f# <?> ^ ^ /^ff'^E. • Jftyt ^ . Tokyo: Kazama shobo, 1969. Kuwata Tadachika $ ffl- & IHL . Daimy5 to otogi shu %5h t ^ff ftO ^  . Tokyo: Seijisha, 1942. Matsumoto Takanobu . "Honji mono no mondai" if-V^L tyf)* ?o\l •^f . Kokugo to kokubungaku t )f>\3i>% / 0 c t - 1962, pp. 69-78. ; , ed. E i i n Muromachi monogatari shusei -|f-^  if ^  #j >f^ ir§- 1=j?L ^ . 2 Vols. Tokyo: Kyuko shoin, 1970. Mitani E i i c h i tz\~ \%t — . Monogatarishi no kenkyu ^ _^<^  ^ i f '^u• Tokyo: Yuseido, 1967. "Bunsho soshi to haru no kotobure" $L%-%*r t M^> 2 t: .)'-"' frl . Kokugo to kokubungaku )£) Y , May 1954, pp. 21-31. 99 Miner, E a r l . An Introduction to Japanese Court Poetry. \ Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1968. Mochizuki Sh i n t e i Q 4% If . Mo|chizuki bukkyo, dai j i t e n f\ Jj* • 10 Vols. Kyoto: Seiten kanko kyokai, 1957. Morris, Ivan. The Pi l l o w Books of Sei Shonagon: A Companion Volume• London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1967. Moriyama Shigeo 0., . Hoken shomin bungaku no kenkyu ft.. fs\ XJp- & fift • Kyoto: San'ichi shobo, 1960. Muju %. fe. Shaseki shu £ ^ . Ed. Watanabe Tsunaya 1%J£L • Nihon koten bungaku t a i k e i £j £~ %Jj£ , V o l . 85. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1966. Murasaki Shikibu ^ • Genji monogatari Mtyife . Ed. Yama-g i s h i Tokuhei \U ^ if^ L-Sf- • Nihon koten bungaku t a i k e i >3 & J^- %LMr %\ i Vols. 14-18. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1958. Muromachi j i d a i monogatari ^ R)J 19^ /f\* • Eds. Yokoyama Shigeru •ftfc^iU -|_ et a l . Tokyo: Koten bunko, 1957. Mushakoji Minoru /fe '^3%~ -^fe • Em aki mono to bungaku fyfe. jjjL tyfr) \t yC_ % . Iwanami koza Nihon bungakushi ^ '$J0rM- $L ' V o l . 4, chusei t f 7 1£ I. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1958. ''Setsuwa bungaku n i miru kodai to chusei: Tsuma arasoi no hanashi kara" f& j^J%- C- PT- £ • i|M £ v> a /N 7 " > ^ V • Kokugo to kokubungaku |§) "f^. b liHjL'lt' Oct. 1962, pp. 39-48. Nagazumi Yasuaki ^ ^ j ? . Chusei bungaku no tenbo t j * t£ j t-^lr ^ . 3rd ed. Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1967. Chusei bungaku no s e i r i t s u \2f -jtf en fi\ 3L. • Iwanami koza Nihon bungakushi 'S~^rM- ^ ^ ^ . ^ ^ , V o l . 6, chusei V£ I I I . Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1959. Nakamura Yoshiharu ^ yo . Gekokujo no s e i k i ~ p ^  t - ^ 'fc<^ . Kokumin no r e k i s h i Jg) ci , V o l . 10. Tokyo: Bun'eido,, 1968. Nakano Koichi *f f f ""f" - . Monogatari bungaku ronko i&£$$fF . Tokyo: Kyoiku shuppan senta, 1971. 100 Nihon bungakushi Qyfc-^l^^L . Ed. Hisamatsu Sen'ichi y*£ — . Tokyo: Shibundo, 1961. Nihon setsuwa bungaku 0 ^ >C^V • Eds. Usuda Jingoro ffl Ji.fy> et a l . Tokyo: Ofusha, 1969. Nishio KSichi \?§> %j — . Chusei setsuwa bungaku tf7-jtf; >CJ% . Iwanami koza Nihon bungakushi ^ %^J%L © ^p- jC-\^ $L , Vol. 6, c h u s e i I I I . Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1959. Chusei setsuwa bungaku ron v^7-^ "= y[J^ . Tokyo: Hanawa shobo, 1961. "Setsuwateki hasso no bungaku" tfoife fefy ^ ^ & . Koku-go to kokubungaku )fj ^ ^52.^ , Oct. 1962, pp. 1-12. Noda Hisao f-f y2 • Kinsei shosetsu-shi ronko jjjr^ jti; 0 » ? i £ ^ L ^ i r . Tokyo: Hanawa shobo, 1961. Norioka Kensei ^ JE.|S^  J£_ . Kodai densho bungaku no kenkyu ^ / f V ^ - 5 C ^ ^ ' IL • Tokyo: Ofusha, 1968. Okami Masao |£} £ . "Sh5d5shi to setsuwa" tff^f-fcijj tf&tfc . Nihon koten bungaku taikei 0 ^ \&- » geppS )^  , Dec. 1964. Origuchi Shinobu P 'J'&'^ L . Origuchi Shinobu zenshu E3 /)%.^_M> ^JL . Ed. Origuchi hakushi kinenkai Ufa V f&fcjt^* i t l ^ 3 0 Vols. Tokyo: Chuo KSronsha, 1955. 5shima Takehiko ^ l ^ j 5^ 7^  . Otogi zoshi to minkan bungei j£ ?-V: ^\TB\ y£—$k • Tokyo: Iwasaki bijutsusha, 1968. ^'Setsuwa no densho" "fVLf^ a fa . kokugo to kokubungaku ifH^-i %yL%, Oct. 1962, pp. 109-118. Otogi z5shi >ffif/\t)ti ^ h- • Ed. Ichiko T e i j i ip & |> >K • Nihon koten  bungaku taikei & ~& ' V o 1 * 3 8 • T o k y ° 5 Iwanami shoten, 1958. Otogi'-zoshi 1\UV ^ . Ed. Shimazu Hisamoto %J^>- . Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1971. Otogi zoshi 'fflt\1lV Ed. Tsukamoto Tetsuzo . Tokyo: YuhSdo shoten, 1931. 101 Perrault's Complete Fairy Tales. Trans. A.E. Johnson et a l . New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1961. Propp, Vladimir. Morphology of the Folktale. Ed. and rev. Louise A. Wagner. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1968. Ruch, Barbara. "Origins of the Companion Library: An Anthology of Medieval Japanese Stories." Journal of Asian Studies-, 30 (May 1971), 597-607. Sanari KentarS tfi-P\ " f ^ M ^ • "Otogi zoshi no kenkyu" foWD Ik-V^ ffi . Muromachi j i d a i • Ed. Sat5 Giryo J ^ ; ^ . Nihon bungaku koza &~%>yCj~4 ' v°l« 7» Tokyo: Shinchosha, 1932. Sansom, George. Japan: A Short Cultural History. Rev. ed. New York: Appleton, 1962. Sasano Ken ^ £f ^£ • "Otogi zoshi no kenkyu" £ ^ . ^ 4 - ^ Fff1)?, . Monogatari shSsetsu hen t^ "^ ')' VrL ^% • 2 Parts. Ed. Yamamoto Mitsuo -=. )£ . Nihon bungaku koza p^^L^ , Vol. 4. Tokyo: Kaizosha, 1934. Satake Akihiro 0$ 7^ . Gekokujo no bungaku f ^ r_ Tokyo: Chikuma shobo, 1967. Seki Keigo ff\ • Nihon mukashibanashi shusei 0 ^ " ^ " ^ $i . 6 Vols. Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1962. "Kon'in dan to shite no Sumiyoshi monogatari: monogatari bun-gaku to mukashibanashi" •^•^'pk. ^ I Z & & "h tf>0^ * ~kJ$ . Kokugo to kokubungaku ^\%%t. • 0 c t * 1 9 6 2 » PP« 79-94. ~~ ~~ Folktales of Japan. Trans. Robert J. Adams. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1963. Sumiyoshi monogatari: Ausa bunko hon, Narita toshokan hon Jfk c=> Wty• • A*0- 3*- • E d - I s o b e Teishifi%£? t Y . Tokyo: 'Koten bunko, 1953. Suzuki Ry5ichi ^ ^ - ^ L jg. — • Sengoku no doran ^ ' l i D ^ ) i > L . Tokyo: Bun'eido, 1967. 102 Tamagami Takuya X- Monogatari bungaku ftty^fe^C.^ . Tokyo: Hanawa shobS, 1967. Teruoka Yasutaka Jp. . "Saikaku bungaku no setsuwa s e i to h i setsuwa s e i " ^ tf^iCjp- cn %%%% 'H* l&^M 'I* . Kokugo to kokubungaku I!DT=| ' 0 c t « 1 9 6 2 ' PP« 95-108. Thompson, S t i t h . The F o l k t a l e . New York: The Dryden Press, 1951. Tomikura Tokujiro ^jfctf. K a t a r i mono bungei i&O^^ . Iwanami kSza Nihon bungakushi %^J^\ /*£. £L^5Q^-^ ' V o 1 - 5» chusei itf; I I . Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1958. Tsukasaki Susumu 3 ^ . Monogatari no tanjo W^^.^^k. • Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1968. Yanagita Kunio gTI ^  . Teihon Yanagita Kunio shu )§D ^ ^ . 31 Vols. Tokyo: Chikuma shobo, 1962. Yuasa Gentei ~j§)&k jtftfa. "Bunkai zakki" • Nihon z u i h i t s u t a i s e i £7^-?j | L^7v$C ' V o 1 , 7 o f P a r t ^ E d > N i n o n z u i h i t s u t a i s e i hen'ibu )=J^ > ?A5L^ X. ^\ 'Tv^ B j5 • Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1927. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            data-media="{[{embed.selectedMedia}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0093831/manifest

Comment

Related Items