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Social organization of South China 1911-1949 : the case of the Kwaan lineage of Hoi-p’ing Woon, Yuen-fong 1975

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S o c i a l Organization of South China 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 ^ 9 : The Case of the Kwaan Lineage of Hoi-p'ing by Yuen Fong Woon B.A., University of Hong Kong, 1 9 6 6 M.A., University of Hong Kong, 1 9 6 9 A t h e s i s submitted i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy i n the Department of Sociology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard The University of B r i t i s h Columbia August, 1 9 7 5 In presenting t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that permission for extensive copying o f t h i s thesLs f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department of Anthropology/Sociology The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date A u g u s t , 1975 I ABSTRACT Supervisor: Dr. Graham E. Johnson The three major p r i n c i p l e s of s o c i a l organization i n South China before 1949 have been seen as those of lineage ( k i n s h i p ) , e t h n i c i t y and c l a s s . The Kwaan lineage of Hoi-p'ing hsien, Kwangtung province, was used as a case study to examine the r o l e of kinship as a p r i n c i p l e of s o c i a l organization during the period 19l1-19*f9> one of s u b s t a n t i a l demographic and economic change along with innovations i n the p o l i t i c a l , administrative and educational systems. F i f t e e n members of the Kwaan lineage and one non-Kwaan long resident i n Hoi-p'ing, were interviewed i n depth i n V i c t o r i a and Vancouver. Interviews were supplemented by l o c a l h i s t o r i e s (fang-chih), newspapers of the period and other l o c a l h i s t o r i c a l sources. Data confirmed Freedman's assertions that e t h n i c i t y was the l e a s t important p r i n c i p l e of s o c i a l organization. The s o l i d a r i t y of the Kwaan lineage was adversely a f f e c t e d by (1) the migration of lineage segments to other parts of r u r a l Hoi-p'ing, r u r a l to urban migration and overseas emigration; and (2) the growth of c l a s s con-sciousness among the wealthy and well-educated groups through co-operation i n economic and defence projects and j o i n t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government organs and pressure groups that developed a f t e r 1911. Despite the growth of c l a s s consciousness and the migration of i t s members, the Kwaan lineage retained i t s t e r r i t o r i a l , economic, p o l i t i c a l and numerical dominance i n the T'oh-fuk - Che-hom area. A f t e r 1911» i t became a r i c h e r lineage with a more vigorous r i t u a l l i f e as a consequence of the r i s e i n value of i t s corporate property i n the urban centers of T'oh-fuk and Che-hom. II Data on the Kwaan lineage suggest that the higher-order lineage was a more important e n t i t y than has generally been recognized. Skinner's argument that r e l a t i o n s h i p between lineage segments attend-ing d i f f e r e n t standard market towns tended to erode over time i s questioned. The study also challenges F e i Hsiao-tung's theory of s o c i a l erosion: overseas emigrants and merchants among the Kwaan did not lose t h e i r connections with the home lineage. Rather, by t h e i r investments and d i r e c t contributions they strengthened the Kwaan lineage. Contrary to the arguments of Wakeman, Chen Han-seng and Feng Ho-fa, cl a s s d i f f e r e n c e s and the growth of c l a s s consciousness among e l i t e s i n T'oh-fuk and Che-hom did not lead to c l a s s antagonism. The e l i t e members s t i l l l ived i n T'oh-fuk, retained t h e i r lineage membership and acted as spokesmen for the lineage. There was a general absence of peasant organizations i n the area. Among the vari a b l e s that explain the persistence of the Kwaan lineage, the most important i s the p o l i c y of the Hsien government which discouraged the sale of corporate property and allowed the l i n e -ages to exercise control over segments that had moved away. Moreover, by permitting three types of leaders ( l ) o f f i c i a l leaders; (2) c l a s s leaders; (3) lineage leaders to co-exist i n the l o c a l power structure, i t enabled the Kwaan lineage to act as a protective umbrella over i t s members and to provide a channel of upward mo b i l i t y f o r the ambitious and the talented. The heavy taxation and the questionable a c t i v i t i e s of the p o l i c e and s o l d i e r s a f t e r 1936 made i t possible f o r l o c a l leaders to gain prestige by acting as both lineage-and c l a s s spokes-men. I l l It ie also argued that the Kwaan lineage persisted because i t was i n i t i a l l y a powerful lineage in control of an important market-town and thus able to retain i t s corporate property and encourage local leaders and migrant members to participate in lineage a f f a i r s even amidst administrative, education, population and economic changes. The Kwaan lineage also persisted despite the absence of productive farming i n rural T'oh-fuk through reliance on commercial and industrial wealth. As a consequence of the unusual economic conditions in the area, there was a low rate of absentee landlordism and land concentra-tion. The growth of Che-hom enabled both the rich and the poor to share in the general prosperity of the area. This tended to avert the development of class antagonism among the members of the Kwaan lineage. The study of the Kwaan lineage of Hoi-p'ing suggests that while class challenged lineage, kinship was the dominant principle of social organization in South China until 19^9 when there occurred fundamental change in the p o l i t i c a l , economic and social order. IV TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract I L i s t of Maps IV L i s t of I l l u s t r a t i o n s V Acknowledgements VI CHAPTERS I. Introduction 1 I I . Administrative, Education, Population, Economic and S o c i a l Developments i n Kwangtung, 1911 - 1 9 4 9 • • • • 1 6 I I I . Administrative, Education, Population and Economic Changes i n Hoi-p'ing 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 4 9 4 7 IV. The Subadministrative System i n Hoi-p'ing 8 1 V. The Kwaan of Hoi-p'ing: Clan and Lineage 1 1 2 VI. The Kwaan and Their Neighbours 1 4 6 VII. The Kwaan as a Solidary Group 1 6 8 VIII. The Functions of the Kwaan Lineage 1 9 2 IX. Power and Leadership i n T'oh-fuk and Che-hom 2 2 6 X. L i f e i n Town and Country 2 5 2 XI. The Kwaan Lineage and I t s Members Overseas 279 XII. S o c i a l and Economic E f f e c t s of Overseas Emigration among the Kwaan 3 2 0 XIII. Conclusion 3 6 2 APPENDIX I. A Chronological Account of P o l i t i c a l Events i n Kwangtung 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 3 6 3 9 1 I I . Surname Groups i n Hoi-p'ing: Clans or Lineages............. 3 9 7 I I I . Migration H i s t o r y and Class Origins of Informants 4 0 4 IV. Marriage History of Informants 4 1 1 GLOSSARY 4 1 6 V LIST OF MAPS Page 1. Kwangtung: Roads and Railways, 1939 37 2 . Products of Western Kwangtung 66 3 . Trade Routes of Western Kwangtung, 1939 69 4 . Products of Hoi-p'ing 72 5 . Roads and Market Towns i n Hoi-p'ing, 1930 72a 6. The Hakka/Punti C r i s i s , 1851-1867 91 7 . 1911-1928 C r i s i s i n Hoi-p'ing 91a 8. Geographical Spread of the Kwaan i n Hoi-p'ing 124 9 . The Kwaan at T'oh-fuk: Marriages, Feuds and A l l i a n c e s 151 10. V i l l a g e s i n T'oh-fuk 169 11. Geographical Spread of F i f t e e n Lineages i n Hoi-p'ing 398 12. Geographical Spread of F i f t e e n Lineages i n Hoi-p'ing ....... 399 VI LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Page 1 . System of Local Administration i n Kwangtung under the Ch'ing Dynasty ( 1644-1911) . 1 8 2 . System of Local Government i n Kwangtung 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 4 9 2 2 3 . Private Schools i n Hoi-p'ing by Ch'u, 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 3 1 ••• 61 4 . Ranking of Surname Groups by Number of Regular Scholars 1 6 4 4 - 1 9 1 1 8 4 5 . Ranking of Surname Groups by Number of Irregular Scholars, 1 6 4 4 - 1 9 1 1 >v 8 4 6 . Ranking of Surname Groups by Number of Modern Graduates, 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 3 1 . . . . . 8 5 7. The Punti Confederation i n Hoi-p'ing, 1.853-1863 92 8 . Convergence of the Local Marketing System and the Local M i l i t a r i z a t i o n System 1 0 0 9 . Number of F e r r i e s at the Market-towns of Hoi-p'ing ( 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 3 1 ) 117 1 0 . Population of Hoi-p'ing by Ch'u, 1 9 3 0 1 2 0 1 1 . Migration H i s t o r y of the Kwaan i n Kwangtung 1 2 5 1 2 . Segmentation i n Cheung Ts'uen 1 2 6 1 3 . Local M i l i t a r i z a t i o n of the Kwaan i n Hoi-p'ing 1 8 5 3 - 1 8 6 3 1 3 7 1 4 . Summary of the Marriage H i s t o r i e s of Informants from T' oh-fuk 1 6 3 1 5 . Geographical DistributionOof F i f t e e n Lineages i n Hoi-p'ing 3 9 7 1 6 . Migration History of Informants 4 0 5 1 7 . Class O r i g i n of Informants 4 0 7 1 8 . Marriage History of Informants from T'oh-fuk 4 1 1 VII ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Fir s t of a l l , I would l i k e to thank the Chairman of the Dissertation Committee, Dr. Graham E. Johnson, whose continued interest and intellectual stimulation have carried me through the whole research project from i t s i n i t i a l stage to the concluding stage. I am greatly indebted to Dr. E. Wickberg whose invaluable comments on the manuscripts have widened the intellectual horizon of this thesis beyond i t s original design. Thanks also goes to a l l the Kwaan in Victoria and Vancouver, especially Mr. Kwaan Fat-fan and Mr. Kwaan Yung-foon without whose co-operation and patience this thesis would not have come into being. I must thank Mr. T.H. Lee, Mr. Chen Chi and Mr*-Charles Sedgewick for introducing the Kwaan to me. I am indebted to the staff members of the Asian Library at the University of British Columbia for a l l their assistance in the use of their f a c i l i t i e s . I would also l i k e to thank Mr. Chio Woon, Miss May Tsui, Mr. Peter Lam and Mrs.. Ivy Ho who assisted me in the technical aspects of this dissertation. I am also grateful to a l l my friends who extended their hospitality during my frequent v i s i t s to Vancouver for discussion sessions at the University of British Columbia. Last, but certainly not the least, I would lik e to thank the Ex-chairman of my Dissertation Committee, Dr. W.E. Willmott, who saw me through my dark days of despair to the i n i t i a l stages of thesis writing. VIII I am indebted to a l l these individuals for any merits of this work. I accept sole responsibility for a l l errors and omissions in this thesis. Y.F. Woon U.B.C, June, 1975 1. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The aim of this thesis i s to.discuss the effects of administra-tive, educational, economic and population changes in rural social organization in South China in the period from the end of the Ch'ing Dynasty u n t i l the formation of the Peoples Republic of China i n 1949. It w i l l trace the fortunes of one lineage, the Kwaan of Hoi-p'ing 1, to i l l u s t r a t e the complexity of social organization and change during this period. In China before 1 9 4 9 , there were three principles of social s t r a t i f i c a t i o n : ( 1 ) s t r a t i f i c a t i o n by dialect and ethnicity e.g. Hakka versus Punti; ( 2 ) s t r a t i f i c a t i o n by class: rich versus poor and ( 3 ) s t r a t i f i c a t i o n by kinship: lineages (Freedman 1 9 5 8 : 6 1 - 2 , 1 2 4 ; 1 9 6 6 : 7 5 ; Cohen 1 9 6 8 : 2 4 0 - 2 , 2 7 3 ) . Of these, s t r a t i f i c a t i o n by kin-ship was the most important, at least up to the Opium War in 1 . 8 3 9 - 4 0 » before economic changes produced the polarization of social classes (Wakeman 1 9 6 1 : 1 1 5 , 1 2 7 , 1 5 5 - 6 ; Fei 1 9 6 3 : 1 2 , 1 0 6 , 1 1 3 ) . Ethnicity was often u t i l i z e d as the principle of residential segregation in areas of heterogeneous cultures. It also served as the principle of military organization in times of conflict (Cohen 1968 : 2 7 3 , Lang 1 9 3 5 : 1 2 4 - 1 3 4 ; Pasternak 1 9 6 9 : 1 4 4 - 6 , 1 5 1 - 2 ; 1 9 7 2 : 5 5 4 ) but i n areas of homogeneous cultures and at times of peace, the principle of ethnicity was too general to produce an enduring social structure. Social organization along class lines was regarded dangerous to the established government and secretsocieties which united the poor sectors of the society were regarded with suspicion. • ° * Kinship was the most important principle of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n in South China before the Opium War. It owed i t s philosophical founda-tions to Confucian ethics, supported by the national bureaucracy, which glor i f i e d respects to ancestors and elders, in l i f e as after death. A social order based on seniority, age and blood ties sprang from this source. Basing his work on docmmented evidence in South China notably those of Hu ( 1 9 4 8 ) , Kulp (1925), Liu ( 1 9 3 6 ) , Hsiao ( 1 9 6 0 ) and Yang (1959)» Freedman has produced the most systematic study of lineages. He distinguishes between "clan" and "lineage" which had hitherto been used interchangeably. A clan i s a collective term denoting people having the same surname who may not have come from the same geographical location or descended from the same ancestor. They may not enter into any form of social organization, although in large c i t i e s of China or overseas, people of diverse origins but bearing the same surname sometimes come together to form clan associations for recreation and self-help purposes. A lineage, on the other hand, definitely denotes a social group, the members of which came from the same geographical location and are genealogically related: their relationships are traceable to a common founder. The lineage i s an ancester-worshipping group, with elaborate r i t u a l s serving as links between the members. In some cases, the r i t u a l s are sustained by common property owned corporately by members of the lineage. Freedman ( 1 9 6 6 : 1 6 0 - 4 ) believes that lineage organizations had been carried to i t s f u l l e s t extent in South China because i t was a region of the latest settlement by the Han people. He asserts that ( l ) lineages originated in response to the need for defence against the aborigines, bandits and pirates of this area and ( 2 ) l i n -eages originated in response to the need to irrigate, to drain or to reclaim land for the purpose of growing rice which needs an elaborate hydraulic system to grow properly, given the s o i l condition and topo-graphy of south China. Pasternak ( 1 9 6 9 : 5 5 3 - 5 6 1 ; 1 9 7 2 : 1 3 6 - 5 6 ) arguesthat the need for defence and irrigation i s not a valid explanation for the origin of lineages. He believes, that the need was best satisfied by co-operation across surnames instead of co-operation by agnates. He believes that lineages were formed after the frontiers had been pacified and land opened up and irrigated. With the growth of population pressing upon limited resources, agnate groups began to assert their individual identity. But despite Pasternak's arguments, his t o r i c a l evidence shows that agnates did co-operate in i n i t i a t i n g and maintaining i r r i g a t i o n , drainage - and reclamation projects and that these irrigated, drained and reclaimed land were held in common by ancestral halls (Watson 1 9 7 2 : 3 6 - 4 3 ; Yang 1959: 9 , 2 4 , 2 6 f f ) . In 1 9 3 4 , in Chung-shaan,50% of the land were lineage land; in Naam-hoi: 4 0 % ; Shun-tak: 6 0 % ; San-ooi and T'oi-shaan: 5 5 % ; Yan-p'ing and Hoi-p'ing 4 5 % (Chen Han-seng 1 9 3 6 : 2 8 , 3 3 - 5 ) • These lineage lands were used to support ancestor worship and keep the lineages as ongoing concerns in South China until 1 9 4 9 . However, Pasternak's argument that multi-surname co-operation rather than co-operation among agnates was the pattern of organiza-tion in times of widespread disorder or unsettled frontier situation if. i s well-founded, as i t i s supported by historical evidence, such as the Hakka/Punti War ( 1 8 5 1 - 6 ? ) , (Pasternak 1 9 6 9 : 5 5 9 ; 1 9 7 2 : 1 4 4 ) . Skinner ( 1 9 6 4 : Part I 1 7 - 3 8 , 3 6 - 4 $ ) argues that the marketing areas ( i . e . the area within which several lineages attended the same market-town) much more than a single lineage was the focus of the peasants' economic, social and cultural l i f e . Relationships between people of different lineages attending the same market town was close. Members often co-operated in various economic, social and religious projects and were often linked by marriage ti e s . Relationship be-tween segments of a lineage attending different market-towns tended to erode in time. Kuhn ( 1 9 7 0 : 8 2 - 7 ) draws a model of militarization in China. He asserts that in South China, while lineages were basic units of social organization, militarization required co-operation of lineages centred in the same market towns. Though dealing with different theoretical problems and viewing social organizations in South China from different focuses, Kuhn, Pasternak, Cohen and Skinner a l l draw their attention to the signi-ficance of kinship in South China. Scholars in Chinese studies a l l realize that agnates co-habitted in residential proximity for a long time in this part of the country and that lineages engaged in ferocious feuds in the history of South China (Lamley 1972 : 1 - 8 ; Liu 1 9 3 6 : 3 8 - 4 4 ) . It i s generally recognized that there was a correspondence between a weak local government and strong lineage organization (Hsiao 1 9 6 0 : 3 1 8 - 3 3 , 3 3 9 - 5 1 , 3 7 0 ; Chu 1 9 6 2 : 1 8 4 ; Freedman 1 9 5 8 : 1 3 7 ) . The traditional system of government l e f t a power vacuum in the level 5 . of government below the Hsien. The Magistrate was not a native of the place he governed. He was transferred once every three years. His staff was exceptionally small and except for the collection of tax and the suppression of rebellions, the mass of the people were of no concern of the Magistrate's. In South China, because of the prevalence of the lineage struc-ture, the government dealt with the individuals through the lineage e l i t e s . These lineage elites were often the products of the traditional system of examination. They were the scholars or retired o f f i c i a l s who lived in their native d i s t r i c t s . They spoke the same o f f i c i a l language as the Magistrates and often served as a bridge between the wishes of the people and the government. Because of this, in a powerful lineage, there was very often a distinction between the " p o l i t i c a l leaders" and the "kinship leaders" (Baker 1 9 6 8 : 1 3 3 - 5 2 ) . The former derived their prestige from being part of the national power structure. They were scholars and retired o f f i c i a l s who repre-sented the lineage's interest to the authority. The latter derived their influence from the kinship principle of age and seniority. They were not regarded by the members as important as the p o l i t i c a l leaders. On the one hand, lineages often geared their resources towards producing scholars and o f f i c i a l s ; on the other hand, these scholars and retired o f f i c i a l s were willing to stay in the countryside or nearby market towns to pose as champions of the lineage members (Makino Tatsumi 1 9 4 8 : 8 9 - 9 3 , 1 0 2 - 4 ) . Merchants were willing to use part of their wealth for the purchase of degrees so as to join the ranks of the scholar-officials, as that was the most important channel of achieving status, power and prestige in traditional 6. China (Skinner 1 9 7 1 : 2 7 5 - 7 ) . From the above, i t should be clear that although the origin of lineages in South China i s s t i l l debated among scholars, the fact that they continued to exist indicates that they must have f u l f i l l e d certain social functions. It i s true that lo c a l scholars and retired o f f i -c i a l s were prestigeful once they had passed the examinations, yet. they often u t i l i z e d lineage channels to enhance their power and i n -fluence before they achieved officialdom or after their retirement. On the other hand, the poor and the humble in a lineage often depended upon their e l i t e members to keep the national bureaucracy at an arn^s length, hopefully to lighten their burden of taxation and labour services and to have their differences settled by their own eli t e s rather than the often brutal lawcourts. In times of inadequate protection from unlawliness in the countryside, the.poor and the humble often hadto rely upon the lineage as a unit for the organiza-tion of defence (Makino Tatsumi:93-101)• Moreover, the corporate property held by the lineage offered hopes for the poor and the humble to better their livelihood. Thus, the dependence of the rich and the powerful in a lineage for status, power and prestige and the dependence of the poor and the humble for protection from bureaucratic pressure, for organizing defence and for a better livelihood was what averted the development of class antagonism detrimental to the existence of the lineage structure. Owing to the growth of population as well as to the increasing contact with the West since the Treaty of Nanking O8if0), changes of a new kind began around the middle of the 19th Century in South China. There were four sources of change:-(1) The Growth of Population South China had been the recipient of waves of migrants from North and Central China since the 14th Century (Perkins 19,68:185) • But after the 18th Century, the direction of migration was reversed. The people of South China began to migrate towards Szechwan, the Han. River Basin and the Yangtze Delta as well as to Formosa (Ho 1959: 149-53; 163-7; Perkins:185)* This was evidence enough of the increasing population pressure in South China in this period. After the f i r s t decade of the 19th Century, there was not much scope for reclaimation in this region of China: almost a l l the arable land had been taken up (Wakeman: 179)» The growth of population was at a more rapid pace than the rest of China after 1873 (Perkins: 214) partly because the South was not as much affected by natural calamities owing to i t s more favourable climatic conditions (Buck 1937: 85; Yang: 4) and partly because the South had escaped the scouragesof p o l i t i c a l disturbances associated with the decline of the Ch'ing Dynasty since.the end of the 18th Century (Ho:l66-7). Moreover, because of i t s early contact with the West and the work of the missionaries in this area, there was an improvement in health habits and a decline in infanticide by the end of the 19th Century. Consequently, there was an increase of birth over death (Buck: 34-47, 83-6, 195-6, 269, 327, 369; Kanton Shi 1940: 354-7; Minami Shina Soran 1943: 561-80). This resulted in the pre-valence of non-farm work in the rural households (Buck: 290), the swelling of the c i t i e s by the landless peasants looking for work (Liang 1956:13, 1.6) and the increasing predominance of overseas 8 . emigration in this part of China (Buck:39l» Ho : l 6 8 ) . (2) The Opening of Treaty Ports It has been argued that contact with the West enhanced the rural problems of South China (Wakeman 5 , 98-101, 127, 187-9; Fei 7 - 8 , 104-5, 113, 139)• The establishment of the treaty-ports along the coast of China in the l840's opened the gates to the flow of more and more imported products into the hinterland than before the Opium War. Some of the peasants in the hinterland had to suffer from the competi-tion of both imported raw materials and manufactured goods. This resulted in the decline of some of the traditional handicrafts and-furthered the exodus of the peasants in the affected area to towns and overseas. In the meantime, some of the rich rural households moved to the c i t i e s in search of material comforts. In addition, merchants from the port-cities invested their urban income in rich agricultural land for the production of cash crops such as s i l k , sugar, tobacco and tea. These rich merchants and the large landlords who had chosen to l i v e in the c i t i e s were the absentee landlords who sent agents to collect rent from their tenants in the countryside. As a result, tenant-landlord relationship became worse (Chen Han-seng 10-11, 17-18, 22-3, 3 6 - 4 1 , 6 4 - 8 , 85-91, 97; Feng 1935:434, 513-4, 763; Ho 2 0 5 - 7 , 219-223). Side by side with this development, there was a growth of the import/export trade and processing industries in the treaty ports and the central market-towns since the middle of the 19th Century and more so from the 1st decade of the 20th Century onwards. With this growth of commerce and industry, the merchants became an important class both economically and socially. 9. (3) Massive Overseas Emigration Overseas emigration, although prevalent in South Fukien and Eastern Kwangtung in the 15th and l6th vCenturies, did not become a widespread phenomenon u n t i l the 1860's when the European Powers were i n i t i a t i n g mining and plantation projects, in Southeast Asia and when the American Continent was building trans-continental railways in the 1.860's (Ho:167-8, 287). The Chinese were recruited as labourers. Many of them entered trade after their period of indenture was over. Remittances from the hua-ch'iao (overseas Chinese) played an important part in the Chinese national economy in the 20th Century and helped balance the trade d e f i c i t of China in the 1920's (Remer 1933:187-8, 225-8; Wu Chun-hsi 1967:6, 11, 16). The hua-ch'iao also took an active part in the revolutionary movement of Sun Yat-sen and made substantial donations to China's war-chest during the Second World War (Huang Chen-wu 1963; Akashi 1970; Feng Tsu-yu 1946; 1954). South China benefitted most from overseas remittances, as 90% of the overseas Chinese came from Fukien and Kwangtung Provinces especially from Mooi, Ch'iu-chau, Hoi-p'ing, Yan-p'ing, San-ooi and T'oi-shaan. In these Hsien, overseas emigrants were prestigeful because of their economic power. They came to r i v a l the local land-lords and the local merchants in social prestige and p o l i t i c a l influence. (4) Reform Programs in the early 20th Century Because of the increasing military and economic pressure from the Western Powers and Japan, the Manchu Court f i n a l l y carried out a series of reforms at the beginning of the20th Century. After 191-1, the reforms were continued intermittently in South China amidst 10. p o l i t i c a l turmoil (Vogel 1969:28-32). One aspect of the reforms was administrative: the ti-fang tzu-chih movement (local self-government movement) was underway in 1905 (Kuhn: 211-223). Between the period of 1911-1930, the administrative structure was s t i l l in a state of flux. By 1930, however, the ti-fang tzu-chih movement was completed. There were the Ch'U, Hsiang and Chen levels of government beneath the Hsien level and the local elites were called upon to participate in a l l three levels of government. The second aspect of the reform programme was education. The traditional system of examination was abolished in 1905 and since then the government financed local talents to overseas to study and founded some government schools with a modern curriculum. Local efforts were encouraged to est^iblish more primary and secondary schools as well as universities. The third aspects of the reform programme was economic. It aimed to f a c i l i t a t e trade and industry through the improvement of communication and marketing systems. Local merchants were encouraged to finance the building of roads, the construction of railways and the founding of bus and steam-boat companies. They were also encouraged to help improve existing markets and to found new ones. Because of the l i a i s o n the Kwangtung government was trying to establish with the local people, voluntary associations such as the Chambers of Commerce, Peasants and Labour Unions founded by the local people to organize their various socio-economic interests were tolerated i f these were not anti-government. How the lineage organization evolved i n response to these popu-lation, administrative, educational and economic changes i s the theme 1 1 . of this thesis. The problems for this piece of research are: Did the lineages weaken because of increasing geographical and social mobility of the members as a result of population pressure upon land and the rapid development of trade and industry? Did the lineages weaken after the traditional examination system was o f f i c i a l l y abolished? Did the local elites cease to represent the interests of their lineages now that they were allowed to participate in the local government organs? Did social class replace kinship as a principle of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n as a result of the development of trade and industry and the development of the Chambers of Commerce, Labour and Peasant Movements? A great majority of the f i e l d studies on lineages were done in Taiwan and the New Territories of Hong Kong: viz. Pratt (1966), Groves ( 1 9 6 4 ) , Baker ( 1 9 6 8 ) , Potter ( 1 9 6 8 ) , Brim (1968), Nelson ( 1 9 6 9 ) , Watson (1971), Johnson (l97l) and Pasternak (1972). They provided interesting hypotheses and ethnological references, but are not directly relevant to the study of lineages under the impact of changes in Mainland China between 1911-1949. Studies done by Wang Hing-jui (1935), Kulp (1925), Chen Ta ( 1 9 4 0 ) , Ssu-tu (1951), Chuang ( 1 9 5 8 ) and Yang (1959) are more relevant to the problems posed above. However, except Yang's study, they dealt with the problems of change in a piece-meal fashion. Kulp, Chen Ta and Chuang, for example, do not concentrate on the effect of ^ migration on the structure of lineages. Chen Ta sets out to prove that emi-grants were "progressive" in their investment patterns and habits. Both he and Kulp are more interested in the ideological changes brought about by returned emigrants from the Nanyang. Wang's study 12. dealt with an emigrant village in the 1920's, but the effects of emigration on lineage structure was not discussed to any great ex-tent. Ssu-tu also concentrates on the effects of emigration on village economy and landlord-tenant relationships in the villages. None of these studies deals with the wider theme of class relation-ship within the lineage as a result of the growth of population as well as administrative, economic, educational changes and overseas emigration in the 20th Century in South China. I took an area in the Sz-yapto discuss the impact of administra-tive, education, population and economic changes on lineages. The Sz-yap, or Four Districts, i s a collective term for four adjacent hsien lying to the west of the Canton Delta viz< T'oi-shaan, Hoi-p'ing, Yan-p'ing and San-ooi. They are known as the Four Districts because people of these areas speak the, same dialect and believe that they share the same sub-culture. I chose this area because about 80% of the overseas Chinese in Canada came from the Sz-yap, among whom were eyewitnesses of the conditions of their home villages in 1911-1949. Of a l l the lineages residing in the Sz-yap area, I took tile Kwaan of Hoi-p'ing as the object of my investigation. I chose this particu-l a r lineage because population, administrative, educational and economic changes outlined above affected them more than other lineages in Hoi-p'ing. The Kwaan lineage was one of the most numerous in Hoi-p'ing. The centre of this lineage was in the hinterland of Kongmoon. The members took part in urban pursuits and overseas emi-gration; they also participated actively in modernization programmes such as road building, founding of schools, remodelling of their market town etc. In addition, the Kwaan had been a powerful lineage 13. since the Ch'ing Dynasty. Their local scholars and retired o f f i c i a l s posed as spokesmen of the humble and the poor. The commercial wealth of the Kwaan in the 19th Century had also resulted in a great number of the merchants among the Kwaan buying degrees so as to become gentry members. Whether the growth ofpopulation, the development of commerce and processing industries, merchant associations, Peasant and Labour Movements had affected the lineage structure could be seen in a highly differentiated lineage l i k e the Kwaan of Hoi-p'ing. This study was the result of a six month period of depth inter-views with sixteen people who had had an intimate knowledge of the Kwaan lineage in the T'oh-fuk - Che-hom area of Hoi-p'ing. Of these informants, one was a non-Kwaan teacher who taught in Che-hom between 1946 and 1947* One was a Kwaan who was born in Victoria but had close connections with his father's native village in T'oh-fuk. The other fourteen informants came from various parts of Hoi-p'ing - ten came from five villages in T'oh-fuk i t s e l f - viz. Cheung Ts'uen, Ha Ts'uen, Na-loh, Ha-pin and Sha-tei - and the rest came from villages outside T'oh-fuk: in Ts'ung-long Heung, Yeung-lo Heung and Fung-waan Heung. The informants were scattered in their place of origin. They were also different in terms of class origin: they were sons of traditional scholars, merchants, hua chiao (overseas Chinese), landowners, labourers and farmers. Their education ranged from university grad-uates in Canton to elementary students in ancestral h a l l traditional schools in the villages. Their occupations in Hoi-p'ing ranged from apprentices to mechanics, teachers, shopowners and merchants (see Appendix III, table 17) . Their date of leaving Hoi-p'ing ranged from 1906 to 1953 and they returned to their native places at different 1 4 . times. They had lived in Indonesia, Hong Kong, Canton and Shanghai before they immigrated to Canada (see Appendix III, Table 16). Although the informants were not chosen according to r i g i d samp-lin g techniques, the fact that they had diverse geographical, educa-tional and class origins meant that i t was possible to arrive at a picture of the Kwaan lineage of Hoi-p'ing as a whole. The presence of the non-Kwaan informant tended to counter-balance the possible biased views of the Kwaan informants who belonged to one of the most powerful and numerous lineages in South China. The picture of the Kwaan lineage was more complete because of the presence of other p r i -mary sources about this area such as the Ssu-i Ch'iao-pao (1906-49), the K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih (1933) and the Chu-yun Ch'uan-chia K'ai- p'ing Tsung-hui-kuan T'e-k'an (1947) which supplemented the data obtained through depth - interviews and served as checks for possible distortions of memories, contradictions and inconsistencies in the answers of the informants. To set the stage for a detailed discussion of the impact of population, administrative, education and economic changes on the social organization of the Kwaan of Hoi-p'ing, I shall begin with an account of those changes in Kwangtung as a whole and then in Hoi-p'ing since the beginning of the 20th Century. I shall then describe the social organization of the Hoi-p'ing people below the Hsien level amidst a changing administrative framework. Chapters 5 and 12 focus the discussion on the Kwaan lineage. Chapter 5 introduces the Kwaan lineage: i t s origin and geographical spread as well as i t s position inlhe local power structure. Chapter 6 gives an account of how the Kwaan lineage acted as a unit in i t s 1 4 a . interaction with the neighbouring lineages. Chapter 7 and 8 deal with the mechanisms by which the members were kept together despite signs of peasant-gentry alienation. Chapters 9 and 10 deal /'with the effects of administrative, educational and economic changes in Hoi-p'ing on the lineage structure while Chapters 11 and 12 focus on the impact of population changes and overseas emigration upon the Kwaan lineage. Chapter 13» the concluding chapter, describes the v i a b i l i t y of kinship as a principle of social s t r a t i f i c a t i o n in South Cftina amidst administrative, educational and economic reforms and under the impact of socio-economic changes brought about by the population growth and overseas emigration. 15. NOTES Chapter I 1. Throughout the t h e s i s , I s h a l l give the proper names, except prominent h i s t o r i c a l f i g u r e s , i n Cantonese romanization i n accordance with the Meyers-Wempe system. Places i n Kwangtung, except well-known ports such as Canton and Swatow, would also be i n Cantonese romanization. Administrative terms, other terms of national reference as well as Chinese idioms would be romanized into Mandarin according to the Wade-Giles system. However, c o l l o q u i a l expressions, l o c a l products, customs and f e s t i v a l s w i l l be romanized into Cantonese. A f u l l glossary of romanized and translated terms w i l l be included at the end of the t h e s i s . 2. I t depends on what type of crops were being grown by the peasants. In some instances, foreign raw materials might not be i n d i r e c t competition with l o c a l produce, for example: although peanut o i l as a f u e l was replaced by the introduction of kerosene i n the early 20th Century, peanut o i l for cooking purposes were s t i l l i n great demand (Feuerwerker 1958:11). 1 6 . CHAPTER II ADMINISTRATIVE, EDUCATION, POPULATION, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS IN KWANGTUNG 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 4 9 . This chapter w i l l o u t l i n e the administrative, education, popula-t i o n , economic and s o c i a l changes of Kwangtung during the Min-kuo period ( 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 4 9 ) so as to provide background information for an understanding of changes i n s o c i a l organization i n t h i s part of China. An o u t l i n e of the major p o l i t i c a l events i n Kwangtung from 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 3 6 i s included i n Appendix I to serve as a guide to the p o l i t i c a l struggles of the period i n which these changes took place. SECTION I: Administrative Changes i n Kwangtung Administrative System during the Ch'ing Dynasty ( 16 ,44-1911) In Imperial times, the Viceroy ruled over Kwangtung and Kwangsi. Under him, there was a Governor f o r each of the two Provinces. In Kwangtung, besides the Governor, there was a Trade Commissioner who i> had independent authority to deal with foreigners and foreign trade. There was also a m i l i t a r y garrison with a Garrison Commander i n each of the two Provinces. Below the Province were the Prefectures, Fu and • the Hsien. In the Hsien government, the Magistrate was the supreme head. He was responsible f o r the c o l l e c t i o n of taxes, except customs duties and commodity taxes which were c o l l e c t e d by the L i k i n Bureau. Under him were s i x Departments: v i z . C i v i l ; Revenues; Rites; P o l i c e ; Punishment and Public Works. These subordinate Department heads did not have much power and had no voice i n the p o l i c i e s . The p o l i c e was under the Magistrate's d i r e c t command. A l l of these o f f i c i a l s were not natives of the place they governed and they had no l o c a l roots (Chu: M>Z-37)' 17. Villages and Market Towns had no o f f i c i a l status. The Hsien was organized into units of Pao-chia and Li-chia (See Figure I ) . In essence, the Pao-chia system was a local policing and census organ combined. Households were organized into units of Pai ( 1 0 Households) Chia ( 100 Households) and Pao ( 1 , 0 0 0 Households), each with a l o c a l l y chosen leader. The principle tasks of these leaders were (1) to watch the local residents: to report on any religious heresies and secret societies formed among them; ( 2 ) to keep an eye on suspicious strangers and ( 3 ) to assign villagers to keep watch on invaders. Land and head taxes were collected in accordance with the L i -chia system. 110 households constituted a tax unit and the heads of the unit was a Li-chang. He was selected from the 10 households having the largest number of adult males in the whole L i . The remain-ing 100 households were divided into 10 Chia, each headed by a Qhia-chang. The •Chia-chang and the £i-chang were responsible for hastening tax payments. They would be subjected to flogging i f taxes wire not paid in time. However, the Pao-chia and the Li-chia systems did not exist for a long time, i f at a l l , in Kwangtung. For China as a whole, both systems lost their functions since the middle of the l 8 t h Century. (Chu: 4 0 - 3 , 1 5 0 - 1 ; Freedman 1 9 5 8 : 1 5 ; Hsiao :43-83, 5 2 3 ) . 1 8 . FIGURE I. System of Local Administration in Kwangtung under the Ch'ing Dynasty (1644-1911) Viceroy (Kwangtung-Kwangsi) JGarrison Commander-Fu Garrison I Hsien Garrison Governor of Kwangtung Trade Commissioner! , J , * 1 Fu Prefects Likin Bureau I Hsien Magistrates I Six Departments [Pao-chang Chia-chang Li-chang J Chia-chang p, 1 „ P'ai-chang Administrative Changes in the 20th Century The ti-fang tzu-chih movement began during the late Ch'ing Dynasty. The programmes of this movement were (1) to allow the lo c a l e l i t e s to be responsible for their own d i s t r i c t s instead of having the local government run by non-natives who were transferred every three years as i n traditional times; (2) to allow the local people to choose their own leaders i f possible and (3) to allow the Province and the Hsien to have some independence in handling their own af f a i r s such as education, sanitation, communication and economic developments. In 1907, the Empress Dowager proclaimed the inauguration of the Provincial and Hsien Assemblies, to be elected by a highly limited suffrage. Voters had to own property or were former office-bearers or former traditional scholars: those who had passed the prefectural examinations and above. The f i r s t Provincial Assembly was held in Kwangtung in 1909. 19. Of a l l the p o l i t i c a l leaders of Kwangtung after 1 9 1 1 , Ch'en Chiung-ming was the most enthusiastic in reforming the administrative system. He acted upon the principle that local elites should take part in the administrative a f f a i r s of their own Hsien. Under Ch'en Chiung-ming, local elections were held on both the Provincial and the Hsien levels in 1 9 1 2 , with the electorate having the same qualifica-tions as the 1 9 0 8 - 0 9 election. However, because of the p o l i t i c a l turmoil in Canton, the Provincial Assembly did not become a feature of the Provincial Government unti l after 1 9 2 2 when Ch'en Chiung-ming resumed power. Under Ch'en Chiung-ming, the Provincial Government's administra-tive authority was vested in an Executive Council of 7 to 1 1 members including a Chairman and the heads of the five Departments -Municipal Affairs, Public Works, Education, Finance and Secretariat. This Council was staffed with Kwangtung people. It was a committee form of government, but s t i l l the Chairman had the supreme power, just as the Provincial Governor during the Ch'ing Dynasty. The Government of the Hsien duplicated the Provincial administra-tive structure. An Executive Council consisting of the heads of the various Departments was in operation with the assistance of a Hsien Consultative Assembly. The Council and the Assembly were staffed mostly, though not exclusively, by the loc a l e l i t e s . Just l i k e the Provincial Government, the Hsien-chang (who may be an outsider) exercised ultimate control. The Hsien was responsible for i t s own police and education matters as well as sanitation and public works (Boorman 1 9 6 8 : V o l . 1 : 1 7 3 - 8 0 ; Hsieh 1 9 6 2 : 2 0 3 , 2 0 6 - 2 2 0 ) . When Sun Yat-sen resumed leadership in Canton in 1 9 2 3 , he did not extend the power of the Hsien Council to the collection of taxes inspite 2 0 . of the democratic principles he advocated in the early stages of his p o l i t i c a l career. He was at this time switching from constitutional government to party-led revolution and nation building movements. He believed that the Hsien should not be allowed to control i t s own revenue because i t would result i n the Hsien not sending enough revenue to the Provincial Government. The Constitution of 1 9 2 3 and Sun's Fundamentals of National  Reconstruction drafted in 1 9 2 4 (quoted by Chien 1 9 5 0 : appendix C and E) show that Sun Yat-sen was trying to delay the practice of allowing the local people to choose their own representatives in the Hsien and the Provincial Governments. According to these documents, Hsien and Provincial o f f i c i a l s could be elected by the local people only when this had already been successfully practised i n the lower levels of government. Only when censuses had been taken, land surveyed, an efficient police force organized, roads built and people trained that officers shall be elected and be made responsible to elected councils. Probably because of these documents and probably because of the anarchic situation in Kwangtung between 1 9 2 2 and 1 9 2 8 , there was no further administrative changes unti l Ch'en Chi-t'ang emerged as the supreme head of the Province. He followed Ch'en Chiung-ming's practice and extended the system of local administration below the Hsien l e v e l . , Ch'en Chiung-ming had in 1911 introduced a Ch'u level of local administration below the Hsien level to be staffed totally by the local e l i t e s . The Ch'u-chang was nominated by the Hsien-chang from the local candidates put forward by a local electorate. Ch'en Chi-t'ai retained this system and took a further step: he introduced the Chen and the Hsiang levels of administration below the Ch'u level, again 21. to be staffed by loca l talents. Moreover, he also revived the Pao-chia system under the control of the Hsiang government. In essence,the system under Ch'en Chi-t'ang was as follows:-ten families were to form one Chia, ten Chia were to form one Pao, several Pao made one Hsiang, and several Hsiang were to form one Ch'u. Above the Ch'u was the Hsien government. The Chia-chang and Pao-chang were to be chosen by the heads of the households in the villages. The Hsiang-chang were to be chosen by the Hsiang-min Ta-hui; the Chen-chang by the Chen-min Ta-hui. The Ch'u-chang and the Hsien-chang, however, were to be appointed by the Provincial Governor. Their tasks were to supervise the taking of census, the survey of land and the police force as well as the building and the repairing of roads (see Figure II) (B.S. Lee 1936:109-119, 1 2 7 - 8 ; Ch'en Chi-t'ang Chi-nien-chi 1957:7,22,48-52; Boorman vol. 1 : 1 6 0 - 3 ) . Another piece of reform under Ch'en Chi-t'ang was the creation of a centralized police force trained by the Provincial Government but paid by and under the direct control of the Hsien government. Throughout his period, his strong hand ensured peace and st a b i l i t y in the countryside. He also succeeded in taking a census of the Kwangtung people and ini t i a t e d a systematic land survey in 1 9 3 3 (Tseng 1 9 3 6 : 1 4 - 1 8 ; Ch'en Chi-t'ang Chi-nien-chi:48-9; Minami Shina Soran:480). Under him, Kwangtung was semi-independent of the Nanking govern-ment. He controlled the tax revenue of the various Hsien in Kwangtung and withheld them from the National Government. This policy was nothing unusual in the f i s c a l administration after 1911 (Chien:14, 214-5; Feuerwerker:51; Ho:207; Vogel:30-1) except that during the Ch'en Chi-t'ang administration in Kwangtung, the taxes were FIGURE II System of Local Government - Kwangtung (1930* CENTRAL GOVERNMENT 1949) KMT Party Office Canton Municipal Government Provincial Consultative Assembly 'Civil Governor of Kwangtung KMT Party Advisory Mayor Office Council Executive Council Hsien-chang Bureau Hs'ien 7~" Consultative Assembly. !-sse Ch'u Ch'u-chang Consulta-tive Assembly Hsiang-chang Hsiang Consultative Assembly Ch'ii Chen-chang Con-sultative Assembly ~~-Pao-chang Hsiang'-min Chen'-min Ch'en j Ta-hul Ta-hui Private Chia-chang Corps I. Self- Ts'un-min defence Ta-hui Corps. Supreme Court District Court Military, Governor of Kwangtung Garrison Commander Hsien Executive Council Dept. of Public Security Chen Hsiang Police Police Corps. Corps. Garrison Troops Soldiers ro, 2 3 . further increased. For the purposes of paying for the police and to finance rural self-government, many miscellaneous taxes had been created, such as: head taxes on cattle, slaughter taxes, sugar and salt taxes, as well as taxes on every item sold at the local markets. Rice taxes had been increased 3 0 % by 1 9 3 5 . The surtax attached to the land taxes had been increased 3 to 4 times. In addition, the household tax was also introduced (Chen Han-seng : 74 -5 ; Negishi Benji 1 9 4 0 : 2 8 6 - 9 ) . After 1 9 3 6 , when the National Government at Nanking took over the direct control of Kwangtung, the tax burden was not any lighter. In fact, commodity taxes increased considerably. Moreover, there was a clear distinction between "national tax" and "provincial tax". The salt taxes, customs duties, commodity taxes and mining taxes were collected by the National Government. The Provincial Government was to collect land taxes, taxes on house deeds and a l l kinds of licence taxes which were to pay for the establishment of government schools, road building and the development of farming, industry and trade in the various Hsien in Kwangtung* The changes in f i s c a l administration after 1 9 3 6 meant not only that the Province could no longer u t i l i z e i t s wealth to defy the National Government but also that the merchants and the local land-owners had to pay much more taxes than before 1 9 3 6 ( T s e n g : 4 - 5 ) . Except for the changes in the f i s c a l administration, there were no further changes in the form of loca l administration after the Nanking Government had taken over the control of Kwangtung. Even the Constitution of 1 9 3 6 did not assume a position any different from Sun's Fundamentals of 1 9 2 4 . The Hsien-chang was to be elected but i n areas where loc a l self-government had not been established, he should 24. be appointed by the Central Government. \ ~ It was only in the 1946 Constitution that each Province was to have an elected Assembly and an elected Executive Council and each Hsien was to have an elected Hsien-chang. But this stipulation only existed on paper (Chien 3 0 2 ) . Moreover, the heads of the Pao, the Hsiang and the Chen, though elected, were to be responsible to the organs above, not to the electorate below. They were to report to their superior chiefs on birth, death, marriage and movements of the people within their jurisdictions and the presence of unlawful a c t i v i t i e s . They were to help to collect taxes and to conscript labourers and soldiers. Chien (307) emphasizes the pseudo-democracy practised in this period. A l l the local assemblies were in fact chosen and were tightly con-trolled either by the Hsien-chang or by the Hsien's KMT Party Office. CONCLUSION Between 1911-49, the local self-government programmes had been carried out only to a limited extent. F i r s t l y , the government re-mained an oligarchy: only the local elites were allowed to participate in the government organs of their own Hsien,at the Ch'u, Hsiang and Chen levels. They were not made responsible to the local populace. Secondly, the Hsien elites were only delegated some of the administra-tive tasks. Many v i t a l functions especially the collection of taxes and the administration of the police force were not controlled by the Hsien elites but by the agents of the Provincial Government. This partial fulfilment of the aims of the local self-government movement and the heavy taxation in this period had considerable significance in the development of social movements in Kwangtung. 25. The heavy taxation enforced by the newly created c e n t r a l i z e d ipolice force stationed i n the market-towns and r u r a l areas was bound to exert considerable hardship on the people of Kwangtung. In a d d i t i o n , the r e v i v a l of the Pao-chia system and the creation of the Ch'u, Hsiang and Chen government organs below the Hsien meant the extension of l o c a l administration to a lower l e v e l than the Ch'ing system of administration had ever done before. The inhabitants of the market-towns and v i l l a g e r s now found i t harder to keep the government at an arm's length. This was one of the most important factors leading to the formation of Merchants' Association5 and to the Labour and Peasants. Unions. SECTION I I : Education Changes The a b o l i t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l system of examination and the inauguration of the l o c a l self-government movement by the Ch'ing government i n the early years of the 20th Century created a need for more schools i n a l l of China to produce enough c i v i l servants to s t a f f the various government organs. The need to b u i l d more schools was a l l the more urgent i n Kwangtung during the ea r l y Min-kuo period. Between 1 9 1 1 and 1 9 3 6 , Kwangtung was divided into two power blocs: those who wanted to use Kwangtung as a base for the r e - u n i f i c a t i o n of China and those who wanted to keep the Province independent of the Central Government. Paradoxically, both these power blocs saw the need to s t a f f the Kwangtung Government with l o c a l t a l e n t s to f u l f i l l t h e i r goals. They were reluctant to r e c r u i t any c i v i l servants from outside Kwangtung. Apart from the p o l i t i c a l reasons, the rapid development of trade and processing industry i n Kwangtung i n the 20th Century also created 26. a need for more book-keepers, accountants as well as other technical personnel for the commercial and industrial concerns. These needs could not be satisfied by relying purely on the missionary schools. Thus, commercial cir c l e s joined hands with the government to build more schools and to systematize the curriculum. (1) Primary Schools in Kwangtung In 1921, there were 174 primary schools and 74 higher primary schools of a public nature in Kwangtung and there were also 1,100 traditional schools which were conducted under the supervision of the specialists in modern education (Hsieh:214). There were also numerous private schools of different degrees of modernity. Some were business schools which taught students how to use the abascus, how to do le t t e r writing and simple accounting. Much l i k e the traditional system of education, there was nothing on manual training or vocational training such as market-gardening and poultry raising etc (Chen Ta 1940:151; Kulp:218-242). Under Ch'en Chi-t'ang's Three Years' Plan, there was a further expansion of primary schools. For example, in 1931> there were 18,969 primary schools in the whole of Kwangtung, by 1934, the number jumped to 22,754. - . ~ ' In Canton i t s e l f , modern schools were well developed. Since 1920 Canton had the reputation of being the most progressive city in China in terms of primary education (B.S. Lee:117-8). Before 1928, i t had already 67 primary schools offering courses l i k e civics, hygiene, mathematics, music, art and physical education. By 1934, the number jumped to 99. 27. (2) Middle Schools and Post Secondary Education In 1928, there were three technical colleges in Canton and many municipal middle schools. Between 1928-31, the missionaries in Canton were also running high schools. These were more progressive than the Chinese schools which merely taught classics, history and mathematics (ibid). Universities and post-secondary colleges were also well-developed in Kwangtung. In 1905, after the traditional examination system was abolished, Kwangtung established the Liang-kuang Shih-fan Hslieh-t'ang (Kwangtung-Kwangsi Teachers' Training School) offering literature, history and science as i t s subjects. In the same year, the Kuang-chou Fa-cheng Hsiieh-t'ang (Academy of Law and P o l i t i c a l Science in Canton) was established, offering law, jurisprudence and p o l i t i c a l science. This was the highest academy in Kwangtung. Students were limited to those traditional scholars who had passed the d i s t r i c t .examination (i.e. the hsiu-ts'ai). In 1911, the Liang-kuang Shih-fan Hsueh-t'ang became the Kwangtung Higher Normal College. It was known as the National Kwangtung University in 1920 and was known as the Chungshaan University after the death of Sun Yat-sen. The Agricultural Experimental Station, established in 1909, became the School of Agriculture within the University. Ling-^aam University was established in 1927. It included literature, science, agriculture, business administration and engineering. The Amoy University was established in 1920 (ibid: 109-119). In 1920 Ch'en Chiung-ming financed a school for Chinese students in France known as the Lyons University Project. A number of 28. students, mostly from South China, were sent there to study. Apart from these government post-secondary schools, there were others which were run by private bodies, including the overseas Chinese and the missionaries, in port c i t i e s such as Kongmoon and Swatow. Because of the education programme, Kwangtung had the highest degree of literacy in the whole of China. By 1934 about V/o of Canton's residents had university education and 8% had middle school education (ibid:115). (3) Administration of Modern Schools Attempts were made by the Provincial Government to systematize the private, missionary and government schools on a l l levels. For example, Ch'en Chiung-ming established a Kwangtung Education Committee headed by a board of famous educationists (Boorman Vol. 1:173*-80) and Ch'en Chi-t'ang inaugurated the Education Conference in 1931 with an aim to systematize the missionary, private and government schools (ibid:160-3; K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:139-40, 189, 200, 207). Most politicians in Kwangtung attempted to recruit the graduates of modern schools to work in the administrative organs. Students who returned from studies abroad and those who graduated from local high schools and above usually f i l l e d government posts in the Kwangtung Provincial Government and the Canton Municipal Council as well as various Hsien government organs. The f i r s t c i v i l service examination took place in 1916. There were two types of examinations: (1) special examination - to recruit the top cadres of administration. Only University graduates or equivalent were qualified to take the examination; (2) ordinary examination - for the ordinary c i v i l servants. Graduates of senior middle schools were qualified. After 29. .1939, according to Chien ( 2 3 6 ) , candidates to the Hsiang, the Chen, the Ch'u, the Hsien and the P r o v i n c i a l Assemblies had to undergo an . examination. (Chien: 2 3 6 ) . CONCLUSION Like the t r a d i t i o n a l government before 1911, during the Min-kuo period, formal education was s t i l l regarded as the channel for s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l advancement. However, these new graduates, unlike the s c h o l a r - o f f i c i a l s of old times, served i n the l o c a l government organs. They were more w i l l i n g to co-operate with the authority than to act on behalf of the l o c a l people to champion government p o l i c i e s as the t r a d i t i o n a l scholar-gentry of o l d . However, the widespread development, of modern education as com-pared to the l i m i t e d degree of l i t e r a c y i n the Ch'ing period did r e s u l t i n the formation of pressure groups among the professionals who were outside the government hierarchy. P r o f e s s i o n a l Associations such as the education, lawyers, medical and engineering associations were watchful of government p o l i c i e s . Although they would not i d e n t i f y themselves with the i n t e r e s t s of the peasants or the workers, they were able and w i l l i n g to organize public opinion and to exert pressure on the government through such organs as the Hsiang-min Ta-hui and the Chen-min Ta-hui or the press i f t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s were threatened. For example, when taxes were heavy, when government o f f i c i a l s were corrupt or when the s o l d i e r s and the p o l i c e corps were disturb i n g public order, they were w i l l i n g to pose as spokesmen of the people. On the other hand, they were often on the side of the govern-ment i n the event of armed r e v o l t by the peasants and the workers. 3 0 . SECTION III: Demographic Changes O f f i c i a l population data during the Ch'ing Dynasty (1644-1911) was inaccurate for China as a whole because the Manchus put an end to the compilation of households and mouth returns in 1651 and only used * n e t' ing as a unit of population enumeration. T'ing, by definition, was an adult male from 16 years old to 60 who was l i a b l e for labour service. However, this service could be replaced by a money-payment. In 1711 the quota for t'ing services was fixed for each l o c a l i t y . From then on, enumeration of t'ing units had lost i t s significance and local o f f i c i a l s were less concerned with i t s accurate assessment. After 1722, the collection of t'ing levies became merged with land taxes. The registration of t'ing payment failed to reflect the growth of actual population. T'ing assessments became so out-of-date that in 1772 i t s registration was abolished completely (Ho:24, 28 , 3 3 - 5 ) . In the 1 9 t h Century, the Chia-ching Emperor revived the Pao-chia system and used this instrument for the enumeration of able-bodied males. However, in Kwangtung, even this did not work well. Census results were especially distorted in this area of China because the gentry had successfully bribed the o f f i c i a l underlings and evaded registration for themselves and their protege ( i b i d : 1 3 , 2 2 , 4 5 , 5 2 ; Perkins:206). As a result, population data were not accurate. For example, the s t a t i s t i c s quoted by Wakeman ( 1 8 0 ) that in 1850 the density of population in Kwangtung was 284 people per square mile was unlikely when compared with Yang's ( 4 ) data that the population density of Kwangtung a century later ( 1951) was 2 8 5 people per square mile. The population census in 1908-1911 in Kwangtung under the auspicion of the Empress Dowager was hurriedly and inaccurately 31. carried out because of anti-census riot s in many l o c a l i t i e s in the Province. The census of 1930-34 carried out by the Kwangtung Provin-c i a l Government under the directions of Ch'en Chi-t'ang, however, was more accurate because i t was more s t r i c t l y enforced. It yielded 33,179,078 people for the Province of Kwangtung (Kanton Shi:10). The census of 1953, which Ho (94) considers the most accurate, gave the population of Kwangtung as 36,770,000 (Liang:1, 14). Besides population enumerations, other evidences show that the population pressure on land in Kwangtung was already intense since the, beginning of the 19th Century. Since 1812, reclaimation of delta land could not match the increase of population in this part of China (Wakeman, 179-80). The Hakka/Punti War in the middle of the 19th Century (to be described in Chapter IV) was evidence enough of the intensity of the struggle for land - a direct reflection of population pressure onnland. Buck's investigation (361-3) shows that in 1929-33 the density of population in Fukien and Kwangtung ranked second in the whole of China: there were 2,072 people per square mile of crop area. By 1951, according to Yang (4), this number had already risen to 3,494. This rapid growth of population unaccompanied by improvements in agricultural technology explain the pressence of peasant discontent leading to riot s in the 1920's. It also explains the intensity of urbanization and overseas emigration from the end of the 19th Century onwards in this region of China. With most of Central China f i l l e d up by the end of the 18th Century, landless peasants had to migrate either to town or overseas (Perkins:206; Ho:52-3, 139-168; Buck:68). The climax of overseas emigration for Kwangtung and Fukien was between 1899 and 1903 and 3 2 ' and between 1919 and 1921 (Perkins:21k)• H.F. McNair estimated that there were 8,600,000 overseas Chinese by 1921 (Ho : l 67 ) . According to Ho (287) , without overseas emigration, the population of Fukien and Kwangtung would have increased more than 23«3% in the last Century. There was also the rapid growth of urban population since the f i r s t decade of the 20th Century. The population of Canton in 1901 was 850,000; in 1921, i t rose to 900 ,000 ; by 1936, the population was 1,300,000. Swatow's population rose from 380,000 in 1901 to 1,250,000 in 1936. Other urban centres included Hoi-hau, Fat-shaan, Ch'iu-chau, Shek-kei, Kongmoon and Shiu-kwaan which by the 1930 's had a population ranging from 150,000 to 300,000 each (Liang:13). In fact, Kwangtung was considered the most urbanized Province in the whole of China in the 20th Century (Liang: 16; Yang:5; Buck.*365). SECTION IV: Economic Development Kwangtung before 1870 did not have much industry to speak of, except crude ways of refining sugar in Canton, Wai-yeung, Ch'iu-chau, Lim-chau and Swatow; cloth-making in Fat-shaan, Canton and Swatow using imported cotton as well as drawn work in Canton, Wai-yeung and Ch'iu-chau (Liang:9-10, 12) . The f i r s t to adopt modern methods was the s i l k industry. It started when .^overseas Chinese began to invest in Naam-hoi and Shun-tak, using machines to unreel cacoons. But, i t was not until the years following World War I;> that there was an intense interest in improving s i l k production. In 1919, a Kwangtung Sericulture Research Institute was established, followed by the Commission for the Improvement of Silk Production in 1923 (Nigishi Ben J i : '176-8, 283 ) . •33. Both the motives to use Kwangtung as a base for the p o l i t i c a l unification of China and to keep Kwangtung independent of the control of the Central Government had prompted many p o l i t i c a l leaders to improve Kwangtung's economy. Moreover, since the f a l l of the Ch'ing Dynasty in 1911, many overseas Chinese who had supported Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary movement began to invest in the reconstruction projects of Kwangtung. With Europe at War (1914-18), native capital began •••to invest in various industrial concerns, municipal development projects and road building projects. The growth of nationalism among the Chinese was directed towards boycotting Japanese and British goods which in turn benefitted the local manufacturers. This enhanced the further growth of native industry. The development of industry during this period can be seen from the Canton Trade Reports of the Maritime Customs Service between 1914-1919. The 1914 Report writes: "With regard to cotton and woollen goods the tendency displayed recently on the part of so many of the returned overseas Chinese to adopt foreign style of dress received a check. The less expensive native garb i s returning to favour". The 1915 Report writes: "Because of the campaign against Japanese goods, the Chinese manufacturers succeeded in pushing sales of their own goods such as dyes, tea and s i l k . Cotton spinning and weaving as well as cultivation of natural dyes flourished. Chinese exports in cotton goods, tea and mats reached the highest in record. Local cotton c l o t h i could compete well with Japan". The 1916 Report writes: "Local fabric were becoming serious competitors of foreign manufactures. The high price paid for the latter had greatly fostered lo c a l manufactures. Imported kerosene and o i l s have f u l l y recovered, but the^ high price was forcing the 34. poor consumers into natural o i l s . There was an increase i n cowhide, matting and brown sugar exported from China". The 1917 Report writes: "In t h i s year, there was a r i s e i n the value of s i l v e r . The exchange rate became higher, so foreign a r t i c l e s became even more expensive. The Chinese were r e v e r t i n g to t h e i r own resources. For example, they used vegetable o i l s i n place of kerosene and purchased l o c a l l y manufactured cotton goods, bri c k , t i l e s , cement, bags of a l l kinds, sugar, tobacco and cowhide". The 1919 Report writes: "Tobacco companies such as the Canton China Tobacco Company, the South China P a t r i o t i c Tobacco Company and the Nanyang Brothers' Tobacco Company fere founded. There was the Star Leather Company which was a native leather tannery using modern machinery to tan le a t h e r . Products from t h i s company were exported to Hankow, Java, Manila and Annam The year was s t i l l a good year. Peace i n Europe l e d to an unsatiable hunger of Europeans for material"; goods and raw materials. For the f i r s t time i n Chinese h i s t o r y since 1890, exports outbalanced imports". Between 1926 and 1930, L i Chi-snen, Ch'en Ming-shu and Ch'en Chi-t'ang had done much towards r e s t o r i n g order i n the Kwangtung countryside. This, and the fact that the N a t i o n a l i s t Government had succeeded i n gaining back the control of s a l t taxes and customs duties from foreign countries i n 1930, paved the way to a further expansion of commerce and industry. In the 1930's, a surtax was imposed on imported r i c e and duties were ra i s e d on imported sugar to protect native products. This ; l a t t e r p o l i c y ; r e s u l t e d i n considerable a c t i v i t i e s i n the sugar industry i n eastern Kwangtung (Chen Ta 1940:33). In t h i s period, i n Hok-shaan and Naam-hung, tobacco experimental stations 35-were set up. In Hoi-p'ing, a Tea Experimental Station was established (Negishi Benji 176-178). The Three Years' Plan, which aimed at achieving self-sufficiency in the Province of Kwangtung, started in 1933* Ch'en Chi-t'ang con-centrated on the founding of sugar mills and modern textile factories. A number of sugar refineries were started in P'oon-ue, Shun-tak, Tung-koon, Wai-yeung, Chung-shaan and K'it-yeung. Silk plants were init i a t e d in Shun-tak, Fat-shaan and Chung-shaan; textile factories in Yeung-ch'un, Fat-shaan and T'oi-shaan; a hemp factory in Mooi-luk; textile factories and paper mills in Kongmoon and Yeung-ch'un as well as match manufacturing in Kongmoon, Fat-shaan and T'oi-shaan. In Canton i t s e l f , cement, paper mills, s i l k , hemp and cotton weaving factories, chemical plants, electric plants and f e r t i l i z e r plants were established (Liang:9-10,12; Maritime Customs Service: Canton Trade Reports, Kongmoon Trade Reports 1911-1919; Ninami Shina Soran:772-784). Side by side with the development of trade and industry were projects to modernize the c i t i e s and the market-towns and to improve the system of transport and communication. These programmes attracted the investments of both the local merchants and the*overseas Chinese. Between 1919 and 1922, the Canton city walls were torn down and the streets widened. A new bridge across the Pearl Riyer was built; a modern sev/age system was constructed. The telephone service was f i r s t introduced in 1903. In 1925, automatic dialing was adopted/ electric lighting was introduced in 1901 and was taken over by the government in 1932 which also assumed control of waterworks in 1929. In spite of the uncertainties of the p o l i t i c a l situation and the apathy of many of the residents, Canton was modernized because of the co-operation of the local merchants and the overseas Chinese with the 36. newly founded Municipal Council (B.S. Lee:if-18; Vogel:26-32). The development of Canton was duplicated in many port-cities such as Kongmoon, Swatow, Ch'iu-chau and other more important market-towns in the hinterland. Most of the railways in Kwangtung were initiated during the late Ch'ing period and were completed during the early Min-kuo period. For example, the Ch'iu-chau - Swatow Railway; the Kowloon - Canton Railway; the Canton - Swatow Railway; the Canton - Hankow Railway and the Sunning Railway were a l l completed before 1920 (Liang:13). Road building came after the age of railway construction but unlike the railways, road building were not financed by the Western Powers. They were the joint projects of local and overseas Chinese merchants under the direction of various Governors of Kwangtung such as Ch'en Chiung-ming, Ch'en Ming-shu and Ch'en Chi-t'ang. Road building began systematically about 1924. The climax was in 1932, when Ch'en Chi-t'ang was carrying out his Three Years1' Plan (B.S. Lee : l8-9; Vogel:30-1). A whole network of public highways was completed by 1936 with Canton, Swatow, Shiu-kwaan, Kongmoon and Hoi-hau being the main centres. Kwantung ranked f i r s t in China in terms of public highways and motor transportation (Liang:49). Ogawa Hirakichi (1913:625-28) had some details on the organiza-tion of road building. According to him, these roads were built by Bus Companies formed by local inhabitants under the supervision of the various Hsiang Kung-so. The Company had to pay the Hsiang Kung-so 5% of the estimated cost of the road as a deposit. If the Company had to stop working before the end of the period scheduled, then i t s deposit would be forfeited. The Company was to employ i t s own road K W A N G T U N G : R O A D S A N D R A I L W A Y 1 9 3 9 3.8. building staff, but i t would have the f u l l backing of the Hsiang Kung-so and the police. If the- roads, in passing by the fiel d s , graveyards or temples, aroused the oppositions of the local inhabi-tants, the quarrel was to be settled by the Hsiang Kung-so. If the local inhabitants boycotted the- Company, the police would help. After the road was finished, a l l the carts, buses or rickshaws using the road were to pay t o l l s to the Bus Company. It i s evident that the road building programme had imposed con-siderable hardships on the people of Kwangtung. Property owners could not prevent a road from being built once the decision was made by the Provincial Government. Agricultural land were confiscated; landowners had to pay heavy tax wherever the roads passed by; repair.s or re-building of houses demolished by the Bus Companies were to be rebuilt at the owners* cost. Sun Fo promised compensation to property owners, but this was never carried out. Opposition to road building was considerable. A large number of police - rural boys of unproven integrity - were hired to insure road building (Vogel:30-1; B.S. Lee: 18-19; Chen Han-seng:75,111). COMMENTS The growth of trade and industry, the modernization of the c i t i e s and market towns, the building of roads and railways, the improve-ments of the steam-boat services and bus services were to a large extent responsible for the growth of class consciousness among the overseas Chinese and the local moneyed class (Skinner 1971:277). They co-operated in a l l kinds of projects and realized the need to form organizations for the purpose of protecting their interests in times of p o l i t i c a l uncertainties. They became an independent class, co-operating with the bureaucrats when the latter served their purposes 39. but protesting when the p o l i c i e s of the bureaucrats displeased them. They c a l l e d i n the help of the foreign merchants against the Warlords at one moment while supporting the populace to boycott foreign goods at another moment. With the r a p i d development of manufacturing a c t i v i t i e s a f t e r the F i r s t World War, there was an increased demand on l o c a l raw materials. The urban moneyed cl a s s more and more involved i t s e l f with the c u l t i v a t i o n of cash crops. Peasants suffered from increasing e x p l o i t a -t i o n as a r e s u l t . This, together with the i n c r e a s i n g l y heavy tax burden and the growth of population pressure on land, produced wide-spread misery among the peasants i n the countryside. They f e l t the need to organize themselves, but they lacked the leadership which the t r a d i t i o n a l scholar-gentry had supplied before the education reforms of the 20th Century. The comforts of l i f e i n the modernized port-c i t i e s and market-rtowns attracted many of the modern educated e l i t e s from the r u r a l areas to l i v e i n the towns. The peasants were thus l e f t without any leaders. In the market towns and the c i t i e s , there was an outburst of economic a c t i v i t i e s because of the development of commerce and industry, municipal construction projects and the development of transport and communication se r v i c e s . The employees of the various occupations, many of whom were landless peasants from the countryside, began to organize themselves to protect t h e i r vested i n t e r e s t s i n times of p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l u n c e r t a i n t i e s . These labourers had some l i a i s o n s with the peasants i n the countryside but they were too pre-occupied with t h e i r urban problems to unite with the peasants. Thus, the growth of population, the administrative, educational and economic changes i n Kwangtung between 1911 and 1949 had r e s u l t e d 40. in the growth of class consciousness amon& the merchants, the labourers and the peasants but i t had not produced enough cohesion across these class lines to challenge the established p o l i t i c a l order. This allowed the Warlords to deal with them one by one, after using them as pawns for their power struggles, as w i l l be seen in the following sectinn. SECTION V: Merchant, Labour and Peasant Movements A. The Merchants' Voluntary Corns Before the 20th Century in the c i t i e s of Kwangtung, clan and d i s t r i c t associations as well as social clubs took care of the details of urban l i f e . Merchants' Guilds were not powerful enough to have a voice in government policies. The merchants' strongest means of protest against the authorities was to close their shops. This situation persisted u n t i l the latt e r half of the 19th Century when the merchants were allowed to join the scholars and the retired o f f i c i a l s in discussions with the government. Together this group was known as the "shen-shang" (gentry-merchants). But they were s t i l l under the domination of the gentry and failed to form an independent power . group. With the abolition of the traditional system of examination and the rapid development of trade in the 20th Century, the merchants began to grow in power in the local scene vis-a-vis the scholar-o f f i c i a l s . The sudden influx of capital from the overseas Chinese and the development of transport f a c i l i t i e s brought about the des-truction of the old style guilds. New commercial and industrial groups which arose occupied a major role in urban social organization (Vogel :25-6; Chu:268-70; Masui Tsuneo 1 9 4 1 :282-3) . In I ...more impor-tant market towns and c i t i e s , some prominent businessmen banded 4 1 . together to form Chambers of Commerce which incorporated many of the functions of the d i s t r i c t associations and the various merchant gu i l d s and provided the much needed co-ordination. Because of p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y i n Kwangtung i n the e a r l y days of the Min-kuo period (see Appendix I ) , the Merchant Voluntary Corps was organized by the Canton merchants i n 1912 for the defence of b u s i -ness establishments i n Canton i t s e l f . By May, 1924, the Canton group amalgamated with the Merchant Voluntary Corps from twelve d i f f e r e n t c i t i e s i n Kwangtung to form a p r o v i n c i a l organization under the d i r e c t i o n of Chen Lien-po, President of the Canton General Chamber of Commerce. They v/ere favoured by Ch'en Chiung-ming, Sun Fo and the English merchant i n t e r e s t s i n Canton and Hong Kong ( H s i e h : l 9 9 ) . From the time of the Constitution Protection Movement (1917) to May, 1921, when Ch'en Chiung-ming and Sun Yat-sen re-entered Canton, the merchant body was i n favour. The Canton merchants and bankers were given government posts. But, as soon as Ch'en Chiung-ming denounced Sun Yat-sen's Northern Expedition, the merchants were forced to take sides. They quarrelled with Sun Yat-sen and supported Ch'en Chiung-ming. They requested disarmament and wanted the modernization of Kwangtung by seeking help from Hong Kong as well as the western merchants i n Canton. Sun Yat-sen, with h i s mind set on seeking Soviet a i d , broke with' 1 the merchant body. He got r i d of a l l the merchants and bankers from government posts i n A p r i l , 1923. In August 1924, Ch'en Lien-po, with the t a c i t approval of Ch'en Chiung-ming, protested against heavy taxa-t i o n l e v i e d f o r financing the Northern Expedition. The Merchant Corps mobilized 3 , 0 0 0 men and barricaded themselves to a section of the c i t y . The B r i t i s h i n Shameen and Hong Kong supported the merchants and 4 2 . threatened to use t h e i r naval forces against Sun Yat - s en . In. September, Sun Yat-sen denounced the B r i t i s h . Hu Han-min was then the Governor of Kwangtung, he deployed a l l the armed forces a v a i l a b l e at Canton under the command of Chiang K a i - s h e k . By mid October, 1 9 2 4 , the u p r i s i n g had been que l l ed ( H s i e h : 2 3 4 - 2 4 2 ) . B. The Peasant Movement The Peasant Movement was born i n eastern Kwangtung under the patronage of Ch'en Chiung-ming. As e a r l y as 1 9 2 2 , P'eng P ' a i had organized the f i r s t Peasant Union i n Hoi - fung (Liao 1 9 5 1 : 4 9 - 5 2 ) . But i t was not u n t i l 1924» fo l lowing the a l l i a n c e between the N a t i o n a l i s t Party (KMT) and the Communist Party (CCP) and the crea t ion of the Peasants' T r a i n i n g I n s t i t u t e i n June of that year that the Peasants Movement spread to other parts of Kwangtung. In the summer of. 1924 the Peasant T r a i n i n g I n s t i t u t e , under the d i r e c t i o n o f Chinese Communist Party members, created an armed s e l f -defence f o r c e . Graduates of the Peasants' T r a i n i n g I n s t i t u t e were to re turn to t h e i r nat ive d i s t r i c t s and become organizers of the Peasant Movement there . The N a t i o n a l i s t Party at f i r s t d i d not take any a c t i o n against the Peasant Movement. Instead, Chiang K a i - s h e k , i n h i s two Eastern Expedi t ions against Ch'en Chiung-ming and h i s SouthernExpedit ion i n 1925 against Tang Pen-yen, used the Peasant Unions as f r o n t s . But as soon as the v i o l e n t techniques used by the var ious Peasant; ^ Unions against the l and lords i n Kwangtung aroused the i r e and fear of a c l a s s r e v o l u t i o n i n the countrys ide , the. > N a t i o n a l i s t s r egu lar troops began to crush the movement. I t was e n t i r e l y wiped out i n 1 9 2 7 - 2 8 (Gruetter 1 9 7 2 : 5 3 - 6 0 , 93, 9 6 - 1 1 0 ) . 43-C. The Labour Movement The workers' organizations in Kwangtung began in the f i r s t decade of the 20th Century. During this period, there was an influx of land-less peasants into the urban centres in search of work. At the same time, many Chinese workers returned from Europe with an interest in forming labour unions. Both Sun Yat-sen and Ch'en Chiung-ming encouraged this movement. The f i r s t Labour Union to be organized was the Seamen's Friend-ship Association in 1914-15. It was under the sponsorship of Sun Yat-sen himself (Boorman Vol. 3:154). This association was strengthened in 1920 under the leadership of Su Chao-cheng, with i t s headquarters in the British Colony of Hong Kong (ibid.). In January, 1922, the Association launched i t s f i r s t strike. Ch'en Chiung-ming, then Governor of Kwangtung, gave financial assistance to the Strike Committee in an attempt to improve his p o l i t i c a l position with reference to Sun Yat-sen. This strike, which was settled in March 1922, represented a significant victory for the Cantonese Seaman. Labour Unions flourished in the 1920's as a result of the success of the Seamen's strike. In Canton alone, 130 Labour Unions were organized. The most powerful were: The Kwangtung General Union; Seaman's Union; Labour Representatives' Union; Railway Employees Union; Oi l Press Workers' Union; Restaurants and Tea-houses Waiters' Union; Knitting and Weaving Workers' Union as well as the Machinists and Engineers' Union. In May 1922, the A l l China Federation of Labour was established in Canton (Hsieh:234). These Labour Unions did not belong to any p o l i t i c a l parties. They were interested in defending their particular interests by allying with whomever was on the upper hand in the p o l i t i c a l struggle. Like the 44. Merchant Associations and the Peasant Unions, they were on good terms with Ch'en Chiung-ming when he was i n power i n Canton. They made substantial f i n a n c i a l contributions to h i s campaign against the Kwangsi Warlords. They had also openly supported him i n h i s s p l i t with Sun Yat-sen (ibid:234-42). In the 1920's, when the Chinese Communist Party and the N a t i o n a l i s t Party were a l l i e s , both competed to e n l i s t the support of the Labour Unions. In 1921-22 fo r example, the N a t i o n a l i s t Party enrolled 20,000 workers as members (Vogel:33). However, from 1923 onwards, the Communists were on the upper hand i n t h e i r influence on the Labour Unions. In the summer of 1924, the P a c i f i c Transportation Workers' Conference was held i n Hong Kong. Su Chao-cheng joined the Communist Party and became the top Communist leader i n South China i n May, 1925 when he was elected the Chairman of the A l l China Federation of Labour. (Liao:44-8; Boorman V o l . 3:154-5). The N a t i o n a l i s t Party t r i e d to regain t h e i r influence on the Labour Unions. In May-June, 1925, when the B r i t i s h and the French at Shameen f i r e d at the labourers i n Canton, the N a t i o n a l i s t Party (KMT) leader Liao Chung-k'ai favoured the a n t i - B r i t i s h s t r i k e i n Hong Kong and Canton i n June 1925 (see Appendix I ) . He and the merchants t r i e d to r e - d i r e c t the a n t i - B r i t i s h f e e l i n g among the workers to t h e i r own ends. They encouraged the public to boycott B r i t i s h goods and advised a l l non-British vessels to bypass Hong Kong and land t h e i r cargoes i n Canton (Boorman V o l . 2:266). The s t r i k e l a s t e d for a year and s i x months. It ended because the N a t i o n a l i s t Party (KMT) no longer needed the Labour Unions as a l l i e s . A f t e r h i s v i c t o r y over Wang Ching-wei, Chiang Kai-shek emerged the sole leader of Kwangtung. He withdrew h i s support for the s t r i k e and raided 45. the Canton-Hong Kong Strike Committee Office. Delegates were sent to discuss the British in Hong Kong to end the strike (ibid. Vol. 1:324). In 1927, the KMT authorities at WuHan, following their victory in the Northern Expedition, began to purge the Communists in their rank. Many Labour Unions detached themselves from the Communist Party. Communist influence became so weak that when Yeh T'ing and Ho Lung established a t e r r i t o r i a l base at Hoi-luk-fung they were easily driven off (ibid. Vol. 2:68-72). When Chiang T ' a i - l e i , another Communist leader, organized a coup in Canton and established the Canton Commune in December, 1927, i t was suppressed within three days (ibid. Vol 1:111-2). After the Canton Commune incidence, the KMT proceeded to execute almost everyone connected with the uprising. This led to the virtual extinction of the local revolutionary a c t i v i t i e s . The Communist Party's headquarter had to leave Canton. It moved f i r s t to Shanghai, then to Kiangsi, then to Yenan. It was only after the Japanese had entered Canton that the Communists were active again in Kwangtung. From about 1938 to 1949, a l l over China, the Communists recruited rural soldiers, established liaison with the poor peasants, sought contributions from wealthy i n d i -viduals, seized granaries of "unjust landlords" or cargoes of "reactionary bourgeoisie". But even during this period, in Kwangtung, the Communists' a c t i v i t i e s were confined only to a small minority with their base in the East River Hakka area. TKe rest of Kwangtung was outside the revolutionary movement (Vogel:35). CONCLUSION The ease with which the KMT suppressed the Merchants' Corps, the Peasant Unions and the Communist uprisings in Kwangtung indicates how weak and unorganized these class movements were in face of the military 46. might of the Nationalists. After the Canton Commune Incidence, the Labour, Peasant and the Merchant Associations were recognized by the KMT Government so long as they were not in any sense rebellious. They were allowed to retain their functions as sounding boards of public opinion. Since then,they never came close to challenging the esta-blished social and p o l i t i c a l order, although they sometimes protested against corrupt government o f f i c i a l s , heavy taxation and the disturb-ances of the soldiers and the police in the market towns and the . countryside. Of these three class movements, the Peasants were the weakest in terms of organization and strategy probably because they lacked the necessary leadership and probably because they lacked a strong class consciousness. This was unlike the merchants and the workers in the urban scene, whose class consciousness grew as a direct result of the administrative reforms, educational changes and economic develop-ment. After 1928, while the peasants were on the whole inactive p o l i t i c a l l y , the Merchants and the Professional Association leaders as well as the Labour Union leaders s t i l l acted as spokesmen against government policies when their particular group interests were threatened. 47. CHAPTER III ADMINISTRATIVE, EDUCATION, POPULATION AND ECONOMIC CHANGES IN HOI-P'ING 1911-49 This Chapter follows the same pattern as the last Chapter. The purpose i s to outline the administrative, education, population and economic changes in one Hsien to f a c i l i t a t e discussion on the pattern of social organization under the impact of change for the people of that particular Hsien. SECTION I: Administrative Changes in Hoi-p'ing Hoi-p'ing as an administrative unit dates from the early Ch'ing (1650) when the boundaries of Yan-p'ing, San-ooi and San-hing were redrawn to form a new Hsien, Hoi-p'ing, with the hope that the presence of government authorities at Ts'ong-sheng (the capital of Hoi-p'ing) would frighten the bandits in the mountainous areas west and north of San-ooi. This plan proved inadequate, so in 1737, the boundaries of Hoi-p'ing, San-ooi and San-hing had once again to be redrawn for another Hsien, Hok-shaan. Hoi-p'ing i s 104 miles (290 l i ) south-west of Canton. To the east i s San-ooi; northwest and northeast i s Yan-p'ing; south and southeast i s T'oi-shaan; to the north and northeast i s Hok-shaan. (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:21). It has a total area of 1711 square miles (Kanton Shi:10). A. Administrative Structure of Hoi-p'ing During the Ch'ing Dynasty (1644-1911)  During the Ch'ing Dynasty, Hoi-p'ing's administrative structure was much lik e that of other Hsien in China. There was a Chih-hsien (Magis-trate) who was in complete control of the administrative a f f a i r s within the Hsien although he was subjected to the supervision of the Prefect -(Chih-fu),, at Shiu-hing. Under the Chih-hsien were: (1) the Hsien-ch'ing 48. who was i n charge of general administration. His function was i l l -defined: he may be sent to c o l l e c t land taxes i n remote areas or to supervise the c o l l e c t i o n of grain t r i b u t e s and the sale of government grains or he may be made responsible for accepting or r e j e c t i n g com-p l a i n t s from the people. Being the Assistant Magistrate, he could make an i n v e s t i g a t i o n on behalf of the Magistrate when the l a t t e r was absent on an o f f i c i c a l mission (Chu:122). (2) The Hsun-chien, or the Sub-d i s t r i c t Magistrate. There were three i n Hoi-p'ing: one at Che-hom, one at Sha-kong and one at Ts'ong-sheng. They were i n charge of p o l i c e duties, r i v e r and s a l t administration. They were empowered to conduct an inquest at a remote corner of the Hsien. They were i n short, tax c o l l e c t o r s and pol i c e commissioners combined. (3) There was an I-ch'eng ( Post-master) who was stationed i n Hin-kong. He was under theoverall supervison of the Magistrates who was i n charge of the funds. I t was the I-ch^eng's duty to see that the horses were well fed and well used and that there was no delay i n the d e l i v e r y of errants. (4) There was the Tien-shih ( 5 J a i l Warden). He had h i s o f f i c e near the prison and was i n charge of the prisoners. (5) There were two Educational O f f i c e r s >.'•. (the Chiao-yii and the Hsun-tao) who were under the supervision of the P r o v i n c i a l D irector of Studies. These o f f i c e r s were required to report to the Director on the conducts of the scholars such as the kung-sheng, the chien-sheng and the h s i u -t s ' a i i n Hoi-p'ing. They, together with the Magistrate, heard cases i n which the chastisement of students was involved. The scholars could not be beaten by the Magistrate without the permission of the Education O f f i c e r s . When corporal punishment was decreed, i t was administered by them i n the presence of the Magistrate (Chu:9-10, 173). ' 49. Women of chastity, married or unmarried and f i l i a l sons were honoured. They were reported to the government by the Educational Officers so that they could be worshipped after death in the Shrine to Chaste and F i l i a l Women and in the Shrine to F i l i a l and Brotherly men. In addition to the above o f f i c i a l s , there were the Personal Ser-vants of the Magistrate's who served as his eyes and ears. A l l these were outsiders to the Hsien and they had no local roots, being trans-ferred once every three years. The local people f i l l e d minor posts in the government: the highest post being the Private Secretaries. These were usually former Clerks, chu-jen, or retired low-rank o f f i c i a l s . They were familiar, with law and precedents in the l o c a l i t y . They were empowered to determine whether certain complaints were to be rejected or endorsed and what had to be investigated etc. Magistrates also sought their advice in other legal matters. Moreover they also helped in the tax collection process, such as preparing a l i s t of the taxpayers who did not pay. In addition, these Private Secretaries helped the Magistrates to read examination papers of those who wanted to take the formal c i v i l service examination given by the Provincial Directors of Studies in Canton (Chu:110-111). Besides the Private Secretaries, there were the Yamen Clerks who helped in a l l aspects of local administration. They were especially powerful in matters of tax collection. They had the land tax informa-tion in their hands. They were thus in a position to manipulate land tax receipts and even warrants for the arrest of delinquent taxpayers (ibid. 4 9 - 5 0 ) . In addition to the clerks, there was a host of Government Runners who were also natives of the l o c a l i t y . They were to convey orders of the Magistrates to the people in the rural d i s t r i c t s , conscript labour, 50. c o l l e c t land tax and to make a r r e s t s . B. Administrative Changes i n the Min-feuo Period (see Figure I I , Chapter I I ) . The Hsien administrative structure between 1911 and 1931 was i n a state of f l u x because of p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y i n Kwangtung as a whole i n t h i s period. The f i r s t s i g n i f i c a n t attempt to depart from a t r a d i t i o n a l form of administration was i n 1906 when the notion of "self-government" was rai s e d . The Magistrate asked the gentry members to meet at Ts'ong-sheng to e s t a b l i s h a Self-government Bureau. In 1909, a Local S e l f -government A f f a i r s Bureau was established to investigate the p o s s i b i l i t y of p r a c t i s i n g self-government i n Hoi-p'ing (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:181) . Following the experiment on self-government i n Canton a f t e r 1911, there were several attempts to e s t a b l i s h Hsien Consultative Assemblies i n Hoi-p'ing. However, t h i s did not become a permanent feature of the Hoi-p'ing administration u n t i l 1930, ei t h e r because the a v a i l a b l e funds had to be diverted to the maintenance of s o c i a l order or because of p o l i t i c a l struggle i n Canton (ibid:1 4 3 , 184, 189, 200, 207). The Ch'U, Hsiang and Chen l e v e l s of government did not come into existence u n t i l 1930. I t i s true that Hoi-p'ing had been divided into 10 Ch'u since 1908, but there were no Ch'ii government. They remained merely t e r r i t o r i a l u n i t s u n t i l 1930. Since that date, Hoi-p'ing was to be divided into 10 Ch'ii, 103 Hsiang, 35 Chen, 947 Pao, 4,205 Chia and 97,653Hu (lbid:202) each with a government organ to regulate a f f a i r s within that p a r t i c u l a r administrative u n i t . As the r e s t of Kwangtung, (see Figure I I , Chapter II) the Pao-chang and the Chia-chang;: i n Hoi-p'ing were chosen by the Ts'un-min Ta-hui which was made up of a l l the heads of the households (Hu) within t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n s but they were to be responsible to the Hsiang-chang, not - 51. to the Ts'un-min Ta-hui. On the Hsiang level, there were the Hsiang-chang and the Hsiang Consultative Assembly (Hsiang-i-hui) which was made up of three supervisors and other staff members of the Hsiang-chang. They were chosen by an organ known as the Hsiang-min Ta-hui. The three super-visors 1 functions were to look after the financial a f f a i r s of the Hsiang and to see to i t that the actions of the Hsiang-chang were legal. They, together with the Hsiang-chang and his staff* worked in an office known as the Hsiang Kung-so. The Hsiang-chang was a c i v i l servant. He had to take an oath of allegiance to the government at Ts' ong-.sheng and had to report to the KMT Office once a month (ibid:130-1). He and the Pao-chang under him were to seek out the criminals and those who misbehaved and reported them to the government at Ts'ong-sheng. They were also responsible for- the allocation of land and the collection of taxes. They were to conscript soldiers with the help of the Police Corps and the Self-defence Corps (formed after 1945). The Hsiang-chang'-and the Hsiang Kung-so members were to transmit government regulations. They were to sign papers for the sale of any kind of property of the Hsiang inhabitants as well as in matters of adoption. They were also responsible for taking the census' of the various villages, acting as a • .} marriage, death and birth registration office. They were also empowered to speak up for a Hsiang member whose integrity and honesty may be in doubt in the eyes of the Hsien government. Unlike the rural areas, the 35 market towns of Hoi-p'ing were not organized into j ; Pao-chia units. Instead, the Department of Public Security was responsible for the peace and security of these market towns. The Police Corps were stationed in these areas. Similar to the 52 . arrangements i n the Hsiang government, the people of each market town were to form into a Chen-min Ta-hui to choose the Chen-chang and the Chen Consultative Assembly members who were to be responsible f o r the a f f a i r s of that p a r t i c u l a r market-town (ibid : 9 0 ) . On the Ch ' i i l e v e l and the Hsien l e v e l of government, there were the Ch ' i i Consultative Assembly and the Hsien Consultative Assembly which advised the Ch ' i i-chang and the Hsien-chang r e s p e c t i v e l y i n t h e i r administrative tasks. However, unlike the Hsiang and the Chen govern-ments, they were not d i r e c t l y chosen by the people of Hoi-p'ing. The members of the Hsien and Ch ' i i Consultative Assemblies became members by v i r t u e of t h e i r being Consultative members of the Hsiang and the Chen l e v e l s ( i b i d : 2 0 8 ) . The Ch ' i i-chang and the Hsien-chang were appointed by the P r o v i n c i a l Government i n Canton. The Hsien-chang was the d i r e c t nominee of the government of Canton except i n 1921-22 when Ch'en Chiung-ming was i n power. In these two exceptional years, the gentry of Hoi-p'ing were to put forward three names as candidates and out of these, the Canton government was to choose one as the Hsien-chang (ibid:188-9)• For the r e s t of the period, the Canton government simply sent i t s appointee to be the Hsien-chang. Thus, between 1911 and 1930, out of the 40 Hsien-chang i n Hoi-p'ing, only 7 were Hoi-p'ing natives. But, with the exception of 6 , the r e s t of the Hsien-chang were a l l coming from the various parts of Kwangtung (ibid: 2 1 5 - 6 ) . Under the Hsiang-chang were a number of executive departments: the Education Department, Public Works Department, Finance Department, C i v i l A f f a i r s Department and the Department of Public Security. The members of a l l these executive departments were nominated. As a r u l e , the personnel i n the Department of Public Works as well as the 5 3 . Education Department were Hoi-p'ing natives but the Finance Department, the C i v i l A f f a i r s ' Department and the Department of Public Security-were f i l l e d by outsiders ( i b i d : 1 8 2 - 2 0 8 ) . This i n d i c a t e s that the pretense of l o c a l s e l f government did not prevent the Hsien from being c o n t r o l l e d by the P r o v i n c i a l government as i t s t i l l c o n t r o l l e d the Hsien's v i t a l functions. Through the control of the p o l i c e and f i n a n -c i a l matters by nominees of the P r o v i n c i a l government as well as through the MKT Party O f f i c e , established i n Hoi-p'ing i n 1924 to supervise the whole Hsien administration, the government of Canton s t i l l exercised considerable power over the Hsien government. F i s c a l Matters Though often under the control of the agents of the Canton govern-ment, the Finance Department of Hoi-p'ing had to e n l i s t the help of the l o c a l leaders to deal with matters of taxation. A number of bureaux were established for s p e c i f i c purposes and were dissolved once the s p e c i f i c tasks were over. In 1924» f o r example, the Hsien Mortgage and Property Tax Bureau was established, eight Hoi-p'ing natives were nominated to work there. Whoever sold h i s land or house had to bring the property papers to the Hsien government at Ts'ong-sheng to put a seal on the whole transaction. The members of the Bureau received no salary from the government but they were allowed to take 5% from the fees c o l l e c t e d . In the same year, the Sha T'in T i t l e C l a r i f i c a t i o n Bureau was established i n Che-hom. Hoi-p'ing natives were again nominated to work i n t h i s bureau. They were to examine a l l land t i t l e s of the T'aam River area and to c o l l e c t taxes on a l l r e c e n t l y reclaimed.land. I f the landowners did not have any land papers to prove t h e i r ownership, t h e i r piece of land would be confiscated. 54. In 1928, the members of the 3rd Hsien Consultative Assembly were empowered to c o l l e c t taxes and hand them to the Finance Department at Ts'ong-sheng. But t h i s experiment was s h o r t - l i v e d . The Hsien Consulta t i v e Assembly was dissolved i n 1929. In 1930, the Education Land T i t l e C l a r i f i c a t i o n Committee was established to investigate the land t i t l e s of the Education Land so that i t could be taxed to help the development of modern schools i n Hoi-p'ing. This committee was made up of members of the Education Department and the Education Conference, the KMT Party O f f i c e and the leaders of the Chambers of Commerce (ibid : 1 4 0 ) . In 1930, four l o c a l people were chosen to work i n the newly established Bureau fo r the Management of Hsien Finance. The landowners and the ancestral h a l l representatives were to pay both the land taxes and the head taxes to t h i s body. This bureau was abolished i n September 1930, when i t was proved unworkable. In 1930, the Hsien Land Registration O f f i c e was established. The Hsien-chang was to nominate the representative i n each Hsiang to be responsible for (l) mapping out the boundaries of every p l o t of land i n the Hsiang; (2) making cl e a r a l l land t i t l e s , and (3) deciding on how much tax was to be c o l l e c t e d . This represented the f i n a l attempt made by the Hsien government to c l e a r up the land records, some of which were l o s t since the Hakka/Punti War of the mid. 19th Century. However, t h i s attempt also f a i l e d . The l o c a l populace did not co-operate i n reporting how much and the exact l o c a t i o n of the land they owned. So i t was again dissolved i n June, 1931 (ibid:182-208). In 1933, Ch'en Chi-t'ang sent the Hsiang e l i t e s to Canton to undergo t r a i n i n g and t r i e d to do another land survey. This time, the surveyors themselves were to get a portion of the land tax. S t i l l the 5. land records were not completed (Tseng 1936:18). When the Nanking government took over the direct control of Kwangtung in 1936, the various Hsiang Kung-so were made responsible for the allocation of land and the collection of land and head taxes. A l l land was theoretically the property of the Hsiang Kung-so, unless the landowners came to claim their land in person. If there.was any piece of land unclaimed within a month, i t would be confiscated and the Hsiang Kung-so had the right to put i t up for auction. The rent collected from the unclaimed land would be used for Hsiang purposes. If a mistake was made in the new land record and the landowner con-cerned protested, he had to ask the Pao-charig to sign a proof. The Hsiang-chang would then send the land register to the Finance Depart-ment in Canton. A representative would come to investigate. In case of default, the Hsiang-chang had the power to re-allocate land. If there was any unused land, the Hsiang Kung-so would ask a contractor among the local inhabitants to farm i t for a period of five years, charging 50* to $1 per mou of land thus contracted (ibid:36). Since 1936 June, the Hsiang Kung-so became solely responsible for the collection of land taxes, property taxes and head taxes; the amount of taxes paid on both corporate land and private land was the same. For private land, the landowners had to pay in person to the Hsiang Kung-so while taxes for the corporate land in each village were to be paid by village representatives (Personal Communication).1 Other kinds of taxes were collected by the Pao-shang (contractors). Taxes for e l e c t r i c i t y , telephone and other public u t i l i t i e s were also in the hands of local contracting companies. The Pao-shang were asked to collect a l l kinds of commercial taxes. Before 1936, the contractors 56. were nomiated by the Finance Department but a f t e r 1936, p u b l i c biddings were being held. Whoever agreed to pay the most to the Finance Depart-ment were to be contractor of that p a r t i c u l a r kind of tax (Tseng:47, 60; Ogawa Hira-kichi:625-8). J u d i c i a r y A f f a i r s A f t e r 1911, the Canton Government sent some l e g a l advisors to Ts'ong-sheng to a s s i s t the Hsien-chang i n j u d i c i a l matters. An attempt was made to e s t a b l i s h the j u d i c i a r y as a separate branch of administra-t i o n d i r e c t l y under the Legal Department i n Canton. In 1921, a law-court was set up i n Ts'ong-sheng. But i h 1924, t h i s was abolished owing to i n s u f f i c i e n t funds. Between 1924-26, the only court that was i n operation was the Mobile Court centred i n Canton. Each judge was to be responsible for 2 to 3 Hsien*s l e g a l cases. They t r a v e l l e d p e r i o d i c a l l y to the Hsien within t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n to hear and deal with important cases. In 1926-27, a more sophisticated 1aweourt was set up i n Ts'ong-sheng with judges and a body of j u r i s t s present at the hearings. In 1928, there was a d i s t r i c t court at each of the more important market towns such as Che-hom, Cheung-sha and Shui-hau, a Hsien court at Ts'ong-sheng and a Supreme Court at Canton for the f i n a l decisions (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:142, 182-203). COMMENTS I t i s true that i n the Min-kuo period, the natives of Hoi-p'ing had a much greater part to play i n the administrative a f f a i r s of t h e i r Hsien than the Ch'ing period when only ; . a few served i n the capa-c i t i e s of P r i v a t e Secretaries, Yamen Clerks and Government Runners. But, i t i s s t i l l doubtful whether the increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the l o c a l t a l e n t s i n the Hoi-p'ing Government meant increased power for the 57... people of Hoi-p'ing to direct their own a f f a i r s . In order to assess the power of Hoi-p'ing natives in the Hsien government, one needs to look at two things: (1) what kind of people served in the various Bureaux, Departments and Consultative Assemblies in Hoi-p'ing? (2) What sort of power did they have? A detailed survey of the personnel of the Legislative, the Execu-tive, F i s c a l , Education and Judicial branches of government described in this section shows that they were one of the following types: (a) traditional scholars who followed the government's advice in 1907 to join the modern schools in Canton; (b) modern school graduates of post-secondary schools overseas or at Canton; (c) lineage leaders who had contributed to the defence of Hoi-p'ing in the 1911-1928 c r i s i s , to be described in Chapter IV; (d) merchants who had wide connections not only in Hoi-p'ing but also in Canton and Hong Kong; (e) representatives of the Hoi-p'ing Scholar-gentry Circle in Canton who came back to help the Hoi-p'ing government i n the 1911-28 c r i s i s ; (f) Hoi-p'ing merchant representatives in Hong Kong who came back to help the Hoi-p'ing government i n the 1911-28 c r i s i s . From the above, i t i s clear that the personnel of the Hoi-p'ing government was drawn from a narrow cross-section of the population. They came from scholar, gentry and merchant classes. Moreover, a close examination of the personnel of the various Departments, Assemblies and Bureaux l i s t e d i n the K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih (182-208) shows that people serving in the Executive and Fiscal branches also served in the various Hsien Consultative Assemblies which were supposed to check the policies of the various government branches. In fact, the members of the Consultative Assemblies, l i k e the Pao-chang, the Chia-chang, the Chen-chang, the Hsiang-chang, the Ch'u-chang and the Hsien-chang were 58. considered c i v i l servants and not the people's representatives. They had to take an oath of alleg i a n c e to the KMT Party O f f i c e and write reports to t h i s o f f i c e once a month (ibid:130-1). Thus, although i t was true that the Chen-min Ta-hui,. the Hsiang-min Ta-hui and the Ts'un-min Ta-hui chose the Chia-chang, the Pao-chang, the Hsiang-chang and the Chen-chang as well as the members of t h e i r Consultative Assemblies, these Ta-hui had no control over the conduct of t h e i r nominees. The l i n e of authority came from the higher l e v e l of government downwards, not from the people upwards to the government. Moreover, the government o f f i c i a l s / from the Ch'ii l e v e l upwards were not chosen by the Hoi-p'ing natives. The Hsien-chang and the members of the Executive Council were eith e r outsiders sent by Canton or Hoi-p'ing natives appointed by Canton. This meant that the most important a f f a i r s were c o n t r o l l e d by people who very often represented Canton's i n t e r e s t s instead of the i n t e r e s t s of the Hoi-p'ing natives. The KMT Party O f f i c e and the. garrison s o l d i e r s who were independent of the Hsien-chang served as a further c o n t r o l on the a f f a i r s of the Hsien. For t h i s reason, between 1911-31 the l o c a l e l i t e s who became part of the government structure were almost impotent. The Consultative Assemblies, the Hsien Mortgage and Property Tax Bureau, the Sha T'in T i t l e C l a r i f i c a t i o n Committee, the Bureau fo r the Management of Hsien Finance, the Hsien Land Re g i s t r a t i o n O f f i c e were created and dissolved at w i l l . After 1930, the Consultative Assembly members were not any more i n f l u e n t i a l . They were something l i k e the p a r t i c i p a n t s of a bored debating so c i e t y . The members questioned and commented on the govern-ment p o l i c i e s i n a stereotyped manner. They did not even make any resolutions or debate the major issues. Their c h i e f task'was to discuss how to implement the government's decisions - how to f i l l the army quota, how to collect army rations etc. At their best, the Consulta-tive Assemblies served as sounding boards for complaints. For example, in 194-8, when the High School Teachers' Union wanted to ask for more salary, they sent representatives to s i t in the Hsien Consultative Assembly hearings to make their wishes known (Ssu-i Ch'iao-pao October 15, 1948:26). From various evidences in the Ssu-i Ch'iao-pao and from conversa-tions with the informants, i t i s possible to conclude that after 1930, the Hsiang-chang, the Pao-chang, the Chia-chang and the Chen-chang had more power especially with regards to the collection of taxes and the conscription of labourers and soldiers, but they had less prestige in the eyes of the local inhabitants because they were considered to be co-opted by the Hsien government. They were transmitters of orders from the government to the people and not vice-versa. It was the members of the Chen-min Ta-hui, the Hsiang-min Ta-hui and the Ts'.un-min Ta-hui who had more prestige. Although they had less power to influence govern-ment policies, they were at least regarded as potential spokesmen of the average Hoi-p'ing native who had no part to play in the Hsien administrative organs. SECTION II: Education Changes in Hoi-p'ing Education changes in Hoi-p'ing was slow when compared to the pro-gress made in Canton in early years of the Min-kuo period. The f i r s t modern school, the F i r s t Primary School of Hoi-p'ing, was built in Ts'ong-sheng in 1905, after the traditional system of examination was abolished. But partly because of the local disturbances and partly because of the lack of interests among the local people, nothing further 60. was done for more than a decade. It was only u n t i l 1919-20 that the Hsien government declared that the traditional schools were to be replaced by modern primary schools, the curriculum of which had to be in accordance with the Education Department in. Canton. An Education Affairs Committee was then set up in Hoi-p'ing with an aim to encourage the Hoi-p'ing people to build and manage their own private schools. In 1922, in an attempt to co-ordinate the government schools as well as the ^private \ schools in Hoi-p'ing, an Education Department Conference was sponsored by the Hsien govern-ment. A constitution was drawn up governing a l l the schools in Hoi-p'ing. However, because of the p o l i t i c a l struggle between Ch'en Chiung-ming and Sun Yat-sen in Canton, the constitution was declared null and void by Canton (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:139-143)• Finally, in 1931, the Hsien-chang established an organ to co-ordinate the administration of a l l the schools in Hoi-p'ing. In that year, a formal meeting was called in Che-hom. The Education Conference was re-established. It was made up of 250 members who were either Chairman of the Board of Directors or the Principal", of schools in Hoi-p'ing. The head of the Education Department was the Chairman and the Hsien-chang was the President of the Conference (ibid:189,200,207). S t i l l the government did not take an active part in the actual building of the schools. They only acted as co-ordinators who tried to standardize the curriculum. Of a total of 201 schools in Hoi-p'ing, only five were run by the government. A mobile library project was attempted in 1921 but was soon abolished. Local effort was responsible for the remaining 196 schools and the three tsu l i b r a r i e s (one in Hin-kong and two in Che-hom). 61. FIGURE III PRIVATE SCHOOLS IN HOI-P'MNG BY CH'tl (1911-1951) F i r s t Ch'u 8 schools Second " 13 II Third « 27 II Fourth » 37 it F i f t h " 29 it Sixth » 15 it Seventh " 16 n Eighth " 22 n Ninth " 9 it Tenth « 21 •« (K'ai Hsien-chih:67-71) The above table show that the 4th Ch'u had the la r g e s t number of private schools, followed by the5th, the 3rd, the 8th and the 10th Ch ' i i . These, as w i l l be demonstrated i n l a t e r Chapters, were places where lineages were strong, where commercial and i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s were intense and where overseas emigration was heavy. The 1st, 2nd and 6th Ch'ii were r e l a t i v e l y poor a g r i c u l t u r a l l y , commercially and indus-t r i a l l y . Thus, the l i m i t e d number of schools there iwas understandable. Of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t was the case of the 9th Ch ' i i . I t was r i c h a g r i -c u l t u r a l l y and some of the lineages - notably the Cheung - were among the most p r e s t i g e f u l i n Hoi-p'ing i n terms of the number of t r a d i t i o n a l scholars they claimed t h e i r own (see Chapter IV) and yet the whole Ch'u ranked second l a s t i n the number of modern schools b u i l t . C ; The s p e c i a l case of the 9th Ch'ii leads one to conclude that there was a close c o r r e l a t i o n between commercialization, overseas emigration 62. and the willingness and a b i l i t y to take part i n modern education i n Hoi-p'ing. I t was the merchants both overseas and at home who were more enthusiastic than the landowners for t h e i r o f f s p r i n g s to advance through the routes of modern education ei t h e r into the c i v i l service or be l i t e r a t e enough to act as u n o f f i c i a l spokesmen of the Hoi-p'ing people i n order to gain prestige as an adjunct to t h e i r economic success.. In fa c t , the sudden growth of enthusiasm i n the 1920's on the part of the private c i r c l e s to e s t a b l i s h schools and on the part of the government to co-ordinate these schools could have been a r e f l e c t i o n of the growth of trade and commerce i n Hoi-p'ing i n t h i s period and as a consequence to d i s c r i m i n a t i o n suffered by the overseas emigrants i n the Americas. SECTION I I I : Population Growth According to the records i n the K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih (89-90) there were 11,238 t'ing-k'ou i n 1650 i n Hoi-p'ing. In 1660, t h i s number increased to 13,132 t'ing-k'ou. Between 1671 and 1711, when the quota for t ' i n g payment was fi x e d , there were 13,477 t'ing-k'ou. In 1737, when the t'ing payment was o f f i c i a l l y combined with land taxes, there were 13,486 t'ing-k'ou. Between 1737 and 1819, there were no t ' i n g -k'ou records for Hoi-p'ing. Around 1800, the Chia-ching Emperor had t r i e d to u t i l i z e the Pao-chia system fo r the enlistment of population f i g u r e s . I t was obvious that t h i s had not been done i n Hoi-p'ing, for the population record of t h i s Hsien was s t i l l i n terms of t'ing-k'ou i n 1819. It yielded 68,991 t'ing-k'ou units for that year. Population enumeration was not resumed for almost a century. 63. In 1910-11> the Hsuan-t'ung Emperor was t r y i n g to carry out the l o c a l self-government programme and ordered a population census to be taken i n terms of households and mouths (hu-k'ou). This was not c a r r i e d out i n Hoi-p'ing systematically, owing to the resistance of the l o c a l popu-lace (ibid : 8 9 ) . In 1929-30, when Kwangtung was under the control of Ch'en Chi-t'ang, another attempt was made to carry out a,census, with the i n t e n t i o n of re - e s t a b l i s h i n g the Pao-chia system. The census i n Hoi-p'ing showe;da|total of 92,834 households and 478,263 people for the year 1930. The K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih compares t h i s l a s t figure with the o f f i c i a l t'ing-k'ou figures of 1819 and concludes; that the population of Hoi-p'ing had increased about 8 times i n the l a s t 110 years. This comparison i s not warranted. Apart from the problem of evasion i n the census taking process, the units t'ing-k'ou were merely tax units - t'i n g was a labour levy unit and k'ou was a sa l t - g a b e l l e assessment u n i t . Not only was the quota of t'ing f i x e d since 1711, but i t had also been combined with land tax assessments since 1737. For these reasons, the 1819 figures was far from r e f l e c t i n g the actual population s t a t i s t i c s of Hoi-p'ing at that time. Even the K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih admits that the population s t a t i s t i c s during the Ch'ing dynasty and the ea r l y Min-kuo period were mostly under-estimations ( i b i d . ) . Thus, although i t i s obvious that there was an increase i n the population of Hoi-p'ing between 1819 and 1930, i t .'is;, d i f f i c u l t to estimate, the exact rate of increase, l e t alone the f l u c t u a t i o n s of population growth within these 110 years. The census r e s u l t s released by the Kwangtung P r o v i n c i a l Government i n 1934 l i s t e d the population of Hoi-p'ing as 74,433 households and 442,892 people, with a population density of 378 per square mile (Kanton Shi:11). This was not too d i f f e r e n t from the1930 figure of 64. 478,263. It i s reasonable to assume that the figures of 1934 was a more accurate figure than any of the previous population s t a t i s t i c s . This was a period of relative peace and prosperity in Hoi-p'ing. There were less disturbances in public order and government authorities had extended to the Hsiang level through i t s more efficient Police system and Pao-chia system. From the same census material, one can compare the population den-sity of Hoi-p'ing with the rest of Kwangtung. The s t a t i s t i c s show that in Kwangtung, only Shun-tak, Tang-hoi, Ch'iu-yeung, Naam-hoi, Ch'iu-on Tung-koon, P'oon-ue, Ts'ong-sheng, P'o-ning, Chung-shaan and San-ooi had a population density greater than that of Hoi-p'ing (ibid:11-13)• When one compares the productivity of these Hsien in the Pearl River Delta and the Han River Delta of Kwangtung with that of Hoi-p'ing which was 70^ barren (K'al-p'ing Hsien-chih:56-61), one can put into perspective the tremendous land pressure ratio i n this Hsien. The density of popu-lation of Hoi-p'ing was a l l the more apparent when one compares this figure of 378 people per square mile with the population density of the more f e r t i l e area of Western Kwangtung and Lui-chau Peninsula, none of which had a population density of more than 200 people per square mile (Kanton Shi:11-13). It was the pressure of population upon limited agricultural land which led to the migration of the rural poor in Hoi-p'ing to work in towns and overseas. According to the 1930 census, there were about 24,266 people in the 35 market towns of Hoi-p'ing (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih: 89-90) which was about 5% of the population; and according to the figures given by Feng Ho-fa (772-3), in Hoi-p'ing, every 1 in 10 was an overseas emigrant. 65. SECTION IV: Economic Changes A. The Importance of the T'aam River in the'A'Economy of Hoi-p'ing Kwangtung west and northwest of Sz-Yap i s mountainous but the southwest coast and the Lui-chau Pensinsula i s f l a t and f e r t i l e . Both areas were less densely populated than the Canton Delta and the Sz-Yap area, judging from the 1934 population figures. They produced a number of cash crops as well as staple crops for the Canton Delta and the Sz-yap. The Sz-yap and the Canton Delta were both rice deficient areas, the former because the s o i l was i n f e r t i l e , the latter because of the con-centration of cash crops. Rice had to be imported into these areas from Thailand. After 1930, when the Chinese government had regained i t s t a r i f f autonomy, imported rice became very expensive. In times of disruption of communication lines (such as during and after the Second World War) rice and mixed cereal grown in the Lui-chau Peninsula and the rest of Western Kwangtung became very important sources of food supply to the dense population in the Canton delta. During the Ch'en Chi-t'ang administration of Western Kwangtung, the irrigation system of Lui-chau was improved and this increased the production of rice and mixed cereals extensively (Negishi Benji:l60). Peanuts for the production of peanut o i l (for cooking and fuel) and peanut cakes (as f e r t i l i z e r s ) were also grown in the coarse s o i l of Western Kwangtung while the coast from T'oi-shaan to the Lui-chau Peninsula was one of the World's largest fishing ground. So fish was exported from this area of Kwangtung in addition to salt (Liang 78-9; Ogawa Hira Kichi:594-601). Western Kwangtung, because of i t s topography was well suited for the raising of livestocks. Its pasture land supplied the densely P R O D U C T S O F W E S T E R N K W A N Q T U N q -/ / \ \ J \ ^ v ••• \ . I i ) fa Hsien • \ F I 5 H FISH i T K o F i C A L - P R U I T 5 —- Hsigfs BouNjpA^y ——• 9'RJOVIHUM 6<suNPA y^ 5 u e r A E . @ Mixep Cecals 67. populated area of the Sz-yap and the Canton Delta with mutton, beef, pork and chicken. Of a l l the meat producing centres in this area, Yeung-kong was the most important producer of pork while Lim-kong and Lim-chau were the most important producers of beef and raw hide (Ogawa Hira-kichi :303) . In Sui-k'ai, a group of returned emigrants from America had founded the P'o-shaang Company in 1929 and ran an extensive pasture land for raising livestock. This group also experimented on cash crops such as sugar cane and hemp (ibid:605-7, 611-2). Of these two crops, hemp was grown extensively in Western Kwangtung even before the establishment of the P'o-shaang Company. The making of hemp cloth, grass sacks and grass mats commanded a wide market in Hong Kong and Macau from the Ch'ing Dynasty onwards (ibid:845,858-9). However, the production of sugar cane in Western Kwangtung and the Lui-chau Peninsula was a relatively late development. It flourished in the beginning of the 20th Century owing to the investment of the hua-ch'iao from Southeast Asia and the investment of the P'o-shaang Company during the period of Ch'en Chi-t'ang's administration in Western Kwangtung. The sugar processing plants established in 1932 in Tung-koon, Shun-tak and Canton as well as the T'aai-koo Sugar Refinery, established by the British in Hong Kong, processed sugar grown in this area besides other sources of supply. Ch'en Chi-t'ang also developed the growth of tropical fruits in the Lui-chau Pensinsula. A Tropical Plant Experimental Station was established in Ts'ui-man in 1928 to improve the quality of tropical f r u i t s . Coconuts from this area as well as i t s byproducts (used for f e r t i l i z e r s and animal feed) were sold in Kongmoon, Macau and Hong Kong (Ogawa Hira Kichi :293; Negishi Benji:178ff , 385-6). 68. O t h e r cash c r o p s such as t o b a c c o and t e a were a l s o m ajor e x p o r t s from t h e Sz-yap - Hokshaan a r e a a s w e l l as o t h e r p a r t s o f Western Kwangtung. Tobacco was e s p e c i a l l y i n g r e a t demand because o f t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the B r i t i s h A m e r i c a Tobacco Company and the Nanyang B r o t h e r s Tobacco Company i n Canton and Hong Kong ( N g g i s h i B e n j i : 7 3 _ / t ) • As can be seen from the above, the L u i - c h a u P e n i n s u l a and the c o a s t s and r i v e r banks o f Western Kwangtung were o f v i t a l i m p o r t a n c e t o the economy o f Kwangtung i n g e n e r a l and t o the Canton r e g i o n i n p a r t i -c u l a r . Yet much o f t h i s p a r t o f Kwangtung were n o t opened up u n t i l t h e e a r l y 2 0 t h C e n t u r y . The C h ' i n g emperors, f o r example, i n t h e i r e d i c t s b r o u g h t a t t e n t i o n t o t h e under-development o f t h e L u i - c h a u P e n i n s u l a a s compared t o the o v e r development o f the Canton D e l t a a r e a ( L i a n g : 2 1 -2 4 ) . A f t e r t he P u n t i / H a k k a War i n t h e Sz-yap a r e a i n 1863, the Hakka were e x i l e d t o S o u t h w e s t e r n Kwangtung and the L u i - c h a u P e n i n s u l a p r e c i s e l y because t h i s a r e a was b a r r e n ( H o : l 6 6 ) . I n f a c t , t h e p o t e n -t i a l i t i e s o f Western Kwangtung was n o t r e a l i z e d u n t i l t h e r e f o r m i n g z e a l o f Ch'en C h i - t ' a n g was b r o u g h t i n t o a c t i o n i n the l a t e 1920's. The r e a s o n f o r the l a t e development was g e o g r a p h i c a l . S o u t h w e s t e r n Kwangtung and t h e L u i - c h a u P e n i n s u l a were c u t o f f from t h e r e s t o f Kwangtung by t h e d i f f i c u l t t o p o g r a p h y . W h i l e t h e P e a r l R i v e r w i t h i t s t r i b u t a r i e s such a s the N o r t h R i v e r , West R i v e r and the E a s t R i v e r formed a network o f n a v i g a b l e w a t e r s , t h e r e was no such river syst i n Western Kwangtung. The r i v e r s were s h o r t , each e n t e r i n g the sea s e p a r a t e l y . Land t r a n s p o r t a t i o n was d i f f i c u l t t h r o u g h narrow m o u n t a i n p a s s e s ( L i a n g : 7 5 ; Ogawa H i r a - k i c h i : 3 0 4 ) . There were o n l y t h r e e r e l a t i v e l y n a v i g a b l e r i v e r s i n Western Kwangtung v i z . t h e L i m R i v e r , the Yeung R i v e r and the T'aam R i v e r . T R A D E R O U T E S O F W E S T E R N K W A N G T U N G 1 9 3 9 70. Of these, the T'aam River was the most important i n terms of commercial value because i t li n k e d Western Kwangtung with the Canton Delta, Macau and Hong Kong. The T'aam River flows from Yan-p'ing to San-ooi, entering the sea at Kongmoon with important branches flowing from Hok-shaan and T ' o i -shaan. From Yan-p'ing to Saam-fau ( c o l l e c t i v e term for Cheung-sha, San-ch'eung and Tik-hoi) small boats could pass by, from Saam-fau to Kongmoon,' tug-boats and steamers could pass through. Because of i t s n a v i g a b i l i t y , the ports on the banks of the lower T'aam River were important trading and processing centres. . Kongmoon became a port i n 1904 because i t was the junction of the T'aam River and the West River. Goods from Mau-meng such as / pineapples, bananas, sugar cane and f i s h were transported by land through Yeung-ch'un, Yeung-kong to Yan-p'ing and then by the T'aam River to be d i s t r i b u t e d a l l over Western Kwangtung (Ssu-i Ch'iao-pao Dec. 1947:45, Oct. 1948:19, Ogawa H i r a - k i c h i 454-5, 89). In the 1920's, the importance of Kongmoon was enhanced because of the improvement of Western Kwangtung 1s road system which ran from Canton to Kwong-chau Waan and because of the b u i l d i n g of the Canton-Hankow Railway. Imports such as dried f r u i t s , groceries, r i c e , vegetables, and timber from Hong Kong and Canton were stored i n godowns at Kongmoon to be transported up the T'aam River into Western Kwangtung. On the other hand, products from Western Kwangtung were gathered at Kongmoon (a) to be exported to Canton, Hong Kong, Macau and overseas or (b) to be transported up the West River or by the Canton-Hankow Railway to Kwangsi, Kiangsi and Hunan (Liang:63; 80-1) . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that most of the people of Hoi-p'ing l i v e d i n the middle and lower courses.of the T'aam River. This was p a r t l y . 7 1 . because 70% of the land of Hoi-p'ing was mountainous and barren. Only 30% of i t s land was suitable for a g r i c u l t u r e and the best land was on both sides of the T'aam River and-its t r i b u t a r i e s . Ts'ong-sheng and Cheung-sha-t'ong were famous for -vegetables, bamboos and sweet potatoes. The Ma-kong - Cheung-k'iu area was famous for i t s l i c h e e s ; Hin-kong for i t s peanuts; Poh-lo.h^ for i t s melons; Lau-kong for i t s loh-paak and : :nim tsz 1' (which were exported to Hong Kong, Canton and Macau). The Sha-kong area was noted f o r vegetables, sugar cane and, above a l l , i t s g a r l i c which were exported a l l over Southeast A s i a . The Shui-hau, Lai-tung, P'oon-ts'uen, Taai-kong, Loh-ts'uen, Kam-ts'uen and Shui-tseng areaafwere famous for vegetables and commercial crops such as tea and tobacco (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:56-61) . More importantly, the banks of the. T'aam River were s i t e s of much of the commercial a c t i v i t i e s and processing i n d u s t r i e s i n Hoi-p'ing. Iron and l i v e s t o c k s were transported from Sahr'hing and Yeung-kong through the T'aam River; hemp transported from Lui-chau; tobacco from Hok-shaan; foreign goods such as r i c e , cotton, yarn and kerosene were sent up from Kongmoon. A l l these allowed for much of the processing a c t i v i t i e s along the middle and lower courses of the T'aam River. For example, cows from San-hing were the source of raw materials f o r the leather goods industry i n Shui-hau, the products of which were exported to Hong Kong and Canton through Kongmoon. Iron stoves and iro n farm equipment were made at Cheung-sha and Kam-shaan r e l y i n g on iro n from San-hing and Yeung-kong. Palms fo r San-ooi's famous fan-making industry came from Lui-chau and so did the hemp clo t h weaving industry at Poh-loh, Mok-yeung Heung and San-ooi. Bamboo was exported from Ma-kong to Shui-hau and Sha-kong where bamboo u t e n s i l s were made. Imported cotton yarns which came from Hong Kong through Kongmoon, supplied the looms 72 r P R O D U C E S O F H O ! - P I M G I Zod cw s \ V£et£TA_-Le5 A II / i / / \ 6^ 1 , IKU \ I O -T£A 001 \ / LoH 7/ f ,.i-L Cite' \ h u 7 ft, s AW / — — —-CVLi gouNPAEy a M A K K _ T T<?WN 73. along the T'aam River. Peanuts grown i n Hin-kong were used for the extraction of peanut o i l for cooking and f u e l . Much of the tea and tobacco leaves were processed i n the market towns along the T'aam River, depending on the tea and tobacco grown on the Hoi-p'ing - Hok-shaan border. (Ogawa Hira-kichi:591-2; Hsin-hui Hsien-chih:64; K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih :61 -4 ) • B. Economic Problems i n Hoi-p'ing a f t e r 1911 From the above, i t i s obvious that the T'aam River was the l i f e -blood of Hoi-p'ing. However, since 1900, the natives of Hoi-p'ing had to combat with the problem of the recession of the T'aam River. In the early 20th Century, t h i s r i v e r had become s i l t e d from Kau-p'ei-ch'ung to the Hin-kong - Che-hom area. The r i v e r bed became more shallow as years passed by so much so that i n the 1940's parts of the T'aam River at Che-hom had become so shallow that one^ could wade across. Boats could come down the r i v e r e a s i l y but they had d i f f i c u l t y going up because the r i v e r t i d e no longer came up as f a r as Che-hom (Per. Com.). Because of t h i s , the peanut production of Hin-kong and the g a r l i c production of Sha-kong as well as the oyster culture a c t i v i -t i e s of the T'oi-fuk area declined. Many i r r i g a t i o n channels were no 2 longer functioning. Adding to the transportation and a g r i c u l t u r a l problems created by the recession of the T'aam River was the breakdown of c i v i l order a f t e r 1911 a l l over. Western Kwangtung, as a r e s u l t of the p o l i t i c a l struggle i n Canton, For example, i n 1911, the number of s a i l i n g vessels at Kongmoon diminished by h a l f because of lawlessness a r i s i n g from p o l i -t i c a l turmoil. In 1912-13 disbanded troops f l e d from Canton, took t h e i r arms with them and e i t h e r joined the p i r a t e s c r sold arms to them causing further lawlessness. (Kongmoon Trade Report 1911, 1913). The bandits 74-and the p i r a t e s a l l over Western Kwangtung used t h i s chance.to disturb the s o c i a l order even further. The force of various Warlords i n Canton were not able to restore order i n the d e l t a areas not to mention the mountainous border areas of Western Kwangtung with t h e i r f o r e s t s and i n t r i c a t e mountain passes. As a r e s u l t , the t r a d i t i o n a l land routes from the Lui-chau Peninsula to the head of the T'aam River were discontinued (Ogawa H i r a - k i c h i : 6 4 » 454-5, Kongmoon Trade Report:1911-16). P a r t l y because of the breakdown of c i v i l order and p a r t l y because of the replacement of s a i l boats by steamboats, communication by sea had improved i n Western Kwangtung. Several sea-ports were opened i n the 1920's. Shui-tung, for example, became an important seaport of Tin-paak in the f i r s t decade of the 20th Century. It had not been a very good port because the: water was shallow and the t i d a l waves changed too quick-l y . By 1910, however, the<harbour was improved and i t became a port of c a l l for Canton and the coastal areas of Western Kwangtung. From then on the export of pigs and poultry (from Kongmoon) had almost disappeared because of the d i r e c t coastal trade between Shui-tung, Yeung-kong and Canton. Yeung-kong which used to procure i t s supplies from Kongmoon, now mostly obtained them d i r e c t l y from Hong Kong and Macau by steam-towed junks (Kongmoon Trade Report 1917). Mooi-luk was the commercial centre of Ng Ch'uen and Mau-meng. I t had a better harbour end was even more busy than Shui-tung '(Ogawa Hira-kichi:6 0 7 - 9 , 622-4, 1183). Kwong-chau Waan was.opened i n 1898 but i t was not important u n t i l 1930 when i t became the terminal of the road system running from Canton. Kwong-chau Waan had one of the best harbours i n Western Kwangtung, serving the Hoi-naam Island, Yam-chau, Lim-chau and the whole of the Lui-chau Peninsula. It exported pigs, hemp-cloth, mixed cereals, pine-apples, sugar and leather as well as t e x t i l e s , kerosene and foreign 75. groceries (Liang :48-51, 80-82). The opening of Mooi-luk, Shui-tung and Kwong-chau Waan af f e c t e d trade along the T'aam River adversely. Raw materials from the Lui-chau Peninsula and other parts of Western Kwangtung bypassed the T'aam River altogether. i C. Steps to Improve Commercial A c t i v i t i e s i n Hoi-p'ing To combat the decline of trade along the T'aam River, Hoi-p'ing merchants and government a u t h o r i t i e s co-operated i n various p r o j e c t s . The f i r s t was the improvement of r i v e r transportation. Cheung-sha's f e r r i e s were improved i n 1885—1896 while Che-hom's f e r r i e s were improved around 1913* Shallow-bottom steamboats and tugboats were introduced i n a d d i t i o n to the t r a d i t i o n a l s a i l i n g junks as a means of transportation between Hin-kong, San-ch'eung, Kung-yik and Shui-hau (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih 82,84). But apparently, these did not help r i v e r transportation i n the upper course of the T'aam River. The second step was the p a c i f i c a t i o n of l o c a l disturbances i n 1928-30 a l l over Western Kwangtung. This w i l l be discussed i n greater d e t a i l i n the next chapter. I t i s s u f f i c i e n t to say here that t h i s was successful owing to the co-operation of the l o c a l gentry, the merchant bodies and the overseas emigrants centred i n Hong Kong with the.Hsien Government. The t h i r d step was the b u i l d i n g of roads. As early as 1912, Lung Chi-chaak, the Hsien-chang, went to Hong Kong to discuss with the hua-ch'iao plans f o r the improvement of the roads i n order to f a c i l i t a t e p o l ice action against the bandits. But i t was only i n 1923 that a Public Road Bureau was established i n Ts'ong-sheng. Every Ch'u was to be responsible for the b u i l d i n g of roads. But even then only h a l f -hearted attempts were made. In 1924, only one road, from Ts'ong-sheng i i 76. to Ma-shaan, was b u i l t . I t was not u n t i l 1926, when Kwaan T'ing-taat, a Hoi-p'ing native, became the d i r e c t o r of the Public Works Department and Ng Lo-in, another Hoi-p'ing native, was nominated Hsien-chang that a plan was drawn up f o r the systematic b u i l d i n g of raods i n Hoi-p'ing. O f f i c i a l l y , the Hsien-chang asked the various Hsiang Kung-so to be j o i n t l y or separately responsible for organizing the b u i l d i n g of new roads and the modernizing of old roads. However, i n r e a l i t y , i n Hoi-p'ing as i n other parts of Kwangtung, road b u i l d i n g was financed neither by the proceeds of corporate land nor by c o l l e c t i o n s from i n d i v i d u a l Hsiang members but by the Bus Companies (formed 1928-30) - a j o i n t project of the l o c a l gentry, businessmen and the hua-ch'iao. Between 1928-31, 22 newroads were b u i l t i n Hoi-p'ing. Nine Bus Companies v i z . Po-shuk Bus Company, P'ing-p'ing Bus Company, Tung-kaau-lung Bus Company, Che-kau Bus Company, T'oh-fuk Bus Company, T s ' a i -hin-t'ung Bus Company, Che-paak Bus Company, Sha-im-paak Bus Company and Lau-sha Bus Company were founded. These bus companies were also responsible f o r the bu i l d i n g of cement bridges and the r e p a i r i n g of old bridges i n the areas of t h e i r management to f a c i l i t a t e public trans-portation (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:77-8, 206). Between 1911-1931, many old markets were modernized and new ones founded as a r e s u l t of co-operation between overseas and l o c a l Hoi-p'ing merchants. Of a t o t a l of 52 markets i n Hoi-p'ing a f t e r 1930, 13 were b u i l t a f t e r 1911. These new markets were: Kung-woh Market (1914), Chan-hing Market (1926) and Kurig-on Market (1927) of the Second Ch'u; Shui-pin Market (1927) and Shing-p'ing Market (1931) of the Third Ch'u; K'ei-shaan-hoi Market (1902) and Taai-t'ung Market (1923) of the f i f t h Ch'u; Siu-hoi Market (1931) of the Seventh Ch'u; Luk-on Market (1928) 77. of the Ninth Ch'u; I-ts'at Market (1911)i Hoi-moon Market (193D and San-k'iu Market (1908) of the Tenth Ch'u (ib i d . 86-88). Of the old markets, Lung-shing, Che-hom, Maau-kong, Lau-kong, Cheung-sha and Shui-hau were modernized between 1927-31. Streets were widened and many new buildings were erected. Public u t i l i t i e s were introduced. For example, around 1929, telephones were f i r s t intro-duced i n Che-hom, then in Cheung-sha and Shui-hau. In 1921 electric lighting came f i r s t to Cheung-sha and then spread to other market towns of Hoi-p'ing. DISCUSSION Skinner (1965 Part 11:8,15) asserts that there are two ways in which market towns develop : they either undergo traditional changes or modern changes. According to him, traditional changes involve a process of addition of new markets near the rim of the old market. Because of these new markets, the size of the marketing area of the old market becomes smaller through the loss of some of i t s customers to the new markets. Modern changes, on the other hand, involve a steady increase i n the size of marketing areas as some of the old markets die. Secondly, Skinner believes that as old markets become modernized, they w i l l become continuous instead of periodic. In other words, most of the establishments in the markets which have undergone modern changes would be permanent instead of temporary. These markets would be opened every day. Thirdly, he asserts that these modern changes w i l l only take place when markets are linked by steamers, railways and improved roads to centres of industrial production (see also Feuerwerker:2; Masui Tsuneo:277-9, 282-3). 78. The development i n Hoi-p'ing outlined above, I think, e x h i b i t s both t r a d i t i o n a l and modern changes as described by Skinner. Kongmoon became a treaty port i n 1897-(The China-Burma Treaty). It was a d i s t r i b u t i o n centre for mulberries, vegetables, eggs, f r u i t s , tobacco, tea,mats and pigs as well as imports such as cotton goods, ci g a r e t t e s , kerosene and r i c e . With the completion of the Sunning Railway i n 1913 and the b u i l d i n g of modern roads i n the 1920's and 1930's, Western Kwangtung was l i n k e d with Kongmoon. By 1930, Kongmoon had become a booming c i t y of 80,000 people, with modernized i n d u s t r i e s such as paper m i l l s , mat and match f a c t o r i e s , cement works, tobacco and tea processing plants (Minami Shina Soran:893; Kanton Shi:388). In Hoi-p'ing, the development of Kongmoon affected,the lower course of the T'aam River. From Kau-p 1ei-ch'ung to Shui-hau, many of the market tov/ns such as. Taai-t'ung, K'ei-shaan-hoi, Shing-p'ing, Sh :iu-hoi, Luk-on and Hoi-moon were b u i l t while old ones such as P'ing-sam, Sha-waan and Koo-chau died (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:86-88). The upper course of the T'aam River and the r e s t of Hoi-p'ing had not yet been aff e c t e d by changes i n communication enough to produce a modern change. New markets such as Kung-woh, Chan-hing, Kung-on and I-ts'at were b u i l t on the edges of the old ones and no market died. However, even the lower courses of the T'aam River had not completed the cycle of modern changes i n the 1930's as postulated by Skinner. These were s t i l l p eriodic markets rather.than continuous ones. Nonethele i the volume of trade i n Hoi-p'ing had increased since the r e s t o r a t i o n of peace and order i n the countryside, the improvement of communication and the municipal construction projects of the new and t r a d i t i o n a l market-towns. 79. Through years of co-operation to combat the economic problems of Hoi-p'ing and to re^open the trade of Western Kwangtung, the overseas and local merchants had developed a strong class consciousness and.a willingness to co-operate with any government which guaranteed peace and order which they had contributed so much since 1911. On the other hand, through the increased participation of the merchants in the various government and semi-government organizations as well as in the building of roads in the 1920 's, they gained a louder voice in the administrative a f f a i r s of Hoi-p'ing. They would protest i f certain government policies were detrimental to their economic interests or i f government soldiers and police disturbed commercial establishments in the market towns. It i s the purpose of the rest of this thesis to discuss whether this growth of class consciousness had led to changes in the social organization of Hoi-p'ing. NOTES: Chapter III 1. "Personal Communication" means that the information cited has been obtained by talking with informants. In the rest of the thesis, "Personal Communication" w i l l be abbreviated as Per.Com. 2. The recession of the T'aam River could have been one of the causes of a series of feuds between lineages of Hoi-p'ing around 1900-24, as w i l l be outlined in Chapter IV of this thesis. 81. CHAPTER IV THE SUBADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM IN HOI-P'ING It i s the purpose of t h i s Chapter.to give an account of how the l o c a l people organized themselves within the administrative framework described i n Ch a p t e r . I l l i n order to bring into c l o s e r focus the s o c i a l organization of the Kwaan i n Hoi-p'ing. SECTION I: Lineages as a Form of S o c i a l Organization As described i n the l a s t Chapter, l i k e the rest of China, the power of the Magistrate i n Hoi-p'ing during the Ch'ing Dynasty did not extend any further than the jHsien seat. Other o f f i c i a l s such as the Assistant Magistrates, the Education O f f i c e r s , the Postmaster£ r ' ] the J a i l Warden and the S u b - d i s t r i c t O f f i c e r s were a l l of non-Hoi-p'ing o r i g i n . (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:209-215). They did not represent l o c a l i n t e r e s t s . Moreover, at no time were there more than 500 s o l d i e r s stationed i n Hoi-p'ing between 1644 and 1911. There were about 300 s o l d i e r s during the Shun-chih period (1644-1662), 164 s o l d i e r s during the Kang-hsi period (1662-1721); 350 s o l d i e r s during the Chia-Ch'ing period (1794-1819) and 420 s o l d i e r s during the Kuang-hsu period (1874-1908). These s o l d i e r s spread over 21 s t r a t e g i c areas i n the Hok-shaan, San-hing and Yan-p'ing borders of Hoi-p'ing. At no place were there more than 30 s o l d i e r s . The T'aam River banks were protected by only three p o l i c e ships. In 1898, the number of s o l d i e r s i n Hoi-p'ing were d r a s t i c a l l y reduced by 70% because money was needed to t r a i n the New Army as part of the modernization e f f o r t s of the Hundred Days Reform (ibid.143-5) . The administrative structure of Hoi-p'ing a f t e r the f a l l of the .Ch'ing Dynasty was unstable. The administrative system changed quickly and unpredictably. The governing personnel changed as fortunes of 82. Warlords i n Canton rose and f e l l . From 1911 to 1931, f o r instance, there were as many as 40 Hsiang-chang, averaging a term of s i x months each. The Hsien Consultative Assembly was c a l l e d i n 1913 but dissolved i n 1914; a second was formed i n 1921 and dissolved i n the same year; a t h i r d one was c a l l e d i n 1928 but dissolved i n 1929. The Bureau for Management of Hsien Finance was created i n June 1930 but abolished i n September 1930. The Land Registration O f f i c e was founded i n March 1931 but dissolved i n June 1931. In addi t i o n , during t h i s period, with the c i v i l war going on, Canton did not have enough manpower to defend Hoi-p'ing' s unruly countryside. An army would move i n occasionally upon l o c a l request to suppress a group of bandits and then move away as soon as that p a r t i c u l a r incident was over. Because of the i n a b i l i t y of the Ch'ing and the early Min-kuo administration to govern and to defend the people of Hoi-p'ing the various lineages remained the e f f e c t i v e organ of s o c i a l control beyond i tji'e Hsien seat. The lineages were so strong that lineage land amounted to about40% of the t o t a l landholding of Hoi-p'ing i n 1934 (Chen Han-seng: 33-3). The powerful lineages i n Hoi-p'ing did not concentrate i n the Ts'ong-sheng area which had been the c a p i t a l of Hoi-p'ing since the Hsien was founded. The reason was probably that i n 1630, Ts'ong-sheng was founded for the purpose of defending the countryside north and west of San-ooi. The s i t e was not chosen for i t s economic importance. It was because of t h i s h i s t o r i c a l incident that the economic apex ( i n Che-hom, Cheung-sha and Shui-hau) did not co-incide with the admini-s t r a t i v e apex at Ts'ong-sheng. The gentry members of various lineages did not stay i n Ts'ong-sheng i t s e l f and only went there infrequently to discuss important ^matters with the. o f f i c i a l s . 83. The most prominent lineages had t h e i r headquarters i n areas along the lower and middle courses of the T'aam River, the southern parts of the 3rd Ch'u and the whole of the 4th, 5th, 8th, 9th and 10th Ch'u (see Appendix I I ) . Informants were unable to rank the various surnames1 i n terms of t h e i r numerical strength although some of them were sure that the Cheung was the most numerous. But" they could rank the surnames i n terms of s c h o l a r l y prestige. The reason;for t h i s could be that s c h o l a r - o f f i c i a l s , e s p e c i a l l y holders of Chin-shih and Ch*u-jen degrees and r e t i r e d o f f i c i a l s , were considered equals of the Magistrates. They often had t i e s with higher o f f i c i a l s both i n Central and P r o v i n c i a l government. They were the only group which could l e g i t i m a t e l y represent the l o c a l community in d i s -2 cussing l o c a l a f f a i r s with the Magistrates . (Chu: 168-9; Makin'o Tatsumi:89-90, 104). During the Min-kuo period, education was s t i l l regarded as an important index of p r e s t i g e . Those with good education were among the p o t e n t i a l leaders of Hoi-p'ing. As described i n Chapter I I , the c i v i l , service examination took as candidates the high school ;, u n i v e r s i t y and post-secondary collegers/graduates. For these reasons, I have chosen to rank the surnames of Hoi-p'ing i n terms of. the number of scholars each claimed i t s own, both i n the Ch'ing and the Min-kuo period. As the surnames of Hoi-p'ing with s c h o l a r l y t i t l e s were numerous, I have chosen to present here the 1st ten surnames i n each of the scholarship l i s t s : -84. FIGURE IV • Number of Regular Scholars i n Hoi-p'ing (1644-1911) ( i n c l u d i n g Chin-shin, Ch'u-.ien and Kung-sheng) Surname Total No. of T i t l e d Scholars Cheung 128 (from Cheung-kiu and Sha-kong) Sz-t'o 65 (from Kaau-t'ai) Kwaan 60 (from T'oh-fuk) T'aam 3 5 (from To-tang and Cheung-sha) Chau 27 (from Poh-loh, Maau-kong, Hin-kong, Lei-ts'uen) Lo 26 (from Cheung-sha-t'ong) Leung 26 (from Cheung-sha) Kw'ong 2 6 (from P'oon-ts'uen) Hoh 2 4 (from Lung-t'ong) Ue 20. (from P'oon-ts'uen) (Source: K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih, v o l . 2 5 - 2 6 ) . FIGURE V Number of Irregular Scholars (1644-1911) (li-kung-sheng)  Surname T o t a l No. of Degrees Bought Kwaan 8 7 Cheung 7 3 T'aam 71 5 '. z-t'o 5 0 Chau 3 7 Tse 2 4 (T'aam-pin-uen) Tang 2 3 (Oo-lung) L e i 19 Hoh , . 18 Wong 17 (Source: K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih, V o l . 2 5 ) 85. FIGURE VI Modern Graduates (1911-1931) (University and post-secondary college graduates) Surname No. of Graduates Sz-t'o 74 Kwaan 70 Chau • 62. Cheung 58 T'aam 41 Mg 33 (Lau-kong) Oo 31 (Ue-leung) Wong 27 Tse 26 L e i 17 (Source: K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih, V o l . 27). A close look at the geographical d i s t r i b u t i o n of the various surname groups i n Appendix II and at Figures IV, V, VI above shows one i n t e r e s t i n g f a c t : most modern graduates and l i - k u n g -sheng came from lineages with t h e i r headquarters i n the more commercial area of Hoi-p'ing. On the other hand, there was a close r e l a t i o n s h i p between regular scholars and areas which were a g r i c u l t u r a l l y r i c h . Figures IV to VI also show that the f i v e most prominent surnames of Hoi-p'ing i n terms of s c h o l a r l y prestige were the Sz-t'o, the Kwaan, the Cheung, the T'aam and the Chau while the Ng and the Oo only became prominent i n the Min-kuo period. One possible reason i s that members of the Oo and the Ng had become r i c h through emigration. Emigrants, as we s h a l l see i n Chapter- XI of t h i s t h e s i s , were noted for sending money home for putting t h e i r c hildren through higher 86. education. SECTION I I : Inter-lineage R i v a l r i e s There had been a long h i s t o r y of serious lineage feuds i n Hoi-p'ing and the re s t of Sz-yap but the period a f t e r 1930 was marked by an absence of large-scale feuds, as Ch'en Chi-t'ang and l a t e r Chiang Kai-shek's representatives at Canton c o n t r o l l e d the countryside through a w e l l -established and c e n t r a l i z e d p o l i c e force. I t was only a f t e r 1946, when the s o c i a l order returned to chaos that lineages i n the countryside started feuding again on a large sc a l e . For example, the Ssu-i Ch'iao-pao recorded at l e a s t 11 feuds of large magnitude during 1946-49 i n T'oi-shaan and San-ooi. One possible explanation i s that since World War I I , many merchants from Kongmoon i l l e g a l l y bought guns and ammunition and sold them to the contending lineages i n Sz-yap to fetch a good price (Ssu-i Ch'iao-pao Oct. 1949:55)* Below i s a l i s t of the feuds recorded by the Hsien-chih (170, 177, 190, 197, 261-2) and by the Ssu-i Ch'iao-pao (1946-49):-1815-6': The Kwaan and the Sz-t'o struggled for the control of Che-hom; the Leung and the T'aam struggled for control of the Cheungsha Market. 1830: The T'aam and the Ng feuded for the control of a p i e r at Hoi-sam, the Magistrate of Hoi-p'ing asked a l o c a l chin-shih to mediate. The case was decided i n favour of the T'aam. 1845: The Kwaan and the Sz-t'o feuded again for the control of Che-hom. The Magistrate had to draw a l i n e of demarcation to divide Che-hom into two: Upper Che-hom f o r the Kwaan and Lower Che-hom for the Sz-t'o. 1846: The Leung and the T'aam feuded again at Cheung-sha. The Magistrate forced them to make peace and the Luk-po Shue-uen 87. (study h a l l ) was b u i l t to deal with a f f a i r s between lineages at Cheung-sha. 1849: In Sha-kong, people belonging to two fang.of the Cheung lineage struggled for water r i g h t s . The Magistrates of Hoi-p'ing asked them to b u i l d a dam together and share the water r i g h t s . 1896: In Sheng-tung Heung of the 1st Ch'u, the Lo and the Yeung feuded for more than 10 years. The Yeung turned r e b e l l i o u s and even fought the o f f i c i a l s who t r i e d to mediate. The Magistrates once again had to ask a body of l o c a l gentry from neutral lineages to mediate. 1900: The Fong and the T'aam struggled for water r i g h t s at Tung-shaan. They were asked by the Magistrate to b u i l d a dam to share the water. 1902: The Chan and the Tse of the f i r s t Ch'u struggled for water r i g h t s at T'aam-pik. The Magistrate ordered them to b u i l d a dam to share the water. 1924: The Ue and the Leung struggled for water r i g h t s at Waang-shek Heung of the 10th Ch'u. The Hsien-chang had to set up a committee of gentry members at Shui-hau to s e t t l e the matter. 1924: The Fong and the T'aam at Che-shui struggled for water r i g h t s . The Hsien-chang asked the gentry members of both sides to draw up a truce. 1928: At the 7th Ch'u, the Ue and the T'aam' feuded for the control of a f e r r y . Government troops moved i n to suppress and n a t i o n a l i z e the f e r r y . 1929: The Chue lineage of Yeung-lo Heung quarrelled with the lineages at Paak-sha (T'oi-shaan) for the control of a f e r r y . The Hsien-chang ordered the lineages to share the f e r r y and b u i l d a i-yuan 88. ( c l i n i c ) as headquarters to mediate a f f a i r s between lineages i n these areas. 1947: The T'aam quarrelled with the Kw'ong at P'oon-ts'uen of the 10th Ch'u because the T'aam had damaged some of the crops of the Kw'ong's on t h e i r way to perform r i t e s at t h e i r ancestral graves. The incident involved the T'aam of Hoi-p'ing, T'oi-shaan, San-ooi, Yan-p'ing, Ko-ming and Ko-iu. DISCUSSION Inter-lineage feuds were a common occurence i n South China (Hsiao: 361-70, 4 2 0 - 5 , 4 3 2 - 3 ; Liu : 3 8 - 4 4 ; Lamley:1-8)^. This i s not s u r p r i s i n g , considering the l a i s s e z f a i r e p o l i c y of. the t r a d i t i o n a l government and the unstable conditions of the Min-kuo period from 1911 to 1928. The various lineages had to f i g h t for t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . It was only a f t e r conditions went out of hand that government o f f i c i a l s would mediate, with the co-operation of neutral l o c a l gentry members. As seen from the above d e s c r i p t i o n of i n t e r - l i n e a g e feuds, the struggle was mainly for the control of water r i g h t s , markets and p i e r s . The picture i n Hoi-p'ing supports Lamley's asse r t i o n (30) that feuds were urban as well as r u r a l phenomenon. Embedded i n the l i t e r a t u r e on i n t e r - l i n e a g e feuds was the contro-versy of whether these were c l a s s struggles. The Marxist theory i s that feuds were caused by the attempt of the economically powerful lineages to e x p l o i t the economically weak lineages (Liu : 4 0 ~ 3 ) . According to t h i s theory, the e l i t e s of the strong lineages c o l l e c t e d forced l e v i e s from the poor lineage mates for funds to f i g h t against the poor lineages for the further enhancement of the economic and p o l i t i c a l power of the e l i t e s themselves. This forced the poor lineages to a l l y to f i g h t the strong lineages. 89. Both Kuhn (77-79, 159-60, 209) and Lamley (46), however, regard i n t e r l i n e a g e feuds as an a l t e r n a t i v e to c l a s s struggle i n r u r a l South China. Lineage m i l i t a r i z a t i o n made use of the corporate property to support f a l l e n m i l i t i a , f a l l e n f i g h t e r s and f o r the f o r t i f i c a t i o n of the v i l l a g e s so as to protect the i n t e r e s t s of the r i c h as well as the poor members of the same lineage. This form of m i l i t a r i z a t i o n was an a l t e r n a t i v e to secret society m i l i t a r i z a t i o n which united the poor member of a strong lineage with the poor members of a weak lineage to f i g h t against t h e i r lineage e l i t e s . I t was int e r l i n e a g e feuds which was u t i l i z e d by the lineage e l i t e s to avert the discontentment of the poor lineage mates through the e x p l o i t a t i o n of a weaker lineage i n the neighbourhood. Judging from the evidence of Hoi-p'ing, I agree with Kuhn and Lamley's arguments. Many of the lineage feuds were fought between one strong lineage and another equally strong one, such as the Kwaan versus the Sz-t'o; the Leung versus the T'aam; the Ng versus the T'aam etc. They were not fought between a strong and a weak lineage. This, of course, i s not denying that there could have been feuds between strong and weak lineages, but that i n t e r l i n e a g e feuds were not n e c e s s a r i l y a struggle between the haves and the have-nots^. SECTION I I I : Multi-Surname Associations There were two periods i n the h i s t o r y of Hoi-p'ing which marked large scale co-operation among the lineages f o r defence. The f i r s t was the Hakka/Punti War of 1851-67 and the second was during the c r i s i s years of 1911-1928. 90. A. The Hakka/Punti War 1851-67 5 This war affected not only Hoi-p'ing, but also T'oi-shaan, Hok-shaan, Yan-p'ing, Ko-ming, Ko-iu, Yeung-kong, Yeung-ch'un, San-on, Tung-koon and Che-k'ai. Over 100,000 were k i l l e d i n these bloody years (Lamley:10-14) The Hakka came to the Canton Delta during the early Ch'ing period (early l8th Century) because they were given favourable terms to farm i n the coastal area which had been evacuated by order of the Ch'ing Emperor to i s o l a t e the populace from the remnants of the Ming L o y a l i s t s . Because they were late comers and land was l i m i t e d , they s e t t l e d i n dispersion among the Cantonese-speaking people (Punti) (Cohen:251-54)• Numerical increase i n the Hakka population was accompanied by an ef f o r t to expand and secure, rent free, the land which they were farming. Moreover, the Hakka had also to organize themselves to check the e x p l o i t a -t i o n of the Punti landowners. Since the dispersed settlement pattern of the Hakka precluded l o c a l i z e d groupings on a large scale, so they organized themselves into multi-surname associations, spreading over a wide area, the common denominator of these associations was d i a l e c t . On the side of the Punti, the landowners were alarmed at the Hakka organizations. Moreover, the i n f i l t r a t i o n of the Hakka population i n the Punti area created a s i t u a t i o n of constant competition between the Hakka and the Punti tenants. Because of t h i s , the Punti tenants aided t h e i r landlords against the Hakka tenants. As a r e s u l t j there was a large scale mobilization on both sides, using d i a l e c t as a basis. A s e r i e s of Ch'u and T'ang were formed on both sides, sometimes even across Hsien boundaries. Market towns such as T'aam-k'ai, Tung-shaan, Kam-oo, Che-shui of Hoi-p'ing, Na-foo, To-huk, Ch'ung-lau of T'oi-shaan as well as Shing-t'ong and Kam-k'ai of Yan-p'ing were used as centres of m i l i t a r y organization. THE HAKKA-PUNTI CRISIS 1851-1867 1911-1928 CRISIS IM HOI-PING T 91a In Hoi-p'ing i t s e l f between 1853-63, many Punti lineages formed into a l l i a n c e s to r e s i s t the Hakka, as can be seen i n the following f i g u r e : -Tsung-Chu (Ts'ong-sheng) . Ch-ii Ch' ii Ch ii (Kam-oo) (Che-Shui) (Cheung-sha) t j | || | Leung-Cheung-So Kwaan-Lei T'aam-Sz-t'o Kwaan-Sz-t'o Leung-T'aam Wg & minor Cheung & Kwong-T'aam minor _ League League League League League Lineages l i n e a g e s League (Ma-kong) (Kam-oo) (Che-shui) (Che-hom) (Cheung-sha)(Lau-kong) (Sha-kdng) (Shui-hau) FIGURE VII: The Punti Confederation i n Hoi-p'ing (1853-63) (Source: K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:171-4, 287-93, 354). 93-From t h e above t a b l e , one can see t h a t l i n e a g e s which were t r a d i -t i o n a l l y enemies, such a s t h e Kwaan and t h e S z - t ' o a t Che-hom, t h e Leung and the T'aam a t Cheung-sha, the Kwaan and t h e L e i a t Kam-oo and t h e Kw-ong and t h e T'aam a t S h u i - h a u , a l l i e d t o g e t h e r t o r e s i s t t h e Hakka. I n 1863, under the l e a d e r s h i p o f T'aam S a a m - t s ' o i , a H o i - p ' i n g n a t i v e t r a d i n g i n Hong Kong, t h e v a r i o u s Ch. u j o i n e d hands t o e s t a b l i s h t h e T s ' u e n - s h i n g Tsung-kuk (Tsiing-chu) a t Ts'ong-sheng t o c o - o r d i n a t e a l l t h e i r e f f o r t s a g a i n s t the Hakka. A f t e r t h e i r v i c t o r y i n 1865» t h e Chau, t h e Ng, t h e Kwaan, t h e Cheung, the S z - t ' o , the Fong and t h e T'aam s e i z e d t h e l a n d l e f t b e h i n d by th e d e f e a t e d Hakka, w h i c h was m o s t l y i n t h e 6th and the 2nd C h ' i i o f H o i - p ' i n g . The Hakka were e x i l e d t o t h e L u i - c h a u P e n i n s u l a and t h e Hoi-naam I s l a n d a f t e r t h e i r d e f e a t ( i b i d . 173 - 4 , 175-6; Liang:1 3 7 ) . DISCUSSION The H a k k a / P u n t i War has been u s e d by Cohen as an example t o show t h a t Freedman had o v e r - e m p h a s i z e d l i n e a g e and c l a s s a s p r i n c i p l e s o f s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n South C h i n a . He h o l d s t h a t e t h n i c i t y was -a l s o an i m p o r t a n t p r i n c i p l e (Cohen:237, 240-2, 273-87). P a s t e r n a k u s e s t h e example o f t h e H a k k a / P u n t i War t o c h a l l e n g e Freedman's t h e o r y (1966:160-4) t h a t t he need f o r d e f e n c e i n a f r o n t i e r s i t u a t i o n was one o f the c a u s e s l e a d i n g t o the f o r m a t i o n o f l o c a l i z e d l i n e a g e s . P a s t e r n a k (1969:559, 1972:144-6) a r g u e s t h a t t h e need f o r defence l e d t o t h e f o r m a t i o n o f m u l t i - s u r n a m e a s s o c i a t i o n s and h i g h e r o r d e r l i n e a g e s r a t h e r t h a n l o c a l i z e d l i n e a g e s ( s e e a l s o A p p e n d i x I I ) . To t h i s Freedman r e p l i e s (1966:90-4) t h a t H a k k a / P u n t i f i g h t i n g o f th e 19th C e n t u r y i s e v i d e n c e enough o f e t h n i c s o l i d a r i t y , b u t t h i s p r i n c i p l e had n o t been c o n s i s t e n t l y used as a b a s i s f o r s o c i a l o r g a n i z a -t i o n i n South C h i n a . He uses, the Seven Yiieh formed a t t h e end o f the 94. 19th Century i n Kam-t'in (New T e r r i t o r i e s , Hong Kong) as a counter-example. He argues t h a t the Yiieh which was l e d by the Man to challenge the Tang at Tai-po c o n s i s t e d of both Hakka and P u n t i l i n e a g e s as members. This shows how i n c o n s i s t e n t e t h n i c i t y was as a b a s i s of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . My study of the p a t t e r n of i n t e r l i n e a g e co-operation i n H o i - p ' i n g does not c o n t r i b u t e to t h i s controversy between Freedman and Cohen. The Hakka/Punti War i n Hoi-p'ing shows that e t h n i c i t y could be used as a ba s i s f o r m i l i t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n i n times of widespread c o n f l i c t . But a f t e r the Hakka/Punti War, the Ho i - p ' i n g was almost c l e a r e d of the Hakka people, so there was no evidence as to whether or not the Hakka and the P u n t i co-operated a f t e r the middle of the 19th Century. I t i s c e r t a i n , however, that the P u n t i l i n e a g e s were at loggerheads wi t h one another once the danger of a Hakka co n f e d e r a t i o n was over. As to the controversy between Freedman and Pasternak on the o r i g i n of l o c a l i z e d l i n e a g e s , i t i s a chicken and egg argument. L o c a l i z e d l i n e a g e s could have been formed before or a f t e r they entered i n t o a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h other l i n e a g e s . The e v o l u t i o n a r y approach i s too r i g i d . The p a t t e r n of development probably v a r i e d from l o c a l i t y to l o c a l i t y and from l i n e a g e s to l i n e a g e s . B. The 1911-1928 C r i s i s L o c a l g a z e t t e e r s blamed the l o c a l d i s t u r b a n c e s of t h i s p e r i o d on the T r i a d s . However, Hoi-p'ing h i s t o r y shows that the centre of the T r i a d a c t i v i t i e s were confined to market towns i n the border areas of Ho i - p ' i n g , San-hing, Yan-p'ing and eastern T'oi-shaan. The lower T'aam R i v e r was more a f f e c t e d by f i g h t i n g and l o o t i n g of government f o r c e s than by the T r i a d s . However, the two sources of disturbances i n t h i s p e r i o d d i d combine to produce the 1911-1928 c r i s i s i n Hoi-p'ing h i s t o r y ( K ' a i - p ' i n g 95. Hsien-chih 182-199). Due to the s t r a t e g i c l o c a t i o n , Hoi-p'ing suffered g r e a t l y as Warlord armies traversed the area and bat t l e d i n i t . For example i n 1911, when the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s at Canton declared the independence of Kwangtung, the "People's Armies" occupied Ts'ong-sheng. Cheung-sha-t'ong, P'oon-ts'uen, Lau-kong, Ue-leung, Sz-kau, Sha-kong, Lung-t'ong and Cheung-k'iu. These "armies" took advantage of the s i t u a t i o n to loo t the places (ibid:182, 195). From 1913 March, when Sun Yat-sen organized the Second Revolution against Yuan Shih-k'ai, up to the period when Lung Chi-kuang was trans-ferred to the Hoi-naam Island, Hoi-p'ing was the battleground f o r pro-Yuan and anti-Yuan struggles (ibid:85-6). Again, l a t e i n 1917, when Sun Yat-sen organized the Constitution Protection Movement against Tuan C h ' i - j u i , Lung Chi-kuang emerged from Hoi-naam Island, marched to the Lui-chau Peninsula, t r y i n g to capture Canton from Western Kwangtung. There was f i g h t i n g i n the lower T'aam River from T i k - h o i to Kongmoon. In 1920, i n Canton, there was a movement against General Mo Yung-hs i n , a Kwangsi warlord who had been the M i l i t a r y Governor of Kwangtung since 1917« L i Yao-hon, the former C i v i l Governor, emerged from Ma-kong, marched through Cheung-sha and Shui-hau and attacked Mo Yung-hsin's army i n Kongmoon. The remnants of the Kwangsi army escaped to Shui-hau to l o o t the populace so much so that between 1920-23, the whole of the Shui-hau became a dead c i t y . In 1923, because of the quarrel between Sheng Hung-ying and the YUnnan warlords at Canton there were again f i g h t i n g on the Hoi-p'ing s o i l . L i Yao-hon who now a l l i e d himself with Sheng Hung-ying was asked to attack Ts'ong-sheng. In the struggle, Lau-kong, Che-hom, Saam-kong, Cheung-sha and Shui-hau became battlegrounds i n turn. 96. In 1924-5, during Chiang K a i - s h e k ' s expedit ions against Ch'en Chiung-ming, Teng P i n g - y i n emerged from the L u i - c h a u Pen insu la , entered Yeung-ch'un and Yeung-kong, sacked Yan-p ' ing C i t y and attacked T s ' o n g -sheng. The c i v i l war was again fought i n H o i - p ' i n g at Che-shui , Che-hom, Lau-kong, Shui-hau and Ue- leung. ( i b i d : 1 8 7 - 1 9 9 ) . It was the need for the p r o t e c t i o n of l i f e and property during these unruly years that l e d to the re-emergence of l o c a l m i l i t a r y organ iza -t ions among the people of H o i - p ' i n g s ince the Hakka/Punt i V/ar. In the countrys ide , the inhabi tants of each Hsiang organized themselves into a H s i a n g - t ' u a n . In the market towns such as Shui-hau, Che-hom and Cheung-sha, the Chambers of Commerce organized Shang-t'uan for l o c a l defence ( i b i d : 1 9 0 , 196) . To co-ordinate l o c a l e f f o r t s throughout H o i - p ' i n g , s e v e r a l bureaux were organized by the l o c a l e l i t e s together with the merchants and the gentry leaders r e s i d i n g i n Hong Kong and Canton. For example, i n 1911, the H o i - p ' i n g Scholar-gentry C i r c l e a t Canton and the Hong Kong H o i -p ' i n g Chamber of Commerce contr ibuted money to e s t a b l i s h the Hsien Defence Board with a P r i v a t e Defence Corps to maintain law and order i n H o i - p ' i n g . Th i s board was l e d by the S z - t ' o , the Ng, the Fong, the Kw'on the Kwaan, the Chau and the Cheung, with Tang Saam as the commander of the corps ( i b i d : 1 8 5 , 1 8 6 , 1 9 1 ) • In 1918-9, Ng T i n g - s a n , a Lau-kong nat ive r e s i d i n g i n Canton, had gone to America to ask for donations to b u i l d the F i r s t High School of H o i - p ' i n g . Seeing the condi t ions of H o i - p ' i n g , he a lso c o l l e c t e d funds for the establishment of the Hsien M i l i t i a Headquarters (Tsung-chii) i n Cheung-sha. Th i s organ iza t ion was l e d by the Cheung, the Kwaan and the Ng. The donations were such that the Tsung-chii could now employ mercenaries to maintain peace i n H o i - p ' i n g ( i b i d : 1 8 7 ) . 97. In 1927, the Hong Kong Hoi-p'ing Chamber of Commerce e s t a b l i s h e d the A s s o c i a t i o n f o r the Defence of Hoi-p'ing i n Hong Kong. Donations were c o l l e c t e d from the emigrants i n both North America and the Nanyang to help Hoi-p'ing to maintain order and s e c u r i t y (ibid:1 9 0 ) . In 1928, w i t h the f a i l u r e of the Canton Commune, many of the p a r t i -c i p a n t s under the l e a d e r s h i p of T'aam Hung f l e d from Canton to T'o-t'ong. Ue T'ung-sun was then the a c t i n g Hsien-chang, he c a l l e d upon the Hsiang and Merchants' P r i v a t e Corps to co-operate with.the g a r r i s o n troops to gather at the Sz-kau market town to launch an a l l - o u t a t t a c k on T'o-t'ong. To t h i s c a l l , the Merchants" M i l i t i a as w e l l - a s the Hsiang-t'uan of the Kwaan, the S z - t ' o , the Ng, the Chau, the Fong and the Tse responded. The Hong Kong A s s o c i a t i o n f o r the Defence of H o i - p ' i n g donated ammunition an'd money to t h i s j o i n t e f f o r t . The T'o-t'ong headquarters was f i n a l l y wiped out i n 1929 ( i b i d : 1 9 8 - 9 ) . As can be seen from the above account, c i v i l d i s o r d e r i n Hoi-p'ing had r e s u l t e d i n the formation of the Hsiang and Merchants' P r i v a t e Defence Corps. The centres of c o - o r d i n a t i o n were at Cheung-sha, Ts'ong-sheng, Che-hom and Hong Kong. The corps were f o r the maintenance of peace and order. They were as much a g a i n s t the s o l d i e r s as they were agai n s t the b a n d i t s . .A The T'o-t'ong r i o t of the late.j- 1920's l e d to the growth of c l a s s consciousness among the e l i t e s of H o i - p ' i n g . They banded together to p r o t e c t l i f e and property and to maintain law and order d u r i n g those t u r b u l e n t years. I t was through t h e i r co-operation that the T'o-t'ong bandits were defeated i n 1929. A f t e r t h a t date, as w i l l be seen i n a l a t e r Chapter, they supported the government's move to e s t a b l i s h a stronger p o l i c e f o r c e , even i f that meant weakening the l i n e a g e - c o n t r o l l e d P r i v a t e Defence Corps. By t h i s move, they put t h e i r c l a s s i n t e r e s t s 98 . (to maintain peace and order i n Hoi-p'ing for economic prosperity) above lineage i n t e r e s t (to ward o f f government i n t e r f e r e n c e ) . DISCUSSION 1. Skinner's Local Marketing System Skinner ( 1964 -5 Part 1 : 6 - 7 , 2 0 - 3 1 , . 4 1 - 4 3 ) distinguishes between three types of periodi c markets i n r u r a l China (viz. the standard market town, the intermediate market town and the ce n t r a l market town) i n h i s attempt to describe the pattern of economic and s o c i a l organization on the subadministrative l e v e l i n China. The standard market town i s a type of r u r a l market which meets the normal trade needs of the peasant household. Each standard market town serves a number of v i l l a g e s . It has a d e f i n i t e and recognizable area i t regards as i t s own. It looks upon people of c e r t a i n v i l l a g e s as i t s primary customers. In turn, i t i s regarded by these v i l l a g e r s as t h e i r own town. Nonetheless, each standard market town i s dependent upon two or three higher l e v e l market towns. A standard market town at the upper end of mountain v a l l e y s usually i s dependent on a downstream i n t e r -mediate market. An intermediate market town serves the needs of the l o c a l e l i t e s of the standard market towns i n the v i c i n i t y since i t provides decora-t i v e items, clothes of q u a l i t y etc. which are inaccessible i n small market towns. Skinner emphasizes the exclusiveness of the intermediate market town to the l o c a l e l i t e s . He sa i d , "Insofar as the intermediate market town i s a s o c i a l community, i t i s one which excludes both the peasantry and the bureaucrats. Representatives of l o c a l e l i t e s from the whole r i n g of surrounding market towns d i r e c t the a f f a i r s of the wider area served by the intermediate market town". I t also served as 99. the centre for interclass dealings between the gentlemanly e l i t e and the merchants of the market town i t s e l f " . (ibid:42). The central market town i s normally situated at a strategic site in the transportation networks and has important wholesale functions. Its f a c i l i t i e s are designed on the one hand to receive imported items and distribute them within i t s dependent areas and on the other to collect l o c a l products and export them to the other central markets or higher level urban centres (ibid 43, see also Masui Tsuneo:263-277)• The administrative hierarchy and the economic hierarchy did not coincide in China especially in the standard market town l e v e l . Only a minority of the intermediate market towns served as capital of a Hsien. But a clear majority of the central market town had such administrative functions. Because of this, the central market town was very often the scene of c r i t i c a l consultation between bureaucratic o f f i c i a l s , gentry leader and leading merchants (Skinner 1964-5 Part I:43). 2. Local Defence System Kuhn (82-83) had discovered a similar schema for the organization of local defence in China based on the yiieh. ' The "Yueh" originated from the system of public lectures in tradfc-tional China which were supposed to be held twice a month in a central place. The students, the gentry members or the local o f f i c i a l s acted as speakers to instruct the l o c a l populace. Later, the term was used to denote an association to promote inter-lineage or inter-village co-operation such as the maintenance of dikes, famine r e l i e f , public works, charity, local education etc. In the middle of 1he 19th Century, local militarization became important in rural China for defence against bandits, pirates, secret societies; and soldiers as well as for feuds. It was then that the yiieh became the basis of lo c a l militarization. The leaders of these units of 100. militarization were very often gentry who eould transcend lineage bounds. These militarized yueh were often known as "t'uan" or "t'ang" (ibid. 95, 169). The t'uan (or t'ang) would in turn be part of a more inclusive confederation, known as a "she" or "chvu". In times of widespread dis-turbances, these she (or ch u) would organize themselves as "tsung-she" or "tsung-chii" (head bureau). These were often rich and inf l u e n t i a l enough to recruit and maintain a properly equipped armed force and even a mercenary force ( i b i d . 43, 65-70, 166-175). According to Kuhn, such military organizations were independent of state supervision. They may a l l y with the state in face of banditry or rebellion but they were under the leadership of the local gentry (ibid. 67-8). 3. The Problem: Convergence of the Marketing System and the System of Local Militarization. "m  Granting that Skinner's local marketing system and Kuhn's local militarization system were representative of the sub-administrative social organization above the level of the lineage in rural South China, I now turn to one fundamental problem: did these systems converge? Stated schematically, the picture i s as follows: FIGURE VIII Convergence of the Local Marketing System and the Local Militarization , System • Skinner's Marketing System Kuhn's Militarization System Central Market-town Tsung-she (Tsung-chii) I I Intermediate Market-town She (Chu) I | Standard Market-town Yueh (T'uan, T'ang) Problem: Did these two systems coincide? 101. Both Freedman and Brim are of the opinion that the area served by a yiieh does not coincide with a market town. According to Freedman (1966: 92-4) a yiieh i s used by a strong lineage to lead i t s s a t e l l i t e s against a strong neighbour i n the same marketing area. Thus, some v i l l a g e s i n the same marketing area are often d e l i b e r a t e l y excluded from a p a r t i c u l a r yueh. Brim agrees with Freedman. According to him, market towns i s often the bone of contention f o r two yueh i n the v i c i n i t y . Thus a yueh may centre i n a market town, but i t i s just a f a c t i o n i n the power p o l i t i c s of the market. (Brim: "An outline of the S o c i a l Structure i n the Yuen-long Area on the eve of the B r i t i s h Takeover" p.5-8; Brim 1971:27, f t . n t . 10). Both Lamley and Kuhn on the other hand are of the opinion that market towns are centres of m i l i t a r i z a t i o n . Lamley (14,30) holds that a market town very often houses headquarters of several lineages, and t h i s i s where i n t e r - l i n e a g e a l l i a n c e s are planned and organized. Kuhn asserts that a she i s located i n an intermediate market town which i s the centre f o r consultation among the gentry and the wealthy merchants. According to him, the very fact that the yiieh and the chii are m u l t i -surname shows that p o r t - c i t i e s and market-towns, which are gathering places f o r lineages i n the v i c i n i t y , are centres of m i l i t a r i z a t i o n . Moreover, market-towns are centres where r e l i g i o u s and c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s are organized under the leadership of the e l i t e s of the e l i t e lineages, there i s thus every reason to believe that thegpower and influence of these e l i t e lineages would be exerted through defence organizations incorporating the whole marketing area (Kuhn:82-7)• From the d e s c r i p t i o n of market towns, the accounts of Hoi-p'ing's topography, transportation l i n e s and marketing schedules, i t i s c l e a r that Ts'ong-sheng, Che-hom, Lau-kong, Cheungsha, Shui-hau, Lung-shing, 102. Sz-kau, Paak-hop, Hin-kong, Tung-shaan and Che-shui were the more im-portant market towns (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:78,34-8). From conversations with my informants, I am certain that only Cheung-sha can be c l a s s i f i e d as a central market town, since i t was the only centre for wholesalers who traded directly with the treaty port of Kongmoon. Ts'ong-sheng, though the capital, was an intermediate market town. It was not the centre of commercial a c t i v i t i e s (ibid.:346). Granted a l l these, the question i s : were these market towns of Hoi-p'ing the centre of the t'uan, the she and the tsung-she? The data I have indicate that Kuhn's assertions hold true of Hoi-ping. During the Hakka/Punti War,.both the Hakka and the Punti lineages formed themselves into confederations known as chu or t'ang, a l l centred in standard market towns or intermediate market towns such as Tung-shaan, Che-shui, T'aam-kai, Kam-oo, Che-hom, Ma-kong and Lau-kong. It was Ts'ong-sheng, the capital, and Cheung-sha, a central market town, which acted as the co-ordinating centres of these t'ang, chu and t'uan. The same pattern repeated i t s e l f in the 1911-28 c r i s i s . The Shang-t'uan wei?e formed by merchants in Che-hom, Shui-hau and Cheung-sha. The Hsiang-t'uan were formed by the powerful lineages. Together they co-operated to maintain the peace and security of Hoi-p'ing. It was again Ts'ong-sheng and Cheung-sha which were headquarters of the tsiing-chu. SECTION IV: The Power Structure of Hoi-p'ing after 1930 A. P o l i t i c a l Change after 1950 The power structure of Hoi-p'ing changed drastically after 1930 when an era of peace was inaugurated in the countryside. The source of change originated from Ch'en Chi-t'ang's 8 years' rule in Canton (1928-36) and was s o l i d i f i e d after 1936 when Kwangtung came under the direct control of the Nanking Government. 103. (1) Some Traditional leaders became o f f i c i a l s In 1930-1, a formal structure was imposed upon the informal power structure in the countryside. The Pao-chia system was re-established. Some of the lo c a l leaders, the Hong Kong merchants and the Canton Scholar Gentry who had taken part in the defence of Hoi-p'ing were promoted to become government o f f i c i a l s to be members of the Hsiang Kung-so, Ch'u Kung-so, Chen Kung-so and the Hsien Consultative Assembly. (2) Local Militarization Ended Chen Chi-t'ang tried to convert the Hsiang-t'uan and the shang-t'uan to a police force controlled by the Hsien government. The Local Police Recruiting and Training Institute was established and military personnel were sent from Canton to Hoi-p'ing to co-ordinate the various private defence corps there. At the same time, the leaders of these corps were sent to Canton to undergo military and ideological training. The Department of Public Security was established at Ts'ong-sheng with branches at Che-hom, Paak-hop, Hin-kong, Che-shui, Cheung-sha and Shui-hau. (Source: Ch'en Chi-t'ang Chi-nien-chi:22, 4 8 - 9 ; K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih: 146, 2 0 0 ) . However, the re-organization of the Hsiang-t'uan was not complete. Members of the new police force were s t i l l recruited from candidates nominated by the lineage e l i t e s and the Chambers of Commerce. In 1936, when the Nanking government took over the control of Kwangtung, the Hsien Police Corps was completely under government control. It was com-pletely trained, controlled and paid by Canton (Tseng :?2-3) . (3) . Peasant Movements and Labour Unions Curbed The Peasant Movement in Hoi-p'ing was weak. Even when the Peasant Movement was tolerated by the KMT government i n Canton, Hoi-p'ing remained unaffected. No Hoi-p'ing native studied in the Peasant Training lOIf . Institute, nor were they among those k i l l e d or wounded during the pea-sant uprisings in the West River area (Gruetter 1972:60-73» 84-5). The only evidence was the "T'o-t'ong Bandits" i n Hoi-p'ing's local history. Apparently, these were not leaders of any widespread organization along class lines in Hoi-p'ing's countryside. Nevertheless, because of the i n f i l t r a t i o n of Communist elements into the T'o-t'ong area in 1928, the authorities were so apprehensive of them that a l l the Peasant and Labour Movements were banned. By 1931» the KMT Party Office drew up a set of regulations concerning voluntary associations: A l l Chambers of Commerce, Occupation Unions, Students' Associations and Education Associations had to reconstitute and register with the government (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih, 196). B. Pressure Groups in Hoi-p'ing after 1930 The subadministratlve structure of Hoi-p'ing after 1930 was more complicated in view of the above developments. The l o c a l leaders were more class conscious through their joint attempts to fight the T'o-t'ong bandits and to improve the economy of Hoi-p'ing through road building projects and municipal development projects. Some of them joined the newly created government organs while others supported the government's move to demilitarize the Hsiang-t'uan and the Shang-t'uan and to streng-then the Police Corps against any possible revival of the T'o-t'ong r i o t s . Moreover, owing to the increased pace of commercialization and the rapid development of processing industries in the 1920's and 1930's, Occupa-tion Unions and Chambers of Commerce grew rapidly. This further complicated the sub-administrative structure of Hoi-p'ing. (1) Occupation Unions It i s not known when trade and^labour unions began in Hoi-p'ing. It i s clear, however, that by March, 1931, there were already the 105. Labourers' General Union, the Cement Workers' Union, the Carpenters' Union and the Public Transportation Workers' Union (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih : 2 0 4 - 5 ) . There were also the Butchers' Union, the Dressmakers' Union, the Machinists' Union, the Restaurant and Teahouse Workers' Union and the Wood Workers' Union (per. Com.). These were not secret societies. They were legitimate unions, organs of public opinion. They took a piece-meal approach in their protests against government policies and personalities. They did not seek to replace the social order by means of revolution. To give a few examples: after the Second World War, about 1946-7, the Butchers' Union was on strike against the Canton government's attempt to put a ceiling on the price of pork by refusing to k i l l pigs; the Woodworkers and the Dressmakers' Unions were on strike when the Canton government declared a l l employees' salaries were to be paid in terms of Chinese currency. They had lost faith in the Chinese Dollar and demanded that they should be paid in the form of rice (Per. Com). (2) The Chambers of Commerce The Chambers of Commerce movement in Hoi-p'ing started around 1907-8. The f i r s t one to be established was the one at Che-hom (1907) by Kwaan 6 Shung-iu and Sz-t'o I-fung . By 1931, there were 11 Chambers of Commerce in Hoi-p'ing, v i z . Che-hom, Shui-hau, Sha-chau, Che-shui, Tung-shaan, Chan-wa, Luk-on, Maau-kong, Ts'ong-sheng, Lau-kong and Cheung-sha Chambers of Commerce (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:88). The Chambers of Commerce did not become an important force u n t i l 1923 when the Shang-t'uan were established in Che-hom, Cheung-sha and Shui-hau to defend the l i f e and property of a l l the merchants against those who challenged the established social order. When Ch'en Chi-t'ang came to power, the Sheung-t'uan were abolished. 106. In return, however, the Chambers of Commerce were given semi-government functions. For example, when the Hsien-chang dissolved the 3rd Hsien Consultative Assembly in 1929, the Chambers of Commerce at Cheung-sha, Shui-hau and Che-hom were given the duty of safe-keeping the bounty established by the Ts'ong-sheng government to reward anyone apprehending the T'o-t'ong bandits s t i l l at large. When the Sha-t'in T i t l e C l a r i f i -cation Bureau was established in 1930, the representatives of a l l 11 Chambers of Commerce were to be part of the Bureau to investigate into education land t i t l e s (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:1^0,200). According to one informant whose father had been the Chairman of the Che-hom Chamber of Commerce, the Chambers of Commerce bargained with the Chan-chang on matters of taxation. They also organized strikes and protests. Any tax-collector who wanted to look at the accounts of the shop-owners had to be accompanied by the Chairman of the Chambers of Commerce. Moreover, i f the tax collector wanted to look into the work-ings of the occupation unions, he had f i r s t to ask the permission of the Chambersof Commerce. After the Second World War, l i k e the Hsiang Kung-so, the Chambers of Commerce re-established the Self-defence Corps to defend shopowners and peddlars against raids by policemen, bandits and soldiers and any "Communist" who might threaten the l i f e and property of the merchants (Per.Com.). (3) The Gentry-merchants as Spokesman of Hoi-p'ing a) Local gentry-merchants Those lo c a l - e l i t e s who had not been asked to join the Hsiang Kung-so, Ch'u Kung-so, Chen Kung-so and the Hsien Consultative Assemblies very often served as leaders to defy both the government's taxation policy and corrupt government o f f i c i a l s . For example, a Paak-hop 107. merchant Oo Yik-chau led the protest against the government's attempt to levy the Fortress Tax i n 1924. He was successful. The Tax was cancelled (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:192). In 1929» when the government designated the Wing On Company as contractor to collect taxes from the cement factories, the local leaders protested and won the case (ibid:199). Again i n 1930-31, the local leaders in Hoi-p'ing led a petition to Canton to com-plain about one Hsien-chang for his mishandling of the government's budget. He was relieved of duty (ibid. 205-6). Notoriously corrupt Hsien-chang such as Lam Kwong-uen was removed in 1947 because of protests from the Hoi-p'ing local leaders. They together with the Hsiang-chang and some of the Pao-chang collected evidence of corruption and extortion and brought the Hsien-chang to t r i a l at the Supreme Court at Canton. He was relieved of duty and sent to prison (Ssu-i Ch'iao-pao Dec. 1947:31). b) Gentry-merchants from Hong Kong and Canton The leaders of the Hoi-p'ing Scholar-gentry Circle at Canton and the Hong Kong Hoi-p'ing Chamber of Commerce who had done a l o t to help the modern school movement also exerted considerable pressure on the various social and p o l i t i c a l issues of Hoi-p'ing. In 1929, when Wong-Hon-kwong advised the C i v i l Affairs' Department to stop opera performances in market towns on the ground that they were organized by the gamblers' rackets andwere l i k e l y to cause c i v i l disorder, he was seriously listened to. In 1927, Ng Ting-san suggested to the Hsien-chang to prohibit lineage members from borrowing without the signature and agreement of their elders and gentry leaders, his advice was followed. As w i l l be seen in Chapter VI of this thesis, regulations were passed to that effect (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:204). In the 1940's, the Hong Kong Chamber of Commerce and the Hoi-p'ing 108. Scholar-gentry Circle in Canton joined hands in protesting to Canton against the Hsien-chang (Ma Pak-kung) because his policemen.and soldiers often raided the villagers for army rations and robbed the people's property. In 1 9 3 8 , when the price of rice soared, the Hong Kong Hoi-p'ing Chamber of Commerce wrote the Finance Department of Kwangtung asking i t not to tax imported rice and not to l e t local rice be exported so that the people of Hoi-p'ing could have enough to eat (Per. Com.). From the above, i t should be clear that while the government of Hoi-p'ing had the power to tax people and to nominate whomever they thought suitable to the various government posts, they could sometimes be forced to remove these policies and personalities once there were 7 enough protests against them:from influential c i r c l e s . CONCLUSION Despite the fact that after 1 9 3 0 , more and more members of the local elites joined the local government organs and were thus, in the eyes of the average Hoi-p'ing peasant, co-opted by the Hsien government, there were other leaders, both at home and overseas, who were willing to act as spokesmen against misgovernment. The administrative base was not wide enough to incorporate a l l the influential personalities in Hoi-p'ing. In the market-towns, the merchant leaders were more vocal than they were during the Ch'ing Dynasty. The labourers were more organized. But, as compared to other parts of China, they were s t i l l not vocal enough to be leaders of social and p o l i t i c a l reform movements or revolution. They only acted when their particular interests were at stake. Both the merchants and the workers were organized against taxes and levies as well as the interference of the police and the soldiers in their daily l i v e s . Because there were not much oppositions to the domination of the merchants in the market-towns after 1930, class wars did not seem to be as intense 109. as the struggle against the government and i t s forces. In the countryside, the peasants did not organize themselves to any great extent across lineage lines after 1930 as to challenge the authori-ty of the lineage gentry. They s t i l l looked up to the lineage gentry for leadership, especially those leaders who did not become c i v i l servants. Nevertheless, i t i s beyond doubt that there was a growth of class consciousness among the e l i t e members of the lineages in Hoi-p'ing in the way they co-operated both economically and m i l i t a r i l y . What effects this growth of class consciousness among the leaders of Hoi-p'ing had on the v i a b i l i t y of the lineage as a principle of social organization w i l l be examined in the light of my investigation of the Kwaan lineage as described in the remainder of this thesis. 110. CHAPTER IV - NOTES 1. I use the term "surnames" here instead of "clans" or "lineages" because i t i s not known whether people with the same surname are in fact members of a localized lineage, a dispersed lineage, a higher-order lineage or a clan. See the discussion section of Appendix II. 2 . In traditional China, merchants and landlords, regardless of their own economic status, did not have the p o l i t i c a l and social status of the scholar-officials (Chu:168-70, ft.nt. 6 & 8 ) . Among the local scholar-officials, the holders of the hsiu-ts'ai degrees (sheung-yuan, kung-sheng etc.) were not as powerful as the chin-shih or the chu-jen. They were merely heads of commoners. Neither were those who bought degrees (li-kung-sheng) as prestigeful in o f f i c i a l eyes. But on the local scene the hsiu-ts'ai and the li-kung-sheng were also prestigeful in the eyes of their humble lineage mates and in the local power structure. For this reason, they were taken into consideration when I tried to rank the various lineages in terms of prestige. 3 . Lineage feuds was only one type of feuds. In the countryside, feuds mostly occurred in the form of inter-lineage quarrels, but in towns, feuds were fought between groups of lineages for control of the entire marketing area. In Taiwan as well as along the Fukieri-Kwangtung border, there were feuds between Provinces: the Kwangtung people fighting the Fukien people (Liu : 3 9 - 4 1 ) • if. The number of feuds recorded in the K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih and the Ssu-i Ch'iao-pao may not reflect r e a l i t y . Records were only made when feuds were getting out of hand. In r e a l i t y , inter-lineage feuds of a smaller magnitude could have occurred more frequently and among these, many could have been fought when strong lineages tried to dominate small lineages. 111. 5. There were at least two detailed accounts on the causes and develop-ment of the Hakka/Punti War. The Punti biased record of the K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih (Vol. 21) and the Hakka biased record of Lang's. The accounts of Ho (166 f f ) , Hsiao (347-431) and Cohen are less detailed but more neutral. 6. It i s interesting that the f i r s t Chamber of Commerce was not in Cheung-sha, a central market-town. This fact may have reflected the growing importance of Che-hom vis-a-vis Cheung-sha. 7. However undemocratic the KMT system of government was, the rule that any individual may bring complaints against any o f f i c i a l to the administrative courts had often been enacted. Each year, there were about 3,000 to 4,000 complaints. About half were followed by some investigation (Chien:258, 267). 112 CHAPTER V THE KWAAN OF HOI-P'ING: CLAN AND LINEAGE Having outlined the sub-administrative structure of Hoi-p'ing i n the l a s t Chapter, I now turn to describe the fortunes of the basic unit of the sub-administrative structure - the lineage - under the impact of change. This Chapter serves as an introduction of the Kwaan of Hoi-p'ing: what was the o r i g i n and geographical spread of t h i s surname group and whether t h i s surname group was a clan, a higher-order lineage or a dispersed lineage. SECTION I: The Power of the Kwaan Lineage of T'oh-fuk Freedman dist i n g u i s h e s between two extreme types of l o c a l i z e d lineages i n South China: a homogeneous, u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d lineage and a heterogeneous and highly d i f f e r e n t i a t e d lineage (1958:131-33)* An u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d l o c a l i z e d lineage i s one which i s numerically small, had l i t t l e or no corporate property. I t s members are mostly peasants. There i s not much socio-economic d i f f e r e n c e s amongthem. V i l l a g e elders u s u a l l y serve as both r i t u a l and p o l i t i c a l leaders. A d i f f e r e n t i a t e d lineage, on the other hand, i s one which i s numerically l a r g e . I t usually holds land, has a large amount of corporate property. I t s members vary greatly i n socio-economic c l a s s . There are merchants, scholars, r e t i r e d o f f i c i a l s , large landlords i n a d d i t i o n to the pea-sants, the a r t i s a n s and the labourers. The e l i t e are u s u a l l y r i c h and powerful landlords, scholars and merchants instead of e l d e r s . They have important connections with the o f f i c i a l d o m . Freedman believes that lineages i n China ranges along a continuum, from an u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d lineage which he terms "A" type to an extremely d i f f e r e n t i a t e d one whinh he terras "Z" type. The Kwaan lineage of T'oh-fuk was towards the Z end of Freedman's 113. continuum, as I shall demonstrate below: A. Involvement with the Government Hierarchy - The Ch'ing Period The Kwaan captured many scholarly t i t l e s during the Ch'ing Dynasty especially from the Tao-kuang period onwards (mid. 19th Century). Of 60 Kwaan with scholarly t i t l e s during the whole Ch'ing Dynasty, 14 had become o f f i c i a l s . Of these, five had performed great services to the state so much so that their fathers, grandfathers and paternal uncles were granted posthumous honours by the Ch'ing government. The highest office bearer among these scholars was Kwaan Ch'iu-tsung (a Ha Ts'uen native) who became a chu-jen in the Hsien-feng period and a chin-shih in the T'ung-chih period. He was made a member of the Hanlin Academy and served in the Tsungli Yamen. A l l my informants mentioned him as the glory of a l l the Kwaan in Hoi-p'ing. Besides these 14 o f f i c i a l s , there were also five Kwaan who had no scholarly t i t l e s but served as petty o f f i c i a l s outside Hoi-p'ing. Min-kuo Period Between 1911 and 1930, 70 Kwaan had graduated from universities and post-secondary colleges outside Hoi-p'ing. Of these, 29 graduated from colleges in Canton, 26 in Peking, 7 in the United States, 3 in Japan, 2 in France (Lyons University project of Ch'en Chiung-ming's), 1 each i n England, Shanghai and Hong Kong. Of these graduates, 11 became o f f i c i a l s outside Hoi-p'ing and five served in Hoi-p'ing. Besides these graduates, traditional scholars and local talents among the Kwaan were also employed in the Hoi-p'ing government. A l l in a l l , the Kwaan were well represented in the government of Hoi-p'ing. Of the 34 members of the 1st Hsien Consultative Assembly, one Kwaan acted as the Chairman and another Kwaan a member; 114. of the 28 members of the 2nd Hsien Consultative Assembly, one Kwaan was the chairman and three Kwaan were members; of the 8 members of the 3rd Hsien Consultative Assembly, one was a Kwaan; of the 20 members of the 4th Consultative Assembly, 5 were Kwaan; of the 7 Hoi-p'ing natives working in the KMT Party Office in 1926, 2 were Kwaan; of the 7 Hoi-p'ing natives working in the KMT Party Office in 1947-49, 3 were Kwaan. Of the 8 members working in the Hsien Mortgage and Property Tax Bureau, 2 were Kwaan; of the 6 members working in the Bureau for the Management of Hsien Finance, one was a Kwaan and he was the Chairman (K'ai-p'ing Hsien Chih: vols. 22, 23, 25-8). B. As Spokesman of Hoi-ping  Ch'ing Period Retired o f f i c i a l s l i k e Kwaan P'ooi-kwan, Kwaan Ch'iu-tsung and Kwaan Lim-fong were active in Hoi-p'ing i t s e l f , together with local scholars Jiike Kwaan Tak-kei (li-kung-sheng), Kwaan Ting-kit (another li-kung-sheng) and Kwaan Wai-shing. Not only were they leaders of the Punti against the Hakka, they were actually representatives of the Punti people to the government during those c r i t i c a l years. For example, i t was Kwaan Wai-shing and Kwaan P'ooi-kwan who represented Hoi-p'ing Punti lineages to discuss strategy with the Magistrate P'aang Hing-wan. And, i t was Kwaan Ch'iu-tsung together with Cheung Yuk-lam and Sz-t'o K'ei who headed the delegation to Peking which argued against Magistrate Ch'euk Hing who suggested putting the Hakka back to Na-foo, Tung-shaan and Che-shui in 1864. Again in 1905, i t was Kwaan P'ooi-kwan, Cheung Yuk-lam and Sz-t'o K'ei who headed another delegation to Sh'iu-hing to argue against the suggestion of the Garrison Commander Sham Ch'un-huen to put Hoi-p'ing under the 115. administration of Yeung-kong instead of Sh'iu-hing (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:l80, 185, 227-9, 285, 291). In both instances, the petitions were successful. This was probably because the Kwaan, the Sz-t'o and the Cheung were powerful lineages and had many of their leaders holding posts in the government. The Min-kuo period The Kwaan were active as defence leaders against local disturbances^ in the 1911-1928 c r i s i s . Kwaan Sz-lim, a kung-sheng during the Kuang-hsu period, was the vice-president of the Hsien M i l i t i a Headquarters in Cheung-sha. Kwaan Tso-ming, a Hsiian-t'ung. li-kung-sheng, was the president of a T'ang in Che-hom in 1913. Kwaan Chuk-iu, a Kuang-hsii chu-jen, took an active part in the Hsien Defence Board at Ts'ong-sheng in 1911 to help defend the capital against the Peoples' Army (ibid:182-199). Among the Kwaan were also spokesmen for the people of Hoi-p'ing against the government. Kwaan Man-uen, for example, sued the Hsien-chang, Chan Wai-tok, for his mishandling of a murder case at Che-hom in 1912 while he was a student at the Peking University. Chan Wai-tok was relieved of duty soon afterwards. Kwaan Sz-uen, a Hsuan-t'ung li-kung-sheng, and Go Hiu-ts'uen stood as the representatives of Hoi-p'ing at-Canton. In March, 1915, they co-operated with the Hong Kong Hoi-p'ing traders such as T'aam Suen-t'ing and Wong Hon-kwong to head a petition to Canton against the'Hsien-chang, Lau Him, for misgovern-ment. Lau Him was soon relieved of duty (ibid:182-199). C Corporate Property The Kwaan owned a l l the land in T'oh-fuk which comprised four Hsiang (viz. Ng-wing Heung, Chung-miu Heung, Lo-yeung Heung and 116. Ling-uen Heung). Although land i n t h i s part of the T'aam River was not p a r t i c u l a r l y f e r t i l e , nor did i t y i e l d any cash crops, i t was at l e a s t arable and yi e l d e d enough food to sustain the Kwaan u n t i l the end of the 19th Century (Per. Com.). Outside T'oh-fuk, the Kwaan also had corporate property i n the 2nd and the 6th Ch'ii. Informants could not t e l l me exactly how much corporate property the Kwaan had except that i t was quite extensive. This was the Hakka land the Kwaan seized a f t e r the termination of the Hakka/Punti War i n the mid. 19th Century. Most of t h i s land was i n the Kam-kai area, on the Hoi-p'ing - Yan-p'ing border. S i m i l a r to the Liao of Sheung-shui (Baker:171), i t was rented to non-Kwaan lineages i n the v i c i n i t y . 7 J 7 The Kwaan had Ha Fu ( s e r v i l e households) 1 to farm t h e i r land. For example, i n v i l l a g e s such as Cheung Ts'uen, there were 10 f a m i l i e s of Ha Fu, surnamed Lau; i n Ha T s t u e n > there were also ten f a m i l i e s of Ha Fu surnamed L a i , Leung and Faan; i n Sha-tei v i l l a g e , there were 3 or Zf f a m i l i e s of Ha Fu surnamed Ts'ang and Wong; i n Ha-pin, there were four f a m i l i e s of Ha Fu surnamed Loh to serve the Kwaan. Like other powerful lineages i n South China (Freedman 1966:9) these Ha Fu households, together with the labourers the Kwaan landowners employed from Yeung-kong, Yan-p'ing and Yeung-ch'un allowed the Kwaan to d i v e r t t h e i r energy ' to commercial and bureaucratic opportunities. D» Commercial Wealth Che-hom was one of the most important intermediate market towns i n Hoi-p'ing. I t was 35 l i (about 12 miles) south-west of Ts'ong-sheng. Market days were held on every 3rd and 8th days of the lunar month. As can be seen from Map V, to the east of Che-hom was T ' o i -117. shaan, to the west was Ts'ung-long and Ue-leung, to the north was T'aam-k'ai (T'aam-pin-uen). A branch of the T'aam River linked Che-hom with Lei-ts'uen and Tong-hau Markets, another linked i t with Sz-kau while a third branch linked i t with Kau-p'ei-ch'ung through Hin-kong Market. To the south was the T'in-sam Market and Paak-hop Market. Che-hom was built during the K'ang-hsi - Yung-cheng period (about the beginning of the 1 8 t h century). It was separated into Upper and Lower Che-hom after 1845 as a result of a serious feud between the Kwaan and the Sz-t'o (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:2 2 , 8 6 ) . Che-hom was one of the most important ferry ports of Hoi-p'ing as can be seen from the table below:.-FIGURE IX NUMBER OF FERRIES AT THE MARKET TOWNS OF HOI-P'ING (1911-1931) Name of Port Ts'ong-sheng Che-hom Cheung-sha Kam-shaan Shui-hau To Places i n Hoi-p'ing 3 2 3 14 1 5 (Source: K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih : 8 1 - 3 ) . As can be seen from the above table, both Cheung-sha and Che-hom were important ports on the T'aam River. The K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih (34-8, 86) emphasizes the commercial importance of Che-hom. "The most flourishing years of Che-hom was after 1 9 0 0 . Although i t was founded later than Cheung-sha and Shui-hau, i t s marketing area was wider. Goods from Lui-chau, Lim-chau, Ko-chau (Mau-meng) and Yeung-kong 118. such as sugar, livestock and peanut o i l as well as salt from Na-foo (T'oi-shaan) were transported to Shui-hau, Kongmoon and Canton through Che-hom" (ibid:86). 2 My informants echoed this statement: Che-hom had a lo t of laan dealing with sugar, sal t , f i s h , pigs, ric e and o i l , i t also had stores dealing with timber and a l l kinds of construction materials, hardware, silverwares, drugs, imported tobacco, luxury a r t i c l e s and other imported groceries; Che-hom's business was not as good as that of Cheung-sha since steamboats could enter there, but, the 'marketing area* of Che-hom was bigger: f i s h , sugar, cows and pigs used Che-hom instead of Cheung-sha as wholesale centre . A l l informants came to the conclusionthat business was good in Che-hom because i t was the distributing centre for Mooi-luk, Yeung-kong, Lui-chau, Yam-chau and Mau-meng. Even people from Canton came to buy there. Che-hom was attended by a l l sorts of people, especially busy was the livestock market held by the people from Yeung-kong. In addition, informants also pointed out that a lot of processing industries and handicraft work was going on in Che-hom such as the milling of r i c e , the refining of sugar, the processing and packaging of tea leaves, r o l l i n g tobacco leaves into cigarettes, extracting o i l from peanuts, weaving hemp clothes, making bamboo utensils, salting f i s h , making leather bags, leather shoes and the butchering of livestocks. From the above remarks, i t was beyond doubt that Che-hom was the terminal point of the commercial-industrial zone of the Pearl River Delta. Beyond this point was the agricultural zone of Western Kwangtung which supplied raw materials to and received the finished products from the Pearl River Delta. As w i l l be described in 119. Chapter X, Che-hom became more prosperous with theimodernization of the market and the building of a network of modern roads. By the 1930's, there were about 1,000 shops in Che-hom (Per. Com.). To demonstrate the magnitude of Che-hom, one had to look at Shum-chun Market of the New Territories of Hong Kong which had only 61 large shops and 323 medium shops and yet was regarded as an im-portant intermediate market-town (Brim:"An Outline of the Social Structure in the Yuen-long Area on the Eve of the Br i t i s h Takeover" PP 1-4). Che-hom had 1,000 shops, so i t must have been quite important when compared to other market towns in South China. By 1930, i t was, l i k e the Kau-kong Market of N'aam-hoi, a "miniature town rather than a rural market" (Hsiao 1960:22-23). The Kwaan of T'oh-fuk established sole control of Upper Che-hom from 1845 onwards. The lineage grew in prosperity with the growth of Che-hom through i t s right to collect fees and levies of a l l kinds. Moreover, thecontrol of Che-hom gave the Kwaan* of T'oh-fuk a command-ing voice over the surrounding market-towns such as Lei-ts'uen, T'aam-k'ai, Tong-hau and Oo-lung Markets. The Kwaan for instance^, were among the founders of the Che-hom Chamber of Commerce. They took lead in the modern education movement and in defence organizations such as the Luen-po T'ong. Among the Kwaan were very successful merchants. They monopolized the rice-milling concerns, which was one of the most important pro-cessing industries in Che-hom. Using rice imported from Yeung-kong and Yan-p'ing, the rice-mills owned by the Kwaan would m i l l the rice and send i t to Kongmoon for export (Per.Com.). The Kwaan were also active i n sugar-refining concerns as well as other processing Indus-120. t r i e s . Even down to the 1940's, the Kwaan owned over half of the shops in Upper Che-hom and they had extensive business connections with Hong Kong and Canton through Kongmoon. In fact, there was a Kwaan1s Pier in Canton. A private company used this pier to operate a ferry service which ran from Canton to Che-hom. The gentry members among the Kwaan were free of charge because of the business connections between the Kwaan of Hoi-p'ing and Canton (Per. Com.) E. Numerical Strength According to my informants, the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk by 1930 numbered 20,000. It must be among the most numerous lineages in Hoi-p'ing i f this piece of information was matched with the population census of 1930 which also gave a breakdown of the number of people in Hoi-p'ing by Ch'ii as follows:-FIGURE X Population of Hoi-p'ing by Ch'ii Ch'ii 1930 No. of People F i r s t 39,690 Second 46,616 Third 47,204 Fourth 65,388 F i f t h 30,391 Sixth 26,149 Seventh 30,347 Eighth 45,423 Ninth 38,647 Tenth 78,408 (Source: K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:90). 121. From the above ta b l e , l t Is c l e a r that the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk which boasted a number of 20,000, accounted f o r almost a t h i r d of the people i n the 4-th Ch'u which was one of the most populous i n Hoi-p'ing. In f a c t , the Kwaan could be considered one of the most numerous i n South China judging from Hsiao's statement (330) that "Clans i n Kwangtung and Fukien were la r g e . Some boasted a membership of 10,OOO.1* The Kwaan of T'oh-fuk was boasting of twice t h i s number! Moreover, the numerical power of the Kwaan was matched by p o l i t i c a l influence* Among the Kwaan were scholars, r i c h merchants, bureaucrats and gentle-men who, as has been demonstrated, served the government of Hoi-p'ing and at the same time acted as spokesmen of the people of Hoi-p'ing against the aut h o r i t y . Thus, i n terms of numerical strength, scholarship, wealth and leaders of Hoi-p'ing, the Kwaan was one of the most powerful lineages i n Hoi-p'ing. SECTION I I : H i s t o r i c a l O r i g i n and Geographical __ Spread of the Kwaan  The Kwaan o r i g i n a l l y came from Shensi Province. From there, a branch went to the Shiu-mo County of Fukien. This branch was l e d by King-kei Kung who was a Chin-shih i n the Sung Dynasty. As an o f f i c i a l , he l o s t favour with the Emperor because of an i l l - t i m e d advice and was subsequently e x i l e d to Kong-chau (San-ooi). Heretired to Taam-nga Heung i n San-ooi by the beginning of the lifth Century. The 6th gene-r a t i o n following King-kei Kung was Wing Kung. He was the f i r s t who came to Hoi-p'ing. He s e t t l e d i n the T'oh-fuk area and founded T a a i -Ng Ts'uen around 1500 while a brother of h i s went to Kau-kong Heung of Naam-hoi (Per. Com., K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih:317). The Hei-um Shui-uen i n Canton was one of the remaining r e l i c s of the founder of the Kwaan i n Kwangtung. I t was a place reserved for 122. residence f o r a l l the Kwaan i n Kwangtung who went to Canton e i t h e r to take t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l examination or to board there temporarily. Informants knew about t h i s place. B's uncle stayed there while bringing a lawsuit to the Supreme Court i n Canton i n 1932-33* E knew about the place when he was i n Canton (1921-32), he p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the r i t u a l s conducted there. According to him, Spring and Autumn Rites were performed by the Kwaan gentry members who happened to be staying i n Canton. J boarded there with h i s brother when they were students i n a high school i n Canton i n the 1950's. Mr. Kwaan I had stayed there f o r a night when he passed by Canton enroute to Hong Kong to come to Canada i n 1953* In the 1940's, the Kwaan of Hoi-p'ing were about 25 generations deep, counting from t h e i r founder: the 6th generation Wing Kung. 90% of them stayed around the T'oh-fuk area^ where they were grouped into four Hsiang, v i z . Ng-wing Heung, Ling-uen Heung, Lo-yeung Heung and Chung-miu Heung. A small number of the Kwaan had moved to Yeung-kong and another branch to Kau-p'ei-ch'ung on the Yan-p'ing - Hoi-p'ing border i n the Fung-waan Heung - Waang-shek Heung area. I t was i n the 7th generation, that the s p l i t took place ( c i r . 1530). Wing Kung had three sons: Uen-saam, Uen-luk, Uen-kau. Uen-saam went to Yeung-kong, Uen-luk moved to Kau-p'ei-ch'ung and Uen-kau remained i n Taai-ng Ts'uen. Following the founding of the Kau-p'ei-ch'ung branch, some Kwaan from Lo-yeung Heung also moved there. About 200 years ago, some of the Kwaan from Chung-miu Heung moved to the Ts'ung-long area and founded 6 or 7 v i l l a g e s , followed by others from Ling-uen Heung. This area was geographically 123. separated from T'oh-fuk by the Oo lineage of Ue-leung Heung. Besides these three major areas - T'oh-fuk, Kau-p'ei-ch'ung and Ts'ung-long - there were also pockets of v i l l a g e s inhabited by the Kwaan i n the midst of other prominent lineages i n Hoi-p'ing. For example, there were two Kwaan v i l l a g e s known as Ngau-laan-tai and Kei-shing L e i i n Yeung-lo Heung on the Hoi-p'ing - T'oi-shaan border, an area dominated by the Wong and the Ma of Paak-sha Heung^. SECTION I I I : Relationship of the Kwaan i n D i f f e r e n t Parts of Hoi-p'ing This section w i l l consider the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Kwaan i n T'oh-fuk, Ts'ung-long, Kau-p'ei-ch'ung and Yeung-lo i n an attempt to determine the mechanisms which draw people with the same surname i n the same Hsien together. A. R i t u a l T i e s In t h i s s e ction, I s h a l l use the h i s t o r y of segmentation of four representative Ts'un i n T'oh-fuk ( v i z . Cheung Ts'uen, Na-loh Ts'uen, Sha-tei Ts'uen and Ha-pin Ts'uen) to i l l u s t r a t e the system of r i t u a l segmentation i n T'oh-fuk as a whole. Next, I s h a l l present the h i s t o r y of segmentation of the Kwaan v i l l a g e s outside T'oh-fuk so as to deter-mine whether or not the Kwaan i n Hoi-p'ing formed a higher-order lineage. R i t u a l T i e s among the Kwaan i n T'oh-fuk (1) Cheung Ts'uen There were about 2,000 people i n Cheung Ts'uen about 1940. I t was founded by the 10 generation ancestor ( c i r . 1620). The a n c e s t r a l h a l l established in-honour,of the founder (Ling-uen T'ong) was f o r the benefit of the people of the whole v i l l a g e . The 11th, the 13th, the 124. q-EO^RAPHIC SPREAD OF THE K W A A N Generation Depth FIGURE XI The Migration History of the Kwaan in Kwangtung  Record of Segmentation  1st Generation 6th Generation King-hei Kung (San-ooi Taam-nga Heung c i r . 1300) Wing Kung (Hoi-p'ing Taai-ng Ts'uen c i r . 1500) f ? Kung (Naam-hoi Kau-kong Heung c i r . 1500) I 7th Uen-luk Gene- (Kau-p'ei-ch'ung ration c i r . 1530) 10th Gene-ration 15th Gene-ration Uen-kau (Taai-ng Ts'uen c i r . 1530) Lo-yeung Heung ( c i r . 1620) Chung-miu Heung ( c i r . 1620) Ng-wing Heung (c i r . 1620) i i r Kau-p'ei-ch'ung Lo-yeung Ts' ( c i r . 1780) ung-long (c i r . ChJng-miu 1775) Uen-saam (Yeung-kong c i r . 1530) Ling-uen Heung ( c i r . 1620) Ts•ung-long Ling-uen ( c i r . 1775) 126. 14-th generations ancestors had no ancestral halls in honour of them. Segmentation in Cheung Ts'uen began in the 15th generation. The 14th generation ancestor had six sons, the 1st, the 2nd and the 6th son 5 a l l had ancestral halls in their honour . In the 19th generation, the ancestral h a l l built i n honour of the 1st fang ( i . e . the Ch'oh-hou Kung-t'sz) s p l i t into two segments. They were known as the Sam-shoh Ancestral Hall and the Tui-shoh Ancestral Hall . In the 22nd generation ( c i r . 1890) Tui-shoh was s p l i t into 2 more ancestral halls known as Leung-uet and Ts'ing-fan. FIGURE XII Segmentation in Cheung Ts'uen 10th Generation (Ling-uen T'ong) 14th Generation (Ling-ueri-T'ong) Ch'oh-hon Kung-t'sz 1-Song Luk-shai (Ancestral Ancestral Cheung-luk Hop-tsz (15th Generation) (15th Generation) Hall Hall (15th (15th Generation) Generation) Sam-shoh (19th Generation) Tui-shoh (19th Generation) Leung-uet (22nd Generation) Ts'ing-fan (22nd Generation) 127. The reason why there were no a n c e s t r a l h a l l s i n honour of the 3rd, 4th and 5th sons of the 14th generation was that the whole of the 3rd fang of the 15th generation had moved to Yeung-kong while a majority of the 4th fang moved to Ha Ts'uen next to Cheung Ts'uen. The three remaining f a m i l i e s of the 4th fang simply went to Ha Ts'uen to perform a n c e s t r a l r i t e s while the inhabitants of Ha Ts'uen would come over to Cheung Ts'uen to attend the Ling-uen T'ong. The 5th fang had died o f f and t h e i r t a b l e t s were put into the I-t'sz which was attached to the Ch'oh-hon Kung-t'sz. This was usual with a l l the v i l l a g e s among the Kwaan. Whenever one branch had no descendants and f a i l e d to adopt sons, the t a b l e t s would be attached to the ancestral h a l l of the most prominent segment so that t h e i r departed souls could be worshipped too. (2) Ha Ts'uen In the 1940's, there were about 1,200 people and there were 3 c ancestral h a l l s and 4 shu-shih (study rooms) . Of the three ances-t r a l h a l l s , one was attended by people of the whole v i l l a g e ; /the other two by people of the two major segments of the v i l l a g e . The four shu-shih were sub-branches of the two segments. People from Sha-tei, Ha-pin, and Uen Ts'uen also came to attend the r i t e s of the main ancestral h a l l i n Ha Ts'uen and so did the 4th fang i n Cheung Ts'uen. The people of Ha Ts'uen, on the other hand, went to Cheung Ts'uen to attend the r i t e s conducted by Ling-uen T'ong. This p r a c t i c e was because Cheung Ts'uen was established e a r l i e r than Ha Ts'uen whereas people of Sha-tei, Ha-pin and Uen Ts'uen o r i g i n a l l y came from Ha Ts'uen. 128. (3) Sha-tel Ts'uen There were two; a n c e s t r a l h a l l s i n Sha-tei known as the Ue-shan and the Kw'ai-yan Ancestral H a l l s . The f i r s t conducted Spring Rites on the 2nd day of the New Year. I t was founded by the junior seg-ment. The second conducted Spring Rites on the 6th day of the New Year. I t represented the 1st fang of the v i l l a g e . This a n c e s t r a l h a l l was very b i g and the Kwaan from other v i l l a g e s , even as f a r away as the Yeung-lo Heung, also went there f o r the r i t e s . On the other hand, those who attended the Ue-shan Ancestral H a l l also went to Ha Ts'uen to attend the Spring R i t e s . The v i l l a g e elders went to the Kwong-ue T'ong i n Che-hom on the 14th day a f t e r the New Year. Since Sha-tei was f i v e minutes walk from Che-hom, i t was heterogeneous i n population structure. I t included among i t s Inhabitants people from Ling-uen Heung, Ng-wing Heung, Lo-yeung Heung and Chung-miu Heung. Thus, people from t h i s v i l l a g e , besides attend-ing e i t h e r the Ue-shan or the Kw'ai-yan Ancestral H a l l also went elsewhere f o r the Spring R i t e s . (4) Ha-pin Ts'uen Ha-pin had two an c e s t r a l h a l l s each representing a d i f f e r e n t fang i n the v i l l a g e . The people of Ha-pin went back to Ha Ts'uen to attend the Annual Spring Rites because they were o r i g i n a l l y from there. (5) Na-loh Ts'uen There were two surname groups i n Na-loh - the Oo and the Kwaan. The Kwaan occupied 10 a l l e y s and the Oo, 6 a l l e y s . There were two ancestral h a l l s i n the v i l l a g e : the small one for the Oo and the bigger one f o r the Kwaan. The Kwaan of Na-loh went to attend the ancestral r i t e s i n other v i l l a g e s while the elder members went to the Kwong-ue T'ong 1 2 9 . to take part in the Spring and Autumn Rites. On the other hand, however, no one from other villages went to Na-loh to attend the ancestral h a l l there. CONCLUSION One can deduce from the above data that i n T'oh-fuk, ancestral halls did not confine r i t u a l membership to people of one village. The r i t u a l hierarchy was complicated and interlocking. Those who migrated to another village went back to their village of origin to attend the r i t e s . If this pattern was true of a l l the villages there, one can perhaps t e l l the relative generation depth and mi-gration history of each village by investigating into the membership 7 of ancestral halls in the village'. In fact, further investigation shows that the four Hsiang of T'oh-fuk roughly coincided with the four segments of the Kwaan lineage. Each of them had i t s own major ancestral h a l l . The r i t u a l centre of Ng-wing Heung,for example, was the ancestral h a l l at Taai-ng Ts'uen; the r i t u a l centre of Chung-miu Heung was the ancestral h a l l at Taai-lung Ts'uen; the r i t u a l centre of Lo-yeung Heung was the ances-t r a l h a l l at Lo Ts'uen; the r i t u a l centre of Ling-uen Heung was the ancestral h a l l at Cheung Ts'uen ( i . e . Ling-uen T'ong). Each of these four ancestral halls had corporate property to sustain the r i t u a l s . The elders and gentry members of these four ancestral halls also attended the Spring and Autumn Rites at Che-hom's Kwong-ue T'ong which owned the land at Upper Che-hom. When asked why the main ancestral h a l l of the Kwaan was at Che-hom and not i n Taai-ng Ts'uen which was the f i r s t village founded by Wing Kung in 1 5 0 0 , one informant answered, "This i s because Che-hom 130. was more important. It was easier to reach by ferry and bus. Moreover, the ancestral h a l l at Taai-ng Ts'uen was too limited and i t s corporate wealth was not enough to sustain the r i t u a l s for so many Kwaan in T'oh-fuk". Ritual Ties Between The Kwaan at T'oh-fuk and the Kwaan in other Parts of Hoi-p' ing. •  (1) The Kau-p'ei-ch'ung Branch Outside T'oh-fuk, there was another settlement with an elaborate ancestral h a l l . It was at the Kau-p'ei-ch'ung Market. As has been said, the Kau-p'ei-ch'ung branch was founded by Uen-luk around 1530. That was the ancestral h a l l in honour of him, with corporate property to sustain the r i t u a l s . While there were about 20,000 Kwaan in T'oh-fuk, there were only about 300 to 400 Kwaan i n Kau-p'ei-ch'ung which was separated from T'oh-fuk by over 30 l i (11 miles). Of the 20 villages in Kau-p'ei-ch'ung, the Kwaan only occupied 4 before 1880. Since that date, however, some of the Kwaan from Lo-yeung Heung migrated there. By the 1940's the Kwaan already occupied 7 villages there. The Uen-luk Ancestral Hall weuBftfes only h a l l for these 7 villages. The elders from this area went to Lo Ts'uen in Lo-yeung Heung and to Kwong-ue T'ong at Che-hom to perform r i t e s but they had no right to get the r i t u a l meat since they had no claim in the corporate property of Lo-yeung Heung or on the T'oh-fuk Kwaan lineage as a whole. No one from the T'oh-fuk area came to Kau-p«ei-ch'ung' s Uen-luk ancestral h a l l to perform r i t e s . 131. (2) The Te 1ung-long Branch In Ts'ung-long Heung, there was a group of 6 to 7 v i l l a g e s found-ed 180 years ago by the Kwaan from Chung-miu Heung and Ling-uen Heung. In the 1940's, there were about 150-200 people i n each v i l l a g e . These 8 v i l l a g e s were c a l l e d "she" and not "ts'un" . They were about two hours' walk from Che-hom and were separated from T'oh-fuk by the Oo lineage at Ue-leung Heung, the Chau lineage at Hin-kong and the Wong lineage at Paak-hop. Lung-tsai She, one of the v i l l a g e s , had about 200 people: the Tang and the Kwaan had each 90 souls and the Wong about 15* The Kwaan l i v e d at the v i l l a g e head, the Tang i n the middle and the Wong at the v i l l a g e t a i l . They l i v e d i n segregated areas of the v i l l a g e . I t i s not known where the Tang and the Wong came from, but the Kwaan founder i n t h i s v i l l a g e was Yan-waang Kung who came from Na-loh v i l l a g e about 160 to 170 years ago when the l a t t e r v i l l a g e had become over-populated. The Kwaan at Lung-tsai She, Ts'ung-hing She as well as other Kwaan v i l l a g e s at Ts'ung-long a l l went to T'oh-fuk f o r the Spring and Autumn R i t e s . They attended Taai-lung Ts'uen or Cheung Ts'uen's ance s t r a l h a l l and shared the r i t u a l meat depending on whether t h e i r ancestors came from Chung-miu or Ling-uen Heung. The gentry and elders from Ts'ung-long attended the r i t e s at Kwong-ue T'ong i n Che-hom and were e n t i t l e d to the r i t u a l meat there. (3) The Yeung-lo Branch In* Yeung-lo Heung, the two Kwaan v i l l a g e s (Kei-shing L e i and Ngau-laan-tai) were about 6 to 7 generations deep. Kei-shing L e i had one ancestral h a l l with no corporate property attached to the h a l l . They went back to Sha-tei and Cheung Ts'uen to attend the 132. annual r i t e s and their village elders went to Kwong-ue T'ong to take part in the worship there, but they had no right to claim the r i t u a l 9 meat in Sha-tai, Cheung Ts'uen or Kwong-ue T'ong . SUMMARY: Ritual Segmentation among the Kwaan There was no ancestral h a l l or corporate property belonging to the Kwaan of Hoi-p'ing as a whole. T'oh-fuk was the seat of a l o c a l -ized Kwaan lineage with Kwong-ue T'ong as the r i t u a l centre and the 4 Hsiang were i t s major segments, each having i t s own corporate property and ancestral h a l l . The Kwaan at Ts'ung-long and the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk formed a higher order lineage. The Kwaan at Ts'ung-long attended the r i t e s at Kwong-ue T'ong and also the r i t e s of one of the four Hsiang at T'oh-fuk where their ancestors came from. At the same time, there was*'no ancestral h a l l with corporate property for Ts'ung-long Kwaan as a whole. The Kwaan at Kau-p'ei-ch'ung did not form a higher order lineage with the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk. It was a localized lineage and had a r i t u a l centre of i t s own with corporate property. Although the elders attended the r i t e s at T'oh-fuk, they did not have a share in the r i t u a l meat or the corporate property owned by the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk. Their relationship with T'oh-fuk was close. They were linked geneologically and hi s t o r i c a l l y , had co-operated i n more ways than one. S t i l l they were more of a clanship relationship as far as r i t u a l expression was concerned The relationship between the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk and the Kwaan at Yeung-lo i s harder to classify. They had no ancestral h a l l of their own and yet they did not form a higher-order lineage with the 133. T'oh-fuk Kwaan since they had no claim on the r i t u a l meat at Kwong-ue T!;ong or the ancestral halls of the four Hsiang at T'oh-fuk. Like the Kwaan at Kau-p'ei-ch'ung, their attendance of the r i t e s at Che-hom was "diplomatic", probably motivated by the fact that Che-hom was one of the major economic and p o l i t i c a l centres of Hoi-p'ing. The Kwaan at Yeung-kong were also linked with the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk geneologically. But, unlike the Kwaan at Yeung-lo and Kau-p'ei-ch'ung, they did not even attend the r i t e s at Kwong-ue T'ong nor did they co-operate with the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk in any projects. Even more remote was the connection of the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk and the Kwaan in Naam-hoi or the rest of Kwangtung, although the Hei-om Shue-uen served as a symbolic reminder of their common founder. Like many clan associations in Kwangtung (Makino Tatsumi:90,10§), Spring and Autumn Rites were performed i n the Hei-om Shue-uen by the Kwaan gentry in Kwangtung who happened to be in Canton, but the ceremony was simple: no r i t u a l meat was divided and the Hei-om Shue-uen owned no land. B. Economic Ties The Kwaan in T'oh-fuk worked or attended Che-hom as their stan-dard market town. This did not mean that Che-hom was closest to their respective villages than other market-towns. In fact, inhabitants of Ha Ts'uen and Cheung Ts'uen were nearer to Tong-hau Market and Lau-kong Market than they were to Che-hom. The reason given by my informants was simply that Che-hom was the market-town for the Kwaan lineage. Moreover, since the building of the T*oh-fuk Public Road, i t was very easy to go there by bus. The Kwaan at Ts'ung-long were two hours' walk from Che-hom. They attended the T'in-sam Market as their standard market and Che-hom as the intermediate market, although they were nearer to Hin-kong Market ( c o n t r o l l e d by the Oo). This was because wholesalers from Cheung-sha went to Che-hom to do business and p r i c e s were cheaper there. But people from Ts'ung-long did not as a r u l e invest i n Che-hom. They only bought and sold there and c o l l e c t e d overseas remittan-ces from there. The b u i l d i n g of the Ngau-hin-t'ung Public Road which l i n k e d Ngau-min-sha, Hin-kong and Taai-t'ung Markets meant that they could t r a v e l to Che-hom by bus i n l e s s than h a l f an hour. The inhabitants of Kau-p'ei-ch'ung attended Kau-p*ei-ch'ung Market as t h e i r standard market and the Kam-kai Market (Yan-p'ing) as t h e i r intermediate market town. Beforethe 1920's, the Kwaan at Kau-p'ei-ch'ung did not invest, buy or s e l l i n Che-hom. However, i n 1923, the Taai-t'ung Market was founded. The Kau-p'ei-ch'ung Market dissolved i t s e l f and the Kwaan simply moved t h e i r shops to the Taai-t'ung Market. Since then, they monopolized the transport of cows from Yeung-kong and Yan-p'ing and s a l t from Na-foo (T'oi-shaan) to Che-hom. Th i s , together with the b u i l d i n g of the two major roads - Ngau-hin-t'ung and T s ' a i -hin-t'ung - l e d to very close economic l i n k s between the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk and the Kwaan at Kau-p'ei-ch'ung. The Kwaan at Yeung-lo was more than 10 l i (3 to 4 miles) away from Che-hom. They attended the Sha-chau Market as t h e i r standard market and Paak-sha Market (T'oi-shaan) as t h e i r intermediate market. They d i d not invest, buy or s e l l at Che-hom. Overseas remittances sent to the Kwaan at Yeung-lo Heung went through Paak-sha Market. A f t e r the construction of the Sha-im-paak Public Road i n the 1920's, the very r i c h people from Yeung-lo went to Che-hom for 135. luxury goods. But, the building of this public road on the whole did not improve the economic relationship between the Kwaan at Yeung-lo and the Kwaan at Ghe-hom since i t was the Wong and the Ma who dominated trade in this area. DISCUSSION While Che-hom served as the standard market to the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk i t was the Ts'ung-long Kwaan who attended Che-hom as an intermediate market before the age of road building. The Yeung-lo and the Kau-p'ei-ch'ung Kwaan seldom attended Che-hom. In Freedman's language, (1966:23-5) the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk and the Kwaan at Ts'ung-long belonged to the same "vicinage" using Che-hom, an intermediate market, as the centre. The fact that wholesalers from Cheung-sha, a central market town, went to Che-hom to offer cheaper prices induced peasants and small store owners to market more often at Che-hom which offered a great variety of goods at lower prices. At the same time, the farmers at Ts'ung-long found i t feasible to market their produce directly at Che-hom, taking advantage of the higher buying power. It was such economic ties which had kept the r i t u a l relationship between the T'oh-fuk Kwaan and the Ts'ung-long Kwaan so close. After the founding of the Taai-t'ung Market in 1923, and the building of roads in the 1920's, the relationship between the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk and the Kwaan at Kau-p'ei-ch'ung became closer. This development among the Kwaan in Hoi-p'ing supports Skinner's theory (1964-5 Part 11:214) that marketing a c t i v i t i e s usually s h i f t from standard to higher level markets in the course of modernization. However, Skinner's belief (ibid:37-41) that bonds between localized lineages in different marketing communities tend to erode with time does not apply to the Kwaan in Hoi-p'ing. The Kwaan at Ts'ung-long 136. and the Kwaan at Kau-p1ei-ch'ung had strong ties with the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk although they belonged to different marketing communities and were geographically separated from the T'oh-fuk Kwaan by other lineages. The reason why Skinner's theory does not apply to the Kwaan i s perhaps because of the importance of the T'aam River to the economic l i f e of the lineages in Hoi-p'ing. The Kwaan at Che-hom could not ignore the Kwaan at Kau-p'ei-ch'ung and Ts'ung-long or to draw themselves away, since they needed to command the trade route from T'oi-shaan, Yeung-kong and Yan-p'ing. They needed to expand their economic horizon to survive, since corporate land alone was not enough to maintain the Kwaan there as a prominent lineage i n the 20th Century. At the same time, the Kwaan at Ts'ung-long and Kau-p'ei-ch'ung were attracted to the central position of Che-hom. C. Administrative Links (1) Before 1929* Sz-heung Kung-yeuk Before 1929, the Kwaan of T'oh-fuk had a Sz-heung Kung-yeuk in Che-hom with Kwong-ue T'ong attached to i t as the lineage head-quarters of the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk. The term yeuk- (yueh) here referred to a building attended by the Hsiang gentry from Lo-yeung, Ng-wing, Chung-miu and Ling-uen Heung to regulate lineage a f f a i r s . The Kung-yeuk (Kung-yueh) and the Kwong-ue T'ong were in fact diplomatic centres between the Kwaan lineage and other lineages as well as between various branches of the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk on matters such as the management of ancestral h a l l property. They were also the court of appeal to regulate violent conflicts between lineage members in matters such as inheritance. This yueh-so was the basic unit of militarization during the 137. Hakka/Punti War. Each of the four Hsiang formed into a t'uan and the yueh-so.co-ordinated these Hsiang-t'uan. The yiieh-so in turn formed the Luen-po T'ong with the Sz-t'o at Che-hom to fight the Hakka in 1853* The Maan-ts'uen Kuk formed by the Kwaan at Kau-p'ei-ch'ung with the Lei at Kam-oo co-operated with the Luen-po T'ong. Kwaan Wai-shing, a T'oh-fuk gentry, started a tsung-chu in Kam-kai Market and stayed there for eight years (1853-61) (K'ai-p'ing Hsien-chih: 288). FIGURE XIII Local Militarization of the Kwaan in Hoi-p'ing (1851-1863) Tsung-chu (Kam-kai Market) 1 Maan-ts'uen Kuk (Kam-oo) Luen-po T'ong (Che-hom) r Lei (Kam-oo) Kwaan (Kau-p'ei-ch'ung) Kwaan Sz-heung Yeuk-shoh (Che-hom) Sz-t'o League (Kaau-tai) Lo-yeung Ling-uen Chung-miu Ng-wing Heung- Heung- Heung Heung t'uen t'uen t'uen t'uen Military organization among the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk during the 1911-28 c r i s i s was the same as during the Hakka/Punti c r i s i s . Local Defence Corps of the Kwaan there was run by the main ancestral halls of each of the k Hsiang in T'oh-fuk while the Sz-heung Kung-yeuk co-ordinated the Hsiang-t'uan. Outside T'oh-fuk, however, the Hsiang-t'uan was not controlled by the Sz-heung Kung-yeuk during the 1911-1928 c r i s i s . For example, in Ts'ung-long, the Kwaan was part of the Ts'ung-long Heung-t'uen. It was not under the direction oftiae gentry of the Ling-uen Heung or Chung-miu Heung from whence they came. Likewise, the Yeung-lo Heung-t'uen had no connection with the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk: i t was led by the Chue, the Cheung and the Sz-t'o at Sha-chau Market. In Kau-p'ei-ch'ung, the Kwaan formed the Waang-shaan Heung-t'uen and were independent of T'oh-fuk i n a l l i t s actions. COMMENTS The form of militarization among the Kwaan in Hoi-p'ing in the period between 1911 and 1928 shows that higher-order lineages were not u t i l i z e d as a unit of militarization as much as multi-surname associations of lineagesliving in close proximity. One possible reason i s that social disturbances were affecting the whole of Hoi-p'ing during the 20th Century whereas the Hakka/Punti War merely affected the Hoi-p'ing - Yan-p'ing - T'oi-shaan border areas, leaving the middle and lower courses of the T'aam River untouched. This widespread disturbances in Hoi-p'ing between 1911-28 must have led to the formation of multi-lineage associations on a regional basis and thus contributed to the growth of class consciousness among the el i t e s of the various lineages l i v i n g in proximity to one another. 139. (2) After 1930 - Sz-heung Kung-shoh By 1929, the Kwaan in T'oh-fuk numbered 20,000 and they were in a good bargaining position with the Hsien government because of their powerful Hsiang-t'uan which the government needed to wipe out any remnants of the T'o-t'ong bandits. A series of negotiations was actually held between the Hsien-chang and the Kwaan gentry such as Kwaan Wing-t'ong, Kwaan K'am-shek and Kwaan Shung-taat when Ch'en Chi-t'ang came to power in Canton. The Hsiang-t'uan was disbanded and the Sz-heung Kung-yeuk was changed to the Sz-heung Kung-shoh empowered not only to direct the internal a f f a i r s of the lineage i t s e l f but also to perform given administrative functions. The leaders agreed to the disbanding of the Hsiang-t'uan possibly because of their desire for law and order and for the protection of their own property which was threatened during the 1911-1928 c r i s i s . From 1929 onwards, the Sz-heung Kung-shoh centred in Che-hom represented the p o l i t i c a l headquarters of a l l the Kwaan in Hoi-p'ing, except in matters of defence and security. Whatever quota, be i t tax quota, labour or conscription, the government assigned to the Kwaan would go through the Sz-heung Kung-shoh, the Hsiang gentry working there would divide the quota among the inhabitants of the k Hsiang. This included the Kwaan who had moved outside T'oh-fuk. The Hsiang-chang of Chung-miu Heung working in the Sz-heung Kung-shoh, for example, claimed jurisdiction over the Kwaan at Ts'ung-long and Yeung-lo Heung, although in fact there was a Yeung-lo Heung-kung-shoh in Sha-chau Market and a Ts'ung-long Heung-kung-shoh in T'in-sam Market 1 1. In the same way, the Hsiang-chang of Ling-uen Heung claimed jurisdiction: over the Kwaan in Ha-pin which was near Paak-hop 1 4 0 . while the gentry member of Ha-pin went back to Ha Ts'uen for con-sultation in important village matters. Such administrative arrangements were at times beneficial to the individual Kwaan. Although i t was not known how much more immunities from taxation the lineage el i t e s in the Sz-heung Kung-shoh themselves or their underlings had as compared to the ordinary Kwaan member,: nonetheless, from the data of my f i e l d work, i t i s quite certain that the average Kwaan was in a more favourable position than his non-Kwaan neighbours in terms of tax payment. For example, I was told that they did not have to pay land or head taxes owing to the influence of the village gentry. The Hsien government periodically sent re-presentatives to the ancestral halls to collect army rations. But the payment was not regular. The people of Sha-tei did not have to pay taxes except during war time when the landowners had to send "nin-leung" (annual levies) directly to the Department of Public Security at Che-hom. These benefits experienced by members of the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk were also extended to the Kwaan at Ts'ung-long. For example, in Ts'ung-hing She, no taxes were ever paid to the government (either land taxes or head taxes) because of the powerful influence of three local leaders who lived in Che-hom and who had certain relationships 12 with the government through the Sz-heung Kung-shoh . The relationship between the Sz-heung Kung-shoh and the Kau-p'ei-ch'ung Kwaan was not as intimate. Kau-p'ei-ch'ung had a Hsiang Kung-so of i t s own at the Kau-p'ei-ch'ung Market dominated by the Kwaan there. But in important matters, those gentry who came from Lo-yeung Heung would go to the Sz-heung Kung-shoh for discussion. 141. This, I think, i s because Che-hom had important administrative functions for the whole of Hoi-p'ing. There was a branch office of the Department of Public Security in Che-hom in 1930. This market town was also the main office of the Sha-t'in T i t l e s Clarification Bureau in 1924; the Education Department in 1911-1927; the Hsien Land Registration Office in 1930-32; Fortress Tax Bureau (1925) and the KMT Party Office from 1926 onwards. The Kau-p'ei-ch'uang, Yeung-lo and Ts'ung-long Heung-kung-shoh could not compare with the Sz-heung Kung-shoh at Che-hom in power and prestige. Moreover, as have been described in the early part of this chapter, the Kwaan of T'oh-fuk also served in the various government organs such as the Hsien Consultative Assemblies, the KMT Party Office, the A l l Hsien Mortgage and Property Tax Bureau etc. I think i t i s such power and prestige as well as the economic and p o l i t i c a l importance of the Che-hom which attracted a l l the Kwaan in Hoi-p'ing. They acknowledged the Kwong-ue T'ong as the r i t u a l centre in spite of geographical separation. CONCLUSION I see r i t u a l ties as symbolic expressions of economic and p o l i t i -cal ties between different branches of a lineage. Ritual ties may precede economic and p o l i t i c a l t i e s , but the latte r sustain r i t u a l ties once they are established. A l l the Kwaan in T'oh-fuk acknowledged the Kwong-ue T'ong as the r i t u a l centre and Che-hom as the economic centre of the lineage. Ts'ung-long wasteconomically, administratively and r i t u a l l y an integral part of the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk. The economic and r i t u a l links between the Kwaan at Yeung-lo and the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk were 142. weak but were sustained by the administrative ties because of the protective umbrella offered them by the Sz-heung Kung-shoh. Kau-p'ei-ch'ung's r i t u a l ties with T'oh-fuk was weak from the start, but these were strengthened in the 1920's because of the reciprocal economic relationship between Che-hom and the Taai-t'ung Market and because of the growing p o l i t i c a l importance of the Sz-heung Kung-shoh. The Kwaan at Yeung-kong, Naam-hoi and other parts of Kwangtung had no r i t u a l connections with the Kwaan at T'oh-fuk not only because of geographical separation, I think, but also because their connections had not been sustained by economic and p o l i t i c a l t i e s . 143. CHAPTER V - NOTES 1. By Ha Fu i s meant the servile households l i v i n g in the village of a powerful lineage. They stayed in the houses provided by their masters in the village and had to serve their masters without wages. Their positions were inherited. The presence of Ha Fu households in powerful lineages was a common phenomenon in South China. Freedman notices that in one d i s t r i c t of Kwangtung, out of a total of 10,000 people 30% were Ha Fu (Freedman 1966:10) Baker (155-61) believes that the presence of Ha Fu in the lineages was a symbol of wealth and power in traditional China. The best known sources on Ha Fu i s Wang's ar t i c l e (if8-49). He compares them with Roman slaves but believes that they were much better off than slaves because they had the freedom to engage in non-farming occupations. According to him, during the early Min-kuo period,;'y there was a proposal to emancipate the Ha Fu of Kwangtung, but nothing was done (ibid:49) u n t i l after 1949. 2. The term laan means wholesale markets dealing with foodstuffs. Small dealers bought from these laan for re t a i l i n g purposes in their own market towns in traditional and modern China (Masui Tsuneo:278, 280). The appearance of laan in Che-hom shows that this market-town was on i t s wa