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Heraus aus der Kirche : German Social Democracy’s policies towards the churches, 1865-1918 Grossman, Raoul R. 1976

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HERAUS AUS DER KIRCHE: GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY'S POLICIES TOWARDS THE CHURCHES, 1865 - 1918. by • RAOUL R. GROSSMAN B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1972. A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of History We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1976 0 Raoul R. Grossman In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements for an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r ag ree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g of th is thesis f o r s c h o l a r l y pu rpo se s may be g r a n t e d by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t copying or pub l i ca t ion of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f THa+.m*y The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h • C o l u m b i a 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date 3o September 1976 i i Abstract This thesis investigates s o c i a l democratic p o l i c i e s towards the churches from 1865 to 1918. Chapter one examines party p o l i t i c a l considerations which led to the a t h e i s t i c campaigns of the mid 1870's. I t investigates simultaneous attempts by some of the party's leaders to supplant t r a d i t i o n a l C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s with a s p e c i f i c a l l y s o c i a l i s t i c Weltanschauung. The chapter ends with the passing of the S o c i a l i s t Law of 1878, by which church and government hoped to break up the So c i a l Democratic party. The A n t i - S o c i a l i s t Law, which remained i n e f f e c t for twelve years (1878-1890), gave the C h r i s t i a n churches the opportunity to develop and enact t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l programs. Chapter two outlines the churches' endeavours to come to grips with the s o c i a l question and to f i n d solutions to the pressing needs of Germany's i n d u s t r i a l p r o l e t a r i a t . It points out the fundamental short-coming of a l l these programs, the churches' denial of the workers' r i g h t of p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l self-determination and above a l l the way i n which the church a l l i e d with the Imperial Government. F i n a l l y , the thesis studies the e f f e c t s the S o c i a l i s t Law had on the party p o l i t i c a l development, from 1890 to 1918. As a r e s u l t of i t , the s o c i a l i s t move-i ment s p l i t into two factions, the moderates and the r a d i c a l s . The moderates opted for a p o l i c y of r e s t r a i n t to f o r e s t a l l further repressive l e g i s l a t i o n . To counteract these forces of moderation, the party's r a d i c a l s launched i n 1908 an antichurch campaign i n the attempt to i n c i t e the party's rank and f i l e to I l l revolutionary action. However, widespread indifference towards the r e l i g i o i question caused the f a i l u r e of this endeavour and 1918 witnessed the end of r a d i c a l church p o l i c i e s . i v Table of Contents Page Abstract i i Table of Contents i v Acknowledgements v Introduction 1 Chapter 1 Kingdom of Heaven or Kingdom of Man: The R i v a l Weltanschauungs, 186-9 - 1890 7 Chapter 2 The Churches Face the S o c i a l Question, 1860's - 1914 . . . 39 Chapter 3 Heraus aus der Kirche: The Struggle Against the P o l i t i c a l Church, 1890 - 1914 62 Conclusion 105 Bibliography 109 Appendices A - Church Attendance and Secession i n the C i t y of B e r l i n . . 121 B - Location of Churches Polled on 18 May 1913 by Komittee - Konfessionslos 124 C - P o l i t i c a l Boycott of the Church 125 D - The Secessionist Movement i n Germany, 1908 - 1915 . . . 128 E - Secessionist Applications F i l e d and Processed i n the P r o v i n c i a l Court of Dusseldorf, 1913 129 V Acknowledgements My debts to i n d i v i d u a l s and i n s t i t u t i o n s are many. I wish to express my s p e c i a l gratitude to the following. Professors John S. Conway and Stanley Pech gave me i n s p i r a t i o n , en-couragement and invaluable guidance during my graduate student years. Their teaching, generous advice and i n c i s i v e comments and c r i t i c i s m s have helped me to think more c l e a r l y about German h i s t o r y . I wish to express my sincere appreciation to Margaret Friesen and her s t a f f of the Department of I n t e r l i b r a r y Loans, Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, for t h e i r u n t i r i n g endeavors to get my various requests f i l l e d . Last but not le a s t I wish to thank Barrie B r i l l , John Bristow, Kae and Don McRae, and Joan Selby for t h e i r help and guidance afforded to me through-out the preparation of t h i s t h e s i s . It must be a r e l i e f to them to see the end of i t . Introduction The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the German S o c i a l Democratic party and t r a d i t i o n a l C h r i s t i a n i t y i s a topic l a r g e l y ignored by h i s t o r i c a l scholarship. Many h i s -torians have assumed that these two confronted each other as b i t t e r and i r r e c o n c i l a b l e foes. There is some truth i n this widespread assumption, but such an evaluation does tend to oversimplify the relationship.1 From the mid-nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries, two major phases i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between S o c i a l Democracy and C h r i s t i a n i t y can be discerned. The f i r s t phase, from about 1865 to 1890, witnessed the firm establishment of socialism i n Germany and the f a i l u r e of the C h r i s t i a n churches to r e t a i n the l o y a l t y of the working c l a s s . The d e c h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n of the working class was well advanced before the churches were f u l l y aware of the seriousness of the s i t u a t i o n . Contemporary clergymen often concluded that s o c i a l i s t propaganda was the cause of d e c h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n , while i n fact the s i t u a t i o n was much more complex. There were indeed m i l i t a n t atheists among the S o c i a l i s t s who viewed C h r i s t i a n i t y as a major deterrent to the future growth of the party. They were only too pleased to take the c r e d i t for t h i s d e c h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n . At the same time, there were others i n the party who recognized the need for a c e r t a i n r e l i g i o u s mode of thought and offered an E r s a t z r e l i g i o n . H a i l i n g labour as the true messiah of the i n d u s t r i a l age, they depicted s o c i a l i s m as reverting back to the o r i g i n a l s o c i a l mission of the early C h r i s t i a n s . This kind of s o c i a l i s m was not t o t a l l y a n t i t h e t i c a l to C h r i s t i a n i t y ; for this popular conception 2 incorporated psychological and i n t e l l e c t u a l l i n k s to the b e l i e f s of e a r l i e r Utopians. These S o c i a l Democrats continued a t r a d i t i o n , inaugurated by Wilhelm Weitling i n the early 1840's, of attempting to e s t a b l i s h a Kingdom of Man, 2 rather than a Kingdom of God, on earth. Thus there were conjunctive as well as d i s j u n c t i v e elements i n the d r i f t from C h r i s t i a n i t y to socialism. Socialism was a synthesis of numerous elements, some of which were drawn from r e l i g i o u s thought and sentiment. A f t e r 1890, s o c i a l democratic p o l i c i e s towards the churches underwent a t a c t i c a l change. On the basis of t h e i r experiences during the previous twenty years the more moderate S o c i a l Democrats believed that the i d e o l o g i c a l b a t t l e against r e l i g i o n was useless and t a c t i c a l harmful. They now focussed t h e i r attack against the church as an i n s t i t u t i o n because i t so obviously was a p r i n c i p a l prop for the reactionary p o l i c i e s of the Imperial Government. How-ever, at the same time the r a d i c a l s o c i a l i s t s i n t e n s i f i e d this e f f o r t and --portraying the church as a t o o l of oppression i n the hands of Germany's r u l i n g e l i t e -- worked towards the dismemberment of the church. With a perspective of a hundred years, one can see that each phase was designed by the s o c i a l i s t leaders to provide an i d e o l o g i c a l and p o l i t i c a l frame* work for party members. The workers could only achieve f u l l class consciousness i f they had reached p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l independence, part of which was the disavowal of t r a d i t i o n a l C h r i s t i a n i t y . As long as the r e s t r i c t i v e struc-tures of Imperial Germany remained, the s o c i a l i s t leaders sought to make i t appear that the workers' r e j e c t i o n of established C h r i s t i a n i t y was an endorse-ment of t h e i r own p o l i c i e s towards the churches. In fact, however, the workers' a l i e n a t i o n and estrangement from the Chris-t i a n church had l i t t l e to do with s o c i a l i s t ideology. In 1848 the leaders of 3 the churches, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Protestant church, had been quick to condemn 3 the Revolution as wicked, un-Godly and un-German. Unable to perceive the destructive nature of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n on the t r a d i t i o n a l g u i l d system and on the workers' s o c i a l and moral l i f e , the churches s t i l l propagated the v i s i o n of an a g r i c u l t u r a l and seigneurial society. Thus, p a r t l y by choice, p a r t l y by circumstance the churches never attempted to help the urban worker i n his struggle for s u r v i v a l . It was c l e a r that he could expect l i t t l e , i f any help from a church bound to a p r e - i n d u s t r i a l past. In the ensuing Existenzkampf he became increasingly s k e p t i c a l and d i s t r u s t f u l of belated attempts by the church to bring him back into the f o l d . He had l i t t l e i n c l i n a t i o n to become the manipulated foot s o l d i e r of the o f f i c i a l church, which p u b l i c l y endorsed national conservatism. The awakening working class quite n a t u r a l l y found the a l l i a n c e of throne and a l t a r repugnant. Utter indifference v i s a v i s the 4 church took hold among the working c l a s s . The Protestant church i n p a r t i c u l a r did not r e a l i z e what had happened and was happening. I t singled out s o c i a l i s t propaganda as the root cause of the workers' "atheism". Given this excuse for i t s teachings i t did not need to adjust to a changed s o c i a l environment, whose needs i t could not meet without d r a s t i c changes i n i t s own p o l i c i e s and s o c i a l p r i o r i t i e s . While tenaciously c l i n g i n g on to i t s claim of being a "people's church", i t had in fact become a church for the p r i v i l e g e d . The propaganda war between church and S o c i a l Democracy thus becomes s e l f -perpetuating. In t h e i r zeal and fanaticism, the r i v a l r y over the p o t e n t i a l l y valuable bodies and souls of the workers bore l i t t l e c o r r e l a t i o n with the workers' d i s i n t e r e s t . In p a r t i c u l a r , the r a d i c a l s o c i a l i s t s ' attack on the church as the weakest member of the established order f a i l e d to rouse them into 4 supportive action. Despite r a d i c a l s o c i a l i s t r h e t o r i c that the church was a stumbling block to Germany's free c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l development, the workers' a l i e n a t i o n and indifference was such that they looked upon the church issue as dead. The greatest obstacle to dealing with the topic of s o c i a l democratic church p o l i c i e s during the period indicated is the lo c a t i n g of s u i t a b l e materials. This is p a r t i c u l a r l y true for anyone e n t i r e l y dependent on English sources which are v i r t u a l l y nonexistent. Some insight is to be gained, however, from the study of the monographs by Guenther Roth, Walter Struve and Vernon L. Lidtke, who, although w r i t i n g about other aspects of German S o c i a l Democracy, do touch i n varying degrees upon the topic of church relations."* More h e l p f u l than these is the study by W.O. Shanahan on German Protestantism, 1815 - 1871. Although concentrating on the church's point of view, Shanahan's book does contain a chapter on the r e l a t i o n between church and socialism. In comparison, the material i n German is abundant. Much of i t is polemi-c a l , however, and thus r e p e t i t i v e . The all-important p e r i o d i c a l s and o f f i c i a l party congress t r a n s c r i p t s for the 1865 - 1890 period are r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e . The p e r i o d i c a l s Zukunft, Volksstaat and Neue Ze i t -- which c a r r i e d much of the debate about s o c i a l democratic church p o l i c i e s -- have either been reprinted i n recent years or are a v a i l a b l e i n microform. Contemporary monographs by party leaders such as Bebel, Kautsky, Bernstein and Dietzgen are also indispen-sable sources for t h i s subject. Much of the primary source material for the period 1890 - 1918 had to be c o l l e c t e d by personal v i s i t s to archives and l i b r a r i e s i n Europe. The en t i r e secession movement i n Germany, from i t s feeble beginnings i n 1908 to i t s climax i n 1914, seems to have l a r g e l y escaped English-speaking scholars' attention. 5 This i s , probably, due to the fact that none of the primary sources have yet been translated. An extensive c o l l e c t i o n of secession documents are to be found i n the Hauptstaatsarchiv D'usseldorf, Zweigarchiv Schloss Kalkum. I t contains reports from p o l i c e o f f i c i a l s , clergymen, p r o v i n c i a l ministers and concerned c i t i z e n s on the a c t i v i t i e s of the S o c i a l Democrats and the various free-thinking groups. Dissident p e r i o d i c a l s , such as the Atheist, Freidenker, Das f r e i e Wort, are scattered among several l i b r a r i e s , the Z e i t u n g s i n s t i t u t i n Dusseldorf, the u n i v e r s i t y l i b r a r i e s of Erlangen and Gottingen and the I n s t i -tute for S o c i a l History i n Amsterdam. Important pamphlets by Hoffman and Lehmann-Russbludt are housed i n the Zentralarchiv Merseburg, East Germany, which also has numerous l e a f l e t s and other s o c i a l i s t propaganda material. Some material can also be found i n the party archives of the German S o c i a l Democratic party i n Hannover, although most of these pertain to the p o l i t i c a l aspect of party h i s t o r y . This thesis then, i n a small way, hopes to f i l l an e x i s t i n g gap by pre-senting for the f i r s t time i n English portions of some of these primary docu-ments. Unless otherwise noted, a l l translations appearing below are the author's own. 6 Introduction - Footnotes 1. Adolf K e l l e r and Georg Stewart, Protestant Europe: Its C r i s i s and Outlook (New York: Doran, 1927), p. 124. 2. See "Vater unser eines Kommunisten," Die junge Generation 2 (1843): 63-64. Weitling was editor of this journal. 3. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y true of the Lutheran church, while the Catholic church as well as some of the Protestant sects, expressed some sympathy and understanding for the workers' p l i g h t . See Jacques Droz, "Die r e l i g i o s e n Sekten und die Revolution von 1848," Archiv fur Sozialge-schichte 3 (1963): 109-18; C a r l S c h o l l , Die f r e i e n r e l i g i o s e n Gemeinden  und die Social-Demokratie: E i n Wort zum Frieden (Heidelberg: Selbstverlag, 1877). 4. See Annette Kuhn, Die Kirche im Ringen mit dem Sozialismus, 1803-1848 (Miinchen: Pustet, 1965), pp. 37-41. 5. See Bibliography at the end of this thesis for complete c i t a t i o n . 7 Chapter 1 Kingdom of Heaven or Kingdom of Man:  The Rival Weltanschauungs, 1869 - 1890. The second half of the nineteenth century i s often referred to as the biirgerliche Zeitalter. The bourgeoisie set the trends in fashion, morals, and p o l i t i c s . Their convictions shaped an entire era.''" Therefore i t i s not surprising that bourgeois p o l i t i c a l thought in f i l t r a t e d the proletarian movement as well despite proletarian rhetoric denouncing bourgeois policies and ideology. This situation arose from recognizing — as Bernhard Becker did — that the fate of the working class was closely tied to that of the bourgeoisie. Also, the leaders of the Social Democratic party received their i n i t i a l p o l i t i c a l training in bourgeois circles and absorbed — knowingly or 2 unknowingly — much of the bourgeois thinking. A case in point, forming the focal point of this paper, is the adoption by the leaders of the working class movement of the bourgeois concern with the relation of church and state. Ignoring the workers' lack of interest in this issue, the party leaders were bent on making p o l i t i c a l capital out of i t by injecting i t into the philosoph-i c a l and p o l i t i c a l structure of the party. That their attempts failed in the last analysis t was not so much because of counter measures undertaken by the churches, but rather because the church - state question remained a dead issue with the working population at large. The workers' attitude toward church and religion during the 1850's and 8 1860's was one of apathetic i n d i f f e r e n c e . Indeed, even during the Revolu-t i o n of 1848 the topic of r e l a t i o n s with the church s t i r r e d l i t t l e , i f any, 3 excitement. Once German Protestantism had openly i d e n t i f i e d i t s e l f with the monarchy and a r i s t o c r a c y , giving i t s b l e s s i n g to the monied, propertied, 4 and educated classes, i t had l i t t l e l e f t to o f f e r the German ar t i s a n s . Only among the bourgeois l i b e r a l s were there long and, sometimes, emotional debates on the church question. Many l i b e r a l and r a d i c a l democrats i n the Frankfurt Parliament demanded a complete separation of church and state. Not only t h i s , but they further demanded the s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of education, then s t i l l under the tutelage of the c h u r c h . K a r l Biedermann's words i n the Frankfurt Parliament express the sentiments shared by himself and many others towards the church-state-education question. Biedermann j u s t i f i e d his demand for separation of church and state by saying that "only when sep-arated from the state can r e l i g i o u s l i f e be rejuvenated, and f i n d i t s way back to i t s true and pure mission," and "that the schools were secular i n s t i t u -tions and therefore had to be protected against a l i e n influences, p a r t i c u l a r l y those of the clergy, and placed d i r e c t l y under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the s t a t e . " None of the '48 S o c i a l i s t s backed these demands or voiced s i m i l a r ones on t h e i r own. Even the Communist Manifesto, then the most advanced and rad-i c a l of a l l s o c i a l i s t programs, did not make any s p e c i f i c mention of demands v i s a v i s the church; i n f a c t , i t treated the subject of church and r e l i g i o n i n a rather casual fashion.^ Marx and Engels were a t h e i s t s , but neither thought that a s p e c i a l campaign against church or r e l i g i o n was either necessary or desirable. As Marx wrote i n h i s K a p i t a l : "The r e l i g i o u s r e f l e x of the r e a l world can, i n any case, only then vanish, when the p r a c t i c a l r e l a t i o n s of everyday l i f e o f f e r to man none but p e r f e c t l y i n t e l l i g i b l e and reasonable 9 r e l a t i o n s with regard to h i s fellowmen and to nature."" The correct a t t i t u d e for a Marxian S o c i a l i s t was to treat r e l i g i o n as a purely secondary matter because, as the transformation from c a p i t a l i s m took place, the root cause of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f would vanish and so make both C h r i s t i a n i t y and atheism 9 i r r e l e v a n t . R e l i g i o n would simply wither away. After 1848, many bourgeois l i b e r a l s continued to advocate t h e i r favourite topics, separation of church and state and s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of education. These demands reappeared, rather prominently, i n the programs of at le a s t three l i b e r a l p a r t i e s , the F o r t s c h r i t t s p a r t e i , the Sachsische Volkspartei, and the Deutsche V o l k s p a r t e i . " ^ Since both Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel were at one time members of the Sachsische Volkspartei, i t seems l i k e l y that both absorbed the bour-g e o i s l i b e r a l s ' preoccupation with church matters through t h e i r many extensive contacts with l i b e r a l c i r c l e s . As early as 1869, when Liebknecht and Bebel founded the Eisenach party, there appeared under section 3, paragraph 5, of the Eisenach program the demand for "separation of church and state, and separation of school and c h u r c h . O n c e t h i s " l e f t - o v e r " of l i b e r a l i s m found i t s way into s o c i a l democratic programming, i t remained there i n one form or other u n t i l the outbreak of World War I, while i t s f i n a l apotheosis was to be found i n the early l e g i s l a t i o n of the Weimar Republic. The leaders of what was to become the German Soc i a l Democratic party spent most of t h e i r energies and attention during the s i x t i e s on p o l i t i c a l and organizational work. The r e l i g i o u s question moved for the time being into the background. The seventies changed a l l that. In d i r e c t response to the h y s t e r i c a l nationalism which swept Germany upon her u n i f i c a t i o n , the s o c i a l i s t leaders adopted a p o l i c y of m i l i t a n t 10 atheism. While the Protestant clergy everywhere paid t r i b u t e to t h i s accom-plishment, gloating, as one chaplain did, that the combination of "throne, bayonet, and catechism" had proven i t s e l f , the s o c i a l i s t ' s opposition to the Protestant state which had come into being grew. I t strengthened Bebel's and Liebknecht's conviction that i t was not enough to demand separation of church and state, but that the p r e v a i l i n g Protestant Weltanschauung had to be done away with. They were bent on making atheism an i n t e g r a l part of 12 s o c i a l i s t propaganda during the 1870's. Liebknecht's and Bebel's f e e l i n g corresponded to the b e l i e f s and prac-t i c e s of most active s o c i a l i s t s , although the party's Gotha program declared 13 r e l i g i o n a "private matter." They were intent upon disseminating atheism and waged t h e i r attack on C h r i s t i a n i t y with such bi t t e r n e s s that at l e a s t one S o c i a l Democrat protested i n w r i t i n g that i t v i o l a t e d the party program. The leaders of s o c i a l democracy, p a r t i c u l a r l y Bebel, were now convinced that only i f they were v i c t o r i o u s i n the war against C h r i s t i a n i t y could socialism f i n d deep roots i n the convictions of the working men. One Weltanschauung had to replace another. The m i l i t a n t period was ushered i n with reports from the Commune i n P a r i s , i n March 1871. A l l the Commune's a c t i v i t i e s received widespread attention and were reported on at great length i n the Volksstaat. Its dealings i n matters of church and r e l i g i o n was very favourably commented upon. The reports convey a c e r t a i n s a t i s f a c t i o n with the way the Communards dealt with matters e c c l e s i a s t i c a l , leaving l i t t l e doubt that German S o c i a l Democracy was given here a shining example."'""' Already on 5 May 1871, the S o c i a l Democrats of Saxony passed a r e s o l u -t i o n at t h e i r convention, c a l l i n g upon "party members to seced"e>, along with i i t h e i r f a m i l i e s , from the church." J u s t i f y i n g the r e s o l u t i o n , they declared that every r e l i g i o u s communion i s i n i t s e l f reactionary, since any r e l i g i o n i s n ecessarily based on f a i t h . But f a i t h has no place [ i n the movement] which i s e n t i r e l y based on knowledge and the sciences. We have [already] broken with a l l t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l and p o l i -t i c a l views; r e l i g i o n has to come next. At a l l times, i t has served as a means to keep the masses ignorant, to en-able a few to e x p l o i t unhurriedly the many by c u l t i v a t i n g the notion of a hereafter, the metaphysical. 16 A few weeks l a t e r , i n June 1871, the S o c i a l Democrats of Dresden pro-posed a new and more p o l i t i c a l plan, which advanced p o l i t i c a l rather than i d e o l o g i c a l reasons for an attack on the church and church membership. No attempt was made to a s s a i l r e l i g i o n i t s e l f , rather the corruption of the church and i t s highly questionable practices were the target. Indeed, by implication the positiveness of the uncorrupted C h r i s t i a n p r i n c i p l e s was acknowledged. In view of the f a c t that our e n t i r e s o c i a l order i s based upon p r i n c i p l e s which contravene a l l morals, l o g i c , and j u s t i c e ; p r i n c i p l e s that do not recognize the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l to the people, p r i n c i p l e s that only cater to the monarchical w i l l and ignore the w i l l of the people; [i n view of these f a c t s ] , we demand: In view of the fa c t that the church whose o b l i g a t i o n ought to be to guard, assert and acknowledge the basic C h r i s t i a n p r i n c i p l e s of e q u a l i t y and brotherhood [the church] which, for the love of truth and j u s t i c e should i m p a r t i a l l y and a c t i v e l y involve h e r s e l f i n the f i g h t of the people for freedom from the yoke of tyranny and oppression, that the church ought to p a r t i c i p a t e a c t i v e l y i n the formation of a free, j u s t society; In view of the fa c t that the church does not f u l l f i l her o b l i g a t i o n and disregards the r i g h t s and freedoms of the people; i n view of the fact that she has become a w i l l i n g t o o l of the secular forces, the most powerful p i l l a r of t h i s repressive society, we, the S o c i a l Democrats of Dresden, table the following motion: On the basis of these f a c t s , the congress i s being asked to endorse a g i t a t i o n for secession with a l l a v a i l a b l e means such as d i s t r i b u t i o n of l e a f l e t s and mass r a l l i e s , to e f f e c t the separation of church and state as demanded i n our party program, to bring to an end the a l l i a n c e of our enemies, and thus to incapacitate the most powerful a l l y of the pre-sent p o l i t i c a l regime. 17 The Dresden plan, however, anticipated a thinking which did not develop among wider party c i r c l e s before 1906. At t h i s point i n time, the motion did not f i n d any echo among party members, i n f a c t , i t did not even reach the convention f l o o r for debate. More pressing items required the party's f u l l attention. Since November 1870, the party's leaders, Liebknecht, Bebel and Hepner, were constantly i n and out of prison on trumped up charges f o r high treason. Not u n t i l Liebknecht's and Bebel's release i n 1874 18 was e f f e c t i v e party leadership restored. Their return to party a c t i v i t i e s marked the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of the party's struggle against church and r e -l i g i o n . One Weltanschauung had to replace another. The workers had to be t i e d to the movement more than ever through i d e o l o g i c a l i n d o c t r i n a t i o n . August Bebel, Albert Dulk, Johann Most and Josef Dietzgen were the main p r i n c i p a l s i n the subsequent attack on church and C h r i s t i a n i t y . "Re-l i g i o n , " wrote Dulk, " i s the most powerful enemy of socialism. It i s the main bastion of a n t i s o c i a l i s m , of reaction and the breeding ground of a l l s o c i a l e v i l . Whoever views t h i s struggle [against the church] as peripheral and warns against i t , has no conception of the true battleground of socialism. This struggle i s even more necessary and d e c i s i v e than the p o l i t i c a l [ s t r u g g l e ] , " • • IQ opening the b a t t l e for Weltanschauungen. C r i t i c i s m of C h r i s t i a n i t y also formed a v i t a l part of August Bebel's popular book, Die Frau und der Sozialismus (1873). Bebel (1840-1913) was the son of a Prussian noncommissioned o f f i c e r and the stepson of a prison warden. Early orphaned, he was apprenticed to a wood carver and a f t e r the 13 usual Wanderjahre found a job i n L e i p z i g i n 1860. Soon he was lured into p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y with the workers' associations that were under the aegis of the Progressive party. The p o l i t i c a l v i r u s proved i r r e s i s t a b l e and under Liebknecht's influence he adopted many Marxian ideas, some of which resurfaced i n his book. The heart of Bebel's argument was t h a t t C h r i s t i a n i t y had contributed s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the subjugation of women i n society. The Ten Commandments, he observed, make woman a man's property, placed i n the same category as his servants, h i s ox, and hi s ass. From St. Paul's teachings early C h r i s t -ians learned that celibacy was more desirable than marriage, and were taught to look upon woman as "impure," as "the seducer who brought s i n into the world and wrought man's destruction." The C h r i s t i a n i d e a l i z a t i o n of celibacy, Bebel charged, rather than making a contribution to c i v i l i z a -t i o n , had retarded i t . The p r i e s t s had tarnished the i d e a l as, unable to adhere to t h e i r vow, they degraded the women around them into common con-cubinage. "R e l i g i o n , " Bebel summarized h i s th e s i s , i s the transcendental r e f l e c t i o n of the s o c i a l condition of every age. In the measure i n which human development progresses and society i s transformed likewise. " R e l i g i o n , " says Marx, " i s the s t r i v i n g of the people for an imaginary happiness; i t springs from a state of society that requires an i l l u s i o n , but disappears when the recognition of true happiness and the p o s s i b i l i t y of i t s r e a l i z a t i o n penetrates the masses." I t i s to the i n t e r e s t of the r u l i n g classes to prevent t h i s recognition, and so they seek to uphold r e l i g i o n as a means for preserving t h e i r rule....This business of preserving r e l i g i o n for the people becomes an important o f f i c i a l function i n a society founded on c l a s s -r u l e . The r u l i n g c l a s s , seeing i t s existence threatened, cling s to r e l i g i o n , the support of a l l authority, as every r u l i n g class has done. The bourgeoisie i t s e l f does not bel i e v e , and by i t s e n t i r e development and by modern science that sprang from i t s lap, i t has destroyed the f a i t h i n r e l i g i o n 14 and i n a l l authority. Their b e l i e f i s hypocrisy, but the Church accepts the support of t h i s f a l s e f r i e n d , because i t i s sorely i n need of aid i t s e l f . 20 Directed to working men and women, Bebel's c r i t i c a l onslaught made i t s greatest impact i n i t s denunciation of the reactionary s o c i a l r o l e played by the C h r i s t i a n churches, not i n i t s t h e o r e t i c a l analysis of the weakness of theology and doctrine. In the same vein were the remarks of Josef Dietzgen. Dietzgen (1828-1888), a tanner by trade, won recognition for h i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l knowledge and for h i s seri e s of a r t i c l e s i n the Volksstaat i n the early seventies on the topic, "Die Re l i g i o n der Sozialdemokratie." Although the [bourgeois l i b e r a l s ] themselves have cast off t h e i r f a i t h , they s t i l l dish out sayings l i k e "You should be obedient to your masters (Obrigkeit), pray and work, and bear your cross with a l l humility and submission," because a people subject to r e l i g i o u s d i s c i p l i n e i s a mighty support to t h e i r r u l e . 21 In the use of v i o l e n t invectives none outdid Johann Most. Most (1846 1906), so h i s biographers agree, was a very h o s t i l e person, the misanthrop par excellence. Misshapen from b i r t h and thus often a creature of r i d i c u l he used h i s impressive o r a t o r i a l g i f t s to antagonize h i s opponents, r e a l 22 or imagined. During a stay i n Neuchatel, Switzerland (1867), where a branch of the F i r s t International had recently been formed, he came into contact with s o c i a l i s t philosophies. According to h i s own testimony, i t was a case of instant conversion: ^ I soon r e a l i z e d that, I too, was a s o c i a l i s t , and had been one for a long time without being aware of i t . From that time I began to r e a l l y f e e l that I was a human being; there was an aim before me, which went beyond the bare struggle fo r existence and the s a t i s f a c t i o n of momentary i n d i v i d u a l wants; I began to l i v e i n the realm of i d e a l s . The cause of humanity became my cause, and each step i n advance that could be recorded f i l l e d me with the greatest joy. 23 .15 Upon his return to Germany i n 1871, he joined the Eisenach S o c i a l i s t s . His outstanding performances as a speaker as well as a pamphleteer, earned him widespread respect and following from among the party members. Unlike Bebel, Dulk, or Dietzgen, Most was not s a t i s f i e d with the written word alone, but wanted to see some d e f i n i t e action against the b a l e f u l influence of the churches. To t h i s end he sponsored a seces s i o n i s t movement (Kirchenaustrittsbewegung) among the working class i n 1878. The underlying impetus to Most's campaign was the a c t i v i t y of Adolf Stoecker (1835-1909), court chaplain at B e r l i n . In the course of h i s work at the B e r l i n c i t y mission, Stoecker came into frequent and intimate contact with the workers and gained a f i r s t - h a n d i n s i g h t into the influence of s o c i a l democracy on them. For him, as a staunch monarchist, the question was how the influence of the church might be restored and a r e v i v a l of monarchism kindled among the workers. He was convinced that the mission a c t i v i t i e s of the Protestant church were i n s u f f i c i e n t to improve the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of the workers and give them greater p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . He foresaw the necessity of pursuing a s o c i a l p o l i c y which would counteract the a g i t a t i o n of the So c i a l Democrats. His endeavors were directed toward the formation of a C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l i s t workers' party which would be i n harmony with state, church, and monarchy. The founding of t h i s party — the C h r i s t l i c h - s o z i a l e A r b e i t e r p a r t e i — was planned to take place on 3 January 1878 i n B e r l i n . Long before the event the workers were informed by b i l l b o a r d , and they f i l l e d the assembly room on the founding day. Stoecker, i n h i s address to the assembly, outlined h i s party's program, and launched an attack on the So c i a l Democrats as being u n p a t r i o t i c and a n t i r e l i g i o u s . Only a p a t r i o t i c , C h r i s t i a n working cl a s s 16 could have a future and, therefore, the workers must come to terms with the church and the monarchy. Why should you want to hate C h r i s t i a n i t y , which i s so r i c h i n solace and [such a source] of strength? Is i t not the s t r i f e for freedom, equality and brotherhood that you are committed to? If you examine these three concepts i n t h e i r proper context, freedom of conscience, equality before God and brotherly love between man, then [you w i l l discover] that they a l l stem from Christ's Gospel. I t i s unworthy of a party to hate C h r i s t i a n i t y and Fatherland. If you r e a l l y aspire for greatness than you should not attempt to k i l l man's most noble notion: h i s love for God and Fatherland. 24 The economic future of the workers lay i n the formation of workers' co-operatives, but these were not to be independent as they were i n England, but rather under governmental supervision. These co-operatives, so he hoped, would enable the workers to better t h e i r l i v i n g conditions without 25 putting too great a s t r a i n of the government's c o f f e r s . Stoecker's appeal combined a pathos and a paternalism c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the pre- '48 era. In many ways i t was the very embodiment of the s p i r i t which had estranged the workers from the church to begin with. Johann Most was quick to sense t h i s . Following Stoecker as a speaker for the So c i a l Democrats, he had l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y i n taking Stoecker's speech apart, making him the laughing-stock of the assembly. "Here he stands before you, the shepherd of God, stretching out h i s hand i n the best C h r i s t i a n t r a d i t i o n , ready to gather h i s f l o c k around him," Most to l d a howling crowd. The Protestant church has openly shunned Germany's working population for centuries, he continued, and now i t i s w i l l i n g to receive the workers back into i t s f o l d . Truly a touching and C h r i s t i a n gesture! The church purports to be concerned about your s p i r i t u a l and s o c i a l welfare; there i s a l o t of t a l k about the here-a f t e r , vthe univ e r s a l brotherhood of man and the C h r i s t i a n 17 conscience. But l e t me make i t clear that t h i s i s a l o t of b u l l . (Versaudummung). It i s not the hereafter they are f r e t t i n g about, but the here and now. They have come to r e a l i z e that the German working class has developed into a power to be reckoned with; you are a p o t e n t i a l threat to t h e i r s e c u r i t y , to t h e i r fleshpots of Egypt inasmuch as you have the power to upset the class structure....Beware, t h i s shepherd i s out to skin you a l i v e i n the name of the Holy T r i n i t y ; h i s f o r g i v i n g hands are the very same which w i l l choke your freedom....Remember, that these very hands operated the guns of 1871, which blew to pieces our bro-thers of the Commune and now these hands are ready to bless you. 26 Not content with attacking Stoecker, he persuaded h i s audience to l i s t e n to h i s appeal for an organized secessionist movement from the Protestant 27 church. "Heraus aus der Landeskirche," was h i s cry. The r a l l y ended with the adoption of a r e s o l u t i o n by Paul Dentler (? - 1878), r a d i c a l S o c i a l Democrat and publisher of the s o c i a l i s t paper, the Be r l i n e r F r e i e Presse. The people c a l l e d together here i n the great h a l l of the E i s k e l l e r for the purpose of forming a C h r i s t i a n - s o c i a l workers' party, declare: Considering, that i n course of i t s almost 1900 years h i s t o r y , C h r i s t i a n i t y has been unable to a l l e v i a t e the misery and need of the majority of mankind, not to mention C h r i s t -i a n i t y ' s i n a b i l i t y to end those conditions; also, that today's clergy obviously does not intend to change i t s at t i t u d e or p o l i c y i n t h i s respect; and f i n a l l y , i n view of the fa c t that any economic achievement, big or small, i s i n i t s e l f completely meaningless unless accompanied by p o l i t i c a l freedom [we see] nothing i n the program of the C h r i s t i a n - s o c i a l party which would bring us closer to the latter;; aim; indeed, the program only reinforces the old i d e a l s and d i s c r e d i t e d values. The assembly therefore decrees that the complete elimina-t i o n of a l l p r e v a i l i n g p o l i t i c a l and economical discrimina-t i o n can only be achieved by the So c i a l Democratic party. It i s t h i s assembly's duty to do everything within i t s power to support and f i g h t f o r the teachings of the S o c i a l i s t party. 28 With the b a t t l e l i n e s now drawn, the f i g h t between the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l -i s t s and the S o c i a l Democrats was c l e a r . It was not merely a contest for 18 p o t e n t i a l voters, but a b a t t l e for the workers' "souls." C h r i s t i a n ideology and pro-establishment on the one hand, combatted s o c i a l i s t ideology and anti-establishment on the other; the former t r y i n g to bring back the workers into the f o l d of the e x i s t i n g s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l system, the l a t t e r proposing a break with that system and o f f e r i n g instead a s p e c i f i c , independent pro-l e t a r i a n Weltanschauung. By the end of 1878, the C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l i s t s had a membership of some 3,000 i n B e r l i n , while, i n the same year, some 2,711 dissidents had o f f i c i a l l y l e f t the church. Most's appeal "Heraus aus der Kirche" despite i t s popular-i s t demagogy did not achieve the resonance among the workers as he had 29 hoped f o r . The f a c t that German s o c i a l i s t s launched t h e i r onslaught against C h r i s t i -anity;: i n the seventies corresponded c l o s e l y to the general f e e l i n g of that time. The b a t t l e between l i b e r a l i s m and Catholicism which had been prom-inent i n the preceding years reached a highpoint i n the Syllabus of Errors issued by Pope Pius IX i n 1864. The Vatican Council climaxed the e f f o r t s of Pius IX to strengthen the forces of orthodoxy i n the struggle against modernism and the Syllabus marked the beginning of more than a decade of f i e r c e c o n f l i c t throughout western Europe between the Catholic church and the forces of secularism, l i b e r a l i s m , and state power. In Germany the con-f l i c t erupted i n the Kulturkampf of Bismarck and the l i b e r a l s against the Catholic church. To t h i s extent, the s o c i a l democratic involvement was r e f l e c t i n g the greater r e l i g i o u s struggle i n Europe and t h e i r attempt, to 30 influence the reshaping of German c u l t u r a l patterns. The S o c i a l Democratic leaders' preoccupation with the r e l i g i o u s issue i n the seventies must be viewed not only i n the context of t h e i r m i l i t a n t 19 atheism, but also as part of t h e i r attempts to create a E r s a t z r e l i g i o n , a s p e c i f i c a l l y s o c i a l i s t r e l i g i o n , a pseudo-religion based on t h e i r p o l i t i c a l ideas and i d e a l s . This approach to r e l i g i o n was neither novel nor without precedent. Rel i g i o n was either denied and condemned as the root cause of a l l e v i l s , as i n the case of Robert Owen, Blanqui and the Encyclopaedists; or a new r e l i g i o n , usually p u r i f i e d C h r i s t i a n i t y , was postulated as a condition of s o c i a l regeneration, as was the case with Rousseau, Robespierre, Buonarrotti, and Saint-Simon; or, f i n a l l y , the t o t a l i t y of History was presented i n pantheistic terms as a D i v i n i t y unfolding i t s e l f towards s a l v a t i o n , which happened to Pie r r e Leroux, Moses Hess,." Mazzini, and of course Hegel. The prophets of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r brand of p o l i t i c a l , messianic A r b e i t e r -philosophie, were the same people who were noted for t h e i r m i l i t a n t atheism. Therefore Dietzgen maintained that every form of government claims an external source from which i t derives i t s authority and soci a l i s m was no exception."^"*" Proposing, further, that the struggle for freedom i s the modus operandi of a l l human action, he continued, S o c i a l democracy i s the true r e l i g i o n , the all-embracing church, insofar as i t s t r i v e s f o r t h i s freedom not i n an i d e a l i s t i c way, not with tears, hopes and prayers, but i n a r e a l i s t i c , p r a c t i c a l way: Labour i s the messiah of the new era. This new messiah i s not the product of an immaculate con-ception, but rather the product of human pains, agonies, and sorrows. S o c i a l democracy i s the true r e l i g i o n , the all-embracing church, insofar as i t s t r i v e s for t h i s freedom i n a very r e a l way, through the res t r u c t u r i n g of society and through labour. 32 "Labour," so Dietzgen argues, " i s the messiah of the i n d u s t r i a l age and man's lever to freedom: material betterment w i l l come through labour. If one 20 defines r e l i g i o n as b e l i e v i n g i n something external to oneself, i n some Being without physical substance,-.god or s p i r i t , than So c i a l Democracy has no r e l i g i o n . " But such a d e f i n i t i o n i s pr i m a r i l y used by the r u l i n g class to protect t h e i r vested i n t e r e s t s . As f a r as the r u l i n g e l i t e i s concerned " r e l i g i o n must be maintained i n i t s present form; not so much out of consideration for the populace at large, but for the e l i t i s t ' s own sake." " P u l p i t and C h r i s t i a n i t y have been subjected to so much misuse, that i t must repel any honest-thinking man to be associated with e i t h e r one." Dietzgen concludes that C h r i s t i a n i t y must be t o t a l l y d i s c r e d i t e d to stop the churches' misrepresentation. "The churches proclaim an upside-down truth. Since D.F. Strauss, Bruno Bauer and Ludwig Feuerbach have proven beyond doubt that d i v i n i t y was nothing but the proje c t i o n of man's mind then man's salvatio n and freedom l i e s with himself, not with some god as the 33 churches want us to be l i e v e . " The other prophet of the s o c i a l democratic mission was August Bebel. Although viewing C h r i s t i a n i t y and soci a l i s m as uncompromising enemies, he also perceived c e r t a i n p a r a l l e l s between them. In h i s ana l y s i s , the early C hristians had had much the same moral and s o c i a l r o l e i n the f i r s t centuries a f t e r C h r i s t as the So c i a l Democrats had i n the nineteenth century. Bebel i n s i s t e d that early C h r i s t i a n i t y — although ostensibly a r e l i g i o u s movement — had f l o u r i s h e d because i n r e a l i t y i t had been a reform movement, c a l l i n g broadly for equality, u n i v e r s a l brotherhood, and ch a r i t y . Although s o c i a l democracy was a p o l i t i c a l philosophy, i t was, i n essence, a s o c i a l movement 34 aiming at s i m i l a r goals as early C h r i s t i a n i t y . I l l u s t r a t i n g t h i s p a r a l l e l i s m between soc i a l i s m and C h r i s t i a n i t y , Bebel studied the Peasant War of 1525. Expressing great enthusiasm for the peasants 21 as s o c i a l rebels f i g h t i n g f or an i d e a l society, he sought to e s t a b l i s h a p a r a l l e l between the sixteenth century peasant and the nineteenth century s o c i a l democrats. In so doing, Bebel argued that the peasants had been d i r e c t precursors of the " s c i e n t i f i c s o c i a l i s t s " of the nineteenth century. The dark r e l i g i o u s mysticism of the sixteenth century which was n e c e s s a r i l y f a n a t i c a l to achieve u n i v e r s a l brotherhood and the "Kingdom of God" on earth, developed i n the nineteenth century into s c i e n t i f i c - m a t e r i a l i s m which consciously gives up heaven, but determinedly clings to the earth, i n order to achieve an actual earthly paradise i n place of the heavenly paradise e x i s t i n g only i n the imagination. 35 S o c i a l democracy by taking up the legacy l e f t by the peasants of 1525 r e -newed the f i g h t against a corrupt church. The destruction of C h r i s t i a n i t y was a necessity from the point of view of the continuing progress of mankind. "No r e l i g i o n has caused more blood and tears than the C h r i s t i a n ; no r e l i g i o n has been the cause of more atrocious crimes. As for war and mass murder, spokesmen for the C h r i s t i a n denomina-tions are more than w i l l i n g to give t h e i r blessings to such undertakings to t h i s very day." C h r i s t i a n i t y has become a force opposed to freedom and free c u l t u r a l development. It has kept mankind enchained and suppressed, and has served as a t o o l of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l e x p l o i t a t i o n . R e l i g i o n has served only as a means to the end of extending and deepening control over the masses. On the other hand, socialism reverts back to the o r i g i n a l s o c i a l 36 mission of the early C h r i s t i a n s . Labour was seen as the means of man's s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n and was acknow-ledged as the sole basis for property ownership. Property, or, rather, the j u s t d i s t r i b u t i o n thereof, was to be the manifestation of freedom, as well as i t s condition, instrument and extension. This view was an attempt to emancipate man from the dead weight of the hope of freedom only beyond the 1 22 grave. This, i n short, was seen as the messianic mission of s o c i a l democracy.-3 According to the s o c i a l i s t prophets, r e l i g i o n was the r e s u l t of c e r t a i n s o c i a l conditions. To do away with r e l i g i o n , i t s causes would have to be revealed and the circumstances of man would have to be, changed. R e l i g i o n , or the r e l i g i o u s v i s i o n , although a creation of man himself r e f l e c t e d a d i s t o r t e d v i s i o n of a lowly, s i n f u l , cringing creature who might not deserve his l o t but i s unable to improve i t . It seemed as i f the church condoned s o c i a l e v i l s — i n e f f e c t , consecrated them — because these e v i l s eventually lead to compensatory joys i n the world above. Miserable and inadequate, powerless and f o r l o r n , man had to project an image of p e r f e c t i o n and omni-potence, of consolation and redemption, into the heavenly sphere. Thus the poorer the state on earth the more magnificent i n comparison became the v i s i o n of heaven; the more sublime the joys above, the more abject and hopeless 38 seemed the r e a l i t y below. The S o c i a l i s t s were out to change a l l t h i s i f they were given, or i f they could create, the opportunity. While the party leaders indulged themselves i n t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r philosoph-i c a l f l i g h t of fancy, the occasional party member confessed d i f f i c u l t i e s i n c o r r e l a t i n g these views with the remnants of h i s old b e l i e f s . Writing about h i s experiences as a young man, Wilhelm Reimes, a weaver, had t h i s to say: I was a l l for the p o l i t i c a l and economic aims of S o c i a l Democracy — as far as I understood them. My d i f f i c u l t i e s lay with the acceptance of t h e i r [ philosophical] doctrines. The major obstacles to accepting them lay within myself and the r e l i g i o u s considerations which were raised i n my community regarding membership i n the party. I could not, i n those years, achieve harmony between my r e l i g i o u s up-bringing and s o c i a l democratic theories. 39 An outright Doubting Thomas, not only i n h i s party's self-chosen messian-i c mission, but also i n the way the party's acknowledged atheists went about to spread the s o c i a l i s t gospel, was Max Kayser, a young s o c i a l democratic 23 moderate from Breslau. "German Soci a l Democracy," Kayser wrote, "declares r e l i g i o n a pri v a t e matter. I f one observes however, the actual conduct of the party i n r e l i g i o u s matters, one cannot help but notice the d i r e c t contra-d i c t i o n between party theory and actual p r a c t i c e ; a contr a d i c t i o n , which c r i e s out, which leads one unwittingly to the conclusion, that the declaration of r e l i g i o n being a private matter, that the concept of r e l i g i o u s tolerance, i s only a scrap of paper. I t deems necessary to us, to bring to an end t h i s unhealthy dualism." The party preached that r e l i g i o n was a pri v a t e matter, but i t practiced the contrary for i t allowed some of i t s members to preach atheism i n the name of the party, and to mock at, and to slander C h r i s t i a n i t y and the churches. Kayser argued that t h i s should not be tolerated. In th e i r private l i v e s , party i n d i v i d u a l s might think about C h r i s t i a n i t y as they pleased, but when they spoke i n the name of the party, they must conform to the party program. " I t i s not becoming to a party which declares r e l i g i o n a private matter, to go out and agitate or allow the organization of campaigns i n i t s name, with the aim of forming a secessionist movement." If a party i m p l i c i t l y or e x p l i c i t l y f o s t e r s , or even condones such attacks on C h r i s t i a n -i t y , then i t should have the courage to profess atheism openly i n i t s party program. "On the basis of i t s program, [the'party] should either suppress any a g i t a t i o n for atheism and against the churches, or i t should change i t s program to promote such a g i t a t i o n . " Kayser continued h i s argument by pointing out that a n t i r e l i g i o u s propa-ganda would not r e c r u i t new members since many would be repulsed by such t a c t i c s . Among the educated classes, p a r t i c u l a r l y , t h i s kind of u n s c i e n t i f i c , polemical blundering would create a negative impression. As a percentage of the t o t a l membership, the numbers r e c r u i t e d during the recent s e c e s s i o n i s t 24 campaign was r i d i c u l o u s l y low. Indeed, thanks to the Most campaign, there was now a C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l i s m to be taken into consideration and to be opposed. Although such a C h r i s t i a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of soc i a l i s m might have i t s advantages i n that the workers' p l i g h t would be, perhaps, c a r r i e d into c i r c l e s hitherto i n d i f f e r e n t , but, on the other hand, i t might also endanger the p o s i t i o n of the S o c i a l Democratic party as a r a l l y i n g point f o r a l l s o c i a l i s t s , C h r istians and athe i s t s a l i k e . He warned that s o c i a l democracy could degenerate into a sect because of i t s i n d e c i s i o n towards the execution of i t s declared program. Such sectarianism would be a waste of strength. Therefore the party must choose either to honour the party program and suppress attacks on C h r i s t i a n i t y i n any form, or to include atheism and the f i g h t against r e l i g i o n as p r i n c i p a l points i n the party program despite the attend-ant r i s k of sectarianism. No compromise was possible between these a l t e r n a -t i v e s . The church and i t s theologians, Kayser argued, are indestructable because theology i s a necessary science. Beneath the r e l i g i o u s development of mankind l i e s p e c i a l laws which the theologians must inves t i g a t e . Even the future state — the s o c i a l i s t state — w i l l have i t s churches and theologians. But those clergy who presently use r e l i g i o n as a t o o l to enslave the i n t e l l e c t and who turn churches into i n s t i t u t i o n s of suppression w i l l not survive. The present churches may be included i n the future state only i f they be-come democratic. Only under these circumstances would the s o c i a l i s t state make funds a v a i l a b l e to the churches to s a t i s f y the r e l i g i o u s need of i t s people. Kayser interpreted the Gotha program as necessi t a t i n g complete n e u t r a l -i t y i n r e l i g i o n s matters on the part of the party. The party should not 25 demand a uniform r e l i g i o u s a t t i t u d e from i t s members, but should be the r a l l y i n g point of a l l s o c i a l i s t s , C h r istians and atheis.ts a l i k e . In combatting obsolete and damaging i d e o l o g i c a l concepts, s o c i a l democracy must not scare o f f p o t e n t i a l voters by demanding a uniform Weltanschauung, but must main-t a i n n e u t r a l i t y . ^ Kayser's a r t i c l e i n Die Zukunft was answered by an a r t i c l e by Most, published i n the same jo u r n a l . Most denied that s o c i a l democracy had ever 41 promoted or propagandized the cause of atheism. Individual campaigns against church and r e l i g i o n were not authorized by the party, nor undertaken i n i t s name. Friends and enemies a l i k e , however, frequently i d e n t i f i e d s o c i a l i s t speakers as representing the S o c i a l Democratic party, not as repre-senting t h e i r own private views. When a known s o c i a l democratic speaker or writer attends an a n t i r e l i g i o u s r a l l y — a r i g h t , which nobody can deny him — the [assembled] public does not ask: does he par-take i n h i s capacity as a S o c i a l Democrat [or not] ? Unless he i s a leading authority i n the f i e l d of technology or the sciences, a foremost a r t i s t or poet, one i s not recognized as such. The public has the tendency to see i n every more or l e s s wellknown S o c i a l i s t j u s t that, a S o c i a l i s t , as soon as he steps into the public l i m e l i g h t . He [immediately] becomes i d e n t i f i e d with the party and h i s actions are interpreted as being actions of that party. His own campaign for secession, Most defended on grounds that i t i s not wrong to c a l l upon those who had already broken with the church s p i r i t u a l l y , to do so i n a c t u a l i t y ("es war gewiss kein s i t t l i c h e r Fehler, diejenigen, welche den c h r i s t l i c h e n Glauben nicht mehr t e i l e n , aufzufordern, auch die aussere Zugehorigkeit zu dieser Kirche abzuwerfen."), since otherwise they would leave themselves open to charges of hypocrisy. Most then proceeded to say that i n the future state the opportunity to s a t i s f y any r e l i g i o u s need must be accorded i f i t was so desired. However, 26 those who had no r e l i g i o u s needs must be given the freedom to counteract the influence of r e l i g i o n on others. With the spread of a s c i e n t i f i c Weltanschau- ung and a decrease i n s o c i a l s u f f e r i n g , the need for r e l i g i o n would disappear. "When that point i s reached, who would need the churches, the theologians? 42 Then philosophy w i l l have been completely substituted for r e l i g i o n . " The passing of the S o c i a l i s t Law i n October 1878, interrupted t h i s exchange. Bismarck's weapons of suppression were s h i f t e d from the Catholics to the s o c i a l i s t s , and the r e l i g i o u s issue ceased to hold the centre of the German p o l i t i c a l arena. The So c i a l Democrats had to concentrate on t h e i r own s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n , making i t le s s important for them to engage i n ideolog-43 i c a l combat with C h r i s t i a n i t y . The debates i n the Reichstag on the a n t i s o c i a l i s t l e g i s l a t i o n made i t obvious to the S o c i a l Democrats — i f they were not already aware of i t — that t h e i r invectives against the churches generated much of the h o s t i l i t y they encountered i n German society. The conservative leaders, Hans Hugo von Kleist-Retzow and Wilhelm von Kardoff, based a considerable part of t h e i r argument for the repression measures on the need to preserve a C h r i s t i a n 44 f a i t h among German workingmen. Many of the Centre party deputies, while c r i t i c a l of much of the repressive l e g i s l a t i o n , wanted measures that would 45 promote the r i g h t s of the churches and the cause of C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s . The response of the So c i a l Democrats i n the Reichstag reveals unmistakably t h e i r awareness that they needed to calm the troubled waters of r e l i g i o u s controversy. Bebel f r e e l y admitted that he and many of h i s colleagues were a t h e i s t s , but he i n s i s t e d adamantly that the party allowed complete 46 freedom of thought among i t s members on t h i s issue. The Reichstag dep-ut i e s however, were i n no mood to forget or forgive Most's b i t t e r campaign 27 against church membership. H' The tendency of the S o c i a l Democrats to mod-erate t h e i r m i l i t a n t atheism had nonetheless begun. The S o c i a l i s t Law contributed to s o c i a l democratic moderation on the r e l i g i o u s issue i n another way. Under i t s provisions the a u t h o r i t i e s were empowered to expel persons deemed to be a threat to peace and order. Faced with t h i s kind of harassment, and the r e a l threat of arrest and imprison-ment, some of the intransigent S o c i a l Democrats preferred to abandon Ger-many e n t i r e l y . Thus, Johann Most f l e d Germany i n the f a l l of 1878 a f t e r serving one prison sentence i n order to avoid almost c e r t a i n re-imprisonment. Within two years Most won renown as an anarchist, f i r s t i n London, and then 48 i n the United States. In leaving Germany and S o c i a l Democracy, he took h i s flamboyant atheism with him, and so f a r as the German scene was concerned h i s anarchist followers were much more b i t t e r foes of C h r i s t i a n i t y than the s o c i a l i s t s . During the twelve years of the S o c i a l i s t Law the S o c i a l Democrats c o n s i s t e n t l y divorced themselves from the anarchists, i n order not 49 to be held responsible for either t h e i r ideas or t h e i r deeds. Although the S o c i a l Democrats continued t h e i r c r i t i c i s m of C h r i s t i a n i t y , t h e i r tone was noticeably milder than that of Most. In some measure the departure of Most symbolizes the S o c i a l Democratic turn from an intransigent f r o n t a l attack on C h r i s t i a n i t y to a more calculated and cautious flanking operation. The primary reason for the s h i f t from unlimited attacks on C h r i s t i a n i t y was therefore t a c t i c a l and not one of underlying p r i n c i p l e s . The s o c i a l i s t s had come to recognize, as an u n i d e n t i f i e d party member wrote i n Der Sozialde-mokrat, that "the unlimited slandering of C h r i s t i a n i t y , which has been good form among the German S o c i a l Democrats f o r some time, has already frightened many away from s o c i a l i s m . " He advised that the most e f f e c t i v e s o c i a l i s t 28 t a c t i c would be to demonstrate to the people that e x i s t i n g C h r i s t i a n i n s t i t u -tions had f a l s i f i e d " C h r i s t i a n teachings."^^ Likewise, the t a c t i c a l d i s -advantages of m i l i t a n t atheism had been noticed i n the e l e c t i o n s and, con-sequently, there were pressures from within the party to drop the v i r u l e n t a n t i - C h r i s t i a n propaganda. Besides these t a c t i c a l considerations there also were some s i g n i f i c a n t i d e o l o g i c a l aspects, stemming from the increased influence of Marxism. From the early e i g h t i e s , the German s o c i a l i s t s had a number of young i n t e l l e c t u a l s , notably Karl Kautsky and Eduard Bernstein, who devoted themselves more seri o u s l y than the older generation to the study of Marxism. The son of a Czech n a t i o n a l i s t father and a German mother, Kautsky (1854-1938) had been attracted to socialism i n h i s student days at Vienna. At the age of twenty-five, he cast h i s l o t with German S o c i a l Democracy. Four years l a t e r , i n 1883, Kautsky founded the Neue Z e i t , the f i r s t German organ of t h e o r e t i c a l Marxism since 1848. He quickly became the party's q u a s i - o f f i c i a l i n t e l l e c t u a l leader, a p o s i t i o n for which h i s cautious, d e l i b e r a t i v e temperament admirably suited him. Of s i m i l a r temperament was Eduard Bernstein (1850-1932), a self-made scholar. F a l l i n g under the influence of the English Fabians during h i s years of e x i l e i n London, Bernstein came to the conclusion that orthodox Marxism to which he had adhered was no longer adequate to the f a c t s of contemporary h i s t o r y . During the 1890's he subject-ed Marxist theory to a s e r i e s of c r i t i c i s m s out of which his own " r e v i s i o n i s t " theory emerged, which contributed greatly to the schism within the S o c i a l Democratic party a f t e r the turn of the century. Bernstein held that the collapse of the c a p i t a l i s t system was not imminent, and that the S o c i a l i s t s must change t h e i r t a c t i c s , i f not t h e i r goals. Their l o g i c a l course must be 29 to e x p l o i t a l l the opportunities they could f i n d f o r gradual reform i n the i n t e r e s t of the working classes, even i f t h i s meant departing from the aloof, non-cooperative attitude they had hitherto maintained toward the bourgeois p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . They must rescue socialism from the barricades and make i t a p r a c t i c a l philosophy of s o c i a l regeneration by democratic rather than revolutionary means. Kautsky's and Bernstein's studies of Marxism were based p r i m a r i l y on the concise summary of Marxist theory contained i n Engels' book Herr Eugen  Diihrings Umwalzung der Wissenschaften, published l a t e i n 1878. Engels made i t abundantly clear that r e l i g i o n would not vanish u n t i l changes i n the mater-i a l conditions of society had erased the need for i t . In capitalism, he observed, the actual basis of the r e f l e c t i v e a c t i v i t y that gives r i s e to r e l i g i o n therefore continues to e x i s t , and with i t the r e l i g i o u s r e f l e c t i o n i t s e l f . And although bourgeois p o l i t i c a l economy has given a c e r t a i n i n s i g h t into the causal connection of t h i s a l i e n domination, t h i s makes no e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e . . . . I t i s s t i l l true that man proposes and God (that i s , the a l i e n domination of the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production) disposes. Mere knowledge, even i f i t went much further and deeper than that of bourgeois economic science, i s not enough to bring s o c i a l forces under the domination of society. What i s above a l l necessary for t h i s i s a s o c i a l act. And when t h i s act has been accomplished, when society, by taking possession of a l l means of production and using them on a planned basis , has freed i t s e l f and a l l i t s members from the bondage i n which they are now held by these means of production which they themselves have produced but which confront them as an i r r e s i s t i b l e a l i e n force; when therefore man no longer merely proposes, but also disposes — only then w i l l the l a s t a l i e n force which i s s t i l l r e f l e c t e d i n r e l i g i o n vanish; and with i t w i l l also vanish the r e l i g i o u s r e f l e c t i o n i t s e l f , for the simple reason that then there w i l l be nothing to r e f l e c t . 52 The evidence from the e i g h t i e s shows that t h i s Marxist attitu d e toward r e l i g i o n made some impression, although not always formulated with the p r e c i s i o n of Marx and Engels. At the secret party congress of 1883 i n Copen-30 hagen, the delegates concluded that t h e i r propaganda against r e l i g i o n should cease. A p o l i c e report from the f i l e s of the B e r l i n P o l i c e Presidium summarizes t h e i r discussion by observing that the delegates advocated a complete abandonment of the attacks on r e l i g i o n ; when a person becomes thoroughly schooled i n economics and p o l i t i c s he w i l l drop r e l i g i o n of h i s own accord; the hitherto harsh attacks by the s o c i a l i s t s , even though j u s t i f i e d and import-ant i n p r i n c i p l e , had harmed the movement among the farmers and farm labourers; one must f i r s t preach economic and p o l i t i c a l freedom to these and, then, with time, they, themselves, w i l l throw r e l i g i o n overboard. 53 Although the delegates s t i l l emphasized the t a c t i c a l disadvantages of a n t i -r e l i g i o u s propaganda, they were equally aware that economic and p o l i t i c a l knowledge would be more f r u i t f u l f o r t h e i r cause than m i l i t a n t atheism. The influence of Marxism became even more evident i n the rebuttals to a suggestion by one s o c i a l i s t i n 1886 that the party program should be sharp-ened on the issue of r e l i g i o n by c a l l i n g for a struggle against " s u p e r s t i -54 t i o n i n every form." The editor of the paper, Eduard Bernstein, answered that i t would be impossible to free people from r e l i g i o u s influences as long as i n d i v i d u a l man i s subject to powers of nature and economics over which he has no c o n t r o l . A n o t h e r party member, whose i d e n t i t y i s unknown, observed that for those i n "miserable economic circumstances" r e l i g i o n was a crutch which they would cast o f f themselves when t h e i r s i t u a t i o n improved; " r e l i g i o u s enlightenment" would come i t s e l f once "healthy s o c i a l conditions" 56 had been created by destroying ca p i t a l i s m through s o c i a l i z e d production. A l l of t h i s r e f l e c t e d a growing understanding of Marxism, o f f e r i n g a con-vincing reason for discarding m i l i t a n t atheism. Appeals for a sharper stand against r e l i g i o n did not appear i n the remaining years of the e i g h t i e s . Liebknecht spoke the epilogue to the era of Weltanschauungs b a t t l e , when he said i n the Reichstag, on 11 January 1887 31 While I was young, I belonged to those who believed that one could get e a s i l y r i d of the church by means of aggressive methods. But then I learned from the h i s t o r y of the French Revolution [that that i s not so]. From the moment the revolutionary government began to meddle with Catholicism, to hurt the r e l i g i o u s sentiment of the people, opposition to the Revolution grew. The Vendee came into existence despite great e f f o r t s by the Republic to prevent i t and despite the fac t that the Republic adhered to modern, pro-gressive ideas. The Republic was unable to master the Catholic church, to control Roman Catholicism. 57 There was now a sui t a b l e harmony between the t a c t i c a l benefits and the th e o r e t i c a l reasons for dropping m i l i t a n t atheism and tre a t i n g the r e l i -gious issue as s t r i c t l y secondary to the goals of economic and p o l i t i c a l emancipation. Therefore, when the E r f u r t program of 1891 was written, no sp e c i a l e f f o r t s were made to include a c r i t i c i s m of C h r i s t i a n i t y , and the old formula tr e a t i n g r e l i g i o n as a "private matter" was retained. 32 Chapter 1 - Footnotes 1. Johanna Fiirstauer, Neue i l l u s t r i e r t e Sitterigeschichta des hiirgerlichen  Z e i t a l t e r s (Stuttgart: Gunther, 1967); Hypolite Taine, The Origins of  Contemporary France (New York: American Book Company, 1911). 2. Bernhard Becker, one-time president of Germany's f i r s t workmen's associa-t i o n , the Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiter Verein, which was founded i n 1863 by Ferdinand L a s s a l l e , made clear that a common understanding between the workers and the bourgeoisie was necessary f o r the ultimate s u r v i v a l of the working-class movement. He even suggested that the workers would be well advised to learn from the way the bourgeois class threw o f f t h e i r chains of p o l i t i c a l domination and to copy t h e i r t a c t i c s . "The idea of equality had i t s o r i g i n i n bourgeois l i b e r a l c i r c l e s . The idea of mass education also stems from these c i r c l e s , dating back to t h e i r f i g h t to loose the t i e s of feudalism, [the power of] the absolute state. In one word, the bourgeoisie i s much closer tb^the working class than i s the a r i s t o c r a c y . Should the l a t t e r stage a return to a b s o l u t i s t power, a l l the l i b e r a l , democratic advances of the bourgeoisie xrould be undone and nobody would care anymore about the future i n t e g r a t i o n of the working class into society. Socialism's fate i s thus c l o s e l y t i e d to that of the bourgeoisie." Bernhard Becker, Geschichte der A r b e i t e r - A g i t a t i o n  Ferdinand LassalleAs (Braunschweig: Bracke, 1874), p. 222. 3. R. Broda and J . Deutsch, Das moderne P r o l e t a r i a t : Eine sozialpsychologische  Studie ( B e r l i n : Reimer, 1910), p. 23. 4. William 0. Shanahan, German Protestants Face the S o c i a l Question: The  Conservative Phase, 1815-1870 (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1954), pp. 154-55, 182,1193. This was however les s true of German Cath-o l i c i s m which perceived the dangers of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n for the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h much e a r l i e r and acted accordingly. See August Erdmann, Die  c h r i s t l i c h e Arbeiterbewegung i n Deutschland (Stuttgart: Dietz, 1909). 5. Richard Lempp states that the Frankfurt Assembly discussed the question of church-state r e l a t i o n s h i p for a period of nearly three weeks while a subcommittee spent some s i x months on d e l i b e r a t i o n of the same topi c . A l l during these debates, the l i b e r a l s with t h e i r demand for separation of church and state constituted by far the majority. Richard Lempp, Die Frage der Trennung von Kirche und Staat im Frankfurter Parlament (Tubingen: Mohr, 1913), pp. 115-76. See also Werner Broker, P o l i t i s c h e  Motive naturwissenschaftlicher Argumentation gegen Rel i g i o n und Kirche  im 19. Jahrhundert (Minister: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1972). 6. Stenographischer Bericht uber die Verhandlungen der deutschen c o n s t i t u i e r e n - den Nationalversammlung zu Frankfurt am Main, ed. Franz Wigard, 9 v o l s . (Frankfurt/M.: 1848-49), 3: 1643, 1644. 7. Karl Marx and F r i e d r i c h Engels, The Communist Manifesto, ed. Joseph Katz 33 (New York: Washington Square Press, 1964), pp. 91-92. 8. K a r l Marx, C a p i t a l , ed. Samuel Moore and E. Aveling, (London: Glaisher, 1912), p. 51. 9. Nicholas Lobkowicz, "Karl Marx's Attitude Toward R e l i g i o n , " Review of  P o l i t i c s 26 (1964): 319-52. Lobkowicz i n an i n t e r e s t i n g a n a l y s i s , notes that Marx believed that a d i r e c t attack on r e l i g i o n would never succeed, that the m i l i t a n t a t h e i s t s on the Hegelian Left erred by tre a t i n g r e l i g i o n as i f i t were an "independent being" without secular, i . e . material roots, that r e l i g i o n was "true" for Marx i n the sense that i t "adequately r e -f l e c t s a world which i t s e l f i s wrong," and that i n his l a t e r years Marx made few references to r e l i g i o n because i t was so peripheral to the main goals of socialism. Lobkowicz's comment i s that "seldom i f ever has C h r i s t i a n i t y been so r a d i c a l l y taken unseriously as i n Marx. What could be more humiliating to a C h r i s t i a n than to be t o l d that he i s an enemy not worth f i g h t i n g , since he i s done for anyway?" Ibid ., pp. 320, 321, 322-23. 10. The program of the Sachsische Volkspartei and the F o r t s c h r i t t s p a r t e i are reprinted i n Wilhelm Mommsen, edl\ Deutsche Parteiprogramme (Miinchen: Isar, 1960), pp. 307-08, 137. The program of the Deutsche Volkspartei can be found i n F e l i x Salomon, ed., Die deutschen Parteiprogramme, 3 v o l s . (Leipzig: Teubner, 1912) 1: 131-33. 11. Mommsen, Deutsche Parteiprogramme, pp. 311-12. 12. See Theobald Z i e g l e r , Die geistigen und sozialen Stromungen des neunzehnten  Jahrhunderts ( B e r l i n : Bondi, 1911), pp. 500-16; Reinhard Wittram, Nationalismus und Sakularisation: Beitrage zur Geschichte und Problematik des Nationalgeistes (Liineburg: Heliand, 1949), pp. 59-62. 13. Mommsen, Deutsche Parteiprogramme, pp. 313-14. 14. An a r t i c l e i n the Zukunft expressed the view that the Soci a l Democrats should approach C h r i s t i a n i t y with more o b j e c t i v i t y and understanding. Eduard Bernstein, My Years i n E x i l e (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Howe, 1921), pp. 46-47, 59-60. 15. See Volksstaat, 19 A p r i l 1871. 16. "Das sachsische Dissidentengesetz," Ibid ., 5 May 1871. The a r t i c l e i s signed "B" (for Bebel?). 17. "Zum Kongress: Antrage," Ibid ., 17 June,1871. 18. See Per Hochverratsprozess wider Liebknecht, Bebel, Hepner vor dem  Schwurgericht zu L e i p z i g vom 11. b i s 26. Marz 1872 (B e r l i n : Vorwarts, 1911), pp. 12-21. 19. Albert Dulk, "R e l i g i o n , " Vorwarts, 19 May 1878. 34 20. August Bebel, Women and Socialism (New York: S o c i a l i s t L i t e r a t u r e Company, 1910), pp. 60, 71, 438-39. 21. Josef Dietzgen, "Die Re l i g i o n der Sozial-Demokratie," Volksstaat, 2 August 1871. 22. Besides the biography by Rudolf Rocker, Johann Most: Das Leben eines  Rebellen ( B e r l i n : Kater, 1924), see also Emma Goldmann, "Johann Most," American Mercury 8 (1926): 158-66; Andrew R. Carlson, Anarchism i n Germany: The Early Movement (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow, 1972), pp. 173-97. 23. Carlson, Anarchism i n Germany, p. 176. 24. D i e t r i c h von Oertzen, Adolf Stoecker: Lebensbild und Zeitgeschichte, 2 v o l s . , ( B e r l i n : Vaterlandische Verlags-und Kunstanstalt, 1910) 1: 142-43. 25. On Stoecker's objectives and the program of his C h r i s t l i c h - s o z i a l e P a r t e i , see Walter Frank, Hofprediger Adolf Stoecker und die c h r i s t l i c h - s o z i a l e  Bewegung (Hamburg: Hanseatische Verlagsanstalt, 1935), pp. 45-50. The actual founding of the party had to be postponed to a l a t e r date a f t e r the f i a s c o of 3 January 1878. 26. Walter Wendland, "Beitrage zu den kir c h e n p o l i t i s c h e n Kaimpfen urn Adolf Stoecker," Jahrbuch fur Brandenburgische Kirchengeschichte 31 (1936): 144, 146. 27. An account of Most's part i n the breakup of the f i r s t meeting of Stoecker's party, as well as Most's subsequent campaign i s given i n Rocker, Johann  Most, pp. 49-55. Kar l Kautsky noted some f i f t y years l a t e r , that the Most campaign was one of the shadiest episodes i n the early h i s t o r y of the party. According to Kautsky the party's executives' p o l i c y of nonintervention was pre-c i p i t a t e d by two major considerations. F i r s t , although the executive did not applaud Most's methods, he did however, express i t s sentiments. Second, the executive was aware of Most's popularity within the party and did not want to chance an i n t e r n a l s p l i t by interference. K a r l Kautsky, "Johann Most," Gesellschaft 1 (1924): 547, 550-51, 554. 28. Oertzen, Adolf Stoecker, 1: 145. 29. Rocker, Johann Most, p. 236, n. 50. 30. In France the r e l i g i o u s h o s t i l i t i e s against Catholicism f l a r e d up i n the campaign of r a d i c a l republicans to break c l e r i c a l control of education, and i n I t a l y i t found expression i n the continued struggle between the Papacy and the new state. H.J. Blackham, R e l i g i o n i n a Modern Society (London: Constable, 1966), pp. 43-81. 31. Josef Dietzgen, "Die Grenzen der Erkenntnis," Samtliche S c h r i f t e n , ed. Eugen Dietzgen, 3 v o l s . Stuttgart: Dietz, 1922) I : 206. 35 32. Josef Dietzgen, "Die R e l i g i o n der Sozial-Demokratie: Eine Kanzelrede," Volksstaat 13 August 1870. 33. Josef Dietzgen, "Die R e l i g i o n der Sozial-Demokratie: Ein Cyklus," Ibid ., 2 August 1871. 34. Stenographische Berichte des deutschen Reichstages, 7th Legislaturperiode, 2nd Session (1887-88), 2: 956-57. 35. August Bebel, Der deutsche Bauernkrieg ( B e r l i n : Vorwarts, 1922), pp. 229-30. 36. August Bebel, Hie Sozialismus, hie Christentum (Nurnberg: Bracke, 1874), pp. 12-13. 37/ August Bebel, Glossen zu Yves Guyots und Sigismond Lacroix' S c h r i f t : Die wahre Gestalt des Christentums (Leipzig: Karlsson, 1878), pp. 27-29. 38. As K a r l Marx wrote i n one of h i s Fruhschriften (1843): "For Germany the c r i t i c i s m of r e l i g i o n has been e s s e n t i a l l y completed, and c r i t i c i s m of r e l i g i o n i s the premise of a l l c r i t i c i s m . The profane existence of error i s compromised when i t s heavenly or a t i o pro a r i s et f o c i s has been r e -futed. Man, who has found only the r e f l e c t i o n of himself i n the f a n t a s t i c r e a l i t y of heaven where he sought a supernatural being, w i l l no longer be i n c l i n e d to f i n d the semblance of himself, only the non-human being, where he seeks and must seek h i s true r e a l i t y . Religious s u f f e r i n g i s the expression of r e a l s u f f e r i n g and at the same time the protest against r e a l s u f f e r i n g . R e l i g i o n i s the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, as i t i s the s p i r i t of s p i r i t l e s s conditions. I t i s the opium of the people. The a b o l i t i o n of r e l i g i o n as people's i l l u s o r y happiness i s the demand for t h e i r r e a l happiness. The demand to abandon i l l u s i o n s about t h e i r condition i s a demand to abandon a condition which requires i l l u s i o n s . The c r i t i c i s m of r e l i g i o n i s thus i n embryo a c r i t i c i s m of the vale of tears whose halo i s r e l i g i o n . " K a r l Marx, "Towards the C r i t i q u e of Hegel's Philosophy of Law: Introduction," Writings of the Young Marx on  Philosophy and Society, ed. Loyd D. Easton and K.H. Guddat (Garden C i t y , N.Y.: Doubleday, 1967), pp. 249-50. 39. Wilhelm Reimes, "Sozialismus und Christentum," i n Proletarische Lebenslaufe:  Autobiographische Dokumente zur Entstehung der Zweiten Kultur i n Deutschland, Anfange b i s 1914.(Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1974), p. 284. • 40. Max Kayser, "Die Kirche im Zukunftsstaat," Zukunft 1 (1878): 549-50, 559. 41. In an e a r l i e r statement however, Most asserts that S o c i a l Democracy i s prepared and determined to f i g h t "theology" wherever and whenever i t can: "A l o t of things are presently labeled as a science because of t r a d i -t i o n and past p r a c t i c e s . Theology and i t s associated f i e l d s , are an example. S o c i a l Democracy does not hesitate to admit that i t i s not only unable to take an i n t e r e s t i n these so-called "sciences" but that i t also 36 i s determined to f i g h t them on a l l fronts because they are only b a r r i e r s to the unhampered c u l t u r a l development." Johann Most, "Die Stellung der Gelehrten zur S o c i a l Demokratie," Ibid ., p. 98. 42. Johann Most, "Die Kirche im Zukunftsstaat: Eine Entgegnung," Ibid ., pp. 681,683. 43. In 1878 two assassination attempts were made on Wilhelm I. The f i r s t attempt was made by the plumber's a s s i s t a n t , Hodel, on 11 May, the second one by Dr. Nobiling, i n course of which the Kaiser received severe i n -j u r i e s . Bismarck, quite wrongly, linked both attempts to a conspiracy by the S o c i a l Democrats. Af t e r the f i r s t assassination attempt he seized the opportunity to introduce a n t i s o c i a l i s t l e g i s l a t i o n , but was turned down i n the Reichstag. A f t e r the second attempt, Bismarck introduced a revised version of h i s a n t i s o c i a l i s t b i l l which was accepted by a Reichstag majority. For the motives which led Bismarck to introduce h i s controver-s i a l b i l l , see Wolfgang Pack, Das parlamentarische Ringen urn das S o z i a l i s t e n - gesetz Bismarcks, 1878-1890 (Diisseldorf: Droste, 1961). For the complete text of the law see Reichs-Gesetzblatt 34 (1878): 351-58; an English t r a n s l a t i o n of the same i s to be found i n Vernon L. Lidtke, The Outlawed  Party: S o c i a l Democracy i n Germany, 1878-1890 (Princeton: Princeton ' ..' : University Press, 1966), pp. 339-45. The d i f f i c u l t i e s of the proper execution of the S o c i a l i s t Law and the reasons for i t s ultimate f a i l u r e , are described i n Reinhard Hohn, Die vaterlandslosen Gesellen: Die S o z i a l - demokratie im L i c h t der Geheimberichte der preussischen P o l i z e i , 1878-1914 (Kdln: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1964), pp. x l i - x l v i . 44. Stenographische Berichte uber die Verhandlungen des Deutschen Reichstages, 51 (1878): 72, 74, 84-85. 45. Pack, Das parlamentarische Ringen, p. 84. 46. Stenographische Berichte 51 (1878): 48, 89-90. 47. Ibid. , p. 215. 48. Goldmann, "Johann Most," p. 160. 49. For the r e j e c t i o n of anarchism, see Liebknecht's speech at the secret party congress i n 1887, Verhandlungen des Parteitages der deutschen  Sozialdemokratie i n St. Gallen, Abgehalten vom 2. b i s 6 Oktober 1887 (Hottingen, Zurich: 1888), pp. 39-45. 50. "Sozialismus und Christentum," Sozialdemokrat, 28 November 1886. 51. In o f f e r i n g an a l t e r n a t i v e to the Marxian system, a second s o c i a l p h i l -osophy through which the party members and the leaders could evaluate t h e i r p o s i t i o n and determine t h e i r r o l e , Bernstein made a major c o n t r i -bution to the development of the schism, that eventually was to develop within the S o c i a l Democratic party. 37 Bernstein launched h i s attack against the most fundamental of Marx's propositions concerning c a p i t a l i s t development: that the incompati-b i l i t y of the system of production and the forms of exchange produced growing anarchy i n the c a p i t a l i s t economy. Where Marx saw growing anarchy Bernstein saw growing order. Extrapolating from the absence of any world economic c r i s i s for the two decades since 1873, Bernstein advanced the theory that c a p i t a l i s m had developed a capacity for adjustment which would rule out major economic c r i s e s i n the future. New c r e d i t mechanisms, r a t i o n a l market controls through c a r t e l s , and intensive e x p l o i t a t i o n of the world market were the p r i n c i p a l factors making f o r a more or less i n d e f i n i t e expansion of the c a p i t a l i s t economy. At the same time, Bern-s t e i n observed a trend toward the more equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth. Having substituted an o p t i m i s t i c for a "breakdown" theory of c a p i t a l i s t development, Bernstein was impelled to draw the philosophic consequence; namely, the renunciation of d i a l e c t i c a l materialism. Believing Marx's "abstractions" to be disproved by subsequent economic development, he could no longer regard s o c i a l i s m as r e s u l t i n g of necessity from c a p i t a l -i s t i c development. Socialism could only come about as the r e s u l t of a free, r a t i o n a l decision. Socialism, seen by Marx as fostered by a negative p r o l e t a r i a n reaction to c a p i t a l i s t development, was viewed by Bernstein as i t s i d e a l i s t i c offshoot. Progress toward soc i a l i s m was brought into a p o s i t i v e dependency on c a p i t a l i s t prosperity. The enemy of the working cla s s was then not capitalism i t s e l f , not the c a p i t a l i s t state, but the small group of pri v a t e i n t e r e s t s which stubbornly refused to see the l i g h t of reason and s o c i a l j u s t i c e . The i n s t i t u t i o n a l weapon to break the power of t h i s l i t t l e band of w i l l f u l men was p o l i t i c a l democracy, through which men of good w i l l of a l l classes could arrange the s o c i a l order i n the majority i n t e r e s t . In t h i s conceptual framework, revolution was unnecessary. Eduard Bernstein, Die Voraussetzungen des Sozialismus und die Aufgaben  der Sozialdemokratie (Stuttgart: Dietz, 1906), pp. 66-81, 46-66, 10. 52. F r i e d r i c h Engels, Anti-Duhring. Herr Eugen Diihring's Revolution i n Science (Moscow: Foreign Press, 1962), pp. 434-35. 53. Karl-Alexander H e l l f a i e r , Die deutsche Sozialdemokratie wahrend des  Sozialistengesetzes, 1878-1890 ( B e r l i n : Dietz, 1958), p. 199. 54. E.A. Hass, "Ein Vorschlag zur Abanderung unseres Programms," Der S o z i a l - demokrat, 15 January 1886. 55. "Unser Program und die Frage der R e l i g i o n , " Der Sozialdemokrat, 28 Jan-uary 1886. 56. "Zur Frage der R e l i g i o n , " Der Sozialdemokrat, 18 March 1886. 57- So Liebknecht during an address to the Reichstag, 11 January 1887. See Stenographische Berichte fiber die Verhandlungen des Reichstags 99 (1887-88): 403. In 1941, H i t l e r was to express himself i n a s i m i l a r vein when he talked about the r e l i g i o u s problem. Stating that the state must remain the absolute master and that the organised l i e ( r e l i g i o n ) must be smashed 38 he continued: "When I was young I considered the use of force as the only means. Only l a t e r on I r e a l i z e d that one cannot burst out everything l i k e that. It [ r e l i g i o n ^ must rot off l i k e a gangrenous part of the body." Henry Picker, ed., H i t l e r s Tischgesprache im Fiihrerhauptquatier,  1941-42 (Stuttgart: Seewald, 1965), p. 154. 39 Chapter 2 The Churches Face the S o c i a l Question, 1860's - 1914. The continuing growth of s o c i a l democracy despite the introduction of the S o c i a l i s t Law soon became a source of anxiety to the Protestant and Catholic churches. Of the two, however, predominantly Roman Catholic areas were less prone to s o c i a l i s t i n f i l t r a t i o n than were comparable Protestant areas. Indeed, the number of s o c i a l democratic voters i n Protestant areas was s u b s t a n t i a l l y higher than the number of i n d u s t r i a l workers i n those same areas."'" This d i s p a r i t y between the Protestant and Catholic s o c i a l i s t vote was p a r t i a l l y due to the t i g h t e r organization of the Catholics i n Germany, but i t was also true that the Catholic church, much e a r l i e r than the Protestant church, r e a l i z e d the needs of the working class and embarked onta p o s i t i v e s o c i a l program to meet those needs. Two names i n p a r t i c u l a r are c l o s e l y linked with the launching of Cath-o l i c s o c i a l programs i n Germany, Adolph Kolping and Wilhelm E. von Ket t e l e r . Kolping (1813-65) was born of poor parents and became a shoemaker. In those days, German craftsmen and tradesmen had to undergo the t r a d i t i o n a l t r a i n i n g as apprentices and journeymen, before they could q u a l i f y as master-workmen. As journeymen they t r a v e l l e d from one town to another, f i n d i n g work i n each place and learning d i f f e r e n t s k i l l s that were employed i n d i f f e r e n t l o c a l i t i e s . Kolping, who had himself experienced the young journeymen's l o t as a t r a v e l l i n g 40 shoemaker, determined to do something to provide them with a counterpart to family l i f e with the support of the church. I t was with t h i s aim he sought to become a p r i e s t . But he had much d i f f i c u l t y i n acquiring the necessary q u a l i f i c a t i o n s for ordination, and i t was not u n t i l 1845, when he was thirty-two years of age, that he could embark on h i s l i f e ' s work. He set himself to e s t a b l i s h a network of Gesellenvereine, or journeymen's s o c i e t i e s , which would serve the moral, r e l i g i o u s , t e c h n i c a l , and c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t s of young journeymen. His headquarters were at Koln where he was an assistant p r i e s t at the cathedral, but with apostolic zeal he t r a v e l l e d a l l over Germany forming, wherever possib l e , branches of h i s society with hostels. When Kolping died i n 1865, there were 400 branches and the move-2 ment continued to grow. Bebel who v i s i t e d a number of these s o c i e t i e s 3 remembered the t h e o l o g i c a l debates with obvious pleasure. Unlike Kolping, Ketteler (1811-77) came of an old a r i s t o c r a t i c family with feudal t r a d i t i o n s , from which he derived a keen sense of the responsi-b i l i t y of the strong for the weak. He was not educated for the ministry of the church, nor as a young man was he notably devout. He entered the Prussian c i v i l s e rvice, but soon reacted v i o l e n t l y against i t s despotic methods. He resigned from the c i v i l service and i d e n t i f i e d himself thereafter with the i n t e r e s t s of the common people. He accused the ar i s t o c r a c y of being a caricature of i t s e l f and of being attached to i t s t i t l e s while i t had deserted i t s s o c i a l functions and duties. He subsequently decided to devote himself to the service of the church as a p r i e s t . A f t e r studying theology at Munchen, he entered the seminary at Minister at the age of t h i r t y -two, and i n due course became a parish p r i e s t . K etteler soon became noted for h i s c r i t i c a l s o c i a l commentaries and when 41 he received the bishopric of Mainz i n 1850, he was more than ever i n a p o s i t i o n to keep the s o c i a l question i n the forefront of Catholic concern. No one [Ketteler said on one occasion] can say anything about our era or comprehend i t s shape without r e f e r r i n g again and again to the p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l conditions and, above a l l , to the d i v i s i o n between the propertied and the property-less classes, to the p l i g h t of our d e s t i t u t e brethren, to the means of giving them help. You may accord as much weight as you please to the p o l i t i c a l questions, to the shaping of state and government - and yet, the r e a l d i f f i c u l t i e s werface do not l i e there....Paradoxically, the closer we carry our p o l i t i c a l problems toward bearable solutions the clearer i t becomes, though many w i l l not see i t even now, that t h i s was only the lesser part of the task before us and that now the s o c i a l question looms larger than ever, demanding solutions more harshly than ever. 4 Ke t t e l e r began preaching a regeneration of society through the consecra-t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s to the service of the community, but came to r e a l i z e more and more the need to e s t a b l i s h structures that would be favourable to a C h r i s t i a n order. In 1864 he developed h i s ideas i n a book on Die A r b e i t e r - frage und das Christentum, r e l a t i n g them to the two p r i n c i p a l programs for s o c i a l reform that were being advocated i n Germany at the time — l i b e r a l i s m and socialism. He f i r s t exposed the i n t o l e r a b l e p o s i t i o n of the workers under l a i s s e z -f a i r e c a p i t a l i s m which, he sa i d , reduced them to wage slavery. Then he ex-amined the proposed remedies of the l i b e r a l and s o c i a l i s t reformers. Both proposed the creation of co-operative production associations as the means of rescuing working men from dependence on the wage system. L i b e r a l reform plans envisaged that co-operative associations were to be formed v o l u n t a r i l y with c a p i t a l contributed from the savings of the members. This proposal, Ketteler s a i d , was wholly inadequate. Only the most prosperous artisans were i n a p o s i t i o n to act upon i t . The wage-earners i n the larger i n d u s t r i e s had no prospect of accumulating s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l to launch co-operative 42 s o c i e t i e s . He equally rejected the s o c i a l i s t s ' plan for the state to provide the c a p i t a l f o r co-operative s o c i e t i e s of production. Ketteler allowed that the s o c i a l i s t s undoubtedly had the merit of having depicted the deplorable s i t u a t i o n of the working classes, and he accepted on the whole t h e i r c r i t i -cism of the e x i s t i n g system. He could not, however, accept t h e i r proposals. After h i s experience i n the Prussian c i v i l s e rvice, he was very m i s t r u s t f u l of goverment and of bureaucratic c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , and therefore of state socialism. Moreover, at t h i s time he held that the government had no moral ri g h t to take the wealth of some c i t i z e n s and to lend i t to others. He feared that the state would thus dominate over the r i c h by i t s f i s c a l exactions and over the poor by i t s gratuitous favours. His own proposal was that co-operative s o c i e t i e s should be financed by the voluntary contributions of C h r i s t i a n s . ~* By 1869 Ketteler's own s o c i a l views became more r a d i c a l and more pre-c i s e . In that year he p l a i n l y t o l d the workers that t h e i r demands for higher wages, for shorter hours, for holidays, for the p r o h i b i t i o n of c h i l d labour and of the i n d u s t r i a l employment of women, were sanctioned by j u s t i c e and by C h r i s t i a n i t y , and could be s a t i s f a c t o r i l y met i f they were harnessed to the precepts of r e l i g i o n and morality. Otherwise, he contended, workers would be corrupted by the unbridled materialism which was the cause of t h e i r present hardship. In the same year he also prepared a report for the meeting of the German bishops at Fulda i n which he said that the s o c i a l question was more acute and more serious than any other. He gave a powerful exposition of what the problem was and what the church ought to do and urged the t r a i n i n g of p r i e s t s 43 and laymen for the actual f i e l d work. The Church must stimulate the i n t e r e s t of the clergy i n the fate of the working classes. They have mostly l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n these matters because they are ignorant of the existence and the impact of the dangers which lurk i n these threatening s o c i a l conditions, because they have f a i l e d to s i z e up the character and breadth of the s o c i a l question, f i n a l l y , because they have no conception of possible remedies. The labour problem must therefore no longer be neglected i n the education of the clergy. .-..It would be desirable i f selected c l e r i c s were directed toward the study of economics and given t r a v e l l i n g stipends so that they might become acquainted through t h e i r own observation with the needs of labour on the one hand, and with the e x i s t i n g welfare services on the other. Although he remained convinced that C h r i s t i a n i t y rather than the state must take the lead i n promoting the reorganization of industry, Ketteler had come to r e a l i z e the necessity of labour l e g i s l a t i o n by the government. In 1873 he drew up a program for the German Catholics, which became the basis of the s o c i a l p o l i c i e s of the Catholic Centre party, the chief medium of Catholic s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l pressure. But Ketteler's views were only cautiously advanced and never i n open disagreement with the Pope's much more conservative p o l i c i e s . Catholic p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s were the concern of the Catholic Centre party which had come out of the Kulturkampf period stronger and more united than before. The Kulturkampf had re-emphasized r e l i g i o n as the common bond which l a r g e l y effaced a l l other differences between members such as t h e i r varying s o c i a l backgrounds. Nonetheless, because of the constraints of being such an a l l embracing party, variants were not e n t i r e l y n u l l i f i e d and the Catholic Centre could not pursue a s i n g l e s o c i a l p o l i c y as could the S o c i a l Democrats who r e c r u i t e d t h e i r membership pr i m a r i l y from one s o c i a l c l a s s . Also, the Kulturkampf experience impressed upon the Catholics the need to bring t h e i r s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l views i n greater alignment with 44 p r e v a i l i n g government p o l i c i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y as far as the S o c i a l i s t s were concerned. It i s therefore of l i t t l e s u rprise, that, with the upsurge of s o c i a l democratic votes, the Catholic's r e j e c t i o n of so c i a l i s m became more severe i n tone. The Catholic Professor Franz Xaver Heiner (1849-1919) suggested co-operation between church and state to combat the S o c i a l Democratic party i n h i s pamphlet Christentum und Kirche im Kampfe mit der Sozialdemokratie (1903). Heiner, long time adviser to the Centre party i n s o c i a l and s o c i a l -economic questions, advocated that the state should r a i s e the standard of l i v i n g of the workers, and end s o c i a l d i scrimination against them through appropriate l e g i s l a t i o n . The church, on the other hand, should give r e l i -gious i n s t r u c t i o n to the workers both on and off the job. Such co-operation between church and state would keep " r e l i g i o s i t y a l i v e among the people, while strengthening at the same time the l o y a l t y to secular i n s t i t u t i o n s , such as the monarchy." Heiner branded s o c i a l democracy as being antichurch and a n t i e s t a b l i s h -ment; a revolutionary party out for destruction. "Complete freedom of action to the churches, co-operation between church and state, peace among the d i f f e r e n t denominations and s o c i a l reforms by the state: these are the necessary preconditions for a successful crusade against the S o c i a l i s t s , and they are the only way to save church and fatherland, a l t a r and throne, from the spectre of socialism."^ The Centre party founded the Volksverein fur das katholische Deutschland i n d i r e c t response to the S o c i a l i s t s ' great e l e c t o r a l success of 1890. The main aims of t h i s association were to attack the doctrines of so c i a l i s m and to sponsor s o c i a l reforms on a C h r i s t i a n b a s i s . I t established publishing 45 houses, organized lecture s e r i e s , d i s t r i b u t e d l e a f l e t s and pamphlets, and encouraged the formation of l o c a l clubs to expound upon, and to o f f s e t , the e v i l s of socialism. Heiner, with some j u s t i f i c a t i o n , c a l l e d the Volksverein "the most widespread and e f f e c t i v e defence organization which Germany has [at a time] when her p o l i t i c a l and e c c l e s i s t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s are challenged from within," with obvious reference to the s o c i a l democratic party. In response to Pope Leo X I I I 1 s e n c y c l i c a l Rerum Novarum, the Catholics eventually founded t h e i r own trade unions. "When the p o l i c e proved to be i n e f f e c t i v e i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to contain the s o c i a l democratic movement, the only other way was for the church h e r s e l f to become a c t i v e l y involved i n a s o c i a l economic reform program to save the Catholic workers from the fangs 9 of socialism." Inherent ambiguities and consequent d i f f i c u l t i e s became apparent as the Catholic Trade Unions, committed to state and monarchy, were less prepared to use the s t r i k e as a bargaining weapon than were the Free Trade Unions, committed to s o c i a l democracy. Situations arose i n which the Free Trade Union members went on s t r i k e and the Catholics stayed on the job i n the same factory. Bad f e e l i n g s were created on both sides and caused increased a g i t a t i o n i n the s o c i a l i s t camp."^ The charters of the Catholic unions declared t h e i r membership open to Protestants and Catholics a l i k e , strongly r e i t e r a t i n g the C h r i s t i a n p r i n c i p l e s on which the union was based. This, many workers contended, resulted i n S o c i a l Democrats being refused membership i n p r a c t i c e although the charter expressly stated the union's p o l i t i c a l n e u t r a l i t y . More r e a l i s t i c on t h i s point was the charter of the Catholic Miners' Union (1894) which b l u n t l y said that "with membership i n the Miners' Union [the member] professes himself to be an opponent of s o c i a l democratic p r i n c i p l e s and politics.""'"''" 46 The increased a c t i v i t i e s of the Catholic church among the workers some-times tended to be d i v i s i v e , rather than a healing, f a c t o r . Clemens Bauer has argued that i f Catholics had followed a p o l i c y of greater compromise toward the S o c i a l Democrats, many Catholic workers would have been spared the choice between r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n and the more e f f e c t i v e labour p o l i c i e s of the Free Trade Unions. As i t was, Catholic s o c i a l p o l i c i e s resulted i n 12 dismemberment of Catholic ranks p a r t i c u l a r l y i n denominationally mixed areas. While the Roman church, well and expediently organized, formed one s o l i d l i n e of defence against s o c i a l democracy, the Protestant church, lacking the same organization both i n kind and degree, lacked also the same s o l i d a r i t y . Protestant church o f f i c i a l s did, indeed, unanimously condemn the S o c i a l i s t s and counteracted t h e i r influence wherever possib l e , but there were many among t h e i r ranks who were w i l l i n g to t r y at le a s t a more reasoned approach toward so c i a l i s m and to be more lenient i n t h e i r judgements. Protestantism did not constitute, as did Catholicism, such a t o t a l , inward-looking, and con-tained Weltanschauung that i t was able to influence i t s followers to the same extent. Protestantism also lacked a s p e c i f i c a l l y Protestant representation i n the Reichstag such as Catholicism possessed i n the Centre party; nor could i t command a highly organized press service. For these reasons, Protesr-itantismwas a les s e f f e c t i v e b a r r i e r to socialism. Equally important was the f a c t , that ever since the Revolution of 1848 anyway, German Protestantism had l o s t the common man's alle g i a n c e . At a decisive moment, namely during the Revolution, German Protestantism had cast i t s l o t with the au t h o r i t a r i a n t r a d i t i o n , openly scorning the urban, i n d u s t r i a l i z e d , and l i b e r a l world that 13 was coming into being. The Revolutionaries, the l i b e r a l bourgeoisie, had, 47 as the church saw i t , sinned against God and His social order and had, furthermore, misled and incited the lower classes to frivolous actions and demands. Many Protestant clerics thought that pre-1848 Germany had been know-ingly and intentionally destroyed by e v i l men; building on this, they came to believe in a conspiratorial theory of history and society. Chief among their targets were men of li b e r a l or radical ideas and these were blamed for the recent, undesirable changes in the l i f e of the individual and of society. The Protestant clergy sensed that liberalism was both the p spiritual and p o l i t i c a l basis of modernity and sought to equate i t with Manchesterism, with disregard of man's spiritual aspirations, acceptance of economic selfishness, and embourgeoisment of l i f e and morals. But what the church loosely called liberalism was, in fact, the culmination of the 16 secular and moral tradition of western Europe. German Protestantism clung obstinately to an outmoded and discredited p o l i t i c a l system and to an i n t e l l -ectual outlook that denied the growing expectations of the masses. Their allegiance was s t i l l pledged to the monarchy of their fathers, and they had l i t t l e respect for the halting concessions to constitutionalism made to the 1848 Revolutionaries. They not only followed, but they also revered, those monarchical and authoritarian institutions most inimical to mass movements or democratic processes. Despite the loss of the common man's allegiance resulting fromttheir attitudes, the Protestant clergy, seemingly perversely, 18 committed their church to the monarchical authority. Historical conditions had long forced the Protestant churches of Germany to be evasive or cautious about attempting to deal with temporal problems. Owing largely to the protection originally afforded by the t e r r i t o r i a l princes 48 Protestantism grew i n the shadow of the state and the d i v i s i o n of s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y between church and state was decided c h i e f l y i n the l a t t e r ' s i n t e r e s t . Consequently, the nineteenth century s o c i a l question came to assume only secondary importance, not because of the church's callous i n -difference to the l o t of the workingman, but because i n the long run i t expected government and the triumph of reason to dispense t h e i r own s o c i a l largess. What formal s o c i a l theories did develop among the Protestant church hierarchy bore a marked corporative c h a r a c t e r i n d i v i d u a l well-being became subordinated to the concern for the well-being of the estates or the nation. A case i n point was the s h o r t - l i v e d decision of the Prussian General Synod i n November 1878, that the clergy should become involved i n the socio-p o l i t i c a l problems of t h e i r parishes. With the So c i a l Democrats banished from the scene for the forseeable future, the church hoped to c a p i t a l i z e on t h e i r absence and to take the opportunity to i n t e n s i f y the e f f o r t s of the clergy among the workers. This resolve was negated both i n s p i r i t and i n f a c t when the Evangelical High Consistory i n i t s d i r e c t i v e of 20 February 1879 cautioned that no rash p a r t i a l i t y favouring the demands of any one class over those of another was to be shown. It i s the duty of the clergy, by v i r t u e of t h e i r o f f i c e , to bring the message of peace to a l l people, without d i s -t i n c t i o n . Consequently, they have to use r e s t r a i n t when p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the heated p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l debates of the day and use t h e i r c i v i c r i g h t s with caution; a caution, which i s i n keeping with t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n to pre-pare the world for God's Kingdom, to admonish [the people] to r e c o n c i l i a t i o n . Nothing has harmed the influence of the state church more — not only i n the higher s o c i a l c i r c l e s — than the recent attempts by some, to use the church and i t s organizations, with a l l what they stand f o r , as a spring-board for party p o l i t i c a l purposes. However, [that does not mean] that the church can stand by i n d i f f e r e n t l y or submissively watching the S o c i a l i s t ' s undermining work, t h e i r perversion of a l l moral truths, 49 t h e i r desertion of the l i v i n g God, t h e i r denunciation of the promises held by the eternal l i f e and t h e i r overval-uation of sensual pleasures and material goods. True understanding and C h r i s t i a n love with the s u f f e r i n g [must p r e v a i l ] while the danger of a f r a t r i c i d a l war c a l l s upon us,*s to act d e c i s i v e l y and e n e r g e t i c a l l y . 19 Under these circumstances most Protestant clergymen remained preoccupied with e c c l e s i a s t i c a l and pastoral a f f a i r s , and content with a perfunctory and d i s c u r s i v e notice of i n d u s t r i a l labour and i t s problems. That the s o c i a l question was not l e f t e n t i r e l y to C a t h o l i c endeavors alone, was p r i m a r i l y to the c r e d i t of i n d i v i d u a l Protestants, who set out on an independent course to tackle the s o c i a l issues of t h e i r times. A case i n point were the t i r e l e s s struggles and f r u s t r a t i o n s of Johann Hinrich Wichern (1808-1881) to get o f f i c a l church sanction for h i s project, the Inner Mission, a federated system of c h a r i t i e s and s o c i a l work a c t i v i t i e s . Wichern, whose father worked as an o f f i c e clerk i n Hamburg, was s u f f i c i e n t l y imbued by the Awakening that swept Germany i n the early decades of the nine-teenth century, to follow the c a l l and prepare f o r a pastoral career at 20 the u n i v e r s i t i e s of Gottingen and B e r l i n . Upon h i s ordination, he returned to Hamburg where he soon could observe f i r s t hand the cause and e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p of the revolutions of 1830 and 1848. He came to understand that c a r i t a s could not solve the s o c i a l question, nor restore the confidence of the common man i n the church. P r a c t i c a l measures were necessary to r e l i e v e the d i s t r e s s of the urban poor, and to cope with such s o c i a l e v i l s as drunkenness, p r o s t i t u t i o n , and crime. He observed that the trend of modern thought had jeopardized the church as the formal embodiment of C h r i s t i a n i t y . To overcome the i n t e l l e c t u a l sub-version which made for revolution and apostasy, Wichern proposed to save the church by e n l i s t i n g the Inner Mission against i t s enemy. He sought to safe-50 guard popular f a i t h by appealing to Christians to love one another, to make each parish a l i v i n g community. There, r i c h and poor would meet with one another as God had intended, and t h e i r f a i t h would be made r e a l by C h r i s t i a n acts. Something stronger than p i e t i s t c harity was intended: a C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l action transcending the narrow, personal, and introspective character of Pietism would tighten the bonds between r i c h and poor, between landowner and peasant, between master and apprentice. A l l the f a i t h f u l would serve t h i s community according to the o b l i g a t i o n l a i d upon them by the Lutheran 21 doctrine of the priesthood of a l l b e l i e v e r s . Wichern turned h i s theories into p r a c t i c e when he founded the Rauhe Haus, which became the s p i r i t u a l and p r a c t i c a l centre of the Inner Mission. The Rauhe Haus started off as an orphanage, run and maintained p r i v a t e l y by Wichern. Soon i t was expanded to include unemployed workers who were not only trained as lay brothers to carry Wichern's s o c i a l message among the workers, but also learned new trades to sustain t h e i r material needs. During these formative years of the Inner Mission, Wichern crusaded throughout Ger-many on i t s behalf, r a i s i n g monies and organizing the opening of similark centres elsewhere. His great moment came when he was i n v i t e d to attend a Kirchentag, a voluntary assembly of the Protestant clergy and l a i t y , to meet i n Wittenberg, 21 to 23 September, 1848. Here he made a strong plea for a Volkskirche, a r e l i g i o u s e d i f i c e enjoying the f u l l e s t popular confidence, i n which an active C h r i s t i a n f a i t h would overcome d o c t r i n a l and confessional pride and prepare man for God's Kingdom. Here the Inner Mission would provide the means which had heretofore been lacking i n the Protestant churches. " I t would unite r i c h and poor, those i n anguish and those content, i n a higher bond than d o c t r i n a l 51 allegiance alone could a t t a i n . " Through the Inner Mission's balm, "the Volks- kirche would be sustained and the people, united once more with God, would re j e c t the revolution as the work of Satan. The turning point of world h i s t o r y i n which we f i n d ourselves must also become a turning point i n the h i s t o r y of the C h r i s t i a n and s p e c i f i c a l l y , the German-Evangelical church, inasmuch as i t must embrace a new r e l a t i o n to the people." Wichern put the blame for the 1848 Revolution upon the Communists, rather than upon the bourgeois l i b e r a l s . Feuerbach's philosophy i n over-s i m p l i f i e d form, he said, was spreading atheism among the workers. Their r e c e p t i v i t y to i t had been enhanced by f e a r f u l conditions i n the c i t i e s . Had<J the church acted with respect to the e t h i c a l meaning of t h e i r s o c i a l and evangelical mission, Wichern i n s i s t e d , the calamity of revolution would not have b e f a l l e n Germany. He pointed toward England, to a Protestant nation f u l -f i l l i n g i t s s o c i a l and charitable task, and suggested that the German Protest-ants must also be insp i r e d to go among the people, to e s t a b l i s h c i t y missions and to send preachers into the s t r e e t s . For t h i s work, so evangelical i n meth-od and purpose, private c h a r i t i e s alone were inadequate. To deal with the s o c i a l question properly required the assistance of the church; and since pov-erty and want were moral issues, he asked that h i s Inner Mission be entrusted 22 with r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r them. The Wittenberg Kirchentag could, however, not agree. Many complications, both t h e o l o g i c a l and p o l i t i c a l , beset the cause of church unity. Wichern's focus on the working class was too close for comfort, i n that i t bore the p o s s i b i l i t y of creating resentment among the r u l i n g c l a s s . Also, h i s concept of lay brother t r a i n i n g was f l a t l y rejected i n orthodox c i r c l e s . Any recog-n i t i o n of the Inner Mission was thus coupled with the demand for the creation 52 of a c e n t r a l steering committee of twelve church representatives, i n which the orthodox wing eventually gained the upper hand and caused the r e - o r i e n t a -t i o n of Wichern's Inner Mission p o l i c i e s . Under the orthodox influence, the Mission's focus s h i f t e d from the more p r a c t i c a l aspect of C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l work to a C h r i s t i a n - e t h i c a l evaluation of s o c i a l needs. This r e - o r i e n t a t i o n had much to do with the gradual weaken-23 ing of the s o c i a l impulse of the Inner Mission. Despite the fate that b e f e l l the Inner Mission under the steering committee Wichern himself continued to f i g h t at the f r o n t l i n e of s o c i a l discontent, the working cla s s d i s t r i c t s of Hamburg. He succeeded i n transplanting some of his own ideas of C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l work into a s e l e c t number of a s s i s t a n t s , among them F r i e d r i c h Naumann (1860-1919). Not even the decadence of the Inner Mission, which inc r e a s i n g l y emphasized simple cha r i t y , could obscure from Naumann the import of Wichern's message that constructive measures, conceived and administered i n a C h r i s t i a n s p i r i t , were the only means of solving s o c i a l problems. From t h i s source came Naumann's deep sense of the c o l l e c t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of men for t h e i r less fortunate brethren, a r e -s p o n s i b i l i t y which had to f i n d i t s meaning i n terms su i t a b l e to a modern , . , . -, • 24 urban and i n d u s t r i a l environment. U n t i l h i s retirement i n l l 8 9 4 from a post as an Inner Mission chaplain i n Frankfurt/Main, Naumann had worked ceaselessly to give t h i s o b l i g a t i o n a s p e c i f i c meaning. He believed that the Inner Mission, i f i t were to remain true to Wichern's i d e a l s , should be the bearer of C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l responsi-b i l i t y . But a l l h i s energies were spent i n vain; the Inner Mission had become a vested i n t e r e s t , dominated by c l e r i c a l c a r e e r i s t s e n t i r e l y subservient to the state churches of Germany. C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l i s m was repugnant to them 53 and only a small corps of progressive pastors and t h e o l o g i c a l students re-sponded to Naumann's appeal. F a i l u r e to arouse the Inner Mission from i t s lethargy had important consequences for Naumann. It led him away from the ministry toward secular i n t e r e s t s and eventually into a new career as a p o l i t i c i a n and p u b l i c i s t . The t r a n s i t i o n went remarkably smoothly. He joined Stoecker's C h r i s t i a n -S o c i a l i s t party which seemed to provide an excellent opportunity as an adequate forum from which he could disperse h i s s o c i a l ideas and test the v i a b i l i t i e s of h i s s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l views. But Naumann's l i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l views and h i s pro-working class stand made the eventual breach between him 25 and the conservative, agrarian orientated Stoecker only a matter of time. At the Congress of the Inner Mission i n 1890, Naumann i d e n t i f i e d the surge of p r o l e t a r i a n s o c i a l i s m i n Germany with the phenomenal e l e c t o r a l success of the S o c i a l Democratic party as a tendency which the Protestant church had eventually to recognize, and to embrace. He looked upon soc i a l i s m as a v a l i d aspect of German national l i f e . He even went so f a r , to the astonishment of conservative Germans^ as to characterize the S o c i a l Democratic 26 party as the f i r s t great heresy of the Evangelical church. This statement marked the short period i n Naumann's l i f e where he openly sympathized with the S o c i a l i s t s which earned him the nickname "the Red." The "apparent lack" of n a t i o n a l pride among s o c i a l i s t s led him to reconsider, however. Under the tutelage of the eminent s o c i o l o g i s t Max Weber and, to l e s s e r extent, of pastor Paul Gohre, Naumann's p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l views underwent further changes. He met both men i n 1890 during one of the early meetings of the Evangelical S o c i a l Congress, an organization created by Stoecker to unite the several Protestant movements having an i n t e r e s t i n s o c i a l questions. 54 Weber succeeded i n implanting an almost f a n a t i c a l nationalism into Naumann, one which asserted Germany's autocratic p o l i t i c a l system, her f i g h t for "a 27 place i n the sun," and favoured i n d u s t r i a l i n t e r e s t s . "In present-day Germany," Naumann wrote i n 1900, there i s no stronger force than the Kaiser. The very complaints of the anti-Kaiser democrats about the growth of personal absolutism are the best proof of t h i s f a c t , for these complaints are not pure invention but are based on the repeated observation that a l l p o l i c y , foreign and i n t e r n -a l , stems from the w i l l and word of the Kaiser. No monarch of a b s o l u t i s t times ever had so much r e a l power as the Kaiser has today. He does not achieve everything he wants, but i t i s s t i l l more than anybody would have believed i n the middle of the l a s t century. 28 Ringing along i n t h i s e x a l t a t i o n of Kaiser-power was a c e r t a i n denial of the p o l i t i c a l aspirations of the working class which only could be r e a l i z e d under a more democratic system. Naumann's s o c i a l views underwent s i m i l a r changes and became strongly coloured by h i s nationalism. Thus he welcomed the general development of large-scale c a p i t a l i s m while remaining somewhat c r i t i c a l toward the s o c i a l p o l i c i e s of heavy industry. But more important, Naumann's p o s i t i o n on capitalism postponed the emergence of a s o c i a l i s t i c society to the distant future. In the growing concentration of c a p i t a l i n fewer hands we f i n d a severe economic abuse. The abuse i s not that a few people d i r e c t large enterprises, for d i r e c t i o n by many people has proven completely impracticable i n many areas. The superordination and subordination of men r e -s u l t i n g from the d i v i s i o n of labour cannot be abolished. The problem i s merely to eliminate as far as possible the dangers of the abuse of t h i s superordination and subordin-ation v i s a v i s the nondirectors. Insofar as big industry i s promoted by the progress of technology we recognize i t as a necessity. 29 With the state becoming the e n d - a l l , i t was only one small step for Naumann 55 to r e a l i z e that C h r i s t i a n i t y had no clear s o c i a l message for the modern world: Wichern's concept of p r a c t i c a l s o c i a l C h r i s t i a n i t y was dead. There i s some evidence that the often lengthy debates among Protestants about s o c i a l issues and so c i a l i s m introduced them to s o c i a l democratic philosophy and ideals to a degree that would not have been otherwise possible. The r e s u l t was that some Protestant theologians became S o c i a l Democrats because of t h e i r convictions. The most famous case was the conversion to socialism of the Protestant pastor, Paul Gohre, whose parish was i n the i n d u s t r i a l town of Frankfurt/Oder. Gohre (1864-1928), son of a court cl e r k , showed from an early date i n t e r e s t and understanding for the problems facing the German workers. Consequently, he never f u l l y accepted the "throne and a l t a r " doctrines fed to him during his study of theology. His association — as already mentioned — with Weber and Naumann sharpened h i s s o c i a l awareness, as did h i s p o s i t i o n as secretary of the E v a n g e l i c a l - S o c i a l Congress. The S o c i a l Congress took an academic i n t e r e s t i n the s o c i a l question and kept l i b e r a l Protestant thought a l i v e among i t s p a r t i c i p a n t s which, however, was not enough for Gohre. While he s t i l l held the p o s i t i o n as secretary, he worked for three months i n a factory i n L e i p z i g — unheard of i n h i s days. Gohre talked about h i s observations and experiences i n the factory i n a l i t t l e account which culminated i n the remark that the S o c i a l Democratic party has as i t s goal and i s at the same time successful i n transforming the conventional education, the r e l i g i o u s convictions and the moral character of the German workers. That i s because the S o c i a l Democratic party of today i s not only a new p o l i t i c a l party or a new economic system or both, but i s at the same time a new Welt - und Lebensan- schauung, the Weltanschauung of consistent materialism. 30 Gohre's experiences kept him aloof from Naumann's fervent nationalism and 56 i n c r e a s i n g l y he had to wrestle with a growing f e e l i n g of a l i e n a t i o n from the church. In 1900 he took the plunge: Gohre resigned from his c l e r i c a l p ositions and joined the S o c i a l Democrats. His conversion made him a cause celebre and he wrote about the reasons for h i s defection i n a s e r i e s of a r t i c l e s published i n Die Zukunft. C h r i s t i a n love and concern, he wrote, were h i s main reasons for conversion to s o c i a l democracy. To him, the movement showed a genuine i n t e r e s t i n the well-being of a l l people, regardless of t h e i r s o c i a l standing. Charity, so he f e l t , was the heart of German S o c i a l Democracy, whereas the Protestant church only paid l i p service to i t . It i s indisputable, that my r e l i g i o u s convictions drove me i n t o the s o c i a l i s t camp. One can enjoy the most pleasant l i v i n g conditions, but only when shared with the others.. You may enjoy them only, when you are t r y i n g to win [ s i m i l a r favourable] circumstances for the others, [since] you are, a f t e r a l l , only a small part of society and can only e x i s t because of society. That i s , i n short, Jesus' concept of c h a r i t y . In one word, i t i s the equality of a l l . That means, however, to put a l l one's power, strength, education, s o c i a l influence and means of existence on the l i n e without reservation, to f i g h t need and i n s u f f i c i e n c y i h l a l l i t s forms, to enable a l l people to share i n [our] fortune, to enable them to become happy and harmonious i n d i v i d u a l s . This i s the aim of today's S o c i a l Democracy, not the churches'. Numerous party members have already found hope, strength and r e l i e f [under the party's program]. I t i s the d r i v i n g power of the movement and i t s pride. Jesus' equality c e l e -brates i t s modern re s u r r e c t i o n i n S o c i a l Democracy. 31 Whatever measures of r e l i e f for the workers were undertaken by the Protestants — even the Inner Missions — were the e f f o r t s of i n d i v i d u a l s alone. Such e f f o r t s reached neither the extent nor the depth of comparable Catholi c programs, nor did they constitute an e f f e c t i v e b a r r i e r against the s o c i a l i s t movement. Whatever was done by the Protestant church to regain the workers' souls was too l a t e , and too haphazard. Anything not i n agreement 57 with the prevailing views of the orthodox church hierarch was either suppressed or brought into line to f i t that hierarchy's p o l i t i c a l and social outlook. The few independent spi r i t s among the Protestants who followed their own course, such as Naumann and Gbhre, were sufficiently frustrated and alienated by the church's governing body, to pursue careers outside of the fi e l d of ministry. The Protestant church was, in many instances, i t s own worst enemy. It adhered to a benevolent paternalism which was totally un-suitable for the industrial era. 58 Chapter 2 - Footnotes 11. Robert Michels, "Die deutsche Sozialdemokratie," Archiv fur Sozialwissen- schaften und S o z i a l p o l i t i k 23 (1906): 471-556. 2. Edgar Alexander, "Church and Society i n Germany," i n Church and Society:  Catholic S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l Thought and Movements, 1789-1950, ed. J.N. Moody (New York: Arts , 1953), pp. 325-583. 3. August Bebel, Aus meinem Leben, 3 v o l s . (Stuttgart: Dietz, 1911), 1: 28-29, 38-39. In Salzburg, where he worked for nearly a year i n 1859-60, Bebel r e g u l a r l y attended the society's meetings and b u i l t a c o r d i a l r e -l a t i o n s h i p with the d i r e c t o r , Dr. Schopf, a J e s u i t who taught at the l o c a l seminary. 4. Alexander, "Church and Society i n Germany, " i b i d . , p. 408. 5. Wilhelm E. K e t t e l e r , Die Arbeiterfrage und das Christentum (Mainz: K i r c h -heim, 1864), pp. 62-65. 6. Alexander, "Church and Society i n Germany," i b i d . , p. 416. Catholicism i n nineteenth century Germany has been most c a r e f u l l y analysed i n a l l i t s aspects i n Gustave Goyau, L'Allemagne r e l i g i e u s e : Le Catholicisme, 1800- 1870, 4 v o l s . (Paris: P e r r i n , 1909). 7. Franz Heiner, Christentum und Kirche im Kampfe mit der Sozialdemokratie:  Ein offenes Wort (Freiburg/Brsg.: Geschaftsstelle des Charitasverbandes fur das katholische Deutschland, 1903), pp. 33, 137. 8. Ibid ., p. 105. 9. Otto Mi i l l e r , Die c h r i s t l i c h e Gewerkschaftsbewegung Deutschlands: mit  besonderer Berijcksichtigung der Bergarbeiter - und T e x t i l a r b e i t e r  Organisationen (Karlsruhe: G. Braun'sche Hofbuchdruckerei, 1905), p. 17. 10. Helga Grebing, Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung (Munchen: Deutscher Taschenbuchverlag, 1970), p. 127. 11. Ibid ., p. 128. 12> Clemens Bauer, "Waridlungen der s o z i a l p o l i t i s c h e n Ideenwelt im deutschen Katholizismus," i n Die aazifaJLteFrage und der Katholizismus: F e s t s c h r i f t  zum 40 jahrigen Jubilaum der Enzyklika "Rerum Novarum," Veroffentlichung der Sektion fur Sozial-und Wirtschaftswissenschaften der Gorres G e s e l l -schaft zur Pflege der Wissenschaften im katholischen Deutschland (Pader-born: Schoningh, 1931), pp. 45-73. 13. Exceptions were found among some Protestant sects, such as the I l l u n i n a t i , which sided with the workers i n t h e i r demand for greater say i n p o l i t i c a l 59 and s o c i a l decision making. Jacques Droz, "Die r e l i g i o s e n Sekten und die Revolution von 1848," Archiv fur Sozialgeschichte 3 (1963): 109-18. 14. Ernst Schubert, Die evangelische Predigt im Revolutionsjahr 1848 (Giessen: Topelmann, 1913), pp. 5-45. 15. A case i n point i s Pastor Rudolf Palmie, who said: "Wir haben fremde Machte i n unser Herz einziehen lassen: nicht den h e i l i g e n Geist, sondern einen fremden Geist, der h e i s s t : Liberalismus; er fuhrt den Namen eines fremden Geistes, i s t aber einem Wesen nach ein bbser Geist der Vernichtung, ein F e l d t e u f e l . " Cited i n Schubert, Evangelische Predigt, p. 78. 16. Richard Lempp, Die Frage der Trennung von Kirche und Staat im Frankfurter  Parlament (Tubingen: Mohr, 1913), pp. 1-14; Werner Conze, "Staat und Gesellschaft i n der fruhrevolutionaren Epoche Deutschlands," Historische  Z e i t s c h r i f t 186 (1958): 31-32; Heinrich Scholler, ed., Die Grundrechts- diskussion i n der Paulskirche (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesell-schaft, 1973), pp. 23-26; Dekan Holdermann, "Die Trennung von Staat und Kirche vom Standpunkt der deutschen evangelisch-kirchlichen Interessen," Protestantische Monatshefte 11 (1907): 273-92. 17. J u l i u s Stahl, the chief a r c h i t e c t of the Protestant conservative philosophy, believed that s o l i d Protestant regimes were those governed by r u l e r s such as the Prussian soldier-kings who recognized the fear of God as the corner-stone of s t a t e c r a f t . Their f a i t h joined tbethat of those they governed, had made Prussia a s a n c t i f i e d state. Unqualified respect and obedience was owed a Protestant monarch by h i s subjects and c i v i l l i b e r t i e s i n no way implied the r i g h t to r e v o l t against God's lawful authority invested i n the r u l e r . True Protestant freedom bound a l l men to t h i s i n t e r p r e t a -ti o n of God's law i n the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l context. Reiner Strunk, P o l i t i s c h e E k k l e s i o l o g i e im Z e i t a l t e r der Revolution (Miinchen: Kaiser and Grunewald, 1971), pp. 183-89. 18. The f u l l extent of the erosion of the Protestant church's status i n German society was well i l l u s t r a t e d by an opinion p o l l conducted i n 1906 by Theodor Kappstein, a former student of theology. The question asked "Is there s t i l l a need for a [Protestant] clergy," was, i n i t s e l f , a d i r e c t attack on the clergy that a decade before would have been unthink-able and can be taken as a measure of the extent and depth of the secular-i z a t i o n of German society i n the 1900's. The questionnaire was sent to "a number of scholars and a r t i s t s , as well as several other outstanding l a d i e s and gentlemen of the r u l i n g e l i t e i n Germany." Kappstein asked: "Does the Protestant clergy s t i l l occupy a meaningful place i n society? In the past, the clergy were the only educated persons i n town and country-side, who would i n s t r u c t people at regular i n t e r v a l s . These times are d e f i n i t e l y gone. The clergy and the modern, educated man quite often face each other mutually unappreciate, l i k e members of two d i f f e r e n t worlds^with no common ground between them. Is there s t i l l room i n t h i s culture of ours, based as i t i s on the sciences, i s there s t i l l enough room for the clergy and i t s p a r t i c u l a r a c t i v i t y ? " The majority of those asked — displaying an i n d i f f e r e n c e that argued t h e i r d i s i n t e r e s t i n the 60 subject as a s t i l l v i a b l e issue — did not respond and Kappstein received only f i f t y r e p l i e s . Most of these answers suggested that there was s t i l l a need for the clergy but i n vague, t r i t e terms amounting to l i t t l e more than p l a t i t u d e s . But even more s t r i k i n g than the answers themselves was the fa c t that such an opinion p o l l was possible, that the ambiguity of society toward the clergy was s u f f i c i e n t l y evident and widespread as to be recognized and questioned. Theodor Kappstein, Bediirfen wir des  Pfarrers noch? Ergebnis einer Rundfrage ( B e r l i n : Hiipeden & Merzyn, 1906), pp. 1, 2-3, 28-29, 151-54. 19. "Ansprache an die G e i s t l i c h e n und Gemeinderate der evangelischen Landes-kirche, betreffend i h r e Aufgabe gegeniiber den aus der s o z i a l i s t i s c h e n Bewegung entstandenen Gefahren," K i r c h l i c h e s Gesetz-und Verordnungsblatt, 20 February 1879. 20. The influence of contemporary t h e o l o g i c a l and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l currents upon Wichern i s treated i n E r i c h Thier, Die Kirche und die s o z i a l e Frage:  Von Wichern b i s F r i e d r i c h Naumann. Eine Untersuchung iiber die Beziehungen  zwischen p o l i t i s c h e n Vorgangen und k i r c h l i c h e n Reformen (Giitersloh: Gertelsmann, 1950), pp. 19-25. 21. F r i e d r i c h Oldenberg, Johann Hinrich Wichern: Sein Leben und Wirken, 2 v o l s . , ^-•'"""(Hamburg: Agentur des Rauhen Hauses, 1884-87), I: 515-37. 22. Die^Verhandlungen der Wittenberger Versammlung fur Griindung eines deutschen  evarigelischen Kirchenbundes i n September 1848. Nach Beschluss auf Antrag  derselben v e r o f f e n t l i c h t durch ihren S c h r i f t f u h r e r Kling ( B e r l i n : Hertz, 1848),, pp. 18-33, 68-78. 23. Martin Gerhardt, "Innere Mission und c h r i s t l i c h - s o z i a l e Bewegung," Z e i t - s c h r i f t fur Kirchengeschichte 51 (1932): 281-304. 24. Thier, Kirche und s o z i a l e Frage, pp. 70-79. Thier stresses Naumann's debt to Wichern while developing some basic d i f f e r e n c e s . 25. Walter Frank, Hofprediger Adolf Stoecker und die c h r i s t l i c h s o z i a l e  Bewegung ( B e r l i n : Hobbing, 1928), pp. 342-48. 26. Theodor Heuss, F r i e d r i c h Naumann: Der Mann, das Werk, die Zeit (Stuttgart: Wunderlich, 1949), p. 68. The author, the former President of the German Federal Republic, was one of Naumann's p o l i t i c a l d i s c i p l e s . 27. Marianne Weber, Max Weber: Ein Lebensbild (Tubingen: Mohr, 1926), pp. 141-45. See also Paul Honigsheim, "Max Weber: His Religious and E t h i c a l Background and Development," Church History 19 (1950): 222. 28. F r i e d r i c h Naumann, Demokratie und Kaisertum: Ein Handbuch fur innere  P o l i t i k ( B e r l i n : H i l f e , 1904), pp. 167-68. 29. F r i e d r i c h Naumann, "Gedanken zum c h r i s t l i c h - s o z i a l e n Programm," i n Der  Weg zum Volksstaat ( B e r l i n : F o r t s c h r i t t , 1917), p. 35. .61 30. Paul Gbhre, Drei Monate a l s Fabrikarbeiter und Handwerksbursche: Eine  praktische Studie (Leipzig: Grunow, 1891), p. 106. See also h i s essay "Ein A r b e i t e r s c h i c k s a l , " Zukunft 5 (1897): 148-52. 31. Paul Gbhre, Wie ein Pfarrer Sozialdemokrat wurde ( B e r l i n : Vorwarts, 1900), pp. 2-3. 62 Chapter 3 Heraus aus der Kirche:  The Struggle Against the P o l i t i c a l Church, 1890 - 1914. The period following the repeal of the S o c i a l i s t Law up to the out-break of World War I was characterized by a growing s p l i t within the S o c i a l Democratic party. This s p l i t manifested i t s e l f i n d i f f e r e n t approaches to the r e l i g i o u s question as w e l l . The party moderates, dis p l a y i n g more and more bourgeois leanings, took the lesson of 1878 to heart. Theirs was now a cautious approach to a l l questions of church and r e l i g i o n . With one eye constantly turned to the electorate, t h e i r steps were more guided by popularist appeal than by the appeal of a t h e i s t i c anarchism. The other f a c t i o n , the r a d i c a l s , took exactly the opposite stand. S h i f t i n g the attack from one against C h r i s t i a n i t y to one against the p o l i t i c a l oppressive church, they t r i e d to e x p l o i t the issue as a lever to power. Campaigning for secession, they hoped to set the scene for c l a s s confrontation. Although the party withstood the government's intent to destroy i t , the enactment of the S o c i a l i s t Law brought a hitherto hidden c o n f l i c t within the party into the open. The p r o h i b i t i o n and persecution of the party by the government for twelve years i n e v i t a b l y strengthened i t s revolutionary wing. The Law s t a r k l y revealed that the state was an instrument of oppression i n the hands of the r u l i n g class."*" The seed of hatred for the state and 63 the r u l i n g class which they themselves had planted grew i n the minds of many workers. The party's reply to the S o c i a l i s t Law was the E r f u r t pro-gram of 1891 — a program of revolutionary socialism i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l s p i r i t of Marxism, i n sharp contrast to the national brand of s o c i a l i s m 2 represented by L a s s a l l e and expressed i n the Gotha program of 1875. The party's regard for L a s s a l l e was by no means extinguished but i n the E r f u r t program i t rejected h i s axiom that the workers must i d e n t i f y themselves with the national state. The r e v i s i o n i s t group centered around Eduard Bernstein and Georg von Vollmar, two of the party's most respected f i g u r e s , disagreed and argued instead that the state and bourgeois society could be transformed by grad-u a l evolution and i t was the party's duty to a s s i s t t h i s process. It should win the peasants as a l l i e s and co-operate with the progressive l i b e r a l wing of the bourgeoisie to e f f e c t s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l reforms. The revoca-t i o n of the S o c i a l i s t Law proved to Vollmar's s a t i s f a c t i o n that the middle class was f a r from being a s o l i d reactionary mass. In order to increase i t s influence i n the Reichstag, p r o v i n c i a l governments, and l o c a l councils, the party should be prepared to make e l e c t o r a l a l l i a n c e s with bourgeois p a r t i e s . This Bernsteinian concept of evolutionary rather than revolutionary socialism, the theory that c a p i t a l i s t society would grow into socialism, 3 was also expounded by French, I t a l i a n and B r i t i s h S o c i a l i s t s . The r a d i c a l s who constituted a s i z a b l e bloc within the German S o c i a l i s t party, argued that the s i t u a t i o n i n Germany could not be compared to that i n France or England. Bismarck had given the German state a c o n s t i t u t i o n which entrenched the p o l i t i c a l supremacy of the king of Prussia and the p o s i t i o n of the a r i s t o c r a t i c landowners and the executive power was i n the 64 hands, not of a government responsible to the Reichstag, but of an emperor who was steeped i n feudal, a b s o l u t i s t , God-given concepts of government. He regarded the Reichstag as an abomination, and he was even considering, as were also the landed ar i s t o c r a c y and the army, a coup d' etat to abolish e l e c t i o n s to the Reichstag. In view of the fact that the German government would r e s i s t any t r a n s i t i o n to parliamentary democracy i t was d i f f i c u l t f o r the party's r a d i c a l s to see what the movement would gain i f i t renounced and abandoned Marx's theories. Indeed i f the f a i t h i n i t s great h i s t o r i c a l mission which Marx had bequeathed to the working class were to be abandoned then the enthusiasm which was the source of so much v i t a l i t y i n the s o c i a l democratic movement, would surely wither away. Moreover, such a loss of f a i t h would undoubtedly destroy the unity of the party and weaken the working 4 class d i s a s t r o u s l y . The r o l e of mediator f e l l to those So c i a l Democrats around K a r l Kautsky. Kautsky constantly sought to f i n d an acceptable medium between the r a d i c a l s and moderates. Consequently, he soon became i d e n t i f i e d as being an opportun-i s t p a r t i c u l a r l y when he threw i n h i s l o t with the moderates following the breakup of the S o c i a l Democratic party i n 1916. A long and sometimes b i t t e r debate ensued among the German S o c i a l Democrats bringing them close to s p l i t t i n g along moderate and r a d i c a l l i n e s . The moderates proposed toning down the revolutionary Marxist aspects of the movement and advocated the use of parliamentary t a c t i c s ; the r a d i c a l s suggested revol u t i o n and mass action to further the Marxist cause. In the midst of these inner dissensions, the S o c i a l Democrats pursued an ambiguous course i n the Reichstag; ambiguous because they were p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n i n which they could not believe but must regard, i d e o l o g i c a l l y , 65 as an instrument intended to serve the int e r e s t s of t h e i r enemies. Forced by circumstances to become ambivalent parliamentarians, they also became ambivalent rev o l u t i o n a r i e s . Success i n elections and the hope of influenc-ing l e g i s l a t i o n made i t unnecessary for them to think i n terms of d i r e c t revolutionary a c t i o n yet the p r i n c i p l e s of Marxism, r e i t e r a t e d i n the E r f u r t program, obligated them to think p r e c i s e l y i n those terms. Factionalism did not enter the debate on church and r e l i g i o n . On t h i s point, both r a d i c a l s and moderates came to a t a c i t understanding that the old formula, which declared r e l i g i o n a "private matter" should be re-tained.^ The r a d i c a l s who were more Marxist oriented did not believe i t necessary to b a t t l e the C h r i s t i a n Weltanschauung, while the moderates, r e c a l l i n g the negative response m i l i t a n t atheism had generated during the 1870's, wished to avoid a s i m i l a r t a c t i c a l error. This temporary display of party unit i n matters e c c l e s i a s t i c a l did not prevent a few diehard m i l i t a n t atheists from pushing for more aggressive p o l i c i e s . Most notable among these was Adolph Hoffmann(1858-1930). Hoff-mann, another firebrand of the c a l i b r e of Johann Most, s o c i a l democratic member of the Prussian Diet and d i s c i p l e of the party's r a d i c a l f a c t i o n , wanted to see his party committed to the destruction of church and r e l i g i o n . Unwaveringly, he stuck with t h i s goal, party p o l i c i e s notwithstanding. In 1892, during the party's congress i n B e r l i n , he proposed to replace the clause " r e l i g i o n i s a private matter" with r e l i g i o n and i t s teachers are to be attacked everywhere, where they hinder the free development of the sciences. They are to be opposed everywhere, where they are i n the way of the people f i g h t i n g for t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and economic freedom. 6 Wilhelm Liebknecht, addressing himself to those incurable hotheads who 66 wished to see the battle against religion made one of the party's main objectives maintained that the masses alone could not hope to suppress re-ligion. This could only be done ini accord with the state and society as a whole. Today's churches, both Protestant and Catholic, were not only the product of the class state but also i t s a l l i e s and i t s tools. Therefore, a battle of state and society against religion could not be materialized at this point. The main battle was against the class structure and those who turned primarily against religion only wasted their strength. I often had to campaign in areas where Catholicism s t i l l represents a formidable barrier, but where socialism is slowly being accepted as well. I was able to reach the people by explaining to them the proper meaning of our religious paragraph and converted several of them to our cause. These people s t i l l vote Social Democratic. Now, i f I would have attacked religion, however, I would have alienated them, driven them away. Social democracy, so Liebknecht emphasized, had to avoid the mistake made by Bismarck — a battle against religion would only strengthen the same. Brute force would not change personal convictions; the best antidote for religion was the spread of knowledge. Our party i s a party with a scie n t i f i c basis. The sciences, although diametrically opposed to religion, cannot and w i l l not stamp out religion. But science (Wissenschaft) does ensure proper education, while education in turn is the best weapon against religion. Schools have to be mobilized against the church, teachers against the clergy. Proper education does away with religion. 7 Whatever the party program stated i t was generally understood that even principles must not be exalted above the requirement of vote-getting. There-fore i t i s not surprising that frequent attempts were made by free-thinking socialists to involve the party in an all-out campaign against church and religion to further their own particular interests. However, the party majority resisted these attempts to make the movement forsake i t s p o l i t i c a l 6.7 aspirations i n order to accomodate a few f a n a t i c s . Rejection of these attempts was strongest i n s o c i a l democratic c i r c l e s c l o s e l y associated with the trade unions which saw some danger to the union's cause should the party pursue an a n t i r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y . Since a union's strength rested e n t i r e l y on the numerical strength of i t s membership, as Otto Hue (1868-1922) argued, the appeal had to be to a l l workers regardless of t h e i r Weltanschauung. Since he himself had been a miner i n the Ruhr d i s t r i c t and was intimately acquainted with the s i t u a t i o n , Hue recommended that the unions should try to keep a l l controversies of t h i s nature out of t h e i r organizations, as such issues tended to threaten the unity and n e u t r a l -i t y of the unions. The C h r i s t i a n unions, ever since t h e i r inauguration, are beset with troubles. These troubles stem pr i m a r i l y from the d i f f i c u l t i e s to a l i g n the j u s t i f i e d demands of the workers for improved working conditions and higher pay with the churches' aim to avoid any confrontation between employers and management, to create an atmosphere of C h r i s t i a n har-mony and love between them. From t h i s the Free Unions should learn that the question of a common Weltanschauung tends to be a more d i v i s i v e , rather than a healing f a c t o r . The Free Unions would best be served not to get involved i n the r e l i g i o u s question, to steer clear from i t . Only a union, which concerns i t s e l f e x c l u s i v e l y with the betterment of the workers' p l i g h t , can survive and be strong. 8 Max Hirsch, another union expert, warned that any a n t i r e l i g i o u s propa-ganda would harm the party's and the union's p o s i t i o n among the coal miners. Miners, he said, could not d i f f e r e n t i a t e between r e l i g i o s i t y on the one hand, and church membership on the other. To them, r e l i g i o s i t y and church membership were inseparable; any propaganda against church or r e l i g i o n would 9 only confuse them and undermine t h e i r l o y a l t y to party and union. Karl Z i e l k e underlined the c e n t r a l issue when he said that the E r f u r t program emphasized, as one of i t s p r i n c i p l e s , freedom of conscience, thus 68 guaranteeing the i n d i v i d u a l ' s freedom of choice i n a l l questions of Weltan- schauung. It was up to each member to decide for himself to what extent the church s a t i s f i e d h i s r e l i g i o u s needs and to r e j e c t a l l attempts by i t to i n t e r f e r e i n other spheres of h i s l i f e . The party could uncover and counteract the church's influence i n p o l i t i c s but could not demand that i t s membership take a common stand against the church. It i s the duty of the i n d i v i d u a l to search himself, to f i n d out, whether or not the church s t i l l s a t i s f i e s his r e l i g i o u s needs — should he s t i l l have any. It i s also the duty of the i n d i v i d u a l to ensure that the church does not concern h e r s e l f with matters that should not concern her. It i s the party's duty to point out to i t s members, that membership i n the church strengthens the reaction-a r i e s ' cause. But i t i s not the party's business to demand secession from i t s members. 10 During the party's congress at Munchen (1902), another long debate on the r e l i g i o u s question ensued a r i s i n g from a motion by Georg Welker, S o c i a l Democratic deputy from Wiesbaden. Since Reichstag elections were imminent, he advocated a more r a d i c a l p o s i t i o n towards r e l i g i o n since i t was the main stumbling block to man's struggle for l i b e r a t i o n . Welker suggested the use of l e a f l e t s and r a l l i e s among factory workers as a method to enlighten the masses. Georg von Vollmar immediately lashed out against Welker, arguing for greater d i s c r e t i o n on the part'-.' of the s o c i a l i s t s i n a l l questions of church and r e l i g i o n . If a n t i r e l i g i o u s forces within the party had the r i g h t to voice t h e i r own personal convictions then, by the same token, party members who s t i l l harboured r e l i g i o u s sentiments had the r i g h t to voice t h e i r s . While none might speak o f f i c i a l l y i n the name of the party or use i t to implement his personal convictions, each had the rig h t to follow h i s own persuasion. Bebel, who followed Vollmar as a speaker, demanded the p u b l i c a t i o n of a pamphlet expounding the o f f i c i a l party i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Paragraph 6. 69 He then reiterated Vollmar's position saying that "everybody can believe what he wants;'he can be a Social Democrat of Catholic persuasion, a mater-i a l i s t , or an atheist, that's none of the party's business." Only i f he agitates for whatever he believes in, in the name of the party,.,only then does he violate our program and we would have to stop him....We are opposing the mix-ture of secular with ecclesiastical power; we demand the separation of these two entities". We look upon the state as a secular power, while religious associations are private societies. We oppose any move by the state — directly or indirectly — to enforce membership in any one of these religious societies, or state subsidies made available to them. 11 Kautsky, in a remark made many years later, probably described the s i t -uation best when he said that "social democracy had to avoid, indeed to fight, anything which would have resulted in an useless provocation of the ruling classes; anything which would have given i t s o f f i c i a l s an excuse to force the bourgeoisie and i t s friends into a socialist witch hunt (sozialisten-12 fresserische Tollhauserei)." The party's restraint in questions of church and religion, however, was only shortlived. It was the issue of elementary school education, specifically the Prussian School Maintainance Act of 1906, that brought the issue once 13 more to the fore. The organizer of the modern Prussian elementary school system was Dr. Falk, Prussian minister of education. In 1872 he spelled out in no uncertain terms the government's expectations of the school system: The object of the Prussian elementary school has always been to educate the growing generation to become pious, patriotic men and women who are able by means of the general education and training they receive to f i l l an honourable position in society. In whatever way the relations of church and state have been conceived, and whatever theological tendency was paramount at any period, the religious and moral education of youth has at a l l times been considered the formost purpose of the schools, and never have the adminis-trative authorities of the state wavered in pursuing the high ideal of sowing the seeds of patriotic, religious, and 70 moral sentiment i n the c h i l d r e n , so that they w i l l become c i t i z e n s whose inner worth can secure the welfare and preservation of the state. But side by side with t h i s exalted i d e a l , the requirements of p r a c t i c a l l i f e have not been l e f t out of sight. Children must learn i n school how to perform duties, they are to be trained to work, to take pleasure i n t h e i r work, so as to become e f f i c i e n t workers. This has been the aim of pop-ula r education i n Prussia since the e a r l i e s t times, and to t h i s day i t i s p l a i n l y understood by a l l administrative o f f i c e r s and teachers, and by the majority of parents, that i t i s the business of the elementary school not merely to teach reading, w r i t i n g , and arithmetic, but to teach the c i t i z e n s c h e e r f u l l y to serve t h e i r God, t h e i r native country and themselves. Bismarck and the Kaiser soon came to r e a l i z e that the government had i n the elementary schools a t o o l which would not only teach the c h i l d r e n how to serve t h e i r God c h e e r f u l l y , but, also how to serve the Kaiser's i n t e r e s t . In Bismarck's words, The mighty influence which the schools exercise i n the education of the nation consists i n t h i s , that the German c h i l d , when handed over to the teacher, i s l i k e a blank sheet of paper, and a l l that i s written upon i t during the course of elementary education i s written with i n d e l i b l e ink, and w i l l l a s t through l i f e . The soul of a c h i l d i s l i k e wax. Therefore he who d i r e c t s the school d i r e c t s the country's future. To d i s p e l any misconception as to where German's future lay, Wilhelm II elaborated i n a speech, 1 May 1889: I have for a long time been occupied with the thought of making use of the schools i n t h e i r various grades for com-batting the spread of s o c i a l i s t i c and communist ideas. The school must endeavor to create i n the young the conviction that the teachings of S o c i a l Democracy not only contravene Divine command and C h r i s t i a n morals, but are moreover im-p r a c t i c a b l e . 14 The news of the Russian Revolution of 1905 which grew out of the tragedy of the "Bloody Sunday," reinforced Wilhelm's convictions. To t h i s end, the School Maintainance Act of 1906 was designed to tighten control over Prussia's school system, to prevent the i n f l u x of r a d i c a l elements and ideas. 71 The important task of i n s t i l l i n g the pupils with cheerful p i e t y and humble obedience — to educate them i n the s p i r i t of the guidelines noted above — was l e f t i n the capable hands of Germany^ two o f f i c i a l r e l i g i o n s , Protestantism and Roman Catholicism. Other denominations were not recog-nized and t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o u s views were not taught i n the schools, nor considered as possible substitutes. However, education came under p r o v i n c i a l rather than federal j u r i s d i c t i o n and so the s i t u a t i o n varied from province to province. Prussia, the Mecklenburgs, Bremen, and Lubeck made the attendance at r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n mandatory for a l l elementary pu p i l s , but i n Bayern, Wiirttemberg, and Baden attendance was not obligatory. A compromise of sorts was worked out i n Sachsen, Anhalt, and most of the Thuringen states, where the private i n s t r u c t i o n of minority ch i l d r e n was recognized as s u f f i c i e n t substitute for the school i n s t r u c t i o n given by either of the two o f f i c i a l denominations. The confinement of school i n s t r u c t i o n to the doctrines of the two o f f i c i a l churches always constituted a p a r t i c u l a r hardship for the various Protestant sects, the Methodists, Baptists, Adventists, the Apostelgemeinde and the many other exotic denominations which had large memberships and would have preferred that t h e i r c h i l d r e n receive no r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n i n school rather than the sort to which they were subjected. But feeli n g s ran even hjgher among the Monists and the F r e i r e l i g i o s e n Gemeinden who held r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n of any kind worse than useless. Certain chapters of the l a t t e r a s s o c i a t i o n did secure permission to keep t h e i r c h i l d r e n out of the r e l i g i o u s classes and to give them e t h i c a l i n s t r u c t i o n p r i v a t e l y . But the more general p r a c t i c e was to make such c h i l d r e n attend r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n classes, where the teachers sought to counteract the e f f e c t of any private h e r e t i c a l teaching by r i d i c u l i n g them i n front of t h e i r school-72 mates. The Maintainance Act strengthened the churches' stranglehold on educa-t i o n . It r e i t e r a t e d the confessional, or sectarian, basis of the schools. The only concession made to r e l i g i o u s m i n o r i t i e s was the s t i p u l a t i o n that i f the number of students of any one minority f a i t h amounted to a minimum of 60 at r u r a l schools or 120 at urban schools, such students were to re-ceive s p e c i a l i n s t r u c t i o n . But i f they numbered l e s s , they were to attend the compulsory r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n given the majority whether Protestant or Catholic. In p r a c t i c e these minima were seldom met as they were set so high. The hours of r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n were s p e c i f i e d as 1302 hours per school year for urban elementary schools and 1722 hours for the s i n g l e -16 class r u r a l school. Church attendance was made compulsory for the teach-ing s t a f f and compliance was enforced by s p e c i a l d i r e c t i v e s from the school boards."*"^ Paragraphs 44 to 61 of the Act put the administration of school a f f a i r s e n t i r e l y into the hands of the clergy i n r u r a l one-school areas, and guaranteed the proper representation of church o f f i c i a l s on school boards i n l a r g e r , urban school d i s t r i c t s . It also provided that the church o f f i c i a l s assume the r o l e of school inspectors, to keep a close eye both on the curriculum and the teaching s t a f f . Furthermore, church o f f i c i a l s did not require governmental approval p r i o r to appointment to school boards, as did members of the l a i t y . This measure was seen as the best preventive against possible i n f i l t r a t i o n of the school boards by p o l i t i c a l l y undesir-able persons. The r e s u l t i n g public furor over the Act c l e a r l y indicated that the l e g i s l a t i o n touched upon a nerve which l a r g e l y negated any differences i n p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n . Teacher and parent associations throughout Prussia came out strong against t h i s kind of "shotgun C h r i s t i a n i t y . " Most vocal 73 i n i t s opposition was the teacher's association of Bremen, which, i n a n a t i o n a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d questionnaire asked people from a l l walks of l i f e to comment on the continued insistance on r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n i n the school curriculum. "More than ever," so read the introductory l e t t e r to the quest-i o n a i r e , "does the state side with the churches, which — with t h e i r out-moded and often c h i l d i s h ideas — have come to dominate the school curriculum more and more. Teachers and students a l i k e are forced to partake, thus not only causing i r r e p a r a b l e damage to our r e l i g i o u s heritage but also to the e n t i r e school system. Re l i g i o n cannot be taught, i t has to assert 19 i t s e l f i n everyday l i f e . " The S o c i a l Democrats, long time opponents of r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n , made themselves champions of the disenchanted. Already i n 1904, during the party's annual congress, Clara Zetkin (1857-1933), h e r s e l f a school teacher and an uncompromising Marxist, came out strongly against i t , while making a basic p o l i c y statement on her party's educational platforms. One of our basic demands i s the s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of educa-t i o n . No r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n i n the schools. R e l i g i o n has no place here, not for e t h i c a l , pedagogical or other reasons. Religious i n s t r u c t i o n c a r r i e s the mark of b r a i n -washing: i t i s not designed to cater to a r e l i g i o u s need, but designed to re - i n f o r c e the economic and s o c i a l bondage of the working c l a s s . Religious i n s t r u c t i o n does not serve r e l i g i o s i t y , but s a t i s f i e s i t s e l f with the mindless r e -gurgitation of r e l i g i o u s formulae, which are i n t o t a l con-t r a d i c t i o n to the sciences and r e a l i t y . Therefore, r e l i -gious i n s t r u c t i o n i s immoral, poisonous. 20 Although the widespread unpopularity of the Act held great promise of p o l i t i c a l ammunition for S o c i a l Democracy, i t displayed considerable r e s t r a i n t not to attack r e l i g i o n as such, but rather the unworthy and unhealthy mix-ture of r e l i g i o u s with secular matters. With increasing c l a r i t y , the s o c i a l -i s t s ' attack s h i f t e d from one of Weltanschauung to one against the oppressive 74 church. "Let us be honest," wrote August Erdmann i n 1905 i n the S o z i a l -i s t i s c h e n Monatsheften, we s h a l l not force anybody to give up h i s r e l i g i o u s con-v i c t i o n s or prevent him from j o i n i n g our ranks because of i t . But i t i s our duty to break the power of the church,, the old and mighty adversary of freedom!..' [We also s h a l l ] banish a l l the r e l i g i o u s confusion i n the minds of the masses, which constitutes a b a r r i e r to progress. In t h i s sense r e l i g i o n cannot be a private matter and we should no longer c l i n g to i t . I am of the opinion therefore, that r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n should be banned from the school curriculum. I am almost tempted to say: Hinaus mit jeder R e l i g i o n aus der Kirche. 21 For years to come, the church's control over school education was to be a staple i n the r e p e r t o i r e of s o c i a l i s t antichurch propaganda. The public controversy over the Prussian School Maintainance Act had hardly cooled, when, two years l a t e r , the churches once again occupied public i n t e r e s t . As a r e s u l t of a sluggish German economy i n 1908, the Prussian finance minister proposed higher taxes to meet i n f l a t i o n a r y ex-penses. The Protestant church f e l t equally j u s t i f i e d i n r a i s i n g the church 22 taxes and achieving a wider tax base by lowering the exemption rate. It also requested a d d i t i o n a l funds to the amount of 12.5 m i l l i o n marks from the Prussian government. Both tax increases were met by a public outcry, p a r t i c u l a r l y the church tax, as the public entertained exaggerated ideas of 23 c l e r i c a l s a l a r i e s . Obviously, t h i s protest benefitted the S o c i a l Democrats but there was considerable reluctance to act. This time, unlike i n the Maintainance Act controversy where the p r i n c i p a l protestors,f'the parents and teachers, belonged to the very s o c i a l c i r c l e s they were tr y i n g to reach, the most vocal pro-tests came from minority groups, free-thinkers, Monists, a t h e i s t s , and the l i k e who were to be considered suspect, i f not r a d i c a l , by conventional bourgeois standards. This presented a c e r t a i n dilemma to the party's moderates. 75 Any collusion with these minority groups necessarily meant the abandon-ment of the hope of a less radical public image which would involve them in a scheme which could backfire again. In facing this predicament the party's executive chose not to commit i t s e l f or the party o f f i c i a l l y either pro or con leaving a l l action to individuals following their own convictions. The underlying root cause for this s p l i t was the latent, but always present, division among the Social Democrats themselves since the repeal of the Socialist Law. Whatever interparty dissention existed prior to the repeal had not surfaced as the outlawed status of the party demanded a united front against the common enemy. With the repeal of the law, however, two factions evolved adhering to diametrically opposed p o l i t i c a l theories: one advocating a radical course of action and the other, orderly parliament-arism. Repeated attempts to win over party delegates to either theory created some instability and made the party as a whole rather vulnerable to outside pressures. The latter was amply demonstrated when the news broke of the reputed success of the general strike in Russia which had wrung from the Tsar the 24 ambiguous constitution of 1905. Throughout western Europe there was a new impatience with parliamentary delays while in Germany the impotence of the social democratic members of the Reichstag, in spite of the three million 25 votes behind them seemed intolerable. Although the radical Social Demo-crats pressed for direct action as opposed to orderly parliamentary tactics, the question essentially was whether the German workers could destroy by either legal means or revolutionary tactics the supremacy of the Junkers. This supremacy had been maintained over many centuries by the use of the p o l i t i c a l p i l l a r s of Prussia — her monarchs, armies, church, bureaucracy and law courts. The centre of Junker power lay in the methods on which the 76 e n t i r e regime i n Germany rested. As long as the Junkers maintained t h i s c e n t r a l power, there were s t r i c t l i m i t s to the development of German democ-racy .and the working-class power. U n t i l the Prussian Landtag came to be elected by universal suffrage, Junker supremacy would remain untouched. U n t i l then, neither speeches, press campaigns, public meetings nor street demonstrations had had the s l i g h t e s t e f f e c t . The problem for the party was whether the p o l i t i c a l general s t r i k e would serve as an e f f e c t i v e weapon for democracy i n Prussia. As to the p o l i t i c a l implications of such a general s t r i k e , the majority of S o c i a l Democrats held the view that i f the general s t r i k e was used by the dominant party i n Germany against the strongest government and most c l o s e l y - k n i t r u l i n g class i n the world, t h i s would unquestionably p r e c i p i -„ • • , c 26 tate a d e c i s i v e struggle for power. The f a c t — that a general s t r i k e would i n e v i t a b l y become a struggle for s u r v i v a l of the s o c i a l i s t movement i t s e l f — created deep uneasiness i n the party. A f t e r a l l , i n the course of i t s f i f t y years' h i s t o r y the German s o c i a l i s t movement had r i s e n from the most humble beginnings to a most power-f u l bureaucratic machinery, almost a state within a state. Its assets ran into the m i l l i o n s , and i t controlled a huge number of subsidiary organiza-27 t i o n s . Such an apparatus, o r i g i n a l l y created to serve the needs of the movement, produced i t s own vested i n t e r e s t s and i t s own conservatism. The movement had o r i g i n a l l y created t h i s organization to bring about s o c i a l revolution, to undermine and eventually destroy the e x i s t i n g class society. But with the growth i n strength and influence of i t s organizational apparatus, the movement had l o s t i t s revolutionary dynamic. The stronger i t s vested i n t e r e s t , the more the party stood to lose i n a decisive struggle for state power. Everything that the working cl a s s had created through decades of 77 of considerable s a c r i f i c e could be l o s t i n a few days or weeks of revolu-tionary c o n f l i c t . On the other hand, the stronger the party became, the greater was i t s popular following and the more impressive i t s e l e c t o r a l successes; and the larger i t s parliamentary representation, the smaller seemed the danger of the r u l i n g class provoking a c o n f l i c t . The party leadership, and above a l l the union leadership, was greatly concerned not to be pro-28 vocative. German s o c i a l democracy had obviously reached a p h i l o s o p h i c a l cross-road where i t had to decide whether i t was to l i v e up to i t s revolutionary Marxian p r i n c i p l e s as l a i d down i n the E r f u r t program, or to follow the path of l e a s t resistance and s t i c k with i t s parliamentary t a c t i c s . I t i s against t h i s background that one has to judge the respective actions by either f a c t i o n i n the renewed b a t t l e against the church. As a backlash from the events i n Russia i n 1905, the s o c i a l democratic r a d i c a l s staged t h e i r f i r s t open challenge to the party's p r e v a i l i n g p o l i c i e s of moderation at the annual congress i n Jena (1905). The task of c l a r i f y i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the reformist t a c t i c and the revolutionary goal of the party f e l l to a newcomer to German S o c i a l Democracy: Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919). She combined one of the most penetrating a n a l y t i c a l minds of her age with an imaginative warmth which make her writings unique i n Marx-i s t l i t e r a t u r e . From her P o l i s h homeland, she c a r r i e d into German S o c i a l Democracy a passionate and a c t i v i s t i c revolutionary L s p i r i t not common to Germany. When the r a d i c a l f a c t i o n began to form, Luxemburg was i t s guiding s p i r i t , giving i t t h e o r e t i c a l structure and t a c t i c a l leadership, and spurring i t on with her eloquence. The r a d i c a l s ' attack on the party's p r e v a i l i n g p o l i c i e s of moderation at Jena was t h e i r f i r s t open challenge. Rosa Luxemburg, foremost i n the 78 r a d i c a l s ' attack on parliamentary t a c t i c s , r i g h t l y pointed to the movement's p o l i t i c a l stagnation and i t s loss of i n i t i a t i v e . Only d i r e c t action could bring about the r e a l i z a t i o n of the party's goal: p o l i t i c a l control over Germany. The majority of the assembled delegates turned her down but the margin of the vote was f a r from d e c i s i v e . The party's moderates were arguing at the same time that German S o c i a l Democracy has developed beyond merely representing the p r o l e t a r i a n class but segments of the l i b e r a l sector of the bourgeoisie as w e l l . Consequently, 29 S o c i a l Democractic p o l i c i e s should be adjusted accordingly. That i s why there was l i t t l e h e s i t a t i o n even among the moderates to involve themselves i n the controversy over the School Maintainance Act, since i t s p r i n c i p a l protestors, the teachers and parents, were exactly the s o c i a l c i r c l e s whose support the moderates wooed. The momentary unity of action of the moderates and the r a d i c a l s led the l a t t e r to believe i n the dawn of a new era. In that year's party congress at Mannheim, the r a d i c a l s once again pressed f o r the adoption of a more r a d i c a l pace i n the pursuit of the ultimate goal. By a small majority t h i s attempt was rebuffed. When the moderate Eduard David stated a f t e r the Mannheim Congress, that the " b r i e f May flowering of the new revolutionism i s happily over," and that "the party w i l l again devote i t s e l f with undivided heart to the p o s i t i v e e x p l o i t a t i o n and expansion of i t s parliamentary power," he was only p a r t i a l l y 30 correct. With regard to the party's t a c t i c s , David's assumption was r i g h t , since the movement was entering a three-year period i n which not even the most m i l i t a n t revolutionary could discover a concrete opportunity for r a d i c a l action. As to the attitudes and ideas of the r a d i c a l s , however, David was wrong. The experience of 1905-06, both i n the broad arena of p o l i t i c s and i n the narrower confines of party l i f e , l e f t an unforgettable impression on the r a d i c a l wing. The next step i n the d i v i s i o n of the So c i a l Democratic party was the 3 f a t e f u l e l e c t i o n of 1907 which was acknowledged by the party to be d e c i s i v e . Again the government invoked the red demon of revolutionary and traitorous socialism; again Conservatives and National L i b e r a l s r a l l i e d i n defence of family, morality, country, Kaiser, and God, and, i n c i d e n t a l l y , of a very harsh and vigorous foreign p o l i c y . When the votes were counted i t was d i s -covered that the S o c i a l Democrats had suffered a s i g n a l defeat. The e l e c t i o n r e s u l t had a most sobering and moderating e f f e c t on the S o c i a l Democrats. The party which for a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes had repudiated the general s t r i k e , now found the r e a l i z a t i o n of i t s one remaining hope — majority control of the Reichstag — more remote than at any time since 1890. The r a d i c a l s henceforth demanded d i r e c t action and a sharper attack on bourgeois values since i t was the p a r t i a l acceptance of t h i s that had been the party's undoing at the p o l l s . The moderates interpreted the r e s u l t s quite d i f f e r e n t l y . To them i t was a sign that t h e i r parliamentary t a c t i c s should be reinforced. To t h i s end the party should not alienate w e l l -organized trade unionists or enlightened middle-class sympathizers. Accord-i n g l y , the cataclysmic and d i s q u i e t i n g prophecies of Marxism should be de-emphasized. The party, i n pursuit of a l l important votes, should emphasize 32 p r a c t i c a l and immediate requirements. Since each f a c t i o n drew i t s own conclusion from the r e s u l t of the 1907 e l e c t i o n , t h e i r subsequent action n e c e s s a r i l y d i f f e r e d as w e l l . The 1908 controversy over church taxation provided a welcome opportunity f o r the r a d i c a l s to take the i n i t i a t i v e again and to support the free-thinkers, ,80 Monists and other dissident groups i n t h e i r f i g h t against the church. The opening shot was f i r e d by Adolph Hoffmann. In a speech delivered before the Prussian Diet on 30 October 1908, he demanded — i n keeping with Point 6 of the E r f u r t program — the a b o l i t i o n of a l l public funding of r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s . He was eventually stopped by the Speaker a f t e r he had ignored three c a l l s to order. Not e a s i l y discouraged, Hoffmann delivered hi s f u l l , unexpurgated speech to a huge crowd at the Feenpalast i n B e r l i n instead and copies of the text were both sold and f r e e l y d i s t r i b u t e d by the thousands to the workers of B e r l i n . Hoffmann's polemic was simple, easy to grasp, and e f f e c t i v e . The state does not pay for nothing. It favours a r e l i g i o u s p u b l i c , rather than a thinking one and i t pays the church and the clergy to keep the people from thinking for them-selves. For the same reason, the state has surrendered education to the churches. It i s , of course, understand-able that the r u l i n g class has an active i n t e r e s t i n keep-ing the s u f f e r i n g masses ignorant, to feed them with hopes for a better l i f e a f t e r death, while they themselves enjoy a l l the comforts of l i f e here and now. The clergy, however, i s allowed to teach and preach only what i s acceptable to the r u l i n g c l a s s . That makes them dependent on the state for which they areecompensated with f i n a n c i a l s e c u r i t y . [The n o n s o c i a l i s t ] members of the [Prussian] Diet do not dream of withholding the newly requested amount of 12 1/2 m i l l i o n marks from the church, but the people w i l l draw th e i r own conclusion. Above the imposed three-class Parliament [ i n Pr u s s i a ] , there i s another one, a mightier one, the Parliament of the people. It can act immediately by leaving the church en masse: Los von der Kirche'. 33 Hoffmann and h i s confreres found the various dissenting groups ready to co-operate with them i n t h e i r b i d to overthrow the church - state entente. It was the B e r l i n writer Otto Lehmann-Russbludt who came up with the common denominator on which the many varied opponents of that entente could b u i l d a common e f f o r t . It was an argument which transcendented a l l weltanschauliche differences and was understood by a l l . 81 Lehmann-Russbludt (1873-1952), who also founded the Liga fur Menschenrechte (German C i v i l Rights Movement), aimed at e s t a b l i s h i n g a nation-wide organ-i z a t i o n by welding together the dissident groups i n Germany into one and, by t h i s combined and concentrated e f f o r t , sought to weaken the church's dominant place i n German society. He had a deep-seated hatred for any r e -l i g i o n f o r he regarded a l l r e l i g i o n s as t o t a l l y incompatible with modern c i v i l i z a t i o n . He labeled as h y p o c r i t i c a l the e f f o r t s by the government to protect or support the p o s i t i o n of the church i n Wilhelmine Germany; as an attempt to p r o f i t from any r e l i g i o u s sentiment that s t i l l lingered among the people. He advocated the formation of a committee which would co-ordinate the dissident groups i n a 'joint e f f o r t to renew the secession movement among the educated classes and the c i v i l s e r vice. Well aware of the discriminatory government p o l i c i e s against dissenters, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n r u r a l areas, he con-ceived a plan whereby p e t i t i o n s for secession would be presented " i n the thousands" to the courts on a set day. The r e s u l t i n g loss of church taxes, so Lehmann-Russbludt argued, would force the church to increase the levy on those remaining within i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n and, i n doing so, i t would add f u e l to the f i r e . This way an e f f e c t i v e blow would be dealt to the forces of reaction, which — according to popular b e l i e f — found t h e i r main support i n the church. He c a l l e d upon a l l modern thinking people to break with the church. The committee was formed i n 1910, i n B e r l i n , and named, rather aptly, Komitee Konfessionslos ("Undenominational Committee"). To a t t r a c t the ed-ucated classes and c i v i l servants, i t had as chairmen, Lehmann-Russbludt; Trautgott von Koppelow, a former naval lieutenant; Kurt von Tepper-Laski, 82 a former cavalry captain; and Ernst Haeckel, a well-known u n i v e r s i t y l e c t u r -er. The committee demanded the equal treatment of Dissenters and non-Dissenters and the suspension of mandatory r e l i g i o u s school i n s t r u c t i o n but 36 pledged i t s e l f to n e u t r a l i t y i n a l l p o l i t i c a l controversies. The secession process was a rather tedious one. The Dissenter had to f i l e an a p p l i c a t i o n for secession with the court of competent j u r i s d i c t i o n , or with h i s parish p r i e s t . During the following d e l i b e r a t i o n period of a maximum of s i x weeks, both the church or the court, or t h e i r respective representatives could try to influence the applicant to reconsider. Before the expiration of the s i x weeks deadline, the Dissident had to appear before the l o c a l judge and declare once again h i s intent to secede. Only then was h i s church membership o f f i c i a l l y terminated and the applicant freed from the payment of the church tax. Minors could not secede before reaching age f i f t e e n ; :UntiT-that age they were required to partake i n r e l i g i o u s school i n s t r u c t i o n as prescribed by law. After reaching the age of f i f t e e n , they only could secede with the permission of the male parent or — i n h i s 37 absence — with permission of the l e g a l guardian. The secession procedures l e f t the applicant open to various govern-mental pressures, p a r t i c u l a r l y during the so-called " d e l i b e r a t i o n period." Members of the p o l i c e and the m i l i t a r y attempted to subvert known Dissenters, 38 while the clergy threatened to b l a c k l i s t them with t h e i r employers. The Prussian government regarded the Komitee Konfessionslos as a n a r c h i s t i c and 39 kept the organization under close s u r v e i l l a n c e . Everything possible was done to counteract i t s activism. Inn keepers who aided the committee's cause by making applications a v a i l a b l e to t h e i r customers, l o s t the patronage of s o l d i e r s , faced great d i f f i c u l t i e s to rent t h e i r a v a i l a b l e rooms for o f f i c i a l 83 banquets and both health and b u i l d i n g inspectors harassed them constantly."'" Once again conservative press c i r c l e s suggested that the S o c i a l Democrats were the r e a l manipulators behind these renewed attempts to d i s c r e d i t the 41 church and to deny the people t h e i r r e l i g i o u s heritage. Stating, accurately enough, that the S o c i a l Democratic party was i n no way involved i n the a c t i v i t i e s of the committee, the r a d i c a l S o c i a l i s t K a r l Liebknecht (1871-1919), mercurial son of Wilhelm Liebknecht, condemned on p r i n c i p l e such governmental interference regardless whether i t was advantage-ous or detrimental to the church. He acknowledged the secession movement as a v a l i d expression of the people's mistrust of the church, the t o o l , as he saw i t , of the r u l i n g e l i t e . He praised the e f f o r t s of Lehmann-Russbludt and Adolph Hoffmann, and recommended the l a t t e r ' s t r e a t i s e on the Decalogue to the conservative members of the Prussian Diet. In conjunction with several bourgeois l i b e r a l s he objected to the treatment of Secessionists by the d i s t r i c t attorney's o f f i c e and to the l e g a l d i scrimination towards Dissenters 42 and e s p e c i a l l y , dissenting minors. Despite government intervention at various l e v e l s , the committee f l o u r -ished. In a n t i c i p a t i o n of mass secessionist drives, i t s a g i t a t o r s , many of them r a d i c a l S o c i a l Democrats, were sent through out the Reich to e n l i s t new members. As the dates designated D-day — 28 October, 4 and 20 November 1912 — approached, i t was recognized that t h i s event was to be the committee's f i r s t show of strength. In f i g u r e s subsequently released, the committee claimed that by the end of October some 1,543 secession applications had been c o l l e c t e d i n B e r l i n alone, 747 i n Milnchen, 535 i n Niirnberg, and for the 43 c i t i e s of Dresden, Hamburg, and Jena a combined t o t a l of over 2000. The committee's claim that, 10,000 persons had seceded by the end of 1912 was 84 denied as an exaggeration by the Protestant church. At the same time, i t admitted the secession of some 4,215 i n B e r l i n could be a t t r i b u t e d to the committee's endeavors. Whether 10,000 or 4,000, the figure was manifestly high enough to warrant an appeal to the government for appropriate counter 44 measures. In the spring of 1913, the committee announced that i t would test the Protestant church's claim that contemporary society was a C h r i s t i a n society. A head count of church attendance by enumerators appointed by the committee would be taken on the Sunday a f t e r Whitsunday, 18 May, i n t h i r t y -nine churches i n B e r l i n . Located i n the workers' d i s t r i c t s of Moabit as well as i n the more fashionable d i s t r i c t s of downtown B e r l i n , the churches involved represented a f a i r cross-section of that c i t y ' s society. The r e s u l t s were s t a r t l i n g . Out of the t o t a l number of 1,258,025 (1910) r e -gistered parishioners only 5,715 or 0.45 percent answered the c a l l of the b e l l s on that Sunday. Despite t h i s apparent display of i n d i f f e r e n c e however, 45 only 8,532 parishoners or 0.67 percent, seceded from the church i n 1913. Thus, while the committee could e f f e c t i v e l y challenge the expenditure of 30,906,787 marks of public funds to the Protestant church i n Prussia i n 1913 alone, i t also was aware that i t had to step up i t s campaign f o r secession. It had to generate enough momentum to overcome whatever b a r r i e r s prevented the people from undertaking the f i n a l step, secession. The v a l i d i t y of the 18 May count was doubted i n many quarters. The committee was not above suspicion to have the figures meet i t s propagandis-t s purposes. The committee therefore agreed to co-operate i n another count on 22 February 1914 with both Dissenters and Christians taking attendance at s i x t y - f o u r B e r l i n churches. The conclusion of t h i s p o l l , 3.5 percent, 85 showed l i t t l e improvement over that of the f i r s t and did not invalidate the 46 committee's charge that public monies were in effect wasted. Indeed, the latter count strengthened the committee's charge and i t s determination to bring down the church by having i t s funds stopped. The statistics of the 18 May count also meant added fuel for the radical Socialists. Once again they approached the party delegates at the Jena congress in 1913, to attempt to shift party policies to a more aggressive course. The waste of public monies could easily by exploited to this end. Their attempt failed, however, and the congress was saved from becoming only a repetition of earlier, fruitless discussions on tactics by a moment-ous suggestion from Heinrich Peuss (1862- ? ). Peuss, a former student of theology, proposed a general strike against the church as an appropriate, less risky alternative to a p o l i t i c a l general strike. "Let us organize a general strike against the church, at least among those who have already severed a l l other ties with the church." He went on to say that a mass move against the p o l i t i c a l church would be preferable to an overt p o l i t i c a l move as being less offensive to both the party and the trade unions. "It is absolutely necessary that we employ a tactic which the party, the trade 47 unions, and the co-operatives, do not find offensive." In making this suggestion Peuss had, perhaps without realization of i t s f u l l implication, hit upon a modus vivendi which was quickly taken up by the radicals. The opportunity to agitate for a mass strike against the church pre-sented i t s e l f during the summer of 1913 when once again church finances were the centre of public attention. The occasion was the opening ceremony of the fourth Protestant church built that year in the working class d i s t r i c t of Neukolln with a f i f t h one yet to come. Public anger in face of such waste 86 of public monies was at a fever p i t c h . The committee, i n c o l l a b o r a t i o n with the r a d i c a l S o c i a l i s t s , organized several protest r a l l i e s under the slogan: Heraus aus der K i r c h e ! ^ On 28 October 1913 four major r a l l i e s were held i n greater B e r l i n simultaneously, i n Hasenheide, F r i e d r i c h s h a i n , Moabit and Wilmersdorf. The r a l l y i n Hasenheide was addressed by Privy Councillor and speaker for the Komitee Konfessionslos, Professor Wilhelm Ostwald and K a r l Liebknecht. Liebknecht stressed at t h i s occasion that he appeared as a representative of the S o c i a l Demo-c r a t i c party and as a p o l i t i c i a n who was not interested i n the question of Weltanschauung. Secession was not only a matter of honesty, but was, t r u l y , a d e c i s i v e question for the church i n Prussia was not a r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n but rather an instrument of suppression i n the hands of the r u l i n g c l a s s . . . . M l those who s t i l l have a need for r e l i g i o n should protect i t . But they,, too, should get out of the Prussian state church since i t makes no attempt to f u l f i l l that need. Those who have already broken s p i r i t -u a l l y with the church, should also secede unless they wish to be h y p o c r i t i c a l . F i n a l l y , those who want to f i g h t for economic and p o l i t i c a l freedom on the p r i n c i p l e that a l l human beings are equal, are bound by duty to secede from the church which, as an instrument of the r u l i n g classes of the Prussian Junker state, aims at s o l i d i f y i n g t h e i r power. A boycott of the state church, pursued e n e r g e t i c a l l y and with the widest possible exposure, might prove to be the easiest way to weaken the state and the r u l i n g classes i n t h e i r resistance to free the people. Heraus aus der Landeskirche! At the end of the r a l l y , which was attended by some 3,000 to 4,000 people, 582 secession applications were c o l l e c t e d . The r a l l y at F r i e d r i c h s h a i n was attended by some 3,000 people. Heinrich Peuss for the S o c i a l Democrats and Professor Gustav Tschirn for the f r e e -thinkers were the p r i n c i p a l speakers. Peuss' address followed more or l e s s along the same l i n e s as Liebknecht's. "We are not gathered here," he said, :' " f o r a l i t t l e chit-chat, but to demand d i r e c t action. Everyone, who has 87 broken with the church s p i r i t u a l l y , should have the courage of conviction to say so openly and secede from the church. Let us not wait for the day when the separation of church and state f i n a l l y becomes law; l e t us press for i t now by seceding from the church." Again the church was depicted as a t o o l i n the hands of the r u l i n g c l a s s , interested more i n oppression than i n actual m i n i s t e r i a l work. "But," so Peuss continued, i f we want revolution, then we have to do today every-thing within our power to free ourselves as much as possible and not to wait for the day on which the revolution a c t u a l l y does take place. Another speaker, a c e r t a i n ex-pastor Wangermann, rela t e d to the crowd how he went among the workers and t r i e d to help them to h i s best a b i l i t y to ease t h e i r burden. Because of h i s a c t i v i t i e s however, he was c a l l e d before the church's D i s c i p l i n a r y Board and severely reprimanded. That was seven years ago, he sai d , and seven years ago he l e f t the church. He thus welcomed the awakening of the masses and t h e i r attempt to r i d themselves of the church's High Consistory. The F r i e d r i c h s h a i n r a l l y ended with the c o l l e c t i o n of 350 secession a p p l i c a t i o n s . The Moabit r a l l y was also addressed by a clergyman, a pastor Gaulke. He t o l d a story of corruption of the church, a church p r i m a r i l y interested i n i n s t i l l i n g obedience i n the masses. Reform attempts within the church were half-hearted and useless. E f f e c t i v e change would only occur i f and when the people on account of t h e i r own decision, leave the church en masse. Gaulke was followed by Adolf Hoffmann, who brought the r a l l y to a b o i l -ing point. Free the state, free the school from the influence of the church. The r u l i n g class has embraced the church bei= cause i t i s i n dir e need for her support. In return, the church acts i n accordance with the r u l i n g e l i t e ' s expecta-tions. 88 The p o l i t i c a l , as well as economical b a t t l e against the system i s d i f f i c u l t to wage and only with great s a c r i f i c e . The same b a t t l e waged against the church, however, could be conducted with minimal r i s k s . 350 persons handed over t h e i r secession a p p l i c a t i o n . The r a l l y i n Wilmersdorf presented Ewald Vogtherr and L i l l i Jannasch, both members of the S o c i a l Democratic party as speakers. They centered t h e i r attack p r i m a r i l y on educational matters, attacking the obligatory r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n classes. F o r t y - s i x secession applications were c o l l e c t -ed at the Wilmersdorf meeting, bringing the day's t o t a l of a l l four r a l l i e s to 1,328. Considering that during the ent i r e year of 1911 2,602 persons seceded from the church, the c o l l e c t i o n of 1,328 secession applications 49 i n one day was an impressive feat. Even more g r a t i f y i n g f o r the r a d i c a l S o c i a l i s t s was the reaction to an a r t i c l e by Liebknecht, which was c a r r i e d i n October 1913 i n Vorwarts. Here Liebknecht once again hammered home the church tax theme and j u s t i -f i e d h i s group's involvement by sta t i n g that the church was so much a part of the governmental machinery that i t had come to consider the preserva-t i o n of the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l status quo as i t s main objective. A church so preoccupied did not and could not f u l f i l l i t s appointed task of serving the r e l i g i o u s needs of the community. Therefore both the beli e v e r and the non-believer, each to h i s own p r o f i t , would gain by secession. Seen from t h i s point of view, a renewed involvement of Soc i a l Democrats with a secessionist movement did not constitute a v i o l a t i o n of the E r f u r t pro-gram for i t i s d i r e c t i n g i t s enmity against a p o l i t i c a l l y oppressive church, not against r e l i g i o n . The f i g h t against p o l i t i c a l oppression i n any form had always been the main objective of s o c i a l democracy. Our b a t t l e against the church i s not a b a t t l e against 89 r e l i g i o n , j u s t the opposite. Admittedly t h i s b a t t l e could also be conducted against r e l i g i o n , as a b a t t l e of Weltan- schauung, but that i s not s o c i a l democracy's way, that i s the way of the f r e e - b e l i e v i n g and free-thinking groups. Our b a t t l e against the church i s e n t i r e l y p o l i t i c a l l y motivated, the easier b a t t l e of the two. We w i l l not touch upon the question of b e l i e f and w i l l address our-selves only to the p o l i t i c a l character of the churches — a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c v i s i b l e to a l l . An organized secession movement of the church-tax paying p u b l i c which the government would be powerless to prevent, so Liebknecht argued, would render the church too heavy a f i n a n c i a l l i a b i l i t y to the state and t h i s s i t u a t i o n , as i t worsened, would force r e f o r m . H e , Liebknecht, regarded membership i n the "Prussian police-church" as a betrayal of the p r o l e t a r -i a t f i g h t i n g for p o l i t i c a l emancipation."'"'" In the weeks following the p u b l i c a t i o n of Liebknecht's a r t i c l e , the number of secessionists skyrocketed. A breakdown of the i n d i v i d u a l monthly figures of 1913 s i g n i f i e s a remarkable c o r r e l a t i o n between the stepped-up campaign e f f o r t s by the S o c i a l i s t s and the number of secessionists i n B e r l i n : January 659 July 188 February 329 August 165 March 213 September.- 235 A p r i l 174 October 345 May 210 November 950 June 157 December 9,106 52 If the s t a t i s t i c a l reports from the various parishes i n B e r l i n are any i n d i c a t i o n , the majority of these dissenters stemmed from parishes located 53 i n the t r a d i t i o n a l working class d i s t r i c t s . With the growing numbers of s e c e s s i o n i s t s , t h e i r "newsworthyness" grew pr o p o r t i o n a l l y . Any news item d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y related to the secession campaign received f u l l attention and was reported on i n highly sensational terms i n the boulevard press. Such was the case with the news 90 item that the K a i s e r i n was entering into the a f f a i r . Playing up to the emotions of i t s readers, the press reported that an increase i n the pro-cessing fees for secession was imminent. The fees, which were 50 pfennigs per applicant i n May 1873, had been raised to 3 marks i n June 1895. News-papers now alledged that the K a i s e r i n , following a report by the Prussian minister for r e l i g i o u s a f f a i r s , had urged a further increase to 100 marks. Charges of unlawful interferences were leveled against the K a i s e r i n for attempting to stop secession by r a i s i n g the p r i c e of honesty (Verteuerung der E h r l i c h k e i t ) . The committee and the associated S o c i a l i s t s immediately seized the opportunity to c a l l f o r an a l l - o u t attack on church and govern-- 5 4 ment. B e r l i n was i n the grip of a secession h y s t e r i a . Some f i f t y depots for the y c o l l e c t i o n of secession declarations were set up i n various pubs and shops throughout the c i t y , and i n the d i s t r i c t courts of B e r l i n the number of judges — to whom the dissenters had to declare t h e i r i n t e n t i o n of secession — was expanded by twelve to handle a l l the applicants. Eventually the Protestant church got caught up i n t h i s h y s t e r i a as wel l . In B e r l i n c i t y the church l o s t an estimated t h i r t y - f o u r thousand marks i n 1913 i n church taxes alone, while the d a i l y reports on secession-i s t s made i t appear as though Armageddon f i n a l l y was at hand. In face of such an exodus, the church t r i e d — rather heavy handedly — various counter measures to stem the r i s i n g t i d e of secession. One i s i n c l i n e d , however, to suppose that these counter measures only added f u e l to an emo-t i o n a l l y loaded s i t u a t i o n . Not only did the church arrange for the cost-free reinstatement of conscience-striken s e c e s s i o n i s t s , but also threatened the hardened cases with b l a c k l i s t i n g them with t h e i r e m p l o y e r s . T h e church's 91 High Consistory also declared f o r f e i t the secessionist's r i g h t to church weddings, funerals, and baptisms and t h e i r exclusion from the church's wel-56 fare programs. I t was also suggested to the l o c a l p arish p r i e s t to send a c i r c u l a r to secessionists during the " d e l i b e r a t i o n period," pointing out the dangers of such a step. Where the authority of God and the benediction of f a i t h are eliminated, one can only expect d i s a s t e r to follow. The f r u i t s of such a step can e a s i l y be observed i n France, where education has been completely secularized. The num-ber of i l l i t e r a t e s rose i n 1870 to 1910 from 14 percent to 30 percent; the number of army deserters i n 1880 to 1910 from 4,000 to 16,000. Divorces shot up from 124 i n 1884 to 12,575 i n 1906; the suicide rate increased from 5,000 to 9,000, while the number of mentally retarded has grown from 11,500 to 85,000 during the same period. 57 These counter measures were the b r a i n c h i l d of the conservative Protestants, while the l i b e r a l Protestant clergy suggested the church's disentanglement from state and p o l i t i c s as more appropriate. With a l l the clamor going on on both sides, some of the more sober voices which assessed the s i t u a t i o n with greater detachment went unheard and remained v i r t u a l l y unnoticed. One i n v e s t i g a t i o n into the reasons for secession of forty-four factory workers, f i f t y trades people, and seventeen members of other occupations reported, that the motives for secession were quite d i s s i m i l a r to those propagated by e i t h e r the Komitee Konfessionslos or the r a d i c a l S o c i a l Democrats. The study was incomplete as the i n v e s t i -gator, a c l e r i c , was met i n places with open h o s t i l i t y and, often, received no answer. In eighteen cases, atheism and hate of the church were c i t e d as reasons, twenty-one offered p o l i t i c a l reasons for t h e i r decision, while forty-seven stated that f i n a n c i a l considerations — sickness i n the family, the high cost of food, or unemployment — motivated them i n order to save the church tax. Since only i n d i v i d u a l s with an annual income of 1,500 marks or more were subject to church tax, one might question the v a l i d i t y of t h i s 92 l a s t category as the income of the workers seldom reached 1,500 marks. Indeed, as many as seventy percent of the secessionists were not even on the 58 church's tax l i s t s to begin with. When questioned d i r e c t l y , motives for secession read l i k e a catalogue of d i f f e r e n t woes and grudges for which the church — for one reason or another — was held responsible. Maybe i t was a disgruntled father whose c h i l d had not passed a grade and who now blamed the c l e r i c a l school super-59 v i s o r for the f a i l u r e . Or the church was made the scapegoat for unsuccess-f u l s t r i k e s , or, even more far-fetched, f or the increase of the i n d i r e c t tax on matches. In B e r l i n , the f o c a l point of dissention, secession was used to protest against the C i t y Mission which, i t was claimed, only helped af t e r i t s o f f i c i a l s s a t i s f i e d themselves of the p o l i t i c a l soundness of the needy. Although incomplete and often s u p e r f i c i a l , these scattered reports on the motivation of secession do make one point c l e a r : the workers were far more interested i n t h e i r own p r a c t i c a l problems, the bread and butter issues concerning them d i r e c t l y , than i n the v e i l e d Weltanschauungs b a t t l e of the r a d i c a l S o c i a l i s t s against the p o l i t i c a l church. The majority of workers could not be persuaded a c t i v e l y to p a r t i c i p a t e i n church a f f a i r s , while the r a d i c a l S o c i a l i s t s could not persuade them to a c t i v e l y f i g h t the church. The S o c i a l i s t s f a i l e d to convince them that the church question was an important enough issue to warrant immediate action, one, which, would a f f e c t t h e i r l i f e i n any d i r e c t way. Church and r e l i g i o n was and did remain a dead issue with the great majority of workers. Consequently, even at i t s height, the 1913-14 secession movement was a minority movement. With B e r l i n count-ing 1,689,118 Protestants i n 1910, even the l a t e s t upsurge bringing the t o t a l f or 1913 to 8,131 s e c e s s i o n i s t s , remained almost n e g l i g i b l e . The momentum 93 generated during the l a s t quarter of 1913 car r i e d on into 1914, when the movement's l a s t quivers occurred: the secession campaign of 1913-14 had j 61 come to an end. Elsewhere i n the Reich the secession movement underwent the same cycle 6 2 as i n B e r l i n , only on a much more reduced scale. During 1913, the events i n B e r l i n s p i l l e d outwards and, throughout Germany, the secession movement showed signs of increasing aggressiveness. Propaganda material from the committee and the S o c i a l Democrats was widely d i s t r i b u t e d ; the f i r s t pro-claiming secession as a necessity f o r a l l truth-loving persons; the second, proclaiming i t as a p o l i t i c a l necessity to democratize the p o l i t i c a l system. Artisans followed t h e i r masters i n j o i n i n g secession, and those l i v i n g under the same roof took the step together. In some places the shops owned by an t i s e c e s s i o n i s t s were boycotted and churches became the object of wanton 63 destruction and clergymentof p h y s i c a l abuse. Incidents were reported of employees giving secession a d d i t i o n a l weight by fo r c i n g undecided fellow 64 workers to declare t h e i r break with the church. The impact of the secession movement followed denominational l i n e s : hardest h i t were predominantly Protestant areas i n the northwest, east and southeast of Germany. The Catholic areas i n the south showed a much higher 65 resistance. Both churches were equally affected however, i n the mixed denominational, highly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d centres of Germany, such as the 66 D i i s s e l d o r f f d i s t r i c t . But here again holds true of what has already been said of B e r l i n : compared to the t o t a l number of "registered C h r i s t i a n s " the number of Dissidents remained dismally small. One almost can say that the further away one gets "from B e r l i n , t h e i r numbers almost disappear. The 1890 census counted 111,100 Protestants and 287,648 Catholics r e s i d i n g i n the Diisseldorf d i s t r i c t , while only 2,862 persons of both denominations 9.4 seceded i n 1913. Perhaps i n time the S o c i a l i s t s and the committee would have succeeded i n a t t r a c t i n g the masses to t h e i r cause, but time was running out. When i n August 1914 the lamps went out i n Europe, the pa r t i e s i n the Reichstag established a p o l i t i c a l truce known as the Burgfrieden. A l l t r a d i t i o n a l party differences were set aside for the duration of the war, and united support was given to the government to prosecute the war. Secession was no longer pursued for p o l i t i c a l ends. What small numbers of Dissidents did secede during the war years, did so on t h e i r own accord. The subsequent events of the war are well known and need not to be re-peated here again. In 1918 Germany surrendered, the Kaiser abdicated and f l e d to Holland. An o f f i c i a l church organ, the Hamburgische Kirchenblatt delivered the eulogy for the Kaiser era and expressed fear and pessimism for the future: The parliamentary system i s here. I t represents a v i c t o r y of democracy, of the Entente....The Be r l i n e r  Tageblatt and the Frankfurter Zeitung are a l l smiles, while the old Prussia i s i n mourning. Germany does not have anymore a p o l i t i c a l l y unique system; now "she i s only one nation among many. We believe i n God. If He wants to test us with the most unjust of a l l e l e c t i o n systems, the mindless, gen-e r a l , equal and d i r e c t e l e c t i o n system, we w i l l not only accept that because we have to, but also because we believe that He w i l l lead our nation on to new heights. 67 It was a s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophecy. Once the Emperor and the High Command of the army had bowed themselves out of the p i c t u r e , leaving i t cto others to face defeat and humiliation, the men i n charge of a f f a i r s were now the supposed a t h e i s t s , the S o c i a l Democrats. Composed of a c o a l i t i o n between the moderate Majority S o c i a l i s t s and the r a d i c a l Independent S o c i a l i s t s the new government now had to decide on the future structure and c o n s t i t u t i o n of the new German Republic and also come to terms with the question of the 95 future r e l a t i o n between church and state. As an i n d i c a t i o n of what l i t t l e p r i o r i t y t h i s was given, the post of Prussian minister f o r . c u l t u r a l and r e l i -gious a f f a i r s was given to none other than the already wellknown r a d i c a l , Adolph Hoffmann. Undeterred by possible p o l i t i c a l repercussions or the serious s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n s caused by the end of the war, Hoffmann, with hotheadedness, zest and z e a l , immediately began to put h i s r a d i c a l theories into p r a c t i c e . Taking o f f i c e on 9 November 1918, h i s f i r s t decree was issued within a week. On 15 November compulsory p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n was ended. On the following day, 16 November, Hoffmann announced the forma-tio n of a committee to draft l e g i s l a t i o n f or the separation of church and state. On 17 November the p u b l i c was informed that government funding of the church would be halted by 1 A p r i l , 1919. On 27 November, c l e r i c a l supervision of schools was abruptly terminated. On 29 November Hoffmann decreed the end of morning prayers i n schools. On 13 December, i n a f i n a l act, Hoffmann ordered the cost-free handling of secession a p p l i c a t i o n s , removed the age l i m i t s f o r dissenting minors and established t h e i r r i g h t of self-determination without parental approval. This d i r e c t i v e also eliminated the " d e l i b e r a t i o n period" and ruled that simple n o t i f i c a t i o n of the nearest 6 8 court was enough to e f f e c t secession. Such sweeping r a d i c a l i s m caused loud and widespread protests from church-men of a l l kinds, who were aghast at the further demolition of t h e i r world. It became clear that Hoffmann was too great a l i a b i l i t y to the young Re-p u b l i c , weakening i t s already f r a g i l e power base even further. Consequently, a f t e r only seven weeks i n o f f i c e , Hoffmann was replaced by the moderate S o c i a l i s t Konrad Haenisch whose f i r s t o f f i c i a l act was the revocation of the 9/6 "Hoffmann decrees." It had become obvious at this point, that the separa-tion of church and state, or secession for that matter, could not simply be legislated. In the absence of overwhelming support from among the work-ing class, radical socialist church policies faltered and had to make room for the p o l i t i c a l realities of the day. In the Weimar Republic a new working relationship was worked out between social democracy and the church. The former's failures and the simultaneous disappearance of the traditional alliance of throne and altar altered their position radically. Together they were to become the victims of Nazi total-itarianism and re-emerged as partners in the rebuilding of German democracy after 1945. 97 Footnotes - Chapter 3 1. During the twelve years i n which the S o c i a l i s t Law was i n force, 332 labour organizations were dissolved, 1,300 newspapers and p e r i o d i c a l s suppressed, about 900 a c t i v i s t s driven from t h e i r homes, and 1,500 S o c i a l Democrats sentenced to a t o t a l of 1,000 years imprisonment. The growth of the party i n face of such severe repression was a l l the more impressive. In 1881, i n the e l e c t i o n f or the Reichstag which followed the passing of the Law, the party received 310,000 votes. Three years l a t e r the fi g u r e was 550,000, and by 1887 i t had grown to 763,000. At the e l e c t i o n of 1890, a f t e r the repeal of the S o c i a l i s t Law, the party almost doubled i t s previous vote, with a t o t a l of 1,427,000, about one f i f t h of the t o t a l vote. See Franz Mehring, Die  Geschichte der deutschen Sozialdemokratie, 2 v o l s . (Stuttgart: Dietz, 1921) 2: 535. 2. An English t r a n s l a t i o n of the E r f u r t program can be found i n Vernon L. Lidtke, The Outlawed Party: S o c i a l Democracy i n Germany, 1878-1890 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1966), pp. 335-38. The f i r s t part of the E r f u r t program offered a b r i e f exposition of Marxist economic and h i s t o r i c a l theory and gave, i n popular form, the s c i e n t i f i c analysis of capitalism. It asserted the doctrine of i r r e c o n -c i l a b l e antagonism between the working class and the e x i s t i n g state machine; stressed i n uncompromising terms the i n t e r n a t i o n a l nature of the p r o l e t a r i a n class struggle; and r e i t e r a t e d the prophecy of an imm-inent revolution which would sweep away the c a p i t a l i s t i c state and the bourgeois s o c i a l order. In i t s second part, the program l i s t e d the immediate goals of the movement which were, i n essence, almost the same as those'that had appeared i n the Gotha program. These goals were seen as r e a l i z a b l e within the framework of the e x i s t i n g monarchical, parliament-arian structure i n Germany. 3. The French S o c i a l i s t Jean Jaure's for example stated , that "the working class w i l l come to power not through a sudden upsurge r e s u l t i n g from p o l i t i c a l a g i t a t i o n , but by making use of the general r i g h t to vote. Our society w i l l gradually develop toward Communism, not through the collapse of Capitalism, but by a gradual and inexorable growth of power of the workers." Jean Jaure's, Theorie und Praxis ( B e r l i n : Verlag der s o z i a l i s t i s c h e n Monatshefte, 1902), p. 61. 4. The r a d i c a l s echoed the p o s i t i o n taken e a r l i e r by Engels, who wrote: "One can envisage that the old society could peacefully grow into the new one i n countries where one can do, c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y , whatever one pleases, so long as the majority of the people give t h e i r support — i n democratic republics such as France and America, or i n monarchies l i k e England where the dynasty i s powerless against the w i l l of people. But i n Germany, where the government i s almost omnipotent and the Reichstag and other representative bodies, for a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes, powerless, to proclaim anything l i k e t h i s i n Germany would be to remove the f i g l e a f from absolutism and use i t to conceal one's own nakedness." F r i e d r i c h 98 Engels, "Zur K r i t i k des Sozlaldemokratlschen Programmentwurfes 1891," Neue Ze i t 20 (1901-02): 258. 5. The r e l i g i o u s paragraph, or, as i t also was c a l l e d , Paragraph 6, of the E r f u r t program read: "Declaration that r e l i g i o n i s a pr i v a t e matter. A b o l i t i o n of a l l contributions from public funds to e c c l e s i a s t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s objects. E c c l e s i a s t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s groups are to be t r e a t -ed as private associations, which manage t h e i r own a f f a i r s . " Lidtke, Outlawed Party, p. 337. 6. P r o t o k o l l liber die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemokra- tischen P a r t e i Deutschlands, abgehalten zu B e r l i n , 1892 ( B e r l i n , 1892), p. 183. 7. P r o t o k o l l tiber die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemokra- tischen P a r t e i Deutschlands, abgehalten zu Halle, 1890 ( B e r l i n , 1890), pp. 158, 177. 8. Otto Hue, "Klerikalismus und Gewerkschaftsbewegung," S o z i a l i s t i s c h e  Monatshefte 6 (1902): 925-37. Similar to Hue, Bruno Poersch, " P o l i t i k und Re l i g i o n i n den gewerkschaftlichen Organizationen der A r b e i t e r , " Neue Ze i t 17 (1899): 403; Theodor Le i p a r t , " P o l i t i k und R e l i g i o n i n den gewerkschaftlichen Organizationen der A r b e i t e r , " i b i d . , pp. 499-501. 9. Max Hirsch, "Die R e l i g i o s i t a t der Bergknappen," Neue Zeit 25 (1907): 369-71. 10. Karl Zielke, "Der Punkt 6 des Parteiprogramms," i b i d . , 24 (1906): 705-08. 11. P r o t o k o l l iiber die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemokra- tischen P a r t e i Deutschlands, abgehalten zu Miinchen, 1902 ( B e r l i n , 1902), pp. 237-39, 240-43. 12. Karl Kautsky, Der Weg zur Macht: P o l i t i s c h e Betrachtungen iiber das  Hineinwachsen i n die Revolution ( B e r l i n : Vorwarts, 1920), p. 59. 13. Johannes Tews, Die Preussische Schulvorlage: Eine Abwehr ( B e r l i n : Wahlverein der Liberalen, 1906), contains and comments on the e n t i r e act. The act i s also p a r t i a l l y reprinted i n Gerhardt Giese, ed., Quellen zur  deutschen Schulgeschichte (Gottingen: Musterschmidt, 1961), pp. 179-81. 14. J . E l l i s Barker, "Education and Mis-education i n Germany," Contemporary Review 90 (1906): 519-21. 15. Roy Temple House, "Problems of State Religious Instruction i n Germany," South A t l a n t i c Quarterly 10 (1911): 323-27. 16. Thomas Alexander, The Prussian Elementary Schools (New York: MacMillan, 1919), chapter 15 and tables, pp. 235-56. 17. L i l l i Jannasch, "Der heutige Stand der konfessionellen Schule i n Preussen," 99 Das f r e i e Wort 13 (1913-14): 858. 18. For a report on the removal of a So c i a l Democrat from a school board, see K i r c h l i c h e s Handbuch fur das katholische Deutschland 4 (1912-13): 74. 19. F r i t z Gansberg, ed., Religionsunterricht? Achtzig Gutachten. Ergebnis  einer von der Vereinigung fur Schulreform i n Bremen veranstalteten allgemeinen deutschen Umfrage (Leipzig: Voigtlander, 1906), p. v. 20. P r o t o k o l l iiber die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemocra- tischen P a r t e i Deutschlands, abgehalten zu Bremen, 1904 B e r l i n , 1904), p. 305. 21. S o z i a l i s t i s c h e Monatshefte 9 (1905): 516. 22. The church tax (Kirchensteuer) was computed on basis of i n d i v i d u a l income tax paid. An i n d i v i d u a l paying 1000 marks i n 1881, was assessed 3.5 percent of that amount for church tax, or an a d d i t i o n a l 35 marks. By 1907 the church tax rose to 15.5 percent. This tax was separate and i n addition to the income tax and only those Secessionists whose a p p l i -cation for secession had already been processed were exempt. Johann von Bonin, "Der B e g r i f f 'Kirche' im Sinne der preussischen A u s t r i t t s g e s e t z e , " J u r i s t i s c h e Wochenschrift 60 (1931): 641-42. 23. Wilhelm Schneemelcher, " A u s t r i t t e aus der Landeskirche," Evangelisch- S o z i a l 19 '(1910): 156-61. 24. : Richard W. Reichard, "The German Working Class and the Russian Revolu-t i o n of 1905," Journal of Central European A f f a i r s 13 (1953): 136-55. 25. The French S o c i a l i s t , Jean Jaures, remarked on the apparent p o l i t i c a l impotence of the German S o c i a l i s t s . He asked, r h e t o r i c a l l y , why the German working cl a s s was so incapable of inf l u e n c i n g i t s s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l environment despite the great e l e c t i o n successes of the party. He answered that neither the working-class t r a d i t i o n nor the mechanics of the German c o n s t i t u t i o n permitted the party to transform i t s tremendous voting power into p o l i t i c a l action. The German workers were lacking i n revolutionary t r a d i t i o n . Their h i s t o r y showed many instances of devo-t i o n and s e l f - s a c r i f i c e , but not a si n g l e example of successful revolu-tionary a c t i v i t y . In Germany, unive r s a l suffrage had not been won on the barricades; i t had been granted as a p r i v i l e g e from those above. While i t was unthinkable to rescind the democratic r i g h t s of those who had won them by t h e i r own e f f o r t s (and could e a s i l y win them back again) i t was only too easy for those i n power to abrogate what they had granted only through grace and favour. Sixieme Congres S o c i a l i s t e International:  Tenu a Amsterdam du 14 au 20 Aout 1904 (Bruxelles, 1904), pp. 67-82. 26. Rudolf H i l f e r d i n g , one subscriber to t h i s view declared, that "In Germany, a general s t r i k e , however i t s t a r t s , must be prepared to meet the most powerful resistance." In whatever way the party might present the issue — 100 as a r i s i n g , f o r example, out of the campaign for e l e c t o r a l reform i n Prussia — "the r u l i n g class w i l l i n e v i t a b l y treat i t as a question of s u r v i v a l . " The general s t r i k e i n Germany would be, therefore, a phase i n a struggle which would have to be fought to a f i n i s h , or end i n d i s -aster for the working c l a s s , "because the enemy would i n t e r p r e t any general s t r i k e , however peaceful and l e g a l , as a challenge to i t s suprem-acy and as an i n d i c a t i o n that i t s own existence was now at stake. I t would therefore meet i t with every means at i t s d i s p o s a l . " Cited i n K a r l Kautsky, Der p o l i t i s c h e Massenstreik ( B e r l i n : Vorwarts, 1914), pp. 161, 123. 27. The party had 62 p r i n t i n g shops, and 90 d a i l y papers with a t o t a l c i r c u l a -t i o n of 1,465,212; 10,320 people worked i n i t s publishing houses alone. See P r o t o k o l l uber die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemokra- tischen P a r t e i Deutschlands, abgehalten zu Jena, 1913 ( B e r l i n , 1913), pp. 28-9. The Free^Trade Unions alone had a combined annual income of 70 m i l l i o n marks, with assets, i n 1914, t o t a l l i n g 80 m i l l i o n marks. F r i e d r i c h Stempfer, Die vierzehn Jahre der ersten deutschen Republik (Offenburg: Vollwerk, 1947), p. 12. 28. In May, 1905, the trade unions passed a r e s o l u t i o n r e j e c t i n g the mass s t r i k e as an appropriate p o l i t i c a l weapon. The r e s o l u t i o n stated among others: "The general s t r i k e , advocated by anarchists and people without any knowledge of the economic implications of such a step, i s unaccept-able. Union members are therefore advised not to take notice of any propaganda for the general s t r i k e , but instead to continue to work to strengthen the union movement." P r o t o k o l l der Verhandlungen des funften  Kongresses der Gewerkschaften Deutschlands ( B e r l i n : Generalkomission der Gewerkschaften Deutschlands, 1905), p. 229. See also Karl Kautsky, "Der Kongress von Koln," Neue Zeit 23 (1905): 309-16; Kautsky, Der  p o l i t i s c h e Massenstreik, pp. 115-15. Wolfgang Hirsch-Weber, a West German authority on the workers' movement, has argued that at t h i s point the trade unions had already become so strong that the centre of gravity i n the labour movement no longer lay with the S o c i a l Democratic party. Wolfgang Hirsch-Weber, Gewerkschaften i n der P o l i t i k : Von der Massen- streikdebatte zum Kampf um das Mitbestimmungsrecht (Koln: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1959), p. 8. 29. See Eduard Bernstein, "Was f o l g t aus dem Ergebnis der Reichstageswahlen?," S o z i a l i s t i s c h e Monatshefte 9 (1905): 478-86; Wolfgang Heine, "Der 16. Jun i , " i b i d . , pp. 475-78; Johannes Timm, "Sozialdemokratie, P o l i t i k und Wissenschaft," i b i d . , pp. 572-77. 30. Eduard Davis, "Der sozialdemokratische Parteitag i n Mannheim," S o z i a l i s t - ische Monatshefte 12 (1906): 907-14. 31. The decisive nature of the 1907 elections was c l e a r l y stated i n an e l e c t o r a l address which was signed by seventy-eight s o c i a l democratic Reichstag's deputies and was published i n Vorwarts, 16 December 1906: "You have to choose new deputies at the p o l l s , i n accordance with your opinions, not merely upon the p o s i t i o n i n Southwest A f r i c a , but upon 101 our e n t i r e p o l i c y at home and abroad. The s i t u a t i o n i s serious. After t h i r t y - f i v e years of existence the German Empire finds i t s e l f i n almost complete i s o l a t i o n . For the l a s t f i f t e e n years there has been no lack of speeches and t r i p s made i n many potentates' countries, no lack of presents made to the most diverse nations. But the r e s u l t of a l l these unsought assurances of love and a f f e c t i o n i s that today German p o l i c y i s regarded with d i s t r u s t by almost every foreigner, and Germany instead of friends has scarcely any but covert or overt enemies. Consequently, the world s i t u a t i o n i s such that despite a l l the peace-loving assurances which r u l i n g sovereigns give on occasion a f t e r occasion, armaments by land and sea are continually mounting up, and a f e e l i n g of anxiety, as at the advent of an immense catastrophe, continually strengthens i t s hold on the c i v i l i z e d peoples and forbids them the peaceful enjoyment of the f r u i t s of t h e i r labour. Instead of a r b i t r a t i o n and disarmament we see the r u l i n g classes and t h e i r s o l u t i o n , " I f you want peace, you must be armed for war." with which they carry on t h e i r p o l i c y of embitter-ing nations i n order to maintain t h e i r own class rule i n domestic a f f a i r s . The m i l i t a r y and naval armaments serve to enrich them. Besides, they cherish the thought on the s l y that nations kept i n constant anxiety about a grasping and warlike neighbour do not apply themselves to improv-ing t h e i r s o c i a l conditions as they otherwise could and would. This p o l i c y of i n t e r n a t i o n a l r u i n i n which Germany today sets the pace, we have hitherto most decidedly opposed, and we s h a l l continue to oppose i t . " For an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the elections from the point of view of one of the party's leading moderates, see Eduard Bernstein, "The German Elections and the So c i a l Democrats," Contemporary Review 91 (1907): 479-92. 32. The en t i r e question of moderate versus r a d i c a l t a c t i c s i s reviewed i n Wilhelm Kolb, Die Sozialdemokratie am Scheidewege (Karlsruhe: Geek, 1915). A more recent study i s that by C a r l E. Schorske, German Soc i a l  Democracy 1905-1917: The Development of the Great Schism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1955). 33. Adolph Hoffmann, Uber 13h M i l l i o n j a h r l i c h e Gehaltszulage fur die Herren  Bfarrer! Schone Worte und Vertrostungen fur das arme Volk! Los von der  Kirche! Eine durch d r e i Ordnungsrufe und Wortentziehungen unterbrochene,  aber im Feen-Palast zu B e r l i n vollendete Landtagsrede von Adolph Hoffmann  mit Einfugung der durch den Prasidenten Herr von Korcher verhinderten  Erganzungen. ( B e r l i n : Hoffmann, 1908), pp. 5, 6, 7, 41. 34. Otto Lehmann-Russbliidt, Das Christentum: Zur Wintersonnenwende 1911 (Be r l i n : Komitee Knofessionslos, 1911). 35. Otto Lehmann-Russbliidt, Der ge i s t i g e Befreiungskrieg durch Kirchen- a u s t r i t t (Frankfurt/M: Neuer Frankfurter Verlag, 1914), pp. 14, 15-16. 36. Be r l i n e r Neueste Nachrichten, 29 December 1910. 37. Richard L i p i n s k i , Heraus aus der Kirche: E i n Beitrag zum Ki r c h e n a u s t r i t t (Leipzig: Verlag der Leipziger Buchdruckerei, 1919), p. 5. 102 38. "Berichte des Polizeiprasidenten an deh Minister der g e i s t l i c h e n Ange-legenheiten vom 16. A p r i l 1912, 8. Marz und 25. November 1913," Archiv  der Kirchenkanzlei der Evangelischen Kirche der Union, B e r l i n : Acta  betreffend die Austrittsbewegung aus der Landeskirche, Generalia 12, Abteilung 124, v o l . 3 (January 1911 - December 1913). 39. "Neuigkeiten aus der Kirchenaustrittsbewegung," Das monistische Jahr- hundert 3 (1914): 62. 40. "Bericht des Polizeiprasidenten an den Minister der g e i s t l i c h e n Ange-legenheiten vom 25. November 1913," Archiv der Kirchenkanzlei. 41. Klaus Saul, "Der Staat und die 'Machte des Umsturzes'," Archiv fur  Sozialgeschichte 12 (1972): 316. 42. Ewald Vogtherr, "Die r e l i g i o s e F r e i h e i t der Soldaten," Der Freidenker 21 (1913): 137-39; Kreuz-Zeitung, 15 October 1908, 12 August 1911. 43. Stenographische Berichte (iber die Verhandlungen des Preussischen Hauses  der Abgeordneten, 21 Legislaturperiode, 4 Session, 3 (1911): 3608-19. 44. Otto Lehmann-Russbliidt, Der erste Waffengang des Komitee Konfessionslos," Das monistische Jahrhundert 1 (1912-13): 572-74; OttoaLehmann-Russbliidt, "Bericht vom Komitee Konfessionslos," i b i d . , 2 (1913-14): 485-87. 45. "Bericht des Polizeiprasidenten an den Minister der g e i s t l i c h e n Ange-legenheiten," Archiv der Kirchenkanzlei. 46. See Otto Lehmann-Russbliidt, "Eine Kirchenbesuchs-Statistik," Der Dissident 7 (1913-14): 41-48. See also Appendix A. t h i s t h e s i s . 47. K i r c h l i c h e s Jahrbuch 41 (1914): 109. 48. P r o t o k o l l iiber die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemokratischen  P a r t e i Deutschlands, abgehalten zu Jena, 1913 ( B e r l i n , 1913), pp. 192-93, 300. At the same congress the party's executive refused to allow several motions to reach the convention f l o o r , which suggested p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the e n t i r e party i n the secessionist drive of the r a d i c a l s . I b id ., p. 83. 49. Das monistische Jahrhundert 2 (1913-14(: 816-18. 50. "Massenstreik gegen die Staatskirche," Vorwarts, 30 October 1913. 51. Liebknecht's a r t i c l e i s reprinted i n Karl Liebknecht, Gesammelte Reden und  Sc h r i f t e n, 8 v o l s . , ( B e r l i n : Dietz, 1964), 6: 399-401. A t r a n s l a t i o n of the en t i r e a r t i c l e has been provided i n Appendix C, t h i s t h e s i s . 52. K i r c h l i c h e s Jahrbuch 41 (1914): 95. 53. "Bericht des geschaf tsftihrenden Ausschusses der B e r l i n e r Stadtsynode liber 103 die Kirchenaustrittsbewegung im Bezirk des B e r l i n e r Stadtsynodalver-bandes," Archiv der Kirchenkanzlei. 54. See Appendix B this thesis for a map of B e r l i n i n d i c a t i n g the l o c a t i o n of the churches mentioned i n Appendix A. Since Appendix A l i s t s for 1913 the number of secessionists i n each parish, the l o c a t i o n of the parishes give some important clue to the s o c i a l background of the seces s i o n i s t s . 55. Ewald Vogtherr, "Preussische Hundertmarkchritsen," Das f r e i e Wort 13 (1913-14): 474-78. One such report read as follows: "Members of the Prussian High Consistory got together with the Empress to discuss steps by which to preserve r e l i g i o n for the people. They came up with a r e a l humdinger: they increased the processing fees for secession. Everything i n the name of religion.' A c t u a l l y the Komitee Konfessionslos and the Prussian High Consistory deserve each other. Both are a c t i v e l y involved -- each i n h i s own s p e c i a l way -- to k i l l o f f any r e l i g i o u s sentiments i n order to win the s t a t i s t i c a l b a t t l e . One preaches a "Happiness-on-earth" philosophy, dedicated to progress, while the other is working on the increase of the processing fees for godlessness i n order to serve God." F r i d o l i n , "Gebuhrentarif fur G o t t l o s i g k e i t , " Ma'rz 17 (1913): 788-89. 56. Richard Nordhausen, "Die A u s t r i t t e aus der Landeskirche," Der Tag, 12 November 1909. 57. This sample l e t t e r appeared i n the Tagliche Rundschau, 11 December, 1913. 58. August Blau, "Der A u s t r i t t aus der Landeskirche," Evangelisch-kirch-l i c h e r Anzeiger von B e r l i n und der Mark Brandenburg 57 (1906): 993. 59. B i t t l i n g e r , "Vom K i r c h e n a u s t r i t t i n B e r l i n , " pp. 290-95, 325-27. 60. K i r c h l i c h e s Jahrbuch 38 (1911): 342; August Breithaupt, "Die A u s t r i t t e aus der Landeskirche, 1 1 Konservative Monatsschrift 68 (1911): 993. 61. Vossische Zeitung, 7 June 1906. 62. See Appendix A, this thesis. 63. See graph, Appendix D, t h i s t h e s i s . 64. K i r c h l i c h e s Jahrbuch 41 (1914): 95-101. 65. Paul Gohre, Die neueste Kirchenaustrittsbewegung aus den Landeskirchen  Deutschlands (Jena: Diederichs, 1909), p. 33; Franz Meffert, S o z i a l -demokratie und Religion: Eine Untersuchung der sozialdemokratischen Praxis  und Theorie (Monchen-Gladbach: Volksvereins Verlag; 1912), p. 21; Ernst B i t t l i n g e r , "Vom K i r c h e n a u s t r i t t i n B e r l i n : Tatsachen und Folgerungen," Evangelisch-Sozial 22 (1913): 300. 104 66. See graph, Appendix D, t h i s t h e s i s . 67. See Appendix E, t h i s thesis as well as Appendix D, entry for Rheinprovinz. 68. "Das a l t e Preussen trauert," Hamburgisches Kirchenblatt 15 (1919): 303. 69. L i p i n s k i , Heraus aus der Kirche, pp. 5-8; Rudolf Seeberg, "Die bevor-stehende Trennung von Staat und Kirche," Konservative Monatsschrift 76 (1919): 209-22, 278-96; Martin Schian, "Was i s t j e t z t zu tun?," Preussische Kirchenzeitung 14 (1918): 388-89. 105 Conclusion With the necessary hindsight one can say now, some f i f t y years l a t e r , that the pre-World War I Kirchenaustrittsbewegung f a i l e d completely. It did not succeed i n providing an a l t e r n a t i v e i d e o l o g i c a l foundation within the ranks of the S o c i a l Democratic party, nor did the Kirchenaustrittsbewegung s t r i k e a revolutionary spark. The leaders of the newly formed s o c i a l i s t workers' party i n Germany i n 1869 were faced with the task of formulating an acceptable party program. They were forced to take a stand on a v a r i e t y of issues, one of them being party p o l i c i e s towards church and r e l i g i o n . Although a common s o c i a l back-ground did act as a strong bond among party members, i t did not altogether prevent disagreements on p a r t i c u l a r issues, such as the r e l i g i o u s question. There were four dominant l i n e s of thought. There were r a d i c a l , a t h e i s t i c S o c i a l i s t s who wished to uproot church and r e l i g i o n e n t i r e l y and hoped to use the e x i s t i n g party machinery to this end. At the opposite end of the scale were those S o c i a l i s t s who s t i l l harboured some r e l i g i o u s sentiment and opposed any subversive a c t i o n against the church on moral grounds. The bulk of party members was of e i t h e r Marxist or moderate persuasion. The former believed that no s p e c i a l p o l i c i e s against church and r e l i g i o n were warranted. Religion, they held, was purely a s u r v i v a l of p r e - i n d u s t r i a l i s m and would wither away in the l i g h t of sapient s c i e n t i f i c s o c i a l i s m anyway. The party's moderates, although for d i f f e r e n t reasons, agreed on the u n d e s i r a b i l i t y of s p e c i a l p o l i c i e s toward 106 the churches. They simply believed that r a d i c a l church p o l i c i e s would serve no p a r t i c u l a r purpose but would rather prove p o l i t i c a l l y harmful. The expectation, therefore, that party members could be mobilized by the use of the Kirchenaustrittsbewegung as a p o l i t i c a l weapon was erroneous. Put forward by a handful of party r a d i c a l s , the secession movement never enjoyed majority support. Divided on the wisdom of Most's onslaught, a divergence of opinions surfaced i n 1878. Thus, Kayser demanded that r e l i g i o n be treated as a private a f f a i r and warned against the p o l i t i c a l use of the church question. Kayser's warning r e f l e c t e d the more moderate l i n e of thought and his warning was amply confirmed. While the results of the 1878 e l e c t i o n to the Reichstag indicated that there were at least 437,158 S o c i a l i s t s or s o c i a l i s t sympathi-zers i n Germany, Most's campaign i n the same year netted only 2,711 Secession-i s t s . The r e s u l t was disappointing, quite disproportionate to. the time and energy invested. A f t e r 1878 an i n c r e a s i n g l y c o n c i l i a t o r y mood made i t s e l f f e l t among the party's rank and f i l e . The h o s t i l e reaction to the Most campaign c l e a r l y demonstrated the t a c t i c a l disadvantages of such a p o l i c y , scaring o f f p o t e n t i a l supporters and r i s k i n g the danger of i n v i t i n g repressive l e g i s l a t i o n . Only the r a d i c a l wing of the party continued to be a d r i v i n g force behind e f f o r t s to employ the r e l i g i o u s question as a p o l i t i c a l gambit. But t h e i r e f f o r t s were thwarted by the acceptance of evolutionary s o c i a l i s m by the majority of party members. Therefore, despite r a d i c a l e f f o r t s to the contrary, the E r f u r t program of 1891 retained the clause declaring r e l i g i o n a private matter. The root and branch extremists became increasingly i s o l a t e d but, led by K a r l Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg and Adolf Hoffmann, they did not cease in t h e i r e f f o r t s to r a d i c a l i z e party p o l i c i e s . In 1913-14 they mounted the 107 Kirchenaustrittsbewegung, which was hardly more successful than the e a r l i e r one, as can best be seen i n the very l i m i t e d regional response to the campaign. Outside of B e r l i n and Prussia, the r a d i c a l s ' c a l l for a show of strength went almost completely unheeded. Their considerable e f f o r t s to make s i m i l a r i n -roads into other areas of Germany f a i l e d . Most s i g n i f i c a n t i n the long run was the e f f e c t of the Kirchenaustrittsbe-wegung on the main body of German churchmen. I t only confirmed t h e i r suspicion of the i n d u s t r i a l p r o l e t a r i a t and t h e i r party; prejudices, which were both cause and e f f e c t of t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to b u i l d bridges to the working c l a s s . The Kirchenaustrittsbewegung seemed to confirm the correctness of t h e i r s o c i a l p o l i c i e s and programs, t h e i r support for the church-state entente against the a t h e i s t i c materialism of the workers. Adamant i n t h e i r r e f u s a l to admit the claims of a p l u r a l i s t i c , i n d u s t r i a l society, they viewed the workers' party as a spearhead of unwanted modernism. A l l S o c i a l i s t s , they believed, were in i m i c a l to the interests of t h e i r church and thereby to German society as a whole. In view of the renewed antichurch a c t i v i t i e s of the S o c i a l i s t s a f t e r the turn of the century, the reactionary church leadership was determined to uphold the time-honoured t i e s to Germany's ro y a l house. The defence of Germany's p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l status quo thus became t h e i r foremost concern inasmuch as t h e i r own well-being depended on i t . E f f o r t s by i n d i v i d u a l clergy-men, such as Ketteler, Naumann and Gohre, to l i b e r a l i z e church p o l i c i e s and to create a climate among the clergy more i n keeping with the times, were doomed from the s t a r t . The conservative outlook of the church leaders forced them to choose between conformity or resignation from t h e i r pastoral o f f i c e . The freak appointment of Adolf Hoffmann as Kultusminister and the rapid implementation of his antichurch decrees i n 1918 only hardened the suspicions 108 and assured the distant r e l a t i o n s h i p between the majority of the clergy and the S o c i a l i s t s throughout the Weimar period. Another catastrophe had to engulf Germany, i n which S o c i a l i s t s and Christians a l i k e were victims of Nazi tyranny, before the road was open to r e c o n c i l i a t i o n and growth of mutual unders tanding. 109 Bibliography Alexander, Thomas. The Prussian Elementary Schools. New York: MacMillan, 1919. Anonymous. GeneralstreiK: Die deutsche Arbeiterbewegung und der Klassen- kampf. B e r l i n : Oestreich, 1905. Anonymous. 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APPENDIX A Church Attendance and Secession i n the C i t y of B e r l i n Diocese I Name of Church Registered Attendance Number of Secessionists Parishoners on 18 May (1910) 1913 1911 1912 1913 1914 1918 Advent 34,005 77 60 266 St. Andreas 42,800 100 82 241 Auferstehung 40,156 171 75 299 St. Bartholomaus 37,247 222 44 175 Galiaa 30,774 87 32 212 St. Georgen 18,269 118 14 47 Immanuel 48,816 110 91 180 Lazarus 59,078 306 186 565 St. Marien 2,700 288 1 3 St. Markus 29,499 188 36 124 Pfingst 36,060 148 89 315 St. N i k o l a i 5,082 83 7 15 Zwingli 17,428 42 51 137 TOTAL 401,984 1,940 768 1688 2579 2942 697 Diocese II Name of Church Registered Attendance Number of Secessionists Parishoners on 18 May (1910) 1913 1911 1912 1913 1914 1918 Dankes 32,126 137 55 259 Gnaden 21,784 132 12 82 St. Golgatha 25,765 104 20 65 Heiland 373 64 237 He i l i g e Geist 25,264 271 13 103 St. Johannis Moabit 38,893 163 20 113 St. Johannis Ev. 11,963 31 5 26 Kapernaum 33,560 207 138 506 Nazareth 52,275 191 202 501 Oster 28,235 91 103 322 St. Philippus 10,341 5 37 Reformation 34,482 160 62 389 TOTAL 314,688 1,860 699 913 2640 2110 417 Diocese III Name of Church Registered Attendance Number of Secessionists Parishoners on 18 May (1910) 1913 1911 1912 1913 1914 1918 E l i a s 32,903 6 66 280 St. Elisabeth 16,715 117 19 50 Frieden 32,315 169 78 268 Gethsemane 40,552 95 84 341 Himmelfahrt 27,375 97 89 192 Paul Gerhardt 42,898 213 196 556 St. Paul 48,409 109 178 524 Segen 27,266 97 46 113 Sophien 19,388 201 27 64 Stephanus 25,890 118 69 222 Versohnung 20,411 163 20 95 Zion 43,548 109 70 207 TOTAL 377,670 1,494 942 1189 2912 3086 486 APPENDIX B INUS Location of Churches P o l l e d on 18 May 1913 by Komittee Konfessionslos ^ST.PHIUPPUSf KAPERNAUM t ^NAZARETH WEDDING t ST. PAUL f HIMMEIFAHRT t GESUNDBRUNNEN f PAW^GERHARDT GETHSEMANE' O S T E R . fOANKES VERSOHNUNG fFR.EOEN . . < i i C | < s •A'FRIEDRICHSHAIN fSEGEN ST. ELISABETH f REFORMATION ^HLGEIST mum. MO ABIT ST. JOH. MOABIT GNADEV l-SOPHIEN . ^ST.GEORGENJ> ST. MARIEN 4IKOWU| T I M M A N L ) E L V " ' , t ADVENTf rMx*ST. BARTHCtOMAUS UFERSTEHUNGf. - ^ T PFINGST S^ MAWUS' •RGARTEN LANDREASf f GAIIAA ftAZARUS STRALAU to LUISEN STADT m i N G L I f j I-v-'-*••'• I Working-Class D i s t r i c t s MOABIT Name of Cit y D i s t r i c t 125 APPENDIX C  P o l i t i c a l Boycott of the Church Religion and church are two d i f f e r e n t things. Not only do they d i f f e r , but, also, they are often quite contrary. This applies i n p a r t i c u l a r to C h r i s t i a n i t y and the C h r i s t i a n churches. The C h r i s t i a n churches i n Germany, as elsewhere today, are f i r s t and foremost p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . Church and state are c l o s e l y enmeshed and intertwined. Both regard i t as t h e i r main duty to preserve the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l status quo. Because of t h i s s i t u a t i o n — f a m i l i a r to every So c i a l Democrat — our b a t t l e against the church i s not a b a t t l e against r e l i g i o n , but just the opposite. Admittedly t h i s b a t t l e could also be conducted against r e l i g i o n , as a b a t t l e of Weltanschauungen, but that i s not s o c i a l democracy's way, that i s the way of the f r e e - b e l i e v i n g and free-thinking groups. Our b a t t l e against the church i s e n t i r e l y p o l i t i c a l l y motivated, the easier b a t t l e of the two. We w i l l not touch upon the question of b e l i e f , and w i l l address ourselves only to the p o l i t i c a l character of the churches, a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c v i s i b l e to a l l . We advocate boycott of the state church by boycott of the church's i n s t i t u t i o n s : secession from the church. We can propagate secession without contravening the party program without i n f r i n g i n g on r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , or worse, hurting anybody's r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g s . The party can propagate secession among those of you who have already i n t e r n a l l y broken with church and r e l i g i o n , and ask you to break with i t externally as w e l l . Continued membership — even from the church or r e l i g i o u s viewpoint — would be h y p o c r i t i c a l and senseless 126 under these circumstances. Even those who s t i l l believe, but who are opposed to a church which is a p o l i t i c a l instrument in the hands of the ruling classes, can be asked to secede. To this category belong a l l those of you are being exploited and oppressed by capitalism and strangled by those tools of capitalism, the church and state. Potentially, the majority of the population can be geared to follow a church secession movement. Secession from the church means exemption from the church tax — a most easily obtained exemption. Weakening the church is synonymous with weakening the state and the ruling e l i t e . There i s no easier lever to power for the fighting proletariat than boycott of the church through secession. This approach has not yet been fu l l y realized, although the reasons justifying secession mentioned above should be known to every Social Democrat by heart, especially as the same arguments have been used over and over again, day in day out, in the press and in assembly. A systematic secession movement can prove fatal to the existing regime. One should not b e l i t t l e present attempts to carry the secession issue into the fight against the Prussian three-class election system. There would be no need for the Social Democratic party to get involved — although i t can do so without violating i t s program — i f action committees were formed to further the cause of a p o l i t i c a l boycott. Meetings should be called under the slogan "Boycott the church in the p o l i t i c a l battle for election reform!" or "General strike against the state church!" Explanatory leaflets coinciding'/with the meetings would certainly not f a i l in having an effect as the past has shown. Freethinkers and similar organizations may feel free to make propaganda along their own lines. My intent does not coincide with their Weltanschauungs 127 b a t t l e , f o r , to me, t h i s i s a p o l i t i c a l movement with a purely p o l i t i c a l aim. Dr. K a r l Liebknecht, B e r l i n - L i c h t e r f e l d e October 1913 Kar l Liebknecht, Gesammelte Reden und Schriften, 8 v o l s . , ( B e r l i n : Dietz, 1964), 6: 399-401. 26,000 4 23,400 20,800 18,200 15,600 13,000 10,400 7,800 5,200 2,600 - i 1 1 1 1 1 1 r 1908 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 APPENDIX D The Secessionist Movement In Germany, 1908-1915. A. Bayern B. Rheinprovinz C. B e r l i n C i t y D. Preussen ( i n c l . Rheinprovinz and B e r l i n City) E. Deutsches Reich " S t a t i s t i s c h e Beilage Nr.4," Amtsblatt der  Evangelischen Kirche Deutschlands, 15 August 1952, pp. 4-11. • 129 APPENDIX E Secessionist Applications F i l e d and Processed i n the P r o v i n c i a l Court of Diisseldorf, 1913. D i s t r i c t Quarter Protes- Catho- Total 1st 2nd 3rd 4 th tant l i c Eleve _ _ _ -1 1 1 Emmerich - - - 1 - 1 1 Geldern - - - 1 - 1 1 Goch - - - - - - -Moers 24 3 18 41 51 35 86 Rheinberg 1 - 2 7 4 6 10 Xanten - - - - - - -Krefeld 12 12 13 36 16 57 73 Kempen - - - - - - -Lobberich - - - - - - -Uerdingen 4 3 1 4 6 6 12 Diisseldorf 51 54 80 874 519 540 1059 D. Gerresheim 2 22 - 83 44 63 107 Neuss - 1 2 20 11 12 23 Opladen 8 10 7 25 17 33 50 Ratingen - 2 12 8 8 14 22 Duisburg 15 11 9 92 71 56 127 Dinslaken 6 2 5 7 13 7 20 D. Ruhrort 34 55 53 94 151 85 236 Mii Ihe im 2 30 29 13 44 30 74 Oberhausen 30 13 55 9 43 14 57 Rees - - - 1 - 1 1 Wesel 1 1 1 2 1 4 5 E l b e r f e l d 26 36 244 117 156 47 203 Barmen 6 10 17 91 100 24 124 Langenberg 2 - - - 2 - 2 Lennep 2 3 3 - 4 4 8 Mettmann 7 1 - 10 8 10 18 Ohligs 4 1 4 46 33 22 55 Remscheid 4 23 17 71 85 30 115 Ronsdorf - 1 2 5 7 1 8 Solingen 7 22 64 177 184 86 270 Velbert 3 9 - 29 24 U 41 Wermelskirchen 3 - 1 14 12 6 18 Diilken - - - - - -M. Gladbach 2 7 - 12 8 13 21 Grevenbroich 2 - - - - 2 2 Odenkirchen 1 - - - 1 - 1 .130 D i s t r i c t Quarter Protest Catho- T o t a l tant l i e 1st 2nd 3rd 4th Rheydt - 1 - 4 2 3 5 Viersen 4 - - 2 3 3 6 Essen 45 57 61 135 298 Borbeck 2 5 4 - 11 Gelsenkirchen Steele Werden 10 4 3 8 25 "Zusammenstellung des Regierungsprasidenten i n Diisseldorf fur den Minister der g e i s t l i c h e n Angelegenheiten vom 6.2.1914," Archiv der Kirchenkanzlei  der Evangelischen Kirche der Union, B e r l i n . Acta, betreffend die A u s t r i t t s - bewegung aus der Landeskirche. Generalia. XII. Abteilung, Nr. 124, Vol. IV (January - December 1914). 

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