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East Indians in British Columbia 1904-1914 : an historical study in growth and integration Lal, Brij 1976

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EAST INDIANS IN BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1904-1914 :' AN HISTORICAL STUDY IN GROWTH AND INTEGRATION by BRIJ LAL B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of the South P a c i f i c , F i j i , 1974 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES ( Department of History) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA February, 1976 In presenting th i s thes is in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree l y ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thes is for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes i s fo r f i nanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permission. Department of History  The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 5 •Pebmmryr 1Q76. ABSTRACT The f u l l history of the early East Indian community i n B r i t i s h Columbia has yet to be written. Here 8an attempt has been made to assemble the -information relating to some aspects of the community's origins and development between 1904 and 1914, the f i r s t decade of their presence i n Canada. This thesis also attempts to examine the structural position of the East Indian community and i t s lack of integration into and acceptance by the host society. Pour major factors influencing the nature of develop-ment of the East Indian community were examined i n det a i l : the socio-economic background of the East Indian immigrants, the nature of ins t i t u t i o n a l developments i n the nascent community i n B r i t i s h Columbia, the attitudes and perceptions oftthe host society, and the p o l i t i c a l responses-/of the Dominion and Imperial governments to Indian immigration. Intensive, as opposed to extensive examination of these factors dictated the adoption of a thematic rather than a chronological approach. The methodology employed was inter-disciplinary i n nature, u t i l i s i n g theoretical material drawn from the disciplines of sociology and anthropology. It was found that the East Indian community was an alienated ethnic group which lived on the social fringes of the host society. Integration and acceptance pf the East Indians did not take place as a result of vast differences i n the cultures and institutions of the_r country of origin - i i -- i i i -and the host society, but mere importantly, because the immigrants themselves did not want to integ r a t e . The East Indians were sojourners who hoped to return to India i n t h e i r o l d age to enjoy the wealth they had acquired abroad. TABLE OP CONTENTS INTRODUCTION . . . Y „ 1 CHAPTER I. THE SOURCES OP EAST INDIAN IMMIGRATION .... 13 II. FORMAL ORGANISATIONS AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES IN THE EAST INDIAN COMMUNITY 50 III. THE 'HINDU* AND HIS CANADIAN IMAGE 98 IV. EAST INDIAN IMMIGRATION IN POLITICAL .-PERSPECTIVE V.Y.-+ .Y. 130 CONCLUSION 167 APPENDIX 171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 178 - i v -LIST OP TABLES Table Page I. The lumbers of East Indian Entering Canada from 1904-1914 15 II. Regional Origin of East Indian Immigrants .. 30 III. Price of Labour i n Hoshiarpur 33 !IV. Price of Labour i n Jullundur 37 V. Comparative Wage i n the Lumber Industry ... 116 -v-LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS Page Figure I. Comparative Numbers of Chinese and East Indians Entering Canada Between 1903 and 1910 19 Map I . . .--Map of Punjab 26 - v i -ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I n the course of the t r a i n i n g and research that went i n t o t h i s study, I acquired numerous debts to i n d i v i d u a l s and i n s t i t u t i o n s ; i t i s a pleasure to acknowledge them here. My greatest debt of gra t i tude i s to my adv i sor , Professor Pe te r Ward, f o r a l l manner of things t e c h n i c a l and i n f o r m a t i o n a l , and even more f o r h i s example, h i s extreme generos i ty , and h i s l i b e r a l i t y i n a l l o w i n g me scope and i n i t i a t i v e to be myself . Professors Peter Harnetty and Edgar Wickberg provided the f i r s t systematic i n t r o d u c t i o n to As i an and overseas A s i a n s tud ie s . Some ideas explored here were f i r s t generated i n t h e i r graduate courses. Professor Harnetty , i n a d d i t i o n , made some valuable suggestions on sources f o r t h i s study, and I am g r a t e f u l to him f o r that as w e l l . Professor F r i t z Lehmann showed sjrmpathetic i n t e r e s t i n my endeavours and provided the necessary encouragment a l l a long. The s t a f f of the P u b l i c Archives of Canada, i n Ottawa, United Church Archives i n Toronto, P r o v i n c i a l Archives i n V i c t o r i a and the S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s of the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia L i b r a r y were extremely generous w i t h t h e i r time and resources . I would l i k e to record my s incere . thanks to them as w e l l . F i n a l l y , I havJedbenefitted from advice , c r i t i c i s m and support of a number of my col leagues . My w i f e , who pursued graduate studies i n the n a t u r a l sciences on her own, provided me encouragement and support a l l a long. Without her tang ib le and i n t a n g i b l e as s i s tance , the completion of t h i s study would.have been prolonged considerably . - v i i -- v i i i -The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Graduate and Summer Research Fellowships, John S.Ewart Memorial Travel Grant from the University of Manitoba, John and Annie Southcott Memorial and CP A i r Travel scholarships, a l l contributed funds towards the completion of this study. In expressing my gratitude to them, I absolve these i n s t i -tutions and the above mentioned individuals from any errors of facts or interpretation. I alone assume that responsibility. Introduction The East Indian community i n Canada forms a small hut i n t e r e s t i n g part of the l a r g e r mosaic of Indian settlement throughout the world: Guyana, Tr i n i d a d , Surinam, South A f r i c a , Mauritius, F i j i and countries i n Southeast A s i a . 1 Indian emi-gra t i o n to and settlement i n various parts of the world perhaps dated hack to p r e - h i s t o r i c times, the process taking place p i n several waves. Merchants were followed by Brahminic and Buddhist scholars,teachers and professionals who served as major instruments f o r the propagation of Indian c u l t u r e . Con-sequently, most of the Southeast Asian kingdoms founded during the f i r s t fourteen centuries of the C h r i s t i a n era were established by the Indiahised a r i s t o c r a c y of emigrant e l i t e from India.^ Large scale emigration of Indians, however, took place i n the l a t t e r part of the l a s t century, and i n the f i r s t few decades of the present century at a time when European c o l o n i a l Expansion and i t s attendant i n d u s t r i a l and commer-c i a l ventures created the need f o r large arid cheap source of labour. But the C o l o n i a l governments and planters often deemed i t uneconomical, i m p o l i t i c and sometimes f r a n k l y impossible to draw upon the native populations; Consequently, with the progressive p r o h i b i t i o n of the i n s t i t u t i o n of slavery, India and China became the major sources of labour supply. Emigration from India took place i n three major ways. "The l a r g e s t of the three can be characterised as indentured -2-migration. Indian migration to Mauritius i n 1853, Guyana i n 1838, T r i n i d a d i n 1845, South A f r i c a i n i860, Surinam i n 1873, and F i j i i n 1879 f a l l i n t h i s category. The second, more l i m i t e d type of migration assumed the form of. Kangani system.^ I t s operation was confined mostly to Malaya and Ceylon. The t h i r d type may he c a l l e d non-indentured or passenger migration, and Indians who migrated to parts of South and East A f r i c a i n 1896 and to North America around the 1900*s f a l l i n t o t h i s category. They went l a r g e l y as merchants and traders to the former countries and as pioneer labouring class i n the case of the l a t t e r . The numbers of East Indians emigrating to Canada, and North America generally, were modest i n contrast not only to t h e i r numbers i n other parts of the B r i t i s h Empire but small also i n comparison with those of other O r i e n t a l s i n Canada, namely the Japanese and Chinese. But neither t h i s f a c t nor the f a c t of t h e i r l e g a l status as B r i t i s h subjects i n the Common-wealth provided the Hindus^ (as the East Indians were and are s t i l l known i n Canada) with immunity from constant abuse and v i l i f i c a t i o n by the host s o c i e t y that was determined to remain white. The fear of Hindu invasion touched deep, s e n s i t i v e chords i n the s o c i a l f a b r i c of B r i t i s h Columbia, the Canadian province that had borne the brunt of O r i e n t a l immigration since the middle of the nineteenth century. A f t e r 1900, attempts were made to c u r t a i l the p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s of East Indians already resident here, while at the same time the -3-ever vigilant B r i t i s h Columbia legislature pressed the Dominion government to prohibit altogether a l l East Indian immigration. Unwanted,' uneducated and without any particular s k i l l s , the East Indians remained on the periphery of -Canadian "society, '; . - -It i s a cruel twist of fate that defeat, humiliation and other such demonstrations of human insignificance should consign a group to oblivion, but the fact is'-that this happens a l l to oc oft en .The East Indian community, unlike other immi-grant, or even Oriental groups, has occupied only a marginal position i n scholarly literature on minorities i n Canada. Professor Gary Hess 1 description of them i n the context of American society as "Forgotten Asians" i s apposite for the Canadian situation'as well. Canadian accounts about the Oriental diaspora i n B r i t i s h Columbia have generally confined 7 themselves to remarks on the Chinese and the Japanese.' The "komagata Maru A f f a i r , " as i t has come to be known, ' i s the only rel a t i v e l y well known chapter i n the history of the East Indians i n Canada, but even that i s examined mostly from the perspective of either the host society or the Indian nationalist and the Ghadr movements. Adrian Mayer's report on the East Indian community of Vancouver confines i t s e l f to a "preliminary delineation*of the community."^ Rajani Kant Das' book published i n 1923, though s t i l l the most important single work on,the East Indians, focuses i t s attention on the Hindustani settlement on the Pa c i f i c Coast' i n a rather general -4--way, and i n view of the f a c t that much new evidence has become a v a i l a b l e recently, h i s account i s o u t d a t e d . 1 0 On the other hand, Indian scholars have also discussed the East Indian experience oh the P a c i f i c Northwest i n a general way, focussing e s p e c i a l l y on the Indian n a t i o n a l i s t movement. Almost i n v a r i a b l y / the story of the East Indians of Canada forms a secondary part of t h e i r accounts f o r i t was the East Indian population of the United States that was p o l i t i c a l l y the more involved with the Indian revolutionary movements. 1 1 "" • This paper focuses on the East Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, the Canadian province i n which most of them r e s i -ded, and attempts to present a systematic d e s c r i p t i o n of various aspects of the East Indian conmiunity during a decade ^of:^-its-' presence)in Canada. The adoption of t h i s approach was d i c t a t e d by the kind and extent of data a v a i l a b l e and because of the dearth of d e s c r i p t i v e accounts on the subject. Beyond mere systematic d e s c r i p t i o n , however, t h i s paper i s also an exercise i n a n a l y t i c a l understanding of the process of immigrant adjustment. One of the c e n t r a l concerns of t h i s study i s the examination of the s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n of the East Indian community and i t s lack of i n t e g r a t i o n / i n t o and 12 acceptance by the host society. To t h i s end, the i n c l u s i o n of some of the t h e o r e t i c a l material, drawn from the d i s c i -p l i n e s of sociology and anthropology was deemed des i r a b l e . -5-It helps to give this study the kind of thematic unity that might, given the nature of this investigationj other-wise be d i f f i c u l t to attain. Furthermore, i t i s useful to be aware of the various theories involved, for such an awareness enables one to read h i s t o r i c a l documents with an eye for h i s t o r i c a l patternsj thus sharpening one's h i s t o r i -cal understanding. Moreover,, i t i s the conviction of the writer that, for those interested i n immigration history and related f i e l d s , the social sciences offer approaches which w i l l yield the most profitable results. Sociological and theoretical emphasis notwithstanding, however, i t i s to be insisted that this paper remains essentially an exercise i n social histbry, and does not pretend to be anything else. The acceptance and integration o'f immigrants into' the host society i s largely a function of the following factors: (i) the degree of attachment the immigrants feel to their society of origin (the inverse of this should be correlated with measures of acceptance into the host society)? ( i i ) the openness of the host society; ( i i i ) and the similarity of cultures of the country of emigration and the country of immigration. Within these broad categories, however, a number of specific variables must be considered. Thus the degree of attachment of the immigrant to the country of his origin must include a discussion of the immigrant's motives for migration^ his socio-cultural and economic background, -6-and the s o c i a l structure of the migration process i t s e l f . The nature of ' i n i t i a l c r i s i s 1 as S.N.Einsenstadt puts i t , i s one of the' most c r u c i a l v a r i a b l e s i n explaining the extent of the •'absorption' process. ^ Also important i n t h i s regard i s the nature of i n s t i t u t i o n a l development of the immigrant community i n the new country, new r o l e s performed and values accepted and the various degrees to which the community p a r t i c i p a t e s i n and i d e n t i f i e s with the new s e t t i n g . The openness of the host s o c i e t y must include a di s c u -s s i o n of two d i s t i n c t v a r i a b l e s . One i s the s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s of the members of the host s o c i e t y and t h e i r image of the immigrants i n t h e i r midst. The esteem i n which" the host s o c i e t y holds the immigrants, the kinds of role-performance i t expects of them, and the type of values i t ascribes to them w i l l have an important bearing on the process of immi-grant adjustment. The other v a r i a b l e i s that, associated with the formal p o l i c y of the government of the host society towards the immigrant group. To some extent, the p o l i c y of the government w i l l r e f l e c t the a t t i t u d e of the host society as a whole towards the iromigrants. The laws governing the conditions of entry, controls to which the immigrant group i s subjected, p r i v i l e g e s of free movement within the country occupationally and other such po s s i b l y r e s t r i c t i v e s t i p u l a -t i o n s w i l l i n f l u e n c e the process of immigrant adjustment to some degree. Discussion of these s p e c i f i c v a r i a b l e s w i l l also -7-illuminate the similarities and differences between the cultures of the society of origin and the society of desti-nation. The extent of the similarities and differences wi l l throw further light on the process of immigrant integration. A l l these factors are examined largely within the period of the f irst ten years of East Indian presence in Canada. The terminal dates 1904 arid' 1914 were chosen because the former marked the beginning of East Indian immigration to Canada while the latter ended, for a l l practical purposes, one of the most dramatic chapters in the history of the East Indians in this country. It is no exaggeration to suggest that these f irst ten years have been the most crucial ones for the East Indian community, and have in large measure determined the nature of the East Indian-Canadian relations in the subsequent years. In a sense then, the period under' consideration i s a discrete and isolable one for an indepth historical study. This fact has had two major consequences for the structure of this paper. On the one hand i t has led to an intensive rather than an extensive examination of the problem of East Indian integration and acceptance. On the other| i t has compelled the adoption of a thematic as opposed to a chronological approach. Each of the factors mentioned above are examined separately and in detail , keeping at minimum comprehensive and integrated analysis in the main body of the essay. Thus Chapter I wi l l draw attention to -8-the socio-economic background of the East Indian immigrants and their motives for migration to Canada. Chapter II w i l l discuss the in s t i t u t i o n a l development of the community i n B r i t i s h Columbia during t h e ! f i r s t decade of their presence here. Chapter III w i l l examine the attitude and response of the host society towards the East Indian immigrants, and Chapter IV w i l l outline the p o l i t i c a l response and policy of the Dominion as well as the Imperial governments towards the East Indians. A clearer perception of the structural position of the East Indian community i n B r i t i s h Columbia and i t s lack of integration into the host society w i l l then emerge. Finally, a brief definition of some concepts used or implied i n this paper, i s i n order. The concept of integra-tion i s used i n the broadest sense. As used here, i t refers to a l l the transactional processes whereby members of an ethnic group acquire the cultural characteristics of, and gain entrance into the ins t i t u t i o n a l systems of an ethnic group to which they do not belong. The process of integration i s essentially a two-way phenomena i n which members of each ethnic group seek to acquire the cultural characteristics of the other. But, i n practice, i n an established and ethnically s t r a t i f i e d society such asfethat of Canada, the cultural and social institutions of the dominant ethnic groups are the norms toe-which ethnic minorities have to conform i f they are to be integrated. Acculturation, or -9-cultural integration, refers to the process of learning the values, ideas and behavioural patterns of an ethnic group to which one does not belong. In the Canadian context, once again, acculturation means imbibing the values, culture, ideas and the l i k e , of the dominant ethnic groups, presumably the white Anglo-Saxons. Assimilation^ or structural integra-tion, refers to the process of penetration by members of a minority ethnic group, of the social institutions of the majority society, i n both private as well as public l i f e . FOOTNOTES INTRODUCTION For a useful summary of the position of East Indians i n these countries, see Chandra Jayawardena, "Migration and Social Change: A Survey of Indian Communities Overseas," Geographical^Reyiew, LVIII (July, 1968), 426-49; Anirudh Gupxa^ ed., Indians Abroad: Asia and_Africa: Report of an  International Seminar, Indian Council for Afr i c a (New ~ Delhi: Orient Longman's, 1971.) ; \ 2 See Narendranath Ganguly, Indians i n the Empire Overseas; a survey, Charles Freer Andrews Memorial Volume (London: New India Publishing House, 1947); C.Kondapi, Indians  Overseas (Madras: Indian Council of World A f f a i r s , 1951); Panchanan Saha, Emigration of Indian Labour, 1834- 1900 (Delhi: People' s Publishing House, 1970.) •  : ^ See G.Coedes, The Indianised States of Southeast Asia r (Honolulu: The University of Hawaii Press, 196b.) ^ This was a system whereiby ;grou|)S^of people mostly from South India l e f t under-the supervision of the Kangany or labourer recruiter to work on plantations i n Malaya and Ceylon. The kangany was the intermediary between the labourers and the plantation management, The system received i t s name because of the important role of the kanganis. See Kernial Singh Sandhu, Indians i n Malaya, Some ^ Aspects of their Immigration and Settlement  117»6~1957) ( Cambridge;University Press, 1969J? 90;: Ravmdra K. Jain, South Indians PIT the • Plantation Frontier  i n Malaya (New Haven and London:Yale University Press, 1970), 31. • • ' The Hindu i s a person who professes the f a i t h of Hinduism. The word does not denote r a c i a l or ethnic category as most North Americans thoughtrand s t i l l do. 1 ^ Gary R.Hess, "The Forgotten Asian Americans: The East Indian Community i n the United States," P a c i f i c H i s t o r i c a l Review. XLIII (November, 1974,) 576-596. • See Tien-Teng Cheng, Oriental Immigration to Canada (Shangai: The Commercial Press, 1931.W.Peter Ward, "White Canada Forever: B r i t i s h Columbi's Response to Orientals, 1858-1914," unpublished PhD dissertation, Que en*, s University, Kingston, Ontario, 1972 ). • * -10--11-o See Eric Wilton Morse, "Some Aspects of Komagata Maru A f f a i r , " Canadian Historical Association Report(1936), 100-109; R.L;Reid, "The Inside Story of the •Komagata Maru»," B r i t i s h Columbia Historical Quarterly tV (January, 1941), 1 - 2 3 . 9 A.C.Mayer,' "Report on the East Indian Community i n Vancouver," Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1959. 1 0 Rajani Kanta Das, Hindustani Workers on the Pac i f i c Coast, (Berlin: W.de Gruyter & Company, 1923.) ' 11 See Chapter II for details. 12 The word 'community must be used i n a precise sense here, pit i s used h;ere i n the sense Lawrence Crissman has defined i t as "an area of common l i f e based on common interests which determine activity** and which "has ethnicity as well -as l o c a l i t y as i t s basis." Thus, the ethnic community i s seen as having social, rather than s t r i c t l y t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries,, though i n the case of the East Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia, the two coincided. See Lawrence Crissman, "Segmentary Structure of Overseas Chinese," Mail, II, 188. These two disciplines have dominated immigration studies, an understandable fact given the recent development of the f i e l d . Historians have not begun to look systematically at this f i e l d . . See Rudolph J,Vecoli, "European Americans: Prom Immigration to Ethnics.,1!. International Migration Review, VI, (1972), 403-434; Robert D.Cress, "How Historians have looked e at Immigrants to United States," i b i d . , VII (1972), 4-13. Cross emphasises interdisciplinary approach. This view, i n essence represents a synthesis of many theories relating to immigrant adjustment, more sp e c i f i c a l l y those of S.N.Eisenstadt, The Absorption of Immigrants (London :Rlutledge. and Kegan Paul 1954J ;H. J.Heereri, v Transmigratic i n Indonesia,X Mapp^ e?j-B'oom', 1967i4'*<|Uot,ed.rin Christopher Bayley, "Immigrant Minorities i n the Netherlands:. Integration and Assimilation," The 1International Journal of Migration Review. V (Spring. 1971J, 18-33; Hubert M.Blalock Jr., Toward a Theory of Minority Group  Relations v(New. Y6:fk|: John Wiley, 1967); and Edna.Bonacich, "A Theory of Middleman Minorities," American Sociological Review, 38 (October.-1973) .583-594. •  : 15' ' See Eisenstadt, op.cit., "Introduction." - 1 2 -Por a u s e f u l a n a l y s i s of these and other s o c i o l o g i c a l concepts e s p e c i a l l y i n the Canadian context, see David R. Hughes, Evelyn K a l l e n , The Anatomy of Racism ; Canadian Dimensions (Montreal : Harvest House, 1974.}. "~ / CHAPTER I THE SOURCES OP EAST INDIAN IMMIGRATION The importance of the relationship between the back-ground of the immigrant, his motives for migration and the nature of the community that he eventually establishes i n the country of his destination has long been recognised. 1 The extent of the similarity of the cultures of the country of emigration and the host country w i l l , for example, exer-cise a decisive influence over the process of immigrant . adjustment. Similarly, the motive behind migration w i l l also determine i n large part the extent to which the immigrant w i l l be will i n g to participate i n the insti t u t i o n a l systems of the new country. The degree of attachment which the immigrant feels towards the country of his origin w i l l also be determined, to some extent atleast, by his motive for migration. Clearly then, the motivational structure and background of the immigrant are crucial factors i n the process of immigrant integration and acceptance. This chapter draws attention to the socio-economic background of the East Indian immigrants and examinesvtheir motive for migration to Canada. Although some information was available on the structural conditions present i n the areas from which the East Indianidmrnigrants came, very l i t t l e material c was found that explained preisely the motive for migration. Consequently, motivation had to be inferred from two sources. One was the social, economic, p o l i t i d a l and demographic condi-- 1 3 --14-tions present i n the area of the immigrants' origin and the" other was the way i n which the immigrants' community i n India perceived migration as a strategy and solution to their problems; Fi n a l l y , the process of immigration has been ana-lysed within the push-pull framework.Motivation i n this model i s seen i n terms of pressure from the place of origin accom-panied by a perception of opportunity and prosperity i n the place of destination. The exact date when the f i r s t East Indians reached the shores of North America i s not certain,but possibly they may have come as early as the middle of the nineteenth century. In the United States,two East Indians were registered i n 1859, five i n i860 and another six i n 1861.^ Those who came at that time, according to one source, were seamen aboard B r i t i s h and European ships.Further, ** they liked the country, i t s opportunities and i t s peoples, and they decided to adopt i t as their homeland, sett l i n g i n various parts of the coun-5 try." Towards the close of the century, a larger number of East Indians began coming to North America, as the result of the v i s i t to the United States of India's leading theologian, Swami Vivekananda,who travelled to the Columbian Exposition at Chicago i n 1893iHowever, neither of these movements indu-ced the later migration of East Indians.Those who came later were not seamen but mostly retired B r i t i s h soldiers,not intellectuals but simple people of peasant origins from the rural areas of the Punjab province. -15-Various sources place the f i r s t East Indian a r r i v a l i n ft Canada i n 1897 and 1899. On this occasion,it i s reported, some of the group landed at Victoria and Vancouver and the remainder went to Seattle.Official s t a t i s t i c s of East Indian immigration, however, "begin i n 1904.(See Table 1.)^ TABLE I THE NUMBERS OF EAST INDIANS ENTERING CANADA PROM 1904-1914. Fi s c a l Years Adult Males '"A-_uit--- Females * - • Chi_dren ; ; • Total 1904-1905 ;- -•36 '4 ; : 45 1905-1906 377 8 2 387 1906-1907 _2120 2 2 2124 1907-1908 2620 - 3 2623 1908-1909 5 1 - 6 1909-1910 9 1 - 10 1910-1911 4 — 1 5' 1911-1912 2 1 - 3 1912-1913 - 2 3 5 1913-1914 78 2 8 88 During the next few years,the numbers of East Indians enter-ing Canada increased rapidly.Before June 1906,the numbers were limited i n extent and appeared to demand only the normal attention of the Immigration Department and medical authori-t i e s , but the sudden increase to more than two thousand bet--16-ween July and November "caused considerable alarm as to the effect which the influx of this class of immigrants would be l i k e l y to exercise upon the existing conditions throughout the province i n the matter of general health of the community and the industrial interests which would be affected by the coming Q of these people.?* , 1 Since these increases took place at a time when anti-Oriental sentiment i n B r i t i s h Columbia was especially r i f e , they caused even greater alarm and apprehension i n the minds of the whites of the province and the Dominion government. William Lyon Mackenzie King,then Deputy Minister of Labour, who had been appointed to examine the causes of the ant i -Oriental r i o t s of 1907 ,was further asked to investigate the causes of Oriental,particularly Indian immigration to Canada. King found the distribution of some misleading literature by certain individuals,the a c t i v i t i e s ofi'certain steamship companies and the exploitative ventures of some East Indian immigration agents i n B r i t i s h Columbia to be the most important causes of Indian immigration to Canada.^ There are a, number of things that are unclear,or simply neglected i n King*s report but which are quite important for the purposes of discussion i n this chapter.For instance,the report neglects to mention the fact that the f i r s t East Indian immigrants came to Canada from Canton,Shangai and Hong Kong, arid not from the Punjab.The question why East Indians came when they did and not earlier or late r receives no attention i n the -17-i n the report either.Furthermore,it mentions only the p u l l factors which stimulated immigration, neglecting the other side of the equation,the push factors.An examination of both these factors i s -central to the theme of this chapter. A number of reasons help to explain why the f i r s t East Indian immigrants came to Canada from southeastern parts of China and Hong Kong.Indians had gone there earlier i n the employ of the B r i t i s h as policemen and soldiers and as i n d i -viduals i n the pursuit of wealth. 1 0 The structure of the community i n these places had relatively few ties with India i and was only marginally integrated into the associational and in s t i t u t i o n a l l i f e of the host societies.This made the commu-nity much more responsive to the possiblity of migration. Also,the fact that the East Indians- lived i n a cosmopolitan environment that attracted people from a l l over the world, people with wham the East Indians could come i n contact and learn of opportunities abroad, was further conducive to this end.Hence(the East indians responded warmly when news of better economic opportunities i n Canada reached them,indirectly, from the Chinese who had been sending glowing reports home "1 T from Canada "and*directly,from Sikh soldiers who,after participating i n the Queen Victoria Jubilee Celebration i n 12 London,had passed through Canada. Once i t becomes clear why Canada's f i r s t East Indian immigrants came from parts of China and Hong Kong,another question arises:why did immigration take place when i t did -18-and not later or earlier?~Ahy response to this must be speculative but i t may be suggested that part of the answer could be found i n certain incidents relating to the Chinese immigration which preceded the East Indians,!?••arrival i n Canada. Chinese, who had been coming to the country since 1858, found consistent opposition to their immigration i n late l870 fs; after the l880*s their immigration was discouraged by a system of entry tax. F i r s t imposed i n I 8 8 4 , the .head tax was f i f t y dollars, It was increased to one hundred dollars i n 1900 and five hundred dollars i n 1904. This large increase i n head tax temporarily curtailed the number of Chinese entering Canada.1^ Consequently, the shipping companies began looking for prospective clients i n the East Indian community. Since the East Indians i n parts of China and Hong Kong had already heard of opportunities i n Canada, they responded warmly to the overtures of the shipping cpmpanies. Thus immigration began from the middle of 1904. One factor, therefore, i n encourag-ing the migration of East Indians at this time was the timely a v a i l a b i l i t y of transportation.(See Figure I . ) 1 ^ Afifeer the i n i t i a l pattern of immigration was set, the response from India to the news of better economic opportu-n i t i e s i n Canada was also very enthusiastic. To some extent this was due to the curtailment of Indian iinmigration to Aust-r a l i a . Indians had been going to Australia since about 1837 and seven though a committee i n 1841 had rejected the _; :__ contract system because, i n i t s view, i t savoured too much the -19-FIGURE I COMPARATIVE NUMBERS OP CHINESE AND EAST INDIANS ENTERING CANADA BETWEEN 1903-10. 5000 N U M B E R . 4000 0 I M M I 3000 G R A N T S 2000 _ HEAD TAX £ OP $500. I \ I 1000 KEY + + + CHINESE IMMIGRANTS 0 0 0 EAST INDIAN IMMIGRANTS FISCAL YEAR 1903 = APRIL, 1902 -to MARCH 31 ,1903 1903 I 19041 1905 I 19oT" | 1907 I 1908 | 1909 I 1910* I FISCAL YEARS - 2 0 -perpetuation of slavery, immigration had continued. The passage of the Immigration Act of 1991 and the f i f t y word dictation test eventually succeeded i n stopping Indian immigration to Australia.The" news of the E l Dorado i n Canada thus came at a time when other doors had just been closed. This, together with the encouraging participation of the shipping companies, helps to explain,in part atleast, why the immigration of the East Indians to Canada took place i n the f i r s t few years of the twentieth centufy.lt i s now appro-priate to look closely at some of the factors that King out-lined as the causes of East Indian immigration to Canada. King had noted the importance of the distribution of "glowing accounts of the opportunities of fortune-making i n the province of B r i t i s h Columbia" as one of the causes of 17 immigration. ' Most of these accounts came i n the letters of the relatives and friends who were already i n Canada.These letters probably provided the greatest inducement to migrate. Seven of the f i f t e e n witnesses, brought before King*s conimission said that letters from friends and relatives had been respoa/-=si>i^_©r.£fce£r coming to Canada. 1 ^ T h s i r accounts found, further v e r i f i c a t i o n i n reports of Canadian immigration o f f i -c i a l s .For example, immigration agents aboard the Tartar found that many immigrants "have wrinkled l e t t e r s , with scrawled Urdu f i l l i n g both pages,telling of the r i c h land across the western water and they cling to these talismen - one Hindu points his l e t t e r at a l l the Sahibs who v i s i t the waterfront -21-shed asking that he be given the job the writer told him 20 awaited him here." Letters were thus a potent source of information to East Indian migrants. King had also emphasised the importance of the " a c t i v i t y of certain steamship agents who were, desirous of s e l l i n g transportation i n the interests of the companies" i n inducing East Indian immigration. A witness before the Commission produced a propaganda sheet that the agents of Grand Trunk Pa c i f i c had distributed i n rural Punjab, and stated that he, l i k e many of his other countrymen, had come to Canada as the result of such propaganda. The sheet, when translated, read as follows: "'When you get off f i r s t at Vancouver, you w i l l be examined by the doctor, and w i l l have to pass the Canadian doctor's examination. When you arrive at Vancouver, i f you are sick or are suffering from any ailment, you w i l l not be allowed to land, and w i l l be sent back to your country. To prevent this trouble or inconvenience, the company has so . r arranged that a l l those who are coming, or wish to buy ticket i n Calcutta, when they get their ticket, w i l l be examined by a doctor without expense. The doctor w i l l have a look at you, and i f the doctor i n Calcutta should forbid anybody going, his ticket money w i l l be returned i n f u l l . When men have made their arrangements for Hong Kong, they w i l l have to arrange for catering and food. Every person who1 lands i n Vancouver must have not less than $10, the equivalent of 50 rupees; and he w i l l have to satisfy the inspector that he i s not a beggar. The price of the ticket i s this: Prom Calcutta to Hong Kong, outside the feeding expenses, 45 rupees; 156 from Hong Kong to Vancouver. 21 zk similar notice was also distributed by Gillandar, Arbuthnot and Company who were agents for the Canadian -22-Pa c i f i c Railway. That the shippng companies played an important role i n inducing the migration of the East Indians to Canada there i s no doubt, but whether they played the dominant role that King described i s somewhat doubtful. As a writer at that time noted; "they ["the East Indian^], had a l l ; received letters from friends and relatives here, and those, not the notices posted i n Calcutta by the Steamship Companies was j~sic^j the inducement to come. There were ar t i c l e s i n Punjab newspapers about\British Columbia but these were of 2? general character." -Finally,King had noted the a c t i v i t y of some East Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia who were "desirous of exploiting their fellow subjects" and"certain industrial concerns which with the object of obtaining a class of unskilled labour at a price below the current rate, assisted by a number of natives to leave under actual or v i r t u a l agreements to work for h i r e . " 2 ^ Witnesses told King that they had come to Canada because one Pandit Davichand had sent them tickets 2 A and promised them work here. ^Davichand allegedly ran an Employment Agency, and he claimed that he had been assured by some B r i t i s h Columbian lumber m i l l owners of employment for about two thousand East Indians. Hence he openly stated that he was negotiating with parties i n India with a view 25 of bringing "these sober and patient" Hindus to Canada.. -23-In 1907, when five East Indians were about to be deported, they t e s t i f i e d to Commissioner King that another agent, Pran Singh had compelled one hundred of them to pay five dollars each and another one rupee as well so, that he could bribe the Canadian Immigration o f f i c i a l s who would then allow them to land. In the event of failure of this attempt, the money was to be refunded. It i s possible, as Davichand indicated, that some sel f -styled East Indian immigrant agents i n B r i t i s h Columbia operated through counterparts i n India. There most of the immigration agents were money lenders. According to some of the East Indians who had come to Canada, "there are several moneylenders i n each of the large centres of India who act as immigration agents for their own prof i t s . They are good advertisers and t e l l of the wealth to be made i n B r i t i s h Columbia where wages are high and work i s p l e n t i f u l . In return for advancing $50 to their victims, they demand and receive mortagages, not alone oh the l i t t l e plots of their land o£ the intending immigrant, but also upon the land of numerous relatives, of friends of men who have the wealth 27 fever." These reports are perhaps distorted representatives of actual cases but the fact that the moneylenders were taking advantage of the intending migrants i s shown i n the testimonies of some of the immigrants before King's Commi-f ssion. One witness had borrowed two hundred rupees at the -24-rate of f i f t e e n percent per annum, and even mortagaged a l l his land to the moneylender. Another claimed that i t had cost him about two hundred and eighty rupees to come to Canadaj to raise this amount, he had to s e l l horses, cows and other " . . ' 28 ; possessions. - , Thus far, only p u l l factors i n East Indian immigration to Oanada; have been examined. But this i n i t s e l f does not t e l l the whole story. For without the operation of certain push factors i n India, these Influences would have been largely ineffective .Thereof ore i t i s necessary to examine social and economic conditions present i n the various d i s t -r i c t s i n the Punjab from which most of the early immigrants came. However, before this can be done, a brief view of some aspects of the Punjabi society should be taken as this would put into perspective l a t e r discussion of the push factors. Three aspects particularly, geo-political, s o c i a l -structural and religious, deserve attention. -The Punjab province l i e s at an angle between two mountain ranges that divide the Indian subcontinent from the rest of Asia, the Himalayas on thenor^h and the Sulaimans on the northwest (see Map I).-Behind these mountains are the plains of Punjab, stretching from the riv e r Indus i n the northern,part to the Jamuna in,the southwest. Between these two great rivers are the rivers Jhelum, Chenab, Beas, and Ravi and on the banks of these rivers l i v e most of the-' population of the province. Because of i t s physical location, the Punjab has^ frjom the. earliest days of Indian History^.h_,_. MAP I A NINETEENTH CENTURY MAP OP THE PUNJAB SHOWING THE AREAS OP ORIGIN OP THE EAST INDIAN IMMIGRANTS, NOTE : In common, present day English tendering Hosheearpoor (in the map) should "be read as Hoshiarpur, Jalindhur as Jullundur, Loodiana as Ludhiana, Perozpoor as Perozpur and Amritsir as Amritsar. Source of the map : J.D. Cunningham, History of the Sikhs (London : John Murray, 1849), Map I. ro I Pukhshat bvJi^ut Munnv. AliMwfutrfe Street. London. 1849. Engraved W J.AC.Walker - 2 7 -to bearrthe brunt of frontal challenges from people and cultures which came from the northwestern borders on the plains of I n d i a . ^ The consequence of these sporadic migra-tions on the Punjabi mentality has been well summarised by Kushwant Singh. He says that as a result of these incursions, "the Punjabi developed a frontier consciousness, looking with apprehension to the mountain passes through, which, every few years came death and destruction. Despite the richness of the s o i l and the abundance of the harvests, there was never any prolonged posperity nor even any promise of long l i f e . Chronic turbulence produced restive tempera-ment." At the same time, "the Punjabi became conscious of being the most important defender of India. He developed a patriotism which was at once b i t t e r towards the invader, but benign, and often contemptuous to his own countrymen, whose fate and fortune depended so much on his courage and fortitude."-^ 1 As a result of the physical location of the province and his t o r i c movements of the people to India, the Punjabis developed a martial tradition, one that was . recognised by the B r i t i s h as well, for the B r i t i s h Indian Army consisted i n large part of Sikh soldiers, Service i n the army entailed mobility and frequent movements to places out of India, a process that was highly conducive to migration. The social system of the Punjab did not prohibit migration to the extent thatr the social system of.areas -28-influenced by Brahminic "tradition did. Crossing the "Kala pani" (black waters) was regarded as f u l l of p e r i l to the Hindu soul, but that was hot a big hurdle to the Punjabi. The Brahminical system that exercised such*an important influence i n other parts of India did not find i t s e l f entirely compatible with the system of production and the social system of the culturally and ethnically diverse people of the Punjab. The countless numbers: of ve r t i c a l j a t i grades and sub-grades did not exist i n the Punjabi society* Their consolidation was prevented by the changing '..A. 32 geo-political landscape of the province. The r e l i g i o n of the Sikhs further prevented the deve-it"-lopment of a highly s t r a t i f i e d society, and encouraged social mobility and equality among i t s believers. It was, i n the words of Kushwant Singh, "an edifice built as i t were with Hindu bricks and Muslim mortar. !\^."..Sikhism was at once non-Vedic, non-Brahminical and protestant i n s p i r i t and behaviour. It was, at the same time, c r i t i c a l of the rite s of Brahminical Hinduism. Its language of communication was not Sanskrit but Gurumukhi, a language which the common man could understand and comprehend.-^ Furthermore, the very formalistic structure of Sikhism, especially i n contrast to the amorphous nature of Hinduism, reinforced the military tradition of the Sikhs, and further sanctioned the process of social mobility. In short, i n terms of their tradition, society and religion, the Sikhs were distinctively different from other people of India who were heavily influenced by Brahminical Hinduism. Moreover, these three factors also sanctioned social mobility among the Sikhs, which was further conducive to Sikh migra-tion abroad. Canada's f i r s t East Indian immigrants came from the d i s t r i c t s of Hoshiarpur, Jullundur, Perozpur, Amritsar, Ludhiana and to a lesser extent, from other areas i n India. More sp e c i f i c a l l y , most of the f i r s t immigrants seem to have come from Hoshiarpur and Jullundur. (See Table II) In this context i t may be mentioned that most of England's and Australia's East Indian immigrants i n this period also came ^ 7 from these two d i s t r i c t s . Since most of the East Indian immigrants came from Hoshiarpur, this discussion must start with the examination of the socio-economic conditions i n that d i s t r i c t . Excess population was one of the most pressing problems i n Hoshiar-pur i n the last few decades of the nineteenth century. Because about one quarter of the d i s t r i c t was h i l l y , ; supporting a very low population density, most of the population lived i n the lower parts of the d i s t r i c t which sometimes supported as many as six hundred people per square mile of cultivated land. The census reports of 1881 noted that the " d i s t r i c t i s populated to nearly the verge of i t s -30-TABLE II REGIONAL ORIGIN OP EAST INDIAN IMMIGRANTS DISTRICTS NUMBERS 1ERCENTA( Ambala 5 I.Q.. Amritsar 10 3.8 Bombay. 44 .7 Bakanar 2 .4 Balgang 2 . 44 Calcutta 2 .4 Perozpur 60 14.4 Paridkot 6 : i.o Gurdaspur 2 .4 Gullundar 2 .4 Hoshiarpur 190 34.4 Jullundur 167 30.4 Jawhal 1 . 2 Jullbenar 2 .4 • Jindiala 2 .4 Katla 4 .8 Kanjre 4 .8 Kapurthala 2 .4 Lahore 3 .5 Lailpur (Lyallpur?) 7 1.3 Ludhiana 40 7.2 Nabha 2 .4 Total 548 lOO/o - 3 1 -capabilities, and i n some areas, beyond i t s supporting powers." In the same period, the population density of the entire Punjab province was only one hundred and f i f t y two. By 1 9 0 4 , Hoshiarpur had eight hundred'and sixty seven persons per square mile of cultivated land. It was the second most densely populated d i s t r i c t i n the Punjab. The same decade ( = 1 8 9 1 - 1 9 0 1 ) saw an increase i n population density of the province as a whole from one hundred and sixty eight to one hundred and seventy eight persons per square m i l e . ^ It i s evident that Hoshiarpur was a densely populated d i s t r i c t and demographieally supportive of immigration. But over-population i n i t s e l f , however important though i t i s , may not be a cause for immigration. Its importance must be seen i n the context of other factors outlined below. The pressure of population was aggravated by the des-truction of large tracts of land i n Hoshiarpur due to the effect of the choh.^ 1 Its - effectftwas particularly acute i n the case of this d i s t r i c t since a large part of i t lay i n the h i l l s . The way i n which the choh affected the d i s t r i c t i s v i v i d l y described by the Punjab Gazetteer for the Hoshiarpur d i s t r i c t . The choh ;rises up f a r . i n the h i l l s below the water sheds, leaves them by ; comparatively narrow outlets and rapidly widens as i t makes i t s way through the plains villages u n t i l i t breaks into a number of branches. Por several years before the choh reaches the village, the land i s enriched by deposit of extraordinary f e r t i l i t y , composed partly of clayey particles washed down from the h i l l s , but mainly -32-the deposits of good land destroyed i n villages higher up i n the course of the torrents- the action i s wholly detrimental, and unless the '• course of the choh i s changed higher u p , i t maybe taken as ah accepted fact that the land, w i l l never entirelyrrecover i t s original f e r t i l i t y . . 4-2 Between 1852 and 1882 the number of acres of land destroyed by choh i n the t e h s i l s ^ of Hoshiarpur,Garshankar and Dasuah rose from 48,206 to 80,057, an increase of sixty six percent^' lore land was-laid unproductive as time went on.In 1904, i t was calculated that from about 1900 to 1903, no less than 28,420 acres were*reduced to sand by the choh.Although some land was reclaimed from the uncultivable portions of the d i s t r i c t , the choh decimated area s t i l l exceeded the reclaim-ed area. The general state of the economy was seriously affected by the effects of the choh as well as the excess population. Between 1880 and 1900, the price of a l l the staplef/foods i n the d i s t r i c t - wheat",gram, maize and bajra- rose by more than f i f t y percent^ while the price of labour rose by only t h i r t y one percent.(See Table I I I . ) ^ For the province as a whole,cost of food staples rose by t h i r t y to Jihirty five percent and the price of labour rose by twenty f i v e to thirty Aft percent. In Hoshiarpur,' "there was a large body of people having no land and receiving very l i t t l e pay for menial work [7wno^ a r e unable to support themselves with the amount of food necessary for the subsistence of themselves and their f a m i l i e s . " ^ Periodic v i s i t s of famines and epidemics - 3 3 -TABLE III PRICE OP LABOUR IN HOSHIARPUR SKILLED UNSKILLED Year Highest 1 Lowest Highest Lowest Rs.An.P. Rs.An.P. Rs.An.P. Rs.An.P. 1880 -81 0:/' 6 0 0 3 ' 0 b\ '3 0 0 1 6 1885 -86 0 8 0 0 3 0 0 ; 5 •. •*•.© 0 2 0 1 8 9 0 - 9 1 0 6 0 0 4 3 0 3 9 0 2 3 1895 -96 0 8 0 0 5 0 0 4 0 0 2 6 1900 -01 0 8 0 0 5 0 0 5 0 0 2 6 a. Rs. - rupees ; An. - Anna; p.- Eaisa. compounded the problem of the Hoshiarpur peasant. These affected Hoshiarpur intermittently, and i n varying degrees throughout the nineteenth century. Intra-district as well as i n t e r d i s t r i c t migration was an important part of the social structure of the ^district. Apart from movement of people from the d i s t r i c t due to marriage and other traditional engagements, much of the migration was of a permanent or semi-permanent nature. The motive behind these types of migration was to relieve pressure, on the subsistence economy of the d i s t r i c t . , In the late 1890*s and the early 1900*s twice as many people emi-grated from Hoshiarpur as those who had immigrated into i t . - 3 4 -Movement of people was, however, not restricted to new settlement areas, such as the Canal Colonies which had been started by the government i n the 1890*s to relieve the press-51 ure of population.in some of the d i s t r i c t s . A number had also moved out of India to Europe and the Par East. Statis-t i c s regarding the movement of people outside the Province and outside India are incomplete, but the fact that people had gone abroad from the d i s t r i c t i s substantiated by the number of people who were returning from Europe and the Par 52 East to the d i s t r i c t . * Migration out of India was a favoured course of action for many people i n the D i s t r i c t . In the Garshankar t e h s i l of Hoshiarpur, i t was agreed by most of the residents that migration was most desirable. The emigrant almost always returned with money and as one of the villagers put i t , "instead of 20 persons starving 20 had bread."-^ An old peasant who had spent f i f t e e n years i n America, told Malcolm Darling that he had encouraged his son to go t&ere. According to him there was no "annoyance:11' i n America and a man could do as he liked; moreover there was plenty of land and plenty of money i n America. But, he said, i n the Punjab, land was insufficient and money was scarce. I f you were poor, you could not borrow as no one would loan you money. Another peasant said:"only give our village passport to Australia i 54 and America and we w i l l gladly give up our land here." ^ -35-When, as an alternative , emigration to Canal Colonies was suggested, the reaction was negative, the main objection being that much capital was required to buy land there while the security of the crops was not assured and the returns were much poorer. On the other hand, one emigrant from Australia had returned With about Rs 56,000 and another was credited with bringing back as much as one lakh (£7,500). 55 Apart from acquiring more:, money, the emigrants also learned new and modern methods of farming, and on returning to the distasict they often spent large sums of money i n consolida-ting holdings and i n improving the methods of cultivation. The emigrant then, was not only richer and more sophisticated i n social ways than those who had not gone abroad, but also introduced new agricultural techniques that were greatly admired. It seems reasonable to conclude, therefore, that structural conditions present i n Hoshiarpur were conducive to migration. Pressure of population aggravated by the choh, a subsistence economy not adequately supportive of the large population, and a favourable perception of emigration, seen together i n perspective, a l l lead to this conclusion. Moreover, i t should be evident that the motive behind migra-tion was-~, purely economic, the emigrants hoping to return to the d i s t r i c t after earning enough money to enjoy the f r u i t s of their arduous labours abroad. -36-Jullundur, l i k e Hoshiarpur was also a major source of Canada's East Indians." Internal as well as external migration was a most important part of the social and economic structure of the d i s t r i c t . Population pressure on scarce resources was an important factor i n the economy and society of Jullundur as well. The d i s t r i c t was a densely populated one. The density of population per total area had increased from five hundred and ninety seven to six hundred and forty persons per square mile between 1883 and 1908. The density per cultivated area rose from seven hundred and sixty two per square mile i n the early 1880's to eight hundred and 56 forty two per square mile i n 1908. The population density of the d i s t r i c t was much higher than that of the province 57 at large. It must be noted, however, that the increase i n population was not uninterrupted. Periodic v i s i t s of epidemic diseases such as cholera, plague and fever throughout the second half of the nineteenth century, affected population growth. But these did not alleviate the existing population problems of the d i s t r i c t as much as they added to i t s . d i f f i c u l t i e s . Economically, Jullundur was better off than Hoshiarpur. Famines did not greatly affect the d i s t r i c t because of i r r i -gation. The chohs were absent. Jullundur*s merchant-cultivators were, according to Kessinger, "so accustomed to adequate crops even i n the worst years, that they sold everything not needed for immediate consumption, during famines- to take advantage of a f f l i c t e d areas." 5^ This may well have applied to well-to-do merchants and cultivators who were fewer i n numbers, for many became victims of d i f f i c u l t conditions i n the d i s t r i c t . Thus the Pun .jab Gazetteer of 1908 noted that "there is^considerable portion of the population l i v i n g from hand to mouth on daily wages or small dues recieved at each harvest, the poor residents i n towns and village menials who are seriously affected by a rise i n prices to which their ftCt scanty income had not been adjusted." The price of labour i n the d i s t r i c t was low throughout the nineteenth century. Although there was gradual rise i n wages, the increase was not significant.(See Table I V . ) 6 1 TABLE IV PRICE OP LABOUR IN JULLUNDUR Skilled ;~ Unskilled Year Highest Rs.An.P. Lowest Rs.An.P. Highest Rs.An.P. Lowest Rs.An.P. 1870-71 0 6 0 0 4 0 0 2 6 0 2 0 1875-76 0 6 0 0 5 0 0 .3; 0 0 2 0 1880-81 0 5 0 0 2 0 0 2 0 0 1 0 1885-86 0 6 0 0 5 0 0 2 6 0 2 0 1890-91 0 8 0 0 6 0 0 4 0 0 3 0 1895-96 0 8 0 0 6 0 0 4 0 0 3 0 1900-01 0 8 0 0 5 0 0 3 0 0 2 6 -38-Migration was a strategy that the people of Jullundur, l i k e those of Hoshiarpur,utilised to cope with the problem of excess pressure on the economic resources of the d i s t r i c t . Apart from semi-permanent and permanent migration to neigh-bouring d i s t r i c t s , a considerable number of people also migrated to countries outside India.The o f f i c i a l documents are incomplete on the number of emigrants leaving the d i s t r i c t for overseas countries, but the D i s t r i c t Gazetteer of 1883-84 noted that 1187 of the emigrants who had gone to Europe returned to the'district, thereby i l l u s t r a t i n g the fact that people had gone abroad. As was the case i n Hoshiarpur,men from Jullundur also migrated on a semi-permanent basis to the Canal Colonies i n the western Punjab. J Others l e f t for Australia, returning with "substantial proof that money could be made there." Family and kinship relations were supportive of migration. However, only those property groups ( a l l of which were kinship based) with sufficient manpower i n the village to operate /.family holdings and assure the continuity of the family i n case the emigrants f a i l e d to return, sent their members abroad. In the rural Punjabi value system, material benefits acquired overseas were never sufficient to jeopardize the continuity of the family i n the village.Kessinger found that i n Vilyatpur, a village i n Jullundur, the "motive of the group who send a member overseas ([[families with rapid growth rates} was to augment the portion of the property group by acquiring land -39-i n Vilyatpur through resources from abroad." 0 Further, Kessinger discovered that those families that shad engaged i n overseas migration owned more land throughout the period CC 1848-1968. .Very .oft en,for the individual, emigration meant numerous sacr i f i c e s - separation from the family,the commu-nity and even the impossibility of producing legitimate heirs-but his major return was achievement for his family.In short, migration i n Vilyatpur i n the late nineteenth and early twen-ti e t h centuries was a lucrative alternative for increasing family wealth and adjusting the supply of family labour to i t s resources. How did people i n the d i s t r i c t at large view migration? Most of the people were favourably disposed to the idea. It was reported than less than five percent of the emigrants f a i l e d to return, and about six to seven percent returned empty handed, but the rest of the returned created' favourable impression.In the words of one of the peasants of Jullundur: He Qhe emigrant^ t e l l s us not to spend so much on marriage, and i s less extravagant himself.He i s well behaved and dislikes quarrels but i s frequently forced into i t by others.He often cultivates accord-ing to new methods, and last year, so i t was said, "•• one got Rs.l,500Oout of 25 acres which he farmed with only the help of a boy.Finally he wants educa-r tion-'for g i r l s as well as boys. In atleast three-cases emigrants haves brought back Australian wives. One marriage ended i n separation after a prolonged and bitte r strife;another i n the couple f i n a l l y s e t t l i n g i n Australia;and the third i n the wife embracing the rel i g i o n of her husband, who was a Mohammedan, and adopting Indian dress.She was greatly respected, and on her husband's death, her son inherited most of the property. '67 Thus, i n Ju l lundur too , s o c i a l and economic condi t ions were conducive to migra t ion . The motive --behind migra t ion of people overseasrwas pure ly economic.The money acquired i n the process of so journing abroad was to be used f o r the expansion and conso l ida t ion of l and 'ho ld ings i n the d i s t r i c t . I t i s not necessary to examine i n d e t a i l socio-economic condi t ions i n ' Amri t sar and Ferozpur from which some of Canada' East Indian immigrants cameras condi t ions there were not r a d i -c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from those i n Hoshiarpur and Ju l lundur .On the whole, economic condit ions i n Amrit sar and Perozpur were be t te r than i n the f i r s t two d i s t r i c t s discussed and t h i s may, to some extent, account f o r the r e l a t i v e l y fewer emigrants from these two d i s t r i c t s . Notwithstanding t h i s , however, these d i s t r i c t s , too , had suffered from populat ion pressures and p e r i o d i c epidemic d i seases .Migra t ion from'these two d i s t r i c t s to areas outside the Province and to places outside 6 I n d i a on a semi-permanent or permanent bas i s was a l so common. Thus f a r , the process of East Indian immigration to Canada has been analysed i n terms of the push-pul l framework. I t has been seen that most of the immigrants came from a r u r a l peasant background.Furthermore, i t has a l so beennoted that the motive b e h i n d ; t h e i r migra t ion was economic.The immigrants wanted to earn enough money abroad so that when they returned to t h e i r v i l l a g e s , t h e y could buy more land and consol idate t h e i r ho ld ings , and at the same time improve the s o c i a l and - 4 1 -economic status of their families.lt has also become evident that the East Indians came to Canada as free migrants, and not under any form of contract or indenture. It i s appropriate to ask at this point how the above discussion bears on the wider concern of this paper which i s the integration of East Indian immigrants into \\. Canadian society.The role which the various factors played i n determining the process of integral tion may become clearer i f they are examined separately. The significaneeoof the peasant background may become evident once the concept of peasantry i s understood. A.L. Kroeber has defined the peasantry as "part societies" and "part cultures"."According to Robert Redfield,peasants are 71 the bearers of folk traditions,' while a more recent vxew of Eric Wolf i s that peasant societies are units integrated 72 into the larger state structure. 1 Despite different emphases, a l l the three scholars point to the relative isolation, exploitation and ignorance of the peasantry within the wider structure of human society.The peasants, whose world view i s circumscribed by the limits of local " l i t t l e traditions" pre-fer the security of these traditions as a means of avoiding wider society.They adhere especially closely to these values i f they come into sudden contact with another more urban society where personal and p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c values,character-i s t i c of rural, peasant societies, are generally subordinated 73 to more generalised,bureaucratic ideas. I f the behaviour - 4 2 -and outlooks of the East Indian immigrants are viewed i n the light of their peasant background, an important reason would be found as to why the East Indian community remained an alienated minority and why_ i t eventually f a i l e d to integrate into the host society. In their motivations, most of the East Indian immigrants 74 were sojourners. As such, they had no desire to participate i n the social l i f e of the new country, for that would have involved time, resources and numerous other sacrifices, which they could not afford.Moreover, to them, a symbiotic relation-ship with,rather than social l i f e in,the new society was more desirable.In other words, they liked to see themselves more as people who performed a function than as people with social status. In view of th i s , . f i t seems that to a large extent, isolation from the host society must have have been self imposed. Thus a further reason for the lack of East Indian integration i s provided. Finally,not only the peasant background and the sojourner mentality but the nature of the migration process i t s e l f discouraged integration.Unlike the indentured immigrants who had generally volunteered as individuals, and who were treated as such on the voyage, on the plantations and i n the supervi-sion of their duties, Canada's passenger migrants had come asa 'gr£up. ^ Nearly a l l of the early immigrants were Sikhs, and coming from contiguous d i s t r i c t s i n the Punjab meant that they - 4 3 -could draw on common experiences, values and training. The group values were kept alive during the migatory process; they persisted i n the new settlement i n Canada, and expressed and governed relationships among the East Indians i n the new^community. The relative frequency with which the East Indians travelled to and fronEndia also f a c i l i t a t e d this. To conclude, i t i s apparent that neither the background and motivation of the immigrants nor the migration process i t s e l f was conducive to East Indian integration into the host society. On the contrary, these factors together were one of the most important ones i n the lack of East Indian acceptance and integration. FOOTNOTES - CHAPTER I See S.N.Eisenstadt, Immigrant,Absorption; Stuart Phillpott, "Implication of Migration for S ending. So c i e t i es :. Theoretical Implications," i n Migration'' and Anthrgpolo'gy, - ed. by , Robert PiSpeacer ( S eat t l e : Ame r i can'Ethnologi cal ,:S o c i ety, 1970) i 11 f f . Dorothy'1 OvJohanseny "ArWorkih^ for : the Study of •Migrations..". Pacific Hi s t o r i cal Re v i ew, ;xxxvi (1967), 1-12. - — • • .:-j--:'^f''W'\,r , • Ideally, consideration of the immigrant's motivation should also include a :statement of his ojwniarfiasonsjf'or migration,-;• but given the nature of ^ this^study|ahdYde;arth of sources?this was impossible. i^v-.1>.£ j-j-~,?^ •:. •* For a detailed theoretical discussion see a useful collection of essays i n J.A.Jackson, ed., Migration (Cambridge University Press,1969). -"" ^ J.C.Misrow, '|East Indian Immigration on the Pacific Coast^(California, 1915 i . Reprinted by R & E Research Associates, 1971)» 2. ^ Kalyan Kumar Banerji, Indian Freedom Movement Revolu-tionaries i n America (Calcutta : Jijnasa, 1969), 7. See Misrow, op.cit.;S£,GEandrashekar, "Indian Immigration i n America," Far Eastern Survey,13 (1944), 138-142; Gurdial Singh, "East Indians i n the United States," Sociology and Social Research, 30 (September, 1945 -August, 1946), 209-216. % . ; r ^ Frank Oliver, Minister of Interior, to Governor General, 29 October, 1907, Immigration Branch, Vol. 384 part 2,PAC. 8 l I b i d . 9 Report of W.L.King, C.M.G. Commissioner Appointed to Enquire into- .-the, Me-cho.ijsvby -Which... -.©riental::'.Eaboar-eraTIave been induced to Come -to Canada- •• C Ottawa/- :: Government Printing Bureaur 1908). ^  ";•'." ..'""•• - • 1 0 See Eric Wilton Morse,"Immigration and Status of B r i t i s h East Indians i n Canada : A Problem i n Imperial Relations," unpublished M.A.Thesis, Queen's University, Ontario, 1936, Chapter I. 1 1 Kushwant Singh et. a l . , Ghadr ; India's F i r s t Armed -44-- 4 5 -Revolution (New Delhi : R & K Publishers, 1966) 1 . 12 ,Adrian Mayer, Report on East Indians, op.cit..2 Canada Year Book, 40. 1 4 Karin Straa'ton, "The P o l i t i c a l System of the Vancouver Chinese Community : Associations and Leadership i n the Earlyl960's," unpublished M.A.thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia,1974, 30 f f . 15 The number of Chinese entering Canada i n these years was derived from Canada Year Book, 1919, 222. The number for East Indians was drawn from Table I, 15 . Narendrariath Ganguly, Indians i n the Empire Overseas (London : The New India Publishing House Ltd.,v1947)> 68. 17 Zing, SfMethods by which Oriental Labourers have been induced to come to Canada," op.cit. -l o According to recent research, i t seems that 'relations-influence' i s the most important factor, i n some cases an independent factor, i n the decision to migrate. See G. Beija, N.H.Frijda, B.P.Hofstead and R.Wentholt/ Charecteris-t i c s of Overseas ffiigrant s (The Hague, 1961"). 1 9 W.L.Mackenzie King, "Notes and Memoranda, 1887-1921;" King Papers, MG 26,J4 Vol. 038-40,PAC. on Victoria Daily Times, 16 November, 1906. See also the Times of 14 November, 1906. 21 W.L.Mackenzie King, op.cit. 22 Victoria Daily Times, 22 November, 1906. J King, "Methods by which Oriental Labourers have been induced to come to Canada," op.cit. 2 4%.L.Mackenzie King, Motesand Memoranda, 1887-1921," MG 26, J 4 , Vol. €38-40, PAC. 2 5 Province, 20 July, 1906. -46-Province. 23 November, 1907. Province. 20 October, 1906. W.L.King, "Notes and Memoranda, 1887-1921," l o c . c i t . 26 2 7 28 2Q> • • ^ It has been estimated that 99?> of the East Indians who came to Canada were Sikhs. Kushwant Singh et.al., Ghadr, 1. Most of / them lived i n B r i t i s h Columbia; for s t a t i s t i c s see E.Blake Robertson to W.W.Cory, 8 May, 1918, Immigration Branch, Vol. 386, Pil e 536999 part 11, PAC. For a useful' discussion of these h i s t o r i c a l movements, see Niranjan Ray, The Sikh Gurus and the Sikh Society (Patiala : Punjab University, 1970), 8 f f . Kushwant Singh, The Sikhs (London : Allen and Unwin, 1953), 18. " 32 Niranjan Ray, The Sikh Gurus and the Sikh Society, op.cit. Kushwant Singh, The Sikhs (1953), 19. See Gurubachan Singh Talib, A Study of the Moral Core  of Guru Nanak1s Teaching (Patiala : The Punjab University, 1970.) 35 The formalism of Sikh rel i g i o n can be 'seen i n the in s t i t u t i o n of the Khalsa, established by Guru Gobind Singh during the time of the Moghul ruler, Aurangzeb when religious conflict-was particularly r i f e and when much persecution of Hindus took place. A member of the Khalsa had to observe five 'k's : to wear hair and beard unshorn, (kesh); to carry a comb i n the hair (kangha); to wear a pair of shorts (kucha); to wear'-aisteelcbangle on the right wrist (kara); to carry a sword (kirpal). See Sohan Singh Sahota, The Destiny of the Sikhs (Jullundur : Sterling Publishersj(Pvt.J Limited, 1971). 36 See the l i s t i n Immigration Branch, Vol. 386 part 14, PAC. These figures were computed from letters sent by East Indian males i n B r i t i s h Columbia to the Immigration Depart-ment, requesting the admission of their wives to Canada. Thus these figures are only indicative of a trend. -47-37 Charles A.Price, The Great White Walls are Built; Restric- tive Immigratioh to North America and Australasia..1836-7""""" 1888 CCnaberra : Australian' National:-Universitv^Pfess..v _W?)v 12. ; •• , >•*••-'«•-•• e > y , : » : * - K ^ . • v 38 Census Report, 1881, quoted i n D i s t r i c t Gazetteer of Hoshiarpur ? (Lahore : Government Printer, 1883-1884/, 8. J : ? Tom G.Kessinger, Vilyatpur, 1848-1968 ; Social and  Economic Change i n a North Indian Village (Berkely•; University of California Press,- 19741, 86. See also Punjab  Gazetteer, Hoshiarpur District,^ 1904v 68. 4 Q Kessinger, •-Mj&.-'r;-The chohsii i t seems, were shallow, narrow drains caused hy seasonal torrential rains. They were usually dry i n rainless months hut became "raging torrents" during heavy rains." 42 Punjab Gazetteer, Hoshiarpur D i s t r i c t , 1883, 4. ^ Tehsil was a subdivision of the D i s t r i c t i n the B r i t i s h revenue system. A l l these tehsils were i n the D i s t r i c t of Hoshiarpur. 44 Punjab Gazetteer, Hoshiarpur D i s t r i c t , 1883, 22. Punjab Gazetteers, Hoshiarpur Districts^ 1904, 21.It was reported that some 25,826 acres were reclaimed but the "Gazetteer admitted that this figure " i s probably considerably exaggerated." 46 Punjab Gazetteer, Hoshiarpur D i s t r i c t , 1904, 25. ^ Computed from Punjab Admihstra^tion Report, 1904, Table 25, ^ Imperial Gazetteer, Punjab, 1908, I, 70. It must be noted that i n a subsistence economy such as the one under 'consideration theequationbetween'wage labour, cost of food staples and other monetary indices and the state of the economy can be misleading. In this case of Hoshiarpur, for instance, unskilled labourers were paid not i n cash, but i n grains and clothing. However, as an indication of the economy; comparative to the'economy of other d i s t r i c t s where wages were higher, these indices-may be useful. -48-49 50 51 Punjab Gazetteer, Hoshiarpur D i s t r i c t , 1883, 21. Punjab Gazetteers, Hoshiarpur D i s t r i c t , 1904, 27. Kessinger, Vilyatpur,' 91 f f . 5 2 ' See Census Reports, Tables XI, Part II and III, 1891; Table X of Vols. II and III of 1881. 5 3 Malcolm L y a l l Darling, Rusticus Loquitur, The Old Light  and the New i n the Punjab Village (New York i Oxford University Press, 192'9"/.» 29. This book, though i t contains much useful information, f a l l s outside the period of this study. It i s the- assumption of the present writer that . impressions, once created,particularly i n a rel a t i v e l y unchanging peasant society do not change rapidly over long period.of time and for this reason the book probably serves as an indication of opinion people held of the returned emigrant i n the - period under discussion. 5 4 Ibid. 5 5 Ibid.181. ^ 6 oSee Punjab Gazetteers, Jullundur D i s t r i c t , 1883-1884, chapter III; i b i d . , 1908, 47.The pressure i n Hoshiarpur was relieved to some extent because of extensive grazing grounds i n the D i s t r i c t but i n Jullundur, there was no such grazing land. ! ^ See Kessinger, Vilyatpur. op.cit., 86. There i s some discrepency between Kessinger 1s figures and those given i n the D i s t r i c t Gazetteers,-but the d i f f e r are not c significant-.' ' ... For details,-fsee Kessinger, i b i d . , 85-89. 5 9 IPid. , 87 . 6 0 Punjab Gazetteers, Jullundur D i s t r i c t , 1908, 226. 6 1 Punjab Gazetteers, Jullundur D i s t r i c t , 1904, Part B, S t a t i s t i c a l Table IX.The importance of these low figures become apparent; in'the l i g h t of extremely high wages which Sikhs abroad were earning. ; : -49-62 Punjab Gazetteers, Jullundur D i s t r i c t , 1883-84, S t a t i s t i c a l Tables,'Migration.' """ ^ Kessinger, Vilyatpur, 91. 6 4 Ibid.,9271. 6 5 Ibid., 171 6 6 Ibid, 172, Table 30. 67 ' Malcolm Darling, Rusticus Loquitur, 181. For details, see the D i s t r i c t Gazetteers of Amritsar  and Ferozpur; from 1883-84 to 1911. ' """" . ... 6 9 The fact that extensive internal as well as external emigration took place i s substantiated for Amritsar i n Punjab Gazetteers, Amritsar D i s t r i c t , 1913, Part B, Table8. For 'Ferbzpuf, • see Censusl Repgrts t Table XI, Part II of 1901; Table XI, Parts II & III of 1&91; Table X of Vols. II & III of 1881. ^° A.L.Kroeber, Anthropology (New York : Harcourt and Brace & Co., 1940). ^ Robert Redfield, Peasant Society and Cultures (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1956). ^ 2 Eric Wolf, Peasants (New Jersey : Englewood C l i f f s , 1966). ~ ~ ^ For detailed theoretical discussion see David Katz and Aaron Antonsky, " Bureaucracy and Immigrant Adjustment," International Migration Review. VII, (3) (1973), 247-256. ^ 4 For a very useful, detailed account of the theoretical significance of the sojourner mentality and i t s ~^  .. relationship to the process of immigrant adjustment, see Paul C.Siu, "The Sojourner," tThfeAmerican Journal of  Sociology, LVIII (July, 1952-May, 19537, 34-44. ' CHAPTER II FORMAL ORGANISATIONS AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES IN THE EAST INDIAN COMMUNITY The nature of i n s t i t u t i o n a l developments i n the immi-grant community i s an important factor i n immigrant integra-tion and acceptance into the host society. Raymond Breton, a sociologist, has posited that "the direction of immigrant integration w i l l , to large extent, result from the forces of attraction (positive or negative) stemming from the various communities."1 The three 'communities* relevant i n this context are the native or receiving community, other ethnic communities and the community of the immigrant. But of the three, the immigrant community exhibits the preponderant influence upon the integration, and therefore i t deserves scrutiny here. It i s Breton's contention that the greater the ' i n s t i -2 tutional completeness* of the immigrant's community, the more circumscribed his interpersonal relations and social integration with the outside group w i l l be. The influence of formal social and p o l i t i c a l organisations are particularly important i n this regard. According to Breton, "the presence of formal organisations i n the ethnic community sets out forces that have the effect of keeping the social relations of the immigrants within i t s boundaries. It tends to mini-mise out-group contacts.""^ Furthermore, Breton states that there are four processes through which the i n s t i t u t i o n a l com-pleteness of the immigrant's ethnic community maintains group cohesiveness.^ Through substitution, the ethnic community succeeds i n holding the allegiance of i t s members by prevent-ing their contact with the host society.Ethnic institutions rather than those of the host society take hold i n the immi-grant's social l i f e ; these include his religion,occupation, education and the news media. Group cohesiveness i s also maintained by the extension of personal networks of the members of the ethnic organisations within the community.iMoreover, the immigrants who belong to these organisations value highly their nationality and tend to raise new issues or activate old ones for public debates.Excellent examples of this w i l l be seen i n the East Indian community.Finally,leaders of ethnic organisations actively attempt to maintain and enlarge their clientele.This i s especially relevent when the rate of immi-gration i s decreasing and when the survival of the organisa-tions- maybe i n question.The following discussion of the a c t i v i t i e s of the various organisations i n the East Indian community during the period under consideration w i l l i l l u s - -trate the propositions outlined above. Within the period of a decade,a number of ethnic organis-ations sprang up and flourished i n the East Indian community. Most of these were radical organisations. Some moderate organisations did exist very b r i e f l y i n eastern Canada,but being p o l i t i c a l l y and geographically unrepresentative of the East Indian community, as well as being numerically i n s i g n i -ficant i n .their membership, they were largely ineffective.5 - 5 2 -The radical organisations indulged openly i n agitational and conspiratorial politics.They waged their battle on two fronts simultaneously. On the one hand, making a show of their apparent loyalty:' to them, the radicals tried to get concessions from Provincial, Federal and Imperial govern-ments on matters affecting their immigration into Canada. On the other hand,they made persistent efforts to force the B r i t i s h out of India.These efforts,however, failed.But they l e f t behind them a legacy of b i t t e r fights, i l l - w i l l and tension that retarded further the process of East Indian integration into the Canadian society. P o l i t i c a l l y , B r i t i s h Columbia's East Indian community did not act i n isolation from East Indians i n other parts of the world, notably Europe and the United States of America. Indeed i t derived p o l i t i c a l inspiration and legitimacy from movements i n other countries.Consequently, i t i s necessary b r i e f l y to review the a c t i v i t i e s of the East Indian«*organ-isations i n these places. Although some revolutionary Indian organisations existed 6 outside India prior to the turn of the twentieth century i t was particularly after 1905, the year of partition of Bengal, that they acquired a more systematic character.In that year, the Indian Home Rule Society was formed i n England by Shyamji Krishnavarma who had l e f t India i n 1897. The India House was also founded for Indian students, l i v i n g i n Britain.Among i t s - 5 3 -earliest occupants were such well known revolutionaries as V.D.Savarkar, Madan Lai Dhingra, Birendra Chattopadhay, TirmullArcharya and Lala Hardayal,a "brilliant and charis-matic leader who was later to play a most important role i n o the p o l i t i c a l l i f e the North American East Indian community. The Indian Sociologist was the o f f i c i a l organ of the India House and this newspaper ultimately provided much inspiration to the p o l i t i c a l leaders of the East Indian community i n Br i t i s h Columbia. Many attempts were made i n the United States to re-create some of the above organisations, such as the India House, but these were met with p a r t i a l success at best.Other organisations such as the Pan Aryan Association, the Society for theAdvancement of India, the Indo-American National Association and the Indo-American Club a l l met a similar fate. The reasons for their premature demise are not too d i f f i c u l t to find.The revolutionary potential of "lithe small East Indian community i n eastern parts of the United States, where most of these organisations were established, was slight.Most of the East Indians there were students coming from wealthy fami-l i e s for whom: a promising career i n the Indian c i v i l service was assured.As a result, radical p o l i t i c s did not interest them much. Moreover, leadership i n almost a l l these organisa-tions was i n the hands of a white American e l i t e and this, by alienating some potentially active Indians, also contri-buted to the iheffectiveness of these early attempts to orga-nise. -54-The situation i n B r i t i s h Columbia and the Pacific coast was generally different from that which existed i n the eastern United States.Organisations on the Canadian west coast were i n close touch with the feelings of the mass of the East Indians.And their leadership was i n the hands of East Indians as well.For this reason, East Indian organisations i n B r i t i s h Columbia enjoyed a wide base i n the community.A lar;ge and dedicated membership i n the organisations contributed i n large part r:toT their success. The f i r s t attempt to organise the East Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia was made i n 1007, two: years' after a large number of them had entered Canada.In that year, the Khalsa Diwan Society was established i n Vancouver.Soon afterwards, branches were opened i n Victoria, Abbotsford, New Westminister,Fraser M i l l s , Duncan and Ocean F a l l s . 1 0 The objectives of the Diwans were i n i t i a l l y religious, educational and philanthropic, but as the numbers of East Indians coming to Canada increased, and "as p o l i t i c s began to -domihatie the scene i n both the countries £lndia and Canada] ,the Sikh temples became the storm centres of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . " 1 1 Effective control of the leadership of the early organis-ations lay i n the hands of the largely i l l i t e r a t e -class of Sikh \labourers.Thus Bhai Bhag Singh was one of the earliest recognised leaders of the East Indian community i n Vancouver, while i n California, people l i k e Jwala Singh, Santokh Singh, - 5 5 -12 Sohan Singh Bhakna and Giani Bhagwan Singh led the community. Later, however, this principally i l l i t e r a t e leadership could not meet the needs of the community, needs which required deal-ing with a white population and English speaking "bureaucracy. Increasingly, what was required was educated leadership for the community as well as secular organisations which could deal with the more practical problems of the day. The formation of the Committee for the Management of Sikh Diwans and Temples, ansorganisation "that could appeal to and speak for the overwhelming majority of the East Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia" and which at the same time included a l l Sikh gurudwaras and committees, was a response to these needs. 1 Most of the members of theCommittee were highly educated men. Teja Singh, the president,was a native of Amritsar, an M.A. from Lahore University,SL.L.B from .Cambridge and a graduate of Columbia University. He had come to Vancouver i n October, 1908. 1 4 Taraknath Das,a Bengali Brahmin of Bhawanipur,Calcutta and a graduate of Calcutta University, the University of Wash-ington and subsequently Berkeley as well, was appointed 15 the f i r s t treasurer of the Committee. Dr Sundar Singh of Lahore, Punjab, a DSc from Punjab University and a M.D. from 16 Glasgow University, was appointed to the executive committee. Under the Committee's guidanee and inspiration, the Sikhs and the numerically small Hindu and Moslem groups stood united. A government o f f i c i a l noted that they £E a s' f c -56-Indians]} have coalesced from the need of protection against the h o s t i l i t y of white labour, and Punjabi-Mohammadans, Sikhs, and Hindus from the Punjab, and Brah-mins from N.W. Qforth West Provinces} and from lower Bengal, have been brought together i n a way that could not have 17 happened i n India." The social and economic welfare of the entire East Indian community was the primary aim of this -l Q organisation. In this endeavour, the Committee was ss?. eminently successful. Inspector W.C.Hopkinson wrote: "It i s a d i f f i c u l t matter to prove a charge of vagrancy against IQ any of this community" ^ as both Teja Singh and the Committee were always ready to rebut those charges. They promised to provide jobs to a l l East Indians who were unemployed. Under the auspices of the Committee and Teja Singh, the Guru Nanak Trust and Mining Company was formed on 23 November, 1908. It had a t o t a l capitalization of $50,000. The aim of the company was to develop*commercial relationship between India,fCanada and the United States and this £ V decided^to do by importing Indian products. Moreover, the company also proposed to buy and s e l l land i n B r i t i s h Columbia for i t s East Indian clients here, and for Indians i n a l l parts of the world. 2 0 , The Committee performed i t s intermediary role between the East Indian community and the Canadian bureaucracy i n 1908 when a movement was afoot i n B r i t i s h Columbia to resettle the East Indian population i n B r i t i s h Honduras. It protested persistently to the Imperial Government about the p o s s i b i l i t y of forcible deportation, a notion that had gained some prominence i n newspapers representing white 22 labour opinion. Partly because of this and partly owing to i t s influence over the appointment of the delegation that was sent to B r i t i s h Honduras to investigate conditions there, the Committee achieved the eventual rejection of the proposal. Some Canadian o f f i c i a l s feared that, because of the actions of the Committee and Teja Singh i n particular, Vancouver was being made the headquarters of the East Indian settle-. 23 ment on the P a c i f i c Northwest. J After these s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l organisations came the more radical associations that became the focus of the East Indian community. The impetus and inspiration for the formation of these came from similar organisations i n the 24. United States. Ram Nath Puri's Indian Association, ^ founded in:.San Prancisco and lat e r i n Oakland, was one such organisation that had a great influence on subsequent radical associations on the Pacific Coast. Shortly after i t s establish-ment, branches were opened i n Astoria, Oregon and Vancouver. Ram Nath Puri was the f i r s t East Indian to start p o l i t i c a l work among East Indian immigrants on the P a c i f i c Coast. The primarily p o l i t i c a l motive of Puri and the Association was v i v i d l y chronicled i n the association's Urdu organ, "Circular-I-Azadi" (Circular of Freedom). It could not -58-continue for more than a year, owing to lack of funds, a paucity of Indian readers and the p o l i t i c a l apathy of early 25 immigrants. y During i t s short existence, however, the paper was secretly distributed and savidly read i n the East Indian community.2^ 27 Another organisation, the Indian Independence League formed by Pandurang Khankhoje, Aadhar Laskar and Taraknath Das i n 1907 i n California also bore some importance for the East Indian community i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The primary objective of the League was to preach national revolution i n India. Some League correspondence was found i n the house of one Lala Pindidas i n Rawalpindi and he was arrested and jailed for seven years. A prominent Sikh radical of Vancouver, Hamam Singh was also arrested for his connections with the League. These incidents may shed some light on the nature of the League's a c t i v i t i e s . The base of the League was transferred to Vancouver i n 1908, along with the move of i t s chief architect, Taraknath Das who was transferred to the United States Immigration Office i n Vancouver where he was employed as an interpreter. Nothing much,yhowever, i s known of the a c t i v i t i e s of the League i n Vancouver.< Taraknath Das was the f i r s t important p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t i n the East Indian community i n Vancouver. Apart from his participation i n the a c t i v i t i e s of the Committee -59-for the Management of Sikh Diwans and Temples, Das also popularised the cause of Ram Nath Puri*s waning Indian Association. When Puri's "Circular-I-Azadi" came to an end, Das started his own periodical, The Free Hindustan. The general tone of the paper was educational, but as Hopkinson noted, "from time to time i t contains a r t i c l e s setting forth the so called unfair treatment of Hindus i n Vancouver and 2Q has references to Bengal, and. i n tone i s an t i - B r i t i s h . " ^ However, Das' a c t i v i t i e s were watched s t r i c t l y by both the B r i t i s h and Canadian governments.Numerous representations were made by the Dominion government,to Washington,drawing i t s attention to unfriendly.attacks made by an interpreter i n their employment who claimed1 protection as an American citi z e n . As a result of these protests, the United States dispensed with Das' services i n the Immigration Department.-^ Meanwhile rumours of clandestine a c t i v i t i e s i n the East Indian community continued spreading.W.&;Crippen,Vancouver correspondent of . . * The. Times, i n reporting what he heard,chronicled the thoughts of many white B r i t i s h Col-umbians: I have positive information that Indians here are subscribing money for seditious purposes and I have other information which indicates that Millside, near New Westminister,is a centre of revolutionary agitation.There i s a certain school herecostensibly for the instruction of East Indians i n English, which i s actually managed by the agitators for the purpose of imbuing Sikhs with revolutionary ideas.The treatment that the Indians are receiving here naturally makes them receptive for such doc-trines.The school i s under the direction of three -60-Indians, one from Punjab and two from Bengal,who are well educated.The movement has spread to Seattle where one of most dangerous of the three agitators i s visiting.A grocer* s shop on Granville Street i s being used for the exchange of letters between the agitators here and their friends i n India.Iam informed that directions for making bombs were recently-sent from the Pacific coast to India.' 31 William Lyon Mackenzie King,who was then v i s i t i n g Van-couver i n connection with the anti-Oriental riots of 1907, made an investigation of the allegations made by Crippen, and 32 ..t , concurred with the findings of the journalist. Das* reply to the allegations made against him and the East Indian community generally was swift.He dubbed ' - •-7 The.' Times as "ever notorious for misrepresenting facts." The Free  Hindustan, Das acknowledged, "advocates the l i b e r a l principles of man and puts forth undeniable facts and fights about the exploiting principles of the B r i t i s h Government in.Hindustan." Referring to the-sending of directions for making bombs to India, Das remarked that "I shall say that there i s no lack of chemists i n India, and i f we could be successful i n send-ing a formula for making bombs, i t would be a great credit to us that, notwithstanding the opening of letters from this country, we managed to send the obnoxious message to India." ^ He admitted the existence of a school i n Vancouver and acknowledged i t s limited p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . P o l i t i c a l education of the East Indians i n Canada was his duty,Das insisted. A series of strongly worded anti-British a r t i c l e s poured forth from Das* pen: "A Strong Protest Against B r i t i s h -61-Justice," "Our National L i f e at Stake," "Famine i n Hindus-tan and the Only Remedy," "The Russian Measure i n Hindustan," and "A Lesson from the German Revolution of 1849."^4 For almost ten months after dismissal, from the services of United States Immigration Department i n Vancouver, Das was without a job. His l i f e was made even more d i f f i c u l t by the constant and s t r i c t surveillance of his a c t i v i t i e s by the secret services of the Immigration Department headed by Hopkinson. As a result of these pressures, Das l e f t Van-couver for Seattle i n the F a l l of 1908.^ The^-Free Hihdustan continued publication from this city. Das began preaching the necessity of winning over the Indian Army to the national-i s t cause, and even made direct appeals to the Sikhs. From Seattle, Das made his way to New York from where succeeding numbers of The "Free Hindustan came out. It was reported that while i n New York, Das had worked i n close contact with a leading I r i s h American publisher Who sympathised with the '"if. " Indian cause. For three years,The Free Hindustan was published during which time such people as Tolstoy and the B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s t Hyndman took an interest i n Das' writings. Again, at the instance of the B r i t i s h , and also probably owing to 37 lack of funds, The Free Hindustan ceased publication. A. discussion of the a c t i v i t i e s of Das brings into fociis a number of points {germane to the central concern of this chapter. Das* a c t i v i t i e s mark the beginning G*f overt radical p o l i t i c s i n the East Indian community i n B r i t i s h Columbia. -62-Henceforth, sympathetic concerns with p o l i t i c s i n India and protests against" federal immigration measures both, were to occupy the thoughts and actions of Canadian East Indians. Leadership"in such matters was to be provided by educated persons. The example of Das had opened the way for others to follow. Furthermore, the suspicions of sedition": and betrayal by the East Indian community':were:;planted'''dee,ply i n the minds of not only the Canadian o f f i c i a l s but the Canadian people also, and this was a potent source of hosti-l i t y against the community. Subsequent a c t i v i t i e s of other East Indians only confirmed the Canadians i n their suspici-sions.and this" i n consequence retarded East Indian acceptance, into the host society. Through his dedication and eloquence,Das had managed to create i n Vancouver an active following. One of the most prominent of Das' followers was Guru Datt Kumar, popularly T O known as G.D.Kumar. He hadearrived i n Vancouver on 31 October,1907 and was indicted three times for 'defrauding 30, his countrymen' J but for want of evidence, he was released each time. In the absence of Teja Singh and Taraknath Das, he assumed the leadership of the community. Kumar made perio-dic v i s i t s to Seattle to confer with Das while he was there, indicating a close working relationship between the two leaders. After a number of these v i s i t s which culminated i n a three month stay i n Seattle, Kumar returned to Vancouver i n November, 1909 and opened the Swadesh Sevak Home at 1632,2nd -63-Avenue West, Fairview. The function of the Home was mostly-social and charitable, but p o l i t i c s inevitably crept i n also. From the 2nd Avenue home, Kumar also published a monthly paper called the Swadesh Sevak (Servant of the Country.) 4 0 It was published i n Gurumukhi, and hence was primarily • • addressed to the Sikh community. At f i r s t the paper confined i t s attention to the grievances of the Sikhs arising out of immigration restrictions, but later i t also included c r i t i c a l commentaries on B r i t i s h rule i n India. But the Swadesh Sevak ceased publication not long after i t s inception, owing primarily to the lack of interest of the community and lack of financial support. It stopped publication i n 1911. Kumar, however, was riottto be daunted by the failure of his f i r s t endeavour. Taraknath Das, who had l e f t New York for Berkeley i n September, 1910, arrived i n Vancouver towards the end of the same year. Both collaborated to establish the India House, modelled on the India House of London. The aim of Das and Kumar was to, make the House the base for their p o l i t i c a l and agitational work and at the same time to supplement the work of the Gurudwaras by providing shelter to the poor and unemployed segments of the East Indian community. The venture, however, did not secure the support of Teja Singh, perhaps because i t posed threats to his own leadership of the Sikh community. Lacking i n support and a 42 regular source of funds, the project collapsed. -64-On 4 January, 1910, a noted East Indian activist , Hussain Rahim alias Chagan Khiraj Varma arrived in Vancouver from Honolulu.4^ He had gone there from Japan. Soon after his arrival in Vancouver, Rahim formed the Canada India Supply Company and engaged his pol i t ical experience gained in Japan to re-activate radical.politics in the East Indian community. But once again the secret service: of the Immi-gration Department was active and in October, 1910, Rahim A, was arrested for deportation for being in Canada i l lega l ly . After searching through his personal effects, i t was found that Rahim had in his possession "note books containing information on how to make bombs and numerous addresses of 45 prominent agitators in England, Natal and P a r i s , " ^ Later i t was also found by the Canadian Immigration authorities that Rahim was in contact with people like iKrishnavarma and Madam Cama4^ of Geneva and that he was receiving banned newspapers l ike The Indian Sociologist. Bande Matram and Amrit Bazar Patrika. Rahim, i t seems, was one of the most important links between the East Indian community in Vancouver and Indian revolutionaries in other parts of the world. The protection of Rahim against possible deportation by the Immigration Department was thus in the best interests of the powerful radical group in the East Indian community in British Columbia. Hence the Hindustani Association was formed to -65-h a l t the deportation of Rahim. The i n i t i a l objectives of the A s s o c i a t i o n were 1. To defend and help any Hindu who might be so unfortunate as to f a l l under the displeasure of the Govern-ment or be threatened with deportation. 2 . To continue an agitation: against the Canadian Immigration Act as a f f e c t i n g the Hindus and i f possible to get the r e s t r i c t i o n s removed. 3. To purchase a piece of land and erect a b u i l d i n g to be the headquarters of the A s s o c i a t i o n where: a. a school f o r the teaching of E n g l i s h to the Hindus should be established. b. that a set of rooms be set aside f o r the indigent and the s i c k of the community to be housed and attended to by one of t h e i r own members. 4. That one of t h e i r members be sent to the United States to c o l l e c t funds f o r the A s s o c i a t i o n . I t was also agreed to appoint G.D.Kumar the secretary and treasure of the A s s o c i a t i o n and Hamam Singh the delegate to the United S t a t e s . 4 ^ Soon a f t e r i t s formation, the A s s o c i a t i o n sent a l e t t e r to Lord Minto, Lord Morley and S i r Wilfred L a u r i e r p r o t e s t i n g against the pending deportation of Rahim. In the l e t t e r , the A s s o c i a t i o n claimed that "as B r i t i s h subjects, we demand our i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s to reside more f r e e l y i n the B r i t i s h Empire £ a n < 0 request immediate redress against high-handed, i m p o l i t i c and Empire-breaking actions of l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . "'*u Further i n v e s t i g a t i o n occasioned because of t h i s protest r e s u l t e d i n the Immigration Department's i n a b i l i t y to produce enough evidence against Rahim. Consequently, s u i t s against him were dropped and he was allowed to stay i n Vancouver. The success of the A s s o c i a t i o n i n stopping the deportation of Rahim prompted i t s members and founders to give the organisation a more formal structure and a wider,, more permanent base. Passage of r e s t r i c t i v e f e d e r a l immigration measures and the f a i l u r e of previous East Indian organisations also contributed to t h i s end. In early 1910, the Hindustan A s s o c i a t i o n was formally established i n Vancouver. 4^ (see Appendix I f o r the A .constitution of the A s s o c i a t i o n ) . The primary objective of the A s s o c i a t i o n was to " e s t a b l i s h L i b e r t y , E q u a l i t y and F r a t e r n i t y of the Hindustani Nation i n r e l a t i o n s with the r e s t of the nations of the world." For i t s members i n Vancouver, the A s s o c i a t i o n pledged to provide s o c i a l s ervices and economic a i d . The range of the Association's i n t e r e s t s i s i n d i c a t e d i n the number of Departments that i t organised, i n c l u d i n g Immigration and Emigration; Sanitary T r a i n i n g Bureau; S o c i a l Advancement Service; Educational Services Department; P o l i t i c a l Relations Department; Trades and Commercial Development Service; J u s t i c e Department; and the P u b l i c a t i o n s Bureau. The -66 a-Association, i n short, had unmistakeable marks of organisational comprehensiveness and sophistication. l o r a few months after i t s inception, the Hindustan Association performed valuable intermediary services for the East Indian community, seeking l i b e r a l i s a t i o n of immigration restrictions. In one such petition to the Governor General, the Association noted that even though the East Indians were "not paupers and have independent, means of subsistence," they found themselves discriminated against, while the Association pointed out, the Chinese and the Japanese were not. Further, the petition noted that "the present Dominion Immigration Laws are quite inconsistent with the Imperial policy because they discriminate against the people of India," and remarked that "we strongly protest against i t , and demand our rights as B r i t i s h subjects with a l l the emphasis we can 50 command." For sometime at least, i t seemed that the ^ Hindustan Association had truly-' imposed some unity on the rapidly diversifying East Indian community, and that i t was representing the interests of a l l the segments of the community. However, i n the following year, 1911, that sense of apparent unity fast disappeared. The Sikhs made separate and distinct attempts to reinforce their own group solidarity. On December 15, 1911, the Khalsa Diwan Society was re-organised and strengthened-to promote the specific - 6 7 -51 i n t e r e s t s of the Sikh community. The Sikh Temple Committee issued a separate newspaper, Pardeshi Khalsa. I t made a separate representation to the Governor General-In^Council regarding the various d i s a b i l i t i e s under which these 52 "unoffending and harshly treated people" were labouring. Apart from b u i l d i n g a new Temple f o r the Sikh community i n Vancouver the Sikhs r a i s e d about $10,000 to b u i l d three 53 high schools i n Doaba, Manjha and Malwa i n Punjab. The Sansar noted that two Sikhs had c o l l e c t e d about $23,000 i n cash and promises;, f o r the establishment of Khalsa High 54. School i n Jullundur. ^ While these generous contributions were made towards the promotion of Sikh i n t e r e s t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia and i n India, c h a r i t a b l e organisations such as Swadesh Sevak Home and the India House f a i l e d due1 to i a c k 55 of f i n a n c i a l support from the East Indian community. This seems to in d i c a t e that communal i n t e r e s t s superseded'wider concerns f o r the s o c i a l and economic betterment of the ent i r e East Indian community. In the same year, 1911» Hussain Rahim formed the United India-;League. The League was an "organisation pledged to carry on a c t i v i t i e s with c o n s t i t u t i o n a l means," and purported to be an "instrument^,of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l 56 regeneration of the Hindustanees." In i t s d e c l a r a t i o n of p r i n c i p l e s , the League emphatically stated that i t stood f o r democratic s e l f government f o r India, and that i t d i d not believe i n any caste, creed or colour that impeded the realisation of i t s ideals.A few days after i t s inception, the League sent a lengthy petition to the Dominion govern-ment drawing i t s attention to the various restrictions on East Indians i n Canada and urging their immediate repeal. The petition noted the " f i d e l i t y and heroic loyal i t y " •..-•of the Sikhs to the cause of the B r i t i s h Empire, and reitera-ted that the o f f i c i a l status of the East Indians i n Canada was "wholly differentiated from that of other Oriental 57 immigrants*." ' Therefore, the League argued, the East Indians were j u s t i f i e d i n demanding preferential treatment. The Minister of Interior i n reply wrote that "there i s a very strong feeling among classes wielding considerable p o l i t i c a l influence i n Canada against any relaxation of the restrictions" and./that for this reason,"it i s not possible 58 to forsee the ultimate result of your representation." The proliferation of a number of East Indian organisa-tions with essentially the same social and p o l i t i c a l aims betrays a lack of unity, cohesiveness and able leadership i n the community. The united front that the community had shown i n 1907-08 now seemed to be an i l l u s i o n . Instead of one acknowledged head of the community, there were now several leaders, each wanting to lead the community i n his own way.^ ^ n attempt was made to form a committee consist-ing of the various East Indian leaders, but the fai l u r e to agree on who was to head the committee resulted i n an fin early demise of the venture. As a result of this and -69-previous disagreements among the various leaders of the community, many East Indians lost f a i t h i n the educated men and i n their integrity and a b i l i t y to lead them. This lack ,,• of confidence •_ _' i n the mass of i l l i t e r a t e East Indians may, i n part, also account for the failure of various orga-nisations and papers. Some of the members of the community charged that there were 2ew leaders who were, i n fact, supported fi n a n c i a l l y from contributions made by the people. These leaders were not, i t was pointed out, s e l f - s a c r i f i c i n g individuals genuinely interested i n the social and economic welfare of the East Indian community. The case of Teja Singh, was reportedly the most spectactdtar,. It was rumoured that as far back as 1907, when Teja Singh had f i r s t appeared i n Vancouver, about sixty or seventy East Indians had given a written undertaking that they would take care of Teja Singh's financial needs i n return for his leadership. By 1912, ii-however, these- East Indians were no longer willing to carry out the conditions of the guarantee. When faced with this situation, Teja Singh threatened to take the matter to the Chief Khalsa Diwan i n Amritsar, India. "* But shortly after-wards, he l e f t Vancouver instead. It should be evident by now that the problem of strong leadership and organisational unity within the community remained; unsolved by the beginningsof the second decade of the present century. In the next three years, however, -70-various leaders, with differing p o l i t i c a l and ideological convictions made attempts to overcome this problem. As a result of these efforts, three factions developed i n the community: radicals, moderates, and ' l o y a l i s t s . ' The poten-t i a l for factionalism had always existed i n the East Indian community. An intelligence report on Vancouver East Indians had earlier estimated that about ten percent of the East Indians were loyal*, to the government, thiry percent actively 62 seditious and sixty precent were waverers. There had always existed an uneasy and tenous relationship between these factions but this was no longer possible. The gradual polarisation of the relations:.'/:", between the East Indian community and the host society due to the passage of a series of restrictions upon immigration, the search for strong leadership i n the community and the a r r i v a l of some East Indian revolutionaries on the Pacific coast account for this. Of the three factions, however, only the radical and the moderate East Indians had organisational structures to implement their objectives; the l o y a l i s t s worked under c cover as secret agents of the Immigration Department. Consequently, only the former two shall be discussed here. A f u l l e r discussion of the l o y a l i s t s w i l l be found i n a l a t e r chapter. The moderate element, which preferred a more peaceful and constitutional approach to the, solution of East Indian -71-problems i n Canada, was led principally by one man, Dr Sundar Singh. Singh during his early years i n Canada had begun his p o l i t i c a l career i n the radical camp. He was 7for instance, the founding secretary of the Hindustan Associa-tion i n 1910. But his enthusiasm for such involvement i n radical p o l i t i c s underwent a sharp change after 1910. This-mayi'have been due to his desire to provide leadership to the uncommitted and p o l i t i c a l l y detached segment of the East Indian community, thereby carving out a place for himself. But despite his zeal and enthusiasm, Singh fa i l e d i n his endeavours i n B r i t i s h Columbia.His newspaper, 'the .Aryan :was founded i n 1911 and aimed at "making the Indians, especially the Sikhs aware of injustices done to their kinsmen i n Canada;"^ i t f a i l e d publication a year after i t was start-ed. Financial support from the community was not forthvi? coming. The following year, Singh started publishing the Sansar which was directly addressed to the-.Sikhs but once again, owing to the lack of interest and financial support of the Bast Indian community, i t ceased publication soon after i t s inception.^ 4 In these newspapers, Singh had attempted to promote the moral, religious, social and p o l i t i c a l education of the East Indians. At the same time, he had also c r i t i c i s e d the a c t i v i t i e s of the radical members of the community. For this, The Hindustanee.a potent organ of the radical faction, labelled the Sansar •mayav' a great -72-i l l u s i o n and cheeky beggar. K J J In 1914, i t remarked caus-t i c a l l y that "our Sansar friends of Victoria were eagerly sought out by our wise and benevolent government of Canada, and along with the reappearance of the Sansar, the Canadian politicians and their flunky press haveihastened to label Dr Sundar Singh as the leader, though he i s i n fact leading just himself, by himself....' 1 But both East Indians and whites i n B r i t i s h Columbia proved unreceptive to Sundar Singh's ideas. This was the result of the well entrenched position of the radical faction and the pervasiveness of west coast racialism. Singh therefore decided to move to eastern Canada. His choice of eastern Canada was predictable. Much to the dismay and disappointment of B r i t i s h Columbians, eastern Canadians had always shown a somewhat more l i b e r a l and tolerant attitude towards the Orientals, and this r e l a t i v e l y l i b e r a l atmosphere was certainly conducive.to the purpose of Sundar Singh. Moreover, the ground was also familiar as Singh had i n 1912, addressed the Empire Club of Toronto, putting before i t the East Indian case. In his address at that time, he had stressed the virtues of the Sikh 'race' and extolled the uniqueness of their religion, their s t r i c t l y monogamous matrimonial habits and their impeccable services to the B r i t i s h Empire. Furthermore, he had also appealed to the "good sense and the humanity" -of the - 7 3 -Canadians, "being firmly persuaded that i f the question i s properly brought before right-minded Canadians," "justice and f a i r play" would be given.6''' Shortly after his a r r i v a l i n Toronto;; Sundar Singh CQ formed the Canada India League. The membership of the League at the time of i t s inception was about eighty five, practically a l l of i t drawn from Toronto. A membership fee . of one dollar was levied while other revenue came from voluntary subscriptions. Singh's procedure i n disseminating his ideas to the Canadian people was "to lecture i n public halls and other public gatherings, thereby interesting the 6Q citizens i n his propaganda." ^ Pamphlets were printed and circulated to supplement the, propaganda delivered at the meetings. Among i t s other a c t i v i t i e s , the League attempted to send Ernest W.Jackson to India to put before the Indian public the plight of their compatriots i n Canada. Jackson was, however,- refused a landing permit by the B r i t i s h authorities and was subsequently deported from Hong Kong. At about the same time, James E.Dobb was also sent by the League to Demarara to s o l i c i t the support and sympathy of the East Indians there for the cause of East Indians i n Canada, but that trip,too,was aborted by B r i t i s h interven-tion. Apart from this, the League did not do much else. Its effectiveness as a spokesman for the East Indians i n - 7 4 -Ganada was limited. As W.D.Scott,the Superintendent of Immigration, remarked, "we knowi.of no rights which the League possesses to speak for the East Indian population of either CansL'da or India. Located as they are i n Toronto, they are geographically l i t t l e f i t t e d to speak of the conditions of Easttlndians i n Ganada, practically a l l of 7 0 whom reside i n B r i t i s h Columbia."' The Canada India Committee grew out of the Canada India League.The Committee had two primary aims: a. To promote a wider appreciation of Canada's relation to India. 71 b. To secure i t s equitable adjustment.' It claimed that i t s motives were based on the fundamental Rights of Man and the principles of Christianity "without 72 regard to p o l i t i c a l , sectarian or personal aims." In two important resolutions, the Committee accepted, as involving a high moral obligation, Queen Victoria's pledge to treat B r i t i s h East Indians as equal subjects i n the B r i t i s h Empire, and secondly i t registered i t s opposition to discrimination against -East Indians i n Canada. However, i t also insisted that due regard be paid to the economic needs and aspira-73 tions of Canadians.' The Committee voiced i t s l i b e r a l opinions through a a number of pamphlets. Canada and India- A Journal of Infor-mation and Conciliation included a r t i c l e s that were moderate i n tone and general i n approach. The problems of the East Indians i n Canada were placed i n the context of the problems of the East Indians i n the Empire. In the Hindu Case, the Committee prepared a f u l l and accurate account of "the East Indian problem i n Canada.^4 In 1916, the Committee issued yet another pamphlet, India's Appeal to Canada, i n which call s were made to view the problem of East Indians more 75 sympathetically. The general tone of a l l these publications was much more conciliatory than that of the more radical papers such as The Hindustani, The Free Hindustan and the Ghadr, andaas such neither the Committee nor the moderates generally posed serious threat to peace and p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y * e i t h e r i n Canada or India. For this reason and because of i t s small numbers, the moderate element was an inconsequential variable i n the p o l i t i c a l calculations of the federal government. It was the radicals who posed a problem for Ottawa. In B r i t i s h Columbia,while the moderates organised i n Toronto, the radical faction was active and flourishing. A number of events which took place i n the community acc-ount for this.One of the f i r s t of these was the admission of wives of Sikhs i n B r i t i s h Columbia. On 21 June,1912, two Sikhs, Bhai Bhag Singh and Priest Balwant Singh retur-ned to Vancouver with their wiyes.u.-Bhag Singh who had been in Vancouver for more than four years had gone to v i s i t i n -76-India i n 1910, while Balwant Singh had gone there i n 1909. Both the Sikhs were allowed entry into Canada but their spouses were not on the grounds that they did not have previous Canadian residence, they did not come directly from India as the Immigration Act required, and did not have i n their possession the stipulated amount of two if* hundred dollars. S t r i c t observation of the law on the part of the Immigration Department was strengthened by by the belief that the work of bringing the wives to Canada was the doing of professional agitators who were 77 always trying to embarrass the government.'' This issue created wide interest i n the East Indian community as well as i n B r i t i s h Columbia at large. Many white people also 78 took up cudgels on behalf of the East Indians.' The Sikhs, Hindus proper and the Muslims a l l stood united on the matter and petitioned the imperial and dominion governments for the admission of the East Indian wives. After six months of angry debate and heated discussion, i t was \ -decided that the two women be allowed to remain i n Canada. The Immigration Department, however, emphasised that this was done as an act of grace and that the action was "not to be taken as a precedent for any subsequent cases that «79 may arise." J For the radical faction, the admission of the two Sikh wives represented a clear victory. Given one concession, they asked for more. A spate of letters by the East Indians -77-asking for further relaxation of immigration restrictions appeared i n the Canadian press. A delegation of three East Indians was sent to England to plead for a more l i b e r a l and equitable Canadian immigration policy. This was done because, i n the eyes of the East Indian community, Premier Borden had f a i l e d toikeep his promise to remedy the prevailing conditions. I f however the delegates f a i l e d i n their mission to England, they were to proceed to India where they would seek the influence of the Indian National Congress, the Sikh Educational Conference and the Indian Muslim League to bring the matter to a satisfactory con-, , . 82 elusion. In addition to these efforts, an open l e t t e r to the B r i t i s h public was sent by the East Indians of North Amer-ica. They demanded that the rights of East Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia be the same as those enjoyed by other ethnic mino-r i t i e s such as the Germans, Italians, Austrians« and the Japanese. Furthermore, they demanded that pressure be brought to bear upon the Canadian government to allow the entry into Canada of the wives and children of the East Indians already resident there, and asking that those«?orders -inscouncil discriminating against East Indian immigration be repealed at once.^In B r i t i s h Columbia,warnings were issued regarding the misrepresentation and misunderstand-ing of the East Indian problem i n Canada. G.D.Kumar, -73-addressing a joint meeting of the United India League and the Khalsa Diwan Society remarked that "the Japanese mis-representation of the Russians had resulted i n bloodshed of thousands and the loss of millions of dollars. I draw the same par a l l e l here, where some misguided fools represent the Hindus as immoral,backward and as having nogpower at a l l . " ^ Many East Indians of the radical faction also join-ed the Canadian Labour Party and the Industrial Workers of the World. It was feared by some Canadian o f f i c i a l s that there were branches of the two organisations i n the East 85 Indian community i t s e l f . ^ There i s no doubt that the motive behind East Indian involvement i n these organisations was not deep ideological committment but a desire to promote group interests. .- Activities; of the radical faction i n B r i t i s h Columbia were part of the .wider network of revolutionary movements on the Pac i f i c coast, working simultaneously to overthrow the B r i t i s h i n India. Vancouver had i n i t i a l l y been the centre of the revolutionary movement during the f i r s t dec---ade of this century. But vigilant watch and'intervention by the B r i t i s h and Canadian authorities had proved a constant source of i r r i t a t i o n and frustration to rth'e a c t i v i s t s . As a result, the movement had shifted i t s base to San Francisco around 1911. The United States offered a more congenial psychological and p o l i t i c a l environment in'which the Indian -79-r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s c o u l d work. A f t e r 1911, one man, L a l a H a r d a y a l , was l a r g e l y r e s -p o n s i b l e f o r a r o u s i n g and s u s t a i n i n g t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e 87 E a s t I n d i a n s o f N o r t h A m e r i c a i n r e v o l u t i o n a r y p o l i t i c s , l i k e T a r a k n a t h Das b e f o r e him, H a r d a y a l was a p o l i t i c a l s u s p e c t i n I n d i a , and l i k e Das he, t o o , t o o k r e f u g e i n A m e r i c a . H a r d a y a l was a n a t i v e o f D e l h i . B o r n i n a Brahmi n f a m i l y , he r e c e i v e d h i s e a r l y e d u c a t i o n a t S t . S t e p h e n s C o l l e g e , D e l h i and i n L a h o r e where he e a r n e d h i s Mj.A. deg r e e . Thereupon he p r o c e e d e d t o E n g l a n d on a s t a t e s c h o -larship^© r - t h ^ ^ years.,-He>joined O x f o r d ' s S t . J o h n C o l l e g e but a f t e r sometime s u r r e n d e r e d h i s s c h o l a r s h i p because "he 88 d i s a p p r o v e d o f t h e E n g l i s h s ystem o f e d u c a t i o n i n I n d i a . " He came back t o I n d i a b r i e f l y i n 1908 and p r e a c h e d p a s s i v e r e s i s t a n c e i n Lahore.A y e a r l a t e r , i n September 1909, however, he l e f t f o r P a r i s a t t h e i n s i s t e n c e o f S h y a m j i K r i s h n a v a r m a t o e d i t Bande Matram, t h e m o n t h l y o r g a n o f t h e I n d i a n Independence League. Soon a f t e r h i s a r r i v a l i n P a r i s , H a r d a y a l d i s c o v e r e d h i s v i e w s t o be i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h o s e o f S h y a m j i . " F a i l i n g t o p e r s u a d e t h e l a t t e r t o adopt v i o l B n t .methods i n t h e f u r t h e r a n c e o f p o l i t i c a l ends," H a r d a y a l l e f t P a r i s , " d e t e r m i n e d t o t r a n s f e r t h e c e n t r e o f h i s a c t i v i t i e s i n A m e r i c a . " ^ 9 I n 1911, H a r d a y a l a r r i v e d i n C a l i f o r n i a and i n t h e same y e a r , he was a p p o i n t e d a l e c t u r -e r i n S a n s k r i t and I n d i a n P h i l o s o p h y a t S t a n f o r d . However, -80-after a year's teaching at the university, Hardayal was dismissed from his position for 'overplaying' his relation-90 ship to Stanford. Relieved from his contractual commit-ment to the university, Hardayal began epousing his radical views i n public. But to have his ideas given wider appeal, and to increase his effectiveness, i t was necessary for him to have organisational backing. Thisfwas provided by reviv-ing the dormant structure of the Hindustani Association which had lapsed since 1911 This organisation had been formed largely because of the efforts of G.D.Kumar who had moved to Seattle from Van-couver towards the end of 1911.^ Sohan Singh Bhakna was elected president, G.D.Kumar secretary and Pandit Kanshi Ram 9,2 treasurer. The aims of the Association were "receipt of vernacular papers from India, the importation of youth from India to America for education with a view to devoting their li v e s to national l i f e i n India and ghe holding of] weekly meetings to d i s c u s s i p o l i t i c s . " V J A weekly.The India, was published by the Association through which notices of p o l i -t i c a l meetings and other discussions were sent out. But soon lethargy set i n , enthusiasm waned and the organisation was on the brink of collapse^HardayaBls; timely a r r i v a l q, saved the Association by providing i t a philisophical base. At meeting on 21 A p r i l , 1913, Hardayal moved a resolu-tion to reorganise the tottering Association. He proposed ^ -81-that i t should he called the Hindustani Association of the P a c i f i c Coast, i n short the Hindi Pacific Association.The primary objective of the Association was "to end B r i t i s h rule i n India through armed revolution and to set \up a republican form of government based on l i b e r t y and equality." Prom i t s headquarters i n San Francisco, the Association was to issue a weekly called Ghadr, published i n Urdu and Punj-abi. Hardayal emphasised right from the beginning that "there w i l l be no place for religious discussion i n the party." Moreover, membership i n the Association was to be open to a l l Hindustanis; i t was not intended to be a party of the Q5 educated e l i t e . The f i r s t issue of the Ghadr was published i n November 1§13. Revolutionary mottos of the Ghadr Party (named for paper) were graphically portrayed i n the various publications. Many ar t i c l e s arid poems from the Ghadr were reprinted i n booklets, five of which became very popular,namely: Ghadr  di Gunj (Echoes of Mutiny), Ilan-i-Jang (Declaration of War), Naya Zamana (New Age), The Balance Sheet of B r i t i s h  Rule i n India,'and A Few Facts About B r i t i s h Rule i n India. The Ghadr paper and the party played a very important role i n the p o l i t i c a l and nationalistic education of over-seas Indians.Together, they " i n s t i l l e d a revolutionary s p i r i t and zeal i n Indians abroad and prepared them for armed na'tis-."" 97 T ionali:revolution for achieving Indian independence." l n -81a-the gurudwaras i n the United States, Canada, Shangai, Hong Kong and Singapore, " i t became customary to recite poems from Ghadr and hold p o l i t i c a l discussions after even-ing prayers." The party managed to change Sikhs from "loyal B r i t i s h subjects to ardent revolutionaries."^ For the p o l i -t i c a l l y sensitive East Indian community of B r i t i s h Columbia, the Ghadr party provided much inspiration. The appeal of the party f e l l on a particularly fertile s o i l as i t coincided with the Komagata Maru incident. It influenced the party's a c t i v i t i e s and reinforced Indian ant i - B r i t i s h sentiment i n Canada,the United States, the Punjab and i n India as a whole. Despite planning,enthusiasm and zeal, the p o l i t i c a l movement of the East Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia and the .. Paci f i c coast failed.The federal government was adamant about re s t r i c t i v e immigration and B r i t i s h rule i n India was well entrenched. In view of this, any movement against -both the federal and the Imperial governments was bound to f a i l . Notwithstanding these d i f f i c u l t i e s , hov/ever, part of the reason for the poor execution of revolutionary plans lay with the radicals themselves. In the f i r s t place,they did not have a coherent plans of action. On the one hand,East Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia fought legal baltles i n the in courts i n Canada, as shall be seen detail later, and on the other t r i e d to aid their compatriots i n the United States to drive the B r i t i s h outodJf India. Fighting two battles on -82-two fronts without a well defined programme of action led-to the eventual defeat of the East Indians. Ideological, social and cultural cleavages within the community further contributed to the eventual defeat of a l l p o l i t i c a l move-1 ments.Informers within thes-community were always- ready to report to federal authorities any plan of action that the radical faction embarked upon. Cultural distrust was import-ed from India and penetrated the inner layers of the East Indian community.For example, i n the Ghadr party of the west coast, the Sikhs of Doaba and Malwa regions disso-ciated from those who came from the Majha r e g i o n . 1 0 0 The prominent Indian nationalist leader,Lala Lajpat Rai found his experiences with the East Indian i n North America gene-r a l l y * disappointing,* for he discovered deep-seated cultural prejudices between Bengalis, Marathis, Punjabis and the South I n d i a n s . 1 0 1 The problem of leadership was a d i f f i c u l t one as well. In Canada, i t was not so acute i n the early years, but as the community diversified and factions developed within i t , lack of strong leadership became an important problem. People such as Taraknath Das, Teja Singh and G.D.Kumar l e f t Vancouver while Sunday-Singh defected to eastern Canada, leaving the control to Hussain Rahim and a few others of the Sikh Temple. On the wider p o l i t i c a l front, Hardayal, who had provided the East Indian community with inspiring '. >, - 8 3 -leadership, was arrested i n California'on 16 March,1914 because of his anarchist views and ordered deported. Released on b a i l , he absconded to Switzerland and did not return to l 02 the United States. Towards the end of his l i f e he became a p a c i f i s t . 1 0 - * Those following Hardayal lacked his appeal, and i n fact perpetuated the existing social and cult- , ural cleavages i n the community. 1 0 4 The East Indian community i n Canada and the United Spates was not able to maintain absolute secrecy about i t s ; a c t i v i t i e s . The role of informers has already been noted. Under pressure from o f f i c i a l s i n Canada and India, many 105 important leaders informed on their colleagues. Confess-ions and defections apart, however,the secret agents of Canada, the United States and Great B r i t a i n were also active. Canada alone had agents i n Boston, New York, Kansas City and Seattle. Robert Morss Lovett,the University of Chicago professor wrote i n his,autobiography,All Our Years, that he was more .deeply moved "by. the treatment of East Indians i n the United States by B r i t i s h agents,acting through our authorities,than any other instance of foreign inter-? 107 ference i n our a f f a i r s . " Finally,sa warm response from India to a c t i v i t i e s of East Indians on the Pa c i f i c coast was not always forthcoming. The appearance of Mahatma Gandhi and his philosophy of non-violence i n South Africa and subsequently i n India swung - 8 4 -the mood of many Indians from radical to moderate and constitutional p o l i t i c s . Leaders such as Bal Gangadhar Tilak -publicly disavowed their previous radical tactics. Lala Lajpat Rai from the Punjab wrote that "we do not want armed resistance...We do not want passive resistance...We want to get away from murder and assasination, conflagaration and terrorism..." ^In these words he captured the moods of many of his countrymen. At the same time, many Sikhs i n B r i t i s h Columbia were also disillusioned by the lack of support from prominent Sikh leaders i n the Punjab.As Dr Sundar Singh wrote i n the Sansar, "though hearing our cries and knowing our troubles,not a single brother from India has come to enquire about our conditions or to befriend us or to share our troubles; nor do we ever hear of such a person. There i s no one here to advocate our cause, and relieve us of our troubles by.self sacrif i c e and enlightenment." 1 1 0 On the contrary, a powerful body of people i n the Punjab were decidedly opposed to the - p o l i t i c a l plans of their emigrant compatriots, and i n fact aided the government to 111 break up Ghadr revolutionary bands. For a variety of reasons, then, p o l i t i c a l movements i n the East Indian community were frustrated and eventually defeated. However, even though they f a i l e d , they had an important impact upon the process of integration of the East Indian community into the host society. It i s appropriate - 8 5 -therefore to examine b r i e f l y what some of these effects' were. The p o l i t i c a l movements increased the group cohesive--ness of the East Indian community to a considerable degree. This process was enhanced by the rel a t i v e l y homogeneous background of the immigrants i n terms of their place of origin, religion and social system. The community had a number of institutions that were geared to catering to the needs of i t s members and which, i n doing so, perpetuated i t s alienation from the Canadian environment. The Khalsa Diwan Society and the various gurudwaras established very early i n the community catered for the s p i r i t u a l needs of the majority of the East Indians, the Sikhs. The existence of a number of vernacular newspapers such as the Pardeshi  Khalsa, Swadesh Sevak, and Sansar, short lived as they were, also reinforced ethnocentric values, while meeting the needs of the majority of the non-English speaking.East Indians. Such ethnic institutions indirectly circumscribed the in t e l l e c t u a l horizon the immigrants and discouraged their participationiin the a c t i v i t i e s of the host society. The contributions of the various p o l i t i c a l organisa-tions towards the alienation of the East Indians from the host society can hardly be over-emphasised. Those moderate organisations which preferred a more conciliatory approach to the solution of East Indian problems, and which aimed -86-to f a c i l i t a t e the process of East Indian integration into the host society were,for reasons outlined above,ineffect-ive. The radical organisations, intensely nationalistic i n their outlook , took to agitational p o l i t i c s and called upon the East Indians to sacrifice with "body, mind and soul." A large part of the East Indian population was imbued with patriotic s p i r i t , and responded warmly to the c a l l for active participation i n the revolutionary plans of the radicals. Those who did not, such as Sundar Singh and the moderates were treated by most of the community as tr a i t o r s . Thus the nature and values of the p o l i t i c a l organisations also encouraged group cohesiveness which i n turn retarded the integration of the East Indian immigrants into the host society. Leaders of the various p o l i t i c a l organisations also played a very important role i n retarding integration.They actively attemptedito maintain and enlarge their clientele i n the East Indian community. Most of the leaders were prosperous and well educated, and some such as Hardayal, b r i l l i a n t and dedicated. Almost invariably, they were extre-mely nationalistic i n their outlook! , and when the i l l i t e r a t e members of the community wavered, the leaders reminded them of their "duty" to their motherland and exhorted them to work harder.-; A large segment of the community was dependent upon the leaders forvthe various intermediary services they -87-performed and i t therefore followed them even more closely. It may indeed be no exaggeration to state that for a people coming from a traditional, peasant background, the leaders played the most important role i n the way the East Indians structured and defined their roles i n the wider social structure of the new country. Since the radical leaders, who were i n the majority, were antagonistic to the policies of Canada, they tended to encourage the alienation of the East Indians from the host society. In conclusion, then, this chapter has drawn attention to the relative i n s t i t u t i o n a l completeness of the East Indian community seen i n the proliferation of various social, p o l i t i c a l and religious organisations, and articulate leadership. It has also attempted to show the importance of this factor to the process of East Indian acceptance and integration into the Canadian society. Important though i t i s , however, i t must be emphasised that the in s t i t u t i o n a l completeness did not create the aliena-tion of the East Indian immigrants. Its importance must be seen i n the context of other factors.. Together, this and the previous chapter have largely concentrated on those factors pertaining to the East Indians themselves. The next two chapters w i l l focus on the attitudes and policies of the host society. FOOTNOTES - CHAPTER II Raymond Breton, "Institutional Completeness of Ethnic Communities and Personal Relations of Immigrants," American  Journal of Sociology,70 (September, 1974), 193. This term as Breton uses must be seen i n a relative sense and not i n an absolute one. Ofcourse there are no ethnic communities that could perform a l l of the services required by i t s members, otherwise members would never make use of the i n s t i t u t i o n s of the host society. ^ Breton, op.cit., 196. 4 Adapted from Breton, 198-200. 5 •  ! The terms radical and moderate are used to emphasis the difference i n -tactics which two segments of East Indian community u t i l i s e d to achieve their aims. Both the moderate as well, as the radical East Indians wanted independence for India and more equalitarian immigration policies i n Cana-da, but whereas the former preferred a more peaceful, constitutional means to attain their goals,'the l a t t e r took to agitation* conspiracy and violence to achieve their objectives. 1 , 6 The Lotus Dagger Society was formed i n England i n 1891 by Auribindo Ghose, but i t did not last long. See N.N. Bhattacharya, "Indian Revolutionaries Abroad," Journal of  Indian History, 50 (1972), 416. . Ihid.Shyamii Krishnavarma, a native of Kathiawar near Bombay was one of the f i r s t Indian revolutionaries. -' J- ' ' . • •• ............ - ' l.'r 8 Ibid. J See Arun Coomer Bose, ** Indian Nationalist Agitation i n the United States and Canada t i l l the A r r i v a l of Hardayal," Journal of Indian History,43 (1965), 229. Kushwant Singh, Ghadr : 1915; India's F i r s t Armed  Revolution (New Delhi r R &K Publishers, 1966), 14. 1 1 iMd'* 15. 1 2 Ibid.For a detailed l i f e history of some of the leaders, 1 - 8 8 --89-see Fauja Singh., Eminent Freedom Fighters of Punjab, (Patiala : The Punjabi University, 1972.) . ?.. 1 3 Bose, "Indian Nationalist Agitation," 234. 1 4 For a history sheet of Teja Singh, see 'Report on Hindus 1 i n Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , V6!Jj. 200. F i l e 332, part 3 (b), Publics Archives of Canada, Ottawa (PAC). Ibid. See also, Gobind Behari Lai, "Dr. Taraknath Das i n Free India," Modern ReviBw. 92 (1952), 36-38. 16 ' Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , Vol. 201, F i l e 332 part 5(b). Singh was a medical practitioner at Westminister Hospital, London; Later he was ship's medical officep^on the Mail Line which ran from Liverpool to Brazil and New York, and with the British-India S.N.Co. on i t s run from London to Bombay. 17 ' 'Memo, on Hindus?,*, Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , Vol. f 200 F i l e 332 part | (a). -18 i A government o f f i c i a l noted that the Committee was ®in fact a Labour Union, using as a redezvous, a Sikh Temple, built 2£ years ago at Fairview, 2nd Avenue, Vancouver. It was decided to provide assistance to indigent Hindus so as to keep them off the streets, to form a labour union." i b i d . 1 9 W.C.Hopkinson to W.W.Cory, 15 A p r i l , 1909. Governor General-*s Numbered F i l e s , Vol. 201, F i l e 332 part 3 (a) PAC. 2 0 Ibid. f 2 1 See Chapter IV for a detailed study. pp '• See footnote 17. 2-* See "W.C.Hopkinson to J.B.Harkin, 4 January, 1909. Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , Vol. 200, F i l e 332 part 3 (a). PAC; • • 2 4 'A Note on the Revolutionary Movement i n Canada,* Immigration Branch, Vol. 386, part 11 PAC. The association was formed i n late 1906 or early 1907. -90-25 J See Arun Coomer Bose, "Indian Nationalist Agitation i n the United States," 235. 2g Evidence of this was found i n intelligence reports by Hopkinson and his informers. See a l s o , " P o l i t i c a l Agitation Among the Hindus on the Pac i f i c Coast from, 1912 to 1915,"4 (1914) ^ Governor General*s Numbered Piles, Vol. 205', P i l e 332 part 12 (a); "Note on the Hindu Revolutionary Movement ,in Canada," Immigration Branch, Vol. 386,part 11, PAC. 27 See Bimanbihari Majumdar, Militant Nationalism i n India  and i t s Sociog-Reiigious Background (Calcutta : General Printers" arid Publishers,\1966) 151. 2g William C.Hopkinson was a secret agent attached to the Immigration Department. His chief task was to report on p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s - i n B r i t i s h Columbia East Indian community. Hopkinson was hired upon recommendation by Canadian o f f i c i a l , including Mackenzie King. He attained information on East Indians through a number of informers, but he also used to disguise himself as a Sikh and attend East Indian meetings. Hopkinson had arrived i n Vancouver i n 1905. He was born i n Yorkshire i n 1876, but his early childhood was spent i n India. He joined the India Voluntary R i f l e s j became a member of Calcutta police and late r the chief of Police at Lahore. He was an expert on Bertallion system of thumbprint, and measurement id e n t i f i - i " cation. See Immigration Branch, Vol. 506, Pi l e 808722 part 11; Vol 561 Pi l e 808722 part I, for details on the l i f e of Hopkinson. , 29 1 Report by W.C.Hopkinson i n Governor General's Numbered Pile s , Vol. 200, P i l e 332 part 3 (a), undated ca. 1908, PAC, 30 i s i s an indicative and i l l u s t r a t i v e of the general influence the B r i t i s h Government had when i t came to matters relating to East Indians i n United States. See the frustations of prominent East Indian sympathisers i n America due to B r i t i s h influence i n Robert Morss Lovett, A l l Our Years (New York,,: Viking Press. 1948.) ^ 1 See"W.L.Mackenzie King, C.M.G., Deputy Minister of Labour; Confidential Memorandum Containing Representation to The Effect that Certain Hindus at Present Resident i n Vancouver are using the City as Their Headquarters for Seditious Propaganda, i n India," July 15, 1908, Ottawa, Governor General*s Numbered Piles, Vol. 209, P i l e 332 part3. 3 2 Ibid. 3 4 Ibid. 35 Bose, "Indian Nationalist Agitation," 235. 3 Banerji, Indian Freedom Movement Revolutionaries, 8 . •57 J Banerji States that the publication of Free Hinduatan was stopped at the instance of the Br i t i s h , but according to Bose, the publication was stopped "mainly on the account of lack of funds." Bose, op.cit., 235. J For the History Sheet of G.D.Kumar, see Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , Vol. 200, F i l e 332 part 3(h),PAC. 3 9 Ibid. 4°"A Note on the Revolutionary Movement In Canada," Immigration Branchy Vol. 386,- part 1 1 , undated, PAC. 4 1 Ibid. 4 2 Note from Director of Criminal Intelligence India, 14 November, 1911» quoted i n Bose, op.cit., 237. A-Note on the Revolutionary Movement i n Canada," op.cit, 43 „ » • 4 4 W.C.Hopkinson to W.W.Cory, 26 September, 1910, Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , Vol. 201, F i l e 332 part 4 , PAC. MacGill to W.W.Cory, Deputy Minister of Interior, 28 October, 1910, i b i d . 4 6 Madam Bhikaji Rustom K.R.Cama (1876-1935) was the "solitary representative of the peaceful Parsi community to take a leading part i n revolutionary activites." Left India i n 1902, v i s i t e d America and settled i n Paris to direct revolutionary p o l i t i c s from;there. See iBimanbihari Majumdar, Militant Nationalism i n India and'its Socio-Religious Backgrounds(Calcutta ; General Printers and Publishers, 1966|,148. - 9 2 -47 ' W.C.Hopkinson to W.W.Cory, 26 September, 1910, Governor .General1.s Numbered Piles, Vol. 201, P i l e 332 part 4,PAC. 4 8 Province, 29 June, 1910. 4 9 W.C.Hopkinson to W.W.Cory, 10 March, 1910, Governor General's Numbered Filesy Vol. 201, P i l e 332 part 4 (May 1910- December, IglO) and part 5 (all, 1911, PAC. 50 Petition from the Hindustan Association to the Governor General, 24 A p r i l , 1910, Immigration Branch, Vol. 384 9 p part 4, PAC. , 51 According to Bose, the Khalsa Diwan Society was^ , formed i n this year. See Bose; "Indian Nationalist Agitation," 237. But this assertion seems inaccurate as Kushwant Singh convincingly points out that.this society was formed i n 1907. It seems more l i k e l y , i n view of the argument of this chapter, that the Society may have been given renewed v i t a l i t y and purpose to promote Sikh interests. co A copy of this petition maybe found i n Immigration Branch, Vol. 384?part 3 , PAC. 5 3 See Span of L i f e , 5 (March, 1912) 6. 54 J * See the Sansar (November, 1912) i n Governor General's Numbered Pi l e s , Vol. 203, P i l e 332 part 8, PAC. 55 The numerically small Muslim group l i v i n g i n Vancouver, too were trying to promote their own sectional interests. Thus on 7 Novemberf 1912, they raised more than $900 and Bent the sum to the Grand V i z i e r of Turkey as their contributions towards those wounded soldiers "who have been bravely fighting to keep inviolable their houses and country." See memorandum from W.C.Hopkinson to W.W.Cory, 8 Nivemberi 1912, Governor General's Numbered Piles, Vol. 202, P i l e 332 part 6 (a), PAC. 56 ;: J The Hindus tanee, Vol . 1 , , No. 1, 1914. It was the o f f i c i a l organ of-; the Unit ed India League. 57 , ' ' Lewis Harcourt to Governor General, 4 March, 1914, Governor General's Numbered Piles, Vol. 204, P i l e 332 part 11 (b); PAC. -93-58 • See Governor General's Numbered Piles, Vol. 202, Pi l e 3,32 part 6 (a), PAC. A f u l l e r discussion of Canadian -p o l i t i c a l response vd.ll be found i n Chapter IV. Indirect evidence of factionalism i n the East Indian community may be found i n G.D.Kumar, "Hindus i n the United States," Span of Lifej5 (March 1912.0 Teja Singh sent G.D.Kumar to Uday Ram to see i f Ram could be persuaded to relinquish his personal ambition'rto lead the East Indian community, but that effort f a i l e d . See; W.e;Hopkinson to W.W.Cory, 7 March 1910, Governor General's Numbered Piles, Vol. 200, Pile 332 part 3(h), PAC. Informer's note. See W.C.Hopkinson to W.W.Cory, 22 . February, 1912, Governor General's Numbered Piles, Vol. 202, F i l e 332, part 6(b), PAC. Di s t r i c t Intelligence Office (India) to Major T.W.G. Bryan, Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , Vol. 205, F i l e 332 part 12(b), PAC. " ft V 1 See Bose, "Indian Nationalist Agitation," 237. 6 4 A translated summary of Sansar may be found i n Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , Vol. 203, F i l e 332 part 8, PAC. 6 5 Hindustanee,Vol. I, No. V, 1914. 6 6 Ibid. 6 7 Sund;ar Singh, "Sikhs i n Canada," Addresses Delivered Before the Canadian Club of Toronto,"1^11-1912 (Toronto: Warwick Brothers and Rutter, 1.912J, 56-91; Sundkr Singh, "Sikhs i n Canada,'1 Empire Club Speeches^1911-1912a (Toronto: Warwick Brothers and Rutter, 1913)» 11^-116. W.D.Scott, Superintendednt of Immigration to Dr. W.J. Roche, Minister of Interior, 20 A p r i l , 1917, Immigration Branch, Vol. 385 part 9, PAC. 6 9 Ibid. 7 0 Ibid -94-7 1 See "The Hindu Case," Issued by the Canada India Committee, Toronto, 1915, 9. 7 2 l o i c U 7 3 Ibid. 7 4 Ibid. 75 ' Copies of this paper and other publications of the Committtee may be found in Immigration Branch, Vol. 385,PAC. 7 6 Montreal Gazette, 1 July, 1912. 7 7 W.D.Scott to H.Mitchell, Department of Pol i t ica l Science, Queen's University, 20 December, 1916, Immigration Branch, Vol . 385 part 9, PAC. 78 See W.Munns, Secretary, Canadian Suffrage Association to Borden, 1 February, 1912, Borden Papers, 145287; Mrs E.J.kerr, Home Secretary, Women's Missionary Society of the Methodist "Ghurch, <Canada, to. the Minister of Immigration ["sic i 2 4 January, 1912, Canada Immigration Branch, Acc. 68/12, Box 219 Fi le 536999; Methodist Recorder. XIII (February 1912), 12; See P.Ward, "White Canada Forever,"230. 79 Cited in W.C.Hopkinson to Immigration Agent, Malcolm J.R.Reid, 2 3 May, 1912, Immigration Branch, Vol. 385 part 9, PAC. 8 0 See newspaper clippings in Immigration Branch, Vol 388, Fi le 536999, subsection 3, (.clippings), PAC. Q-i • Internal Memorandum. Dominion Immigrantion Agent, 17 March, 1913, Immigration Branch, Vol. 385 part 5, PAC. 8 2 Ibid. o v> ' A copy of the letter may be found i n Governor General's Numbered Files , Vol. 205, Fi le 3 3 2 , PAC. 8 4 Malcolm J.R.Reid to W.D.Scott, 2 4 February^ 1913, Immigration Branch, Vol. 385, part 5, PAC. 8 5 W.C.Hopkinson to W.W.Cory, 11 June, 1912, ib id . Rahim publically announced his membership in the Socialist Party. -95-86 L.P.Mathur gives three reasons why the United States was preferred by most of the revolutionaries. The work of thel lr ish nationalists was an encouragement, both directly and indirectly. Further, the United States was looked f upon as a land of "freedom and opportunity" and hence was psychologically conducive. Third, in the United Statesj there had always existed some anti-Briitsh sentiment, to which the East Indian could appeal with some sucess. See L.P.Mathur, Indian Revolutionary Movement in United States • (New Delhi : rs.Chand, .1970), 18. ~ — ~ ; "~" 8 7 See Emily C.Brown, Hardayal, Hindu Revolutionary and  Rationalist (Tuscon : Arizona University Press,1974) for an excellent biography;ialso Dharamvira, Lala Hardayal a n g Revolutionafy Movement of His Times (New Delhi: India Book Company, 1970.) "" """"" OQ Sedition Committee Report, 143-144; Emily C.Brown, i b i d , , 40. • 89 ^ K.K.Banerji, Indian Freedom Movement Revolutionaries in  America, 8. 9 0 Giles T.Brown, "The Hindu Conspiracy, 1914-1917," Pacific Historical Review, XVII (1948), 300; Emily C. Brown, opvcit., 111-112. ; 9 1 G.S.ieol, The Role of Ghadr Party, 55-56, footnote 4. 9 2 Ibid. , 56. ^ Lahore Conspiracy Case No. I Judgement dated 13 September, 1915. Quoted in DBol, opvcit. , ,56. 9 4 Ibid. , 57. 9 5 Ibid. , 56. • Ghadr, in Urdu, means mutiny; however, the British and Canadian authorities often-interpreted the word to mean traitor. " 9 7 Deol, Ibid. , 74-75. 9 8 Kushwant Singh, Ghadr, 21. - 9 6 -9 9 See Lahore Conspiracy Case Judgements, cited i n Guruder Singh Deol, The Role of Ghadr Party,23. 1 0 0 Ibid., 173. 1 0 1 Lala Lajpat Rai, Autobiographical Writings, ed. V.C. Joshi, (New Delhi : University Publishers, 1965) 203-207, 213-214, 217-218."•-± K J Deol.op.cit.. 170. 1 0 3 See Emily C.Brown, op.cit., 243 f f . Hardayal died on 4 March, 1939 - on a lecture tour to the United States. 1 0 4 Ram Chandra, who succeeded Hardayal wals accused of misappropriating party funds. He was shot dead i n court during San Francisco t r i a l s i n 1917. See L.P.Mathur, op.cit., 155. Details of thejSan Francisco t r i a l s are found i n K.K.Banerji, op.cit. 1 0 5 See Kushwant Singh, Ghadr, 55; Deol, op.cit .f K.K. Banerji, Indian Freedom Movement Revolutionaries i n America, 57; L.P.Mathur. Indian Revolutionary Movement, 157.""" 1 0 6 W.D.Scott to W.W.Cory, 13 October, 1916. Immigration Branch, Vol. 385,part 5, PAC. 1 0 7 Robert Morss Lovett, A l l Our Years (New York : The Viking Press, 1948) , ,159. 108 Indian Sedition Report, Calcutta, (19.18), 4. 1 0 9 V.C.Joshi (ed), Lala Lajpat Rai, Writings and Speeches, Vol. I (1888-1919) 'iGNew Delhi : University Publishers, 19b6), 3 2 7 - 8 . ' X J m ''Sansar, November, 1912. 1 1 1 See Deol, The Role of Ghadr Party, 176; see also Kushwant SinghT^Ghadr, 54-57. 1 1 2 For theoretical discussion of the role of leaders, elit e s and primary groups i n immigrant adjustment, see -97-S.N.Eisenstadt, "TEe Place of E l i t e s and Primary Groups i n the Absorption of New Immigrants i n Israel," The American  Journal of Sociology,LVII (July,15951 - May, 1 9 5 2 ) , 222-32. CHAPTER III THE *HINDU' AND HIS CANADIAN IMAGE The structure of the host society and i ts attitudes toward immigrants are important factors in the process of immigrant acceptance and integration. 1 Some scholars have indeed insisted that the various patterns of responses that minority and immigrant group members show are based, in large measure, on the willingness of the domi-2 nant group to absorb the "subordinates." This chapter examines the ways in which the structure, attitudes and perceptions of the host society limited the integration of the East Indian immigrants in$o the west coast society. One recent scholar has argued that during the late nineteenth and early ©twentieth century British Columbia possessed a structurally plural society. The three main segments of this society were the native Indians, the Asians and the whites. None of these three segments were homogeneous but each possessed distinctive socio-cultural, economic and racial characteristics that set them apart from the others. The native Indians lived on the periphery of the community and for the most part did not participate in i t s wider institutional structure. The Asians, on the other hand, constituted a significant proportion of the population of British Columbia, and also shared many economic bonds with the host society. In this sense, the relationship between the two was symbiotic. But in their -98 -- 9 9 -i n s t i t u t i o n a l systems and values, the Asians differed considerably from the whites. In terms of their functional relationships, the two segments were linked hierarchically, the Asians occupying the lower ranks. As Professor Ward has noted, "these segments i n west coast society - the white and the Chinese £and other Asian groups as well] enjoyed a form of co-existence, one based on d i f f e r e n t i a l access to power, the supremacy of the former, and the subordination of the l a t t e r . " 4 The existence of this p l u r a l i s t i c social structure, i t has been suggested, tended to intensify r a c i a l awareness i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The numerically dominant white segment, which wielded preponderant economic and p o l i t i c a l influence, desired to create a homogeneous society, one that was based upon race. A white Canada, therefore, became the most desirable goal and the most cherished identity. The pursuit of such an ideal, however, had two important consequences. I t tended to reinforce the white segment's awareness of i t s somatic image, "that set of idealised physical characteristics ^whiteness) which the community accepted as'self image." This fact, i n turn, influenced their social outlook and the behavioural patterns. Furthermore, this self image became the yardstick for the evaluation of other segments i n society. A second consequence of the pursuit of white Canada was the proliferation of negative Oriental stereotypes - 1 0 0 -including those of East Indians. A stereotype, according to Gordon Allport i s "an exaggerated belief associated with a category. Its function is to justify (rationalise) our conduct in relation to that category." Stereotypes can be favourable or unfavourable, but in the case of East Indians, they were invariably the latter. Often stereotypes, at least in part, have some basis in reality, but by the process of "selective perception and selective forgetting," 7 they are d i s t o r t e d . » I n some instances, however, stereotypes persist despite evidence to the contrary.Between the time the f irst East Indians entered Canada and the outbreak of World War I, negative stereotyped images of East Indians flourished, and were widely accepted by whites i n Brit ish Columbia. Such stereotypes were derived from two major sources, European and North American perceptions of India and Indians in the nineteenth century and from the experiences and contacts with the East Indians in the province. Often generalised anti-Oriental sentiments, derived from contact with the Chinese and the Japanese, also crept i n . It i s therefore, necessary to examine separately the two major sources of the stereotypes to see the nature of the relationship between them. Western and North American accounts and perceptions of India in the nineteenth century were extremely fragmented, o and frequently inaccurate. The western observer did not have access to the literature of the Indian in the -101-indigenous language, nor could he freely converse with him toglearn of his views and ways. Moreover, B r i t a i n had monopoly over the flow of information from India, and most American accounts were based on reports issued by B r i t i s h correspondents writing from India. Eye witness accounts, lectures by missionaries and travellers epoused as facts what were, i n essence, l i t t l e more than distorted, q contemplated versions of myths and legends. Whatever the source of western and North American perceptions of India and the Indians, however, a small number of central ideas prevailed i n most of these accounts. India's physical environment, i t s population, c i v i l i s a t i o n and low status of i t s women were especially selected for extensive commentary. These were also subjects of animated discussion i n Canada. It i s interesting to note that while many North Americans expressed some opinions about India, the average school student had l i t t l e accurate information about the country. Two of the geography text books i n the United States during the late nineteenth century, for instance, together devoted twenty four paragraphs to the subcontinent. One of them, Potter's School Geography described India as "John Bull's farm i n the East." Kashmir and the Punjab (they were considered the same i n the text] were described as the most 'important provinces, "celebrated for their sheep and goat." 1 0 Such inaccuracies i n school text books -102-were reinforced by even more inaccurate travellers* accounts." Those westerners who visited India were repelled by i ts hot, sticky climate and commentated unfavourably upon i t . It was fu l l of dust and drought, the visitors wroteythe a i r loaded with cholera and bubonic plague. In their view, India's climate was not at a l l congenial to healthy l iv ing. The many villages in the country were generally portrayed as l i t t l e more than a collection of quaint, but squalid huts, smeared with a smooth mixture of dung and clay. These along with certain places of r e l i -gious worships presented to the westemevisitors the hideous spectacle of "burning ghats, the sight of human 12 carrion, vultures and the greasy stench of fetid flesh." In short, western accounts portrayed India as a * creepy;* • shuddery* place;, which by western standards seemed most undesirable. India's 'teeming millions' were another topic of considerable commentary in the western press. It was pointed out that Indians, especially the Brahmins, were a part of the 'Great Aryan' race, a portion of which had moved south of the Himalayas around 3000BC. J But over time, and because of the unhealthy climate, the iniquitous social system and the effects of sheer numbers, the Aryan influence i n the Indian character dissipated. Lethargy and slavishness replaced enterprise and industry. By the late nineteenth century, Europeans seem to have accepted as common -103-information the apparent degeneracy of the I n d i a n . 1 4 Rudyard K i p l i n g ' s Indian was "new caught, s u l l e n . . . h a l f 15 d e v i l , h a l f c h i l d , " ^ Many American t r a v e l l e r s were disgusted with the p a c i f i s t and submissive nature of the Indians. V i r i l i t y and masculinity, which the Aryan races - even the Muslims - possessed, was found wantinggin the Indian. An ; i r a t e American t r a v e l l i n g through Calcutta described the Indians as "naked niggers, members of race f o r whom one cannot help f e e l i n g contempt since .they are a l l such miserable, fawning cringing, s l a v i s h cowards, e s p e c i a l l y when flogged f o r they do not r e s i s t but shriek 1 6 f r i g h t f u l l y f o r mercy." A missionary, Reverend Knox made A J s i m i l a r remarks about the Indians, adding that t h i s state of the Indian character was a function of poor economic 17 conditions and a s t i a l t i f y i n g s o c i a l system. By the l a t t e r part of the nineteenth century, then,the Indians as a race c l e a r l y appeared to be a l e s s e r breed. Indian and other Asian c i v i l i z a t i o n s were judged by most westerners and North Americans to be on the decline, l a r g e l y because of the f l i g h t of C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n from the continent. "Human nature languishes: 1 and degenerates int o i t s worst stages, amidst the bounty of heaven and i n the very region of i t s highest and h o l i e s t manifestations," claimed a widely used geography text book i n the United States. Some westerneo-bservers contended that Indian c i v i l i z a t i o n had remained s t a t i c (with the possible % -104-e x c e p t i o n I n I n d i a n L i t e r a t u r e ) f o r a l m o s t t h r e e t h o u s a n d y e a r s . To a n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y w e s t e r n m i n d w i t h i t s f i x a % ; t i o n o n p r o g r e s s , s u c h a phenomenon was e x t r e m e l y d i f f i c u l t t o c o m p r e h e n d . O f a l l t h e a s p e c t s o f I n d i a n c i v i l i z a t i o n , c a s t e , r e l i g i o n a n d t h e s t a t u s o f women e l i c i t e d t h e m o s t c r i t i c a l c o m m e n t a r y . C a s t e j a s a n i n s t i t u t i o n a p p a r e n t l y s a n c t i o n e d b y r e l i g i o n , was r e p u n g n a n t a n d u n a c c e p t a b l e t o m o s t w e s t e r n e r s . I t s t r a t i f i e d s o c i a l l i f e a n d i t s r i g i d i t y r e t a r t e d a b i t i o n f o r t h e i n d i v i d u a l who was t h o u g h t t o be u n a l t e r a b l y f i x e d w i t h i n h i s s t r a t u m . A s one c o m m e n t a t o r n o t e d , c a s t e was a " c o m p l e t e i n v e r s i o n o f a l l n a t u r a l a n d m o r a l l a w s " a n d i t was h e l d l a r g e l y IQ r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e m o r i b u n d s t a t e o f I n d i a . y The i n e v i t a -b l e r e s u l t , s u r m i s e d many w e s t e r n e r s , was i n t e l l e c t u a l , c u l t u r a l a n d p h y s i c a l d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f t h e I n d i a n . U n f a v o u r a -b l e , d e p r e c a t o r y comments w e r e a l s o f r e q u e n t l y made w i t h 20 r e s p e c t t o H i n d u i s m a n d t h e s t a t u s o f I n d i a n women. B r i e f t h o u g h t h e s e n o t e s h a v e b e e n , t h e y n e v e r t h e l e s s a r e i n d i c a t i v e o f t h e l o w r e g a r d i n w h i c h t h e w e s t h e l d I n d i a a n d t h e I n d i a n s i n t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . F u r t h e r m o r e , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a n s seem t o h a v e s u b s c r i b e d t o t h e s e w e s t e r n p e r c e p t i o n s . T h i s , h o w e v e r , i s n o t s u r p r i s i n g . M o s t w h i t e s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a d e r i v e d t h e i r a n c e s t o r y f r o m E n g l a n d , a n d when t h e y came t o C a n a d a , t h e y b r o u g h t a l o n g w i t h t h e m t h e i r a n c e s t o r s ' baggage o f c u l t u r a l s t e r e o t y p e s . T h e y w e r e c o n t i n u a l l y r e i n f o r c e d b y -105-continued contact with Great Britain. From across the American border, popular ideas expressed i n school text books, newspapers and other forms of communication flowed much more easily, and undoubtedly the Indiaasstereotypes of the Americans also influenced Canadian attitudes. Thus, echoing the voice of the whites i n the United States and England, a Canadian writer noted that India r i s a land under a curse, or rather under three fold curse, that of caste system, of gaunt eyed faminine, and a poison breathing plague.""Millions of people perish i n the prolonged agonies of starvation during famines and they have no power to resist the epidemics which sweep over the land. Of sanitation they have not the faintest idea; i n cosequence the water supply i s polluted, the very a i r i s f i l l e d with infected dust.'21 The Victoria Trades and Labour Council was a persistent c r i t i c of East Indian, and of Oriental immigration generally. In one of i t s "persistent and unequivocal" petitions to the provincial government on the matter of the East Indian immigration, i t pointed out, "that the country from which they came has long been recognised as a hot bed of the most virulent diseases, such as bubonic plague, small pox, Asiatic cholera and the worst forms of veneasal diseases, and however, s t r i c t the medical examinations at our ports maybe, there i s a constant danger that these people being 22 the transmission of diseases to our people." This was a familiar theme i n western accounts of India. Another theme constantly harped upon by many B r i t i s h Columbians waslithe excessive population and poverty of -106-of India from which East Indian immigrants i n Canada tr i e d to escape. I t i s doubtful i f those who talked about this issue had f i r s t hand Knowledge of the social and economic oonditioTns i n India; most l i k e l y they derived their knowledge from accounts i n the English and the American press. But whatever their source, they believed that i f once the East Indians were allowed entry, there would be ho halt to greater numbers who would flock i n later. A B r i t i s h Columbia Senator reflected the thoughts of many when he told the Upper House that 'We know there i s nothing to prevent two million people a year coming i n from that part of the country where plague and pestilence prevail, and wfereeable bodied men receive about ten cents a day when they get work, but there i s not always work for them to do. I f they are not at once stopped from coming to our shores, i n time they w i l l come i n l i k e a flock of locusts and destroy the country. -^ 3 Fred Lockley, i n a widely publicised a r t i c l e , chose to express B r i t i s h Columbia's fear of "Hindu Invasion" i n a more sensational way: Have you ever watched a band of sheep i n a rocky i _ . -and barren f i e l d , pastured t i l l the grass has been eaten down to the roots? You w i l l see the sheep gather near the fence and look longingly at the luxuriant bunch of grass i n the next f i e l d , while they march back and forth along the fence line i n the hope of finding a chance to get into the grassy pasture .... India, densely-populated, plague-smitten, famine stricken, i s that overcrowded and over pastured f i e l d ; B r i t i s h Columbia and the United States are the green f i e l d s toward which the ever hungrry hordes of India are eagerly looking. They have found the gap and are pouring i n . Will the rest follow their leaders i n an overwhelming flood? Will India, with her 296,000,000 population^ of whom more than -107-100,000,000 are always on the verge of starvation, become an immigration menace? . . . . 24 West coast's fears of "being floededlsby a "brown tide" and "Hindu invasion" were perhaps not as great as i ts fear of the "yellow p e r i l , " but even so, they were continually expressed during the period under discussion. Western and American images of Indians as degenerate, slavish people were also echoed in British Columbia. The common belief here too was that i t was hopeless to expect the Indiaar to adapt their hatoits and outlooks to the Canadian environment,?for he was "totally opposed"2^ to the social and economic institutions of the western society. According to his crit ics in British Columbia, the East 26 Indian was "dirty, ignorant and most immoral" and although he was an "excellent creature in his own country," in Canada "he would put t o ablush vilest character of the 27 slums." ' J.B.Williams, a reputed provincial journalist, claimed that "the class of Hindus that have invaded British Columbia are commonly known as Sikhs, meaning the lower class, entirely dependent upon their physical capabilities - those who have ho set aim in l i f e . They are the coolies of Calcutta." Williams l ike his counterparts in America and Great Britain was extremely prejudiced against the Indians, and not surprisingly, his descriptions of them were generally inaccurate. But this was no deterrent to the popular acceptance of his accounts in British Columbia. - 1 0 8 -Thus far, one source of the negative stereotypes of the East Indians has been examined. An attempt has been' made to demonstrate the fact that Canadian perception of the East Indian immigrants and their country-of origin was derived, i n part, from prevailing western conceptions of India and Indians i n the nineteenth century. This means that to some extent, an unfavourable image of the East Indiansimmigrant was already f a i r l y well entrenched i n B r i t i s h Columbia even before he made his appearance. The second, and perhaps more potent source of the Canadian stereotypes wasvtheHcohtact between the immigrants and the host society. But this i s not to say that the white images of the East Indian immigrants were based on accurate perceptions.>Far from i t ; i n fact prominent stereotypes were kept alive more through contact with prevailing ideas and images derived from western sources than with any real, personal contact with the immigrants and their community. fhose images based on fact were commonly selected and exaggerated to conform to th^se stereotypes. In the process 29 they neglected other facets of the East Indian character. What,then,was the content of the B r i t i s h Columbian stereotypes derived from •experience* and contact with the East Indians? What particular features of the immigrants and their community were singled out for close attention. One popular belief was that the East Indian immigrants were unclean and uncouth. Wherever they were present, on -109-si.de walks, streets and ferries, they hadethe very unpleasant habits of crowding, talking very loudly, spitting clearing their noses and throats i n public, and refusing to move when women and children passed by. Instead, the story went, they stared at them rather rudely.^ 0 It was also believed that the Sikhs particularly were ve:ry:'fond of alcohol, especially gin, which they fondly called 1kadwa pani* or b i t t e r water. They often got hopelessly drunk afed became objectionable sights on the streets. Such sights became even more unpleasant because of the type of dress that the East Indians wore. Often the Sikhs, to show that they had been loyal subjects of the B r i t i s h Empire, paraded themselves i n dirty, old;ragged military dress, scarlet tunics of Sikh line regiments, braidt&edecked cavalary tunics and wriniled khaki dress.^Most objectionable of a l l was Sikh headgear, the turban, often i n gaudy folds of red, blue, green, yellow and other bright colours. To Sikh, i t was his *rasma rivaz* or custom, but to the 32 whites*; i t was what "red tag i s to an infuriated b u l l . Further, many whites thought the use of turban to be extremely unhygenic and the fact that the Sikhs wore i t with pride confirmed whites i n their be l i e f that last Indians were indeed most unclean. Caste was another i n s t i t u t i o n that many white B r i t i s h Columbians found t o t a l l y repugnant.But caste as such i s doctrinally unacceptable to the Sikhs, and i f caste restrictions were -110-observed i n British. Columbia, they must have been confined to a very insignificant minority of the Hindus i n the East Indian community. Perhaps the white observers mistook the practice of subtle discrimination i n food habits of the Sikhs, especially i n the consumption of meat, fortlbhe practice of caste, but such a misconception was no deterrent to the wide acceptance of the image. A belief associated with the previous one was that most East Indian immigrants thrived i n overcrowded housing. East Indian housing wassdescribed as *Vancouver's Black Hole of Calcutta,* Libby's prison, or Dante's Inferno. 3 4 In one case, a newspaper reported, seventy five East Indians lived i n a house which was suited for six people, "allowing the widest stretch of the law regarding the amount of cubic a i r space that should be allowed for each • / 35 individual." In another, similar incident, a journalist noted that seventy East Indians were l i v i n g i n a house which at one time occupied by a family/ of two parents and twelve children. "Here l i k e sardines i n a box these destitudes are cooped and occasionally relieve their monotony by sanguinary contests i n which blood flows l i k e water." Pacts were blurred with rumour and fantasy. But the whites of B r i t i s h Columbia were quick to conclude that overcrowded conditions were further evidence of East Indian uncleanliness and frugality. What the whites saw had some basis i n fact. The East Indians were generally - I l l -frugal i n their habits for they wanted to earn as much money as possible i n order that they could spend their las t days i n India i n relative material comfort. But to some extenl, the East Indians lived i n crowded houses out of no choice of their own. The white landlords refused to rent houses to them. In some cases the East Indians were forcibly 37 ejected from houses they had already rented. 1 In one case atleast, some staunch white exclusionists, expressing their •v-^v-Sunwillingness to accept East Indian presence i n their midst, burned down a house where a few of the immigrants •30 were l i v i n g . Discriminations against the East Indian immigratns i n matters of housing were not isolated incidents, but a general feature of l i f e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Thus the image of overcrowded housing among the East Indians must be seen i n the li g h t of their motives as well as the responses of members of the host society. Many white B r i t i s h Columbians believed firmly that the l i v i n g conditions as well as the personal hygiene of the East Indians threatened the outbreak of many diseases. This belief was not confined to the East Indians alone, for many whites believed that Chinese l i v i n g conditions 3Q also threatened pestilence. J However, the danger from the East Indian quarter was graver. Vancouver's Sanitary Inspector Morrison noted that : "Prom a sanitary point of view I consider them [East Indians] worse than the lowest class of Chinamen. It i s impossible to conceive a more -112-f i l t h y condition than the manner i n which these men l i v e i n any old dilapidated building they can manage to r e n t . " 4 0 In Victoria, Alderman Morseley declared he had been inform-ed by a promine-nt doctor of Vancouver that "a great deal of the trouble from spinal meningitis and inf a n t i l e paralysis was due to insanitary fsic"j conditions prevailing among the Hindus i n that c i t y . " 4 1 Such statements were widely publicised i n the press. The prevailing image of Indianas a hotbed of epidemic diseases offered further supporting testimony. It i s true that a small number of the f i r s t East Indian immigrants to Canada did suffer from some diseases such as trachoma, but most of them were carefully screened at the port of entry. 4 2 It i s also true that the f i r s t East Indians lived i n areas that were not very sanitary, and i n houses that were hasti l y improvised, but whether they threatened the health afid welfare of the wider society to the extent the whites alleged i s d i f f i -cult to measure i n view of dearth of relevant material. The limited evidence which exists seem to contradict prevailing beliefs. Dr. E.H.Lawson of B r i t i s h Columbia, the surgeon i n charge on the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway ships Monteagle and Tartar ( aboard which a number of East Indians came to Canada), said : It was my duty to make a thourough physical exam-ination of each immigrant at Hong Kong, and although at f i r s t I was strongly prejudiced against them, I lost this prejudice, after thousands had passed through my hands and I had -113-compared them with white steerage passengers I had seen on the Atlantic. I refer i n particular to the Sikhs and I am not exaggerating'in the least when I say that they were one hundred percent cleaner i n their habits and freer from etae«se than the European steerage passengers I had come i n contact with, My recent impressions as a surgeon i n mining camp among thousands of white men, where immorality i s r i f e , has increased my respect for the Sikhs.43 A further assumption i n B r i t i s h Columbia during the f i r s t two decades of this century was that most East Indian immigrants were beggars, or potential beggars. It was widely rumoured that on a number of occasions, they begged from door to door asking for jobs such as carrying wood and water. Begging for milk and money was reported to be very common as w e l l . 4 4 It was widely believed that when they f a i l e d to get what they wanted, the Sikhs attempted to 4.5 molest white women. In one case, i t was reported, Sikhs actually committed crimes which should "make the blood of every citizen b o i l . " 4 6 Once again,what the whites believed had some Basis i n fact. Isolated incidents of begging by the East Indians did occur. Refused housing, and i n some instances food and fuel, by part of "the white community, and lacking i n supportive mechanisms i n their nascent community, East Indians had l i t t l e alternative but to rely on help from the outside community. However, once gurudwaras and other charitable societies were established i n the community, begging was effectively ended. 4 7 Moreover, the need of charity also declined as late r arrivals brought money to -114-see them through for some months i n Canada. 4 8 But the image of the East Indian beggar often persisted despite evidence to the contrary. As far as East Indian aggression and violence was concerned, they too were exaggerated. The Sikhs especia-l l y were very sensitive about rude remarks whites made about their r e l i g i o n and social customs, and when such 4Q incidents arose, they retaliated aggresively. v But such occassions were rare. As to. the allegations that Sikhs molested or frightened white women, l i t t l e hard evidence was ever presented.^° It was commonly accepted i n B r i t i s h Columbia that the Orientals posed severe threats to white labourers.In the case of the East Indians, three factors were singled out for attention. Most whites believed that, compared with the Chinese and the Japanese, East Indians were most selective i n the type of occupation they chose. Whereas the former two were prepared to do domestic, agricultural and labouring jobs, the East Indians, i t was believed, generally shunned them. Alexender S.Monroe, Dominion Immigration Agent at Vancouver told the Superintendent of Immigration that : "As competitors- of white labour they are the most danger-ous we have, as they practically engage i n the same class of work as the white labourers do, v i z : m i l l work and street work. They w i l l not engage i n domestic labour, gardening or agricultural work that whitemen leave untouched, but seek the same lines of employment usually followed by the -115-51 white labourers." Another impression commonly held was that the East Indians, l i k e a l l other Oriental groups, were extremely frugal i n their habits and sent a l l their savings to India. L i t t l e , i f any at a l l , was ever invested i n B r i t i s h Columbia. They were, i n a sense, leeches on the 52 pioneer industrial economy of the province. A third view was that the East Indians, l i k e other Oriental groups, were driving the whites out of jobs by working for much lower wages than the l a t t e r could ever accept. A provincial journalist i n his investigation on the '*'Hindu invasion* reported what he thought represented a working man*s view : "B r i t i s h Columbia i s a whiteman*s country. The coming of the hordes of Asiatic labourers w i l l keep wages down and crowd the whitemen to the wall, since the whiteman cannot, nor w i l l come down to the Asiatic labourers low standard of l i v i n g . Forty of f i f t y of them w i l l l i v e i n a house that rents for $18 to $20 a month. Fort&or f i f t y white labourers mean a score of families, eaeh one l i v i n g i n i t s own house and a score of the men to stay at bo'rding houses or restaurants. These Hindus pay less than a dollar a month a piece for rent, and they board themselves, so you see a white man would starve at wages which mean wealth to a Hindu."^ The Victoria Trades and Labour Council affirmed Lockley's findings, and stated that the employment of 54 Orientals and whites, "side by side was nut of ^question. n y r r Was there any substance to the fears of the white -116-working men? How accurate were such fears? unfortunately, the dearth of concrete economic evidence prevents a comprehensive analysis of how well founded the fears of whites were, hut whatever evidence that does exist once again points to the fact that white fears were quite exaggerated. The impression that the East Indians were mos^ e selective i n their occupations than the Chinese or the Japanese was perhaps true, and i t was also true that, i n certain industries, they were earning higher wages than the Chinese and the Japanese. (See Table V . ) 5 5 But i t i s premature TABLE V COMPARATIVE WAGE IN THE LUMBER INDUSTRY, 1Q211 (In cents) LOCATION CHINESE JAPANESE CANADIANS HINDUS-TANIS Number of employees on which calculations are 90 31 59 90 based. 20- 22 20-27 30- 80 26-35 20- 30 25-40 25-•80 27-1-50 Ladysmith, B.C. ....... 25-•35 30-40 50-•85 30-40 30-40 40-606 40-•100 40-75 - /20-40 20-60 30--100 26-75 i Prom the data supplied by the Hindustani employers. -117-to proceed from this fact to the conclusion that the East Indian workers were undermining the economic position of the white workers, In the f i r s t place, many white employers such as lumber manufacturers preferred white workers over the East Indians even at higher prices. But, as one of the most successful lumber manufacturers on the Paci f i c coast 56 put it,"the whites are -hard to find."^ Consequently, the East Indians had to be hired. And secondly, the number of East Indianeworkers i n B r i t i s h Columbia was hardly ever large enough to drive whites out of jobs and reduce their standard of l i v i n g as many of them claimed. The beliefs: that the East Indians were a drain on the economy of the province was'similarlyrexaggerated. Ofcourse the predominantly male population of the East Indian community lived frugally, saving as much as i t could. The immigrants had l i t t l e desire for permanent residence i n the country and i n consequence they sent their surplus earnings to India. But the amount sent could not have been substantial enough to warrant a c r i s i s , as many whites believed, i f the small population and relatively small wages received by the East Indians are borne i n mind. One scholar has estimated that on the Pacidfic Coast i n 1908, the average income of f i f t y three Hindustanis amounted to a meagre sum of $451.00 for an average of 10.2 months i n the year.By 1921, that 57 amount had increased to $900.00. ' It may have been substantial by East Indian standards, but the.same cannot -118-be said i f i t i s viewed from the standards of the host society. In any case, the savings that East Indians sent to India hardly constituted a c r i s i s of the proportion that many whites believed. Moreover, Europeans were also sending 58 substantial amounts of money to their mother countries. But only the Orientals were singled out for attention, pointing once again to the selective nature of white prejudice. In early twentieth century B r i t i s h Columbia, many whites believed*that the East Indians were the=least-desirable of a l l the Orientalsgroups.^ 9 This sentiment was prevalent on the Paci f i c coast generally. As late as 1920, a Canadian o f f i c i a l noted, "I think i t i s the general consensus of opinion that e>f three nationalities, the East Indians, although B r i t i s h subjects, are the least appreciated on the Pacif i c coast. To him i s not granted the same regard as to the Chinese and Japanese. Just how far this may be attributed to his social and religious customs I cannot say but the fact remains that the East Indian seems less adaptable to our climateif; economic and social l i f e . " ^ 1 John, as the Chinese was pa t e m a l i s t i e a l l y labelled, apparently accepted his lowly position with l i t t l e overt resentment, and was considered extremely f a i t h f u l and honest. Furthermore, i t was commonly accepted that B r i t i s h Columbia would "have d i f f i c u l t y getting without them." The Japanese i t .was claimed, 'adopted western dress and customs much more readily and quickly than -119-both the Chinese and the East Indians. He'was, l i k e the East Indian very competitive, but at thet»same time, honest 62 and f a i r . On the other hand, many Canadians thought that East Indians were the least amenable to social and cultural change. They were violent, and i n business deceitful and 6 3 "looked upon with!suspicion by most people." J The East Indians, more than the Chinese and the Japanese, raised their own voices against r e t r i c t i v e immigration policies and also managed to secure some white support as well. Furthermore, they made l i t t l e secret of their p o l i t i c a l and ideological convictions, and epoused their a n t i - B r i t i s h and an t i -Canadian views i n public meetings, newspapers, almost any place where opinions were exchanged. This may have been a cause of some resentment among the white people of B r i t i s h Columbia. It may also be pointed out that, unlike the;Chinese community, which was a more closed one i n terms of i t s social systems and spatial l o c a t i o n , 6 4 the East Indian community possessed a rel a t i v e l y open social structure, in v i t i n g £ greater scrutiny from the host society. This, too, may have provided some ground© for the less favourable attitudes the whites had of East Indians.:Whatever the reasons, many whites were deeply convinced i n their minds that the East Indian immigrants were the least desirable of a l l the Asians i n the province. Finally, one of the most pervasive myths, i n a sense subsuming a l l the others, was that the East Indian could -120-never be assimilated into,the Canadian society. What the process of assimilation entailed and what conditions were to be met before i t could take place was never f u l l y understood by the whites of B r i t i s h Columbia, but the belief that i t could not take place was deeply entrenched i n their minds. Christian Sivertz, the staunchly anti-Oriental Secretary of the Victoria Trades and Labour Council put into words the thoughts of many whites when he wrote : The people of India i n common with a l l Asiatic races, are reared and nurtured i n and under the influence of c i v i l i z a t i o n and environment that seem to be, i n principle, t o t a l l y opposed to the c i v i l i z a t i o n and environments under which we of the western c i v i l i z a t i o n and environments are born and reared, i n practice they certainly are found to be both unwilling and incapable of assimilating with the people of western races who for very ju s t i f i a b l e reasons, aspire to control the future destiny of this broad and f a i r land, with the hope that c i v i l i z a t i o n i n the best and truest sense may advance and develop to a f u l l e r degree than has yet been achieved. But with the invitation or admission of these people, the Hindus would threaten and even make impossible the realisation of such hopes.°5 Sivertz* views were sbjared by some Christian leaders. as well. The Western Methodist Recorder, commenting on the Komagata Maru incident, observed, the economic aspect of the Oriental question i t serious enough, because i t means unequal competition - labour and some lines of business - by men of different standards and ideals; but the social and moral aspects are much more serious to contemplate. It i s notumerely unreasoned prejudice that influences western feeling; i t i s not that Asiatics are inf e r i o r ; i t i s that they are different, so different that -121-the two races are incompatible, and as such an attempt to fuse them as common people i s useless and would inevitably result i n a lowered standard of c i v i l i z a t i o n which would hardly look attractive even to the ardent advocate of Hindu rights to unrestricted immigration on the plea of the brotherhood of man and fellow B r i t i s h citizenship. Surely i t i s utter nonsense to argue from this basis when i t i s evident that each race i s better off i n i t s own natural environment, and when, too the unrestrained mixing o|l the races on this coast would lead to economic disaster and ethnical demoralization. Negative views on the assimilability of the East Indians were not confined to B r i t i s h Columbia alone. They echoed with equal force on the entire Pacific coast. United States Commissioner of Emigration, H.A.Mills believed that the assimilative qualities of the East Indians were lower than those of any other race i n the west. 6 7 To many whites, such views were self evident facts and the most formidable CO arguments against East Indian immigration. S t i l l there were others who, repeating the psuedo-scientific theories of race which simultaneously circulated i n Europe and America, asserted that i t was contrary to natural laws for the Orientals and the whites to l i v e together. Ernest kacGaffy, a reputed journalist o l B r i t i s h Columbia, claimed: "It i s only necessary to remind ourselves of certain truths to bring home to everyone the conviction that the Oriental was never intended, either by nature or art, to l i v e with the whiteman."69 Such r a c i a l myths persisted, and, even though they lacked a basis i n fact, continued to feed the public imagination with the image of the unassimilable East Indians. -122-Seldom did the white public question the role i t s actions might have played i n the formation of that image. B r i t i s h Columbia's contemptuous attitudes and negatively stereotyped images of the East Indians were not as widely nor as enthusiastically shared i n Canada's other provinces. Much to the west coast's consternation, residents of the eastern provinces generally evinced a much more 70 tolerant response to the Oriental problem. An indication of this was seeming the active campaign'^byssomecprominent citizens of Toronto for a more equalitarian immigration policy regarding East Indian immigration. But the voices of eastern protest were neither vociferous nor sustained. Often they did not reach B r i t i s h Columbia, and when they did they were disregarded by the decidely anti-East Indian population of the province. Similarly isolated protests of East Indian sympathisers within the province were also drowned by the exclusionists* concerted c a l l s for a white B r i t i s h Columbia. 7 1 In the end, then, B r i t i s h Columbian's image of the East Indian immigrants as depraved, unclean, uncouth, clannish, poor, violent and anassimilable prevailed. These stereotypes often contained a germ of truth, but usually they were grossly distorted. At best, the stereo-types were only selective perceptions which focused on certain aspects of the immigrants and their community. Almost without exception, B r i t i s h Columbians measured the East - 1 2 3 -Indians with the yardstick of their culture and,invariably, the Indian f e l l far short of the mark. Only very rarely did whites attempt to see i'he'JEast Indian i n his own social and i n s t i t u t i o n a l setting. To some extent, at least, the proliferation of negative stereotypes of East Indians was a result of the nature of late nineteenth and early twentieth century west coast society. It was a structurally plural society, whose dominant white segment wished a homogeneous white Canada. Consequently the non-whites were casteiii a deprecatory l i g h t . Whatever the source of these stereotypes, however, their impact on the process of East Indian acceptance and integra-tion was significant. Assertion of ethnocentric values by the whites precluded the p o s s i b i l i t y of developing more open and amicable contacts between the two groups. Furthermore, when such values and stereotypes entered the economic and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the society, they furthered the process of East Indian alienation. Prevalence of negative stereo-types also encouraged the East Indians i n their already negative disposition to adapt to the ways and values of the Canadian society. Together these influences impeded the process of 'resocialization* among the East Indians i n their new environment and retarded the process of East Indian acceptance and integration. FOOTNOTES - CHAPTER III See S.N.Eisenstadt, Immigrant Absorption, •Introduction'; Chandra Jayawardeha, "Migration and Social Change," l oc . c i t . 2 Minako Kurikawa, ed., Minority Responses:Comparative Views of Reaction to Subordination (New York : Random House, 1970J, 3. • — — 3 This idea is fully explored in W.P.Ward, "White Canada Forever; British Columbia's Response to Orientals, 1858-1914," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation* Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, 1972. But my interpretation of Ward's arguments draws heavily on as yet unpublished paper entitled "John Chinaman." 4 Ward, "John Chinaman," 18. 3 Ibid. Gordon W.Allport. The Nature of Prejudice (Boston : The Beacon Press, 1954), 191. 7 Ibid. , 196. o See discussion oif this in Bernard Stern, "American Views of Indiaaand Indians, 1857-1900," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1956; Harold Isaacs, Scratches On Our Minds : American Views of China  and India (New York : Capricorn Books , »1948) ; Henri Baudet,,Paradise,on Earth; Some Thoughts of European  Images of Ndn-European Men (New Haven : Yale University Press, 1965) especially for philosophical interpretation; and Donald Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe,Vol. 5, Books I and II (University of Chicago Press, 1965). Q * See Stern, op.c i t . , chapter one. 1 0 Potter's School. Geography,(Philadelphia, l89l),40. The other leading textbook was Harper's School Geography.See Bernard Stern, i b i d . , 83. I I See Mrs. A.C.Chaplin's, Our Gold Mine, 66. Quoted in Stern, ib id . 1 2 William H.Stuart, "Calcutta, the City of Palaces," -125-Harper's Magazine, 34 (1866), 229; see also Julian Ralph, "The Sacred City of Hindus," Harper's Magazine, 100 (1859), 614. Quoted i n Stern, "American Views of India and Indians," 112. In thssnineteenth century hierarchy of races, the Europeans or the Caucasian was the very top. Mitchell's Geography Text Book For High Schools ( I 8 4 O ) , for example, stated that "The European or the Caucasian i s the most noble of the five races of men. It excells a l l others i n learning and' the arts, and includes the most powerful nations of most ancient and modern times. The most valua-ble institutions of society, and the most useful inventions have originated with the people of this race." Quoted i n John A. Nietz, Old Text Books : Spellings, Grammar, Reading, A r i t h m e t i c , Geography, American History/.Civil Government, Physiology, Penmanship, Art, Music -_as Taught; i n Common School from ColonialaBays to 1900 i Pittsburgh ; University school from uoiionxai-pays  1 of Pittsburgh Press, 1 9 6 I J , 21 Attention here i s to be focussed on what the "common man," thought o€ India, and not what scholarly works of Max Mueller, S i r William Jones and various Oriental Societies i n India had to say about India. The appeal of these scholarly studies to the common man was limited for most of them derived muchvof their information from school text books and journalistic tracts. 15 Harold Isaacs, Images of Asia, 274. 1 6 R.S.Mintown, From New York to Delhi, quoted i n Stern, 8 3 . 1 7 Ibid. -1 o Drury A.Luke, Geography for Schools upon a plan entirely  new,(Providence. 1822), 35.Quoted i n Ruth M i l l e r Elson, Guardians of Tradition ; American School Books of the 19th  century (Lincoln, Nebraska i University of Nebraska Press, .1964),161. Another geography text book by David Page, Advanced Textbook^of .Physical Geography (London : William Blackwood &Sons, 1880), claimed a similar view, asserting that Europe " i s ever active and progressive," 317. 1 9 William L. Stuart,"Calcutta, the City of Palaces," 302. 20 For details, relevant chapters i n Bernard Stem,op;cit. -12 6-21 Fred Lockley, "The Hindu Invasion: A New Immigration Problem," Pac i f i c Monthly. 17 (1907), 595. 22 Daily Colonist. 18 October, 1906. 2 3 J Canada, Senate Debates. 1907-08, 480-4. 2 4 Fred Lockley, "The Hindu Invasion," 584. 25 Daily Colonist. 18 October, 1906. Province. 11 December, 1906. 2 7 The Independent. 20 June, 1906. 28 J.B.Williams and S.N.Singh "Canada's New Immigrants," Canadian Magazine, 28 (February, 19©7), 383-391. 29 \ Professor Ward i n his unpublished paper, "John Chinman" finds a similar situation with the Chinese image as well. 3 0 D.S.Burjor to W.C.Hopkinson, 30 January, 1914. Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , Vol. 204, F i l e 332 part 10(b), PAC. 3 1 Daily Colonist, 15 November, 1906. 32 Burjor to Hopkinson, op.cit.„ 3 3 See Daily Colonist, 18 October, 1906; 15"August"; . 25 September; Tein-Feng Chen, Oriental Immigration i n Canada (Shangai : The Commercial Press, 1931), 141. 'Report on Hindus}' Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , Vol. 200, F i l e 332 part 3(b), PAC. 3 4 J.B.Williams,"Canada's New Immigrant," 385. 3 5 I b i d - « 386. 36 The Report i n American Review of Reviews, 35 (January-June, 1907), 367. The report depicts the situation i n Vancouver. - 1 2 7 ^ Province, 23 November, 1906. See also a memorandum from Minister of Interior to Governor General, 27 November, 1908. Immigration Branch, Vol. 384 part 1. Province, 7 December, 190$. Peter Ward,"John Chinaman," op;cit., 5. 4 0 Sanitary Inspectors Annual Report, 1911, Immigration Branch, Vol. 384 part 4, PAC. 4 1 A clipping of the Victoria Daily Colonist, ca. 1911 i n Immigration Branch, Vol. 384 part 4, PAC. 4-2 Report of Superintendent of•Immigration, 1913-1914,76. See next chapter. ^ Quoted i n Kushwant Singh, Ghadr, 1966, 4. See also Isabella Broad, An Appeal for Fairplay for the Sikhs i n  Canada'•, n.p. 1913? Victoria D a i l y Times, 14 September, 1907 for Dr. Underbill fs favourable impression"of the Hindus, 4 4 Victoria Daily Colonist. 15 November, 1906, See also J.W.Macintosh, Chief of Police to J.C.Smith, Commissioner of Immigration, 7 January* 1908. Immigration Branch, Vol. 492,;,.File 763419. PAC. Victoria Daily Times. 22 December, 1906. 4 6 Colonist, 15 November, 1906. 47 Victoria Daily Times, 29 January, 1908. Colonist, 15 November, 1906. See also Province, 29 October, 1906. 4 9 Times, 5 December, 1907. 50 For example, see Colonist, 16 November, 1906. ^ From A.S.Monroe to W.D.Scott, (ca. 1911) Immigration Branch, Vol. 384 part 4, PAC. See also B r i t i s h Columbia  Magazine, IX, no. 12 (December, 1913), 711-15. -128-52 Alderman, H.M. Fullerton of Victoria, upon urgings by the white labour, moved that a l l city work should be restrcited to whites since the East Indians took a l l his savings to India, and his motion was unanimously passed. From Victoria Daily Colonist, ca. 1911, Immigration Branch, Vol. 384 part 4, PAC. 5 3 Fred Lockley, "The Hindu Invasion," 590; W.G.Donley, "The Oriental Agriculturalist i n B r i t i s h Columbia," B.A. Eassay, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1928, 15. 54 Christian Sivertz, Secretary, Victoria Trade and Labour Council,to R.L.Borden, 28 December, 1911, Borden Papers, 144735-6. 55 Das, Hindustani Workers on the Pa c i f i c Coast, 59. The figures i n the table f a l l outside the period of this study, but i t can be assumed that they are indicative of a trend. For more detailed treatment of the wages and income of the East Indian workers, see chapter VII of Das' book. 56 See Victoria Daily Times, 20 November, 1906. 57 58 Das, optcit.,61. Figures are unavailable, but that i t was happening i s beyond doubt. See D.S.Dady Burjor to W.C.Hopkinson, 30 January, 1914. Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , Vol. 204, F i l e 332 part 10(b), PAC. 59 The possible exceptions were the labour groups who viewed a l l Oriental i n the same li g h t . See Christian Sivertz to R.L.Borden, 28 December, 1911. Borden Papers, 144735-6,PAC. He wrote that "the working population of this c i t y (Victoria) regard a l l the native tribes of India i n the same light as any other Oriental nation." M i l l i s , H.A. "East Indian Immigration to B r i t i s h Columbia and the Pa c i f i c Coast States," American Economic Review, I (1911), 75. ' ^ F.C.Blair, Secretary to the Department of Immigration and Colonization, to Saxton Ireland, 17 A p r i l , 1920, Immigration Branch, F i l e 536999 part 12, PAC. -129-62 W.D.Scott to J.H.Glark, United States Commissioner of Immigration, 15 September, 1913. Immigration Branch, V o l . 385 part 6, PAC. For evidence of the f a c t that many people agreed with Scott's view see Tein-Feng Cheng, O r i e n t a l  Immigration i n Canada (1931), 140ff. 6 3 I b i d . f> A S p a t i a l l y , the Chinese were mostly confined to the Chinatown. S o c i a l l y , they had very l i t t l e contact with the host soc i e t y ; c e r t a i n voluntary associations such as the Chinese Benevolent A s s o c i a t i o n performed intermediary function. Furthermore, numerous clan, community and surname associations c o n t r o l l e d Chinese s o c i a l l i f e . Such associations were l a c k i n g i n the East Indian community and compared to the Chinese, the East Indian i n d i v i d u a l s had more contact with the host soci e t y . See Ka r i n Straatoft, "The P o l i t i c a l System of the Vancouver Chinese Community : Associations and leadership i n the early 1960's," unpublished M.A.Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1974. 65 C h r i s t i a n S i v e r t z to Prank O l i v e r , 17 December, 1906, Immigration Branch, Acc 69/17 Box 219, F i l e 536999, PAC. 6 6 Western Methodist Recorder, XV, no. I (July, 1914), 12. Quoted i n Ward, "White Canada Forever," 256. 67 H . A . M i l l i s , "East Indian Immigration to B r i t i s h Columbia and the P a c i f i c Coast gStates," i 5 )75. 68 B r i t i s h Columbia Magazine. IX]..no.1,12 (December, 1913), 711-15. 6 9 Erjmst MacGaffy, " B r i t i s h Columbia and the Yellow Man," B r i t i s h Columbia Magazine. I l l , no. I (1912), 198. 7 0 W.G.Smith, B u i l d i n g the Nation (Congregational Mission-ary Society, 1922), 138. See also I s a b e l l a Broad, "An-Appeal  f o r F a i r p l a y f o r the Sikhs i n Canada, n.p.,1913 71 Various r e l i g i o u s denominations were more reserved i n t h e i r views about O r i e n t a l immigrants. But they too could not escape the p r e v a i l i n g negative stereotypes of the O r i e n t a l s . See Peter Ward, "The O r i e n t a l Immigrant and Canadrfs' Protestant Clergy," BC. Studies, no. 22 (Summer, 1974), 9-19. CHAPTER IV EAST INDIAN IMMIGRATION IN POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE "We must admit that Canada's attempts so f a r to regulate immigration have been crude and f r e a k i s h f o r ourselves and p o s t e r i t y , hut tempered by the fe a r of causing the Imperial government unnecessary embarras:imeMj:^d,second, the"perhaps too hasty enactment of immaturely considered r e s t r i c t i v e l e g i s l a t i o n at the behest of the opportunist* makeshift p o l i t i c i a n s rather than the r e s u l t of c a r e f u l l y considered statesmanlike p o l i c y not marred by p o l i t i c a l expediency."! " I f the Dominion government would come out f l a t f ootedly and say *we w i l l not admit the Hindus. We think that h i s co l o r outweighs the f a c t s of h i s l o y a l t y , h i s good character and h i s -appreciation of a l l things B r i t i s h , ' my people would understand t h e i r p o s i t i o n . But to be t o l d that they are B r i t i s h subjects and e n t i t l e d to freedom under the B r i t i s h f l a g j and to be kept apart from t h e i r f a m i l i e s * constitutes a treatment which they cannot understand. I t does not savour j u s t i c e and i t p i s n e i t h e r s t r a i g h t -foward nor humanitarian." The p o l i c i e s , p r a c t i c e s and programmes of government, employers, trade unions and c e r t a i n voluntary associations of the host country a l l c onstitute important f a c t o r s i n immigrant acceptance and i n t e g r a t i o n . Most important, however, i s the p o l i c y of the government, since i t commonly r e f l e c t s and frequently r e i n f o r c e s the a t t i t u d e of the host s o c i e t y towards the immigrants. The r e l a t i v e openness or r e s t r i c t i v e n e s s of the government p o l i c y , seen i n the laws governing conditions of entry* length of stay^ permited, controls to which immigrants are subjected, readiness to grant permission to br i n g wives and other such possibly -130--131-r e s t r i c t i v e s t i p u l a t i o n s , w i l l determine, i n some measure, the nature, extent and d i r e c t i o n of immigrant i n t e g r a t i o n . This chapter examines the nature of Federal and Imperial p o l i c i e s concerning East Indian immigration to Canada. The p o l i c i e s of the P r o v i n c i a l government receive only b r i e f a t t e n t i o n because immigration was p r i m a r i l y a f e d e r a l matter. At a l l three l e v e l s , the d e s i r a b i l i t y of c u r t a i l i n g immigration was agreed upon but the degree of concern d i f f e r e d among them. India's imperial status i n the B r i t i s h Commonwealth complicated the problem of the East Indian immigration to Canada. No o v e r t l y discriminatory l e g i s l a t i o n could be passed without regard f o r the complex nature of imperial r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n which India occupied a c r i t i c a l and s e n s i t i v e ^ p o s i t i o n . Yet the i n t e r e s t s of labour groups and the determimation of the Dominions, i n c l u d i n g Canada, to have even-greater influence i n determining t h e i r own immigration p r i o r i t i e s , necessitated r e s t r i c t i v e immigration l e g i s l a t i o n . A gradual, but sure, change i n the nature of the imperial r e l a t i o n s h i p s between Canada, Great, B r i t a i n and India f a c i l i t a t e d t h i s . At the same time, i n Canada, the determination and' r i g i d a p p l i c a t i o n of r e s t r i c t i v e immigration measures widened the cleavage which divided East Indians from the host so c i e t y . And i n t h i s atmosphere of d i s t r u s t and h o s t i l i t y , the process of East Indian acceptance and. i n t e g r a t i o n was retarded. -132-Anti-Indian xenophoebia i n B r i t i s h Columbia f i r s t appeared i n a s u b s t a n t i a l form i n l a t e J u l y and ea r l y August of 1906 when a large number of the immigrants a r r i v e d i n Vancouver (see Table I, p. 15.) The Trades and Labour Councils i n V i c t o r i a and Vancouver were i n the vanguard of the movement.^ The Vancouver C i t y Council and some p r o v i n c i a l Members of Parliament also took up the cry. But as large numbers of East Indian immigrants a r r i v e d , and as t h e i r p l i g h t deteriorated owing to lack of supportive organisations i n t h e i r community, more vociferous c a l l s were made to c u r t a i l East Indian • " immigration altogether. In October, 1906, Mayor Buscombe of Vancouver took the f i r s t d e c i s i v e a c t i o n against the rec e n t l y a r r i v e d immigrants. A f t e r c a l l i n g a meeting to discuss the question, he urged-the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway o f f i c i a l s " to detain a l l East Indian immigrants who a r r i v e d on board the company's ships u n t i l the C i t y Council was c e r t a i n that they would not become public charges." 4 His request was l a t e r c a r r i e d out by SIS o f f i c i a l s who prevented a ship load of Indians from l e a v i n g the company's immigration sheds. Meanwhile, the decidedly a n t i - O r i e n t a l p r o v i n c i a l press v i l i f i e d the newly a r r i v e d 5 . •. ' 7 East Indians At the same time as these protests were made, p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c i a n s also peppered S i r Wilf r e d L a u r i e r ft with protests. Laurier*s response to the clamour from -133-white e x c l u t i o n i s t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia was a very cautious one. W,D.Scott, the Superintendent of Immigration was sent to i n v e s t i g a t e alleged indigence w i t h i n the East Indian community. Scott reported that the climate, caste system and the physique of the East Indians made them unsuited to l i f e i n Canada. Therefore, he recommended r e s t r i c t i v e 7 measures f o r c o n t r o l l i n g t h e i r immigration. A few months l a t e r , while the outcry against the East Indian immigrants continued unabated, E.Blake Robertson, Scott*s a s s i s t a n t was sent to Vancouver to a s c e r t a i n the p o s s i b i l i t y of deporting some of the East Indian immigrants under the e x i s t i n g Immigration Act. During the course of h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n , Robertson d i d not f i n d a serious problem of indigence within the East Indian community and f u r t h e r discovered that only one East Indian was e l i g i b l e f o r 8 deportation, and he was too i l l to be moved. l a u r i e r himself was quite aware of the complexity of the East Indian problem i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and he shared the p r e v a i l i n g b e l i e f that the East Indians were undesirahle i n Canada. More than once he noted that the East Indians.were looked upon with s t i l l more disfavour Q than the Chinese or the Japanese. J Moreover, i n h i s view, the East Indians were the l e a s t suited to withstand the cold climateodf Canada. Curtailment of immigration was thus •in the best i n t e r e s t s of the East Indians themselves. "Experience has shown," he argued, "that the -134-immgirants of t h i s c l a s s , having been accustomed to the conditions of a t r o p i c a l climate, are wholly unsuited to t h i s country, and that t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to Y?adapt themselves to surroundings so e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t , i n e v i t a b l y brings upon them much s u f f e r i n g and p r i v a t i o n , 5 , 1 0 But unlike the staunchly a n t i - O r i e n t a l B r i t i s h Columbians, who preferred d i r e c t and f o r t h r i g h t measures to C u r t a i l East Indian immigration, L a u r i e r sought informal representations to end the problem. He t o l d a correspondent i n early 1907, I may inform you that we have taken a c t i o n to have the Government of India and the a u t h o r i t i e s at Hong Kong keep us posted about the movement of emigration which i s taking plabe from India to Canada. We have taken steps to have these a u t h o r i t i e s know that the Hindus coming to Canada w i l l . l i k e l y meet with very serious d i f f i c u l t i e s ! ^ 1 ' Immigration agents i n Vancouver also used i n d i r e c t , administrative techniques to check to some extent East Indian immigration to Canada; Since p r i o r to 1908 there were no s p e c i f i c regulations governing East Indian immigration* Immigration [ o f f i c i a l s r e l i e d on -certain sections of e x i s t i n g Immigration Act and applied them r i g o r o u s l y when the need arose''. In t h i s regard, Section 28 was p a r t i c u l a r l y important : -No immigrant who i s a pauper, or d e s t i t u t e , a p r o f e s s i o n a l beggar, or vagrant, or who i s l i k e l y to become a p u b l i c charge and person landed i n Canada, who w i t h i n two years or th e r e a f t e r , has become a charge upon public funds, whether municipal, p r o v i n c i a l or f e d e r a l , or an inmate of or a charge upon any char i t a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n s may1 be deport ed -135-and returned to the port or place whence,such an immigrant came or s a i l e d f o r Canada. 1 Medical examination at the port of entry was another technique used to check East Indian immigration. I t was discovered i n early-1906 that some East Indians suffered from trachoma. Consequently the check f o r t h i s p a r t i c u l a r disease was stepped up, and prospective immigrants were rej e c t e d at the s l i g h t e s t signs of having t h i s and other diseases. Thus between January and October 31st£ 1906, one hundred East Indians were rejected on medical grounds; seventy four f o r trachoma, others f o r p a r t i a l blindness and c o n j u n c t i v i t i s . By March, 1907, the number rejected oh medical grounds increased to one hundred and twenty,and by the next f i s c a l year, the number had leaped to two hundred and e i g h t e e n . 1 3 , I n d i r e c t and informal techniques adopted by L a u r i e r and the Immigration Department may not have s a t i s f i e d the e x c l u s i o n i s t s of the B r i t i s h Columbia, but they were i n l i n e with the Imperial p o l i c y on Dominion immigration. As early as 1§97, Joseph Chamberlain, i n h i s opening address at the C o l o n i a l Conference, had recognised the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of constraints imposed by the white Dominions upon the immigration of people " a l i e n i n c i v i l i s a t i o n , a l i e n i n r e l i g i o n , a l i e n i n custom, whose i n f l u x , moreover, would most c e r t a i n l y i n t e r f e r e with the l e g i s l a t i v e r i g h t s of the e x i s t i n g labour population." However at the same time, he urged that respect be given to what he described as the -136-'traditions' of the Empire which made no d i s t i n c t i o n s i n favour of, or against creed or c o l o u r . 1 4 He further proposed that statutes should avoid reference to c r i t e r i a , of race or colour, while achieving the desired discriminatory aims by means of administrative techniques. As a c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n of h i s thinking, i n 1900 Chamberlain authorised the Governor General of A u s t r a l i a - t o assent to i an Immigration R e s t r i c t i o n B i l l despite ; ... unequivocal statement by A u s t r a l i a n leaders that the education t e s t i n any European language selected by an o f f i c e r would be 15 applied only to non-European immigrants. S i m i l a r l y , despite protests from a Japanese Shipping Company, Nippon Yusen, and the Bengal Chamber of Commerce, Chamberlain paid no heed to the passage of the Commonwealth Posts and Telegraph's Act of 1 9 0 1 . H e merely expressed "regret that t h e i r f e e l i n g of o b l i g a t i o n i n t h i s matter i s not shared by the Parliament of the Commonwealth," and that i t should have "considered i t desirable to d i s s o c i a t e themselves so completely from the o b l i g a t i o n and p o l i c i e s of the Empire."' Mt* beyond the formality of r e g i s t e r i n g regret, nothing • much was done. By the beginning of the twenteeth century, the Imperial Government had taken the p o s i t i o n that exclusion was i n e v i t a b l e , i f not des i r a b l e . Consequently i n the ensuing years, i t gave more-attention to r e l i e f from i n t e r n a l r e s t r i c t i o n s than to exclusion. While these discriminatory immigration regulations -137-were being passed by the Dominions, the moderate Indian p o l i t i c i a n s were p e t i t i o n i n g the Imperial Government to protest the d i s a b i l i t i e s of Indians within the B r i t i s h Empire. They noted that the p o s i t i o n of overseas Indians was one issue On which "classes and masses and i l l i t e r a t e s , 1 ft moderates and r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s were agreed." ° I f only, to prevent unrest i n Indiafr they argued, overseas Indians should be given more l i b e r a l consideration. The Indian > National Congress, l e d by moderates, passed successive Resolutions from 1895 to 1914 expressing concern over d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n immigration l e g i s l a t i o n as a f f e c t i n g oye'E's i^^ '-',Tndiajas,1®''but despite genuine concern and sincere e f f o r t s , not much was achieved. Apart from g i v i n g the in d i a n p o l i t i c i a n s a sense of s a t i s f a c t i o n at having done t h e i r duty, the r e s o l u t i o n f e l l on hard, unreceptive grounds at the c o l o n i a l conferences f o r , i n the minds of p o l i t i c i a n s from the white Empire, India was on a d i f f e r e n t 20 category from t h e i r dominions. The B r i t i s h Government, i n the meantime, was i n the d i f f i c u l t p o s i t i o n of having to l i s t e n to complaints from one part of the Empire against another. To informal representations from Canada about the p o s s i b i l i t y of enacting l e g i s l a t i o n to prevent the immigration of non-indentured East Indians, Lord E l g i n , the Secretary of State r e p l i e d i n the negative. "The move," he said, "must come from Canada i t s e l f . We leave i t to the Canadian Government to -138-take such measures as may he necessary to r e s t r a i n immigration i n t o i t s own t e r r i t o r i e s . Should that government think i t f i t to l e g i s l a t e so as to require c e r t a i n q u a l i f i -c a t i o n such as p h y s i c a l f i t n e s s to be determined by p h y s i c a l examination on landing and possession of c e r t a i n amount of money, we w i l l make every endeavour to make such l e g i s l a t i o n widely known, but we t r u s t that no express d i s c r i m i n a t i o n 21 w i l l be used against B r i t i s h Indians." Canada made the move at the beginning of 1908 as s h a l l presently be seen. In the meanwhile, i n March 1908,"two!-hundred East Indians a r r i v e d i n Vancouver aboard the Monteagle. Not a l l aboard, however, were allowed to land. An Order-In-Council had been passed on.January 8j g i v i n g the M i n i s t e r of I n t e r i o r the power to p r o h i b i t any immigrants from landing i n Canada "unless they came from the country of t h e i r b i r t h or c i t i z e n s h i p by a continuous journey, and on through t i c k e t s purchased before l e a v i n g the country of t h e i r b i r t h or c i t i z e n s h i p . " This Order was applied immediately to the East Indian immigrants aboard the Monteagle. Seventy eight of the immigrants who had waited t h e i r turn i n Hong Kong to come to Canada were debarred because they had not come d i r e c t l y from t h e i r country of o r i g i n or c i t i z e n s h i p . Another one hundred and f i v e who had come d i r e c t l y from Calcu t t a were debarred f o r lack of proof that they had 2 3 purchased t h e i r t i c k e t s i n Calcutta.- The success of the Order i n p r o h i b i t i n g the entry of East Indians prompted i t s -139-i n c l u s i o n i n another order, PC662, passed on March 27, 1908, which required that the continuous passage be applied to a l l p o t e n t i a l immigrants, not only to those that the M i n i s t e r of I n t e r i o r deemed n e c e s s a r y . 2 4 The f a c t that the continuous passage r e g u l a t i o n , applied with s p e c i a l e f f e c t against the East Indians has prompted the b e l i e f that i t was,. iri-ifact, intended . 25 s p e c i f i c a l l y to check East Indian immigration to Canada. But, as L a u r i e r pointed out, "These regulations were adopted i n order to have absolute control of steamship companies bring i n g immigrants to Canada so that we could compel them to take them (immigrant] back to the country of t h e i r o r i g i n . " l a u r i e r f u r t h e r emphasised the f a c t that the r e g u l a t i o n applied with equal force to Europeans and 26 other A s i a t i c s as much as they d i d to the East Indians. Japanese who were refused landing i n C a l i f o r n i a and Hawaii could no longer come to Canada as they d i d i n the past. Nor could the Europeans i n the United States, A u s t r a l i a , New Zealand and other such places seek entry into Canada, temporarily a t l e a s t . In f a c t , at t h i s time some 1,049 Europeans l i v i n g i n the United States were not allowed 27 entry i n t o Canada. However, the Chinese, Japanese and Europeans could s t i l l come to Canada on a through t i c k e t purchased i n t h e i r home country whereas the East Indian could not since there was no d i r e c t steamship route between Canada and India. The dominion government had -140-succeeded i n e l i m i n a t i n g the problem without o v e r t l y naming the East Indians. While these developments took place i n Canada, Mackenzie King, who had l e f t f o r England on 4 March, 1908 to confer with C o l o n i a l and Indian o f f i c e s on t h e i r views regarding Indian immigration to Canadai met with the Secretary of States: f o r Colonies, the Secretary of State: f o r India and the B r i t i s h Foreign Secretary. Through discussions with these o f f i c i a l s , King reached what he described as a " s a t i s f a c t o r y understanding of the t•"' 28 s i t u a t i o n . The view that Canada should r e s t r i c t immi-gra t i o n from India was reaffirmed. Furthermore, the concept of a white Canada was considered desirable not only f o r economic and s o c i a l reasons, but h i g h l y necessary on p o l i t i c a l and n a t i o n a l grounds as w e l l . I t was agreed that "Canada i s the best judge of the course to be adopted, and that as a s e l f governing dominion, she cannot be expected to r e f r a i n from enacting such measures i n the way of r e s t r i c t i o n s as i n the d i s c r e t i o n of her people are 2Q deemed." The governemnt of India, through the India O f f i c e , w i l l i n g l y agreed to issue warnings to o f f s e t the "misleading" E f f e c t s of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of l i t e r a t u r e with regard to conditions i n Canada, and to inform the migrants of the r i s k s involved. King also discovered that the Indian Emigration Act (XXI of 1883) p r o h i b i t e d the emigration of,East Indians ..under any form of contract. Part of the problem of Indian immigration was thus solved. -141-Por the purpose of c u r t a i l i n g non-indentured migration from India, King suggested that the amount of twenty f i v e d o l l a r s required i h the possession of the immigrant could "be r a i s e d to two hundred d o l l a r s . This King believed would be a p r o t e c t i v e measure f o r the immigrants too. The amount was r a i s e d as suggested i n June, 1908. 3 0 I t i s to be noted, however, that t h i s order was not to apply to countries with which Canada had s p e c i a l arrangements such as Japan. Chinese immigration was covered by s p e c i a l statutory regulations, namely the system of head taxes, and hence i t , too, f e l l outside the provisions of the order. In r e a l i t y , the order applied e x c l u s i v e l y to the East Indians. A l l three p a r t i e s , Canada, Imperial goyememnt and e s p e c i a l l y India were s a t i s f i e d by the arrangement. Lord Minto, the Viceroy of India, i n a l e t t e r to L a urier, expressed appreciation f o r the manner i n which the Dominion government had approached the problem. In Minto*s view, there was " p r a c t i -11 c a l l y no chance" of immigration from IDndia. With immigration from India reduced to a t r i c k l e , some Canadian o f f i c i a l s began entert a i n i n g the thought that the East Indian resident i n Canada might be sent to some other B r i t i s h colonies. A f t e r surveying B r i t i s h Panama, the P h i l l i p p i n e s and the F i j i Islands, Canadian o f f i c i a l s chose B r i t i s h Honduras as the place most s u i t a b l e f o r t h e i r ] p l a n . The governor of the colony was favourably disposed to the proposal. Moreover, the propeot- of -Un-employment also seemed l i k e l y . The Province, c h r o n i c l i n g the views of the whites of B r i t i s h , Columbia, claimed that the proposal?ought to be an a t t r a c t i v e one to:.- the Hindus themselves" as the climate of B r i t i s h Columbia, was not su i t e d to them, and at the same- time, i t "would have the advantage of disposing of the unfortunate suggestion that the natives of India were not welcome i n any part op of the Empire." J J.B.Harkin, private secretary to the M i n i s t e r of I n t e r i o r , and the person who played the dominant r o l e i n the proposal l a t e r pointed out that the whole plan was conceived on humanitarian grounds, but t h i s seems doubtful.- J -The delegates, c o n s i s t i n g of J.B.Harkin, William C. Hopkinson (a thoroughly d i s t r u s t e d person i n the East Indian community) and two East Indians, Nagar Singh and Shan Singh, l e f t Vancouver f o r the B r i t i s h Honduras on 15 October, 1 9 0 8 . A f t e r spending a month i n the Colony, the delegates returned to Vancouver. At a general meeting of the East Indian community at the Sikh Temple, the B r i t i s h Honduras proposal was denounced by a majority. Charges were made by Nagar Singh, one of the East Indian delegates, that Hopkinson had offered him $3,000 to give a favourable report about the colony. The story went that i f Nagar Singh complied with Hopkinson*s ideas both he and h i s family i n India would r e c e i v e added remunerations. On the other hand,Harkin and Hopkinson charged that c e r t a i n East Indian leaders, e s p e c i a l l y Teja Singh had pressured -143-35 the delegates i n t o the denunciation of the plan. ' There i s probably a g r a i n of t r u t h i n both these allegations. 3** But some of the Sikhs i n V i c t o r i a had already p e t i t i o n e d the Governor General "against orders of being removed to B r i t i s h Honduras," 3 7 as early as 31 October, 1#08 while the delegates were s t i l l i n B r i t i s h Honduras. Both the India and C o l o n i a l O f f i c e s were non-committal r i g h t from the outset. They i n s i s t e d that the problem of f i n a n c i n g the venture was to be shouldered by the dominion I ^ T S * government, i f i t met i n i t i a l approval of the majority, of the community. Any formal arrangement such as indenture, the India O f f i c e pointed out, was out of question. The eventual f a i l u r e of the B r i t i s h Honduras plan s i g n a l l e d a f a i l u r e i n the dominion government's informal and somewhat i n d i r e c t approach to solve the East Indian problem i n Canada by encouraging emigration while at the same time preventing f u r t h e r immigration. Henceforth, firmer and more f o r t h r i g h t meassures were adopted i n dealing with the East Indian problem. The year 1908, then, was a most s i g n i f i c a n t one as f a r as Canadian— East Indian r e l a t i o n wastconcerned. Indeed i t made the previous four years of East Indian presence i n Canada seem almost uneventful. For 1908 had seen the passage of the continuous journey order, i t had seen King's mission to England, witnessed the f a i l u r e of the B r i t i s h Honduras plan and the slow but sure -144-growth of p o l i t i c a l awareness i n the East Indian community. A f t e r 1908, however, circumstances began to change. The three-cornered problem of the East Indian immigration, i n v o l v i n g : / Ifche Imperial government, the Dominion government and the East Indian immigrants, e s s e n t i a l l y became a problem i n v o l v i n g the l a t t e r two. To be sure, there were appeals by the East Indians to the Imperial govern-ment, but the focus of the c o n f l i c t changed. I t i s therefore, appropriate to examine the changes i n the structure of Imperial r e l a t i o n s h i p s between 1908 and 1917 as t h i s w i l l shed l i g h t on the d i s c u s s i o n of East Indian a c t i v i t i e s l a t e r . • •'• At the C o l o n i a l Conference i n 1911, Lord Crewe declared that the Imperial government " f u l l y accept the p r i n c i p l e that each of the Dominions must be allowed to decide f o r i t s e l f what elements i t desires to accept i n i t s population. The extreme Aby some Indians that membership of the B r i t i s h Empire s h a l l e n t i t l e any B r i t i s h subject to reside where •, he chooses, i s disposed o f f by acknowledged p o l i t i c a l f a c t s . " 4 0 Furthermore, the Imperial government also stated that the Dominions would negotiate d i r e c t l y with the Indian"government which was apparently i n touch with the Indian opinion. These negotiations would recognise the power of each community under the crown to determine the structure and content of i t s own population. Assumptions of c u l t u r a l and r a c i a l s u p e r i o r i t y would gradually be -145-subsumed within wider concerns f o r the establishment of r e c i p r o c i t y and equality between India and the Dominions. P r i n c i p l e s of exclusion enunciated at the 1907 C o l o n i a l Conference were r e i t e r a t e d . In 1914, Lewis Harcourt, Secretary f o r Colonies, speaking i n the B r i t i s h Parliament on the South A f r i c a n deportation problem, stated unequivocally that B r i t i s h c i t i z e n s h i p was a>misnomer. I t was too l i b e r a l a t r a n s l a t i o n of C i v i s Romanus Sum,he said , and i t d i d not i n f a c t e x i s t . What did e x i s t , , Harcourt pointed out, was B r i t i s h suoecthood which e n t i t l e d the possessor of that status to the p r o t e c t i o n of the sovereign. But he argued, " i t gives the i n d i v i d u a l no r i g h t of entry to or l i c e n c e i n any part of the Empire i f he attempts to v i o l a t e the laws which i s within the competence of the dominion to pass and register." 4" 1" The next few years brought dramatic changes i n India*s o f f i c i a l image i n the Empire. Her services to the cause of the Empire during the great war were admired by a l l . "She [India] had bled h e r s e l f white defending the Empire," said Joseph Chamberlain. 4 2 S i r Robert Borden, the Canadian Prime M i n i s t e r , moved at the 1917 C o l o n i a l Conference that India be allowed to attend C o l o n i a l Conference, asr;a matter of r i g h t . 4 3 But the enhancement of India's o f f i c i a l image, and the f l a t t e r i n g words uttered on her behalf by the Prime Min i s t e r s of the white dominions, was not accompanied by modification i n Canada's immigration r e s t r i c t i o n s -146-imposed upon the East Indians. In f a c t , Canada gained a l e g a l entrenchment of her previous p o s i t i o n regarding East Indian immigration. Rights of exclusion were formally recognised. Temporaryivisits f o r the purpose of pleasure and convenience, and temporary residence f o r education were to be allowed. Legal wives and c h i l d r e n of permanently resident East Indians i n Canada were to be allowed residence as w e l l . 4 4 In sum?/, the 1917 conference gave formal l e g a l sanction to the idea of dominion autonomy i n immigration matters and the p r i n c i p l e of exclusion, at the same time recognising the d e c l i n i n g influence of Imperial considera-t i o n s i n Dominion immigration p o l i c i e s . These changes were r e f l e c t e d i n numerous measures passed by the Canadian government concerning East Indian immigration. According to the Immigration Act of 1910, the Governor General, i n Council could " p r o h i b i t the landing i n Canada of passengers brought to Canada by the transporta-t i o n .companies which refuse or neglect to comply with the provisions of t h i s Act ... and might p r o h i b i t f o r a stated period or permanently i n Canada of immi grant sr.belonging to any race deemed unsuited to the climate or requirements of Canada or of immi grant s •: .0 f any s p e c i f i e d c l a s s , occupation or character." 4' 5 This clause, though never applied to the East- Indians, i s i l l u s t r a t i v e of the determination of the Canadian government regarding i t s immigration p o l i c i e s . Pursuant to the Immigration Act, both the continuous journey -147-clause and the §;rder-i.n-c ouneil regarding the possession of $200 were put i n the form of f r e s h ,o'rders-7I'n-council, PG920 and PC926 respectively. 4*' And, as has already been seen, a f u r t h e r demonstration of the Canadian government's determination was provided i n 1912 on the issue of admitting the wives of East Indians resident i n Cana^a^K-In the meantime, a g i t a t i o n and protest from the East Indian community p e r s i s t e d . An i n t e r e s t i n g case i n point arose i n January, 1 9 1 1 . About three hundred East Indians i n the United States p e t i t i o n e d the E a r l of Crewe and the Dominion government, s t a t i n g that although several of them owned property i n Canada, they were not allowed entry and 47 cosequently were s u f f e r i n g heavy l o s s e s . 1 The Canadian government, as usual, confined i t s r e p l y to the defences of i t s p o l i c y of r e s t r i c t i o n , p o i n t i n g out that American a u t h o r i t i e s were very s t r i c t i n matters of immigration, and that Canada would have a problem on i t s hands i f America found East Indians undesirable and refused to take them back. This being the case, Canadian o f f i c i a l s argued that they had no choice but to apply r e s t r i c t i v e provisions of Canadian law. Further, the Dominion government reminded the Imperial government that " i t had always been understood that the views of the people i n a s e l f governing part of the Empire should be considered as the best evidence of what constituted imperial i n t e r e s t s i n that part of the Empire." 4 8 -148-The Indian government was i n no p o s i t i o n to influence the d e c i s i o n of the Dominion government, hut i t politely-noted that the claims hy the East Indians were not unreae©a able and expressed an opinion that greater f a c i l i t y f o r the movement of the East Indians across the border would be appreciated. A year passed before the Dominion govern-ment took any a c t i o n , but not because of pressure from e i t h e r the Indian or the Imperial governments, f o r there was very l i t t l e of t h i s . In November, 1912, an oxder-in-c o u n c i l was passed i n which the M i n i s t e r of I n t e r i o r authorised permits to the East Indian subject "who may v i s i t Canada temporarily, coming d i r e c t from India, or from the United States, i t being understood, however, that ins the case of those coming from the United States, they would f i r s t be required to obtain from the United States Immigration Department the necessary authority to return to United States at the e x p i r a t i o n of the permit, or at an e a r l i e r date, i f the Canadian government should so d e s i r e . " 4 9 Fearing the i n f l u x of East Indian immigrants, the Canadian government did not proclaim the Grder-In-Council, and the matter of i t s a p p l i c a t i o n rested oh the d i s c r e t i o n of the immigration o f f i c i a l s at the border. Those immigrants seeking admission i n t o Canada temporarily f o r commercial purposes had to submit t h e i r requests to the 50 Immigration Department. The l e g a l i t y of Canadian immigration l e g i s l a t i o n -149-regarding the East Indians came before the courts i n 1913. And much to the consternation of the Immigration Department and the Dominion government, .Qrders-ln-o'ouncil PC920 and PC926 r e q u i r i n g the possession of two hundred d o l l a r s and the continuous journey to Canada r e s p e c t i v e l y , were held u l t r a v i r e s by Chief J u s t i c e Hunter of the B r i t i s h Columbia Court of AppealsvThe occasion.;, arose on 17 October, 1913 when f i f t y s i x East Indians' destined f o r various places i n B r i t i s h Columbia a r r i v e d 1 i n Vancouver aboard the Panama Maru. Of the f i f t y s i x passengers, ten were landed/ immediately, having s a t i s f i e d the Immigration Department of previous domicile i n B r i t i s h Columbia and having met the various medical requirements. The f o l l o w i n g day, seven 51 others were landed on s i m i l a r grounds. The r e s t could not meet the requirements of the e x i s t i n g regulations, and were thus refused admission. The matter, however, did-not r e s t there. The East Indians i n Vancouver, on behalf of the t h i r t y nine East Indians aboard the ship, appealed against the d e c i s i o n of the Immigration Department. The f i r s t attempt to obtain a writ of habeas corpus was dismissed by Judge Murphy who ruled that s e c t i o n twenty three of the Immigration, Act of 1910 prohibited him from hearing t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n . But i n a new a p p l i c a t i o n before Chief J u s t i c e Hunter, the East Indians succeeded i n obtaining the writ of habeas corpus. Hunter ruled that both PC920 and PC926 were i n v a l i d and u l t r a v i r e s because -150-they f a i l e d to comply with the language of the Immigration 5 2 Act under which they were passed. As a r e s u l t , the remaining t h i r t y nine East Indians were also released and allowed entry i n t o Canada. Embarrassed, f r u s t r a t e d and b i t t e r , the Immigration Department sought to correct those flaws i n the immigra-t i o n regulations that had l e d to the entry of the East Indians aboard the Panama Maru. Both PC 920 and PC 926 were 5 3 replaced by new o r d e r s - i n - c o u n c i l . On 8 December, 1913, another order-in-council was passed, non-discriminatory i n appearance, but achieved the desired purpose. By that order, no a r t i s a n s , or labourers, s k i l l e d or u n s k i l l e d were allowed to land at any port i n B r i t i s h Columbia because the labour market was overcrowded. The question of deciding who was an a r t i s a n and who was a labourer l a y e n t i r e l y i n the hands of the Board of Inquiry whose d e c i s i o n could be 54. appealed to the M i n i s t e r of I n t e r i o r only. By the end of 1913, those flaws i n the immigration l e g i s l a t i o n that had l e d to the embarrassment of the Immigration Department i n the matter of East Indian immigration were corrected. Both the Department and the Dominion governmentswwere f u l l y prepared to withstand any challenges that might a r i s e . In the f o l l o w i n g year, an incident occured that presented the f i r s t serious challenge to Canadian determina-t i o n to keep the East Indians out of Canada. This was the famous Komagata Maru- i n c i d e n t . The- ship Komagata -Maru,—with --151-three hundred and seventy s i x East Indians, a l l but t h i r t y of whom were Sikhs, a r r i v e d i n Burrard i n l e t on 2 3 May, 55 1914. The leader of the whole enterprise was a c o l o u r f u l Sikh, Gurdit Singh, a wealthy native of Amritsar d i s t r i c t , who had emigrated to the Malay States i n the l a t e nineteenth century. What l e d Gurdit Singh to venture upon the whole a f f a i r i s not at a l l c l e a r . However, two views have been put forward to explain Singh's possible motives. The Komagata Maru Committee i n 1915 argued that Gurdit Singh was "actuated by the desire to pose as a p o l i t i c a l hero 56 ...." The unproven assumption here seems to have been that since Singh had witnessed the dehumanising and b r u t a l i s i n g aspects of B r i t i s h c o l onialism i n Malaya and Singapore, he wanted to put an end to i t . To some extent, p u b l i c statements and p r i v a t e correspondences of Gurdit Singh himself give credence to t h i s theory. For example, the day t h e i s h i p a r r i v e d i n Vancouver, he reportedly s a i d : "The main object of our coming i s to l e t the B r i t i s h government know how they can maintain t h e i r r u l e i n India as the Indian government i s i n danger nowadays. We can absolutely state how the B r i t i s h government w i l l l a s t i n 57 India forever." On the other hand, Ted Ferguson has argued that Gurdit Singh's motive was p r i m a r i l y f i n a n c i a l . In h i s previous occupations, Singh had been a b u i l d i n g and railway contractor, a bookstore owner, a l i n e n exporter and. a. pawnbroker - i n a l l , a successful businessman. -152-Gonsequently, "he had f a l l e n under the s p e l l of the commercial world's most seductive s i r e n , the prospect of bigger p r o f i t s , " and decided to seek h i s fortune i n the eg shipping business which ended i n the Komagata Maru f i a s c o . The t r u t h perhaps i s somewhere i n the middle. Whatever the motivation behind the Komagata Maru enterprise, Canadian o f f i c i a l s were uniformly against the venture. The b i t t e r memory of l e s s than a year ago was fr e s h i n t h e i r minds. Moreover, mtost of them and the whites i n the province at large perceived the Komagata Maru enterprise as "a most fla g r a n t attempt to evade our laws," and therefore vehemently argued that no concession should \be granted.^ 9 The Premieir of B r i t i s h Columbia, S i r Richard MacBride stated c a t e g o r i c a l l y that "to admit O r i e n t a l s i n large numbers would mean i n the end the e x t i n c t i o n of white peoples and we have always i n mind the necessity of keeping t h i s a white man's country." The f e d e r a l government headed by Robert Borden also declared i t s i n t e n t i o n to enforce with- vigour e x i s t i n g immigration l e g i s l a t i o n and the recent;-©rders-in-council. In t h e i r determination to follow c l o s e l y the l e t t e r of the law regarding East Indian immigration, the immigration o f f i c i a l s , as well as the p r o v i n c i a l and the &'6minion governments recieved overwhelming support from the majority 62 of people i n B r i t i s h Columbia. In the meanwhile, prospective immigrants were examined -153-c a r e f u l l y by the immigration o f f i c i a l s . Twenty substantiated t h e i r claim of previous Canadian domicile and were landed. A f u r t h e r ninety were ruled medically u n f i t to enter fi Canada. J Other than these two classes of immigrants, the Board of Inquiry made no orders of deportation or admission. In one case, that of Wazir Singh, however, hearing had been made but no d e c i s i o n was given.*' 4 In t h i s case, Edward B i r d , the immigrants*rlawyer, saw a possible chance of success, and the case came before the B r i t i s h Columbia Court of Appeal. A f u l l bench of the Court upheld the l e g a l i t y of the orders and the Immigration Act i t s e l f 65 under which the East Indians were being refused entry. .1 But the ship d i d not leave Vancouver once those aboard had l o s t t h e i r b a t t l e i n the courts. A number of obstacles arose, and these r e l a t e d to the unloading of cargo, the proposed loading of new cargo f o r India, the payment of charter dues on the v e s s e l , the monies due on the cargo, and the supply of provisions and water CC f o r the men oh'board the ship. While the ship was l y i n g i n Vancouver, i t s charter had been t r a n s f e r r e d to the East Indian Shore Committee 67 which had r a i s e d almost $54,000 f o r the purpose. This money hjad been r a i s e d by the c o l l e c t i v e e f f o r t s i n the East Indian community since the news of the Komagata Maru enterprise became known to them. A f t e r the Sea Lion had met stubborn opposition when i t t r i e d to force the -154-Komagata Maru out of Vancouver harbour, the Shore Committee presented a number of demands to the Immigration Department fro which were to be met before the ship departed. The l o c a l East Indians were "determined that the ship should not leave Vancouver u n t i l the government had repaid to them, i n one way or another, a l l money advanced by them, whether 69 paid to keep the charter a l i v e or otherwise." < The l e t t e r containing the demands was forwarded to Ottawa. Prime M i n i s t e r Borden sent A g r i c u l t u r e M i n i s t e r Martin B u r r e l l to Vancouver to see i f some agreement could be reached. F a i l i n g io agree to Indian demands, B u r r e l l nonetheless promised that an i m p a r t i a l Commissioner would be appointed who would be urged to give f u l l and sympathetic considera-t i o n to the East Indians 1? demands. The l o c a l East Indians represented by the Shore Committee accepted B u r r e l l * s o f f e r a f t e r i n i t i a l h e s i t a t i o n . And on the morning of 23 J u l y , the Komagata Maru, with H.M.S.Rainbow beside her, l e f t Vancouver harbour, with disgruntled,disappointed East Indians aboard. H.G.Clogstun, a r e t i r e d c i v i l servant from India, was appointed to i n v e s t i g a t e the question of whether payment should be made to the Shore Committee f o r the expenditures • 70 i t had incurred i n the venturer ' A f t e r a lengthy i n v e s t i g a t i o n , he recommended that the government should not reimburse the Committee f o r any of the expenditures as the ent i r e enterprise was a p o l i t i c a l one aimed at -155-embarrassing the government. This meant that f o r the East Indian community at large, severe f i n a n c i a l losses accompanied \, s t i n g i n g p o l i t i c a l defeat. The Komagata Maru a f f a i r represented a clear, though hard fought, v i c t o r y f o r the dominion government. I t had withstood s u c c e s s f u l l y the challenge of the East Indians. Furthermore, i t s determined and a s s e r t i v e r e a c t i o n had demonstrated c o n c l u s i v e l y that she alone, and not India or f o r that matter the i m p e r i a l government, had the r i g h t to determine the structure and content of i t s population. But what impact ; had the i n c i d e n t , and f e d e r a l government p o l i c i e s upon IhetEast Indian community? Two major e f f e c t s can r e a d i l y be seen. P o l i t i c a l leaders of the r a d i c a l f a c t i o n r e a l i s e d by 1914 that i f they > were to succeed i n t h e i r endeavours at a l l , they must take the o f f e n s i v e . As the Hindustan'ee claimed, appealing to "Home a u t h o r i t i e s " f o r any help was " l i k e c r ying i n wilder-71 ness."' C o n s p i r a t o r i a l and a g i t a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s reached t h e i r highest peak i n 1914. The smuggling of arms and ammunition from the United States i n t o Canada and 72 73 then eventually i n t o India,' and making of bombs'J to foment a r e v o l u t i o n d r i v i n g the B r i t i s h out of India increased at t h i s time. These a c t i v i t i e s were i n l i n e with the programs and p o l i c i e s of the Ghadr Party which had been kept informed of the proceedings i n the Komagata Maru a f f a i r . 7 4 " -156-In a d d i t i o n to such a c t i v i t i e s , r e t a l i a t o r y violence followed against those who were thought to have conspired against the community. The most conspicuous enemies were Hopkinson, the wily immigration inspector and secret agent, and members of the l o y a l i s t f a c t i o n l e d by Bela Singh. Dissension and c o n f l i c t had always existed i n the community, but t h i s became more marked p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r 1910when p o l i t i c a l a g i t a t i o n sharply increased i n the East Indian community. To some extent a t l e a s t , the! Immigration Department fostered cleavages by i n f o r m a l l y encouraging the l o y a l i s t f a c t i o n to report on t h e i r compatriots. I t l a t e r became known that Bela Singh was 75 a paid agent of the department.'^ The f i r s t v i c t i m i n the v i o l e n t c o n f l i c t that ensued between l o y a l i s t s and r a d i c a l s v"was Harnam Singh, a member of the l o y a l i s t f a c t i o n . He disappeared on 17 August and two weeks l a t e r , h i s body was found i n a reservation near the Sikh Temple, h i s throat s l i t hy a razor. In the heat of emotion, i t was concluded that the death of Harnam Singh was a,murder, though most-pro bably thought he had k i l l e d himself,. 7 6 Gn 3 September, 1914, A r j a a Singh, another of Bela Singh's colleagues died aecidently, while showing o f f a newly bought gun to Ram 77 Singh. ' Convinced that the two deaths were murders, and also f e a r i n g h i s own l i f e , Bela Singh struck f i r s t . On 5 September, 1914, he k i l l e d Bhai Bhag Singh and Battan Singh at the Sikh Temple while attending obsequial -157-ceremonies connected with, the death of Arjan Singh who had been cremated e a r l i e r that evening. S i x others were i n j u r e d . 7 8 Gn 21 October, 1914, the day when Bela Singh's t r i a l was to begin, Hopkinson, who was to be the c h i e f witness was shot i n the Court by Mewa S i n g h . 7 9 He made a f u l l confession, and was subsequently hanged on 11 January, | 1915. Bela Singh was f i n a l l y acquitted on 29 November, 1914, on the grounds that he acted i n s e l f defence. But r e t a l i a t o r y violence did not stop here. Between March and October, 1915, a number of assaults, a :murder and bomb explosion rocked the community. The climax of a l l the violence, however, was reached i n India i n May, 1934, when the revolutionary Babbar A k a l i s , many of them ex-Ghadrites, caught up with Bela Singh, chopped o f f h i s legs, hacked o f f h i s arms, one at a time, "before d e l i v e r i n g the coup 8 0 de grace : severing h i s head." With t h i s , the long t r a i l of violence, t e r r o r and assassinations among the East Indians came to an end. This chapter has attempted to examine the nature of p o l i t i c a l resposes of the imperial and Canadian governments to East Indian immigration i n Canada. The problem of the East Indians was a complex,one, but despite t h i s , the d i r e c t i o n and purpose of the aims of both the governments was c l e a r enough. At both these l e v e l s , i t was agreed that East Indian immigrants were undesirable, and therefore to be excluded from Canada. Disagreement l a y i n the method -158-used to achieve t h i s end. Between 1908 and 1914, the area of disagreement narrowed as the dominion government moved from informal, i n d i r e c t representations to a more determined and a s s e r t i v e stand i n i t s p o l i c i e s towards East Indian immigration. As has been seen, t h i s was the r e s u l t of a gradual change i n the nature of imperial r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the matter of immigration Involving Canada, Great B r i t a i n and the Indians. In conclusion, i t i s necessary to return to the c e n t r a l theme of t h i s study and ask how the actions of the dominion and imperial governments influenced the process of East Indian i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o Canadian soci e t y . In the f i r s t place, the passage of r e s t r i c t i v e and discriminatory measures designed to c u r t a i l Indian immigration confirmed the view of many of the immigrants that not only the whites of B r i t i s h Columbia but the Canadian government as well was b a s i c a l l y h o s t i l e to them. The f a i l u r e of the imperial government to respond to thesprbtests and p e t i t i o n s of the East Indians f u r t h e r increased t h e i r suspicion. Consequently, they took matters i n t h e i r own hands, and r e t a l i a t e d with violence. This, i n turn, widened the cleavage between the immigrants and the host society and i n t e n s i f i e d d i s t r u s t and h o s t i l i t y between them. Secondly, the b e l i e f of the dominion government that the East Indian immigrants were uhassimilable. • elements i n the Canadian society, r e i n f o r c e d the p r e v a i l i n g anti-Indian stereotypes i n -159-B r i t i s h Columbia. I t s determined approach, seen i n the passage of r e s t r i c t i v e immigration measures, gave i n s t i t u t i o n a l form to these p r e v a i l i n g ideas and stereotypes. Thus, both d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y , the reactions of the dominion and imperial governments contributed, i n some measure^ to the l a c k of East Indian i n t e g r a t i o n and acceptance. i FOOTNOTES .- CHAPTER IV L e t t e r to the E d i t o r , Vancouver Sun, c l i p p i n g i n Immigration Branch, 474, f i l e 725521, PAC. 2 Statement by Sundar Singh, B r i t i s h Columbia Magazine, VIII (September, 1912), 667. ^ Ward, "White Canada Forever," 189. The next few paragraphs draw h e a v i l y on pp. 189-192. 4 I b i d . , 190 J See p a r t i c u l a r l y the various issues of D a i l y Colonist, World, D a i l y News Adv e r t i s e r from J u l y to October, 1 9 0 6 . 6 World,19 September, 1906. 7 1 W.D.Scott, Memorandum re Immigration of Hindus to Canada, 2 November* 1906, Rodolphe Lemieux Papers, 1 , 82-83. Cited i n Ward, op.cit.,.191. o Scott to E.Blake Robertson, 5 December, 1906, Limieux Papers, I, 73. 9 Quoted i n E r i c Wilton Morse,"Immigration and Status of B r i t i s h East Indians i n Canada: A Problem i n Imperial Relat i o n , " unpublished M.A.Thesis, Queen's Unive r s i t y , Kingston, Ontario, 1936. • 1 0 "Report of the Committee of the P r i v y Council," 2 March, 1908 i n Wi;L.Mackenzie King, Report on^his Mission to  England to Confer with the B r i t i s h A u t h o r i t i e s on iEe  Subject of Immigration to Canada from the Orient and  Immigration from India i n P a r t i c u l a r , Sessional Paper-, No. 3 6 a O t t a w a : 1905, 5. ~ 1 1 L a u r i e r to O f f i c i a l s i n Hong Kong, Calcu t t a and London, c i t e d i n Ward, "White Canada Forever," 192. 1 2 Canada, Commons Debates, 1906-1907, 2 3 4 . Report of Superintendent of Immigration, 1913-1914, 76. -160--161-Proceedings of the C o l o n i a l Conference of 1897, quoted i n A.T.Yardwood, Asian Immigration to A u s t r a l i a : The  Background to Exclusion I8Q&-1923 (Melbourne ; Melbourne U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1964) , 124. ~ 1 5 I b i d . T ft The Act stated that "No contract or agreement f o r the carriage of mails s h a l l be entered into on behalf of the Commonwealth unless i t contains a p r o v i s i o n that only white labour s h a l l be employed i n such a carriage." Yarwood, o p . c i t . , 1 9 . 1 7 I b i d . , 127. 18 W.K.Hancock, A Survey of the B r i t i s h Commonwealth A f f a i r s , Vol. I . (London":./Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1937), 1 7 6 . • ' • 19 J Dharam Yash Dev, Our Countrymen Abroad; a "brief Survey  of the_Problems of Indians,in Foreign Lands (Swaraj Bhavan, Allahabad : J . B . K i r p a l n i , 1940), Appendix C. ' • . 20 As the Prime M i n i s t e r of A u s t r a l i a stated at the 1907 conference : "Let Ihdia:xraise her standard of l i v i n g , l e t her pay a f a i r wage. Then and not u n t i l then could she i n v i t e comparison with a l l other white people of s e l f governing colonies." Hancock, o p . c i t . t , 1 6 7 . 21 E l g i n to Grey, 25 January, 1908j Immigration Branch, Vol . 384 part I I , PAC. ?p PC27, January 8, 1908. C i t e d i n E r i c Wilton Morse, op. c i t . , -35'- c:: 2 3 Times, 19 March, 1908. 2 4 PC 662, 27 March, 1908, i b i d . , 36. 25 "Is Thisjlapparent i n most of the,works by East Indians. I t seems more convincing that the order was i n i t i a l l y intended to apply with equal force to a l l immigrants, not only to East Indians. Later i t was found to apply with s p e c i a l force against East Indians. See also S i r Robert Holland, "Indian Immigration into Canada : The Question of Franchise," The -162-A s i a t i c Review, XXXIX, 137 (January, 1943), 167. 2 6 Canada, Commons Debates, 1908, I I I , 5490. 2 7 Statement of Prank O l i v e r , Canada.-r Commons Debates, 1909, 480. w.. 2 8 W.L.Mackenzie, Report on Mission to England* op_;_cit., 7. 2 9 I b i d . J PC 1255, June 3, 1980. Quoted i n E r i c Morse, "Immigration and Status of B r i t i s h East Indians i n Canada," 34. 3 1 Ibid.» 41. 3 2 Province, 20 October, 1908. 3 3 J.B.Harkin to W.W.Cory, 20 November, 1908. Memorandum accompanying the.Report on East Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia : A Report regarding the proposal to provide work i n B r i t i s h  Honduras f o r the indigent unemployed amongst them. Published under the authority of Frank O l i v e r , M i n i s t e r of Int,eriOr|«1909. Immigration Branch Ace.69/70, Box 304 F i l e 86552. See also Colonel E.J.E.Swayne, " C o n f i d e n t i a l Memorandum on Matters A f f e c t i n g the East Indian Community i n B r i t i s h Columbia," 20 December, 1908. Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , V o l . 200,File 3 3 2 part 3<ia), PAC. 3 4 I b i d . Province, 23 November, 1908; Canada House Records, Ref. 25 A2, Acc. 1 2 0 / l l V o l . 200, PAC. .. , , . J The Role of Teja Singh and the Committee f o r the Management of Sikh Diwans was noted i n Chapter II.. The bribery charge w i l l probably never be adequately documented. 37 Lord Crewe to Governor General of Canada, 31 October, 1908, Governor General's Numbered F i l e s , V o l . 200 F i l e 332 part 2(b), 1908, PAC. 3 8 Crew to Grey, 19 September, 1908, i b i d . C o l o n i a l O f f i c e to the M i n i s t e r of I n t e r i o r , 23 November, 1908, Canada House Records, Ref. A2, Acc. 120/11, V o l . 200, PAC. -163-39 The year 1917 i s here included because, f o r the purposes of t h i s study, the l a s t major c o l o n i a l conference was held i n that year. And i t marked the culmination of various attempts to a r r i v e at a s a t i s f a c t o r y s o l u t i o n to the East Indian problem i n the B r i t i s h Empire. 4 0 S i r K e i t h Hancock, A Survey of B r i t i s h Commonwealth A f f a i r s , o p . c i t . y 174. 4 1 Quoted i n Toronto World, 25 May, 1914. 42 Hancock, o p . c i t . , 169. S i m i l a r sentiments were expressed by Lord Hardmge, the Viceroy of India, Canada and India, 1 (1916). ~~ " ' 4"^ Hancock, o p . c i t ^ , 169. 4 4 R e c i p r o c i t y of Treatment between India and the Dominions, attached to the memoranda prepared by S i r S.P.Sinha, Immigration Branch, V o l . 386 part 11, f i l e 536999. Those resolutions were not always c a r r i e d out. The Khalsa Diwan Society p e t i t i o n e d the Immigration Department i n 1919, p r o t e s t i n g i t s f a i l u r e to carry out the r e s o l u t i o n s . Khalsa Diwan Society to M i n i s t e r of Immigration and Colonisation, June, 1919* immigration Branch, V o l . 386 part 11, f i l e 536999, PAC. 4 ^ Immigration Act, Chapter 7, Section 38, subsection (b) and ( c ) , Statutes of Canada, 1910. 4 6 PC920 and PC926 c i t e d i n Nara'in Singh e t . a l . , 18 B r i t i s h  Columbia Law Report, 1913. 4 7 P e t i t i o n from the East Indians to Crewe, quoted i n Morse, o p . c i t . , 66. 4 8 PC704, 6 A p r i l , 1 9 1 1 , i b i d . 4 9 PC 3211, 16 November, 1912, c i t e d i n E r i c Morse, "Immigration and Status of B r i t i s h East Indians i n Canada," 68. 50 M i n i s t e r of Immigration and C o l o n i s a t i o n to Governor Ceneral-in-Council, 13 December, 1918, Immigration Branch, Vol . 386 part 11,PAC. -164-51 Memorandum on 39 Hindus, 12 February, 1914, Immigration Branch, V o l . 385, part 8, PAC. 52 Narain Singh et. . a l . , 18 B r i t i s h Columbia Law Report,1913. 5 3 PC 2 3 and PC 2 4 , replaced PC 9 2 0 and PC 926 on 7 January, 1914. C i t e d i n Deputy M i n i s t e r of I n t e r i o r to Maclean's Magazine, 22 September, 1952, Immigration Branch, Vol..602, F i l e 853624 part 8, PAC. 5 4 PC 2642, 8 December, 1913. I t was renewed by PC897 on 31 March, 1914. C i t e d i n S i r Robert Holland, "Indian Immigration in t o Canada : The Question of Franchise," 168. This order never applied to Japanese.and to the Chinese it.was not applied t i l l much l a t e r . See Canada, Commons  Debates, 1914, 1222. Europeans were exempt from t h i s order as:most of them entered through eastern ports. Moreover, ;i i n many cases, the r e s t r i c t i o n s were waived.: Seel: L i M . F o r t i e r to A.S.Monroe, 1 A p r i l , 1908, Immigration Branch, Vol.481, F i l e 745162 ( P r i v a t e ) ; Memorandum from the Department of I n t e r i o r , 12 March, 1913, i b i d ; , Vol.561, F i l e 808722, 20 March, 1 9 1 3 , i b i d . V o l . 48"07~F"ile 745162 part 2; W.D.Scott to C.E.Willcox, Immigration agent-in-charge at Niagra F a l l s , 6 March, 1916, i b i d . , V o l . 4 8 I , F i l e 745162 part 11* 5PAC. 55 Kushwant; Singh, A H i s t o r y of the• Sikhs, V o l . I I , 1839-4 , ( P r i n c e t o n : Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press * 1966), 178. 1964 ce .. Gazette of India (Extraordinary), Government of India, Home P o l i t i c a l , 14 January, 1915, 9. The Gazette reported the f indings Of S i r William Vincent, H.Walmsley, S i r B i j j o y Chand Mehtab, P.J.Fagan and Sardar D a l j i t Singh who were appointed to look i n t o the shooting at Budge Budge (Calcutta) of passengers aboard the Komagata Maru when i t returned to India. 5 7 Vancouver Sun, 27 May, 1914; see also Ram Sharan Vi d y a r a t h i , Komagata Maru K i Samudri Yatra (The Sea Voyage of Komagata M a r u j ( M i r j a p u r : K r a n t i k a r i P u b l i c a t i o n , 1970). This account gives Gurdit Singh's side of the p i c t u r e . For corroborative evidence, see correspondence r e l a t i n g to Gurdit Singh i n Immigration Branch, V o l . 601, F i l e 879545 part 3 and 5, PAC. 58 J Ted Ferguson, A White Man's Country; An Exercise i n  Canadian Prejudice (Toronto t DoubledapCanada Ltd.,1975),12. -165-5 9 Malcolm R.J.Reid to W.D.Scott, 8 J u l y , 1914, Immigra-t i o n Branch, i b i d . 6 0 The Times. 23 May, 1914. Canada, Commons Debates, 1914, 2369 and 4214. 6 2 See L i t e r a r y Digest.4 9J18 July, 1914), 95-97; 8 August, 1914, 226; Minutes of a P u b l i c Meeting held i n Dominion H a l l , Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, 23 June, 1914, Immigra-t i o n Branch, V o l . 601. P i l e 879545 part I I I , and various e d i t o r i a l comments i n Vancouver newspapers on the subject. f% 3 E.Blake Robertson to M i n i s t e r to J u s t i c e , 30 July, 1914, Immigration Branch, V o l . 602, P i l e 879545 part 5 , PAC. f>A * R.L.Reid, "The Inside Story of the Komagata Maru Incident," B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly, V,(January, 1941), H « In re Munshi Singh, 20 B r i t i s h Columbia Law Report, 243. 66 Reid, b p . c i t . ; see also E r i c '©.Morse, "Some Aspects of the Komagaxa Maru A f f a i r , 1914," Canada H i s t o r i c a l  A s s o c i a t i o n Report, (1936), lOO-CBT fn ' W.C.Hopkinson to W.W.Cory, 1 June, 1914, Immigration Branch, V o l . 601, P i l e 879545 p a r t . I I ; i b i d . , V o l . 602, P i l e 870545 part 7; Province, I Oc;feoberT"T9"i5; Ted Ferguson, Whit-e Man's Country, 33. 6 8 Reid, Slhside Story," o p . c i t . , 18. 6 9 Ibid.19. 70 1 The Report of H.G.Cloguston on payment of East Indians i n connection with the Komagata Maru incident was found i n Immigration Branch, V o l . 602, F i l e 879545 part 8, PAC. See also S i r Borden Papers, Manuscript Group 26 H 1(a) Vo l . 40, F i l e OC 196 part 6, 17338-17369,PAC. 7 1 The Hindustanee, I (March, 1914), 2. 72 ' Three East Indians who had attempted to smuggle arms from the United States into Canada were arrested by the Canadian p o l i c e . The aim of the smugglers was to put the -166-arms into?the hands of the Komagata Maru passengers, See W.C.Hopkinson to W.W.Cory, 13 August, 1914, Governor General's Numbered P i l e s , V o l . 205, P i l e 3 3 2 part 12(b), PAC. 73 Credible evidence of bomb making was found i n the house of one Gurdit Singh i n V i c t o r i a . See W.C.Hopkinson to W.W.Cory, 17 September, 1914, Immigration Branch, V o l . 388, P i l e 536999 part I ( B r i t i s h ). See also Malcolm R.J.Reid to W.W.Cory, 5 December, 1918, Governor General's Numbered P i l e s , V o l . 208, P i l e 332part 16(b), PAC. 7 4 g 4 A Note on the Revolutionary Movement i n Canada, Immi-;ration Branch, V o l . 386 part I I , PAC. 7 5 Malcolm J.R.Reid to W.W.Cory, 11 January, 1915, G Governor General's Numbered P i l e s , V o l . 206, P i l e 3 3 2 part 13(b), PAC. Ray Gardner, !*When Vancouver Turned Back the Sikhs," Maclean's Magazine.(8 November, 1958), 68. 77 I b i d . Ram Singh was acquitted at the t r i a l . 78 7 9 I b i d . ; see also Kuswant Singh, Ghadr ( 1 9 6 6 ) , 2 9 . Singh, i b i d . Complaints against the a c t i v i t i e s of Hopkinson were made as early as 1 9 1 0 . The Hindustani A s s o c i a t i o n had complained to the M i n i s t e r of I n t e r i o r about the double deeling of Hopkinson but no notice was taken. See Hindustani A s s o c i a t i o n to the M i n i s t e r of I n t e r i o r , 2 9 July, 1910, Immigration Branch, Vol. 561, P i l e 908722,part I; Immigration Agent, Vancouver to W.D. Scott, 5 Ju l y , 1910, i b i d . The l a t t e r contained a l l e g a t i o n s made by G.D.Kumar. Ted Ferguson, White Man's Country, 172; see also Gardner, op.cit.,68. Bela Singh, a f t e r serving a, yearns imprisonment for, assaulting. Lachman Singh on 16 A p r i l , 1915, had l e f t f o r India on the advice of the Immigration Department, CONCLUSION This paper a s l out to provide a systematic d e s c r i p t i o n of the East Indian community during i t s f i r s t deeade of presence i n Canada, and to examine the s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n of the community and the reasons f o r i t s lack of i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the host s o c i e t y . This was done by examining four f a c t o r s , the socio-economic background and motivations of the East Indian immigrants, the nature of i n s t i t u t i o n a l developments i n the nascent immigrant community i n Canada, the a t t i t u d e s and perceptions of the members of the host society, and the p o l i c y of the Dominion and Imperial govern-ments toward East Indian immigration. The p i c t u r e that emerges of the East Indian community i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s one of an alie n a t e d minority ethnic group l i v i n g on the s o c i a l f r i n g e s of a host society. I t was a s o c i a l l y truncated, p o t e n t i a l l y v o l a t i l e , and p o l i t i c -a l l y s e n s i t i v e community composed predominantly of male peasant sojourners who hoped u l t i m a t e l y to return to India to enjoy the f r u i t s of t h e i r labours abroad. I n t e r n a l l y , the community suffered from deep s t r u c t u r a l cleavages which re s u l t e d i n b i t t e r f i g h t s , violence and assassinations and l e f t permanent scars on the image of the community. White west coast s o c i e t y d i s t r u s t e d and detested the East Indian immigrants with even greater i n t e n s i t y than they did the other O r i e n t a l groups amidst them, namely the Chinese and Japanese. The myth of East Indian u n a s s i m i l a b i l i t y p r e v a i l e d i n the end. Why d i d not acceptance and i n t e g r a t i o n of the -167-East Indians take place?^What fac t o r s m i l i t a t e d against t h i s ? On one l e v e l , lack of accomodation was the r e s u l t of vast differences between the cultures and i n s t i t u t i o n s of India, s p e c i f i c a l l y Ihe Punjab, and Canada. These r a c i a l , s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l d i f f erences i n the behaviour and outlooks of the East Indian immigrants and the white Canae. dians tended to produce mutual h o s t i l i t y and f r i c t i o n when the two cultures came i n contact. Such being the case, the p o s s i b i l i t y of East Indian acceptance and i n t e g r a t i o n was l i m i t e d from the outset. Beyond t h i s e s s e n t i a l l y d e t erministic explanation, however, a f u r t h e r question must be asked : which of the two sets of f a c t o r s , those p e r t a i n i n g to the host s o c i e t y or those r e l a t i n g to the East Indian immigrants play the dominant r o l e i n the eventual a l i e n a t i o n of the East Indian community? This study seems to i n d i c a t e that the l a t t e r played the primary:; role;; Evidence f o r t h i s was provided i n the d i s c u s s i o n of the motives of the immigrants and the nature of the development of the community i n B r i t i s h Columbia. I t has been seen that early East Indians i n Canada were not true immigrants, intending to become permanent s e t t l e r s i n the new homeland, but were sojourners, temporary residents i n the country, planning to return to t h e i r homeland when t h e i r primary goal was achieved. Not a l l the East Indian immigrants succeeded i n t h i s ambition hut the desire and intent to return to India, p r o h i b i t e d them from -169-p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l system of the host country. Integration, of necessity, involved time, resources and money, a l l of them unnecessary impediments i n the way of accomplishing the primary task. Therefore i t was to be avoided. Thus, i s o l a t i o n and a l i e n a t i o n of the East Indians from the Canadian society was l a r g e l y s e l f imposed. The nature of i n s t i t u t i o n a l developments i n the East Indian community f u r t h e r discouraged the process of i n t e g r a -t i o n . Intensely n a t i o n a l i s t i c leaders and p o l i t i c a l l o r g a n i -sations which had taken a strong hold on the l i f e of many immigrants, indulged a c t i v e l y i n a g i t a t i o n a l and conspira-t o r i c a l p o l i t i c s , f u l l y aware o f the h o s t i l i t y and bi t t e r n e s s such a c t i v i t i e s created i n the minds of most members of the host s o c i e t y . But these e f f e c t s were r e c k l e s s l y neglected. The r a d i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of the leaders and the organisations tended to circumscribe the interpersonal r e l a t i o n s h i p s of i n d i v i d u a l East Indians with the white s o c i e t y at l a r g e . Those who d i d attempt to e s t a b l i s h amicable l i n k s with the host society, were looked upon with a good deal of suspicion and contempt by the majority of the East Indians. A case i n point was Sundar Singh?.who was branded a t r a i t o r to the East Indian cause. Another was that of a C h r i s t i a n convert, Jagat Singh, who was severely beaten on a t l e a s t three occasions. 1 As a r e s u l t of both d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t coercive pressures, the process of transforming primary group and ethnocentric values, and acq u i r i n g and l e a r n i n g new r o l e s were impeded, -170-and consequently, the process of acceptance and i n t e g r a t i o n was e f f e c t i v e l y c u r t a i l e d . What, then, was the r o l e played hy the host s o c i e t y i n determining the process of East Indian integration? The host r e a c t i o n s o l i d i f i e d and i s o l a t e d the East Indian community. Due to the a c t i v i t i e s of the white e x c l u s i o n i s t s of B r i t i s h Columbia^, voluntary segregation by the Indian immigrants gave way to forced segregation. The h o s t i l i t y also nurtured the love of the homeland, a sentiment r e i n f o r c e d by communal organisations through such i n s t i t u t i o n s as language, ethnic newspapers and n a t i o n a l i s t p o l i t i c s . In a very r e a l sense, the host society, too, played an important r o l e i n the a l i e n a t i o n of the East Indians. But i t must be emphasised that the s t e r e o t y p i c a l perceptions, the d i s c r i -mination and the r e s t r i c t i v e l e g i s l a t i o n contributed to, rather than created, t h i s condition. Important as they were, they nevertheless played a secondary r o l e . The East Indians were conscious and delibe r a t e creators of t h e i r alienat:ed§ minority ethnic status, and not simply victims of c o l l e c t i v e d i s c r i m i n a t i o n by the majority white soci e t y . This study has shown that East Indian acceptance and i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the Canadian s o c i e t y was the r e s u l t of the i n t e r p l a y of fa c t o r s p e r t a i n i n g to the immigrant community and the host society, i n which the former played the primary r o l e while the l a t t e r played an important but secondary r o l e . -170a-F00TN0TES - CONCLUSION 1 "Hindus i n Canada," n.p., n.d. (United Church Archives, Toronto. -171-APPENDIX Rules and Regulations of the Hindustan Association, p r i n t e d i n Vancouver on 23 August, 1910. Name: This A s s o c i a t i o n s h a l l be c a l l e d the Hindustan A s s o c i a t i o n . Object: To e s t a b l i s h L i b e r t y , E q u a l i t y and F r a t e r n i t y of the Hindustani nation i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n with the rest of the nations of the world. Members: Every Hindustani by h i s b i r t h r i g h t i s e l i g i b l e to become a member of t h i s A s s o c i a t i o n , and on the following conditions: 1. That he must solemnly sign an a p p l i c a t i o n that he w i l l carry out the objects of the As s o c i a t i o n to the best of h i s a b i l i t y . 2. That he w i l l eliminate the prejudice of caste, colour and creed from himself. Admission: An a p p l i c a t i o n f o r admission as a member signed by an e n l i s t e d member, s h a l l be presented to the Secretary or a . member of the Committee. This done, h i s name w i l l be placed -172-on the r o l l of members. Absent Members; The headquarters of the As s o c i a t i o n s h a l l , at the moment be at Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, Canada, but may-be t r a n s f e r r e d to some other country or place i f approved by a general meeting s p e c i a l l y and duly convened f o r that purpose. Managing Committee; Managing Committee w i l l be chosen by b a l l o t or vote i n a General Meeting. O f f i c e r s ; Managing Committee w i l l then choose the President, Secretary, Treasurer,from amongtthemselves, and to so act as to c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y carry out the objects'fof the As s o c i a t i o n . Meetings Ordinary: Meetings w i l l be held every week to discuss and promote the objects of the Ass o c i a t i o n . General Meeting: A general meeting w i l l be held every year to e l e c t the Managing Committee, the members of which w i l l r e t i r e y e a r l y by r o t a t i o n but w i l l be e l i g i b l e f o r r e - e l e c t i o n . S p e c i a l Meeting: The President or the Secretary may convene such a -173-meeting»whenever ( l ) some s p e c i a l bylaws are to be introduced, (2) extraordinary expenditure are to be sanctioned, (3) s p e c i a l r e l i e f s i s to be extended to the Hindustanis, (4) a r e q u i s i t i o n i s to be sent to the A s s o c i a t i o n signed by a t l e a s t a quarter of the members. Fees Any member paying $1000 w i l l be designated a patron of the Ass o c i a t i o n . L i f e Member; Any member paying $100 w i l l be made a L i f e Member of the A s s o c i a t i o n . Ordinary Member; Ordinary members w i l l pay a monthly fee of 50 cents i n Canada and one Rupee i n India. Departmental Services: The following services may be opened as f a r as means of the A s s o c i a t i o n allow: 1. Immigration, Emigration. 2. Sanitary and P h y s i c a l T r a i n i n g Bureau. 3. S o c i a l Advancement Service. 4. Educational Services Department. 5. P o l i t i c a l Relations Department. 6. Trades and Commercial Development Services. 7. J u s t i c e Department. 8. P u b l i c a t i o n s Bureau. £174-A general O f f i c e w i l l be established to look a f t e r the above departments and general work of the A s s o c i a t i o n . P r i v i l e g e s of Members: 1. A member w i l l have free access to the quarters of the A s s o c i a t i o n . 2. He w i l l be allowed to vote i n the government of the A s s o c i a t i o n . 3. He w i l l be e n t i t l e d to represent the grievances to the A s s o c i a t i o n , which w i l l grant him every possible redress within the p r a c t i c a l powers of the A s s o c i a t i o n . 4. Personal matters w i l l not be attended to i n pre preferences to general matters at hand. Duties of O f f i c e r s President: To preside over a l l meetings;*; keep them i n order, and carry out the r u l e s and regulations. He w i l l s i g n a l l documents f o r a u t h e n t i f i c a t i o n , and w i l l have the c a s t i n g vote i n case of a t i e . lecretary:The Secretary w i l l keep the minutes, records, convene meetings, carry on correspondence and make reports. He w i l l s o l i d i f y organisation of the A s s o c i a t i o n ; and authenticate documents by signing as the Secretary. He w i l l have custody of papers. Treasurer: The Treasurer w i l l keep a set of Account books, properly written up to show assets and l i a b i l i t i e s of the A s s o c i a t i o n , receive and imburse money as sanctioned and -175-d i r e c t e d by the Committee. He w i l l supply s e c u r i t i e s f o r good f a i t h i f required by the Managing Committee. He w i l l submit an Annual Budget, render an Annual Balance Sheet, allow i n s p e c t i o n of books to the members at t h e i r request by appointing a reasonable time f o r the same: keep a l l vouchers and r e c e i p t s and documents f o r evidence of transaction; have ah audit made by the Auditor appointed by the Committee. Managing Committee; The Committee composed of the members, w i l l study the W i l l of the members, suggest reforms, deliberate at t h e i r meetings, carry out t h e i r duties as the delegates of the Spe c i a l wards of Members which they may happen to represent. Donations; Contributions w i l l be received on the approval of the Managing Committee at the d i s c r e t i o n of the President or the Secretary without any o b l i g a t i o n on the Ass o c i a t i o n . Receipts must be issued from the Treasury. Trustees; Two or more Trustees s h a l l be nominated by the Committee to hold the property of the A s s o c i a t i o n i n t h e i r names as Trustees, subject to the approval of three quarters ( f ) of the membership. Scope of the Administration; The A s s o c i a t i o n s h a l l not enter i n t o any trade or commerce. -176-Extra Powers: Grant-in-aid, r e l i e f funds, borrowing power, c o l l e c t i o n from P u b l i c , ete. must be f u l l y deliberated upon and sanctioned by the majority of votes i n the Committee. Resolution: In r e g u l a t i o n of a l l the a f f a i r s of the Association, whether i n a General Meeting or the meetings of the Managing Committee, the majority w i l l p r e v a i l , and the r e s o l u t i o n thus adopted w i l l be binding on the whole of the Asso c i a t i o n . Change of Rules: Suspension, repeal, modification or f u r t h e r i n t r o d u c t i o n i n the rules and regulations w i l l be made only at the ? General Meetings, which w i l l be only corrected by a notice to t h i s a f f e c t to the members. P r i v i l e ^ e s r i of Absent Members: Absent members w i l l not be sent any such notice nor w i l l t h e i r votes be counted, but t h e i r suggestions w i l l be welcome. They w i l l pay but $11.00 per year as fee of membership. An annual report of the proceedings of the As s o c i a t i o n w i l l be sent to them. Their enquiries w i l l be r e p l i e d asifultLy as po s s i b l e . They w i l l help promote the cause of the A s s o c i a t i o n abroad. Quorum: The Managing Committee w i l l make the rul e f o r quorum -177-f o r themselves. The quorum f o r the General Meeting s h a l l be •§• of the members. O f f i c e r s Protem; In the absence of the President, etc. such o f f i c e r s to act protem s h a l l be chosen by the Committee from themselves. Sundar Singh, Secretary. 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