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Urban growth management : the development of a program for the Edmonton area Scott, William Guy 1976

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URBAN GROWTH MANAGEMENT: THE DEVELOPMENT OF A PROGRAM FOR THE EDMONTON AREA by WILLIAM GUY SCOTT B.Sc, University of Alberta, 1973 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE i n THE SCHOOL OF COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 19 76 0 William Guy Scott, 1976 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the l i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his respresentatives. I t i s understood that copying or publ i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. School of Community and Regional Planning The University of B r i t i s h Columbia A p r i l 26, 1976 ABSTRACT Urban growth management i s a topic of r e l a t i v e l y new but increasing i n t e r e s t . Throughout North America, numerous communities are attempting to modify or manage t h e i r growth patterns. This t h e s i s has attempted to draw together the reasons for t h i s new concern for growth management, the techniques used to accomplish i t and the considerations inherent i n the actual development of a management program. In order that a r e a l world perspective be achieved, the Edmonton area of Alberta was considered. Through data obtained from the Edmonton Regional Planning Commission as well as from a number of other governmental agencies and through the author's employment with the Planning Commission, an i n s i g h t into the current growth patterns and problems of the area was attained. Following the introduction, a discussion of the new concern f o r growth management i s presented i n Chapter I I . Three general areas of concern are described: s o c i a l , environmental and economic. Chapter III enumerates and b r i e f l y reviews various growth management techniques as they are applied i n North America. As the l e g a l i t y of any management technique i s c r u c i a l to i t s success, Chapter IV discusses the l e g a l basis for the various growth management techniques i n the Alberta s e t t i n g . A d e t a i l e d explanation o f the use o f the S u b d i v i s i o n and T r a n s f e r R e g u l a t i o n s o f A l b e r t a i s used t o ex e m p l i f y the l e g a l adequacy of some growth management te c h n i q u e s . With t h i s background d a t a , the development of a growth management program f o r the Edmonton ar e a was i n i t i a t e d . Chapter V summarizes the c u r r e n t p o p u l a t i o n and economic growth o f the ar e a as w e l l as the views o f the t h r e e l e v e l s o f government and those o f the g e n e r a l populace c o n c e r n i n g growth. F i n a l l y , Chapter VI b r i n g s t o g e t h e r the work from the p r e c e e d i n g c h a p t e r s t o develop a growth management program f o r the d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and r e a l l o c a t i o n o f the p o p u l a t i o n and economic growth o f the area. i v , TABLE OF CONTENTS page. ABSTRACT i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . i x CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION .1 Introduction to the Problem .. 2 Significance of Research 3 Objectives of Research ,4 D e f i n i t i o n of Terms ..5 Substantive Content , , 7 CHAPTER I I : WHY MANAGE GROWTH? .9 Soc i a l Impacts.. .,10 Economic Impacts. , . 15 Environmental Impacts and Concerns ,,25 A H o l i s t i c Approach , . 29 CHAPTER I I I : A REVIEW OF MANAGEMENT TECHNIQUES .,.31 Growth R e s t r i c t i o n s , , 33 Building R e s t r i c t i o n s 33 Servicing R e s t r i c t i o n s , , , 34 Land Use Res t r i c t i o n s , , 35 Other Growth Deterrents. , ,, , 39 Growth Deflecting Techniques , , , 42 Growth Diversion Incentives 43 Alternate Growth Centres ..45 Summary , , 48 V. page. CHAPTER IV: LEGAL ASPECTS OF GROWTH MANAGEMENT IN ALBERTA 50 Pr o v i n c i a l Statutes and Growth Management 51 C o n s t i t u t i o n a l i t y of the Subdivision and Transfer Regulations of Alberta 56 Growth Management Through the Subdivision and Transfer Regulations of Alberta 61 Summary 70 CHAPTER V: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE EDMONTON AREA 71 Growth i n the Edmonton Area 72 Population Growth 74 Economic Growth 8 0 General Government P o l i c y and Public Concerns Toward Urban Growth 8 7 CHAPTER VI: A GROWTH MANAGEMENT PROGRAM FOR THE EDMONTON AREA 95 Areas Currently Able to Accept Increased Growth 96 The Management Program 102 Growth Targets 102 General Edmonton Area Needs 104 i A Growth Management Program for the Ci t y of Edmonton 106 A Growth Management Program for the V i l l a g e of Sherwood Park 109 v i . page. A Growth Management Program for the Town of St. Albert. 113 A Growth Management Program for the Towns of Fort Saskatchewan, Leduc and Spruce Grove....114 The Regional Plan 117 CHAPTER VII: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 119 Summary 120 Conclusions 123 Recommendations 125 BIBLIOGRAPHY '. 127 v i i . LIST OF TABLES page. TABLE I: MANAGEMENT TECHNIQUES AND THEIR LEGAL SANCTIONS IN ALBERTA 5 3 TABLE I I : COMMUNITIES IN THE EDMONTON AREA 74 TABLE I I I : URBANIZATION IN ALBERTA 1951-1971 75 TABLE IV: THE RURAL/URBAN COMPONENTS OF THE EDMONTON AREA POPULATION 75 TABLE V: NATURAL POPULATION INCREASE IN THE EDMONTON AREA 1966-1971 76 TABLE VI: MIGRATION TO THE EDMONTON AREA 1966-1971 76 TABLE VII: MIGRATION DESTINATION FOR IMMIGRANTS TO CANADA 1966-1971 77 TABLE VIII: EDMONTON AREA URBAN POPULATIONS 1951-1973 78 TABLE IX: PERCENTAGE SHARE OF EDMONTON AREA POPULATION INCREASES 1956-1973 79 TABLE X: PROJECTED 1981 AREA LABOUR FORCE BY INDUSTRIAL DIVISION 83 TABLE XI: MUNICIPAL PERCENTAGE SHARE OF TOTAL EDMONTON AREA NONRESIDENTIAL BUILDING PERMITS BY TYPE AND VALUE OF CONSTRUCTION; 1962 to 1966, 1967 to 1971, 1972 to 1973 85 TABLE XII: SUMMARY OF APPROVED AND PROPOSED MUNICIPAL DEVELOPMENT POTENTIAL 97 TABLE XIII: PERCENTAGE SHARE OF EDMONTON AREA POPULATION GROWTH 1971 - 1973 ..101 v i i i . page. TABLE XIV: PERCENTAGE SHARE OF EDMONTON AREA NONRESIDENTIAL BUILDING PERMITS 1972-1973 102 LIST OF MAPS MAP I: THE EDMONTON AREA 73 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to thank my advisors, Dr. Michael Seelig and Dr. Craig Davis for the time and e f f o r t which they so w i l l i n g l y gave to me i n the preparation of t h i s t h e s i s . The numerous meetings, constant feedback and encouragement are g r a t e f u l l y acknowledged. I f e e l extremely fortunate for having had such w i l l i n g and able advisors. I would e s p e c i a l l y l i k e to thank my wife, Shelley, for her constant encouragement, proof-reading and typing. Thank you a l l . CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 2. Introduction to the Problem Concern for growth i n a q u a l i t a t i v e sense i s r e l a t i v e l y new. Throughout the hi s t o r y of North America, urban growth has been considered very p o s i t i v e . It has been considered b e n e f i c i a l i n that i t s pays for i t s e l f and makes new opportunities a v a i l a b l e . A change of attitude i n recent years has come about l a r g e l y as a r e s u l t of a concern for the q u a l i t y of l i f e associated with growth. The s o c i a l , economic and environmental consequences of growth have been reevaluated (Scott, 1975). The Canadian federal government has stated i t s concern with urban growth. "The rate of urban growth of our regions has a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on t h e i r a b i l i t y to plan and manage t h e i r growth, more, perhaps than does t h e i r absolute s i z e . Some c i t i e s - eg: Toronto, Vancouver, Edmonton, Calgary - maintained an annual growth rate of three percent or more i n the decade to 1971; t h i s represents a doubling time of twenty four years or l e s s . Such high rates of growth exert enormous pressures for the provision of serviced land and for housing, employment, recreation and other f a c i l i t i e s . The concentration of Canadian population growth i n our large urban centres also a f f e c t s the smaller towns and r u r a l centres i n Canada. These smaller centres tend to lose population to the larger metropolitan areas, and t h i s reduces t h e i r a b i l i t y to provide adequate or improved s o c i a l and economic f a c i l t i e s . The widening gap between what i s available i n the largest centres and i n the rest of Canada i n turn leads to faster rates of i n t e r n a l migration to large c i t i e s e s p e c i a l l y for young people looking for work or more varies opportunities: (Urban A f f a i r s Annual Report, 1975, p. 1). At an e a r l i e r conference on urban growth, the federal 3. government p o s i t i o n was premised on the conviction that the present concentration of urban growth was unacceptable and that a l t e r n a t i v e patterns of growth should be sought (Basford, 1973) . The problems of urban growth have been recognized. Numerous attempts have been made to a l l e v i a t e , control or manage growth. The research herein i s concerned with urban growth management. It wall discuss the need to manage urban growth, study various methods of management and f i n a l l y , develop a case study for i t s a p p l i c a t i o n . Significance of Research Given the chanqinq attitude toward urban qrowth and qiven the Canadian federal government's p o s i t i o n , the topic of growth management i s one i n which there currently e x i s t s a widespread i n t e r e s t . A f t e r examining the changing attitude toward urban growth, t h i s thesis w i l l focus upon the Edmonton area of Alberta. While l i m i t i n g i t s e l f to one area and developing a management program for t h i s area, t h i s research w i l l develop a format for s i m i l a r studies elsewhere. The reasons for the recent change i n attitude towards growth l i e i n three areas of concern: s o c i a l , economic and environmental. While the value placed.on each c r i t i c a l . a c e a varies from place to place, i t i s the composite of these three which determines the attitude towards growth i n any given l o c a l e . These areas of concern w i l l be explored. F i n a l l y , t h i s research w i l l provide a review of growth management techniques and r e l a t e these to the Canadian scene and i n p a r t i c u l a r , the Edmonton area. This w i l l be done by examining current management techniques and the l e g a l a b i l i t y to manage growth. Each of the provinces of Canada has b a s i c a l l y the same r i g h t s as do the others under the B r i t i s h North America Act. Therefore, many of the growth management techniques discussed may be transferable to other areas of Canada. Objectives of the Research The objective of t h i s research, i n i t s o v e r a l l perspective, i s to study growth management i n terms of the reasons for i t , the methods currently i n use, and, given the Canadian federal government's p o s i t i o n on urban growth, t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n to the Edmonton region of Alberta. The research w i l l be l i m i t e d i n a p p l i c a t i o n to the Edmonton region and therefore w i l l deal with methods only as they r e l a t e to the current l e g a l guidelines for growth management i n t h i s area. In d e t a i l , the objectives of t h i s research are s i x f o l d . The f i r s t objective i s to document the change i n attitude which has brought about the concern for growth management. This w i l l be discussed as i t r e l a t e s to growth i n North 5. America i n general. Secondly, the research w i l l enumerate growth management mechanisms as they are currently applied i n North America. The t h i r d objective i s to review the growth of the Edmonton area. This w i l l be related to the concerns of the people i n the region as described i n the Edmonton Regional Planning Commission's report Concerns of the Public, Technical Report 4, and evaluation of these concerns i n a p o l i c y a l t e r n a t i v e paper prepared i n the summer of 1975. A fourth objective i s to discuss the l e g a l a b i l i t y of the Alberta government to manage growth and follow t h i s to the implementation l e v e l . Following from the four p r i o r objectives, the f i f t h i s to draw these together and develop a growth management program for the Edmonton area. The f i n a l objective of t h i s research i s to develop a methodology for the s e l e c t i o n of a growth management program which, while r e f e r r i n g to a s p e c i f i c case study, i s transferable to other locations. D e f i n i t i o n of Terms Because of the nature of much of the material to be discussed i n t h i s research, i t i s necessary to define a number of terms so as to l i m i t t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Jt 6. The term "urban growth" may be expressed i n a number o f ways. Increased p o p u l a t i o n , employment, l a n d coverage, s e r v i c e s and c u l t u r a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s are o n l y a few o f the m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f urban growth. P o p u l a t i o n and economic growth are two w i d e l y accepted i n d i c a t o r s o f urban growth and w i l l be the b a s i s f o r the d e f i n i t i o n o f urban growth i n t h i s r e s e a r c h . " P o p u l a t i o n growth" w i l l be d e f i n e d as the a b s o l u t e i n c r e a s e i n the number o f persons w i t h i n a p r e d e f i n e d area. I t w i l l be the r e s u l t o f the d i f f e r e n c e between b i r t h s and deaths p l u s the net m i g r a t i o n t o the area. "Economic growth" w i l l be d e f i n e d i n terms o f the a b s o l u t e i n c r e a s e i n gross r e g i o n a l p r o d u c t f o r a p r e d e f i n e d area. A "growth management techn i q u e " i s any t r a d i t i o n a l o r e v o l v i n g method, tax, p l a n or a c t i v i t y which can be used t o guide " p a t t e r n s o f l a n d use, i n c l u d i n g t h e manner, l o c a t i o n , r a t e and nature o f development" ( S c o t t , 1975, p. 4). A "growth management program" i s a combination o f growth management tec h n i q u e s . . For the purpose o f t h i s r e s e a r c h , two c a t e g o r i e s o f growth management techn i q u e s w i l l be s e t . These two c a t e g o r i e s are f u r t h e r d i v i d e d i n s u b c a t e g o r i e s which a i d i n d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g c l a s s e s o f growth management t e c h n i q u e s . The c a t e g o r i e s and s u b c a t e g o r i e s are as f o l l o w s : Growth R e s t r i c t i o n s 1) B u i l d i n g R e s t r i c t i o n s 7 . 2 ) Servicing R e s t r i c t i o n s 3) Land Use Rest r i c t i o n s 4) Other Growth Deterrents Growth Def l e c t i n g Techniques 1) Growth Diversion Incentives 2 ) Alternate Growth Centres Each of the management techniques to be discussed w i l l f i t into one of the categories and subcategories. It i s important to recognize that the techniques found i n each subcategory are not t o t a l l y mutually exclusive. Depending on t h e i r manner of use, they may overlap into other subcategories. Substantive Content This research w i l l be divided into seven chapters. The remaining s i x chapters w i l l deal with growth management from a number of perspectives. Each of the chapters w i l l r e a l i z e one of the objectives. Chapter two w i l l discuss the need for growth management. It w i l l focus on the a t t i t u d i n a l change i n North America as rel a t e s to urban growth. Three areas of concern w i l l be discussed i n d e t a i l as they r e l a t e to growth management. These are the s o c i a l , economic and environmental aspects of urban growth. Chapter three w i l l study growth management techniques. 8. The growth management categories w i l l form the structure i n which these various techniques w i l l be reviewed. Chapter four w i l l look at the l e g a l capacity of the province of Alberta to manage growth. I t w i l l trace the flow of power from the B r i t i s h North America Act through the Albera Planning Act. Chapter f i v e w i l l introduce the case study. I t w i l l o utline the Edmonton area as defined by the Edmonton Regional Planning Commission i n 1974 and discuss the growth of Edmonton. Also discussed w i l l be the concerns of the l o c a l residents and the p r o v i n c i a l government stand on growth and i t s management. Chapter s i x w i l l produce a growth management program for the Edmonton subregion. It w i l l be based on a l l previous chapters and outline how various management techniques could be used to determine future growth i n the Edmonton subregion. The f i n a l chapter, chapter seven, w i l l summarize the research to that point. Problems encountered w i l l be outlined. It w i l l emphasize that t h i s research has been focused on a s p e c i f i c area and therefore the r e s u l t s are only applicable to that area. It w i l l further explain that the methodology used i n t h i s development i s portable and may be used i n other areas. F i n a l l y , recommendations for a d d i t i o n a l work i n the f i e l d w i l l be suggested. CHAPTER I I WHY MANAGE GROWTH? 10. There are no standard answers or reasons for urban growth management. Numerous texts have been written on the subject yet few have attempted any systematic reasoning for i t . Therefore, t h i s chapter w i l l attempt to draw together some c e n t r a l ideas found i n various l i t e r a t u r e and develop an argument for growth management. Urban growth has been presumed to be a threat for s o c i a l and economic reasons. E c o l o g i c a l impact and environmental q u a l i t y have become add i t i o n a l r e a l considerations (Meier, 19 62). Planners are constantly warned of the dangers of r e s t r i c t i n g a study to a narrow perspective; most planning texts note the importance of a h o l i s t i c approach. S o c i a l , economic and environmental impacts are of primary concern. These three factors, then, w i l l be ce n t r a l to the discussion of growth management i n t h i s chapter. For centuries, people have unquestioningly gone along with growth. Any form of growth was thought to be p o s i t i v e , a sign of prosperity and health. Only recently have people begun to doubt t h i s idea. This change i n attitude may be la r g e l y a t t r i b u t e d to s o c i a l and environmental impacts and more recently to a reevaluation of t r a d i t i o n a l economics. S o c i a l Impacts Perhaps the best way to i n i t i a t e a discussion of the s o c i a l impact of rapid urban growth i s through the concept of q u a l i t y of l i f e . Urban growth undoubtedly has many pos i t i v e aspects which are normally associated with increased range of choice. Generally, a p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n e x i s t s with income, increased range of work, increased l e i s u r e time opportunities and c i t y s i z e . Job and educational opportunities, shopping and c u l t u r a l f a c i l i t i e s also e x i s t in greater d i v e r s i t y i n large urban areas. On the other hand, there are costs to urban growth. Increased t r a v e l distances, congestion, p o l l u t i o n , crime, the decrease i n space per capita and the disappearance of the countryside are among the major costs (The Ann Arbour Growth Study, 1972). These costs are most obvious i n high growth areas where, due to the speed of development, the change cannot be adapted to either mentally (as with c i t i z e n s who are inundated with new development) nor p h y s i c a l l y (where f a c i l i t i e s are unable to be maintained at t h e i r current l e v e l of s e r v i c e ) . "Acceleration i s one of the most important and least understood of a l l s o c i a l forces . . . the increased rate at which situations flow past us v a s t l y complicates the ent i r e structure of l i f e , multiplying the number of roles we must play and the number of choices we are forced to make" ( T o f f l e r , 1971, p. 32). The combination of large numbers of new residents and the speed of development made possible by new technology make rapid urban growth and community changes possible. The e f f e c t i s often one of a loss of community i d e n t i t y through changes i n f a c i l i t i e s and people. People no longer know each other. People drive past t h e i r neighbours instead of walking past and stopping to ta l k (GVRD, 197 2). Growth i s often referred to i n terms of fear. People are a f r a i d of what growth w i l l do to t h e i r community. The d i s t i n c t i o n i s v a l i d . Growth always means change while change does not always mean growth (Seelig and Seelig, 1972). Because we know that change i s perceived by d i f f e r e n t people i n d i f f e r e n t ways, planners should be concerned with the problems of both perceived and r e a l change. Obviously, planners cannot and should not attempt to t o t a l l y s h i e l d society or communities from the e f f e c t s of change. The question i s one of degree and q u a l i t y . If large scale change i s a r e s u l t of large scale growth and t h i s causes perceived and r e a l hardships i n the community, then perhaps the process of change or growth should be slowed. Whether change i s a r e s u l t of urban growth or of the continual t r a n s i t i o n that society i s undergoing, should be considered (Seelig. and Seelig, 1972). The planner's r o l e may be seen as one of accommodation through q u a l i t a t i v e design strategies and/or q u a l i t a t i v e growth management techniques to lessen these e f f e c t s . In theory, then, there e x i s t s a range of options open to planners anywhere from eliminating growth and concerning oneself with minimizing i n t e r n a l l y induced changes a l l the way to accepting the annual rate of growth and managing i t as well as the i n t e r n a l l y induced changes, for the maximum s o c i a l benefit. Moving from the t h e o r e t i c a l to the more concrete, a number of s o c i a l problems are r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e . Consequences mentioned e a r l i e r such as increased congestion, p o l l u t i o n , decrease i n space per capita and the disappearance of the countryside are often c i t e d . Others are not so e a s i l y i d e n t i f i e d yet a r i s e i n discussions with the c i t i z e n s of high-growth areas. A "problem" of some controversy i s the increased crime rate. Due to the nature of crime s t a t i s t i c s , statements about increased crime i n high-growth areas may be r e a l or may be perceived. The Ann Arbour Growth Study (1972) notes increased crime rates i n i t s area. However, no conclusive evidence seems to e x i s t on the r e l a t i o n s h i p of growth and crime rate. Although often mentioned by c i t i z e n s when speaking of growth, the sources seem to be mainly i n t u i t i v e . Other sources of s o c i a l concern are not. The above mentioned decline of f a c i l t i e s , such as daycare, h o s p i t a l s , community leagues and schools i s an example. High-growth areas are often found to lack f a c i l i t i e s because they are not developed at the same pace as the population grows. Thus, f a c i l i t i e s are overused and less a v a i l a b l e to a l l c i t i z e n s of the community. High growth means increased housing demand. As growth accelerates, alternate forms of housing development are experienced. Residents begin to "perceive d i f f e r e n t housing types, higher d e n s i t i e s , and even some of the 14. newcomers themselves as threats to the community, as disruptive of the status quo, and as a disturbance to e x i s t i n g l i f e s t y l e s (R.W. Scott, 1975). The e f f e c t that growth has on taxes i s generally thought to be s t r i c t l y economic. It may also be a s o c i a l factor i n that i t causes adverse f e e l i n g toward t h i s change. Due to increased demand for f a c i l i t i e s , taxes usually r i s e . C i t i z e n s often express the f e e l i n g that because t h i s need has been brought about by new residents, that these new residents should pay the f u l l costs of the new f a c i l i t i e s . This i s seldom the case. The need to slow growth i s again expressed (R.W. Scott, 1975 and GVRD, 197.2). High urban growth rates mean increased demand for land to accommodate t h i s growth. This increased demand means higher land prices for competing uses. With these higher land p r i c e s , there are two options. One i s to increase the c i t y s i z e by growing into previously undeveloped areas of the urgan f r i n g e . The costs of development i n t h i s manner are well documented (Lithwich, 1970 and Russworm, 1971). "Because new land i n urban areas soon becomes very scarce, and because of the high costs and long time delays that are unavoidably part of producing new buildings, the demand for urban space can be expected to increase faster than the supply . . . " (Stott, 1974, p. 3). The second option i s to increase d e n s i t i e s . According to a Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t (GVRD) report, many people seem to associate increasing densities 15. w i t h a d e c l i n e i n the q u a l i t y o f t h e i r neighbourhoods (GVRD, 1972). A summary of t h i s r e p o r t notes t h a t : "Older b u i l d i n g s which may have v a l u e t o the community are removed to make way f o r l a r g e r s t r u c t u r e s ; land p r i c e s r i s e and t h i s , c oupled w i t h h i g h e r c o n s t r u c t i o n c o s t s , i n c r e a s e the p r i c e of accommodation; h i g h e r d e n s i t y l i v i n g i s o f t e n accompanied by a d e c l i n e i n p e r s o n a l c o n t a c t s i n the community; the o p p o r t u n i t y t o r e l a t e to o t h e r s as i n d i v i d u a l s i s reduced; the community may seem to many t o move beyond t h e i r s c a l e of comprehension" ( S t o t t , 1974, p. 3). While the o b j e c t i v e n e s s o f the above summary i s q u e s t i o n a b l e , many governments are a c t i n g or s e r i o u s l y c o n s i d e r i n g these types of concerns i n d e v e l o p i n g growth management programs. The s o c i a l impacts o f urban growth are not w e l l d e f i n e d . I t i s apparant t h a t many e x i s t but to d i f f e r e n t degrees t o d i f f e r e n t people i n d i f f e r e n t areas depending on the type and e x t e n t of growth t a k i n g p l a c e . S u f f i c e t o say t h a t w h i l e these problems are not as q u a n t i f i a b l e as are economic and, t o a l e s s e r e x t e n t , environmental problems, they are v e r y r e a l . Because i t i s the p l a n n e r ' s duty t o l i s t e n t o c i t i z e n concerns and a c t on those as c l o s e l y as p o s s i b l e , these s o c i a l impacts should be weighed h e a v i l y . Economic Impacts T r a d i t i o n a l economics t e l l s us t h a t growth has but one asp e c t : p o s i t i v e . More r e c e n t l y , some economists have begun 16. to reevaluate the growth syndrome and concluded that some forms of growth are better than others and that excessive, rapid growth may i n fac t be harmful (Mishan, 1966) . On the urban scale, t h i s means that not a l l growth i s necessarily good. William Toner notes that rapid growth i s often unstable (1974). He indicates that i n times of rapid growth, construction i s greatly affected. The construction industry, however, i s often characterized by i n s t a b i l i t y . Depending on such factors as "(1) the l o c a l demand for housing (2) the state of federal f i s c a l and monetary p o l i c i e s (3) the weather, and (4) cost of land ", the industry peaks and declines (Toner, 1974, p. x i v ) . Thus, while the incomes i n t h i s industry are r e l a t i v e l y good during times of high demand, they are also very vulnerable to f l u c t u a t i o n . Because of the r e l a t i v e i n s t a b i l i t y of the construction industry, the public i s also affected. In times of decline, the construction workers are i n need of public support through unemployment insurance, welfare and other forms of s o c i a l assistance. Toner goes on to say: "The economic health of the l o c a l public sector begins to r e f l e c t that of i t s private c l i e n t e l e . This single example of the economic p i t f a l l s of a high growth rate extends through the l o c a l economy. U t i l i t i e s provide unused connections, the f i n a n c i a l industry i s l e f t with loans running out, public service committments are made and the whole l o c a l economic structure s e t t l e s to a diminished pace" (Toner, 1974, p. x i v ) . Toner continues further to point out that many high growth areas are dominated by a single major industry. As with any system, d i v e r s i t y w i l l help to maintain s t a b i l i t y when fluctuations or perturbations a r i s e (Jacobs, 1961 and Goldberg, 1974). This i n s t a b i l i t y may be the r e s u l t of a number of factors. It i s l i k e l y , however, that decisions a f f e c t i n g the community w i l l be made elsewhere. The Seattle example i s appropriate. Seattle, u n t i l the late 1960's, r e l i e d very heavily upon the American Aerospace Industry for i t s economic well being. With the closure of the Boeing Plant, Seattle underwent a serious economic decline. Unlike many other c i t i e s , however, Seattle, because of the nature of the aerospace industry and i t s employees' c a p a b i l i t i e s , was able to rebound r e l a t i v e l y quickly a f t e r the closure. High growth areas are further affected by ad d i t i o n a l c a p i t a l costs made necessary by continual community development. "These public expenditures not only r a i s e the immediate tax burden, they also lay the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e for ad d i t i o n a l development. How often i s the argument 'We have gone t h i s far so why not f i n i s h i t ? ' resulted i n continuing expenditures? Beyond t h i s , even e x i s t i n g f a c i l i t i e s and services become strained: schools become overcrowded, streets and highways congested, u t i l i t y networks overburdened. Periods of high growth undermine both the capacity to d e l i v e r e x i s t i n g services and the a b i l i t y to expand e x i s t i n g capacity. L i t t l e wonder, then, that l o c a l high-growth communities are not notable for t h e i r dramatic declines in property taxes by rather for enormous increases i n bonded indebtedness" (Toner, 1974, p. x v i i ) . In the GVRD's study of the e f f e c t s of economic growth, a number of re l a t i o n s h i p s were explored. Because, as F i n k l e r (1974) points out, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to i s o l a t e population 18. growth from economic growth, both were examined i n the GVRD report e n t i t l e d Population Growth, Economic Growth and  Related Problems (1972) for t h e i r r e l a t i v e e f f e c t s on each other. A summary of t h i s study follows. Both population and economic growth are q u a n t i f i a b l e . However, when both are combined, the net e f f e c t i s not r e a d i l y apparent. D i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s , depending i n part upon t h e i r various i n t e r e s t s , w i l l perceive d i f f e r e n t e f f e c t s . Eight generalized r e l a t i o n s h i p s of regional growth are mentioned below (GVRD, 1972(2)). 1) If the Gross Regional Product (GRP) increases more rap i d l y than does population, then income per capita w i l l also increase. I f the reverse occurs, then income per capita w i l l drop. I f both increase at the same rate, income per c a p i t a w i l l l i k e l y remain constant. It i s important to note, however, that i n a l l instances, economic growth has occured. C l e a r l y , not a l l of these s i t u a t i o n s are b e n e f i c i a l to the residents of the community. 2) Government income and expenditure i s dependent on the demand for government services and the amount of money avail a b l e . Money i s made available through taxation. I f , as population increases, the demand for government services i s increased, and i f the GRP increases at a greater rate than the population, the government's per capita income may r i s e . When GRP increases at a greater rate than population, there are b a s i c a l l y three a l t e r n a t i v e s open to the government. A) The government can provide more and/or better services, or B) the government may choose to leave services at t h e i r present q u a l i t y and quantity, on a per capita basis, and reduce taxes, or C) the government may moderately increase services and reduce taxation. When population increases at a greater rate than GRP, then the government may be l e f t with lower per capita revenue. In t h i s instance, there may be three a l t e r n a t i v e s . A) The government may increase taxes to maintain present per capita service l e v e l s or B) maintain taxes but decrease the l e v e l of services or C) choose an intermediate step with minor adjustments in both the l e v e l of services and taxes. A t h i r d r e l a t i o n s h i p between population and economic growth may p r e v a i l where both increase at the same rate. . Under these circumstances, services could be maintained at a constant l e v e l while tax l e v e l s remain r e l a t i v e l y constant. Other factors which may a f f e c t the provision of services may be the economies or diseconomies of scale. The cost of s e r v i c i n g an increased population may be quite d i f f e r e n t on a per capita basis. Costs may drop as a r e s u l t of scale economies due to larger supplies of materials being purchased or, i n another instance, costs may increase r e f l e c t i n g the diseconomies of scale due to increased administrative services and the l i k e . 20. 3) The c o s t of l i v i n g may r i s e as a r e s u l t of economic growth i n s i d e or o u t s i d e an area. C l e a r l y , the r i s e i n per c a p i t a income does not n e c e s s a r i l y r e s u l t i n an improved standard of l i v i n g . Another f a c t o r a f f e c t i n g the c o s t and standard o f l i v i n g i n a r e g i o n i s t h a t , as a r e g i o n grows, th e r e may be or develop a c o r r e l a t i o n between wage d i f f e r e n t i a l s and the l o c a l c o s t of l i v i n g . Thus, as incomes r i s e w i t h i n a r e g i o n , the l o c a l p r i c e index may a l s o r i s e (Thompson, 1965). The example g i v e n e a r l i e r o f land i n a growing r e g i o n w i l l s u f f i c e once more. L o c a l s e l f s u f f i c i e n c y may a l s o a f f e c t the c o s t and standard o f l i v i n g . When more products are produced w i t h i n a r e g i o n , lower c o s t s may r e s u l t from t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s a v i n g s . With i n c r e a s e d s i z e , more h i g h - o r d e r goods, such as j e w e l r y , s p e c i a l i z e d s e r v i c e s , museums, t h e a t r e s , e t c e t e r a , may become a v i a l a b l e . Above a c e r t a i n economic and/or p o p u l a t i o n t h r e s h o l d , p r e v i o u s l y uneconomic s e r v i c e s may become v i a b l e (Garner and Yeates, 1971). 4) Employment r a t e s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s are a f f e c t e d by economic growth. As a r e g i o n grows, the v a r i e t y o f jobs i n c r e a s e s . An economic m u l t i p l i e r e f f e c t i s c r e a t e d . One new job may s t i m u l a t e the demand f o r a v a r i e t y of r e l a t e d s e r v i c e s . A s i t u a t i o n ,in which economic growth exceeds labour force growth may have a number of e f f e c t s . As noted e a r l i e r , one consequence may be to increase labour incomes and t h i s may increase the cost of l i v i n g . It may also draw i n various members of the population not previously i n the labour market such as housewives and students. A t h i r d outcome may be to encourage increased migration, thus increasing population growth rates. Where population growth i s greater than economic growth the converse of the above may occur. When population growth and economic growth are increasing at equal rates, the major e f f e c t may be a greater d i v e r s i t y of jobs and services. The population has grown and the demand for services d i v e r s i f i e d with a consequent e f f e c t of making s t i l l more jobs and services economically v i a b l e . It i s important to understand, however, that the type of investment d i c t a t e s the type of jobs which w i l l be produced, and while there may be f u l l employment i n one sector of the labour market, other sectors may experience.serious employment problems (Thompson, 1965). 5) Land prices and land consumption are both affected by population and economic growth. As population increases, the demand for housing may increase, r e s u l t i n g i n higher land p r i c e s . One r e s u l t might be to force the more intensive use of land. Secondly, new land around the periphery of the community may be developed, presenting the need for new i n f r a s t r u c t u r e s i n the form of transportation, sewers, u t i l i t i e s , schools and other f a c i l i t i e s . Depending on the type of economic growth, various s p e c i f i c e f f e c t s on land costs and consumption can be expected. For example, the l o c a t i o n of manufacturing and s e r v i c i n g industries generally requires large quantities of land. If such parcels are a v a i l a b l e , l i t t l e e f f e c t would be expected on l o c a l land p r i c e s , provided no s i g n i f i c a n t labour shortages e x i s t i n the area. Low land p r i c e s , however, a t t r a c t industry which normally a t t r a c t s other industry which normally a t t r a c t s more people. A l l require large t r a c t s of land at r e l a t i v e l y low p r i c e s . The r e s u l t i s generally perimeter growth. "A d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between land prices and land coverage may be i d e n t i f i e d ; i f no new land for buildings were av a i l a b l e , yet growth continued to occur, prices of presently developed land w i l l r i s e . This r i s e i n prices w i l l eventually r e s u l t i n pressures to develop t h i s land at higher i n t e n s i t i e s r e s u l t i n g i n high densities and a l l problems associated with them. On the other hand, i f large amounts of land were avail a b l e i n the fringe areas of the region, t h e i r r e l a t i v e l y low prices may a t t r a c t a great number of people to locate there at r e l a t i v e l y low d e n s i t i e s . This r e s u l t s in urban sprawl and a l l the problems associated with i t " (GVRD, 1972(2), p. 16). 6) Housing pr i c e s , construction and q u a l i t y are also affected by population and economic growth. As mentioned e a r l i e r , housing prices r i s e as a function of land values and costs of l i v i n g . The increase i n the price of homes generally pleases home owners. Their p r o f i t i s , however, only a "paper p r o f i t " f o r when the homeowner buys another home i n the r e g i o n , the second home's co s t w i l l have r i s e n s i m i l a r l y . Consumer housing e x p e c t a t i o n s are a l s o a f f e c t e d by growth. What was s a t i s f a c t o r y some ye a r s ago i n a s m a l l e r community may be c o n s i d e r e d substandard today. 7) The amenities needed as a r e s u l t o f growth are a major c o n s i d e r a t i o n . With growth, the demand f o r r e c r e a t i o n a l c u l t u r a l , e d u c a t i o n a l and o t h e r amenities i n c r e a s e s and becomes more d i v e r s e . Again, the balance between p o p u l a t i o n and economic growth i s the d e t e r m i n i n g f a c t o r . I f economic growth i s g r e a t e r than p o p u l a t i o n growth, d i s p o s a b l e income and government a b i l i t y t o tax may r i s e , e n a b l i n g governments to p r o v i d e more r e c r e a t i o n a l and s o c i a l a m e n i t i e s . I n d i v i d u a l w i l l g e n e r a l l y have more money, e n a b l i n g g r e a t e r e x p e n d i t u r e s f o r enjoyment, making p r e v i o u s l y uneconomic f a c i l i t i e s v i a b l e . When economic growth l a g s behind p o p u l a t i o n growth, there i s g e n e r a l l y l e s s money on a per c a p i t a b a s i s t o support l a r g e numbers o f a m e n i t i e s . The l a r g e p o p u l a t i o n base may make some am e n i t i e s v i a b l e but not to the same degree as i n a h i g h economic growth a r e a . Luxury am e n i t i e s i n t h i s case w i l l l a r g e l y be foregone. Demand w i l l i n c r e a s e more q u i c k l y when economic and p o p u l a t i o n growth i n c r e a s e a t the same r a t e . The r e s u l t may be g r e a t e r support f o r c u l t u r a l , r e c r e a t i o n a l and e d u c a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s which were not e c o n o m i c a l l y v i a b l e i n the past , allowing government to increase support for other public amenities. As population increases, current r e c r e a t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l f a c i l t i e s could become overcrowded and overused. As a r e s u l t , outdoor recreation may absorb the increased numbers causing the overcrowding of these amenities. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , more intensive and imaginative use of e x i s t i n g amenities may surface. This, however, i s not a long-term sol u t i o n but more l i k e l y a short-term remedy. 8) When discussing the e f f e c t s of population and economic growth, one of the most notable concerns i s the possible adverse e f f e c t s on the natural environment. With economic growth, we assume increased production with increasing amounts of waste. With economic growth of t h i s kind, public management to c o n t r o l and reduce any adverse e f f e c t s i s desirable. Increased need for land during high economic growth periods pressures open land and w i l d l i f e areas to be developed. The a l t e r n a t i v e i s to concentrate, y i e l d i n g the problems of high density mentioned e a r l i e r . Increased economic growth may y i e l d increased income per capita thereby encouraging people to spend more and waste more, p o l l u t i n g more. Population growth follows the same pattern using more consumer goods and services and y i e l d i n g increased waste materials. Economic impacts of growth are c o n t r o v e r s i a l on t h e i r own. When considered with population growth, they become more complex. The consequences of population and economic growth depend both on t h i s balance as well as on the type of economic growth foreseen. A c a p i t a l - i n t e n s i v e industry may have a f a r d i f f e r e n t e f f e c t than a labour-intensive industry. C l e a r l y , not a l l economic growth i s necessarily good. A project that may seem to be a r e a l asset when considered i n s t r i c t l y economic terms may have consequences which are not b e n e f i c i a l to the region as a whole. Because of these various "spin-off" e f f e c t s , growth management may be necessary to control the impact of proposed developments. Environmental Impacts and Concerns Urban growth generally means increased urban area, more land under development. The consequences of new development, whether on the newly devleoped land or to the c i t y as a whole, are r a r e l y considered for t h e i r environmental implications. This section, while not attempting to come to grips with a l l of the environmental and e c o l o g i c a l implications, w i l l discuss a number of these concerns. "While great e f f o r t s are made to ensure that you do not break an ankle, there are few deterrents to arrest the dumping of poisons into the sources of public water supply or t h e i r i n j e c t i o n into ground water resources. You are c l e a r l y protected from assault by f i s t , knife or gun, but not from equally dangerous threats of hydrocarbons, lead, nitrous oxides, ozone or carbon monoxide in the atmosphere. There i s no p r o t e c t i o n from a s s a u l t s of n o i s e , g l a r e and s t r e s s . So w h i l e a h a n d r a i l may be provided f o r your s a f e t y and convenience by a c o n s i d e r a t e government, you may drown i n a f l o o d p l a i n , s u f f e r l o s s of l i f e and property from inu n d a t i o n of c o a s t a l areas, from earthquake or h u r r i c a n e ; the damage of l o s s of l i f e could be due to c r i m i n a l i n j u s t i c e at best, without the p r o t e c t i o n of governmental r e g u l a t i o n or of laws" (McHarg, 1969, p. 55). McHarg continues: " I t should be otherwise; there i s a need f o r simple r e g u l a t i o n s , which ensure t h a t s o c i e t y p r o t e c t s the values of n a t u r a l processes and i s i t s e l f p r o t e c t e d . Conceivably, such lands wherein e x i s t these i n t r i n s i c values and c o n s t r a i n t s would provide the source of open space f o r m e t r o p o l i t a n areas. I f so, they would s a t i s f y a double purpose: ensuring the o p e r a t i o n of v i t a l n a t u r a l processes and employing lands unsuited f o r development i n ways unharmed by these o f t e n v i o l e n t processes. Presumably, too, development would occur i n areas t h a t were i n t r i n s i c a l l y s u i t a b l e , where dangers were absent and n a t u r a l processes unharmed "(McHarg, 1969, p. 56). The use of more land f o r urban growth i s v i r t u a l l y unavoidable i f growth i s t o take p l a c e . Some land w i l l have to be used. The d e c i s i o n t o be made i s how much land and of what type. In high growth communities where the speed of development i s o f t e n important, the development of a g r i c u l t u r a l and e c o l o g i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e areas i s common. Robert Cahn notes t h a t , i n the United S t a t e s , s t u d i e s estimate some f i v e hundred thousand to seven hundred f i f t y thousand acres of r u r a l open space are used annually i n the urban grov/th process (197 3). Obviously, not a l l of t h i s land i s prime a g r i c u l t u r a l land or i n e c o l o g i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e areas. However, because of the r e l a t i v e ease of conversion of these areas, they have been a t t r a c t i v e for development (Stott, 1974). Aside from the costs of loss of natural environs, the conversion of farmland means i t s removal from a g r i c u l t u r a l production. The consequence i s a r i s e i n l o c a l food prices and a decline i n freshness of l o c a l l y obtainable goods because of increased distances (Stott, 1974). More than the l o c a l area i s effected however. The excessive land used to house the populations of our c i t i e s i s obvious. While may areas of the world suffer from food shortages, developed nations continue to destroy some of the most productive land i n existence (Revelle, 1974). With decreasing densities and increasing urbanization, more land i s being used for development than ever before. New York, for example, i n the ten year period from 1950 to 1960 grew by f i f t e e n percent i n population yet increased i n land area by f i f t y one percent (Davis, 1965). Aside from the loss of land, rapid urban growth has other environmental impacts. As Russel Train points out, during l a s t seven years, the United States has taken serious steps to clean up i t s environment. Canada i s i n a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n . A i r p o l l u t i o n , water p o l l u t i o n , p e s t i c i d e c o n t r o l , noise abatement, s o l i d waste disposal and w i l d l i f e protection are areas i n which regulations and controls have been moved on. The timing of development of many new areas of fast 28. growing c i t i e s leads to long t r a v e l distances to obtain many services. It i s f a i r to say that there i s a general national concensus i n favour of clean a i r . When urban transportation control plans are proposed i n order to meet th i s objective of clean a i r , and these controls c a l l for a dramatic decrease i n automobile d r i v i n g , the reaction may be quite against the clean a i r objective (Train, 1975). This problem of c o n f l i c t i n g choices i s apparent i n many environmental issues. For society to s t r i v e toward t h i s goal i s proper, but for the i n d i v i d u a l to have to help to achieve t h i s i s often a contentious issue. Somehow, the two attitudes are incongrous! Energy problems also r e l a t e to high growth areas. "Very simply, high growth areas are energy p r o f l i g a t e . Spreading new development based on automobile transportation wastes energy, not to mention land, a i r and water. Mile a f t e r mile of new subdivision, i n d u s t r i a l park and shopping mall - a l l hallmarks of high growth areas - are now monuments of a wasteful past. Even i f the current energy shortage should prove a somewhat corporate creation, high growth areas w i l l be very much aware of t h e i r energy dependency" (Toner, 1974, p. x i x ) . High growth can mean that not a l l or even most alt e r n a t i v e s have been considered. Each new development automatically rules out alt e r n a t i v e s for the future. Resources are committed, land i s used and options are l o s t . The fas t e r and greater the growth, the more l i k e l y mistakes are to be made in the in t e r e s t of speed and d o l l a r s and the more l i k e l y environmental impacts w i l l be increased. 29. A H o l i s t i c Approach This chapter does not urge the cessation of growth. "Given the p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , and economic structure of North America, i t i s inconceivable to pursue p o l i c i e s of no growth" (Seelig and See l i g , 1973, p. 18). It argues for a more h o l i s t i c approach to planning growth. It argues that growth should be slow when necessary, small when uncertain and that steps should be taken to determine the best course a f t e r c a r e f u l consideration of the options, even i f t h i s means the loss of development. An analogy can be drawn from Russel Train's statement. "I have been asked whether I was for or against off-shore o i l development, deep water ports and si m i l a r f a c i l i t i e s . The answer, of course, i s that there are c e r t a i n places where we should probably not undertake such developments, and we should never push them down the throats of communities which are adamantly opposed to the developments. At the same time, there are places where such development can be undertaken and i n ways which do minimal harm to environmental and community values and which w i l l also provide substantial benefits to our society. I t i s a matter of c a r e f u l analysis of costs and benefits, and of trade-offs. It i s b a s i c a l l y a matter of making r a t i o n a l , orderly choices" (Train, 1973, p. 44). Growth should be managed i n order to achieve the maximum s o c i e t a l benefit, with minimum s o c i a l , economic or environmental costs. This does not indicate a t r a d i t i o n a l cost-benefit type of d o l l a r s and cents analysis. I t does maintain, however/: that the choice should be c a r e f u l l y weighed and i n the s o c i a l 30. economic and environmental balance, the d e c i s i o n made. Where growth i s d e f i n i t e l y p o s i t i v e , i t should be proceeded w i t h . Where i t i s d e f i n i t e l y n e g a t i v e , i t should be r e j e c t e d . F i n a l l y , where growth i s of umcertain worth, i t should be c a r e f u l l y c o n s i d e r e d b e f o r e any d e c i s i o n i s made. CHAPTER III REVIEW OF MANAGEMENT TECHNIQUES This chapter w i l l b r i e f l y describe growth management techniques which have been used or are presently i n use. These techniques, however, w i l l be l i m i t e d to those which are p o l i t i c a l l y f e a s i b l e i n the Edmonton Region of Alberta. "Ideally managed growth consists of a well integrated, e f f i c i e n t , and affirmative system where choices or decisions are made e x p l i c i t l y and with f u l l knowledge of the variables and trade-offs involved, and where the programs are co-ordinated i n furtherance of c l e a r community growth and land use objectives" (Scott, 1975, p. 4). This chapter w i l l not attempt to develop, but w i l l merely describe, the various inputs into such systems. Cl e a r l y , these inputs have problems when taken on an i n d i v i d u a l basis. It i s only when, as described above, they are "well integrated, e f f i c i e n t , and a f f i r m a t i v e " that they w i l l be p r a c t i c a l and of maximum benefit. Each techniq must be considered, by the o f f i c i a l or c i t i z e n , for i t s l e g a l , s o c i a l , economic/fiscal and administrative e f f e c t s as well as whether or not i t i s defensible and from which points of view. The community should be made aware of the consequent "trade-offs" and deal systematically with these when determining whether such techniques should be used (Scott, 1975). Two categories of management techniques w i l l be described. The f i r s t category, growth r e s t r i c t i o n s , deals b a s i c a l l y with regulations which preclude c e r t a i n types of development. The second category, growth d e f l e c t i n g techniques, deals with mechanisms used to encourage growth to locate elsewhere. Each of these categories has a number of subcategories which are separated further into various management techniques. Growth Re s t r i c t i o n s 1) Building R e s t r i c t i o n s 2) Servicing R e s t r i c t i o n s 3) Land Use R e s t r i c t i o n s 4) Other Growth Deterrents Growth Deflecting Techniques 1) Growth Diversion Incentives 2) Alternate Growth Centres Growth R e s t r i c t i o n s These r e s t r i c t i o n s are used to disallow growth. They may be i n the form of r e s t r i c t i o n s on bui l d i n g , s e r v i c i n g , land use or the development process i t s e l f . Building R e s t r i c t i o n s By r e s t r i c t i n g the type, size and mass of a b u i l d i n g , the builder may be limited and/or encouraged to locate i n another area. There are a number of b u i l d i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s currently i n use. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , these b u i l d i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s were i n the form of codes and permits. These two r e s t r i c t i o n s s t i l l play a major r o l e i n the growth management f i e l d . The difference i s r e a l l y one of degree of use. By developing u n r e a l i s t i c b u i l d i n g codes, some buildings can be excluded due to material costs. Building height and mass r e s t r i c t i o n s are further examples. They have been used i n the United States for some time i n such places as Boulder, Colorado, and are now appearing i n Canada i n V i c t o r i a , Vancouver and Toronto. These r e s t r i c t i o n s can have very s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t s on the type of development which w i l l occur. Building permits may provide formal or informal r e s t r i c t i o n s on the location and type of development. They may also a f f e c t the t o t a l amount of development by l i m i t i n g the number of permits avail a b l e as i s the case i n Petaluma, C a l i f o r n i a . A basic problem with b u i l d i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s i s that, as with any other management technique, they are very weak tools when used alone. Building r e s t r i c t i o n s may simply force development outside of the managing municipality's boundaries. This may cause urban sprawl and/or force the adjacent municipality to manage t h i s development. Servicing Restrictions Servicing l a r g e l y determines where development w i l l occur. If services are lim i t e d by a bylaw or by economic constraints, development may be s h i f t e d elsewhere. These management techniques can take many forms. In most cases they are used to l i m i t the services av a i l a b l e or to make them so c o s t l y as to be uneconomical to builders or developers. Population and employment targets have been set and c a r r i e d out by the se r v i c i n g r e s t r i c t i o n method. Prince George's County, Maryland, sets f o r t h annual targets and uses these to guide new development (ASPO, 1975). "Placement of roads, sewer, water, and other support f a c i l i t i e s i s a means of influencing the location of development" (ASPO, 1975, p. 37). Thus, whether the s e r v i c i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s be t o t a l moratoriums on development, as i n Fai r f a x County, V i r g i n i a , or interim development controls, the r e s u l t s may be the same: li m i t e d services, l i m i t e d growth. These techniques are generally used to stop development while plans are drawn up, but have been used on an extended basis i n a number of cases. Land Use Re s t r i c t i o n s As the name suggests, t h i s category deals with the regulation of land uses. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , zoning was the method used by most c i t i e s to d i c t a t e "what goes where". In recent years, the methods used to control land use have greatly increased i n number and intent. The f i e l d of growth management has been the t e s t i n g ground for many of these. Zoning has been d i v e r s i f i e d i n the name of growth management. Downzoning and a g r i c u l t u r a l zoning, while not new, are now much more commonly used (Bergman, 1975, and Miner, 1975). Both have the e f f e c t of reducing the amount of land avai l a b l e for new development. Downzoning generally decreases the density or i n t e n s i t y of development, thus l i m i t i n g the amount of growth which can take place. The l e g a l aspect of downzoning i s a major controversy.* A g r i c u l t u r a l zoning sets aside areas to be used for a g r i c u l t u r a l purposes alone. It generally i s used i n concert with f i n a n c i a l concessions, such as reduced taxes, to r e l i e v e pressure for urban development. It can be used to l i m i t sprawl and manage growth (Isberg, 1975). By l i m i t i n g land to t h i s use, the land ava i l a b l e for housing and i n d u s t r i a l purposes i s e f f e c t i v e l y reduced. Controlled l o c a t i o n of o f f i c e space i s another land use r e s t r i c t i o n used to manage growth. The use of o f f i c e development permits since 1965 and the passage of the Control of O f f i c e Development and I n d u s t r i a l Development Act has r e s t r i c t e d the creation of new jobs i n metropolitan London. The purpose i s to reduce the a t t r a c t i o n of a centre. Their use i n London i s a federal response to excessive growth. It appears to have worked well to date (Daniels, 1975). The GVRD regional town centre approach to a l t e r the flow of growth i n Vancouver i s a s i m i l a r type of mechanism, although much less * For an indepth discussion of downzoning, see Bosselman, Fred P. and David C a l l i e s and John Barta. The Taking Issue: A  Study of the Co n s t i t u t i o n a l Limits of Governmental Authority  to Regulate the Use of P r i v a t e l y Owned Land Without Compensation  to the Owners. Council on Environmental Quality, Washington, D.C., 1973. developed at t h i s date. C r i t i c a l areas and carrying capacity r e s t r i c t i o n s can be used to designate land which i s e c o l o g i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e , such as wet lands and a q u i f i e r recharge areas (Odell, 1975). B a s i c a l l y , the area i s measured for i t s e c o l o g i c a l importance and c a p a b i l i t i e s and i s rated on t h i s basis. " A thorough application of e c o l o g i c a l analysis to land-use regulations has been affected i n the Lake Tahoe Basin of C a l i f o r n i a and Nevada. The Lake Tahoe Regional Planning Agency . . . developed a Land C a p a b i l i t y Map, a General Plan Map, and a det a i l e d implementing ordinance" (Odell, 1975, p. 25). These areas are often prone to development, as mentioned e a r l i e r , and t h i s type of r e s t i c t i v e t o o l may be h e l p f u l i n such cases. Aesthetic controls can be used to regulate the appearance or design of development. Petaluma, C a l i f o r n i a , uses these to r e s t r i c t developments "according to perceived l e v e l s of • d e s i r a b i l i t y 1 " (Scott, 1975, p. 24). The s c i e n t i f i c nature of t h i s t o o l i s c l e a r l y questionable. The land use contract i s r e l a t i v e l y new to North America. It i s very s i m i l a r to the B r i t i s h system of development permits. The purpose i s to force developers to come to the administration to bargain for development approval. The land use contracts and impost fees are methods by which the c i t y can obtain benefits for the entire community such as park dedications, ser v i c i n g and community f a c i l i t i e s . If such benefits are not provided, the c i t y may not allow the development to proceed. 38. The problem i s that land use contracts are d i f f i c u l t to set. Their use i s generally only i n unique cases which run into problems with zoning bylaws. R e s t r i c t i v e covenants and other agreements running with the land include an "array of deed r e s t r i c t i o n s , easements and other negotiated agreements which transfer with ownership. R e s t r i c t i v e covenants are frequently used to t a i l o r the purposes of zoning or other p o l i c e power r e s t r a i n t s to a s p e c i f i c s i t e or to be more r e s t r i c t i v e than general public requirements. While the agreements may be incorporated by the developer at the request of an agency that approves public plans, the r e s t r i c t i o n s cannot be amended by public action as can zoning and subdivision regulations" (ASPO, 1975, p. 39). Covenants have been used to prevent subdivision of land without sewer and water service i n Marion County, Oregon, i n l i e u of planned unit development ordincances i n Dade County, V i r g i n i a , and i n Houston, _Te.xas i n l i e u of zoning (ASPO, 1975) . Public a q u i s i t i o n may be described as the most obtrusive means of r e s t r i c t i n g land use. Four mechanisms may be c i t e d . The " a q u i s i t i o n of the fee simple" i s usually the most cos t l y . It requires the government to purchase the deed to the land and gives t o t a l control of i t s use to the government. A second method, that of "land banking", involves the a q u i s i t i o n of land by government where development i s expected. The land may be.made available to public or private developers but with s i g n i f i c a n t r e s t r i c t i o n s as to i t s use. Land banking can be used to r e s t r i c t land speculation and- urban sprawl. "Compensable regulation", a t h i r d method of public a q u i s i t i o n , may r e s u l t when land i s to be used for the "greater public good". The expropriation of land for a dam project i s an example. The land i s v i r t u a l l y wiped of any value and may be considered taken. Compensable regulation i s a method of combining c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p o l i c e power with compensation. A fo r t h and f i n a l method of public aquistion i s that of a "less than fee simple a q u i s i t i o n " . The development rig h t s or easements are purchased. The development p o t e n t i a l i s thereby reduced. Thus, the land owner remains i n control of the land and i s able to r e t a i n the land, preferably without large pressure for development (ASPO, 1975). Other Growth Deterrents B a s i c a l l y , these techniques are s i m i l a r to other r e s t r i c t i o n s but may be more blatant i n t h e i r use. The techniques are extremely diverse i n methodology yet quite s i m i l a r i n t h e i r consequences. A l l act to reduce the amount of growth taking place. However, they work-on the development process rather than on either the land or the buildings. One of the most obvious deterrents to development i s i n administrative processing and delay. "A government can administer even when l e g i s l a t i v e authority may be lacking. It can also use 'creative foot-dragging' by holding up projects to the point of making them f i n a n c i a l l y i n f e a s i b l e " (ASPO, 1975, p. 47). There i s l i t t l e that the applicant can do, 40. provided that the delays are not obvious. The alte r n a t i v e s are to wait or to move to another community. By placing c e i l i n g s on re n t a l increases which are not i n l i n e with increased costs, the amount of new r e n t a l accommodation development w i l l drop. Many associated problems come about. The e x i s t i n g accommodation i s allowed to deteriorate, black markets develop for housing, and people are encouraged to remain i n units which are "overhousing" t h e i r needs. When required to pay f u l l s e r v i c i n g costs, the b u i l d e r -developer has l i t t l e choice but to s h i f t t h i s extra cost onto the consumer unless he el e c t s not to b u i l d i n the area. Aside from s e r v i c i n g costs, other costs may be charged to the developer. These ad d i t i o n a l costs are c a l l e d impact fees i n the United States. They are simply fees to cover the costs of a d d i t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s to the community. In Canada, under the name of impost fees, they have a s i m i l a r purpose. Again, the developer has two options: one which w i l l be a benefit to the community through increased amenities and another which w i l l not be a burden on e x i s t i n g community resources. Subdivision control and zoning are probably the oldest methods of c o n t r o l l i n g development. In recent years, the use of subdivision control to manage growth has been much more common. While s t i l l being used to e s t a b l i s h standards for public improvements such as str e e t sizes and sewer l i n e s , subdivision controls are also being used to manage growth by determining the "sequence and tempo of development, as happened i n Ramapo" (ASPO, 1975, p. 41). By determining areas which w i l l be subdivided on a yearly basis, growth can be projected along with the needed f a c i l i t i e s and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e to accommodate any new growth. The case of Petaluma, C a l i f o r n i a , i l l u s t r a t e s a very simple yet seemingly e f f e c t i v e way to manage growth. By l i m i t i n g the number of dwelling units b u i l t per year, t h i s c i t y has stopped i t s rapid growth. Legal questions are s t i l l being resolved i n court but, at t h i s time, at le a s t i n C a l i f o r n i a , t h i s control mechanism seems v a l i d (Gray, 1975). In addition, there are a number of other mechanisms such as dedication fees - which must be paid i n cash, land or buildings - and amenity requirements, which work i n a s i m i l a r way to fees. These are b a s i c a l l y " s p i n - o f f s " of impost fees and do not merit further discussion. A f i n a l growth deterrent i s the tax and fee system. There are four alternate techniques. The f i r s t i s the urban/ r u r a l service area. "This technique distinguishes areas by the l e v e l of service they can be expected to receive and therefore the l e v e l of taxation to pay for those services" (ASPO, 1975, p. 4 3 ) . Thus, the public decision to l i m i t urban services would reduce taxes on farm lands. Generally, t h i s i s used with other techniques such as timed a l l o c a t i o n of public funds. The second technique i s a user benefit fee. These are not r e a l l y taxes but more l i k e a service charge. The user i s charged for the provision of services to his s i t e . Thus, because costs increase with distance, growth of outlying areas i s deterred. A t h i r d technique i s p r e f e r e n t i a l taxation or assessment. Under t h i s technique farm land i s taxed at lower rates to enable farmers to continue farming without pressures to develop. This has been seriou s l y questioned recently as landowners are un l i k e l y to forego higher c a p i t a l gains made through eventual sale (ASPO, 1975). The fourth technique i s that of s e t t i n g aside development d i s t r i c t s . These areas are set aside as the areas of development and are taxed on that basis. Thus, higher taxes on development area lands help to pay for services and f a c i l i t i e s both there and i n other areas of the community (ASPO, 1975). Growth Deflecting Techniques These mechanisms deal with growth, not i n terms of managing i t on a l o c a l l e v e l , but on a regional basis. Therefore, they require at lea s t two le v e l s of government agreement and l i k e l y a t h i r d . Through various incentives, areas other than the o r i g i n a l growth destination are made more a t t r a c t i v e for development. Growth Diversion Incentives While growth may not be considered favorably by residents of one area, i t may be desirable to the inhabitants of another. Through the a p p l i c a t i o n of incentives i n the area, such as tax concessions or other reduced costs, development may be reoriented to other areas. In Canada, the Department of Regional Economic Expansion of the federal government (DREE) has been instrumental i n developing a number of these techniques. B a s i c a l l y , DREE provides loan guarantees or grants to stimulate development i n designated areas. Rodwin points out a number of techniques which can be used. "Training programs could be set up, accurate information on expanding areas disseminated, and, where resources permitted, maximum assistance payments provided during the period of r e l o c a t i o n . Investments i n health and education, i n s o c i a l rather than economic overhead c a p i t a l , might also be emphasized i n these regions. Such investments would contribute to development as well as to welfare. F i n a l l y , some areas might need help for only a short period or might require more moderate assistance whereas i n other areas, some economic investments and tax bonuses might be inescapable. In short, some p o s i t i v e and some token e f f o r t s and a great deal of consummate p o l i t i c a l s k i l l w i l l be e s s e n t i a l " (Rodwin, 1970, p. 30). Tax concessions for developments i n designated areas are used to a t t r a c t development. Here, any development locating i n the predefined area would be forgiven for a c e r t a i n amount of tax over a period of time. The problem i s that, i n the i n i t i a l years, r e l a t i v e l y high costs of development and operation would mean a low p r o f i t margin and therefore low taxation. The attractiveness of t h i s proposition would therefore suf f e r (Brewis, 1969). Loans may enable a venture, which would not have q u a l i f i e d for f i n a n c i a l assistance at i t s o r i g i n a l location, to proceed at a more mutually b e n e f i c i a l s i t e . If the development chooses to locate within a designated area, i t may receive f i n a n c i a l assistance i n the form of loans and possibly grants. The e f f e c t of t h i s type of program i s to a t t r a c t development away from c e r t a i n areas towards others A large amount of i n d u s t r i a l and other ventures are f a i r l y "footloose"; they have few l o c a t i o n a l considerations. For these, t h i s type of program may work. Others which have prerequisite l o c a t i o n a l constraints w i l l not, generally, be attracted through t h i s type of program. A combination of tax concessions and loans may be found by way of an accelerated c a p i t a l cost allowance. Here, a high s t r a i g h t l i n e depreciation rate on most new equipment as opposed to a lower rate on a diminishing balance amount to an i n t e r e s t free loan over several years (Brewis, 1965). Transfer of development r i g h t s has been used i n t e r n a l l y i n c i t i e s for some time. B a s i c a l l y , a l l land i s given a development p o t e n t i a l i n the form of development r i g h t s . These r i g h t s may be transferred, through purchasing, to other s i t e s but, once t h i s i s done, further development on the o r i g i n a l s i t e i s impossible. Recently, the idea of regional transfer of development righ t s has been suggested for growth management. This technique would evaluate a l l land within a region and, based on a number of c r i t e r i a , development r i g h t s would be allo c a t e d . Through t h i s a l l o c a t i o n , various areas would be designated for alternate types and degrees of development (Chavooshian, et a l , 1975 and Costonis, 1974, 1975). The use of the regional plan can also be used to d i v e r t growth. By a l l o c a t i n g various areas for p a r t i c u l a r uses, a type of regional zoning can be implemented. Rather than inducing growth to go elsewhere, i t makes i t impossible for i t to locate at i t s o r i g i n a l choice. Through the regional plan and the above taxation and loan techniques, a form of regional transfer of development may be possible. These techniques may be used to improve o r i g i n a l areas from which migrants came or to increase the attractiveness and a v a i l a b i l i t y of other areas for development. In ei t h e r case, they provide alternate l o c a t i o n a l choices and act to d i v e r t growth from one area to another. It must be emphasized that these techniques require the cooperation of various l e v e l s of government. Where t h i s cooperation i s lacking, these techniques w i l l not be f e a s i b l e . Alternate Growth Centres These techniques require the greatest governmental intervention and expenditure of any of the management categories described to t h i s point. Achievement of these techniques requires the use of techniques i n a l l other growth management categories. The development of a New C i t y i s a phenomenal task. Ciudad, Guayana, Venezuela i s probably the best example of t h i s type of development. Generally, t h i s involves the choice of a location which w i l l draw growth from other centres and has enough natural amenities and resources to be able to support a large population. Its purpose i s to draw growth from many centres, not just one. The Ciudad example i s located i n a unique area of Venezuela with a great abundance of resources such as o i l and gas f i e l d s and ore deposits. In t h i s case, a small community existed p r i o r to the decision to develop a new c i t y but t h i s i s not necessary. B r a s i l i a , B r a z i l , was developed i n an area with v i r t u a l l y no settlement. The most s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of t h i s technique i s that i t attempts to provide a v i r t u a l l y independent c i t y able to compete for development on an equal basis with other centres (Rodwin, 1970). Cle a r l y , the greatest l i m i t i n g factor i s the tremendous c a p i t a l cost of such a venture. The New Towns concept originated i n England with the Garden City movement. New towns, unlike new c i t i e s , are designed to r e l i e v e growth pressure from a s p e c i f i c centre. The s i t e chosen i s within r e l a t i v e l y close proximity of the centre to be r e l i e v e d of growth pressures. I t w i l l thus be close enough to r e l y on the established centre for high order services yet far enough away that i t s development as a dormitory suburb i s very u n l i k e l y . The new town i s s e l f r e l i a n t for employment and r e s i d e n t i a l needs. Areas chosen generally have few, i f any, inhabitants or may be the l o c a t i o n of a small town. After choosing the s i t e for a new town, the government begins the large scale development of housing and community f a c i l i t i e s and encourages industry to locate there through a system of incentives. People are attracted i n a s i m i l a r manner by subsidized housing, moving expenses and the l i k e . C l e a r l y , l i k e the new c i t y technique, new towns are extremely expensive to develop. The development of New Communities sets out areas to be developed i n t h e i r e n t i r e t y and s t r i v e s to decentralize population and employment as well as service functions. This does not mean that these developments are t o t a l l y independent. In Stockholm, Sweden, where t h i s technique i s used, rapid t r a n s i t l i n e s l i n k the modules to the c e n t r a l c i t y . B a s i c a l l y , the module i s s e l f contained, yet not independent of nor i s o l a t e d from, the c e n t r a l c i t y (Guttheim, 1973 and Whittick, 1974) . Alternate growth centres, as stated e a r l i e r , require enormous c a p i t a l investments and use of many of the management techniques described throughout t h i s chapter. For t h i s 48. reason, alternate growth centres may be described as the l a s t resort for growth management. While some of these techniques have been successful at reasonable cost, such as the new communities developed i n Stockholm, many examples can be c i t e d where even a f t e r large c a p i t a l investments have been made, as i n B r a s i l i a , the resultant s h i f t s i n growth have been minimal. Summary Two categories of growth management techniques have been designated. Growth r e s t r i c t i o n s attempt to reduce development i n an area through a series of techniques which may reduce bu i l d i n g a l t e r n a t i v e s , s e r v i c i n g a v a i l a b i l i t y , land used and generally make the development process d i f f i c u l t and less p r o f i t a b l e . They are what have been characterized as " s t i c k " approaches to growth management. The second category, growth d e f l e c t i n g techniques, may be described as p o s i t i v e r e i n f o r c e r s of alternate growth. These have been characterized as the "carrot" approach. The approach of these techniques i s to induce growth to locate elsewhere through f i n a n c i a l incentives. The management techniques described in each category are in no way independent. Where only one technique i s used, the success rate i s v i r t u a l l y zero. A number of these problems have been described. What i s needed i s a management program. Such a program would i n v o l v e the development of o b j e c t i v e s f o r the area under c o n s i d e r a t i o n and the f u r t h e r development o f a system of management techn i q u e s which would work t o g e t h e r to a c hieve the o b j e c t i v e s . C l e a r l y , the techniques used would vary w i t h the o b j e c t i v e s and s i t e under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . CHAPTER IV LEGAL ASPECTS OF GROWTH MANAGEMENT IN ALBERTA 51. This chapter w i l l deal with growth management i n Alberta from a l e g a l perspective. In order for a management technique to have value to those who w i l l use i t , i t must f i r s t have l e g a l sanction. Without t h i s , the technique w i l l work only as long as i t remains out of court. C l e a r l y , t h i s i s not the basis for an e f f e c t i v e control technique and/ or resultant program. To determine the l e g a l i t y of such management techniques, i t may be necessary to trace the course of administrative power from i t s o r i g i n a l source through to the delegated quthority. The sources of authority for a number of growth management techniques w i l l be delineated through the c i t a t i o n of various p r o v i n c i a l statutes. Other techniques w i l l be studied i n greater d e t a i l ; they w i l l be discussed as they e x i s t i n The Subdivision and Transfer Regulations of the Province of Alberta (SDTR) pursuant to The Planning Act of that same province. It must be recognized that, due to the overlapping nature of the subject matter of a number of statutes, more than one act may be involved i n determining the method of implementation of a growth management technique. Therefore, i n the general treatment of a number of techniques, statutes other than those c i t e d may also be involved. P r o v i n c i a l Statutes and Growth Management A number of enabling acts a f f e c t various aspects and techniques of growth management. This section w i l l describe some of these acts as they r e l a t e to a number of management techniques described e a r l i e r . The use of a growth management technique i s based on some section of some l e g a l document. The techniques generally f i n d t h e i r authority and method of use i n an act of eithe r the federal or the p r o v i n c i a l government. Often, these statutes overlap i n subject area or consequences as they r e l a t e to growth management. This may be because the o r i g i n a l act was not couched i n terms s p e c i f i c to the growth management f i e l d . I t i s for t h i s reason that a number of management techniques have been questioned i n court. At t h i s time, few have been quashed i n Canada. This may be because growth management i s r e l a t i v e l y new to Canada or because more c l e a r l y defined r i g h t s of various l e v e l s of government are found i n Canadian l e g i s l a t i o n . I t i s the p o s i t i o n of t h i s chapter that the l a t t e r i s the case. By far the most comprehensive documents r e l a t i n g to the management of growth i n Alberta are The Municipal Government Act and The Planning Act, Chapters 246 and 276 of The Revised Statutes of Alberta 1970 respectively. Pursuant to The Planning Act are a number of regulations, the most important of these being The Subdivision and Transfer Regulations (Regulations Act 1967, Chapter 215). Although numerous pieces of other l e g i s l a t i o n are involved i n the provision of authority to manage growth, these three provide the dominant framework within which planning i s ca r r i e d out i n Alberta. Due to the number of techniques and authorizing acts involved, only a li m i t e d number of techniques and enabling l e g a l sanction w i l l be presented. TABLE I MANAGEMENT TECHNIQES AND THEIR LEGAL SANCTIONS IN ALBERTA GROWTH MANAGEMENT TECHNIQUE LEGAL SANCTION A GROWTH RESTRICTIONS CATEGORY 1 Building R e s t r i c t i o n s (a) b u i l d i n g codes (b) b u i l d i n g permits 2 Servicing R e s t r i c t i o n s (a) l i m i t services available (b) increase costs 3 Land Use Restrictions (a) zoning The Planning Act, The Municipal Government Act The Planning Act, The Municipal Government Act, The SDTR The E l e c t r i c Power and Pipeline Act, The Municipal Government Act, The Planning Act, The SDTR The Planning Act, The Municipal Government Act, The SDTR The Planning Act, The Municipal Government Act TABLE I (continued) (b) a g r i c u l t u r a l zoning (c) c o n t r o l l e d l o c a t i o n of o f f i c e space (d) r e s t r i c t i o n s for environmentally c r i t i c a l areas (e) r e s t r i c t i o n s f or areas of high carrying capacity (f) aesthetic controls (g) land use contract (h) r e s t r i c t i v e covenants (i) public a q u i s i t i o n (j) development control Other Growth Deterrents (a) slow admistrative procedure (b) subdivision controls The Planning Act, The Environment Conservation Act, The SDTR The Planning Act The Planning Act, The Environment Conservation Act,The Land Surface Conservation and Reclamation Act, The SDTR The Planning Act, The Environment Conservation Act, The Land Surface Conservation and Reclamation Act, The SDTR The Planning Act, The Municipal Government Act, The SDTR The Planning Act, The Municipal Government Act, The SDTR The Land T i t l e s Act The Planning Act, The Municipal Government Act, The SDTR, The Government Land Purchase Act, The Expropriation Procedure Act The Planning Act, The SDTR, The Planning Act, The SDTR The Planning Act, The Municipal Government Act, The SDTR TABLE I (continued) (c) l i m i t b u i l ding permits (d) tax and fee system GROWTH DEFLECTING TECHNIQUES CATEGORY 1 Growth Diversion Incentives (a) tax concessions (b) grants (c) loans (d) transfer of development ri g h t s - regional (e) regional plan 2 Alternate Growth Centres (a) new c i t y (b) new town (c) new communities The Planning Act, The Municipal Government Act. The SDTR The E l e c t r i c Power and Pipeline Assessment Act, The Municipal Tax Act The Municipal Act (Rogers, 1975, p, 867) The Municipal Act (Rogers, 1975, p. 822) The Land Loans Act The Planning Act, The Municipal Government Act, The SDTR (Rogers, 1975, p.786) The Planning Act, The Municipal Government Act, The SDTR The Planning Act, The Municipal Government Act, The New Towns Act, The Municipal Tax Act, The SDTR, The Land T i t l e s Act, The Government Land Purchase Act, The Land Loans Act, The Expropriation Procedure Act, The Land Surface Conservation Act, The County Act, The Improvement D i s t r i c t s Act In some cases, not a l l l e g a l sanctions noted are required. Often, however, the use of a d d i t i o n a l acts may enable modification to the o r i g i n a l e f f e c t s . In t h i s manner, a group of acts may operate as a steering mechanism to achieve the desired r e s u l t s . C l e a r l y , the use of these techniques w i l l depend upon the p o l i c y of the government i n question, for i n most cases, development decisions have a number of a l t e r n a t i v e s . As as example, The SDTR w i l l be examined i n d e t a i l . C o n s t i t u t i o n a l i t y of the Subdivision and Transfer Regulations  of Alberta The SDTR of Alberta i s b a s i c a l l y the means through which The Planning Act i s c a r r i e d out. The approving authority varies with the l o c a t i o n of proposed development; i t may be the P r o v i n c i a l Planning Board, the regional planning commission or the municipal planning commission. The P r o v i n c i a l Planning Board i s the ultimate authority but generally i t s authority i s only used i n cases where development i s proposed i n areas outside municipal or regional planning areas. Generally, the P r o v i n c i a l Planning Board i s charged with o v e r a l l planning and reports to the Lieutenant Governor i n Council. The regional planning commission c a r r i e s out planning for the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s within i t s designated region. Each municipality pays a set amount into the Alberta Planning Fund which enables the respective regional planning commissions to plan for these areas, including the administration of The SDTR. The regional planning commission i s responsible to the council of the member m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . The t h i r d authority which may be responsible for the administration of the SDTR i s the municipal planning commission. In t h i s case "a municipal council may, by by-law, e s t a b l i s h a municipal planning commission" to plan within i t s boundaries (The Planning Act of Alberta 1972, Section 15). The commission i s responsible to the municipal c o u n c i l . In order to determine the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i t y of the SDTR, i t i s necessary to trace through the enabling l e g i s l a t i o n from The B r i t i s h North America (BNA) Act to The Planning Act of Alberta, which enables the regulation. The i n t e r n a l powers of the various a u t h o r i t i e s as they r e l a t e to the use of the SDTR w i l l be discussed. The BNA Act, i n Section 92, gives the provinces authority to make laws i n r e l a t i o n to matters which are designated i n sixteen classes of subjects. Three of these are often c i t e d as giving the provinces authority to plan. These are: Subsection "Local Works and Undertakings, other than such as of the following classes: (a) Lines of Steam or other Ships, Railways, Canals, Telegraphs, and other Works and Undertakings, connecting the Province with any other or others of the Provinces, or extending beyond the Limits of the Province; (b) Lines of Steamships between the Provinces and any B r i t i s h or Foreign Country; (c) Such works, as, although wholly within 58. the Province, are before or a f t e r t h e i r Execution declared by the Parliament of Canada to be for the General Advantage of Canada or for the Advantage of Two or more of the Provinces. Subsection 13 Property and C i v i l Rights i n the Province Subsection 16 Generally a l l Matters of a merely l o c a l or private Nature i n the Province" (Milner, 1963, p. 463). Subsection 10 i s generally the authority c i t e d for the delegation of the power to plan to the provinces. " I t should be kept i n mind that whenever a government (or l e g i s l a t u r e ) i s authorized to develop land i t has, i m p l i c i t l y , a power to plan, as well as carry out the plan" (Milner, 1963, p. 461). From The BNA Act which designates planning as a p r o v i n c i a l matter, the next step i s to The Planning Act of the Province of Alberta or Chapter 276 of The Revised Statutes of Alberta 1970. This act, passed i n 1963, delegates the f i n a l authority to approve development, and therefore plan, to the P r o v i n c i a l Planning Board. The enabling act delegating power i s Section 5 of The Planning Act. It states: "1. The P r o v i n c i a l Planning Advisory Board i s hereby continued under the s t y l e and t i t l e of the P r o v i n c i a l Planning Board. 2. The Board s h a l l consist of (a) the Director who, s h a l l be the chief executive o f f i c e r of the Board, and (a) a chairman, a deputy chairman, and other members who s h a l l be appointed by the Lieutenant Governor i n Council to hold o f f i c e during pleasure, but no Ministers of the Crown s h a l l be appointed to the Board" (Revised Statutes of Alberta 1970, The Planning Act, Section 5). The Planning Board also recommends the establishment of regional planning commissions which are given approving authority as are municipal planning commissions. Unlike the regional planning commission, whose decisions may be appealed to the P r o v i n c i a l Planning Board, the municipal planning commission, which i s established by a municipal council by-law, may have i t s decisions appealed to the municipal c o u n c i l . The f i n a l step i n tr a c i n g the enabling l e g i s l a t i o n for the SDTR may be found i n Sections 17 and 19 of The Planning Act of Alberta. Section 17 states that the Governor General i n Council may make regulations known as the Subdivision and Transfer Regulations for the purpose of c o n t r o l l i n g , regulating and governing the subdivision of land. Section 19 states: " (1) A person who proposes to carry out a subdivision of land s h a l l apply for approval of the proposed subdivision i n the manner prescribed by The Subdivision and Transfer Regulations. (2) An application for approval of a proposed subdivision s h a l l be made to and approval may be given by (a) the municpal planning commission of the c i t y where the land proposed to be subdivided l i e s within the corporate l i m i t s of the C i t y of Edmonton or the City of Calgary, or (b) a regional planning commission that has ; been authorized i n respect of a subdivision of land within a regional planning area, or (c) the Director i n a l l other cases" (Revised Statutes of Alberta 1970, The Planning Act, Section 19). In terms of s p e c i f i c powers, the P r o v i n c i a l Planning Board, the regional planning commissions and the municipal planning commissions a l l have quasi j u d i c i a l powers. Only the 60. f i r s t two, however, have l e g i s l a t i v e powers. The quasi j u d i c i a l function of the Director of the Pr o v i n c i a l Planning Board comes from his p o s i t i o n as the f i n a l authority i n cases of appeals of decisions of the regional planning commission as set out i n Section 7 of The Planning Act. This section states that appeals of decisions of the regional planning commissions are the concern of the Director of the P r o v i n c i a l Planning Board and w i l l be decided by that body. The Director's l e g i s l a t i v e function may be exemplified by Section 59 of The Planning Act. Here, the Director i s given the authority to place zoning caveats on lands which, although subdivided, are not subject to any zoning by-law. The regional planning commissions have a quasi j u d i c i a l function through t h e i r authority to i n t e r p r e t SDTR. Cl e a r l y , d iscretionary powers are inherent i n a l l approvals. The commissions' l e g i s l a t i v e power i s basic to i t s a b i l i t y to plan and carry out these plans. The regional planning commission has the capacity, through i t s member m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , to develop and carry out a general plan under Section 69 of The Planning Act. Herein l i e s i t s l e g i s l a t i v e power. The quasi j u d i c i a l function of the municipal planning commission i s s i m i l a r to that of the regional planning commission. Under Section 15 of The Planning Act, the municipal planning commission i s given the authority to serve as an 61. approving authority for subdivisions. The commission has v i r t u a l l y no a b i l i t y to l e g i s l a t e because i t must seek the approval of the municipal council for i t s general plan or zoning r e s t r i c t i o n s . The council i t s e l f i s bound by Section 91 of The Planning Act which states that any development i n the municipality must conform to the preliminary regional plan or the regional plan. The administrative powers of these approving a u t h o r i t i e s are found i n t h e i r a b i l i t y to operationalize The SDTR. This w i l l be considered i n the next section. In summary, the BNA Act a l l o c a t e s planning authority of a l o c a l nature to the province. The province, through the Lieutenant Governor i n Council and through The Planning Act, delegates the authority to the Director of the P r o v i n c i a l Planning Board and to the regional and municipal planning commissions. The f i n a l authority rests with the P r o v i n c i a l Planning Board i n matters of appeal i n the regional planning commission, and with the municipal council for the municipal planning commission. The control of subdivision of land i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of these three approving a u t h o r i t i e s who follow the SDTR i n assessing applications. Growth Management Through the Subdivision and Transfer Regulations of Alberta In Alberta, pursuant to The Planning Act, The SDTR are used to di c t a t e the s p a t i a l a l l o c a t i o n of growth. These aspects and the relevant sections of the SDTR w i l l be discussed i n some d e t a i l to give an understanding of the use of these regulations to manage growth. In discussing the use of these regulations, i t must be recognized that other l e g i s l a t i o n must be studied i n a si m i l a r fashion to enable the f u l l range of growth management techniques to be used. Only when the l e g a l i t y of these techniques i s established w i l l they be of maximum benefit and without fear of being defeated i n the courts. Having established the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i t y of the SDTR, t h e i r l e g a l i t y i s not i n question. This section w i l l , then, look at the various sections of the SDTR and how these r e l a t e to the administration of the SDTR to manage growth. The SDTR are divided i n t o two parts. Part one deals with the general a p p l i c a t i o n process. Part two i s concerned with the land requirements and the actual content of proposed development. Both parts contain sections which are useful for the management of growth. These w i l l be discussed at some length. Part one of the SDTR i s broken into three d i v i s i o n s . The f i r s t d i v i s i o n deals with applications and t h e i r basic requirements. Provisions for copies of subdivison plans, the dimensions of proposed parks, reserves and roadways, the locations and dimensions of a l l e x i s t i n g services, buildings or s t r u c t u r e s , and the c o n d i t i o n s under which an o u t l i n e p l a n i s r e q u i r e d are d e s c r i b e d . Under the p r o v i s i o n of an o u t l i n e p l a n , some d i s c r e t i o n i s allowed. The o u t l i n e p l a n must be submitted to the a pproving a u t h o r i t y f o r the m u n i c i p a l i t i n which the l a n d i s s i t u a t e d . However, the a p p r o v i n g a u t h o r i t y does not have to seek a p p r o v a l from t h a t m u n i c i p a l i t y f o r the p l a n (SDTR 1974, S e c t i o n 5 ( 1 ) ( 2 ) ) . Thus, the approving a u t h o r i t y may o v e r r i d e d e c i s i o n s made on a m u n i c i p a l b a s i s as to the l o c a t i o n of development. The second d i v i s i o n of p a r t one r e f e r s t o the d e c i s i o n , appeal and endorsement of the s u b d i v i s i o n p l a n . Under S e c t i o n 7 o f the SDTR, the approving a u t h o r i t y i s g i v e n the a u t h o r i t y t o r e f e r the p l a n t o a number o f o t h e r departments f o r t h e i r comments. S u b s e c t i o n 1, Clause (b) s t a t e s : "an a pproving a u t h o r i t y may r e f e r the a p p l i c a t i o n t o and s h a l l r e q u est the comments o f any c o u n c i l , approving a u t h o r i t y , l o c a l h e a l t h a u t h o r i t y o r u t i l i t y o p e r a t o r o r agency whose i n t e r e s t s , i n the o p i n i o n of the approving a u t h o r i t y , may be a f f e c t e d , or who c l a i m s t o be a f f e c t e d by the proposed s u b d i v i s i o n , and (c) an approving a u t h o r i t y , by i n s p e c t i o n of the l a n d or otherwise may r e q u i r e such o t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n r e l a t i n g t o the s u b d i v i s i o n as may appear n e c e s s a r y . . . The approving a u t h o r i t y s h a l l g i v e due c o n s i d e r a t i o n t o the comments of other a u t h o r i t i e s to whom the a p p l i c a t i o n has been r e f e r r e d , but i t not bound by them" (SDTR 1967, S e c t i o n 5). These s e c t i o n s can be used i n a i d of a number of growth management t e c h n i q u e s . C l e a r l y , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e l a y or " c r e a t i v e f o o t d r a g g i n g " i s enabled through t h i s s e c t i o n . These delays may increase costs for the development such that i t becomes f i n a n c i a l l y unfeasible, or discourages development simply through the f r u s t r a t i o n of the applicant. The t h i r d d i v i s i o n of part one of The SDTR, Endorsement Prior to Registration, requires that the subdivision plan, p r i o r to r e g i s t r a t i o n , be endorsed as to having provided necessary lands or, i n l i e u of t h i s , money of equal value.. This land i s required under The Planning Act for reserve to be used as the government wishes. I t amounts to an impost or dedication fee. Along with roadways and reserves, i t can amount to up to for t y percent of the land to be subdivided (SDTR 1967, Section 19 (2)). C l e a r l y , t h i s may amount to a fee which many subdividers could not aff o r d to pay. Once the subdivision plan i s approved, the applicant may have up to one year to submit the f i n a l plan for endorsement by the approving authority. When t h i s approval i s given, the plan i s submitted to the Director of Surveys for his endorsement. The Director of Surveys may l i m i t the time his endorsement w i l l be e f f e c t i v e and within that time, the applicant must take " a l l necessary steps that may be required of him to enable the r e g i s t r a r to r e g i s t e r the plan" (SDTR 1967, Section 11 (1) b)) . Thus, the time a l l o t t e d by the Director of Surveys and time required to r e g i s t e r the plan may be variables of great importance i n gaining approval to subdivide. At t h i s stage, administrative delays may cause the loss of the endorsement of the plan. In t h i s case, -either the process must s t a r t over again or an appeal must be lodged to the approving authority for re-endorsement. Pari two of The SDTR i s comprised of ten d i v i s i o n s . Not a l l of these d i v i s i o n s r e l a t e d i r e c t l y to the e a r l i e r mentioned management techniques. Therefore, only those which have relevant sections w i l l be discussed. The f i r s t d i v i s i o n concerns General Requirements Applicable to A l l Subdivisions. This d i v i s i o n enables a number of management techniques. Section 13 notes that: "Land may be subdivided only i f i t i s suited or can be economically adapted to the purpose for which the subdivision i s intended, having regard to (a) topography, (b) s o i l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , (c) surface drainage, (d) p o t e n t i a l flooding, subsidence and erosion, (e) a c c e s s i b i l i t y , . (f) the a v a i l a b i l i t y and adequacy of services, (g) the e x i s t i n g and prospective use of land i n the v i c i n i t y and (h) such other matters which i n the opinion of the approving authority may prejudice sound planning practice i n the v i c i n i t y (SDTR 1967, Section 13). This section c l e a r l y allows for d i s c r e t i o n . Standards may be set for "a" through " f " above, which may be followed. But "g" and "h" above are " c a t c h - a l l " clauses. This section may be used to enable a g r i c u l t u r a l zoning, aesthetic controls increased s e r v i c i n g costs, r e s t r i c t i o n s for environmentally c r i t i c a l areas and r e s t r i c t i o n s for areas of high carrying c a p a c i t y . S e c t i o n 15 s e t s the g e n e r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s and the component areas of concern. These range from the topography and e x i s t i n g and proposed uses o f l a n d to the a n t i c i p a t e d need f o r and a c c e s s i b i l i t y t o s c h o o l s i t e s , r e c r e a t i o n a l areas and p a r k s . W i t h i n these g i v e n c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , t h e r e e x i s t g u i d e l i n e s which c o u l d be used to m a i n t a i n a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d . S e c t i o n 15 a l s o notes the need f o r economical p r o v i s i o n o f s e r v i c e s . T h i s may be c o n s i d e r e d when wanting to l i m i t s e r v i c e e x t e n s i o n s . The l a n d use c o n t r a c t i s enabled by S e c t i o n 17, where the use o f impost fees i s a l s o a l l o w e d . "17 (1) Upon the w r i t t e n request of the c o u n c i l , the approving a u t h o r i t y may approve a proposed s u b d i v i s i o n on the c o n d i t i o n t h a t a l l or any (a) p u b l i c roads, sidewalks and curbs (b) storm sewers, drainage d i t c h e s , b r i d g e s , c u l v e r t s , and l a n d f i l l , and (c) o t h e r necessary s e r v i c e s , be p r o v i d e d or c o n s t r u c t e d . (2) Where a c o u n c i l r e q u e s t s t h a t a l l or any o f the works and s e r v i c e s r e f e r r e d to i n s u b s e c t i o n (1) be c o n s t r u c t e d or p r o v i d e d a t the expense o f the owner or p a r t i a l l y a t the expense of the owner, the approving a u t h o r i t y may approve a proposed s u b d i v i s i o n on the c o n d i t i o n t h a t the a p p l i c a n t e n t e r i n t o an agreement i n w r i t i n g w i t h the c o u n c i l s t a t i n g (a) the r e s p e c t i v e o b l i g a t i o n s t o be assumed by him and the c o u n c i l w i t h r e f e r e n c e to the c o n s t r u c t i o n , i n s t a l l a t i o n , o p e r a t i o n , r e p a i r and maintenance of the s p e c i f i e d works and s e r v i c e s , (b) the standards o f c o n s t r u c t i o n to be adopted and complied w i t h (c) the manner i n which the c o s t s of the same are to be met or r e c o v e r e d , and (d) the p e r i o d s o f time i n which s p e c i f i c items of c o n s t r u c t i o n or i n s t a l l a t i o n work are 'to be completed i n r e l a t i o n to the general development of the subdivision" (SDTR 1967, Section 17). Cle a r l y , 17 (1)(c) and 17 (2)(b) may force increased costs i n the amount of services and i n the q u a l i t y of services. The costs may become p r o h i b i t i v e for the proposed subdivision. 17 (2) may be used to force the applicant into a land use contract, again something which may a f f e c t the p r o f i t s and reduce the d e s i r a b i l i t y of subdivision. D i v i s i o n two concerns the provision of reserves for parks, r e c r e a t i o n a l areas and school s i t e s . Generally, ten percent of the land to be subdivided must be set aside for reserve. Where land i s poor and unsuitable for these uses, the approving authority may accept an amount of money equal to ten percent of the t o t a l value of the land. This i t s e l f may be a f i n a n c i a l burden on the applicant. Under Section 19, the area used for roads and access i s also given to the government. Where t h i s amounts to t h i r t y percent or more of the subdivision, a maximum of f o r t y percent w i l l be taken without compensation to the owner. This type of expenditure may be excessive for an economically viable subdivision. Subdivison for i n d u s t r i a l use i s considered i n the si x t h d i v i s i o n . Section 43 states that locations are subject to any zoning or land use regulations that are i n e f f e c t and that industry may only locate "where suitable and adequate 4 68. provision can be made for the supply of water and for the disposal of i n d u s t r i a l wastes" (SDTR 1967, Section 43 (b)). What i s "suitable and adequate" i s a discretionary decision. These factors may vary with the s i t e and proposed development. A proposed unwanted i n d u s t r i a l use may be required to maintain uneconomical standards i n terms of water provision and waste di s p o s a l . Local health a u t h o r i t i e s also a f f e c t i n d u s t r i a l subdivision. Each a p p l i c a t i o n must be referred to the l o c a l board of health for t h e i r assessment of the impact of the development. Again, a c e r t a i n amount of d i s c r e t i o n i s possible. Waste products and p o l l u t i o n may be required to be within c e r t a i n guidelines. These guidelines may be excessive, causing increased costs for control equipment, thus reducing the economic v i a b i l i t y of the project. The f i n a l d i v i s i o n of the SDTR to be considered r e l a t e s to country residences. Section 49 states that: "only land having s p e c i a l scenic and l o c a t i o n a l q u a l i t i e s and on which no i n t e n s i f i e d a g r i c u l t u r e or small holding pursuits are permitted: may be used and that a maximum of s i x s i t e s to the quarter section i s permitted"(SDTR 1967, Section 49). Subdivision w i l l not be permitted on "land scheduled under any zoning bylaw or land use regulations for any other uses, or which, i n the opinion of the approving authority may be more suit a b l y and economically u t i l i z e d for other purposes within a reasonable time" (SDTR 1967. Section 51). The subdivision of land for country residences must also make provision for a l l services as outlined i n Section 52. These include: "(a) the provision and operation and maintenance of sewer and water services, (b) the provision of power and heat, (c) the c o l l e c t i o n and disposal of refuse, (d) f i r e and pol i c e protection, (e) the construction and maintenance of roadways and sidewalks, (f) the development and maintenance of parks and recr e a t i o n a l areas or the accommodation of reserves and, (g) what school accommodation w i l l be available for the use of families to be resident i n the subdivision"(SDTR 1967, Section 52). Obviously some, but not a l l , of these provisions w i l l be f u l l y at the expense of the applicant. : Others w i l l be at the j o i n t expense of the applicant and the region concerned. The decision as to the adequacy of a l l of these rests with the approving authority. Time delays may a f f e c t the ap p l i c a t i o n . Costs w i l l c e r t a i n l y be a factor and may vary at the d i s c r e t i o n of the approving authority. The SDTR has i t s greatest e f f e c t outside the j u r i s d i c t i o n of municipal planning commissions. It determines what w i l l happen i n small towns, suburbs and the areas inbetween. Used i n coordination with the powers of the municipal planning commissions and P r o v i n c i a l Planning Board, large numbers of managment techniques are enabled. C l e a r l y , the effectiveness of t h i s a b i l i t y w i l l depend on p o l i c i e s of the various a u t h o r i t i e s i n the use of the SDTR and other enabling l e g i s l a t i o n . 70. Summary This chapter has attempted to d e t a i l the use of growth management techniques through the l e g a l c a p a b i l i t i e s available i n the Province of Alberta. C l e a r l y , there are numerous p r o v i n c i a l statutes which are applicable to the various techniques. In order to determine the absolute l e g a l authority to use any of these techniques, i t i s necessary to d e t a i l the enabling l e g i s l a t i o n . The techniques outlined e a r l i e r have general authority under the acts c i t e d . I t i s necessary, however, to study the statutes i n d e t a i l to determine the exact c a p a b i l i t i e s which are available for use by whom. The Subdivision and Transfer Regulations of Alberta have been presented to show how t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n can be used to enable growth management. 71. CHAPTER V AN INTRODUCTION TO THE EDMONTON AREA This chapter discusses the current growth rate and concerns related to t h i s growth in the Edmonton area of Alberta. This discussion w i l l involve a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of the population and economic growth as well as the federal, p r o v i n c i a l and municipal government p o l i c i e s i n regard to these phenomena. Af t e r having d e t a i l e d the concerns of the public as they r e l a t e to the general question of growth, a preliminary statement describing where growth may best be focused i s made. The chapter r e l i e s heavily on data obtained from Technical Reports of the Edmonton Regional Planning Commission's (ERPC) Growth Studies Section. The area discussed coincides with the area developed for study by the Edmonton Regional Planning Commission. It i s i n the c e n t r a l part of Alberta within an approximate t h i r t y mile radius of the C i t y of Edmonton. Within t h i s area of approximately 2,800 square miles, there are about 600,000 people. This population i s located i n a number of small towns, suburban communities and one urban area, the C i t y of Edmonton. The remainder i s found i n r u r a l areas. This includes farmers and country r e s i d e n t i a l developments (ERPC, 1975(3)). See Table II and Map I. Growth i n the Edmonton Area This section w i l l consider the growth of the Edmonton area. Source: ERPC. It w i l l describe, i n general terms, both the population and economic growth of the area. TABLE II COMMUNITIES IN THE EDMONTON AREA SMALL TOWNS SUBURBAN COMMUNITIES URBAN AREA RURAL AREAS Beaumont Fort Saskatchewan Bon Accord Leduc Calmar Sherwood Park Devon Spruce Grove Gibbons St. Albert Legal New Sarepta M o r i n v i l l e Thorsby Stony P l a i n Data Source: ERPC, 1975(3). Population Growth Urbanization i n Alberta i s taking place l a r g e l y i n two major centres: Edmonton-and Calgary. Together, they make up approximately 60% of the population of Alberta. In 1971, only 13.5% of the population was found i n other urban centres (ERPC, 1975(2)). Alberta's urbanization i s a continuing trend, as shown i n Table I I I . In contrast to the general rate of urbanization i n Alberta, the Edmonton area shows a s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher rate. Table IV gives the urban/rural components of the Edmonton area population. Edmonton County of Leduc County of Parkland County of Strathcona Municipal D i s t r i c t of Sturgeon TABLE I I I URBANIZATION IN ALBERTA 1951-1971 YEAR POPULATION (TOTAL) URBAN % RURAL % 1951 939,501 NA NA NA NA 1956 1,123,116 NA NA NA NA 1961 1,331,944 843,211 63.3 488,733 36.7 1966 1,463,203 1,007,407 68.9 455,796 31.1 1971 1,627,875 1,196,255 73.5 431,620 24.5 Data Source: A l b e r t a Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . TABLE IV THE RURAL/URBAN COMPONENTS OF THE EDMONTON AREA POPULATION 1951-1971 YEAR POPULATION (TOTAL) URBAN o . "o RURAL % 1951 214,141 179,440 83. 8 34,701 16.2 1956 295,543 258,003 87. 8 37,540 12.7 1961 382,675 3 39,497 88. 8 43,178 11.2 1966 448,000 406,820 90. 8 41,180 9.2 1971 523,816 485,081 92. 7 38,375 7.3 Data Source: ERPC, 1975(1). The c u r r e n t p o p u l a t i o n growth of the Edmonton area i s approximately 15,200 people per year. The n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e ( b i r t h s - deaths) i n the f i v e year p e r i o d from 1966 t o 1971, as shown i n Table V, was 32,67 2 people, The net m i g r a t i o n d u r i n g t h a t same p e r i o d , shown i n Table VI, was 43,785 people giving a t o t a l of 76,457 or approximately 15,200 persons per year. This rate of growth shows no signs of d e c l i n i n g i n t h i s decade (ERPC, 1975(3)). TABLE V NATURAL POPULATION INCREASE IN THE EDMONTON AREA 1966-1971 YEAR BIRTH DEATH NET INCREASE 1966 8,519 2,142 6,377 1967 8,726 2,212 6,514 1968 8,764 2,259 6,505 1969 8,810 2,267 6,543 1970 9,063 2,330 6,733 Data Source: Alberta Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . TOTAL: 32,672 TABLE VI MIGRATION TO THE EDMONTON AREA 1966-1971 IN OUT NET 109,854 66,065 43,785 Data Source: Alberta Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . The Edmonton area has one of the highest rates of urban growth i n Canada. Migration from outside Canada plays a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e . Table VII shows Edmonton as ranking eighth as the destination of new people to Canada. Because economic conditions a f f e c t where people w i l l f i n a l l y locate, and because Edmonton has favourable economic conditions, many people may be attracted to the area from t h e i r f i r s t point of a r r i v a l i n Canada. . TABLE VII MIGRATION DESTINATION FOR IMMIGRANTS TO CANADA 1966-1971 DESTINATION TOTAL IMMIGRANTS Toronto 262,195 Montreal 115,345 Vancouver 71,670 Hamilton 26,530 Ottawa 25,390 Calgary 24,040 Winnipeg 23,780 Edmonton 21,510 Kitchener 15,125 London 15,055 V i c t o r i a 8,780 Quebec 5,930 Data Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada. As a f i n a l i n d i c a t i o n of the population growth of the Edmonton area, sixteen communities are described i n Table VIII. Table VIII shows that, during the l a s t two decades, there has been a trend towards increased r e s i d e n t i a l l ocation i n the communities surrounding the Ci t y of Edmonton. In recent years, t h i s trend has increased s i g n i f i c a n t l y . One factor behind 78. t h i s increased r e s i d e n t i a l has been the lower cost of land p r i c e s . TABLE VIII EDMONTON AREA URBAN POPULATIONS 1951-1973 COMMUNITY 1951 1956 1961 1966 1971 1973 2 Ci t y of Edmonton 170,929 246,561 320,598 376,925 438,152 442,365 Sherwood Park - (3) - 2,923 6,339 14,282 22,164 St. Albert 1,129 1,320 4,059 9,736 11,800 15,088 Fort Saskatchewan 1,076 2,582 2,972 4,152 5,726 6,756 Leduc 1,842 2,008 2,356 2,856 4,000 5,271 Spruce Grove - 309 465 598 3,029 4,256 Stony P l a i n 878 1,098 1,311 1,397 1,770 1,919 Devon 842 1,429 1,418 1,283 1,468 1,502 M o r i n v i l l e 892 957 935 995 l',475 1,483 Calmar 944 730 700 600 799 845 Gibbons - - 192 230 551 723 Legal 523 457 524 572 563 683 Thorsby 385 411 491 583 595 604 Beaumont - - 194 234 337 412 Bon Accord - 141 175 147 332 398 New Sarepta — — 184 173 202 220 Total 179,440 258,003 339,497 406,820 485,081 504,689 Table Notes: 1. Data Source: 1951 to 1971, S t a t i s t i c s Canada; 1973, Alberta Department of Municipal A f f a i r s except the City of Edmonton population figure which was obtained from C i t y of Edmonton C i v i c Census. 2. C i t y of Edmonton population figures for 1951, 1956, and 1961, include the communities of Beverly and Jasper Place which were l a t e r annexed to the c i t y . 3. Census data i s not availa b l e for unincorporated places p r i o r to and including 1961. loca t i o n i n surrounding communities housing, due lar g e l y to lower Source: ERPC, 1975(1), p. 87. While a l l communities i n the Edmonton area have been affected by t h i s change i n the share of growth, two communities, Sherwood Park and St. Albert, both within close proximity to the c i t y , have experienced the greatest impact. Other communities of over 1000 population i n 1971 are experiencing moderate growth while those of under 1000 population i n 1971 continue to grow slowly. Table IX indicates the r e l a t i v e growth rates of these areas i n the period from 1956 to 1973 (ERPC, 1975 ( 1 ) ) . TABLE IX PERCENTAGE SHARE OF EDMONTON AREA  POPULATION INCREASES 1956-1973 1 COMMUNITY 1956 1961 1966 1971 1973 Cit y of Edmonton 96.3 90. 8 83. 7 78. 2 21. 5 Sherwood Park and -(2) St. Albert - 13. 5 12. 8 57. 0 Other Communities over 1000 population (1971) 2. 7 7. 9 19. 0 Communities less than 1000 population (1971) - 0. 1 1. 1 2. 5 Table Notes: 1. Derived from Table VIII EDMONTON AREA URBAN POPULATIONS 1951-1973. 2. Unsufficient data. Source: ERPC, 1975(1), p. 88. 80. The location of housing i n the Edmonton area has seen two s h i f t s . For years, v i r t u a l l y a l l new r e s i d e n t i a l construction i n the region was i n Edmonton proper. Then came a s h i f t to an emphasis on location i n the surrounding communities, as shown i n Tables VIII and IX. This trend now may be i n the process of being reversed. Increased land values i n these surrounding communities, increased costs of transportation, and a possible change i n attitude towards c i t y l i v i n g , may be the causes of t h i s second switch (ERPC, 1975(4)). In terms of population growth, the Edmonton area i s one of the fa s t e s t growing areas of Canada. Its annual growth rate, i n excess of three percent, gives i t a doubling time of under twenty f i v e years. Estimates to the year 2001 indicate that, at the present population growth rate, the Edmonton area w i l l have i n excess of one m i l l i o n residents. C l e a r l y , a l l communities i n the area are experiencing the consequences of t h i s high population growth. Economic Growth In order to estimate the economic growth of the area, labour force projections developed by the Edmonton Regional Planning Commission are used. Edmonton's development may be attributed l a r g e l y to f i v e f a c t o rs. The f i r s t r elates to the area's location on important early transportation routes. The North Saskatchewan 81. River was a prime transportation route and trading centre for fur traders. I t soon became a supply centre for persons t r a v e l l i n g from Winnipeg through the Yellowhead T r a i l to B r i t i s h Columbia. A r a i l link'with Calgary, established i n 1891, and further r a i l construction l a t e r , opened the area for a large number of s e t t l e r s i n the early 1900s (ERPC, 1975(1)). Natural resources of the Edmonton area have been another major factor i n the area's growth. "The area's good a g r i c u l t u r a l s o i l s permitted successful farming and the establishment of i n d u s t r i e s , such as meat packing, f l o u r m i l l i n g , tanning, and dairy products manufacturing. Although many of these industries have declined i n r e l a t i v e importance to other ind u s t r i e s , the natural resources of /the area have remained the base for much of the sub-region's i n d u s t r i a l development'! (ERPC, 1975 (1), p. 123). With the establishment of the Province i n 1905, the se l e c t i o n of Edmonton for i t s c a p i t a l and the subsequent lo c a t i o n of the University of Alberta i n 1907, came other major factors i n the development of Edmonton. In 1947' o i l was discovered i n Leduc, a town approximately f i f t e e n miles from Edmonton proper. This was undoubtedly the greatest stimulus to the area's development. "The r e s u l t s are r e a d i l y apparent i n the form of industries serving o i l exploration, r e f i n e r i e s , chemical plants and a large number of related i n d u s t r i e s " (ERPC, 1975(1), p. 124). Today, Edmonton i s a major service centre for o i l exploration and the o i l industry i n general. The location of 82. the p r o v i n c i a l government o f f i c e s and the University of Alberta i n the c i t y are other major employment generators. With current government p o l i c i e s , designed to d i v e r s i f y the economy, and major i n d u s t r i a l proposals, increased i n d u s t r i a l expansion i s expected to continue (ERPC, 1975(1)). Before describing the labour force projections of the ERPC, i t i s necessary to outline the two basic assumptions under which these projections were made. "Assumption #1. Past trends i n the (Edmonton area's] share of the labour force growth (reinforced by the f a c t that energy related petrochemical projects w i l l tend to locate i n or be serviced from the (Edmonton area] ) w i l l be only s l i g h t l y affected by p r o v i n c i a l government e f f o r t s to decentralize industry. As a r e s u l t , 45% of the t o t a l expected p r o v i n c i a l labour force increases w i l l be within the study area. Assumption #2. Expected trends i n the [Edmonton area's] share of Alberta labour force growth w i l l be s i g n i f i c a n t l y affected by p r o v i n c i a l government e f f o r t s to decentralize industry and as a r e s u l t , 40% of the t o t a l expected p r o v i n c i a l labour force increases w i l l be within the study area": (ERPC, 1974 (3) , p. 26). Please see Table X and Table Notes following. Table X indicates the projected labour force growth by i n d u s t r i a l sector to 1981. Under the f i r s t assumption, the percentage increase i n the labour force would range from 60% (alternative number 1) to 68% (alternative number 2). Using assumption number two, the range would be from 55% to 62%, based on the respective a l t e r n a t i v e s (ERPC, 1974(3)). An i n d i c a t i o n of the labour force growth by community can be obtained through the percentage of the value of TABLE X PROJECTED 1981 AREA LABOUR FORCE BY INDUSTRIAL DIVISION 1 9 8 1 #2 (40%) ( 3 ) A l t e r n . # 2 ( 5 ) I n d u s t r i a l D i v i s i o n 1971 Actual 1971 Adjusted Assumption #1(45%) ( )  ( 1 ) A l t e r n . # l ( 4 ) A l t e r n . # 2 ( 5 ) Assumption A l t e r n . # l ( 4 ) (7) Agriculture 6,420 6,791 5,400 5,200 5,100 5,000 Other Primary 4,790 5,076 8,100 7, 800 7,700 7,400 Manufacturing 25,640 27,025 43,000 41,400 41,100 39,600 Construction 19,330 20,372 31,000 31,000 29,700 28,700 Transportation, Communication and Other U t i l i t i e s 21,130 22,270 33,400 32,200 31,900 30,800 Trade 39,170 41,270 66,800 64,400 63,900 61,600 Finance, Insurance and Real Estate 9,790 10,312 18,800 18,100 18,000 17,300 Community, Business and Personal Service 62,000 65,368 124,800 120,200 119,300 115,000 Public Administra t i o n and Defence 23,380 24,670 43,400 41,800 41,500 40,000 Unspecified and Undefined 16,990 5,487 9,200 8,900 8, 800 8,500 TOTAL * 6 } 228,640 228,640 384,000 370,000 367,000 354,000 For Table Notes please see next page. Source: ERPC, 1974(3). 84. TABLE X (continued) "Table Notes: 1. Adjusted labour force figures include the 1961 to 1971 increased labour force i n the unspecified and undefined category d i s t r i b u t e d among the i n d u s t r i a l d i v i s i o n . 2. Assumption #1 states that the study area w i l l receive 45% of the p r o v i n c i a l labour force increases to 1981. 3. Assumption #2 states that the study area w i l l receive 40% of p r o v i n c i a l labour force increases to 1981. 4. Alternative #1 i s based on an Alberta Department of': Manpower and Labour force projection which assumed that a l l projects planned for Alberta would be b u i l t as planned by 1980. This projection was extended to".1981 by a Growth Studies s t a f f estimate. 5. A l t e r n a t i v e #2 i s based on an Alberta Department of Manpower and Labour labour force projection which assumed that only selected major projects planned for Alberta would be b u i l t as planned by 1980. This projection was extended to 1981 by a Growth Studies s t a f f estimate. 6. Column t o t a l s may d i f f e r from the sum of i n d i v i d u a l items due to rounding. 7. Based on the expectation of expanding built-up areas i n the sub-region and strong competition for labour force from other sub-regional i n d u s t r i e s , a g r i c u l t u r a l labour force i s projected to decline i n absolute terms. However, with r a p i d l y increasing food prices and growing concentration of population i n the study area, one cannot exclude the p o s s i b i l i t y that the tendency toward increased i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e w i l l at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y reverse past trends and s t a b i l i z e subregional labour force i n t h i s d i v i s i o n somewhere around the 1971 l e v e l " Source: ERPC, 1974(3), p. 30. TABLE XI MUNICIPAL PERCENTAGE SHARE OF TOTAL EDMONTON AREA NONRESIDENTIAL BUILDING PERMITS BY TYPE AND VALUE OF CONSTRUCTION; 1962 to 1966 , 1967 to 1971, 1972 to 1973 1962- 1966 1967-1971 1972-1973 M u n i c i p a l i t y Industry^ 3 Comm. I & G4 Industry Comm. I & G Industry Comm. I & G C i t y of Edmonton 69.0 93.5 92.4 73.2 91.2 87.9 66. 3 87.8 83.7 Sherwood Park N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A St. A l b e r t i . 0 0.5 1.9 0.1 0.7 2.2 1.9 1.5 1.7 Fort Saskatchewan 1. 6 0.6 0.7 1.2 0.8 0.8 2.5 0.5 1.7 Leduc 0.2 0.7 0.9 0.1 0.6 0. 3 0.8 1.0 1. 3 Spruce Grove 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.3 0.2 0.7 3.2 1.4 2.0 Stony P l a i n 0.1 0.1 0.8 0.1 0.4 0.7 0.1 0.3 1.1 Devon 0.1 0.0 0.2 0.0 0.2 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.7 M o r i n v i l l e 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.0 Calmar 0.0 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Gibbons 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Legal N/A N/A N/A 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Thorsby 0.3 0.0 0.1 • 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.1 Beaumont N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A Bon Accord N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 0.0 0.1 0.0 New Sarepta c N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A County of Strathcona 9.0 2.3 2.6 19. 4 4.4 5.7 15. 2 4.5 6.7 County of Parkland 6.0 1.0 0.2 3.6 1.1 0.1 2.6 1.1 0.1 County of Leduc 10. 6 0.2 0.0 0.7 0.0 0.2 3.5 0.2 0.0 M.D. of Sturgeon 2.0- 0.8 0.0 1. 3 0.0 1.1 4.1 1.3 0.0 T o t a l 6 100. 0 100.0 100. 0 100.1 99. 7 99. 8 100.2 100.0 100. 0 T o t a l value (000$) 39,055 115,271 194,082 79,803 155,670 173,541 27,756 156,706 34,120 A l l N o n r e s i d e n t i a l (000$) 348,408 409,014 219,582 Average Annual Value 7,811 23,054 38,816 15,961 31,961 34,708 13,878 78,853 17,000 Average Annual Value a l l Nonresidential 69,682 81,803 109,791 Source: ERPC, 1975(1) oo 86. TABLE XI (continued) "Table Notes: 1. Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada. Building Permits, (64-001) 2. I n d u s t r i a l construction includes buildings used for manufacturing and processing; transportation, communication, and other u t i l i t i e s ; and a g r i c u l t u r e , f o r e s t r y , mine and mine m i l l buildings. 3. Commercial construction includes stores, warehouses, garages, o f f i c e buildings, theatres, hotels, funeral parlours, beauty salons and miscellaneous commercial — signs, posters, heating and plumbing i n s t a l l a t i o n s , etc. 4. I n s t i t u t i o n a l and governmental construction includes expenditures made by the community, pub l i c , and government for buildings and structures such as schools, u n i v e r s i t i e s , hospitals, c l i n i c s , churches, homes for the aged, b l i n d , deaf and dumb, government o f f i c e arid administration buildings, law enforcement, public protection, national defence and a n c i l l a r y buildings. 5. Includes Sherwood Park" Source: ERPC, 1975(1), p. 133. nonresidential b u i l d i n g permits issued per community by i n d u s t r i a l sector from 1962 to 1973. Table XI shows a breakdown of the various percentages of the value of b u i l d i n g permits by community for t h i s time. Also included are d o l l a r expenditures for the average annual value of construction for each economic sector for a l l nonresidential construction over the same period of time. Table XI indicates that, although the C i t y of Edmonton's portion of the nonresidential construction value continues 87. to exceed that of a l l other communities, i t s share i s de c l i n i n g i n a l l sectors. The communities of St. Albert, Fort Saskatchewan, Leduc and Spruce Grove are notable i n that they have increased t h e i r share of the nonresidential b u i l d i n g permits. Although nonresidential construction does not provide an accurate measure of the labour force growth for an area, i t does y i e l d a crude estimate of the i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y of an area and hence, of the labour force requirements. General Government Pol i c y and Public Concerns Toward Urban  Growth Each of the various l e v e l s of government can have a d i r e c t influence on the growth of an area. Depending on where the federal government spends money or i s w i l l i n g to loan money, the growth of an area may develop i n d i f f e r e n t patterns. In the same manner, development depends upon where the p r o v i n c i a l government w i l l spend or lend money or allow development. The municipal government's acceptance or r e j e c t i o n of development w i l l also have a great e f f e c t i n determining where and how growth takes place. For these reasons, each of the three l e v e l s of governmental p o l i c y towards urban qrowth w i l l be b r i e f l v discussed. Public concerns also have t h e i r place i n growth management. These 88. too w i l l be described. In 197 3, a conference of the three l e v e l s of government was held i n Edmonton. At that time, the Minister of Urban A f f a i r s , Ron Basford, presented a federal p o s i t i o n paper on urban growth. In his paper, he noted the concentration of Canadian urban growth. " F i r s t , the present pattern of growth i s generally l i m i t e d to a small number of very large metropolitan areas; i e . , i t i s concentrated growth. Secondly, the rate of growth i n these areas i s extremely rapid. It i s the pace of growth that i s the source of many current urban problems." Basford continued: "The majority of Canadians show no i n d i c a t i o n of any general desire to turn t h e i r backs on the many and varied advantages of urbanization. But there i s a general and growing sentiment amongst Canadians that the present concentration and pace of urban growth - l e t alone future projections -may not be desirable." In conclusion, Basford notes: "If we accept that the present trend towards highly concentrated and rapid urban growth i s undesirable, we must seek an alternate pattern of urbanization through the recognition that Canadian towns and c i t i e s are not independent of each other, but are c l o s e l y linked i n a nation-wide system of c i t i e s . Urbanization represents an aggregation of forces which not only produces growth i n i n d i v i d u a l c i t i e s .but also forges linkages between and among c i t i e s . These linkages support a network of population,.communication, i n d u s t r i a l and transportation flows and exchanges that create a s e l f - r e i n f o r c i n g urban system which i s national and increasingly i n t e r n a t i o n a l i n scope. What t h i s means, i n short, i s simply that the forces which impel some centres to grow, others to remain stable, and many to decline, are seldom forces amenable to control, or even substantial influence s o l e l y 89. within the centre affected. If we are to a l t e r the present trends to concentrated and rapid growth, our strategy must be one that ultimately involves management of the urban system as a whole' (Basford, 1973, p. 5). The federal p o s i t i o n was further c l a r i f i e d : "During the Edmonton conference a l l l e v e l s of government endorsed three preliminary urban objectives: the need for a more balanced national pattern of urban growth; the need to d i v e r t growth towards small, medium-sized or new communities - e s p e c i a l l y by improving the amenities and attractiveness of smaller centres; and the need to maintain and improve the q u a l i t y of the environment i n the heart of the largest urban centres. The conference also endorsed the concerted deployment of public p o l i c i e s to these ends" (Urban A f f i a r s Annual Report, 1975, p. 1). The federal government's p o l i c y regarding urban growth seems to be one of d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . The government's influence i n the Edmonton area may be through i t s numerous agencies and t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation may be c i t e d as an example. The p r o v i n c i a l government p o l i c i e s on urban growth are more concise. The Progressive Conservative Party's 1971 e l e c t i o n campaign stated a desire to return power to the l o c a l government, wherever p r a c t i c a l . They spoke of t h e i r intention to reorganize the Department of Municipal A f f i a r s so that the problems of the two largest centres, Edmonton and Calgary, could be dealt with separately from those of the smaller m u n i c i p a l i t i e s whose problems were very d i f f e r e n t . Through t h i s reorganization, the government could "create p o l i c i e s which r e f l e c t d i f f e r e n t attitudes — i e . the 90. metropolitan centres now consider growth as a mixed blessing -the other centres of Alberta generally consider growth an unequivocal improvement" (ERPC, 1975(1), p. 18). Further, the Progressive Conservative Party c a l l s for a more d i v e r s i f i e d economy, less heavily r e l i a n t on the o i l and gas industry. In proceeding towards t h i s goal, t h e i r platform states: "To s t r i v e to equalize more f a i r l y growth p o t e n t i a l throughout the entire province" (ERPC, 1975(1), p. 1 To these ends, the government of Alberta has established the Alberta Oppportunity Fund and the Alberta Incentives Plan. The Fund i s a source of revenue to aid new and expanding enterprises i n the province. The purpose of the Incentive Plan i s to "encourage the a t t r a c t i o n of new i n d u s t r i a l and t o u r i s t opportunities to locate i n Alberta: (ERPC, 1975(1), p. 18). Both of these programs have a stated objective of giving p r i o r i t y to the smaller centres. This p o l i c y i s further evidenced by the stated intention of the government "to create a more balanced P r o v i n c i a l wide growth; and hence, encourage d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of both public and private investments . . . and . . . A declaration of P r o v i n c i a l Government expenditure p o l i c y to assure that as many as possible of the P r o v i n c i a l Government i n s t i t u t i o n s , colleges, centres and operations are decentralized and located over time i n the smaller centres of the Province" (ERPC, 1975 (1) , p. 19). The government's a p p l i c a t i o n of these p o l i c i e s can be further c l a r i f i e d with regard to the Edmonton area by the statement that these p o l i c i e s w i l l be used "to support small centres e x i s t i n g near Calgary and Edmonton rather than development of s a t e l l i t e — e n t i r e l y new -- bedroom c i t i e s " (ERPC, 1975(1) , p. 19) . F i n a l l y , the government has stated that, i f necessary, i t w i l l p r o h i b i t developments at s p e c i f i c locations i f these developments, i n the opinion of the government, are inappropriate to that l o c a t i o n and could be better located elsewhere (ERPC, 1975(1)). The p o l i c i e s of the municipal governments of the area are varied. Generally, a l l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n the Edmonton area are planning for increased growth. Many are presently considering or have recently completed annexations to t h e i r boundaries to accommodate more i n d u s t r i a l and r e s i d e n t i a l expansion. While the p o l i c i e s of the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s are consistent with continuing growth, statements by the c i t i z e n s concerning future development are not. Through a series of interviews, questionaires and public meetings, the ERPC has sought the opinions, on growth, of the municipal councils and the residents of the various m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . The councils of the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s were v i r t u a l l y unanimous i n the b e l i e f that increased growth would be b e n e f i c i a l . "Most c o u n c i l l o r s f e l t t h e i r m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ' q u a l i t y of l i f e could be improved by promoting growth, that i s by a t t r a c t i n g industry — thus creating more jobs and a better tax base — and population -- thus expanding the p o t e n t i a l market for goods and services: (ERPC, 1975(3) , p. 10). The c o u n c i l l o r s , however, were concerned about the rate of growth and optimal size for t h e i r m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . They wanted more information i n t h i s regard. "Generally, i t was f e l t that a 'moderate1 growth rate was preferable to a rapid growth rate. Related concerns i d e n t i f i e d were preserving community i d e n t i t y , maintaining l e v e l s of public services and achieving more 'balanced' (between r e s i d e n t i a l and commercial/industrial land uses) growth" (ERPC, 1975(3), p. 11). The residents of the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s had a more varied response to the question of growth. The respondents can be c l a s s i f i e d into four categories: 1. r u r a l residents 2. small town residents ' 3. suburban residents 4. urban residents. The r u r a l residents were generally i n favour of growth. They f e l t that increased services and a higher standard of l i v i n g could be achieved. The r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of smaller centres was another benefit they saw along with improved subdivision control which would decrease the t o t a l area of farmland being used for r e s i d e n t i a l purposes (ERPC, 1975(3)). The residents of small towns were generally the most po s i t i v e to growth. Increased services and opportunities were the main benefits they saw to increased growth. They were aware, however, that there are disadvantages to growth. This was recognized to be l a r g e l y dependent upon the speed and type of development allowed to take place (ERPC, .1975 (3)). Suburban residents were the least p o s i t i v e towards growth with some opposing i t . They l i k e d the small town atmosphere. Somewhat contradictory to t h i s was t h e i r concern for increased commercial f a c i l i t i e s , public u t i l i t i e s and community services. The necessity of commuting for employment, services and other amenities was mentioned as a major problem with these communities (ERPC, 1975(3)). Most wanted to reduce the current rapid growth but to maintain a slow-to-moderate development rate. The urban residents were "generally more concerned with the rate of change than the rate of growth" (ERPC, 1975(3), p. 7). They noted inadequate public t r a n s i t , t r a f f i c congestion and noise, the physical disruption of neighbourhoods and the high cost of housing as associated problems. The major benefits they saw related to the increased opportunities enabled through urban growth (ERPC, 1975(3)). In summary, i t seems that the respective categories of residents view growth from d i f f e r e n t perspectives. The small towns and r u r a l areas see i t as a very p o s i t i v e element i n the development of a more viable community. The suburban m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , while s t i l l wishing to maintain growth, are more concerned with the q u a l i t a t i v e aspects. In t h i s respect, the suburban m u n i c i p a l i t i e s may be described as wanting a l l the benefits of growth yet not wishing to endure any of the negative side e f f e c t s . They desire to have more employment yet not the increased numbers of residents associated with t h i s development. The c i t y has d i f f e r e n t attitudes. Here, the residents wish to maintain the growth for the increased opportunities yet wish to slow the changes which are perceived to take place. The p o l i c i e s of the federal and p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l s of government are i n basic agreement. Both seek to better manage urban growth through de c e n t r a l i z i n g i t so as to spread the benefits of the inherent development. The mun i c i p a l i t i e s i n the Edmonton area are i n basic agreement on the concept of d e c e n t r a l i z i n g growth. The c i t y views growth as a mixed blessing. The smaller communities generally view i t in'.a p o s i t i v e l i g h t . Federal and P r o v i n c i a l funds are available for the development of smaller communities. Considering the attitudes of the various l e v e l s of government and the people of the areas involved, a p o l i c y of decentralized urban growth for the Edmonton area would seem the most appropriate. CHAPTER VI GROWTH MANAGEMENT PROGRAM FOR THE EDMONTON AREA Given the current growth trends i n the Edmonton area and the attitudes of the various l e v e l s of government and residents i n the area towards t h i s growth, a p o l i c y of decentralized growth has been suggested. This chapter w i l l note areas which are currently ava i l a b l e to accept increased amounts of growth and describe the general a l l o c a t i o n of t h i s growth. This w i l l be preliminary to the development of a growth management program for the area. This program w i l l be made up of a number of the management techniques described i n e a r l i e r chapters. Areas Currently Able to Accept Increased Growth Most of the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n the Edmonton area currently have land ava i l a b l e for increased population growth. Many of the larger towns have s i g n i f i c a n t areas which have recently been approved for development or are now i n the approval process. " S u f f i c i e n t r e s i d e n t i a l areas are planned or proposed to accommodate i n the order of an add i t i o n a l 775,000 persons which would increase the study area population to at le a s t 1,300,000, a population t o t a l well i n excess of the C i t y of Edmonton's 2001 projected study area population of approximately 1,000,000" (ERPC, 1975(1), p. 75). Table XII describes the r e s i d e n t i a l development p o t e n t i a l of the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and counties i n the Edmonton area. While the C i t y of Edmonton Outline Plan areas account for TABLE XII SUMMARY OF APPROVED AND PROPOSED MUNICIPAL DEVELOPMENT POTENTIAL June 30/74 Remaining Development Potential in Approved Plan Areas Proposed Development Areas Number of Number of Total Dwelling Total Dwelling Acreage Units Population Acreage Units Population Edmonton 20,823 121,644 433,875 2, 853 16,200 i 60,000 Sherwood Park 99 794 2,445 5,200 19, 500 72 ,000 St. Albert 158 817 3,024 4,248 17,170 X 63,534 Fort Saskatchewan 300 1, 584 5,440 1, 845 9,000 33,210 Leduc 874 3,270 13,098 625 , 3, 594 1 13,340 Spruce Grove 162 555 2,296 253 I 968 J _ 4,128 Stony P l a i n 20 90 2 5 375 152 3 656 2, 571 Devon 80 340 , D 1, 360 Mo r i n v i l l e 975 3,389 14,821 Calmar 107 450 1, 800 4 Gibons 155 550 2,000 20 unknown unknown-Legal 2 20 60 240 Beaumont 67 179 720 0 Bon Accord 40 5 110 440 New Sarepta Subtotal Urban Areas 22,845 130,273 466,433 16,231 70,647 264,284 10 TABLE XII (con't) SUMMARY OF APPROVED AND PROPOSED MUNICIPAL DEVELOPMENT POTENTIAL June 30 /74 Remaining Development Potential In Approved Plan Areas Proposed Development Areas Number of Total Dwelling Total Acreage Units Population Acreage Number of Dwelling Units Population Country Residential Approved Plans (3) County of Leduc County of Strathcona M.D. of Sturgeon County of Parkland Sub Total Enoch New Town TOTAL 360 2,070 160 1, 480 88 545 62 383 4 ,070 1,078 (11) (11) (11) (11) (11) 2 6 , 9 1 5 1 3 1 , 3 5 1 " 352 2 ,180 248 1,532 4 ,312 4 7 0 , 7 4 5 113 113 457 1. 368 16 , 344" 457 1,368 1 1 , 1 0 0 5 4 0 , 0 0 0 5 82 ,204" 3 0 5 , 6 5 2 Table Notes: 1 Approximately 3 .7 persons per dwelling unit 2 Approximately 4 . 0 persons per dwelling unit 3 This i s the best available estimate of remaining development p o t e n t i a l 4 Mobile home park 5 Estimated 6 Includes mobile home park proposed for the southeast I n d u s t r i a l Outline Plan Area 7 Population based on 3.04 persons per mobile home Source: Mobile Home  Court Study ERPC, September 1968. 8 Excluding country r e s i d e n t i a l 9 The dwelling unit t o t a l assumes one dwelling per approved country co r e s i d e n t i a l parcel. 10 Excluding Gibbon's mobile homes. 11 Parcels Source: ERPC, 1 9 7 5 ( 1 ) . 64% of t h i s development p o t e n t i a l , the "approved and proposed r e s i d e n t i a l area i n Sherwood Park and St. Albert alone could accommodate study area r e s i d e n t i a l growth for nine years" (ERPC, 1975(1), p. 75). Other areas, such as Fort Saskatchewan, Leduc and Spruce Grove, could accommodate s i g n i f i c a n t growth as well. The smaller communities also have areas a v a i l a b l e for development but not on the scale of the communities mentioned above. The provision of i n d u s t r i a l land for development i s si m i l a r to the r e s i d e n t i a l land a v a i l a b i l i t y within the Edmonton area. Most of the communities have land ava i l a b l e for i n d u s t r i a l use. As with r e s i d e n t i a l land, the Ci t y of Edmonton has the major share of the available i n d u s t r i a l land. Many of the smaller communities, however, do have s i g n i f i c a n t parcels av a i l a b l e and where land i s unavailable, i t i s generally not because of a lack of designated i n d u s t r i a l land but rather, due to a lack of s e r v i c i n g (ERPC, 1975(1)). Cl e a r l y , the present a v a i l a b i l i t y of land i s not the only factor determining where growth should go. It does, however, provide an i n d i c a t i o n of where growth a l l o c a t i o n may be most successful i n achieving desired r e s u l t s . Factors which have determined the growth of those areas i n the past are important. Elements such as access to various modes of transportation including road, r a i l and a i r may be important to the success of e f f o r t s to decentralize growth. 100. It i s evident that most communities i n the Edmonton area are suited and w i l l i n g to accept new growth. The smaller communities however, would be most greatly affected by large increases i n t h e i r growth simply because of t h e i r size r e l a t i v e to the projected regional development. The community pressures would be too great were these areas to accept s i g n i f i c a n t l y increased growth rates. Large scale increases i n growth of these communities w i l l therefore be avoided. Thus, while t h e i r development w i l l be encouraged, growth w i l l not be focused on these areas. The intermediate sized communities which are able to accommodate more substantial amounts of growth, due to t h e i r r e l a t i v e s i z e , l o c a t i o n and land a v a i l a b i l i t y , w i l l be more s i g n i f i c a n t l y affected. The communities of Sherwood Park, St. Albert, Fort Saskatchewan, Leduc and Spruce Grove w i l l be designated as the major f o c a l points for the de c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of the Edmonton area growth. The City of Edmonton w i l l , however, continue to accept a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of the area's growth. In de c e n t r a l i z i n g the growth of the Edmonton area, then, Edmonton wOuld i n i t i a l l y maintain the most s i g n i f i c a n t portion of the area's growth. This would change as the services and demand increased i n the intermediate communities. Once they were able to bring enough land on the market and develop the in f r a s t r u c t u r e necessary to assume a greater portion of the 101. growth, t h e i r a l l o c a t i o n would increase. Thus, the City of Edmonton would be surrounded by f i v e growing communities. Their growth, however, along with the Edmonton area's growth, would be presumed to reduce over time as the p r o v i n c i a l government's province-wide d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n program became more successful i n i t s l a t e r stages. Tables XIII and XIV show the inadequate d i s t r i b u t i o n of population and economic growth i n the Edmonton area. TABLE XIII PERCENTAGE SHARE OF THE EDMONTON AREA POPULATION GROWTH 1971-1973 COMMUNITY Ci t y of Edmonton 22 Sherwood Park 40 St. Albert 17 Fort Saskatchewan 5 Leduc 7 Spruce Grove 6 Total 97 Data Source: ERPC, 1975(3). 102. TABLE XIV  PERCENTAGE SHARE OF EDMONTON AREA NONRESIDENTIAL BUILDING PERMITS 1972-1973 COMMUNITY % Edmonton . 79.3 Sherwood Park (County of Strathcona) 8.8 St. Albert 1.7 Fort Saskatchewan 1.6 Leduc 1.0 Spruce Grove 4.4 Total 96.8 Data Source: ERPC, 1975(3). Table Notes: 1. Sherwood Park i s an unincorporated v i l l a g e . Therefore, no separate data e x i s t for i t s nonresidential b u i l d i n g permits. Instead, the county figure i s used. The Management Program Throughout t h i s thesis, the need for a number of management techniques has been stressed. When put together i n a workable system, they form a management program. This program i s not stagnant. By replacing or modifying the various management techniques, the e f f e c t of the t o t a l program may be changed. C l e a r l y , as time goes on and new developments occur, the program w i l l have to be altered to account for these. Growth Targets 103. The target of the program to be developed i s a more equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Edmonton area's growth. It i s impossible to estimate the e f f e c t s of such a program u n t i l i t i s i n operation. At present, the d i s t r i b u t i o n of population and economic growth i s weighted i n favour of the C i t y of Edmonton. While the c i t y accepts 22% of the population growth, i t receives approximately 80% of the value of nonresidential construction. While not equatable to job creation, the nonresidential construction value i s a good i n d i c a t i o n of economic growth. The intermediate communities of Fort Saskatchewan, Leduc and Spruce Grove would accept larger portions of both population and i n d u s t r i a l growth. The town of St. Albert would receive increased i n d u s t r i a l growth with a s t a b i l i z e d or s l i g h t l y decreased population growth. Sherwood Park would receive a decreased amount of population growth, but, due to i t s p o s i t i o n i n the " o i l r e f i n e r y county" and i t s status as an unincorporated v i l l a g e whose income i s supplemented by the county, i t would receive only s l i g h t adjustments i n terms of i n d u s t r i a l development. F i n a l l y , the City of Edmonton would receive a continued population growth but a decreased i n d u s t r i a l a l l o c a t i o n . This r e a l l o c a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l growth would help to reduce the burden of communities which have had high population growth i n the past with v i r t u a l l y no economic growth to o f f s e t the increased 104 . costs. As time goes on, t h i s management program could change. The program developed, then, i s not a blueprint for growth management i n the future but an ongoing and evolving process which would be modified as future needs and developments warrant. General Edmonton Area Needs In order for any growth management program to work, i t must f i r s t be agreed to by the people who are responsible for the areas concerned. This means that, aside from the i n d i v i d u a l communities, both the Federal and P r o v i n c i a l governments must be involved. Where federal or p r o v i n c i a l money i s allocated i s of c r i t i c a l importance to the success of the management program. The agreement of the communities involved i n the growth program i s also e s s e n t i a l . In t h i s case, the C i t y of Edmonton must agree to l i m i t i t s si z e and must be w i l l i n g to take the steps to lessen i t s attractiveness for development. Further, i t i s necessary for the intermediate growth accepting communities to be w i l l i n g to take on t h i s increased growth. A weakness i n any of these l i n k s may mean r e a l problems for the enti r e growth management program. Thus, the program w i l l attempt to do three things. I t w i l l attempt to lessen the attractiveness of Edmonton and Sherwood Park for development, to cause a s l i g h t decrease i n the population growth and an increase i n the i n d u s t r i a l growth of St. Albert and to increase the attractiveness of the 105. communities of Fort Saskatchewan, Leduc and Spruce Grove. The f i r s t step i n the development of the program would be to l i m i t the physical size of the City of Edmonton. The Alberta Department of Highways and Transport has proposed a r i n g road around the c i t y i n order to allow t r a f f i c to avoid the c i t y and improve access to the smaller communities i n the area. The c i t y currently has no outline plans for areas beyond t h i s roadway (ERPC, 1975(1)). This r i n g road i s i n the same approximate area as an area proposed for a greenbelt surrounding the c i t y . This area, then, would be used to designate boundaries beyond which the c i t y would not grow. The greenbelt i t s e l f would be used for ag r i c u l t u r e _ and/or parkland. The land contained i n t h i s greenbelt could be purchased by the Province. The areas used for a g r i c u l t u r a l purposes would then be leased to farmers whose land i s adjacent. The land used for parkland would remain under the control of the Province and be developed as a regional park for use by a l l - o f the communities i n the Edmonton area. This use could provide a p a r t i a l f u l f i l l m e n t of the Province's stated objective of increasing park space i n the Edmonton area. The l o c a t i o n of Federal and P r o v i n c i a l government functions should be the next consideration. Few businesses would be l i k e l y to take the f i r s t i n i t i a t i v e i n moving or developing new operations i n these smaller communities. To 106. provide increased confidence i n the de c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of the area's growth, the public sector may have to lead the way. The federal government has a p o l i c y of decentralizing growth so that any new programs which i t plans for the area should be developed with t h i s growth program i n mind. The Province has a p o l i c y of d e c e n t r a l i z i n g "as many as possible of the P r o v i n c i a l Government i n s t i t u t i o n s , colleges, centres and operations . . . (to the] . . . smaller centres of the Province" (ERPC, 1975(1), p. 19). The growth management techniques p a r t i c u l a r to the s i x communities discussed above w i l l now be described i n d e t a i l . The communities are: 1. C i t y of Edmonton 2. Sherwood Park 3. St. Albert 4. Fort Saskatchewan 5. Leduc 6. Spruce Grove. The management techniques for these communities w i l l be discussed i n terms of population and i n d u s t r i a l growth separately. A Growth Management Program for the C i t y of Edmonton The growth management techniques used i n the City of Edmonton would s t r i v e to a l t e r only s l i g h t l y r e s i d e n t i a l growth but to decrease s i g n i f i c a n t l y the i n d u s t r i a l growth 107. of the c i t y . Because of an increasing number of new o f f i c e buildings and the s i g n i f i c a n t amount of employment generated by these, the f i r s t i n d u s t r i a l growth management technique to be used i n the C i t y of Edmonton would be the reduction of the height and mass of buildings allowed to develop. This, along with the newly defined boundaries, mentioned e a r l i e r , could be used to reduce the amount of o f f i c e space i n the c i t y , forcing i t out to the surrounding communities i f i t were s t i l l i n c l i n e d to remain i n the Edmonton area. The cont r o l l e d l o c a t i o n of o f f i c e space would be a second technique. This would be used to reduce or further l i m i t the number of o f f i c e buildings i n Edmonton's ce n t r a l business d i s t r i c t and thereby reduce the l o c a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n t i a l between the c i t y and the surrounding centres. In t h i s manner, rather than loca t i n g i n a less p r e f e r e n t i a l s i t e within the c i t y , the development of o f f i c e s would be more r e a d i l y attracted to prime locations i n one of the surrounding centres. Servicing r e s t r i c t i o n s are r e l a t i v e l y e a s i l y implemented. Inadequate services v i r t u a l l y deny any development i n the area. While land may be zoned for a c e r t a i n type of use, the lack of services makes development impossible. Thus, se r v i c i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s would be introduced for any new manufacturing, heavy i n d u s t r i a l or warehousing developments i n the c i t y . Where new s e r v i c i n g was i n the process of being 108. i n s t a l l e d for use by these kinds of a c t i v i t i e s , f u l l costs would be passed on to the applicant. Many of the i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s i n the City of Edmonton are of a type which often makes t h e i r v i s u a l impact a concern to the people d i r e c t l y adjacent to or within close v i s u a l proximity. Chemical plants, s t e e l m i l l s and various related s e r v i c i n g industries which, while not i n t o l e r a b l e i n t h e i r v i s u a l impact, could be greatly modified i n appearance to become less obtrusive. These uses however, are generally located away from r e s i d e n t i a l areas and concentrated on t r a c t s of land designated for t h e i r purposes. The forced a l t e r a t i o n of the design of these developments would greatly reduce the c i t y ' s l o c a t i o n a l and f i n a n c i a l benefits. Thus, to further reduce the attractiveness of the City of Edmonton for these developments, aesthetic controls would be implemented. Any new developments would thereby have to be of such a design as to make the l e a s t negative v i s u a l impact on t h e i r respective locations. C l e a r l y , t h i s lends i t s e l f to other management techniques, which, while of questionable i n t e g r i t y , such as slow administrative procedure, are e f f e c t i v e . F i n a l l y , while currently zoned i n d u s t r i a l land would not be rezoned, very l i t t l e new land would be designated for that use. The costs of e x i s t i n g i n d u s t r i a l land would therefore r i s e . C l e a r l y , these increased land costs would become a l o c a t i o n a l consideration 1 0 9 . which, along with the other management techniques would reduce the c i t y ' s attractiveness. The management techniques used for r e s i d e n t i a l growth would remain v i r t u a l l y as they are at present. This includes p a r t i a l to f u l l s e r v i c i n g costs, subdivision design controls, some se r v i c i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s and zoning. An ad d i t i o n a l technique to be added would be a user benefit fee for services developed i n outlying areas. Thus, the further services were extended, the higher the costs to the consumers would be. Because of the l i m i t s on the physical size of the c i t y as a r e s u l t of the new boundaries, the present subdivision p o l i c i e s of developing large t r a c t s of land at low densities would be discouraged. In order that people would not be forced from the c i t y , increased r e s i d e n t i a l densities would be encouraged. The user benefit fee would encourage new areas to develop at increased densities i n order to achieve r e l a t i v e economies of scale. As a spin-off e f f e c t , t h i s technique would help to reduce the developments i n outlying areas away from major i n f r a s t r u c t u r e such as schools and hosp i t a l s . These techniques, then, would make up the management program for the City of Edmonton. The objective i s achieved by heavily l i m i t i n g i n d u s t r i a l development, and placing only mild r e s t r i c t i o n s on r e s i d e n t i a l growth. A Growth Management Program for the V i l l a g e of Sherwood Park 110. Sherwood Park i s an unincorporated v i l l a g e of approximately 30,000 people. Its postion i n the o i l r e f i n e r y County of Strathcona makes i t one of the most wealthy communities i n Alberta. The actual community i t s e l f , however, has l i t t l e employment-generating industry. I t remains r e l i a n t upon the C i t y of Edmonton and the o i l industry i n the County. Thus, while the community does require economic development for i t s own growth as an independent centre, i t i s not lagging f i n a n c i a l l y and can af f o r d increased services. Therefore, i n the i n t e r e s t of equality of i n d u s t r i a l development, u n t i l the community incorporates as a town or c i t y , i t would not receive a s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater amount of the Edmonton area i n d u s t r i a l growth. At present, the county has tremendous r e s i d e n t i a l growth pressures. It accounts for approximately f o r t y percent of the annual Edmonton area r e s i d e n t i a l growth. This growth would be reduced to a more re g i o n a l l y balanced figure. Therefore, the management techniques to be used i n Sherwood Park would attempt to marginally increase i n d u s t r i a l growth but s i g n i f i c a n t l y decrease i t s r e s i d e n t i a l growth rate. Because the C i t y of Edmonton would severely l i m i t i t s i n d u s t r i a l growth, there would be s i g n i f i c a n t pressure on Sherwood Park for increased i n d u s t r i a l expansion. Sherwood Park's l o c a t i o n , just minutes from Edmonton's central business d i s t r i c t v i a two high speed freeways, and i t s access to heavy 111. and service industries i n the Edmonton area make i t a prime a l t e r n a t i v e to the c i t y . Thus, the techniques used for t h i s community would be s i m i l a r to those used for the C i t y of Edmonton but they would not be as r e s t r i c t i v e . As i n the Ci t y of Edmonton, height and bulk r e s t r i c t i o n s would be set. O f f i c e space would also be discouraged. In order that these r e s t r i c t i o n s not have the e f f e c t of r e p e l l i n g a l l o f f i c e a c t i v i t y , they would be modified or reduced i n i n t e n s i t y from those used by the c i t y . Thus, while the r e l a t i v e advantage of Sherwood Park would be reduced as compared with the other communities, with the exception of the C i t y of Edmonton, i t would remain r e l a t i v e l y a t t r a c t i v e for some a c t i v i t i e s which could not locate further out from the c i t y . Again, f u l l s e r v i c i n g costs would be passed on to the developer to reduce the r e l a t i v e advantage of Sherwood Park. Because Sherwood Park lacks amenities such as rec r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s , plazas, and a l l weather malls, land use contracts would be sought for any proposed development i n order that provisions for these kinds of amenities be required of any development. Aesthetic controls would be used i n concert with these techniques to determine design guidelines for new developments. Thus, the q u a l i t a t i v e aspects of development lo c a t i n g i n Sherwood Park would be stressed. C l e a r l y , the in t e r p r e t a t i o n of the SDTR could again cause delays i n 112. approval which may lead development out of the Sherwood Park area. F i n a l l y , the amount of land designated for new i n d u s t r i a l development would not be increased because Sherwood Park currently contains adequate land for t h i s purpose. The r e s i d e n t i a l development of Sherwood Park would be much more r e s t r i c t e d . C l e a r l y , the purpose of these increased r e s t r i c t i o n s i s to reduce the attractiveness of t h i s community for r e s i d e n t i a l use. The f i r s t technique would involve more stringent b u i l d i n g standards. This technique, along with reduced subdivision approval would have two e f f e c t s . F i r s t , the number of new developments would be l i m i t e d by land a v a i l a b i l i t y . Secondly, because of the increased b u i l d i n g standards, p r o f i t s of home bu i l d i n g would be reduced. This would r e s u l t from Sherwood Park's r e l a t i v e l o c a t i o n i n the Edmonton area. With alternate locations for development avail a b l e with r e l a t i v e l y s i m i l a r or more amenities, prices i n Sherwood Park would be forced to remain competitive. Thus, land l i m i t a t i o n s and high s e r v i c i n g costs may reduce builder and developer i n t e r e s t i n the area. Any new subdivisions would require f u l l s e r v i c i n g costs to be paid by the applicant and land use contracts would again be employed to increase amenities required i n areas of new subdivisions. B a s i c a l l y , these r e s t r i c t i o n s are those which would attempt to decrease the attractiveness of Sherwood Park for development. As a l a s t resort however, the number of bu i l d i n g permits would be l i m i t e d . Thus, Sherwood Park would become the most s t r i c t l y managed community i n the Edmonton area. Again, these techniques would be monitored on a continual basis to determine t h e i r e f f e c t and future use. A Growth Management Program for the Town of St. Albert St. Albert requires a much greater tax base to develop and maintain services which have lagged behind i t s r e s i d e n t i a l growth i n the past. Thus, St. Albert's i n d u s t r i a l growth would be s i g n i f i c a n t l y increased while i t s population growth would be s l i g h t l y reduced. The incentives needed for i n d u s t r i a l expansion i n St. Albert may not need to be as l u c r a t i v e as i s indicated by i t s current low rate of i n d u s t r i a l growth. With the C i t y of Edmonton and the v i l l a g e of Sherwood Park having quite stringent r e s t r i c t i o n s on i n d u s t r i a l development, St. Albert i s the next l o g i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e for i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n . It i s close to the City of Edmonton's north-west boundary and has good transportation access to major highways i n the Edmonton area. Because St. Albert currently has a weak economic base, i t may be necessary to obtain p r o v i n c i a l f i n a n c i a l backing through loans and grants. C a p i t a l allocated for the Alberta Opportunity Fund and the Alberta Incentives Plan may be designated for t h i s type of use. Having obtained 114. adequate funding, the f i r s t technique to be used i n St. Albert would be to increase the land ava i l a b l e for i n d u s t r i a l use and payment of p a r t i a l s e r v i c i n g costs for new industries l o c a t i n g i n the area. Tax concessions for new i n d u s t r i a l developments including o f f i c e l o cation would be given for a s p e c i f i e d period of time as another a t t r a c t i o n . F i n a l l y , provisions for amenities to be provided by the development would be continued but less s t r i n g e n t l y than may be required under the SDTR. Thus, through early public expenditure, the economic growth of the community would be established for the future. As with i n d u s t r i a l development, the reduction of the amount of r e s i d e n t i a l growth i n Edmonton and Sherwood Park would place new pressure on St. Albert. In order to maintain or s l i g h t l y reduce the r e s i d e n t i a l growth rate i n St. Albert, the amount of land a v a i l a b l e for t h i s use would be reduced. This would mean that new subdivisions would be reduced i n number and extent. Further, user benefit fees would be assessed developments based on the distance from the source of services. These techniques would reduce St. Albert's attractiveness and thereby reduce i t s r e s i d e n t i a l growth rate. A Growth Management Program for the Towns of Fort  Saskatchewan, Leduc and Spruce Grove These towns are very s i m i l a r i n terms of t h e i r respective 4 115. population and economic growth. Therefore, the growth management program developed for each w i l l be very s i m i l a r . Any changes i n t h i s program would have to come afte r these techniques had been i n e f f e c t for some period of time. After t h i s time, i n d i v i d u a l differences would be worked out by modifying the respective community's growth management program. These communities have been designated as r e c i p i e n t s of a much greater amount of population and i n d u s t r i a l growth than they presently receive. They are a l l within a very short distance of the C i t y of Edmonton and each has good regional access v i a road and r a i l . Leduc has an advantage i n being close to the Edmonton International A i r p o r t which i s b a s i c a l l y a passenger f a c i l i t y . The other two communities are closer to the Edmonton I n d u s t r i a l A i r p o r t which i s used pr i m a r i l y for f r e i g h t . Because these towns would see the greatest change i n development, they would require the greatest intervention to a t t a i n the desired growth rates. Therefore, i t would be appropriate to begin t h i s growth management program with the designation of these communities as new towns under the New Towns Act of Alberta. This designation would enable the P r o v i n c i a l Government to a l l o c a t e large sums of c a p i t a l i n order to obtain the large amounts of land and services required to accommodate t h i s new growth. This designation would allow 116. tax concessions, grants and loans to these communities from federal and p r o v i n c i a l funds. This new town designation would greatly help a t t r a c t i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y to these communities. But as mentioned e a r l i e r , private c a p i t a l may be cautious to enter developments i n new, unestablished communities. Therefore, the p r o v i n c i a l government would be encouraged to locate as many new " i n s t i t u t i o n s , colleges, centers, and operations" as possible i n these communities (ERPC, 1975(1), p. 19). This p r o v i n c i a l expenditure should provide the confidence needed to a t t r a c t private development. Tax concessions, grants and loans would be used p r i m a r i l y to develop the towns p h y s i c a l l y to be able to accommodate t h i s new growth. Some of these incentives, however, could be used i n i t i a l l y to a t t r a c t large job-producing developments. High serv i c i n g costs and problems of land a q u i s i t i o n would be eliminated through these concessions. As more development was attracted to the towns, these concessions would be gradually removed so as to reduce the f i n a n c i a l expenditure of the province and make these new industries "pay th e i r way". The Edmonton area l i k e most metropolitan areas i n Canada, has a housing shortage. As housing prices increase, fewer people are able to afford the expense of purchasing a home. Increasingly, large portions of the new home pri c e i s made up of the land component. In order to reduce the land 117. component cost, these towns would be developed on government owned land which would be leased back to the new residents on ninety-nine year leaseholds. This would i n i t i a l l y mean subsidized land values which again would be reduced as development proceeded. The increased i n d u s t r i a l and r e s i d e n t i a l development i n these three communities would also i n i t i a l l y involve large scale government involvement. As the new towns' development proceeded, c l e a r l y t h i s program would have to be modified to reduce r e l a t i v e regional attractiveness i n the i n t e r e s t of a more balanced Edmonton area growth. The Regional Plan The programs which have been developed for these s i x communities would have major e f f e c t s on the growth of the Edmonton area. There are, however, numerous other areas which w i l l have to be managed i n less stringent terms. Cl e a r l y , t h i s i s the job of the regional plan. With increased development r e s t r i c t i o n s i n a number of the communities, there would be the stimulus to develop lands outside these communities on what i s b a s i c a l l y a g r i c u l t u r a l land. To reduce the p o s s i b i l i t y of t h i s type of development, the regional plan would implement an a g r i c u l t u r a l and c r i t i c a l areas zoning p o l i c y where no a g r i c u l t u r a l or environmentally c r i t i c a l land could be developed outside of those communities so designated by the d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n growth management program. Developments 118. on other lands would be r e s t r i c t e d through the use of the SDTR which would be used i n a i d of the d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n program. A development p o l i c y f o r the s m a l l towns and v i l l a g e s i n the area would be developed under the r e g i o n a l p l a n . The d e s i r e of these communities to grow should be taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n . CHAPTER VII SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 1 2 0 . The topic of urban growth management i s r e l a t i v e l y new. This thesis has discussed i t from a number of perspectives. This chapter w i l l provide a summary of t h i s work and outline the conclusions and recommendations which may be drawn from i t . Summary In researching the growth management f i e l d , i t becomes apparent that there are numerous components to the development-of a growth management program. This thesis has attempted to describe the reasons given for t h i s new concern and the techniques currently i n use. Cl e a r l y , the techniques used w i l l vary with the locati o n . It i s therefore necessary, i n the development of a growth management program,, to determine the l e g a l i t y of the various techniques to be used. In order to provide a r e a l world example of the use of a growth management program, the Edmonton area of Alberta was selected as the subject for the development of such a program. In examining the new i n t e r e s t i n urban growth management. i t became apparent that three areas of concern were the major causes of t h i s change i n a t t i t u d e : s o c i a l , economic and environmental. The s o c i a l impact was l a r g e l y the r e s u l t of the r e s u l t of the rate of growth. The l i t e r a t u r e suggested that people were more concerned with the q u a l i t y of l i f e than the economic well being. Factors such as the loss of community i d e n t i t y , increased t r a f f i c congestion and crime rates were c i t e d . The economic question contained arguments developed by some economists questioning the value of growth. Increased housing p r i c e s , demands on services and the economic v u l n e r a b i l i of high growth centres were among the factors considered. The environmental impacts and i n t e r e s t s were considered: matters of increased p o l l u t i o n , use of farmland and e c o l o g i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e areas for development and energy requirements. F i n a l l y , the need for a h o l i s t i c approach to the consideration of the growth of urban centres, including these major areas of concern, was alluded to. A review of the various growth management techniques was provided. In proceeding with t h i s review, the techniques were divided into two categories. B a s i c a l l y , these categories were what have been described i n the past as "carrot" and " s t i c k " approaches to growth management. Growth d e f l e c t i n g techniques, or the carrot approach, are used to enhance alternate locations, thus increasing t h e i r attractiveness for growth. The second, the growth r e s t r i c t i o n s category or s t i c k approach, i s comprised of a number of techniques which can be used to r e s t r i c t development i n various areas, to slow i t down or to make such development very c o s t l y . The use of a number of these techniques i n concert y i e l d s a growth management program. The use of r e s t r i c t i o n s in some areas and 122. incentives i n others provides the basis for the management program. In deciding what techniques w i l l be used, i t i s necessary to determine those which are l e g a l l y f e a s i b l e for use i n the area i n question. The use of the Edmonton area as an example necessitated a review of the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i t y of planning i n general and of the various management techniques to be considered. In doing t h i s , p r o v i n c i a l statutes were discussed and the growth management techniques enabled by the Subdivision and Transfer Regulations of Alberta were d e t a i l e d i n explanation of t h i s process. Other enabling statutes c i t e d i n t h i s section would also need to be studied i n t h i s manner to determine the l e g a l v a l i d i t y of other management techniques. In order to provide a " r e a l world" example of the development of a growth management program, the Edmonton area of Alberta was described. The p o l i c i e s of the Federal government and the Alberta P r o v i n c i a l government were f i r s t presented. Then the p o l i c i e s and feelings of the member mun i c i p a l i t i e s were described as found i n the Technical Papers of the Edmonton Regional Planning Commission's Growth Studies Section. This source was also used to d e t a i l the public concerns as they re l a t e d to growth i n t h e i r respective communities. F i n a l l y , the population and economic growth of the various communities was described. Having considered these p o l i c i e s and concerns and examined current growth patterns of the 123. Edmonton area, a p o l i c y of decentralized growth was suggested. Following from the decision to decentralize growth, the alternate communities were considered for t h e i r respective population and economic growth. A tremendous imbalance i n the population and economic growth i n the communities which make up the Edmonton area was noted. To correct t h i s imbalance, s i x of the communities were selected to be the f o c i of a growth management program. The growth management program was then developed. In general terms, t h i s program attempted to reduce the City of Edmonton's economic growth and maintain i t s population growth, to greatly decrease Sherwood Park's population growth and maintain i t s economic growth and to decrease St. Albert's population growth while increasing i t s economic growth. In addition, the program attempted to greatly increase both the population and economic growth of the towns of Fort Saskatchesan, Leduc and Spruce Grove. It was emphasized that these strategies apply to present growth patterns only and would require constant monitoring and adjustment as time and developments warrant. Conclusions A number of requirements for the development of a successful growth management program have become clear. These w i l l now be discussed. An urban management program based on one municipality i s v i r t u a l l y doomed to f a i l u r e . This i s not to say that i t would not work for the area inside such a municipality's boundaries, but that such a program w i l l only force development to locate outside that municipality. One of the l i k e l y r e s u l t s i s urban sprawl. Thus, an e f f i c i e n t management program should be developed i n a regional context. The pre r e q u i s i t e to t h i s i s the agreement of the member mu n i c i p a l i t i e s and the senior l e v e l s of government on what type of program and further, what techniques, need be used. C l e a r l y , any divergance of opinion on the part of any of these l e v e l s of government w i l l s e r i o u s l y jeoporadize the enti r e management program. Secondly, i n the development of a program, numerous management techniques are required. No one of the techniques described would work by i t s e l f to create an e f f e c t i v e managment program. Where t h i s has been attempted, the r e s u l t s have been poor. The program i t s e l f should be made up of techniques which can be monitored and changed with time and which do not "lock themselves i n " so that they cannot be removed. In short, the management program should evolve so that i t can adapt to new sit u a t i o n s as they a r i s e . It should not be a blueprint, but a dynamic t a c t i c . F i n a l l y , the growth management program described in t h i s thesis has been developed for a s p e c i f i c area and i s repsondent to s p e c i f i c information and circumstances found in that area. 125. This being the case, the program developed i s not transferable. However, due to sim i l a r l e g a l c a p a b i l i t i e s i n the provinces of Canada, the method of development for the program and the techniques used may possibly be applied i n other locations. C l e a r l y , to determine t h i s , further research would be required both for the l e g a l c a p a b i l i t i e s and the community data used i n t h i s project. This t h e s i s does not attempt to determine the v a l i d i t y of growth management but merely describes considerations which should be appraised and the means to develop such a program. The decision whether or not to use the various techniques and thus, the o v e r a l l program, must be made by p o l i t i c i a n s based on the wants and needs of the general populace. Recommendations This t h e s i s has considered the Edmonton area of Alberta as the basis for i t s development of a growth management program. The Edmonton area i s one of high economic growth. The opportunities of such an area are a t t r a c t i v e to many people and developments. It has been suggested however, that growth management programs required i n areas which do not have high economic growth but are a t t r a c t i v e simply for t h e i r physical amenities may be very d i f f e r e n t . 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