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Mothers who must work : a study of the implementation and effects of public assistance laws requiring… Muckey, Myron Daniel 1965

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• MOTHERS WHO MUST WORK A Study of the Implementation and E f f e c t s of Public Assistance Laws Requiring the Employment of Mothers of Dependent Children, Washington, 1959. by MYRON DANIEL MUCKEY JOHN ROBERT WITHERS, JR. Thesis Submitted i n P a r t i a l Fulfilment of the Requirements f o r the Degree of MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK i n the School of Soc i a l Work Accepted as conforming to the standard required f o r the degree of Master of Soc i a l Work School of Social Work 1965 The University of B r i t i s h Columbia In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the Univ e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Li b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I further agree that permission f o r extensive copying of th i s thesis f o r s c h olarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that copying or pu b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. School of Social Work The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. i v ABSTRACT For public assistance agencies i n the United States, administrative suggestion and l e g i s l a t i v e d i r e c t i o n has been increasingly focused on the encouragement and even coercion of mothers of dependent childre n to take paid employment. This has been concurrent with increasing public assistance costs during a period of r e l a t i v e prosperity. A common concern of s o c i a l work, however, i s that maternal absence from the family, whether for employment or f o r other reasons, promotes, under c e r t a i n circum-stances, family f a i l u r e . This has occasioned value c o n f l i c t f o r s o c i a l work oriented personnel i n public welfare agencies, and a searching a f t e r a refined methodology to apply to determinations of employability. The methods and r e s u l t s of the implementation of such a l e g i s l a t i v e d i r e c t i v e to remove employable ADC mothers from grants i n Washington State In 1959 are explored. A sample of 800 cases i n which mothers had been removed from grants because of employability between July 1, 1959 and January 1, i 9 6 0 was read to schedule. The study Is concerned with what c r i t e r i a seemed to have been selected by caseworkers as relevant to employability. In r e l a t i o n to the desired r e s u l t of s e l f -support f o r employable mothers, the study explores what c r i t e r i a seemed to have been most relevant. The c r i t e r i a used and the c r i t e r i a most e f f e c t i v e are analyzed. Certain popularly expounded c r i t e r i a were found to be v a l i d and others i n v a l i d . The study applies value assumptions and theory to c e r t a i n p r a c t i c a l aspects of casework and proposes that success or lack of success r e l a t i v e to an employment goal can be predicted through an understanding of the value system of the public assistance r e c i p i e n t . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors g r a t e f u l l y acknowledge the cooperation given them by Mr. Emil K l e i n , Administrator, and the s o c i a l service and c l e r i c a l s t a f f of the King County O f f i c e , State Department of Public Assistance, Seattle. i i TABLE OP CONTENTS Page Tables i n the Text i i i Abstract l v Acknowledgements v Chapter 1. Motherhood, Employment and Public Assistance L e g i s l a t i v e changes regarding employment of ADC caretakers: departures from previous intent. The Good Mother. The Working Mother. Mothers and Children i n Public Assistance. Method of Study. . . . . . . . 1 Chapter 2. The Short View: To Be Employed or Not Employed Groupings i n the sample: open and closed, employed and unemployed. Finding c r i t e r i a f o r employability. Some ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the chosen "employables." . . . . . . . 22 Chapter 3. The Long View: Who Are the "Successful"? Why mothers work. Value goals defined. Eighteen "successes" and value goals. Success and s o c i a l functioning. Some speculations about unknowns 47 Chapter 4. The Client Moves at the Agency Pace Work and the i n d i v i d u a l . Some problems with values f o r the agency. The agency and change. Summing up. 83 Bibliography . 101 Appendices: A. Case Reading Schedule 104 B. Departmental Memorandum: Employability of Caretakers i n ADC 106 C. Case H i s t o r i e s 116 i i i TABLES IN THE TEXT Page Table 1. Group A: Mothers Who Eventually Found Work. Effective Date of Removal and Case Status, February 1962 23 Table 2 . Group B: Mothers Who Never,Found Work. Effective Date of Removal and Case Status, February 1962 . . . . * 23 Table 3 . Caretakers Removed July 1, 1959. Employment and Case Status i n February 1962 26 Table 4 . Group A: Mothers Who Eventually Found Work. Ages and Number of Children . . . 28 Table 5 . Group B: Mothers Who Never Found Work. Ages and Number of Children 29 Table 6 . Mothers Already Employed on July 1, 1959. Health Problems and Negative Behavior Patterns 31 Table 7 . Group A: Mothers Who Eventually Found Work. Health Problems and Negative Behavior Patterns 32 Table 8 . Group B: Mothers Who Never Found Work. Health Problems and Negative.Behavior Patterns 34 Table 9 . Mothers Already Employed on July 1, 1959. Age and Years of Education 37 Table 10. Group A: Mothers Who Eventually Found Work. Age and Years of Education 38 Table 11 . Group B: Mothers Who Never Found Work. Age and Years of Education 39 Table 12. Group A: Mothers Who Eventually Found Work. Type of Previous Employment and Elapsed Time Since Last Employed 41 Table 13. Group B: Mothers Who Never Found Work. Type of Previous Employment and Elapsed Time Since Last Employed . 43 Table 14. Value-Count Scale: Eighteen Successful Mothers 56 Table 15. Value-Count Scale: Unknown Factors 76 \ MOTHERS WHO MUST WORK A Study of the Implementation and E f f e c t s of Public Assistance Laws Requiring the Employment of Mothers of Dependent Children, Washington, 1959. CHAPTER 1 MOTHERHOOD, EMPLOYMENT AND PUBLIC ASSISTANCE In the decade preceding this writing, the various legislatures of the United States have attempted many solutions to the problems that have confronted their respective communities concerning the purpose, administration and Implementation of the Aid to Dependent Children program. Increasing caseloads, Increasing costs and anti-social, i l l e g a l or immoral actions on the part of some clients, but attributed to a l l clients, have led to restrictive measures and misguided seekings after simple solu-tions to problems whose sources are multiple and dynamic. Louisiana and Florida adopted suitable home provisions which precluded giving assistance to a child whose mother had had an illegitimate child after the receipt of an assistance check. Such provisions were seen as an attempt to Impose a higher standard of conduct on those i n need than could be enforced on the population as a whole, and contrary to the broad purpose of Aid to Dependent Children. They were later abandoned or altered under Federal pressure, but other states responded to like prob-lems with other measures. Margaret Greenfield describes the California experience: By the time the 1951 Legislature met, a complete change i n climate had set In with regard to Aid to Needy Chil-dren. Making the California law conform with the Social 2 Security Act had brought about an Immediate spurt i n the ANC caseload and a resulting rise i n total costs. This led to widespread attacks on the program and pressure on the legislature to bring about economizing changes. The program was accused of fostering illegitimacy, depend-ency and other e v i l s . As a result . . . the legislature made 19 changes, a l l but five of which can be considered restrictive.I Among these was a provision whereby children could be disquali-fied for assistance i f their parents refuse to accept reasonable employment or vocational rehabilitation training. In a similar climate, the 1959 legislature of the State of Washington incorporated into the Public Assistance appropri-ations b i l l of that year, the following directive: Provided, that no payments of aid to dependent children assistance shall be made from this appropriation on behalf of an employable parent or relative with whom the child lives unless the director of public assistance determines that the employment of the parent or relative with whom the child lives would result i n danger and/or substantial impairment to the physical or mental well-being of the child.2 But Washington, like a l l cooperating states, must conform to the program objectives outlined i n the Social Security Act, T i t l e IV, section 401. For the purpose of encouraging the care of dependent children i n their own homes or i n the homes of relatives by enabling each State to furnish financial assistance and other services, as far as practicable under the conditions i n such States, to needy dependent children and the parents or relatives with whom they are living to help maintain and strengthen family l i f e and to help 1. Greenfield, Margaret, Self-Support i n Aid to Dependent Children - The California Experience, University of California, Berkeley, 195b, p. 37 . 2 . State of Washington, Chapter 12, Laws of 1959, Extraordinary Session. 3 such parents or relatives to attain the maximum self-support and personal independence consistent with the maintenance of continued parental care and support. This declaration has usually been Interpreted as express-ing an underlying philosophy that the mother should be In the home to supervise the rearing of her children. That i t i s desirable for some mothers receiving assistance to be employed outside the home has long been recognized. 1 Previously, however, the decision whether or not to enter paid employment had been considered a personal one that must be made by the mother and her family. U t i l i z i n g the mother's employability as a test of e l i g i b i l i t y marks a departure from this long-standing principle. It militates against the analysis of Individual situations by means of the social assessment and, instead, sanctions the Imposition of generalizations where a multiplicity of factors make generalizations d i f f i c u l t to justify. Nevertheless, i n i 9 6 0 alone, 17 states made i t mandatory for employable mothers to work outside the home.2 The Good Mother The increasing incidence of mothers with young children working outside the home has led to a questioning of the former 1. In the present study, 24.2$ of the mothers In the sample were employed and offsetting some of their assistance need at the time their needs were deleted from the assistance budget. The most drastic effect on those women earning the equivalent of their own assistance need was the loss of medical care services through the program. 2. Schorr, Alvin, "Problems i n ADC Program," Social Work, Vol. V, No. 2, April i 9 6 0 , pp. 7 - 8 . 4 conception of the mother role p r e v a i l i n g i n North America. Some s k i l l or occupation outside the wife and mother role i s now almost assumed, and the expression "just a housewife" increas-i n g l y synonymous with low s t a t u s . 1 The fa c t that concurrently, there remains widespread conviction that woman's place i s prop-e r l y i n the home i s not disputed. In 1956, a Market Research Associates survey of residents of Vancouver, B.C. asked, "Do you think married women with employed husbands should work?" 76 per cent disapproved of married women with childr e n working because "the family's i n t e r e s t s shouldn't be s a c r i f i c e d " or "a mother t should be looking a f t e r her children," e t c . 2 Such phenomena serve to i l l u s t r a t e the schism In instrumental values governing society's ambitions f o r optimum family l i f e , and the expectations attaching to the"mother r o l e . What i s a good mother? Nominally, she i s a teacher of values, and a physical custodian during the early years who raises her children to, at l e a s t , not threaten society and, at best, to serve i t . The decision f o r the community as regards i t s members who require Public Assistance i s how to best l e g i s l a t e f o r the achievement of t h i s aim. Is a chi l d ' s growth and development less l i k e l y to be i n h i b i t e d by a working mother who may or may not be able to provide an adequate f i n a n c i a l standard 1. Bardal, M., Rogerson, E., Dick, M., The Married Woman  i n Employment, M.S.W. Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 195b, p. 3b. 2 . Ibid., p. 6 . 5 for him? Or should he spend his early years with his mother i n the home i n a situation which usually involves low status and the lowest possible economic standard? Researchers have provided some guidelines. Dr. John Bowlby i n his investigation for the World Health Organization concluded: Partial deprivation brings i n i t s train acute anxiety, excessive need for love, powerful feelings of revenge and . . . guilt and depression. The consequent disturb-ance of psychic organization then leads to a variety of responses often repetitive and cumulative, the end products of which are symptoms of neurosis and Instabil-i t y of character.1 Dr. Bowlby saw the effects of maternal deprivation or changes i n the maternal figure as most devastating in children four years of age or younger.^ Social theorists have viewed juvenile delinquency as partly a consequence of Inadequate supervision In the home occa-sioned by the mother's absence. When the current senate inquiry hears . . . from those who charge that juvenile delinquency i s caused by work-ing mothers and that we must get mothers back into the home, which of the public welfare people w i l l rise to point out how ADC i s i n some jurisdictions being per-verted so that i t becomes a "push mother out of the home" program . . . .3 1. Bowlby, John, Maternal Care and Mental Health (1952), pp. 11-12. 2 . In the present study, 60.6$ of the cases sampled were found to have children four years of age or younger at the time the mother wa3 removed from the grant. 3 . Beck, Bertram W., "Juvenile Delinquency - A Public Welfare Responsibility," Public Welfare, Vol. XII, April 1952*, PP. 53-54. 6 That the employed mother i n the general population can be so uniformly injurious to her child's development to justify such concern i s yet to be established. Other writers see a prepon-derance of benefits to children under such circumstances. Successful performance i n an employment role where such roles are of increasing value, can enhance performance i n the mother r o l e . 1 Stress i n the mother-child relationship may be lessened i f the mother i s able to use her employment as a safety valve for her tensions. The child's potential for acceptable and satisfying adjustment i s helped to realization through i d e n t i f i -cation with the model of self-maintenance and st a b i l i t y that the employed parent may provide. 2 Clinicians have recognized an excessive focus i n past mental health theory upon the mother as well-spring of a l l disturbances i n the emotional development of her children. Surely, the responsibility . . . for disturbances i n child personality involve the mother . . . but never exclusively. Both the causation and correction of such disturbances must be shared by the father . . . and community as well.3 Such recognition that the mothering process i s not carried on i n isolation serves to highlight the special problems surrounding 1. Mertz, Alice, "Working Mothers i n the Aid to Dependent Children Program," Public Welfare, July, 1952, pp. 64-68. 2 . Josselyn, Irene, "Should Mothers Work?" Social Service  Review, Vol. 2 3 , March 1949, p. 76 . 3 . Ackerman, Nathan, The Psyehodynamics of Family Li f e , Basic Books, New York, 1958, p. 174. 7 mother-child relationships i n families receiving Aid to Depend-ent Children, and the handicaps under which the mother attempts to meet society's expectation to be "good." A l l cases reveal a failure or interruption i n normal family relationships whether caused by Illness, divorce, deser-tion or incarceration. The remaining parent, usually the mother, carries total responsibility for maintaining the home and rearing the children. Normal marital relations are denied the remaining parent, and normal parental relations to the children. The marginal or inadequate income provided by Public Assistance often presents problems of adjustment to a low standard of living , material deprivation, and, frequently, an enforced social i s o l a -tion. Problems of personality and physical and mental Illness are often manifested. It i s commonly In this stress-ridden context that the ADC mother must perform her mother role. The expectation of North American society for this role i s that the mother w i l l ensure for her child a sense of physical and emo-tional well-being. How she accomplishes this i s determined by her basic attitudes and feelings toward the mother role. Else-where,1 i t has been written that there are five factors which primarily Influence or detract for the mother's enjoyment of her role. These are the marital relationship, demands of the c h i l -dren, lack of finances, immaturity and personal feelings of 1. Law, Shirley, "The Mother of the Happy Child," Smith  College Studies i n Social Work, October 1954. 8 inadequacy. Several or a l l of these factors might be assumed to be present In a l l ADC cases to a degree s u f f i c i e n t to render the family unit Incapable of meeting i t s needs i n one of the more acceptable need meeting i n s t i t u t i o n s . The Working Mother Currently, more than one-third of the women of working age i n the United States are employed or are seeking employment.1 Just p r i o r to the turn of the century l e s s than 2 0 per cent of the women were employed.^ Working women f a l l into four general categories: the single woman, the married woman with no c h i l -dren, the married woman with children, and the woman with ch i l d r e n who Is the head-of-household. The most dramatic change i n the employment pattern f o r women during the f i r s t h a l f of the century has been the st e a d i l y increasing proportion of married women i n the labor force. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , there were only 4 . 8 per cent married women employed i n 1 8 9 0 ^ while the figure f o r 1 9 5 3 was 2 5 per cent,^ a phenomenal increase. By the end of 1 . Wilensky, Harold L., and LeBeaux, Charles N., Indus-t r i a l Society and Social Welfare. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1 9 5 « , p. 7 3 . ! 2 . Jaffee, A. J . , and Stewart, Charles D., Manpower  Resources and U t i l i z a t i o n : P r i n c i p l e s of Working Force Analysis. New York: Wiley and Sons, 1 9 5 1 , p. I b 4 . 3 . Ibid., p. 1 7 2 . 4 . G l i c k , Paul C , "The L i f e Cycle of the Family," Marriage and Family Li v i n g , No. 1 7 , February 1 9 5 5 , p. 9 » 9 the f i r s t h a l f of the century the number of married women working was greater than f o r the single woman. Of great recent Impetus to t h i s trend was the need f o r "women-power" during World War I I . The beginning impetus f o r women entering the labor force was the Ind u s t r i a l Revolution. I t had the ef f e c t of creat-ing more Jobs which women were p h y s i c a l l y capable of performing, and coexisting was the fac t that they were a les s expensive labor resource. P r i o r to the turn of the century, single women were the only s i g n i f i c a n t female group working outside the home; for the most part the mothers who found they must work did so by "taking In" work or performing domestic tasks i n other homes which allowed t h e i r younger ch i l d r e n to be with them. Marriage or re-marriage was yet the most s a t i s f a c t o r y and the most respectable sol u t i o n to the f i n a n c i a l needs of women. In addition to the more basic e f f e c t s of the Industrial Revolution there are the other forces which have had profound influence In shaping the course of women's permanent place i n the labor market. In d i r e c t response to the Indu s t r i a l Revolu-t i o n was the increasing necessity f o r l e g a l protection of women from undue e x p l o i t a t i o n a temptation to industry because of women's e a r l i e r i n f e r i o r bargaining p o s i t i o n i n the labor f i e l d . I t was not u n t i l a f t e r the turn of the century that any major l e g i s l a t i o n was enacted f o r t h e i r protection. For example, i n 1911 there were only two states which had eight-hour days estab-l i s h e d f o r women i n the manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s . 1 Gradually 1. Washington and C a l i f o r n i a . 10 p r o t e c t i o n s f o r them were i n c l u d e d along w i t h those e s t a b l i s h e d f o r men, and the gre a t e s t s t r i d e s were made i n the 1930's w i t h the passing of the N a t i o n a l Labor R e l a t i o n Act and the F a i r Labor Standards A c t . 1 For the f i r s t time standards which had been recommended by the Women's Bureau of the Department of Labor were becoming enforceable. Another f o r c e was the progression towards p o l i t i c a l e q u a l i t y which had i t s beginnings i n the fem-i n i s t movements of the l a t e nineteenth century. With i t s adoption i n 1920 the Nineteenth Amendment to the C o n s t i t u t i o n guaranteed suffrage f o r women and movements on t h e i r b e h a l f found a new emphasis. P r o f e s s o r Richard M. TItmuss comments on the changing p e r s p e c t i v e f o r women: In the f i e l d of employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s , as i n so many other f i e l d s , new i s s u e s f o r s o c i a l p o l i c y are t a k i n g shape as a consequence of these changes i n the p o s i t i o n of women i n s o c i e t y . The problems of State p o l i c y which the woman's movement of f i f t y years ago brought to the for e were l a r g e l y p o l i t i c a l ; those r a i s e d by the women's movements of today are l a r g e l y s o c i a l . 2 I n the quest f o r equal st a t u s on the one hand and p r o t e c t i o n on the other the inherent nature of the c o n f l i c t between these f o r c e s can be seen. This c h a r a c t e r i z e s the present-day r o l e c o n f l i c t s f o r women i n employment—the b i o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s between the sexes and the accompanying c h i l d - r e a r i n g r e s p o n s i -b i l i t i e s f o r women cannot be disregarded. The d e s i r e f o r 1. Bernard, J e s s i e , S o c i a l Problems at Midcentury. New York: The Dryden Press, 1 9 5 7 , p. 348. 2. TItmuss, Richard M., Essays on 'The Welfare S t a t e . ' London: George A l l e n & Unwin L t d . , 1958, p. 1 0 3 . 11 complete equality with man i n employment had been expressed i n the slogan, "equal pay f o r equal work." To some extent t h i s expression p e r s i s t s , but Jessie Bernard points out that today t h i s Increasingly tends to be expressed i n l e s s uncompromising terms: Proposed l e g i s l a t i o n at the present time usually speaks of equal pay f o r "work of comparable character, the performance of which requires comparable s k i l l s . " 1 That the working mother has been a prominent feature of the changes i n the value system i n America i s quite generally recognized. Sixty years ago firm agreement existed within society at large that a mother's primary contribution was to her f a m i l y — a n d t h i s included her physical presence i n the home at a l l times. She represented a constantly available source of physical and emotional support to her family. Commonly she was the interpreter of family values while t r a d i t i o n a l l y the father took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e i r e x p l i c i t establishment. The role of the mother was, Indeed, quite r i g i d l y defined. The values, instrumental and ultimate, were not as generally i n c o n f l i c t as today; very basic was the autonomy of the family unit and i t s independence went r e l a t i v e l y unchallenged. This, of course, was quite i n harmony with the s o c i e t a l value of free enterprise so e x p l i c i t l y expressed i n the p r e v a i l i n g p o l i t i c a l and economic philosophies. A b r i e f glance at the changes that have taken place i n the autonomous nature of the family w i l l show that the 1. Bernard, op_. c i t . , p. 348. 1 2 mother no longer f u n c t i o n s r e l a t i v e l y independently as the i n t e r -p r e t e r of values; the t e l e v i s i o n programs ( p a r t i c u l a r l y the f a m i l y s i t u a t i o n comedies), i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n t e r p r e t e r s such as s o c i a l workers, and the "humanized" r o l e of the f a t h e r are only a few of the f o r c e s a c t i v e l y i n t e r p r e t i n g s o c i e t a l v a l u e s . That there now e x i s t s c o n f l i c t i n the values h e l d by the f a m i l y u n i t w i t h i n a changing s o c i e t a l context i s demonstrated i n some of the reasons women chose to work. Wilensky and LeBeaux o f f e r the f o l l o w i n g reasons: . . . t o supplement f a m i l y Income (an aspect of r i s i n g l e v e l s of a s p i r a t i o n f o r s e l f and c h i l d r e n ) , t o support t h e i r f a m i l i e s (a n e c e s s i t y f o r an i n c r e a s i n g number of head broken f a m i l i e s ) , to achieve " s e l f f u l f i l l m e n t " (a r e f l e c t i o n of the changing d e f i n i t i o n of woman's r o l e ) , and because the o p p o r t u n i t i e s have increased (an aspect of the s h i f t toward work assignment on the b a s i s of "what you can do" and the f a c t that women can do an I n c r e a s i n g p o r t i o n of the jobs a v a i l a b l e . 1 Consistent w i t h changing expectations surrounding woman's r o l e i n s o c i e t y and her i n c r e a s i n g p o t e n t i a l i t y f o r p a i d employ-ment, eleven s t a t e s by 1 9 5 6 had amended t h e i r A i d to Dependent C h i l d r e n laws i n such a way as to compel many mothers to take employment outside the home. Such laws were avowedly an attempt to encourage p u b l i c a s s i s t a n c e r e c i p i e n t s t o become s e l f -supporting, but i n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n f r e q u e n t l y proved to be c o e r c i v e , p u n i t i v e and compounding the s o c i a l d i s t r e s s of those a f f e c t e d . For example, i n some j u r i s d i c t i o n s a s s i s t a n c e was denied because of the a v a i l a b i l i t y of work and p o t e n t i a l i t y of 1. Wilensky and Lebeaux, op. c i t . , p. 74. 13 earnings with l i t t l e regard to the Individual wishes or require-ments of the r e c i p i e n t . Changing s o c i e t a l values became, i n t h i s regard, a rationale f o r the further disfranchisement of society's most s o c i a l l y disadvantaged group. Former assumptions regarding the general d e s i r a b i l i t y of the mother remaining i n the home with her childr e n were abandoned i n favor of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and s e l f -support goals dictated, i n large part, by the changing personal-i t y of the Aid to Dependent Children caseloads. Mothers and Children on Public Assistance Before the beginning of the twentieth century, the usual prospect f o r c h i l d r e n of impoverished families was commitment to almshouses or other i n s t i t u t i o n s . In the past 5 0 years, fo s t e r family placement and "out door" f i n a n c i a l aid have replaced i n s t i t u t i o n s as the major implements of c h i l d welfare. The preference f o r the former was large l y prompted by a spreading conviction that childr e n develop best i n t h e i r own home i n the care of t h e i r mothers and suffer psychologically i f separated from t h e i r usual family s e t t i n g . But why should the question of whether or not to take employment become any greater an issue for the dependent mother than f o r any other mother i n the community? It i s , i n part, a product of the disagreement and confusion regarding the ori e n t a t i o n of the ADC program that i s rooted i n i t s e a r l i e s t beginnings. 14 The confusion can be b r i e f l y stated as that between a program designed to help parents (or r e l a t i v e s acting as parents) with the costs of bringing up children who have suffered a disa s t e r i n the loss of the care or supporting a b i l i t y of one or both of t h e i r parents and a program designed to assure c e r t a i n benefits, s o c i a l as well as economic, f o r c h i l d r e n who are i n t h i s condition with the c h i l d ' s parent i n something of the p o s i t i o n of a trustee f o r h i s c h i l d . 1 The early Mother's Pension programs of various states which were consolidated i n the ADC program are often c i t e d as examples of a family-centered as opposed to a child-centered approach. President Theodore Roosevelt keynoted the f i r s t White House conference on c h i l d r e n In 1 9 0 9 . Children of parents of worthy character, suffering from temporary misfortune, and c h i l d r e n of reasonably e f f i -cient and deserving mothers who are without the support of the normal breadwinner, should as a rule be kept with t h e i r parents, such aid being given as may be necessary to maintain suitable homes f o r the rearing of the chi l d r e n .2 In t h i s statement, and i n the administration of the various state programs which developed from t h i s conference, prime emphasis was placed upon the condition of the parent i n considering e l i g i b i l -i t y f o r such aid, admittedly with considerable attention to the "deserving" q u a l i t y of the parent. In addition to giving a c e r t a i n eminence to the mother's po s i t i o n , the word "pension" implies that receipt was l i k e l y to be of long duration, and not 1 . Keith-Lucas, Alan, Decisions About People i n Need, University of North Carolina, Chapel H i l l , 1957/p. b4. 2 . United States Senate, Proceedings of the Conference  on the Care of Dependent Children, Document No. 7 2 1 , 1 9 Q 9 , pp. 1 9 2 - 9 3 . 1 5 focused upon a self-support goal while children remained i n the home. The p o s i t i o n of the parent i n r e l a t i o n to the law which enables ADC, and the implications of t h i s p o s i t i o n f o r her family, and the f u l f i l l m e n t of the " l e g i s l a t i v e intent," has long been a subject of debate. The only reasonable conclusion appears to be that d i f f e r e n t people i n d i f f e r e n t times w i l l f i n d i n the law what they wish to f i n d i n accordance with t h e i r own values. There i s now a growing consensus that public assistance laws contain a self-support or r e h a b i l i t a t i o n intent. The Washington law under discussion i s an expression of that view. S i m i l a r l y , the 1 9 5 6 amendment to the S o c i a l Security Act expressed as a purpose of the program "to help . . . parents or r e l a t i v e s to a t t a i n the maximum self-support and personal inde-pendence possible consistent with continuing parental care and protection." The r e h a b i l i t a t i o n motive i s nothing new to public assistance. A generation ago, reformers of the English poor laws debated whether assistance programs administered as a matter of r i g h t could properly encompass r e h a b i l i t a t i o n services. To t h i s date, B r i t i s h s o c i a l welfare p o l i c y generally discourages the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n motive as conducive to manipulation, control and the excessive investment of discretionary power i n one i n d i -vidual over the destiny of another. The federal agency administering the ADC program has consistently interpreted i t as a r i g h t s program, and i t i s 16 d i f f i c u l t i n the o r i g i n a l l e g i s l a t i o n to i d e n t i f y any other intent. I t seems reasonable that ADC was intended as a rights program because of i t s close association with the s o c i a l Insur-ance program enacted at the same time. An expectation that the r e c i p i e n t involve himself i n a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n objective would c o n f l i c t with the " r i g h t s " p r i n c i p l e . The p o s s i b i l i t y , however, that a r e c i p i e n t of ADC can receive assistance without the expectation that he w i l l so involve himself i s Increasingly remote. The populations of North America, f o r the present time, seem to have rejected the concept of public assistance as a s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n which has the single function of augmenting the economic arrangements of society. Assistance i s not con-sidered an acceptable means f o r ind i v i d u a l s to meet t h e i r f i n a n c i a l needs i n the way that, f o r example, employment i s . It i s less frequently seen, even by c l i e n t s themselves, as an instrument of s o c i a l j u s t i c e , or as a possible compensation fo r services to the community, as i n days of yore. Many tenets of Christendom support the private enter-prise system i n the b e l i e f that economic a i d provided by other than one's own endeavor or that of h i s family i s by nature a gratuity that should be c l a s s i f i e d as charity rather than as a r i g h t . This c u l t u r a l l y "inherited" conviction r e s u l t s i n the b e l i e f that the use of the tax power fo r t h i s purpose makes the govern-ment a benefactor and thereby gives those who administer such funds the duty of regulating and s i t t i n g i n judg-ment on the behavior of l e g a l l y q u a l i f i e d r e c i p i e n t s of funds not i n d i v i d u a l l y earned. People who hold these convictions t a c i t l y assume or overtly say that those who administer public assistance ought to supervise the use 1 7 t o which the money i s put, e s p e c i a l l y t o see t h a t none of i t i s spent on items covered by the phrase "wine, women and song." I t i s even contended that p u b l i c a s s i s t a n c e r e c i p i e n t s should not be allowed t o l i v e i n a manner that endangers t h e i r h e a l t h l e s t they become a s t i l l g r e a t e r expense to the p u b l i c , and that procrea-t i o n should be r e s t r i c t e d f o r the same reason.1 I t would seem tha t these values have not been c o n s i s t e n t l y dominant i n recent times. The p e r i o d t h a t gave us much of our present s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n — t h e 1 9 3 0 f s — w a s one i n which m i l l i o n s of persons who had p r e v i o u s l y been f i n a n c i a l l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t found themselves dependent on p u b l i c funds because of c o n d i t i o n s i n the economy over which they as i n d i v i d u a l s had l i t t l e c o n t r o l . The changed goals of p u b l i c a s s i s t a n c e have fo l l o w e d upon changes i n the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of case l o a d s , i n c r e a s i n g w e l f a r e c o s t s and i n c r e a s i n g p r o s p e r i t y f o r the general popula-t i o n since the end of World War I I . Costs have r i s e n I n response to inc r e a s e s i n the p o p u l a t i o n p o t e n t i a l l y e l i g i b l e f o r a i d . Types of a s s i s t a n c e formerly a v a i l a b l e , such as C i v i l i a n Con-s e r v a t i o n Corps and Works Progress A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , have d i s a p -peared, and an I n c r e a s i n g amount of need i s thus met I n ADC. R e l a x a t i o n of e l i g i b i l i t y requirements during the decade 1 9 4 0 - 5 0 served t o s h i f t more persons from general a s s i s t a n c e r o l e s . The r a t e of i n f l a t i o n has Increased more r a p i d l y than the incomes of the lowest p a i d groups i n the p o p u l a t i o n . The expansion of s o c i a l insurance b e n e f i t s i n recent years has occasioned a s h i f t 1. H o l l i s , E. V., and T a y l o r , A. L., S o c i a l Work Educa-t i o n i n the United S t a t e s . New York, 1951, pp. 2 0 5 - b . 1 8 i n the sources of deprivation discovered on assistance r o l l s . S o c i a l Security and veteran's benefits have taken care of a larger proportion of f a m i l i e s , leaving as r e c i p i e n t s a larger proportion of families whose deprivation i s ascribed to some form of disordered behavior such as mental I l l n e s s , divorce, desertion, i l l e g i t i m a c y and neglect. This has led to many allegations that dependency i s the cause of such behavior, giving r i s e to demands for self-support or " r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . " There i s considerable confusion about what r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s . Most commonly, the state of being r e h a b i l i t a t e d i s synony-mous with freedom of the i n d i v i d u a l from dependence upon public assistance monies. The concept may be broadened to "a streng-thening of family l i f e " whether the f i n a n c i a l base of that family l i f e i s public assistance or something else. Social workers are concerned with adjustment to the maximum extent possible i n accordance with the i n d i v i d u a l s ' c a p a b i l i t i e s to other i n d i v i d u a l s and situations within the environment with which they are i n t e r a c t i n g . In considering the employment of ADC mothers, one must question whether self-support i s the central feature of the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n motive. Is maximum adjustment or maximum s o c i a l functioning to be s t r i c t l y equated with f i n a n c i a l s e l f -maintenance? Is r e h a b i l i t a t i o n possible when i t i s not sought? To these questions l e g i s l a t o r s , administrators and s o c i a l workers must address themselves. 1 9 Method The study population selected was mothers who were removed from ADC grants i n conformance with the employability determination requirement i n the 1 9 5 9 Washington State Public Assistance Appropriations Act. The boundaries of t h i s study were further defined as follows: l ) the cases would be selected from the f i l e s of the King County Of f i c e of the State Department of Public Assistance; 2 ) they would be l i m i t e d to families from which the father, f o r whatever reason, was absent from the home; and 3 ) the period to be studied would be those six months between July 1 , 1 9 5 9 , the e f f e c t i v e date of the Act, and January 1 , I 9 6 0 . The only available source f o r locating the above described study subjects was d a i l y transmittal l i s t s which c e r t i f i e d assistance r e c i p i e n t s f o r medical care. These showed any addi-tions or deletions or names from assistance grants. A review of May through December l i s t s revealed that 8 0 1 caretaker mothers i n the county were removed from ADC grants. The May and June l i s t s were included, since authorizations made during those months would become e f f e c t i v e July 1 , 1 9 5 9 . By selecting every eighth name from the l i s t of 8 0 1 who met the above outlined c r i t e r i a f o r study, a sample of 1 0 0 was arrived at. Because the i d e n t i f y i n g data on the transmittal l i s t s were not absolutely i n f a l l i b l e , i t was found that s u b s t i -tutions were necessary i n seven instances. Substitutions were 20 made by s e l e c t i n g the next name on the compiled l i s t . Much l a t e r I n the study I t was found that one case had been t r a n s f e r r e d t o another county--no s u b s t i t u t i o n was made i n t h i s i n s t a n c e . Of the f i n a l sample of 99 cases, 54 were found to be i n the I n a c t i v e f i l e s , the remaining 45 a c t i v e cases being d i s t r i b -uted throughout the county's three branch o f f i c e s . A reading schedule (see Appendix A) was adapted t o meet the requirements of t h i s study from a statement of major prob-lems i n p u b l i c a s s i s t a n c e o u t l i n e d by Wayne Vasey. 1 Some of the more s p e c i f i c problem areas were not i n c l u d e d , since such i n f o r -mation could be obtained only through i n t e r v i e w s w i t h the su b j e c t s ; t h i s was not w i t h i n the intended design of t h i s study. P r o v i s i o n was made f o r a remarks s e c t i o n so tha t necessary explanatory notes and p e r t i n e n t a d d i t i o n s could be made. The repre s e n t a t i v e n e s s of the sample must be considered i n terms of some of the v a r i a b l e s o p e r a t i v e at tha t time. I t should be s c a r c e l y necessary to po i n t out the d i f f e r e n t i a l approach of s t a f f members to such a problem as the determination of e m p l o y a b i l i t y . Other s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t i n g to variance were: the s e c t i o n on e m p l o y a b i l i t y i n the Appropria-t i o n s Act was so broadly s t a t e d that i t l e f t considerable l a t i -tude f o r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ; present was the e x p e c t a t i o n that as many determinations as p o s s i b l e would be made t o meet the 1. Vasey, Wayne, Government and S o c i a l Welfare (Roles of Fe d e r a l , S t a t e , and L o c a l Governments i n Admi n i s t e r i n g Welfare S e r v i c e s ) . New York: Henry Ho l t and Company, 1958, pp. 172-176. 21 e f f e c t i v e date of the Act thus preventing adequate w r i t t e n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ; i n s t r u c t i o n s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s were given to county s t a f f v e r b a l l y . As a r e s u l t , not only would there be d i f f e r e n c e s i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s given i n the va r i o u s county o f f i c e s , but d i f f e r e n c e s would e x i s t among the three branch o f f i c e s i n King County. One of the purposes of t h i s study i s to i d e n t i f y c r i t e r i a f o r e m p l o y a b i l i t y as they were used, and to determine which c r i t e r i a were a p p l i e d u n i f o r m l y and those which were not. The variances which might occur i n the r e c o r d i n g of data on the reading schedule were kept to a minimum by c o n t i n u a l c o n s u l t a t i o n , on a case-to-case b a s i s , between the two readers. CHAPTER 2 THE SHORT VIEW: TO BE EMPLOYED OR NOT EMPLOYED Eight hundred women were considered employable by the King County Of f i c e and t h e i r needs removed from the grant i n the period from July 1 , 1 9 5 9 through December 1 9 5 9 . Some were already employed, some l a t e r found some form of work, some did not. What can be learned of the etiology of t h e i r success or f a i l u r e ? I n i t i a l l y , the sample of 9 9 was divided into two groups— those who were already employed or found any kind of work from the date of t h e i r removal to February 1 9 6 2 , and those who never di d . The twenty-four women already employed and the t h i r t y - s i x who l a t e r found work, s u p e r f i c i a l l y at l e a s t , constitute some sort of success i n r e l a t i o n to the self-support motive of the l e g i s l a t i o n . They are, hereafter, designated "Group A." Those who never found any form of work are referred to as "Group B." The experience of three cases i n regard to employment or non-employment was unknown because of d e f i c i e n c i e s i n recording. At the time of the sampling (February 1 9 6 2 ) two of these cases were closed and one was open. Current case status and the timing of removal of the casehead from the grant over a period of six months are shown i n 23 Tables 1 and 2 . A sh o r t e r p e r i o d of planning and p r e p a r a t i o n of the c l i e n t f o r employment or the consequences of a reduced income i s i m p l i e d f o r those who were removed e f f e c t i v e J u l y 1. Table 1. Group A: Mothers Who E v e n t u a l l y Found Work. ( E f f e c t i v e Date of Removal and Case S t a t u s , February 1962) Present Case Status E f f e c t i v e Date of Removal from Grant T o t a l C2/52) 7/1 8/1 9/1 10/1 11/1 12/L Open 13 3 3 4 0 1 24 Closed 19 8 5 3 0 1 36 T o t a l 32 11 8 7 0 2 60 Table 2 . Group B: Mothers Who Never Found Work. (,Effective Date of Removal and Case S t a t u s , February 1962) Present Case Status E f f e c t i v e Date of Removal from Grant T o t a l (2/62) 7 A 8/1 9/1 10/1 11/1 12/1 Open 9 6 5 1 0 0 21 Closed 9 3 2 1 0 0 15 T o t a l 18 9 7 2 0 0 36 I n f a c t , "planning" f o r t h i s vanguard group almost e x c l u s i v e l y c o n s i s t e d of e i t h e r a l e t t e r , one home v i s i t or o f f i c e i n t e r v i e w , 24 a telephone c a l l , a combination of any of these customary admin-i s t r a t i v e actions, or as i n some cases, no n o t i f i c a t i o n of any kind u n t i l a f t e r removal. A comparison of the two tables suggests that Group A was somewhat favored i n the matter of the timing of removal from the grant i n r e l a t i o n to the f i r s t enunciation i n the law of employ-ment of mothers. A higher proportion of women i n Group A were removed l a t e r than the July 1 deadline. A percentage breakdown shows that 94 per cent of Group B were removed before October 1, while only 75 per cent of Group A had been removed during the same period. When one excludes from Group A those who were already employed on July 1, the percentage i s reduced to 45 per cent. What may account f o r the marked decrease a f t e r October 1? By administrative suggestion as many as possible were to be removed by the July 1 deadline so that within two or three months the caseworkers may have run out of possible candidates fo r self-support. Interpretive material on who may be considered employable (see Appendix B) was provided i n l a t e August 1959. Because of the improbability that i t s r e q u i s i t e s could be met i n many public assistance cases the material, i f considered, may have served to lower the rate of removal. Possibly too, an awareness on the part of caseworkers that the summary removal of mothers from assistance did not tend to make them immediately self-supporting (many cases were restored to grants within short 25 periods a f t e r removal f o r a var i e t y of reasons) was i n f l u e n t i a l i n t h i s change. Administratively, the most accessible measure of success f o r the action under discussion i s the r e l a t i v e status of the cases at the present time ( 2 / 6 2 ) . Are they "open" or "closed"? At t h i s time, 60 per cent of Group A and 42 per cent of Group B are closed, a fact which tends to support the contention of success f o r Group A i n l i g h t of the "independence" motive of the law. A more detailed examination of Group A reveals that of those removed e f f e c t i v e July 1, 1959, 59 per cent were i n closed status 32 months l a t e r . Of those removed e f f e c t i v e August 1, 73 per cent were closed; e f f e c t i v e September 1, 63 per cent closed; October 1, 43 per cent; and December 1, 50 per cent. None were removed during November. For Group B the percentages are as follows: 50 per cent of those removed the f i r s t month (7/59) were i n closed status 32 months l a t e r , of August removals 33 per cent closed, September 29 per cent closed, and October, 50 per cent. None were removed a f t e r that. None of the mothers of Group B l e f t the assistance r o l l s as a consequence of employment. It i s appropriate, here, to further analyze the status of those i n Group A who were removed e f f e c t i v e July 1, 1959* As stated previously 24 or 25 per cent of the persons removed at that time were already employed and o f f s e t t i n g a part of t h e i r 26 assistance needs by t h i s means. While the numerical figure places a greater number i n closed status, a percentage development of the table indicates that a somewhat larger percentage of those employed at the time of the f i r s t implementation of the law are s t i l l open. This Table 3 . Caretakers Removed July 1, 1959* (Employment and Case Status i n February 1962) Present Case Status (2/62) Caretakers Removed E f f e c t i v e 7 /1/59 Total Employed Not Employed Open 10 3 13 Closed 14 5 19 Total 24 8 32 tends to weaken the proposal of success f o r t h i s group. While they have consistently or p e r i o d i c a l l y o f f s e t some of t h e i r assistance need, they have remained on Public Assistance over a f a i r l y long period. In terms of employment status at time of removal and the timing of removal, only s l i g h t v a r i a t i o n s are d i s c e r n i b l e . It i s not possible to attribute to these factors alone any substan-t i a l influence on the 1959 experience. It i s the writers' personal r e c o l l e c t i o n that the c r i t e r i a most frequently promoted by administration during t h i s episode 27 i n v o l v e d the number of c h i l d r e n I n the home and t h e i r ages. I t was assumed that the mother w i t h no pre-school c h i l d r e n , and w i t h r e l a t i v e l y few c h i l d r e n i n the home was a b e t t e r prospect f o r s e l f - s u p p o r t . Were the c r i t e r i a used and w i t h what e f f e c t ? No c r i t e r i a were i n v o l v e d i n the removal of those employed on J u l y 1 except t h a t they were already employed. They are th e r e f o r e not i n c l u d e d i n Table 4 . As a whole, Group A, the s u c c e s s f u l group, had fewer c h i l d r e n . S i x t y - f o u r per cent had two or fewer. I n Group B only 47 per cent had two or fewer c h i l d r e n . I n terms of age, a sma l l e r number of c h i l d r e n i n Group A were pre-school age (44 per c e n t ) , while 69 per cent of the c h i l d r e n i n Group B were pre-school age ( f i v e years or under). Age and number of c h i l d r e n seems to have been s c a r c e l y e x e r c i s e d as a s i g n i f i c a n t c r i t e r i o n f o r e m p l o y a b i l i t y . Taking the e n t i r e sample l e s s those already employed on J u l y 1, 56 per cent had two or fewer c h i l d r e n and 57 per cent had c h i l d r e n under school age. However, the v a l i d i t y of such a c r i t e r i o n might even be questioned i n c o n s i d e r i n g the s t a t i s t i c s of those mothers who were employed on J u l y 1. F i f t y - e i g h t per cent of t h i s group had two or fewer c h i l d r e n , but a remarkable 75 per cent had pre-school aged c h i l d r e n . The h e a l t h of the f a m i l y u n i t and "negative behavior p a t t e r n s " on the part of the c h i l d r e n , i . e . , the existence or non-existence t h e r e o f , might most immediately be considered as c r i t e r i a f o r e m p l o y a b i l i t y . In reading cases, the authors 28 Table 4 . Group A: Mothers Who Eventually Found Work. (Ages and Number of Children; Number of Children Age of Youngest Child Total i n Home Under 1 Yr. 1-2 2-3 3-5 5-8 8-12 12-15 15-18 1 2 2 2 2 3 1 12 2 1 3 3 2 2 11 3 1 3 4 4 3 3 5 2 2 4 6+ 2 2 Total 3 2 3 8 9 7 3 1 36 29 i i Table 5 . Group B: Mothers Who Never Found Work. (Ages and Number of Children) Number of Children Age of Youngest Child Total i n Home Jnder 1 Yr. 1*2 2-3 3-5 5-8 8-12 12-15 15-18 1 2 3 1 1 7 2 1 5 2 1 1 10 3 3 1 1 2 7 4 1 1 2 1 1 1 7 5 2 2 6+ 1 2 3 Total 3 6 4 12 3 5 3 36 3 0 defined f o r themselves a "negative behavior pattern" as any behavior stated or implied i n the record which involved notice-able deviation from the reasonable expectations attached to the chil d ' s role by s i g n i f i c a n t persons i n his role network—the mother, school a u t h o r i t i e s , law enforcement, neighbors, the so c i a l worker, etc. In the sample a "negative behavior pattern" could Involve a var i e t y of situations ranging from repeated juvenile offenses and truancy to d i s c i p l i n e problems complained of by the mother or observed by s o c i a l workers v i s i t i n g i n the home. A health problem was any problem diagnosed medically or complained of by the c l i e n t involving the physical and mental health of her s e l f or her children. Problems thought to be emotional but not involving a somatic complaint were also included. Of course emotions could p o t e n t i a l l y be clos e l y a l l i e d , i f not the well-spring of the physical problems the c l i e n t s reported. Such negative behavior patterns and health problems i n being tabulated pre-existed the removal of the care-taker from the grant as f a r as the readers could determine. Furthermore, the readers could f i n d no instance where such problems were solved or even helped by the removal of the care-taker from the grant. In f a c t , In many instances pre-existent problems were compounded to a point where they f i n a l l y impinged themselves on the awareness of the caseworkers who were either too busy or too unconcerned to have been aware of them before. 31 The h e a l t h and behavior p i c t u r e f o r the f a m i l i e s of those energetic l a d i e s already employed i n J u l y 1959 i s depicted i n Table 6. Table 6. Mothers Already Employed on J u l y 1. 1959* (Health Problems and Negative Behavior Patterns) Health Negative Behavior P a t t e r n T o t a l Problem Yes No Unknown Yes 2 4 2 8 No 2 10 4 16 Unknown T o t a l 4 14 6 24 The " s u c c e s s f u l " group of women who d i d e v e n t u a l l y f i n d some type of employment, but were not employed on J u l y 1, present a d i f f e r e n t p i c t u r e i n regard t o behavior and h e a l t h f a c t o r s , i f s u p e r f i c i a l l y a somewhat confused and c o n t r a d i c t o r y one. Th e i r predicament i s set f o r t h I n Table 7 and p o s s i b l e at once are some i n t e r e s t i n g s p e c u l a t i o n s about the h e a l t h f a c t o r s . A more c a r e f u l a n a l y s i s of the s t a t i s t i c s on h e a l t h f a c t o r s i n t h i s group suggest a heavy r e l i a n c e on p h y s i c a l h e a l t h as a c r i t e r i o n f o r e m p l o y a b i l i t y . That a f a i r degree of p h y s i c a l h e a l t h i s a r e q u i s i t e to employment cannot be dis p u t e d . A l s o , as a f a c t o r i n s o c i a l planning i t tends to be more 32 Table 7. Group A: Mothers Who Eventually Found Work. (Health Problems and Negative Behavior Patterns) Health Problem Negative Behavior Pattern Total Yes No Unknown Yes 4 16 4 24 No 1 9 1 11 Unknown 1 1 Total 5 26 5 36 measurable and tangible. In view of the uneven q u a l i t y of f a c t - f i n d i n g and recording i n public assistance case records, It i s i n t e r e s t i n g that i n one group—the mothers already employed— health was considered i n every instance, and i n those who were to be employed subsequently, the incidence of "unknowns" was a spectacularly low 3 per cent. This would suggest that the mothers themselves viewed t h e i r physical health and the health of t h e i r families as an e a s i l y communicated and comprehended explanation of themselves and t h e i r circumstances. In addition, exploration of physical health made i t possible f o r the case-worker, i n many Instances, to transfer his r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r making a decision regarding employability to the screening physician whose medical reports were returned time and again with the patent conclusion "no contraindication to f u l l employ-ment ." 3 3 It would seem possible that the seeking a f t e r and main-taining of employment becomes such an all-consuming goal that mothers and caseworkers have frequently overlooked other factors i n the t o t a l problem complex. The s t a t i s t i c s on negative behav-i o r tend to demonstrate t h i s . For instance, consider the high incidence of unknowns i n t h i s area. Among the cases read of mothers who were employed on July 1 , 2 5 per cent contained no data on the behavior of childr e n whether p o s i t i v e , negative or i n d i f f e r e n t . Why does the 2 5 per cent of unknowns drop to 1 4 per cent among those who are unemployed, but whom the casework-ers are attempting to motivate toward employment? Does t h i s imply a hazardous maternal r e j e c t i o n of the mother r o l e , a r e j e c t i o n handled by the mother through employment, absence from the home, and attendant distance between her and her children? And when mother has achieved that objective of p a r t i a l s e l f -maintenance, does t h i s family require any other attentions from the caseworker, even when t h i s employment w i l l be pursued i n a context of slum l i v i n g , broken homes, minority group status, l i m i t e d personality resources and other factors which are them-selves hazardous to children? Mothers i n the l a t t e r group, of course, may o f f e r t h i s as explanation of why they do not work or do not wish to work whether such explanation'is to be accepted or not. The suspected premise of employment as a magic cure to problems must be questioned further i n l i g h t of the higher 34 incidence of reported negative behavior among those who were working as opposed to those who were not. A difference of 3 per cent may not be s i g n i f i c a n t of i t s e l f , but p o t e n t i a l l y subject to a more dramatic a l t e r a t i o n i f the circumstances among the many unknowns i n t h i s group could be measured. Further, a factor p o t e n t i a l l y operative i n the measurement of employability or unemployability u t i l i z i n g health and/or negative behavior patterns i s the response of the caseworker hers e l f , a possible majority of whom are working mothers with t h e i r own share of problems i n t h i s area. What was the experience i n regard to health and behavior of those mothers who never found employment? Table 8 . Group B: Mothers Who Never Found Work. (Health Problems and Negative Behavior Patterns) Health Problem Negative Behavior Pattern Total Yes No Unknown Yes 4 19 1 24 No 3 9 12 Unknown Total 7 2 8 1 36 That the circumstances of t h i s group were better known than Group A's i s indicated by the low incidence of unknowns— 35 3 per cent i n negative behavior and no unknowns concerning health. I t i s not possible f o r the writers to say that t h i s greater f a m i l i a r i t y was a consequence of t h i s group's prolonged f a i l u r e to get work with i t s attendant focus on reasons f o r t h i s f a i l u r e , or due to other causes. A high Incidence of health problems (67 per cent) indicates inconsistency i n the f i n a l a p p l i c a t i o n of health as a c r i t e r i o n of employability. The presence of health problems did not preclude the removal of these mothers as employable nor of those mothers i n Group A who were removed July 1, but l a t e r found employment. They reported an i d e n t i c a l Incidence of health problems—6 7 per cent. Group B reported a s l i g h t l y higher incidence of negative behavior than Group A. The incidence i n Group B was 19 per cent as opposed to a 15 per cent t o t a l f o r Group A. Interestingly, 17 per cent of those mothers already employed on July 1 reported negative behavior. The balance of Group A reported 14 per cent. It might be possible to conclude that those mothers who had independently decided to work before the l e g i s l a t i o n under discussion became e f f e c t i v e were on the whole "healthier" as were t h e i r f a m i l i e s , since they reported a s u b s t a n t i a l l y lower i n c i -dence of health problems. A f i n a l group of c r i t e r i a often proposed as a guide to employability i s age, work s k i l l , education and length of time out of the labor force. Data on education was not uniformly a part of the case record as a high incidence of unknowns w i l l 3 6 i n d i c a t e . Educational experience was usually recorded according to the numerical d i v i s i o n s p r e v a i l i n g i n North American public education. A l l subjects except one received t h e i r educations i n the United States or Canada. Twelfth grade education did not i n a l l instances s i g n i f y high school graduation. None of the subjects were i l l i t e r a t e . Six years of edu-cation was the lowest encountered, and t h i s ranged up to two years of college. Several persons had educational experience beyond the twelfth grade i n vocational schools, business college or s i m i l a r specialized education. In the matter of age, recorded material was based on the c l i e n t ' s statement and i n almost no instance i s the mother's age v e r i f i e d . The youngest mother encountered i n the sample was eighteen and the oldest was f i f t y - f i v e . The circumstances of those women already employed on July 1 are shown i n the table below. Forty-six per cent f a l l into the 1 0 - 1 2 year education range; however, the percentage of unknowns i s almost as great as 4 2 per cent. Only one out of the fourteen whose circumstances were known had less than 1 0 years of education. The average age of t h i s group i s 3 0 . Two of the women In the group already employed on July 1 had been referred f o r the vocational r e h a b i l i t a t i o n services of the Department of Public Instruction. One of these had completed t r a i n i n g as a beautician, but was continuing i n her former employment as a domestic. The other woman had been trained as 37 Table 9 . Mothers Already Employed on July 1, 1959» (Age and Years of Education) Years of Education Age of Mother Total 20 and Over Under 21-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 40 0- 6 7- 9 1 1 10-12 3 1 4 2 1 11 Over 12 1 1 2 Unknown 2 1 3 2 2 10 Total 4 3 5 7 3 2 24 a dressmaker, but was working as a kitchen helper. As f a r as could be determined, neither of the women had ever worked i n the vocations f o r which they had been trained. The circumstances of those women who eventually found work are shown i n the following table. This group i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y older than t h e i r s i s t e r s who were already employed. Their aver-age age was 34. Forty-four per cent were over 3 5 . Only 21 per cent of those employed on July 1 were over 3 5 . The age s t a t i s t i c poses more questions than i t . g i v e s possible answers. Were the older families considered more employable when i t came to remov-ing mothers from grants? (The s t a t i s t i c s of t h i s study have indicated that those families which tended to be employed of 38 Table 10 . Group A: Mothers Who Eventually Found Work. (Age and Years of Education) Years of Age of Mother Total Education 20 and Under 21-25 26 -30 31-35 36-40 Over 40 0 - 6 7- 9 1 3 1 1 6 10-12 1 3 1 2 1 2 10 Over 12 1 1 1 3 Unknown 1 2 6 r . 17 Total 1 6 6 7 9 7 36 t h e i r own v o l i t i o n were younger both i n terms of the age of the mother and the ages of the children.) Did age become a factor because of the assumption that the mother had fewer maternal role r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as her family grew older? Did the approaching of eventual i n e l i g i b i l i t y f or ADC (because the children were older or leaving the home) make i t imperative that the mother f i n d some other means of support? In regard to education, the circumstances of a substantial 47 per cent of t h i s group were unknown. Twenty-eight per cent had had from 10 to 12 years of education, s u b s t a n t i a l l y less than those already employed. The number i n the group who had had les s than 10 years Increased to 6 . Even with the number of unknowns, 39 one can safely assume that t h i s was a less educated l o t . Continuing our excursion Into the fortunes or misfortunes of those who were never employed, but considered employable, the table below of f e r s comparisons of t h e i r l o t with that of t h e i r more "successful" s i s t e r s . Table 11. Group B: Mothers Who Never Found Work. Ug e and Years of Education) Years of Age of Mother Total Education 20 and Under 21-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 Over 40 0 - 6 1 1 7- 9 1 1 1 2 1 3 9 10-12 2 3 7 4 1 1 18 Over 12 1 1 Unknown 1 2 • 2 1 1 7 Total 4 4 10 8 4 6 36 The average age of t h i s group i s 31 years. They are neither the youngest nor the oldest group, and t h e i r members are f a i r l y evenly d i s t r i b u t e d over the given age range. They are, however, p l a i n l y the least educated. Ten of t h i s group pos-sessed less than a tenth grade education. Interestingly, the lowest Incidence of unknowns was encountered i n t h i s group—1 1 40 per cent. Group B has consistently shown a low incidence of unknowns. The relevance to employability of work s k i l l s and the time elapsed since an i n d i v i d u a l on assistance had been In the labor force Is obvious. The writers elected to c l a s s i f y the subjects i n terms of t h e i r previous employment experience into the categories of " s k i l l e d , " "unskilled," and "semi-skilled." Those f o r whom no work experience could be discerned from the record were c l a s s i f i e d as "none." Those who had work experi-ence, but f o r whom the researchers were unable to Identify the nature of t h e i r work experience were c l a s s i f i e d as "unknown." The process of c l a s s i f y i n g work experience into catego-r i e s such as " s k i l l e d " or "un s k i l l e d " i s a d i f f i c u l t one and the writers were often forced to be ar b i t r a r y and therefore t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n p o t e n t i a l l y c o n t r o v e r s i a l . For example i s the occupation of " a r t i s t i c dancer and stripper" In a burlesque theater to be c l a s s i f i e d as s k i l l e d , semi-skilled or unskilled? Most decisions to be made were less dramatic, but equally d i f f i c u l t . Of the occupations encountered, the following were c l a s -s i f i e d as s k i l l e d : school teacher, dressmaker, nurses aide, telephone operator, power machine operator, pastry chef, c l e r -i c a l worker and beautician. C l a s s i f i e d as semi-skilled were waitress and t h e a t r i c a l performer. Unskilled were other bakery work, cannery labor, other manufacturing, domestic, commercial laundry and theater usher. 4 l Elapsed time since l a s t employment i s a relevant c r i t e -r i o n when considering maintenance of work s k i l l s and habits and the currency of s k i l l s In view of changing techniques and stand-ards i n the i n d u s t r i a l and professional areas of employment. As noted before, many of the mothers were already employed i n July, 1959 • Of t h i s group, nine were employed i n u n s k i l l e d work, s i x i n semi-skilled work and eight i n s k i l l e d work. The type of work of one was unknown and never learned p r i o r to termination of contact with the family. Table 12. Group A: Mothers Who Eventually Found Work. (Type of Previous Employment and Elapsed Time Since Last Employed) Type of Elapsed Time Since Last Employed Previous Employment Less than 1 Yr. 1-3 3-5 More than 5 Yrs. Never Unknown Total Unskilled 2 5 1 3 1 12 Semi-skilled 2 2 1 4 2 11 S k i l l e d 1 1 1 4 2 1 10 None 1 1 2 Unknown 1 1 Total 5 8 3 11 3 6 36 42 In regard to previous type of employment, t h i s group i s f a i r l y evenly d i s t r i b u t e d among the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of s k i l l e d , u n s k i l l e d , and serai-skilled. Six per cent had no previous work type and the work h i s t o r i e s of 3 per cent were unknown. A larger percentage had work within the preceding f i v e years, though a surprising 3 1 per cent had been out of the labor force more than f i v e years. This was the "oldest" group i n the sample both i n terms of the age of the mother and the age of the c h i l -dren. Age proved to be some preparation f o r employment. An impending i n e l i g i b i l i t y f o r ADC on the part of the older family may have been a key motivation though possibly one derived more from fear and i n s e c u r i t y than i n a desire to be self-supporting. (Any enhancement an older c h i l d can be to the mother's employ-a b i l i t y because of lessened c h i l d care problems i s purely speculative.) The r e l a t i v e l y recent work h i s t o r i e s of t h i s group as a whole are r e f l e c t i v e of the national tendency for ADC cases to be opened an average of less than three years. A large portion of Group B ( 1 9 per cent) were without any work experience, while only 8 per cent of those who eventually found work (Group A (b)) were without previous work experience. To further expand on t h i s comparison, 44 per cent of Group A (b) had had work experience within the previous three years. Only 1 7 per cent of Group B had had t h e i r work experience as recently. There i s no s i g n i f i c a n t difference i n the incidence of unknowns. 43 Table 13. Group B: Mothers Who Never Found Work, (Type of Previous Employment and Elapsed Time Since Last Employed) Type of Elapsed Time Since Last Employed Total Previous Employment Less than 1 Yr. 1-3 3-5 More than 5 Yrs. Never Un-known Unskilled 4 2 5 1 4 16 Semi-skilled 1 1 1 2 1 6 S k i l l e d 4 1 1 6 None 6 1 7 Unknown 1 . 1 Total 1 5 7 8 7 8 36 Comparisons are rather c l e a r l y drawn i n the area of pre-vious work s k i l l s . Twenty-eight per cent of Group A (b) pos-sessed experience i n s k i l l e d occupations, 31 per cent i n semi-s k i l l e d , and 33 per cent i n u n s k i l l e d . Group B had 44 per cent whose previous work type was u n s k i l l e d , 17 per cent semi-skilled, and 17 per cent s k i l l e d . Group B had 19 per cent with no previous employment as compared to the 6 per cent of Group A (b). This area of work s k i l l s looms as a c r i t e r i o n which caseworkers seemed to consider a v a l i d one, since there was such a r e l a t i v e l y low incidence of unknowns—3 per cent f o r both groups. 44 Summary Three sub-groups have been I d e n t i f i e d i n the study sample of mothers removed from assistance grants as employable i n the l a t t e r months of 1959. These are ( l ) mothers who, the records show, found employment subsequent to t h e i r removal, those who (2) never found employment, and (3) a group already employed on July 1, 1959 and removed from the grant with the sole known re s u l t of the loss to the mother of agency supported medical care. The circumstances of the l a t t e r group are compared with those of t h e i r unemployed, but employable s i s t e r s . They had fewer and younger children. They and t h e i r families considered themselves s l i g h t l y h e a l t h i e r , but t h e i r c h i l d r e n tended to poorer role performance. They remained on assistance f o r s l i g h t l y longer periods, the while supplementing t h e i r a s s i s t -ance with earnings. They were younger and possessed more formal education, though i n the l a t t e r area we had much les s informa-t i o n on t h i s group than on those who were seemingly less motivated to work. The types of work they were doing were not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from the previous work types of the unemployed mothers. Chapter 2 examines c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of cases to discover the v a l i d i t y of the more routinely propounded c r i t e r i a f o r employability—age, number of children, physical and mental health of family members, l e v e l of education, work s k i l l s and 45 work experience. These c r i t e r i a were among those offered by the agency as v a l i d . Were they u t i l i z e d ? Mothers who eventually found work were older than those who were already employed. Mothers who never found work f a l l i n between, being neither the youngest group nor the oldest. Age alone i s an insubstantial c r i t e r i o n and not consistently used. There was a s a t i s f y i n g consistency i n formal education, a promising c r i t e r i o n i n that those who never worked were the least educated. Those who eventually found work were "slightly better educated, and mothers who regularly worked without the stimulus of l e g i s l a t i o n were the best educated. An o v e r - a l l high incidence of unknowns exists i n our knowledge of the educa-t i o n a l l e v e l , although the least incidence of unknowns exists i n those who never found work. The u t i l i z a t i o n of t h i s c r i t e r i o n apparently increased i n r e l a t i o n to the slowness of movement of the c l i e n t toward employment. Mothers never employed were the least healthy from a physical standpoint. The health picture was i d e n t i c a l for those mothers who eventually found work. The mothers already employed considered themselves the hea l t h i e s t . A low incidence of unknowns i n t h i s area indicates a high degree of u t i l i z a t i o n of t h i s c r i t e r i o n . The mothers who never found work reported a s l i g h t l y higher degree of negative behavior patterns than the mothers who found work. U t i l i z a t i o n Is demonstrated by a low incidence of 46 unknowns concerning negative behavior among the two groups workers were "working with" toward employment. Interestingly, the mothers who were working reported more behavior problems than those who were seeking and eventually found work, but fewer than those who never found work. The most frequently propounded c r i t e r i o n for employability was age and number of children. In a l l Instances age and number of children were known because of Its importance i n computing a f i n a n c i a l grant. The mothers who never found work had more and younger ch i l d r e n than those who eventually d i d f i n d work. The conclusiveness of age and number of children as a c r i t e r i o n i s confused by the fact that those who usually worked while receiv-ing assistance had younger children though fewer children. A larger percentage of those who never found work had no previous work experience and/or were the least s k i l l e d . These were u t i l i z e d c r i t e r i a because there was a low incidence of unknowns. This chapter began with an exploration of the open or closed status of the cases under discussion. Chapter 3 w i l l focus on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of those cases which by one means or another achieved, temporarily or permanently, the self-support objective of the agency. CHAPTER 3 THE LONG VIEW: WHO ARE THE "SUCCESSFUL"? The proportion of mothers i n the United States labor force Increased by almost 50 per cent between 1948 and 1958. A U.S. Children's Bureau review of Census figures i n i 9 6 0 i n d i -cated that while the greatest increase was among the upper and middle income groups, the largest single factor leading women into the labor market was economic ne c e s s i t y . 1 In Washington State i n 1959 the economic necessity was l e g i s l a t e d for those on assistance. For mothers i n the middle and higher income groups c e r t a i n motivations f o r employment are discovered i n a study reported by Yarrow. 2 Fifty-two per cent of the mothers studied were working to achieve c u l t u r a l , status, educational and health goals f o r t h e i r family which might otherwise be unattainable or d i f f i c u l t to a t t a i n . Forty-eight per cent were working e s s e n t i a l l y to achieve " s e l f f u l f i l l m e n t - - t o use special s k i l l s , to make a 'con-t r i b u t i o n to society', to s a t i s f y the need fo r 'being with people.'" In Washington State i n 1959 caseworkers looked among 1. Yarrow, Marian R., "Maternal Employment and Child Rearing," Children, November-December, 1961, p. 226. 2 . Ibid., p. 224. 48 t h e i r c l i e n t mothers f o r m o t i v a t i o n , and f o r ways to i n s t i l l m o t i v a t i o n where none seemed to e x i s t . Of those d e l e t e d from g r a n t s , eighteen mothers found work between J u l y 1 and December 3 1 , 1959. In February 1962, they were I n c l o s e d s t a t u s . Can i t be known whether a r e d u c t i o n of a s s i s t a n c e brought about t h e i r eventual independence? Did they have some s p e c i a l personal resources or combination of resources t h a t e v e n t u a l l y placed them among the s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g ? These 18 women share a common st a t u s as mothers who, though not employed p r i o r to t h e i r removal from the grant, d i d f i n d some employment before the end of 1959. They a l s o share the f a c t that when surveyed i n February 1962, t h e i r cases were c l o s e d . The case records were evaluated i n r e l a t i o n to a set of value goals commonly he l d to u n d e r l i e model f u n c t i o n i n g f o r f a m i l i e s . They appear throughout the l i t e r a t u r e , and have been used i n other s t u d i e s . 1 T h e i r expression i n a l l s e c t o r s of North American s o c i e t y i s common. A f a m i l y i s "healthy, wealthy and wise," and, above a l l , i t i s a f a m i l y . A f a i r degree of p h y s i c a l and emotional h e a l t h i s r e q u i s i t e to i t s f u n c t i o n i n g . A f a m i l y needs m a t e r i a l resources t o s u s t a i n i t . The a d u l t s of the f a m i l y need energy to supply emotional and e d u c a t i o n a l nur-t u r i n g t o the young so that they may meet s o c i e t y ' s challenges t o s u r v i v a l w i t h i n accepted means. For optimum r e s u l t s , the 1. For example: The Family Centered P r o j e c t i n S t . P a u l , Minnesota, 1959. 49 adult roles should be divided between two persons, or adequate ro l e substitutes should be provided. Case planning as used herein, i s a value dear to s o c i a l workers, and i s descriptive of t h e i r whole case a c t i v i t y i n r e l a t i o n to the s i t u a t i o n presented by t h i s change i n the laws of one state. Other values which guided an inventory of the records were "Community and/or S o c i a l A c t i v i t i e s , " "Education," "Race," "Legitimacy," "Parental Support," "Child Behavior," "Work History," "Adequate Shelter," "Health," and "Child Care." The expectations of the writers of what would constitute "case planning" i n t h i s circumstance were not excessive. They are well aware of the multiple r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the Public Assistance caseworker i n managing a group of cases often number-ing i n the hundreds. Case planning was considered to have been present where any discussion around employability and/or employ-ment was recorded to have taken place by means of d i r e c t i n t e r -view ( o f f i c e or home v i s i t ) not more than a year In advance of the removal of the mother from the grant. Many cases contained record of interviews with the c l i e n t a f t e r the decision had been made to remove them and, i n some instances, a f t e r removal had actu a l l y been c e r t i f i e d . This was not considered case planning, since the function of such interviews was e s s e n t i a l l y to inform the c l i e n t of the decision made. Letters were required to Inform the c l i e n t of her removal i n a l l instances, and the writers found that even t h i s was not uniformly done. Letters 5 0 and telephone c a l l s alone were not considered evidence of s o c i a l planning. A universal feature of the families i n t h i s group was the absence of a male parent from the home. The presence or absence of f i n a n c i a l support from t h i s parent was considered a most accessible measurement of family r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Degrees of support from the absent parent are not taken into account. The presence of any support from the absent parent during the period under scrutiny whether Intermittent, regular or below an amount sp e c i f i e d by a court i s regarded as an Indication of the absent parent's continued contact with and presumed in t e r e s t i n the family. Only one of the mothers was widowed. She and her c h i l d received Survivors Insurance, and f o r the purposes of t h i s study, regarded as parental support and an Indication of past and present family functioning. Ill e g i t i m a c y was considered to have existed wherever a mother had indicated paternity by anyone other than a person to whom she was lawfully married. Pregnancies occurring during a period of marriage, but where the mother declared someone other than her husband as the father, were considered i l l e g i t i m a t e . However, a question of the status of the c h i l d e x i s t s i n such circumstances. Child behavior was surveyed In r e l a t i o n to the recording of any acting out or other negative behavior on the part of the ch i l d r e n of the family. Such behavior consisted of adjudged 5 1 delinquent or c r i m i n a l a c t s , truancy or other behavior problems r e l a t i n g t o s c h o o l , sexual p r o m i s c u i t y , l i q u o r use, and any other behavior which r e s u l t e d i n contact w i t h law enforcement and/or i n c a r c e r a t i o n . Under the t o p i c " h e a l t h " the w r i t e r s considered the p h y s i c a l and mental h e a l t h of any or a l l f a m i l y members—adults and c h i l d r e n . Diagnosed and suspected h e a l t h problems were considered as w e l l as any statement by the c l i e n t to the e f f e c t that she thought a h e a l t h problem e x i s t e d . In regard to mental h e a l t h the w r i t e r s considered suspected and/or diagnosed mental d e f i c i e n c y , p s y c h o s i s , neurosis and character d i s o r d e r as e v i -dence of h e a l t h problems. Instances of I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n f o r mental i l l n e s s or d e f i c i e n c y were encountered by the case readers and regarded as a c o n t i n u i n g h e a l t h problem i n the f a m i l y . Membership i n the m a j o r i t y r a c i a l group remains a d i s t i n c t advantage to i n d i v i d u a l s i n North America. This i s p o s s i b l y most true of the United States where, i n the Negro, a l a r g e and read-i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e m i n o r i t y group remains. Also i n the United States community values f r e q u e n t l y operate to c l o s e o f f from such groups the economic and s o c i a l advantages r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e to the r a c i a l and r e l i g i o u s m a j o r i t i e s . Being white i s , t h e r e -f o r e , an enhancement f o r s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g i n a s o c i a l c l i m a t e where being white has such value. That i s why I t i s Included here. 52 C o n s i d e r a t i o n of what these mothers must provide i n the way of s u b s t i t u t e eare f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n I s a f a c t o r of primary importance. Adequacy of care was f e l t to be a value not only t o the mothers of t h i s context, but a l s o a core value of the ADC program i t s e l f . The w r i t e r s i n reviewing the case records f o r Information on c h i l d care p r o v i s i o n s assumed th a t only those cases which c a r r i e d e x p l i c i t reference t o i t s c o n s i d e r a t i o n and to i t s adequacy could be judged as having t h i s f a c t o r i n c l u d e d i n the case p l a n n i n g . Conversely, absence of such reference was assumed t o I n d i c a t e inadequate c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h i s important f a c t o r . The w r i t e r s d i d not assume th a t the mother w i t h a c h i l d i n school was n e c e s s a r i l y I n a b e t t e r s i t u a t i o n to provide ade-quate s u b s t i t u t e care. The q u a n t i t y of care would d i f f e r , but i t cannot be assumed that the q u a l i t y of care would be of any l e s s e r importance to a school c h i l d . Of recognized value i s the s e c u r i t y i n the knowledge th a t the c h i l d of whatever age or school s t a t u s i s provided a source of nurture, p r o t e c t i o n , com-f o r t , a d v ice, r e s t r i c t i o n , and permission whether from the parent or a s u b s t i t u t e . Education I s a most e x p l i c i t v a l u e , and an evident enhancement to s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g . A minimum of 12 years of education w i t h graduation from hi g h school i s i n c r e a s i n g l y the r e q u i s i t e f o r employment i n North America beyond the most casual of occupations. Beyond the l e a r n i n g of c e r t a i n b a s i c s k i l l s , 5 3 school i s also an e s s e n t i a l s o c i a l experience. The longer i t s duration, and the more s a t i s f y i n g and successful experience i t i s f o r the Individual, the l i k e l i e r i t i s to enhance his poten-t i a l f o r adequate role performance i n a l l the areas of h i s future l i f e . The presence of education and i t s duration was explored by the readers i n a l l cases, though In some, the record did not contain the information. Adequacy of shelter was judged i n terms of number of rooms i n r e l a t i o n to numbers of persons i n the family. Only the gross inadequacies were picked up by the readers, such as an incidence of f i v e persons i n two rooms. Where workers noted i n the record shelter problems such as too many children of mixed sex and age occupying one room, the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of inadequate shelter was accepted and recorded. Since shelter standards were almost u n i v e r s a l l y described i n case records, the lack of comment as to inadequacy was f e l t to be a f a i r Indication of adequacy. In addition, public housing authorities exacted a high enough standard to be always acceptable within commonly held c r i t e r i a as to quality of structure, f a c i l i t i e s and proper r a t i o of per-sons to rooms. A h i s t o r y of past employment i s a value with very d e f i n i t e implications as a q u a l i f y i n g experience f o r future employment. To have sought, found and held a job i n the past i s an enhance-ment i n that c e r t a i n techniques have been learned, and c e r t a i n knowledge and performance a b i l i t i e s can be assumed. To have 54 l o s t a job or otherwise experienced some negative f e e l i n g or event i n r e l a t i o n to past work can be a disvalue, though pos-s i b l y not as great a one as never, i n l a t e r l i f e , to have worked at a l l . The presence of work his t o r y , i t s type, and i t s d i s -tance i n the past were surveyed i n a l l instances where factual data were recorded r e l a t i v e to t h i s subject. Indicative of s t a b i l i t y i s the length of time an i n d i -vidual family has resided i n a given place. The cases were studied In r e l a t i o n to length of time i n the county which i s defined as the larger community, and the length of time i n the neighborhood. The neighborhood was defined as that geographic area served by the same school, a church parish, the consistent use by the c l i e n t of a given shopping d i s t r i c t and/or the housing project. This information was recorded without exception, since exploration of residence, a basic test of f i n a n c i a l e l i g i b i l i t y , has long been r i g i d l y prescribed. The presence of community and/or s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s was noted i n a l l studied cases. This value was defined as the involvement In groups whether formal or informal which brought the mother into p a r t i c i p a t i o n with persons outside the immediate family on a f a i r l y regular b a s i s . In the t o t a l sample, a "community r o l e " took many f o r m s — r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , adult p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n youth programs such as G i r l Scouts, or neighborhood relationships which were constructive 55 and p l e a s u r a b l e f o r the i n d i v i d u a l , such as a weekly "coffee c l a t c h " or sewing group. Wherever such r o l e s and memberships were recorded of an i n d i v i d u a l , they were noted by the case readers. This survey d i d not extend t o c h i l d r e n of the f a m i l y . The case records are presented i n Appendix C w i t h such a l t e r a t i o n as needed t o d i s g u i s e them i n the i n t e r e s t s of con-f i d e n t i a l i t y without d e s t r o y i n g or compromising t h e i r accuracy. They represent f a i r l y adequate summaries of the most s i g n i f i c a n t case data that could be obtained. They are a l s o presented w i t h -out comment as t o such t h i n g s as caseworker a t t i t u d e and caseworker-client i n t e r a c t i o n , though t h i s f e a t u r e w i l l be developed l a t e r i n t h i s commentary. The w r i t e r s i n d e s c r i b i n g the 1 8 mothers d i d not always mention the i n f o r m a t i o n that was not contained i n the record—absence of such reference i n d i c a t e d t h a t the w r i t e r s had explored the record f o r such i n f o r m a t i o n , but found none. Major f a c t o r s extant i n these 18 case d e s c r i p t i o n s are i n v e n t o r i e d i n Table 14 i n r e l a t i o n t o the presence or absence of the values described above which, among other v a l u e s , u n d e r l i e a model of adequate s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g . L a t e r a l arrangement of the t a b l e i n d i c a t e s p o l a r i t y . The presence of these values i n the cases represent a p o s i t i v e and i s shown on the l e f t side of the t a b l e , the absence of such values represent a negative and i s shown on the r i g h t side of the t a b l e . A weight-count of values e x i s t e n t i n the 18 cases i s depicted so they can be ++-H-++++ ( 3 T ) ++++++++ ( 9 ) • ++++++++  _ — ++++++4.++++ ( 0 1 ) — ++-H-+++++++ ( 9 ) — — — — — — H f*H I—H I—HH t—h — — 44-+++++++++++++ (1) +++++++++++++++ ( I I ) - - - - — — ++++-T+-H-++++-H-+  + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + ++44-++++4-++-H-++++ ^aoddng souep-psaH jo ^TTT-qe^g A,0BuiT-q.T-9ari +++++++++++++++++++++ (£) +++++++++^++++++++++ +++++++++++++++++++++ (SI) sn^Bq.g 90BH ^^T<IOPBW (S) — +++++++++HH-+++++++-H-+++ — +++++++4^ ++-H--r+++++++++ ( 9 1 ) aq-Bribapv (UMOU3Ttm QUO) ( I ) -4^+++++-r+++++++++++++++ ( 9 1 ) aouaT-aadxa (l) - + + 4 ^ 4^++++++4H - + + + + 4 ^ + + + +Ul) - +^ ++4^ ++++4^ 4H-++4-H-+++++ jofABiiag QT QT frT 51 OT Q Q ft 3 0 5 fr Q P. OT ST frl QT QT sjau^ow injssaoong uea^qSja taiBOg ^imoo-anieA 'Ml eiqej; 57 evaluated n u m e r i c a l l y . Values are arranged i n Table 14 i n an order of frequency. The p o s i t i v e s and most prevalent values are f i r s t , and the l e a s t p r e v a l e n t l a s t . The presence of unknowns i n some of the value areas occasioned t h e i r e x c l u s i o n from the t a b l e above w i t h c e r -t a i n exceptions. Unknowns were t r e a t e d as p o s i t i v e s i n the category " C h i l d Behavior." F i v e unknowns i n t h i s category were encountered r e l a t i v e to c h i l d behavior i n t h i s group of cases. No mention of the c h i l d r e n , p o s i t i v e or negative, was encountered i n these cases beyond a statement as t o the c h i l d * s existence and r e l a t i o n s h i p to the c a r e t a k e r — a requirement of e l i g i b i l i t y . The authors took the l i b e r t y of assuming that where negative behavior was not recorded, i t d i d not e x i s t as d e f i n e d above. Knowledge of the c h i l d r e n g e n e r a l l y came from three sources. These were: ( l ) accounts of the mother, (2) observations by the worker, and (3) r e p o r t s from sources outside the f a m i l y such as schools, neighbors, p o l i c e or other s o c i a l agencies Involved w i t h the f a m i l y . The authors f e l t the p o s s i b i l i t y of even a s l i g h t degree of negative behavior being undetected and not being made a part of the record (even i n the most s u p e r f i c i a l l y t r e a t e d cases) was remote enough to warrant t h i s c o n c l u s i o n . When one examines Table 1 4 , i t i s immediately apparent t h a t i t i s very h e a v i l y weighted on the p o s i t i v e side and l i g h t l y on the negative. Of l e a s t apparent relevance t o the s u c c e s s f u l p u r s u i t and achievement of the employment goal i s 58 financial support from the absent parent. Among other possible conclusions the writers offer a change of familial values or a distinguishing set of values for this group. Does North Ameri-ca's explicit expectations of the male role yet have validity i n fact? In regard to family l i f e , i s he less important than we say he is? In these families i s i t possible that the mother does not customarily share nor expect to share family roles with the other parent? Is she more self-sufficient and able to carry a l l or a larger number of parental roles herself? A common past assumption has been that this relative eminence of the mother Is attributable to sub-cultural factors such as race. No such assumption i s possible here because of the presence of majority group membership i n 83 per cent of the cases. (This i s approx-imately the percentage of race differential of the United States as a whole.) Are they members of a sub-culture based on factors other than race? Possibly people who find themselves on ADC are distinguished by a different set of values and accordingly d i f -ferent expectations regarding marriage, parental support and family relationships. The agency finds i t s e l f i n value conflict with such fam-i l i e s i n i t s efforts to secure financial support from absent parents, and also enforcing a family relationship which i s presumably not desired by one or both of the parents. Concur-rently with this administrative action, i n 1959, the Washington agency was i n the process of setting up a support enforcement 59 arm of the agency separate and autonomous from the s o c i a l service u n i t , and consequently uninfluenced by the usual con-cerns of s o c i a l service with respect to "helping." The writers do not overlook a possible r e l a t i o n s h i p between increasing pressure for mothers to take action against errant fathers, and increased motivation toward employment and a desire to be inde-pendent of the agency. I f such a relationship existed, i t i s only i m p l i c i t , and only from the standpoint of the sequence of actions taken by caseworkers i n response to administrative d i r e c t i o n . At t h i s time there was a renewed attention on record-ing of data r e l a t i v e to the absent parent p r i o r to r e f e r r a l to the support enforcement u n i t . Very often the mother was Involved i n helping to secure additional data about the absent parent. Refusal to cooperate i n t h i s endeavor has fo r many years carried the penalty of denial or termination of assistance. Good physical and mental health i s not as prevalent among t h i s "successful" group as one might expect. I t i s the impres-sion of the writers that i n considering the t o t a l sample, health most often loomed as a major obstacle to seeking employment at the time t h i s objective was proclaimed to the c l i e n t . In instances where employment could possibly have been unwelcome, i l l health could surely have been an e a s i l y communicated method of escaping t h i s coercion to work. The low reporting of health problems for t h i s group may be explainable by the infrequent contact with the f a m i l i e s , the b r i e f duration of contacts, and 60 the focus of contacts p r i m a r i l y on f i n a n c i a l e l i g i b i l i t y . Such c o n d i t i o n s could keep the c l i e n t from mentioning h e a l t h , or the caseworker from a s k i n g . The Greenleigh Study of ADC f a m i l i e s i n Cook County, I l l i n o i s , 1958 found that the m a j o r i t y of f a m i l i e s sampled had h e a l t h problems of the chronic and/or c o n t r o l l a b l e and improvable v a r i e t y . 1 I n t h i s modest group (1959) h e a l t h problems were a l s o experienced by the m a j o r i t y . The m a j o r i t y of these women had adequate s h e l t e r , and st a b l e residence. Adequacy of s h e l t e r and l e n g t h of residence are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d . Poor s h e l t e r causes frequent removal i n an e f f o r t to l o c a t e b e t t e r s h e l t e r . This i s d i s r u p t i n g to adul t and c h i l d a l i k e . There i s l i t t l e or no opportunity to become a part of a community w i t h enduring r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the g i v i n g and g e t t i n g of help and support based on f r i e n d s h i p s , f a m i l i a r i t y of surroundings and a continuous school experience. Instead, an a d d i t i o n a l and constant s t r e s s i s introduced that draws away energies which might be b e t t e r employed I n , f o r example, a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n g o a l . While r e c o g n i z i n g t h a t S e a t t l e i s a newer, smaller and more homogeneous community than Chicago, Greenleigh learned t h a t the m a j o r i t y of ADC f a m i l i e s l i v e i n overcrowded, substandard h o u s i n g . 2 However, 50 per cent of the d w e l l i n g s , though 1. Greenleigh A s s o c i a t e s , Inc., P a c t s , F a l l a c i e s and  Futu r e , i 9 6 0 , p. 14. 2 . I b i d . , p. 13 . 6 1 run-down, were ra t e d as c l e a n , and l e s s than 2 0 per cent were considered d i r t y . A judgment of adequacy of s h e l t e r apart from c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the housekeeping standards of the f a m i l y i s very o f t e n d i f f i c u l t f o r the caseworkers. More than anything e l s e , a d e c i s i o n of adequacy might t h e r e f o r e r e f l e c t simply a standard of housekeeping acceptable t o the worker. T h i s , how-ever, would not be without i t s p o s i t i v e I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g . Another c o n s i d e r a t i o n i s t h a t housing tends to be the choice of the c l i e n t , notwithstanding the l i m i t a t i o n s imposed by a s h e l t e r p r o v i s i o n of no more that $ 6 0 . The mother u l t i m a t e l y decided where she w i l l l i v e d e s p i t e p o s s i b l e exhorta-t i o n from a caseworker th a t she should f i n d cheaper or b e t t e r housing. Most of these women were members of the m a j o r i t y (Cau-casian) r a c i a l group. M i n o r i t y groups face c e r t a i n r e a l i t i e s w h i l e seeking employment such as d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , poorer educa-t i o n a l background, and the g r e a t e r a v a i l a b i l i t y to them of only the lowest pa i d and lowest s t a t u s employment. While these problems e x i s t , the department could compensate, i n p a r t , by making d i f f e r e n t demands on t h i s group whi l e t a k i n g a c t i o n on the community l e v e l t o remove ob s t a c l e s f o r m i n o r i t i e s . However, the readers found t h a t , i n f a c t , these very demands f o r s e l f -support were o f t e n made on the Negro and Indian because they were Negro or Indian, and could e a s i l y "do housework or p i c k b e r r i e s . " The d e r i v a t i o n of s t a t u s and a l l the attendant 62 s a t i s f a c t i o n s , p l u s the opportunity to make enough money t o make i t a l l worth w h i l e , l a r g e l y remains the p r i v i l e g e of the white person. And the agency i s seen t o r e i n f o r c e t h i s . The almost t o t a l i ncidence of some previous work h i s t o r y (89 per cent) f o r t h i s group i s unremarkable i n l i g h t of G r e e n l e i g h 1 s f i n d i n g of 84 .5 per cent of a l l ADC grantees w i t h previous employment h i s t o r y . Only one unknown e x i s t e d i n t h i s area, and only one reported no previous work h i s t o r y . I n regard t o the type of work performed i n the past, f i v e were found t o have been s k i l l e d , seven were s e m i - s k i l l e d and four u n s k i l l e d . The m a j o r i t y had t h e r e f o r e worked I n an area that i n v o l v e d some degree of s k i l l . I n Greenleigh, the "great m a j o r i t y " of a l l grantees were u n s k i l l e d w i t h 50 per cent r e p r e s e n t i n g domestic work as t h e i r most recent employment. 1 I n a s o c i e t y t h a t places emphasis on f o r m a l i z e d job p r e p a r a t i o n through education or v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g , t h i s group was seen to have some advantages. There i s a c o r r e l a t i o n between employment h i s t o r y and p o t e n t i a l s f o r employment, and edu c a t i o n a l attainments. None of t h i s group had l e s s than e i g h t h grade education. Three (17 per cent) had graduated from hig h school, and four (22 per cent) others had completed at l e a s t one or more years of high s c h o o l . U n f o r t u n a t e l y the edu-c a t i o n a l s t a t u s of nine (50 per cent) of t h i s group was unknown. Of the s k i l l e d group, a l l had some h i g h school w i t h the exception 1. I b i d . , p. 11 . 63 of one whose e d u c a t i o n a l s t a t u s was unknown. Of the u n s k i l l e d , one had e i g h t h grade education and another had n i n t h . The st a t u s of two was unknown. Of the s e m i - s k i l l e d , the edu c a t i o n a l s t a t u s of f i v e was unknown. One had e i g h t h grade education and one had ele v e n t h . The one woman who had never worked was a high school graduate. Concerning number of marriages, one and on e - t h i r d mar-r i a g e s f o r each i s not a high average. The percentage f i g u r e s a l s o represent a r a t h e r conforming p i c t u r e when compared w i t h the s o c i e t a l c r o s s - s e c t i o n . Twelve out of the 18 (67 per cent) had one marriage; three (17 per cent) had two marriages; two (11 per cent) had three; one was never married (5 per c e n t ) . A low incid e n c e of m u l t i p l e marriages and non-marital s i t u a t i o n s suggests a higher degree of s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g f o r t h i s group. When comparing these s t a t i s t i c s w i t h those on i l l e g i t i -macy on Table 14 where there are s i x instances of mothers having had at l e a s t one i l l e g i t i m a t e b i r t h , the p i c t u r e changes some-what, but not remarkably. S i x t y - s i x per cent of the mothers had no i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n . T h i s does say, however, that p r o p r i e t y I n i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h the opposite sex as a value was l e s s a t t a i n e d than the number of marriages f i g u r e might i n d i c a t e . The obvious might e a s i l y be o v e r l o o k e d — n o t one of these mothers was l i v i n g w i t h a husband. T h i s , of course, would be a major f a c t o r i n her e l i g i b i l i t y f o r ADC. Does t h i s i n d i c a t e t h a t of more value as a c r i t e r i o n would be a measurement of the 64 effectiveness of the mother to form meaningful and l a s t i n g relationships? What implications would such a measurement have not only as one c r i t e r i o n f o r f e a s i b i l i t y f o r employment, but also f o r adequate performance of the mother role? The low incidence of i l l e g i t i m a c y f o r t h i s group suggests eith e r a f a i r degree of Integration of values commonly enunciated i n North America regarding marriage and sexuality, or a high degree of s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n . This i s es p e c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t , since Greenleigh reported a 7 0 per cent incidence of i l l e g i t i m a c y i n t h e i r sample. 1 The women of the group at present under study may have placed a d i f f e r i n g value on themselves as persons, had di f f e r e n t expectations regarding friendships with men or were, perhaps, just more able to e f f e c t i v e l y employ contraception. Is the capacity to follow through on an imposed goal of employment or self-support enabled by a set of values which serve to help the mother operate with r e l a t i v e independence of husbands and boy friends? Just as involvement with absent fathers was minimal f o r t h i s group (a s i t u a t i o n sometimes imposed by the ADC program i t s e l f with Its premium on absence), so was there l i t t l e i n c i -dence of "complications" usually occasioned by the regular presence i n the mothers' role networks of men to whom they are not married. (ADC mothers commonly take on boy friends f o r purposes of status, acceptance when rejected by husbands, fam-i l i e s and community, or for f i n a n c i a l reasons.) I f there Is 1 . Ibid., p. 1 9 . 6 5 s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n , cannot t h i s be a mot i v a t i n g f o r c e of i t s e l f which propels the woman to seek an end to her i s o l a t i o n I n a work r o l e ? Only one of these mothers had a problem w i t h a c h i l d regarding negative behavior. R e l a t i v e l y adequate f u n c t i o n i n g on the part of the c h i l d r e n of the f a m i l y can ob v i o u s l y be a great a i d t o the mother as w e l l as an i n d i c a t i o n of her adequacy of functioning.. A c h i l d who i s not a c t i n g out and/or drawing negative r e a c t i o n from the sch o o l , community and other c h i l d r e n of the f a m i l y does not r e q u i r e the mother's time and energy i n c o n c i l i a t i n g , d i s c i p l i n i n g , seeking s e r v i c e s and answering charges. I n the absence of t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y she may have gr e a t e r energies and time to i n v o l v e h e r s e l f i n the agency's goal f o r her. She a l s o has l e s s reason t o stay home, though many mothers were removed from grants even when very evident behavior problems e x i s t e d i n the f a m i l y . The mother who has done a "good" job w i t h her o f f s p r i n g may have a g r e a t e r c a p a c i t y f o r r e l a t i o n s h i p s and f o r meeting the many demands of the employment r o l e . The one mother who reported a behavior problem was, i n t e r e s t i n g l y , the o l d e s t mother of t h i s group. The employment she e v e n t u a l l y found was w i t h her "boy f r i e n d " and i t i s p o s s i b l e t o speculate t h a t t h i s was not "employment" i n the t r u e s t sense of the word. 66 The mothers i n t h i s group found employment i n only six months. I t i s not possible to know what negative behavior pat-terns might have become evident had i t taken them longer to f i n d work, and our acquaintance was greater. Over-all, the incidence of those with negative behavior patterns was f a i r l y evenly d i s -tributed among those who found work, were employed already or never employed. Those who eventually found work, including the present group, experienced a s l i g h t l y smaller incidence of negative behavior. Interestingly, the mothers who customarily work reported the highest incidence of negative behavior pat-terns. Something which cannot be known from the group presently under scrutiny i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p of employment outside the home on the part of the mother to the subsequent creation of negative behavior patterns. Our 18 mothers were an average age of 32 .3* When compar-ing them as a group to the t o t a l sample studied, age does not loom as a fa c t o r setting them apart from the other groups. Recalling that the mothers who were already employed on July 1959 had an average age of 3 0 , those who eventually found employment before February 1962 averaged 34 years, and those who never found work were an average age of 3 1 , our 18 mothers seem to f a l l i n the middle. The age range represented by t h i s group seemed equally d i s t r i b u t e d — n i n e ranged from 20 to 2 9 , and nine from 32 to 55 . Greenleigh 1s sample showed a median age of 3 2 . 3 . 67 The f a c t o r of age i s an i n t e r e s t i n g one, however, since agency d i r e c t i o n f o r implementing the J u l y 1959 law f r e q u e n t l y i n c l u d e d the two q u i t e opposed concepts. E m p l o y a b i l i t y should be of value to the o l d e r mothers, since t h e i r c h i l d r e n were no longer such a care problem. These o l d e r mothers w i l l a l s o be faced w i t h i n e l i g i b i l i t y f o r ADC when t h e i r youngest c h i l d becomes 18. Youth was of value i n that i t i s so widely accepted as such by employers. Also considered was t h a t the younger mothers had not had so much time to become accustomed to p u b l i c a s s i s t a n c e as a way of l i f e . The w r i t e r s f e e l that one p o i n t can be s e t t l e d w i t h a f a i r amount of c e r t a i n t y — a g e i s not a u s e f u l c r i t e r i o n f o r e m p l o y a b i l i t y . This group of mothers had an average of 2 .3 c h i l d r e n each. Again they show the tendency to conformity. Twelve had two or fewer c h i l d r e n . The w r i t e r s suggest t h a t f a m i l i e s w i t h f o u r or more c h i l d r e n can be judged as verging upon what might be con-sidered a l a r g e f a m i l y . I t i s at t h i s p o i n t where p r o v i d i n g adequate s h e l t e r p o s s i b l y means l o o k i n g beyond the a v a i l a b l e bungalow s t y l e home. I t i s at t h i s p o i n t , depending on d i s t r i -b u t i o n by age and other i n d i v i d u a l f a c t o r s , where a person contemplating g i v i n g s u b s t i t u t e care or even minimal s e r v i c e s as a baby s i t t e r may t h i n k twice before c o n s i d e r i n g the undertaking. Only four of our mothers had four or more c h i l d r e n . Only one of these mothers had a c h i l d o l d enough to be of s u b s t a n t i a l help i n c h i l d c are. This mother of f o u r c h i l d r e n had a 1 7-year-old 68 daughter, and she found f u l l - t i m e employment. Another mother of f o u r whose o l d e s t c h i l d was 13 would have to consider h i s or her a b i l i t i e s i n c h i l d c a r i n g very c a r e f u l l y , to say nothing of what might be jeopardized i n t h i s 1 3-year-old c h i l d ' s own development i f he were r e q u i r e d to give care. The mother of s i x had an o l d e s t c h i l d of nine. The mother of f i v e had an o l d e r c h i l d of 11 . Of t h i s group, nine of the mothers had pre-school c h i l d r e n as t h e i r youngest c h i l d r e n . The youngest c h i l d of the nine others was i n school. The age of the youngest c h i l d i n the f a m i l y ranged from f i v e months to 14 years. The age of the o l d e s t c h i l d ranged from one year to 17 years. Seven of these mothers had c h i l d r e n 13 years of age or o l d e r . This represents 39 per cent of our group. I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o evaluate the advantage these teen-agers may be t o the mother as a c h i l d c a r i n g resource, since teen-agers have t h e i r own w e l l known adjustmental problems. The authors recognized i n the case records the con-c l u s i o n of caseworkers (which c o n c l u s i o n was supported adminis-t r a t i v e l y ) t h a t a f a m i l y of o l d e r c h i l d r e n was more employable because the mother's r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s were somehow acc o r d i n g l y l e s s . The w r i t e r s i n c l u d e d other data i n the 18 case d e s c r i p -t i o n s which i s more d i f f i c u l t to analyze i n terms of t h e i r e f f e c t i v e n e s s as c r i t e r i a f o r e m p l o y a b i l i t y . I t was more d i f f i -c u l t t o make what the w r i t e r s consider as v a l i d assumptions 69 concerning the "unknowns" such as was done regarding "child behavior." It was f e l t that by dealing with these factors separately their significance could be established within a context of more gross assumptions without destroying the rela-tively greater purity of the data illustrated on Table 14. Quite consistently overlooked and consequently unrecorded was the educational status of the women in the total study. Of the group (A (a)) already employed on July 1, 1959, 42 per cent had no such data recorded. Forty-seven per cent of the group (A (b)) who eventually found employment before February 1, 1962, lacked such information. A low 11 per cent of those (Group B) who never located employment had no educational status reported. Of the 18 mothers, 50 per cent had no educational status infor-mation recorded. Of the nine where this information was recorded, three completed high school, two completed the eleventh grade, one the tenth, one the ninth, and two the eighth grade. Of the "knowns," the average number of years of education was 1 0 . 3 . If we make the somewhat casual assumption that since three of the "knowns" had completed high school that also three of the "unknowns" had done so, this would show that one-third of our 18 mothers would be high school graduates. Comparing our 18 with the total sample i n respect to what the writers considered a marked educational deficiency (those with less than 10 grades of schooling), 32 per cent of them f a l l into this category. The comparative percentages are based only on the "knowns." Only 70 7 per cent of Group A (a) were educationally deficient, 32 per cent of Group A (b), and 34 per cent of Group B. Hazarding an assumption as to what may be significant i n this value-laden factor, i t might be found i n the great d i f f e r -ence between this group and Group A (a) i n terms of educational deficiency—3 3 per cent for the 18, and the very low 7 per cent for the group which was already employed on July 1, 1959. Given the value of education, our 18 mothers, of whom only one-third graduated from high school and with yet another one-third i n the educationally deficient category, did find employment within six months and had not found i t necessary to apply for assistance at least until after February of 1962. The basic question of this thesis forcefully poses i t s e l f here: Does the enactment of a law, and i t s subsequent vigorous implementation, requiring employment for employable mothers, i n i t s e l f become a motivating force effective enough to enable sustained employment? Are the expectations of the employing community less stringent in their value of education than i s generally suspected? An interesting and perhaps productive study would be to determine the possible negative value of education by employers in industries where academic achievement i s of less importance to the actual per-forming of the job. Even the most superficial of an analysis of this aspect i s virtually impossible i n this study because of the serious absence of information i n the records on what type of employment these women eventually located. Such absence of even 7 1 the I n d i c a t i o n of what work the mother was planning toward may-be c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the next f a c t o r to be d i s c u s s e d — c a s e planning. The presence or absence of case planning preparatory t o the mother's assuming a work r o l e was not i n c l u d e d on the value count graph (Table 14), not so much because of the presence of "unknowns," but more because of the great question the w r i t e r s had, and have, regarding how the c l i e n t views "case planning." Because the data sheets d i d not record i n f o r m a t i o n which would make p o s s i b l e an a n a l y s i s of the q u a l i t y of the case p l a n , i f such e x i s t e d , i t i s not p o s s i b l e t o even determine whether case planning i s i n c l u d e d i n the value system of the sampled mothers. Rather i t may be of value s o l e l y to the people who are g i v i n g h e l p , and a somewhat I n d i f f e r e n t l y i n t e g r a t e d value at t h a t . We might even assume th a t the l a c k of r e c o r d i n g of a case p l a n , when one e x i s t e d , could be i n d i c a t i v e to the c l i e n t of the case-worker's (and the agency's) l a c k of i n t e r e s t and/or involvement i n her f u t u r e — t h i s , then, could become a d i s v a l u e . The other p r o p o s i t i o n presents i t s e l f — c a s e p lanning, i f evident to the c l i e n t , whether c a r r i e d on w i t h i n a negative or p o s i t i v e r e l a -t i o n s h i p context, may be an e f f e c t i v e motivating f o r c e i n i t s e l f . When viewed according to the w r i t e r s ' d e f i n i t i o n of case p l a n n i n g , 1 some s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s I s p o s s i b l e . In ten of the cases, there had been at l e a s t one fa c e - t o - f a c e i n t e r v i e w 1. See p. 49. 72 centering on the July 1959 law change. In two other cases there had been considerable p r i o r discussion about t h e i r employ-ment p o t e n t i a l , but not s p e c i f i c a l l y related to the law change; therefore, the number increases to 12 which i s two-thirds of the sample. Of the 98 i n the entire sample, 59 mothers (or t h r e e - f i f t h s ) had p r i o r discussion of employment. The writers did note any i n d i c a t i o n s the records contained of the p o s i t i v e or negative q u a l i t y of the interviews. Among the 18 successful mothers i t was f e l t that only four had received p o s i t i v e casework help i n the form of suggestions, r e f e r r a l s , and reassurance. In only one instance was the evidence c l e a r l y i n d i c a t i v e of coer-cion. The remaining seven cases out of the 12 where there was any p r i o r discussion ca r r i e d reference to the caseworker's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the law, but contained no information on whether or not help was offered or given, or how t h i s was done. The factor of substitute c h i l d care provision i s c l e a r l y related to h e l p f u l and e f f e c t i v e case planning. To be e f f e c t i v e , a case plan would necessarily include t h i s almost universal Issue underlying employment of mothers. Questions of "preservation of family l i f e , " family goals and the purposes of ADC are c l o s e l y linked to t h i s concern which has generally proved most problem-a t i c a l f o r ADC f a m i l i e s . 1 I 1. Geismar, L. L., and Ayres, Beverly, Patterns of Change  i n Problem Families, Family Centered Project, St. Paul, 1959, p. 4. ' 73 In ten of the 18 cases under discussion there was evidence that the question of substitute c h i l d care had been discussed. In regard to adequacy or inadequacy, only one of the cases con-tained enough information to enable one to make a judgment i n th i s area. That c h i l d was i n a licensed day care f a c i l i t y oper-ated by a church organization. The assumption i s that t h i s f a c i l i t y was adequate from a l e g a l i s t i c standpoint though i t s s u i t a b i l i t y i n r e l a t i o n to the p a r t i c u l a r needs of the c h i l d can only be conjecture. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , t h i s was the only c h i l d i n the t o t a l sample cared f o r outside h i s home and outside a context of family relationships i n what was known to be a licensed s i t u a -t i o n . In the t o t a l sample, the writers saw many plans for children being made wherein they would go outside t h e i r homes to be cared f o r by non-relatives. Licensing i n such situations i s a requirement set down i n the state c h i l d welfare laws, and the Department of Public Assistance i s responsible f o r enforce-ment. In the present s i t u a t i o n , however, i t appears that a large number of i t s representatives were unfamiliar with the requirement or i n c l i n e d to overlook i t i n favor of getting mothers to work i n the most expedient way possible. Among these ten fam i l i e s , the children of one were cared for outside the home i n an undetermined arrangement. Two were cared f o r i n the home by a non-relative. The children of three families were cared f o r i n t h e i r own home by a r e l a t i v e other than an older s i b l i n g . The c h i l d giving care was 17 years o l d . 7 4 The actual c h i l d care arrangements made by two of these mothers were never known, but they are included here because the records contained much discussion about c h i l d care, apparently because the mothers i n both cases expressed concern about i t r e l a t i v e to t h e i r going to work. The balance of eight cases contained no discussion of c h i l d care or information r e l a t i v e to the eventual arrangements made. The records of eight of the mothers i n t h i s sample of 1 8 Included references to the presence of community a c t i v i t y as defined by the w r i t e r s . 1 Only one record noted a lack of contact with the community. The remaining nine ( 5 0 per cent of t h i s group) contained no information on t h i s aspect of the c l i e n t s 1 l i v e s . Inclusion of t h i s factor i n surveying of s o c i a l func-tioning was j u s t i f i e d by the pot e n t i a l i t offered i n measuring s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n which might be experienced by ADC mothers by virtue of t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n by the community as " r e l i e f " r e c i p i e n t s , or because of some intra-personal l i m i t a t i o n . I t cannot be assumed that the "unknowns" would be i n d i c a t i v e of a lack of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , since t h i s factor was not covered with any consistent adequacy regardless of the p o s i t i v e or negative nature of the client-caseworker (agency) r e l a t i o n s h i p . It would seem to be more l i k e l y that the "unknowns," i f known, would increase the percentage of those who did p a r t i c i p a t e i n some community a c t i v i t y — o f the "knowns," 8 9 per cent did p a r t i c i p a t e 1 . See p. 5 4 . 75 i n some group. The w r i t e r s f e e l t h a t i n c o n t r a s t to the number of marriages f a c t o r , t h i s f a c t o r as a c r i t e r i o n f o r e m p l o y a b i l i t y could be considerably more usable. I t gets c l o s e r to being a v a l i d I n d i c a t i o n of the a b i l i t y of the mother to form meaningful and l a s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h o t h e r s . I f the assumption can be made that by i n c l u d i n g our "unknowns" 89 per cent of these "suc-c e s s f u l " mothers had some form of community co n t a c t , t h i s f a c t o r as a c r i t e r i o n and as a value would have a high place on the value count chart (Table 14). Table 15 i s . t h e w r i t e r s ' v e r s i o n of the value-count chart showing the s h i f t of values and the d i f f e r e n c e between negative and p o s i t i v e count when the "unknowns" are Included. We have inc l u d e d the "unknowns" i n terms of the assumptions-made above. However, c h i l d care must yet be f u r t h e r q u a l i f i e d . The w r i t e r s assumed that i f c h i l d care arrangements had been d i s c u s s e d , the caseworkers would have recorded t h i s type of i n f o r m a t i o n . One aspect of t h i s assumption tends t o make i t p o s s i b l y l e s s g r o s s — the agency had c o n s i s t e n t l y mentioned t h i s as a f a c t o r to con-s i d e r . On assumptions around "unknowns" r e l a t i v e t o previous work experience the w r i t e r s considered the one unknown a plus f a c t o r because of the s t a t i s t i c a l u n l i k e l i h o o d that a person could have no previous work experience. When viewing Table 15 i n comparison to Table 14, i t i s evident t h a t the weight has not s h i f t e d remarkably i n terms of 7 6 03 VD rH •=*• rH CM H O H 00 VO 04 CVJ VO CO O rH CVJ rH VO 00 rH + + + + + + t + + + + t t t + 4- + + 4- + t t It + + + - + - + o -d > rH CO CD opq i i i t + t t -- + -- + i t + 4- + -- + + -- + + -- + + t t t t -- + t t + 4- + -- 4* + it u o IS CD 03 C d a) O nH •H > CD Cl) Pi CVJ I I I I + + + + + + " t t t t + --t t + 4-t t t t m VO CD •P u CO <D d -P D"rH CD CD < CO CVJ I I I i + + -- + --...+.. -- + t --+ --+ + + + + 4- + rH 03 >i CD - P tH d E S o o > •H - P O i t i i i i i i i i i i t t + --+ --t t + + ---- + --t t t t t t "" + t H in -- + ---• + --in 03 d •P >»to - P -p •H CO U O CD T3 O CO CO S K vo + + + --+ --+ + --.. + .. t t t t t + + + + II + CVI rH O CO e •H - P •H bO CD rH VO I H -- " + t t + + + + t t CVJ CD a 01 CO CO H O fM t— 11 + + + I.J t t t t 4- + + t + it rH rH CD O c >> CD •P •H rH •H CO - P CO •d •H 03 CD <+H o CO CD u CO o •H CO X!rH O P-t t t t + --. + --+ + --+ + --t t t + + --+ + --+ + + 00 A •P rH co CD W CVJ H I I I + + VO co -p •P u C O CD ft U Pi co d P-i CO 77 the p o s i t i v e and negative. Assigning numerical value, one obtains a t o t a l p o s i t i v e value count on Table 14 of 101 and a negative count of 42. Table 15 shows a p o s i t i v e count of 146 and a negative count of 7 0 . In proportion Table 15 shows a s l i g h t l y higher negative count than does Table 14, the tendency, therefore, being to less than adequate s o c i a l functioning. The comparisons one can draw between these women are not too conclusive, although c i t e d differences and s i m i l a r i t i e s have been noted. Evident i s the considerable v a r i a t i o n between ease records i n the amount of information they contained about the mother and the children. Evidence of value c o n f l i c t operating between the c l i e n t and the caseworker, the caseworker and the agency, can be detected i n the case descriptions included i n t h i s chapter. Very apparent was the focus of the July a c t i o n — the value of employment. Caseworkers, i n carrying f o r t h i n accordance to the departmental Interpretation of the law, often l o s t sight of, consciously or unconsciously, the possible reper-cussions that going to work could cause. Health problems could be known to e x i s t , but employment almost seemed to loom as a cure f o r everything and that, somehow, things would work out a l l r i g h t once the mother began experiencing the joys of working. The great lack of record information r e l a t i v e to the kinds of employment the mothers went Into would tend to indicate that employment was the casework goal i n i t s e l f . Only three records out of 18 c a r r i e d reference to the nature of employment 78 f i n a l l y secured. (In descriptions of the 18 cases (Appendix C) the writers' omission of information of t h i s kind Indicates that none was contained i n the record. The writers are also i n c l i n e d to believe that i f the caseworkers a c t u a l l y knew the nature of the employment, the p r o b a b i l i t y of such "success" information being recorded was substantial. Interestingly, three instances of punitive casework practice were encountered among the 18 success s t o r i e s . This seems s i g n i f i c a n t when attempting to locate some common denom-inator threading through the case data. One of these mothers refused to t e l l the caseworker what type of f u l l employment she foundI (It i s t h i s same mother whose i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d ' s needs were never included i n the grant.) The mother who had a departmental fraud charge outstanding against her while she was being asked to f i n d employment had been made to f e e l that t h i s was the only way out fo r her. Employment was to be part of the punishment. (The law on employability of caretakers was never explained to her.) Another mother was known to be paranoid and very disturbed i n her encounters with f a i r l y routine stress situations such as agency contact. She was found employable and worked f o r six months at some unknown job u n t i l commitment to a mental h o s p i t a l . Three among 18 Is not a very high percentage—approxi-mately 17 per cent—but i t does seem to be s i g n i f i c a n t when casework of a punitive nature i s found to have existed among the 79 so-called "successful" group. One must question how successful these mothers r e a l l y were. We are also faced with the question of whether i t makes any difference as to the casework techniques employed and any difference whether s o c i a l work values are adhered to. The more serious question, however, i s whether caseworkers can implement pre-established goals, such as employ-ment, without compromising professional values. Those questions w i l l be explored further i n the next chapter, but i t seems important to r a i s e them here, since they become so a l l pervasive when reading the 18 case descriptions written from data sheets. Examples of what would seem to be r i s k y adjustment to the stress caused by the employability determination appear among the 18. Immediately evident was the fact that the largest pro-portion of these mothers went to work i r r e s p e c t i v e of t h e i r stated health problems. One mother moved to another state to f i n d employment. By i t s e l f t h i s cannot be considered an Inade-quate adjustment to the departmental request, but In view of previous impulse solutions, t h i s mother could have used casework help i n reviewing her plans to move—no discussions on her move were had. Another mother became i l l e g i t i m a t e l y pregnant neces-s i t a t i n g her r e s t o r a t i o n to grant. Eventually she married the father of her c h i l d , but nothing was learned from her as to the nature of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p — i t s soundness and whether i t included a concern f o r her other two children. One mother managed employment fo r one month, remarried, and found i t 8 0 necessary f o r her husband and herself to re-apply f o r assistance s i x months l a t e r . In I t s e l f , t h i s adjustment may have been sa t i s f a c t o r y , but the writers wonder about the thought these two persons had given marriage, since she had entered employment with a serious health problem and was forced to give i t up because of t h i s . Was marriage less r i s k y than endangering her health? Summary A sub-group of 1 8 mothers are i d e n t i f i e d i n t h i s chapter who most nearly could be said to have responded i n the desired way to the agency objective of self-support. They found employ-ment i n l e s s than six months i n response to an actual or threat-ened decrease i n income, and 3 1 months l a t e r , they were a l l independent of Public Assistance. A set of value goals commonly held to underlie a model of adequate s o c i a l functioning was used to evaluate strengths or a combination of strengths which enabled them to respond i n t h i s way. Also considered was any case planning or other action on the part of the agency which may have enabled t h i s response. The role of the absent father i n these families was very r e s t r i c t e d or non-existent. His contribution to the family's support or h i s sharing of parental roles was not necessarily an enhancement to the a b i l i t y of the mother to assume the support of the family. A majority had never had an i l l e g i t i m a t e b i r t h 81 which suggested an absence of other men acting as substitutes i n parental and spouse r o l e s . I t also suggested a greater degree of ego strength to avoid pregnancies and to perceive s o c i e t a l standards. Certain p o s i t i v e s existed i n combination to a high degree with these f a m i l i e s . Negative behavior patterns on the part of the childr e n were not i n evidence. Nearly a l l the mothers had had previous work experience. They la r g e l y provided adequate shelter f o r t h e i r f a m i l i e s . The majority showed s t a b i l i t y of residence. However, most of the mothers manifested health prob-lems eithe r i n themselves or t h e i r c h i l d r e n . The overwhelming majority were of Caucasian race. The presence of a number of d e f i c i e n c i e s i n the case records made analysis of s o c i a l functioning d i f f i c u l t , and obliged the authors to make a number of tentative conclusions and speculations. Complete information on educational status, c h i l d caring arrangements, and case planning r e l a t i v e to the^ assumption of a work ro l e was lacking. The poor educational attainment of t h i s group raises question r e l a t i v e to i t s value i n the achievement of a work ro l e under these circumstances. The lack of knowledge regarding plans made f o r substitute care suggests indifference to or ignorance of the intent of ADC to provide an opportunity f o r optimum development of the c h i l d with emphasis on the safeguarding of present and future interests of the c h i l d where any plan f o r care away from the mother i s contemplated. 8 2 The presence of community a c t i v i t i e s and relationships was thought to be a more p o t e n t i a l l y usable c r i t e r i o n of employ-a b i l i t y than suspected i n that i t comes close to i n d i c a t i n g the mother's a b i l i t y to form meaningful and l a s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s . In case planning, i t s existence or non-existence should be more adequately and uniformly explored as a p o t e n t i a l measurement of employability. Relative to case planning, only four of the 1 8 were seen to have received p o s i t i v e casework help i n the form of sugges-t i o n , r e f e r r a l and reassurance. There was cl e a r evidence of coercion i n one case. Most cases showed at least one face-to-face contact r e l a t i v e to employment, and more s p e c i f i c a l l y to the 1 9 5 9 law change. The value-count scales showed a s l i g h t s h i f t with a small increase i n the negative count on Table 1 5 . This amounted to a 6 . 3 per cent proportionate increase i n the negative count when Including the l e s s documented value factors on Table 1 5 • Women were seen to go to work i r r e s p e c t i v e of stated health problems or other conditions i n the family which might reasonably have precluded work. Employment, once a decision was made r e l a t i v e to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s employability, became an a l l consuming goal, and one which was rather r e l e n t l e s s l y imposed. CHAPTER 4 THE CLIENT MOVES AT THE AGENCY PACE Work may be a n a t u r a l human a c t i v i t y valued by a l l persons I r r e s p e c t i v e of the p l a c e , the p o i n t i n time and the nature of the work. Where once i t was e s s e n t i a l t o spend most of one's l i f e t i m e working s o l e l y t o g a i n s u f f i c i e n t l i v e l i h o o d t o support oneself and one's f a m i l y at a minimum l e v e l , work i s now i n c r e a s i n g l y becoming the p u r s u i t of l e i s u r e and happiness. Employment at r e c r e a t i o n and s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t has become and w i l l i n c r e a s i n g l y become the s u b s t i t u t e f o r employment f o r the purpose of securing b a s i c needs. Fewer and fewer are needed to spend l e s s of t h e i r time at the p roduction of goods and s e r v i c e s . Nevertheless, the a c t i v i t y of work f o r l i v e l i h o o d and g a i n p e r s i s t s I n the present day, and f o r the m a j o r i t y I t con-t i n u e s t o be e s s e n t i a l and n a t u r a l . The w r i t e r s are assuming tha t broadly speaking i t i s no d i f f e r e n t f o r persons on a s s i s t -ance than f o r those who are not. The pervasiveness of t h i s value of work and i t s high p r i o r i t y w i t h i n our c i v i l i z a t i o n i s only confirmed i n the l e g i s l a t i v e d i r e c t i v e s of Washington i n 1 9 5 9 , and elsewhere. The law of Washington was not u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l nor was i t e x c e s s i v e l y harsh, since i t permitted the agency to make 84 d e c i s i o n s based on the knowledge of I n d i v i d u a l circumstances. Though i t marked a departure from the i m p l i c i t philosophy of an e a r l i e r time of keeping the mother i n the home so that she could maintain f a m i l y l i f e f o r the c h i l d r e n , I t was never r u l e d out of conformity w i t h f e d e r a l l e g i s l a t i o n and i n t e n t . The p o i n t that i s t o be most questioned and perhaps r e g r e t t e d I s the manner i n which one u n i t of the s t a t e agency c a r r i e d out the l e g i s l a t i v e i n t e n t , and attempted t o make the value of work o p e r a t i o n a l among i t s c l i e n t e l e . The iss u e of e m p l o y a b i l i t y remains a major one i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of P u b l i c Assistance i n Washington today as i t was I n 1959. Dec i s i o n s s t i l l have t o be made regarding the e m p l o y a b i l i t y of ca r e t a k e r s , and a monetary penalty s t i l l attaches t o being "employable." The major d i f f e r e n c e i s tha t the employable ca r e t a k e r i s not t o t a l l y removed from the grant. I n t h i s , can the agency ever be a genuine f o r c e f o r the r e d u c t i o n of i n e q u a l -i t y ? Must i t remain, as revealed i n part by t h i s study, an u n w i t t i n g and impulsive dispenser of small f a v o r t o those i t f i n d s "unemployable," " e l i g i b l e " or "moral," a conservator i n s t e a d , of s o c i a l and economic i n e q u a l i t y ? The w r i t e r s o f f e r f o u r value assumptions as foundation t o attempts to move i n d i v i d u a l s toward goals of s e l f - s u p p o r t i n a s o c i e t y where s e l f - s u p p o r t (independence of non-contributory government supported w e l f a r e programs) i s an extremely Important v a l u e . These are ( l ) work i s a n a t u r a l human a c t i v i t y valued by 8 5 a l l persons; ( 2 ) s o c i e t a l and personal f o r c e s do not, I n some circumstances, permit an i n d i v i d u a l to work though physically-a ble; ( 3 ) man w i l l work toward goals t o which he i s committed without c o e r c i o n ; ( 4 ) commitment f o l l o w s from the opportunity to r e a l i z e one's own p o t e n t i a l i t i e s . But could t h i s or any other s o c i a l agency operating i n mid-twentieth century North America and confronted w i t h d e c i s i o n s about e m p l o y a b i l i t y ever i n t e g r a t e and make o p e r a t i o n a l such values? One might even qu e s t i o n the u t i l i t y of the whole s o c i a l work value system t o the o p e r a t i o n of p u b l i c welfare programs of t h i s k i n d . From the 1 9 5 9 l e g i s l a t i o n the agency i m p u l s i v e l y fashioned a set of judgments which served t o v i s i t on the i n d i -v i d u a l c l i e n t alone the f u l l f o r c e of changes i n s o c i e t a l and (by r e f l e c t i o n ) agency v a l u e s . The philosophy of s o c i a l work whil e p r o c l a i m i n g i t s r o l e i n s o c i a l change would, one hopes, d i c t a t e a conscious and planned procedure f o r change, and amel-i o r a t e as much as p o s s i b l e the negative and p a i n f u l consequences f o r the i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r i e n c i n g change. An i n g r e d i e n t missing from case m a t e r i a l , and th e r e f o r e not a v a i l a b l e as v e r i f i e d f a c t , i s the f l a v o r of the a d m i n i s t r a -t i v e d i r e c t i o n i n f l u e n c i n g the implementation of the law. Also m i s s i n g i s the caseworker response t o the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e tone being expressed at that p o i n t i n time. To d e s c r i b e , and p o s s i b l y analyze, the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e tone i n a p u b l i c a s s i s t a n c e agency i s not a simple t a s k — i t i s , indeed, a formidable and complex 86 one, and one requiring separate research much beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s . The writers have, however, located what we believe to be c r i t i c a l i ndications of value c o n f l i c t between those l e g i s l a t i n g a s o c i a l welfare program, those administering i t , those d i r e c t l y implementing i t , and l a s t , but c e r t a i n l y not the l e a s t , those who must maintain, reconstruct, and conduct t h e i r l i v e s according to i t . Wayne Vasey i n his chapter on "State Organization f o r So c i a l Welfare" comments on an Important aspect of administration which, i f neglected, can increase the harmful e f f e c t s of value c o n f l i c t : . . . repeated reference has been made to the importance of maintaining channels and methods of communication both l a t e r a l l y i n state o f f i c e , and v e r t i c a l l y between central and l o c a l o f f i c e s . One point has not been made s u f f i c i e n t l y , however, and because of i t s v i t a l nature we are taking the l i b e r t y of discussing i t here. This i s the place at which communication should take place. That place or point should be that at which p o l i c y i s being developed. I f communication i s l i m i t e d to a chain of command f o r the issuance of orders and the interpre-t a t i o n of p o l i c i e s already formulated, one of the r i c h -est areas of administrative r e l a t i o n s w i l l have been l o s t . l Increasingly evident to the writers was a lack of recognition and alignment of the professional, administrative and p o l i t i c a l values i n p r e - l e g i s l a t i v e and pre-pollcy development concerning the employment of women i n general and of ADC mothers In par-t i c u l a r . Had there been t h i s kind of communication, there would seem to have been a greater p o s s i b i l i t y f o r minimizing the 1. Vasey, op_. c i t . , p. 423. 87 extreme variations i n the way i n which the July 1959 law was Implemented. In the t o t a l sample and i n the more c a r e f u l l y studied 18 "successful" mothers existed practices ranging from very obvious punitiveness to almost t o t a l l a i s s e z f a i r e . In the w r i t e r s 1 opinion t h i s points quite squarely toward the inadvis-a b i l i t y of setting administrative deadlines i n the implementation of such a complex p o l i c y — t h e determination of employability of mothers. As mentioned i n Chapter 2 , i n t e r p r e t i v e material on the determination of employability was produced i n l a t e August. Also shown i n that chapter was the f a c t that 85 per cent of Group A and 94 per cent of Group B were removed from the grant before t h i s material could be applied. Of our "successful" mothers (the 18) 100 per cent were removed p r i o r to t h i s time (October 1, 1959) . Twelve of the 18 or two-thirds were removed e f f e c t i v e July 1, 1959. One would conclude from t h i s that those mothers who had the most employment po t e n t i a l were recog-nized early and that the early removal did not impede t h e i r a t t a i n i n g the goal—employment. Again, however, the writers would i n t e r j e c t the question: Was and i s employment an i n d i c a -t i o n of successful casework? Since the records d i d not contain enough information to enable an assessment of the mothers* and t h e i r family's subsequent s o c i a l functioning, t h i s operative value-judgment on the part of the agency would seem to be highly 88 speculative at that point i n time. It should be emphasized that most of the caretakers were removed before October. There are Indications throughout the case records surveyed that l a i s s e z f a l r e practices may indicate quite conscious attempts on the part of the caseworker to a l i g n h e r s e l f with the mother. This i s a possible r e s u l t of the lack of value alignment between those l e v e l s i n agency structure responsible f o r the implementation of the law. Resistance to the administrative value which set p r i o r i t y on employment as the case plan could not be openly revealed v i a case recording so purposeful omission may have been the r e s u l t . Although operative c l i e n t , caseworker and agency values were not consciously examined by the p a r t i c i -pants, supportive help may have been given which resulted i n the mother making a p o s i t i v e move whether toward employment or not. This rather undisciplined approach, however, may equally have produced negative r e s u l t s by allowing the caseworker's personal values to p r e v a i l ; for example, the caseworker may have been a working mother r a t i o n a l i z i n g her status. Disvalues that are operative would be re-enforced under such circumstances and detection by supervision made r e l a t i v e l y impossible assuming supervision were even conscious of the relevance of values. 1. The writers f e e l that nothing can be devised as a good substitute f o r more complete Information i n the case record. Even i f these were to have been personal interviews with the mothers, when we were data c o l l e c t i n g , the informa-t i o n might have l o s t something, e.g., administrative tone. 8 9 The process taking place i n determining employability, the writers suppose, i s that from a 67-word d i r e c t i v e of the l e g i s l a t u r e , what the agency thinks and wants i s car r i e d v i a the "administrative tone" (as well as more e x p l i c i t forms of commu-nication) to the caseworker, and somehow r a t i o n a l i z e d by a nebulous, unverified b e l i e f of "what the community expects." 1 Often created i s a mirrored reversal of what the s i t u a t i o n i s r e l a t i v e to values and value p r i o r i t i e s with the c l i e n t . The process of stepping through the looking glass i s a shattering experience f o r both c l i e n t and caseworker, and where agency values continue to dominate, probably not h e l p f u l . Ten years before the July 1 9 5 9 law emerged, Irene Josselyn wrote: The question to be studied i n evaluating the d e s i r a b i l -i t y of any mother's working i s therefore not that of the number of c h i l d r e n she must care f o r , her physical or mental a b i l i t y to work or the a v a i l a b i l i t y of employ-ment. The f i r s t step i n deciding whether or not a mother should work i s the evaluation of her p o t e n t i a l -i t i e s as a mother and of the conditions under which she can give the optimum emotional g r a t i f i c a t i o n to the c h i l d . . . . Therefore she must not be punished f o r working or f o r not working. . . . Our goal i n a s s i s t i n g mothers should be to f o s t e r any plan which helps them to be the most adequate mothers they are capable of being.2 The r e s u l t s of t h i s thesis seem to be i n remarkable accordance with Dr. Josselyn's premise. The value-count scale i n Tables 14 1 . Paradoxically, i n the employment of mothers as i n few other issues, i s the community les s able to c l e a r l y enunciate what i t s expectations are. See Chapter 1 . 2 . Josselyn and Goldman, op_. c i t . , p. 8 1 . 90 and 15 i n Chapter 3 are i l l u s t r a t i v e of what c l i e n t values should be considered. The case records were not complete enough to enable the reviewers to know how consciously the caseworkers examined these high-weight values ( i n terms of employment), but the scale does show that these "successful" mothers must cer-t a i n l y have included these factors as important i n t h e i r value systems. To keep t h i s i n proper perspective, i t must be remem-bered that only 18 out of our t o t a l sample of 96 (approximately 19 per cent) could be considered "successes." The 1959 experience would seem to have been an " i n front of the looking-glass" process. These women seemed to possess some attr i b u t e s which would tend to make them seem to be "employment po t e n t i a l s . " How much more v a l i d and predictable an approach to t h i s whole area of evaluating employability might an assessment of the presence or absence of high-weight values have been i s a question t h i s thesis has not completely answered. We do f e e l , however, that the "looking-glass" technique had i t s worth, but only as a learning experience (and experiment) of the past. We as members of a helping profession, of helping agencies and of society as a whole must take a front, f u l l - l e n g t h , three dimensional view of what we see as the basic purpose of the ADC program and examine employment as only one of l i f e ' s experiences which may or may not enhance the family's s o c i a l functioning. We should take a t o t a l view and count the values which have meaning to the c l i e n t and then those which our action threatens. 9 1 Coincidentally, our action may have q u a l i t i e s which could reinforce disvalues, a dimension which must be considered. An example of t h i s could be the agency's o f f e r i n g employment as a way f o r the mother to abdicate from her maternal r o l e . E a r l i e r reference has been made to the i n t e r p r e t i v e material produced i n l a t e August 1 9 5 9 . (See Appendix B.) Although the writers have referred to what was f e l t to be a lack of p r e - l e g i s l a t i v e , pre-implementation planning, t h i s material indicates that there was no lack of concern from a professional as well as administrative standpoint a f t e r the law had been i n e f f e c t several months. Because of the material's length (as acknowledged by the d i r e c t o r i n his memo covering the material), caseworkers and supervisors may have found i t d i f f i c u l t to use i t as a ready reference or as an immediate help i n implementing a procedure already i n f o r c e ! 1 Its value has since been r e a l i z e d ( i t i s yet i n e f f e c t ) as useful In-service t r a i n i n g material to be u t i l i z e d without consideration f o r administrative deadlines. It i s d i f f i c u l t to say what e f f e c t i t may have had on the imple-mentation of the l e g i s l a t i o n had i t been available several months p r i o r to the e f f e c t i v e date; although, one again i s reminded that the "successful 1 8 " were a l l deleted from the grant p r i o r to the 1 . Both of the writers were participants i n the implemen-t a t i o n of t h i s law and were employing the looking glass tech-nique with varying degrees of success." We were also confused, as we are saying others were, i n regard.to employment as a value operative i n our own value systems In r e l a t i o n to administrative and s o c i e t a l values systems, not to mention the value systems of the c l i e n t s . 92 a v a i l a b i l i t y of t h i s m a t e r i a l . The w r i t e r s a l s o observe that t h i s m a t e r i a l i m p l i e s , r a t h e r repeatedly, acceptance of the o f f e r e d value assumption (see page 84) t h a t work i s a n a t u r a l human a c t i v i t y valued by a l l persons. Might there not have been worth-while r e s u l t s from a pre-implementation d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s value assumption by the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e group w i t h caseworkers and, perhaps, even the c l i e n t s ? 1 I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o compare what the m a t e r i a l o f f e r s as important f a c t o r s to consider i n regard to the mother t a k i n g work w i t h the value-count s c a l e (see Table 14 on page 56 and Table 15 on page 76) developed i n t h i s t h e s i s . I t would seem that the r e s u l t s of t h i s t h e s i s would i n d i c a t e (as the w r i t e r s i n t e r p r e t them) that the departmental i n t e r p r e t i v e m a t e r i a l approached the subject much too d i r e c t l y i n terms of the e f f e c t s of employment on the f a m i l y . For example, r a t h e r than determin-i n g the degree of confidence the mother has i n her c h i l d c a r i n g arrangements (see Appendix B, page 109, 5-b) our c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t a mother h o l d i n g h i g h the value of good mothering, would be capable of a r r i v i n g at t h i s d e c i s i o n h e r s e l f . I t i s a l s o i n t e r e s t i n g t h a t the departmental m a t e r i a l does not r e f e r to what we consider to be important values—adequate s h e l t e r , com-munity a c t i v i t i e s , and race s t a t u s . C h i l d behavior, another 1. The w r i t e r s r e c a l l that the general response by case-workers and s u p e r v i s o r s as being a p o s i t i v e one i n r e l a t i o n t o i t s g i v i n g s a n c t i o n t o extending the deadline f o r the determina-t i o n of e m p l o y a b i l i t y , but one of concern and confusion when a n t i c i p a t i n g the a p p l i c a t i o n of the m a t e r i a l . 93 high count value, i s approached quite obliquely In terms of emotional problems e x i s t i n g which may or may not have been i n t e n s i f i e d by employment of the mother (see Appendix B, page 108, 2-a). Previous work hist o r y i s referred to only i n regard to employment's e f f e c t s on the family members (see Appendix B, page 108, 2-c). To b r i e f l y summarize t h i s comparison, the main d i f f e r -ences i n approach to the problem of mothers assuming the work role would seem to be that t h i s thesis points toward the advis-a b i l i t y of de-emphasizing employment as an assumed po s i t i v e value. It would also seem to indicate that a more r e l i a b l e approach i s to view and weigh what the c l i e n t considers to be of high value-count and then determine with the c l i e n t whether employment w i l l threaten or re-enforce the exis t i n g value system. For example, our 18 mothers seemed to give good health a low value-count, whereas the departmental material urges i t to be considered as a very important c r i t e r i o n . The writers do not disagree that good health i s very important to the general func-tioning of a family, but It would seem that the 18 mothers f e l t that good health was a desired thing whether employed or not employed. This may tend to explain what would seem to be an apparent c o n f l i c t within t h i s t h e s i s . Of those already employed on or before July 1959, good health seemed to be enjoyed by the greatest proportion of them. However, at no place In the record was there comment by any of the mothers that they worked because 9 4 they were i n good h e a l t h . S o c i a l work theory and p r a c t i c e d i c t a t e s to I t s e l f a r o l e as agent of s o c i a l change. Agencies such as the Washington agency which i d e n t i f y t h e i r primary method of s e r v i c e and admin-i s t r a t i o n as s o c i a l work, d i r e c t l y , i f perhaps u n i n t e n t i o n a l l y , a l i g n themselves w i t h t h i s r o l e . They c a r r y i t , however, w i t h unease. I t i s a p r i n c i p l e t h a t i s the foundation t o s o c i a l work tha t the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n must make a v a i l a b l e s o c i a l l y sanc-t i o n e d and s o c i a l l y provided devices f o r needs s a t i s f a c t i o n . Also a f f i r m e d i n the values of s o c i a l work are the r i g h t s of I n d i v i d u a l s t o have b a s i c needs met and to r e a l i z e t h e i r g r e a t est p o t e n t i a l s . That these h i g h l y g e n e r a l i z e d expressions are, p r a c t i c a l l y , f a r from implementation i n the world today i s eviden t . But an agency p r o f e s s i n g commitment to s o c i a l work methods, p r i n c i p l e s and values I s defeated i f i t does not see the n e c e s s i t y and f i n d the means t o t u r n p l a t i t u d e s i n t o i d e a l s , and to make i d e a l s operative t o a maximum extent i n the conduct of i t s i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s and i n the community as a whole. 1 How, p r a c t i c a l l y , could the agency have met and attempted to a l t e r those f o r c e s which tend to impede r e a l i z a t i o n of poten-t i a l s which, i n t h i s i n s t a n c e , are n e c e s s a r i l y equated w i t h employment and s e l f - s u p p o r t ? Since 1 9 6 1 , Washington (and the 1 . The w r i t e r s have o f t e n heard expressions on the part of caseworkers and a few sup e r v i s o r s of the c o n v i c t i o n that the Washington s e r v i c e s program e x i s t s to a great extent "on paper" o n l y . This suggests a p e r c e p t i o n on the part of some of the s t a f f of a g u l f between s t a t e d goals and what i s , i n f a c t , c a r r i e d out i n p r a c t i c e . 95 p u b l i c w e l f a r e agencies of other s t a t e s ) has engaged i n programs which c a r r y on the work r e l i e f p r i n c i p l e of r e q u i r i n g of r e c i p -i e n t s a c e r t a i n amount of work I n r e t u r n f o r a s s i s t a n c e . Such programs are o f t e n t h r u s t on agencies by zealous law makers seeking yet another simple answer, but they do e s t a b l i s h the e x p e c t a t i o n and a u t h o r i t y f o r the p u b l i c w e l f a r e agency to assume a "make work" r o l e e i t h e r as d i r e c t employer or as organ-i z e r and r e f e r r i n g agent to p r o j e c t s operated by a cooperating p o l i t i c a l s u b d i v i s i o n . Whatever higher motives are a s c r i b e d t o work r e l i e f l e g i s l a t i o n , i t does not, of course, provide a genuine employment r o l e and i t s i m p l i c i t motive most o f t e n seems to be t o punish need, discourage a p p l i c a t i o n f o r a s s i s t a n c e and t o exact a r e t u r n so t h a t no one w i l l "get something f o r noth-i n g . " At b e s t , i t i s r a r e l y more than an u n s a t i s f a c t o r y s u b s t i -t u t e f o r genuine work. At I t s worst, i t can be demoralizing i n e f f e c t , r e g r e s s i v e i n method and w a s t e f u l of human l a b o r . However, the agency r o l e as p r o v i d e r of work r o l e s might be r e d e f i n e d so as t o encompass a guarantee of r e a l work as a r e a l s u b s t i t u t e f o r a s s i s t a n c e f o r c e r t a i n or a l l r e c i p i e n t s . I t would seem much more productive and l e s s d i s c r i m i n a t o r y when a r e d u c t i o n of grant i s contemplated because of " e m p l o y a b i l i t y " t h a t the agency assume a job f i n d i n g r o l e . This would seem to be p a r t i c u l a r l y a p p l i c a b l e where there i s only one parent i n the home. Such a r o l e f o r a p u b l i c w e l f a r e agency i s not new under the sun. Countries whose approach to s o c i a l w e l f a r e problems 96 i s perhaps more a u t h o r i t a r i a n than North America's have employed such methods. 1 (The l e g i s l a t u r e of Washington and the Depart-ment of P u b l i c Assistance seem to be Implying i n t h e i r a c t i o n of J u l y 1959 that the a u t h o r i t a r i a n approach i s the more comfortable when confronted w i t h complex problems.) With the reassurance and enablement attendant on a guarantee that income w i l l not be reduced u n t i l a job i s l o c a t e d , the p o s s i b i l i t y of continued contact to help the person f u n c t i o n at an optimum l e v e l both on the job and i n the home once employment i s obtained needs con-s i d e r a t i o n . This would occasion a broadening of s e r v i c e s to others than those j u s t c u r r e n t l y i n need of f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . Concomitant w i t h the employment of the c a r e t a k e r , a p o s s i b i l i t y i s developed f o r observing the impact of the working mother on the t o t a l f a m i l y . C e r t a i n l y , a b e t t e r understanding of the meaning of work to f a m i l i e s of t h i s k i n d could be gained i n con t r a s t to our present problem of not knowing e i t h e r the type of work obtained or the i m p l i c a t i o n s t o the f a m i l y once s e l f -support i s a p o s s i b i l i t y . S i m i l a r guarantees are needed r e l a t i v e to c h i l d care. Under recent F e d e r a l encouragement (1962) Washington has under-taken a program of p r o v i d i n g l e a d e r s h i p I n the development of day care f a c i l i t i e s . I n 1959, the r o l e of the department was t o merely l i c e n s e those f a c i l i t i e s which might e x i s t , and no 1 . Madison, B e r n i c e , " S o c i a l Welfare: Soviet Model," S o c i a l S e r v i c e Review, June 1 9 6 4 , p. 2 0 4 . 97 attempt was made to help meet the i n c r e a s i n g demand f o r such s e r v i c e s . Whether the department can e f f e c t i v e l y assume t h i s l e a d e r s h i p r o l e remains to he seen, but i n f u t u r e d e l i b e r a t i o n s about the e m p l o y a b i l i t y of a mother, i t would be d e s i r a b l e f o r the agency to guarantee adequate s u b s t i t u t e care r a t h e r than c o n t i n u i n g the haphazard process revealed i n t h i s study where the onus of p r o v i d i n g care i s l e f t wholly w i t h the c l i e n t who must simultaneously look f o r a job and get along on l e s s a s s i s t a n c e money. The complex problem of h e l p i n g people r e a l i z e t h e i r p o t e n t i a l s so that they may move toward goals without c o e r c i o n r e q u i r e s the drawing upon of a l l areas of competence w i t h i n s o c i a l work as w e l l as other d i s c i p l i n e s . B a s i c t o t h i s , how-ever, i s r e c o g n i t i o n that people who seem to need c o e r c i o n t o get themselves to work or to move toward any other goal are simply communicating to t h e i r overseers that they do not see p o t e n t i a l s f o r themselves. I f one i s able t o i d e n t i f y any group i n North America whose l i f e a c t i v i t i e s and operative values apparently d i f f e r from that of the b u l k of t h i s s o c i e t y , i t I s those who are p r e s e n t l y unable, never have and dare not hope that they ever w i l l share i n the a c t i v i t i e s and hopes of the modal p o p u l a t i o n which sets the standard. This group, f o r any number of reasons, f i n d s i t s e l f on p u b l i c a s s i s t a n c e , and one of the most c o n s i s t e n t l y enforced p r i n c i p l e s governing p u b l i c a s s i s t a n c e i n a l l of North America i s t h a t no one on 9 8 assistance can have more than the least an i n d i v i d u a l could have through employment. The fa c t of today i s that the modal popula-t i o n enjoys unprecedented affluence. Public assistance as It i s today o f f e r s no opportunity to share i n that abundance. The c l i e n t may or may not see the necessity of h i s i n c l u s i o n In the modal group with a l l that such i n c l u s i o n e n t a i l s . While the public assistance r e c i p i e n t cannot but be affected by the mass desires, massively generated, f o r a l l the products of abundance, they cannot be helped to deal with the problems of abundance (c e r t a i n l y compounded i n one who i s experiencing i t f o r the f i r s t time) when the minimum assistance standard places them so f a r below what the modal group experiences. The writers conclude that the abandonment of the p r i n c i p l e of l e s s e l i g i b i l i t y con-tinues to be r e q u i s i t e to i n c l u s i o n of the "have not" population i n the modal group. In addition, through employment the agency suggests that membership i n the modal group i s possible f o r r e c i p i e n t s . We have not seen i n t h i s study that employment, i t s e l f , promises any such thing. Those who succeeded already possessed some recognition of t h e i r own potentials, they had experienced some success In the past, t h e i r values were approx-imate to the modal group. Were the successful mothers, i n f a c t , coerced? The writers suggest that they d i d not view i t as such, since the values they already held made i t possible f o r them to a t t a i n goals appropriate to the modal group's, one being employ-ment. It would then appear that those who seemingly benefited 9 9 from the coercive elements of the Implementation of the 1 9 5 9 law did not need to be coerced, and f o r those who did not succeed, the coercive technique did not work and may even have been harmful. The problem of obligating mothers of dependent children to seek work may seem to af f e c t r e l a t i v e l y few people and thus be of r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e importance. The implications, however, go beyond public assistance. Can a democratic society afford to so deprive any segment of i t s population and s t i l l avoid a serious threat to a l l of i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s ? Can i t afford to j u s t i f y t h i s deprivation and attendant inequality by some magical thinking about self-support? Serious men must recognize that self-support i s an i l l u s o r y thing, and exi s t s f o r most of us f o r only a short time of our l i v e s . I t i s expensive f o r us to hate those f o r whom i t has never existed. Today self-support as a value most u s e f u l l y serves the purposes of demagogues who promise to r e - e s t a b l i s h a fantasied 1 9 t h Century on the eve of the 2 1 s t . The self-support experiment which i s the subject of t h i s thesis took place i n an economy that i s rapidl y eliminating jobs. Solutions have not been found f o r either income maintenance or new work rol e s f o r the increasing m i l l i o n s unemployed. Perhaps public assistance can be a f i r s t arena where we may attempt to move the value of work lower down i n our scale of p r i o r i t i e s as i t has been predicted we must do. Perhaps public assistance can 100 be the means by which we can begin to test our a b i l i t y to enable a segment of the population to not need work while avoiding the negative connotations of too l i t t l e income and low self-esteem which u n t i l now have been the companions of an absence of work. Perhaps t h i s could be a help to us a l l i n our workless future. 1 0 1 BIBLIOGRAPHY General References American Public Welfare Association, The Objectives of Public  Welfare Administration and the Leadership Role of the PuFlic  Welfare Administrator, January 1 9 5 8 . B u e l l , Bradley and Associates, Community Planning f o r Human  Services. New York: Columbia University Press, 1 9 5 7 . Canadian Welfare, Special—Women's Lives and Welfare, Vol. 3 7 , No. 2 , March 1 5 , 1 9 6 l . [ Gervetz, Harry K., Prom Wealth to Welfare, Stanford University Press, Palo Alto, 1 9 5 0 . Kluckholn, Florence, "Family Diagnosis: Variations i n the Basic Values of Family Systems," So c i a l Casework, February-March, 1 9 5 8 . ! Kogan, Leonard S., Ph.D.; Hunt, J . McVicker, Ph.D.; and Bartelme, P h y l l i s , F., Ph.D., A Follow-Up Study of the Results of  Soci a l Casework. . New York: Family Service Association of America, 1 9 5 3 . Marcus, Mildred Rendl, "Women i n the Labor Force," Social  Casework, Vol.41, No. 6 , June i 9 6 0 . McCormick, Mary J . , Ph.D., "The Role of Values i n the Helping Process," Social Casework, January 1 9 6 1 , and "The Role of Values In Soc i a l Functioning," S o c i a l Casework, February 1 9 6 1 . M i l l e r , Pauline, The Experience of the Individual In Public  Assistance. University of Pennsylvania, School of Social Work, Philadelphia, 1 9 4 7 . Pumphrey, Muriel W., The Teaching of Values and Ethics i n Soc i a l  Work Education. New York: Council on Soc i a l Work Education, V o l . 1 3 , 1 9 5 9 . Pumphrey, Ralph E., and Pumphrey, Muriel W., The Heritage of American So c i a l Work. New York: Columbia University Press, I90T: 102 Riggs, Frieda. "Individualized Employment Planning i n ADC Families," The Family, V o l . 23, December 1942. Sears, Robert R.; Maecoby, Eleanor E.; Levin, Harry, Patterns  of Child Rearing. Evanston, I l l i n o i s : Row Peterson and Company, 1957. Smith, A. D e l e f i e l d , "Community Prerogative and the Right and Freedom of the Individual," Social Security B u l l e t i n , U.S. Government, August 1948. "The Suitable Home Requirement," Social Service Review ( e d i t o r i a l ) , Vol. 35, No. 2., June l $ b l . U.S. Congress, 84th Session, Report: Characteristics of Low Income Population on Related Federal Programs, u*.S. Govern-ment Prin t i n g O f f i c e , Washington, D.C., 1955. Wiltse, Kermit T., "Social Casework and Public Assistance," Social Service Review, March 1958. Witmer, Helen Leland, and Xotinsky, Ruth, Personality In the  Making. New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 1952. S p e c i f i c References Ackerman, Nathan, The Psychodynamics of Family L i f e . Basic Books, New York, 195o. Bardal, M., Rogerson, E., Dick, M., The Married Woman i n Employ-ment, Master of Social Work Thesis, u n i v e r s i t y or B r i t i s h Columbia, 1956. Beck, Bertram W., "Juvenile Delinquency - A Public Welfare Re s p o n s i b i l i t y , " Public Welfare, Vol. 12, A p r i l 1954. Bernard, Jessie, Social Problems at Mid-Century. New York: The Dryden Press, 1957. Bowlby, John, Maternal Care and Mental Health. World Health Organization, Geneva, 1952. Geismar, L. L., and Ayres, Beverly, Patterns of Change In Problem  Families. Family Centered Project, St. Paul, 1959. G l i c k , Paul C , "The L i f e Cycle of the Family," Marriage and  Family L i v i n g , No. 17, February 1955. 103 Greenfield, Margaret, S e l f Support i n Aid to Dependent Children, University of C a l i f o r n i a , Berkeley, 195b. Greenleigh Associates, Inc., Facts, F a l l a c i e s and Future, New York, i 9 6 0 . Hellenbrand, Shirley C , "Clien t Value Orientations: Implications f o r Diagnosis and Treatment," Social Casework, A p r i l i 9 6 0 . H o l l i s , E. V., and Taylor, A. L., So c i a l Work Education i n the  United States, New York, 1951. Jaffee, A. J . , and Stewart, Charles D., Manpower Resources and  U t i l i z a t i o n : P r i n c i p l e s of Working Force Analysis. New York: Wiley and Sons, 1951. Josselyn, Irene, "Should Mothers Work?" Soc i a l Service Review, Vo l . 2 3 , March 1949. Keith-Lucas, Alan, Decisions About People i n Need. Chapel H i l l : University of North Carolina, 1957. Law, Shirley, The Mother of the Happy Child, Smith College Studies i n So c i a l Work, October 1954. Madison, Bernice, "Social Welfare: Soviet Model," Social Service  Review, June 1964. Mertz, A l i c e . "Working Mothers i n the Aid to Dependent Children Program," Public Welfare, July 1952. Schorr, A l v i n , "Problems i n the ADC Program," So c i a l Work, Vo l . 5 , No. 2 , A p r i l i 9 6 0 . State of Washington, Chapter 12, Laws of 1959, Extraordinary Session. Titmuss, Richard M., Essays on "The Welfare State". London: George, Allen , and Unwin, Ltd., 1950. " United States Senate, Proceedings of the Conference on the Care  of Dependent Children! Document No. 721, 1909. Vasey, Wayne, Government and So c i a l Welfare. New York: Henry Hole and Co., New York, 1950. Wilensky, Harold L., and LeBeaux, Charles N., Industrial" Society  and Social Welfare. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 195o. Yarrow, Marian R., "Maternal Employment and Child Rearing," Children, November-December, 1961. APPENDIX A CASE READING SCHEDULE Present Case Status Open Closed Elapsed time since caretaker restored Marital Status # of marriages Present status Race Children-# Age range Child Care Arrangements In home older c h i l d other r e l a t i v e non-relative Out of home licensed unlicensed undetermined Other Negative Behavior Patterns Yes No Father (last) Reason f o r absence Support Yes Regular No Intermittent Other Fathers None # support yes regular no intermittent Education # of years Unknown Work Data Vocational s k i l l Yes None Type Employed at time of grant change Yes No Time before employment found # of months part time f u l l time not found type # of years since l a s t employed Vocational Training Departmental sponsorship Yes No Previous to removal After removal Income Exclusive of Support From employment Yes No Other . Health—Declared or Recognized Problem Yes No 1 0 5 Previous Assistance History Elapsed time since l a s t .opening years months Elapsed time since f i r s t ADC contact years months Community A c t i v i t y Religious Other None Neighborhood and Housing Urban # of rooms Rural # i n household Project Residence # of years i n county . # of years i n neighborhood Remarks: (The readers used t h i s section f o r data found to be e s s e n t i a l , but omitted i n the draft of the schedule. Always Included on each schedule i n t h i s section: How informed of law change— l e t t e r , interview, both and whether before or a f t e r removal; Other reader comments.) APPENDIX B DEPARTMENTAL MEMORANDUM: EMPLOYABILITY OP CARETAKERS IN ADC STATE DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ASSISTANCE Olympia, Washington TO: STAFF MEMORANDUM NO. 5 9 - 5 8 Issued August 1 8 , 1 9 5 9 FROM: GEORGE C. STARLUND Director SUBJECT: EMPLOYABILITY OF CARETAKERS IN ADC The determination of employability of caretakers i n ADC families has proved to be a d i f f i c u l t process f o r our s t a f f . We have had previous experience i n determining employability i n other cate-gories, but such determinations have involved i n d i v i d u a l persons. In ADC we need also to evaluate the needs of the c h i l d r e n i n the family. Consequently, we have found considerable v a r i a t i o n i n CO i n decisions reached. During recent weeks, s t a f f members from the t r a i n i n g , program development and f i e l d service units have been developing guide material which can be used to amplify Manual Section 418.11-R. This material has been t r i e d out i n several CO and has been found h e l p f u l i n analyzing the factors which must be taken into account. We are now releasing t h i s material f o r statewide use. Because of i t s length, the material i s not being incorporated into the manual. However, we expect that Manual Section 418.11-R w i l l be interpreted along the l i n e s suggested i n t h i s material. We think the material w i l l be p a r t i c u l a r l y useful f o r s t a f f d i s -cussion. F i e l d s t a f f w i l l be working with administrators regarding i t s implementation. 107 EVALUATING IN ADC FAMILIES OF THE FEASIBILITY OF THE CARETAKER'S EMPLOYMENT OUTSIDE THE HOME. Preservation of family l i f e i s the basic objective of the Aid to Dependent Children program which makes i t possible for the c h i l d to remain i n his own home. The 1956 S o c i a l Security Amendments gave further emphasis to providing services which encourage working toward self-maintenance and self-care and the preserva-t i o n of family l i f e . In the State of Washington the 1956 law also emphasizes the importance of services to a s s i s t the family "to a t t a i n maximum self-support and personal independence con-sistent with the maintenance of continuing parental care and protection." Even p r i o r to 1957 one of the objectives of the State Department of Public Assistance has been to strengthen family l i f e . An important aspect of t h i s continues to be helping the c l i e n t to make f u l l use of h i s own personal resources, such as capacity f o r self-support, as well as those of the agency and community. The 1959 Washington L e g i s l a t i v e Appropriations Act now makes i t mandatory upon us to evaluate whether or not the caretaker i n Aid to Dependent Children situations could take employment without jeopardizing the well-being of the children. Because of the importance of maintaining family l i f e i n the growth and development of children, each s i t u a t i o n should be c a r e f u l l y evaluated to determine the p r a c t i c a l i t y of the care-taker seeking employment. In making such an evaluation the worker needs a sound understanding of the values of family l i f e i n normal c h i l d development and of the values of employment to the i n d i v i d u a l and the family i n modern society. The worker w i l l need to use a l l h i s knowledge, s k i l l and understanding to arr i v e at a sound decision with the caretaker and to make t h i s evaluation process a constructive rather than a destructive experience. Consultation with the casework supervisor would often be h e l p f u l . Following are some areas to be considered i n determining or l a t e r reviewing whether or not the requirements of the caretaker should be included i n the ADC assistance unit when he or she i s i n f i n a n c i a l need. In considering these points the whole s i t u a -t i o n must be kept i n mind as well as the Interrelationship of one area to another: 1. Consider the goals and plans of the family. a. What capacities and resources f o r self-care and employment? b. What capacities and resources f o r caring f o r the chil d r e n including family members and community f a c i l i t i e s ? 108 c. I f the caretaker were employed what would be the advantages and disadvantages? 2. Consider physical and emotional needs of the family as a whole. a. Has the family any special p hysical, mental or emotional problems which would be i n t e n s i f i e d or reduced by the caretaker's absence f o r employment? b. Does the health h i s t o r y indicate a need fo r continu-ing care and/or protection? Is there a need fo r further medical attention? c. I f caretaker was employed before, how d i d the members of the family adjust? d. How has each member of the family reacted previously to the parent(s) absence or incapacity? 3. Consider developmental and growth needs of each c h i l d . a. What kind of care does each c h i l d need i n r e l a t i o n to his age and stage of development? b. What advantages or disadvantages would the care-taker's absence from the home f o r the purposes of employment create i n r e l a t i o n to normal development? 4. Consider the caretaker's physical, mental and emotional health. Is i t such that she could carry homemaking r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and take g a i n f u l employment f o r more than one h a l f the time customarily required of f u l l y employable persons? a. What a c t i v i t i e s are necessary i n carrying her home-making r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n her present home? b. What facts i n her present health and health history indicate that she should or should not seek employment ? c. From your impression how would her general emotional pattern a f f e c t her carrying both homemaking and an outside job? d. What are your impressions of her r e l a t i o n s h i p with the c h i l d r e n and other members of the family and how would t h i s be affected by her employment? 1 0 9 e. What Is your impression of her a b i l i t y to plan and organize her work i n r e l a t i o n to the needs and size of the family and s t i l l have energy to assume outside job r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s ? What would be the normal expectation of c h i l d r e n i n r e l a t i o n to helping with the homemaking? f . Is her attitude and that of the family toward her seeking employment such that, her employment would be a p o s i t i v e experience f o r the family? g. How much and what periods of time would she have available f o r g a i n f u l employment within the usual hours of employment? h. What are some of the values of outside employment f o r t h i s caretaker? 5 . Consider the s u i t a b i l i t y of the arrangements f o r c h i l d • care. a. Do the arrangements meet the needs of the i n d i v i d u a l children? For additional information i n t h i s area see supplemental material "Some Factors In Supple-mental Parental Care" and suggested reading l i s t . b. Does the caretaker have confidence In the c h i l d care arrangement she i s able to make? c. Would the cost of c h i l d care be s u f f i c i e n t l y less than the net earning capacity that i t would be p r a c t i c a l f o r the caretaker to seek employment? Is i t reasonable to expect that she w i l l make enough to meet her own requirements i n addition to the cost of c h i l d care? 6 . Is the caretaker r e g u l a r l y enrolled i n a vocational t r a i n i n g f a c i l i t y under a plan approved by the county o f f i c e ? 110 CASE PLAN AND ACTION When a f t e r c a r e f u l l y considering these f i v e points i t i s decided that i t i s or i s not fea s i b l e f o r the caretaker to take employment, what further steps need to be taken? a. What support or encouragement does the family need regarding taking ^employment or training? b. Would a r e f e r r a l to the employment service, NDVR or DVR be appropriate? c. Has appropriate action been taken to Include i n or exclude the caretaker from the ADC assistance unit? I f excluded, how i s she to meet her needs? d. When the caretaker i s employed has the net Income been properly computed on the SF 5822-M-2 and budgeted. (SDPA Manual I I , Section 423.11). e. Are the reasons f o r the decision and action taken understood by the caretaker and recorded? f . Keeping i n mind that people as well as circumstances change, what i s the plan with the family f o r follow-up to review s i t u a t i o n and for giving medical, social,-f i n a n c i a l or other services? g. Is help needed with obtaining suitable c h i l d care arrangements or care f o r i l l members of the family? I l l I I SOME FACTORS IN SUPPLEMENTAL PARENTAL CARE The State Department of Public Assistance has a l e g a l responsi-b i l i t y f o r the protection of c h i l d r e n . Also the basic purpose of ADC i s to permit childr e n to grow up i n t h e i r own f a m i l i e s . This implies the care and guidance of parents (or other r e l a t i v e s u b s t i t u t e s ) . By s p e c i f i c provisions of the Law and Manual Regulations no plan should be made f o r the absence from the home of the caretaker which endangers the well-being of the children or other family members. Therefore, i f supplemental care i s needed because the caretaker i s otherwise employable, careful consideration needs to be given to available c h i l d care arrange-ments before the f i n a l d e cision i s reached to exclude the care-taker from the ADC grant as employable, or to continue her (him) as unemployable. The needs and capacity of each c h i l d i n d i v i d -u a l l y must be weighed. Facts regarding the s p e c i f i c arrangements would generally be obtained from the caretaker just as the f i n a l s e l e c t i o n i s hers. There are several kinds of care possible including: care i n the c h i l d ' s own home by housekeeper or homemaker, fost e r family day care and group day care such as day care centers. Some of the factors which should be kept i n mind;as caseworker and caretaker evaluate the f e a s i b i l i t y of the caretaker seeking employment and s u i t a b i l i t y of c h i l d care are: 1. Above a l l else the infant and young c h i l d needs to love and be loved by the person caring f o r him. Therefore hi s care must be highly personal, continuous, and warmly affec t i o n a t e . The mothering person should not be caring f o r more than two c h i l d r e n under two and the same person should care f o r the c h i l d over a period of time. You cannot explain change to a baby, he just f e e l s the loss of the f a m i l i a r and loved. For t h i s reason care i n h i s own home i s preferable f o r t h i s age c h i l d since he has fewer adjustments to make there and suffers less threat to h i s security i n f a m i l i a r surroundings. 2 . When fost e r family day care i s planned the home should be licensed, thus assuring adequate standards of care f o r the c h i l d . Licensing of fo s t e r homes i s a c h i l d welfare r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . See-SDPA Manual VI, Section 5 0 0 , 5 6 2 . I , 5 7 0 . (Full-time fo s t e r care i s a negation of the basic purpose of ADC and i s not considered here.) 3 . Group day care used should be licensed by the state Child Welfare Services Unit or operated by another governmental agency or church. Good group care offers a c h i l d opportunity f o r s o c i a l experience and f a c i l i t i e s f o r learning and play often lacking i n his own home. 112 However, some children are unable to use group care f o r the f u l l length of the working day because of emotional disturbance or l i m i t e d physical or nervous energy. The needs and capacity of the i n d i v i d u a l c h i l d must be studied c a r e f u l l y . Often even well-adjusted youngsters f i n d the new experience d i f f i c u l t f o r a few weeks. During t h i s time he needs extra understanding and reassurance. See SDPA "Rules and Regulations f o r Licensing Group Day Care Services f o r Children." 4. Regardless of type of care selected ( r e l a t i v e or other person) t h i s person taking care of childr e n should be one who l i k e s and enjoys children, understands t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l needs and i s able to meet t h e i r demands for a f f e c t i o n and physical care appropriately. She must be of good health and character, mature enough to assume the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y involved. She must guard against usurping parental r i g h t s and a f f e c t i o n but work with the c h i l d ' s parent i n providing care f o r the c h i l d . To be safe, well cared f o r and loved i s a necessity f o r the normal development of children. 5. The c h i l d himself must be adequately prepared f o r both the caretaker's absence and f o r h i s own new experience. L i f e l o n g damage to the c h i l d can r e s u l t from sudden, unexplained uprooting and changes. (A short t r i a l expe-rience or v i s i t s with the caretaker present can help the c h i l d adjust to the new plan of care whether i n his own home, day care home or day care group. Packing h i s own bag of clothes f o r the day or a well-loved toy taken along can a l l e v i a t e some of the f e e l i n g of loss and uncertainty any such move means fo r a c h i l d of any age.) The younger he i s the more reassurance he w i l l need as to the caretaker's return. He may cry when she t e l l s him goodbye but the harm to him i s f a r worse when she s l i p s away without him knowing. Loss of his parents i s a c h i l d ' s worst fear. 6. The question as to whether an older c h i l d needs adult care or supervision during working hours of the person responsible f o r him depends on the c h i l d , the parent, the home and neighborhood s i t u a t i o n , the amount of time, the time of day, etc. A l l of these must be considered together as part of a t o t a l i n a decision, remembering that lack of parental guidance and supervision i s a common cause of c h i l d misbehavior. In any case, a c h i l d l e f t to his own resources should have someone he knows to whom he can "report" h i s whereabouts and who Is available to c a l l on i n case of emergencies. 1 1 3 7. Provision f o r c h i l d care f o r working mothers must include emergency arrangements i n case of i l l n e s s of the c h i l d or of the person caring f o r him. The caretaker should provide the person caring f o r the c h i l d r e n with i n s t r u c t i o n s to meet emergencies and method of n o t i f y i n g the caretaker of what has been done. I f the caretaker cannot be reached by phone there should be someone authorized to act f o r her i n case of emergency. 8 . To be suitable a c h i l d care plan should provide continu-i t y and consistency of care by the same person or f a c i l -i t y throughout the caretaker's employment. Frequent changes i n c h i l d care plans or persons are harmful to the c h i l d . They may also jeopardize the caretaker's employment. 9 . Physical a c c e s s i b i l i t y i s a factor i n any care outside of the c h i l d ' s own home. Transportation must be a v a i l -able to get the c h i l d there and back. Costs of t h i s i n time, money, and energy are important. Problems of exposure i n bad weather or when c h i l d i s i l l must be faced. 1 0 . Employment requiring the caretaker to " l i v e i n " with or without t h e i r c h i l d r e n Is detrimental to family l i f e and would not generally be considered p r a c t i c a l . S i m i l a r l y , for the preservation of family l i f e , the caretaker needs to be available to c h i l d r e n during at least part of t h e i r waking hours and during the time periods of special importance to various age groups (e.g bed-time fo r l i t t l e ones, evening date hours f o r adolescents, dinner meal hour f o r a l l ages.) 1 1 . Although the worker w i l l help with Information and coun-sel toward the decision, f i n a l choice of the p a r t i c u l a r c h i l d care plan l i e s with the caretaker. However, the worker undoubtedly w i l l need to give more help to some parents than others i n making a wise plan f o r c h i l d care. It i s e s s e n t i a l that the caretaker approve the plan f o r without her approval neither the caretaker nor the c h i l d can make constructive use of the experience. 114 "Caretaker" as used i n t h i s material r e f e r s to the needy father and/or mother or other r e l a t i v e carrying parental r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the children who are included i n the ADC grant. State Department of Public Assistance. Public Assistance Laws  of the State of Washington. Olympia, 195T^ Section 74.12.240 RCW. "Services provided to help a t t a i n maximum self-support and independence of parents or r e l a t i v e s . The department i s authorized to provide such s o c i a l and related services as are reasonably necessary to encourage the care of dependent children i n t h e i r own homes or i n the homes of r e l a -t i v e s , to help maintain and strengthen family l i f e and to help such parents or r e l a t i v e s to a t t a i n maximum self-support and personal independence consistent with the maintenance of continu-ing parental care and protection. In the provision of such services, maximum u t i l i z a t i o n of other agencies providing s i m i l a r or related services s h a l l be affected!.'" SDPA Memorandum No. 59-34, "Public Assistance L e g i s l a t i o n " , May 11, 1959 - Excerpt. PROVIDED, That no payments of aid to dependent childre n assistance s h a l l be made from t h i s appropria-t i o n on behalf of an employable parent or r e l a t i v e with whom the c h i l d l i v e s unless the d i r e c t o r of public assistance determines that the employment of the parent or r e l a t i v e with whom the c h i l d l i v e s would r e s u l t i n danger and/or substantial impairment to the physical or mental well-being of the c h i l d . " SDPA Manual I I , Sec. 4 l 8 . l l , " D e f i n i t i o n of Unemployable per-son." Under t h i s provision one of the four conditions which causes a person to be c l a s s i f i e d as unemployable i s point 2 which states: "His (her) absence from the home to seek or per-form regular employment would not be p r a c t i c a l because of the lack of his (her) service, supervision, or care would r e s u l t i n damage and/or impairment to the physical or mental well-being of a minor c h i l d or would cause undue hardship on i l l members of the assistance u n i t . " State Department of Public Assistance. Public Assistance Laws  of the State of Washington. Olympia, 1957^ Section 74.12.130 RCW. "Cnild Welfare Services. The department s h a l l : ( l ) Cooperate with the federal government, i t s agencies or instrumentalities,' i n developing, administering, and supervising a plan f o r establishing, extending aid to, and strengthening services f o r the protection and care of homeless, dependent, and neglected children, and children i n danger of becoming d e l i n -quent ; 1 1 5 (2) Accept custody of childr e n and provide f o r the care of ch i l d r e n i n need of protective services, d i r e c t l y or through i t s agents, following, i n general, the p o l i c y of using properly approved private agency services f o r the actual care and super-v i s i o n of such c h i l d r e n insofar as they are available, paying f o r care of such dependent children as are accepted by the department as e l i g i b l e f o r support at a reasonable rate estab-l i s h e d by the department; and ( 3 ) Receive and expend a l l funds made available by the federal government, the state or i t s p o l i t i c a l subdivisions f o r such purposes." APPENDIX C CASE HISTORIES M.E., a young mother of 23 with two children ages four and f i v e , was determined to be employable and deleted from the ADC grant on September 1, 1959. She he r s e l f had been a c h i l d who received ADC. She was separated from the father of her ch i l d r e n and had received ADC f o r them f o r eleven months. Although $100 per month support was ordered by court, no payment was received a f t e r January 1959. She had eleven grades of school and had waitress and food packing experience about a year and a h a l f ago. She found employment within one month's time a f t e r deletion, but t h i s was short-term and part-time work—the record does not indicate what kind of work i t was. Employment had been discussed with her p r i o r to the deletion. Eight months a f t e r she was deleted, her needs were restored to the grant. She had developed serious organic problems during t h i s eight-month period. This mother gave superior physical care to her childr e n and worried considerably about them when she was at work. The record did not show what actual arrangements had been made for the care of her children. The caseworker had referred her to the state vocational r e h a b i l i t a t i o n program f o r Licensed Prac-t i c a l Nurse t r a i n i n g , but she was unable to complete t h i s due to her health problems. Her case was f i n a l l y closed e f f e c t i v e November 1, 1961 when she got f u l l - t i m e employment—type unknown. Mrs. E. had l i v e d i n the county f o r 10 years and had adequate housing i n a neighborhood i n which she had l i v e d f o r about one year. She had had only the one marriage. * * * S.M. had l i v e d her whole l i f e i n the same neighborhood. She was a high school graduate, 20 years old and had worked as a PBX operator before her marriage. Her single marriage produced one c h i l d who i n July 1959 was one year old. The marriage ended i n divorce, and the father made no contribution to the support of the c h i l d . Shelter was being provided by r e l a t i v e s . She declared herself active i n a l o c a l church. She had a health problem. 117 Assistance had been opened fo r 10 months. Employment had been discussed with Mrs. M. at the time of application, but she had not received written n o t i f i c a t i o n of her removal and there had been no contacts immediately p r i o r to removal. Mrs. M. found employment within one month's time aft e r she was deleted on July 1, 1959. One month l a t e r her case was closed. Her c h i l d care arrangements were unknown. * * * D.J., a high school graduate with two c h i l d r e n ages two and three, was one of the f i r s t to be removed from ADC grants i n July. She had never worked before, but considered herself as having some s k i l l i n typing. She found employment within one month's time but was restored to program six months l a t e r when she reported she had become pregnant. The father of her two childr e n was i n the penitentiary. There had been a divorce previously. She continued to receive assistance u n t i l September I 9 6 0 at which time she married the father of her l a s t c h i l d which had been relinquished f o r adoption at b i r t h . The record did not state the nature of her employment f o r the six months, but she reported t o t a l earnings of $107 for that p e r i o d — i t was part-time employment. Although employment had been discussed with her at a previous time, i t was never d i s -cussed i n terms of the July 1959 law change. She was not sent written n o t i f i c a t i o n p r i o r to her deletion. The record did not indicate any p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community a c t i v i t i e s , nor did i t Indicate how long she had l i v e d i n her present neighborhood. She was, however, a l i f e t i m e resident of 25 years i n the county. Her housing was reported as being ade-quate and there appeared to be no health problems i n t h i s family. This family had received ADC f o r one year and two months. * * * The s o l u t i o n of K.B., a 55-year-old woman, t h r i c e married and with one 10-year-old c h i l d , was to go to work a f t e r only one month out of the grant. Her employer was her "boy f r i e n d " and her occupation was never known. She was separated from the father of the c h i l d , and he contributed no support. 118 She had resided i n the county f o r two years but had "been known to the state program f o r more than ten years both i n the Child Welfare and Public Assistance programs. Employment was explored with her on several occasions p r i o r to her removal. She had not been employed f o r more than 12 years i n the past, and her former work had been that of dishwasher and waitress. Her education was unknown. She declared health problems. Her c h i l d manifested behavior problems. Housing was considered adequate. A r e l a t i v e who shared the home with her provided c h i l d care. In September of 1961 she was restored to the grant, and a short time l a t e r contact was l o s t with her. * * * On August 1, 1959, P.E. was deleted from the ADC grant. Thirty-eight years old, one marriage, three children,.and a divorce, t h i s mother entered the work world as a baby s i t t e r on a part-time basis within one month a f t e r her removal. Her oldest daughter was married and out of the home. She received $25 per month support from her ex-husband f o r t h e i r 14-year-old daughter. Her two-year-old daughter was i l l e g i t i m a t e ; and, although the caseworker was aware of t h i s c h i l d , she was never Included i n the assistance grant. Mrs. E's tenure on ADC was a b r i e f f i v e months before she was deleted. The July 1 law change was discussed i n interview p r i o r to her removal and she was n o t i f i e d In w r i t i n g . Although many years ago she had experience as a waitress, she attempted to meet her needs and those of her youngest c h i l d by baby s i t -t i n g , the earnings from which were never ample enough to meet the grant d e f i c i t . The record did not Indicate her educational status, so i t i s d i f f i c u l t to ascertain her potential f o r voca-t i o n a l t r a i n i n g ; however, t r a i n i n g was never discussed with her. She continued supporting her family In t h i s way u n t i l July i 9 6 0 , when the caseworker terminated ADC on the basis that t h i s mother did not comply with agency p o l i c y . She had apparently obtained a better job In June i 9 6 0 and would not t e l l the caseworker what and where It was, nor the amount she would be earning. The family apparently had no health problems, nor was there any i n d i c a t i o n of negative behavior patterns f o r the c h i l -dren. She did express concern over c h i l d care arrangements while employed, but nothing was recorded regarding what actual arrangements were made. She had l i v e d i n the county f o r two years and one year i n the neighborhood. Her housing would be considered adequate. No mention was made of her Involvement or non-involvement i n community a c t i v i t i e s . # * * 119 Having received ADC continuously f o r two years and 10 months, t h i s 44-year-old mother of four c h i l d r e n was considered employable and deleted from the grant e f f e c t i v e July 1. She had one marriage which ended i n divorce. Mrs. S. had previous work experience as a waitress, but t h i s was some 12 years ago. There was no personal interview regarding her being con-sidered employable, but t h i s was discussed by telephone and confirmed by l e t t e r p r i o r to her deletion. Child care provisions were not discussed, but since the age range of the c h i l d r e n i s from eight to 17, caseworker may have assumed that the older c h i l d could be responsible f o r t h e i r supervision a f t e r school. I t was two months before she found employment—full time — a n d the nature of the job was not inquired i n t o . There was no support being paid by the father, so her earnings must cover a l l needs. Her educational status was never determined, but c e r t a i n elements of the performance of t h i s family seem to indicate s t a b i l i t y . There are no known negative behavior problems e v i -denced by the children and the family enjoys good health. It i s not known to what extent she and the c h i l d r e n involve them-selves In community a c t i v i t i e s , but she has l i v e d i n the county for more than 16 years and In the same neighborhood f o r more than 10 years. One would question the adequacy of the housing since t h i s family of f i v e were l i v i n g In two rooms. * # * O.M. was removed from the grant on July 1—she was con-sidered employable. She was Informed of t h i s by l e t t e r p r i o r to her deletion. She had three c h i l d r e n ranging from seven to 11 years of a g e — a l l c h i l d r e n are In school. Her one marriage ended In divorce and she receives $100 per month support on a rather intermittent b a s i s . This 32-year-old mother had been receiving assistance f o r 11 months when her case was closed on September 1, 1959. The cl o s i n g was at her request because she found employment. She had had previous experience as an elevator operator and recep-t i o n i s t , but the record did not indicate what t h i s employment was. The record d i d not indicate how long ago t h i s past experience was. Mrs. M. showed a h i s t o r y of s t a b i l i t y having l i v e d i n King County a l l her l i f e , was active i n community work as a "school room mother," and did get 11 grades of school. The 120 record indicated no behavior problems of her c h i l d r e n and a l l i n the family had good health. Housing was reported as being adequate. Employment had never been discussed with Mrs. M. nor had provisions f o r c h i l d c a r e — t h e reader assumes that the caseworker assumed that with a l l of the c h i l d r e n being i n school t h i s loomed as no problem. * # * After considerable discussion centered on employment pot e n t i a l t h i s 23-year-old mother of a four-year-old was consid-ered employable and deleted from the grant e f f e c t i v e October 1, 1959. She found employment two months l a t e r . M.S. had received only three months* assistance before the time of her removal. She had c h i l d care available from a r e l a t i v e and possessed some work s k i l l s . Although i t had been six years ago that she had worked (when she was 17) as a c l e r k i n a jewelry store, she f e l t she would l i k e to return to work. Previous to her clerking experience she had done factory work. Mrs. S. completed eight grades of school. She was divorced from the father of her two c h i l d r e n — t h i s was her only marriage. No support was received from the father. L i t t l e background Information was secured from her, and the established casework goal seemed to be almost exclusively that of re-employment. No health problems were reported and her housing seemed adequate. She had l i v e d i n the county and the neighborhood f o r a year and a h a l f . No information was available on her Involvement i n community a c t i v i t i e s . * * * This 34-year-old mother with one 14-year-old g i r l was married once and divorced i n the same y e a r — h e r husband died shortly afterwards. F.P. was removed as employable on July 1, 1959 and found f u l l - t i m e employment i n Ju l y . Her grant was terminated e f f e c t i v e August, but her daughter's needs were restored i n December, since her employment lasted only six days. She eventually found f u l l - t i m e employment i n July i 9 6 0 and the grant was terminated. 121 The caseworker had discussed employment consistently over the years. They had discussed t h i s i n interview immediately p r i o r to the July 1, 1959 action. The caseworker referred her to the state program fo r vocational r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ; she never seemed able to reach the point of following through on t h i s . C hild care had been discussed and she had a r e l a t i v e who could provide the necessary supervision f o r the g i r l a f t e r school. No negative behavior patterns i n the g i r l had ever emerged and both she and the g i r l had good health—Mrs. P. did have an overweight problem. She p a r t i c i p a t e d regularly i n a c t i v i t i e s outside her home—she taught Bible class and belonged to a community club. Of the eleven years she had l i v e d i n the county ten have been spent i n the same neighborhood. Housing for t h i s family was reported as being adequate. It had been more than 10 years since she had been employed and t h i s had been i n production l i n e work—soldering radio c i r -c u i t s . Her formal education stopped at the ninth grade. * * * Having received ADC f o r her four c h i l d r e n f o r a continuous period of three years and nine months, t h i s 35-year-old mother was deleted as employable e f f e c t i v e October 1, 1959. Her c h i l -dren ranged i n age from eight to 13 . There was no i n d i c a t i o n of negative behavior patterns. M.V. had her marital ups and downs through three marriages and was i n a divorced status at the time of the action. Although the record c a r r i e d no reference to the amount of education she possessed, she did have work s k i l l s . She had been trained as a licensed p r a c t i c a l nurse under the state program fo r vocational r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . She had also had work experience as a theater usher and factory worker as recently as two and one-half years ago. She and the caseworker had discussed her employment pot e n t i a l during several interviews p r i o r to the October action. After being deleted she found f u l l - t i m e employment as an L.P.N, within a month's time. She earned a t o t a l of $98 f o r part of a month's work, but was restored to grant when her health became affected. There was no support being paid by any of the three fathers; her l a s t husband was i n the penitentiary. On March 1, i 9 6 0 , assistance was terminated because of her remarriage. She and her new husband applied f o r assistance 122 approximately six months l a t e r primarily f o r medical care. The case was again closed on November 1, I960, when she returned to f u l l - t i m e employment as an L.P.N. Throughout the agency's con-tacts with her c h i l d care resources.were never discussed. This family had adequate housing i n a public housing project where they had l i v e d f o r nearly three years. She had resided i n t h i s county f o r more than 10 years. # * * Legal action against W.L. was started a f t e r she was deleted from the grant on J u l y 1 , 1 9 5 9 . There seemed to be evidence that Mrs. L. had been working as a waitress, o f f and on, while receiving a ssistance—she did not report her earnings to the department. There were also indications that a man was l i v i n g with her. The grant f o r the needs of her f i v e c hildren, ranging i n age from four to 1 1 , was continued u n t i l she gained f u l l - t i m e employment on October 1 , i 9 6 0 . Mrs.L. had been on ADC f o r one year and eight months p r i o r to the July action. Although she had found work within one month a f t e r her deletion, i t was part time and never met the d e f i c i t r e s u l t i n g from her removal. Because of the pending fraud action, her employment potent i a l i n r e l a t i o n to the law change was never discussed with her, nor was she given written explanation. She was contacted by telephone r e l a t i v e to the de l e t i o n quite some time afterwards. The caseworker did know of her c h i l d care arrangements, since a s i s t e r had been secured. No negative behavior patterns i n her childr e n had emerged and they were i n good health. Mrs. L. had varicose veins. The amount of education t h i s 29-year-old woman had was unknown, but the record ref e r s to her obvious I n t e l l i g e n c e . She had been married once and divorced. This man was the father of a l l the c h i l d r e n — h e has never supported. I t was reported that she was very active i n her church arid i n P.T.A. Housing was reported as being adequate, but had l i v e d i n the neighborhood f o r less than one year. She had 1 9 years' residence i n the county. # * * 123 J.S., 39 years old, was thought to be paranoid, with much functional i l l n e s s . She had never married, and the father of her 12-year-old daughter did not support nor had he any con-tact with the family. Mrs. S's l a s t employment had ended nine months before. I t had been a c l e r i c a l p o s i t i o n . Her educational standing was unknown. She had been receiving assistance f o r seven months at the time of her removal from the grant i n July 1959. Emergency assistance was not given to compensate f o r the reduction i n the grant during the two-month i n t e r v a l between removal and her re-employment. She remained o f f assistance u n t i l January I 9 6 I . She then received assistance f o r six months more u n t i l her c h i l d was placed i n foster care. Mrs. S. was judged psychotic and committed to a mental i n s t i t u t i o n . Mrs. S. had been active i n p o l i t i c s at one time. Her c h i l d exhibited no known behavior problems. Her c h i l d caring arrangements were never discussed with her. Mrs. S. had l i v e d i n the community f o r seven years. Housing was adequate. * * * S.E., 25 years old and with three c h i l d r e n whose ages ranged from three to s i x , went to work les s than a month a f t e r her removal from the grant i n August 1959. Relative to employ-ment, she received much support and preparation from her public assistance worker. Also she was concurrently keeping appoint-ments at.Family Society. Her home was licensed f o r day care and her i n i t i a l e f f d r t s i n employment were to give care to children i n her home. She l a t e r went to work outside the home and her grant was closed i n November 1959. She clerked i n a bank. Her single marriage ended i n divorce. She received $100 per month support from her former husband only i n t e r m i t t e n t l y . She had been receiving assistance f o r one year and nine months though there had been one short-term contact with the department previous to t h i s . Her l a s t employment had ended seven years before and t h i s had been i n c l e r i c a l work. She had had high school (12 years) and business college education. She provided adequate substitute care for her children. Mrs. E. reported a health problem f o r h e r s e l f and one of her children. She was born i n t h i s c i t y and had l i v e d i n what was then her neighborhood f o r four years. She was active i n church and Y.W.C.A. Her housing was considered adequate. * * * 1 2 4 S.I. went to work almost immediately following her removal from the grant. Unfortunately, she interpreted the fact of her removal from the grant as a release from any o b l i g a t i o n to report income to the department. After a l l , she reasoned, she was not receiving assistance any longer, only the children. Since her earnings would have subs t a n t i a l l y o f f s e t the need of the children, as well as meeting Mrs. I's need, she was overpaid a large amount of assistance u n t i l her employment was discovered seven months l a t e r . S.I. was 23 years old with one c h i l d one year o l d . The father was separated from the family because of confinement i n a mental i n s t i t u t i o n . The mother was very f e a r f u l of her hus-band, and he l a t e r escaped from the i n s t i t u t i o n . Assistance had been opened f o r the f i r s t time one year and two months pre-viously. Mrs. I. had had ten years of schooling, and immediately p r i o r to receiving assistance she had been employed as an elevator operator. Mrs. I. had l i v e d i n the community f o r three years and i n her immediate neighborhood f o r only three months. She professed no Interest i n r e l i g i o n or community a c t i v i t i e s . The c h i l d care arrangements she made while working were never discussed. Hous-ing was considered adequate. Mrs. I. was never restored to the grant before her termination eight months a f t e r her removal. No health or behavior problems had ever been reported. * * * J.A. was 34 years old with three c h i l d r e n ranging i n age from six to 15. She was l a s t employed the summer before her removal at berry picking. She had been a member of the Womens Army Corps immediately following World War I I . She had also worked as a welder and as a waitress. Twice married and divorced, her oldest c h i l d was i l l e g i t i m a t e . Her f i r s t husband was the father of the other two and he contributed $35 per month i n support. Mrs. A. also received S o c i a l Security benefits from the deceased father of the f i r s t c h i l d . There were no known behavior problems with the children, and Mrs. A*s status i n mat-ters of health was unknown. She had l i v e d i n the community fo r 17 years and i n the immediate neighborhood f o r only three months. Housing was con-sidered inadequate i n that she had only two rooms to accommodate four people including a teen-age c h i l d . J.A.'s assistance had been opened only nine months when she was removed. She had been a recipient of ADC as a c h i l d i n 125 her mother's grant. Mrs. A. requested termination two months a f t e r her d e l e t i o n from the grant. She had located employment i n another state. Her plan was to have her oldest daughter care f o r the younger ch i l d r e n while she was at work. * * * M.U.'s decision was timely. She c o i n c i d e n t a l l y announced her Intention to go to work about the time of the r e c e r t i f i c a t l o n of grants i n the early summer of 1959. Her many workers i n the past, however, had discussed employment with her to a consider-able extent. Mrs. U. was a 2 8-year-old mother of s i x . Her childre n ranged i n age from f i v e months to nine years. When she went to work, she arranged f o r the childr e n to be cared f o r i n her own home by a non-relative. She had received assistance continuously f o r four years and three months though she was f i r s t known to the agency two years before the most recent com-mencement of assistance. Mrs. U. was twice married and twice divorced. She was not married to the father of her two youngest children, but she ultimately did marry him. None of the fathers supported, though the father of the oldest childr e n had given a lump sum s e t t l e -ment f o r t h e i r support three years previously. She declared health problems. Mrs. U. had been employed for a year and four months i n factory work which had ended immediately p r i o r to her receiving assistance. She went back to factory work and met her own needs f o r approximately another 16 months. She was then restored to the grant when her employment ended and her case was closed seven months af t e r that when she married the father of her youngest children. She had l i v e d In the community f o r ten years and i n the immediate neighborhood f o r one year. She declared a r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t y . There were no reported behavior problems, but at one time the c h i l d r e n were taken Into custody by the police and the Juvenile Court when Mrs. U. was unable to make a plan f o r c h i l d care while hospitalized, f o r pregnancy. Housing was adequate. During the two months following her removal from the grant no emergent provision was made for Mrs. U's needs. * * * 1 2 6 P.T. was 5 0 with one c h i l d age 14. She began receiving assistance a year and one month p r i o r to her removal from the grant. This was only shortly a f t e r the death of her husband. She had f i r s t been known to the agency 14 years previously. Her assistance supplemented a small s o c i a l security benefit. She had had only one marriage and her c h i l d was l e g i t -imate. Very l i t t l e was known about Mrs. T. Data on her educational background, vocational s k i l l , employment history, community a c t i v i t y and the c h i l d care arrangements she made were never recorded i n the record. • She remained out of the grant f o r two months on a sub-s t a n t i a l l y reduced income u n t i l she found f u l l - t i m e employment. No behavior problems were recorded, but Mrs. T. reported health problems. Housing was adequate. She had l i v e d i n the same neighbor-hood and In the county f o r more than 1 0 years. The requirement f o r her to seek employment were discussed with her by means of a home v i s i t and l a t e r confirmed by l e t t e r . * * * T. J . was 2 5 with one c h i l d nine years of age. She was divorced from Mr. T. who was not the father of her c h i l d although she was married to him at the time the c h i l d was born. There was no paternal support. She had been married only once. Mrs. J . went to work f u l l time one month a f t e r her removal from the grant. Her education was unknown, but nearly three years before she had worked as a waitress. She had also done day work. Her f i r s t contact with the department was two years previously, and she received assistance continuously since then. Mrs. J . had declared a health problem. There was no known negative behavior on the part of her c h i l d . Her c h i l d care arrangements were never known. Mrs. J's housing was adequate. She had l i v e d i n the county three years and seven months, and i n the neighborhood for the same length of time. It was not known i f she engaged i n any community or r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s . * * * 

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