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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Vincenzo Cuoco Marampon, Lucio 1966

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VINCENZO CUOCO LUCIO B.A., University of by MARAMPON B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Romance Studies We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August,1966 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study, I fur-cher agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. Tt is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Spanish and I t a l i a n Studies The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada D a t. e August 18, 1966. I i Abstract Vincenzo Cuoco was one of the f i r s t p o l i t i c a l r e a l i s t s of I t a l y . L i v i n g at Naples at the a r r i v a l of the French Army, he became accidently involved with the Neapolitan Revolution of 1799• Although he was a declared Xenophobe- . and a misogallic he was also an ardent p a t r i o t t r y i n g to respect the e x i s t i n g p o l i t -i c a l order. Informed of the advance of the reaction-ary army toward Naples he had the occasion to f o i l a coup to overthrow the government of the young Repub-l i c , f o r which the f u g i t i v e Bourbon King placed him on the l i s t of revolutionaries to be arrested. With the f a l l of the Republic i n June 1799, he was arrested and sentenced to e x i l e , the f i r s t period of which he spent at Marselles. With the v i c t o r y of Marengo i n 1800, he followed the I t a l i a n e xiles to Milan. There, a f t e r a b r i e f period of hardship, he published his Sagglo on the Revolution of Naples and with i t gained fame and the recognition of the Rep-ublican government. His fame as a p o l i t i c a l writer did not derive from his a r t i s t i c a b i l i t y , but from his shrewd analysis of people and governments. His mind had been formed at Naples under the influence i i i of the French Enlightenment, but as an admirer of Machievelli and a student of Vico, he retained a detached aversion f o r transalpine rationalism. So strong was his sense of t a l i a n i s m that while the Parthenopean was s t i l l i n power he dared to c r i t i c -i z e i t s democratic government as too French and, therefore, detached from I t a l i a n needs. This c r i t -icism i s found i n six l e t t e r s (Frammenti) which he wrote to his f r i e n d V. Russo and included i n an appendix to his major essay. In the Saggio storico s u l l a rivoluzione napo-letana del '99 he reviwed "from memory" the circum-stances surrounding the Revolution. He gave an objec-t i v e account oC the socio-economic conditions of the Neapolitan Kingdom, the p o l i t i c a l obtuseness of the Monarchy and the events of the Revolutionise analyzed i n great d e t a i l the f a i l u r e of the Republican govern-ment which he att r i b u t e d mainly to i t s a l i e n a t i o n from the people. This want of popular s p i r i t f o r whifoh he c a l l e d the Revolution "passive" had doomed the Republic from i t s inception. The work contained,also, pertinent remarks on legislation,economics,and custom's. i v At M i l a n (1800-1806) he e d i t e d the o f f i c i a l newspaper, the Giornale I t a l l a n o . composed a b r i e f work on s t a t i s t i c s and wrote an e p i s t o l a r y n o v e l , Platone i n I t a l i a . (1804-6). In t h i s l a s t work he d e s c r i b e s an imaginary voyage of P l a t o through Southern I t a l y , p r e s e n t i n g Vico's Etruscan t h e s i s of an I t a l i c c u l t u r e preceding that of the Greeks. His aim, which became almost an obsession, was to i n s t i l l i n h i s countrymen a renewed p r i d e i n the I t a l i a n p a st. I n 1806, w i t h the r e t u r n of the French to Naples he ended h i s e x i l e and was appointed by the new government to s e v e r a l important p o s t s . His d u t i e s were many and v a r i e d , ranging from the d r a f t i n g of economic reforms to framing a new system of education, from the presidency of Mollse to the d i r e c t o r s h i p of the Royal Treasury. The f a l l of Napoleon i n 1815 ended h i s a c t i v e l i f e . A mental d i s o r d e r , a l r e a d y foreshadowed e a r l i e r , developed i n t o lunacy. He l i v e d on i n a s t a t e of ap-athy,and died on December fo u r t e e n t h 1823,without 1 knowing how much he had c o n t r i b u t e d to the r i s i n g t i d e of n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g throughout I t a l y . V Table of contents Chapter I Introduction.The hopes of a p a t r i o t 2 Chapter I I The l i f e of Vincenzo Cuoco 7 Chapter I I I The background of h i s p o l i t i c a l r e a l i s m 19 Chapter IV C o n s t i t u t i o n a l c r i t i c i s m i n the " Prammenti " 27 Chapter V Cuoco's b a s i s of I t a l i a n i s m — the Saggio 40 Chapter VI P a t r i o t i c ideas i n the Platone. 58 Chapter VII The programme f o r the Giornale I t a l l a n o 72 Chapter VLTI The Report on Education 86 Chapter IX Thoughts on economics 93 Chapter X Conclusion 103 Notes 105 B i b l i o g r a p h y 113 v i Cronologlcal table. October 1 s t 1770 L a t e Slimmer 1784 L a t e 1787 E a r l y l ? 8 8 J u l y 14 1789 November 1790 Vincenzo Cuoco i s born at C i v i -tacampomarrano, i n Molise. Cuoco suffers an attack of men-t a l exaustion. Cuoco goes to Naples to study. Cuoco becomes secretary of Galanti. F a l l of the B a s t i l l e i n Paris. Edmond Burke's Reflections on the Revolution.is published. S i r John Acton i s Court Advisor, Discovery of the Jacobin con-piracy at Naples. Napoleon Bonaparte assumes the command of the Army i n I t a l y . Napoleon begins the I t a l i a n campaign. October 17 1797 French v i c t o r y and Treaty of Campoformio. March 1798 Napoleon's army s a i l s for Egypt. March A p r i l earlyl790 179^ 2 1796 9 1796 v i i August 1798 January 13 1799 February 8 1799 March 1799 A p r i l 1799 June 13 1799-October 9 1799 A p r i l 1st 1800 A p r i l 23 1800 A p r i l 1800 May 5 1800 June 14 1800 F a l l of 1800 -December 11 1800 Admiral Nelson defeats the French Navy at T r a f a l g a r . Entry of the French army i n Naples and d e c l a r a t i o n of the Republic. C a r d i n a l Ruffo lands i n C a l a b r i a at the head of the S a n f e d i s t i . Cuoco becomes se c r e t a r y to F a l c o n i e r i . Cuoco r e t u r n s to Naples;the Baccher conspiracy. C a r d i n a l Ruffo enters Naples and accepts the surrender of the p a t r i o t s . The end of the Republic and the a r r e s t of Cuoco. Napoleon r e t u r n s to France. Cuoco stands t r i a l . Cuoco i s sentenced to e x i l e . Napoleon begins the U n d I t a l i a n Campaign. Cuoco lands a t M a r s a i l l e s . Napoleon defeats the A u s t r i a n s at Marengo. Cuoco s u f f e r s a second c o l l a p s e . Cuoco i s already a t M i l a n . v i i i E a r l y 1801 March 1801 Spring 1801 December 4 1802 January 3 1804 E a r l y 1804 September 6 1804 May 26 1805 February 16 1806 May-June 1806 Late August 1806 November 19 1806 Late 1806 (or e a r l y 1807) December 1806 November 11 1806 March rOf808 Cuoco i s employed at the Redattore. France and Ferdinand IV.signs the peace of Florence. The f i r s t Volume of the Saggio i s pub l i s h e d , the two f o l l o w i n g volumes are, p u b l i s h e d the same year. Nappleon Becomes Emperor. T n e Olornale I t a l l a n o i s pu b l i s h e d . Cuoco p u b l i s h e s Platone i n I t a l i a . Cuoco b e f r i e n d s the young A.Manzoni. Napoleon i s crowned a t M i l a n . The French retake Naples and F e r d i -nand IV. f l e e s again to Palermo. Cuoco pub l i s h e s the I I volume of the Platone. Cuoco r e t u r n s to Naples. Cuoco i s appointed to the Royal C o u n c i l . Cuoco r e c e i v e s h i s "Law Degree". Cuoco i s appointed to the Regia S o c i e t a d»Incoraggiamento. Cuoco i s appointed to the Commissio-ne Feudale. Cuoco i s e l e c t e d p r e s i d e n t of the "Accademia Napaletana". Ix May 18 1808 J u l y 12 1808 September 5 1808 November 11 1808 March 12 18100 June 28 1810 September 1810 February 28 1812 Spring 1812 March 25 1815 A p r i l 6 1815 May 20 1815 May 21 1815 September 1815 December 14 1823 Cuoco i s honoured by Murat with the t i t l e of " C a v a l i e r e d e l l ' O r d i n e d e l l e due S i c i l l e " . Cuoco goes to P o r t u g a l to congratu-l a t e Joseph Bonapart f o r h i s Spanish throne. Cuoco i s r e c e i v e d i n p r i v a t e audience by Napoleon*in P a r i s . Cuoco i s appointed judge at the"Corte d i Cassazione". Cuoco i s appointed to the"Council of S£ate",in charge of L e g i s l a t i o n . Cuoco i s e l e c t e d p r e s i d e n t of the " I s t i t u t o d'incoraggiamento d e l Mezzogiorno". Cuoco i s appointed P r e s i d e n t of the C o u n c i l of M o l i s e . Cuoco i s appointed " D i r e t t o r e d e l Tesoasoc Reals. Cuoco presents to the " I s t i t u t o d'incoraggiamento" h i s b r i e f s on economic reforms. Cuoco r e c e i v e s from Murat the t i t l e of Baron of the Kingdom. Napoleon a b d i c a t e s . Convention of Casalanza(Capua) Return of the Bourbons to Naples. Cuoco s u f f e r s h i s f i n a l mental c o l l a p s e . Cuoco d i e s of gangrene and i s b u r i e d at Naples. Aknowledgment I must thank Dr.D.Klang f o r introducing me to the works of Vincenzo Cuoco. For the preparation of t h i s thesis I am most indebted to Dr. Rachel Giese whose u n t i r i n g assistance has been indispen-sable. Without her guidance my appreciation f o r th i s writer would have been s u p e r f i c i a l indeed. " Non v i e che un solo mezzo per divenir ragionevole... cessare di essere contempora-n e i ; obliare per un is t a n t e 1» awenimento di cui siamo parte ... per rammentar cio che l o ha preceduto e preve-der c i d che ne deve seguire. " V.Cuoco.Soritti Varl.I.p.103. " Ne l a natura, ne l'educazione mi avean destinato ad essere uo&o di l e t t e r e . " ( l ) So Vincenzo Cuoco wrote to Count Giovanni B a t t l s t a Giovio, who had highly p r a i -sed his Saggio storico s u l l a rivoluzione napoletana  del'99 . Bather, i t was, as Cuoco confided to another correspondent," un awenimento che non s i potea ne pre-vedere n£ evitare..." that had made him become a wri-te r . (2) In yet another l e t t e r , to the Piedmontese Robert!, he presented his Saggio as the work of a man who, f a r from being a writer, was merely a p a t r i o t who would gladly have died f o r l i b e r t y but was now c o n s t r a i -ned by e x i l e to search within his memory f o r those facts which might give him and his country the hope of a better order. " Vi prego a non r i c e r c a r a l t r o i n essa £opera~] che l'amore d e l l a l i b e r t a [della] verltsi, e d e l l a p a t r i a , ed a l l o r a forse l'autore piu che di - % -disprezzo, v i sembrera degno di p i eta. 1 1 (3) He went on to say that the two regions of I t a l y most worthy of l i b e r t y and most capable, by the energy of t h e i r people,of sustaining and promoting i t , were Piedmont and Lombardy, i f only they were united, but Lombardy had been l o s t to the foreigner and Piedmont had a l -most ceased to be I t a l i a n . The natural bond of geo-graphy, climate, language, customs and common names had been sundered by unnatural p o l i t i c a l developments. n Per molti s e c o l i l e generazioni s i succedono tran-quillamente come i g i o r n i dell ,anno: esse non hanno che i nomi d i v e r s i , e chi ne conosce una l e conosce tut t e . Un awenimento straordinarlo sembra dar lo r o una nuova v i t a ; nuovi oggetti s i presentano a l nos-t r i occhi; ed i n mezzo a quel disordine generale,che sembra voler distruggere una nazione, s i scoprono i l suo carattere, i suoi costumi e l e leggi d i quell*or-dine, del quale prima s i vedevano solamente g l i e f f e t t i . " (4) The order i n which Cuoco placed his hopes and f o r which he began to write was a national one, p o l i t i c a l and t r u l y I t a l i a n . Paul Hazard c a l l s t h i s " l a p h i l o -- 4 -sophie de l ' l t a l l a n i s i n e ? ^ ) Cuoco's philosophy had not issued from a l i f e of l e i s u r e but from e x i l e and per-sonal misfortune, factors which had deflected the course he had plotted f o r h i s l i f e . Only this,he thinks, could have pushed a man such as he into becoming an au-thor. Deprived of family and of country, he made the I t a l i a n cause his own. As he wrote to Nicola Quaglia-r e l l i , an imtimate f r i e n d who was s t i l l i n Naples: " Quel f i l o s o f o , i l quale diceva che i l c i r c o l o e l a s c r i t t u r a l o avevano reso dotto non era mai e s i l i a t o d a l l a sua p a t r i a . Io veggo che 1 *emigrazione e i l mez-zo piu f a c i l e per divenire f i l o s o f o . " ( 6 ) Sinee Cuoco believed that philosophy i s the a r t of"speaking of those things of which one i s not a part" he saw i t as his duty to examine hi s memory and record the facts surrounding"his e x i l e . He says: "... involto i n un vor-t i c e , che guidava i v o l e n t i , e i non vo l e n t i s t r a s c i -nava, privo di amici, di p a t r i a e di a l t r e occupazio-n i , ho creduto u t i l e t r a r r e da quelle poche cognizio-n i , che un'educazione l i b e r a l e mi avea date ... i f a t -t i che dassero a me ed a l i a mia p a t r i a speranza di un ordine migliore."(7) He regrets the events that have le d to h i s expat-- 5 -r i a t i o n and to his debut as a writer. For, as he says i r o n i c a l l y , i f the king of Naples had not declared war against the French, i f the French had not defeated the King only to abandon the t e r r i t o r y they had come to l i b e r a t e , and "... se i o non f o s s i caduto n e l l ' e r r o r e di credere che ogni buon ci t t a d i n o debba amare l a pa-t r i a qualunque s l a l a forma di governo che abbia..."(8) he could s t i l l have enjoyed a l l the good things of l i f e , the congenial society and the personal comforts which he had s a c r i f i c e d to his p o l i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s . The Neapolitan Revolution of 1799*which Cuoco c a l l e d a " whirlpool",had made him an e x i l e and had shaken his hopes of public l i b e r t y and prosperity. He used his pen, then, to draw from the past the courage to meet the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by every e x i l e and with the Saggio he contributed to the r e a l i z a t i o n of a hap-p i e r future f o r himself and f o r h i s country. Of the book he says: " Quando i o cominciai ad occuparmi d e l -l a s t o r i a d e l l a rivoluzione di Napoli, non ebbi a l t r o scopo che quello di raddolclre l ! o z i o e l a noia d e l l 1 emigrazione ...ne avrei pensato ad a l t r o , se tu e g l i amici,... non. aveste creduto che esso [*Saggio~| potes-- 6 -se esser u t i l e a qualche a l t r o oggetto." (9) His analysis of the revolutionary upheaval gave him a better understanding of the causes of p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t s because he measured for the f i r s t time the magnitude of the p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l problems. Studied i n retrospect, these problems l e d him to formulate a new p o l i t i c a l theory which would serve the I t a l y of the nineteenth century. II " II Coco puo... essere con-siderate uno dei m i g l i o r i tes-timoni del suo tempo e rappre-sentarci, spiegandolo, un r i -volgimento degli s p i r i t ! . . . . come i l Machiavelli segna i l punto nel quale i f e r v o r i uma-n i s t i c i s i incarnano n e l l a re-a l ta. d e l l a v i t a p o l i t i c a , e, . . . c i r i v e l a rinnovata e con-sapevole di se stessa l a co-scienza i t a l i a n a . w G.Ottone.V.Coco.p.4. In the i s o l a t e d and mountaneous Sannio.in Molise, north-east of Naples,Vineenzo was born to Michelangelo Cuoco and Colomba de Marinis, on the f i r s t of October 1770. His father, of an old s e i g n o r i a l family, was a lawyer and a student of economics,and from him Vincen-zo early acquired an i n t e r e s t i n t h i s science. He was guided i n his studies, f i r s t i n the c l a s s i c s by the uncle who had baptized him, and then i n l e t t e r s and philosophy by a c u l t i v a t e d nobleman,Lemaitre de Lupa-r a . In 1787 his father sent him to Naples to study law, but once immersed i n the l i f e of the capital,which at that time was teeming with the revolutionary ideas of the French Enlightenment, he found himself quite out of sympathy with the s t u l t i f i e d l e g a l profession as then pra c t i s e d i n Naples under the influence of the - 8 -Roman C u r i a . To h i s f a t h e r ' s regret,he accepted a po-s i t i o n as s e c r e t a r y to Giuseppe Maria Galanti(17^3-1806), who had already p u b l i s h e d h i s notable D e s c r i z i o -2£ g e o g r a f i c a . d e l l e due S l o i l i e (1787-9*0, and a l s o the t r e a t i s e on s t a t i s t i c s i n I t a l y , S t a t l s t l c a d e l Regno d i NapoM(1799). The esteem I n which Cuoco h e l d him can be seen i n h i s N e c r o l o g i a . a commemorative essay w r i t t e n on G a l a n t i ' s death, i n which he says:" Un uomo d i genio, superiore sempre a l suo s e c o l o , prevede c i o che s i deve f a r e , e l o precetta.'(10) During h i s years w i t h G a l a n t i , Cuoco became acquain-ted w i t h the most b r i l l i a n t men of the c a p i t a l . He be-came a c l o s e f r i e n d of the p o l i t i c a l i d e a l i s t , Vincen-z i o Russo; and he came to know w e l l Francesco Mario Pagano,the g i f t e d author of the C o s t i t u z i o n e Napoletana. who, l i k e h i m s e l f , was a student of V i c o . M e l c h i o r r e D e l f i c o , a l ready famous f o r h i s l i b e r a l i d e a s , was a l -so a frequent v i s i t o r a t G a l a n t i ' s house.(11) These men and others l i k e them, with t h e i r d i s c u s s i o n s of p o l i -t i c s , economics and s o c i a l reforms, d i d much to shape the mind of the young s e c r e t a r y . - 9 -Although he had not taken h i s bar examination, Cuoco developed a s u c c e s s f u l l e g a l p r a c t i c e , s p e c i a l -i z i n g i n the numerous d i s p u t e s a r i s i n g from the f e u d a l system s t i l l i n f o r c e i n the Kingdom and a c q u i r i n g a c e r t a i n fame as an advocate of p e a s a n t s 1 r i g h t s . H i s l e g a l c a r e e r was i n t e r r u p t e d by the a r r i v a l o f the French army a t Naples and by the i n s t i t u t i o n of the Parthenopean Hepublic i n January 1799. He was o n l y su-p e r f i c i a l l y i n v o l v e d w i t h r e v o l u t i o n a r y movement. He had a p p l i e d f o r a p o s t as an o f f i c e r i n the r e p u b l i c a n p o l i c e but had been r e f u s e d . He was,however, ap p o i n t e d s e c r e t a r y to I g n a z i o F a l c o n i e r i , a p r i e s t and s c h o o l t e a -cher who a t the b e g i n n i n g o f the r e v o l u t i o n had"thrown away the cassock to don the uniform of the R e p u b l i c a n N a t i o n a l Guard", and had become c h i e f r e p u b l i c a n orga-n i z e r f o r the r e g i o n of the Volturno.(12) With him Cuoco t r a v e l l e d widely, o b s e r v i n g the people and t h e i r r e a c t i o n s to the new o r d e r . The i n d i f f e r e n c e o f the people to a system u n s u i t e d to t h e i r needs he noted i n h i s l e t t e r s to Russo, l e t t e r s i n which he s h a r p l y c r i -t i c i s e d the Republican Government f o r i t s l a c k of r e a l -ism and of p o l i t i c a l judgement. These same o b s e r v a t i o n s l a t e r enabled him to e v a l u a t e the t r u e i e c i o - e c o n o m i c - 10 -c o n d i t i o n s o f the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n . When he r e t u r n e d to Naples, i n A p r i l o f the same year, through L u i s a Sanf e l i c e , the w i f e of a f r i e n d , he became i n d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d i n the d i s c o v e r y and a r r e s t of the b r o t h e r s Baccher f o r t h e i r attempt to overthrow the Republic. ( 1 3 ) H i s p a r t i n the a f f a i r soon became known to the King 1;(then i n S i c i l y ) who p l a c e d him on the l i s t o f p a t r i o t s to be executed f o r t r e a s o n . S h o r t l y a f t e r the f a l l o f the Republic (June 13th,1799) he was a r r e s t e d and f o r n i n e months awaited t r i a l , but when h i s sentenced was f i n a l l y pronounced ( A p r i l 23, 1800) i t was r e l a t i v e l y m i l d . He was condemned to the c o n f i s c a t i o n o f h i s p e r s o n a l p r o p e r t y and to e x i l e from the Kingdom f o r twenty y e a r s , a term he began i n M a r s e i -l l e s onthe f i f t h o f May,1800. While he was s t i l l on the boat from Naples he began to w r i t e h i s Sagglo. I n i t he b e g i n s : " Io imprendo a s c r i v e r l a s t o r i a d i una r i v o l u z i o n e , che dovea formare l a f e l i c i t a * d i una na-z i o n e , e che i n t a n t o , ha p r o d o t t a l a sua r o v i n a . . . . L a p o s t e r i t a che c i deve g i u d i c a r e s c r i v e r a l a n o s t r a s t o -r i a . Ma, siccome a n o i s p e t t a d i p r e p a r a r l e i l m a t e r i a -l e d e l f a t t i , c o s ! s l a permesso d i p r e v e n i r e I I g i u d i -- 11 if z i o . . . . L a p o s t e r i t a essente da p a s s i o n ! , non e sem-pre l i b e r a da p r e g i u d l z i i i n f a v o r d i c o l u i che rima-ne u l t i m o v i n e i t o r e ; e l e n o s t r e a z i o n i potrebbero es-sere c a l u n n i a t e s o l perche son s t a t e l n f e l i c i . w (14) Very l i t t l e i s known o f h i s b r i e f s o j o u r n i n Prance, Savoy and Piedmont except what he w r i t e s to h i s b r o t h e r : w S a p r a i come i o sono p a r t i t o p e r F r a n c l a . Io non avea un a b i t o , non avea un s o l d o . I I primo g i o r -no i n c u i m'imbarcai, non avea che mangiare. Un ascen-dente d i f o r t u n a , che i o ho provato d a i momento d e l l * a r r e s t o f i n o g g i , mi f e c e t r o v a r d e n a r i e mangiare. Io giungo a M a r s i g l i a : . . . M i metto i n b a l i a d e l l a s o r t e : nessuno ,e s t a t o p i u f a v o r i t o d i me. Senza aver mai un so l d o , ho v i a g g i a t o l a F r a n c i a come un galantuomo, senza mai a w i l i r m i , senza mai commettere a l c u n a d i s o -nesta."(15) The v i c t o r y o f Marengo, i n June 1800, allowed him to s e t t l e i n M i l a n , the c a p i t a l o f the C i s a l p i n e R e p u b l i c . Here he had i n i t i a l d i f f i c u l t y i n f i n d i n g employment s i n c e the c i t y was crowded with po-l i t i c a l e x i l e s from a l l p a r t s o f I t a l y . With the a s s i s t ' ance o f a f r i e n d o f Count G i o v i o , he p u b l i s h e d h i s Saggio e a r l y i n 1801 and with i t secured Immediate - 12 -r e c o g n i t i o n . ( 1 6 ) I n h i s I n t r o d u c t i o n to the e d i t i o n he w r i t e s : w Questo mio l i b r o non deve e s s e r c o n s i d e -r s to come una s t o r i a , ma b e n s i come una r a c c o l t a d i o s s e r v a z i o n i s u l l a s t o r i a . . . . G i l avvenimenti p o s t e -r i o r i han dimostrato che i o ho o s s e r v a t o con i m p a r z i a -11ta e non senza qualche acume, t t(17) Now r e c o g n i z e d as a shrewd p o l i t i c a l o bserver, he r e a d i l y found government employment. H i s f i r s t assignment was f o r Count L i z z o l i , the High Commissioner o f the new government, f o r whom he compiled the O s s e r v a z i o n i .guJL DLvaX^Xmnto &eJJL f Ajg&g&a ( a socio-economic s t u d y f o r the a&siniatFettiem ©f t h a t a r e a ) , and t h i s was soon f o l l o w e d by a-.study o f the new s c i e n c e o f s t a t i s t i c s and i t s a p p l i c a t i o n s i n the government, commissioned by M e l z i d , E r i l , the v i c e Pre-s i d e n t o f the renamed I t a l i a n R e p u b l i c . (18) H i s r e c o g -n i t i o n by the government as an informed w r i t e r , q u i c k l y made him an e d i t o r i a l c o n t r i b u t o r to the Redattore C i s -a l n i n o . the o f f i c i a l weekly j o u r n a l of the R e p u b l i c . In August 1803, a t the r e q u e s t of M e l z i ; who r e a l i z e d h i s v a l u e as an i n t e r p r e t e r o f government p o l i c i e s to the people, he d r a f t e d a programme f o r the G i o r n a l e - 13 -I t a l i a n o . the o f f i c i a l p u b l i c a t i o n r e p l a c i n g the Redattore. Appointed editor-in«chief i n January, 1804, he c o n t i n u e d i t s p u b l i c a t i o n u n t i l he l e f t M i l a n f o r Naples i n 1806. A f t e r the Peace of F l o r e n c e , he had the opportu-n i t y , l i k e most of the o t h e r e x i l e s , to r e t u r n to Naples wi t h a Royal pardon. However, he f e l t t h a t the p o l i t i -i c a l atmosphere i n the Kingdom under the Bourbons, who p r o f f e r e d pardons f o r uncommlted crimes, c o u l d not be t r u l y f r e e . I n a l e t t e r to h i s b r o t h e r , Michele, he e x p l a i n s h i s d e c i s i o n to s t a y a t M i l a n . M A che r i t o r -n e r e i i o n e l l a p a t r i a ? Se i o f u s s i r e o , a c c e t t e r e i un perdono. Ma un uomo che non ha avuto l a v i l t a d i f a r un d e l i t t o ; un uomo che ha potuto e s s e r condannato s o l o perche s i trovo s t r a s c i n a t o i n un v o r t i c e che e g l i o d i a -va, ma a c u i e r a i m p o s s i b i l e r e s i s t e r e ; un uomo i n c u i l'amor d e l l a p a t r i a , d e l l a pace, d e l l a v i r t u non sono p a r o l e ; un t a l e uomo non deve certamente e s s e r contento d i un perdono che g l i l a s c i a sempre l*apparenza d i r e o . " (19) During h i s a c t i v e Milanese p e r i o d , Cuoco produced - 14 -his second major work, Platone i n I t a l i a , supposedly-transcribed from an ancient manuscript narrating the voyage i n I t a l y of Plato with a young friend,Cleobulus, and recording t h e i r observations of the people and t h e i r customs. Though i t i s f i c t i o n a l h i story, i n the s t y l e of the Abbe Barthelemy's Voyage du jeune Anacharsis en  Grece. the work r e f l e c t s Cuoco 1s primary concern with educating his contemporaries to r e a l i z e the importance of t h e i r own history and t r a d i t i o n s . This concern had already been shown i n the preogramme f o r the Glornale  Itali a n o i n which he proposed to impart to the people a national awareness and to stimulate t h e i r involvement i n the making of h i s t o r y . This i n t e r e s t he extended i n an o f f i c i a l capacity when he resumed h i s career at Naples. He returned to Naples a f t e r the French occupation with warm recommandations from the Milanese o f f i c i a l s to the new King o£ Naples, Joseph Bonaparte. The King appointed him to the Royal Council and to the Regla  Socleta d 1Incoraggiamento del Mezzogiomo. but o f f i c i a l employment d i d not prevent him from pursuing his main i n t e r e s t — the p o l i t i c a l education of the people. - 15 -This concern f o r popular education was shared by Joachin Murat, who succeeded Joseph i n 1807, and who appointed Cuoco to preside over a commission to d r a f t a programme f o r elementary education throughout the Kingdom, including the r u r a l areas.(20) This Cuoco gladly undertook since he was convinced that only by „ educating the people at large could the Kingdom of l\ Naples and the r e s t of I t a l y gain the p o l i t i c a l s t a b i -l i t y and economic prosperity needed to restore a sense of national i d e n t i t y . M Senza l ' i s t r u z i o n e , l e miglio-r i l e g g i restano i n u t l l i ; . . . l a sola i s t r u z i o n e puo imprimerle nel cuore de» c i t t a d i n i . . . . L a sola i s t r u -zione puo renderci l ' a n t i c a grandezza e l ' a n t i c a glo-r i a . " (21) However his Progetto. as h i s programme was c a l l e d , did not encounter the approval of the minister of Internal A f f a i r s , Giuseppe Zurlo, who displayed open antagonism f o r such an expensive programme. Since Zurlo had the support of other members of the Hoyal Council, who did not dare to oppose t h e i r super-i o r , the Progetto was shelved f o r over two years. F i n a l l y , by order of the King, the Minister introduced a programme of his own, which a f t e r two more years of debate i n Council, was signed by the King i n December - 16 -1811. T h i s o f f i c i a l programme,when comparatively-a n a l y z e d , i s found to c o n t a i n most of the p r o p o s a l s i n t r o d u c e d e a r l i e r by Cuoco.(22) In h i s term o f p u b l i c s e r v i c e (1806-1815), Cuoco concerned h i m s e l f w i t h many reforms, n ot l i m i t i n g him-s e l f to h i s own departmental j u r i s d i c t i o n . H i s i n t e r e s t s were as v a r i e d as they were o b j e c t i v e , and h i s u s e f u l -ness as a p o l i t i c a l a d v i s o r , w e l l - v e r s e d i n economics, was r e a l i z e d by the King, who encouraged him to submit p r o p o s a l s on a g r e a t v a r i e t y o f matters. Cuoco s t u d i e d i n d e t a i l the n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s o f the Kingdom and made recommendations r e g a r d i n g r e f o r e s t a t i o n , water c o n t r o l , swamp r e c l a m a t i o n and l a n d c o n s e r v a t i o n . H i s a b i l i t y to f a m i l i a r i z e h i m s e l f w i t h the p r a c t i c a l needs o f the peo-p l e and to a d j u s t government p o l i c i e s to achieve maxim-um r e s u l t s proved to the King h i s r e a d i n e s s f o r a more important p o r t f o l i o . When Z u r l o r e l i e v e d him from the r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f p u b l i c i n s t r u c t i o n , the King a p p o i n t -ed him D i r e c t o r o f the Royal Treasury, w i t h the autho-r i t y to r e o r g a n i z e , as he deemed necessary, the f i n a n -c i a l s t r u c t u r e o f the Kingdom. Of the importance o f h i s o f f i c e "... b a s t e r a d i r e che i l d i r e t t o r e d e l Tesoro - 17 -doveva, t r a l ' a l t r o , proporre a l ministro d e l l e Finali-ze ' toutes l e s dispositions q u ' i l c r o i t propres a. ga-r a n t i r l e s i n t e r e t s du tresor ou a s i m p l i f i e r l a marche des operations, et toutes l e s changements q u ' i l juge s o i t , dans l e personnel s o i t , dans l a d i s t r i b u t i o n du t r a v a i l de l ' i n t e r i e u r du Tresor. 1 ossla rinnovare da cima a fondo quella complicata amministrazlone. Lavoro immane che i l Cuoco compl i n un paio d*anni,riuscendo a condurre l a Tesoreria napoletana, dai caos i n cui l'av'eva trovata, a qull'ordine, semplicita e s n e l l e z -za i n cui l a l a s c i d n e l 1815 e che ne feeero f i n o a l i860 una d e l l e meglio organizzate d i tutta 1'Europa."(23) The appointment attested the King confidence i n Cuood's p r a c t i c a l organizing a b i l i t y . With his new powers, Cuoco immersed himself i n the busuness of state, t r y i n g to inform himself on every phase of the national economy with the same objective rationalism he had shown during the years at Milan when he had studied the Department of the Agogna, with impartial consideration f o r the in t e r e s t s of both people and government. These multifarious a c t i v i t i e s taxed h i s physical and mental resources. In May 1815, when the f a l l of - 18 -Napoleon brought the Bourbons back to Naples, he s u f f e r -ed a mental c o l l a p s e already p r e f i g u r e d by two e a r l i e r attacks,one a t the age of fourteen,the other during h i s d i f f i c u l t years a t M i l a n . He t r i e d f o r a few months to a d j u s t to the changed order, but, although on the b a s i s of a Decree of the Peace Convention of Casalanza, he r e t a i n e d h i s p o s i t i o n a t the Treasury, before l o n g he lapsed i n t o a s t a t e of lunacy with a r s o n ! s t i c ten-dencies. ( This l e d him to destroy many of h i s manus-c r i p t s . ) For s e v e r a l years, with a few periods of par-t i a l l u c i d i t y , he continued to w vegetate", u n t i l i i n consequence of a b r u i s e on h i s l e f t l e g he developed gangrene. He d i e d on December fourteenth,1823 without even becoming aware of the v a r i o u s p o l i t i c a l movements t a k i n g p l a c e throughout I t a l y , movements t h a t a t t e s t e d the renewed v i t a l i t y of an I t a l i a n n a t i o n a l s p i r i t * whose servant he had been. He was b u r i e d i n Naples on December f i f t e e n t h . I l l rt T i d i r d un*altra v o l t a l e mie idee s u l l o studio d e l l a morale,... s u l l e cagioni d e l l e contraddizioni che ancora v i sono t r a p r e c e t t i e p r e c e t t i , t r a i l i b r i e g l i uominij e forse a l l o r a converrai meco che di questa scienza, che tanto i n t e -ressa l'umanita, non ancora s i conos-cono quel p r i n c i p i i che potrebbero renderla u t i l e e vera." Cuoco,Frammento VI,p.217. Although the French and English thinkers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, both pre-revolu-tionary l i k e Rousseau and Montesquieu and anti-revolu-tionary l i k e Burke and de Maistre exerted an unmistak-eable influence on Cuoco, i t was the Neapolitan p o l i -t i c a l economists such as Tanucci and G a l i a n i , Genovesi and Galanti, a l l admirers of Machiavelli,(24) who d i r e c t -edvhis attention to the deep-rooted problems of pover-ty, ignorance and s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y which were endemic to the Mezzogiormo. These men had modernized and l o c a l -i z e d Machiavelli*s concept of p o l i t i c a l force as an instrument of reform. Their objective realism encoura-ged Cuoco to analyze the causes of d e s t i t u t i o n and to propose p o l i t i c a l and economic remedies f o r untenable s o c i a l conditions. Like his masters, Cuoco was severely c r i t i c a l of trans-Alpine ideas of progress and stressed - 20 -the need f o r a solution suitable to the poorer and l e s s informed Southerners who could not possibly keep pace with the northern developments. The s o l u t i o n lay, Cuoco believed, i n o f f e r i n g an economic incentive to the lower classes, " presentandOjloro l a prospettiva d i unosstato*di v i t a piu agiato; c o s l sarei sicuro d i renderle piu a t t l v e e piu l i b e r e . M ( 2 5 ) The people, themselves, must p a r t i c i p a t e i n the development of a free state, and p a r t i c i p a t e with t h e i r work: M II l a v o r c . c i rendera indipendenti da quelle nazioni d a l l e quail oggi dipendiamo; e c o s l , accrescen-do l»uso d e l l e cose nostre, ne accrescera. anche l a s t i -ma, e c o l l a stima d e l l e cose nostre s i r i s v e g l i e r a l'amor d e l l a nostra p a t r i a . " (26) Cuoco»s p a t r i o t i c i d e a l was e s s e n t i a l l y a moral one, depending on the v i r t u e of the people. He describes i t thus:" Amor di p a t r i a , stima di noi s t e s s i , gusto per l e b e l l e a r t i e per l a g l o r i a che e inseparabile d a l l e medesime, educazione piu maschia, ambizione piu nobile, f a c i l i -ta onesta d i sussistere, l a quale, accrescendo nell» uomo l'emulazione, diminuisce l ' i n v l d i a , tutte l e a l t r e v i r t u che da queste dipendono e che l'accompa-, gnano." (27) - 21 -Ultimately, Cuoco*s p o l i t i c a l thought derived from Gianbattista Vico, a Neapolitan,who, a f t e r years of study of the Greek and L a t i n c l a s s i c s , of ancient history, laws and t r a d i t i o n s , wrote the Sclenza Nuova (1736J and i n i t l a i d the foundation f o r a new approach to the hi s t o r y of man. His main thesis was based on the evolution of society from i t s t r i b a l structure to that of the modern state. His Catholicism l e d him to question the European Enlightenment and to concentrate on a p h i l o l o g i c a l study of ancient culture, i t s myths, i t s r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s . From these he drew a concept of history, not an expression of universal reason, as the Cartesians, but a complex of factors, conscious and un-conscious, shaped and directed by Divine Providence through the mind of man and i n perennial evolution. In a l e t t e r to Q u a g l i a r e l l l Cuoco exclaimed: M Profon-do ammirabile ordine d i quella Providenza, che l i g a t u t t i g l i awenimenti i pi u d i s p a r a t i , e g l i dispone sempre pe l meglio! M(28) I t was a purely I t a l i c culture, as Vico presented i t i n his De Antiquissima Italorum  Sapient!a. that appealed to Cuoco, and which prompted him to become one of the f i r s t i n t e r p r e t e r s and promul-gators of the Viconian theory of nations. Although he - 22 -was not the f i r s t or the deepest student of Vico's works, Cuoco r e a l i z e d the p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n of his theories f o r the redemption of L a t i n culture and con-sequently the I t a l i a n nation. Vico's theory of the h i s -tory of nations was to activate the la t e n t Italianism of the South and l a t e r of the whole peninsula, but Cuoco made i t his own only a f t e r he had studied the works of other p o l i t i c a l t h e o r i s t s and he did not hesi -tate to select and adopt only such of Vico's ideas as suited the conditions of post-revolutionary Naples. The anti-Cartesianism of the older scholar's work, which stressed a mystical, n a t u r a l i s t i c philosophy, was minimized i n Cuoco 1s more moderate view of the r e l i g i o u s nature of man. Vico had systematized and gen-e r a l i z e d a philosophy which equates the destiny of man with h i s r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s . This theory of Gn o s i s — t h a t man's nature and destiny can be extrapolated from a study of hi s r e l i g i o n — c o u l d not be seriously endors-ed by Cuoco who saw r e l i g i o n as an a i d f o r the advance-ment of society but not as an end i n i t s e l f . The e c l e c t i c p o l i t i c a l ideas which Cuoco expounded i n his works, p a r t i c u l a r i l y i n the l e t t e r s to Russo, - 23 -have much of Vico*s deductive h i s t o r i c a l reasoning but r e f l e c t even more s i g n i f i c a n t l y the empirical ideology of Machiavelli. In his avversion to abstract , and polemic arguments on p o l i t i c s and i n his i n s i s t -ence on adapting p o l i t i c s to people , Cuoco i s t r u l y Machiavellian. In the Saggio he says: " Le c o s t i t u -z i o n i s i debbono fare per g l i uomini quali sono e J quail eternamente saranno, pieni d i v i z i , p i e n i d i e r r o r i , imperocche ... e [in]j c r e d i b i l e che essi vo-g l i a n deporre que* loro costumi che i o reputo una se-conda natura, per seguireie-nostre i a t i t u z i o n i che io credo a r b i t r a r i e e v a r i a b i l i s (29) Machiavelli, i n the Discoral sopra l a prima deca  di T i t o L i v i o . had noted that men accustomed to l i v e i n a c e r t a i n way do not wish to change,so, not wishing to recognize e v i l In t h e i r own i n s t i t u t i o n s , they make convenient changes i n the laws to s u i t corrupt men. (30) In 1796, Joseph de'Maistre had postulated the same idea i n h i s Considerations sur l a France, i n which he f r e -quently c i t e s both Machiavelli and Vico. He says that " La co n s t i t u t i o n de 1 7 9 5 ,tout comme ses atnees, est falter pour 1* homme. Or11 n*y a point d*homme dans l e - 24 -monde.** (31) Typical of the anti-revolutionary writers de Maistre believed that a con s t i t u t i o n must evolve from the t r a d i t i o n s , ideas and i n t i t u t i o n s of a p a r t i -c ular people to s u i t the need of a p a r t i c u l a r time iand place. A p o l i t i c a l system i s not transferable. A con-s t i t u t i o n which Is made f o r a l l nations i s good f o r none, i t i s a pure a b s t r a c t i o n — a scholastic work de-veloping an i d e a l hypothesis concerning imaginary peo-ple and places.(32) Cuoco, always a r e a l i s t , warns against expecting too much of men. He says:" Quando, parlando a g l i uomini c i scordiamo d i tutto c i d che e umano; quando, volendo insegnar l a v i r t u , non sappiamo f a r l a amare; quando, seguendo l e nostre idee, vogliam rovesciare l*ordine d e l l a natura, temo che, invece d e l l a v i r t u , insegneremo i l fanatismo, ed invece d i ordinar d e l l e nazioni, fonderemo d e l l e sette . w ( 3 3 ) The theorizing p a t r i o t s of Naples had believed that M l a rivoluzione fosse 1*opera d e l l a f i l o s o f i a . w While Cuoco observed that**...la f l l o s o f i a aveva fatto poco men che guastarla. M ( 3 4 ) This p o l i t i c a l o b j e c t i v i -ty of Cuoco could well be, as Candeloro suggests: w f o r s e per 1 'influenza d i r e t t a del Burke o del de Maistre, forse per l a propria p a r t i c o l a r e formazione - 25 -machiavelli ca e vichiana." (35) Or » as Croce .) suggests, the p o l i t i c a l determinism of de Maistre may have l e d Cuoco to a renewed study of Vico's Sclenza Nuova i n order to f i n d the l i n k between natural law and the existing order. ! Cuoco was convinced that a revolution, no l e s s than a constitution,must spring from the expressed desire of the people f o r s o c i a l or p o l i t i c a l better-ment, and must be endorsed by the same s o c i a l body which i n i t i a t e s the f i r s t and must l i v e by the second. Those who would i n i t i a t e either a revolution or a con-s t i t u t i o n must beware of philosophical r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of t h e i r motives and goals. He believed i t was a p o l i -t i c a l necessity to assess the v i r t u e of the e x i s t i n g order before t r y i n g to a l t e r the natural progression of h i s t o r y . In t h i s conclusion, h i s ideas p a r a l l e l Burke's. Although Burke's influence i s not d i r e c t l y provable, the Reflections on the Revolution i n France (1790) might well have f a l l e n into h i s hands either i n Naples or i n Milan. How c l o s e l y related the ideas of the two writers are can be seen from Burke's state-ment that: H... a good p a t r i o t and a true p o l i t i c i a n - 26 -always considers how he s h a l l make the most of the e x i s t i n g materials of h i s country. w (36) IV w Io non so quali t i sembrano queste mie idee; non sono l e idee del c o s t i t u z i o n a r i i di oggi giorno, forse non sono l e idee di nessuno. Che importa? sono l e mie, e l e credo confer-mate dal l , e s p e r i e n z a d i t u t t i i s e c o l i . " Prammento I I , p.192. Cuoco, influenced by the p o l i t i c a l t heorists of the past and reacting to the p o l i t i c a l events of his own times, was able to conceive f o r I t a l y a national programme f o r the future. His writing prefigured the i d e a l s of the Risorgimento and c l e a r l y indicated the r o l e of the people i n t h e i r r e a l i z a t i o n . He did not, however, d i r e c t his appeal to the people at large but to the middle class which, alone, had the i n t e l l -igence and public s p i r i t required f o r p o l i t i c a l lead-ership. For Cuoco, "the people" was not the"masses" of the l e f t wing democratic th e o r i s t s , but represent-ative groups of men whose private i n t e r e s t s were com-pa t i b l e with the i n t e r e s t s of the nation and who might be persuaded to act as a body i n the service of the state. In Cuoco's words,"...quel popolo che doveva guidare l o s t a t o — n o n s i dovean ne s i potean r i c e r c a r e individualment bensi doveansi r i c e r c a r e per classe."(37) -28 -His c r i t i c a l evaluation of the e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l order had already found expression i n the personal but p h i l i s o p h i c a l interchange of l e t t e r s with Russo which are generally c a l l e d the Frammentl. and i t was systematized and enlarged i n the Saggio. As his con-cept of Italianlsm became more mature, he produced not only p o l i t i c a l a r t i c l e s f o r the Giornale I t a l l a n o but also s t a t i s t i c a l and administrative studies f o r government departments, now c o l l e c t e d i n the S c r i t t l V a r l . To implement his i d e a l of c i v i c government and popular education he conceived the Platohe i n Italia.. A chronological analysis of these works reveals h i s development as a p o l i t i c a l thinker. The Frammenti (Lettere a V. Russo) are primarily a comment on Pagano's proposed c o n s t i t u t i o n with sugges-tions f o r i t s improvement. Already i n these few l e t t e r s we see Cuoco 1s o r i g i n a l i t y . His ideas were not, as yet, so sharply defined as those of his friends, Russo and Pagano, both of whom had already drafted c o n s t i t u t i o n -a l projects complete i n every d e t a i l . Cuoco*s c o n s t i -t u t i o n a l theories were e l a s t i c because he saw that the problem was too complex to be r e a d i l y solved. " $on - 29 -ho creduto mai f a c i l e dare l e leggi ad un popolo. Platone, i n v i t a t o piu volte a questo cimento, l o credette superiore a l l e sue forze." (38) For him, a c o n s t i t u t i o n was not an abstract creation but the expression of the national experience. With A r i s t o t l e , he believed that the only viable constitu-t i o n was the one which the people had created f o r i t s e l f . (39) But when the people can no longer frame t h e i r own laws, as i n a pr i m i t i v e t r i b a l society, the l e g i s l a t o r must assume the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of acting f o r them as they would act f o r themselves, respect-ing t h e i r prejudices, humouring t h e i r f o i b l e s , de-manding of them only so much public s p i r i t and s e l f -s a c r i f i c e as they are capable of demonstrating. He does not believe that a con s t i t u t i o n consists i n a declaration of the r i g h t s of c i t i z e n s . A l l men know t h e i r r i g h t s , but some w i l l r e l i n q u i s h them out of fear while others w i l l c a p i t a l i z e on them f o r personal gain. A c o n s t i t u t i o n should assure that sta-b i l i t y by which fear and greed are, n e u t r a l i z e d . M La costituzione e i l modo d i f a r si' che l ,uomo s i a sempre i n uno stato da non essere ne indotto a venderli - 30 -[ d i r i t t i ] , ne c o s t r e t t o a c e d e r l i , ne s p i n t o ad abusarne." (40) A c o n s t i t u t i o n must s p e l l out the r e l a t i o n o f the i n d i v i d u a l to s o c i e t y by a s e t o f d e c r e e s — t h e law. w L a legge e l a v o l o n t a g e n e r a l e ; ma mentre che l a nazione ha l a sua l e g g e , c i a s c u n i n -d l v i d u o ha l a sua v o l o n t a p a r t i c o l a r e , e l a l i b e r t a a l t r o non e che l ' a c c o r d o d i quests, due v o l o n t a . L'uomo s o l o e sempre l i b e r o , perche l a sua legge non e che l a s t e s s a sua v o l o n t a . " but Cuoco goes on to say t h a t when men u n i t e i n a n a t i o n a l body " ...crescono c o l numero l e d i s s i m i g l i a n z e t r a l e due v o l o n t a , e c o l l e d i s s i m i g l i a n z e crescono i m a l c o n t e n t i e g l i op-p r e s s ! . " (41) Cuoco p o i n t s out t h a t r e v o l u t i o n s s p r i n g from, the g e n e r a l malcontent of a people t h a t has been grad-u a l l y overburdened w i t h s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e s and f i n a l l y c o l l a p s e s under an i n t o l e r a b l e s t r a i n . T h e r e f o r e , any p o s t - r e v o l u t i o n a r y c o n s t i t u t i o n must r e s t o r e the e q u i l -i b r i u m between s o c i a l c l a s s e s , a task which demands of the l e g i s l a t o r a deep knowledge o f the needs, customs and c h a r a c t e r of the people. " Quando una c o s t i t u z i o n e non r i e s c e , i o do sempre t o r t o a l l e g i s l a t o r e , come - 31 -appunto, quando non cal z a bene una Scarpa, do torto a l c a l z o l a i o . " (42) Since a people i s accustomed to a c e r t a i n pattern of i n s t i t u t i o n s , i t i s wise f o r the l e g i s l a t o r to abide by i t , a l t e r i n g only those parts that have proved unjust. He accuses the l e g i s l a t i v e committee, of which Pagano was the chairman, of adopting the French con-s t i t u t i o n of 1795 without giv i n g proper considera-t i o n to the d i v e r s i t y of character and circumstance of the French and I t a l i a n people, so the French con-s t i t u t i o n was l i k e a s u i t of clothes made to the measure of one man and worn by another of a d i f f e r e n t stature and posture.( 43) Pagano*s co n s t i t u t i o n seemed to Cuoco "... troppo francese, e troppo poco napoletana." Cuoco well understood the r e l a t i o n s h i p of customs and law and the i n a d v i s a b i l i t y of reform-ing the l a t e r before there i s a natural change i n the former. " Non v i e nazione, quanto s i v o g l i a c o r r o t t a e misera, l a quale non abbia de^ostumi, che convlen conservare; ... Dopo l e sue opinloni ed i suoi costu-mi, i l popolo n u l l a ha di piu caro che l e apparenze d e l l a r e g o l a r i t a e d e l l ' o r d i n e . Quelle l e g g i - 32 -sono p i u r i s p e t t a t e dal popolo che con maggiori solennita esterne colpiscono 1 s e n s i . H (44) The people must be allowed to preserve t r a d i t i o n s and ethnic character. I n the h i s t o r i c a l development of a people nothing I S - t o t a l l y l o s t ; man and his i n -s t i t u t i o n s undergo continuous transformation. Trad-i t i o n i s the sum of public and private experience, the v i t a l p r i n c i p l e l i n k i n g past to present. I t i s the duty of the l e g i s l a t o r to respect t r a d i t i o n and to i n t e r p r e t the mood of the people i n order to frame a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l system suited to i t s p a r t i c -u l a r needs. "Questi avanzi d i costumi e governo di a l t r i tempi, che i n ogni nazione s'incontrano, sono p r e z i o s i per un l e g i s l a t o r e saggio, e debbono formar l a base del suoi o r d i n i nuovi. (45) Cuoco c r i t i c i z e d Pagano»s c o n s t i t u t i o n f o r i t s f a i l u r e to recognize the important i n s t i t u t i o n s of the o l d order that must be preserved and f o r which l e g i s l a t i v e provision must be made i f there was to be any continuity between the o l d and the new. In-s t i t u t i o n s can not be improvised: they are rooted - 33 -i n the sentiments of the people and change slowly. A sense of history must regulate a l l l e g i s l a t i v e measures. He who wishes to control and guide the peo-ple must simulate obedience to the popular w i l l while a c t u a l l y manipulating i t s force into constructive channels. In t h i s opportunistic theory,I believe, centers the Machiavellism of Cuoco. What he advocated was an exploitation of the h i s t o r i c a l strength and revolutionary s p i r i t of thepeople to support the new-l y formed popular government. So he points out that: " II gran talento del riformatore e quello d i menare i l popolo i n mode che f a c c i a da se quello che v o r r e s t i f a r t u . Ho v i s t o molte popolazioni fare per loro stes-se c i o che, f a t t o dai governo, avrebbero condannato. •Volendo* dice i l Machiavelli,* che un errore non s i a f a v o r i t o da un popolo, gran rimedio e fare che i l po-polo istesso l o abbia a g i u d i c a r e . , M (46) Cuoco does not deny that Pagano*s c o n s t i t u t i o n i s better than those of the other I t a l i a n republics creat-ed by France but he suggests that Pagano has not made enough allowances f o r the human f a c t o r . As Burke had remarked: " This sort of people are so taken up with - 34 -t h e i r theories about the r i g h t s of man that they have t o t a l l y forgot his nature."(47) Cuoco doubts the s u i t -a b i l i t y of t h i s c o n s t i t u t i o n " . . . da darsi a g l i o z i o s i lazzaroni d i Napoli, a i f e r o c i c a l a b r e s i , a i l e g g i e r ! l e c c e s i , a i spurei sanniti ed a t a l e genia, che forma ...quella razza umana che tu vuoi t r a poco rigenerare." Promptly then, he begs the forgiveness of his f r i e n d with an irony softened only by the warm tone of his words. " Ohl perdona. Non ml ricordava d i scrivere a coluiuche, sull'orme d e l l a buona memoria d i Condorcet, crede p o s s i b i l e i n un essere f i n i t o , quale e l'uomo, una p e r f e t t i b i l i t a i n f i n i t a . ( 4 8 ) One of Cuoco*s main objections to the Progetto regarded the form of representation. Pagano envisaged an E l e c t o r a l College representing only a f r a c t i o n of the population. The deputies named by i t would be res-ponsible to the government alone and might even not be known to the people at large. Cuoco i n s i s t e d upon d i r e c t representation, f o r only by continuous contact with the electorate would the deputy learn i t s needs and desires, only i n t h i s way could he f e e l the mood - 35 -o f those f o r whom he must a c t . " E ben d i f f i c i l e f a r v i o l e n z a a l popolo che elegge da se stesso."(49) I n support o f d i r e c t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , Cuoco appeals to I t a l i a n experience with m u n i c i p a l self-government. France had never had s t r o n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s comparable to the I t a l i a n Comunl. and t h i s might e x p l a i n , a t l e a s t i n p a r t , the e a r l y u n i f i c a t i o n o f that c o u n t r y . But t h i s was no reason f o r I t a l y to s a c r i f i c e one o f her most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n s t i t u t i o n s , an o r g a n i c develop-ment from the time of the l a t e Roman Empire, which had withstood both f e u d a l anarchy and e c l e s i a s t i c a l encroa-chment'. "Io perdono a i f r a n c e s i i l l o r o sisterna d i mu-n i c i p a l i t a : e s s i non ne avevano giammai avuto, ne ne conoscevano a l t r o m i g l i o r e : f o r s e non e r a ne s i c u r o ne l o d e v o l e p a s s a r d l - u n s a l t o e senza a l c u n a p r e p a r a z i o -ne a l sistema n o s t r o . Ma q u e l l a s t e s s a n a t u r a che non s o f f r e i s a l t ! non permette ne anche che s i r e t r o c e d a ; e quando i n o s t r i l e g i s l a t o r ! v o g l i o n dare a no! Io s t e s s o sistema d e l l a F r a n c l a , non c r e d i t u che l a nos-t r a n azione a b b i a d i r i t t o a d o l e r s i d i u n ^ s t i t u z i o n e che l a p r i v a de! p i u a n t i c h i e p i u i n t e r e s s a n t i s u o i d i r i t t i ? " ( 5 0 ) Cuoco b e l i e v e s t h a t the new c o n s t i t u t i o n - 36 -should adopt t h i s established p o l i t i c a l u n i t — t h e commune— and give i t s u f f i c i e n t power to assure i t s admini s t r a t i v e independenc e. The i n e v i t a b l e c o n f l i c t of i n t e r e s t s , p a r t i c u l a r and general, a r r i s i n g l n such a d i v i s i o n of executive powers, would be overcome by the establishment of two separate f i e l d s of competence, whereby the i n d i v i d u a l representative would further -the welfare of his con-stitu e n t s , while the state would r e t a i n i t s sovereign-\ i t y and act as supreme guide and c o n t r o l l e r to d i s -t r i b u t e equitably the national wealth. P o l i t i c a l sta-b i l i t y would thus ensue from a d e f i n i t e a l l o c a t i o n of j u r i s d i c t i o n . Within a l o c a l i z e d i n s t i t u t i o n — t h e Com-mune—the i n d i v i d u a l would f e e l himself an i n t e g r a l part of the whole. Furthermore, as a member of the Commune he would appreciate his immediate r e s p o n s i b i l -i t y to the body p o l i t i c . Cuoco f e l t that the c e n t r a l -i z e d state was too f a r removed from the c i t i z e n ' s i n t -erests. Laws should be dictated by the c o l l e c t i v e w i l l through ordinances of the Commune, and these ordinances enacted by the communal administration, would not only s a t i s f y p r a c t i c a l needs, but, even more important, they 'I - 37 -would appeal t o the senses and immagination o f the common people, who Cuoco, l i k e V i c o , c a l l s " p r i m i -t l v e s H and " e t e r n a l l y c h i l d r e n . " No c e n t r a l government can be aware o f the p a r t i -c u l a r needs of a l l i t s p a r t s , nor can i t a c t e f f i c -i e n t l y on t h e i r b e h a l f . A r i g i d l y c e n t r a l i z e d govern-ment i s l i k e one eye and one arm compelled to perform the task o f a thousand eyes and a.thousand arms. Inev-i t a b l y , i t p a r c e l s out i t s a u t h o r i t y among c o u n t l e s s o f f i c i a l s who, f o r want o f l o c a l knowledge and person-a l concern, cannot, o r w i l l not, f u l f i l t h e i r d u t i e s . Does Cuoco, then, want a f e d e r a l r e p u b l i c ? "No; so g l i i n c o n v e n i e n t i che seco p o r t a l a f e d e r a z l o n e ; ma siccome d a l l ' a l t r a p a r t e essa. c l da i n f i n i t i v a n t a g g i , cosl amerei t r o v a r i l modo d i e v i t a r e q u e l l i senza p e r-dere q u e s t i . V o r r e i conservare a l p i u che f o s s e p o s s i -b i l e l»attivlta i n d i v i d u a l e . . . . A l l o r a l a r e p u b b l i c a s a r a ... Io s v i l u p p o d i t u t t a l ' a t t i v i t a n a z i o n a l e verso i l massimo bene d e l l a n a z i o n e — i l quale a l t r o non e che l a somma d e l beni p r i v a t i . " ( 5 1 ) As an example o f maximum d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n he c i t e s - 38 -Switzerland where every canton has i t s own p a r l i a -ment without detriment to national sovereignty. To i l l u s t r a t e the advantages of independent communal j u r i s d i c t i o n , he c i t e s the example of a road b u i l t -i n Molise by the people d i r e c t l y involved. " La strada s i ebbe i n un anno; e ad onta d e l l e malversazioni che pure v i furono, costo appena un terzo di quello che l a costruzione d e l l e a l t r e strade costava."(52) Direct involvement soon makes the people c l v i c a l l y and economically responsible. As a d i s c i p l e of Genovesi, Cuoco i s well aware of the paramount Importance of economics i n the s o c i a l system, and he asks Russo: M Ma quale oggetto e estraneo ad una costituzione? H(53) His c o n s t i t u t i o n a l concept was a l l - i n c l u s i v e , i t dealt with whatever problems pertained to l i f e i n a c o l l e c t i v e s o c i e t y , M Tutto dunque i n una nazione deve formar parte d e l l a costituzione. Questa e l a ragione per cui tanto d i f f i c i l e e i l farne una nuova e tanto pericoloso i l canglarne una antica. M(54) Though Cuoco was not as yet d i r e c t l y involved i n p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s , he was bold enough to c r i t i c i z e Pagano, his elder by ten years, and the Committee - 39 -empowered by the French Directorate to draft a con-s t i t u t i o n f o r the Parthenopean Republic. Of t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l approach he says, " Molte massime d i quel-l e che noi crediamo assiomi d e l l e scienze p o l i t i c h e mi sembrano Inesatte; onde a w l en poi che esse non s i trovano sempre vere i n pratlca."(55) His doubts and fears were dramatically confirmed when, a f t e r only six months, the reactionary army of Cardinal Ruffo entered the c i t y of Naples and restored the monarchy. But the abortive attempt to set up a democratic c o n s t i t u t i o n had l e d Cuoco to an objective reappraisal of the i n -t r i n s i c needs of the Neapolitan people. Detailed sug-gestions and theories f o r a workable c o n s t i t u t i o n he presented to the world two years l a t e r i n his Saggio  s t o r i c a s u l l a Rlvoluzlone napoletana del'99. which has been well described by Paul Hazard as an analysis of past mistakes and an incitement to future a c t i o n . (56) V " Sempre giovera. osservare come i f a l s i c o n s i g n , i c a p r l c c l del mo-mento, l ,ambizione d e ' p r i v a t i , l a debolezza de*magistrati, l'ignoran-za de' p r o p r i i bisognl e d e l l a pro-p r i a nazione, sieno egualmente f u -nes t i a l l e repubbliche ed a i regnl; ed i n o s t r i vedranno che qualunque forza senza saviezza non f a che d l s -trugger se stessa." Cuoco.Sagglo.I.p.28. The Sagglo must be included i n the a n t i - r e v o l u t i o -nary l i t e r a t u r e which c r i t i c i z e d the French system. The collapse of the Parthenopean Republic, because of the withdrawal of French m i l i t a r y support before the revolutionaries were i n control of the provinces, had demonstrated how dangerous a l i e n ideologies (can be when applied to p r a c t i c a l p o l i t i c a l circumstances. In t h i s instance, when the Republic f e l l , most of those who had supported revolutionary ideas were executed i n the p o l i t i c a l r e p r i s a l s of the Monarchy,which was again all-powerful. Those who escaped execution were exiled from the Kingdom and could not but condemn the French Directorate f o r i t s i n e f f e c t i v e a p p l i c a t i o n of revolutionary p o l i c i e s , and f o r i t s p a r t i a l and inad-equate involvement i n the I t a l i a n campaign. But of the I t a l i a n c r i t i c s , only Cuoco, with his accurate p o l i t -- 41 -l e a l sense, p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t , p h i l o s o p h i c a l p r e -p a r a t i o n , and h i s t o r i c a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s , was a b l e to draw from these r e c e n t experiences an adequate f o r -mula f o r the l i b e r a l thought of the n i n e t e e n t h cen-t u r y . In the Saggio. the t h e o r e t i c a l n a t i o n a l i s m of the Frammentl evolves and i s g i v e n c o n c r e t e a p p l i c a -t i o n . Cuoco now addressed h i m s e l f t o the problem of f i n d i n g a way to implement democratic and c o n s t i t u -t i o n a l i d e a s i n Southern I t a l y . He examined the events of the R e v o l u t i o n and probed the s o c i a l c o n s c i e n c e o f the N e a p o l i t a n s i n order to formulate a code f o r the p o l i t i c a l l i f e o f h i s c o u n t r y . Paul Hazard says of the Saggio; " D e f i n i s s o n s done son E s s a i , un examen de con-s c i e n c e du peuple n a p o l l t a i n ; et en m&me temps un r e g i e d»action qui empeche de retomber dans l e s f a u t e s d e j a commises.1* (57) I n h i s examination of the N e a p o l i t a n R e v o l u t i o n , Cuoco g i v e s h i s measure, not o n l y as an h i s t o r i a n but as a w r i t e r . By h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l power and s e n s i t i v i t y , he moves the r e a d e r from the p o s i t i o n of detachment to one of commitment. The Saggio has been j u s t l y com-pared to a Greek tragedy, i n which Fate determines the - 42 -course of events and man succumbs to an I n e v i t a b l e d e s t i n y . As Cuoco says, "Le grand! r i v o l u z i o n i p o l i -t i c h e occupano n e l l a s t o r i a dell'uomo quel luogo i s t e s s o che tengono i fenomeni s t r a o r d i n a r i i n e l l a s t o r i a d e l l a n a t u r a . " (58) But man i n h i s b l i n d n e s s i s a b l e to a n a l y z e the f a c t s o n l y a f t e r the c a t a s t r o -phe. He-cannot a n t i c i p a t e the course of h i s t o r y . The French R e v o l u t i o n , o f which the Parthenopean was the c o n t i n u a t i o n , was but one a s p e c t o f the g e n e r a l e v o l -u t i o n o f n a t i o n a l i s m . Cuoco observes, "Io credeva d i f a r d e l l e r i f l e s s i o n i s u l l a r i v o l u z i o n e d i N a p o l i , e s c r i v e v a i n t a n t o l a s t o r i a d e l l a r i v o l u z i o n e d i t u t t i i p o p o l i d e l l a t e r r a , e speclalmente d e l l a r i v o l u z i o n e f r a n c e s e . Le f a l s e i d e e che i n o s t r i avevano c o n c e p i t e d i questa non han poco c o n t r l b u i t o a l n o s t r i mali . " ( 6 0 ) H i s c r i t i c i s m o f the French R e v o l u t i o n i s a t once o b j e c t i v e and impassioned. He notes t h a t , although i t was the i n e v i t a b l e outcome o f p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s , i t reduced the country to chaos. C r u e l t y and v i o l e n c e were the r e s u l t of a b s t r a c t p r i n c i p l e s , p r i n c i p l e s which were not understood o r needed by the French any-more than by the I t a l i a n s , so t h a t t h i s provofced a -43 -universal cataclysm. "Non v i era esempio di r i v o l u -zione che, volendo tutto riformare, avea tutto d i -s t r u t t o . " At one blow national l i f e was severed. The revolution " ... avea nel tempo is t e s s o attacato e rovesciato l ' a l t a r e , i l trono, i d i r i t t i e l e pro-p r i e t y d e l l e famiglie, e finanche i nomi che nove s e c o l i avean r e s i r i s p e t t a b i l i . " ( 6 0 ) The leaders of the Revolution had l o s t the very sense of h i s t o r y which had made the Revolution i n e v i t a b l e and i n t h e i r enthusiasm became alienated from the people by whom they were then abandoned. This, Cuoco sees as the crux of every revolution and counter-revolution. Revolu-tions are born of the senses and imagination of the common people, who are e s s e n t i a l l y incapable of com-prehending abstractions. As Cuoco says, "I saggi sono i n u t i l i a produrre una r i v o l u z i o n e . " (6l) Comparing the f a i l u r e of the French revolution to the success of the American movement f o r independence, he says, "Chi paragona:- l a Dichiarazlone d e ' d i r i t t i dell'uomo f a t t a i n America a quella f a t t a i n Francia, trovera. che l a prima p a r l a a i sensi, l a seconda vuol parlare a l i a ragione; l a francese e l a formula algebraica dell'americana." (62) - 44 -Lacking wise d i r e c t i o n , France continued i n i t s chaotic course u n t i l i t was stopped by a d i c t a t o r . I t a l y , l i k e the re s t of Europe, was swept by the republican fervour, but while France was ready f o r r a d i c a l change, Naples was not. Therefore the Par-thenopean Revolution was e s s e n t i a l l y passive; passive because of an a l i e n i n s p i r a t i o n which did not r e f l e c t the p o l i t i c a l mentality of the Neapolitan people. MLe idee d e l l a rivoluzione a Napoli avrebbero potuto essere popolari, ove s i avesse voluto t r a r l e del fondo istess o d e l l a nazione. Tratte da una costituzione s t r a -niera, erano lontanissime d a l l a nostra, fondate sopra massime troppo a s t r a t t e , eran lontanissime da'sensi, ... dai n o s t r i c a p r i c c i , dagli u s l nostrt."(63) Even the French Revolution would have run a d i f f -erent course had i t not been f o r foreign intervention, that i s , the European C o a l i t i o n against France. As Cuoco comments i n the Saggio: "Una guerra esterna, mossa con uguale i n g i u s t i z i a ed imprudenza, assodo una rivoluzione, che senza d i essa sarebbe degenerata i n guerra c i v i l e . " (64) In Naples, i t was the Monarchy which created and confirmed the revolutionary trend - 45 -J by the i l l - j u d g e d severity of i t s p o l i c e measures. The few young republicans of the c i t y were so, more from a f f e c t a t i o n and the desire to follow the l a t -est fashions than from p o l i t i c a l conviction. The court ordered t h e i r a rrest and t r i a l with the r e s u l t that they became martyrs of a republican movement which i n Naples, had no actual existence. Cuoco con-cludes: Se vol perseguitate l e opinioni, a l l o r a esse diventano sentimenti; i l sentimento produce l'entu-siasmo; l*entusiasmo s i comunica; ... finalmente l * o -pintoae^perseguitata diventa generale e trionfa. " ( 6 5 ) Few Neapolitans understood the French Revolution, even fewer approved of i t , and none wished f o r a rev-o l u t i o n at home; nevertheless an atmosphere of insur-r e c t i o n was created by the very measures taken to sup-press i t . This complete misapprehension of public op-in i o n , Cuoco a t t r i b u t e s to the excessive rationalism which blinded a l i k e the French Jacobins and the.' • I t -a l i a n Court. A l l had been exposed to the philosophy of the Enlightenment, which, i n the name of Reason, denied the value of f e e l i n g , of i n t u i t i o n , of exper-ience. And so, the Neapolitan people, sentimental by - 46 -nature, conservative by i n s t i n c t an habit, was con-fronted from both l e f t and r i g h t with ideologies i t could neither understand nor accept. w I bisogni d e l -l a nazione napoletana eran d i v e r s i da q u e l l ! d e l l a francese: i r a z i o c i n i i del r i v o l u z i o n a r l i eran dlvenu-t i tanto f u r e n t i che non 11 poteva piu comprendere."(66) Cuoco continues his analysis of pre-revolutionary Naples by stating that t h i s southern kingdom was essen-t i a l l y Mediterranean. By culture, t r a d i t i o n and i n t e r -est i t belonged to the Mediterranean Basin and i t should have fx&Eowed a p o l i t i c a l course which would have kept i t within that sphere. Unfortunately, the Bourbon Court thought otherwise and played into the hands of the two Northern powers, Austri a and England, which were concerned with the Mediterranean only as a f i e l d f o r p o l i t i c a l Intrigue an commercial exploi-t a t i o n . This error of judgement placed the Kingdom i n a state of p o l i t i c a l unrest and economic instab-i l i t y which l e d to war and f i n a l l y to revolution. This error Cuoco a t t r i b u t e s , l i k e so much else that displeased him, to a lack of pride l n things I t a l i a n - 4 7 -to i n s u f f i c i e n t p a t r i o t i s m . He blames the court f o r i t s a d d i c t i o n to f o r e i g n f a s h i o n s . Queen Maria Caro-l i n a never attempted to a s s i m i l a t e Neapolitan c u l t u r e but i n s t e a d t r i e d to f o r c e on her subjects her own mania f o r everthing f o r e i g n . Foreign c l o t h e s and f o r -e ign f a s h i o n s were the rage; and French and E n g l i s h were spoken a t court r a t h e r than I t a l i a n . From the i m i t a t i o n of f o r e i g n costumes and speech i t was a short step to the adoption of a l i e n ideas and o p i n i o n s . The i n e v i t a b l e consequence was the f a i l u r e of n a t i o n -a l s p i r i t , **La mania per l e n a z i o n i estere prima av-v i l i s c e , i n d l ammiserisce, finalmente r u i n a una na-z i o n e , spegnendo i n l e i ogni amore per l e cose sue.? (68) For Cuoco, the Neapolitan R e v o l u t i o n — l i k e the other r e v o l u t i o n s which occured during those decades i n I t a l y — w a s the negation of t h a t s p i r i t of I t a l i a n -ism which he was so eager to develop i n the I t a l i a n people. He was not a n t i - r e v o l u t i o n a r y because he c r i -t i c i z e d the r e v o l u t i o n a r y p a t r i o t s , n e i t h e r was he anti-Bourbon merely because he c r i t i c i z e d the govern-ment. His c r i t i c i s m had a much deeper o r i g i n and must be regarded as an expression of the p o l i t i c o - j u r i s -- 48 -d i c t i o n a l m e n t a l i t y he had developed b e f o r e 1 7 9 9 , a m e n t a l i t y much more I t a l i a n than most of the pat-r i o t s who had formed t h e i r i d e a s d u r i n g the r e v o l -u t i o n a r y p e r i o d . His o p p o s i t i o n was the e x p r e s s i o n o f p a t r i o t i c p r i n c i p l e s . "Chiunque avea r i p i e n a l a sua mente d e l l e i d e e d i M a c h i a v e l l i , d i Gravina, d i V i c o , non poteva ne p r e s t a r fede a l l e promesse, ne a p p l a u d i r e a l l e o p e r a z i o n i d e l r i v o l u z i o n a r i i d i F r a n c i a , tostoche abbandonarono l e i d e e d e l l a monar-c h i a c o s t l t u z i o n a l e . " ( 68) We see i n the Saggio t h a t f o r Cuoco the r e v o l -u t i o n a r y p e r i o d was an example of t h a t French ab-s t r a c t i o n i s m which he had a l r e a d y denounced i n the FraTiwientl« He now i l l u s t r a t e s i n d e t a i l what, i n h i s own o p i n i o n , had c o n t r i b u t e d to the f a i l u r e of the Monarchy i n t h i s r e v o l u t i o n a r y c r i s i s . "Se i l r e d i N a p o l i avesse c o n o s c i u t o l o s t a t o d e l l a sua nazione, avrebbe c a p i t o che non mai avrebbe essa ne potuto ne v o l u t o i m i t a r g l i esempi d e l l a F r a n c i a . " ( 6 9 ) The Royal p o l i c y had been formulated by a f o r e i g n e r — S i r John A c t o n — a n d was not N e a p o l i t a n but A u s t r i a n . Any p o l i c y which i g n o r e d the i n t r i n s i c N e a p o l i t a n s p i r -i t was d e s t i n e d to f a i l . The appointment of the - 49 -Englishman, Acton, as Prime Minister was f o l l y . Cuoco points out an example of Acton's lack of fore-sight." Conveniva serbare un'esatta neutral I t a l i a quale ne* primi anni d e l l a rivoluzione francese av-rebbe dato un immenso smercio del n o s t r i grani. Ma Acton e l a regina credevano poter f a r morire i fran-c e s i d i fame." (70) Acton understood neither the people or t h e i r circumstances. " non conosceva; ne l a nazione, ne l e cose," (71) and with h i s politico-economic p o l -i c i e s founded on mere theory, he kept the country i n a chronic state of poverty and unrest. Equally disas-trous was the choice of the Austrian,Mack, as Comman-der i n Chief. Mack, according to Cuoco, understood nothing except his own greatness and the perfection of his m i l i t a r y t a c t i c s . Cuoco's contempt f o r the general i s evident i n his description of the t a c t i c a l genius without b a t t l e sense. " Vuoi conoscere a segni i n f a l l i b i l i uno di quest! cap!tan!? Soffre pochissimo l a contraddizione ed i c o n s i g l i a l t r u i : i l c r i t e r i o d e l l a v e r i t a e per l u i non gia. l a concordanza t r a l e sue idee e l e sue cose, ma bensl t r a l e sue idee mede-sime . . . " ( 7 2 ) Mack's m i l i t a r y defeat, the f l i g h t of the King, the a r r i v a l of the French,, and the proclam-- 50 -action of a republic, were a l l , f o r Cuoco, the proof of a common want of realism. The people had been aware only of t h e i r immediate needs, whereas the leaders of the Parthenopean Republic, men whom Cuoco immortalized i n his Sagjgio, were p h i l o -sophical i d e a l i s t s alienated by t h e i r s o c i a l condition from the masses they t r i e d to i n s p i r e . w La morale de* republican!, troppo^superiore a quella del popolo e stata una d e l l e cagioni d e l l a nostra ruina. La secon-da cagione fu che i l gran numero de'repubblicani s i separo-soverchio dai popolo." (73) The p a t r i o t s weree incapable of creating and d i r e c t i n g a genuinely popular movement, but t h e i r valour was only too well attested i n t h e i r desperat defence of t h e i r positions against the Sanfedisti and the B r i t i s h Navy. Their heroic res-o l u t i o n was apparent even i n t h e i r c a p i t u l a t i o n to Cardinal Ruffo, who, i n accepting t h e i r surrender, recognized the courage of t h e i r stand. In the end they had to r e l i n q u i s h t h e i r hope of an independent republic but. even i n t h i s negotiated surrender, Cuoco commemr-orates t h e i r greatness of s p i r i t . " S i sono tanto ammira-t i i trecento d e l l e Termopili perche seppero morire; i n o s t r i fecero dippiu: seppero capitolare c o l l ' i n i m i c o , - 5 1 -&£jppe(&o una v o l t a fare riconoscere l a Repubblica napoletana . M (74) The Neapolitan people had more than s u f f i c i e n t reason to be d i s s a t i s f i e d with the Bourbon ru l e and on t h i s d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n should have been based a plan of a c t i o n : H L a nostra rivoluzione, essendo una r i v o l u -zione passiva, l'unico mezzo d i condurla a buon f i n e era quello d i guadagnare l'opinione del popolo . H (75) But what appeal was made to the people? Nonel At most i t was regaled with abstract theories which i t was too ignorant to comprehend. No regard was shown f o r t r a d i -tions, f o r prejudices, f o r p r i n c i p l e s , or f o r i n s t i t u -t i o n s . Under such conditions, to reform everything was to destroy everything. Too much had been destroyed. Even the r e l i g i o n of the people had been ignored. Religion as practised i n the South of I t a l y was not l i k e that practised i n Prance. At Naples w . . . l a r e l i g i o n e del popolo non era che una festa; e purche l a fe s t a s i fosse l a s c i a t a non s i curava d i a l t r o . ... In Francia l a r e l i g i o n e interessa piu l o s p i r i t o che i l cuore ed i sensi; i n - 52 -Napoli piu i sensi ed i l cuore che l o spirlto."(76) Therefore r e l i g i o n should have heen used to ensure the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the f a i t h f u l i n the national cause, " l a r e l i g i o n e c r i s t i a n a r i d o t t a a poco a poco a l i a semplicita del Vangelo; ... e l a r e l i g i o n e che meglio d'ogni a l t r a s i addatta ad una forma di governo moderato e liberale."(77) Cuoco f e l t that C h r i s t i a n i t y , as interpreted by the common people, was close to the revolutionary Ideals of l i b e r t y , f r a t e r n i t y and jus-t i c e , and should, therefore, have attracted the people to the newly created republic. This was an idea which had been expressed previously at Naples by Francesco Conforti who, among others, (e.g. Pagano, Galanti, F i l a n g e r i , Russo,) had already advocated a r e l i g i o n i n -tegrated, to some extent, with the state, since the people had amply demonstrated t h e i r attachment to ec-c l e s i a s t i c a l I n s t i t u t i o n s and t r a d i t i o n . "Non e ancora dlmostrato che un popolo possa rimanere senza r e l i g i -one: se vol non g l i e l a date, se ne formera una da se stesso. Ma quando vol g l i e l a date, a l l o r a formate una r e l i g i o n e analoga a l governo, ed ambedue concorreranno a l bene d e l l a nazione: se i l popolo se l a forma da se, a l l o r a l a r e l i g i o n e sara i n d i f f e r e n t e a l governo, e ta l o r a nemica."(78) During the revolution these pre-- 53 -cepts were forgotten. The Republican Government t r i e d to be democratic, but i t appeared to be d e f i n i t e l y a n t i - c l e r i c a l . The government did not, i n f a c t , adopt any p o s i t i v e p o l -i c y toward the r e l i g i o u s orders and l e f t the decision to the republican leaders i n the various centres. This authority i n the hands of r a d i c a l s produced v i o l e n t attacks on the e c c l e s i a t i c orders, t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n s , t h e i r properties and t h e i r l i t u r g i c a l observances. But, as Cuoco points out, w L a l i b e r t y d e l l e o p i n i o n i , l * a b o l i z i o n e d e ' c u l t i , l'esenzione de'pregiudizi era chiesta da pochissimi, perche a pochissimi i n t e r e s -sava. M(79) The people, whose allegiance was at f i r s t undecid-ed, d i s i l l u s i o n e d with the republican programme, j o i n -ed the reactionary army of Cardinal Ruffo to restore the old order. The .people had s h i f t e d t h e i r support because t h e i r w i l l had not been anticipated. Cuoco says, "Ecco tutto i l segreto d e l l e r i v o l u z i o n i ; Conor scere c i d che tutto 11 popolo vuole, e f a r l o ; e g l i a l l o r a v i seguira; ... w(80) In these l i n e s i s found, - 54 -c r y s t a l i z e d , the p o l i t i c a l theory of Vincenzo Cuoco . He perceived, better than any other I t a l i a n , that revolutions are prompted by needs, but he also f e l t / that behind the needs were men, with ideas inherited through centuries of culture. The p o l i t i c a l extrem-ism of the p a t r i o t s and of the Sanfedisti was equally abhorrent to him, and he concluded that, as i n Robes-pie r r e ' s France, so i n the Parthenopean Republic, fan-aticism had undermined the w i l l to survive. "L'uomo e d i t a l e natura, che tutte l e sue idee s i cangiano, t u t t i i suoi a f f e t t i , g i u n t i all'estremo, s'indeboli-scono e s i estinguono: a forza d i voler troppo esser l i b e r o , l'uomo s i stanca dello stesso sentimento d i l i b e r t a ... Nec totam libertatem, nec totam s e r v i t u -tem p a t i possumus." (81) sense of r e a l i t y showed him that any people, i f uncontrolled, w i l l o s c i l l a t e between extremes of serfdom and l i c e n t i o u s l i b e r t y , u n t i l the e q u i l i b r i u m — a moderate l i b e r a l i s m — i s restored by far-seeing leaders. MQuesto e i l corso ordinario d i tutte l e r i v o l u z l o n i ... i l popolo s i a g i t a senza sapere ove fermarsi: corre sempre a g l i estremi e non sa che l a f e l i c i t a e nel mezzo. M(82) This formula anticipates by h a l f a centuryCavour's .juste ..milieu. - 55 -The people are at the centre of Cuoco*s p o l i t i c a l system. They are the l i v i n g force which makes and un-makes institutions, which preserves dynasties or de-stroys them, which builds churches, c u l t i v a t e s the land, practices a r t s and trades, develops the sciences, and defends the national honour—but only i f guided and i n s p i r e d by some man, or group of men, wise enough and strong enough to divine and d i r e c t t h e i r l a t e n t energies. Without leaders, the people have no a l t e r -natives to apathy or violence. Cuoco*s fame as an h i s t o r i a n i s assured by his impassioned o b j e c t i v i t y , by his rare capacity f o r ob-serving, narrating, analyzing contemporary events without bias or i l l u s i o n — b u t not without sympathy f o r the martyrs of l i b e r t y , p i t y f o r the blind.instruments of reaction, confidence i n a more enlightened gener-ation which would have learned from the mistakes of t h e i r fathers. Objectivity was the q u a l i t y he most valued i n h i s t o r i c a l writing, since history must serve to educate the nation. Romano has said of the Saggio, HSe l a s t o r i a e arte, pochi l i b r i di. s t o r i a a l p a r i di questo, l a raggiungono. H(83) Cuoco*s s t y l e , though l u c i d and - 56 -p r a c t i c a l , i s charged with an emotion which he c a l l s patriotism. His account of the heroes of the Repub-l i c i s at once serene and impassioned. H L a giusta posterita, obbliera g l i e r r o r ! che, come uomini, han potuto commettere coloro a cui l a Repubblica era af-f i d a t a ; t r a ess! pero ricerchera invano un v i l e , un trad!tore. Ecco cio che s i deve aspettare dall'uomo, ed ecco cio che forma l a lo r o gloria. M ( 8 4 ) Of h i s own teacher, Pagano, he writes: "Pagano Francesco Mario, II suo nome vale un elogio. II suo Processo  Criminale e tradotta In tutte l e lingue, ed e ancora uno del m i g l i o r i l i b r i che s i abbia su t a l e oggetto. Nella c a r r i e r a sublime d e l l a s t o r i a eterna del gen-ere umano vol non r i v e n i t e che l'orme di Pagano che v i possano servire d i guida per raggiungere i v o l ! di Vico."(85) In such prose, sober, nervous and elo-quent, Cuoco i s alble to trace an Individual character or a complex image with maximum pr e c i s i o n . In chapter th i r t y - t h r e e we find: MSchipani rassomiglia a Cleone di Atene, a Santerre di P a r i g i . Ripieno del piu caldo zelo per l a rivoluzione, attlssimo a fare s u l l e scene i l protagonista i n un tragedia d i Bruto . " (86) The comparison gives us the fi g u r e of the Jacobin hero, - 57 -f i r e d with ancient v i r t u e but careless of modern r e a l -i t i e s . The death of Caracciolo, the b a t t l e of Procida, the defense of the f o r t of V i g l i e n a and the f a l l of Altamura cannot leave the re'der unmoved because Cuoco p r i n t s them i n d e l i b l y on the imagination."Aceresceva i l furore dei s o l d a t i Sanfedlsti l a nobile ostinar zione d e g l i a b l t a n t i , i quali i n f a c c i a ad un nemico v i n c i t o r e , c o l c o l t e l l o a l i a gola, gridavano t u t t a v i a Viva l a Republical ... Altamura non fu che un mucchio di ceneri e d i cadaveri i n t r i n s i di sangue." (87) The Saggio i s a masterpiece of precise but eloquent c r i t i c i s m , p o l i t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l , combining the disparate elements of f a c t u a l analysis and p a t r i o t i c fervour. As Croce has said MI1 Saggio ... r i v e r i t o come insigne monumento di amor pa t r i o , ...e realmente opera c a p i t a l e d i pensiero s t o r i c o , . (88) VI M Io credo, dunque',' d i c e P o n z i o a Cleobolo, " c i d che dicono i n o s t r i s a p i e n t ! , i q u a l i dan per c e r t o che ne'tempi a n t l -c h i s s i m i l ' l t a l i a t u t t a f i o - _ r i v a per l e g g i , per a g r i c o l -t u r a , per armi e per commercio. . ..Questo solamente posso d i r t i i o : che a l l o r a t u t t i g l ' i t a l i a -n i formavano un popolo s o l o , ed 11 l o r o imperio chiamavasi et-rusco." Platone I I , p.157. ... , Had Cuoco not w r i t t e n anything e l s e , the Saggio would have secured him a pl a c e i n every anthology of I t a l i a n l i t e r a t u r e as w e l l as i n the h i s t o r y of the Risorgimento. But during the f i f t e e n years of h i s p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , from the Re v o l u t i o n of 1799 to 1815, when h i s mind f a i l e d , he was not only a keen observer of the p o l i t i c a l and economic aspects of the s o c i e t y around him but a l s o a p r o l i f i c w r i t e r . He conceived the Platone i n I t a l i a , an e p i s t o l a r y novel g l o r i f y i n g the past greatness of L a t i n c u l t u r e , to f u r t h e r h i s hopes of a b e t t e r f u t u r e f o r I t a l y . The work was popular i n tone, more sentimental than schol-a r l y , intended to f i r e the readers imagination and I n c u l c a t e the l o v e of the country by renewing a j u s t sense of n a t i o n a l p r i d e . "Non s i puo mai giovare a l i a - 59 -p a t r i a , se non s i ama, e non s i puo mai amare l a p a t r i a se non s i stima l a nazione ."(89) Cuoco's master Galanti, i n his Descrlzlone geo- g r a f i c a d e l l e due S i c i l l e had aimed at creating a history based on an analysis of the country's phy-s i c a l conditions. In the Platone. Cuoco endeavoured to lay the foundation f o r a c u l t u r a l history of I t a l y , based on i t s c l a s s i c a l t r a d i t i o n but never l o s i n g sight of i t s present and future p o t e n t i a l . "II Platone" he writes to the Viceroy Eugene Beauhar-nais, " e d i r e t t o a formar l a morale pubblica d e g l i I t a l i a n ! , ed i s p i r a r , l o r o quello s p i r i t o d i unione, quell'amor d i p a t r i a , quell'amor d e l l a m i l l z i a che f i n o r a non hanno avuto." (90) The Journey of Plato through Southern Italy, which supplies the h i s t o r i c a l framework of the t a l e , i s but a device to express the most personal ideas and sentiments of the w r i t e r — a l l of which, i t may be noted, were developed l n l e s s f a n c i f u l s t y l e i n the a r t i c l e s and l e t t e r s of the same years, now gathered i n the S c r i t t l V a r i . In the novel, Cuoco - 60 -draws on h i s ample knowledge of the c l a s s i c s to g i v e more s i g n i f i c a n c e t o the f a c t u a l o b s e r v a t i o n s based -on h i s f i r s t - h a n d experience o f the i n s t i t u t i o n s , laws, b e l i e f s and p o l i t i c a l events o f h i s own day. I t i s Cuoco who speaks through P l a t o , C l e o b o l u s , Ar-c h i t a s and P o n t i u s , and he addresses h i m s e l f not to the f i f t h - c e n t u r y T a r e n t i n e s o r Samnites but to n i n e -t e e n t h - c e n t u r y I t a l i a n s . P l a t o ' s remarks to C l e o b o l u s make t h i s p o i n t c l e a r and demonstrate once more Cuoco*s concern f o r I t a l i a n u n i t y . " C o s l cade, o C l e o b o l o ... qualunque a l t r o impero ove non e u n i t a . C o s l c a d r a l a G r e c i a se non c e s s e r a l a d l s u n i o n e t r a l e v a r i e c i t t a che l a compongono, t r a g l i uomini che a b i t a n o c i a s c u -na c i t t a . Imperciocche, ovunque e sapienza, i v i s i ten-de a l l ' u n i t a * . ... Ovunque non v i e u n i t a , i v i non e p i u ne sapienza, ne v i r t u , ne v i t a , e s i c o r r e a gran g i o r n a t e a l i a m orte."(9l) The t a l e , however, does not l i n g e r on t h a t note o f warning but dwells on the s u b j e c t of I t a l i a n c u l t u r a l pre-eminence, which C l e o b o l u s i l l u s t r a t e s to a Greek p r i e s t : M Sappi dunque che un tempo t u t t a 1 ' I t a l i a e s t a t a a b i t a t a da un popolo s o l o , che s i chlamava - 61 -etrusco. Grand! per terra e per mare eran l e d i l u i forze; Antichissima e l ' o r i g i n e di questo popolo; l e memorie d e l l a sua g l o r i a s i confondono con quella de' v o s t r i i d d i i e de» v o s t r i eroi ...." (92) He g l o r i -f i e s the I t a l i a n past and, with Vlco, traces I t a l i a n c i v i l i z a t i o n back to the Etruscans rather than the Greeks. The Platone magnifies past g l o r i e s and con-t r a s t s them with the present decay,in order to i l l u s -t rate the new c i v i l i z a t i o n that can, and must, be shaped from these ancient materials. " Vedi, da una parte 1 * I t a l i a simile a vasto e d i f i c i o rovinato dai tempo, ... l a un immenso p i l a s t r o ancora torreggia intero, qua un portico s i conserva ancora per meta; i n tutto i l rlmanente dell'area, ...avanzi ...che oggi non sono a l t r o che rovine. Ben s i conosce che t a l i m aterial! han formato un tempo un nobile e d i f i -c i o , e che l o potrebbero formare un*altra v o l t a ; ma l , a n t i c o non e piu, ed i l nuovo dev'essere ancora."(93) His f a i t h i n the b r i l l i a n t future of an I t a l y united and respected i s seen i n contrast to his awareness of e x i s t i n g s o c i a l d i s p a r i t i e s i n the peninsula. Through Cleobolus he says, " Tutta l ' l t a l i a r i u n l s c e - 62 -tanta v a r i e t a di s l t i e d i c i e l o e d i c a r a t t e r i tanto marcati e f o r t i , che per essi mi par che non s i a v i v i a d i mezzo. Daranno g l ' I t a l i a n i n e l l a s t o r i a , ... g l i esempi d i t u t t i g l l estremi, di v i z i e d i v i r t u , di forza e di debolezza. Se saranno d i v i s i , s i faran-no l a guerra fi n o a l i a distruzione ... se saranno uni-t i , daranno le g g i a l l * u n i v e r s e * • (9^) To a r r i v e at unity within so much d i s p a r i t y and antagonism, the brotherhood of the people must serve as a bond. Pittagora concepl l ' a r d i t o di segno di r i s t a b i l i r l a pace e l a v i r t u , senza d i cui l a pace non puo durare. E g l i volea f a r d e l l ' I t a l i a una sola c i t t a ; onde l'energia di ciascun c l t t a d i n o avesse un campo piu vasto per e s e r c i t a r s i , senza essere costret-to a cozzare continuamente con coloro, che l a vicinan-za, l a lingua, i l costume facean nascer suoi f r a t e l l i e l a div i s i o n e degli o r d i n i p o l i t i c i ne costringeva ad odiar come nemici; e l'energia d i t u t t i non logora-ta da domestiche gare, potesse piu vigorosamente difen-der l a p a t r i a comune d a l l e offese de* barbari." (95) Repeating the words of Socrates to the Greeks,Cuoco warnsi those I t a l i a n s : " Tra vol ne v i puo ne v i deve esser guerra: c i d che vol chiamate 'guerra' e sedizio-- 63 -ne, d i c u i , se amassivo veracemente l a p a t r i a , dovreste a r r o s s i r e . " (96) These are i d e a l i s t i c precepts f o r warring I t a l i a n s , but since Cuoco b e l i e -ves so strongly that hi s t o r y i s the great teacher he cannot r e l i n q u i s h his hopes fo r the unity of h i s country. What advice does he have f o r those I t a l i a n s who wish to reach the goal? To create a national s p i r i t . This s p i r i t , or better v i r t u , needed f o r unity did not ex i s t i n I t a l y ; i t had to be created. M ... a questa meta non s i poteva pervenlre senza v i r t u e senza ottlmi o r d i n i c i v i l i : onde non v i fosse chi volesse e chi potesse comprar l a p a t r i a , chi volesse e chi potesse venderla; ma l ,ambizione d i ciascuno, vedendosi tutte chiuse l e vie d e l l a v i l t a e del v i z i o , fosse quasi costretto a prendere quella d e l l a v i r t u . " (97) Thus the only course of action was to educate the people who, -ignorant of t h e i r own p o s i t i o n and impor-tance, had no goals other than immediate, s e l f i s h ones. And there must also be education f o r those members of the middle class who w i l l support and lead the masses. - 6k -w ... perche un popolo con centomila p i e d i ha sempre bisogno d i una mente per camminare, e con centomila braccia, non ha una mente per a g i r e . M ( 9 8 ) Cuoco i s e x p l i c i t i n defing the need fo r a d i v e r s i f i e d educa-t i o n — a s diverse as the people to be educated-.-At the lower l e v e l i t must be directed to the heart as well as to the remind of the people, appealing to t h e i r nat-u r a l i n c l i n a t i o n s and based upon t h e i r authentic trad-i t i o n s . In contrast to t h i s popular education there must be a special curriculum f o r the class destined to govern the nation. I t , too, must have a well-def-ined e t h i c a l content. The e l i t e must learn to behave i n such a way as to deserve the respect and esteem of the common people. Here, as i n the Sagglo. Cuoco shows his intimate knowledge of the peasant c l a s s . M Non per-dete l a stima del popolo, se volete i s t r u i r l o . II po-polo non ode coloro che disprezza. Di rado e g l i pud conoscer l e dottrine, ma giudica severissimamente i maestri, e l i giudica da quelle cose che sembrano spes-so f r i v o l e , ma che son quelle sole che 11 popolo vede. Che vale 11 d i r e che i l popolo e ingiusto? Quando s i t r a t t a d ' i s t r u i r l o , t u t f i d i r i t t i sono suoi; t u t t ' i doveri son n o s t r i , e nostre tutte l e colpe." (99) - 65 -But c i v i c v i r t u e cannot be taught by p r o f e s s o r s of p h i l o s o p h y , nor can I t be imposed by l e g i s l a t i v e decree. Only i f t h e i r n a t u r a l l e a d e r s s e t them the example, w i l l the people f i n d t h a t t r a n q u i l l i t y and s e c u r i t y which are the c o n d i t i o n s o f p r o g r e s s . The people are not i n c a p a b l e o f reason, but they are t r a d -i t i o n a l l y endowed wit h p r e j u d i c e s , e r r o r s , v i c e s and above a l l i m a g i n a t i o n . Any programme of c o n s t i t u t i o n -a l reform must, f i r s t , evoke the sympathy of those i t i s to b e n i f i t . "Quando t u a v r a i i n c i s e l e Ifeggi d e l l a tua c i t t & s u l l e t a v o l e d i bronzo n u l l a p o t r a i d i r d i aver f a t t o , se non a v r a i anche s c f o l p i t a l a v i r t u n e l c u o r i de'suoi c i t t a d i n i . " (100) Custom and law a r e e q u a l l y important i n the s c i e n c e of p o l i t i c s : the law must conform to the n a t u r a l order of s o c i e t y and must not do v i o l e n c e to custom which has an even more i n t i m a t e h o l d upon me^s i m a g i n a t i o n . "La legge e sempre una, perche l a n a t u r a d e l l ' i n t e l l i -genza e immutablle. Mutabile e l a n a t u r a d e l l a m a t e r i a , d i c u i g l i uomini sono i n gran p a r t e composti; ... E n e c e s s i t a , dunque, conoscere d e l p a r i l a n a t u r a sem-pre mobile d i questo fango d i c u i siamo format!, onde - ,66-sapere per quali cagioni i nostri costumi s i allon-tanano dalle leggi, per quali modi, per quali art! s i possano r i a w i c i n a r s i a l l e medesime; i l che forma l'oggetto di tutta l a scienza dell*educazione. w(101) A further consideration—a point very dear to Cuoco and already treated in the Saggio—is the func-tion of religion and the position i t shoud keep i n Italian society. For Cuoco, religion was a social i n -stitution which the government might not ignore. Only i f the State integrates the prevalent religious assum-ptions within i t s organization, will i t gain the re-spect and approval of the Individual believer. By thus emphasizing u t i l i t y Cuoco does not wish to minimize the importance of religion per:se, as a l i f e of the s p i r i t , nor does he mean to define i t s l i t u r g i c or dogmatic aspects. He i s convinced that for social s t a b i l i t y three things are needed: "E'necessita che vi sieno ugualmente costumi, rellglone e leggi: uno che manM, l a c l t t a , o presto o tardi, ruina." (102) Thus, since the f i r s t goal for Italy i s the develop-ment, through the education of i t s people, of a new moral s p i r i t , i t follows that religion i s a proper - 6? -concern of the l e g i s l a t o r . I f well handled, r e l i g i o n becomes a tool f o r the state. ...^.mai r e l i g i o n e emen-dera utilmente i costumi se non sara dipendente del governo; ne mai r e l i g i o n e , che non emendi i costumi e non i s p i r i l'amor d e l l a p a t r i a , potra esser u t i l e a l l e Stato." (103) But i t i s not the function of r e l i g i o n to anaesthetize the people, putting an end to the nat-u r a l struggle within society. " Ove essa [ l a l o t t a di classej non e, i v i non e v i t a : i v i un giogo d i f e r -ro imposto a l ci t t a d i n o ha estinte tutte l e v i r t u , l o stimolo a tutte l e piu grandi imprese ... Quanto dura l a vera v i t a d i una cittsl? Tanto quanto dura l a di spu-ta. "(104) The l i f e of the state depends on the complex i n t e r -a ction of functions which sustain i t as a dynamic org-anism. Groups of c i t i z e n s must function as contribut-ing members of the state according to t h e i r own v i t a l i n t e r e s t s . Cuoco dismisses the idea of absolute equa-l i t y as a harmful i l l u s i o n since i t ignores the var-i a b i l i t y of i n d i v i d u a l purpose and personality, and he decries Russo's communist Utopia as a f a t a l tyran-ny. Mindful of the innate differences i n men, he - 68 -admonishes future l e g i s l a t o r s that there w i l l always be classes: " Vi saranno sempre p a t r i z i e p l e b e i , per-che* v i saranno sempre i pochi ed i molti; pochl r i c -chi e molti poveri; pochi i n d u s t r i o s i e molti sciope-r a t i ; pochissimi savi e moltissimi s t o l t i . " (105) And,as i n times past there was a constant opposition between p a t r i c i a n s and plebeians, so i n his own day, he found the same antagonism p e r s i s t i n g between r i c h and poor. The upper c l a s s , enjoying hereditary advan-tages, was i n a p o s i t i o n to exercise a preponderant influence on the l e g i s l a t o r s whereas the lower c l a s s , lacking education and without property, could be eas-i l y bribed or intimidated. Therefore, the s t a b i l i t y of the city, or state,must r e s t on the equilibrium of these n a t u r a l l y antagonistic s o c i a l f o r c e s — a n e q u i l i -brium which can only be assured by that emergent sec-t i o n of society, the middle c l a s s . Ne* i r i c c h i , po-chi e t i r a n n i c l , ne* i poveri, molti e t i r a n n i c l i n . senso inverso del r i c c h i , possono regger l o stato ... Essi j"uomini ottimij non son mai per l ^ r d i n a r i o ne t r a i massimi, c o r o t t i sempre d a l l e ricchezze, ne t r a i minimi, . . . a w i l l t i sempre d a l l a miserla." (106) - 69 -This confidence i n an active and enlightened middle class was already e x p l i c i t inthe Sagglo. but the"con-cept of a continuing and f r u i t f u l c l a s s struggle i s f i r s t developed i n the Platone. As Gentile says: II Platone i n I t a l i a ... r i a c q u i s t a tutto 11 suo valore, ed e l a piu grande battaglia,- combattuta dal Cuoco, per 11 suo ideale d e l l a formazione de l l o s p i r i t o pub-b l i c o i t a l i a n o . " (107) To t h i s we could add that, though the work lacks the a r t i s t i c merit of the Saggio. i t abundantly i l l u s t r a t e s i n l t s pages the r a t i o n a l adaptation of I t a l i a n t r a d i t i o n to the contemporary problems of the country. Cuoco ,s Viconian i n t e r p r e t a -t i o n of history makes of the Platone i n I t a l i a a cor-nerstone of the p o l i t i c a l l i t e r a r y structure of the Bisorgimento. As has been frequently pointed out, Cuoco's work anticipated Gioberti's Primato morale e c i v i l e degli  1tallani(1843). and. although separated by almost half a century, the two works aim at the same development of.a national consciousness. Both authors i n s i s t that the nation cannot create harmonious and prosperous i n -s t i t u t i o n s i f i t i s not aware of i t s p o t e n t i a l i t y , and - 70 -of i t s a b i l i t y to develop that p o t e n t i a l . To t h i s end, both works are based on a sense of national pride jus-t i f i e d by the past greatness of the Roman Empire and of the Renaissance. But while Gioberti centres his c thesis on the a t t r a c t i v e force of the Papacy, the only stable i n s t i t u t i o n i n Europe a f t e r the f a l l of the Roman Empire, Cuoco rests his programme on the l a t e n t forces Of the I t a l i a n people, on the power of that . national I n t e l l e c t which had once conquered a l l the known world and then, ten centuries l a t e r , with the Renaissance, had given modern Europe the impetus of s c i e n t i f i c development. The s i m i l a r i t y of the two programmes then, i s l i m i t e d to t h i s evocation of the I t a l i a n past as the motive f o r present e f f o r t . But that i s a l l . Gioberti sees the state as an extension of the Papacy, while Cuoco, nearer to eighteenth-century rationalism, counts on the revolutionary c r i -s i s of Europe i n general and of I t a l y i n p a r t i c u l a r , to develop a society which w i l l include r e l i g i o n but which willb&govyerned by popular w i l l and by the power of i t s own secular t r a d i t i o n and h i s t o r y . In t h i s respect, we may note that the Platone had a much c l o s -er p a r a l l e l i n the writings of Mazzini, who i n the - 71 -programme of the G i o v i n e I t a l i a d e c l a r e d t h a t the po-l i t i c a l Independence and u n i f i c a t i o n o f I t a l y would be i m p o s s i b l e without a concommitant i n t e l l e c t u a l development o f the common people, and t h a t M...l»uni-t a morale d»Italia e p r e g i u d i z i a l e r i s p e t t o a q u e l l a p o l i t i c a . " (108) What had seemed i n Cuoco*s time an' i d e a l i s t i c dream became, h a l f a century l a t e r , the c a t a l y s t needed f o r the p o l i t i c a l f o r m a t i o n of I t a l y . VII " I p o p o l i son tanto p i u d l f -f i c l l i a maneggiarsi quanto p i u sono i g n o r a n t i ; quanto mi-nore d i l numero d e l l e i d e e che e s s i hanno, tanto p i u s t r a -n i l o r sembrano g l i o r d i n i nuo-v l . M Cuoco.Scri t t i . I . p . 5 . Now t h a t we have, although b r i e f l y , a n a lyzed Cuoco 1s main works and d e f i n e d t h e i r i n s p i r a t i o n , n o t i n g h i s r e a l i s t i c approach to the shortcomings o f h i s c o u n t r y i n the Saggio. and h i s p r o p o s a l s f o r the r e v i v a l o f the I t a l i c s p i r i t i n the P l a t o n e . i t w i l l b e - u s e f u l to a n a l y z e the a r t i c l e s he had w r i t t e n f o r the G i o r n a l e  I t a l i a n o . ( 1 0 9 ) I n t h i s j o u r n a l , which began p u b l i c a t i o n on January the t h i r d , 1804, Cuoco developed i n a more d e f i n i t e and p a r t i c u l a r form i d e a s a l r e a d y expressed e a r l i e r and a n t i c i p a t e d o t h e r s which were to be e l a b -o r a t e d a f t e r h i s r e t u r n to Naples i n l 8 0 6 . Needless to say, the i d e a o f a u n i t e d and indepen-dent I t a l y was not p e c u l i a r to Cuoco, and i t may be i n t e r e s t i n g to compare h i s arguments wi t h those f o r - 73 -example of Francesco Lomonaco i n his Hfiapporto a l Cittadino Carnot" (1799) and of Cesare P a r i b e l l i i n an open l e t t e r to the French Directorate i n November 1799, when Naples had already surrendered to the mon-a r c h i s t s . For Lomonaco, the only cure f o r I t a l i a n i l l s was national unity. M Qual riparo a t a n t l mali? Qual rimedio a piaghe s i profonde? Come imprimere a l l e de-presse ed a w i l i t e fisonomie i t a l i a n e i l suggello d e l -l ' a n t i c a grandezza e maesta? Uno dei p r i n c i p a l ! mezzi, secondo me, e l'unlone." (110) But what i s the condi-t i o n f o r unity and independence ? Foreign intervention. Only the French are strong enough to sweep away the old order i n I t a l y as i n the re s t of Europe, to break the B r i t i s h monopoly of sea power, to end Austrian ex-p l o i t a t i o n of I t a l y ' s economic resources, to e s t a b i l i s h a true balance of power among th e i r European a l l i e s , f i r s t of whom w i l l be the new I t a l y ; " Realizzando ques-ta idea, g l ' I t a l i a n i avendo nazione, acquisteranno s p i -r i t o d i na z i o n a l i t a ; avendo governo, diveranno p o l i t i -c i e g u e r r i e r i ; avendo p a t r i a , godranno d e l l a l i b e r t y e. d i t u t f i beni che ne derivano,... (111) P a r i b e l l i , a Northerner from Sondrio, i s no l e s s - 74 -urgent i n his appeal f o r French assistance to the Neapolitan p a t r i o t s who have spoken and acted f o r a l l I t a l y . " L e g i s l a t o r ! , e d i r e t t o r i , osate a l f i n e d i soddisfare i l voto universale d e l l ' I t a l i a , e d i proclamare l a sua indipendenza e l a sua riunlone, i l d i cui centro esiste g l a n e l l a santa energia dei f i g l i del Vesuvio... parlate, e l a Repubblica I t a l i a na e s i s t e r a . " (112) But how i s t h i s I t a l i a n Republi c a l l e d into existence by the French Directorate, to j u s t i f y i t s independence? According to both P a r i b e l -l i and Lomonaco, by studying geography while .waiting f o r the French to expel the Austrians,the'Russians and the English. M L * I t a l i a non d i v i s a da grossi f l u mi ne da grandi montagne, separata d a l l e A l p i e dal t r i p l i c e mare dagli a l t r i popoli, forma una indi s s o -l u b i l e unita geografica? (113) Not only did such ar-gument ignore the immediate problem, m i l i t a r y and p o l i t i c a l , of both the French and t h e i r would be ad-herents i n I t a l y , but they disregarded the only fore permanently capable of uniti n g the peninsula, i t s i n habitants. Conceived i n such terms, the u n i f i c a t i o n of I t a l y remained a geografical abstraction, without moral s i g n i f i c a n c e . - 75 -As Cuoco had found the Neapolitan Revolution "passive" because i t r e l i e d on foreign arms and f o r -eign Ideologies instead of making a d i r e c t appeal to the people and ensuring t h e i r support, so he could not but consider the arguments of Lomonaco and P a r i b e l l i s u p e r f i c i a l and one-sided, and i t i s i n contrast with such e s s e n t i a l l y negative concepts —which seemed r e a l l y to i n v i t e Metternich's contempt-uous dismissal of I t a l y as merely a "geographical expression" — that his own nationalism reveals juts p o s i t i v e though complex e n t i t y . He i s persuaded that none of the various factors of n a t i o n a l i t y , race, geo-graphy, culture, r e l i g i o n , economic i n t e r e s t s , past history and present commitments are s u f f i c i e n t to make a nation unless they are concretized and assim-i l a t e d by the population within a given area. Upon t h i s condition, and only, upon t h i s condition, w i l l I t a l y , " questa t e r r a bagnata dai Maditerraneo," be-come a nation i n the f u l l meaning of the term, only then w i l l i t s history be more than a l i t e r a r y record preserved i n unread volumes. This was the I t a l y Cuoco envisioned when he set out - 76 -to write the programme f o r the Giornale I t a l i a n o and i n i t are developed most of the i d e a l s and ideas he believed necessary f o r the recreation of the nation. M F r a noi non s i t r a t t a d i conservar l o s p i r i -to pubblico, ma di c r e a r l o . Conviene avezzar l e men-t i d e g l f I t a l i a n ! a pensar nobilmente, ... e f a r dive-n i r e c i t t a d i n i d i uno Stato coloro i quali sono n a t i a b i t a n t l di una provineia. M(11^) In order to become a national e n t i t y the people must be made conscious of t h e i r l a t e n t aspirations and must be i n s p i r e d with the w i l l to achieve them. The pre r e q u i s i t e of national unity and independence i s the development of i n d i v i d u a l self-respect as a c o r o l l a r y of national consciousness. " un g i o r n a l i s t a d i Londra o d i P a r i g i pud m i l l e volte a l giorno r i p e -tere a i suoi p a t r i o t ! : - Hoi siamo grandi. - e g l i sara. sempre creduto. Un g i o r n a l i s t a I t a l i a n o , se pro-nunziera questa stessa proposizione, destera i l r i s o . " ( 115) Truth and modesty must be maintained i n every page of the Giornale I t a l i a n o . f o r only then w i l l i t be - 77-read with confidence and respect. No careless praise of I t a l y i s i n order nor thoughtless disdain f o r things foreign, but a r a t i o n a l evaluation of a l l ideas, fashions, events,that may serve to foster the national s p i r i t . Thus the conscious e f f o r t to achieve national status could be stimulated by a responsible press. The second postulate f o r the achievement of nation-hood i s ; ..l*accordo de g u i d i z i d i t u t t i sucquegli oggetti che possono essere u t i l l o d a n n o s i . M ( l l 6 ) Of these, three are fundamental and one i s pre-eminent. M E necessario che t u t t i g l i uomini convengano i n tre cose: i n r i s p e t t a r i govern!, i n r i s p e t t a r l a r e l i g i o n e ed i n p r a t i c a r l a morale; e se t r a queste cose s i po-tesse s t a b i l i r e una progressione, i o non avrei veruna d i f f i c o l t a d i d i r e che l a corruzione d e l l a morale porta seco i l disprezzo prima d e l l a r e l i g i o n e e poscia del governo." (117) In t h i s t r i p l y reinforced respect f o r the state, the single i n d i v i d u a l w i l l see the sublimation of what he deems best i n himself. Since the State i s an e t h i c a l entity, the good c i t i z e n w i l l treasure his r e l i g i o n , which i s i d e n t i f i e d with the State, and he w i l l abide by his sense of morality which - 78 -i s also the morality of the nation. A perfect ident-i t y of purpose between the i n d i v i d u a l and the State within a united I t a l i a n Republic, to become l a t e r an I t a l i a n Kingdom, i s Cuoco 1s goal: an i n d i v i d u a l and i n t e g r a l national conscience. This was the pro-blem which the Glornaleltallano must resolve. The problem of motivation already examined i n con-nection with the Neapolitan Revolution of 179$ i s inverted. The Revolution had t r i e d to impose an ex t r i n -s i c unity, aimed at abstract sentiments of human s o l -i d a r i t y , whereas the Giornale t r i e d to analyze the consience of men i n order to a f f e c t t h e i r s p i r i t and to reawaken that p a t r i o t i c energy which i n the l a t t e r part of the century would be c a l l e d nationalism. For Cuoco t h i s implied an act of energic v o l i t i o n i n which are fused a l l the p a r t i c u l a r s needed to shape and guide the national destiny. An e f f e c t i v e revolution w i l l sublimate the w i l l of the whole people, not mere-l y the w i l l of a group of p h i l i s o p h i c p a t r i o t s l i k e those Neapolitans who had i d e a l i z e d the people but had kept i t outside the revolutionary movement. Cuoco believes that the true revolutionary s p i r i t i s not i n - 79 -the Jacobins who are eLlways few, but i n the people at the broad base of the s o c i a l structure. I f a nation i s to be formed, he repeats, the people must be the ar t i s a n , f o r through i t s own s p i r i t u a l growth i t w i l l be able to overcome a l l obstacles. F i r s t , be-cause i t w i l l f e e l a d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to achieve the goal and second because, having achieved i t , w i l l f e e l i t s e l f capable of f i n e r things. The problem, then, was a pedagogic one: to form a nation by Informing the people, to prepare men's minds, to execute t h e i r imagination, to di r e c t t h e i r w i l l , to c a l l them to action as soon as the opportunity should present i t s e l f . And present i t s e l f i t must, f o r h i s -tory i s c y c l i c and every nation has the p o s s i b i l i t y to opt f o r greatness i f i t i s capable of making the r i g h t choice at the r i g h t moment. " Ogni stato ha un perlodo da correre. Tutte l a nazioni p i c c o l e son de-stlnate ad in g r a n d i r s i o a p e r i r e . Quelle non p e r i -scono, l e quali dlspongon per tempo l e loro menti all'ampiezza de'destini f u t u r i ; onde, quando 11 cor-so degli avvenimenti loro present! l e occasion! op-portune, esse, per mancanza di preparazlone, non s i - 80 -r i t r o v a n o impotent!. Questa e s t a t a l a cagione d e l l a d e bolezza d e l l a r e p u b b l i c a d e * v e n e z i a n i , che Machia-v e l l i chiama 'mancanza d l v i r t u ' , e che, usando l a sua e n e r g i c a e s p r e s s l o n e , ' T a g l i o l o r o l e gambe d e l s a l i r e a l c i e l o . ' * (118) The G i o r n a l e was addressed to r e a d e r s o f every s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n i n a l l p a r t s o f I t a l y , from M i l a n to Palermo, from T u r i n to Venice. To a t t r a c t and ho l d t h e i r a t t e n t i o n i t must d e a l w i t h an endless v a r i e t y o f t o p i c s , legendary, p o l i t i c a l , h i s t o r i c a l , a n e c d o t i c , s t a t i s t i c a l , drawing i t s m a t e r i a l from ev-ery p o s s i b l e source and r e f e r r i n g now t o one, now to another r e g i o n o r c i t y , but seeking always to e x c i t e n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g , to impart a sense o f common i n t e r -e s t i n p a s t g l o r i e s , o f common r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the r e s o l u t i o n o f the pr e s e n t d i f f i c u l t i e s , and a common hope f o r a b e t t e r f u t u r e . A l l problems, j u r i d i c a l , ethnographic, a r c h a e o l o g i c a l , h i s t o r i c a l , p o l i t i c a l , economic, m i l i t a r y , i n d u s t r i a l , a g r i c u l t u r a l , s o c i a l , were to be t r e a t e d t h o u g h t f u l l y , i m p a r t i a l l y , t h o r - , oughly, but never c o l d l y . - 81 -" Presentare a l pubblico quanto piu spesso s i possa, l e memorie deg l i a l t r i tempi: non come ta-l o r a s i e* f a t to, sfigurate e d i r e t t e a turbar g l i o r d i n i che s i avevano, ma quail realmente sono, e per confermar c o l l a stima d i noi s t e s s l g l i o r d i n i che abbiamo ... Incominciare a misurarci, almen c o l pensiero, c o l l e a l t r e nazioni ... ragionar frequen-temente s u l l e operazioni nostre." ( 119) That i s the day to day programme of the Giornale. the p r a c t i c a l means by which i t w i l l renew the national conscious-ness, persuading the I t a l i a n people that " Chi oggi non e grande, e quasi d i f f i d a d i poterlo divenire, .. .ricordiamogli ... che l o e>stato una volta."(120) The modern reader, and e s p e c i a l l y the foreign reader, may well f e e l that the Giornale exaggerates the importance of a l l things I t a l i a n and i n s i s t s too much on i t s persuasive purpose. But since i t was addressed not to an impartial p o s t e r i t y but to contemporary I t a l i a n s , many of them ignorant and most of them u n c r i t i c a l , Cuoco may well be pardon-ed f o r having remembered hi s own observation i n the Saggio that the people do not follow the p a r t i c u l a r - 82 -l o g i c of a given argument but have a natural i n -c l i n a t i o n to perceive i t s value through the e f f e c t i t has on t h e i r sentiments and emotions. This per-f e r v i d tone i s esp e c i a l l y notable i n the frequent pages on the Renaissance, as f o r example i n t h i s t y p i c a l passage on the sixteenth century. " . . . i l secolo i n cui rinacquero tutte l e a r t i e tutte l e scienze, e tutte rinacquero i n I t a l i a , e d a l l * I t a -l i a s i diffusero per tutto 11 resto ancor barbaro dell*Europa; s i scopersero due nuovi mondi,e tan-t i mail e t a n t i beni s i aggiunsero a l l , a n t i c o ; sorsero nuove sette r e l i g i o s e , ed i l fermento che esse produssero fecondo i primi semi d i quella l i -berta d i pensare che dovea c o l tempo produrre e l a sana f i l o s o f i a e l*insensato pirrlnismo; . . . T u t t i questi avvenimenti o nacquero o agitaronsl e com-p i r o n s i i n I t a l i a o per l 1 I t a l i a o per 1*opera de-g l i i t a l l a n i . w (121) On reading such l i n e s what reader of the early nineteenth century could remain i n d i f f e r e n t ? And what modern reader w i l l not think of Burkhardt? The truth i s that Cuoco*s p a t r i o t i c bias often inspi r e d him to a n t i c i p a t e , i n a p a r t i a l and fragmentary way, judgements and views which were - 83 -to make the reputation of those c r i t i c s and his t o r i a n s who developed and documented them half a century l a t e r . A case i n point i s Cuoco*s defence of Machiavelli whom he presents not as a cynic but as a r e a l i s t , and insp i r e d p a t r i o t who saw men as they were, analyzed t h e i r actions with imperturbable clairvoyance and t made the in e v i t a b l e deductions, but who never s a c r i -f i c e d to expediency his own i d e a l of j u s t i c e and l i b e r t y . To Machiavelli, Cuoco atributed words of melancholy grandeur which he might well have spoken on h i s own account. w II maggior numero ( deg l i uo-mini) e lngiusto, perche pieno d i passioni e servo d e * p a r t i t i . Io ho voluto scrivere senza passione veruna; ... e l i ho o f f e s l t u t t i . Ho s c r i t t o per g l i uomini ragionevoli e questo e stato i l mio to r t o : g l i uomini ragionevoli son poch i . w ( 122) And he goes on i n t h i s and other a r t i c l e s to draw a picture of the Florentine secretary which s t r i k i n g l y pre-figures the detailed r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of him written by De Sanctis. M Quelli l i quali legano l e opere di Machiavelli c o l l a stessa attenzione c o l l a quale l e g -gono un romanzo, ... credono che Machiavelli abbia - 84 -date l e z i o n i d i t i r a n n i d e ... Io sono persuaso che M a c h i a v e l l i non v o i l e f a r e ([questo]| ma v i d e i c o s t u -mi e g l i o r d i n i de'suoi tempi, e ne g i u d i c d con una mente l a quale e r a s u p e r i o r e a i tempi s u o i , e i n con-sequenza doveva essere per n e c e s s i t a ammirata o b i a -simata, e sempre senza r a g i o n e perche non e r a mai ben compresa." (123) The name most f r e q u e n t l y mentioned i n the G i o r -n a l e i s perhaps t h a t of G i a n b a t t l s t a V i c o , whose De  a n t i q u l s s l m a I t a l o r u m s a p i e n t i a Q.710 ) s t i l l enjoyed g r e a t a u t h o r i t y among I t a l i a n a r c h e o l o g i s t s and whose ep i c v i s i o n of h i s t o r y , o b s c u r e l y developed i n the S c i e n z a Nuova ( 1730) had a n t i c i p a t e d some o f the most f r u i t f u l i d e a s of the pre-Romantic :theoMsts, f o r example Herder. I t was i n the s p i r i t of V i c o t h a t ' Cuoco m a g n i f i e s Dante as the n a t i o n a l poet of I t a l y , and defends him on o c c a s i o n a g a i n s t the French.(124) He esteems Pagano a H the more h i g h l y because he had promoted the study of V i c o , and he connects w i t h V i c o even such r a t i o n a l i s t s as V e r r i , B e c c a r i a and F i l a n g i e r i , s i n c e t h e i r proposed reforms of the p e n a l system and j u d i c i a l p r a c t i c e was based on an equation - 85 -between j u s t i c e and national f e e l i n g , culture and temperament. (125) In f i n e , the Giornale i s at once an example of p r a c t i c a l journalism aimed always at the r e a d e r — a t p a r t i c u l a r readers i n a given time and place—and a re v e l a t i o n of the e d i t o r 1 s v e r s a t i l i t y and stead-fastness, whatever his topic and whatever the tone i t Imposed, whether he i s r e l i v i n g ancient g l o r i e s , analysing past f a i l u r e s , or predicting future devel-opments, his concern i s always to inform, to educate his fellow countrymen. VIII " L'istruzione deve illuminare e d i r i g e r e tutte l e azioni del l a v i t a , e per conseguenza de-ve abbracciare tutte l e cogni-zi o n i umane." Cuoco.Scrltti. II,p.10. Education i n a l l i t s aspects was Cuoco ,s f i r s t concern not only while i n exi l e but ajso a f t e r his return to Naples i n 1806. This second Neapolitan period lasted, i n ef f e c t , only nine years, but i t was even more active than the preceding period at Milan and no le s s productive, though writing was now subordinated to administration. Following the French Army to Naples, Cuoco at once put his mind and his pen at the service of Joseph Bonaparte and then of Murat f o r whom he conceived a genuine admiration and i n whom he inspired a r e c i p r o c a l sympathy. The f i r s t f r u i t of t h i s connection was the Bapporto e Progetto  per 1' orgsdtezazione d e l l ' i s truzione pubblica. Since a detailed analysis of t h i s work would be beyond the scope of t h i s essay, discussion w i l l be - 86 -l i m i t e d to those ideas on education which Cuoco f e l t were e s s e n t i a l f o r the formation of the I t a l i a n s p i r i t . As he s t a t e s i n the opening paragraph;" La s o l a i s t r u z i o n e pud* r e n d e r c i l * a n t i c a grandezza e„ l , a n t i c a g l o r i a . La natura c i ha d a t i t u t t f i c a p i t a l i ; non c i manca che l ' i n d u s t r i a , c i o e ' i l s a p e r g l i conoscere ed adoperare; e questo non pu$' darce l o che 1*istruzione..." (126) The w r i t e r , though no longer i n e x i l e , remained as o b j e c t i v e i n h i s a p p r a i s a l of the s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s around him as he had been i n M i l a n . Thus he advocated a system of education, not l i m i t e d to members of the wealthy c l a s s e s but f r e e l y extended to a l l the p o p u l a t i o n : " L ' i s t r u z i o n e e* un bisogno d i tutt»i c i i t t a d i n i , d i t u t t o l o St a t o : dunque dev*essere a c c e s s i b i l e a t u t t i . " (127) Cuoco sees as a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the R e v o l u t i o n - one of the few good outcomes of that i l l - f a t e d experiment - the new importance of popular education. The governing c l a s s e s had been forced to recognize not merely the existence of the common people but t h e i r l a t e n t power. Only by educating them, by making them i n t o c i t i z e n s , could - 87 -the s o c i a l order be s t a b i l i z e d and the continued existence of the state be assured. MLe r i v o l u z i o n i soglion svelare i l gran segreto d e l l a forza d i quel popolo che nei tempi di t r a n q u i l l i t a suol esser l a parte passlva di uno Stato. ... Chiamarlo a parte d e l l a d i f e s a d e l l o Stato e d e l l e l e g g i senza i s t r u i r l o e l o stesso che renderlo pericoloso, facendogli fare c i o che non sa f a r e . M (128) This observation i n the Giornale I t a l l a n o (1804) po s i t s not only a l o c a l but a national need fo r educating the masses. Cuoco sees i n the restlessness of the common people, following on the Revolution, an immediate danger to society which i s only too l i k e l y to f a l l i nto anarchy and disorder once t r a d i -t i o n and s o c i a l convention have been undermined. The need to educate the peasantry and the p r o l e t a r i a t had never been greater. Only through them can the State achieve s t a b i l i t y and eventual unity. (129) Once t h i s need of education i s established, Cuoco, with his concept of the State as an e t h i c a l -j u r i d i c a l e n t i t y , proposes that the same l e g i s l a t i v e body which guides a l l other elements of the State - 88 -should assume the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r popular education. Since the state i s the product of the c o l l e c t i v e w i l l , Cuoco sees no a l t e r n a t i v e but to impose on the State the task of educating the c i t i z e n s and by t h i s means i n s p i r i n g them with a p a t r i o t i c s p i r i t capable of carrying the nation to i t s proper goal. His pedagogical writings are constantly focused on questions of f e a s a b i l i t y and p r a c t i c e . W E necessario, dunque che una nazione s i a t u t t a i n t e r a i s t r u i t a ? Not Faremo forse d i t u t t ' i c l t t a d i n i t a n t i sapienti? No, ... L'istruzione da che dev* essere pubblica, non ne viene i n conseguenza che debba essere eguale i n tutte l e c l a s s i del popolo. ... E» necessario che v i s i a un»istruzione per t u t t i , una per molti, una per pochi. (130) I t i s i n t h i s advocacy of a p r a c t i c a l education to equip the c i t i z e n f o r a useful l i f e that the Rapporto assumes i t s modernity. As Cuoco had already noted i n the Platone: w Riunite i saggi d i tut t a l a t e r r a , ... e formatene una c i t t a . ... Essa non meriterebbe neanche i l nome d i c i t t a , perche l e mancherebbe ... l a vicendevole dipendenza t r a di loro ( c i t t a d i n i ) per tutto c i o che - 89 -rende agiata e sic u r a l a vita." (131) Accordingly, he proposes a d i v i s i o n of popular education into Sublime. media, elementare (132) i n which science, commerce and technology would be studied and trans-mitted to the people f o r t h e i r respective p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n . Nor can education be l i m i t e d to men, since a l l men are what women make them.M ... Le sole spartane sanno dare d e ' c i t t a d i n i a l i a p a t r i a . ... perchenon pud dare a l f i g l i o l*educazione d i un cit t a d i n o c o l e i che ha l a condizione e l a mente di una serva." (133) What useful p a r a l l e l , we may ask, could be drawn between the women of Sparta and those of nineteenth-century Italy? There was no doubt i n Cuoco*s mind concerning the duty and p o s i t i o n of women i n I t a l i a n society. For women as for men he proposed free public i n s t r u c -t i o n which should f i t them to do more than nurse t h e i r c h i l d r e n . This was s t i l l the Napoleonic era, when the emperor wished to have women who believe ...»not -women who reason.* Yet Cuoco dared to propose to the Emperor's brother-in-law a programme of education f o r the weaker sex: "Quando l e donne saranno educate, - 90 -sara compiuta per meta l'educazione degli uomini." (134) The f i r s t sense of morality must be impressed i n the c h i l d ' s mind by i t s mother, and i t i s the duty of the State to educate her f o r her r i g h t f u l r o l e i n society. "E* necessario che a i popoli s i dia (una morale) a l t r i m e n t i se l a formeranno da l o r o . (135) To t h i s natural morality, imbibed with the mother's milk, w i l l e a s i l y be added an e x p l i c i t sense of morality preached by the r e l i g i o u s organization within the state. Although Cuoco believed that r e l i g i o u s i n d o c t r i n a t i o n should take place outside the classroom, he never t i r e d of i n s i s t i n g on the p r a c t i c a l appeal of r e l i g i o n to the impressionable majority of the population. Since r e l i g i o n i s thus recognized as a useful instrument of education, the l e g i s l a t o r must see that i t i s p r o f i t a b l y integrated within the general programme of the State. "E necessario che l a legge l e dia l a norma, perche spetta a l i a legge, a l i a sola legge, i l determinare qual debba essere l a v i r t u del c i t t a d i n o . E necessario che l a f i l o s o f i a l e i n d i c h i i mezzi, perche l a f i l o s o f i a e quella cui spetta conoscere i l - 91 -cuore e l a mente umana e l e v i e per i n s i n u a r v i l a v i r t u e l a s a v i e z z a . " (136) I t i s e v i d e n t t h a t f o r Cuoco a l l a s p e c t s o f ed u c a t i o n a r e determined not by dogma o r t r a d i t i o n but by reason and a r e to be r a t i o n a l l y e v a l u a t e d and used f o r the broader purposes o f the S t a t e - to develop and m a i n t a i n a knowledgeable, and hence s t a b l e , e l e c t o r a t e . The i n t e g r a t i o n of e d u c a t i o n i n the home, i n the s c h o o l and from the p u l p i t Is the b u s i n e s s of the s t a t e . "Facciam s i ' che costumi, l e g g i , r e l i g i o n e non abbiano che un s o l f i n e , che e q u e l l o d i render 1 c i t t a d i n i p i i i v i r t u o s i e l a p a t r i a p i u f e l i c e . " (137) With t h i s i n mind, he advocated the i n s t i t u t i o n o f a f a c u l t y o f P h i l o l o g y a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f Naples. He f e l t s t r o n g l y t h a t through t h i s s c i e n c e man would l e a r n to e v a l u a t e i n : p e r s p e c t i y e h i s own nat u r e and needs. "Vico ha dimostrato che l e n a z i o n i hanno una v i t a a l p a r i d e g l ' i n d i v i d u i , M t h e i r laws and myths are but the r e f l e c t i o n o f t h e i r t r a d i -t i o n s and a s p i r a t i o n s . To I l l u s t r a t e t h i s p o i n t he - 92 -presents one precept from Vico's work. " L ' e t i -mologia... dimostra l a legge c o l l a quale s i forma i l linguaggio, non d e l l 1 i n d i v i d u o , . . . ma d e l l e nazioni." Rightly then, f o r the progress of l e g i s l a -IV t i o n he i n s i s t s that: ... se questa scienza [ F i l o l o g i a ] ricevesse l a sua perfezione ... sarebbe i l piu gran passo che s i potrebbe fare n e l l a piu d i f f i c i l e d e l l e scienze, n e l l ' a r t e cioe di dar l e leggi a i popoli, tante volte malmenati da p r i n c i p i di una f a l s a f i l o s o f i a , che ignora equalmente l a natura dell'uomo e quella dell*universo." (138) Cuoco, l i k e Vico, saw that "Questo mondo c i v i l e certamente e stato f a t t o dagli uomini, onde se ne possono, perche se ne debbano, r i t r o v a r e i p r i n c i p i , dentro l e modificazioni d e l l a nostra medesima mente umana." (139) IX H Le nazioni ... barbare amano d i essere sgravate dai t r i b u t i , perche non hanno d e s i d e r i i s u p e r f l u i ; l e nazioni colte s i contentano di pagar moi to, purche quest* aumento di tributo acresca l a forza e ml-g l i o r i l a sussistenza nazionale." Saggio VIII, p. 50 Aft e r having noted the s a l i e n t points of Cuoco*s p o l i t i c a l and pedagogical programme, i t i s pertinent to consider his proposals f o r economic reform. I f the people of I t a l y were to share i n making t h e i r own history they must make better use of t h e i r physical p o t e n t i a l . The future rested not only on the emulation of past g l o r i e s and the creation of a national s p i r i t but also on the study and applica-t i o n of modern technological methods to s a t i s f y the basic needs of the people, e s p e c i a l l y f o r food. As Napoleon i s reputed to have said, " An army marches on i t s stomach," so Cuoco might have said, " A nation advances on i t s stomach." He was well aware that i n many regions of the South the people existed on the border l i n e of starvation and he knew that a - 94 -hungry people can not contribute to a progressive state. In the distant past, I t a l i a n a g r i c u l t u r e had set an example to the r e s t of the world by the quantity and quality of i t s produce. Cuoco points out that: " I primi nomi che g l i a n t i c h l s s i m i greci diedero a l l 1 I t a l i a furono Esperia ed Oenotrla. La chiamarono. • La t e r r a del vino e del pane.* M (140) He envisioned a re-establishment of the conditions which prevailed when M Ne l e produzioni del suolo i t a l l a n o eran solamente s u f f i c l e n t i a l bisogno del grandissimo numero de' suoi a b i t a t o r i ; ma tanta erane l'abbondanza che i l prezzo ne era estremamente v i l e . " ( l 4 l ) He was convinced that the s o i l and the sun of the country could, with the industry of the people, enable I t a l y again to feed a l l i t s population and to export surplus produce i n exchange f o r other useful merchandise. But i n order to reach such a l e v e l of productivity, he saw that many reforms must be Implemented i n the various branches of a g r i c u l t u r e . I t was the grasp of economic requirements shown i n Cuoco 1s Milanese writings and the knowledge of the s o c i a l conditions i n the South revealed In the Saggio - 95 -that caused Murat, i n November 1806, to appoint Cuoco to the I s t l t u t o d*Incoraggiamento del  Mezzoglorno, of which he bacame president i n June, 1810. In his o f f i c i a l capacity, he was able not only to formulate p r a c t i c a l reforms but also to specify t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n to p a r t i c u l a r regions. When he assumed the presidency he wrote, M II bisogno e forse e g l i solo s u f f i c i e n t e ad a t t i v a r e quella i n t r i n s e c a naturale energiaj non s i estende o l t r e l e idee, e quel bisogno, che vince l'indolenza, non pud superare 1'Ignoranza." (1^3) These words i l l u s t r a t e Cuoco*s b e l i e f i n the advantages of education f o r economic progress. Provision must be made by the government f o r the desemination of modern ideas to the uninformed worker. He suggests the creation of a permanent In s t i t u t e of Agriculture and Industry, w A f f i d i s i dunque 1*istruzione d e l l e a r t ! ad un c o l l e g l o che s i a eterno, come deve essere l * i n d u s t r i a d*una na-zione. (144) He advocates a study of new methods i n a g r i c u l t u r e and industry and t h e i r c i r c u l a t i o n to the farmers and artisans who would benefit from - 96 -them. " R i p o r t a r e continuamente g l i uomini a l l ' o s s e r v a z i o n e e i l modo ... p i u e f f i c a c e d'insegnar l o r o c i o che e u t i l e . " (14-5) When, i n September 1810, he became P r e s i d e n t of the P r o v i n c i a l C o u n c i l o f M o l i s e , he made an ex t e n s i v e t o u r o f the r e g i o n and i n 1812 presented to the C o u n c i l a d e t a i l e d r e p o r t o f h i s o b s e r v a t i o n s . His f i r s t c o n s i d e r a t i o n was the geographic d e l i n e a -t i o n o f the p r o v i n c i a l borders which, he f e l t , ought* to f o l l o w the n a t u r a l l i n e o f the r i v e r s e n c l o s i n g the P r o v i n c e . He continued w i t h a p r o p o s a l f o r the d i v i s i o n and c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f the v a r i o u s communal a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c e n t e r s to reduce d u p l i c a t i o n o f s e r v i c e s and i n c r e a s e t h e i r e f f i c i e n c y . Regarding the p r o d u c t i o n o f wheat, the c h i e f commodity o f the Pr o v i n c e , he warned the C o u n c i l on the f o r e i g n c o m p e t i t i o n which would ensue a t the end o f the Napoleonic campaign. He forsaw t h a t wheat would be exported from the shores o f the Bl a c k Sea and from the Americas, and with t h i s i n mind he evaluated the p o s i t i o n o f the Kingdom i n r e l a t i o n - 97 -to world markets. H Sembrera/ strano che i o , parlando d e l l a p r o v i n c i a d i M o l i s e , imprenda a p a r l a r e d i t u t t a l ' E u ropa; ma i o credo che i l n o s t r o s t a t o s i a sempre r e l a t i v o , e che n o i non istaremo mai bene se non c i metteremo a l i v e l l o d i c i o che ne c i r c o n d a . " (146) He added t h a t , a l t h o u g h the s o i l and c l i m a t e of M o l i s e was i d e a l f o r the c u l t i v a t i o n of g r a i n , the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n must encourage i n d i v i d u a l farmers to d i v e r s i f y t h e i r crops i n o r d e r to extend the f e r t i l i t y o f the s o i l , i n s t e a d o f c l e a r i n g wooded areas i n o r d e r to seed g r e a t e r acreage. Non s i e pensato a c o l t i v a r meglio, ma a c o l t i v a r d i p i u ; s i sono d e s i d e r a t i i t e r r e n i n u o v i , perche i s o l i f e r t l l l , ^ ove ogni a l t r o modo s*ignorava per rendere l a f e r t l l i t a ad una t e r r a g i a c o l t i v a t a ; i b o s c h i s i sono d i s t r u t t i con un f u r o r e i n c r e d i b i l e . M (14?) T h i s a s p e c t of s o i l c o n s e r v a t i o n and the advantages of r e f o r e s t a t i o n , Cuoco presented to the C o u n c i l i n s e v e r a l well-documented b r i e f s . He understood the extreme importance o f f l o o d c o n t r o l and the n e c e s s i t y o f t r e e d areas to check the e r o s i v e - 98 -f o r c e of water. " Quale e mai l a causa p r i n c i p a l e d i t u t t e l e a l l u v l o n i , l e i n o n d a z i o n i , ... slamamenti, ... r i s t a g n i , e c c ? Lo sboscamento i n c o n s i d e r a t o ... che ogni anno di v e n t a maggiore; ... s i guasta i l corso d e ' t o r r e n t ! e d e ' f i u m i ; s i producono p a l u d i ; l ' a r i a d i v e n t a m i c i d i a l e , l a regione i n a b i t a b i l e ; ed a l l o r a s i pensa a b o n i f i c a r e . " (148) To i l l u s t r a t e the importance of r e f o r e s t a t i o n he c i t e s the p r o v e r b i a l f e r t i l i t y of Crotona: "Ma a l l o r a i boschi erano s a c r i , " while a t the time of h i s r e p o r t , the area, composed mostly of c l a y , was barren and any r a i n f a l l generated a p u t r i d gas which rendered i t u n i n h a b i t a b l e . So he asks, " Che c i vorrebbe per m i g l i o r a r e t a l i region!? P i a n t a g o n i . Bisogna p l a n t a r e ove v i e acqua: p i a n t a r e per d i m i n u i r l a , p i a n t a r e per c o n t e n e r l a , p i a n t a r e per c o n s e r v a r l a , p i a n t a r e per d i r i g e r l a . " To those who t r i e d to promote swamp drainage and reclamation without r e f o r e s t a t i o n , he says: " Separare l a cura d e l l e b o n i f i c h e da q u e l l a d e l l e p i a n t a g i o n i e l o stesso che non v o l e r ne p i a n t a g i o n i ne b o n i f i c h e . " (1^9) - 99 -Since the administrative centre must r e f l e c t the general e f f i c i e n c y and prosperity of the region, Cuoco extended his concern to c i t y planning and made proposals f o r the modernization of the c a p i t a l of Molise, Campobasso. " Campobasso, per esempio, manca d i case di abltazione, ... non ha strade interne, non una fontana per acqua da bere. Campobasso, diventata c a p i t a l e d i una provincia ... crescera' ... quanto piu crescera, tanto piu sara brutta e disadatta. Perche? Perche* s i acresce senza disegna, perche s i lavora senza un piano generale." To remedy th i s s i t u a t i o n and to beautify the c i t i e s of the whole Kingdom, a plan i s urgently needed: " Sarebbe necessario che ogni c i t t a (non escludo neanche Napoli), ... s i formasse un piano s t a b i l e d e l l a sua costruzione interna i n modo che ri u n i s s e l a messima comodita, s a l u b r l t a e bellezza p o s s i b i l e . " (150) His i n t e r e s t s i n the physical improvement of the province of Molise, did not prevent his frequent t r a v e l throughout the Kingdom to observe short-comings and to recommend measures for r e h a b i l i t a -- 100 -t i o n . His experience i n Molise he applied to the other regions, not i n general terms but presenting solutions to the p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l i t i e s with de-t a i l e d descriptions of the p o l i c i e s best suited to ensure prompt r e a l i z a t i o n of t h e i r goals. He was not content with g e n e r a l i t i e s because, as he says, "Forse, se s i volesse formare un sistema generale prima d i conoscere i f a t t i , i l sistema sarebbe erroneo. Ma, se, a l contario, s'incomincia d a l l a cognizione de f a t t i , v i sara modo d i formare dopo qualche tempo un sistema generale adattabile a tutto i l Regno." (151) While compiling these various reports, he was f o r c i b l y confronted with the need f o r a system of s t a t i s t i c s throughout the Kingdom. To meet t h i s need, he Insisted on an accurate and complete documentation of economic a c t i v i t i e s . He believed, with Galanti, that economic reform depended on a p a r t i c u l a r i z e d knowledge of every aspect of society. M La sola s t o r i a r i u n i t a a l i a s t a t i s t i c a pud darci questo paragone tanto necessario t r a c i d che e stato e c i d che e; ... mostrandoci c i d che s i faceva quando s i - 101 -faceva bene, puo insegnarci a non f a r male. Senza sapere quello che s i e f a t t o , d i rado s i pud sapere c i d che s i ha da far e . " (152) In his study of s t a t i s t i c s he emphasized the r e l a t i o n between economic s t a b i l i t y and population d i s t r i b u t i o n . As he had observed i n the S t a t i s t i c a  d e l l a Repubblica C l s a l p i n a . w ... l a maggior parte del progress! che una societa possa fare i n terre ed Industrie consiste nell'aumento e nell'uso d e l l a popolazione." (153) This observation was repeated i n the Platone where he remarks that the number of the c i t i z e n s i s the nation's most important asset. I f they are outnumbered, virt u e may teach them how to die i n b a t t l e but only a caprice of fortune could give them v i c t o r y . (15*0 Let the government take care to augment the population, since, as Galanti had already pointed out, there i s a very close r e l a t i o n s h i p between population and industry. Cuoco had noted i n the Frammenti that the needs of the people had increased much fa s t e r than the country's a b i l i t y to meet them and he rejected Russo's - 102 -plea for a return to the simple l i f e . He believed that wants, li k e ideas, cannot regress and that eloquence cannot postpone progress. So he suggested that i t be used rather to inspire i n the people love of the s o i l and satisfaction i n t i l l i n g i t . "L'amor della campagna, che succedera a l furore che oggi abbiamo per l a capitale, c l liberera da quella smania per l e bagatelle della moda, ... e l'uomo impieghera 11 suo superfluo i n un lusso di a r t i , ... piu glorioso all'individuo, piu u t i l e a l i a nazione." (155) It can be seen, then, that Cuoco was no less concerned with economic reform than with education and p o l i t i c s . He had learned, f i r s t from his father, then from Galanti, that economic progress i s the surest incentive for the majority of the people to assume p o l i t i c a l and cultural responsibility. In this, no less than i n his advocacy of truly representa-tive government, he anticipates the man who actually accomplished for Italy what he himself had most ardently desired—Cavour. Cuoco*s reputation was made early. At Naples, as a very young man he had exchanged ideas, impressions, judgements with the most enlightened men -of that high-l y i n t e l l e c t u a l society which, on the brink of r e v o l -ution, was urgently seeking new solutions to old prob-lems but f a i l e d to reaffirm any accepted values. Stim-ulated by t h i s intercourse and sobered by the tragic f a i l u r e of so much high thinking, he composed his Saggio and within a year of his e x i l e had established himself as the o f f i c i a l i n t erpreter of the new p o l i t -i c a l movement which was sweeping I t a l y . Active employ-ment followed with heavy, but creative, administrative duties. Perhaps i n consequence, none of his writings a f t e r the Saggio. do f u l l j u s t i c e to his a r t i s t i c ab-i l i t y . But there i s a steady progression i n his thought which, with increasing experience, becmes always broad-er, not merely i n the range of subjects treated but i n i t s ever more conPplex standard of judgement. From c r i t i c a l analysis he passes to creative construction, eloquent persuasion, detailed r e a l i z a t i o n . His I t a l i a n contemporaries followed him with sustained i n t e r e s t , and his influence on the next gen-- 104 -eration was considerable. Indeed, one may f i n d some-thing of Cuoco i n a l l the exponents of the Bisorgimento from the centre-right to the f a r l e f t — i n men l i k e D»Azegllo and R i c a s o l i as well as i n Mazzini, i n Gio-b e r t i no l e s s than i n Cavour. When they had done t h e i r work, and h i s , he was half forgotten, as the precursors of a successful revolution are l i k e l y to be, u n t i l the Fas c i s t c r i s i s i n v i t e d a l l thoughtful I t a l i a n s to ass-ess yet once again t h e i r p o l i t i c a l heritage. Durlngfehe l a s t f o r t y years Cuoco has been most c a r e f u l l y studied by Gentile, N i c o l i n i , Cortese, B a t t a g l i a and a score of other competent scholars. In France, Paul Hazard gave Cuoco a place of honour i n his monumsntal work on the influence of the French Revolution on I t a l i a n l i t e r a t u r e . In England and America he has received l i t t l e attention, and t h i s i s 1 _unfortunate, since no one better than he i l l u s t r a t e s the formal differences and basic points of contact betweenr-Latin and Anglo-Saxon thought on p o l i t i c a l matters. - 105 -Notes: 1. Vincenzo Cuoco,Al Conte G.B.Giovio. S c r l t t i V a r i . (Bari,Laterza,1924) v.II,p.313. 2. "A T . C . y S c r i t t i . v . I I . p . 2 9 7 . 3. " A l C i t t a d i n o Robert!."Ibid.p.302 4. V.Cuoco,Saggio s t o r i c o s u l l a r i v o l u z i o n e napole-tana.Und,Ed.(Torino,Pomba,l852) I,p.27. 5. P.Hazard,"V.Cuoco et l a p h i l o s o p h i e de l»Italia-nisme." La R e v olution Francaise et l e s l e t -t r e s Italiennes.(ParTs.Hachette.1910) p.219. 6. "A Q u a g l i a r e l l i , " S c r l t t i . v . I I . p . 2 9 8 . 7. "A Giovio",Ibid.p.313. 8. " A Q u a g l i a r e l l i " , I b l d . p . 2 9 8 . 9. "A N.Q.".Saggio.p.23. 10. S c r l t t i . v.II,p.2 3 2 . 11. "F.M.Pagano" I l l u m i n i s t l I t a l l a n i . c . d . F . V e n t u r l . ( f c i c c i a r d i , M i l a n o , 1962) p.785,9^0; v.Delf iaro, p . I l 6 l , a l s o i n S c r l t t i . I . p . 2 4 l . v . I I . p . 2 4 9 . 1 ? •, 12. S c r l t t i . v . I I . p . 3 6 2 . 13. Ibid.p. 3 6 3 ,v.also B.Croce,"Luisa S a n f e l i c e " Rivo-l u z i o n e napoletana.p.115-188. 14. Saggio.I.p.27-8. 15. S c r i t t l . v . I I . p . 3 0 1 . 16. I b i d . 17. "Introduzione" Saggio.p.19-20. 18. S c r l t t i , v . I I , p . 3 1 0 - 1 1 . - 106 -19. Ibid.p.304. 20. "Rapporto e Progetto" Ibid.v.II,pp.3-164. 21. I b i d . p . 3 . 22. Ibid.pp.411 - 1 5 . 2 3 . Ibid.p.3 8 3 . 24. I l l u m l n l s t l . p p . 2 5 4 - 5 6 . 25* "Frammentl". Saggio. IV,p.219. 2$. Ibid.p.218-9. 27. I b i d . 28. S c r l t t i . v . I I . p . 2 9 9 . 29. Frammenti,I,p.l84. 3 0 . N . M a c h i a v e l l i , " D i s c o r s i " L X V I I I . O p e r e . ( R i c c i a r d i . Milano,1958), p . l 4 2 . 31 . I.de Maistre,Considerations r u r l a France.(Rusand, Lyon,1834) p.90. 32. Ibid,p.206. 3 3 . Frammenti,VI,p.220. 34. Saggio. XVIII,p.89. 3 5 . G.Candeloro.Storia d e l l ' I t a l i a m o d e r n a . ( F e l t r l n e l -li,MIlano , 1 9 5 6 ) p.284. 3 6 . E.Burke.Reflections on the Revolution i n France. (New York,Hoit-Rinehart,1962)Ed.W.Todd,p.193• Reference to Burke's work i s found lnthei^Sag-??. £io,p .30. 37 . --Frammenti,II,p . l 9 6 . - 10? -38. Ibid.I,p.183. 39. I b i d . 40. Ibid.II,p.195-41. Ibid.p.191. 42. Ibid.I,p.184. 4 3 . I b i d . 44. Ibid.p.185. 4 5 . Ibid. 1 8 6 . 46. Sagglo,XIX,p.98. 47. B u r k e . R e f l e c t i o n s . p . 7 7 . 48. Frammenti,I f.;'l85. 4 9 . I b i d . I I , p . 1 8 9 . 5 0 . Ibid.p.188. 51. Ibid.p.193. 5 2 . Ibid.p.195. 5 3 . I b i d . 5 4 . I b i d . I l l , p . 2 0 5 . 5 5 . Ibid.p.207. 5 6 . Hazrd.Revolution.p.219. 57. Ibid.p.221. 5 8 . Saggio,I,p . 2 7 . 5 9 . Ibid.XVIII,p.8 9 . 6 0 . I b i d . I I , p . 2 9 . - 108 -61 . Saggio,p.18. 6 2 . Ibid.VII,p.46. 6 3 . Ibid.XV,p . ? 9 . 64. I b i d . I I , p . 2 9 . 65 . Ibid.VI,p.3 9 . 66 . Ibid.VII,p.46. 67. Ibid.V,p.3 7 . 68. I b i d . V I I , p . 4 6 , f . 6 9 . I b i d . 70. Ibid.X,p.6 1 . 71. I b i d . V I I I , p . 5 1 . 72. Ibid.XII,p. 7 1 . 73. Ibid.XXXVI,p.136. 74. I b i d . X L V I I I , p . l 6 0 . 75. Ibid.XVI,p.84. 76. Ibid.XXV,p.114. 77. Ibid.p. 1 1 5 . 78. Ibid.p. 1 1 6 . 79. Ibid.XIX,p.9 5 -80. Ibid.XVII,p.8 9 . 81. I b i d . X V I I I , p . 9 2 . T a c i t u s . 82. Ibid.XIX,p.9 4 . - 109 -83. M.Romano,V.Cuoco n e l l a s t o r i a d e l p e n s i e r o e de-l ' u n l t a d ' I t a l i a . ( F i r e n z e . N u o v a Italia7l933) 84. Saggio.L.p.172. 85. Ibid.p.175-86. Ibid.XXXIII,p. 1 3 0 . 87. Ibid.XLV,p.156. 88. B . C r o c e , S t o r i a d e l l a s t o r i o g r a f i a I t a l i a n a n e l se c o l o X I X . ( B a r l . L a t e r z a . 1 9 4 7 ) . P . 1 8 7 . 89. Saggio. XVT.p. 85. 9 0 . S c r i t t i . v . I I . p . 3 3 7 . 91. Cuoco.Platone i n I t a l l a . @ v o l s . ( B a r ! . L a t e r z a . 1 9 2 8 ) v.II,2 5 7 . 9 2 . Ibid.p.244. 93. Ibid.p.2 5 8 . 94. Ibid.v.I,p.20. 95. Ibid.p.74. 9 6 . I b i d . 97. I b i d . 9 8 . Ibid.p. 7 5 . 99. Ibid.p.8 7 . 100. Ibid.p.139. 161. I b i d . 102. Ibid.p.84. 103. Ibid.v.II,p.148. 104. Ibid.p. 1 6 7 . - 110 -104. Ibid.p. 1 6 7 . 105. Ibid.p.147. 106. Ibid.p. 1 6 1 . 107. G. G e n t i l e , SJtudi v l c h i a n i . (Messina.Princlpato. 1915)pT386". 108. G.Ma2zinl.Scritti.Edl2.Nazion.v.IV.Fol.III.p.40. 109. The most important of these are c o l l e c t e d i n the S c r i t t i v a r i . e d i t e d by N . C o r t e s e , F . N i c o l i n i , i n two vols.(Bari,Laterza, 1 9 2 4 ) 110. LomonacoJRapporto a l c i t t a d i n o Carnot"Saggio.p.2 5 7 . 111. Sagglo.p.257. 112. Croce.L'idea d e l l ' u n i t a d f I t a l i a . Rlvoluzione.Napo-letana.p.337. 113. Saggio.p.254. 114. S c r i t t i . v . I . p . 4 . 115. I b i d . 116. I b i d . p . 3 . 117. Ibid.p.8. 118. Ibid.p.17. 119. I b i d . v . I I , p . 6 . 120. I b i d . v . I , p . 5 . 121. Ibid,pp.4 4 - 5 . 122. Ibid.p.4 5 . 123. Ibid.p.208,The same o b j e c t i v e view of M a c h i a v e l l i was presented h a l f a century l a t e r by Fran-cesco De S a n a t l s . v . S t o r i a d e l l a l e t t e r a t u r a i t a l i a n a , v . I I . p p . 5 7 . 1 1 2 . - I l l -124. S c r i t t i , v . I , p . 2 3 5 , 2 3 7 , v . I I , p . 2 6 7 . 125. Ibid.v.I,p.2 6 7 . 126. I b i d . v . I I , p . 3 . 127. I b i d . p . 6 . 128. "Educazione popolare" S c r l t t i . v . I . e . 9 6 . 129. G e n t i l e . S t u d i . p . 418-9. 130. S c r i t t i . v . I I . o . 5 . 131. Platone. v. I .p. 86 . 132. S c r l t t i . v . I I . r > . 6 . 133. Platone.v.I.00.2 ^ - 7 . 134. S c r l t t i . v . I I . p . 2 1 . 135. I b i d . p.16. 136. Ibid.v.I,p. 9 4 . 137. S c r i t t i . v . I . p . a i . v . G e n t i l e . S t u d i . o . 4 l 6 . 138. S c r l t t i . v. I I . t). 6 3 - 4 . 139. Vico.Scienza Nuova. Opere.(Milano.Ricciardi p.172. 140. S c r i t t i , v . I . 0 . 1 6 * 5 . l 4 l . Ibid,p. 1 7 5 . 142. Saggio.X.p.61. 143. S c r i t t i . v . I I . p p . l 6 7 - 8 . 144. Ibid.p.172. 145. I b i d . - 112 -146. S c r l t t i , v . I I , p . 1 8 9 . 147. Ibid,p.207. 148.1 Ibid.p.211 . 149. I b i d . 150. Ibid.p.204. 151. Ibid.p.224. 152. Ibid.p.177. 153. Ibid.v.I,p.2 8 2 . 154. Platone. v.II,p.186. 155. Frammenti,VI,p .2l8. B i b l i o g r a p h y Primary s o u r c e s : C o l l e t t a , P l e t r o . S t o r i a d e l Reame d i N a p o l l . 2 V o l s . T i p o g r a f l a E lvetica,Capolago,(Switzerland)1837. Cuoco, Vincenzo.Sagglo s t o r l c o s u l l a r i v o l u z i o n e napo-l e t a n a . I I ed. Pomba &Co.Torino,1852. " " Platone i n I t a l i a . 2 Vols.Laterza,Bari,1928. " " S c r i t t i v a r i . 2 v o l s . E d . N . C o r t e s e , P . N I c o l i n i . L a t e r z a , B a r i , 1924. General sources: B a t t a g l i a , F e l i c e . L 1 o p e r a d i V.Cuoco e l a formazlone d e l l o s p l r l t o n a z l o n a l e i n I t a l i a . Bemporad,Firenze,1925. Burke, Edmund.Ref1ec11ons on the R e v o l u t i o n i n France. Ed.W.Todd. H o l t - R i n e h a r t , New York,1962. Candeloro, G i o r g i o . S t o r i a d e l l ' I t a l i a moderna. Le o r i -g l n l d e l R l s o r g l m e n t o . F e l t r i n e l l i . M l l a n o . 1 9 5 6 . Croce, Benedetto. L a f i l o s o f i a d i G.B.V1co. L a t e r z a , B a r l , 1922. " " L a r i v o l u z i o n e napoletana.Laterza.Barl.1961. " M S t o r i a d'Europa n e l s e c o l o d l c l a n o v e s l m o . L a t e r z a , B a r i , 1961. Croce, Benedetto. S t o r i a d e l l a s t o r l o g r a f l a 1tallana n e l secolo XIX.2 vols.Laterza,Bari,1 9 4 7 . '* M Uomlnl e cose d e l l a vecohla I t a l i a . 2 v o l s . Laterza,Bari,1956. De Ruggiero,Guido. II penslero p o l i t i c o merldlonale nel s e c o l l XVII e XIX. Laterza, Bari,1922. H " The History of European Liberalism. Tr.Colling. wood. Beacon Press,Boston,1959. Gentile, Giovanni. Dal Genovesl a l Galluppl. Edizio-ne C r i t i c a , N a p o l i , 1903. n " II penslero i t a l i a n o n e l secolo XIX. Treves, Milano, 1928. " " Studi V l c h l a n l . Principato, Messina, 1915. n M Vincenzo Cuoco,Studi e appuntl. Sanson!, Firenze, 1964. G i o b e r t i , Vincenzo. S c r l t t i S c e l t l . Ed.Guzzo,A. U.T.E.T. Torino,1954. Hazard, Paul.La,Revolution Francalse et l e s l e t t r e s Itallennes. Hachette,Paris ,19iL0. I l l u m l n l s t l I t a l l a n i . R i f o r m a t o r i Napoletanl.Ed.Ventu-ri,Franco. Ricclardi,Milano, 1962. Machiavelli, Nicolo. Opere. R i c c i a r d i , Milano, 1961. Maistre, Joseph de. Considerations sur l a France. Rusand,Lyon, 1834. Montesquieu,(Charles de Secondad.) De 1 *esprit des loix.Soc.Belles L e t t r e s . Paris, 1950. Noether,P.Emiliana. Seeds of I t a l i a n Nationalism. Columbia Univ.Press,New York,1951. Ottone, Giuseppe. Vineenzo Coco (sic) e 11 r l s v e g l l o d e l l a cosclenza nazlonale. U.T.V. Vigevano (Italy) 1903. Romano, Michele. Vlncenzo Cuoco n e l l a s t o r i a del pen-s i ero e d e l l ' u n i t a d fItalia.Nuova I t a l i a . Firenze, 1933. Tessitore, Fulvlo. nLo storicismo g i u r i d i c o - p o l i t i c o d i V.Cuoco." F i l o s o f i a . XIII-II,pp.20348, 591-618. Ed.Filosofia,Torino,1 9 6 2 . T I t o n e , V l r g i l i o . "Vlncenzo Cuoco." Letteratura I t a -l l a n a . I minorl.Illvol.pp.2 2 6 5 - 9 4 . Marzo-r a t i , Milano,1961. VIcOjGian B a t t l s t a . Opere. R i c c i a r d i , Milano, 1953. V i l l a n i , Pasquale. Mezzoglorno t r a rlforme e r i v o -luzione. Laterza, Ba r l , 1962. 

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