UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Residential differentiation and lifestyles Schmidt, Martin 1975

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RESIDENTIAL  DIFFERENTIATION and  LIFESTYLES  by MARTIN B.A., U n i v e r s i t y  SCHMIDT  of B r i t i s h  C o l u m b i a , 1970.  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in  t h e Department of GEOGRAPHY  We a c c e p t t h i s required  thesis  as conforming t o t h e  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA A u g u s t , 1975  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s  thesis  an advanced degree at the L i b r a r y s h a l l I  f u r t h e r agree  in p a r t i a l  fulfilment of  the requirements f o r  the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia,  make i t  freely available  that permission  for  I agree  r e f e r e n c e and  f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f  this  that  study. thesis  f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s of  this  written  representatives. thesis  It  f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l  permission.  Department of  Geography  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h  Columbia  207S Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1WS  Date  is understood that  August  22,  1975.  copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  not be allowed without my  ABSTRACT  Residential variety  at  c a n be s t u d i e d a t a  o f s c a l e s , d e p e n d i n g upon t h e o b j e c t i v e s  vestigator. factors  differentiation  The p r e m i s e f o r t h i s  involved  the l e v e l  study  i s that  of r e s i d e n t i a l  specific  accurate can  and p e r s o n a l  basis  units.  When d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s  from a r e v i e w  has n o t been v e r y  level  traditionally  favored  over  the basis  of only  pattern  dwelling  of l i v i n g .  makers  settings. of l i t e r a t u r e  systematically  the behavioral  that  analyzed been  approach.  a few e s s e n t i a l l y d e s c r i p -  o f t h e argument i s t h a t when s e l e c t i o n  from a l t e r n a t i v e s i s p o s s i b l e , choose t h e i r  a more  of r e s i d e n t i a l en-  the e c o l o g i c a l approach having  With the support tive studies,  the creation  i n today's urban  i s evident  differentiation this  to satisfy  needs a n d p r e f e r e n c e s ,  concerning  vironments r e q u i r e d  at  examined  c a n b e e s t a b l i s h e d upon w h i c h d e c i s i o n  form p o l i c i e s  It  the basic  c a n b e more p r e c i s e l y i s o l a t e d when  r e g a r d e d a s t h e outcome o f h o u s e h o l d s s e e k i n g very  of t h e i n -  households w i l l  t o "match" t h e i r p r e s e n t  Increasingly,  a v a r i e t y of  attempt to or  intended  dwelling  types and t e n u r e arrangements i s p o s s i b l e i n t h e market. Also,  h o u s e h o l d s ©-re p r e s e n t e d w i t h i n c r e a s i n g numbers o f  alternatives  f o r the expenditure of their  t i m e a n d money.  XXI  Through a p r o c e s s perceived  and  real  of competitive "city  of comparative e v a l u a t i o n  needs and  dwelling  w a n t s , and  types,  considered  t o be  relative  merits  a s e l e c t i o n i s made.  s c a l e " , the r e p e t i t i o n of  households y i e l d s a p a t t e r n  the  t h i s process  by  of  At  the  numerous  of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n which i s  i d e n t i f i a b l e i n terms o f  residential  structures. The h o l d was  activity  r e g a r d e d as  wants, and  an  overt  r e f e r r e d t o as  operationalized orientation  of  conventional  or " w a y - o f - l i v i n g " expression  its "lifestyle".  i n terms of  the  dwelling  s i n g l e - f a m i l y h o u s e s and the  sample u n i t s .  dwelling  houseand  This  was  or  term  non-dwelling-unit Competitive  Empirical  type would occur  of a  i t s needs  condominium  to d e t e r m i n e i f r e s i d e n t i a l  l i f e s t y l e and  of  the household's a c t i v i t i e s .  were c h o s e n as undertaken  pattern  townhouses  research  was  differentiation  by  in a predictable  manner. Structured  interviews  were c o n d u c t e d w i t h  sample of p r e - q u a l i f i e d households i n G r e a t e r t i m e - a c t i v i t y budgets f o r r e c o r d i n g activities The  data  graphs.  (either "dwelling"  or  and  a  random  Vancouver  categorizing  "non-dwelling" u n i t  using  their oriented).  c o l l e c t e d were a n a l y z e d ,  using percentage tables  I t was  clear relationship existed  revealed  t h a t no  between a h o u s e h o l d ' s a c t i v i t y  o r i e n t a t i o n and  particular  hypothesis  dwelling  type.  The  was  and  i t s choice therefore  of  a  rejected.  iv  Further refinement i n d e f i n i t i o n tion  of the v a r i a b l e " l i f e s t y l e " ,  and o p e r a t i o n a l i z a -  t h e u s e o f a much  broader  sample, a n d more c o m p r e h e n s i v e u s e o f t i m e - a c t i v i t y  budgets  will  be necessary  i n subsequent  whether d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  research to properly  conclude  does o c c u r i n t h e terms s e t f o r t h  here. From attitudes  the study  toward  i t was l e a r n e d t h a t p e r s o n a l  such matters  as "ownership  "control  over p e r s o n a l p h y s i c a l  critical  than a c t u a l b e h a v i o r i n e f f e c t i n g  dwelling alternatives The  investigation  traits of  (economic  and e q u i t y " , and  environment"  may b e e v e n more  c h o i c e s among  factors being constant).  of p s y c h o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l  (overt  combined i s recommended t o g a i n a f u l l e r  voluntary spatial  differentiation  among  behavior)  understanding  households.  V  TABLE CF CONTENTS  T i t l e Page  i  Abstract  i i  T a b l e of Contents  v  L i s t o f Tables  xi  L i s t of F i g u r e s  xix  L i s t of Maps  xiii  L i s t o f Appendices  xiv  Acknowledgements CHAPTER ONE A.  INTRODUCTION  1  THE CONCEPT OF RESIDENTIAL DIFFERENTIATION  1  1.  A l t e r n a t i v e Emphases  1  2.  The Importance of Understanding processes The Role o f the Household  2 3  3. B.  xv  SELECTED APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF DIFFERENTIATION  4  1.  B e h a v i o r a l versus Human E c o l o g i c a l  . . .  2.  The L i f e s t y l e Concept  4  a. b.  context of usage s c a l e of a p p l i c a t i o n  5 6  c.  objective  . . . . .  4  6  C.  METHOD OF STUDY  6  D.  ORGANIZATION OF CHAPTERS  7  vi  CHAPTER TWO introductory A.  REVIEW: remarks  10 10  Theoretical  Treatment  2.  Application  t o t h e Urban Landscape  . . . .  11  s u p p o r t from s p a t i a l a n a l y s t s . . . . o p p o s i t i o n from s o c i o - c u l t u r a l  13  view  15  Summary a n d C o n c l u s i o n s  15  BEHAVIORAL APPROACH  16  1.  Background  16  2.  Postulates  3.  A p p l i c a t i o n t o t h e Study Differentiation  4.  17  of Residential 19 19  r o l e of the 'place u t i l i t y ' concept b a s i c f a c t o r s i n t h e moving decision the search  20 23  S p a t i a l Outcomes o f t h e P r o c e s s  26  b. c. 5.  o f t h e Approach  The D i f f e r e n t i a t i n g P r o c e s s a.  19  COMPARING THE TWO APPROACHES: a  D.  APPROACH  1.  3.  C.  9  HUMAN-ECOLOGICAL  a. b.  B.  DIFFERENTIATION LITERATURE  comment  27  LIFESTYLE  29  1.  Introducing  2.  Treatment i n t h e L i t e r a t u r e  30  a. b.  f o c u s on t h e i n d i v i d u a l f o c u s on t h e g r o u p  31 35  L i f e s t y l e Trends and U t i l i t y o f the Concept  40  3.  the Concept  29  vii CHAPTER THREE  REVIEW:  CONDOMINIUM STUDIES  introductory remarks  44  A.  1964 U.S. SELECTED AREA STUDY  45  B.  1969 C.M.H.C. REPORT  46  C.  1969 ONTARIO SURVEY  49  D.  1970 CANADIAN NATIONAL SURVEY  53  E.  1971 GREATER VANCOUVER SURVEY  56  F.  1972 GREATER VANCOUVER BUYER SATISFACTION STUDY 1972 GREATER VANCOUVER MEDIUM-DENSITY  58  HOUSING STUDY  61  H.  1973 GREATER VANCOUVER SURVEY  63  I.  SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS  68  G.  CHAPTER FOUR  METHOD OF RESEARCH  introductory remarks  72  A.  STATEMENT OF HYPOTHESIS  72  B.  DEFINITION OF TERMS  73  C.  SELECTING STUDY UNITS  74  D.  DETERMINING STUDY AREAS  80  E.  DETERMINING THE UNIVERSE  84  1. 2. F.  Accounting for Q u a l i f i a b l e Condominium Units Accounting for Q u a l i f i a b l e SingleFamily Units .  84 87  SELECTING A RESEARCH TECHNIQUE  89  1.  The Interview Schedule  90  ft. the time-activity budget  91  vxix  G.  SAMPLING 1.  H.  PROCEDURE  The S a m p l i n g  94  Technique  95  DATA COLLECTION  CHAPTER F I V E  95  ANALYSIS  introductory  remarks  97  ORGANIZATION  OF ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION ON CONTENT  97  S e c t i o n One S e c t i o n Two A.  98 99  SECTION ONE:  HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTIC  COMPARISONS  101  1.  101  B i o g r a p h i c a l Data a.  2.  distributions  . . . .  101  b. l e v e l of education c. h o u s e h o l d income d. occupations e. work l o c a t i o n s Housing E x p e r i e n c e  102 102 103 104 105  a.  105  b.  3.  age and c h i l d  d u r i n g c h i l d h o o d and a d o l e s c e n c e . . ( i ) country o f o r i g i n and s i z e s of communities l i v e d i n . . . . ( i i ) d w e l l i n g types and tenure arrangements e x p e r i e n c e d . . . . housing experience s i n c e marriage . ( i ) . d w e l l i n g types experienced and m o b i l i t y ( i i ) search behavior p r i o r to making c h o i c e ( i i i ) l e n g t h of occupancy i n present dwelling ( i v ) p u r c h a s e p r i c e , downpayment and a b i l i t y t o s p e n d more . . .  A n t i c i p a t e d Housing F i v e Years a.  During  dwelling location satisfaction  105 107 107 107 108 110 110  Next 112  and c h o i c e 112  ix  b.  a n t i c i p a t e d moves, d w e l l i n g and p r e f e r r e d  4. B.  2.  CHAPTER S I X introductory  114  ACTIVITY 116  Assignment o f A c t i v i t i e s t o Categories  117  presentation  118  b.  3.  113  Summary a n d C o n c l u s i o n s  a.  A.  locations  SECTION TWO: HOUSEHOLD ORIENTATION COMPARISONS 1.  types  of Findings  townhouse ( T H ) a n d s i n g l e - f a m i l y (SF) a c t i v i t y o r i e n t a t i o n s . . . . d i s c u s s i o n o f h o u s e h o l d s by a c t i v i t y o r i e n t a t i o n s and d w e l l i n g types ( i ) townhouse sample ( i i ) s i n g l e - f a m i l y sample  118  119 119 121  Summary a n d C o n c l u s i o n s  121  CONCLUSIONS AND remarks  124  PROBLEM AREAS:  RECOMMENDATIONS  A LOOK BACK AND LOOKING  AHEAD  124  1.  124  Timing o f Research a.  u n f a m i l i a r i t y with  condominium  concept and recency o f purchase . . e f f e c t of i n f l a t i o n a r y trend i n real estate values Data C o l l e c t i o n w i t h .Time-Activity  124  b.  2.  Budgets 3. B.  C.  126  128  Independent V a r i a b l e :  LIFESTYLE  . . .  129  MOVING BEYOND THE BEHAVIORAL APPROACH . . .  131  1.  Behavioral  131  2.  A t t i t u d i n a l Bases  Bases o f D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . . of D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  A NOTE ON VALUE AND APPLICATION  .  132 134  X  D.  A PARTING WORD  135  L i t e r a t u r e Cited  136  Appendix A  142  Appendix B  153  Appendix C  155  xi L i s t of Tables Table  I  Table  II  Table  III  Table Table Table  Table  IV V VI  VII  T a b l e VIII  Table  Table  IX  X  Table  XI  Table  XII  T a b l e XIII  Table  XIV  'Condominium Townhouse Developments Q u a l i f i e d f o r Sampling Purposes"  86  'Age and C h i l d R a t i o Comparisons"  101  'percentage Reaching Education L e v e l s "  102  Different  'Percentage of Households i n D i f f e r e n t Income B r a c k e t s "  103  'Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n of Respondents by Occupation Category"  104  'Percentage o f Respondents Working i n Different Locations"  105  'Percentage of Households L i v i n g i n D i f f e r e n t S i z e s of Communities"  106  'Dwelling Types and Tenure Arrangements Experienced"  107  'Percentage of Households Occupying D i f f e r e n t D w e l l i n g Types and Length of Occupancy i n Each"  108  'Mean Number of L o c a t i o n s Searched and percentage of Times D w e l l i n g Type was Considered"  109  'Mean Purchase  111  P r i c e and Downpayment"  percentage of Households Capable of Spending More and Amount E x t r a "  112  Percentage of Households S a t i s f i e d • with Dwelling and L o c a t i o n "  112  percentage of Households A n t i c i p a t i n g a Move and Dwelling Type P r e f e r r e d "  113  L i s t of Figures Figure 1  "Commonly Cited L i f e s t y l e Components"  Figure 2  "Comparison of Time Spent i n Non-Dwelling Unit-Oriented A c t i v i t y "  Figure 3  "Comparisons of Time Spent i n Non-Dwelling Unit-Oriented A c t i v i t y by Dwelling Type and Location"  xiii  List  Map  Map  1  2  o f Maps  "Greater Vancouver Market Areas S t u d i e d w i t h C o m p e t i t i v e Condominium Townhouses and S i n g l e - F a m i l y D w e l l i n g s "  83  " G r e a t e r V a n c o u v e r L o c a t i o n s of Condominium Townhouse D e v e l o p m e n t s a n d S i n g l e - F a m i l y U n i t s i n Survey"  85  xiv  List  of Appendices  Appendix  'A'  "Interview Schedule"  142  Appendix  • B'  "General C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of p r i n c i p a l C l a s s e s of Household Activities"  153  "Household C h a r a c t e r i s t i c Comparisons by M a r k e t A r e a a n d D w e l l i n g T y p e "  155  Appendix  »c  f  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many i n d i v i d u a l s at  various stages  realtors  during  and m u n i c i p a l  generously  planning  M a r t i n T a y l o r and W a r r e n G i l l the planning  hospitality  officials Fellow  served  Developers,  kindly supplied  graduate  students  as w i l l i n g  listeners  stage.  Approximately their  the w r i t e r  the research p r o j e c t .  maps, p l a n s , and m a r k e t d a t a .  during  assisted  sixty  households  and t h e i r p e r s o n a l  offered their  time,  i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h made  the p r o j e c t p o s s i b l e . Dr.  Walter  objective-oriented.  Hardwick's advice His continued  kept  support  the study and guidance  was  invaluable. Dr. draft is  John Mercer's c r i t i c a l review  l e d to necessary  and f o r t h i s  the w r i t e r  grateful. My w i f e ,  by  refinements,  o f the f i n a l  reading draft  importantly,  Phyllis,  made a t r e m e n d o u s c o n t r i b u t i o n  copies, offering  criticism,  by b e i n g p a t i e n t !  To M r s . L i n d a N o r t h e y who t o i l e d finally  a n d most  produce t h i s ,  a special  thanks!  f a i t h f u l l y to  CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION A.  THE CONCEPT OF RESIDENTIAL DIFFERENTIATION 1.  A l t e r n a t i v e Emphases R e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s have h e l d  researchers, groups.  the i n t e r e s t o f numerous  b o t h i n academic d i s c i p l i n e s and p r o f e s s i o n a l  While most s t u d i e s  concentrate e i t h e r on  (1) r e s i d e n t i a l land use i n terms o f i t s l o c a t i o n r e l a t i v e to other uses (e.g. l a n d economics), (2) the p h y s i c a l  structures  (e.g. p l a n n e r s , a r c h i t e c t s ) , or (3) the i n h a b i t a n t s (e.g. s o c i o l o g y ) , urban geographers have attempted t o examine the s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between these elements. In the v e r y broadest sense, t h i s study i s concerned w i t h the s p a t i a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n tics.  o f urban household  characteris-  T h i s i s e s s e n t i a l l y what r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s  difference i n residential settings  (e.g. urban and suburban  a r e a s , communities, neighborhoods o r d w e l l i n g o f economic, c u l t u r a l , s o c i a l , b e h a v i o r a l  u n i t s i n terms  or other  characteris  tics). A c c o r d i n g to Tiroms (1971, p. 250), no g e n e r a l theory o f r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n has y e t been f o r m u l a t e d .  Nor  i s he o p t i m i s t i c that a g e n e r a l theory would be s u c c e s s f u l . D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s simply too complex an interchange o f f o r c e s — - some s t a t i c , some dynamic.  He s t a t e s ,  "attempts t o understand the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n must span a wide range o f s y s t e m a t i c l e v e l s and must t r a n s g r e s s many t r a d i t i o n a l d i s c i p l i n a r y b o u n d a r i e s . " In a c c o u n t i n g f o r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , an i n v e s t i g a t o r must r e a l i z e that economic, s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l  factors  - 2 -  are i n v o l v e d and each deserves c o n s i d e r a t i o n . 2.  The Importance  o f Understanding P r o c e s s e s  A major o b j e c t i v e o f s t u d i e s d e a l i n g w i t h r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n should be to understand those f a c t o r s most c r i t i c a l i n e f f e c t i n g the observed s p a t i a l p a t t e r n i n g o f households.  Where geographic s t u d i e s are concerned,  a s s e r t s t h a t t h i s has not always been the case.  Harvey  He c l a i m s  that, "Most r e s e a r c h i n geography, u n t i l r e c e n t l y , has tended to be concerned w i t h the c o l l e c t i o n , o r d e r i n g and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f d a t a . . . " (Harvey, 1969, p. 78). I t should not be assumed, however, t h a t such r e s e a r c h o r i e n t a t i o n s have been f r u i t l e s s .  Studies of this  nature could be regarded as having p r o v i d e d a  ' c a t a l o g u i n g ' ox  ' s t o c k t a k i n g ' c o n t r i b u t i o n , from which subsequent  studies  could draw data and i n s i g h t w i t h r e s p e c t to l o c a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l  characteristics.  In moving away from e s s e n t i a l l y o b s e r v a t i o n and d e s c r i p t i o n , geographers are p u r s u i n g the more complex t a s k of  'understanding through o b j e c t i v e a n a l y s i s ' .  a c c u r a t e d e s c r i p t i o n o f p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l  While an  characteristics  a t one l o c a t i o n or a s e t o f l o c a t i o n s i s e s s e n t i a l , an  under-  s t a n d i n g o f v a r i o u s types o f p r o c e s s e s which have worked and are working together to produce observed p a t t e r n s o f d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n must be  sought.  The p r o c e s s e s may  be h i s t o r i c , c u l t u r a l ,  social,  economic, b e h a v i o r a l or any o f these i n combination. o b j e c t i v e o f a study o f d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n has pragmatic  When the  3  o v e r t o n e s , as i n the case o f e s t a b l i s h i n g r e s i d e n t i a l development p o l i c i e s i n a m e t r o p o l i t a n area  (e.g.  decisions  r e g a r d i n g the mixture o f d e n s i t i e s , d w e l l i n g t y p e s , e t c . ) , a thorough knowledge o f those p r o c e s s e s which s o r t out households i s e s p e c i a l l y 3.  critical.  The R o l e o f the Household It  i s contended t h a t i n r e s i d e n t i a l s t u d i e s  generally,  the household has u s u a l l y been c a s t i n a p a s s i v e r o l e . of external  s o c i a l and economic i n f l u e n c e s  A host^  or f o r c e s a r e  p o r t r a y e d as determining i t s l o c a t i o n and d w e l l i n g .  Probably  t h i s i s most apparent i n the human e c o l o g i c a l approach, which w i l l be c o n t r a s t e d with the b e h a v i o r a l approach i n the l i t e r a t u r e review. Considerably l e s s frequently,  the household has been  regarded as an agent a c t i v e l y a f f e c t i n g the p r o c e s s o f r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by r e v e a l i n g  i t s preference f o r  one  Johnston  r e s i d e n t i a l s i t u a t i o n over another.  p. 197) p o i n t s out that  (1971,  the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and u r b a n i z a t i o n  experienced by t h i s and other developed s o c i e t i e s has meant that, " . . . f o r the f i r s t time, i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l y groups c o u l d choose from v a r i o u s methods o f organizing their l i v e s . " It  seems reasonable t o assume t h a t  which one chooses to o r g a n i z e h i s l i f e the p h y s i c a l  the manner i n  i s somehow r e l a t e d to  and s o c i a l s e t t i n g i n which one chooses to r e s i d e .  In the p u r s u i t  o f knowledge r e g a r d i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between  s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and the p h y s i c a l  s e t t i n g , Rushton  (June, 1968,  p. 361)  c l a i m s that geographers are becoming more  aware o f the i n f l u e n c e o f human d e c i s i o n s .  He s t a t e s they a r e ,  "...becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y i n t e r e s t e d i n d e s c r i b i n g b e h a v i o r a l p r o c e s s e s and the s p a t i a l p a t t e r n s which they g e n e r a t e . One such behavior p a t t e r n which c o n t r i b u t e s t o s p a t i a l s t r u c t u r e i s the way people make c h o i c e s between a l t e r n a t i v e s over an area." B.  SELECTED APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF DIFFERENTIATION 1»  B e h a v i o r a l Rather Than  Human-Ecological  S i n c e the human-ecological approach contends  that  observed d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n r e s i d e n t i a l areas i s e s s e n t i a l l y r e g u l a t e d by i n v o l u n t a r y c o n s t r a i n t s  (e.g. economic f a c t o r s  o n l y ) , i t cannot be s e n s i t i v e to the e f f e c t which i n d i v i d u a l p r e f e r e n c e and c h o i c e has upon the s p a t i a l p a t t e r n . the r e s e a r c h undertaken here w i l l approach  Hence,  differentiation  from the b e h a v i o r a l p o s i t i o n , which to date has r e c e i v e d the l e a s t amount o f a t t e n t i o n . 2.  The L i f e s t y l e  Concept  . R e c o g n i z i n g that d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n has been demons t r a t e d a t the macro-urban s c a l e i n terms o f socio-economic and c u l t u r a l dimensions g e n e r a l l y , the q u e s t i o n to be r e s e a r c h e d here i s :  "Can  the urban p o p u l a t i o n be s p a t i a l l y  a c c o r d i n g to l i f e s t y l e s ? "  differentiated  F u l l e r treatment o f t h i s concept  will  be r e s e r v e d f o r the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r , but some i n t r o d u c t o r y notes r e g a r d i n g i t s c o n t e x t o f usage are needed here. A l t h o u g h t h i s term has been t r e a t e d i n a v a r i e t y o f d e s c r i p t i v e ways i n s o c i a l s c i e n c e work, i t has seldom been used as a concept f o r s y s t e m a t i c r e s e a r c h .  Michelson  (1970,  p. 2 ) , one of the p i o n e e r s i n the a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h i s term as  - 5  an independent v a r i a b l e i n urban s t u d i e s , suggests the f o l l o w i n g reason f o r t h i s : "A s t y l e which i s r e c o g n i z a b l e i n i d e a l - t y p i c a l t e r n s may be d i f f i c u l t to i d e n t i f y o b j e c t i v e l y or d e f i n i t i v e l y . I t i s not e a s i l y q u a n t i f i a b l e . And because i t has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been employed as an e v a l u a t i v e and c l a s s i f i c a t o r y ( i . e . des c r i p t i v e , not a n a l y t i c a l ) concept, i t has been assumed t o have l i t t l e u t i l i t y as an independent v a r i a b l e i n a c c o u n t i n g f o r other b e h a v i o r a l phenomena." a. context o f usage The f i r s t c a u t i o n a r y note i s that not  ' l i f e s t y l e ' must  merely be a s u b s t i t u t e f o r the g e n e r a l term  economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c ' .  'socio-  I t must r e f e r to a unique a r r a n g e -  ment or s e t o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which a l l o w i t to be independent of  the above term, e l s e , d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n a t t r i b u t e d to  s t y l e s may  life-  i n f a c t only be d i f f e r e n c e s i n socio-economic  s t a t u s , f a m i l y s t a t u s or some other c o n s t r u c t . (1970, p. 19) o f f e r s d i r e c t i o n h e r e .  Michelson  He suggests l i f e s t y l e  is, "...the c o n f i g u r a t i o n o f r o l e s (and concomitant p r e d i s p o s i t i o n t o b e h a v i o r ) which i n d i v i d u a l s choose t o emphasize from a l a r g e r number o f possibilities." T h i s suggests a ' p a t t e r n - o f - l i v i n g * d e f i n i t i o n which should be a b l e to go beyond  the t r a d i t i o n a l and more o b j e c t i v e  differ-  e n t i a t i n g c r i t e r i a , a l t h o u g h i t would embrace the economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s o f an i n d i v i d u a l or household. E s s e n t i a l elements o f the l i v i n g p a t t e r n are money and time-spending b e h a v i o r s , which, over time, assume r e l a t i v e l y consistent patterns.  I n o r d e r t h a t such b e h a v i o r s  can have r e l e v a n c e to the problem o f r e s i d e n t i a l  differentiation  6  for  the geographer  -  however, they must have s p a t i a l r e f e r e n t s .  b. s c a l e o f a p p l i c a t i o n Data on l i f e s t y l e s must n e c e s s a r i l y come from i n d i v i d u a l s and have r e l e v a n c e to a s p e c i f i c p h y s i c a l The c h o i c e here i s to examine the use o f time by w i t h r e s p e c t i t s e x p e n d i t u r e i n and around or elsewhere.  setting.  households  the d w e l l i n g u n i t  While the a l l o c a t i o n o f money i s a l s o c o n s i d e r e d  to be o f g r e a t importance, the envisaged t a s k o f d e a l i n g w i t h the problem o f d i s c l o s u r e seemed too complex to handle w i t h i n the l i m i t a t i o n s o f t h i s study. c. o b j e c t i v e The aim o f t h i s study then, i s to show by  empirical  r e s e a r c h that when households have r e a l c h o i c e a l t e r n a t i v e s among d w e l l i n g types ( i . e . are capable o f a f f o r d i n g more than one s p e c i f i c type i n one g i v e n l o c a t i o n ) , they w i l l  be  d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by the emphasis they p l a c e on one or another s e t of a c t i v i t i e s , b e i n g t h e i r l i f e s t y l e .  G i v e n the problems o f  s e l e c t i n g an a p p r o p r i a t e g e n e r a l and o p e r a t i o n a l for  the l i f e s t y l e  definition  concept, t h i s r e s e a r c h w i l l be more o f a  p i l o t study p r o v i d i n g new  i n s i g h t s , r a t h e r than one which  produces f i r m c o n c l u s i o n s . C.  METHOD OF STUDY S e l e c t e d suburban households throughout G r e a t e r  Vancouver found i n neighborhoods was  where surrounding development  o f s i m i l a r age, q u a l i t y and p r i c e , but d i s s i m i l a r i n terms  o f the types ( s i n g l e - f a m i l y house v e r s u s the condominium townhouse), have been chosen f o r i n v e s t i g a t i o n .  The i n h e r e n t  - 7  -  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the condominium-owned d w e l l i n g makes i t a unique a l t e r n a t i v e to a c o n v e n t i o n a l house, and  the  p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f i t meeting the needs o f a d i f f e r e n t market segment make i t most s u i t a b l e f o r a comparative as  analysis  such  this. The argument to be supported i s t h i s :  time e x p e n d i t u r e s households  discretionary  ( i . e . on non-work, non-chore a c t i v i t i e s ) o f  i n the c o n v e n t i o n a l type w i l l be d w e l l i n g u n i t  o r i e n t e d , and non-dwelling survey method was  u n i t - o r i e n t e d i n the o t h e r .  The  s e l e c t e d f o r the c o l l e c t i o n o f b i o g r a p h i c a l  and time expenditure d a t a , u s i n g the p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w technique. D.  ORGANIZATION OF CHAPTERS S e l e c t e d l i t e r a t u r e p e r t a i n i n g to the two c o n t r a s t i n g  approaches i n s t u d y i n g r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s presented i n the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r .  D i s c u s s i o n and s u p p o r t i n g m a t e r i a l  d e a l i n g w i t h the l i f e s t y l e concept i s i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o  the  s e c t i o n which examines the b e h a v i o r a l approach to understanding  differentiation. S t u d i e s on condominium r e s i d e n t i a l development, the  housing form which presumeably w i l l evoke new l i v i n g , are c r i t i c a l l y reviewed  i n Chapter  styles of  Three.  Chapter Four p r e s e n t s the methods used i n determining the sample o f households  to be s t u d i e d , as w e l l as the  techniques and instruments used i n data  collection.  An a n a l y s i s o f the f i n d i n g s i s made i n Chapter w h i l e Chapter S i x p r e s e n t s the c o n c l u s i o n s drawn and  Five,  - 8 -  suggestions f o r r e f i n i n g future work concerning r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and  lifestyles.  CHAPTER  TWO  REVIEW;  DIFFERENTIATION LITERATURE  i n t r o d u c t o r y remarks As s t a t e d e a r l i e r , r e s i d e n t i a l s t u d i e s have not p r i m a r i l y concentrated on economic and been d e p i c t e d  differentiation on the household  s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s enveloping  but  i t . These have  i n such a manner t h a t households appeared to  become s o r t e d i n accordance w i t h some predetermined scheme. The  w r i t e r contends that the i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a r i t y  o f the b e h a v i o r a l approach has  i n l a r g e p a r t been a r e a c t i o n  to the i n s e n s i t i v i t y o f the human-ecological or any  economic  o r i e n t e d approach which downplays the importance o f  the  i n d i v i d u a l ' s t a s t e s and o f households.  In order  preferences  i n the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n  to show the b e h a v i o r a l approach as a  c l e a r l y c o n t r a s t i n g viewpoint on the s u b j e c t , as w e l l d i s p l a y i t s relevance  as  f o r use h e r e , the human-ecological  approach i s presented f i r s t .  The  manner i n which t h i s  approach i s supported by s p a t i a l a n a l y s t s i s a l s o i n d i c a t e d . D i s c u s s i o n o f the b e h a v i o r a l approach f o l l o w s . w i l l argue that the  'fine grain' r e s i d e n t i a l pattern i s largely  the r e s u l t o f an i n d i v i d u a l s e a r c h and i n i t i a t e d by  l i f e s t y l e concept. relevancy  d e c i s i o n process  the household u n i t .  Included  and  It  i n t h i s s e c t i o n i s the examination o f Arguments concerning  to e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h  the  i t s t h e o r e t i c a l bases  i n geographic s t u d i e s  p r e s e n t e d , as are r e s e a r c h antecedants u s i n g t h i s concept.  are  10  A.  HUMAN-ECOLOGICAL 1.  APPROACH  T h e o r e t i c a l Treatment F i r s t popularized  during  the 1920's by the Chicago  s c h o o l o f e c o l o g i s t s , the b a s i c n o t i o n regarded human l o c a t i o n a l behavior as analagous to the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n b e h a v i o r s e x h i b i t e d among p l a n t and animal species.  L o c a t i o n a l a s p e c t s o f each were c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the  same f a c t o r or ' s o r t i n g mechanism' — Ho1lingshead  impersonal  competition.  (1939, p.62) s t a t e s t h a t ,  "Human ecology d e a l s w i t h s o c i e t y i n i t s b i o l o g i c a l and s y m b i o t i c a s p e c t s , that i s , those a s p e c t s brought about by c o m p e t i t i o n and by s t r u g g l e o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n any s o c i a l o r d e r , t o s u r v i v e and perpetuate themselves." The  development o f p a t t e r n , s t r u c t u r e and o r g a n i z a -  t i o n are among those a s p e c t s r e s u l t i n g from c o m p e t i t i o n and s t r u g g l e among i n d i v i d u a l s i n a g i v e n s o c i a l  order.  S p e c i f i c a l l y r e f e r r i n g to r e s i d e n t i a l t i o n , Hawley  differentia-  (1944, p. 403) supports the v i e w that  pattern,  s t r u c t u r e , and o r g a n i z a t i o n a r e d i r e c t r e s u l t s o f economic competition asserts  among households o f p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n s .  that,  "Rent, o p e r a t i n g through income, i s the most important f a c t o r i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n and s e g r e g a t i o n o f f a m i l i a l u n i t s . Those w i t h comparable incomes seek s i m i l a r l o c a t i o n s and consequently c l u s t e r together i n one or two s e l e c t e d areas w i t h i n the community." Timms (1971, p. 89) argues t h a t , i n p r a c t i c e "...the c l a s s i c a l e c o l o g i s t s were by no means as g u i l t y o f r e i f y i n g the b i o l o g i c a l analogy, and o f u s i n g i t as the s o l e e x p l a n a t i o n o f e c o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e , as some o f the c r i t i c s have c l a i m e d . "  He  11 -  Evidence to support t h i s defence may be found i n a statement by Park (1925, p. 29): " . . . i n human s o c i e t y , c o m p e t i t i o n i s l i m i t e d by custom and c u l t u r e . The c u l t u r a l super s t r u c t u r e imposes i t s e l f as an instrument o f d i r e c t i o n and c o n t r o l upon the b i o t i c substructure." Undoubtedly, t h e r e has been a c e r t a i n amount o f disagreement over the e x t e n t to which the urban p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n p a t t e r n i s a consequence o f c o m p e t i t i o n , r e f e r r i n g o f course to economics.  Murdie  (1971) notes t h a t  t h i s approach has become i d e n t i f i e d as 'economic determinism'. In i t s a p p l i c a t i o n , the p r a c t i t i o n e r s have p a i d v e r y a t t e n t i o n to the r o l e which human behavior  little  (a d e r i v a t i v e o f  custom and c u l t u r e ) p l a y s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n process. 2.  A p p l i c a t i o n to the Urban Landscape The e c o l o g i c a l approach to understanding urban  s p a t i a l s t r u c t u r e i s found i n B u r g e s s ' C o n c e n t r i c Zone Model o f urban s t r u c t u r e . it  Based p r i m a r i l y on o b s e r v a t i o n s o f C h i c a g o ,  showed t h a t w i t h p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e s the e c o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s  o f c o m p e t i t i o n , dominance, and s u c c e s s i o n operated so as to produce an outward, c o n c e n t r i c arrangement o f l a n d uses and population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . T h i s was e s s e n t i a l l y a c r u d e , d e s c r i p t i v e model, seeking to e x p l a i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the urban framework i n terms o f e c o l o g i c a l p r o c e s s e s .  Households became l o c a t e d  a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r socio-economic s t a t u s .  (see Rees,  1970,  p. 307 f o r a good e l a b o r a t i o n on the r e s u l t a n t p a t t e r n o f households).  12  Perhaps seeking t h e o r y , Colby  -  to add a sense o f dynamism to  (1933) e x p l a i n e d t h a t e c o l o g i c a l balance  s t r u c t u r e i s maintained centripetal forces.  this i n the  by the f u n c t i o n i n g o f c e n t r i f u g a l  With r e f e r e n c e to households, c e r t a i n  f e a t u r e s near the c e n t r e are i n i t i a l l y a t t r a c t i v e employment, the l o c a t i o n o f  'like*  (e.g.  individuals, suitable  r e n t a l housing, e t c . ) , but l a t e r other f e a t u r e s there may unattractive etc.).  and  seem  (e.g. n o i s e , p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y , a i r p o l l u t i o n ,  Thus, the households are spun outward to a suburban  residence. Hoyt's S e c t o r Theory  (1939) a l s o r e c e i v e d i t s  e n e r g i z i n g f o r c e from d e t e r m i n i s t i c economic f a c t o r s w i t h regards  to r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n .  On  the b a s i s o f  census data from 142 U n i t e d S t a t e s c i t i e s , he showed h i g h low s t a t u s r e s i d e n t i a l areas were s e c t o r a l l y ordered the C.B.D.  around  (The Park and Burgess model showed a c o n c e n t r i c  arrangement o f household c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ) .  Focusing on  c l a s s households, he i n d i c a t e d t h a t they chose those for  and  high-  areas  e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e i r homes which were the most d e s i r e a b l e  i n a l l respects. the remaining  The  sites.  l e s s - c o m p e t i t i v e households a c q u i r e d Johnston (1966, p. 23) notes t h a t ,  a c c o r d i n g to t h i s model, "...the h i g h - s t a t u s area becomes the p i v o t o f the c i t y ' s r e s i d e n t i a l s t r u c t u r e . " Hoyt d i d observe t h a t the use o f such d e v i c e s as deed r e s t r i c t i o n s by h i g h income households c o u l d serve to maintain  the c h a r a c t e r o f an a r e a .  m e c h a n i s t i c nature o f h i s model was such b e h a v i o r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s .  However, the somewhat not a b l e to accommodate  - 13  -  Only i n an i m p l i c i t way  d i d H a r r i s and  Ullman's  (1945) work d e a l with the urban s o c i a l topography g e n e r a l l y , and  the l o c a t i o n o f r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s i n p a r t i c u l a r .  c e n t r a t i n g on economic a c t i v i t i e s ,  the two  Con-  geographers proposed  a M u l t i p l e - N u c l e i model, r e c o g n i z i n g t h a t c e r t a i n f u n c t i o n s will  tend to c l u s t e r .  Rather than one p o i n t being  entirely  dominant, s e v e r a l f o c a l p o i n t s would e v o l v e , around which the c i t y would develop.  Presumeably, the c r i t e r i a  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n would become more complex. h o l d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c would not be a s s o c i a t e d with any a  *  support  for residential  Any  s i n g l e house-  so r e a d i l y g e o g r a p h i c a l l y  s p e c i f i c f a c t o r , such as economics.  from s p a t i a l  I n s o f a r as the  analysts  ' s p a t i a l a n a l y s t s ' share  economics-biased theme i n t h e i r e x p l a n a t i o n s s t r u c t u r e , they could be  s a i d to p r o v i d e  human-ecological v i e w p o i n t .  the  o f urban  support  f o r the  A b r i e f look a t some o f  f a c t o r s they s t r e s s as i n s t r u m e n t a l  the  in effecting residential  differentiation w i l l reveal their relationship. In r e v i e w i n g Wingo's work, Chapin  (1964) p o i n t s  t h a t the o r g a n i z i n g concept o f these a n a l y s t s i s the mechanism'.  Households with p a r t i c u l a r a b i l i t i e s  out  'market  to pay  rents  become d i s t r i b u t e d among those l o c a t i o n s demanding corresponding  rents.  Muth (1961, p. 215)  stresses this point:  "The most important v a r i a b l e a f f e c t i n g the average household consumption o f housing i n a m e t r o p o l i t a n area i s income." S i n c e l a n d p r i c e s u s u a l l y decrease w i t h from the dominant c e n t r e , he would a s s e r t , l a n d  distance  consumption  -  per u n i t i n c r e a s e s .  14  T h i s i s evidenced  by  the g e n e r a l  density-  d e c l i n e g r a d i e n t outward from the C.B.D. (see C l a r k , 1951; e x c e l l e n t example i s Chicago — p. 444).  see B e r r y and Horton,  an  1970,  T y p i c a l l y , the s p a t i a l a n a l y s t s d i f f e r e n t i a t e  household c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and l o c a t i o n s i n the f o l l o w i n g manner:  wealthy households occupy l a r g e t r a c t s on the  and poorer  households m a i n t a i n  fringe,  s m a l l q u a r t e r s near the  center.  C l e a r l y , the f a c t o r o f a c c e s s i b i l i t y i s i n v o l v e d here s i n c e h i g h a c c e s s i b i l i t y i s regarded The  as a c o s t l y  'good*.  remote, wealthy households trade i t o f f f o r expansive  r e s i d e n c e s , while o t h e r s must l i v e c l o s e r to t h e i r workplaces t y p i c a l l y the C.B.D.. Stegman (1969) takes e x c e p t i o n  to models which  s t r e s s the n o t i o n t h a t households p l a c e a h i g h v a l u e  on  a c c e s s i b i l i t y , and a l l o w i t to become a dominant c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n their location choice. data c o l l e c t e d from 841 1960  and 1966  With r e s p e c t to mover households,  u n i t s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s between  showed t h a t o n l y an average o f 5%  (central  as  w e l l as suburban households) o f the moves were attempts to i n c r e a s e a c c e s s i b i l i t y to t h e i r work.  Most were r e l a t e d to  d w e l l i n g needs, neighborhood c o n d i t i o n s and more p e r s o n a l reasons. To say then that r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  occurs  as r e g u l a r l y as t h e o r i z e d s t r i c t l y i n terms o f income and d i s t a n c e from c i t y c e n t e r , i s d i f f i c u l t consider the s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n facilities.  to support  o f work p l a c e s and  when we  shopping  Furthermore, i t should be remembered t h a t  de-  - 15 -  c i s i o n s c o n c e r n i n g the l o c a t i o n o f one's r e s i d e n c e are always tempered by n o n - o p t i m i z i n g human b e h a v i o r s .  The e x t e n t to  which they are i n v o l v e d can o n l y be determined by a d o p t i n g an i n t e n s i v e , i n d i v i d u a l - f o c u s e d r e s e a r c h approach, b. o p p o s i t i o n from a s o c i o - c u l t u r a l view Firey i d e a s embodied  (1947) was  the most noteable opponent o f the  i n the e c o l o g i c a l approach.  Drawing on h i s  study o f Boston's h i s t o r y o f growth and development, he claimed that economic f a c t o r s d i d not determine i t s p a t t e r n . and symbolism attached to p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n s Common, p r e s t i g o u s Beacon H i l l ) and b u i l d i n g s  Sentiment  (e.g. Boston (e.g. downtown  churches) were c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s o f g r e a t importance i n e s t a b l i s h i n g i t s form.  The o p e r a t i o n of such f a c t o r s o v e r -  shadowed the p r o f i t or savings-maximizing n o t i o n s o f urban land  economics. Perhaps the s e v e r i t y o f F i r e y * s c r i t i c i s m was  un-  j u s t i f i e d , f o r he sought to c h a l l e n g e v e r y g e n e r a l models on the b a s i s o f what may  have been a unique case indeed.  However, h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n was v a l u a b l e i n terms o f b r i n g i n g a t t e n t i o n to the f a c t that c i t i e s are not s o l e l y p r o d u c t s o f the i n t e r p l a y between economic 3.  factors.  Summary and C o n c l u s i o n s I t i s apparent that the human-ecological approach  has i t s maximum u t i l i t y when one chooses to examine d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n on the s c a l e o f an e n t i r e c i t y , or more p r e c i s e l y , an urban a r e a .  There can be l i t t l e doubt t h a t a t t h i s  level,  the major determinants o f land use l o c a t i o n s w i l l a l s o serve to s p a t i a l l y o r g a n i z e households.  T y p i c a l l y , these are economic  - 16 -  f a c t o r s o p e r a t i n g through the 'market mechanism'.  Certainly,  a household's income w i l l e s t a b l i s h the broad l i m i t s o f i t s actual location choice.  Consequently, d i s t i n c t  d i v i s i o n s may be found to approximate  spatial  the p a t t e r n s suggested  by the models. From t h i s approach, however, l i t t l e o f the f a c t o r s which produce the f i n e - g r a i n e d  can be l e a r n e d differences  among r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n s which we observe d a i l y as we move throughout the c i t y .  They a r e supposedly not s o l e y  nor even e n t i r e l y based on c l a s s p o s i t i o n s .  economic,  To understand  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n a t the s c a l e o f our e x p e r i e n c e s , the househ o l d s themselves must serve as the u n i t s f o r a n a l y s i s .  We  must take i n t o account i n d i v i d u a l ' s p e r s o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and the approach which must be adopted f o r t h i s type o f r e s e a r c h i s reviewed next. B.  BEHAVIORAL APPROACH 1.  Background Pred  (1967/1969, p. 10) s t a t e d t h a t u n t i l  recently,  geographers have " . . . f a i l e d or r e f u s e d t o r e g a r d any s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n , or a r r a y o f economic f e a t u r e s on the l a n d s c a p e , as the aggregate r e f l e c t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n s . " A p a r t i a l e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h i s , he s u g g e s t s , may be the i n f l u e n c e which Sauer  (1941, p. 7) had on geographers by making  such statements a s , "Human geography, . . . u n l i k e psychology and h i s t o r y , i s a s c i e n c e t h a t has n o t h i n g t o do with i n d i v i d u a l s b u t only w i t h human i n s t i t u t i o n s or c u l t u r e s . "  - 17  Harvey (1969) p o i n t e d out however, that f o r a long time some geographers have r e c o g n i z e d geographic be  p a t t e r n s to  the 'end p r o d u c t s ' o f many d i f f e r e n t d e c i s i o n s made f o r as  many reasons.  He notes t h a t even as e a r l y as 1912, Bruhnes  (1920) c h a l l e n g e d h i s 'environmental  d e t e r m i n i s t i c ' contempor-  a r i e s by s t r e s s i n g t h a t the p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n f l u e n c e s o f g e o g r a p h i c a l phenomena upon humans was the s u b t l e and d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f a c t o r i n human geography. Regardless  o f the l e n g t h o f h i s t o r y o f t h i s approach,  only r e c e n t l y has i t a t t r a c t e d the i n t e r e s t o f r e s e a r c h e r s seeking to use i t i n an a n a l y t i c a l f a s h i o n .  G e n e r a l l y , the  o b j e c t i v e f o r i t s use i s t o not only d e s c r i b e but d e r i v e e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r s p a t i a l s t r u c t u r e i n terms o f ..antecedant d e c i s i o n s and b e h a v i o r s arrange phenomena over space." (Cox and G o l l e d g e , 1969, p. 2.)  which  With r e s p e c t to the g e o g r a p h i c a l i n f e r e n c e problem of form and p r o c e s s as O l s s o n  (1969) n o t e s , t h i s approach  i n f e r s s p a t i a l p a t t e r n s from a n a l y z i n g behavior the r e v e r s e —  rather  than  the approach o f e c o l o g i s t s and s p a t i a l  analysts. 2.  P o s t u l a t e s o f the Approach In the a r t i c l e c i t e d above by Cox and G o l l e g e  it  (1969),  i s p o i n t e d out t h a t r e s e a r c h i s c a r r i e d on a t two comple-  mentary l e v e l s ; the b a s i c l e v e l i s the s e a r c h f o r a p p r o p r i a t e p o s t u l a t e s and models f o r d e a l i n g w i t h behavior  independent o f  i t s s p a t i a l component, and the next l e v e l i s the a p p l i c a t i o n o f these to the study o f a c t u a l behavior  i n r e a l space.  18  P o s t u l a t e s i n use are p r i m a r i l y d e r i v e d from d i s c i p l i n e s o f economics, s o c i o l o g y and psychology.  the  Again,  i n the same w r i t i n g , these r e s e a r c h e r s a s s e r t t h a t economics has had  the g r e a t e s t i n f l u e n c e to d a t e .  work o f Brown and  Longbrake (1969), who  T h e i r example i s the view the outcome o f  i n t r a - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n s as maximization o f the o f a s e l e c t e d p l a c e to a household. optimizing  T h i s , o f course,  utility assumes  behaviors. Hagerstrand  (1953) looked  i n a n a l y z i n g m i g r a t i o n behavior  to s o c i o l o g y f o r a s s i s t a n c e  i n Sweden, r e c o g n i z i n g  i n f o r m a t i o n about p o s s i b l e d e s t i n a t i o n s was  that  facilitated  by  i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h former m i g r a n t s . Perception storm hazards along  s t u d i e s such as K a t e s ' (1967) r e s e a r c h  on  the U n i t e d S t a t e s e a s t c o a s t , Lynch*s (1960)  i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f mental images o f urban landscape, or P e t e r s e n ' s (1967) work on p r e f e r e n c e s  for residential  neighborhoods, have drawn d i r e c t l y and h e a v i l y from psychology i n the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t o v e r t behavior of learning, motivation (see Wood, 1967,  and  i s l a r g e l y a consequence  other p s y c h o l o g i c a l  constructs  f o r a concise review of perception  studies  i n geography). While r e s e a r c h adopting  the b e h a v i o r a l approach i s  concerned w i t h numerous and d i v e r s e emphases, they have u n i t y i n t h e i r mutual f o c u s on the i n d i v i d u a l or household. e x c e l l e n t c o l l e c t i o n o f a r t i c l e s may Golledge  (1969).  be found i n Cox  An and  - 19 3.  A p p l i c a t i o n t o the Study of R e s i d e n t i a l Differentiation The b e h a v i o r a l approach takes  the p o s i t i o n t h a t  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n r e s u l t s from each household making a v a r i e t y of d e c i s i o n s concerning  i t s housing  a c t i n g upon them.  'act' f o r some would i n f a c t be t o  That  remain i n t h e i r p r e s e n t  location.  needs and wants, and then  The m a j o r i t y of households  a r r i v e a t some higher degree of s a t i s f a c t i o n by making a move. D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s consequently intra-urban mobility, i t s e l f  a f u n c t i o n of  o c c u r i n g as a r e s u l t of house-  holds engaging i n b e h a v i o r a l processes  such as, (1) housing  need and want assessment, (2) search and e v a l u a t i o n , and (3)  choice. w h i l e c e r t a i n of the components of the p r o c e s s  been c o n c e p t u a l i z e d i n the context  of i n t e r u r b a n  have  migration  s t u d i e s , they a r e of r e l e v a n c e here i n that they a r e r e l a t e d to i n d i v i d u a l s and households. 4.  The D i f f e r e n t i a t i n g  process  a. r o l e of the 'place u t i l i t y '  concept  In d i s c u s s i n g v a r i o u s aspects  of h i s proposed  m i g r a t i o n model, Wolpert (1965) p o i n t s out t h a t an unders t a n d i n g o f the p r o c e s s  i s based on t h e acceptance o f the  n o t i o n t h a t man i s ' i n t e n d e d l y r a t i o n a l ' , or 'boundedly rational'. important  In a c c e p t i n g t h i s , one avoids  o v e r l o o k i n g the  f a c t t h a t man i s l i m i t e d i n h i s a b i l i t y  to perceive,  - 20 -  a c q u i r e , and a s s i m i l a t e i n f o r m a t i o n .  However, he i s a b l e t o  d i f f e r e n t i a t e between v a r i o u s types of a c t i o n to take i n terms of  t h e i r u s e f u l n e s s ( u t i l i t y ) or a n t i c i p a t e d u s e f u l n e s s f o r  him. Every realm of h i s experience can be weighted  subjectively  with r e s p e c t t o the s a t i s f a c t i o n i t g i v e s  him.  When experience i n d i c a t e s t h a t an a n t i c i p a t e d l e v e l of s a t i s f a c t i o n i s not being a t t a i n e d , a process i s s e t i n motion to a d j u s t the experience t o reach the minimum  satisfac-  tion threshold. While  this  'utility'  v a r i e t y of stayer-mover  concept may  to a  d e c i s i o n s (e.g. a person's j o b ) ,  concern here i s w i t h i t s a p p l i c a t i o n to a residence.  be adapted  household's  Again, on the b a s i s of experience, a p l a c e e i t h e r  'measures up'  to some minimum s a t i s f a c t i o n  l e v e l or does not.  D i s t a n t l o c a t i o n s a r e not so e a s i l y assessed, f o r they have not been experienced. their u t i l i t y  f o r him  The p o t e n t i a l mover must  determine  on the b a s i s of whatever knowledge he  has or i s a b l e t o r e c e i v e about them.  The degree to which  a n t i c i p a t e d housing needs and wants a r e ever s a t i s f i e d a t some new  l o c a t i o n i s a consequence of the e f f i c i e n c y  of  (1) t h e i r c o r r e c t assessment, and (2) the search p r o c e s s , b. b a s i c f a c t o r s i n the moving decision:; Wolpert  (1965, p. 163)  states that s t i m u l i r e -  s p o n s i b l e f o r s e t t i n g the p r o c e s s i n motion a r e e i t h e r  - 21  o b j e c t i v e or s u b j e c t i v e , and  -  o r i g i n a t e i n the p o t e n t i a l  mover's ' a c t i o n space', being " . . . t h a t p a r t of the l i m i t e d environment with which the i n d i v i d u a l has c o n t a c t . " •Limited  environment' i n c l u d e s both r e a l and p e r c e i v e d In d e v e l o p i n g a model of the m i g r a t i o n  Wolpert (1966, p. 93) regarded as  decision,  suggests t h a t the r o o t cause can  'stress', defined  space.  be  as  "... 'noxious' or p o t e n t i a l l y 'noxious' e n v i r o n mental f o r c e s p r e s s i n g upon the i n d i v i d u a l . " He  c i t e s a more comprehensive d e f i n i t i o n given by B n g e l : "... a s t r e s s may be any i n f l u e n c e , whether i t a r i s e s from the i n t e r n a l environment or the e x t e r n a l environment, which i n t e r f e r e s w i t h the s a t i s f a c t i o n of b a s i c needs or which d i s turbs or t h r e a t e n s to d i s t u r b the s t a b l e equilibrium."  An  i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e a c t i o n to s t r e s s i s what Wolpert r e f e r s to  as  "strain'.  move, and  The manner i n which these f u n c t i o n to e f f e c t a  thereby a f f e c t r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , can  seen i n the example which f o l l o w s : Concerning m i g r a t i o n (1955, p.  179)  stated  and  s o c i a l status,  Rossi  that  "Residential mobility...plays a role i n 'vertical' social mobility. The l o c a t i o n of a r e s i d e n c e has a p r e s t i g e value, and i s to some degree a determinant of p e r s o n a l c o n t a c t p o t e n t i a l s . F a m i l i e s moving up the ' o c c u p a t i o n a l l a d d e r ' a r e p a r t i c u l a r l y s e n s i t i v e to the s o c i a l a s p e c t s of l o c a t i o n and use r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y to b r i n g t h e i r r e s i d e n c e s i n t o l i n e with t h e i r p r e s t i g e needs."  be  - 22  -  F i r s t of a l l , note t h a t the household here i s c o n s i d e r e d p l a c i n g g r e a t value on s o c i a l p r e s t i g e . p o i n t where i t may  I t does so to the  even be p e r c e i v e d as a need which must be  p r o p e r l y housed ( t h i s r e l a t e s to Bngel's ' i n t e r n a l ' ment).  environ-  In t h i s case, a job promotion i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h  greater prestige.  Both the household's p r e s e n t  the c i t y , and d w e l l i n g w i t h i n i t s neighborhood environment) may  location in ('external'  suddenly be out of balance w i t h t h a t need.  To the s t a t u s - c o n s c i o u s ,  the s i t u a t i o n grows s t r e s s f u l .  household s t r a i n s to r e - a d j u s t the d i s e q u i l i b r i u m by for  as  a more s a t i s f a c t o r y r e s i d e n c e ( g r e a t e r p l a c e  The  searching  utility).  More f r e q u e n t l y the s t r e s s i s r e l a t e d t o the dwelling u n i t i t s e l f .  The u n d e r l y i n g reason  almost always been a t t r i b u t e d t o the p r o c e s s  for this  of a household  p r o g r e s s i n g through a f a m i l y - l i f e - c y c l e .  Rossi's  p. 150)  expressed  study  on i n t r a - u r b a n m o b i l i t y was  of t h i s c y c l e , and  has  (1955, i n terms  i n his conclusion stated,  "...the major f u n c t i o n of m o b i l i t y i s the p r o c e s s by which f a m i l i e s a d j u s t t h e i r housing needs that a r e generated by s h i f t s i n f a m i l y composit i o n which accompany l i f e c y c l e changes." L a n s i n g and M u e l l e r (1964) found that p a s t a n t i c i p a t e d moves of households surveyed on d w e l l i n g u n i t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a l s o . of suburban Toronto e m p h a t i c a l l y move was  and  were p r i m a r i l y based C l a r k ' s (1968) study  a s s e r t s t h a t the s t i m u l u s  to  a need f o r the type of accommodation only a house i n  -  the suburbs c o u l d p r o v i d e .  23  Gans  1  (1967) study of L e v i t t -  owners r e v e a l e d t h a t 84% had moved to that c i t y f o r s i m i l a r reasons. Bach of these s t u d i e s i n d i c a t e d that households which a r e e n t e r i n g the c h i l d - b e a r i n g and c h i l d - r e a r i n g stages a r e e s p e c i a l l y s e n s i t i v e to i n t e r i o r space shortage.  This i s  the s t r e s s i n t h e i r environment which they attempt to overcome through search  behavior.  C e r t a i n l y , the number of s t i m u l i or f a c t o r s which induce households to c o n s i d e r moving are numerous. (1968, p. 627)  p o i n t s out  Simmons  that  "The preponderance of movers i n the age group f i f t e e n to t w e n t y - f i v e weights the o v e r a l l p a t t e r n towards t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r needs and d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n s , but other subpopulations, such as the aged or the r e s i d e n t s of a p a r t i c u l a r p a r t of the c i t y , may move f o r q u i t e d i f f e r e n t reasons." c. the  search  Assuming that the household's l o c a t i o n and  par-  t i c u l a r l y d w e l l i n g s a t i s f a c t i o n would be i n c r e a s e d by moving, the a c t of s e a r c h i n g commences. p. 205)  Brown and Moore (1968,  suggest the f i r s t s t e p i n v o l v e s making e x p l i c i t  s p e c i f i c requirements f o r the new  location.  An a b r i d g e d  the list  of t h e i r examples of c a t e g o r i e s to c o n s i d e r i s as f o l l o w s : "(1) A c c e s s i b i l i t y ( t o major r o u t e s , s e r v i c e c e n t r e s ) , (2) p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of neighborhood ( c o n d i t i o n , design, q u i e t n e s s ) , (3) S e r v i c e s and f a c i l i t i e s ( p u b l i c s a f e t y , e d u c a t i o n ) , (4) S o c i a l environment ( s o c i o -  - 24  -  economic s t a t u s , m i n o r i t y groups, community o u t l o o k ) , (5) I n d i v i d u a l s i t e and d w e l l i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (values, l o t sizes, a r c h i t e c t u r e ) , ..." Tirams (1971, p. 110)  s t r i k e s a sombre note by  claiming that, " A s p i r a t i o n s and behavior  rarely coincide."  He e l a b o r a t e s on t h i s p o i n t e d comment: "The attempt by a household to b r i n g i t s r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n i n t o congruence with i t s ... a s p i r a t i o n s may be f r u s t r a t e d by a v a r i e t y of i n t e r v e n i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . P a r t i c u l a r l y important i n t h i s regard i s the range of i n f o r m a t i o n possessed by or a v a i l a b l e to the household, the amount of money i t can devote to housing, and the range of houses and l o c a t i o n s which a r e a v a i l a b l e a t the r e l e v a n t time." The next major step i s t o a c q u i r e i n f o r m a t i o n about p l a c e s which might be searched.  D i s c u s s i n g the F i e l d Theory  approach to s e a r c h i n g , Wolpert (1965, p. 163) of the wide g e o g r a p h i c a l  p o i n t s out  space f o r which the searcher  p o t e n t i a l l y obtain information, i n r e a l i t y  that  may  only  "...some r a t h e r l i m i t e d p o r t i o n of the e n v i r o n ment i s r e l e v a n t and a p p l i c a b l e f o r h i s d e c i sion behavior." As noted e a r l i e r ,  t h i s l i m i t e d p o r t i o n of the environment i s .  what he r e f e r s to as the searcher's  ' a c t i o n space'.  over t h a t area about which the searcher In r e a l i t y ,  t h i s space takes  r e s u l t of p e r s o n a l experience who  have knowledge of s t i l l  I t extends  has knowledge. on dimensions as a  with p l a c e s , c o n t a c t with people  other p l a c e s , and  the s e l e c t i o n  - 25 -  of i n d i r e c t media (e.g. newspapers, t e l e v i s i o n , r a d i o , e t c . ) which p r o v i d e i n f o r m a t i o n about p l a c e s .  In the a r t i c l e quoted  above, Wolpert f u r t h e r s t a t e s t h a t the type and source o f i n f o r m a t i o n used w i l l produce a b i a s e d search p a t t e r n , s i n c e a l l i n f o r m a t i o n i s i t s e l f b i a s e d i n substance. The household's search space w i l l consequently somewhat p r e d e f i n e d from the o u t s e t .  be  Supposedly, w h i l e some  l o c a t i o n s may be g e o g r a p h i c a l l y c l o s e , they may be p e r c e p t u a l l y d i s t a n t and w i l l thus be excluded  as p o s s i b l e  destinations. Timms (1971) r e f e r s t o t h i s s u b j e c t by s t a t i n g searchers a r e guided by t h e i r own 'mental maps'.  that  These a r e  image c o n s t r u c t s , and one's image of a p a r t i c u l a r urban l o c a t i o n may be f a v o r a b l e or otherwise. r e a l i t y i s not so important c o n j u r i n g up u n f a v o r a b l e bilities,  Whether they match with  t o t h e p o t e n t i a l mover.  images w i l l be r u l e d out as p o s s i -  (e.g. r e s i d e n t i a l areas designated  c l a s s " , f o r some, " s n o b h i l l " ,  as '"working  etc.).  Elsewhere Timms (1971, p. 115) shows from c a r r i e d out i n Brisbane,  Areas  research  i n which a sample of r e s i d e n t s was  asked t o respond t o the names of f i v e suburbs, t h a t "On the whole, the p a t t e r n of responses p r o v i d e s a c l o s e p a r a l l e l w i t h the e x i s t i n g p o p u l a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the f i v e suburbs." This serves to i l l u s t r a t e t h a t the r e l i a n c e upon mental maps can a i d i n r e i n f o r c i n g e x i s t i n g p a t t e r n s of r e s i d e n t i a l  - 26 -  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ( s e e Lynch, 1960,  f o r r e l a t e d work).  can assume mental maps s e r v e as s u b j e c t i v e guides s e a r c h p r o c e s s and  Thus  we  to the  the subsequent p a t t e r n i n g of household  characteristics. Obviously, a household c o n s i d e r i n g r e l o c a t i o n does not n e c e s s a r i l y commence w i t h i s o l a t i n g h i s s t r e s s f u l d e t a i l i n g s p e c i f i c l o c a t i o n requirements, s e a r c h f o r a new  stimuli,  nor embarking on a  r e s i d e n c e as m e t h o d i c a l l y as suggested  Both the number and  here.  order of stages i n the process a r e h i g h l y  v a r i e d among households.  However, i t appears t h a t some  u n d e r l y i n g o r d e r i n g mechanisms a r e o p e r a t i n g , and produce r e l a t i v e l y c o n s i s t e n t p a t t e r n s of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n over 5.  S p a t i a l Outcomes of the  time.  process  Upon making r e f e r e n c e to m i g r a t i o n g e n e r a l l y , Simmons (1968) observes  t h a t both  the d i s t r i b u t i o n  and  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p o p u l a t i o n remain amazingly the same i n - m i g r a n t s and out-migrants each other.  i n most areas tend t o resemble  T h i s same o b s e r v a t i o n c o u l d be made f o r many  intra-urban locations.  Cooper (1971) was  a b l e to demonstrate  t h i s s t a b i l i t y by e m p i r i c a l l y s t u d y i n g household c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s among r e s i d e n t s i n two Vancouver.  e l i t e sub-communities i n Greater  The b a s i c reasons  Rees (1970, p. 375)  t h a t a l l o w f o r t h i s phenomenon,  postulated, are:  " . . . l i k e c h o i c e s of l i k e i n d i v i d u a l s or f a m i l i e s , c a t e r e d to by l i k e outputs of the housing market, would produce a s e t of communities homogeneous  - 27 -  w i t h r e s p e c t to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s , the nature of t h e housing stock, and by i m p l i c a t i o n w i t h r e s p e c t t o the way people l i v e d w i t h i n the community." Presumeably, households with s i m i l a r  characteristics  would i d e n t i f y s i m i l a r s t i m u l i as s t r e s s f u l , and, through undertaking  a s i m i l a r l y s t r u c t u r e d search process and  a r r i v i n g a t l i k e d e c i s i o n s , would produce the p o s t u l a t e d residential differentiation.  Judging  t h i s presumption t o be  an a c c e p t a b l e one, i n t h a t i t p r o v i d e s a r e a s o n a b l e p i c t u r e of the outcome of t h e e n t i r e p r o c e s s , we s h o u l d be a b l e t o e m p i r i c a l l y observe g e o g r a p h i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n between p a r t i c u l a r housing C.  types and household  characteristics.  COMPARING THE TWO APPROACHES a comment By  i s evident.  t h i s p o i n t the c o n t r a s t between t h e two approaches I t i s p r i m a r i l y r e l a t e d to the s c a l e of d i f f e r -  e n t i a t i o n b e i n g c o n s i d e r e d , and secondary t o the c r i t i c a l elements of the d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g The human-ecological  process. approach appears t o have i t s  g r e a t e s t r e l e v a n c e a t t h e s c a l e of the e n t i r e c i t y .  On t h i s  l e v e l , economic f a c t o r s u n d e r l y i n g the n o t i o n s of space competition,  s u c c e s s i o n and i n v a s i o n (encroachment), and s p a t i a l  s e g r e g a t i o n (e.g. e t h n i c c l u s t e r i n g ) a r e most d i r e c t l y c a b l e t o d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the urban f a b r i c .  These f a c t o r s  become l e s s meaningful when the s c a l e of o b s e r v a t i o n i s reduced  t o the r e s i d e n t i a l s e c t o r a l o n e .  appli-  - 28 -  Depending upon f a c t o r s such a s :  (a) p r o x i m i t y t o  the c o r e of an urban a r e a , (b) access t o p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , s c h o o l s and major shopping l i m i t e d amenities (d) views,  c e n t r e s , ( c ) nearness t o  l i k e parks, r i v e r s and w a t e r f r o n t s , and  e l e v a t i o n , as w e l l as presence  or absence o f  u n i q u e l y d i s t i n c t n a t u r a l s e t t i n g s , the v a l u e s of r e s i d e n t i a l areas vary a c r o s s the urban landscape.  Logically,  the p r i c e  a t t a c h e d to p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n s w i l l be p r o h i b i t i v e t o those households with i n s u f f i c i e n t incomes to e i t h e r buy or r e n t there.  Hence, on a very broad s c a l e , households should  be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n accordance  with t h e i r  financial  capabilities. The b e h a v i o r a l view maintains  t h a t income i s a i  necessary but n o t s u f f i c i e n t f a c t o r f o r e x p l a i n i n g d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , as i t has g e n e r a l l y been d e p i c t e d by the human ecologists.  D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the b e h a v i o r a l view  more v o l u n t a r i l y than i n v o l u n t a r i l y .  occurs  y  Thus, human b e h a v i o r  must be an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f t h e whole s u b j e c t , s i n c e numerous other f a c t o r s a r e r e a l i s t i c a l l y  c o n s i d e r e d a l o n g s i d e economic  c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n the matter o f choosing one's r e s i d e n c e . In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s ,  the type of q u e s t i o n s one  wishes answered w i l l determine the c h o i c e of t h e approach. Questions  concerning  the i n f l u e n c e of l i f e s t y l e s  on the s p a t i a l  - 29  -  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of households must begin a t the l e v e l  or  s c a l e of i n d i v i d u a l d w e l l i n g u n i t s . To adopt a b e h a v i o r a l approach f o r s t u d y i n g urban s t r u c t u r e i s to accept  the i d e a t h a t the s p a t i a l arrangement  of urban f u n c t i o n s i s e s s e n t i a l l y of numerous i n d i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n s . understanding  of human behavior  the aggregate m a n i f e s t a t i o n We  can r e a d i l y see t h a t an  as r e f l e c t e d by  lifestyles  w i l l p r o v i d e much v a l u a b l e i n s i g h t i n t o the f o r m a t i o n  of  spatial patterns. D.  LIFESTYLE 1.  Introducing  the Concept  The many a s p e c t s of everyday l i f e i n contemporary s o c i e t y have c r e a t e d d i v e r s e behavior population.  patterns across  the  These r e f l e c t d i f f e r e n t ways of l i f e and a r e  commonly r e f e r r e d to as  now  'lifestyles . 1  D i s c u s s i o n s i n the l i t e r a t u r e have c e n t e r e d not around p e r s o n a l cultures.  l i f e s t y l e s , but on those of groups  only  and  Such r e f e r e n c e s have l a r g e l y tended to use  life-  s t y l e as a g e n e r a l , a l l - i n c l u s i v e term with no attempt a t precise definition.  As  the contexts  of i t s use vary, so  the elements of which the term i s composed.  Consequently,  d e f i n i t i o n of the term i s u s u a l l y broad, vague and The widespread use of the term by  do  the  any  imprecise.  broadcast  media and w r i t e r s g i v e s some i n d i c a t i o n of i t s f a m i l i a r i t y and i t s p o t e n t i a l u s e f u l n e s s i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g among members  - 30 -  of s o c i e t y .  Any  examination  that r e s i d e n t s segregate  of the urban p o p u l a t i o n r e v e a l s  themselves i n v a r i o u s ways.  This  phenomenon i s r e f l e c t e d i n the c h o i c e of r e s i d e n t i a l and  locations.  d e c i s i o n and  dwellings  There a r e many f a c t o r s which i n f l u e n c e each  i t i s argued t h a t the v a r i o u s elements of  s t y l e have some e f f e c t .  The immediately  life-  identifiable  problems a r e those of d e f i n i n g l i f e s t y l e as an o p e r a t i o n a l concept,  and  then a s s e s s i n g the nature and extent of i t s r o l e  i n r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n through the use of some measurement d e v i c e .  The manner i n which these problems are  tackled i s discussed i n a later The  chapter.  objectives at this point are:  (1) to examine  the d i f f e r e n t uses of the term i n the l i t e r a t u r e to determine i t s components, (2) to estimate i t s u t i l i t y as a concept  for  use i n s t u d y i n g urban p o p u l a t i o n s i n the l i g h t of g e n e r a l changes t a k i n g p l a c e i n our s o c i e t y , and extent t o which the concept dential 2.  (3) to r e v e a l the  has been used i n r e c e n t  resi-  surveys. Treatment i n the L i t e r a t u r e L i f e s t y l e has been r e f e r r e d to i n a d i v e r s i t y  contexts  ( f o r m a l as w e l l as i n f o r m a l ) and  compassed a wide range of v a r i a b l e s .  has  of  t h e r e f o r e en-  Included among these  group and p e r s o n a l v a l u e s , socio-economic  status, stage-in-the-  f a m i l y - l i f e - c y c l e , p a t t e r n s of consumption, and p a t t e r n s of activity.  are  A g r a p h i c p o r t r a y a l of the v a r i o u s components  which have been c i t e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e as c o n s t i t u t i n g style  i_s. shown i n F i g u r e 1.  which l i f e s t y l e r e p r e s e n t s has o r i e n t a t i o n of a n a l y s i s  The composite  life-  of v a r i a b l e s  l a r g e l y been determined  by  the  used.  Three d i f f e r e n t f o c u s e s f o r a n a l y s i s have been i d e n t i f i e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e : (3) i n d i v i d u a l .  The f i r s t  as the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c way  (1) c u l t u r a l ,  (2) group, and  i s g e n e r a l l y r e f e r r e d t o vaguely of l i f e of a whole s o c i e t y  (e.g.  'American l i f e s t y l e ' ) .  The  treated.  only these two o r i e n t a t i o n s a r e d e a l t  Consequently,  l a t t e r two a r e more e x p l i c i t l y  w i t h here. a. focus on i n d i v i d u a l s P s y c h o l o g i s t s were the f i r s t as a unique i n d i v i d u a l phenomenon. i s perhaps one of the e a r l i e s t .  to deal with  lifestyle  A d l e r ' s (1931) d e f i n i t i o n  F o r him,  l i f e s t y l e was  " d e f i n i t e and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c technique f o r combatting  the  environment i n order t o m a i n t a i n one's l i f e and g o a l " . was  seen t o vary i n accordance w i t h each person's  c o n s t i t u t i o n , h i s immediate environment and he l i v e d . to  In these terms, l i f e s t y l e was  a  This  physical  the era i n which  generally a  concept  be used i n connection w i t h s t u d y i n g the behavior of  abnormal i n d i v i d u a l s , and not a l l types of b e h a v i o r a l d i s positions . Subsequent r e s e a r c h looked a t l i f e s t y l e i n a f a r broader  context r e g a r d i n g i t as any i n d i v i d u a l ' s c h a r a c t e r  COMMONLY CITED LIFESTYLE COMPONENTS MAJOR  CONCEPT  /  /  COMPONENTS  'PERSONALITY'  / \  OF  / / /  /  MINOR  COMPONENTS  INDIVIDUALS AND GROUPS  SOCIO -  /  ECONOMIC  STATUS  \  beliefs attitudes aspirations  N.  education occupation income  \  ages of members family size  / \  LIFESTYLE \  STAGE  \  ^  IN \  FAMILY  \  LIFE  INDIVIDUAL \  OR  CYCLE  GROUP  ACTIVITIES  / / N. \^  FIGURE 1  type frequency location interaction  |  - 33 -  which r e f l e c t e d a unique combination of b e h a v i o r a l  traits.  Coleman (1960), i n attempting t o a c h i e v e some p r e c i s i o n i n d e f i n i n g the term so that i t c o u l d be o p e r a t i o n a l ! z e d , of l i f e s t y l e as a " c h a r a c t e r i s t i c way  spoke  of doing, t h i n k i n g ,  r e a c t i n g and growing that tends t o d i s t i n g u i s h persons from each other".  Thus, i t i s c o n s i d e r e d a p r e d i c t a b l e (and by  i m p l i c a t i o n measureable) form of b e h a v i o r . A s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t approach to l i f e s t y l e to.the i n d i v i d u a l f o c u s e d on the v a r i o u s r o l e s that p l a y e d i n everyday l i f e .  Havighurst (1957) and  relating one  Feigenbaum  (1959) r a t e d performance of middle-aged persons i n r o l e s of parent, spouse, homemaker, worker, c i t i z e n , f r i e n d , member and user of l e i s u r e time.  club  Aggregate r a t i n g s by s e v e r a l  judges on the ' l e v e l ' of r o l e performance were c a t e g o r i z e d as:  (1) b a l a n c e d - h i g h , (2) home-centred  c e n t r e d medium, or (4) home-centred  low.  high, (3) homeS i m i l a r l y , Ginzberg  (1966) c o n c e n t r a t e d on an i n d i v i d u a l ' s o r i e n t a t i o n t o d i f f e r e n t r o l e s (e.g. o c c u p a t i o n , i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h others, e t c . ) as a r e f l e c t i o n of one's v a l u e system. r e l a t e d l i f e s t y l e typology was  H i s attempt t o generate a  l i m i t e d to a s u b j e c t i v e  assessment of r o l e emphasis as " i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c " ,  "supportive",  " i n f l u e n t i a l " or "communal". More r e c e n t l y M i c h e l s o n (1970) suggested a d e f i n i t i o n of l i f e s t y l e as the aggregate of r o l e s i n t e g r a t e d i n t o an individual's activities.  He has developed a t i m e - a c t i v i t y  - 34 -  budget t o determine the emphasis p l a c e d on the v a r i o u s r o l e s through examining d a i l y and weekly a c t i v i t i e s .  Subsequent  f a c t o r a n a l y s i s of the data o b t a i n e d from many i n d i v i d u a l s i n a sample of Toronto households i s to p r o v i d e an o b j e c t i v e typology of l i f e s t y l e  types.  By t a k i n g a more r i g o r o u s approach t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g and d e f i n i n g the concept, Michelson's work i s c l e a r l y a pioneering e f f o r t . of  Hopefully i t w i l l  l e a d to g r e a t e r  clarity  the term, which w i l l i n turn render i t more a p p l i c a b l e to  r e s e a r c h i n t o urban  living.  Q u i t e understandably the l i f e s t y l e concept has been of i n t e r e s t t o a v a r i e t y of i n d u s t r i e s , which a r e concerned w i t h d e f i n i n g consumer p r o f i l e s so that t h e i r p r o d u c t s a r e developed w i t h a c e r t a i n market i n mind.  The consumer psy-  chology l i t e r a t u r e i s p e r t i n e n t here, and i n d i c a t e s another type of d e f i n i t i o n i n use. one's l i f e s t y l e was  still  Levy (1967) s t a t e d t h a t  "one l a r g e , complex  symbol i n motion...  composed of symbols and...an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s e l f - i m a g e which he p o r t r a y s through h i s consumption h a b i t s and p a t t e r n s . " Where the f o c u s has been on the i n d i v i d u a l , s t y l e has tended to be d i s c u s s e d i n broad and h i g h l y t i v e terms.  lifedescrip-  U s u a l l y the e n t i r e spectrum of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e c o n s i d e r e d together as one unique 'package'.  Emphasis  on r o l e performance appears to h o l d a  g r e a t amount of p o t e n t i a l f o r e m p i r i c a l work, s i n c e only  - 35  -  those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e l e v a n t to a p a r t i c u l a r context (e.g. household head, community worker, e t c . ) a r e d e a l t at  any  one  with  time.  b. focus on groups Much of the l i t e r a t u r e r e f e r s to the l i f e s t y l e s  of  groups or c o l l e c t i v i t i e s of people, such as the household or persons l i v i n g i n the same neighborhood or community. (1962) was  a pioneer  i n t h i s r e s p e c t i n h i s e a r l y a n a l y s i s of  social stratification. p a t t e r n of behavior group.  To him,  ' s t y l e s of l i f e '  described a  e x h i b i t e d c o l l e c t i v e l y by a group or sub-  D i f f e r e n t s t y l e s were demonstrated by  p o s i t i o n s of s o c i a l honor.  those i n v a r i o u s  T h i s r e s u l t e d from t h e i r  e n t i a l treatment by others a c c o r d i n g of honor.  Weber  differ-  to the p e r c e i v e d amount  Consequently, one's e v a l u a t i o n as a member of a  c e r t a i n s t a t u s group n e c e s s i t a t e d demonstration of corresponding  s t y l e of  the  life.  Inasmuch as s o c i a l s t a t u s was  generally  contingent  on e d u c a t i o n a l background, those with s i m i l a r t r a i n i n g were considered  to have s i m i l a r l i f e s t y l e s .  occupational  group c o n s t i t u t e d a s t a t u s group, and p o r t r a y e d  common s t y l e of l i v i n g . in  Thus, any p a r t i c u l a r  s t y l e s of l i v i n g as  Weber noted s t i l l g r e a t e r  diversity  the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e among  c l a s s e s when s o c i a l s t a t u s r a t h e r than economic f a c t o r s became the primary b a s i s f o r s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . then, l i f e s t y l e was  In t h i s sense  regarded as a m a n i f e s t a t i o n  of group  a  - 36 -  a t t i t u d e s and a c t i o n s , and not b a s i c a l l y  the d i s p l a y of  material possessions. More r e c e n t d i s c u s s i o n s r e g a r d i n g the d i f f e r e n c e s between l i f e s t y l e s  of sub-groups (e.g. o c c u p a t i o n a l groups,  age cohorts i n the f a m i l y - l i f e - c y c l e ) have given a t t e n t i o n t o consumption p a t t e r n s as i n d i c a t o r s of t h e i r however.  lifestyles,  In p a r t i c u l a r , much of the l i t e r a t u r e c e n t r e s on  the s e l e c t i o n of a r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n and d w e l l i n g .  Many  s t u d i e s were no doubt prompted by the phenomenon of subu r b a n i z a t i o n which "came to l i f e " during the 1940*s and 1950's. sonality  T h i s s t i m u l a t e d r e s e a r c h e r s t o examine the 'per1  of the suburban sub-group.  A b r i e f look At a  s e l e c t i o n of the l i t e r a t u r e should r e v e a l the manner i n which l i f e s t y l e has been c o n s i d e r e d i n the study  of r e s i d e n t i a l  differentiation. I t has o f t e n been suggested t h a t two major of  l i v i n g adequately  styles  d i f f e r e n t i a t e d metropolitan populations.  These a r e l a b e l l e d 'urbanism' and 'suburbanism'.  That some  c l e a r - c u t l i f e s t y l e d i s t i n c t i o n i s e v i d e n t i s suggested by Goldston's  (1970) r e f e r e n c e to s u b u r b i a as a s t a t e of l i v i n g  which approximates c i v i c d e n i a l .  Assuming suburban r e s i d e n t s  to be conformers and p r i m a r i l y members of the middle c l a s s , t h e i r l i f e s t y l e s were not s u r p r i s i n g l y u n l i k e urban d w e l l e r s ' . Due t o t h e i r p h y s i c a l s e p a r a t i o n , GoIdston claimed  suburbanites  d e p r i v e d the urban m i l i e u of t h e i r t a l e n t s and c a p a c i t y f o r  - 37  involvement by t h e i r s o c i a l  separation.  T h i s a t t i t u d e p a r a l l e l e d Wirth's (1964) comments on urbanism as a way o f l i f e  ( c o n t r a s t e d w i t h suburbanism),  which spawned numerous a r t i c l e s by l a t e r r e s e a r c h e r s conc e r n i n g the marked d i s t i n c t i o n s between urban and suburban living.  Such d i s t i n c t i o n s may have been t h e case i n the l a t e  1940*s and 1950's but t h i s has g r e a t l y changed,  l a r g e l y as a  r e s u l t of (1) improved t r a n s p o r t a t i o n networks, (2) p u b l i c a t t i t u d e toward c i t y l i v i n g and community involvement, (3) the d i s t r i b u t i o n of housing types, and a v a r i e t y o f other factors relating  to education and communication.  P o s s i b l y only i n a few contexts a r e t h e r e v a l i d c l a i m s that e x p l i c i t urban-suburban d i f f e r e n c e s t r u l y  exist.  Kstanes and Reissman (1959-60) argued t h a t suburbs were not n e c e s s a r i l y homogeneous, and t h e r e f o r e d i d not show evidence of  similar lifestyles.  Rather, a s i d e from  similarly-priced  houses and f a m i l i e s of s i m i l a r ages, households i n new developments had very l i t t l e i n common. Donaldson (1969) suggested that the more v a r i a b l e s d e s c r i p t i v e of a household that one examined, geneous a suburb would appear.  the l e s s homo-  By i n c l u d i n g an a r r a y o f  f a c t o r s t o understand l i f e s t y l e d i f f e r e n c e s , B e l l i s o l a t e d t h r e e major l i f e s t y l e t y p e s :  (1968)  (1) f a m i l i s m ( i s most  s t r o n g l y r e p r e s e n t e d i n suburban a r e a s g i v e n that i t r e l a t e s to  c h i l d - c e n t r e d n e s s and home-based a c t i v i t i e s ) ,  (2) careerism  - 38 -  and  (3) consuraership ( t h e s e two are most f r e q u e n t l y c h a r a c t e r -  i z e d by urban d w e l l e r s p r i m a r i l y i n v o l v e d i n the p u r s u i t o f more education r e l a t e d t o t h e i r jobs, or i n experiences entertainment  which a r e purchased  downtown).  Even i n t h i s  typology however, B e l l noted t h a t w h i l e c e r t a i n areas may living  be more condusive  than another  residential  to c a r r y i n g out one p a t t e r n of  (e.g. r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n i n low-density  r a t h e r than h i g h - d e n s i t y a r e a s ) , any p r a c t i s e d i n any area. s t r e s s one  and  l i f e s t y l e may  A l s o , any household  s t y l e of l i v i n g  over another  may  at  be times  i n the same area,  depending p r i m a r i l y on i t s stage i n the f a m i l y - l i f e - c y c l e . While L a n s i n g and M u e l l e r (1954) as w e l l as Rossi (1955) have e m p i r i c a l l y demonstrated that the c h o i c e of a suburban r e s i d e n c e was  h i g h l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a d e s i r e to  b e t t e r f a c i l i t a t e c h i l d - r e a r i n g , Mowrer (1968) argued that although t h i s may  be the i n i t i a l  c h o i c e f a c t o r , the ' f a m i l i s m '  l i f e s t y l e probably b e s t a p p l i e d only d u r i n g the e a r l y of  settlement i n t o the new  stages  surroundings.  Some i n v e s t i g a t o r s have found, economic c o n s i d e r a t i o n s to dominate over the p u r s u i t of a p a r t i c u l a r p a t t e r n of  l i v i n g i n the c h o i c e of a home.  C l a r k ' s (1966) Canadian  study i n d i c a t e d t h a t the s e l e c t i o n of a suburban l o c a t i o n i s almost Any  e n t i r e l y h o u s e - r e l a t e d , w i t h emphasis on i t s p r i c e .  change i n observed  lifestyles  was  entirely  Kstanes and Reissman (1959-60) supported  secondary.  t h i s view i n s t a t i n g  - 39  -  that there i s r e a l l y no such phenomenon as a suburban style.  life-  Choosing to l i v e i n a suburb i s a matter of a c q u i r i n g  the 'best house f o r the  dollar'.  Suburban areas  t y p i c a l l y have the g r e a t e s t con-  c e n t r a t i o n of m o d e s t l y - p r i c e d  new  d w e l l i n g s , as w e l l as  g r e a t e s t percentage of young f a m i l i e s .  the  These younger home-  owners a r e r e s t r i c t e d as to t h e i r purchase (due p r i m a r i l y to l a c k of e q u i t y b u i l d - u p ) , and f i n d o p p o r t u n i t i e s g r e a t e s t i n suburban areas.  In s p i t e of l i m i t a t i o n s  on d w e l l i n g  however, they a r e not n e c e s s a r i l y as r e s t r i c t e d i n a daily  l i v i n g pattern.  choice,,  selecting  In f a c t , great d i v e r s i t y i n  styles  i s u s u a l l y evident. On  the b a s i s of t h i s then, no one  necessarily  t y p i c a l of any  one  a neighborhood or community.  residential  income,  I t i s the  individual  i s and has.  working-class  t h a t one's  life  F u r t h e r , h i s study  of C a l i f o r n i a  suburbs showed t h a t l i f e s t y l e s c o u l d be  Dobriner  ex-  'summary statement' of a l l t h a t an  were t r a n s p l a n t e d from one  location  and  to the next.  (1968) i d e n t i f i e d two  supposedly homogeneous New 'cosmopolitan'.  whether  occupation,  r u r a l or urban background and p r e v i o u s  periences.  tinctions  location,  Berger (1966) claimed  s t y l e of l i f e i s a f u n c t i o n of age, education,  lifestyle is  York suburb as  l i f e s t y l e types i n a 'local'  and  H i s p i l o t r e s e a r c h showed t h a t marked d i s -  d i d occur i n accordance with the degree of i n v o l v e -  - 40 -  ment i n the immediate  community.  Levittown study a l s o r e v e a l e d how community may  be, by i d e n t i f y i n g  Gans' (1967) c l a s s i c heterogeneous a suburban •profiles  1  (or l i f e s t y l e s )  f o r t h r e e d i s t i n c t sub-groups based on socio-economic c l a s s differences.  These were the working c l a s s ,  and upper-middle c l a s s .  lower-middle c l a s s  Elsewhere Gans attempted t o d i s -  t i n g u i s h l i f e s t y l e d i f f e r e n c e s between urban and suburban areas.  Such v a r i a t i o n s as were found r e l a t e d p r i m a r i l y to  the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f d w e l l i n g s i n a c e r t a i n p r i c e range. Some l i f e s t y l e groups were found i n urban areas which would g e n e r a l l y not be found i n suburban s e t t i n g s ( e . g . e t h n i c v i l l a g e s or g h e t t o s , d e p r i v e d slum d w e l l e r s , e t c . ) . from such m i n o r i t y groups as these, urban-suburban  Aside variations  were of minor importance. E s s e n t i a l l y then, as Greer (1962) p o i n t s out, l i f e s t y l e s cannot be adequately d i s t i n g u i s h e d i n the 'group' fashion since t h i s requires r e l a t i n g s t y l e s to s o c i a l  class,  g e n e r a l l o c a t i o n i n an urban area, or some other b r o a d l y defined c r i t e r i a .  S i n c e most l i f e s t y l e s apparently can be  found a t each s t a t u s l e v e l and r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f a c t o r s must r e l a t e to i n d i v i d u a l and household behavioral characteristics. 3.  L i f e s t y l e Trends and U t i l i t y  of the Concept  Studying urban d w e l l e r s i n terms of t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s may  lifestyle  a t one time have been a r e l a t i v e l y uncomplicated  - 41 -  task.  During the e a r l y years of t h i s century one's p a t t e r n of  l i v i n g was l i f e was  l a r g e l y determined a t b i r t h .  To a l a r g e extent,  a d a i l y r i t u a l of working and r e s t i n g , w i t h the  emphasis on working.  Opportunities f o r achieving higher  l e v e l s of education, and by a s s o c i a t i o n , income, were few. S o c i a l d i v i s i o n s were c l e a r and impenetrable.  Consequently,  upward s o c i a l m o b i l i t y and i t s u s u a l l y a t t e n d a n t p h y s i c a l m o b i l i t y ( i . e . r e s i d e n t i a l change) were r e s t r i c t e d . s h i p i n a p a r t i c u l a r stratum on the socio-economic g e n e r a l l y correspond w i t h adherence t o a g i v e n  Members c a l e would  lifestyle.  At t h i s imaginary p o i n t i n time p a s t , the type of tenure and  l o c a t i o n of one's r e s i d e n c e was v e r y s t r o n g l y  r e l a t e d to one's s o c i a l and f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n .  This  was  a p p a r e n t l y s u f f i c i e n t l y e v i d e n t to induce the e a r l y human e c o l o g i s t s to p o r t r a y the marked d i v i s i o n s of i n t h e i r models of urban s t r u c t u r e ,  households  use of the concept with  a f o c u s on groups seemed a p p r o p r i a t e a t t h a t time. Except f o r s c a t t e r e d enclaves of r i c h and neighborhoods,  today's urban  i s l e s s segregated.  s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l  Upon c o n s i d e r i n g the near  poor  structure  future,  T o f f l e r (1970) b o l d l y e n v i s i o n s our t r e n d toward a h i g h l y transitory society. and working,  Human r e l a t i o n s h i p s , p l a c e s of  living  and a l l manner of p e r s o n a l p o s s e s s i o n s a r e  regarded as 'non-permanent'.  'Change' and  the by-words of t h i s super-mobile approach  'exchange' become to l i v i n g , and  the  - 42 -  i d e a of s t a b l e or even slowly-changing p a t t e r n s i n p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e w i l l g r e a t l y d e c l i n e i n r e l e v a n c e . Although  t h i s imaginary f u t u r e date appears  r e a l i n some areas, our p r e s e n t p a t t e r n s of l i v i n g g e n e r a l l y not as 'open' or •loose-ended*.  a r e even now  once-accepted  and consequently  norms of behavior f o r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , s t a n d a b l e how  are  However, with an  i n c r e a s i n g emphasis on the l i b e r a l i z a t i o n of r o l e s by d i f f e r e n t members of s o c i e t y ,  very  the  i t i s under-  the s o c i a l d i v i s i o n between v a r i o u s sub-groups b e i n g eroded.  One major consequence of t h i s  encroachment --- one group on the s o c i a l domain of the other is by many  the p h y s i c a l encroachment upon one another groups. That h i g h e r l e v e l s  a t t a i n e d by a wider spectrum cance.  experienced  of education and income a r e being of s o c i e t y i s of major s i g n i f i -  The attendant h i g h e r l i v i n g standard a l l o w s an  i n c r e a s e d freedom of what to do and where t o l i v e . growing number of •competitors' f o r a household's individual's  Of  the  or an  d i s p o s a b l e income a r e non-basics such as  a c t i v i t i e s (e.g. t r a v e l , r e c r e a t i o n , e n t e r t a i n m e n t ) ,  leisure and  e d u c a t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l experiences (e.g. e x t e n s i o n study programs, c r a f t s courses, the a r t s , The i n d i v i d u a l  etc.).  has i n c r e a s e d c a p a b i l i t y  s a t i s f y i n g p r e f e r e n c e s among goods and s e r v i c e s , expressing h i s i n d i v i d u a l i t y  for thereby  to a f a r g r e a t e r extent than ever  - 43 -  before.  Moreover, a person  has  or l e i s u r e time i n which to do  l a r g e r p o r t i o n s of non-work so.  I t i s i n t h i s context t h a t the l i f e s t y l e has i t s g r e a t e s t u t i l i t y i n the study Each i n d i v i d u a l assembles h i s own  of urban p o p u l a t i o n s .  p a t t e r n or way  by s e l e c t i n g from the a l t e r n a t i v e a c t i v i t i e s and which a r e open and a c c e p t a b l e to  concept  of  living  behaviors  him.  An i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e s i d e n t i a l c h o i c e i s c o n s i d e r e d here to be the best p h y s i c a l i n d i c a t o r of the s t y l e of a person  living  ( o r household) i s engaged i n or i n t e n d s to pursue.  There i s a l i m i t e d range of r e s i d e n t i a l arrangements (meaning the d w e l l i n g and l o c a t i o n ) which w i l l allow or encourage a given l i f e s t y l e to f u n c t i o n . l i f e s t y l e concept c h o i c e and,  Thus i t i s contended t h a t the  i s a p p r o p r i a t e i n the study of r e s i d e n t i a l  when used i n comparative a n a l y s i s , r e s i d e n t i a l  differentiation. The degree to which the concept utilized  i s p r e s e n t l y being  i n a c t u a l r e s e a r c h i s r e v e a l e d i n the review  s t u d i e s concerned with r e s i d e n t i a l c h o i c e and i n the next  chapter.  of  satisfaction  - 44 CHAPTER THREE REVIEW:  CONDOMINIUM STUDIES  i n t r o d u c t o r y remarks The i n t r o d u c t i o n of condominium ownership North America households  d e f i n i t e l y brought  economic advantages to  wishing t o be homeowners.  a quasi-communal approach  to urban  By v i r t u e of t h i s being  to ownership  and,  s i n c e the u n i t  types and p r o j e c t l a y o u t s were designed t o almost e l i m i n a t e the need f o r e x t e r i o r maintenance by i n d i v i d u a l i t was  argued  that t h i s new  households,  housing a l t e r n a t i v e would a l s o  encourage owners to e x p l o r e new  l i v i n g p a t t e r n s or  lifestyles.  I f the l i f e s t y l e concept would be d e a l t with i n s p e c i f i c terms anywhere then, i t was  b e l i e v e d that i t should  appear i n s t u d i e s r e l a t e d to condominium  living.  As many s t u d i e s as p o s s i b l e were c o n s u l t e d spanning the 1964  t o 1974 p e r i o d .  S u r p r i s i n g l y , only a few mentioned  the term, a l t h o u g h most d i s c u s s e d c e r t a i n reasons f o r purchasing and buyer p r e f e r e n c e s which may  be regarded as  • c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s d e s c r i p t i v e of p a r t i c u l a r  lifestyles.  1  I t must be remembered t h a t almost a l l were essentially  'market surveys', and as such u s u a l l y do not  q u e s t i o n or examine the f a c t s they b r i n g to l i g h t . geared t o be of d i r e c t use to the p r o f e s s i o n a l  intensively Most were  decision-maker,  whether an i n v e s t o r , developer, c i t y planner, s o c i a l planner or  politician.  - 45 -  These s t u d i e s w i l l be reviewed whether the l i f e s t y l e concept  and examined t o see  has been a s p e c i f i c r e s e a r c h  i s s u e , as w e l l as t o see i f ' l i f e s t y l e s a t i s f a c t i o n * has r e l e v a n c e e i t h e r to developers p l a n n i n g p r o j e c t s or to the buyers. A.  1964 U. S. SELECTED AREA STUDY The o b j e c t i v e of t h i s r e p o r t by Plum (1964) and  other members o f the Harvard Graduate School of Business A d m i n i s t r a t i o n was t o p r e s e n t advantages and disadvantages o f condominium l i v i n g ,  and t o suggest  to concerned p r o f e s s i o n a l  groups means f o r e n s u r i n g success i n p r o j e c t s . covered developments i n C a l i f o r n i a , F l o r i d a and Puerto Rico for  Their research  I l l i n o i s , New York,  these being the "pioneer  t h i s type of development i n North America.  t h a t the concept was extremely  areas"  Considering  new even i n t h e U.S., i t i s  not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t a s t r o n g marketing  b i a s was e v i d e n t .  S t r e s s was p l a c e d on the f e a t u r e s or q u a l i t i e s condominium p r o j e c t s should o f f e r i n order t o make them s u c c e s s f u l ventures  (e.g. a l l forms of p r i v a c y , d e s i g n  individuality,  etc.). Reference  to condominium l i v i n g as p r o v i d i n g a  'new l i f e s t y l e o p p o r t u n i t y ' i s n o t i c e a b l y absent from the report. excellent  I t concluded by s t a t i n g t h a t condominium i s an 'form of occupancy', i n t h a t i t combines three  separate s o c i a l trends i n America:  (1) r a p i d l y i n c r e a s i n g  - 46  population,  -  (2) u r b a n i z a t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n with  c i t i e s experiencing  the g r e a t e s t share of housing demand, and  (3) d e s i r e of American f a m i l i e s to own  t h e i r own  Bach of these s o - c a l l e d ' t r e n d s economic f a c t o r s . urban d w e l l e r s  large  1  homes.  i s r e l a t e d to  The p o s s i b i l i t y of an emerging 'trend*  to be  l e s s t i e d to t h e i r d w e l l i n g s ,  by  allowing  them to f r e e l y pursue l e i s u r e i n t e r e s t s and y e t enjoy a c o n t i n u i n g b u i l d - u p i n e q u i t y , has authors.  It i s this  completely  escaped  the  'trend' t h a t the r e s e a r c h here hopes to  identify. B.  1969  CMHC REPORT Being the f i r s t  comprehensive r e p o r t on condominium  development i n Canada, t h i s r e p o r t by Housing C o r p o r a t i o n  c o n s i s t s of a c o l l e c t i o n of a r t i c l e s  l i n i n g the h i s t o r y and 'new'  the C e n t r a l Mortgage  reasons f o r the i n t r o d u c t i o n of  approach to housing, r e p o r t s on enabling  each P r o v i n c e ,  and  developers  owners.  and  the views and  Information  was  obtained  all  the major urban areas and  of Toronto.  experiences  of  out-  this  legislation in lenders,  from developers  by i n t e r v i e w i n g a p r e - s e l e c t e d sample  and  owners  representing  s e v e r a l major developments west  Bach developer r e p o r t e d he had undertaken one  or  more condominium p r o j e c t s because of i t s economic advantages i n the market p l a c e . had  By  1969,  urban r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d c o s t s  i n f l a t e d to a p o i n t where lower income buyers ($15  18,000. u n i t p r i c e range) c o u l d no  -  longer q u a l i f y f o r s i n g l e  - 47 -  f a m i l y homes.  Most b u i l d e r s f e l t  they were l o s i n g  these  p o t e n t i a l purchasers, and g l a d l y welcomed the l e g i s l a t i o n i n t h e i r P r o v i n c e s p e r m i t t i n g t h i s form of ownership. When questioned, most b u i l d e r s agreed communal or 'shared*  that the  approach t o home ownership would a l s o be  a t t r a c t i v e t o the higher income market, p r o v i d e d t h a t q u a l i t y was  of a h i g h s t a n d a r d and that an e x c l u s i v e l o c a t i o n was  provided.  L a r g e l y as a r e s u l t o f lender h e s i t a n c y towards  f i n a n c i n g t h i s new form, ' b e t t e r c l a s s ' p r o j e c t s were slow i n appearing.  I n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, most comments concerning  the 'appropriateness f o r s u p p o r t i n g a new way o f l i v i n g ' were made by Vancouver Area d e v e l o p e r s . the success of t h i s housing  They r e c o g n i z e d t h a t  type was f i r s t a f a c t o r of i t s  lower p r i c e on a p e r - s q u a r e - f o o t b a s i s of comparison w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l homes, b u t that acceptance  would i n c r e a s i n g l y be  r e l a t e d t o the freedom i t o f f e r s from e x t e r i o r maintenance, garden tending, lawn c u t t i n g and other chores.  The e l i m i n a -  t i o n of expenses r e l a t e d to these tasks would r e s u l t i n added savings and be an a d d i t i o n a l f a c t o r ensuring  success.  Other comments r e g a r d i n g 'new l i f e s t y l e  opportuni-  t i e s ' r e l a t e d t o the i n c r e a s e d community or neighborhood ' s p i r i t ' which would ensue from j o i n t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and coo p e r a t i o n i n managing the p r o j e c t .  A l s o , the t i g h t e r d e s i g n  p a t t e r n was envisaged as h e i g h t e n i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r g e t t i n g to know neighbors activities.  and developing new s o c i a l p a t t e r n s and  - 48 -  These c l a i m s must be regarded p a r t l y as  'positive  marketing a t t i t u d e s ' which c l e a r l y stem from b i a s e s adopted by developers anxious to promote t h i s concept t o the g e n e r a l p u b l i c and l e n d e r s .  However, the important p o i n t i s t h a t i n  s p i t e of the appeal to the middle and lower income b r a c k e t , developers were aware t h a t i n h e r e n t i n t h e i r product were f e a t u r e s which a t l e a s t p r o v i d e d the framework f o r a new d i f f e r e n t way  of l i v i n g .  What remains i s the need f o r  r e s e a r c h i n t o the a c t u a l b e h a v i o r changes which t h i s new encourages  or produces.  and  form  Only a few owners were i n t e r v i e w e d ,  s e v e r a l b e i n g from the same p r o j e c t s . range of purchase reasons was  As expected,  the e n t i r e  r e p r e s e n t e d - young marrieds  and s i n g l e s buying p r i m a r i l y f o r economic reasons, a working couple buying f o r a c c e s s i b i l i t y and convenience reasons, an 'empty-nester•  couple d e s i r i n g to spend  t h e i r f r e e - t i m e on  themselves r a t h e r than t h e i r s i n g l e - f a m i l y house and yard, and one young couple buying so as t o 'maximize' t h e i r  free  time. One  s u s p e c t s a b i a s i n the i n t e r v i e w s presented,  s i n c e only one household d i d not express s a t i s f a c t i o n .  All  others planned t o buy a condominium a g a i n , even c o n s i d e r i n g that f o r some, a s i n g l e - f a m i l y house was  i n range.  This  a t t i t u d e was found to be i n c o n s i s t e n t with a l l other s t u d i e s examined up to 1973.  G e n e r a l l y , the m a j o r i t y has c l e a r l y  p r e s s e d an i n t e n t i o n t o buy a house as soon as p o s s i b l e .  ex-  - 49 -  For the respondents  i n t e r v i e w e d , condominium owner-  s h i p was the ' i d e a l housing s o l u t i o n ' , b u t t h e i r  experience  w i t h i t was too b r i e f f o r t h i s w r i t e r t o conclude t h a t 'choice' was p r i m a r i l y governed by households  t r y i n g to  s a t i s f y p a r t i c u l a r l i f e s t y l e preferences. C.  1969 ONTARIO SURVEY Prepared by the A s s o c i a t e C o n s u l t a n t s Committee f o r  the Urban Development I n s t i t u t e ' s workshop s e s s i o n s , t h i s r e p o r t was designed to summarize c u r r e n t t h i n k i n g about problems and the p o t e n t i a l o f condominium development i n Canada g e n e r a l l y and O n t a r i o s p e c i f i c a l l y . No mention was made r e g a r d i n g t h e i n f o r m a t i o n sources, and the reader i s l e f t  t o presume that i t was based  c o l l e c t e d through s y s t e m a t i c survey  on data  techniques.  Few condominium p r o j e c t s were i n e x i s t e n c e i n Canada by 1969, inasmuch as the f i r s t p r o j e c t was only a c o u p l e of years b e f o r e .  completed  However, by drawing upon t h i s  b r i e f "Canadian e x p e r i e n c e " p l u s s t u d i e s of condominium development i n the U.S., the authors were a b l e to i d e n t i f y two s p e c i f i c socio-economic  market s e c t o r s :  the 'lower-middle  income group' and the 'well-to-do o l d e r or c h i l d l e s s  couple'.  The f i r s t group was found t o s e l e c t t h e i r u n i t ent i r e l y f o r economic reasons. first  Probably f o r most i t was t h e i r  home, and the low down payment and monthly payments ---  r e l a t i v e t o buying a s i n g l e - f a m i l y house - — were o b v i o u s l y important.  - 50 -  Reportedly, the second group chose t h e i r u n i t s more f o r reasons r e l a t e d t o p e r s o n a l t a s t e and convenience. the almost e x c l u s i v e l y suburban-located lower-middle group,  Unlike  class  these buyers p r e f e r r e d c l o s e r - i n p r o j e c t s which p e r -  haps impart the p r e s t i g o u s n e s s of an 'executive* c i t y home, w h i l e e x c l u d i n g the drawbacks of e x t e r i o r b u i l d i n g and y a r d maintenance. The authors p o i n t e d out that ' c e n t r a l a r e a ' p r o j e c t s were geared toward  the l u x u r y market, c o n s i s t i n g of " s i n g l e  and c h i l d l e s s f a m i l i e s who  have money and h i g h l y v a l u e  c u l t u r a l a t t r a c t i o n s and a c c e s s i b i l i t y to downtown". Development I n s t i t u t e 1969, p. 7 ) .  (Urban  Surely t h i s observation  lends support t o the argument that f o r groups w i t h some financial flexibility,  the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a  household's  'dominant' l i f e s t y l e and the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the d w e l l i n g u n i t i s an important one.  At l e a s t that i s the c o n c l u s i o n of  a U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a study t o which the authors made reference. A survey of condominium owners c a r r i e d out by Centre f o r Real E s t a t e Economics a t Berkeley found more f r e e time was  the  that  the most important reason f o r buyers  choosing condominium ownership  over buying a house.  Obviously  the i n c r e a s e d d i s c r e t i o n a r y time i s a d i r e c t b e n e f i t of e x t e r i o r maintenance' t h i s f e a t u r e a l o n e was  r e q u i r e d by the owner.  'no  Undoubtedly  important t o the r e s i d e n t types which  - 51 -  were i d e n t i f i e d i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r survey, being  elderly  people and young, mobile p r o f e s s i o n a l s . Comparing the m e r i t s of condominium ownership w i t h owning a c o n v e n t i o n a l s i n g l e - f a m i l y d w e l l i n g , the  authors  contended that t h i s l a t e s t r e s i d e n t i a l a l t e r n a t i v e would more p r e c i s e l y accommodate the d i v e r s i t y i n households' patterns.  living  They a s s e r t e d t h a t :  ( I ) The condominium u n i t i s i d e a l f o r hom©buyers  who  p r e f e r not to t i e up a l l t h e i r a s s e t s i n t h e i r house.  Lower downpayments and monthly payments  • f r e e s up' g r e a t e r e q u i t y f o r investment p r i v a t e businesses, etc.  Clearly this  i n stocks,  specific  'lower c o s t ' advantage i s a l s o what makes i t p o s s i b l e for  lower  graduate (II)  income or 'small s a v i n g s ' buyers t o from b e i n g r e n t e r s to homeowners.  A mobile s o c i e t y demands r e s i d e n t i a l f l e x i b i l i t y . M o b i l e p r o f e s s i o n a l and e x e c u t i v e f a m i l i e s  exhibit  l i f e s t y l e s which a r e not compatible w i t h b e i n g down to " l a n d s c a p i n g and f u r n i s h i n g (or a new a t any  p r o p e r t y " , when i t may time.  (e.g. boats, c a r s , camping t r a i l e r s ) .  can simply be  equipping)  have to be l e f t behind  T h e i r major investments  d w e l l i n g i s ready  tied  are  mobile  A condominium  t o move i n t o when f i r s t  acquired,  'locked up' when t r a v e l l i n g , and i s  r e a d i l y d i s p o s e d of when a move i s necessary.  - 52 -  (III)  Each owner i n a s t r a t a c o r p o r a t i o n has a c l e a r l y d e f i n e d 'stake' i n h i s community  the p r o j e c t .  Therefore, a 'greater degree of c o n t r o l over and a more d i r e c t chance f o r involvement i n community a f f a i r s w i l l be p o s s i b l e than would normally occur in a single-family  suburb.  (IV) Condominium apartment p r o j e c t s , with t h e i r  inward-  l o o k i n g u n i t l a y o u t s , p r o v i d e the nucleus of an e f f e c t i v e micro-community by reason of t h e i r l i n k i n g communal spaces and f a c i l i t i e s .  inter-  Suburban  housing t r a c t s , w i t h s t r e e t - o r i e n t e d s i t i n g  arrange-  ments, a r e l e s s - q u a l i f i e d f o r o f f e r i n g the b a s i s f o r a sense of community.  ( f o r an e l a b o r a t i o n of these  p o i n t s , see urban Development I n s t i t u t e , pages 11, 12,  1969,  13).  While each of these a s s e r t i o n s i s most i n t e r e s t i n g and o f f e r s s t i m u l a t i o n to pursue even a wide range of q u e s t i o n s concerning l i f e s t y l e and d w e l l i n g type r e l a t i o n s h i p s ,  their  v a l i d i t y can only be e s t a b l i s h e d through e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h . Concerning authors  the p o t e n t i a l of t h i s housing form,  stated:  "As education and s k i l l l e v e l s develop together w i t h i n c r e a s e d l e i s u r e time, and as the c o s t of s e r v i c e d l a n d r i s e s s h a r p l y , there w i l l t e n d t o be g r e a t e r r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n of housing c h o i c e s . In t h i s c l i m a t e , the condominium with i t s promise of 'more f r e e time' w i l l c o n s i d e r a b l y widen the range of a l t e r n a t i v e s " . (Urban Development I n s t i t u t e , 1969, p. 20)  the  - 53 -  While i t i s u n f o r t u n a t e that no evidence was o f f e r e d to s u b s t a n t i a t e these c l a i m s , i t must be agreed if  the housing development and marketing  the importance  that  industry recognizes  of p r o v i d i n g d w e l l i n g s geared t o d i f f e r i n g  consumer b e h a v i o r s , then an attempt  to i d e n t i f y l i f e s t y l e -  d w e l l i n g type r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s v a l i d . D.  1970 CANADIAN NATIONAL SURVEY T h i s survey, c a r r i e d out by a p r i v a t e f i r m f o r the  M i n i s t r y of S t a t e f o r Urban A f f a i r s , c o n s t i t u t e d the f i r s t major Canadian  r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t i n t o the "condominium s u b j e c t " .  I t s purpose was t o d i s c o v e r WHO  the p u r c h a s e r s were, WHY  they bought, and WHAT t h e i r condominium l i v i n g had been t o d a t e .  experience  Using b o t h the m a i l e d q u e s t i o n n a i r e and  p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w technique, data was used from 1,114 q u a l i f i a b l e r e t u r n s out o f a sample of 3,133 respondents. I t was s t a t i s t i c a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d that the sample was l a r g e enough t o be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the Canadian  condominium popu-  l a t i o n , and t e s t s showed that no r e g i o n a l or p r o j e c t b i a s e s existed. From b i o g r a p h i c data c o l l e c t e d , 'WHO'  the authors l e a r n e d  the t y p i c a l purchaser was, both i n condominium town-  houses as w e l l as apartments.  As a group the households  q u i t e homogeneous i n socio-economic  characteristics.  were  House-  h o l d heads were i n t h e i r e a r l y t h i r t i e s , about 40% had some u n i v e r s i t y education, which was r e f l e c t e d i n the l a r g e p e r -  54 -  centage h o l d i n g p r o f e s s i o n a l , managerial (44%).  or t e c h n i c a l jobs  Females a l s o were more h i g h l y educated  average Canadian,  which a l s o was  that 50.7% worked f u l l  than  the  r e f l e c t e d i n the f i n d i n g  or p a r t time i n p r o f e s s i o n a l  and  other h i g h l y s k i l l e d o c c u p a t i o n s . Average f a m i l y incomes were consequently h i g h ($11,809.) and, s i n c e t h e i r f a m i l i e s were small (1.2 p e r household)  and young (6.8 years o l d ) , they presumably had more  to spend on non-basics such as the 'mobile goods' r e f e r r e d t o i n the U.D.I, r e p o r t . Condominium apartment owners d i f f e r e d mostly the norm.  from  Many were s i n g l e w i t h no c h i l d r e n , o l d e r , had a  longer p r e v i o u s p l a c e of r e s i d e n c e (5.1 years compared w i t h 3.4  y e a r s ) and purchased  smaller units.  Even though these  few d i f f e r e n c e s were found, the owners viewed l i v i n g i n a r e l a t i v e l y uniform manner.  condominium  The authors  state:  " C o r r e l a t i o n s show an o v e r a l l l a c k of any s t r o n g , s y s t e m a t i c i n f l u e n c e of a socio-economic nature upon condominium owners' e v a l u a t i o n s of t h e i r housing." (Condominium Research A s s o c i a t e s , 1970, p. 31) Not only d i d the sample r e g a r d the f e a t u r e s of t h e i r u n i t s and m e r i t s of t h e i r neighborhoods  i n a uniform manner,  but they a l s o chose t h e i r u n i t s l a r g e l y f o r the same reasons. "Easy Maintenance"  was  c i t e d by 29.5%  as a c r i t i c a l  factor,  which was p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l e v a n t to the o l d e r age group.  The  - 55 -  remainder bought f o r economic reasons  (e.g. lower  total  p r i c e , lower downpayments, e t c . ) . In s p i t e of the homogeneity observed variables,  the authors s t a t e d that inasmuch as three group-  ings appeared when asked about ' s o c i a b i l i t y ' frequency  on most  (measured by  of v i s i t s w i t h n e i g h b o r s ) , three ' l i f e s t y l e s ' were  represented.  They claimed t h a t :  "The f a c t that each o f these t h r e e groups of p e o p l e i s r e p r e s e n t e d i n l a r g e numbers among the r e spondents i n d i c a t e s t h a t s e v e r a l a l t e r n a t i v e l i f e s t y l e s and p a t t e r n s of neighborhood r e l a t i o n s are a v a i l a b l e w i t h i n condominium p r o j e c t s . " (Condominium Research A s s o c i a t e s , 1970, p. 56) T h i s w r i t e r does not c o n s i d e r 'frequency  of v i s i t i n g '  to be an adequate i n d i c a t o r of l i f e s t y l e , but probably i s an important dential  component of the concept  i n the context of r e s i -  settings. An important f i n d i n g was that,70% of the sample  (both those i n townhouses and apartments) r e g a r d a s i n g l e f a m i l y house as t h e i r u l t i m a t e c h o i c e .  Presumably, condo-  minium tenure i s a ' t r a n s i t o r y s i t u a t i o n ' - the best t u t e b e f o r e a c q u i r i n g 'the r e a l t h i n g ' .  substi-  I t i s important t o  remember, however, that when the study was c a r r i e d out, owners were s t i l l new t o t h i s experience and were t h e 'Canadian pioneers' i n i t .  Even c o n s i d e r i n g t h i s c a u t i o n , i t appears  s a f e t o conclude from the study  that Canadian homeowners  very much d e s i r e t o have t h e i r own house on i t s own p r o p e r t y .  - 56 -  They a r e n o t y e t prepared t o t o t a l l y welcome the 'communal approach'  t o home ownership,  p r e f e r r i n g perhaps  something  of the t r a d i t i o n a l independent  to retain  l i f e s t y l e which i s  rapidly vanishing. E.  1971 GREATER VANCOUVER  SURVEY  T h i s was the f i r s t  comprehensive review of the  condominium market s i t u a t i o n i n the Vancouver a r e a .  I t was  c a r r i e d out under the a u s p i c e s of the B. C. Real E s t a t e C o u n c i l , with data sources b e i n g CMHC s t a t i s t i c s and i n t e r views conducted  i n the f i e l d .  F a c t s gathered r e l a t e to  f i n a n c i n g , marketing, managing and consumer c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The most c r i t i c a l f i n d i n g i n t h i s w r i t e r ' s o p i n i o n was t h a t i n 1971 the l o c a l housing i n d u s t r y had not s p e c i f i c a l l y o r i e n t e d t h i s product toward any p a r t i c u l a r market segment,  p r o j e c t s were almost e x c l u s i v e l y suburban o r i e n t a t e d ,  which p r o v i d e d no c l e a r  l o c a t i o n a l advantage r e l a t i v e t o  owning a c o n v e n t i o n a l house.  The authors p o i n t out that the  20% or l e s s p r i c e d i f f e r e n t i a l d i d not p r o v i d e adequate comp e n s a t i o n whether i n terms of u n i t space and a m e n i t i e s , p r i v a c y , or access t o major commercial and  or r e t a i l c e n t r e s  transportation. At t h a t time, condominium development was d i r e c t l y  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h low-income housing i n the eyes of the g e n e r a l public. authors  T h i s was not without some j u s t i f i c a t i o n , as the stated:  - 57 -  "The d i s t r i b u t i o n by p r i c e range s u b s t a n t i a t e s the p o p u l a r o p i n i o n that condominiums a r e being c i t e d as a s o l u t i o n to the moderate income housing problem. At the time when t h e b u l k of condominiums a r e appearing i n the $20 - 24,000. b r a c k e t , new s i n g l e - f a m i l y homes a r e b e i n g c o n s t r u c t e d i n the $26 32,000. range." (Hamilton, 1971, p. 16) Socio-economic  and b i o g r a p h i c data c o l l e c t e d d u r i n g  the Canada-wide survey which was conducted  the p r e v i o u s  summer a r e r e f l e c t e d i n the i n f o r m a t i o n gathered by these authors.  Typically,  the home buyers were young couples  below 34 y e a r s o f age who f o r m e r l y were r e n t e r s .  F o r most  t h i s was t h e i r f i r s t purchase, b u t by no means were they the 'modest' or 'low income' s e c t o r as suspected.  I t was found  that 68% had f a m i l y incomes exceeding $10,000. per year, and only 3% earned l e s s than $7,000. per year.  T h i s was  understandable upon l e a r n i n g t h a t 48% of a l l wives worked (52% of a l l households  had no c h i l d r e n ) , and a l a r g e  percentage  h e l d p r o f e s s i o n a l (25%) and managerial jobs ( 1 6 % ) . Upon f i n e r a n a l y s i s , three consumer groups were identified: 1.  young p r o f e s s i o n a l / m a n a g e r i a l couples (68%) h a v i n g good incomes with high s a l a r y i n c r e a s e p o t e n t i a l , * over-consuming space' now i n a n t i c i p a t i o n o f t h e i r family  2.  growing.  35-49 y e a r - o l d couples ( 2 2 % o f sample) w i t h the l a r g e s t incomes, f a m i l i e s , and i n v o l v e d i n 'high m o b i l i t y '  - 58  occupations 3.  -  of management and  50 year-old-and-over  sales.  owners (10% of sample),  most of  whom were i n the low-wage bracket, had never owned b e f o r e and had few  or no c h i l d r e n a t home.  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , reasons type were a p p a r e n t l y not probed.  f o r choosing One  is left  this dwellingto deduce from  the above c a t e g o r i e s t h a t except f o r the middle middle  or  near-  income group, economic c o n s i d e r a t i o n s were uppermost  i n s p i t e of high average incomes. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t o note t h a t the authors p o i n t out t h a t , " I f the p r o j e c t s were to o f f e r more amenities more young buyers might be a t t r a c t e d . The product c o u l d be marketed as a new l i f e s t y l e package w i t h the emphasis on freedom and leisure-time u t i l i z a t i o n . T h i s would i n c l u d e day-care c e n t r e s ; maid and laundry s e r v i c e s , indoor and outdoor a d u l t ' s and c h i l d r e n ' s r e c r e a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s w i t h f u l l - t i m e administration." (Hamilton, 1971, p. 34) T h e r e f o r e i t may  be concluded  that t h i s new  dwelling  a l t e r n a t i v e c o u l d p o t e n t i a l l y o f f e r the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r p u r s u i n g a l i f e s t y l e l e s s a t t a c h e d to 'home and h e a r t h * . experience w i t h t h i s d w e l l i n g type and  ownership form i n -  c r e a s e s , the author i m p l i e s t h a t a d i s t i n c t lifestyle' F.  1972  As  'condominium  should emerge.  GREATER VANCOUVER BUYER SATISFACTION STUDY Undertaken as a p l a n n i n g r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t , t h i s  study was  designed to assess the s a t i s f a c t i o n of condominium  - 59 -  u n i t owners. and  Based on a q u e s t i o n n a i r e  and  interview  drawing from a growing amount of m a t e r i a l on the condo-  minium concept, the study reaches s e v e r a l c o n c l u s i o n s owner s a t i s f a c t i o n but of  survey,  only b r i e f l y  about  touches on the matter  lifestyle. Of the t h r e e hypotheses to be t e s t e d , the one most  r e l e v a n t to t h i s r e s e a r c h housing e x p e c t a t i o n  and  sought to e s t a b l i s h a l i n k between  a c t u a l experience.  of r e s i d e n t s i n t h e i r condominium was  I f the  s a t i s f a c t o r y , i t should  f o l l o w t h a t the developer succeeded i n d e s i g n i n g market t a s t e s and  developers who  according  g e n e r a l l y absent.  that c l e a r market  However, he d i d f i n d  had begun to r e a l i z e the importance of  c a t e r i n g to s p e c i f i c t a s t e s , and perhaps u n w i t t i n g l y , styles.  to  not j u s t f o r s p e c u l a t i v e s a l e s .  L i k e Hamilton, I t o r e c o g n i z e d i d e n t i f i c a t i o n was  experience  life-  T y p i c a l responses from these p a r t i c u l a r b u i l d e r s  were: " . . . i f you are b u i l d i n g f o r young f a m i l i e s you can't use the same t h i n g t h a t you would for retireds..." " . . . t h e emerging t r e n d i s one of d i r e c t i n g a s p e c i f i c condominium p r o j e c t to a s p e c i f i c group of people based on stage i n l i f e c y c l e or income l e v e l . . . " ( I t o , 1972, p. 16) The word 'emerging' i s most a p p r o p r i a t e  since  de-  velopers  a r e only i n the e a r l y stages of a c q u i r i n g an under-  standing  of which components a r e c r i t i c a l f o r r e a c h i n g  a  - 60 -  s p e c i f i c market, and a c t i n g on t h i s knowledge.  The view of  Michelson (1970) i s t h a t r e s i d e n t s w i t h 'cosmopolitan' s t y l e s ( n o n - c h i l d c e n t r e d households)  life-  and the aged have  s p e c i f i c p r e f e r e n c e s which d i f f e r from  other s o c i a l sub-  c l a s s e s , and which s h o u l d be accommodated i f these subc l a s s e s are to be s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n ments. I t o ' s r e s e a r c h d i s c o v e r e d t h a t , o v e r a l l , the owners tend, t o find, condominium l i v i n g b e t t e r than expected. s a t i s f a c t i o n , however, was variables.  He observed  households  c l e a r l y r e l a t e d to  that s a t i s f a c t i o n was  That  socio-economic more a s s u r e d f o r  with:  (a)  h i g h e s t average  incomes,  (b)  the above average p r i c e d u n i t ,  (c)  maximum of 3 persons,  (d)  the head b e i n g l e s s than 40 years o l d ,  (e)  the head having post-secondary  (f)  the head having a p r o f e s s i o n a l or managerial  education,  T h i s f i n d i n g s h o u l d almost be expected, group possesses  u n i t may  job.  s i n c e the  the v a r i o u s resources e n a b l i n g them t o reach  'sound c o n c l u s i o n s based on sound a n a l y s i s ' , and wherewithal  and,  to a c t a c c o r d i n g l y .  the f i n a n c i a l  T h e i r c h o i c e of a condominium  t h e r e f o r e be a conscious d e c i s i o n to s e l e c t  c o r r e c t s e t t i n g f o r a p a r t i c u l a r and unique way  of  C o l l e c t i n g evidence t o support t h a t hypothesis was  the  living. not an  - 61 -  o b j e c t i v e of I t o ' s study, but i s c e n t r a l to t h i s r e s e a r c h project. G.  1972  GREATER VANCOUVER MEDIUM DENSITY HOUSING STUDY Another  study c a r r i e d out a t about  I t o ' s r e s e a r c h was  t h a t of the U n i t e d Way  The r e s e a r c h e r ' s purpose was s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h housing. study, but the approach  the same time as  of G r e a t e r Vancouver.  to e x p l o r e v a r i a t i o n s i n consumer I t s o b j e c t i v e was  s i m i l a r to Ito's  differed.  As a r e s u l t of i n c r e a s i n g numbers and d i v e r s i t y i n medium and h i g h d e n s i t y f a m i l y housing i n the G r e a t e r Vancouver Region  (G.V.R.D.), and c o n s i d e r i n g that very  little  r e s e a r c h e x i s t e d a t the time on u s e r ' s p e r c e p t i o n s of needs as w e l l as l i k e s and d i s l i k e s , research t o o l . respondents  the authors developed a  Using a s t r a t i f i e d random sample of  755  from a wide c r o s s - s e c t i o n of households  and  p r o j e c t s throughout  19  the G.V.R.D., they a d m i n i s t e r e d a  q u e s t i o n n a i r e survey i n c l u d i n g the 'Housing may  unique  Game'.  Readers  c o n s u l t the study f o r more d e t a i l s , b u t e s s e n t i a l l y  o b j e c t of the 'Game' was  f o r respondents  the  to i n d i c a t e t h e i r  d e s i r e d housing s i t u a t i o n by a l l o t t i n g a l i m i t e d amount of money to v a r i o u s r e s i d e n t i a l components (e.g. s t r u c t u r e , l o c a t i o n , common f a c i l i t i e s ,  room s i z e s ,  etc.).  P a r t i c u l a r a t t i t u d e s and p r e f e r e n c e s of  households  were regarded as b e i n g the r e s u l t of l i f e s t y l e c h o i c e s . r e s p e c t t o ' l o c a t i o n ' , the authors  state,  With  - 62 -  •'Location p r e f e r e n c e seems t o be a f u n c t i o n of lifestyle whether a person f e e l s s o c i a l l y comfortable w i t h h i s neighbors and whether the housing s t o c k approximates that which h i s v a l u e system deems a c c e p t a b l e may be more imp o r t a n t than a v a i l a b i l i t y of shopping or t r a n s p o r t a t i o n or p r o x i m i t y t o work". (Bell and C o n s t a n t i n e s c u , 1974, p. 15). F u r t h e r , they suggested that the maintenance of a d e s i r e d l i f e s t y l e i s important even when l o c a t i o n  trade-offs  a r e necessary. "In the housing game, 90% of suburban r e s i d e n t s i d e a l l y p r e f e r to l i v e i n the suburbs. Many Vancouver r e s i d e n t s , when unable to purchase t h e i r i d e a l suburban s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g u n i t , choose a more expensive urban l o c a t i o n w i t h a moderately p r i c e d townhouse or a p a r t ment ( u n i t ) . T h i s suggests t h a t l i f e s t y l e s may be the u n d e r l y i n g f a c t o r i n f l u e n c i n g consumer c h o i c e of l o c a t i o n . " ( B e l l and C o n s t a n t i n e s c u , 1974, p. 16). Concerning s a t i s f a c t i o n or d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with t h e i r d w e l l i n g s , i t i s c l e a r that m u l t i p l e d w e l l i n g u n i t s of any  type a r e simply not capable of c a t e r i n g to the needs  or l i f e s t y l e s moderately  of each group.  Although most were  s a t i s f i e d r e g a r d l e s s of t h e i r stage i n the f a m i l y  l i f e c y c l e , most s e t t l e d f o r ownership game.  of a townhouse i n the  T h i s p a r t i c u l a r l y a p p l i e d to f a m i l i e s with young  children. Males were found t o be s i g n i f i c a n t l y more d i s s a t i s f i e d than females w i t h t h e i r d w e l l i n g and p r o j e c t . authors suggested:  The  - 63 -  " I t may be t h a t the d e s i g n of m u l t i p l e d w e l l i n g complexes c u r r e n t l y f r u s t r a t e s the e x p r e s s i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l male r o l e s such as mending a fence or f i x i n g a c a r . " ( B e l l and C o n s t a n t i n e s c u , 1974, p . 7) I t was r e v e a l e d i n t h e game that 7 1 % of a l l r e spondents i d e a l l y chose a s i n g l e f a m i l y house.  Whether t h i s  predominantly r e f l e c t s the male's d e s i r e t o a c t out h i s • t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e ' , which may be a 'hangover' from our North American r u r a l past when 'maleness' was p a r t l y measured by one's handyman a b i l i t i e s ,  can only be p r o p e r l y  through some p s y c h o l o g i c a l t e s t i n g methods.  discovered  The p r i c e of  such a d w e l l i n g i s now out of reach o f most homebuyers, and has  consequently  discovered.  taken on ' s t a t u s v a l u e ' as the authors  F o r the m a j o r i t y (69%) the townhouse i s the  b e s t and most d e s i r e d s u b s t i t u t e . While l i f e s t y l e was regarded  as an i n f l u e n t i a l  independent v a r i a b l e i n making c e r t a i n d e c i s i o n s r e g a r d i n g d w e l l i n g types and l o c a t i o n s , no attempt was made t o d e f i n e i t such t h a t i t c o u l d be used f o r e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h . i s the singlemost  important  •operational' l e v e l .  This  task f o r advancing i t t o an  Hopefully  the study a t hand w i l l  contribute i n that d i r e c t i o n . H.  1973 GREATER VANCOUVER  SURVEY  The most r e c e n t comprehensive review of condominium l i v i n g i n the Vancouver Region was c a r r i e d out by Hamilton (1973) on b e h a l f o f the Real E s t a t e Board o f G r e a t e r  Vancouver  - 64 -  as an 'up-date'  of h i s e a r l i e r 1971  survey.  l e a r n i n g of buyers' l i k e s and d i s l i k e s ,  A s i d e from  the authors  reasons f o r p u r c h a s i n g a condominium townhouse or over a s i n g l e - f a m i l y house.  This was  probed  apartment  not covered i n  Data from a t o t a l sample of 513 households  1971. (repre-  sented about 10% of the u n i v e r s e ) were o b t a i n e d by the quest i o n n a i r e technique. 17% of a l l r e s i d e n t s  D i s t r i b u t i o n was  made to approximately  i n developments of ten u n i t s or more.  Concerning the r e l i a b i l i t y  of f i n d i n g s , Hamilton s t a t e d  that  the average age of household heads surveyed was 36.55 years as compared w i t h 36.23 y e a r s from CMHC r e c o r d s f o r a l l NHA financed  projects,  -  and,  "Thus, i t can be concluded t h a t the r e s u l t s of the survey a r e s i g n i f i c a n t . " (Hamilton e t . a l . , 1973, p. 26) whether the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the r e s u l t s i s d i r e c t l y a f a c t o r of age i s q u e s t i o n a b l e , but i n any f i n d i n g s from the survey and comparison  event the  of these to the  survey r e v e a l both i n t e r e s t i n g and c r i t i c a l l y  1971  important  information. I t must be remembered t h a t during  1972  housing  p r i c e s began to e s c a l a t e a t a r a t e which d i d not apply from 1968  t o 1971.  By the time of Hamilton's survey, d r a s t i c  p r i c e i n f l a t i o n had s e t i n and u n i t p r i c e s were q u i c k l y p a c i n g the average homebuyer's a b i l i t y  to keep up.  out-  - 65  This occurrence was most n o t i c e a b l e i n the age profile.  In 1973,  59.5% were under age 35, 26.8% were i n the  35-49 b r a c k e t , and 13.6% were over 49 y e a r s o l d . the  percentages were 67.5%, 23.2% and 9.4%  In  1971,  respectively.  The  s h i f t to somewhat o l d e r buyers p o i n t s to a marked housing cost increase.  Younger buyers were now  r a i s i n g an adequate downpayment (1973: downpayment - 12.3%, 1971: slightly  5-7%).  having d i f f i c u l t y i n townhouse average  F a m i l y s i z e s were only  l a r g e r due to the age d i f f e r e n c e i n buyers, and  developers s t i l l predominantly sought out the moderateincome, f i r s t - t i m e buyer.  That income had now moved almost  $2,000. t o the $12,000. bracket'. I n f l a t i o n s i n c e 1971 had a l r e a d y begun to e f f e c t i v e l y take d w e l l i n g type and l o c a t i o n c h o i c e out of the p i c t u r e f o r most buyers.  I t was  found that most respondents had  been r e n t e r s p r e v i o u s l y , but t h i s a l s o dropped (1973:  67.4%, 1971:  86.3%).  s u b s t a n t i a l cash e q u i t y . buy  drastically  Housing purchases now  the standard apartment  Townhouse p r i c e s had reached and passed 1971  s i n g l e - f a m i l y house p r i c e All  required  Young homemakers were f o r c e d to  the cheaper condominium o p t i o n  unit.  still  suburban  levels!  s t u d i e s reviewed to t h i s p o i n t have c o n s i s t e n t l y  shown that the m a j o r i t y of buyers want to a c q u i r e a s i n g l e f a m i l y u n i t and have the unique independence which i s not obtained i n any type of condominium development.  Hamilton  - 66 -  r e f e r r e d to t h i s as 'the common b e l i e f .  But condominium  buyers, b e i n g of l e s s a f f l u e n t means cannot a f f o r d  this  c h o i c e , and buy a m u l t i - d w e l l i n g u n i t i n hopes of b u i l d i n g up the necessary e q u i t y to l a t e r buy a house.  He argued  that,  •'If i t can be assumed that the m a j o r i t y of purchasers whose f i r s t c h o i c e was a house would look a t houses b e f o r e buying t h e i r condominiums, then t h i s common theory i s r e f u t e d . . . . Only about 44 per cent of condominium purchasers looked f o r a s i n g l e - f a m i l y house b e f o r e buying t h e i r condominium, which leaves 56 per cent who appeared to be d i s i n t e r e s t e d i n owning a house." (Hamilton, e t . a l . , 1973, p. 37) I t may  be that t h i s was  t r u e f o r apartment  purchasers  (averaging 49 years of age), the m a j o r i t y of whom were former homeowners.  Hamilton's c l a i m  that they "were a p p a r e n t l y  i n t e r e s t e d i n changing t h e i r l i f e s t y l e "  i s acceptable, i n  that the c h i l d r e n of t h i s group are now  l e a v i n g home, and  l e s s space means l e s s maintenance and more f r e e time f o r long-awaited l e i s u r e l y  pursuits.  To c l a i m d i s i n t e r e s t i n owning a house f o r condominium buyers g e n e r a l l y , however, seems untenable.  The h i g h  downpayments and mortgage payments simply made houses nonc h o i c e s f o r t h i s group.  S e r i o u s house-shopping  'an e x e r c i s e i n f u t i l i t y ' .  T h i s was  supported by  own f i n d i n g when buyers were asked why u n i t over a s i n g l e - f a m i l y u n i t .  was  literally  Hamilton's  they chose a condominium  C a t e g o r i z e d by reason, w i t h  percentages showing frequency, they were: 1.  No maintenance  25.9%  2.  Value (meaning lower f u l l p r i c e )  23.8%  - 67 3.  Lower downpayment  16.4%  4.  Location  13.2%  5.  Lower monthly payments  11.0%  6.  Recreation f a c i l i t i e s  (amenities)  Inasmuch as reasons c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , he regrouped  9.7%  1, 3 and 5 a r e a l l economic the l i s t i n order of s i g n i f i -  cance, b e i n g : 1.  Price  2.  Freedom from maintenance  3.  Location  4.  Recreation  facilities  (Hamilton Although  e t . a l •»  1973,  p. 38)  the p r i c e advantage was regarded  as the b a s i c c r i t e r i o n  originally  t o condominium s a l e s success, i t has  taken on s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r even the ' s o l i d ' income group s i n c e l a t e 1972.  middle  While p r e v i o u s s t u d i e s found  that 65-70% of a l l condominium townhouse purchasers  intended  to move on t o a s i n g l e - f a m i l y house, t h i s survey r e v e a l e d t h a t only 42 p e r cent bought w i t h t h i s i n t e n t i o n et.al., of  (Hamilton  1973, p. 40). A g a i n s t t h i s r e f l e c t s t h e i r awareness  the high c o s t of such a u n i t .  Unless  they a r e a b l e t o  a c q u i r e a d d i t i o n a l cash, t h e i r u n i t a p p r e c i a t i o n w i l l  only be  o f f s e t by t h a t of houses and the ' s i n g l e - f a m i l y home dream* may c o n c e i v a b l y never be f u l f i l l e d i n a s i m i l a r  location.  - 68 -  Hamilton's 1973 f i n d i n g s r e f l e c t a 'mood o f pessimism' concerning a households' c a p a b i l i t y of i n c l u d i n g the c o n v e n t i o n a l house i n t h e i r c h o i c e from housing a l t e r n a t i v e s i n a given l o c a t i o n .  From the w r i t e r ' s experience i n  the r e s i d e n t i a l development i n d u s t r y i n 1973, t h i s mood was apparent d u r i n g d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h p r o s p e c t i v e home buyers, as w e l l as among v a r i o u s b u i l d e r s , and became i n c r e a s i n g l y obvious  as t h e year  progressed.  The same l a c k o f o p p o r t u n i t y was l e s s e v i d e n t d u r i n g data c o l l e c t i o n f o r the r e s e a r c h a t hand.  I t must be r e c o g -  n i z e d from Hamilton's f i n d i n g s that the matching o f housing preferences with a c t u a l choices i s d i r e c t l y economic c o n d i t i o n s .  Correspondingly,  t i e d to p r e v a i l i n g  the importance of  l i f e s t y l e s a t i s f a c t i o n i n the r e s i d e n t i a l s e l e c t i o n  process  may be p e r t i n e n t to a more r e s t r i c t e d range of households than i s hypothesized I.  i n this  research.  SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Any  c o n c l u s i o n s concerning  these s t u d i e s must be  mftde a g a i n s t a backdrop of t h e r e a l i t y t h a t t h e appearance of condominium ownership was a d i r e c t r e s u l t of r a p i d l y e s c a l a t i n g r e s i d e n t i a l land c o s t s i n Canada's major urban c e n t r e s . whatever e l s e i t s success was a t t r i b u t a b l e t o a t the outset, the p r i n c i p l e reason was the d e s i r e f o r ownership. In a very r e a l sense, t h i s i s a c r i t i c a l element i n the c u l t u r a l v a l u e system of most North American households.  For  - 69 any  household w i t h  low incomes or meager savings, ownership.  For  this  housing  a l t e r n a t i v e allowed  wishing  to reduce space requirements a f t e r c h i l d r e n had  home, 'condominium' meant an o p p o r t u n i t y leisurely  households  to pursue a more  l i f e s t y l e or a c t i v i t y p a t t e r n , and  s i m ul ta ne ou sly.  left  enjoy  ownership  With the m a j o r i t y of p r o s p e c t i v e homebuyers  being i n the f i r s t group, i t i s no s u r p r i s e t h a t most r e searchers  reported  'economic f a c t o r s ' as being b a s i c to the  purchase d e c i s i o n . ' L i f e s t y l e s a t i s f a c t i o n ' i s recognized by as being an important process,  concern i n the d w e l l i n g s e l e c t i o n  but inasmuch as s y s t e m a t i c  •lifestyle'  researchers  i t s e l f has  study  of the term  only r e c e n t l y been r e l a t e d to urban  environments, r e f e r e n c e to i t has been i n very g e n e r a l  terms  (e.g. "more f r e e time", " i n c r e a s e d community involvement", " c a r e e r and p h y s i c a l m o b i l i t y " , " s o c i a b i l i t y " ,  "prestigous  neighborhood s t a t u s " , e t c . ) . The urban Development I n s t i t u t e survey simultaneously  (1969),  r e c o g n i z i n g t h a t the condominium d w e l l i n g  expands the range of a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r r a t i o n a l housing and  then,  listing  types  of new  choice,  l i f e s t y l e o p p o r t u n i t i e s that  are p o s s i b l e under t h i s form of ownership, i n d i c a t e s that concept m e r i t s more f o r m a l i z e d a t t e n t i o n . r e s e a r c h e r s ' s t u d i e s i t was  From the market  l e a r n e d t h a t a l a c k of c l e a r  market i d e n t i f i c a t i o n c o n t r i b u t e d to slow s a l e s i n the  the  - 70  earlier projects.  -  Indeed, t h i s problem i s p r e s e n t  the c u r r e n t market.  even i n  T h i s l a c k of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n r e f l e c t s a  l a c k on the developers' p a r t of knowing the s t y l e or p a t t e r n of l i v i n g  of h i s intended buyer.  with h i s product  Consequently,  dissatisfaction  r e s u l t s , which i n the more extreme  produces t e n s i o n and an un-co-operative  cases  s p i r i t i n the m i n i -  community. In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , concern about the  'lifestyle-  d w e l l i n g c h o i c e ' r e l a t i o n s h i p has r e a l s i g n i f i c a n c e only when s e v e r a l options a r e open to the buyer wishing ' r a t i o n a l choice'.  to make a  T y p i c a l l y , such options were shown to be  open only to households of the h i g h e s t income and c a t e g o r i e s , and  education  then u s u a l l y only f o r those i n the 'empty-  n e s t ' stage of the f a m i l y l i f e c y c l e . The B e l l - C o n s t a n t i n e s c u  (1974) study  showed  how  c r i t i c a l the ' u s e r - a c t i v i t y - d e n s i t y - d e s i g n ' r e l a t i o n s h i p i s i n f o s t e r i n g s o c i a l l y h e a l t h y r e s i d e n t i a l environments. f o l l o w s then t h a t the l i f e s t y l e  It  concept must be p r o p e r l y  d e f i n e d , adapted to r e s e a r c h i n order to determine how  i t is  r e l a t e d to s p e c i f i c d w e l l i n g types and households, and  then  physically  t r a n s l a t e d i n t o corresponding  I t i s to t h i s task that the study now  residential settings.  turns.  - 71 -  "No geography can p r o p e r l y be regarded as • s o c i a l * unless i t draws i t s m a t e r i a l from the a c t i v e study of men and women i n t h e i r work and homes." T. W. Freeman 1967  - 72 CHAPTER FOUR METHOD OF RESEARCH i n t r o d u c t o r y remarks The o b j e c t i v e o f t h i s chapter i s to g i v e a d e t a i l e d account of the manner i n which the e n t i r e r e s e a r c h was c a r r i e d out, b e g i n n i n g with a statement t e s t and ending with the data c o l l e c t i o n  of the h y p o t h e s i s t o procedures.  S e c t i o n s concerned w i t h the s e l e c t i o n of study u n i t s and the s e l e c t i o n of a r e s e a r c h technique a r e of n e c e s s i t y t r e a t e d i n some depth.  The former  s e c t i o n looks a t  a r e l a t i v e l y new concept i n housing as one of two household s e t t i n g s c o n s i d e r e d , and i t s uniqueness b r i e f comment.  deserves more than  The l a t t e r s e c t i o n d i s c u s s e s the use of a  seldom adopted d e v i c e f o r data c o l l e c t i o n , and t h e r e f o r e requires special attention. A.  STATEMENT OF HYPOTHESIS The h y p o t h e s i s t o be t e s t e d here s t a t e s  that,  "Households p u r c h a s i n g d w e l l i n g u n i t s o f d i f f e r e n t s t r u c t u r a l types and ownership arrangements, b u t s i m i l a r age, p r i c e and l o c a t i o n , e x h i b i t d i f f e r ent l i f e s t y l e s . A c t i v i t i e s engaged i n d u r i n g d i s c r e t i o n a r y time by s i n g l e - f a m i l y d w e l l i n g households w i l l be d w e l l i n g u n i t - o r i e n t e d , and non-dwelling u n i t - o r i e n t e d f o r households i n condominium h o u s e h o l d s " a  V a r i o u s o f the terms here r e q u i r e c l a r i f i c a t i o n , which follows.  73 -  B.  DEFINITION OF TERMS 1.  household  F o r purposes  of t h i s study, t h i s  refers  to a husband and w i f e u n i t , with or without c h i l d r e n . person households  o f t e n r e s u l t from the death of one p a r t n e r ,  d i v o r c e or s e p a r a t i o n .  The c h o i c e of remaining i n a house or  townhouse i s thus l i k e l y voluntary.  Single  t o be i n v o l u n t a r y r a t h e r than  In the i n t e r e s t of keeping the sample as uniform  as p o s s i b l e i n terms of i t s composition, s i n g l e person households were excluded. 2.  s t r u c t u r a l types  Households  i n the f o l l o w i n g  d w e l l i n g - u n i t types only are t o be compared:  (a) s i n g l e -  f a m i l y detached houses ( h e r e a f t e r r e f e r r e d to as SF u n i t s ) and (b) townhouse u n i t s ( h e r e a f t e r r e f e r r e d to as TH 3.  ownership  arrangements  R e n t a l SF and TH u n i t s  e x i s t , but f o r the purposes of t h i s study only the form  of tenure i s c o n s i d e r e d .  and i s of c r i t i c a l importance  units).  The form of ownership to t h i s study.  do  ownership varies  SF u n i t s a r e  owned i n f e e simple, i n t h a t the purchaser owns both h i s d w e l l i n g and the p r o p e r t y surrounding i t i n i t s e n t i r e t y . The TH u n i t s s t u d i e d here a r e owned i n condominium.  The  purchaser owns the i n t e r i o r space of h i s u n i t i n i t s e n t i r e t y , but shares the e x t e r i o r ownership  p l u s a l l the a d j a c e n t  p r o p e r t y i n the development w i t h a l l the other homeowners. 4  *  lifestyle  In s i m p l e s t terms,  l i f e s t y l e here r e f e r s  to the manner i n which an i n d i v i d u a l or household c a r r i e s out  - 74  i t s day-to-day l i v i n g . during  -  Particularly, activities  engaged i n  non-work hours ( d i s c r e t i o n a r y time) a r e examined.  Obviously, such f a c t o r s as b e l i e f s , a t t i t u d e s and are i n v o l v e d .  values  I t i s contended that overt behavior i s a  reasonable e x p r e s s i o n of these. Lifestyle two  thus d e f i n e d  specific orientations:  i s suggested as having one  (1) d w e l l i n g  unit:  discretionary  a c t i v i t i e s are p r i m a r i l y c e n t e r e d on or r e l a t e d t o dwelling  u n i t and,  a c t i v i t i e s a r e not frequently  discretionary  focused on the d w e l l i n g  u n i t and  f o r each o r i e n t a t i o n w i l l be activities C.  the  (2) non-dwelling u n i t :  occur elsewhere than at home.  of  more  Measurement i n d i c e s  the amounts of time spent i n  of each type.  SELECTING STUDY UNITS The  two  dwelling  t i v e a n a l y s i s here, as has TH u n i t s .  The  types to be  s e l e c t e d f o r compara-  been noted, a r e SF and  condominium  accompanying photos show r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  the sample drawn f o r each type.  of  single-family  dwelling:  »r mil 1972 condominium townhouse d w e l l i n g  1972  - 76 -  Since the t r a d i t i o n a l s i n g l e family dwelling i s undoubtedly f a m i l i a r to the reader,  emphasis here w i l l be  on the newly i n t r o d u c e d a l t e r n a t i v e . As r e c e n t l y as 1966, the condominium TH concept was accepted  by the government of B r i t i s h Columbia.  ("The  S t r a t a T i t l e s A c t , b e i n g Chapter 46 of the S t a t u t e s of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1966, came i n t o e f f e c t on September 1 s t . , 1966,  and was amended by Chapter 42 of the S t a t u t e s of  B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968.") Corporation,  ( C e n t r a l Mortgage and Housing  1969, p. 10)  P r i m a r i l y , t h i s concept was regarded  as an a l t e r n a -  t i v e to ownership of the t r a d i t i o n a l SF d w e l l i n g .  Its  appearance was l a r g e l y a r e f l e c t i o n of i n c r e a s i n g  housing  c o s t s , which r e f l e c t e d r i s i n g  land c o s t s , w i t h i n  metropolitan  areas across Canada as w e l l as the U n i t e d S t a t e s . inherent c a p a b i l i t y  Through i t s  of economizing on land use, the p r i c e  per d w e l l i n g was t o be reduced t o a l e v e l w i t h i n the reach of a growing percentage o f the p o p u l a t i o n which v a l u e d p r i v a t e ownership but c o u l d n o t a f f o r d the SF u n i t . Once i n t r o d u c e d ( r e f e r r i n g here t o the Canadian s i t u a t i o n o n l y ) , and f o l l o w i n g a b r i e f p e r i o d of h e s i t a n c y on the p a r t of the p u b l i c to accept  i t , i t became evident  that i t s p o t e n t i a l was not only among those who found i t difficult  t o buy housing,  but a l s o among those who sought  to pursue a c a r e f r e e or l e i s u r e l y p a t t e r n of l i v i n g .  - 77 -  The  c r i t i c a l f a c t o r to note i s that w h i l e TH  households a r e f r e e t o r e - a r r a n g e t h e i r environment the u n i t ( p r o v i d i n g  within  i t does not i n t e r f e r e w i t h a t t a c h e d  n e i g h b o r i n g u n i t s or the s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ) , t h e r e a r e c l e a r - c u t r e s t r i c t i o n s r e g a r d i n g both the use and m a n i p u l a t i o n of e x t e r i o r space.  Contrastingly,  owners of SF  u n i t s a r e f r e e t o arrange and use t h e i r i n t e r i o r and e x t e r i o r spaces i n a comparatively u n r e s t r i c t e d This d i f f e r e n c e was b e l i e v e d implications involved  fashion. t o have s p e c i f i c  f o r the type of a c t i v i t i e s a household would be  i n both i n s i d e and o u t s i d e t h e i r d w e l l i n g .  Con-  sequently, i t was surmised, t h i s would serve t o p a r t i a l l y s o r t out households p l a c i n g v a r y i n g the a b i l i t y  of t h e i r d w e l l i n g  degrees o f importance on  u n i t to accommodate c e r t a i n  lifestyles. While the 'image makers* and the r e a l e s t a t e dev e l o p e r s may not be e n t i r e l y c e r t a i n of how the consumers of each d w e l l i n g  type d i f f e r ,  there i s a noticeable  attempt t o  appeal t o the d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t s i n the case of each type. Often the economic advantage of buying r a t h e r renting equity."  i s p o i n t e d out,  than  and i s expressed as " b u i l d i n g up  T h i s appeal i s d i r e c t e d towards readers of TH as  w e l l as SF d w e l l i n g  advertisements, p a r t i c u l a r l y when the  u n i t s o f f e r e d a r e i n the lower p r i c e range ($20,000 to $25,000 1972  prices).  As both types of u n i t move up the p r i c e  - 78  scale  ( e . g . $30,000 t o $35,000),  'luxury  -  t h e a p p e a l i s more t o  living*. The  conscious e f f o r t t o a t t r a c t households  perceived  to be  interested  in  different  lifestyles  is  e v i d e n c e d by t h e accompanying advertisements . Source:  V a n c o u v e r Sun, O c t o b e r 5,  1972  An e a s y ,  And now . . . Mira Place  c a r e f r e e way  A qreen, qrowinq ploce to call home. With 3-bedroom townhomes Beautifully built and finished Ready to move into . . . now. Close to schools, shopping and all the outdoor pleasures that make life worthwhile. Rus grounds you don't have to core for . . . winter or summer. Freedom to enjoy life as you wont to live it in beautiful B.C.  living  i s offered  here.  No  all  Your home on Mira Place is waiting for you now. At Simon Fraser Hills. See i t . . . . today!  year  Enjoy like  V i c the Lougheed to Bell Ave. or Production Way V i a Hv<y 401 to Cariboo Rood, lust tollow the signs.  chores long!  life  as you  i t ; no need  t o be t i e d  by dunhill  of  down.  A Dunhill Br crnalea Development  Move i n t o  ready-  made c o m f o r t ! Source:  V a n c o u v e r Sun, O c t o b e r 5,  1972  79 T h i s i s ... Condominium Townhouse L i v i n g ,  19721  * The S i n g l e - F a m i l y Home i s c r e d i t e d w i t h o f f e r i n g c a s u a l , u n h u r r i e d l i v i n g i n the p a s t o r a l s e t t i n g s of the urban p e r i p h e r y . Even o u t s i d e a person can escape the p r e s s u r e of  DISCOVER  being surrounded by people.  An  EXECUTIVE  expansive s e t t i n g  in  a l l o w s one t o l o l l about,  DIVIDENDS  C A N T E R B U R Y  feeling  HEIGHTS  Glen Robertson Estates Delwood  f r e e and u n f e t t e r e d . Source:  Park  Vancouver Sun, October 5,  Commodious i n t e r i o r s encourage f a m i l y a c t i v i t y . enough f o r each to enjoy h i s or her p a r t i c u l a r  1972  There's room diversion,  and somehow f e e l t e m p o r a r i l y removed from the 'urban pace'. Some l i b e r t y has been taken here to heighten the d i f f e r e n c e s between the i n t e n t i o n of these advertisements. S e l e c t e d from among those most i n f o r m a t i v e , they i n d i c a t e an awareness  of market  differences.  80 -  These Nu-West homes ore big, spacious, full of room to relax ond be yourself . . . nestled comfortably and luxuriously in a beautiful, breezy, country setting. Leove city noise and congestion behind and stretch out. Loft your lifestyle with up to 4 bedrooms, 2'/2 bathrooms, family room, extra rooms for sewing, library or study. In addition, you're in easy reach of 'ecreational pleasures galore. All this and much more is available to you at SEVERAL THOUSAND DOLLARS LOWER than an ordinary city lot.  DISCOVER EXECUTIVE DIVIDENDS THIS WEEKEND  'HOMES * Your "Better-Living" Investment is protected by the Exclusive \  StSSnu-WEST  Source:  D.  10 YEAR  WARRANTYMm  Vancouver Sun, October  5, 1972  DETERMINING STUDY AREAS In  the broadest  t u t e s the study a r e a .  sense,  Only  consti-  However, the areas o f r e l e v a n c e t o  t h i s study a r e s m a l l e r i n s c a l e , 'market a r e a s ' .  G r e a t e r Vancouver  those areas  and a r e r e f e r r e d  t o here as  o f f e r i n g condominium TH  u n i t s and SF u n i t s , which were c o n s i d e r e d by r e a l t o r s and  - 81 -  developers a l i k e t o be i n c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h each other, were studied. A survey of condominium owners i n G r e a t e r Vancouver conducted d u r i n g the summer of 1970 i n d i c a t e d t h a t u n i t s o f each type p r i c e d w i t h i n 20% o f each other c o u l d be regarded as competing  f o r the same economic s e c t o r of the housing  market (Hamilton e t . a l . , As of January  1971, p. 3 3 ) . 1972, n e i t h e r New Westminster nor  Coquitlam D i s t r i c t had any TH developments.  Only a few such  u n i t s were a v a i l a b l e i n North Vancouver C i t y as w e l l as Vancouver, and these were low income p r o j e c t s s u b s i d i z e d under the F e d e r a l Government's housing a s s i s t a n c e scheme. One s m a l l , r a t h e r expensive, development e x i s t e d i n West Vancouver, b u t was not c o n s i d e r e d t o be i n competition w i t h new SF d w e l l i n g s t h e r e . The North Shore g e n e r a l l y , and the D i s t r i c t o f North Vancouver i n p a r t i c u l a r , can be c o n s i d e r e d as a s i n g l e market a r e a . 1972  S i n c e SF d w e l l i n g s b u i l t t h e r e d u r i n g the 1970-  p e r i o d were g r e a t e r than 20% above the average p r i c e of  a TH u n i t ,  t h i s area was excluded from  the study.  C l e a r l y then, a t the time o f t h i s study, TH developments were l o c a t e d almost e x c l u s i v e l y i n the suburbs. F u r t h e r , the m a j o r i t y were i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y t o new SF subdivisions.  By e l i m i n a t i o n , the f o l l o w i n g l o c a t i o n s were  - 82 -  c o n s i d e r e d s u i t a b l e f o r study purposes and i d e n t i f i e d as market a r e a s :  (1) Richmond-Ladner, (2) Surrey-North D e l t a ,  and (3) P o r t Coquitlam-Port Moody-Burnaby.  The Surrey-North  D e l t a area was excluded from the study when the sample f o r i n t e r v i e w i n g was drawn, however. explained l a t e r .  Map  1  Reasons f o r t h i s a r e  shows the two market areas which  c o n s t i t u t e the u n i v e r s e .  - 84 E.  DETERMINING THE 1.  Accounting The  -  UNIVERSE f o r Q u a l i f i a b l e Condominium U n i t s  l o c a t i o n s and b a s i c d e s c r i p t i o n s of the  developments were o b t a i n e d p r i m a r i l y through i n l o c a l newspapers.  TH  advertisements  In an attempt to keep the  study  manageable, only those developments with u n i t s s t i l l during the 1970-1972 p e r i o d c o u l d be i n c l u d e d .  for sale  This e l i m i n -  a t e d one development i n Port Moody (Hi-View E s t a t e s ) and i n Richmond (Glen A c r e s ) .  As has a l r e a d y been i m p l i e d ,  developments not e s t a b l i s h e d as s u b s i d i z e d housing  one only  were  s u i t a b l e f o r comparison. Some i n d i v i d u a l u n i t s were d i s q u a l i f i e d on grounds of ' c o n s t r u c t i o n type' or d e s i g n . common form had  only one u n i t occupying  While the most  the e n t i r e space  from the ground to the r o o f , the unacceptable the 'over-and-under' v a r i e t y . d w e l l i n g , i t was above two  concluded,  types were of  These l e a s t resembled a  i n t h a t one u n i t was  s i d e - b y - s i d e u n i t s , w i t h access  v i a a stairway.  the  SF  placed  to the top d w e l l i n g  Examples of these were found i n Burnaby  (Brentwood V i l l a g e , a l l of Brentwood Gardens) and (Manoah V i l l a g e ) .  Table I  Richmond  l i s t s the developments which  q u a l i f i e d , and which c o n s t i t u t e the u n i v e r s e of TH households. Map  2 shows the l o c a t i o n s of  these.  In order to o b t a i n a count of s u i t a b l e u n i t s , each development was  v i s i t e d and a s i t e p l a n obtained.  Even  those  - 86 -  Table 1 CONDOMINIUM TOWNHOUSE DEVELOPMENTS QUALIFIED FOR SAMPLING PURPOSES  Market Area and Development  Map Number  RICHMOND LADNER  Number o f Units 448  Edgemere Gardens  1  89  Country Club E s t a t e s  2  56  Garden Manor  3  40  Cambridge P l a c e  4  46  Ramage G i a n t s  5  9  S p r i n g f i e l d Court I  6  32  S p r i n g f i e l d Court I I  7  30  Manoah V i l l a g e  8  46  Sharon Gardens  9  70  Chelsea place I  10  30  PORT COQUITLAM-PORT MOODY-BURNABY  367  Evergreen I I  11  98  Woodside E s t a t e s  12  52  Brentwood V i l l a g e  13  54  14  132  15  31  Simon F r a s e r H i l l s S p e r l i n g Townhouses  TOTAL  i/ll  815  - 87 -  u n i t s not s o l d were i n c l u d e d i n the u n i v e r s e , on the premise that they may was  be s o l d and  occupied by the time the sample  taken and data c o l l e c t i o n begun.  termined 2.  t o t a l l e d 815 Accounting  The u n i v e r s e thus  units.  f o r Q u a l i f i a b l e Single-Family Units  The b a s i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n here was  twofold:  (1) only those u n i t s i n competition with condominium u n i t s could q u a l i f y ,  TH  the maximum p r i c e being no more than  20% g r e a t e r than the average p r i c e of TH u n i t s , and new  s i n g l e f a m i l y houses o f f e r e d f o r s a l e d u r i n g  January, 1970  to January, 1972  F u r t h e r to t h i s ,  de-  i t was  p e r i o d would be  (2) only  the  considered.  thought t h a t s i n c e p o t e n t i a l buyers  of condominium TH u n i t s were a b l e i n most i n s t a n c e s to 'shop and compare' the v a r i e t y i n each market area, only SF houses s i t u a t e d i n s u b d i v i s i o n t r a c t s of a t l e a s t 10 u n i t s would be i n c l u d e d i n the u n i v e r s e . Having s e t down the g u i d e l i n e s , a search was ducted f o r s u i t a b l e u n i t s .  Initially,  i t was  assumed t h a t  most houses could be l o c a t e d through one source, the m u l t i p l e l i s t i n g E s t a t e Board.  con-  particularly  s e r v i c e of the G r e a t e r Vancouver Real  However, i t was  l e a r n e d t h a t perhaps only  two-  t h i r d s of a l l houses f o r s a l e would be i n the M.L.S. l i s t i n g , and t h i s i n c l u d e d both new  and used houses.  The amount of  time r e q u i r e d to s e l e c t only q u a l i f i a b l e u n i t s from listings  q u i c k l y proved to be too cumbersome a task.  the  -  Another  88 -  avenue i n v e s t i g a t e d was the use of b u i l d i n g  permits f o r each m u n i c i p a l i t y .  T h i s too proved t o be an  overwhelming task f o r s e v e r a l major reasons. filing  F i r s t , the  of p e r m i t s i s g e n e r a l l y ordered by date, and not  u s u a l l y s o r t e d out a c c o r d i n g to b u i l d i n g type.  Secondly, a  number of months may l a p s e between date of i s s u a n c e and date of c o n s t r u c t i o n .  T h i r d l y , each u n i t would have t o be l o c a t e d  on a house numbering map, and i n the case of r e c e n t ( i . e . one year old) s u b d i v i s i o n a p p r o v a l s , the maps would l i k e l y not be  up-to-date. While t h e approach  finally  s e t t l e d upon r e q u i r e d a  great d e a l of time (approximately I f months), t r a v e l ( a p p r o x i mately 2,000 m i l e s ) , and c o s t , i t d i d p r o v e to y i e l d a g r e a t deal of i n s i g h t and knowledge where SF (as w e i l as TH) development i s concerned. To i n i t i a l l y was  l o c a t e new g£. developments, a s e a r c h  made of r e a l e s t a t e advertisements i n every  Saturday  e d i t i o n of the Vancouver Sun, t h e p r o v i n c e and the Columbian newspapers f o r the time p e r i o d mentioned e a r l i e r .  Each  r e l e v a n t advertisement was noted, and where p o s s i b l e , on a map.  located  Numerous phone c a l l s and v i s i t s were made t o r e a l  e s t a t e agencies and developer's and p l a n n i n g o f f i c e s to o b t a i n more complete  i n f o r m a t i o n such as p r i c e s , number of u n i t s and  subdivision plans.  Having completed  a g e n e r a l map f o r each  market area, house numbering map s e c t i o n s were o b t a i n e d from  - 89 -  municipal  offices. F o l l o w i n g t h i s , a v i s i t was made to every q u a l i -  f i a b l e housing development,  and u n i t s f o r s a l e , s o l d or  occupied were i n d i c a t e d on the s e c t i o n maps, w i t h notes as to t h e i r p r i c e range,  once t h i s stage was  completed,  a total  count was made f o r each category ( r a n g i n g from $20,000 to $30,000 broken i n t o $2,000 i n t e r v a l s ) w i t h i n each market area.  By t h i s means a t o t a l of 1,167  u n i t s were i d e n t i f i e d  as s u i t a b l e f o r comparative purposes. F.  SELECTING A RESEARCH TECHNIQUE A v a r i e t y of data c o l l e c t i o n techniques has been  used i n l i f e s t y l e s t u d i e s , i n c l u d i n g d i r e c t and  indirect  o b s e r v a t i o n , m a i l e d q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , and the p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w . The c h o i c e of one over another or i n combination w i t h another l a r g e l y depends upon the type of i n f o r m a t i o n sought,  purpose  of the study, and time, money and p e r s o n n e l a v a i l a b i l i t y . The c h o i c e here was  e s s e n t i a l l y between the m a i l e d  q u e s t i o n n a i r e and the p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w . r u l e d out f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons.  The former  was  F i r s t , many of the SF  u n i t s d i d not have t h e i r addresses d i s p l a y e d and house numbering maps were o f t e n too incomplete to use i n the newest areas.  As i n the case of the TH u n i t s a l s o , i t proved too  time consuming to determine the c o r r e c t address f o r each u n i t . Second,  a l l u n i t s ready f o r o c c u p a t i o n were d e s i g n a t e d as the  u n i v e r s e , s i n c e i t became too d i f f i c u l t w h i l e d r i v i n g  through  - 90  -  developments to a s c e r t a i n which were p r e s e n t l y or s h o r t l y to be occupied.  Thus, there was  no simple procedure to  f o l l o w whereby q u e s t i o n n a i r e s would be sent only to  occupied  units. Although  the c h o i c e of the p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w  technique r e s u l t e d i n many problems during the p e r i o d of a r r a n g i n g i n t e r v i e w s , i t was  c o n s i d e r e d to be  the b e t t e r  means f o r o b t a i n i n g household a c t i v i t y i n f o r m a t i o n .  However,  the i n t e r v i e w schedule c o n t a i n e d s e c t i o n s which c o u l d have been adequately  s e r v e d by  the m a i l e d q u e s t i o n n a i r e  (e.g. b i o g r a p h i c a l data, p r e v i o u s housing 1.  The Interview  experience  technique data).  Schedule  As M i c h e l s o n  has noted,  the l i f e s t y l e concept  been t r e a t e d both i n " s c i e n t i f i c and popular  has  c i r c l e s " more i n  " d e s c r i p t i v e and s i m p l i s t i c terms than i n an o b j e c t i v e and a n a l y t i c a l f a s h i o n " (Michelson, Sept., 1970, sequently,  extremely  for a valid,  few precedents  p. 21).  Con-  a r e a v a i l a b l e to draw upon  or even comprehensive o p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f the  term. while the s i n g l e hypothesis  to t e s t here would only  r e q u i r e i n f o r m a t i o n as to the amount of a c t i v i t i e s which were of each o r i e n t a t i o n , i t was may  help to c l a r i f y The f i r s t  with  felt  that a d d i t i o n a l information  the o r i e n t a t i o n r e v e a l e d . of f o u r s e c t i o n s i n the schedule d e a l t  'previous housing  experience'  s i n c e marriage as w e l l as  - 91  during  childhood  and  -  adolescence (see Appendix 2 ) .  It  hoped that t h i s s e c t i o n would r e v e a l the husband's and degree of p h y s i c a l m o b i l i t y as w e l l as f a m i l i a r i t y different residential situations. s e c t i o n on i t was  Together with the second  ' a n t i c i p a t e d housing over the next f i v e  r e v e a l the s i g n i f i c a n c e or importance a t t a c h e d type, and  years',  to a  income was  and  T h i s would p r i m a r i l y serve to  that the households s e l e c t e d w i t h i n each d w e l l i n g sufficiently  given  biographical  f a m i l y s t a t u s , education, o c c u p a t i o n  sought.  could  presumeably, a p a r t i c u l a r l i f e s t y l e .  To complete the household d e s c r i p t i o n , data on age  wife's  with  expected that some p a t t e r n would emerge which  dwelling  was  s i m i l a r f o r comparison, and  and  confirm type were  should not be  major d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g f a c t o r s w i t h respect  to  the  lifestyles,  a. the t i m e - a c t i v i t y budget The most c r i t i c a l p o r t i o n of the e n t i r e schedule i s the t i m e - a c t i v i t y budget. appears to have been put p. 27)  to very l i m i t e d use.  Meier (1959,  has proposed that i t be used i n developing  accounts" which may and  Judging from the l i t e r a t u r e , i t  "social  be h e l p f u l f o r b e t t e r a l l o c a t i n g funds  f a c i l i t i e s f o r the enrichment of urban s o c i e t y .  Chapin  and Hightower (1965) as w e l l as Meier, have a l s o suggested that i t has  g r e a t p o t e n t i a l i n urban land use and  tion planning. virtually  E m p i r i c a l studies using  non-existant.  transporta-  i t , however,  are  - 92 -  Chapin  (1968, p. 123)  elsewhere  be of g r e a t a s s i s t a n c e i n understanding decisions.  He  remarks t h a t i t can  houshold  location  states:  " I t i s a premise ... t h a t l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n s ... a r e i n s t r u m e n t a l forms of behavior f o r accommodating the day-in-and-day-out a c t i v i t y p a t terns of i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s . Recurrent a c t i v i t i e s i n a time sense and r e p e t i t i v e a c t i v i t i e s i n a s p a t i a l sense a r e seen to have a s t r o n g r e l a t i o n s h i p to the household's c h o i c e of r e s i d e n c e . " M i c h e l s o n (1970, pp. 211-12) d e f i n e s i t as "...a technique f o r e l i c i t i n g a c c u r a t e des c r i p t i o n s of behavior, not o p i n i o n . " He f a v o r s i t s use  since,  " . . . i t can s e r v e as the b a s i s f o r extremely f i n e environmental comparisons i n time and space..." E s s e n t i a l l y , i t focuses on, activity  (1) types of a c t i v i t y ,  occurs and i t s d u r a t i o n , and  each a c t i v i t y .  (2)  time(s)  (3) the l o c a t i o n of  Where a p p l i c a b l e , i t can be used f o r r e c o r d i n g  s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n as w e l l as the s t r e n g t h of the r e l a t i o n s h i p . The  t i m e - a c t i v i t y budget i s very d e f i n i t e l y i n an  experimental stage i n a l l r e s p e c t s , and  t h i s can probably  best be i l l u s t r a t e d by c o n s i d e r i n g the a n a l y s i s of data recorded.  With regards to the s p a t i a l and temporal  components,  there are r e l a t i v e l y few problems s i n c e such data i s g i v e n i n precise units. thorough  Admittedly, u n l e s s the i n t e r v i e w e r i s very  i n h i s q u e s t i o n i n g , the time and d u r a t i o n of c e r t a i n  a c t i v i t i e s may  be g i v e n i n very i m p r e c i s e terms.  Often  however, as i n cases where the i n t e r v i e w e e has problems r e c a l l i n g such i n f o r m a t i o n about h i s or her a c t i v i t i e s ,  this  problem can only be hoped t o 'average out' over a l a r g e number of  cases. Concerning  the proper  or v a l i d  l a b e l l i n g of  a c t i v i t y by type however, the problem i s g r e a t .  Chapin and  Hightower, (1968) o f f e r e d a g e n e r a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  of house-  h o l d a c t i v i t i e s , b u t i t appears not to have been r e f i n e d through c h a l l e n g e s from other r e s e a r c h e r s and e m p i r i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n (see Appendix 'B').  An example of t h i s problem  could be made o f "watching T.V." as the r e p o r t e d  activity.  Short of probing f o r the name o f the program, and the reason f o r watching i t , one can only s u b j e c t i v e l y a s s i g n t h a t a c t i vity  to e i t h e r a " R e c r e a t i o n - R e l a x a t i o n " or ^'Educational-  Intellectual  Development" category.  S i n c e many of the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n d e c i s i o n s w i l l have a l a r g e s u b j e c t i v e element, hence s t r o n g p e r s o n a l b i a s , inter-rater  r e l i a b i l i t y a c r o s s the same s e t o f i n t e r v i e w e e s  would be very low. Hence the statement above t h a t t h e f o r m u l a t i o n , use and a n a l y s i s of t h i s an experimental  ' t o o l ' i s very much i n  stage and i n need of c o n s i d e r a b l e  refinement  through e m p i r i c a l study. The problems j u s t mentioned have l i t t l e b e a r i n g on i t s a p p l i c a t i o n to the task a t hand.  direct Activities  need only be i d e n t i f i e d as d w e l l i n g u n i t - o r i e n t e d or non-  94 -  d w e l l i n g u n i t - o r i e n t e d to s a t i s f y the requirements o f the l i f e s t y l e d e f i n i t i o n adopted here. e a s i l y be a s s i g n e d  Each a c t i v i t y can very  to one category  on the b a s i s of t h i s simple  dichotomy t h a t the n u l l hypo-  t h e s i s i s r e j e c t e d or accepted. r e q u i r e d an i n t e r v i e w e r  or t h e other, and i t i s  This section i n p a r t i c u l a r  to be p r e s e n t .  c a l l i n g p a s t a c t i v i t i e s and t h e i r  Difficulties i n re-  l o c a t i o n s could o f t e n be  overcome by the i n t e r v i e w e r a s k i n g probing G.  questions.  SAMPLING PROCEDURE Most b a s i c t o the c h o i c e of a f i n a l sample  was the s e l e c t i o n of a data c o l l e c t i o n of the p e r s o n a l  The c h o i c e  i n t e r v i e w made t h e problems o f time,  and manpower p a r t i c u l a r l y  critical,  the area t o be covered d u r i n g estimated  technique.  size  distance  c o n s i d e r i n g the s i z e of  the study.  Each i n t e r v i e w was  to r e q u i r e \\ hours t o complete, and s i n c e responses  were needed both from husbands and wives, i n t e r v i e w i n g would essentially  be an evening j o b .  At the o u t s e t , i t was thought that a t o t a l of 48 u n i t s f o r the t h r e e o r i g i n a l l y i d e n t i f i e d areas could be covered i n a s i x t o seven week p e r i o d . week of a r r a n g i n g and conducting  Following  the f i r s t  i n t e r v i e w s , i t was  realized  that data c o l l e c t i o n would r e q u i r e much more than the a v a i l a b l e time and money.  The f i r s t  t o t a l was reduced to 40,  which appeared t o be manageable by a s i n g l e i n t e r v i e w e r . d e c i s i o n was made to choose those market areas most  The  -  geographically distant. market area was  95  -  Thus, the midway Surrey-North D e l t a  excluded.  While a sample of t h i s s i z e was  c o n s i d e r e d t o be  r a t h e r small to make g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s to the u n i v e r s e ( 2 % sample),  i t was  considered s u f f i c i e n t l y  large to y i e l d  v a l u a b l e i n s i g h t i n t o the h y p o t h e s i z e d r e l a t i o n s h i p between l i f e s t y l e and d w e l l i n g s e l e c t i o n . 1.  The Sampling  Technique  In order that comparisons  might be made w i t h i n  market areas as w e l l as between, a sample of e i g h t u n i t s of each type, s t r a t i f i e d by a r e a , was  required.  Each u n i t  was  a s s i g n e d a number, commencing w i t h u n i t y f o r each type i n each area.  Using a random numbers tape, e i g h t numbers were  s e l e c t e d from each range, w i t h an a d d i t i o n a l f o u r which would serve as s u b s t i t u t e s .  Random numbers were then matched to  the pre-numbered u n i t s ,  thereby l o c a t i n g those households  to  be i n t e r v i e w e d . H.  DATA COLLECTION S i n c e i t proved to be too d i f f i c u l t  to o b t a i n phone  numbers and addresses, each u n i t had to be c o n t a c t e d d i r e c t l y . U n i t s were chosen from d w e l l i n g was  s e l e c t e d , when no one was  when an i n t e r v i e w was l a r g e l y due  the s u b s t i t u t e l i s t s when a vacant  refused.  home on two v i s i t s ,  A f t e r exhausting these  or  lists  to r e f u s a l s ( p a r t i c u l a r l y among TH r e s i d e n t s - —  suggests "over s u r v e y " ) , subsequent  a l t e r n a t e u n i t s were chosen  - 96 -  i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y to the o r i g i n a l l y sampled d w e l l i n g . Households agreeing b r i e f review who agreed  to an i n t e r v i e w were given a  of the e n t i r e schedule.  Therefore,  only  those  t o supply complete i n f o r m a t i o n were a c t u a l l y  interviewed. A l l i n t e r v i e w s were conducted by the w r i t e r d u r i n g the months of March, A p r i l and May i n 1972.  - 97 CHAPTER FIVE ANALYSIS i n t r o d u c t o r y remarks A l l data was c o l l e c t e d , coded and analyzed by the w r i t e r f o r reasons Understandably, bias.  of time and f i n a n c i a l  limitations.  t h i s a l l o w s f o r the i n t r o d u c t i o n of p e r s o n a l  This was not c o n s i d e r e d to be a problem where f a c t u a l  b i o g r a p h i c a l data and housing experience i n f o r m a t i o n was sought.  However, i t was r e c o g n i z e d that i t would p a r t i a l l y  i n f l u e n c e the assignment of household  a c t i v i t i e s i n t o cate-  g o r i e s which served as i n d i c a t o r s of l i f e s t y l e , as w e l l as determining  the p r e c i s e d u r a t i o n of each a c t i v i t y .  The a n a l y s i s i s d e s c r i p t i v e i n form, w i t h d a t a being p r e s e n t e d f o r comparative  purposes i n t a b l e s and  graphs.  ORGANIZATION of ANALYSIS and DISCUSSION on CONTENT As i n d i c a t e d i n the p r e v i o u s chapter, c o m p a r a b i l i t y of households i n each type of d w e l l i n g was sought by a s s u r i n g that the u n i t p r i c e s were w i t h i n an a c c e p t a b l e range. However, i t i s l i k e l y  t h a t a t b e s t t h i s would only l i m i t the  economic d i f f e r e n c e s among households.  I t i s reasonable to  assume that l i f e s t y l e d i f f e r e n c e s which may be found a r e a t t r i b u t a b l e to numerous f a c t o r s such as age, occupation, education, income, p r e f e r r e d r e s i d e n t i a l s i t u a t i o n , p a s t housing experience, p e r s o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s and i n t e r e s t s , and others.  - 98 1.  Section  One  To t h i s end, S e c t i o n 1 of the a n a l y s i s i s an examination  and comparison of household  both the TH and SF groups.  characteristics for  I t is believed this  procedure  w i l l i n d i c a t e the extent to which the groups resemble each other, and  should p r o v i d e a s s i s t a n c e i n e x p l a i n i n g any  d i f f e r e n c e s which may  appear with regards to the a c t i v i t y  orientations revealed. This s e c t i o n begins w i t h the p r e s e n t a t i o n of b i o g r a p h i c data.  Such i n f o r m a t i o n r e v e a l s the amount of  s i m i l a r i t y among the samples i n terms of b a s i c v a r i a b l e s , such as age s t r u c t u r e of household, and  education l e v e l s ,  income  occupation. An account  and adolescence  of housing experience d u r i n g c h i l d h o o d  (up to age 18) f o l l o w s .  T h i s data  gathered to o b t a i n more thorough knowledge of the backgrounds.  The presumption  was  made that such  was respondent's  experience  over the most f o r m a t i v e p e r i o d i n an i n d i v i d u a l ' s development c o u l d have a s t r o n g i n f l u e n c e on c h o i c e s made l a t e r i n l i f e when independent  households  experience s i n c e marriage  were being e s t a b l i s h e d .  i s c o n s i d e r e d next.  Housing  This informa-  t i o n p r o v i d e s the immediate backdrop to t h e i r p r e s e n t situation.  Recent s p e c i f i c experiences as tenants or owners  a r e p r e s e n t e d and g i v e i n d i c a t i o n s of how r e s i d e n c e was  s e l e c t e d from  alternatives.  their present  - 99 -  F i n a l l y , households a r e a n a l y z e d w i t h r e s p e c t to t h e i r a n t i c i p a t e d housing d u r i n g the next f i v e y e a r s .  This  time span i s p r e s e n t l y r e c o g n i z e d throughout urban North America as the approximate average p e r i o d a household a t one address.  remains  P a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t here i s i n whether the  households appear t o be s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r d w e l l i n g c h o i c e , and whether they c o n s i d e r i t as a type of r e s i d e n t i a l  situa-  t i o n t o be c o n t i n u e d or s t r i c t l y as " n e e d - f u l f i l l i n g " f o r the p r e s e n t . Appendix  "C" corresponds w i t h t h i s s e c t i o n , f o r i t  p r o v i d e s household comparisons  by d w e l l i n g type and  location.  Using the same format, i t s d e t a i l s e r v e s as r e f e r e n c e m a t e r i a l only and i n d i c a t e s the degree of s i m i l a r i t y households r e f l e c t i n a g i v e n d w e l l i n g type and In so doing, i t h e l p s c l a r i f y s e l e c t e d samples, which was  which  location.  the c o m p a r a b i l i t y of the  e a r l i e r h i n t e d a t as a p o t e n t i a l  source of e r r o r f o r the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of f i n d i n g s . Section  Two  In t h i s s e c t i o n , only one aspect of the TimeActivity  Budget i s analyzed.  household a c t i v i t i e s .  That i s the o r i e n t a t i o n of  Only t h i s data i s of immediate  rele-  vance to the h y p o t h e s i s as s t a t e d and d e f i n e d , and c o u l d be c a t e g o r i z e d and measured without c o n s i d e r a b l e a d d i t i o n a l i n p u t from the respondents.  - 100 -  I  Other q u e s t i o n s concerning the s p e c i f i c n a t u r e of  activities,  or the network of a c t i v i t y  c o n t a c t s c o u l d be asked of the data.  l o c a t i o n s or s o c i a l I n t e r e s t here i s essen-  t i a l l y i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between respondent and d w e l l i n g , r a t h e r than respondent and o t h e r s .  I t i s not denied however,  t h a t the matter of i n v e s t i g a t i o n here i s not r e l a t e d to and a f f e c t e d by such f a c t o r s as f r i e n d s h i p p a t t e r n s and p r e f e r r e d leisure  activities. I t should a l s o be noted that only a c t i v i t i e s  engaged i n on the workday and Sunday p r e v i o u s to the time of i n t e r v i e w a r e examined.  In so doing, a l l a c t i v i t i e s f o r  extended non-work p e r i o d s (e.g. long weekends, v a c a t i o n s , e t c . ) were excluded from  scrutiny.  The approach adopted i s l i m i t e d i n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e ness f o r those households which r e p o r t e d f o r days t h a t d i d not p r o v i d e a 'true' i n d i c a t i o n of t h e i r a c t i v i t y  pattern.  At the time of s u r v e y i n g , no s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d means c o u l d be d e v i s e d by which i n d i v i d u a l cases c o u l d be t r e a t e d without d i s r u p t i n g the attempt a t keeping r e p o r t i n g procedures e q u i t a b l e f o r a l l respondents.  I t i s presumed that  consequent  • i n j u s t i c e s ' done t o data q u a l i t y w i l l be averaged out over the t o t a l sample. The h y p o t h e s i z e d r e l a t i o n s h i p between households  1  d w e l l i n g types and a c t i v i t y o r i e n t a t i o n s i s t e s t e d a g a i n s t f i n d i n g s of the a n a l y s i s .  Discussion follows, bringing  the  the  - 101 -  chapter t o a c l o s e by p o i n t i n g out the l i m i t a t i o n s w i t h i n which the outcome of the t e s t i s t o be r e c e i v e d . SECTION ONE I.  HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTIC COMPARISONS 1.  B i o g r a p h i c a l Data a. age and c h i l d d i s t r i b u t i o n s When a l l SF households a r e 'lumped* together and  compared with a l l TH households, which a l s o have been formed i n t o one group i n s p i t e o f t h e i r  ' w i t h i n group' d i f f e r e n c e s  ( r e f e r t o Appendix "C"), age and c h i l d - r a t i o d i f f e r e n c e s diminish considerably. and  TH households a r e only s l i g h t l y  older,  i n t e r e s t i n g l y enough have s l i g h t l y fewer c h i l d r e n .  Table I I AGE  AND CHILD RATIO COMPARISONS  PARENTS GROUP  N W  H TH SF  16 16 TH:  34 30  townhouse  30 27  ELDEST CHILD Mean Age 4 4  .88 .94  SE.: s i n g l e - f a m i l y house  While the c h i l d - r a t i o d i f f e r e n c e i s not great, r a t i o combined with higher  CHILDREN per HOUSEHOLD  the lower  average ages i n the TH group may  be presumed t o r e f l e c t d e l a y e d marriage and f a m i l y as a r e s u l t of pursuing it  higher  l e v e l s o f education.  formation Generally,  can be s t a t e d that a l l households share a s i m i l a r stage  i n the f a m i l y  life-cycle.  - 102  -  b. l e v e l of education In Appendix "C" i t can be seen that the RILA TH sample most c l o s e l y resembled the PCMB SF sample i n terms of having the g r e a t e s t amount of post-secondary Nevertheless,  education.  e d u c a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n the TH and  groups a r e such t h a t they g e n e r a l l y averaged i n g between-group d i f f e r e n c e s .  SF  out when examin-  Table I I I shows t h a t the  g r e a t e s t d i s s i m i l a r i t y e x i s t s between wives (more u n i v e r s i t y education i n the TH group than i n the SF sample).  Husbands,  on the other hand, a r e s i m i l a r l y d i s t r i b u t e d among the t h r e e education c a t e g o r i e s .  Table I I I PERCENTAGE REACHING DIFFERENT EDUCATION LEVELS  LEVEL High School Grad or l e s s Technical Training U n i v e r s i t y Grad or l e s s  A higher t o t a l percentage sity  TH H 31 19 50  (N=16) W 50 12 38  SF H 37 12 51  (N=16) W 50 31 19  of husbands and wives with u n i v e r -  t r a i n i n g i n the TH group should be r e f l e c t e d again i n  income d i f f e r e n c e s , which presumably c o u l d i n turn s t i m u l a t e and support a more v a r i e d and d i s p e r s e d a c t i v i t y p a t t e r n , c. household  income  As a n t i c i p a t e d from c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e v e a l e d thus f a r , the TH group has a n o t i c e a b l y higher income l e v e l w i t h  - 103 -  the l a r g e s t amount of d i f f e r e n c e i n the $11-15,000  range.  E x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h i s stems n o t only from t h e i r having a t t a i n e d higher education, but a l s o from  the f a c t t h a t the o l d e r mean  ages of husbands and wives has a l l o w e d them e x t r a time t o obtain increased s a l a r i e s . Table IV shows a mean income d i f f e r e n c e o f only $1,000.  While t h i s amount does not appear s u f f i c i e n t l y l a r g e  to say the two groups a r e not comparable economically, i t could be s u f f i c i e n t t o h e l p s e p a r a t e them i n terms of t h e i r non-dwelling  oriented leisure pursuits.  T a b l e IV PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS IN DIFFERENT INCOME BRACKETS GROUP TH SF  d.  N  $7-11,000 $11-15,000 $15,000+  16 16  12 30  58 45  30 25  Mean $ 14,000 13,000  occupations The higher l e v e l of income shown above f o r the TH  group can now be seen i n T a b l e V t o r e l a t e s t r o n g l y to the l a r g e percentage  of TH wives i n p r o f e s s i o n a l  occupations.  - 104 -  Table V PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY OCCUPATION CATEGORY GROUP  OCCUPATION CATEGORY  TH  Professional Business Technical Clerical S k i l l e d Trades Unskilled  H N=16 19 63 6  -  12  -  SF W H N=7 N=16 43 37 13 14 20 6 29 14 13 - 12  -  W N=7 14 43 14 29  -  Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t here i s the d i s t r i b u t i o n of husband's occupations.  When t h e i r education l e v e l s a r e  compared ( s e e T a b l e 3 ) , i t appears not g r e a t .  that t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s a r e  A c o n s i d e r a b l e number of TH husbands have found  t h e i r way i n t o some type o f b u s i n e s s , w h i l e the SF sample shows h e a v i e s t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n the p r o f e s s i o n a l and t e c h n i c a l categories. e. work l o c a t i o n s While a l l households  surveyed a r e d e f i n i t e l y  suburban, i t i s obvious t h a t t h e i r economic a c t i v i t y on downtown Vancouver.  centers  The work l o c a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n shown  i n Table VI i s i n t e r e s t i n g to observe, p a r t i c u l a r l y  with  r e s p e c t t o the heavy focus on downtown Vancouver by TH husbands and wives, as w e l l as the percentage working throughout  of TH husbands  the Lower Mainland and other areas o f B.C.  - 105 -  T a b l e VI PERCENTAGE OF RESPONDENTS WORKING IN DIFFERENT LOCATIONS  GROUP  LOCATION Vancouver downtown Burnftby Richmond P o r t Coquitlam Surrey Delta LoWer Mainland elsewhere i n B.C.  SF H N=16 70 6 6  -  6  -  6 6  w N=7 72  -  14 14  H N=16 65 19 —  -  -  W N=7 57 14  -  14  -  8 8  -  Most of these respondents a r e salesmen.  14 _  While i t  c o u l d not be concluded s o l e l y from t h i s study, i t may  be  that  p r e f e r e n c e f o r a p a r t i c u l a r d w e l l i n g type has a c e r t a i n degree of c o n n e c t i o n with 'occupation of household head'. T h i s p o s s i b i l i t y may  be p a r t i c u l a r l y a p p r o p r i a t e to i n v e s t i -  gate i n connection w i t h condominium ownership  because  of the  i n h e r e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of c e r t a i n c a r e e r s and p r o f e s s i o n s (e.g.  those r e q u i r i n g  f r e q u e n t or prolonged absence from  r e s i d e n c e ) , and the o f f e r i n g s 2.  of condominium  one's  living.  Housing E x p e r i e n c e a. d u r i n g c h i l d h o o d and adolescence (i) country of o r i g i n and s i z e s of communities l i v e d i n An almost i d e n t i c a l percentage of TH and SF husbands  were born and r a i s e d i n Canada (69% and 63%  respectively).  Among wives, 81% of each group grew up i n Canada.  This  - 106  u n i f o r m i t y suggests  -  t h a t , i f experiences from youth do i n -  f l u e n c e housing d e c i s i o n s l a t e r i n l i f e , likely  to be of l i t t l e  concern  then they a r e  here.  The m a j o r i t y of the sample experienced urban s i n c e c h i l d h o o d , as i s shown i n Table V I I . appear to have had city  TH  living  households  the g r e a t e s t amount of experience with  l i v i n g , w h i l e SF husbands and wives have had a l a r g e  percentage ties.  of t h e i r experience i n s m a l l e r , s e m i - r u r a l communi  Whether the ownership of an SF house i n a  of s i m i l a r d w e l l i n g s i s i n p a r t an attempt some of the 'small-town-ness'  neighborhood  to ' r e - c a p t u r e '  w h i l e l i v i n g i n a major c i t y i s  a q u e s t i o n which c o u l d w e l l be asked from  observing  such  statistics.  Table VII PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS LIVING IN DIFFERENT SIZES OF COMMUNITIES H GROUP TH SF  N 16 16  town under 5,000  -  31  W  5,000- 25,000 25,000 plus 25 75 12 57  town under 5,000 18 31  5,000- 25,000 25,000 plus 12 70 12 57  F u r t h e r remarks on t h i s c o n j e c t u r e a r e r e s e r v e d f o r the concluding chapter. Regarding for  geographic m o b i l i t y , both groups (except  the SF husbands) a r e remarkably  Over 90% spent  their f i r s t  s i m i l a r and  stable.  16 years i n the same community, as  - 107 -  compared t o 63% f o r SF husbands.  Of these, two came from  f a m i l i e s i n the Armed F o r c e s and moved f i v e or more times during t h e i r  youth.  (ii)  d w e l l i n g types and tenure arrangements experienced  Table V I I I r e v e a l s that the g r e a t e s t percentage o f a l l households  grew up i n family-owned  Roughly.corresponding  SF d w e l l i n g s .  with a l a r g e r percentage of the TH  group having grown up i n l a r g e c i t i e s  t o the p r o p o r t i o n of  t h i s same group which e x p e r i e n c e d l i v i n g i n r e n t e d accommodation  particularly  apartments.  Table VIII DWELLING TYPES AND TENURE ARRANGEMENTS EXPERIENCED N  GROUP TH SF APT:  16 16  % HUSBAND APT DX SF rent own r e n t 6 18 64 12 12 72 8 8  apartment DX:  duplex SF:  % WEFE APT ©X SF rent own r e n t 18 6 70 6 12 80 8 s i n g l e - f a m i l y house  b« housing experience s i n c e marriage (i)  d w e l l i n g types experienced and mobility  Where experience w i t h d i f f e r e n t d w e l l i n g types s i n c e marriage i s concerned,  no p a r t i c u l a r b i a s i s shown.  As would  be expected f o r most young couples, a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount of time i s spent l i v i n g i n apartments a l l o w s f o r the purchase  u n t i l i n c r e a s e d income  of a d w e l l i n g , or the a r r i v a l of  - 108 children  -  hastens such a d e c i s i o n .  T a b l e IX shows the groups  a r e q u i t e s i m i l a r , a s i d e from mean months of occupancy which can p a r t i a l l y be e x p l a i n e d by r e c a l l i n g the o l d e r mean age TH  of  respondents.  Table  IX  PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS OCCUPYING DIFFERENT DWELLING TYPES AND LENGTH OF OCCUPANCY IN EACH X YEARS LIVED IN  APT GROUP TH SF  N  %  16 16  80 81  23 15  S i n c e marriage, mobile, w i t h 20%  DX %  4 19  X YEARS SINGLE L I V E D FAMILY IN % 1 18  X YEARS LIVED IN  60 44  32 22  the TH group has been the most  l i v i n g i n more than 8 d w e l l i n g s .  Of the SF  group, 70% l i v e d i n 4 d w e l l i n g s or l e s s , corresponding w i t h 58% f o r TH  respondents. (ii)  s e a r c h behaviour p r i o r to making c h o i c e  That 13% of TH households  actively  •searched' only  i n the development they decided upon i s again i n d i c a t i v e of the l i m i t e d l o c a t i o n t h i s type of u n i t .  (and d w e l l i n g ) c h o i c e w i t h r e s p e c t to While each group showed a s i m i l a r  of ' c u r i o s i t y ' concerning d i f f e r e n t l o c a t i o n s , remarkable  difference  there i s a  i n terms of t h e i r p r e - s e l e c t i o n  i n each d w e l l i n g type (see Table X).  degree  interest  - 109 -  Table X MEAN NUMBER OF LOCATIONS SEARCHED AND PERCENTAGE OF TIMES DWELLING TYPE WAS CONSIDERED  GROUP TH SF  N 16 16  X NUMBER OF LOCATIONS SEARCHED 6.5 7.0  % TIMES CONSIDERED TH 52 6  SF 48 94  TH households r e v e a l a s i m i l a r amount of i n t e r e s t i n each type p r i o r to purchase, which may i n d i c a t e a g r e a t e r degree of w i l l i n g n e s s t o •experiment setting.  1  with  their  residential  C o n t r a r i l y , the SF group almost gave e x c l u s i v e  a t t e n t i o n t o the detached d w e l l i n g .  Their r e s i d e n t i a l bias i s  c l e a r and i s supported by other data f o r the group. With regards  t o the d u r a t i o n o f t h e i r a c t i v e search,  no p a t t e r n c o u l d be d i s c e r n e d f o r e i t h e r group.  However, the  l i m i t e d s e l e c t i o n f o r t h e TH group i s again apparent i n t h a t 75%  of these households a c t i v e l y compared and d e l i b e r a t e d  over t h e i r s e l e c t i o n i n 3 months o r l e s s . 57%  Of the SF group,  of the respondents had purchased w i t h i n t h e same time frame. When comments were s o l i c i t e d r e g a r d i n g  the importance  the ' p r i v a c y ' f a c t o r may have been i n t h e i r d e c i s i o n , numerous and  d i v e r s e responses were r e c e i v e d .  TH group more o f t e n responded w i t h  C u r i o u s l y enough, the  " d e s i r e to b u i l d up e q u i t y  i n r e a l e s t a t e " , than with reasons r e l a t e d to " o p p o r t u n i t y t o a v o i d having anticipated.  to do o u t s i d e maintenance"—-which were f u l l y  - 110 -  Comments from SF respondents c l e a r l y  reflected  t h e i r p r e d i s p o s i t i o n to that s p e c i f i c d w e l l i n g - t y p e .  Privacy  i n terms of ' i s o l a t i o n ' or ' s e c l u s i o n ' from others was regarded as important. space" was relating  However, " c o n t r o l over use of o u t s i d e  often c i t e d .  to "freedom  not  T h i s response embraces reasons  to landscape and garden", "freedom  to  keep p e t s " , " l a r g e p l a y i n g space f o r c h i l d r e n " which could be s u p e r v i s e d d i r e c t l y from the house. (iii)  length of occupancy i n p r e s e n t dwelling  Both groups had o c c u p i e d t h e i r d w e l l i n g s f o r a s i m i l a r p e r i o d a t the time the survey was  taken, being 12  months f o r the TH sample and 16 months f o r the SF group. Presumably,  the average household i n each case w i l l have had  s u f f i c i e n t time to a d j u s t to the p a r t i c u l a r  characteristics  and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i t s p a r t i c u l a r t i a l situation.  T h e r e f o r e , the s l i g h t d i f f e r e n c e s h o u l d have  no b e a r i n g on a c t i v i t y (iv)  residen-  o r i e n t a t i o n s or p a t t e r n s r e v e a l e d .  purchase p r i c e , down payment and a b i l i t y to spend more  At the time the s&mple of d w e l l i n g u n i t s was every p r e c a u t i o n p o s s i b l e was  taken,  observed i n order to ensure  that TH and SF u n i t s would be s i m i l a r l y - p r i c e d .  Slight  v a r i a t i o n s d i d occur i n s p i t e of t h i s , as i s i n d i c a t e d i n P a r t s A and B of Appendix  "D".  However, average p r i c e s f o r  both types a r e very c l o s e as T a b l e XI i n d i c a t e s .  - Ill -  Table XI MEAN PURCHASE PRICE AND DOWN PAYMENT  GROUP TH SF  N 16 16  PURCHASE PRICE $23,700. $24,400.  DOWN PAYMENT $1,600. $2,300.  Required down payments on new d w e l l i n g s o f t e n equal 10% of purchase p r i c e , and i n t h i s area the groups a r e different.  Being a new concept, TH developments were o f t e n  promoted with lower down payments than one would normally expect.  No doubt t h i s a t t r a c t e d p o t e n t i a l home buyers whose  earning power was s u f f i c i e n t to meet mortgage requirements, but whose savings had not y e t b u i l t up t o the 10% of purchase level. When asked about purchase,  their a b i l i t y  to spend more on a  the m a j o r i t y of the TH group claimed they c o u l d do  so, w h i l e only one t h i r d of SF respondents were i n the same position.  Table XII shows the e x t r a amount as a percentage  of t h e i r purchase.  One suspects that households  are referring  to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between purchase p r i c e and e a r n i n g power, r a t h e r than cash a v a i l a b l e f o r down payment.  - 112 -  T a b l e XII PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS CAPABLE OF SPENDING MORE AND AMOUNT EXTRA  GROUP TH SF  N  %  %  CAPABLE 69 31  16 16  EXTRA 16 26  I f t h i s i s not the case, then TH households i n s p i t e of r a t h e r than because  chose t h e i r u n i t s  of the low down payment  required. 3.  A n t i c i p a t e d Housing During Next F i v e Years a  *  d w e l l i n g l o c a t i o n and c h o i c e s a t i s f a c t i o n Some concern over t h e i r c h o i c e of accommodation  and i t s l o c a t i o n i s shown f o r the TH group i n Table X I I I . The d i f f e r e n c e between the two groups r e l a t e s c l o s e l y t o t h e i r expressed p r e f e r e n c e s when they were a c t i v e l y  engaged  i n t h e i r dwelling search.  Table XIII PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS SATISFIED WITH DWELLING AND LOCATION GROUP TH SF  N 16 16  DWELLING 88 100  LOCATION 88 100  SF home buyers were 94% c e r t a i n t h a t they wanted such a d w e l l i n g , and, approximately 16 months l a t e r s t i l l regard t h e i r c h o i c e as the c o r r e c t one.  unanimously  - 113  Malcontents  -  i n the TH group l e v e l l e d almost  every  complaint at some f e a t u r e of the d w e l l i n g u n i t , ^equally d i v i d i n g them among i n t e r i o r and e x t e r i o r problems storage space and v i s u a l p r i v a c y r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . grumblings taxes  by SF households  (primarily  Minor  g e n e r a l l y centered on p r o p e r t y  which i s a complaint commonly a i r e d by most  suburban home owners  and the l a c k of good a c c e s s i b i l i t y  i n terms of p u b l i c t r a n s i t to downtown Vancouver. b. a n t i c i p a t e d moves, d w e l l i n g types and preferred locations Both with r e s p e c t to t h e i r l o c a t i o n and d w e l l i n g choice, the TH group a n t i c i p a t e s the most change. shows that 62% of these households l o c a t i o n s by the end of f i v e y e a r s .  Table  XIV  expect to have changed For the SF group,  81%  a n t i c i p a t e ' s t a y i n g put* v o l u n t a r i l y f o r 10 y e a r s .  T a b l e XIV PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS ANTICIPATING A MOVE AND DWELLING TYPE PREFERRED '  GROUP TH SF  N  16 16  NUMBER QF YEARS BEFORE MOVE EXPECTED 2 5 10+ 18 44 38 19 81  In the c&se of the former group,  APT  TH  -  SF  100 100  one c o u l d t r y to  e x p l a i n the high degree of a n t i c i p a t e d m o b i l i t y i n terms of the nature of the occupations of household heads.  S i n c e many  - 114 -  a r e i n some type of b u s i n e s s , w i t h many being s a l e s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , promotion and r e l o c a t i o n i s p o s s i b l e .  Such  o c c u p a t i o n a l ' m o b i l i t y * may have had some i n f l u e n c e on IH households making the c h o i c e s they d i d , but i t may be s a f e r to presume t h a t s i n c e each of these households claimed  their  next d w e l l i n g would be an SF u n i t , the p r e s e n t c h o i c e i s t r u l y only an • e q u i t y - b u i l d e r ' and. not a p r e f e r r e d l i v i n g environment. L o c a t i o n p r e f e r e n c e s f o r the f u t u r e a r e i n sharp c o n t r a s t with each other.  Of the TH sample, 33% wish to  l o c a t e i n Vancouver C i t y .  I n c l u d i n g p o s s i b l e North  l o c a t i o n s , the t o t a l i n c r e a s e s t o 49%.  Shore  T h i s compares with  37% of the SF group c o n s i d e r i n g the same areas. A s m a l l e r enclave (25%) o f the TH  respondents  show an i n t e r e s t i n a more ' r u r a l ' s e t t i n g , g e n e r a l l y naming Surrey as t h e d e s t i n a t i o n .  No l e s s than 50% of a l l SF  households expressed a d e f i n i t e i n t e r e s t i n a c q u i r i n g a home ( p r e f e r a b l y a s m a l l acreage  o u t s i d e Greater Vancouver i n the  r u r a l f r i n g e communities such as Langley C i t y , Haney-Maple Ridge and A b b o t s f o r d a r e a ) . A.  SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS T h i s s e c t i o n of the a n a l y s i s i s a d m i t t e d l y  and d e t a i l e d , b u t n e c e s s a r i l y so. p r o v i d e a very sharp  lengthy  The i n t e n t i o n was t o  'image' of each household  group.  Presumably t h i s would a l l o w f o r a more s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d  - 115 -  comparison  of t h e i r a c t i v i t y p a t t e r n s , and w i l l p r o v i d e the  background a g a i n s t which t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r o r i e n t a t i o n may be understood.  A few c o n c l u d i n g notes on major c o n t r a s t s w i l l  suffice. With r e s p e c t to t h e i r b i o g r a p h i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , the two groups a r e c o n s i d e r e d s u f f i c i e n t l y reasonably make comparisons of other  s i m i l a r so as to  characteristics.  While minor d i f f e r e n c e s do e x i s t i n t h e i r f a m i l y s i z e s and ages, cycle.  they a r e w i t h i n the same stage of the f a m i l y - l i f e T h i s i s perhaps the most important  an i n v e s t i g a t o r wishes t o compare a c t i v i t y Such v a r i a t i o n s as may be found w i l l  c o n s i d e r a t i o n when orientations.  l i k e l y best be a t t r i b u t e d  to d i f f e r e n c e s i n income and p o s s i b l y e d u c a t i o n l e v e l s both of which a r e h i g h e r among TH households. Although both groups have shared s i m i l a r  housing  experiences w h i l e growing up and f o l l o w i n g marriage, sample has e s t a b l i s h e d a c l e a r e r p a r t i c u l a r d w e l l i n g type.  ' r e l a t i o n s h i p ' with that  One begins to suspect t h i s when  d i s c o v e r i n g a g r e a t e r number of t h i s group with l i v i n g experience (imputing importance and r e c e i v e s f u l l household  the SF  small-town  to 'sentiment'),  c o n f i r m a t i o n upon f i n d i n g t h a t almost  was determined  every  to s e t t l e on an SF d w e l l i n g c h o i c e  p r i o r t o purchase. The TH group l a c k s a s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d approach i n their housing-choice behavior.  Having  experienced more  - 116  -  r e n t a l tenure d u r i n g t h e i r f o r m a t i v e years  (which i n i t s e l f  c o u l d encourage a more f l e x i b l e a t t i t u d e toward the d w e l l i n g u n i t ) , and a higher amount of i n t r a - u r b a n m o b i l i t y a f t e r marriage,  one suspects  t h e i r v a c i l l a t i o n over a d w e l l i n g  c h o i c e r e l a t e s to concerns about being taining property. this  ' t i e d down' to main-  T h e i r c h o i c e of a TH l a r g e l y f r e e s them of  concern. In s p i t e of p r e s e n t d i f f e r e n c e s , both groups a s p i r e  to the same d w e l l i n g type, a l b e i t i n d i f f e r e n t l o c a t i o n s of the urban a r e a .  Both unanimously s t a t e d t h e i r next  dwelling  c h o i c e would be an SF u n i t .  There e x i s t s , however, a  fundamental d i f f e r e n c e .  SF sample i s c e r t a i n about the  The  importance of such a u n i t to the way  they choose to  live,  and i n t e n d t o d e r i v e such b e n e f i t from the e a r l i e s t p o i n t i n time p o s s i b l e .  TH households, w h i l e c e r t a i n of t h e i r  eventual c h o i c e , have i n the i n t e r i m opted f o r a more f l e x i b l e mode of l i v i n g which s i m u l t a n e o u s l y  allows  them t o  b u i l d up equity i n r e a l p r o p e r t y .  SECTION I.  TWO  HOUSEHOLD ACTIVITY ORIENTATION SOMPARISONS At the o u t s e t i t w&s  hypothesized  that TH house-  holds would spend the l a r g e s t percentage of t h e i r  discretion-  ary time o u t s i d e the c o n f i n e s of t h e i r d w e l l i n g , w h i l e  SF  households would choose to spend the g r e a t e r p o r t i o n of such  - 117 -  time e n j o y i n g t h e i r homes.  A few comments a r e needed a t t h i s  p o i n t concerning the a c t u a l assignment  of a c t i v i t i e s t o one  category or the other. 1.  Assignment of A c t i v i t i e s t o C a t e g o r i e s L a b e l l i n g any a c t i v i t y e i t h e r • d w e l l i n g - u n i t -  o r i e n t e d ' or 'non-dwelling u n i t - o r i e n t e d ' was almost as s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d as the d e s i g n a t i o n s would imply. work, non-chore a c t i v i t y  Any non-  t h a t was c a r r i e d on w i t h i n the  d w e l l i n g or on the p r o p e r t y o u t s i d e was termed ' d w e l l i n g u n i t oriented* . I t became e v i d e n t almost from the o u t s e t t h a t some more reasonable p h y s i c a l boundary should be e s t a b l i s h e d o u t s i d e of which a c t i v i t i e s would be c o n s i d e r e d "non-dwelling oriented".  The problem  arose i n cases where respondents  r e p o r t e d " p l a y i n g cards w i t h neighbours an a c t i v i t y ,  across the s t r e e t " as  or " h e l p i n g the next door neighbour  l a y sod".  While these a c t i v i t i e s were not c e n t e r e d on the respondent's home, they d i d occur w i t h i n t h e i r immediate  neighbourhood.  This then became the ' d i v i d i n g l i n e ' f o r a c t i v i t i e s , based on the r a t i o n a l e that they would occur l a r g e l y as a r e s u l t of being.home s u f f i c i e n t l y with neighbours.  o f t e n to e s t a b l i s h c l o s e r e l a t i o n s  The p h y s i c a l l y c l o s e group of homes i s  consequently regarded as an 'extended f o r the household.  dwelling  environment*  - 118 2.  P r e s e n t a t i o n of F i n d i n g s Bach a c t i v i t y was a s s i g n e d t o one category or the  other, and the percentages of hours engaged i n a c t i v i t i e s so a s s i g n e d were used t o t e s t the h y p o t h e s i s . two groups a r e p r e s e n t e d f i r s t .  F i n d i n g s f o r the  D i s c u s s i o n and attempts a t  e x p l a i n i n g the outcome f o l l o w , drawing on the f i n d i n g s f o r each market area  sampled.  Median r a t h e r than mean percentage v a l u e s a r e used s i n c e the samples a r e s m a l l and extreme cases of time exp e n d i t u r e were found.  Mean v a l u e s a r e s e n s i t i v e t o such  extremes and would r e f l e c t a s t a t i s t i c not s u f f i c i e n t l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the e n t i r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . a. townhouse (TH) and S i n g l e f a m i l y (SF) a c t i v i t y o r i e n t a t i o n s F i g u r e 2 g r a p h i c a l l y p o r t r a y s the median percentage of hours each group spent i n non-dwelling u n i t - o r i e n t e d activity.  i t i s e v i d e n t that each household group  l e s s than 50% of i t s non-work, non-chore  spends  time away from home.  T h i s was h y p o t h e s i z e d f o r SF households, w h i l e the o p p o s i t e was expected of TH owners. be accepted.  T h e r e f o r e , the h y p o t h e s i s cannot  -  119  -  Figure Q  COMPARISON OF TIME SPENT IN NON-DWELLING UNIT-ORIENTED ACTIVITIES  100-  z  Id  5? 2 B H  M  H Z  tx o  1 O w H 05 0- H H 6) (0 Z M D (X)  Z  <J  M  D  (X)  2  (I)  s  M  H (i.  O  2  O  zM  •J  504  40%  > M  H U  <  1 a i  townhouse  z  singleffcmily  HOUSEHOLD TYPES b. d i s c u s s i o n of households by a c t i v i t y o r i e n t a t i o n s and d w e l l i n g type ( i ) townhouse sample T h i s group i s d e f i n i t e l y not homogeneous w i t h respect  for i t s activity  orientation.  Early indications  t h i s were o b t a i n e d by c a l c u l a t i n g standard d e v i a t i o n s the mean f o r each group, which a r e : The  greater  geneity  the standard d e v i a t i o n  TH  The  i n Figure  the  from  22.3. hetero-  S t r i k i n g evidence of  3.  graph i n d i c a t e s t h a t c o n c l u s i o n s  r e l a t i o n s h i p between the t o t a l SF and eventually  SF -  the g r e a t e r  among members i n a given s e t .  this i s revealed  - 26;  of  made about  the  TH samples must  r e l a t e back t o each component group.  that the net d i f f e r e n c e between the two  We  can  groups' a c t i v i t y  o r i e n t a t i o n s i s e n t i r e l y a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the  difference  see  - 120 -  Figure 3  COMPARISONS OF TIME SPENT IN NON-DWELLING UNIT-QRIBNTBP ACTIVITY BY DWELLING TYPE AND LOCATION lOO-i  50H z  < M  23,53^  21.5%  RILA  PCMB  w 2  Q  i  RILA  PCMB  TOWNHOUSE  SINGLE-FAMILY  HOUSEHOLD DWELLING TYPES AND LOCATION  between the P o r t Coquitlam-Port Moody-Bumaby TH  households  and a l l other households. D i f f e r e n c e s observed must be r e l a t e d to f a c t o r s other than simply ' d w e l l i n g type'.  Observation of both  Richmond-Ladner and P o r t Coquitlam-Port  Moody-Burnaby  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ( p r e s e n t e d i n Appendix D) shows most  differ-  ences r e l a t e to education, income and f a m i l y ages and s i z e s . However, d i f f e r e n c e s on these v a r i a b l e s cannot be regarded as s u f f i c i e n t l y  l a r g e so as t o produce  in a c t i v i t y patterns.  the observed v a r i a t i o n  In f a c t , s i n c e the Richmond-Ladner  group has a l a r g e r household income and h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n l e v e l , i t was f u l l y a n t i c i p a t e d that they would show g r e a t e r i n volvement i n a c t i v i t i e s removed both from t h e i r d w e l l i n g s and  - 121 -  immediate  neighborhood.  Moreover,  they have fewer  children  which s h o u l d a l l o w them even more o p p o r t u n i t y t o have a h i g h l y v a r i e d and d i s p e r s e d a c t i v i t y ( i i ) single-family  pattern,  sample  A c t i v i t y o r i e n t a t i o n s f o r t h i s group a r e as expected — -  c l e a r l y c e n t e r e d on t h e i r homes.  I t must be  borne i n mind, however, t h a t the only data used here i s f o r the work day and Sunday p r e v i o u s to the time of the i n t e r v i e w . On such days, i t was argued, the normal day-to-day c o u l d b e s t be observed.  Furthermore, the t o t a l  activities  discretionary  time would probably not be g r e a t f o r any household, and p a r t i c u l a r l y not f o r SF households which have a d d i t i o n a l chores t o perform r e l a t e d to the maintenance perty.  Presumably  of t h e i r p r o -  the time remaining would o f t e n not be  s u f f i c i e n t t o m e r i t spending i t i n p l a c e s other than a t home or very near to t h e i r  residence.  Conversely, a l a r g e r number of u s a b l e l e i s u r e hours would be a v a i l a b l e to the TH group, which would make i t more p r a c t i c a l to spend them i n a c t i v i t i e s which took them away from t h e i r neighborhood.  T h e r e f o r e , the percentages r e c o r d e d  f o r the SF sample a r e l i k e l y  somewhat b i a s e d from the o u t s e t  i n the d i r e c t i o n of the h y p o t h e s i z e d r e l a t i o n s h i p . 3.  Summary and C o n c l u s i o n s Upon commencing t h i s study, i t was  r e c o g n i z e d that  i n order to make meaningful comparisons between households,  - 122  -  i n f o r m a t i o n other than that concerning d w e l l i n g - t y p e and l o c a t i o n would be needed* c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s was  To that end, a v a r i e t y of p e r s o n a l  obtained from each  individual.  The a r e a s of g r e a t e s t d i s s i m i l a r i t y were e d u c a t i o n and income, and  to a l e s s e r extent, f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e and  p r e v i o u s housing e x p e r i e n c e .  These d i f f e r e n c e s were used to  h e l p account f o r v a r i a t i o n s observed i n household In terms of l o c a t i o n s i m i l a r i t i e s and  activities.  differences,  the Richmond-Ladner TH sample has a c l o s e resemblance  to the  P o r t Coquitlam-Port Moody-Burnaby SF group where b i o g r a p h i c data a r e concerned. Ladner  The o p p o s i t e a p p l i e s to the Richmond-  SF and P o r t Coquitlam-Port Moody-Burnaby TH  group,  e s p e c i a l l y w i t h r e s p e c t f o r e d u c a t i o n and income l e v e l s . These d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n the two d w e l l i n g - t y p e groups were not shown to be of such p r o p o r t i o n s that they would a f f e c t the h y p o t h e s i z e d a c t i v i t y  orientations.  It i s  consequently a c o n s i d e r a b l e s u r p r i s e to d i s c o v e r that a l l a c t i v i t y p a t t e r n s a r e e s s e n t i a l l y the same except f o r the P o r t Coquitlam-Port Moody-Burnaby TH  group.  In a d d i t i o n t o t h i s , the percentage of time spent i n a c t i v i t y away from heme by the P o r t Coquitlam-Port MoodyBurnaby sample i s so g r e a t t h a t i t l e a d s to concern over r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s of these households.  the  E i t h e r i t i s an  anomaly or i n f a c t does t y p i f y s i m i l a r l y - s i t u a t e d Only a more e x t e n s i v e survey c o u l d c l a r i f y  this.  households.  - 123 -  Since c l e a r - c u t a c t i v i t y - o r i e n t a t i o n d i f f e r e n c e s a r e not i n d i c a t e d f o r the two groups, i t must be  concluded  that... there i s i n s u f f i c i e n t evidence to support the t h e s i s which claims an i d e n t i f i a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s between a household's l i f e s t y l e and i t s d w e l l i n g - t y p e c h o i c e .  - 124 -  CHAPTER SIX CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS introductory  remarks  This chapter d i s c u s s e s  the problems which f o l l o w  from the use o f c e r t a i n concepts and t h e r e s e a r c h  design.  C o n c l u s i o n s made a r e about the p r o j e c t i n g e n e r a l ,  since  conclusions  about s p e c i f i c f i n d i n g s a r e p r e s e n t e d i n t h e  previous chapter.  Recommendations a r e o f f e r r e d as g u i d e l i n e s  to i n d i c a t e how the major problems may be approached i n subsequent r e l a t e d s t u d i e s . A.  PROBLEM AREAS: 1.  A LOOK BACK AND LOOKING AHEAD  Timing o f Research a. u n f a m i l i a r i t y with condominium concept and recency of purchase The b a s i c premise of the t h e s i s was that house-  holds chose t h e i r d w e l l i n g the o p p o r t u n i t i e s  because of and not i n s p i t e of  each d w e l l i n g  type o f f e r r e d .  i n g l y , each group was presumed t o represent  Correspond-  a different  market s e c t o r . The  data i n Table x however, show that 48% o f the  townhouse respondents had c o n s i d e r e d  a single-family  dwelling,  w h i l e only 6% of the s i n g l e - f a m i l y group had looked a t townhouse u n i t s p r i o r to t h e i r f i n a l c h o i c e .  Even more r e v e a l i n g  i s the f a c t that when q u e s t i o n e d about t h e i r next purchase, every household i n d i c a t e d a s i n g l e - f a m i l y d w e l l i n g  preference.  - 125 -  One must t h e r e f o r e conclude from t h e data that the townhouse sample was not drawn from a d i s t i n c t market s e c t o r , and by inference, l i f e s t y l e  group.  T h i s s a i d , i t must be p o i n t e d out t h a t deductions or c o n c l u s i o n s made from t h e f i n d i n g s must a t a l l times be related  to the t i m i n g o f the r e s e a r c h .  mind t h a t the comparison  I t must be borne i n  was between households i n the very  f a m i l i a r s i n g l e - f a m i l y d w e l l i n g (almost every c h i l d was experienced w i t h t h i s s t y l e o f l i v i n g from c h i l d h o o d ) , and those i n the u n f a m i l i a r townhouse u n i t l i v i n g w i t h i n the even more u n f a m i l i a r c o n t e x t of condominium  ownership.  I t may be p o s s i b l e t h a t by simply demonstrating g r e a t e r w i l l i n g n e s s to be f l e x i b l e and experiment w i t h t h e i r f i r s t acquisition attachment  (which might i n d i c a t e a d i f f e r e n t  t o the t r a d i t i o n a l 'house and home'), t h e TH group  does r e p r e s e n t a d i f f e r e n t  l i f e s t y l e group b u t has not  experienced t h i s new form of ownership exhibit  emotional  s u f f i c i e n t l y long to  a d e f i n i t e non-dwelling a c t i v i t y o r i e n t a t i o n . probably t h e o n l y a c c u r a t e means of t e s t i n g  this  would be to repeat the same type of r e s e a r c h a t one year intervals.  I f i t c o u l d be found over perhaps a f i v e year  p e r i o d that those households which remained d w e l l i n g s d i d adapt t o t h e i r new environment  i n t h e i r TH and showed a non-  d w e l l i n g a c t i v i t y p a t t e r n , then one would have evidence t h a t r e s i d e n t i a l areas can be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d styles.  i n terms of l i f e -  -  126  The advantages of r e p e a t i n g a study of t h i s  type  a t reasonable i n t e r v a l s a r e apparent i n the condominium s t u d i e s of the G r e a t e r Vancouver Area by Hamilton (1971 and 1973).  et.al.  Both as a r e s u l t of r e f i n i n g t h e i r metho-  dology and b e n e f i t i n g from i n c r e a s i n g condominium development which i s b e i n g accepted and b e t t e r understood by the purchaser, they were a b l e to show that d w e l l i n g type and congruency  lifestyle  i s being a t t a i n e d f o r some. T h e i r 1973  respondents  study (p. 37) i n d i c a t e d that 67% o f  d e l i b e r a t e l y chose t h i s form of ownership  o f i t s i n h e r e n t advantages.  One  152  because  d i f f i c u l t y i n interpreting  such f i n d i n g s , the r e s e a r c h e r s c o n f e s s , i s t h a t among the d e l i b e r a t e choosers, t h e r e was  no i n d i c a t i o n of how  many d i d  not even c o n s i d e r buying a s i n g l e - f a m i l y u n i t simply because they knew beforehand  that a t the time they c o u l d not a f f o r d  to do so. A r e c e n t survey o f condominium u n i t s on the North Shore c a r r i e d out by the w r i t e r f o r development and  marketing  purposes  r e v e a l e d an i n t e r e s t i n g f i n d i n g r e g a r d i n g t h i s  matter.  I t was  d i s c o v e r e d from c o n v e r s a t i o n s w i t h other  developers, management companies and owners themselves  that  the ' d w e l l i n g - t y p e - l i f e s t y l e r e l a t i o n s h i p ' i s r e a l l y only apparent i n the more expensive developments. b. e f f e c t of i n f l a t i o n a r y values  trend i n r e a l e s t a t e  At the time the survey f o r t h i s study was  carried  - 127  out  -  the i n f l a t i o n a r y trend i n r e a l e s t a t e p r i c e s was  beginning i t s r a p i d ascent to the p r e s e n t l e v e l .  just  However, as  i s shown i n data gathered here, i n mid-1972 p o t e n t i a l buyers could s t i l l  choose between a s i n g l e - f a m i l y house and  condominium townhouse u n i t .  Undoubtedly the r e a l c h o i c e  between u n i t types would have even been g r e a t e r u n i t c o s t s i f the study was  i n terms of  conducted around 1969-1970.  From mid-1972 to the p r e s e n t p r i c e s have so r a p i d l y and  a  escalated  t o such a l e v e l t h a t f o r the m a j o r i t y  there i s almost no c h o i c e .  of buyers  Average s i n g l e - f a m i l y u n i t s i n  the remote suburban areas (e.g.  south Langley) now  s e l l i n the $55,000 range.  few  The  commonly  townhouse u n i t s which have  been b u i l t over the p a s t 12 months, r e l a t i v e to a l l other types of housing, c o n s i s t e n t l y s e l l i n the $55,000 range or higher. Households capable of buying a new $25,000 to $40,000 range must now  or townhouse. come,^ a l l but  presently,  the  s e l e c t from condominium  apartment u n i t s i n 3-storey frame b u i l d i n g s . of purchasers the c h o i c e i s now  unit in  For  the  majority  between a condominium s u i t e  and perhaps f o r s e v e r a l years  the most a f f l u e n t s e c t o r  to  of the home-buying  market w i l l make purchase d e c i s i o n s based almost e x c l u s i v e l y on economic f a c t o r s and by an  not a c c o r d i n g to p r e f e r e n c e s governed  i n t e r e s t i n pursuing a p a r t i c u l a r l i f e s t y l e .  - 128 -  Thus, i f the o b j e c t i v e of subsequent  r e s e a r c h would  be to o b t a i n meaningful data from a wide c r o s s - s e c t i o n of households, i t s h o u l d be c a r r i e d out i n an urban s e t t i n g where market c o n d i t i o n s a r e more s t a b l e and p r i c e v a r i a t i o n s more uniform than a p p l i e s a t t h i s time i n G r e a t e r  Vancouver  (e.g. Edmonton or C a l g a r y ) . 2.  pata C o l l e c t i o n With T i m e - A c t i v i t y  Budgets  The techniques employed here i n g a t h e r i n g and a n a l y z i n g data a r e g e n e r a l l y those commonly used i n the f i e l d of s o c i a l s c i e n c e r e s e a r c h .  The use of budgets i s not  Widely p r a c t i s e d and p r e s e n t e d some major d i f f i c u l t i e s . the time of data c o l l e c t i o n , budgets  c o u l d be found.  At  l i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n about  However, l a c k of precedent should  not n e c e s s a r i l y d e t e r one from u s i n g a technique which appears to have u t i l i t y i n a s p e c i f i c task. The manner i n which budgets were a b l e to be used proved to be too r e s t r i c t i v e to a l l o w any r e c u r r i n g p a t t e r n of a c t i v i t i e s  to r e v e a l i t s e l f .  G a t h e r i n g data f o r the  respondent's p r e v i o u s work-day and non-work-day a l l o w s only a narrow glimpse i n t o the t i m e - a c t i v i t y schedule of that r e spondent.  Among the hazards of r e l y i n g e n t i r e l y on data  gathered i n a 'one-shot' i n t e r v i e w s e s s i o n a r e the problems of r e c a l l and the l i k l i h o o d  that days r e p o r t e d a r e not  t y p i c a l with respect f o r their a c t i v i t y The p r e f e r r e d approach  pattern.  to o b t a i n i n g more r e l i a b l e  - 129 data i s time-consuming  and may  be c o s t l y .  The method used by  M i c h e l s o n (1970) i s to have respondents keep d a i l y d i a r y s of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s and other p e r t i n e n t i n f o r m a t i o n .  This r e -  q u i r e s f u l l and c o n s i s t e n t c o - o p e r a t i o n from t h e s u b j e c t s and may  even r e q u i r e some f i n a n c i a l inducement  record-keeping.  While there s t i l l  to encourage proper  can be no r e a l assurance  that the d i a r y i s kept r e g u l a r l y and not f i l l e d to  i n just  prior  m a i l i n g or p i c k - u p , t h i s approach does t h e o r e t i c a l l y r e -  duce problems of r e c a l l and perhaps even b i a s which sometimes occurs as a r e a c t i o n to a 'one-shot' i n t e r v i e w s e s s i o n . Regardless of which means i s used to o b t a i n budgets, the  d i f f i c u l t y of c l a s s i f y i n g and c a t e g o r i z i n g data remains.  For  reasons a l r e a d y d i s c u s s e d , a c t i v i t i e s r e p o r t e d were  l a b e l l e d e i t h e r d w e l l i n g or non-dwelling u n i t - o r i e n t e d . Understandably, a f u l l e r treatment of the l i f e s t y l e  definition  would r e q u i r e a more complex approach to a n a l y s i s , such as the f a c t o r a n a l y t i c technique used by M i c h e l s o n (1970). 3.  Independent V a r i a b l e :  LIFESTYLE  From the o u t s e t the o b j e c t i v e was  t o demonstrate  that d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among households o c c u r r e d f o r other than s t r i c t l y economic reasons.  Drawing support from the b e h a v i o r a l  viewpoint which r e l a t e s the p a t t e r n i n g of urban phenomena t o c o l l e c t i v e d e c i s i o n and c h o i c e b e h a v i o r , i t was households would s o r t themselves out by t h e i r  contended that  lifestyles.  -  F i r s t of a l l , how 'lifestyle'?  Certainly  130  does one  meaningfully  define  s u f f i c i e n t evidence e x i s t s  that people have d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s of l i v i n g .  showing  People pursue a  d i v e r s e range of d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s , h o l d to d i f f e r e n t v a l u e systems, earn d i f f e r e n t incomes and behaviors concept.  e x h i b i t d i f f e r e n t consumer  to name only the more obvious a t t r i b u t e s These are  combinations and For  displayed in a variety  are  capable of being o p e r a t i o n a l l y  lifestyles.  concept must be  of b e i n g used f o r more than d e s c r i p t i o n  only.  d e f i n e d , such that  Even more c r i t i c a l  than t h i s , a  d e f i n i t i o n must be a p p r o p r i a t e to a p a r t i c u l a r problem.  S i n c e the  q u i r e s that i t be  operationalization  Here, the  be  certain  or non-home-oriented. there was  while  selected research  essentials,  only  included.  'activity location  the household's l i f e s t y l e .  be  of a d e f i n i t i o n r e -  reduced to i t s most b a s i c  p a r t i c u l a r elements may  capable  i t must  l i f e s t y l e s belong to c e r t a i n groups or i n d i v i d u a l s , others do not.  the  of d i s t i n c t i v e  i n d i c a t i v e of p a r t i c u l a r  r e s e a r c h purposes the  of  Either  orientation'  the s t y l e was  Upon t e s t i n g  determined  home-oriented  t h i s d e f i n i t i o n however,  i n s u f f i c i e n t correspondence between l i f e s t y l e s  t h e i r " a s s i g n e d " d w e l l i n g types to c l e a r l y support  and  the  hypothesis. Subsequent work i n t h i s area w i l l have to d e a l w i t h the problem of r e f i n i n g the s e l e c t e d  definition,  perhaps a  - 131 -  relationship  s i m i l a r t o the one h y p o t h e s i z e d here does i n  f a c t e x i s t , b u t w i l l not be e v i d e n t unless a more comprehensive d e f i n i t i o n i s found. B.  MOVING BEYOND THE BEHAVIORAL APPROACH !•  B e h a v i o r a l Bases of D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n Some evidence has been gathered which p o i n t s t o  elements other than those e s s e n t i a l l y economic which a r e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the observed s p a t i a l p a t t e r n i n g of households.  These a r e b e h a v i o r a l bases o f r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r -  e n t i a t i o n and have been i n c o r p o r a t e d here i n t o t h e l i f e s t y l e concept. While c e r t a i n h y p o t h e s i z e d behavior d i d correspond with p a r t i c u l a r d w e l l i n g c h o i c e s , t h e evidence gathered was not c o n c l u s i v e .  In p a r t t h i s can be e x p l a i n e d by p o i n t i n g  out t h a t households  i n t e r v i e w e d had n o t occupied t h e i r  d w e l l i n g s f o r more than two years (the average  occupancy was  only 14 months), and probably had not y e t s e t t l e d i n t o an i d e n t i f i a b l e l i f e s t y l e p a t t e r n i n that p a r t i c u l a r Further explanation f o r this r e l a t e s d w e l l i n g search p r o c e s s . indicated  Many of the townhouse  setting.  t o e r r o r i n the respondents  they would not choose t h a t d w e l l i n g - t y p e a g a i n .  Presumably t h i s group would not take f u l l advantage o f the freedom from o u t s i d e chores which townhouse l i v i n g p r o v i d e s , and t h i s would of course b i a s the r e s u l t s .  - 132  -  Although i n f o r m a t i o n was concerning  not d e l i b e r a t e l y s o l i c i t e d  people's f e e l i n g s about t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l  situa-  t i o n , s u f f i c i e n t comments were o f f e r r e d to cause the w r i t e r to b e l i e v e t h a t the most b a s i c d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g mechanism i s " p e r s o n a l a t t i t u d e " toward one's type and p l a c e of r e s i d e n c e . 2  *  A t t i t u d i n a l Bases of D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n On  the s t r e n g t h of only p a r t i a l evidence  appears t o be a reasonable p o s i t i o n t o take.  this  A l l single-  f a m i l y households showed a d e f i n i t e i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r  dwelling-  u n i t and i t s s e t t i n g .  the  I t was  not simply  a house, and  majority  of respondents appeared to a t t a c h  considerable  emotional  v a l u e to t h e i r " d w e l l i n g p l a c e " .  Both t h e i r  b e h a v i o r and  search  comments about p r e s e n t and f u t u r e housing i n -  t e n t i o n s i n d i c a t e d such an attachment. only the P o r t Coquitlam-Port  Of the townhouse group,  Moody-Burnaby sample gave any  i n d i c a t i o n of such congruence between the d w e l l i n g they i n and  their  lived  lifestyle.  The above o b s e r v a t i o n s research using  would suggest that subsequent  the l i f e s t y l e concept e x p l o r e how  " p r i d e of  ownership", " d e s i r e f o r c o n t r o l over one's r e s i d e n t i a l  en-  vironment" or even "sense of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y " might be i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o an o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n . I t i s c o n c e i v a b l e that i n s i t u a t i o n s where p e o p l e a r e a b l e to e x e r c i s e c h o i c e between a l t e r n a t i v e d w e l l i n g arrangements, the bases of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n may  only  be  - 133 -  disguised  as being r e l a t e d to o v e r t behaviors w h i l e a c t u a l l y  stemming from fundamental p e r s o n a l and c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s . In p u r s u i n g the more fundamental bases of c h o i c e b e h a v i o r , a r e s e a r c h e r commences with the s u p p o s i t i o n  that  where c h o i c e among items e x i s t s , an i n d i v i d u a l makes a s e l e c t i o n a c c o r d i n g to h i s p e r s o n a l p r e f e r e n c e or d i s p o s i t i o n toward each a l t e r n a t i v e .  Such d i s p o s i t i o n s a r e r e f l e c t i o n s  o f one's c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e ,  which embraces a t t i t u d e s , b e l i e f s ,  v a l u e s and sentiments.  The s i n g l e - f a m i l y house i s o f t e n  c o n s i d e r e d by u r b a n i s t s  t o be the l a s t major p h y s i c a l  i n the c i t y w i t h our r u r a l p a s t .  The TH owned i n condominium  f a s h i o n has a r r i v e d to take i t s p l a c e , and  as y e t i s not t o t a l l y  link  i t i s t o t a l l y urban,  acceptable.  Research i n t o p e r s o n a l d i s p o s i t i o n s toward one's environment i s i n i t s embryonic s t a g e . p. 320) has developed a research  MCKechnie (1970,  instrument c a l l e d the  Environmental Response Inventory (ERI),  whereby he may d i s -  cover and assess "environmental d i s p o s i t i o n s which a r e p e r s o n a l o g i c a l l y meaningful and which possess p r e d i c t i v e utility  i n f o r e c a s t i n g s i g n i f i c a n t environment-related  behavior".  By i d e n t i f y i n g p e r s o n a l i t y  t r a i t s and a t t i t u d e s  toward a v a r i e t y of i s s u e s he i s attempting to determine t h e i r d i s p o s i t i o n toward t h e i r environment.  By e s t a b l i s h i n g  this,  he can more thoroughly understand an i n d i v i d u a l ' s use of h i s environment, as w e l l as more p r e c i s e l y f o r e c a s t such use i n the  future.  - 134 -  This approach to understanding human response to the  environment appears t o have v a l i d i t y  residential differentiation. differentiation  to t h e study o f  Subsequent  studies r e l a t i n g  to l i f e s t y l e d i f f e r e n c e s would  such  benefit  g r e a t l y by i n c o r p o r a t i n g both b e h a v i o r a l and a t t i t u d i n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n the concept. C.  A NOTE ON VALUE AND APPLICATION The f i n d i n g s a r e b e l i e v e d t o have v a l u e i n the study  of r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n through i d e n t i f y i n g and r e i n f o r c i n g the importance o f non-economic of  dwelling-unit  f a c t o r s i n t h e process  selection.  L i f e s t y l e s d e s c r i b e d and d w e l l i n g types compared i n this p i l o t  study were s e l e c t e d p r i m a r i l y f o r reasons o f  managability. refining  Subsequent  s t u d i e s must go w e l l beyond  this,  the l i f e s t y l e concept and a p p l y i n g i t to a l l types of  r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n s about urban p o p u l a t i o n  differentiation.  Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t to urban geographers s h o u l d be the  r e l a t i o n s h i p between l i f e s t y l e d i f f e r e n c e s and c h o i c e  behavior among a l l types of s p a t i a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d urban p l a c e s or  events.  Although the term ' l i f e s t y l e  1  has only  recently  been used i n common p a r l a n c e where urban d e s i g n problems a r e concerned, i t i s now a w e l l - u s e d ( i f not understood) term i n d i s c u s s i o n s among p l a n n e r s and d e v e l o p e r s r e g a r d i n g development p r o p o s a l s .  residential  T r u s t i n g t h a t t h e common o b j e c t i v e  now i s to produce urban p l a c e s i n which t o have one's home,  - 135 -  work and r e c r e a t i o n (e.g. F a l s e Creek, h o p e f u l l y ) , and which are not stereotyped  and d u l l ,  i t i s important t h a t  serious  attempts a r e made t o b e t t e r understand the l i f e s t y l e  concept  as w e l l as accommodate i t s many v a r i a t i o n s . D.  A PARTING WORD Hopefully  t h i s study w i l l s t i m u l a t e f u r t h e r  research  i n t o q u e s t i o n s not only about l i f e s t y l e d i f f e r e n c e s and r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , b u t a l s o the r e l a t i o n s h i p of lifestyle  d i f f e r e n c e s t o other s p a t i a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d a c t i v i -  t i e s and phenomena which r e f l e c t human c h o i c e among a l t e r n a tives.  I f t h i s much i s accomplished, then f o r the w r i t e r t h i s  work w i l l have been rewarded.  - 136 LITERATURE CITED  A d l e r , A., 1931, The p a t t e r n o f L i f e , London, England; Kegan P a u l . Berry, B.J.L., and Horton, F., 1970, Geographic P e r s p e c t i v e s on Urban Systems, Englewood C l i f f s , New j e r s e y ; p r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc.. 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Olsson, G., 1969, " I n f e r e n c e problems i n L o c a t i o n a l A n a l y s i s " , i n Cox, K.R., and G o l l e d g e , R.G., (Eds.), B e h a v i o r a l Problems i n Geography: A Symposium, Evanston, 111.; Northwestern U n i v e r s i t y , Dept. of Geography, No. 17. Park, R.E., e t . a l . , 1925, "The C i t y : Suggestions f o r the I n v e s t i g a t i o n of Human Behavior i n the C i t y Environment", i n park, R.E., e t . a l . , The C i t y , Chicago; U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s . Petersen, G.L., 1967, "A Model of P r e f e r e n c e : Q u a n t i t a t i v e A n a l y s i s of the p e r c e p t i o n of V i s u a l Appearance of R e s i d e n t i a l Neighborhoods", j o u r n a l of Regional Science, v o l . 7, pp. 19-31. Plum, M., 1964, Housing f o r Tomorrow, Harvard Graduate School of Business A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , Boston, Mass.; Management Reports. Pred, A., 1967, Behavior and L o c a t i o n P a r t I, Sweden; The Royal U n i v e r s i t y of Lund, Lund S t u d i e s i n Geography, S e r i e s B, No. 27. Rees, P.H., 1970, "The F a c t o r i a l Ecology of M e t r o p o l i t a n Chicago", i n Berry, B.J.L., and Horton, F., (Eds.), Geographic P e r s p e c t i v e s on Urban Systems, Englewood C l i f f s ; Prentice-Hall. R o s s i , P., 1955, Why F a m i l i e s Move, Glencoe, 111.; Press of Glencoe.  The F r e e  - 141 -  Rushton, G., 1968, " A n a l y s i s of S p a t i a l Behavior by Revealed Space p r e f e r e n c e " , Annals of the A s s o c i a t i o n o f American Geographers, v o l . 59, pp. 391-400. Sauer, CO., 1941, "Forward to H i s t o r i c a l Geography", Annals of the A s s o c i a t i o n o f American Geographers? v o l . 31, pp. 1-24. Simmons, J.W., 1968, "Changing Residence i n the C i t y : A Review of Intra-urban M o b i l i t y " , G e o g r a p h i c a l Review, v o l . 58, pp. 622 - 651. Stegman, M.A., 1969, " A c c e s s i b i l i t y Models and R e s i d e n t i a l L o c a t i o n " , J o u r n a l of American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, January, pp. 22-29. Timms, 0., 1971, The urban Mosaic, Towards a Theory of S o c i a l D i f f e r e n t i o n , Cambridge; Cambridge u n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . T o f f l e r , A., Canada.  1970, F u t u r e Shock, Toronto; Bantam Books of  Urban Development I n s t i t u t e , Condominiums: The Problems and P o t e n t i a l of the O n t a r i o Market, Toronto; A s s o c i a t e C o n s u l t a n t ' s Committee. Weber, M., 1962, B a s i c Concepts i n S o c i o l o g y , t r a n s l a t e d and with i n t r o d u c t i o n by Secher, H.P., New York; Philosophical Library. Wirth, L., 1964, On C i t i e s and S o c i a l L i f e , Chicago, 111.; U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago p r e s s . Wolpert, J . , 1965, " B e h a v i o r a l Aspects of the D e c i s i o n to M i g r a t e " , Papers and Proceedings of the Regional S c i e n c e A s s o c i a t i o n , v o l . 15, pp. 159-169. Woods, L . J . , 1967, " P e r c e p t i o n S t u d i e s i n Geography", i n Lowenthal, D., (Ed.), Environmental P e r c e p t i o n and Behavior, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago, Dept. of Geography, Research Paper, No. 109.  - 142 -  APPENDIX 'A' INTERVIEW SCHEDULE  u r b a n  l i f e s t y l e s t u d  A SURVEY OF HOUSEHOLDS IN METROPOLITAN VANCOUVER REGARDING THE SELECTION OF DWELLING TYPE AND LOCATION  mr. m a r t y  Schmidt  DEPARTMENT of GEOGRAPHY UNIVERSITY o f BRITISH COLUMBIA march,  1972  - 143  -  HOUSEHOLD INTERVIEW SCHEDULE  HOUSING EXPERIENCE A. Since Marriage 1. How  many d i f f e r e n t d w e l l i n g s have you  lived in, i n -  c l u d i n g t h i s one?  _  2. For your p r e v i o u s TYPE LOCATION  5 dwellings, please i n d i c a t e : TIME OWNED VALUE MONTHRENT OCCUPIED l e s s $100 $175 $100 -175 p l u s  3. How  l i v e d i n this dwelling?  long have you  (months)  4. What was  the approximate purchase p r i c e ?  $ —  5. What was  the requested  $ _  downpayment?  6. Could you have spent more on a d w e l l i n g u n i t ? ...if  'yes',  (y  s t a t e the approximate maximum  range. 7. In which other m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n M e t r o p o l i t a n Vancouver d i d you LOCATION  8. Had  you  TYPES  seek to purchase a  dwelling?  PRICE RANGES  thought of r e n t i n g r a t h e r than buying?  9. Approximately how  long had  f o r a d w e l l i n g to purchase?  you been a c t i v e l y  (yes)  searching  (months)  (no)  - 144 -  10. What comments do you have on the matter o f 'PRIVACY' as a f a c t o r i n your f i n a l  choice?  B. During Childhood and Adolescence H 1. Where were you r a i s e d ? (up t o age 18) Country: W H W 2 Were you r a i s e d (a) on a farm? (b) town under 5000? ( c ) town 5000 - 25,000? (d) c i t y 25,000 p l u s ? While growing up a t home, w i t h what type of d w e l l i n g and tenure arrangement were you most f a m i l i a r ? (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f)  owned house rented house owned other form ( ) rented semi-detached r e n t e d apartment (TYPE: other  H  W  )  4. I f you spent s e v e r a l years i n d i f f e r e n t types of dwellings, please i n d i c a t e : SIZES OF TYPES OF COMMUNITIES DWELLINGS  OWNED  RENTED  H  W  ANTICIPATED HOUSING DURING NEXT FIVE YEARS A. Dwelling 1. Does t h i s d w e l l i n g meet your household's p r e s e n t needs? (yes) (no)  - 145 -  2. I f your answer i s 'NO',  what f e a t u r e or f e a t u r e s  do you c o n s i d e r u n s a t i s f a c t o r y ?  B. L o c a t i o n 1. Does the l o c a t i o n of your d w e l l i n g meet your household's present  needs?  (yes) (no)  2. I f your answer i s 'NO',  what f e a t u r e or f e a t u r e s do  you c o n s i d e r u n s a t i s f a c t o r y , and f o r whom? FEATURE UNSATISFACTORY FOR: REASON  C. P o s s i b l e Moves 1. Do you a n t i c i p a t e moving from t h i s u n i t i n the next: (a) 2 years? (b) 5 years? 2. I f you p l a n t o move, what type(s) o f d w e l l i n g would you look f o r ? TYPE s i n g l e f a m i l y house s i n g l e f a m i l y semi-detached townhouse (rowhouse) apartment (TYPE: ) other  OWN  PRICE RANGE  RENT  3. To what l o c a t i o n ( s ) i n the Lower Mainland would you c o n s i d e r moving? LOCATION  (begin with most p r e f e r r e d ) I REASON(S) FOR CHOICE  - 146 BIOGRAPHICAL A. Age  DATA  Husband wife 1st. c h i l d 2nd. c h i l d 3rd. c h i l d 4th. c h i l d other (  B. E d u c a t i o n  years  )  LEVEL some h i g h s c h o o l h i g h s c h o o l graduate technical training some u n i v e r s i t y u n i v e r s i t y degree(s)  H  W  C. Occupation 1. What i s the primary occupation of the husband?. 2. I f the w i f e works, what i s her occupation? 3. i f the w i f e works, i s i t :  (a) f u l l (b) p a r t  ._  time? time?.  4. What i s the l o c a t i o n of the husband's work? ADDRESS 5. What i s the l o c a t i o n of the wife's work? ADDRESS D. Income  HUSBAND  WIFE  HOUSEHOLD  INCOME RANGE l e s s than $5,000 $5,000 - $7,000 $7,001 - $9,000 $9,001 - $11,000 $11,001 - $13,000 $13,001 - $15,000 more than $15,000  2. What would you a n t i c i p a t e your HOUSEHOLD INCOME RANGE to be i n 5 years time (1977)?  $_  . -  - 147 TIME - ACTIVITY BUDGET O husband O w i f e Q p r e v i o u s day other than Sat. or Sun. Q p r e v i o u s TIME  8 :00 8:30 9 :00 9:30 10:00 10:30 11:00 11:30 12:00 12:30 1:00 1:30 2:00 2:30 3 :00 3 :30 4:00 4:30 5:00 5:30 6:00 6:30 7 :00 7:30 8:00 8 :30 9 :00 9:30 10:00 10:30 11:00 11:30 12 :00  ACTIVITY  LOCATION  WITH WHOM  Sunday  RELATIONSHIP  OTHER TYPICAL ACTIVITY  - 148 TIME- ACTIVITY BUDGET  O  Owife  husband Q p r e v i o u s day other than Sat. TIME  8 :00 8 :30 9:00 9:30 10:00 10:30 11:00 11:30 12 :00 12:30 1:00 1:30 2:00 2:30 3 :00 3:30 4:00 4:30 5:00 5:30 6:00 6:30 7:00 7 :30 8:00 8:30 9:00 9:30 10:00 10:30 11:00 11:30 12:00  ACTIVITY  or Sun. Q p r e v i o u s Sunday  LOCATION  WITH WHOM  RELATIONSHIP  OTHER TYPICAL ACTIVITY  -149 1. What a c t i v i t i e s a r e you i n v o l v e d i n that occur (a) each week b u t n o t on the 2 days d e s c r i b e d here: DAY  TIME  ACTIVITY  LOCATION  WITH WHOM  RELATIONSHIP  OTHER ACTIVITY  (b) each month ( o r bi-monthly) b u t not i n t h e week d e s c r i b e d here? WEEK  DAY  TIME  ACTIVITY LOCATION  2. What major a c t i v i t i e s  WITH WHOM  RELATIONSHIP  or events do you engage i n each year  OTHER ACTIVITY  (perhaps  major seasonal events, e.g. s k i v a c a t i o n , b u s i n e s s , c l u b or church convention, h o l i d a y season e x c u r s i o n s , conventions, b i g game o r b i r d game hunting, f i s h i n g MONTH  ACTIVITY  R E S P O N D E N T ' S  t r i p s , e t c . ) b u t have not accounted f o r so f a r ? LOCATION DURATION  COM M E N TS  WITH WHOM  RELATIONSHIP  - 150 TIME .- , ACTIVITY. BUDGET  O husband O wife Qprevious day other than S a t . or Sun. Oprevious TIME 8:00 8:30 9:00 9 :30 10:00 10:30 11:00 11:30 12 :00 12:30 1:00 1:30 2:00 2:30 3 :00 3:30 4:00 4:30 5:00 5:30 6 :00 6:30 7 :00 7:30 8 :00 8:30 9:00 9:30 10:00 10:30 11:00 11:30 12:00  ACTIVITY  LOCATION  WITH WHOM  Sunday  RELATIONSHIP  OTHER TYPICAL ACTIVITY  - 151 TIME - ACTIVITY BUDGET  Onusband Owife Q p r e v i o u s day other than Sat. or Sun. (^previous Sunday TIME 8:00 8 :30 9:00 9 :30 10:00 10:30 11:00 11:30 12 :00 12:30 1:00 1:30 2 :00 2:30 3 :00 3:30 4:00 4:30 5:00 5:30 6:00 6:30 7:00 7:30 8 :00 8 :30 9:00 9 :30 10:00 10:30 11:00 11:30 12 :00  ACTIVITY  LOCATION  WITH WHOM  RELATIONSHIP  OTHER TYPICAL ACTIVITY  - 152 1. What a c t i v i t i e s a r e you i n v o l v e d i n t h a t occur: (a)  each week b u t not on t h e 2 days d e s c r i b e d here: TIME  DAY  (b)  ACTIVITY  LOCATION  WITH WHOM  RELATIONSHIP  OTHER ACTIVITY  each month ( o r bi-monthly) b u t h o t i n the week d e s c r i b e d here?  WEEK  DAY  TIME  ACTIVITY LOCATION  2. What major a c t i v i t i e s  WITH WHOM  RELATIONSHIP  OTHER ACTIVITY  or events do you engage i n each year (perhaps  major s e a s o n a l events, e.g. s k i v a c a t i o n , b u s i n e s s , c l u b o r church convention, h o l i d a y season e x c u r s i o n s , conventions, b i g game or b i r d game hunting, f i s h i n g MONTH  ACTIVITY  trips,  e t c . ) but have not accounted f o r so f a r ?  LOCATION DURATION  ********************************************************** R E S P O N D E N T *  S  COMME  N T S  WITH WHOM  RELATIONSHIP  - 153  -  APPENDIX 'B» GENERAL CLASSIFICATION of PRINCIPAL CLASSES of HOUSEHOLD ACTIVITIES  Class  Description  Income Producing  On-the-job a c t i v i t y , moonlighting P r o f e s s i o n a l a c t i v i t y (union, s o c i e t y ) A c t i v i t y to improve income-producing p o t e n t i a l (evening c l a s s e s , i n v e n t i n g , writing)  C h i l d - r a i s i n g and Family Events  Overseeing and p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n p l a y Overseeing c h i l d r e n ' s study, p r a c t i c e Outings with c h i l d r e n Family outings (weekend t r i p s )  Education and Intellectual Development  Attending s c h o o l , c o l l e g e , a d u l t classes, etc. Attending meetings f o r improvement of education, a r t s (PTA, A r t G u i l d , e t c . ) P a r t i c i p a t i n g i n drama, o r c h e s t r a , book c l u b s , e t c . A t t e n d i n g p l a y s and e x h i b i t i o n s  Spiritual Development  A t t e n d i n g and p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n church a c t i v i t i e s Taking p a r t i n o r g a n i z a t i o n s concerned w i t h human w e l f a r e ( m i s s i o n s , e t c . )  Social Activities  A t t e n d i n g and p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n o r g a n i z e d s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s (country c l u b , c i t y clubs, a t h l e t i c club, etc.) Engaging i n i n f o r m a l types of s o c i a l i z i n g ( v i s i t i n g f r i e n d s , dating, p a r t i e s , outings i n groups to movies, e t c . )  R e c r e a t i o n and Relaxation  A t t e n d i n g s p e c t a t o r events (games, races) P a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a c t i v i t i e s a l o n e or w i t h others ( g o l f , swimming, bowling, etc.) I n d i v i d u a l forms of p h y s i c a l and mental r e l a x a t i o n (T.V., naps, gardening, r e a d i n g , hobby, e t c . )  - 154 Appendix 'B' continued Class Club  Activities  Description Taking p a r t i n s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t c l u b s (Garden Club, Stamp Club, e t c . ) A t t e n d i n g Luncheon o r Dinner Clubs A t t e n d i n g meetings o f p a t r i o t i c groups (Legion, e t c . ) A t t e n d i n g f r a t e r n a l groups ( E l k s , Kinsmen, e t c . )  Community S e r v i c e and P o l i t i c a l Activities  A t t e n d i n g and/or p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n c i v i c improvement a c t i v i t i e s (Ratepayer's A s s o c i a t i o n , e t c . ) S e r v i n g on C i t y C o u n c i l , Planning Commission P o l i t i c a l action a c t i v i t i e s F u n d - r a i s i n g a c t i v i t i e s and s i m i l a r volunteer e f f o r t s  A c t i v i t i e s Associated with Food, Shopping, H e a l t h , and s i m i l a r needs  Meals a t home, or r e s t a u r a n t Shopping (convenience, s p e c i a l t y , and major consumer goods) V i s i t s to d o c t o r , d e n t i s t , h o s p i t a l Home and y a r d maintenance  SOURCE: Chapin, F. S t u a r t J r . , and Hightower, H.C., 1968, Household A c t i v i t y Systems: A P i l o t I n v e s t i g a t i o n , Chapel H i l l , N.C.; U n i v e r s i t y o f North C a r o l i n a , i n s t i t u t e f o r Research i n S o c i a l Science, C e n t r e f o r Urban and Regional S t u d i e s .  - 155 -  APPENDIX 'C  HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTIC COMPARISONS BY MARKET AREA AND DWELLING TYPE  - 156 -  CONTENTS A.  SINGLE-FAMILY  HOUSEHOLDS  RICHMOND-LADNER  PQRT MOODY-BURNABY  *v  I N TWO  ( R I L A ) ( P C M  SUB-MARKETS  AND PORT  COQUITLAM-  B).  1. B i o g r a p h i c a l Data a. b. c. d. e.  158  age and c h i l d d i s t r i b u t i o n l e v e l o f education household income occupations . . work l o c a t i o n s  158 158 159 159 160  2. Housing E x p e r i e n c e  161  a. d u r i n g c h i l d h o o d and adolescence ( i ) country o f o r i g i n and s i z e s of communities lived i n ( i i ) d w e l l i n g types and tenure arrangements experienced b. s i n c e marriage ( i ) d w e l l i n g types experienced and m o b i l i t y . . . ( i i ) search b e h a v i o r p r i o r t o making p r e s e n t choice ( i i i ) l e n g t h of occupancy i n p r e s e n t d w e l l i n g . . ( i v ) purchase p r i c e , downpayment, a b i l i t y t o spend more 3. A n t i c i p a t e d Housing During Next F i v e Years a. d w e l l i n g l o c a t i o n and c h o i c e s a t i s f a c t i o n b. a n t i c i p a t e d moves, d w e l l i n g types and preferred locations  . . . .  4. Summary and Conclusions  B.  161 161 161 162 162 163 164 164 165 165 166 167  CONDOMINIUM TOWNHOUSE HOUSEHOLDS IN TWO SUB-MARKETS: RICHMOND-LADNER ( R I L A ) AND PORT COQUITLAM-PORT MOODYBURNABY ( P C M B ) . 1. B i o g r a p h i c a l Data a. b. c. d. e.  age and c h i l d d i s t r i b u t i o n l e v e l of education household income occupations work l o c a t i o n s  167 167 168 168 169 170  - 157 -  2. Housing  Experience  171  a. d u r i n g c h i l d h o o d and adolescence ( i ) country o f o r i g i n and s i z e s of communities l i v e d i n ( i i ) d w e l l i n g types and tenure arrangements experienced b. s i n c e marriage ( i ) d w e l l i n g types experienced and m o b i l i t y . . . . ( i i ) search b e h a v i o r p r i o r to making p r e s e n t choice ( i i i ) l e n g t h of occupancy i n p r e s e n t d w e l l i n g . . . ( i v ) purchase p r i c e , downpayment, a b i l i t y t o spend more 3. A n t i c i p a t e d Housing During Next F i v e Years a. d w e l l i n g l o c a t i o n and c h o i c e s a t i s f a c t i o n b. a n t i c i p a t e d moves, d w e l l i n g types and p r e f e r r e d locations . . . . . . 4. Summary and C o n c l u s i o n s  171 171 171 172 172 173 174 175 176 176  .  176 177  - 158 A.  SINGLE-FAMILY HOUSEHOLDS IN TWO SUB-MARKETS — RICHMOND-LADNER (R I L A) AND PORT COQUITLAM-PORT MOODY-BURNABY (P C M B) . 1.  B i o g r a p h i c a l Data a. age and c h i l d  distribution  As shown i n Table 1, there i s n o t a l a r g e d i f f e r e n c e i n the ages of wives.  While t h e f o u r year spread between the  husbands' mean ages i s not l a r g e , i t may have a n o t i c e a b l e e f f e c t on the household's income.  Ages of the e l d e s t c h i l d r e n  a r e very c l o s e , and the h i g h e r c h i l d - p e r - h o u s e h o l d r a t i o i n PCMB c o u l d be a r e f l e c t i o n of s l i g h t l y o l d e r p a r e n t s . Table 1 AGE AND CHILD RATIO COMPARISONS  GROUP  N  PARENTS -  H RILA PCMB  8 8  28 32  W  ELDEST CHILD Mean Age  26 27  CHILDREN per HOUSEHOLD  4 5  .5 1.4  b. l e v e l of education On t h i s v a r i a b l e ,  there seems to be very  common ground f o r the two submarkets.  little  Table 2 r e v e a l s that  w h i l e 45% of husbands and wives combined i n PCMB have had some u n i v e r s i t y education, only 19% o f t h e RILA sample have experienced this.  T h i s d i f f e r e n c e i s l a r g e l y due to t h e number o f  husbands r e c e i v i n g u n i v e r s i t y education, being 76% i n the PCMB sample as opposed to 26% i n the RILA group.  - 159 c. household  income  The h i g h e r average  age of the husband and h i g h e r  education l e v e l o f husbands and wives i n the PCMB group i s c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d i n household  income.  Table 3 shows that  w h i l e 50% of the RILA group earn l e s s than $11,000 p e r annum, only 12% of the PCMB sample a r e i n that category. as many PCMB households  Over twice  a r e i n the $11-15,000 b r a c k e t , which  r e f l e c t s i n the average annual income being $1,000 more than the RILA households  receive.  Table 2 PERCENTAGE REACHING DIFFERENT EDUCATION LEVELS LEVEL High School Grad or l e s s Technical Training U n i v e r s i t y GraM or l e s s  RILA (N=8) H W H/W 62 50 56 12 25 12 26 25 19  PCMB (N=8) H W H/W 12 50 31 12 37 25 76 13 45  Table 3 PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS IN DIFFERENT INCOME BRACKETS GROUP  N  RILA PCMB  8 8  d.  $7-11,000 50 12  $11-15,000  $15,000+  25 62  25 26  Mean  $  12,000 13,000  occupations To the extent t h a t the households  are dissimilar i n  terms o f l e v e l of education and income, they a r e d i s s i m i l a r i n t h e i r occupations.  Table 4 shows the a c t u a l numbers found i n  - 160 s i x work c a t e g o r i e s which embrace a l l occupations r e p o r t e d . As expected, a h i g h e r number o f husbands and wives i n PCMB than i n RILA a r e found i n p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations and c a r e e r s r e q u i r i n g formal post-secondary  education.  p a t t e r n s among wives i s concerned,  Where work  an almost i d e n t i c a l number  worked f u l l - t i m e and p a r t - t i m e i n each l o c a t i o n , e. work l o c a t i o n s From Table 5 i t appears  that l i v i n g i n c l o s e  p r o x i m i t y t o work was not the major f a c t o r i n house s e l e c t i o n . The RILA group shows a s t r o n g e r o r i e n t a t i o n t o downtown Vancouver than the PCMB group, b u t c o n s i d e r i n g the e n t i r e sample, (N=23), 65% worked i n t h a t a r e a .  I t should be noted  here that commuting d i s t a n c e i n time i s approximately the same f o r each group (30 minutes).  Table 4 ACTUAL DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY OCCUPATION  OCCUPATION CATEGORY Professional Business Technical Clerical S k i l l e d Trades Unskilled  GROUP  RILA H N=8 1 2 2 1 2  -  W N=4  PCMB H W N=8 N=3 5  2  _  —  1  2  1 1 1 —  —  _  -  2  mm  -  - 161 Table 5 WORK LOCATIONS OF RESPONDENTS ( a c t u a l numbers) GROUP  LOCATION  RILA  Vancouver downtown Burnaby Del ta P o r t Coquitlam elsewhere 2.  Housing  PCMB H W N=8 N=3  H N=8  W N=4  6  3  -  5 3  1  1 1  1  —  «,  —  1  -  -1  -  -  -  Experience  a. d u r i n g c h i l d h o o d and adolescence ( i ) country o f o r i g i n and s i z e s lived i n  of communities  In order t o determine whether the r e s i d e n t i a l experience occurred i n s i m i l a r c u l t u r a l contexts, were asked  households  to s t a t e where they spent most of t h e i r  up' years (agea 1 through 18).  'growing-  In each case, except f o r the  RILA wives o f whom 100% grew up i n Canada, 62% o f the husbands and other wives were r a i s e d i n Canada w i t h t h e remainder r a i s e d i n western European c o u n t r i e s . Over 50% i n both areas came from c i t i e s w i t h p o p u l a t i o n s over 25,000.  The same percentage  spent t h e i r f o r m a t i v e years i n one community.  of husbands Wives came from  l e s s mobile backgrounds, w i t h more than 80% r e p o r t i n g having lived their f i r s t  18 years i n one p l a c e .  ( i i ) d w e l l i n g types and tenure arrangements experienced  - 162 -  The c h o i c e o f a s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g f o r these households appears that i t might be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e i r •at-home' l i v i n g s i t u a t i o n .  T a b l e 6 shows that i n t o t a l , the  m a j o r i t y l i v e d i n family-owned homes.  The PCMB group had the  l e a s t amount of such experience, and a l s o proved t o have had more inter-community m o b i l i t y during t h i s p e r i o d .  Table 6 DWELLING TYPES AND TENURE ARRANGEMENTS EXPERIENCED GROUP  N  RILA PCMB  8 8  % HUSBAND APT DX SF rent own r e n t —  25  APT: apartment  — 12  100 50  13  DX: duplex  % WIFE APT DX SF rent own r e n t  -  25  100 63  12  SF: s i n g l e - f a m i l y house  b. s i n c e marriage ( i ) d w e l l i n g types experienced and m o b i l i t y Both groups showed a c o n s i d e r a b l e degree of s i m i l a r i t y i n t h e i r housing experience s i n c e marriage.  The  RILA households o c c u p i e d an average o f 3.9 u n i t s from marriage t o t h e time o f i n t e r v i e w i n g , and the PCMB group o c c u p i e d an average of 3.4.  Table 7 shows that w h i l e a s i m i l a r number o f  households i n each group had experienced the d i f f e r e n t housing types shown, t h e h i g h e r t o t a l percentage of RILA households t r y i n g the d i f f e r e n t types i n d i c a t e s t h e i r p a t t e r n had been s l i g h t l y u n s e t t l e d .  living  The longer p e r i o d s of  - 163 -  r e s i d e n c e i n the case of the PCMB group should i n p a r t r e f l e c t the s l i g h t l y  o l d e r average age o f husbands.  Table 7 PERCENTAGE CF HOUSEHOLDS OCCUPYING DIFFERENT DWELLING TYPES AND LENGTH OF OCCUPANCY IN EACH GROUP  N  RILA PCMB  8 8  APT %  75  87  X YEARS LIVED IN 1.3 1.5  DX %  X YEARS SINGLE X YEARS LIVED FAMILY LIVED IN IN %  25 12  1.0 2.0  50 37  ( i i ) s e a r c h b e h a v i o r p r i o r to making p r e s e n t  1.2 2.3 choice  None of the s i n g l e - f a m i l y households i n t e r v i e w e d looked only i n t h e i r chosen l o c a t i o n f o r a s u i t a b l e d w e l l i n g . The m a j o r i t y searched  t h r e e other l o c a t i o n s b e f o r e  buying,  and f i n a l c h o i c e s were most o f t e n made because of the p a r t i c u l a r f e a t u r e s of one of the u n i t s . The mean number of months spent a c t i v e l y s e a r c h i n g by the PCMB group was longer than f o r RILA households (5.6 as compared with 3.1 months), b u t t h i s was l a r g e l y due t o two PCMB households s e a r c h i n g f o r l o n g e r than f i v e months. Both groups a r e remarkably  s i m i l a r i n terms o f t h e i r  p r e f e r e n c e f o r t h e chosen d w e l l i n g type r i g h t from the o u t s e t . Of a l l l o c a t i o n s where both d w e l l i n g types were a v a i l a b l e , RILA respondents  gave p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n t o the s i n g l e -  f a m i l y u n i t i n 94% of the cases, w h i l e 93% a p p l i e s t o t h e PCMB sample.  - 164 Bach household was  asked t o comment on the importance  o f 'privacy* i n making a d e c i s i o n .  Understandably, t h i s term  has a wide v a r i e t y o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , each depending on a household's needs and wants.  Almost every response was  q u a l i f i e d , and i n the m a j o r i t y of cases f o r each group, taken to mean "one's a b i l i t y  was  t o c o n t r o l h i s o u t s i d e space  without i n t e r f e r e n c e from n e i g h b o r s " .  More s p e c i f i c a l l y ,  these households wanted to be completely independent as to t h e i r use of space and c o n t r o l over c h i l d r e n ' s around t h e i r home.  activities  Other responses c o n s i d e r e d noteworthy  were r e l a t e d to 'sound p r i v a c y ' and 'opportunity f o r gardeni n g and  landscaping'.  (iii)  l e n g t h of occupancy i n p r e s e n t d w e l l i n g  Perhaps the v a r i a b l e on which the RILA and PCMB group i s most d i s s i m i l a r i s i n t h e i r l e n g t h of occupancy o f t h e i r home.  The average p e r i o d f o r the former group i s only  10 months, as compared with 22 months f o r the l a t t e r . ( i ) purchase p r i c e , downpayment, and a b i l i t y to spend more v  T a b l e 8 shows t h a t both groups have purchased s i m i l a r l y p r i c e d d w e l l i n g s and made s i m i l a r downpayments (probably the minimum).  - 165 Table 8 MEAN  PURCHASE  P R I C E A N D DOWNPAYMBNT  GROUP  N  PURCHASE PRICE  RILA PCMB  8 8  $23,200 $25,500  While each household i s committed  DOWNPAYMENT $2,100 $2,400  to s i m i l a r mortgage pay-  ments, i t i s important to note i n T a b l e 9 that the PCMB group c o u l d have purchased more expensive housing i f they had planned t o do s o .  Table 9 PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS CAPABLE OF SPENDING MORE AND AMOUNT EXTRA GROUP  N  RILA PCMB  8 8  % CAPABLE  % EXTRA  37 25  22 39  T h i s r e l a t e s d i r e c t l y t o and confirms the d i f f e r e n c e s r e p o r t e d i n household incomes f o r the two groups 3.  (see T a b l e 3 ) .  A n t i c i p a t e d Housing During Next F i v e Years a. d w e l l i n g l o c a t i o n and c h o i c e s a t i s f a c t i o n A l l households except one expressed s a t i s f a c t i o n  with t h e i r d w e l l i n g and i t s l o c a t i o n .  i t i s p o s s i b l e that  such unanimity would be reduced i f one probed i n t o the u s u a l problem areas l i k e  ' c o n s t r u c t i o n d e f e c t s ' and 'neighbor  - 166 -  r e l a t i o n s ' , but as t h i s was  to be a completely f r e e  these t o p i c s were not suggested.  response,  The s i n g l e coraplainer  d i v i d e d a l l problems e q u a l l y between h i g h p r o p e r t y taxes, poor p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to downtown Vancouver, concern over what he c o n s i d e r e d a 'low s o c i a l  and h i s  status  neighborhood'. b. a n t i c i p a t e d moves, d w e l l i n g types and p r e f e r r e d locations T a b l e 10 confirms the g e n e r a l s a t i s f a c t i o n of the respondents with the c o n v e n t i o n a l house. s t a t e d that they would choose  A l l households  to l i v e i n another  such  d w e l l i n g , but the m a j o r i t y do not p l a n to make t h a t move •voluntarily  1  f o r another 10 y e a r s .  Table  10  PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS ANTICIPATING A MOVE AND DWELLING TYPE PREFERRED ™  GROUP  N  RILA PCMB  8 8  NUMBER OF YEARS BEFORE MOVE EXPECTED 2 5 10+ — —  25 12  75 88  APT  TH  -  -  SF  100 100  I f the household c o u l d be f r e e to determine i t s next l o c a t i o n , 37% of each group expressed a d e s i r e f o r a more rural setting  e i t h e r i n the outer f r i n g e s of G r e a t e r  Vancouver or i n the Okanagan r e g i o n .  Of the remainder,  s i m i l a r percentage of the RILA and PCMB groups  a  opt f o r other  - 167 -  Richmond and North Vancouver l o c a t i o n s r e s p e c t i v e l y .  A  t h i r d , s m a l l e r group d e s i r e d 'good q u a l i t y ' and ' q u i e t ' neighborhoods i n Vancouver's west s i d e or other b e t t e r q u a l i t y and c l o s e - i n 4.  locations.  Summary and C o n c l u s i o n Most of the d i f f e r e n c e i s found i n age,  education  and income c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and t o a l e s s e r extent p r e v i o u s housing  experience.  their  Such d i f f e r e n c e s a r e not g r e a t  however, and a r e n o t c o n s i d e r e d s u f f i c i e n t t o o f f s e t uniform  their  e x p r e s s i o n s of p r e f e r e n c e f o r t h e i r chosen d w e l l i n g -  type and a n t i c i p a t i o n of c o n t i n u i n g on i n s i m i l a r accommodati I t appears t o be a p p r o p r i a t e t o r e g a r d these households as members o f an i d e n t i f i a b l e market s e c t o r or a 'dwelling preference cohort'. B.  CONDOMINIUM TOWNHOUSE HOUSEHOLDS IN TWO SUB-MARKETS: RICHMOND-LADNER ( R I L A ) AND PORT COQUITLAM-PORT MOODY-BURNABY (P C M B) . . !•  B i o g r a p h i c a l Data a. age and c h i l d  distribution  F o r both husbands and wives, between the groups i s very s t r i k i n g .  the age d i f f e r e n c e The mean d i f f e r e n c e o f  13 years between husbands and 8 years between wives as shown i n T a b l e 11 i s r e f l e c t e d i n the c h i l d - r a t i o f i g u r e s .  RILA  households a r e j u s t e n t e r i n g the c h i l d - r e a r i n g stage w h i l e those i n the PCMB group have a l r e a d y had some e x p e r i e n c e i n that phase.  - 168 -  T a b l e 11 AGE AND CHILD-RATIO COMPARISONS  PARENTS GROUP RILA PCMB  N  8 8  H  W  27 40  36 34  ELDEST CHILD MEAN AGE  CHILDREN PER HOUSEHOLD  1 7  .38 1.30  b. l e v e l of education The RILA group, w h i l e younger, has had c o n s i d e r a b l y more post-secondary  education as i s e v i d e n t i n T a b l e 12. In  s p i t e of the f a c t that the PCMB respondents l a b o r f o r c e longer, the more educated  have been i n the  RILA group should show  h i g h e r f a m i l y earnings. c. household  income  The r e l a t i o n s h i p between h i g h e r education and household  income i s evident i n T a b l e 13.  The young, b e t t e r -  p a i d p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n the RILA sample earn the most, w h i l e t h e PCMB group, engaged i n more s e r v i c e , c l e r i c a l and nont e c h n i c a l jobs earn the l e a s t . These households  are not homogeneous i n terms of  t h e i r earnings y e t they a r e committed to s i m i l a r amounts o f housing  expenditure.  younger households  What must be remembered  i s that the  have only been earning t h e i r income f o r a  s h o r t time, and t h e i r o l d e r c o u n t e r p a r t s have had a longer o p p o r t u n i t y t o save.  - 169 T a b l e 12 PERCENTAGE REACHING DIFFERENT EDUCATION LEVELS  RILA (N=8) H W H/W  LEVEL High School Grad or l e s s Technical Training U n i v e r s i t y Gra'd or l e s s  25 12 63  37 25 38  PCMB (N=:8) H W H/W  31 19 50  37 25 38  63  -  37  50 12 37  T a b l e 13 PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS IN DIFFERENT INCOME BRACKETS GROUP  N  RILA PCMB  8 8  d.  $7-11,000  25  $11-15,000 50 62  $15,000+ 50 13  Mean  $  $15,000 $12,000  occupations Much of the d i f f e r e n c e i n income between the RILA  and PCMB samples i s r e f l e c t e d i n the breakdown o f occupations shown i n T a b l e 14.  RILA households  of f u l l - t i m e working wives ( r e c a l l  have the g r e a t e s t number the c h i l d - r a t i o ) and,  combined with t h e i r higher education, help t o c r e a t e high household  incomes.  technical  jobs and s k i l l e d  working wives, lower.  PCMB members a r e l a r g e l y r e p r e s e n t e d i n trades.  the annual household  Combined w i t h fewer incomes a r e understandably  - 170 Table 14 ACTUAL DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY OCCUPATION  OCCUPATION CATEGORY Professional Bus iness Technical Clerical S k i l l e d Trade Unskilled  GROUP  RILA H N=8  W N=5  2 6  3  -  -  —  1 1  -  -  PCMB H W N=8 N=2 1 4 1  -  2  -  „  _  1 1  -  e. work l o c a t i o n s Downtown Vancouver i s the l o c a t i o n of employment f o r most husbands Table 15.  and wives i n each sample as can be seen i n  I t i s not c e r t a i n whether  these households would  have chosen townhouses i n Vancouver C i t y i f they had been f o r s a l e i n the same p r i c e range.  T h e i r c h o i c e s having to be  made from among the suburbs, one l o c a t i o n had l i t t l e more to o f f e r than another i n terms of s h o r t e n i n g the common 30 minute journey to work.  - 171 -  T a b l e 15 WORK LOCATIONS OF RESPONDENTS ( a c t u a l numbers)  GROUP  LOCATION  RILA  Vancouver downtown Richmond Burnaby Surrey P o r t Coquitlam elsewhere 2.  Housing  PCMB H W N=8 N=3  H N=8  W N=5  6 1  4 1  5  2  —  -  1  -  -  1  1 -  -  -  -  2  Experience  a. d u r i n g c h i l d h o o d and adolescence ( i ) country of o r i g i n and s i z e s of communities lived i n Approximately  70% of a l l husbands and 85% of a l l  wives grew up i n Canada (ages 1 through 18). a l l respondents  A l s o , 70% o f  spent t h e i r f o r m a t i v e years i n c i t i e s  with  p o p u l a t i o n s o f 25,000 or more. Both groups showed remarkable while young.  A l l respondents  geographic  stability  except f o r one c o u p l e i n the  PCMB sample grew up i n only one community. (ii)  d w e l l i n g types and tenure arrangements experienced  Of the two groups,  only t h e RILA husbands had a l l  t h e i r housing experience i n s i n g l e - f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s --- most of which were owned by t h e i r p a r e n t s .  PCMB husbands most  - 172  -  f r e q u e n t l y experienced r e n t a l accommodation. c l o s e l y resemble i n Table  The wives  each other i n t h e i r backgrounds, as i s seen  16.  Table 16 DWELLING TYPES AND  GROUP  N  TENURE ARRANGEMENTS EXPERIENCED  % HUSBAND DX SF  APT  rent 8 8  RILA PCMB  A P T : apartment  own  -  —  37  13 DX:  75 50 duplex  % APT  rent 25  -  DX  rent 25 12  WIFE SF  own *-  rent  63 76  12  SF: s i n g l e - f a m i l y  12  house  b. s i n c e marriage ( i ) d w e l l i n g types experienced and Upon examining  mobility  t h i s data i t must be remembered t h a t  the groups d i f f e r e d c o n s i d e r a b l y i n average age, and p r e sumably, l e n g t h of time m a r r i e d .  This i s r e f l e c t e d i n the  average number of u n i t s occupied —•- 3.6 and 6.2  f o r the P C M B households.  f o r the RILA group  There does e x i s t , however,  s i m i l a r i t y between the groups where d w e l l i n g type i s concerned.  Table 17 shows that only apartments  or s i n g l e - f a m i l y  d w e l l i n g s were l i v e d i n , with the P C M B group having done a g r e a t e r amount of 'experimenting' with d i f f e r e n t family  units.  single-  - 173 -  T a b l e 17 PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS OCCUPYING DIFFERENT DWELLING TYPES iiND LENGTH OF OCCUPANCY IN EACH  GROUP  N  APT %  RILA PCMB  8 8  75 75  X YEARS LIVED IN  DX %  1.6 2.3  _  -  X YEARS SINGLE X YEARS LIVED FAMILY LIVED IN IN %  -  37 7  2.6 2.8  5  ( i i ) search b e h a v i o r p r i o r to making p r e s e n t c h o i c e I t s h o u l d f i r s t be noted t h a t townhouse developments were not as widely d i s t r i b u t e d as new s i n g l e - f a m i l y  tracts.  T h e r e f o r e , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t o l e a r n t h a t most households i n each group d i d search more than two other l o c a t i o n s p r i o r to buying. the f i r s t  In both RILA and PCMB, one household  chose  development i t v i s i t e d . RILA households  spent c o n s i d e r a b l y more time i n  t h e i r d w e l l i n g s e a r c h than d i d t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s (7 months and 4 months r e s p e c t i v e l y ) .  S i n c e s p e c i f i c q u e s t i o n s were  not asked, i t can only be assumed t h a t t h i s p a r t i a l l y r e f l e c t e d t h e i r u n c e r t a i n t y about such matters as p o s s i b l e job t r a n s f e r s , d e s i r a b i l i t y of t h e d w e l l i n g and neighborhood f o r beginning a f a m i l y , commuting t o work, and the i d e a of becoming the owner of a 'new' and 'strange' form of housing. Longer experience with homeowning to  the PCMB households  and f a m i l y l i v i n g a p p l i c a b l e  may have helped t o e l i m i n a t e con-  siderable f r u i t l e s s searching.  I t must be noted here  also  - 174 -  that two PCMB households searched f o r even l e s s than one month. Of a l l s p e c i f i c areas i n v e s t i g a t e d where a d w e l l i n g might be purchased, both t h e RILA and PCMB groups appeared t o be u n c e r t a i n about t h e i r p r e f e r e n c e . f  The RILA group con~  s i d e r e d the townhouse i n only 53% of the p o s s i b l e  locations,  and t h e PCMB group s e r i o u s l y c o n s i d e r e d the townhouse i n 50% of the l o c a t i o n s searched. when respondents were asked about the importance of ' p r i v a c y ' i n t h e i r d w e l l i n g c h o i c e , the m a j o r i t y i n both groups claimed i t was of l i t t l e importance.  A frequent  comment from the RILA group was that they "looked forward t o i n c r e a s e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r meeting with n e i g h b o r s " .  Young  mothers a n t i c i p a t e d a good sense of "community" d e v e l o p i n g from i n t e r a c t i o n with other young mothers.  Comments from t h e  PCMB sample r e l a t e d l e s s t o matters o f "community" and " i n t e r a c t i o n " and more t o the b e n e f i t s of b u i l d i n g up e q u i t y , (iii)  l e n g t h o f occupancy i n p r e s e n t d w e l l i n g  Although t h e RILA group had spent an average o f f i v e more months i n t h e i r p r e s e n t d w e l l i n g than t h e PCMB sample (14 months versus 9 ) , the d i f f e r e n c e was not c o n s i d e r e d significant  t o household a c t i v i t y b e h a v i o r .  In each case  the time i s c o n s i d e r e d s u f f i c i e n t t o g e t ' s e t t l e d i n ' and f a m i l i a r w i t h the immediate  neighborhood and community.  C e r t a i n l y n i n e months would be ample f o r ' j o i n e r s ' t o become  - 175 a c t i v e i n a f f a i r s and events o u t s i d e t h e i r homes. ( i v ) purchase p r i c e , downpayment, and a b i l i t y t o spend more D i f f e r e n c e s i n purchase p r i c e and downpayment between the RILA and PCMB groups a r e not l a r g e , as i s seen i n Table 18„  At t h e time t h e sample was taken, the RILA area  contained most o f the townhouse u n i t s on the market, w i t h average p r i c e s s l i g h t l y below those b e i n g s o l d i n t h e major PCMB development of Simon F r a s e r H i l l s .  T a b l e 18 MEAN PURCHASE PRICE AND DOWNPAYMENT  GROUP  N  PURCHASE PRICE  RILA PCMB  8 8  $22,400 $24,900  DOWNPAYMENT $1,200 $2,000  That t h e PCMB group has a l a r g e r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n the lower income b r a c k e t s i s e v i d e n t upon examining Table 19. The d i f f e r e n c e i n "% EXTRA" appears s m a l l however.  This  r e l a t e s t o the f i n d i n g that t h e PCMB group i s l e a s t homogeneous i n terms of income and education.  - 176 -  T a b l e 19 PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS CAPABLE OF SPENDING MORE AND AMOUNT EXTRA  3.  GROUP  N  RILA PCMB  8 8  % CAPABLE 87 50  % EXTRA 19 14  A n t i c i p a t e d Housing During Next F i v e Years a. d w e l l i n g l o c a t i o n and c h o i c e s a t i s f a c t i o n In the RILA as w e l l as the PCMB samples,  p r e s s e d s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h t h e i r d w e l l i n g u n i t and  87%  ex-  location.  Regarding t h e i r u n i t , the complainers s t r e s s e d 'lack of i n s i d e s t o r a g e space' and  'inadequate sound-proofing'.  A l l location  complaints were d i r e c t e d a t poor a c c e s s i b i l i t y t o downtown Vancouver,  which i s a problem common to many suburban d w e l l e r s  and not unique to t h i s  group.  b. a n t i c i p a t e d moves, d w e l l i n g types and p r e f e r r e d locations Table 20 r e v e a l s a remarkable i n c o n s i s t e n c y w i t h e a r l i e r responses by almost a l l townhouse households. e n t i r e sample s t a t e d that when i t was  The  necessary t o move, a  s i n g l e - f a m i l y d w e l l i n g would be the p r e f e r r e d u n i t .  There-  f o r e , the e a r l i e r f i n d i n g of " a l l households happy" where d w e l l i n g s a t i s f a c t i o n was  concerned must be regarded as a  response to t h e i r immediate t o t a l d w e l l i n g concept  s i t u a t i o n r a t h e r than w i t h the  itself.  177 -  In each of the RILA and PCMB samples, 63% a n t i c i p a t e d moving by the end of f i v e y e a r s . partly indicates  This i n i t s e l f  a l a c k of i n t e r e s t i n drawing on t h e b e n e f i t s  o f f e r r e d by a ' c a r e f r e e '  living  situation.  T a b l e 20 PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS ANTICIPATING A MOVE AND DWELLING TYPE PREFERRED  GROUP  N  RILA PCMB  8 8  NUMBER OF YEARS BEFORE MOVE EXPECTED 2 5 10+ 13 25  50 38  37 37  APT  OB  TH  SF  -  100 100  The m a j o r i t y o f b o t h groups wished t o move c l o s e r i n to Vancouver C i t y i t s e l f , than the North Shore.  or a t l e a s t be no f u r t h e r away  Only 25% of a l l households expressed a  d e f i n i t e i n t e r e s t i n moving 'deeper' i n t o the suburbs i n the pursuit 4.  of a more 'ex-urban' way of l i v i n g . Summary and C o n c l u s i o n The RILA sample appears t o be s u f f i c i e n t l y  different  from t h e i r PCMB c o u n t e r p a r t s t o warrant c a u t i o n i n the interpretation  of t h e i r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and a c t i v i t i e s when  analyzed as a s i n g l e group. differences  Perhaps the most c r i t i c a l  r e l a t e to s t a g e - i n - f a m i l y - l i f e - c y c l e , education,  and c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y income p o t e n t i a l .  - 178 -  Taken i n t u r n , i t i s noted  that the RILA sample has  not y e t been f o r c e d t o s t r u c t u r e the d a i l y a c t i v i t y p a t t e r n around children,, begun to do so.  Presumably, the PCMB households w i l l have With h i g h e r education l e v e l s and more  t r a i n e d , working wives,  household  incomes a r e l a r g e r .  It i s  presumed here t h a t t h i s would a l l o w f o r a more i n t e n s e a c t i v i t y p a t t e r n o u t s i d e the home. B i o g r a p h i c data a s i d e , the groups a r e s i m i l a r i n terms of t h e i r c h o i c e behavior and a t l e a s t on t h i s b a s i s can be t r e a t e d as a 'group'. anxious  N e i t h e r group appeared too  t o s e l e c t t h e townhouse over the c o n v e n t i o n a l house,  and i n f a c t most p l a n to buy a t r a d i t i o n a l u n i t when they move.  N e v e r t h e l e s s , they appear to be e q u a l l y w i l l i n g t o  'experiment' with t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l environment f o r the present, and so chose t h e ' l a t e s t i n n o v a t i o n ' i n housing. This d w e l l i n g - t y p e sample i s the l e a s t homogeneous of the two o v e r a l l , and i s l e a s t l i k e l y i n household  a c t i v i t y patterns.  to show s i m i l a r i t y  

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