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Kewa reciprocity : cooperation and exchange in a New Guinea Highland culture LeRoy, John D. 1975

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KEWA RECIPROCITY: COOPERATION AND EXCHANGE IN A NEW GUINEA HIGHLAND CULTURE  by JOHN D. LEROY B.A., Oberlin College, 1966 M.A., U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan, 1968  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY  i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology  We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1975  In p r e s e n t i n g  t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r  an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the  L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e  and  study.  I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  be granted by  s h a l l not be  permission.  Department The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada  Date  Department or  I t i s understood that copying or  of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n written  the Head of my  publication  allowed without  my  ii  ABSTRACT KEWA RECIPROCITY: COOPERATION AND EXCHANGE IN A NEW GUINEA HIGHLAND CULTURE  Melanesian c u l t u r e s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y assign great  importance  to t h e t r a n s a c t i o n o f o b j e c t s , and many have h i g h l y complex systems o f exchange; y e t few a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have sought t o d e f i n e s o c i a l i n terms o f r e c i p r o c i t y .  T h i s t h e s i s does s o :  structure  i t i s a study o f t h e  p r a c t i c e and c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f r e c i p r o c i t y among t h e Kewa o f t h e Southern Highlands D i s t r i c t cooperation  o f Papua., New Guinea.  and exchange —  l e n t but methodologically The  Two modes o f r e c i p r o c i t y  —  a r e seen a s p r i n c i p l e s f u n c t i o n a l l y e q u i v a p r i o r t o d e s c e n t and a f f i n i t y .  importance o f r e c i p r o c i t y can be measured by t h e range o f  c u l t u r a l materials i t explains.  I i n v e s t i g a t e four sets of data.  Part I  examines t h e Kewa moral o r d e r :  t h e system o f i d e a s through which  reci-  p r o c a l r e l a t i o n s are maintained o r , i f broken, are r e i n s t a t e d .  Through  t h e s e i d e a s , i n p a r t i c u l a r t h e c o n c e p t s " t h o u g h t " and " g h o s t , " nonr e c i p r o c a l persons a r e brought t o an awareness o f t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s . The  c e n t r a l importance o f m e d i a t i v e  objects  t u t i o n s o f compensation and c o m p e t i t i v e  i s manifested  reciprocity.  Part I I i n v e s t i -  gates the o r g a n i z a t i o n of r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n s i n k i n s h i p . on r e l a t i o n between s t r u c t u r e and p r a x i s study i n c o n s a n g u i n i t y ,  affinity,  (action) bracket  and m a r r i a g e  i n the i n s t i -  preference.  Two  chapters  a detailed  iii  Part I I I consists of a study of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d —  the south Kewa pig k i l l .  reciprocity  Three chapters examine exchange and cooper-  ation i n the transactions of s h e l l s and pork, i n verbal opinions about the conduct of the ceremony, and i n metaphorical songs about pig k i l l i n g . Part IV i s an analysis of f i f t e e n Kewa myths of d i f f e r e n t armatures: male s i b l i n g s , father and son, cross-sex s i b l i n g s , and spouses.  The  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , which attends to both form and content, brings out two aspects of myth:  (1) myth r e f l e c t s and defines Kewa moral and s t r u c -  t u r a l r e l a t i o n s ; (2) myth i s a form of d i a l e c t i c a l reasoning which endeavours to understand the c u l t u r a l t o t a l i t y i n terms of i t s parts: f i l i a t i o n , s i b l i n g s h i p , a f f i n i t y , cooperation and exchange. A number of t h e o r e t i c a l approaches are debated and applied: B r i t i s h s o c i a l anthropology, French structuralism, and phenomenological philosophy.  Throughout I have adopted a method which attempts to be  both s t r u c t u r a l and d i a l e c t i c a l ; s t r u c t u r a l because i t sees c u l t u r a l defi n i t i o n i n terms of oppositions, and d i a l e c t i c a l because i t sees these oppositions as e x p e r i e n t i a l as well as l o g i c a l , contradictory as well as contrastive.  Within t h i s d i a l e c t i c a l perspective each of the parts of  the thesis can be considered a p a r t i c u l a r aspect of r e c i p r o c i t y , each a mediation or determination of the general d e f i n i t i o n of r e c i p r o c i t y found i n the introductory chapter.  The four parts move the understanding  of r e c i p r o c i t y from the general and the abstract to the p a r t i c u l a r and the mediated.  The movement i s from the conceptual system underlying  practice (Part I) to the dyadic or t r i a d i c r e l a t i o n s of structures (Part  iv  I I ) , to the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e t t i n g (Part I I I ) , and f i n a l l y to a discourse in which these positive r e a l i t i e s are contrasted with putative ones (Part IV).  A concluding chapter examines one singular instance of  how  Kewa ideas about r e c i p r o c i t y have modified themselves as a r e s u l t of the European  presence.  V  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Chapter 1. Part I:  The Problem and the People  1  Morality  Chapter 2.  Aspects of Being  23  Chapter 3.  The Moral Context  44  Chapter 4.  The Tawa  77  Part I I :  Social Structure  Chapter 5.  Structure and Praxis I  108  Chapter 6.  Cooperation and Exchange i n Consanguinity  124  Chapter 7.  Cooperation and Exchange i n A f f i n i t y  147  Chapter 8.  Marriage Preference and Structure  166  Chapter 9.  Structure and Praxis I I  184  Part I I I : The Pig K i l l Chapter 10.  Events  196  Chapter 11.  Opinions  225  Chapter 12.  Metaphors  243  Part IV:  Narratives  Chapter 13.  Youth and R i b u a l i  275  Chapter 14.  Two Brothers  320  Chapter 15.  Father and Son  338  Chapter 16.  Brother and S i s t e r  361  Chapter 17.  Brother and Wildman, S i s t e r and Sky-Maiden  383  Chapter 18.  Woman and Boy  418  vi  Table of Contents (Continued) Chapter 19.  Epilogue  Bibliography  438 467  Appendices Appendix 1.  D i a l e c t i c and Scarcity  474  Appendix 2.  The Repa  479  Appendix 3.  The Boundaries of C l a s s i f i c a t o r y Kinship  494  Appendix 4.  Marriage Sample  499  Appendix 5.  Counting the Shells  506  Appendix 6.  Supporting Narratives  516  Appendix 7.  Fieldwork Relations  531  Appendix 8.  A Note on Sorcery  535  vii  LIST OF TABLES  Table I  P r i n c i p a l Cultivated Crops  II  Time Use  III  Contributors to a Tawa Faction  IV  Transactions of a Tawa Supporter  V  Kewa Kinship C l a s s i f i c a t i o n Rules  VI  Kewa Kin Terms  VII  A Marriage Payment  VIII  Result Categories for Comparison of Marriage Pairs  IX  Frequency of S i b l i n g  X  Pig K i l l Transactions  XI  K o i a r i 1971 Pig K i l l :  X  I  I  15 21 93 93 130 132 150  Exchange  171 172 204  Chronology  Rupale Content  218 259  XIII  Kinship Armatures i n Narratives  288  XIV  Kinship Ties Between 56 Men of One D i s t r i c t  495  XV  Marriage Survey Results  XVI  P e a r l s h e l l Transactions  XVII  A f f i n a l Exchanges  XVIII Individual V a r i a t i o n Among Pig K i l l e r s XIX  Performance of Two Pig K i l l e r s  500 507 509 512 513  viii  LIST OF FIGURES  Figure 1-1  The Concepts Reciprocity and Morality  7  1-2  Map  18  3-1  P a r t i c i p a n t s i n a Dispute  56  3-2  Compensation  66  3- 3  The Moral System  67  4- 1  P a r t i c i p a n t s i n a Tawa  82  4-2  The Tawa Sequence  87  6-1  Consanguineal Relations  127  6-2  Cooperation  133  6-3  The Atom of Kinship:  the Normative Version  134  6-4  The Atom of Kinship:  the Minority Choice  136  6-5  Overriding the Cross Relationship  138  6-6  Case 1  139  6-7  Case 2  140  6- 8  Generation  7- 1  The Reciprocals Pase, Suba, and Yake  148  7-2  Death Payment for a Wife  157  7-3  Exchange Cycles i n the Main Marriage Payment  161  7-4  Exchange Cycles i n the Return and WMB  162  7- 5  Pigs and Uterine Ties  163  8- 1  D i s t r i b u t i o n of 112 Marriages Made by Yetipa Repa  169  8-2  Possible Types of Exchange Marriage  171  8-3  Marriage With True and C l a s s i f i c a t o r y S i s t e r s  174  8-4  The Reciprocal Kaleke  176  8- 5  Marriage of C l a s s i f i c a t o r y and True Opposite-Sex  and Exchange  Conversion of Cross Kin into P a r a l l e l Kin  Payments  179  Siblings 9- 1  Sharing at the Repa and  9-2  Charter of a Ruru  143  Sub-repa Levels  188 190  ix  L i s t of Figures  v  (Continued)  Figure 9-3  Charter  192  of a R u r u - c l u s t e r  10-1  Movement o f S h e l l s and Pork  206  10-2  The P i g K i l l  210  10-3  "Following  12-1  The Men's House (from  12-2  Gardening and P i g K i l l i n g  267  12-3  Male and Female  271  13-1  Two  305  13-2  Metaphorical  Kin Relations  311  13-3  Metaphorical  Kin Relations  318  14-1  Transformation  .14-2  T i d a 1, 2, 5 and P a r t o f 4 Compared  335  15-1  Siblingship  338  16-1  Elements i n T i d a  361  16-2  Transformation  363  16-3  Kin Relations i n Tida 9  378  16-4  T i d a 5 and 9 Compared  380  17-1  T i d a 9 and 10 Compared  401  17-2  Armature o f T i d a 10 and 11 Compared  407  17-3  Two E x p r e s s i o n s  of Incest  415  18-1  Transformation  o f Armature  420  18-2  T i d a 14 and 15 Compared  436  19-1  Spatial  Coordinates  441  19-2  T r e e and K a r s t H o l e  442  19-3  Social  443  19-4  The E n c i r c l e m e n t  A-1  Repa O r g a n i z a t i o n  A-2  Map o f I a p i  A-3  Ruru O r g a n i z a t i o n  Arena  the P e a r l s h e l l  214  Feet"  245  above)  Oppositions  330  o f Armature  and F i l i a t i o n  c f Armature  Coordinates  460  of Iapi o f a Hamlet and a V i l l a g e  485  District of a Grassland  481  District  486  X  L i s t of Figures (Continued)  Figure A-4  Ruru Organization, Respecting Relative Sizes  488  A-5  I n t e r - d i s t r i c t Organization  489  A-7  Repeated Marriage and A f f i n a l Usage  497  A-8  Wife-giving, Wife-taking and A f f i n a l Usage  498  A-9  Genealogy 1  501  A-10  Genealogy 2  502  A-ll  Genealogy 3  503  A-12  Genealogy 4  504  xi  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  The  f i e l d w o r k on which t h i s t h e s i s i s based was  d u r i n g 1970-72 and  was  supported  Canada C o u n c i l .  I thank t h i s  proposal  on p r o d u c t i o n  focused  carried  by d o c t o r a l f e l l o w s h i p s from  institution and  f o r i t s support.  exchange r e l a t i o n s and  S i n c e much of the d a t a on  t h i s problem, and  D i s t r i c t was  place f o r fieldwork. prompted by  The n e i g h b o u r i n g  My  their  Guinea. of  the H i g h l a n d s seemed  c h o i c e of t h e Southern H i g h l a n d s  p o p u l a t i o n s of the Mendi, the Wiru, and s t u d i e d at the time.  i n g c o n t i n u i n g i n v e s t i g a t i o n by two But w i t h  the e x c e p t i o n  1965)  i n t e n s i v e s t u d i e s had  The  bearing  the r e l a t i v e l a c k of r e s e a r c h c a r r i e d out  been s t u d i e d or were b e i n g  no  original  even the f o r m u l a t i o n  the problem i t s e l f , bear on H i g h l a n d s p o p u l a t i o n s , the l o g i c a l  The  My  on the c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i n Papua, New  out  o f one  The  the F o i had  Kewa were r e c e i v -  l i n g u i s t s , K a r l and  a r t i c l e on  there.  Joyce F r a n k l i n .  social organization (Franklin  been made of Kewa s o c i e t y and c u l t u r e .  F r a n k l i n s ' work proved v a l u a b l e to my  r e s e a r c h , and  I express  my  i n d e b t e d n e s s to them. For a p e o p l e who sion, or business, All  c l a s s i f y whitemen as e i t h e r government, m i s -  the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t  i s at f i r s t  difficult  to p l a c e .  t h e more so s i n c e he, u n l i k e the o t h e r s , makes demands which c o u l d  e a s i l y be  thought u n r e a s o n a b l e :  c i t s t h e i r h e l p , and of my  fieldwork  he  he wishes to l i v e among them, he  asks f o r t h e i r knowledge.  i n Appendix 7.)  My  (I g i v e an  main i n d e b t e d n e s s ,  soli-  account  undischarged  by  xii  whatever I managed to give i n return, i s therefore to the Kewa themselves.  In p a r t i c u l a r I want to thank Uda, Yawi, B i l i s a p o , Malawe, and  others of Yakopaita; Kabe, Wialiwada, Mabo, the memory of Yekipu, and others of K o i a r i ; and Tema, Parea, Pobarame, Pusa, Robo  (Walameara),  Robo (Taara), and others of I a p i . A number of other persons have been h e l p f u l at various stages of the research.  Drs. Ray K e l l y and Anthony Forge counseled me on f i e l d -  work prospects i n other parts of Papua, New  Guinea.  Members of the  anthropology departments at the Australian National  University and at  the University of Sydney f r e e l y offered t h e i r advice.  For t h e i r a i d i n  expediting my a p p l i c a t i o n f o r research and f o r t h e i r assistance i n Port Moresby, I thank Dr. Marion Ward and the New  Guinea Research Unit; f o r  s i m i l a r a i d and f o r their generous h o s p i t a l i t y , my thanks go to Drs. Ralph and Susan Bulmer, then of the U n i v e r s i t y of Papua, New  Guinea.  I also express my gratitude to the Administration of Papua, New Guinea f o r allowing me to carry out the research.  For t h e i r material  aid and kindness, my thanks i n p a r t i c u l a r to Mr. Simon Pearson, O f f i c e r in-Charge at Erave during my research, and to Mr. Rick Creigh, then Assistant D i s t r i c t Commissioner me s i m i l a r l y at Erave:  at Kagua.  A number of people assisted  Fr. Dunstan Jones and Fr. Maris Goetz of the  O.F.M. Capuchin mission, Mr. and Mrs. Robert Campbell, and Mr. Fred Lipscomb.  F i n a l l y , my s p e c i a l thanks to the members of the Anthropology  and Sociology Department of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia  who  commented on my work from i t s inception to completion, Drs. C y r i l Kennelm Burridge, and E l l i Maranda.  Belshaw,  xiii  GLOSSARY OF KEWA TERMS This glossary includes terms mentioned more than once i n the text.  The l e t t e r s S and W stand f o r South d i a l e c t and West d i a l e c t  variants, when pertinent. person with a smelly mouth (an i n s u l t )  agapukupi W  opposite sex s i b l i n g (address)  ainya S ama  W  c f . kama; big-man brother,  ame  male-speaking  synonym f o r repa  araame  mother's brother, s i s t e r ' s c h i l d  awa ayako W  compensation  ball  opposite-sex s i b l i n g ; a brother and a s i s ter  ewa W (kewa S)  people l i v i n g to the south  kabereke W kaberekale S  the act of contracting supporters (through prestations of pork and s h e l l s ) f o r a pig k i l l ; yae kabereke: contract for work on yaeada; yada kabereke: contract for warfare a l l i a n c e wildman, demon  kalado W kama S (ama  payment  W)  kani W (kai S) kepa W kone lo merepa  ceremonial ground cross-cousin ceremonial digging s t i c k thought, behaviour; kone rogo  : guil  intestines people l i v i n g to the north  neada S  accommodation huts b u i l t f o r p i g k i l l e r s and v i s i t o r s  oma W (koma S)  to emote, f e e l , die  pase  same-generation ZH  pu  liver  raba  to help  raguna S  hat, worm by raguna a l i (a leader i n exchange)  a f f i n e , p r i n c i p a l l y WB or  xiv  ratu W  anger, resentment, f r u s t r a t i o n  re  base, o r i g i n , cause; sponsor, owner, organizer; base of tree; remo re: ghost finder; yaeada re: manager of yaeada construction; tawa re: a p r i n c i p a l i n a tawa  remo  ghost  repa S (ruru W)  patrician  ribuali  hermit, "rubbish  rob a  stomach  rogoma  ghoul  rome  exchange of valuables, p r i m a r i l y with a f f i n e s and matrikin  rupale  metaphorical song  sekere  mother-of-pearl s h e l l ; sekere u n i , sekere alu (bone p e a r l s h e l l , head p e a r l s h e l l ) : valuable s h e l l s  suba W  cross-generation a f f i n e , p r i n c i p a l l y WF or DH  tapada  men's house  tawa  competitive exchange  tida S ( i t i  W)  man"  narrative  to (or ro)  body  wasa  soul  yaeada W  accommodation huts b u i l t for pig k i l l e r s and v i s i t o r s  yano W (yago S)  replacement, duplicate; s o l i c i t o r y g i f t , return g i f t  yasa  metaphorical song  XV  Note on  Pronunciation  a  father,chat  (or  as?)  e  say,  i  easy, p i s  o  flow,  u  l o o t , toute  b  prenasalized  d  prenasalized nd  g  prenasalized ng_ (in S)  r  r , i n i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n l i k e _tr_  the  eau  mb  1  CHAPTER 1 THE PEOPLE AND THE PROBLEM  In my encounter with the Kewa I repeatedly found myself asking a question:  why are the Kewa so preoccupied with t h e i r possessions?  Why  do they constantly plan, make, or dispute exchanges of s h e l l s , pigs, and money?  This question, or a s i m i l a r one, a r i s e s whenever anthropologists 1  attempt to understand Melanesian  cultures.  More generally, we Wester-  ners ask them of Melanesians as part of a contact and mutual interrogation between our culture and t h e i r s . re —  They form what the Kewa would c a l l the  the base, source, and fundamental aspect —  of this t h e s i s .  In t h e o r e t i c a l terms my question i s , why i s the mediative obj e c t so important i n almost every c u l t u r a l practice (whether i t be ceremonial exchange, compensation, t r i e s to modify another?  or s a c r i f i c e ) wherein one human subject  "Why" questions are legitimate, but anthropologists  do not, as a r u l e , deal with them.  Philosophers do, but they have l i t t l e  or no f a m i l i a r i t y either with p r i m i t i v e cultures or with anthropological methods.  Hegel (1967) had the concept of a "Desire" and Sartre (1953)  that of a "lack of being" i n the F o r - i t s e l f , the human consciousness. Consciousness reaches out and attempts to appropriate otherness (objects or subjects), hoping thereby to acquire the plenitude and recognition achieved only by the possessor or the Master. According to at least one anthropological view  (Levi-Strauss  1966: 249, 254) by grounding the argument i n a philosophical system I  2  would be acting l i k e the informant who  explains some configuration of events  in terms of a myth told by his ancestors.  Rather than place myself i n  this p o s i t i o n , I have chosen to deal not with the "why" with the arrangement or "form" of c u l t u r a l phenomena. standing of phenomena when one  sees how  One  reaches an under-  they coexist within a c u l t u r a l to-  t a l i t y i n an orderly r e l a t i o n to other phenomena. who  but with the "how,"  Unlike the  philosopher  i s concerned to account for the p o s s i b i l i t y or the necessity of what  i s , the anthropologist  j u s t takes what exists and rearranges i t to be more  understandable (Levi-Strauss 1966:  248).  This thesis w i l l r e l a t e various aspects of a New  Guinea High-  lands culture, the Kewa, using the notions of r e c i p r o c i t y , morality, structure and  praxis. 2  Since the term "praxis" has only recently  appeared i n Anglo-  American anthropological discourse, and continues to have a rather  pri-  vate meaning, I s h a l l say a few words about i t s use i n t h i s t h e s i s . Praxis opposes to " p r a c t i c e s " as abstract to concrete and as u n i v e r s a l to particular.  The p l u r a l noun " p r a c t i c e s " (as i n " c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s " or  " p i g - k i l l i n g practices") denotes those operations  which the  anthropologist  encounters as the v i s i b l e or manifest face of structures; they constitute the overt culture.  Praxis r e f e r s to the i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n or  experience of practices; i t r e f e r s to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s action or project (whether undertaken singly or i n a group) which — in a singular, mediated and pragmatic form —  though always r e a l i z e d  is potentially i n t e l l i g i b l e  and communicable across cultures by reason of a shared humanity.  Discov-  3  ering praxis does not require a mystical p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n or i n t u i t i o n of other cultures; rather i t i s discovered because man i s capable of seeing the universal i n the p a r t i c u l a r , by s t r i p p i n g away the concrete  deter-  minations within a culture and reaching a l e v e l at which he can understand the human object.  Praxis d i f f e r s from the "action" of the action  theorists i n s t r e s s i n g the c o n s t i t u t i v e aspect of the act over i t s r a t i o n a l (choice-making) aspect.  Constitutive means here that the sensible world  i s s y n t h e t i c a l l y organized  by men through t h e i r praxis, and that the c u l -  t u r a l practices into which men are born r e f l e c t t h e i r active experience and are continually recreated by experience. to maintain,  (It i s not a contradiction  along with Levi-Strauss, that praxis presupposes a language and  a thought that are a n a l y t i c a l and constituted.) As f o r "structure," I use this word to r e f e r to any organized system of c u l t u r a l elements, be i t at the l e v e l of practices structures) or of thought ( " l o g i c a l " s t r u c t u r e s ) .  ("empirical"  The f i r s t corresponds  generally to structure as acted out and/or apprehended at the conscious l e v e l by actors; the second corresponds generally to the structured r e a l i t y comprehended by the researcher.  The second meaning i s that of the struc-  t u r a l i s t , for whom Structure refers to the determining (though i n v i s i b l e ) r e l a tions which account for v i s i b l e r e a l i t y ; i t i s the accounting reason or explanatory support, the r u l e or p r i n c i p l e which accounts f o r the v i s i b l e r e l a t i o n s (Rossi 1974: 9 0 ) . In my opinion t h i s meaning of "structure" corresponds to but one stage or purpose i n anthropological reasoning.  I s h a l l argue that "structure"  4  has a p r a c t i c a l side as well; that i t "accounts f o r v i s i b l e r e a l i t y " only because i t i s r e a l l y encountered as a determinant of action; that " r u l e or p r i n c i p l e " i s the observer's way of t a l k i n g about constraints which actors create f o r themselves i n t h e i r praxis; and that structure i s s i g n i f i c a n t as an explanatory  t o o l , whether i n kinship or i n myth, only  i f i t i s accepted i n both meanings.  In Part I I I s h a l l argue that s t r u c -  ture should be understood both i n the a n a l y t i c a l meaning (where i t denotes a system of elements, synchronically r e l a t e d , which i d e a l l y can be r e duced to mathematical expression or can be mapped out i n charts) and i n a d i a l e c t i c a l meaning (where " f r e e " praxis o s s i f i e s i t s e l f and takes on the appearance of being constituted by some r u l e or p r i n c i p l e ) . Reciprocity i s related to exchange, a concept which Malinowski gave a p a r t i c u l a r l y Melanesian stamp.  Exchange has been occupying an  increasingly important place i n the l i t e r a t u r e on New Guinea. (1967) put i t on a par with consanguinity  Wagner  i n h i s discussion of D a r i b i  s o c i a l structure, and other fieldworkers have documented the very  signi-  f i c a n t place of exchange systems i n Melanesian s o c i e t i e s (Strathern 1971a; Young 1971). 1969  But aside from a few recent studies (among them Burridge  and Schwimmer 1973), few have attempted to define s o c i a l s t r u c -  ture and organization i n terms of r e c i p r o c i t y . i s the established problematic  "Descent and residence"  (cf. f o r example, A. Strathern 1972).  I  s h a l l argue that descent and residence y i e l d a p a r t i a l understanding. The terms r e c i p r o c i t y and exchange have been used i n d i f f e r e n t ways by anthropologists, s o c i o l o g i s t s , and philosophers.  Perhaps I can  5  simply define how  I intend to use these words.  Reciprocity has the widest  meaning; i t i s a p r i n c i p l e , or a "mental structure" which i s "the most immediate form of integrating the opposition between the s e l f and (Levi-Strauss 1969:  84)."  others  Reciprocity takes the form of " d u a l i t y , a l -  ternation, opposition and symmetry...[which] are not so much matters to be explained,  as basic and  immediate data of mental and s o c i a l r e a l i t y  which should be the starting-point of any attempt at explanation 136)."  Following  (ibid.:  accepted usages I define r e c i p r o c i t y as a state or  relationship and exchange and cooperation words refer to d i f f e r e n t r e a l i t i e s .  as acts or actions.  The one  The  three  ( r e c i p r o c i t y ) has to do with  an i n t e r n a l state or perspective, the others (exchange and with a kind of performance or p r a c t i c e .  The  Shorter  cooperation)  Oxford English Dic-  tionary gives the following meanings (among others): Reciprocity: a state or r e l a t i o n s h i p i n which there i s mutual action, influence, giving and taking, correspondence, etc., between two p a r t i e s . (Onions 1959: 1672). Exchange: the action, or an act, of r e c i p r o c a l giving and ceiving. (Ibid.: 647).  re-  Cooperation: the act of working i n conjunction (with another person, or thing, Jto an end, or jln a work); j o i n t operation. (Ibid.: 390). Exchange and cooperation  are practices of r e c i p r o c i t y .  are ways of acting out a r e c i p r o c a l a t t i t u d e or perspective. a problem:  exchange and cooperation  not of r e c i p r o c i t y - i n - g e n e r a l . struggle, competition,  They  But here i s  are forms of p o s i t i v e r e c i p r o c i t y ,  Reciprocity-in-general also  agonistic i n t e r a c t i o n .  includes  Hence one has to d i s t i n g u i s h :  6  Reciprocity-in-general: Positive reciprocity: t i o n and  a s t a t e or r e l a t i o n s h i p of mutual a c t i o n . an a m i c a b l e r e l a t i o n , r e a l i z e d i n c o o p e r a -  exchange. Negative r e c i p r o c i t y :  an a n t a g o n i s t i c r e l a t i o n , r e a l i z e d i n  3 f i g h t i n g or  competition.  In o t h e r words the a b s t r a c t opposes t o " n o n - r e l a t i o n " p r a x i s takes c o n c r e t e  relation  (which e x i s t s o n l y  f o r an o u t s i d e  observer);  form i n e i t h e r p o s i t i v e r e c i p r o c i t y (exchange  cooperation) or negative  r e c i p r o c i t y (competition,  There i s a t h i r d o p p o s i t i o n whose two others.  (or p r a x i s ) of r e c i p r o c i t y  deception,  terms a r e c o n c r e t e  and  fight).  r e l a t i o n s toward  Things or r e l a t i o n s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by p o s i t i v e - r e c i p r o c i t y a r e  " r e c i p r o c a l " ; t h i n g s or r e l a t i o n s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by n e g a t i v e r e c i p r o c i t y are  "non-reciprocal."  "Non-reciprocal,"  or t h i n g s which do not  too,  i s the r e l a t i o n to persons  e n t e r t a i n e i t h e r p o s i t i v e - or  negative-reciprocal  4 p r a c t i c e or communication.  ( T h i s w i l l a l l o w us to speak of c e r t a i n n a t -  5 u r a l b e i n g s or phenomena — as " n o n - r e c i p r o c a l . "  c a s s o w a r i e s and  F i g u r e 1-1  d i x 1 on D i a l e c t i c s and  two  diagrams t h e s e terms.  flood  —  (Cf. a l s o Appen-  a r i s e w i t h the n o t i o n of m o r a l i t y .  r e l a t e d meanings.  (1)  M o r a l opposes h e r e t o "amoral."  The  I t r e f e r s to t h a t which  have an e t h i c a l judgement a p p l i e d to i t , q u i t e a p a r t judged.  thunder and  Scarcity.))  Similar ambiguities term " m o r a l " has  possums,  (2)  from how  may  i t is  I t a l s o r e f e r s to  that  which i s good, a c c e p t e d , conforming to a customary s t a n d a r d , o r i s socially desirable.  Here moral opposes to "immoral."  The  noun  "morality"  7  abstract relation  concrete relations Figure 1-1  The Concepts Reciprocity and Morality  also c a r r i e s t h i s double meaning.  On the one hand  (and e s p e c i a l l y i n i t s  p l u r a l form, "moralities") i t r e f e r s to rules of conduct, to behaviour either good or bad, proper or improper. per  or virtuous conduct.  experience:  On the other hand i t defines pro-  Here as well the semantic f l e x i b i l i t y  reflects  the tendency to i d e n t i f y what jls_ with what ought to be.  There i s some a f f i n i t y between the moral ( i n the second sense) and the r e c i p r o c a l .  According to one philosopher, the raison d'etre of a  morality " i s to y i e l d reasons which overrule the reasons of s e l f - i n t e r e s t i n those cases where everyone's following s e l f - i n t e r e s t would be harmful to everyone (Baier 1965: 150)."  One form of moral wrong i n Kewa i s r e -  8  fusing to be held accountable for one's actions when they a f f e c t other people adversely. a debt.  An example i s the r e f u s a l to compensate or to expiate  This kind of behaviour i s wrong because i t i s s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d .  While i t may be to a person's advantage to withhold a compensation  or pay-  ment, for t h i s both augments his wealth and increases his power over the other ( i f the l a t t e r does not press h i s claims), t h i s course of action would be destructive were everyone to follow i t .  M o r a l i t i e s support the  normative system by enjoining behaviour which maintains some equilibrium in s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s .  Debtor and creditor are moral when their actions  f u l f i l l the moral condition of r e v e r s i b i l i t y : to  a person whether he i s at the "giving" or " r e c e i v i n g " end of i t (Baier  1970:  108). In  of  the behaviour i s acceptable  the chapters of this thesis I hope to convey an understanding  r e c i p r o c i t y i n Kewa culture.  The argument begins with the abstract  d e f i n i t i o n of r e c i p r o c i t y (just given) and then moves from abstract and non-mediated to concrete and mediated.  The mediations, or "determinations"  as they may be known within a d i a l e c t i c , are the parts of Kewa c u l t u r e : the moral-religious system, the kinship structures, the i n s t i t u t i o n of the pig  k i l l , and the narratives.  I f the thesis can produce a concrete under-  standing of Kewa r e c i p r o c i t y , by means of these successive mediations, i t s intent w i l l be achieved; for the d i a l e c t i c , as I use i t , aspires to do no more than o f f e r a (phenomenological) d e s c r i p t i o n of what i s . Thus i n my concluding chapter I w i l l no more be i n a p o s i t i o n to define r e c i p r o c i t y than I am at the outset, since a l l d e f i n i t i o n s are incomplete, p a r t i a l , and abstract.  9  Although the chapters move the exposition from incomplete to more complete, no one part of Kewa culture i s , of course, more abstract, non-mediated, or i n any sense p r i o r to the others. to understand f u l l y Part I, and indeed narratives.  Nevertheless,  Part IV i s necessary  the thesis could have begun with the  I begin with the moral system for two reasons.  F i r s t , the ideas about thought, ghost, sickness, emotion, and so f o r t h cons t i t u t e the conditions of c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s , the conceptual  system of the  culture; they are thus of a most general importance and i n t e r e s t .  Second,  these ideas constitute a theory about the c a u s a l i t y of misfortune.  Like  other Melanesians, Kewa look upon one another with suspicion: misfortune  there i s a s o c i a l cause:  Warfare was  endemic u n t i l recently.  ghost attack, sorcery, or w i t c h c r a f t . In short, I see many c u l t u r a l practices  revealing a fundamental, latent interpersonal adversity. c a l l e d a "paranoia.")  behind each  (It has been  In one way or another to overcome t h i s uncertainty  about the other i s the r o l e of structure^ and these are discussed next. Part I I considers r e c i p r o c i t y and morality i n t h e i r s t r u c t u r a l aspect.  The f i r s t question I attempt to answer i s a t h e o r e t i c a l one:  how  does action acquire those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of persistence, r e g u l a r i t y , and o b j e c t i v i t y which allow us to c a l l i t " s t r u c t u r a l ? " Then I consider two structured forms of r e c i p r o c i t y , consanguinity  and a f f i n i t y .  An under-  standing of any structure e n t a i l s some d e f i n i t i o n of i t s r e l a t i o n to i n d i v i d u a l choice.  This i s the question that i s raised by the presence of a  "complex s t r u c t u r e " (as opposed to "elementary structure") of marriage. F i n a l l y , the discussion turns very b r i e f l y to a consideration of "native"  10  models of structure.  Appendices  2, 3 and 4 contain ethnographic p a r t i -  culars r e l a t i n g to Part I I . In tive.  Here I consider morality and r e c i p r o c i t y as r e a l i z e d i n a s p e c i f i c  setting. kill  Part I I I , which concerns the Kewa p i g k i l l , I s h i f t perspec-  I am interested not only i n the events and practices of the p i g  (Chapter 10) but also i n Kewa opinions about r e c i p r o c i t y expressed i n  that context (Chapter 11). about p i g k i l l i n g :  Chapter 12 examines metaphorical expressions  i t shows how some ambiguities and c o n f l i c t s i n Kewa  culture are manifested at a symbolic l e v e l . Part IV concerns Kewa narratives ( t i d a ) . iliar realities:  Here I rediscover fam-  cooperation, exchange, and f i l i a t i o n as they are shaped  by contact with the "possible" or imaginary order.  My objective i n t h i s  part i s to demonstrate  how the narratives can be interpreted as a meaningful,  structured discourse;  how they r e f l e c t c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s and practices;  and how they thereby engage both the Kewa and ourselves i n an act of comprehension of t h e i r culture. In I attempt  the f i n a l chapter I discuss the Kewa experience of h i s t o r y .  to depict r e c i p r o c i t y and morality i n one place at one time (the  Iapi d i s t r i c t , 1972), but i n this very singular experience the broad themes of Kewa culture are recognizable.  The Kewa are a population of 40,000 persons inhabiting about 750 square miles of the Southern Highlands D i s t r i c t of Papua, New Guinea. Most of t h e i r land forms part of the Southern Highlands plateau at 3200 to  11  6000 feet elevation.  Geomorphology and human habitation have produced  two d i f f e r e n t environments, a "grasslands" environment to the north of the Sugu River Valley and a " f o r e s t " environment to the south. I did fieldwork i n three d i f f e r e n t communities:  Kerabi (Kerabi  Census D i v i s i o n ) , K o i a r i (Fore-Tsimberigi CD.) and Iapi (West Sugu C D . ) , a l l three i n the Kagua Subdistrict and i n the southern part of Kewa t e r r i tory (see Figure 1-2). t h i r d i n the grasslands.  The f i r s t two are situated i n the f o r e s t , the E c o l o g i c a l differences associate with c u l t u r a l  ones, and i n several places i n t h i s thesis I w i l l r e f e r to s p e c i f i c d i f ferences between the two c u l t u r a l environments. The forest area i s rough and sparsely populated sons per square mile).  Limestone predominates.  (about 10 per-  R a i n f a l l has eroded the  rock into the craggy pinnacles and sinkholes (hereafter referred to as karst holes) that form the "broken b o t t l e country" extending from Mount Bosavi i n the west to Karimui i n the east.  Only near the settlements does  the forest give way to secondary grass growth, usually the t a l l , wild " p i t p i t " (Miscanthus).  From the a i r there i s l i t t l e evidence of human  presence. As one proceeds north the land r i s e s from 3500' to 4500' or 5000'.  The austere limestone gives way to rounder sandstone and mudstone  ridges, and the forest progressively confines i t s e l f to the ridge-tops. Population density approaches 100 persons per square mile i n some v a l l e y s . Gardens are conspicuous  i n the open v a l l e y s .  Walking tracks j o i n wide  government roads; bridges of s t e e l and concrete span major creeks and rivers.  12  R a i n f a l l throughout inches per year.  the Kewa area i s moderate, averaging 110-140  Although there i s no marked seasonal contrast, February  and September are often the wettest months, May and November the d r i e s t ; these differences are associated with some seasonality i n the vegetation. Even i n the d r i e s t months, though, days of the month.  i n as many as twenty  The area i s subject to dry s p e l l s during the winter  months (July, August). tions over 4000'.  some r a i n f a l l s  Frosts are rare but may be experienced at eleva-  The d i u r n a l temperature  range i s moderate, about 20°F.  Conditions f o r plant growth are optimum throughout  the year (C.S.I.R.O.  1965: 101). There i s s u f f i c i e n t l i n g u i s t i c evidence, according to Franklin (1968), to assume that Kewa speakers moved into t h e i r present area from the north, perhaps from Enga t e r r i t o r y . pean contact.  Known h i s t o r y begins with Euro-  The presence of Europeans was f i r s t f e l t  indirectly:  at  least i n the south Kewa area s t e e l axe blades were i n use by the 1930's. The i n i t i a l d i r e c t contacts came during the K i k o r i p a t r o l s , explorations undertaken  to extend the administration's knowledge of the land between  the Purari and F l y Rivers.  In 1910 Staniforth Smith reached the Samberigi  Valley from K i k o r i , contacted the Sau population there, but probably d i d not reach the Kewa.  In the 1920's other patrols pushed to the Erave River.  Faithorne and Champion skirted the Kewa to the east when they passed  through  Polopa t e r r i t o r y . The f i r s t expedition to cross Kewa country was l e d by Jack Hides in 1935. Having ascended the Fly River, Hides crossed the Highlands  from  the Sisa-Bosavi area and contacted the H u l i people, the upper Wage groups,  13  and the Kewa.  Hides approached the Kewa from the northwest:  looking f o r the Purari River and eventual passage to K i k o r i .  he was Following  the Nembi River (Figure 1-2) downstream to the Erave River, he passed near the lower Sugu Valley settlements of Iapi and Taguere, crossed to the Erave River and rafted downstream to the beginning of a rapids.  He must  have walked through the present-day s i t e of the Erave P a t r o l Post. P a c i f i c a t i o n , as the conquest War I I .  i s c a l l e d , came mainly a f t e r World  A p a t r o l post was created at Lake Kutubu i n the 1940's, and pat-  r o l s to the south Kewa area resulted i n the establishment of a post at Erave i n 1953. Patrols to the Kagua and Sugu Valleys were made from Erave and from Mendi.  Kagua p a t r o l post was established under Erave within the  then Lake Kutubu Subdistrict i n 1957.  Subdistrict headquarters were trans-  ferred to Kagua i n 1961. A l l areas came under government control (derest r i c t i o n ) by the early 1960's, and nearly a l l communities are at present (1972) members of the Local Government Council system.  The Kewa today  are administered from the four government stations at Erave, Mendi, Kagua, and  Ialibu. The grasslands Kewa, with a denser population and a more acces-  s i b l e t e r r a i n , has benefitted more than the forest Kewa from economic development, primarily road construction. There i s some indigenous c u l t i v a t i o n of birds-eye c h i l l i e s and of biksa (used for dye) i n the forest area.  Coffee i s grown i n two expatriate plantations i n Erave;  production of this crop has not succeeded.  indigenous  Some men and women p a r t i c i p a t e  i n markets held once or twice weekly at the government s t a t i o n s , but the most successful Kewa commodity has been labour power.  14  The staple crop throughout  the Kewa area i s sweet potato.  Two  kinds of taro, bananas, and a number of greens also have an important place i n the d i e t .  Forest Kewa follow the "lowland" pattern of c u l t i v a t i o n  (short use with long fallow of forest regrowth, no mounding or turning of s o i l ) while grasslanders use a "highland" method (longer use with i n d e f i 6  n i t e fallow of grass regrowth, turning of s o i l ) . Men and women spend an appreciable amount of time i n the  gardens.  There may be l i t t l e else to do i n those areas where the mission impact has been strong.  Such i s the case i n the forest area.  With f i g h t i n g and  many t r a d i t i o n a l r i t u a l s suppressed, l i f e has taken on a c e r t a i n monotonous, almost somnolent q u a l i t y .  Many males choose to escape boredom by  seeking work i n the European population centres.  Those who  stay behind  spend t h e i r time l i s t e n i n g to v i l l a g e disputes over divorce and adultery, going hunting, working on the government road, or just t a l k i n g i d l y i n the men's houses. A noticeable change occurs when a p i g k i l l i s being prepared. The v i l l a g e i s mobilized, a c t i v i t i e s and conversation are focused. i s excitement.  There  Disputes drop o f f , not only because there are other things  to be done but also because everyone seems to urge a detente.  Such was 7 the ambience i n K o i a r i v i l l a g e i n l a t e 1971 and i n Iapi i n early 1972. In  a general way  the Kewa resemble t h e i r neighbours.  The nor-  thern Kewa have much i n common with the Enga, Mendi, Imbonggu and Wiru, while the southern Kewa correspond more c l o s e l y to the F o i , Sau, Foraba 8 and D a r i b i . Kewa culture w i l l be the subject of the chapters to follow;  15  Table I  P r i n c i p a l Cultivated Crops Kewa Name Northwest  Common Name  Botanical Name  South  Sweet potato  Ipomoea batatas  mondo  sapi, s a l i b a  banana  Musa spp.  kai  epele  taro  Colocasia sp.  ma  ma  taro  Xanthosoma sp.  taro  taro  pandanus  Pandanus spp.  aga  apare  yam  Discorea sp.  bira  bira  sugar cane  Saccharum o f f i c i n a r i u m  wali  wa  Edible p i t p i t  Saccharum edule  kuni  kuni  Edible p i t p i t  Seatria palmaefolia  minya  padi  corn  Zea mays  kuni  kuniga  beans  Psophycarpus tetragnolobus (?)  Sago  Metraxylon sp.  a resume here i s unnecessary.  pesa kawi  kawi  But one element of Kewa s o c i a l organization,  referred to throughout the text, i s best introduced immediately.  This i s  the Kewa repa or " c l a n . " One of the f i r s t things I learned about Kewa s o c i a l organization was  the presence of named groups associated with land and with settlements.  The term for these units i s repa or ruru depending on the d i a l e c t .  In the  f o r e s t s , where people l i v e i n hamlets or v i l l a g e s , a settlement i s associated with one or more repa.  In the grasslands, where residence i s dispersed,  a t r a c t of community land containing several scattered homesteads i s associated with a ruru.  Even before he knows the structure of Kewa consanguin-  16  eal  kin terms, the outsider learns two a d d i t i o n a l things about repa  (and ruru):  f i r s t , they are not r e s i d e n t i a l units so much as kin groups;  second, a l l same-generation repa co-members are " s i b l i n g s . " Repa are p a t r i l i n e a l . filiation;  Their members are related through male  they undertake cooperative a c t i v i t i e s , share a common mythic  and h i s t o r i c a l background, and have a supra-lineage genealogical status (not a l l repa members can demonstrate actual i n t e r r e l a t i o n ) . man,  Every Kewa  woman and c h i l d belongs to one repa, normatively h i s or her father's.  Residence i s normatively p a t r i - v i r i l o c a l , and c h i l d r e n grow to maturity i n the company of age-mates who siblings.  share the same repa name and are therefore  They form the core of the l o c a l repa.  As s i b l i n g s , the  mates cannot intermarry; they find spouses i n other repa.  age-  Repa s i s t e r s  depart to l i v e with t h e i r husbands, brothers bring i n wives from the outside.  The stress on male f i l i a t i o n i s evident i n the a l t e r n a t i v e s  araame ("father and brothers," male speaking), a r a b a l i ("father and brothers," female speaking) and aramaai ("father and father's brothers"). Actual repa organization i s complex, geographically (repa are dispersed as a r e s u l t of group f i s s i o n ) and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y (repa of d i f f e r e n t orders of inclusiveness are combined or opposed within a single community).  Appendix 2 examines repa organization i n more depth.  For  the purpose of t h i s thesis, a repa i s a l o c a l group of p a t r i l i n e a l l y related men who —  —  as brothers, father's brothers and sons to each other  are solidary and  cooperative.  Where are the Kewa p r e c i s e l y ? them geographically.  The map  (Figure 1-2)  locates  To locate them c u l t u r a l l y i s the task of the four  parts of t h i s thesis.  As f o r t h e i r place within a more d i f f u s e "human  experience," that i s l e f t unsaid. an answer.  Perhaps the concluding chapter  has  18  Figure 1-2 Map  19  Footnotes  1.  When I say "Melanesians" I have i n mind e s p e c i a l l y the men, since Melanesia i s a culture area where men dominate the p r a c t i c a l and symb o l i c domains. During my fieldwork women d i d not confide i n me the way men did, and I almost always saw them through the eyes of t h e i r brothers or husbands. The following study therefore imparts a male, and to that extent a p a r t i a l , view. It would be i n t e r e s t i n g to explore the nature of t h i s p a r t i a l i t y at some length, but I s h a l l make only a b r i e f comment. Kewa culture i s organized along male l i n e s i n that: (1) men are united through p a t r i l i n y and residence, women not; (2) men are the main p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the enactment and transmission of the important p r a c t i c a l , moral, and symbolic r e l a t i o n s i n the c u l ture; and (3) women are l a r g e l y confined to exercising i n d i r e c t cont r o l over c u l t u r a l things through t h e i r husbands and brothers. Focusing on the male side as I do, I undoubtedly emphasize (1) the normative and symbolic elements of the culture, at the expense of the sometimes countervailing domestic p o l i t i c s i n i t i a t e d by women, and (2) the i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r a l order of norms and symbols, at the expense of t h e i r possible function to i d e o l o g i c a l l y conceal, or j u s t i f y , parts of Kewa culture.  2.  The term occupies a c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n i n Sartre (1960); i t appears r e peatedly i n Levi-Strauss' La Pensee sauvage, e s p e c i a l l y i n the f i n a l chapter " H i s t o i r e et d i a l e c t i q u e . " As of 1966 (the year of the English t r a n s l a t i o n , The Savage Mind) "praxis" has appeared recurrently i n studies on the philosophical roots and p r a c t i c e of structuralism, positivism, or anthropology generally. Cf. f o r example Murphy 1971, Krader 1974, Scholte 1974, and Rosen 1974. It has had a longer usage i n Marxist l i t e r a t u r e , where i t often i s used synonymously with "practice."  3.  Within negative r e c i p r o c i t y one could, of course, also d i s t i n g u i s h a 'negative cooperation' and a 'negative exchange' (cf. Kotarbinski 1970). As f o r ' r e c i p r o c i t y - i n - g e n e r a l , ' Sartre (1960) s p e c i f i e s that four conditions are f u l f i l l e d i n a r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n . Reciprocity implies (1) that the other person i s a means to the same degree that I am a means, that i s that he i s a means to a transcendent end and not my end; (2) that I recognize the other as praxis, that i s as an ongoing t o t a l i z a t i o n , at the same time that I integrate him as an object in my t o t a l i z i n g project; (3) that I recognize h i s movement toward h i s own ends i n the same movement through which I project myself toward my own; (4) that I discover myself as object and instrument of h i s ends by the very act which constitutes him as objective instrument for my ends. In p o s i t i v e r e c i p r o c i t y each person makes himself a means i n the other's project so that the other may make himself a means  20  in h i s own project, the two transcendent ends remaining separate. (This i s the case with exchange or the prestation of services.) Or the end i s a common one and each makes himself the other's means so that t h e i r combined e f f o r t s may r e a l i z e t h e i r single and transcendent objective. (This i s the case with cooperation.) In negative r e c i p r o c i t y the four conditions are f u l f i l l e d on the basis of a r e c i procal r e f u s a l : each refuses to serve the ends of the other and, while yet recognizing h i s objective being as a means i n the adversary's project, each puts to p r o f i t h i s own instrumentality ( i n the adversary's project) to turn the other i n s p i t e of himself into an i n s t r u ment of h i s own ends. In the case of struggle or f i g h t , each person reduces himself to h i s own m a t e r i a l i t y i n order to act on that of the other; each through h i s f e i n t s , ruses, frauds, and manoeuvres, allows himself to be constituted by the other as a f a l s e object, as a delusive means (Sartre 1960: 192). 4.  Levi-Strauss notes that: ...observers have often been struck by the i m p o s s i b i l i t y for natives of conceiving a n e u t r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , or more eactly, no r e l a t i o n s h i p . We have the f e e l i n g — which, moreover, i s i l l u s o r y — that the absence of d e f i n i t e kinship gives r i s e to such a state i n our consciousness. But the supposition that t h i s might be the case i n primitive thought does not stand up to examination. Every family r e l a t i o n s h i p defines a c e r t a i n group of r i g h t s and d u t i e s , while the lack of family r e l a t i o n s h i p does not define anything; i t defines enmity (Levi-Strauss 1969: 482). He then c i t e s Evans-Pritchard, speaking of the Nuer: Either a man i s a kinsman, a c t u a l l y or by f i c t i o n , or he i s a person to whom you have no r e c i p r o c a l obligations and whom you treat as a p o t e n t i a l enemy (quoted i n idem).  5.  The word "possum" w i l l be used instead of the more unwieldy "marsupial."  term  6.  Cf. Robbins 1963 and Brookfield 1970 f o r more d e s c r i p t i o n .  7.  Table I I gives the r e s u l t of a time-use survey i n Kerabi (a t o t a l of 2700 man-hours for both sexes) and i n K o i a r i (1010 man-hours among men). The Kerabi survey was made between 25 June and 6 August 1971, the K o i a r i survey between 9 November and 6 December 1971. The dates were chosen mainly f o r my convenience. (I have noted that major subsistence a c t i v i t i e s do not vary seasonally.) The K o i a r i survey i n t e n t i o n a l l y covered a one-month period ending three weeks before the  21  1971 pig k i l l ; i t r e f l e c t s a period of r i t u a l preparation and some r i t u a l a c t i v i t y (see Table XI i n Chapter 10). I collected the data by (1) making a l i s t of a l l the married men and ( i n Kerabi only) the women i n the v i l l a g e , then (2) following the f i r s t four or s i x persons (or, for three weeks, eight persons) for one week, then the next four or s i x for a week, and so on. "Following" means making d i r e c t observations, occasionally making d i s c r e t e i n q u i r i e s , or recording i n f o r mation (contributed by an a s s i s t a n t or two delegated to do the same) about the a c t i v i t i e s of the surveyed persons. Certainly there was no ignorance on the v i l l a g e r s ' part, nor was there any resistance, with regard to this study. In Kerabi some men and women would spend seve r a l days at a time i n second residences, ostensibly to tend gardens and pigs but for other reasons as w e l l . A short p i l o t survey of time-use i n these residences enabled me to adjust the main sample. The noticeable contrast i s between Kerabi men and K o i a r i men. In K o i a r i there i s a reduction of a c t i v i t i e s e to h and a s i g n i f i c a n t increase i n a c t i v i t y _1. One could c a l l these two patterns "modern" and " t r a d i t i o n a l . " Table I I Time Use Kerabi Men a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. j. k. 1. m.  Roadwork Domestic-Leisure Pig Care Gardens, firewood Disputes, court Hunting Visiting Mission Sick Other government work Entrepreneurial* S o c i a l , ceremonial Other TOTAL  *  8.  12 27 3 21 7  6  4  6  4 2 3 3 3 101  Includes tending c h i l l i e s in K o i a r i and tradestore i n Kerabi.  Women 12 23 5 38 3 0 2 8 4 2 0 1 2 100  Koiari Men 14 33 3 17 1 0 1 1 4 0.5 0.5 23 1 100  (two men) tending a new  For the Enga c f . Meggitt 1965, Waddell 1972; for the Mendi c f . Ryan 1959; for the Wiru c f . A. Strathern 1968b, 1971b and forthcoming; f o r the Foi c f . Langlas 1968; for the D a r i b i c f . Wagner 1967, 1972.  22  In addition to these sources the i z a t i o n : Barnes 1967, Cook 1970, and Meggitt 1969, Langness 1964, 1967-68, Pouwer 1960, 1964, 1967,  reader can consult, on s o c i a l organFranklin 1965, Glasse 1968, Glasse van der Leeden 1960, de Lepervanche A. Strathern 1968a, Watson 1970.  On exchange and p o l i t i c s : Berndt and Lawrence 1971, Bulmer E l k i n 1953, A. Strathern 1969. On r e l i g i o n :  1960,  Lawrence and Meggitt 1965, Read 1955, M. Strathern 1968.  On subsistence and ecology: Rappaport 1967.  Brookfield 1964,  1970, Clarke 1966,  23  PART I  MORALITY  CHAPTER 2 ASPECTS OF BEING  I f , as I have s a i d , the conceptual scheme governs and defines practices, i t i s because these...are not to be confused with praxis which...constitutes the fundamental t o t a l i t y for the sciences of man....Without questioning the undoubted primacy of i n f r a s t r u c t u r e s , I believe that there i s always a mediator between praxis and p r a c t i c e s , namely the conceptual scheme by the operation of which matter and form, neither with any independent existence, are realized as structures, that i s as e n t i t i e s which are both empirical and i n t e l l i g i b l e (Levi-Strauss 1966: 130). In the introductory chapter I set out some general ideas about reciprocity.  I defined i t as a " s t a t e " or "perspective" which i s implemented  in two p r a c t i c a l forms, cooperation and exchange.  Reciprocity i s the more  abstract term, describing an aspect of praxis; exchange and cooperation more mediated, denoting  types of c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s .  are  The r e l a t i o n between  non-mediated and mediated implies that i f one were to s t r i p away a l l the concrete determinations  i n ceremonial exchanges, r i t u a l , warfare,  domestic  r e l a t i o n s , disputes, and so f o r t h , one would be l e f t with this generalized notion that we have, defined as " r e c i p r o c i t y . " I w i l l proceed inversely.  Having begun with abstract d e f i n i t i o n s ,  I hope to constitute the concrete by accumulating determinations.  But i n  order to move from praxis to p r a c t i c e s , Levi-Strauss asserts, one has to know the mediating conceptual  scheme.  Unlike Levi-Strauss, who  see i n this scheme a n a l y t i c a l reason at work (that i s , an inert  first  would  classifica-  24  tion of things on the basis of categories of understanding) I s h a l l stress i t s fundamentally d i a l e c t i c a l character ( c f . Krader 1974: 339). The main opposition, or a n t i t h e s i s , i s f a m i l i a r to philosophical and r e l i gious phenomenology: to  (body).  mind and body.  Or, i n Kewa, kone (thought) and  These categories and t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n ( i n oma, the act of  awareness of an organic state such as sickness or emotion) are the subj e c t matter of this Part. In c a l l i n g attention to a " d i a l e c t i c " I want to point out that these categories are an object of Kewa understanding.  They are en-  tertained not just passively as a kind of f i l t e r f o r experience, but a c t i v e l y as w e l l .  They are less a conceptual " g r i d " than devices through  which a person may choose to understand or dissemble himself. In  this chapter I s h a l l discuss, f i r s t , concepts pertaining  to the body; second, the concept "thought" or "behaviour"(kone); t h i r d , the concepts "ghost" (remo) and " s p i r i t " (wasa); and, fourth, other Kewa e n t i t i e s (wildman,demiurge).  The f i r s t three conceptual classes are r e -  quired f o r the arguments of Chapter 3; the fourth class w i l l be needed for Part IV.  1.  Body:  to, l o , and pu. Kewa recognize the r o l e of both  father and mother i n conception.  They consider the c h i l d to be " b u i l t "  from the mother's blood (we, kupa) and the man's semen (tene page). foetus i s b u i l t gradually through repeated intercourse.  The  Parturition i s  designated by the verb mata, which means "bear" or "carry i n a net bag." A woman recognizes preganancy when she no longer "bears" blood, when the  25  1 blood goes to make the c h i l d that she w i l l bear.  Men also "bear" (mata)  children, f o r the term refers to s o c i a l as w e l l as p h y s i o l o g i c a l parentage; but they may also be said to "bear" ( r i a ) children i n the sense of "carry on the shoulder." To refers to the "body," the p h y s i o l o g i c a l aspect of one's 2 being r e s u l t i n g from the combination of blood and semen. sense _to may refer to the trunk or abdomen.  In a narrower  Within t h i s area the l i v e r  (pu) i s of central importance, f o r i t i s most commonly thought to be the s i t e of emotion and impulse.  Of a-person who acts without d e l i b e r a t i o n  i t may be said that he has "acted from the l i v e r . " i s mentioned  The stomach (roba)  i n a s i m i l a r context, either alone or i n association with  the l i v e r (pu roba); the i n t e s t i n e s (lo) are also referred to as the locus of emotion.  When consuming these parts of a p i g , Kewa say that the  pu i s stronger than roba or 1<3.  L i v e r and i n t e s t i n e s are associated with  male and female q u a l i t i e s , with blood and with the umbilical cord and  3 a f t e r b i r t h respectively. 2.  Kone.  The term kone refers to wide range of i n t e r i o r A  states centring on the idea of "thought."  As a noun i t s usage includes  behaviour, act, knowledge, memory, intention, opinion, w i l l , and so f o r t h . Kone i s both i n t e n t i o n a l consciousness and the overt behaviour r e s u l t i n g from intentions.  As a verb the term convers the verbal equivalents of the  nouns l i s t e d above.  The verbal expression i s "to put thought" (kone sa,  kone wia). There are two contexts i n which the notion of kone i s used i n speech:  r e f l e x i v e and non-reflexive.  The r e f l e x i v e use of kone suggests  26  reason and judgement controlled by the awareness of a l t e r n a t i v e s .  The  expression designates the speaker's opinion, and i t occurs i n statements of the type "I think that...." (1)  "My  For example:  thought i s : we should not burn (the b r i s t l e s ) and  give the p i g to them, I think."  (Menada na k i r u atama kone wialo, na  konemare.) (2)  "But i f we burn and give pig to the men who  our pigs, that's a l l r i g h t .  come to k i l l  I w i l l s i t down and think 'good'."  (Pare  nainya mena k i a l a ipulumi a l i n u repara k i r u atamadare, ale meda d i a , n i m i r i epelea kone wia pitua.) The non-reflexive use of the word kone indicates that the actor's thoughts were not aware of themselves as such.  Rather someone  else (or the same person at a d i f f e r e n t time) turned h i s attention to them.  These are statements of the type, "he thought that...," "his  opinion was...," "I thought...."  Kone i s mentioned i n this context when  i t contains an uninformed opinion or an opinion contrary to f a c t . instance i n (3) and (4) the implication i s "a t h i r d person was accompanying the two" and " i t was not r e a l l y the brother who  (For  actually  shot the  arrow.") (3) ipu kone wia (4)  The two of them thought they were alone.  (Ipu kome poloame  pirapeda.) My brother shot (an arrow), she thought and... (balimi  p i a kone wiawa.) F i n a l l y , kone may  function as a noun or as an i n t r a n s i t i v e verb  to express a moral judgement about a person or a s i t u a t i o n (examples or to imply that moral interests are questioned (examples 8-10) :  5-7)  27  (5) thoughts.  We do not have good thoughts (actions) , t r u l y we have bad  (Epe kone na wima, ora k o i kone waru wima.) (6)  You gave only one thought and then came.  (Nere kome kone  u mea go epa pimida.) (7)  I have this thought of d i s l i k e .  (Gi p i a kone wia pi.)  (8)  Since I have this opinion, I am speaking out.  (Ni konema  wiatada, goina apo laloda.) (9)  This thought stays i n my intestines and stomach.  roba para go kone wia (10)  (Na l o  ayo.)  I want to see his behaviour.  (Ipinya kone adalua.)  Kone i s the means of discriminating between good (epe) and bad (koi), between things done r i g h t l y or properly (ora) and those not so done.  I t i s the faculty of reason which makes a man  his actions.  responsible f o r  A being without kone acts from impulse and i n s t i n c t , l i k e  the p i g which s p o i l s a sweet potato garden without knowing i t has done something wrong. good or bad.  I t follows that one's moral sense can also be deemed  Hence epe kone and koi kone, good thoughts and bad thoughts.  Applying e i t h e r to some s p e c i f i c action or to a person's behaviour i n general, kone c a r r i e s a strong element of moral evaluation. son i s told he "puts bad thoughts"  When a per-  the implication i s not just that he  has done things badly or i n e p t l y , but that he has acted improperly because he i s an improper person.  A Kewa who witnesses a s o c i a l i n f r a c -  tion might say "bad behaviour," but i f he wants to phrase his c r i t i c i s m moiE  strongly he can imply that the bad conduct might have been expected;  28  then he w i l l say " k o i a l i ! " (bad man, immoral person!).  But each implies  the other. Wrong actions may r e s u l t from the absence of thought as w e l l as from bad thoughts.  The only occasion when actions might not r e f l e c t  kone i s during possession madness (ema) or a f t e r an attack by a s p i r i t ( s i a k i l i S) or ghost (remo).  Then the person becomes uncontrollable,  immoral, exceptionally strong, and accomplishes feats of which no memory 4  i s retained.  Loss of consciousness occurs when a person no longer  "holds" kone. Kone i s acquired not from b i r t h but from the age of s o c i a l awareness.  The s h i f t i n g , unfocussed, purposeless a c t i v i t y of children  i s an index of t h e i r lack of kone.  Birds and marsupials do not have  kone, nor do pigs (except i n n a r r a t i v e s ) ; small children are l i k e them. The growth of kone i s a gradual process involving the implantation of s k i l l s and knowledge by the parents and other close r e l a t i v e s .  Prompting  the c h i l d i n the proper use of k i n terms, urging him to give to others, imparting s k i l l s —  these develop  kone.  There i s no set age at which  kone i s f u l l y acquired, f o r one continues to accumulate or death.  i t until senility  Some children develop i t much e a r l i e r than others.  Early  a c q u i s i t i o n may a r i s e from some childhood trauma such as witnessing the v i o l e n t death of a father.  A boy who has seen h i s father's death i s  quickly inspired by an awareness of his r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as a s o c i a l being and group member; he i s awakened to the r e a l i t i e s of l i f e , the presence of non-reciprocal and u n i l a t e r a l acts; he becomes less d a l l y i n g and  29  thinks more.  (As f a r as I know, a father's kone does not actually enter  into his son at death; such a p o s s i b i l i t y seems inconsistent with the way Kewa talk about kone.)  3.  Remo and wasa.  The word remo refers to those aspects of  a man's being which are encountered a f t e r h i s death, h i s "ghost."  A  l