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Selective service and local society: Montgomery, Alabama, 1917-1918 Thornbury, Donald Raymond 1975

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SELECTIVE SERVICE AND LOCAL SOCIETY: MONTGOMERY, ALABAMA, 1 9 1 7 - 1 9 1 8 by DONALD RAYMOND THORNBURY A.B., Dartmouth C o l l e g e , 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of H i s t o r y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the requ i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1975 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o lumbia, I a g r e e t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u rposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f ffl'g'fo/' y  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia 20 75 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 1. Abstract The S e l e c t i v e Service system of the F i r s t World War was based on an attempt to r e c o n c i l e the m i l i t a r y n e c e s s i t y of c o n s c r i p t i o n with American c i v i c values. General Enoch Crow-der and others i n the War Department, with the d i s a s t r o u s C i v i l War experience i n mind, were determined to produce a system of c o n s c r i p t i o n that would incorporate such values. Because of t h i s concern, a c h i e f feature of S e l e c t i v e Ser-v i c e was a framework of d e c e n t r a l i z e d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n : the l o c a l boards. The complete success of the l o c a l boards, though, was predicated on t h e i r operation i n the sort of so-c i e t y that General Crowder and h i s a s s o c i a t e s had known, and indeed i d e a l i z e d . This was the homogeneous, i n c l u s i v e , and p a r t i c i p a t o r y group c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the strong s o c i a l bonds of "community." S e l e c t i v e • Service was con s c i o u s l y intended to f i t i n t o and take advantage of the dynamics of c l o s e l y -k n i t l o c a l s o c i e t y , of which the small country town was the American model. Beyond t h a t , some viewed i t as a means to strengthen the bonds of community and help u n i f y s o c i e t y on both l o c a l and n a t i o n a l l e v e l s . The major part of t h i s study i s concerned w i t h S e l e c t i v e Service i n a p o t e n t i a l l y d i f f i c u l t s o c i a l context: that of r a c i a l segregation i n one Southern c i t y , Montgomery, Alabama. Society i n Montgomery e x h i b i t e d general Southern charac-t e r i s t i c s of segregation, but i n Montgomery the s o c i a l d i s -tance between black'and white was perhaps greater than elsewhere. R e l a t i o n s between the two groups were governed by the basic conservatism of both, a not e n t i r e l y v i c i o u s arrangement. Though o f f i c i a l s had worried about f u l l black p a r t i c i p a t i o n , S e l e c t i v e Service got a strong s t a r t i n Montgomery'at the f i r s t r e g i s t r a t i o n i n 1917• In such a s e t t i n g , the question a r i s e s as to how Selec-t i v e Service was a f f e c t e d i n operation by segregation. In Montgomery the members of the l o c a l board were c i t y o f f i c i a l s , i n t e l l i g e n t , competent, but unremarkable r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the white community. In d e a l i n g w i t h white r e g i s t r a n t s , the board, not s u r p r i s i n g l y , f u l f i l l e d a l l the expectations of the War Department. Above a l l the l o c a l board was a b s o l u t e l y f a i r i n i t s judgments. The s i t u a t i o n of the blacks -was natu-r a l l y somewhat d i f f e r e n t . The l o c a l board d i d not know or represent them i n any r e a l sense. L o c a l customs (and a segre-gated army) d i c t a t e d the maintenance of segregation i n most, though not a l l , aspects of o f f i c i a l proceedings. Yet i n sub-s t a n t i v e terms the board was j u s t as f a i r to the blacks as to  the whites. The main d i s p a r i t i e s between the treatment of black and white was the unavoidable e t i q u e t t e of segregation symbolized by the use of the word "Boy." The board's a c t i o n s , though, l e f t l i t t l e room f o r complaint. I f h a b i t s of segregation d i d not s u b s t a n t i a l l y i n f l u e n c e the operation of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , d i d S e l e c t i v e Service i n t u r n have any e f f e c t on segregation? In the case of Montgomery i t i s c l e a r that conservatism was too strong and the forces of change too weak to produce much change i n l o c a l s o c i e t y . Segregation was always maintained at p u b l i c events. The races went t h e i r separate ways, the whites l a r g e l y i g n o r i n g black i i i . a c t i v i t i e s . By the end of the war no change had taken place i n r a c i a l a t t i t u d e s . The war e f f o r t , while u n s e t t l i n g , simply was not a s u f f i c i e n t l y p r e s s i n g s i t u a t i o n to compel an a l t e r a -t i o n i n the views of conservative people. A l s o , things got done qu i t e w e l l under segregation, with the help of black ' le a d e r s , so that there was no o p e r a t i o n a l need to re-examine l o c a l l o c i e t y . And f i n a l l y , there was no pressure from b l a c k s , although i n wartime circumstances they were beginning to develop some community o r g a n i z a t i o n . S e l e c t i v e Service came, di d i t s work, and departed, l e a v i n g segregation i n Montgomery as w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d as before the war. S e l e c t i v e Service i n Montgomery was thus both a success and a f a i l u r e . It-succeeded i n that there was a j u s t adminis-t r a t i o n of c o n s c r i p t i o n , supported by p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . I t f a i l e d i n t h a t , although both the white and black people of the c i t y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a common i n s t i t u t i o n , the b a r r i e r s of segregation remained untouched by the war experience. Despite the high s o c i a l goals which some had had f o r i t , S e l e c t i v e Ser-v i c e i n Montgomery was only segregation at i t s b e s t — a n d nothing more. i v . Table of Contents Chapter I: S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e : O r i g i n s and Context 1 Chapter I I : S e l e c t i v e Service i n Montgomery: The F i r s t R e g i s t r a t i o n 47 Chapter I I I : The Lo c a l Board 7 4 Chapter IV: S e l e c t i v e Service and Segregation 102 Chapter V: Conclusion 126 Select B i b l i o g r a p h y 129 1. I . S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e : O r i g i n s and Context S e l e c t i v e Service was one of the triumphs of the American war e f f o r t i n 1 9 1 7 - 1 9 1 8 . Though no one would have p r e d i c t e d i t even a few years e a r l i e r , by 1918 Americans had accepted c o n s c r i p t i o n as "one of those well - o r g a n i z e d departments of government that s l i p along smoothly, l i k e the post office."" 1" This remarkable success was due l a r g e l y to the work of a few men who had managed to incorporate i n S e l e c t i v e Service the values and s p i r i t of American s o c i e t y as they ( f a i r l y ac-c u r a t e l y ) understood i t . The o r i g i n s of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , and the nature of the s o c i a l context i n which i t was intended to operate, are the t o p i c s of t h i s chapter. When Woodrow Wilson went to Congress on the night of A p r i l 2 , 1 9 1 7 , to ask f o r a d e c l a r a t i o n of war against Ger-many, n e i t h e r he nor the American people were qu i t e sure what the m i l i t a r y r o l e of the United States i n the war would be. The events of the spr i n g of 1 9 1 7 j i a n d o f f i c i a l A l l i e d o p t i -mism, l e d Americans to b e l i e v e that the war would soon be over. The Russian r e v o l u t i o n , h o p e f u l l y viewed; the new B r i -t i s h o f f e n s i v e i n Flanders; the I t a l i a n d r i v e beginning a-gainst A u s t r i a ; new operations i n the Middle East; and i n -c r e a s i n g rumors of unrest among the populations- of the Cen-t r a l Powers, a l l gave substance to the b e l i e f that the A l l i e s 2 were w i t h i n s i g h t of v i c t o r y . Many Americans, i n c l u d i n g the Pre s i d e n t , were convinced that t h e i r country's main c o n t r i -b u t i o n to the war e f f o r t would be i n d u s t r i a l and f i n a n c i a l . Perhaps a small f o r c e of troops would be sent to Europe to be present at the German surrender. Indeed, there was some v concern that the war would be over before Americans could 4 a r r i v e to perform even that symbolic gesture. Nevertheless, Wilson asked i n h i s war address f o r a l a r g e a d d i t i o n to the m i l i t a r y f o r c e s , and he stated that i n h i s o p i n i o n men should "be chosen upon the p r i n c i p l e of u n i v e r s a l l i a b i l i t y to s e r -v i c e . " Just a f t e r the emotional climax of h i s speech, the President was asking f o r an army of at l e a s t 500,000 men to be r a i s e d by d r a f t — a p o l i c y l i k e l y to be c o n t r o v e r s i a l and p o s s i b l y d i s a s t r o u s . On the surface i t seems incongruoustthat Wilson, a man of conservative temperament, a philosopher of i n d i v i d u a l freedom, and, formerly at l e a s t , a n e a r - p a c i f i s t , should be a d v i s i n g Congress to i n s t i t u t e c o n s c r i p t i o n , which Americans had t r a d i t i o n a l l y considered a desperate measure, the e p i -tome of oppression and m i l i t a r i s m . Yet the President found h i m s e l f , as with the l a r g e r issues of the war i t s e l f , i n circumstances that compelled new departures i n p o l i c y . In the preparedness campaign of the previous year he had taken a few steps toward a wore aggressive m i l i t a r y stance In the defense of the nation's honor. A f t e r the breaking of r e -l a t i o n s with Germany i n February 1917, Wilson r e a l i z e d that i f the s i t u a t i o n demanded a d e c l a r a t i o n of war, only a sub-s t a n t i a l army would give i t r e a l f o r c e . ^ I t was obvious that the small r e g u l a r army and the N a t i o n a l Guard, even i f r a i s e d to war s t r e n g t h , would be inadequate to the task. A.<>new army had to be r a i s e d , but how? The t r a d i t i o n a l means was f o r the President to make a c a l l f o r short-term v o l u n t e e r s , as McKinley, L i n c o l n , Polk, and Madison had done. The p r o f e s s i o n a l s c l o s e s t to the problem, the m i l i t a r y experts of the General S t a f f , abhorred such an i d e a . The General S t a f f was unanimously i n favor of an e f f i c i e n t and o r d e r l y m o b i l i z a t i o n by con-7 s c r i p t i o n . E a r l y i n 1917 s Major General Hugh S c o t t , the Chief of S t a f f , went to Secretary of War Baker and presented to him the argument f o r a d r a f t , based on the grounds of f a i r n e s s and e f f i c i e n c y . Baker was a progressive who had much the same cast of mind as the President. His f a t h e r , however, had i n c u l c a t e d i n him a healthy respect f o r generals and Baker, a novice at the business of war, understandably g leaned h e a v i l y on the advice of h i s c h i e f of s t a f f . Baker l a t e r r e c a l l e d that at t h i s point he immediately examined the h i s t o r y of the C i v i l War d r a f t and the B r i t i s h experience i n the World War, and came to the conclusion that the d r a f t was necessary to prevent the d i s o r g a n i z a -t i o n of the i n d u s t r i e s upon which the war de-pended, and the c o n t i n u i t y [ s i c ] of other v i t a l governmental operations and grave s o c i a l i n j u s -t i c e s and disturbances. In a d d i t i o n to t h i s , i t seemed...to as s e r t the o b l i g a t i o n of n a t i o n -a l defense i n the only way c o n s i s t e n t w i t h fun-damental democratic theory. The Secretary then took h i s conclusions to the P r e s i d e n t , spent about an hour i n d i s c u s s i o n , and came away d i r e c t e d to have a d r a f t plan prepared by h i s Department. A f i n a l commitment to c o n s c r i p t i o n , though, had not been made yet. During February and i n t o March, Baker con-tinued to t a l k and act as though the o l d volunteer system would be followed i n the event of war. Both he and the 4 . President apparently considered the d r a f t plan of February as a standby measure, to be used only i f a c a l l f o r volun-teers f a i l e d to produce adequate manpower. Since presum-ably there would be no great need f o r American troops i n Europe, the Secretary was w i l l i n g to avoid f o r a time the p i t f a l l s of e s t a b l i s h i n g a new and p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous i . 10 p o l i c y . The a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s f i n a l conversion to c o n s c r i p t i o n came only a f t e r f u r t h e r r e f l e c t i o n oiS the m i l i t a r y and p o l i -t i c a l problems which a c a l l f o r volunteers would e n t a i l . In purely m i l i t a r y terms, the arguments of the General S t a f f were unanswerable. Only c o n s c r i p t i o n afforded the e f f i -ce ciency so obviously ne/ssary i n modern warfare. The solemn Cabinet meeting of March 20 brought home the f a c t that war was i n e v i t a b l e and that the time was past f o r w i s h f u l t h i n k i n g and halfway measures such as the standby d r a f t . Conscrip-t i o n was a l s o a way to blunt a serious p o l i t i c a l t h r e a t : Theodore Roosevelt's plan to lead a d i v i s i o n of volunteers to France. The Rough Rider was s t i l l young enough to be a challenge i n 1920, e s p e c i a l l y i f he came back from Europe covered with m a r t i a l g l o r y . In a d d i t i o n , h i s presence i n the army would provide Republicans i n Congress w i t h a par-t i s a n issue that might d i s r u p t l e g i s l a t i v e accord on impor-tant war measures. Baker and Wilson, both staunch Democrats, could see no good i n p a r t i s a n d i v i s i v e n e s s and Republican successes. The best way to avoid both m i l i t a r y and p o l i t i c a l problems was to i n s i s t on c o n s c r i p t i o n , imposed at the be-ginning of the war, w i t h no exceptions. By the end of March the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n saw the immediate i n s t i t u t i o n of c o n s c r i p t i o n as the best p o l i c y a l t e r n a t i v e . Somewhat r e l u c t a n t l y , then, the President and the Secretary of War had decided to "c o n s c r i p t America" f o r the World War. 1 1 Much of the reason f o r t h i s hesitancy i n adopting a d r a f t , i n the face of overwhelming arguments to do so, was due to doubts about p u b l i c acceptance of such a p o l i c y . To ask f o r u n i v e r s a l c o n s c r i p t i o n , p o s s i b l y f o r overseas s e r v i c e , at the beginning of a war without f i r s t t r y i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l volunteer system, was d e c i d e l y a novelty i n American h i s t o r y . The country's only r e a l experience with a d r a f t had been during the C i v i l War, and the precedent was not very heartening. One of the authors of the S e l e c t i v e Service law put i t p l a i n l y : "The C i v i l War d r a f t was a 12 f a i l u r e , u t t e r and complete." President L i n c o l n ' s f i r s t c a l l s f o r volunteers had been w e l l met, but i t soon became evident that the flow of manpower was not enough to keep the army at f u l l strength. A f t e r the defeats of 1862 and some feeble i n t i m a t i o n s of a d r a f t to the S t a t e s , the War Depart-ment i n 1863 prepared a pla n f o r c o n s c r i p t i o n . In Congress the c o n s c r i p t i o n b i l l was attacked f o r the l a t i t u d e i t gave to the President and Secretary of War, and was modified to 13 l i m i t executive d i s c r e t i o n . As a concession to enable the b i l l to pass, the famous clauses a l l o w i n g men to pay a com-mutation fee or h i r e a s u b s t i t u t e were i n s e r t e d . Thus muti-l a t e d , the b i l l got through Congress i n the e a r l y summer of 1 8 6 3 . The c r i s i s of the Union was at hand as m i l i t a r y en-rollment o f f i c e r s prepared to go door-to-door to take a m i l i t a r y census that would precede the a c t u a l d r a f t . The f a i l u r e of the d r a f t i s w e l l known. There were bloody r i o t s i n New York C i t y , and l e s s e r disturbances e l s e -where, of which the d r a f t was a major i f not the s i n g l e cause. Dozens of the enrollment o f f i c e r s were k i l l e d or wounded as they walked the s t r e e t s asking f o r draft-age men. Some features of the d r a f t aroused great popular resentment. Rich d i s t r i c t s were able to f i l l t h e i r quotas with v o l u n t e e r s , by o f f e r i n g high bounties f o r enlistment and thus a t t r a c t i n g men from poorer areas. N a t u r a l l y , t h i s p r a c t i c e put a greater s t r a i n on areas which could not o f f e r bounties, since t h e i r own quotas had to be f i l l e d by whoever remained behind. Wealthy men were able to a v a i l themselves of the commutation and s u b s t i t u t e p r o v i s i o n s of the law, thus escaping t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n to serve. And, as i f these f e a -tures of the d r a f t d i d not cause enough antagonism, i n many places the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the d r a f t was corrupt. P o l i -t i c i a n s , f o r one, were quick to grasp the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of using c o n s c r i p t i o n f o r t h e i r own purposes. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine how many men the d r a f t added to the army, since i t s main e f f e c t was as i n d i r e c t pressure f o r enlistment, but i t seems that i t d i d not pro-duce enough men to j u s t i f y i t s high costs i n both monetary and s o c i a l terms. The d r a f t was, r i g h t l y , widely unpopular. I t s unpopularity impeded i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s and hurt p u b l i c morale i n general. The experience of the Union, and a s i m i l a r one i n the Confederacy, provided the ba s i s f o r the argument that a fre e people would never accept c o n s c r i p t i o n . The men of 1917j e s p e c i a l l y the h i s t o r i c a l l y - m i n d e d President and the Secretary of War, were s t i l l c l o s e to the C i v i l War. Fear of repeating the f a i l u r e s of the l860's stood f o r a long time i n the way of t h e i r acceptance of a modern plan of c o n s c r i p t i o n f o r the World War. A f t e r the C i v i l War there had been at l e a s t some attempt to l e a r n from the experience of the d r a f t , to diagnose i t s problems and to make some recommendations f o r any f u t u r e attempts at c o n s c r i p t i o n . The d r a f t had been administered by the Provost Marshal General's Bureau. In h i s f i n a l report Provost Marshal General James B. Fry reviewed i t s operations.^ His own part of the report was something of a whitewash. Fry handed out an astounding amount of p r a i s e , considering the extent of the f a i l u r e over which he presided. A f t e r l a y e r s of other r e p o r t s and s t a t i s t i c s , Fry d i d append, as H i s t o r i c a l Document Number Eleven, a frank c r i t i c i s m of the government's d r a f t p o l i c i e s i n the report of James Oakes, 15 A c t i n g A s s i s t a n t Provost Marshal General f o r I l l i n o i s . Oakes had been i n charge of the d r a f t i n h i s S t a t e , and had seen i t s f a i l u r e s . He described the operations of h i s o f f i c e and i n t e r s p e r s e d recommendations f o r change " i n case operations should ever be resumed." The Oakes Report sank i n t o almost t o t a l o b s c u r i t y a f t e r i t was w r i t t e n ; the problem of c o n s c r i p t i o n simply was not r e l e v a n t f o r another f i f t y years. When i t d i d become relev a n t again, the Oakes Report, embodying the voice of experience, provided a guide which was c r u c i a l i n the shaping of the new c o n s c r i p t i o n system. Oakes advocated that men be r e q u i r e d to report f o r en-rollment to a s p e c i f i c place i n each d i s t r i c t , r a t h e r than have m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s go door-to-door t a k i n g t h e i r census of able-bodied men. This would remove some of the stigma of force and m i l i t a r i s m as w e l l as p r o t e c t the l i v e s of the e n r o l l i n g o f f i c e r s . He wanted change i n the quota system to equalize l i a b i l i t y and f a c i l i t a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , e s p e c i a l -l y by making the State and not the Congressional d i s t r i c t the b a s i s f o r computation of quotas. Oakes st r o n g l y favored a b o l i t i o n of bounties paid f o r enlistment. He also opposed the system of s u b s t i t u t e s and commutation fees and recommended that each man be impressed with h i s personal and inescapable l i a b i l i t y to s e r v i c e . He thought that the p u b l i c should be made aware of the p r o v i s i o n s of the d r a f t and of the un-stoppable determination of the government to enforce i t . D i s p e l l i n g ignorance would doubtless d i s p e l some antipathy. Part of the reason f o r the f a i l u r e of the d r a f t , Oakes be-l i e v e d , was that i t had been introduced at an i n a u s p i c i o u s time, as a measure of desperation. He s t r o n g l y advised t a k i n g advantage of p u b l i c psychology at the beginning of a war, to use the f i r s t f l u s h of n a t i o n a l d e d i c a t i o n and u n i t y to e s t a b l i s h a f i r m p o l i c y that would continue to work even i f the o r i g i n a l n a t i o n a l ardor cooled a b i t . Oakes d i d not go so f a r as to recommend a c i v i l i a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of con-s c r i p t i o n — t h a t was to stay i n m i l i t a r y hands. He f e l t that m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s , strangers to the d i s t r i c t , would be l e s s biased or open to c o r r u p t i o n than l o c a l r e s i d e n t s . Oakes sought to c o r r e c t the flaws of the C i v i l War system which, as he knew w e l l , made the d r a f t a d o u b t f u l help to the war e f f o r t . He t r i e d to modify the d r a f t to f i t e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s and ideas, as he saw them i n the 1860's. A c o n s c r i p t i o n system i d e n t i f i e d with a f a m i l i a r u n i t of a l l e g i a n c e such as the S t a t e , and one which d i d not v i o l a t e the popular sense of f a i r n e s s with p r o v i s i o n s that favored the r i c h , would have that much b e t t e r chance of success. Oakes a l s o recognized that the p u b l i c o p i n i o n context of the d r a f t could be modified by a campaign of education and p o s s i b l y by p a t r i o t i c manipulation. He hoped to overcome the obstacles to p u b l i c acceptance of c o n s c r i p t i o n ; a popular d r a f t , or at l e a s t an accepted d r a f t , would be a s u c c e s s f u l d r a f t . The C i v i l War d r a f t experience underlined the general problem of a c o n s c r i p t i o n p o l i c y . Broadly, "a c o n s c r i p t i o n system must always seek an e q u i l i b r i u m between e f f i c i e n t l y procuring manpower to defend the s o c i e t y and s o c i e t y ' s demands that the procurement be done i n accordance w i t h l 6 norms and values of p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e . " Such an e q u i l i b r i u m was e s p e c i a l l y d i f f i c u l t i n the United S t a t e s , where people took pr i d e i n a p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e , p a r t l y m y t h i c a l perhaps, that might w e l l be incompatible with c o n s c r i p t i o n . For example, Americans were g r e a t l y attached to t h e i r l o c a l and State governments, which were c l o s e r and more f a m i l i a r than the n a t i o n a l government. Even i n an era of expanding con-sciousness the small p o l i t i c a l u n i t s r e t a i n e d t h e i r i n f l u e n c e . The people, i n general, p r e f e r r e d a d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of a u t h o r i t y and had a d i s t a s t e f o r coercion by the f e d e r a l government, although they were qu i t e w i l l i n g to volunteer t h e i r s e r v i c e s i f needed i n a j u s t cause. Americans were a l s o proud of t h e i r sense of democracy, e q u i t y , and " f a i r p l a y , " e a s i l y v i o l a t e d by r i g i d r u l e s from a d i s t a n t source. Many had no use f o r the v a i n g l o r i o u s , undemocratic, and money-wasting m i l i t a r y . The C i v i l War d r a f t flew i n the face of these values. As Oakes r e a l i z e d , i t s offenses against the American s p i r i t were p a r t l y the cause of i t s f a i l u r e . The h i s t o r y of the C i v i l War d r a f t served to give those concerned wi t h a new d r a f t i n 1917 a healthy respect f o r the power of p u b l i c o p i n i o n , and to strengthen t h e i r d e s i r e to f i n d the e l u s i v e e q u i l i b r i u m . I t was only n a t u r a l f o r Secretary Baker to t u r n to the head of the Army's l e g a l bureau f o r help i n preparing a d r a f t law f o r Congress to consider. Both he and the President were vague on the d e t a i l s of the p o l i c y that they had at l e a s t t e n t a t i v e l y approached i n February. The Army War College d i d have a p l a n — a n unworkable p l a n , as i t turned o u t — f o r 17 r e g i s t r a t i o n f o r c o n s c r i p t i o n , but nothing e l s e . Baker turned to the Judge Advocate General's O f f i c e . On the a f t e r -noon of February 4, a f t e r t a l k i n g to Wilson, he asked the Judge Advocate General to draw up a d r a f t law by the next morning. I t was a large t a s k , yet i t was accomplished success-f u l l y . The b i l l w r i t t e n that night remained e s s e n t i a l l y un-changed i n i t s passage through the War Department and through Congress. I t j u s t happened that when the time came there were men i n the Judge Advocate General's o f f i c e who could meet the demands of the s i t u a t i o n and e f f e c t i v e l y create a new con-s c r i p t i o n system. The r e a l " f a t h e r " of S e l e c t i v e Service was Major General Enoch H. Crowder, the Judge Advocate General. He was born and grew up i n a small town i n M i s s o u r i , not f a r from Pershing's home town. Crowder graduated from West Point i n l 8 8 l . Later he studied law and j o i n e d the Army's l e g a l corps. While s t a t i o n e d i n a desolate part of the Dakotas, t a k i n g part i n the l a s t Indian campaign, Crowder discovered the Fry and Oakes r e p o r t s . They made a deep impression on him. Over the next t h i r t y years he gave much thought to the problems of manpower m o b i l i z a t i o n , r a t h e r making a hobby of i t . He was made J.A.G. i n 1911 and l a t e r reconfirmed by Wilson. When the d r a f t was e s t a b l i s h e d he was a l s o given the o l d t i t l e of Provost Marshal General. Crowder was among the m i l i t a r y experts who urged c o n s c r i p t i o n on Secretary Baker. When, i n February 1 9 1 7 , h i s chance came, he was ready. He sketched the e s s e n t i a l s t r u c t u r e of the law, based on h i s knowledge of the Oakes r e p o r t , and set some of h i s a s s i s t a n t s to w r i t i n g the d e t a i l s 19 of the various s e c t i o n s . One of those a s s i s t a n t s deserves c r e d i t f o r a good deal of the f r e s h t h i n k i n g and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e audacity that helped make S e l e c t i v e Service a success. This was Captain Hugh S. 20 Johnson. Johnson grew up i n Kansas and Oklahoma, on one of the l a s t r e a l f r o n t i e r s . He went to West Point and s t a r t e d h i s m i l i t a r y career i n the c a v a l r y , as had Crowder. Johnson was r e c r u i t e d to the Judge Advocate General's Bureau by Crowder and studied law before going to Mexico wi t h Per-shing i n 1 9 1 6 . He then came to Washington. Johnson's con-t r i b u t i o n to S e l e c t i v e Service was based on h i s f a i t h i n the i n t e l l i g e n c e , p a t r i o t i s m and good w i l l of the American people, and on h i s preference f o r vigorous a d m i n i s t r a t i o n — t h e same q u a l i t i e s which "Ironpants" Johnson l a t e r e x h i b i t e d as head of N.R.A.21 The b i l l that Crowder submitted to Secretary Baker on the morning of February 5 was modelled on the recommendations of the Oakes r e p o r t . I t s main p r o v i s i o n s were to r a i s e the army to the unprecedented s i z e of almost two m i l l i o n men. Crowder envisaged that h a l f of the forces would be r a i s e d by the d r a f t of one m i l l i o n men i n t o a body separate from the Regular Army and N a t i o n a l Guard. There were p r o v i s i o n s f o r exemption from the d r a f t , i n c l u d i n g exemption f o r conscientious o b j e c t o r s , and some h i n t s (but nothing more) of an adminis-t r a t i v e system. The plan was based on the l i a b i l i t y of males of nineteen through twenty-five years to m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e . (In a concession of e f f i c i e n c y to sentiment Congress l a t e r changed the age l i m i t s to twenty-one through t h i r t y , a group which was c a l c u l a t e d to provide roughly the same number of men a v a i l a b l e f o r s e r v i c e . ) Crowder's ideas were discussed f o r s e v e r a l weeks by the Secretary of War and various members of the General S t a f f , none of whom made s i g n i f i c a n t changes. The b i l l was sent to Congress as soon as war was d e c l a r e d , where i t was part of the rush of l e g i s l a t i o n requested by the adminis 22 t r a t i o n to make the country ready f o r war. In Congress the proposals f o r "increase of the m i l i t a r y establishment" were introduced about a week a f t e r the war r e s o l u t i o n was passed. The Senate held no hearings on the b i l l but the House Committee on M i l i t a r y A f f a i r s had Secretary Baker and others t e s t i f y b r i e f l y . Mr. Chamberlain, Democrat of Ore-gon, sponsored the b i l l i n the Senate. He had long been a proponent of u n i v e r s a l m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g and was eager to see c o n s c r i p t i o n and a large army. The Senate was g e n e r a l l y f r i e n d l y to the b i l l and i n accord with War Department r e -quests. The House of Representatives proved a b i t l e s s coopera-t i v e . Mr. S.H. Dent of Montgomery, Alabama, the chairman of the M i l i t a r y A f f a i r s Committee, refused to sponsor the b i l l i n the form d e s i r e d by the War Department. Dent, a man of con s e r v a t i v e , s t a t e s - r i g h t s p r i n c i p l e s , was a f f r o n t e d by such a r a d i c a l step as c o n s c r i p t i o n . He b e l i e v e d that no d r a f t should be imposed u n t i l the volunteer system had been t r i e d and proved inadequate. The m a j o r i t y of h i s committee agreed with him, and recommended such a change i n t h e i r r e p o r t . Thus i t f e l l to Mr. Kahn, Republican of C a l i f o r n i a , born i n Germany, to sponsor a m i n o r i t y report which embodied the proposals of the War Department. In both houses the b i l l came up f o r debate about A p r i l 2 3 . 2 3 The House and Senate discussed the d r a f t b i l l mainly i n terms of p r i n c i p l e . They t a l k e d about whether and only - i n -24 c i d e n t a l l y about how. Since both proponents and opponents of the measure agreed that c o n s c r i p t i o n was an i n n o v a t i o n , they t r i e d to show, r e s p e c t i v e l y , that the d r a f t was the l o g i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n of American values i n a new s i t u a t i o n , or that the d r a f t threatened to destroy some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that 25 made America a uniquely decent place to l i v e . Supporters of c o n s c r i p t i o n lauded i t s e f f i c i e n c y , meaning that i t allowed an army to be r a i s e d w i t h minimum d i s r u p t i o n of i n d u s t r y and a g r i c u l t u r e . They pointed out that by marking each man w i t h the o b l i g a t i o n to give m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e and by t a k i n g only those who could be spared from other tasks or the support of t h e i r f a m i l i e s , c o n s c r i p t i o n was thoroughly democratic and f a i r . The d r a f t was pressed by some as the product of expert minds and the wishes of the Commander-in-Chief, against whom Congress had r e a l l y no r i g h t to stand i n an emergency. Some speakers viewed the d r a f t as a means of r e i n f o r c i n g n a t i o n a l i s m and a s p i r i t of u n i t y among races and c l a s s e s whose previous d i v i s i o n s could not be t o l e r a -ted i n wartime. The s o l i d a r i t y and p a t r i o t i s m thus i n c u l c a t e d would be of immense b e n e f i t to the n a t i o n , even a f t e r the war had been won. Generally, those who supported c o n s c r i p t i o n were w i l l i n g to. break w i t h t r a d i t i o n and to have a stronger c e n t r a l government. They b e l i e v e d that the demands of twentieth-century warfare simply made the luxury of r a i s i n g an 25 army by l a i s s e z - f a i r e obsolete. Those on the other side of the question, many of whom were from*.the.. South and West., n a t u r a l l y took an, opposite view of the r e l a t i o n of the d r a f t to American values. Mr. Dent's i n t r a c t a b i l i t y gave a foreshadowing of t h e i r f e a r s . Con-s c r i p t i o n seemed the a n t i t h e s i s of the American t r a d i t i o n , perhaps a long step toward negating the d i f f e r e n c e between the United States and a u t o c r a t i c P r u s s i a . C o n s c r i p t i o n i m p l i e d m i l i t a r i s m . I t i m p l i e d autocracy, with a strong c e n t r a l government e x e r c i s i n g a d i r e c t and absolute c o n t r o l over the l i v e s of c i t i z e n s . I t i m p l i e d a break w i t h the m i l i t a r y s p i r i t of a f r e e people that had made the country, freed the s l a v e s , and crushed the Spanish oppressors i n Cuba—a s p i r i t now to be replaced with the sullenness of u n w i l l i n g con-s c r i p t s . Champ C l a r k , Speaker of the House, observed that i n h i s mind there was precious l i t t l e d i f f e r e n c e between a con-s c r i p t and a c o n v i c t . Reminding t h e i r colleagues of the C i v i l War precedent, a n t i - c o n s c r i p t i o n speakers declared that the country would never accept another attempt to impose such obnoxious tyranny on I t . Those who opposed the d r a f t urged the r e t e n t i o n of the volunteer system, toward which sentiment and t r a d i t i o n drew them and fea r of a dangerous innova t i o n im-p e l l e d them. 2^ Debate i n Congress was f i e r c e , but f o r a l l i t s v i o l e n c e i t had r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e e f f e c t on the f i n a l form of the S e l e c t i v e Service act. The President and the War Department were dedicated to g e t t i n g a d r a f t i n j u s t the form they wanted, and to t h i s end they exercised t i g h t executive c o n t r o l over 27 the b i l l as i t moved through Congress. President Wilson p e r s o n a l l y had conferences w i t h l e a d i n g Congressmen i n an e f f o r t to smooth the passage of the d r a f t b i l l . Wilson a l s o had the support of a powerful body of p u b l i c o p i n i o n . He had i d e n t i f i e d himself s t r o n g l y with c o n s c r i p t i o n and the p u b l i c viewed i t as h i s measure. As p u b l i c opinion r a l l i e d about Wilson i n the e a r l y weeks of the war members of Con-gress began r e c e i v i n g telegrams and l e t t e r s urging them to support the President and h i s expert a d v i s e r s . Some c i t i z e n s came close to equating o p p o s i t i o n to the President's w i l l with treason, a rat h e r serious c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r an e l e c t e d o f f i -c i a l . ^ 0 At t h i s point i t would not do, except f o r the most adamant, to be a member of a l i t t l e group of w i l l f u l men. Even Dent was e v e n t u a l l y won over and helped steer the b i l l through some troublesome c o n f l i c t s l a t e r . The success of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n pressure was impressive--"perhaps the greatest triumph that any American President has ever won i n h i s r e l a -29 t i o n s with Congress," i n the words of one h i s t o r i a n . The d i l i g e n c e and c o n t r o l of the executive branch was nowhere more evident than i n the l i t t l e - n o t i c e d but c r u c i a l issue of the development of a system of l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . In the r e l a t i v e l y b r i e f c o n s i d e r a t i o n given to the d e t a i l s of the c o n s c r i p t i o n b i l l both the House and Senate faced the problem of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The plan of the War Department e a r l y i n A p r i l i n cluded a system of t r i b u n a l s i n s u b d i v i s i o n s of the S t a t e s , to handle r e g i s t r a t i o n f o r and exemption from the d r a f t . The o r i g i n a l proposal authorized the President to u t i l i z e the s e r v i c e of any or a l l departments and any or a l l o f f i c e r s or agents of the United S t a t e s , andrdifothe s e v e r a l S t a t e s , T e r r i t o r i e s , and the D i s t r i c t of Columbia, i n the execution of t h i s a c t , and a l l o f f i c e r s and agents...are hereby r e q u i r e d to perform such duty i n the execution of t h i s act as the President s h a l l or-der or d i r e c t , and the o f f i c e r s and agents of the s e v e r a l States s h a l l hereby have f u l l a u t h o r i t y f o r a l l acts done by them i n the execution of t h i s act by the d i r e c t i o n or request of the P r e s i -dent. 30 I t was understood, though not e x p l i c i t l y s tated i n the b i l l , t hat these o f f i c i a l s would administer the d r a f t i n small 31 d i s t r i c t s , most l i k e l y counties. The House M i l i t a r y Af-f a i r s Committee, perhaps alarmed by Secretary Baker's sug-ge s t i o n that one m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r might be assigned to each t r i b u n a l , i n s e r t e d the superfluous p r o v i s i o n that a m a j o r i t y of each t r i b u n a l be of a " n o n - m i l i t a r y character." They r e -tai n e d t h i s language even a f t e r Baker had explained that he o p planned to i n s t i t u t e a l l - c i v i l i a n boards anyway. The Senate committee was ready to accept the understanding with the War Department and d i d not attempt f u r t h e r to define the adminis-t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e of the system. The question of l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was hardly mentioned i n the debates over the c o n s c r i p t i o n b i l l . The House accepted the Committee's v e r s i o n of the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e clauses but d e c l i n e d to s p e c i f y f u r t h e r the d e t a i l s of adminis-t r a t i o n . Representatives expressed anxiety about the pos-s i b l e p a r t i s a n uses of c o n s c r i p t i o n i f i t were l e f t i n the hands of l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s , but i t was decided that the extensive p u n i t i v e p r o v i s i o n s of the b i l l would prevent such 33 abuses. The Senate considered and passed an amendment that had the p r i o r approval of the War Department. I t provided that There s h a l l be created under the d i r e c t i o n of the President l o c a l t r i b u n a l s i n the se v e r a l States or s u b d i v i s i o n s thereof composed of the members, of the l o c a l c i v i l government, to - de- ~n cide a l l questions of exemption under t h i s a c t . . . . There was a l s o p r o v i s i o n f o r "appeal t r i b u n a l s . " The P r e s i -dent r e t a i n e d h i s broad d i s c r e t i o n i n making the r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s by which these t r i b u n a l s would a c t . E a r l i e r Senator Chamberlain had stated that "Surely the Senate could not very w e l l attempt to l e g i s l a t e about a l l the minutiae and 35 d e t a i l s i n the operation of the d r a f t . " In t h i s case, how-ever, the Senate was simply l e g i s l a t i n g the War Department's m o d i f i c a t i o n of i t s own proposals. In n e i t h e r house was the issue of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of over-r i d i n g concern, nor d i d disagreement over i t ever i m p e r i l passage of the b i l l . I t was a p o t e n t i a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g d e t a i l , u l t i m a t e l y of much importance, but one that d i d not immediate-l y catch the a t t e n t i o n of the l e g i s l a t o r s . They t a l k e d more about other things which i n r e t r o s p e c t seem l e s s important. By May 1 both House and Senate passed the d r a f t b i l l with sub-36 s t a n t i a l m a j o r i t i e s . The two houses disagreed on some p o i n t s , however, and created a conference committee to e f f e c t a compromise. The conference committee that was to r e c o n c i l e d i f f e r e n c e s between the House and Senate versions of the b i l l d i d not view the s t r u c t u r e of the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system as an issue of major 37 importance. Nor, apparently, d i d the p u b l i c . The most serious disagreement between the two houses was over the Roose-v e l t d i v i s i o n , which the Senate had approved. The p a r t i s a n nature of t h i s dispute f u l l y j u s t i f i e d any apprehensions which Wilson and .Baker might have f e l t i n March, although Roosevelt a l s o got support from Democrats who approved any concession 3 8 to the volunteer method. The House and Senate a l s o disagreed on a number of other issues such as pay r a t e s and p r o h i b i t i o n near army camps. Progress i n r e s o l v i n g the d i f f e r e n c e s was slow, even though the President had emphasized the urgent need fo r an army b i l l . At one point the conferees became so d i s -39 couraged that they thought of q u i t t i n g . F i n a l l y , though, a f t e r about two weeks of n e g o t i a t i o n s , the conference reached accord on a v e r s i o n of the b i l l . Although the r e s o l u t i o n of other issues r e c e i v e d more a t t e n t i o n , the most s i g n i f i c a n t a d d i t i o n to the agreement was i Section 4. The conference report s u b s t i t u t e d f o r the impre-c i s e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e o r i g i n a l l y passed an e l a b o r a t e l y defined system of l o c a l boards: The President i s hereby a u t h o r i z e d , i n h i s d i s c r e t i o n , to create and e s t a b l i s h throughout the s e v e r a l States ,and.-subdivisions thereof and i n the T e r r i t o r i e s and the D i s t r i c t of Columbia l o c a l boards, and where, i n h i s d i s c r e t i o n , p r a c t i c a b l e and d e s i r a b l e , there s h a l l be created and e s t a b l i s h e d one such l o c a l board i n each county or s i m i l a r s u b d i v i s i o n i n each S t a t e , and one f o r approximately each 30,000oof pop u l a t i o n i n each c i t y of 30,000 population or over, ac-cording to the l a s t census... Such boards s h a l l be appointed by the President and s h a l l c o n s i s t of three or more members, none of whom s h a l l be connected w i t h the M i l i t a r y Establishment, to be chosen from among the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s of such s u b d i v i s i o n s or from other c i t i z e n s r e s i d i n g i n the s u b d i v i s i o n s or areas i n which the respec-t i v e boards w i l l have j u r i s d i c t i o n under the r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s p r e s c r i b e d by the President. Such boards s h a l l have power w i t h i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e j u r i s d i c t i o n s to hear and determine, subject to review as h e r e i n a f t e r provided, a l l questions of exemption under t h i s a c t , and a l l questions of or claims f o r i n c l u d i n g or d i s c h a r g i n g i n d i v i d u a l s or c l a s s e s of i n d i v i d u a l s from the s e l e c t i v e d r a f t , which s h a l l be made under r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s p r e s c r i b e d by the P r e s i d e n t , except any and every question or c l a i m f o r i n c l u d i n g or excluding or d i s c h a r g i n g persons or c l a s s e s of persons from the s e l e c t i v e d r a f t under the p r o v i s i o n s of t h i s act a u t h o r i z i n g the President to exclude or discharge from the s e l e c t i v e d r a f t , "Persons engaged i n i n d u s t r i e s , i n c l u d i n g a g r i c u l t u r e , found to be necessary to the main-tenance of the M i l i t a r y Establishment, or to the e f f e c t i v e operation of the m i l i t a r y f o r c e s , or the maintenance of n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t during the emergency."40 There was a l s o p r o v i s i o n f o r a system of " d i s t r i c t boards," one i n each f e d e r a l j u d i c i a l d i s t r i c t , to hear appeals from the d e c i s i o n s of the l o c a l board and to have o r i g i n a l j u r i s -d i c t i o n i n the cases s p e c i f i c a l l y excluded from a c t i o n by the l o c a l boards.' I t was f e l t that these d i s t r i c t boards, with a l a r g e r area of j u r i s d i c t i o n and remoteness from s p e c i f i c l o c a l p r e j u d i c e s , would be able to judge more f a i r l y the im-portance of i n d u s t r i e s and i n d i v i d u a l s to the war e f f o r t . The source of t h i s important change was not, as might be expected, Congressional d e s i r e to l i m i t executive d i s c r e t i o n or to protect the country from m i l i t a r i s m . Indeed, Congress had shown an i n c l i n a t i o n to agree w i t h Senator Chamberlain and not to l e g i s l a t e the d e t a i l s of .the d r a f t system. Rather, the new s e c t i o n of the b i l l was simply the l e g a l embodiment of what the War Department, f o r i t s own reasons, had decided to create. The men i n the Judge Advocate General's o f f i c e , a f t e r preparing the b i l l , had begun to consider how to implement i t . The f i r s t step was n a t u r a l l y to arrange f o r a r e g i s t r a t i o n of those l i a b l e to the d r a f t . In the middle of A p r i l General Crowder, a c t i n g on a chance suggestion, decided f o r reasons of p u b l i c psychology to have r e g i s t r a t i o n d i s t r i c t s correspond 41 to v o t i n g p r e c i n c t s . S e ction 5 of the b i l l permitted the government to a v a i l i t s e l f of the s e r v i c e s of l o c a l o f f i c i a l s f a m i l i a r with the r e g i s t r a t i o n of v o t e r s . As counties were the usual u n i t s of l o c a l government and the areas w i t h i n which v o t i n g p r e c i n c t s were apportioned, they made the l o g i c a l u n i t f o r the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the d r a f t . (The d e c i s i o n to separate the l a r g e r c i t i e s was made simply f o r the sake of convenience, to have a manageable number o.f r e g i s t r a n t s under the j u r i s -d i c t i o n of each l o c a l board.) A l s o , the l o c a l board j u r i s -d i c t i o n s were small enough to allow people to observe " t h e i r " d r a f t i n a c t i o n , which could do something to a l l a y f ears and might i n v i t e p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The u n i t of government im-mediately higher was the St a t e , and the governor was the ap-p r o p r i a t e o f f i c i a l to supervise the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the d r a f t at that l e v e l . Members of the l o c a l boards and other person-ne l were to be a l l c i v i l i a n s . Even i f i t were d e s i r a b l e to have m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s attached to the boards, i t would have been impossible to spare enough of them to go around. In A p r i l , while the c o n s c r i p t i o n b i l l was- s t i l l under at t a c k i n Congress, General Crowder began to organize the f i r s t parts of t h i s system: boards to handle the i n i t i a l r e g i s t r a t i o n . In a secret l e t t e r to the State governors, dated A p r i l 23, 1917, Crowder requested them to prepare f o r r e g i s t r a t i o n by c o n s t i t u t i n g boards i n the counties and l a r g e r c i t i e s . He suggested s h e r i f f s and mayors as s u i t a b l e o f f i c i a l s to head the boards. Crowder asked f o r speed, noting that the War Department was ready "to f o l l o w a r a t h e r 42 expeditious schedule." Captain Johnson and others i n the o f f i c e had already begun to have the necessary forms p r i n t e d and made ready f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n . The whole business was c a r r i e d out i n the absence of l e g a l a u t h o r i t y and without a p p r o p r i a t i o n from Congress. Even w i t h those obstacles and the u n c e r t a i n t y of p u b l i c o p i n i o n , Crowder found that "the response of the governors was, without a s i n g l e exception, 43 nothing l e s s than i n s p i r i n g . " The governors, s h e r i f f s , mayors, p r i n t e r s , and postmasters a l l managed to keep t h e i r preparations f o r c o n s c r i p t i o n secret u n t i l e a r l y May. Thus, by the time Congress had passed the b i l l and sent i t to conference committee the War Department had a n t i c i p a t e d i t by s e v e r a l weeks. The r e g i s t r a t i o n system was almost i n working order. O f f i c e r s from the Department presented t h e i r system to the conferees, who were d e l i g h t e d with i t . - 1 " The p r o f e s s i o n a l s o l d i e r s , the m i l i t a r y experts, the supposed enemies of the American way of l i f e , had equalled even Senator La F o l l e t t e i n e x c i s i n g tyranny and m i l i t a r i s m from the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the d r a f t . The l o c a l board p r o v i s i o n of the b i l l was pointed out i n the conference r e p o r t , and Mr. Dent was e n t h u s i a s t i c about i t , but i t got l o s t i n the uproar over the Roosevelt d i v i s i o n . Two more House-Senate conferences were r e q u i r e d , p r i m a r i l y 45 to s e t t l e that contentious i s s u e . The b i l l passed both Houses on May 1 8 , 1 9 1 7 , and was signed i n t o law on the same day. On the same day, too, Wilson issued h i s proclamation, 46 e s s e n t i a l l y w r i t t e n by Captain Johnson, s e t t i n g Tuesday, June 5, as the day f o r r e g i s t r a t i o n . General Crowder and h i s a s s o c i a t e s were working d i l i g e n t l y , and i n the open, as the country prepared i t s e l f to face "the f i r s t considerable 47 demand of the war." To many, the d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and the p e c u l i a r nature of the l o c a l boards seemed to solve part of the o l d problem of a d j u s t i n g c o n s c r i p t i o n to American p o l i t i -c a l c u l t u r e . Crowder had taken care to shape the substantive p r o v i s i o n s of the law to American notions of f a i r play by f o l l o w i n g the recommendations of the Oakes report and by p r o v i d i n g a l i b e r a l exemption policy'. An acceptable law was part of the s o l u t i o n ; an acceptable a d m i n i s t r a t i o n the r e s t . When Dent introduced the l o c a l board p r o v i s i o n of the b i l l to the House he d e c l a r e d , "We b e l i e v e . . . that i f there i s nothing e l s e i n the b i l l to commend i t s e l f to the House, to the Congress, and to the Executive, that that feature [ l o c a l boards] i s s u f f i c i e n t to at l e a s t make t h i s b i l l a measure popular i n the country." Why? "The adminis-t r a t i o n of t h i s d r a f t law i s brought home to the people them-4 8 s e l v e s . [Applause.]" Dent saw r i g h t to the heart of the p l a n , and i t pleased him. I f c o n s c r i p t i o n must be e s t a b l i s h e d , "the people" were the best choice to administer i t . This novel a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , i n the view of those involved i n planning the d r a f t , was intended to f u n c t i o n i n a s p e c i a l type of s o c i a l u n i t , not j u s t a group of i n d i v i d u a l s who happened to be l i v i n g i n the same small p o l i t i c a l s u b d i v i s i o n . The very things which h o p e f u l l y would make S e l e c t i v e Service work w e l l were aspects of a high l e v e l of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and a strong common l i f e . As the f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n w i l l show, the l o c a l board plan was e f f e c t i v e l y designed f o r small s o c i a l u n i t s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by community. The term "community" i s a complex of s o c i a l and psy-c h o l o g i c a l meanings. Not a l l of i t s import can be reduced to r e a d i l y observable phenomena. B a s i c a l l y community i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . I t denotes a sense of mutual i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and sympathy " f o r which 'we' i s the n a t u r a l expression." I t i s an extension of the i n t i -macy and t o t a l involvement of the primary g r o u p — o f which the 50 f a m i l y i s the m o d e l — t o a l a r g e r s o c i a l group. The group c h a r a c t e r i z e d by community i s u s u a l l y c a l l e d "a community," though the term i s o f t e n used much more l o o s e l y to describe any s o c i a l u n i t y . Since i t i s a p s y c h o l o g i c a l phenomenon, community n a t u r a l l y e x i s t s i n va r y i n g degrees. One f e e l s a bond with one's f a m i l y , neighbors, f e l l o w - c i t i z e n s , race, or other group. At times any of these r e l a t i o n s h i p s can approach more or l e s s c l o s e l y the unatt a i n a b l e i d e a l of pe r f e c t com-munity. As community i s an in f o r m a l and dynamic phenomenon, not w e l l defined by any set of o b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a , i t i s an extremely d i f f i c u l t t h i n g to analyze and d i s c u s s . I t i s 51 e l u s i v e , best understood by those who p a r t i c i p a t e i n i t . Indeed, some " s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s " dismiss the idea as being too 52 vague to be of any use i n e m p i r i c a l research. The problem of access to the phenomenon of community i s even greater f o r the h i s t o r i a n , who seeks to understand i t decades l a t e r from whatever of the l e s s ephemeral m a t e r i a l s of the period sur-v i v e . Nevertheless, the importance of community to the makers of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , and the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the idea i n i n t e r p r e t i n g the l a s t century of American h i s t o r y g e n e r a l l y , make i t u s e f u l as a means to approach the concrete s i t u a t i o n of 1 9 1 7 - 1 9 1 8 . C e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s can be i d e n t i f i e d as e s s e n t i a l 53 to the development of a sense of community. Without them, a group of people can l i v e s p a t i a l l y near one another and yet have no s i g n i f i c a n t common l i f e . F i r s t , a community i s p l a i n l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a great deal of communication among i t s members, u s u a l l y i n the form of face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n . A constant and v i t a l flow of informat i o n i s an absolute pre-r e q u i s i t e to a f e e l i n g of u n i t y among people; one does not u s u a l l y f e e l a strong bond of s o l i d a r i t y w i t h strangers. Community a l s o demands a consensus of opi n i o n among the mem-bers of the g r o u p — a consensus of the spontaneous and general type that can be l a b e l l e d "likemindedness." Again, one does not f e e l s o l i d a r i t y and mutual sympathy with people who seem to have a b a s i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t cast of mind. The i n t e n s i t y of r e l a t i o n s h i p s that i s the essence of community cannot e x i s t i n an atmosphere of fundamental disagreement. Other q u a l i t i e s , such as group d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s and s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y , are a l s o o f t e n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the process of community development. The strong s o c i a l and emotional bonds of community have most o f t e n been as s o c i a t e d w i t h " p r i m i t i v e " or t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s , i n which a r e l a t i v e l y u n s o p h i s t i c a t e d economy makes p o s s i b l e the p r e s e r v a t i o n of a c e n t u r i e s - o l d s o c i a l i n h e r i -tance. Such terms, however, have l i t t l e or no a p p l i c a t i o n i n the United States. In c o n t r a s t , America has been the land of r a d i c a l i n d i v i d u a l i s m , l i b e r a l i s m and m o b i l i t y ( s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l ) , a l l of which have been thought to counter the growth of community. In a fundamentally l i b e r a l s o c i e t y the t o t a l l y i n v o l v i n g community of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s i s i n -deed impossible. However, with due regard f o r the d i f f e r e n c e i n context, the concept of community can s t i l l have s i g n i f i -cance i n purely American terms. Because of the l i b e r a l nature of American s o c i e t y , American s o c i a l t h i n k e r s of the f i r s t quarter of t h i s century tended to emphasize two f a c t o r s as the foundations of com-munity development. These were homogeneity and c i v i c p a r t i c i -p a t i o n . Homogeneity, e s p e c i a l l y the absence of serious c l a s s d i v i s i o n s , i s the b a s i s of likemindedness; s o c i a l cohesion d e r i v e s from a more or l e s s uniform s t y l e of l i f e r a t h e r than from, say, the corporate interdependence of feudalism. S i -m i l a r l y , p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c i v i c a f f a i r s i s both a prime area of communication and an important i n s t i t u t i o n a l symbol of group u n i t y , e s p e c i a l l y when supplemented with more i n f o r m a l s o c i a l gatherings. When these condition's were met, Americans could develop a strong common l i f e , in" t h e i r own s t y l e , w i t h i n the peri o d of one generation. R e l a t i v e homogeneity and widespread c i v i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n were the hallmarks of the usual model of the American v e r s i o n of community: the small 55 country towns of the l a t e nineteenth century. H i s t o r i a n s have given a good deal of n o t i c e to the dynamic and d i s o r g a n i z i n g i n f l u e n c e of the f r o n t i e r and of the pro-cess of u r b a n i z a t i o n ; movement grasps the attention.' Sus-pended temporally and s p a t i a l l y between these two d i f f e r e n t forms of s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n were the genuine American communities, the small country towns. In most of the n a t i o n , the f r o n t i e r had long since disappeared. Behind i t at every stage i t had l e f t a pop u l a t i o n r a p i d l y s t a b i l i z i n g and o r g a n i z i n g i t s e l f . The i n f l u e n c e of the great heterogeneous c i t i e s , though i n c r e a s i n g , was not yet potent enough to challenge the small town on i t s own ground. For a w h i l e , Main Street was i n the ascendant. The Main Street towns d i d indeed have the a t t r i b u t e s of community. The small-town v i s i o n of community had a hold on the American imagination. Admiring progressive i n t e l l e c t u a l s p r a i s e d the towns as model s o c i a l unite/.s They valued the rootedness and sense of belonging that small town people shared, i n c ontrast with the apparent chaos and anonymity of the l a r g e c i t i e s . Other i n t e l l e c t u a l s , who l i k e the admirers were ofte n products of small towns, took an opposite view, decrying the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y and conformity that was so much a part of small town l i f e . N o s t a l g i c p l a i n f o l k simply remembered that l i f e i n t h e i r towns had been s t a b l e and f u l f i l l i n g . A l l these groups could agree that the v i r t u e s , or d e f e c t s , of l i f e i n the small towns stemmed from the f a c t that they were communities. The moral s o l i d a r i t y of the towns was sustained by constant gossip (both o r a l and that p r i n t e d i n the l o c a l newspaper), by common p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l government that made s i g n i f i c a n t d e c i s i o n s , and by a r e l a t i v e homogeneity and c l a s s l e s s n e s s impossible i n the l a r g e i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s . There were, of course, d i f f e r e n c e s among the people, but none of the gross d i s p a r i t i e s of status and opinion that prevent the growth of mutual sympathy. N a t u r a l l y , numerous small towns had no such u n i t y , but were s p l i t i n t o h o s t i l e or i n -d i f f e r e n t groups. S t i l l , the small towns d i d provide an American model of democratic community l i f e , and they d i d sug-gest ways i n which S e l e c t i v e Service could be smoothly i n t r o -duced to the country and then amiably and e f f i c i e n t l y enforced. To be more s p e c i f i c , the l o c a l board system, as the key-stone of S e l e c t i v e Service a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , was planned with the small town community i n mind. Though pop u l a t i o n patterns were s h i f t i n g i n favor of the l a r g e r c i t i e s , at the time of the war most Americans s t i l l l i v e d i n small towns and r u r a l areas. More important than t h i s f a i r l y obvious demographic f e a t u r e , though, was the dominant i n f l u e n c e of the small town zo. environment on the views of the men who created S e l e c t i v e Ser-v i c e . Their primary task was to make c o n s c r i p t i o n compatible wi t h American s o c i e t y — a s o c i e t y which they ( l i k e so many Ameri-cans of t h e i r age groups) understood through the medium of the small towns of t h e i r experience. General Crowder had come from a small community himself. He was enamoured of l o c a l self-government and shared the p r o v i n c i a l ' s view of c e n t r a l i -z a t i o n : " I t i s one of man's common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to t r u s t the things he knows i n t i m a t e l y and of which he i s a p a r t . I t i s a no l e s s common a t t r i b u t e to be su s p i c i o u s and d i s t r u s t f u l of the u n f a m i l i a r . Perhaps those common a t t r i b u t e s have been among the things that have always caused the American people 57 These to look askance at a strong c e n t r a l government." 1 views he n a t u r a l l y embodied i n the d e c e n t r a l i z e d , p a r t i c i p a -t o r y a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e . Hugh Johnson had seen an Oklahoma community c o a l e s c i n g immediately behind the f r o n t i e r . He remained m i g h t i l y impressed by what an organ-58 i z e d body of l o c a l p u b l i c opinion could accomplish. As both were p r o f e s s i o n a l s o l d i e r s , and busy i n such places as North Dakota, Manchuria, Cuba, the P h i l i p p i n e s , and Mexico, they had l i t t l e chance to observe and r e f l e c t upon the new u r -ban America. Secretary Baker, who as mayor of Cleveland had seen a r a d i c a l case of urban s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n , was the only person much in v o l v e d i n the planning of S e l e c t i v e Service who knew the great c i t i e s . Yet Baker too had a r u r a l background, 59 and he too shared an a f f e c t i o n f o r the small community. ^ When i t came to p u t t i n g S e l e c t i v e Service i n t o e f f e c t , he made a few suggestions to f i t i t to the urban environment, but he agreed wholeheartedly with i t s basic s t r u c t u r e . In terms of the small town, a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n made sense. S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , as General Crowder s a i d , i n v i t e d the " a i d and cooperation of every l o c a l community throughout the lan d . " ^ ^ Captain Johnson went f u r t h e r : " I t [ S e l e c t i v e Ser-v i c e ] threw the e n t i r e execution of the d r a f t back on the l o c a l communities."^ 1 Both men b e l i e v e d that the success of the d r a f t depended upon a high degree of p u b l i c support and p a r t i -c i p a t i o n . There were s e v e r a l ways by which the p u b l i c was invo l v e d i n the support of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e . No one was excluded. Everyone had an i n t e r e s t i n the thorough enforce-ment of c o n s c r i p t i o n . Johnson appeared to b e l i e v e that p a t r i o -tism and good sense would lead the people to recognize that the d r a f t was e s s e n t i a l to winning the war. Since, of course, they supported the war they would n a t u r a l l y support the d r a f t . Crowder himself placed great f a i t h i n the American sense of f a i r p l a y . He thought that i t would create a p u b l i c sentiment demanding adherence to the c a r e f u l l y planned r u l e s of the d r a f t . In a d d i t i o n , there was a l e s s exalted s e n t i -ment on which S e l e c t i v e Service might depend—jealousy. Sup-pose a r e g i s t r a n t made a f a l s e statement to the l o c a l board and thereby obtained exemption: ...there are s e v e r a l ways i n which such statements might be tra c e d from p u b l i c r e c o r d s , but the best way of a l l , o f f i c i a l s b e l i e v e , w i l l be the simple expedient... of p u b l i s h i n g l i s t s of the men c a l l e d and exempted i n every d i s t r i c t . Then, i t i s pointed out, i f Mrs. Jones, whose only son i s c a l l e d , sees that the only son of Mrs. Brown i n the next house i s exempted, the a u t h o r i t i e s are qu i t e c e r -t a i n to hear of any reasons which might prompt them to reconsider young Brown's exemption... t h i s plan has elements of human psychology that are pr e f e r a b l e to red-tape methods.62 The jealousy of a mother f o r her c h i l d r e n i s r a t h e r strong s t u f f , but f o r S e l e c t i v e Service i t was one of the ways to ensure the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the p u b l i c i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the d r a f t . S e l e c t i v e Service provided an i n s t i t u t i o n a l b a s i s f o r jealousy i n the quota system. Each l o c a l board was r e q u i r e d to f u r n i s h i t s p r o p o r t i o n of c o n s c r i p t s , no matter how many of i t s men were exempted. Each r e g i s t r a n t had an i m p a r t i a l l y f i x e d place i n the order of c a l l by which men were examined f o r the d r a f t . The l o c a l board simply proceeded down the l i s t u n t i l i t obtained enough d r a f t a b l e men f o r i t s quota. The workings of the l o c a l board were arranged so that the p u b l i c would have ample access to i t s d e c i s i o n s , and to the r u l e s and the information upon which those d e c i s i o n s were made. P l a i n l y , i t was'in the i n t e r e s t of every man to see that no undeserved exemptions were given to those ahead of him, f o r each exemption moveH'^ hi'm c l o s e r to the top of the l i s t . His f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s would be sure to s c r u t i n i z e a l l exemp-t i o n s given by the board i n hopes of keeping him home a b i t longer. I f he were d r a f t e d , f a i r l y of course, they would be doubly watchful to ensure that e q u a l l y r i g o r o u s treatment be given to a l l others. The poignant nature of c o n s c r i p t i o n thus helped to arouse the p u b l i c to put i t s resources i n the employ of the d r a f t . The community had immense power to secure compliance w i t h the d r a f t law. As the planners of S e l e c t i v e Service r e a l i z e d , i t s b asic resource was in f o r m a t i o n . No man could hope to l i e to the l o c a l board and get away with i t . His neighbors knew almost as much about him.as he d i d h i m s e l f , t h e i r s k i l l s of observation having been sharpened i n years of gossip-mongering. For i n s t a n c e , a r e g i s t r a n t could not c l a i m to be overage, even by presenting f a l s i f i e d documents, i f the memories of scores of people ( i n c l u d i n g the members of the l o c a l board) s a i d otherwise. The l o c a l board could have a l l the informat i o n i t might want with which to decide a man's case. While t h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n to the formal a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the law was important, there -lay behind i t tremendous Informal pressure to conform. The tyranny of the m a j o r i t y i s perhaps the most e f f i c i e n t means of law enforcement i n America. Put • simply, community t i e s can bind as w e l l as support. In a community where people know each other's every move, a deviant a t t i t u d e i s conspicuous; i n a community where so much of one's l i f e i s i n v e s t e d , a deviant a t t i t u d e i s almost impos-s i b l e to maintain. Formal j u s t i c e i s sometimes tempered w i t h mercy. Informal j u s t i c e can be m e r c i l e s s . In times of great emotion i t can e a s i l y go to v i o l e n t extremes. The a b i l i t y of the community to force compliance with i t s d e s i r e was l o s t on no one concerned. There was, though, a second and more p o s i t i v e way i n which the community could help enforce the d r a f t . Instead of j u s t watching v i g i l a n t l y f o r s l a c k e r s , i t could a l s o work to dissuade men from becoming s l a c k e r s i n the f i r s t p l ace. Cer-t a i n l y the f e a r of d i s a p p r o v a l and the obvious f u t i l i t y of t r y i n g to evade the d r a f t would lead men to suppress whatever ob j e c t i o n s they might have. P r e v i o u s l y , a cowed and s u l l e n man was e x a c t l y what many had thought a c o n s c r i p t must be. I f , however, leaders of opi n i o n and the community at larg e demonstrated t h e i r approval of c o n s c r i p t i o n , and t h e i r be-l i e f that i t was r i g h t and p a t r i o t i c , they.could show a waverer that"he was a p o t e n t i a l hero of whom they a l l were proud. The importance of the community i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l development made such reassurance c r u c i a l . The a t -t i t u d e of h i s neighbors could remove the fear of the new and the stigma that once attached to c o n s c r i p t i o n , and give the draftee the impression that he was lucky to be a part of such great events as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of h i s home community. With j u d i c i o u s encouragement and c e l e b r a t i o n the people could give the young men a sense of heightened status and a t a s t e of the g l o r y to be won i n France. Yet the p o s i t i v e and negative aspects of community support were not unrel a t e d : Back of the " d r i v e " to make r e g i s t e r i n g the "t h i n g to do" was the reminder that the r e g i s -t r a n t ' s neighbors were watching every man between twenty-one and t h i r t y - o n e and might pro-s c r i b e him as a community outcast i f he t r i e d to evade r e g i s t r a t i o n . 6 4 The men i n Washington understood that the promise of p u b l i c approbation, and the im p l i e d t h r e a t of p r o s c r i p t i o n , would be a powerful combination to ensure that young men would comply wi t h the d r a f t law. The close r e l a t i o n s h i p of S e l e c t i v e Service with com-munity c a r r i e d w i t h i t c e r t a i n inherent dangers. Crowder and Johnson attempted to combine both bureaucratic r i g o r and the spontaneous and personal i n f o r m a l i t y of community as key features of t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system. The attempt might w e l l have been a f a i l u r e . There was always present the chance that personal connections might d i s t o r t the e f f i c i e n t working of the system. Courthouse p o l i t i c i a n s might w e l l exempt t h e i r f r i e n d s or f e l l o w - p a r t i s a n s , or y i e l d to an i r r e g u l a r community sentiment. In a country where l o c a l government was of t e n c r i t i c i z e d as co r r u p t , the p l a c i n g of so d e l i c a t e a matter as the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of c o n s c r i p t i o n i n the hands of small-time p o l i t i c i a n s might have been an un-j u s t i f i a b l e r i s k . Members of Congress, p o l i t i c i a n s themselves were concerned about that r i s k . Once again, the War Depart-ment placed primary t r u s t i n the i n t e l l i g e n c e , i n t e g r i t y , and p a t r i o t i s m of thousands of people. One of the premises of Crowder's plan of d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n was n e c e s s a r i l y that those courthouse or c i t y h a l l p o l i t i c i a n s could be t r u s t e d to administer the d r a f t i m p a r t i a l l y . Surely they would not f a i l when charged with a solemn and d e l i c a t e task i n the n a t i o n a l c r u s a d e . ^ P r o v i s i o n s i n the law backed up the appeal f o r honesty and i m p a r t i a l i t y . Section 6 provided s u b s t a n t i a l p e n a l t i e s f o r malfeasance by l o c a l board members. Just as the l o c a l board was to pe r s o n a l i z e and perhaps soften the working of impersonal law, so was the r i g o r of the law to prevent s e n t i m e n t a l i t y , p o l i t i c s , or bias from d i s t o r t i n g the f a i r n e s s of the d r a f t . I t was, almost, a system of checks and balances S e l e c t i v e Service thus managed to incorporate both l o c a l i s t and l e g a l i s t a t t i t u d e s , making them elements of strength i n the c o n s c r i p t i o n system. S e l e c t i v e Service was ther e f o r e able to u t i l i z e i n mani-f o l d ways the a t t i t u d e s and s o c i a l dynamics of the American community. At the l o c a l l e v e l , i n f a c t , community support was seen as the b a s i s of e f f i c i e n t enforcement of the law. But S e l e c t i v e Service was not j u s t an e x p l o i t e r of the s p i r i t of community—it was a l s o , at l e a s t p a r t l y , meant to help c r e -ate that s p i r i t . On both l o c a l and n a t i o n a l l e v e l s the war e f f o r t demanded u n i t y . The c l a s s , r a c i a l , and s e c t i o n a l d i v i s i o n s of the pre-war years had no place i n wartime. The high moral mission of the country, according to the P r e s i d e n t , plus the more concrete need f o r i n d u s t r i a l and m i l i t a r y e f f i c i e n c y , meant that o l d antagonisms had to be cast aside. President Wilson, speaking to Confederate veterans meeting at Washington on the d r a f t r e g i s t r a t i o n day (a f o r t u i t o u s combination of symbolisms), de c l a r e d , "These are days of o b l i v i o n as w e l l as of memory; f o r we are f o r g e t t i n g the things that once held us a s under."^ He was speaking of the s p e c i f i c s e c t i o n a l d i v i s i o n at the time, but he thought much the same about other d i s u n i t i e s i n American s o c i e t y , which had long t r o u b l e d him. E a r l i e r he had compr-essed h i s views i n t o one sentence: "We must a l l speak, a c t , and serve t o -6 7 gether!" Many progressives e x p l i c i t l y saw i n the war a chance to draw the n a t i o n together i n t o a great community and to r eplace antagonisms w i t h mutual understanding and harmony: "We s h a l l a l l be k i n . . . h e a r t s of stone w i l l be changed to hearts of f l e s h , and l i t t l e by l i t t l e we s h a l l begin to 68 understand each other." In the e x a l t a t i o n of the f i r s t weeks of the war much seemed p o s s i b l e . A prominent black leader dared hope f o r the u l t i m a t e n a t i o n a l r e c o n c i l i a t i o n : "This i s our country and i t i s our f l a g . We are one people, 69 black and white, North and South." y C l e a r l y the beginning of the war aroused expectation among many that a new and purer day of n a t i o n a l community was on the horizon. S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , as a c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n of the war e f f o r t , was expected by some groups to c o n t r i b u t e to the new 70 u n i f y i n g of the n a t i o n . I t was i n a sense the epitome of what the war e f f o r t was supposed to be. The d r a f t was planned and e f f i c i e n t . I t was democratic and i n c l u s i v e , i n that a l l draft-age men were i n equal r e l a t i o n s h i p to the system. A l l were t r e a t e d according to the same r u l e s ; there was no s p e c i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r anyone. The meetings of the l o c a l board provided a chance f o r a l l to p a r t i c i p a t e e i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the law. As S e l e c t i v e Service was d i r e c t l y and obviously l i n k e d to the b a t t l e f i e l d , i t r a i s e d d i f f e r e n t and more i n -tense emotions than, say, the L i b e r t y Loans or the Food Ad-m i n i s t r a t i o n . A congressman claimed that w i t h the d r a f t , American s o l d i e r s "of a l l the races and t r i b e s of men" would l e a r n the "mystic f e l l o w s h i p that Is embraced i n the word 'comrade.'" So, i m p l i c i t l y , would the f o l k s back home. Co n s c r i p t i o n would b r i n g "the men and women together i n support of one great democratic army"—an experience, t h i s man thought, which might " a c t u a l l y n a t i o n a l i z e a l l us Ameri-71 cans." Perhaps even more imp o r t a n t l y , i n choosing men to go to the f r o n t , S e l e c t i v e Service was a l s o choosing men to remain i n equally necessary tasks at home: The operation of the S e l e c t i v e Service Law opened up to the r e a l American opportunity f o r a c t i v i t y that appealed s t r o n g l y to h i s nature. I t meant that the b a t t l e was being waged at home as w e l l as abroad, that the p r i v i l e g e of defense was not being accorded to the few and taken away from those not q u a l -i f i e d to serve on the b a t t l e f i e l d s . 7 2 The very idea of S e l e c t i v e Service i m p l i e d that every person had a r o l e to play i n winning the war, that no one could be excluded from the n a t i o n a l task without harming the e f f o r t of a l l . That was the meaning of t o t a l war and the e f f i c i e n t use of human resources that S e l e c t i v e Service symbolized. Everyone working f o r the n a t i o n a l cause deserved to be part of the n a t i o n a l community, and was th e r e f o r e not l e g i t i m a t e l y to be excluded from the l o c a l community. I d e a l l y , the "mys-t i c f e l l o w s h i p " of comrades-in-arms would extend to the home fr o n t as w e l l . In t h i s view, S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , by recog-n i z i n g the mechanical u n i t y and interdependence of the n a t i o n could thereby promote, i n a h i g h l y charged atmosphere, the moral u n i t y and mutual understanding that make a s o c i e t y a community. #** For the moment, In the e a r l y summer of 1917» community-b u i l d i n g was a ra t h e r d i s t a n t problem. The work at hand was simply to introduce c o n s c r i p t i o n i n t o American l i f e . The War Department put immense energies i n t o preparing f o r r e g -i s t r a t i o n day. Secretary Baker was e s p e c i a l l y a t t e n t i v e to the problem of p u b l i c psychology. On May 1 he wrote the Pres dent: I am exceedingly anxious to have r e g i s t r a t i o n and s e l e c t i o n by d r a f t under the m i l i t a r y b i l l conducted under such circumstances as to create a strong p a t r i o t i c f e e l i n g and r e l i e v e as f a r as p o s s i b l e the p r e j u d i c e which remains to some extent i n the popular mind against the d r a f t by reason of C i v i l War memories. With t h i s end i n view, I am using a vast number of agencies through-out the country to make the day of r e g i s t r a t i o n a f e s t i v a l and p a t r i o t i c occasion. Several Governors and some mayors of c i t i e s are en t e r i n g already h e a r t i l y i n t o t h i s plan....73 In an i n t e r e s t i n g d i s p l a y of the uses of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , Baker e n l i s t e d the a i d of the United States Chamber of Commerce and the n a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n of p a t r i o t i c s o c i e t i e s , as w e l l as the Council of N a t i o n a l Defense, of which he was chairman. These o r g a n i z a t i o n s passed along to t h e i r branches i n every part of the country suggestions f o r making June 5 a "holiday f o r the d r a f t " with speeches, parades, f l a g s , and 74 other p a t r i o t i s m - a r o u s i n g devices. Despite the f e s t i v a l atmosphere, though, the J u s t i c e Department was prepared to pounce on those who t r i e d to avoid r e g i s t r a t i o n . Attorney General Gregory became almost f r a n t i c i n h i s own appeal f o r community support: " I urge p a t r i o t i c men i n every s e c t i o n of the country to p e r f e c t o r g a n i z a t i o n s which w i l l see to the r e g i s t r a t i o n of a l l names i n t h e i r communities, pre s e r v i n g notes showing the personal sympathies 75 and a c t i v i t i e s of i n d i v i d u a l s . " A few s o c i a l i s t s and a n a r c h i s t s were a r r e s t e d f o r advocating r e s i s t a n c e to r e g i s t r a -t i o n , but on the whole Gregory's a n x i e t i e s were unfounded. Tuesday, June 5, was a n a t i o n a l w h i r l of p a t r i o t i c enthusiasm. The r e g i s t r a t i o n system worked smoothly. Resistance and evasion were n e g l i g i b l e . Roughly 9 , 5 0 0 9 0 0 0 men came forward 7 6 and r e g i s t e r e d f o r c o n s c r i p t i o n . 77 The d r a f t was a complete success. S e l e c t i v e Service moved from triumph to triumph, slowed only by the i n f l u e n z a epidemic i n the f a l l of 1 9 1 8 . The i n s t i t u t i o n l i v e d up to Crowder's highest expectations. The l o c a l boards went about t h e i r tasks with great elan. By September of 1917 S e l e c t i v e Service had provided more c o n s c r i p t s than the new army camps could handle. During the winter of 1 9 1 7 - I 9 1 8 there was time to i n s t i t u t e changes i n the system. There was a new scheme of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , which i n e f f e c t provided a n a t i o n a l i n -ventory of manpower resources. In the summer of 1917 i t had become apparent that the r e g u l a t i o n s d i d not give l o c a l boards s u f f i c i e n t guidance on c e r t a i n matters, so new r e g u l a t i o n s were w r i t t e n to reduce to the v a n i s h i n g point the d i s c r e t i o n of the boards. When demands f o r American manpower soared as a r e s u l t of the German sp r i n g o f f e n s i v e of 1 9 1 8 , S e l e c t i v e Service was prepared to meet a l l c a l l s . There were three more r e g i s t r a t i o n s i n 1 9 1 8 : June 5> August 24, and September 1 2 — t h e l a s t because Congress had f i n a l l y passed a measure extending the age l i m i t s to eighteen through f o r t y - f i v e . The c o n s c r i p t i o n system was f u r t h e r r a t i o n a l i z e d by Crowder's famous "Work or Fight Order," which channelled deferred men i n t o productive employment,; and by the ending of voluntary enlistments on August 3 1 . By armisticeeday S e l e c t i v e Ser-v i c e had r e g i s t e r e d about 24 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 men and had d e l i v e r e d 2 , 8 0 0 , 0 0 0 to the army, and stood ready to c a l l m i l l i o n s more. I t was a stupendous achievement, " r e s u l t s , " as Crowder s a i d , "which would be i n s t a n t l y r e j e c t e d as impossible d i d not the a c t u a l f a c t s stand as i r r e f u t a b l e t e s t i m o n i a l s of t h e i r 7 8 accomplishment." A l l over the n a t i o n , l o c a l communities v i n d i c a t e d the government's f a i t h as they r a l l i e d to the support of the d r a f t . . . v i r t u a l l y everywhere and notably i n the small towns, the e n t i r e community was transformed i n t o a unanimous u n o f f i c i a l body of a s s i s t a n t s to the boards. Everyone was i n t e r e s t e d ; everyone was i n favor of the system; and everyone was 39. ready and eager to help. At the l i f t of the hand the boards could commandeer a l l v a r i e t i e s of con-t r i b u t i o n , to do honor to the town's contingent and to make the s e l e c t i v e d r a f t a success. This concentration of p u b l i c o p i n i o n on the r e g i s -t r a n t s w i l l e x p l a i n why we may w e l l assume... that the s u c c e s s f u l s l a c k e r s were few. The s e l e c t i v e d r a f t went i n t o nearly every home; and thus every c i t i z e n , f e e l i n g i t s incidence i n h i s own f a m i l y , was determined that others a l s o should do t h e i r f u l l duty. Every r e g i s t r a n t ' s case became the subject of observation and d i s c u s s i o n ' h i s a c t i o n , i n c l a i m i n g or not c l a i m i n g deferment was w e l l known; the neighbors knew the t r u t h about hi s circumstances even i f the board members might not, and the boards were s u r f e i t e d with informa-t i o n — b y v i s i t and by l e t t e r , signed and unsigned. The most e f f i c i e n t d e t e c t i v e force that the War Department could have organized would not have been more productive of i n f o r m a t i o n than were the 7 q neighbors i n t h e i r s c r u t i n y of the r e g i s t r a n t s . y The p u b l i c i n t e r e s t and excitement that Baker had s t r i v e n to create f o r the f i r s t r e g i s t r a t i o n were sustained throughout the war by the unending a c t i v i t i e s of the Committee of P u b l i c Information and by a l l s o r t s of l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . As the War Department g r a t e f u l l y acknowledged, the r o l e of the p u b l i c i n d e t e c t i n g g s l a c k e r s was of great importance. Doubtless, too, the massive d i s p l a y s of community approbation had t h e i r Intended e f f e c t on the d e c i s i o n s of draft-age men. And, i f S e l e c t i v e Service d i d not transform the American n a t i o n i n t o a magnified small-town community, at l e a s t there was some evidence of a genuine, i f temporary, consciousness of u n i t y , as men of a l l races and c l a s s e s marched o f f to war. The success of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , then, was v i t a l l y aided by favorable and a c t i v e p u b l i c o p i n i o n — i n a country where only a few years before c o n s c r i p t i o n had been thought of with darkest s u s p i c i o n . I t was a t r i b u t e to General Crowder's f a i t h i n the people, and h i s shrewd judgment of p u b l i c psychology, that the I n s t i t u t i o n he and h i s a s s o c i a t e s created provided probably the best experience of r a i s i n g an army that the United States had ever known. *** The remainder of t h i s study i s concerned with S e l e c t i v e Service i n one Southern c i t y , Montgomery, Alabama. The h i s t o r y of S e l e c t i v e Service i n Montgomery i s , of course, worthy of study f o r i t s own sake, or as a small part of the human st o r y 8 0 of the war. But S e l e c t i v e Service i n Montgomery i s a l s o of broader i n t e r e s t , because of i t s s o c i a l context. Mont-gomery was a severely d i v i d e d c i t y . Segregation stood as a r i g i d b a r r i e r between white and black i n the c i t y ; there was not even a semblance of community f e e l i n g i n race r e l a t i o n s . C l e a r l y t h i s was not the sort of s o c i e t y f o r which S e l e c t i v e Service had been planned. Segregation, as the conscious and fo r m a l l y enforced d e n i a l of community to b l a c k s , represented the v i r t u a l a n t i t h e s i s of the democratic, i n c l u s i v e s p i r i t of S e l e c t i v e S e rvice. How S e l e c t i v e Service functioned i n t h i s s e t t i n g , and what were i t s e f f e c t s on Montgomery's s t r u c -ture of segregation, are the concerns of the chapters that f o l l o w . 41. NOTES: CHAPTER I I Richard Barry, "Crowder, the Genius of the D r a f t , " World's Work (September 1 9 1 8 ) , p. 5 6 1 . 2 F r e d e r i c k Palmer, Newton D. Baker, America at War (New York, 1 9 2 7 ) , I , pp. 8 8 - 8 9 ; Edward M. House, The Intimate  Papers of Colonel House (London, 1 9 2 8 ) , I I I , p. 5. F r e d e r i c k L. Paxson, America at War (Boston, 1 9 3 3 ) , p. 4 . Palmer, p. 1 5 6 . 5 Woodrow Wilson, The Messages and Papers of Woodrow  Wilson (New York, 1 9 2 4 ) , I , p. 3 7 6 . Arthur S. Li n k , Woodrow Wilson: Campaigns f o r Pro- gr e s s i v i s m and Peace, 1 9 1 6 - 1 9 1 7 ( P r i n c e t o n , 1 9 6 5 ) , P- 405• 7 ' Edward M. Coffman, The War to End A l l Wars (New York, 1 9 6 8 ) , p. 24. g Newton D. Baker, I n t r o d u c t i o n to Thomas G. Frothingham, The American Reinforcement i n the World War (Garden C i t y , 1 9 2 7 ) , p. x x i i . g Newton D. Baker, "Newton D. Baker on Executive I n f l u -ence i n M i l i t a r y L e g i s l a t i o n , " American P o l i t i c a l Science Re- view (September 1 9 5 6 ) , p. 7 0 1 . 18 Daniel R. Beaver, Newton D. Baker and the American War  E f f o r t , 1 9 1 7 - 1 9 1 9 ( L i n c o l n , 1 9 6 6 ) , pp. 27-28. I I The process by which c o n s c r i p t i o n became the p o l i c y of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s discussed i n Beaver, pp. 2 7 - 3 0 , and L i n k , pp. 402-409- Beaver places perhaps too much s t r e s s on the p o l i t i c a l element i n the d e c i s i o n , but h i s a n a l y s i s i s s t i l l very u s e f u l . 12 Hugh S. Johnson, The Blue Eagle, From Egg to Earth (New York, 1 9 3 5 ; r e p r i n t e d New York, 1 9 6 8 ) , p. 7 5 . The C i v i l War d r a f t i s discussed b r i e f l y , from a p r a c t i c a l point of view, i n U.S. Provost Marshal General's Bureau, Second Report of the Provost Marshal General...On the Operations of the S e l e c t i v e  Service System... (Washington, 1 9 1 9 ) , pp. 3 6 9 - 3 7 8 . Hereafter c i t e d as Second Report. 1? See Howard White, "Executive Influence i n Determining M i l i t a r y P o l i c y i n the United S t a t e s , " U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s  Studies i n the S o c i a l Sciences, X I I , (Urbana, 1 9 2 5 ) , pp. 2 1 6 - 2 1 9 , 1 4 U.S. Provost Marshal General, F i n a l Report Made to the Secretary of War by the Provost Marshal General. . .March 1 7 , 18"86, (Washington, 1866), Part I. 15 Part I I , Document No. 11, e s p e c i a l l y pp. 23-31• 16 Gary L. Wamsley, S e l e c t i v e Service and a Changing  America (Columbus, 1969), p. 15. 17 18 Johnson, p. 75-The only f u l l - l e n g t h study of t h i s remarkable man i s David A. L o c k m i l l e r , Enoch H. Crowder, S o l d i e r , Lawyer, S t a t e s - man, U n i v e r s i t y of M i s s o u r i S t u d i e s , no. 27, (Columbia, 1955). A h i g h l y laudatory contemporary source i s the a r t i c l e by Richard Barry c i t e d above. 1 9 L o c k m i l l e r , pp. 153-154. 20 Johnson's autobiography, c i t e d above, r e f l e c t s h i s c o l o r f u l and of t e n v i o l e n t p e r s o n a l i t y . I t was w r i t t e n mainly as a defense of h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the N a t i o n a l Recovery A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . 21 General Crowder found him a most valuable a s s i s t a n t . .See U.S. Provost Marshal General's Bureau, Report of the Pro- vost Marshal General...on the F i r s t Draft...(Washington, 1918). Hereafter c i t e d as F i r s t Report. 22 The o r i g i n a l b i l l i s i n U.S. Congress, Congressional  Record, 65th Congress, 1st s e s s i o n , 1917, pp. 931-932. Hereafter c i t e d as Cong. Rec. The exact d e t a i l s of the b i l l ' s c o n s i d e r a t i o n by the War Department are not c l e a r ; i t does seem that the plan was accepted and not changed i n any s i g n i -f i c a n t way. 23 For Congress' f i r s t r e a c t i o n s to the b i l l see Cong.  Rec. , pp. 907-914 (Senate) and 9 6 0 f f (House). A b r i e f review of the e n t i r e n a t i o n a l debate, with s e l e c t i o n s from primary sources, may be found i n John W. Chambers, Draftees or Volun- te e r s (New York, 1975), Part V. 24 As has u s u a l l y been the case when c o n s c r i p t i o n has been considered. See Wamsley, p. 17- This concentration on fundamentals i m p l i e s that c o n s c r i p t i o n has been seen as a serious e t h i c a l problem i n American l i f e . 25 For r e p r e s e n t a t i v e p r o - c o n s c r i p t i o n remarks see Cong.  Rec. f o r the remarks of Mssrs. Weeks, pp. 952-943, and McKenzie, pp. 968-970. 26 For r e p r e s e n t a t i v e a n t i - c o n s c r i p t i o n speakers see the remarks of Mssrs. La F o l l e t t e (Wisconsin), pp. 1354-1363, and Huddleston, pp. 9 6 4 T 1091. 2 7 White, pp. 254-257. 4 3 . See Cong. Rec., pp. 6 9 7 - 7 0 7 , . 9 2 2 - 9 2 4, and Appendix, pp. 1 2 2 - 1 2 6 f o r samples of l e t t e r s ; a l s o the remarks of Senators Nelson and Stone, p. 9 2 4 . - 29 Lindsay Rogers, quoted i n H.C.F. B e l l , Woodrow Wilson  and the People (New York, 1 9 4 5 ) , p. 2 27 -30 Cong. Rec., p. 9 3 1 . This clause might have provoked an i n t e r e s t i n g c o n s t i t u t i o n a l debate, but thousands of l o c a l o f f i c i a l s were so eager to serve that the P r e s i d e n t i a l power to r e q u i r e t h e i r s e r v i c e s was not questioned. See John i i n g of An Army (New York, 1 9 2 2 ) , pp. 8 1 - 8 2 . p. 9 1 3 . pp. 1 5 3 1 , 1 5 7 5 -pp. 1 5 0 8 - 1 5 1 1 . P ? . l 4 7 4 . p. 9 1 4 . 31 Cong. Rec. 32 Cong. Rec. 33 Cong. Rec. 34 Cong. Rec. 35 Cong. Rec. The relev a n t votes were 3 1 3 - 1 0 9 i n the House, and 8 1 - 8 i n the Senate. Cong. R e c , pp. 1555 and 1 5 0 0 - 1 5 0 1 . 37 See New York Times, May 1 8 , 1 9 1 7 , p. 1. 38 The p o l i t i c s of the Roosevelt d i v i s i o n i s discussed i n Seward W. Livermore, P o l i t i c s i s Adjourned (Middletown, 1 9 6 6 ) , Chapter I I . 3 9 New York Times, May 1 0 , 1 9 1 7 , p. 1. 4n Cong. R e c , p. 2 1 9 8 . 41 Enoch H. Crowder, The S p i r i t of S e l e c t i v e Service (New York, 1 9 2 0 ) , pp. 1 1 8 - 1 2 0 ; F i r s t Report, pp. 6 - 7 . 42 F i r s t Report, p. 8. 43 y I b i d . , p. 9 . 4 4 Cong. Rec., pp. 2 2 0 1 - 2 2 0 2 . 4R 0 Cong. R e c , pp. 2 3 8 7 - 2 3 9 0 ; 2420-2423. 46 Johnson, pp. 7 8 - 7 9 -47 F i r s t Report, p. 9 . 4 8 Cong. R e c , pp. 2 2 0 1 - 2 2 0 2 . 49 C.H. Cooley, S o c i a l Organization; A Study of the Larger Mind (New York, 1 9 1 0 ) , p. 2 3 . 50 The primary group i s defined i n Cooley, Chapter I I I . 51 E l l s w o r t h F a r i s , "The Primary Group: Essence and Accident," American J o u r n a l of Sociology ( J u l y 1 9 3 2 ) , p. 4 3 . 52 H.M. Miner, "Community—Society Continua," I n t e r n a t i o n a l  Encyclopedia of the S o c i a l Sciences ( 1 9 6 8 ) , pp. 1 7 5 - 1 7 6 . 53 The f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n i s based p r i m a r i l y on Cooley's S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n , John Dewey's The P u b l i c and I t s  Problems (New York, 1 9 2 7 ) , and F a r i s ' "Primary Groups." An e x c e l l e n t work covering a s i g n i f i c a n t body of thought on the issue of community i s Jean B. Quandt, From the Small Town to  the Great Community (New Brunswick, 1 9 7 0 ) . 54 J Quandt, p. 7 f f . 55 See the s t i m u l a t i n g d i s c u s s i o n of the small-town en-vironment i n Quandt, pp. 3 - 2 0 . 56 The 1910 census showed that roughly three quarters of the American people l i v e d i n c i t i e s or towns of l e s s than 5 0 , 0 0 0 , or i n r u r a l areas, which were l i k e l y to be part of the small-town sphere of i n f l u e n c e . U.S. Bureau of the Census, H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s of the United S t a t e s , C o l o n i a l Times to  1957 (Washington, I 9 6 0 ) , p. 14. 5 7 Crowder, p. 1 2 0 . 58 Johnson, Chapter 5 and pp. 2 5 8 - 2 6 2 . 59 r Beaver, pp. 5 - 6 . ^ Crowder, p. 1 2 0 . ^ Johnson, p\ 7 5 - Both Crowder and Johnson (and others) used the word "community" qu i t e o f t e n , i n approximately the same sense and wit h approximately the same connotations as developed above. 6 9 "How the Draft W i l l Work," L i t e r a r y Digest (June 2 , 1 9 1 7 ) , P- 1 6 8 5 . 6 ^  See Mark S u l l i v a n , Our Times, v o l . 5> Over Here (New York, 1 9 3 3 ) , p. 3 0 1 . 64 5 66 67 Palmer, p. 2 1 7 . See "How the Draft W i l l Work," p. 1 6 8 4 . Wilson, Messages and Papers, I , p. 4 0 9 -I b i d , p. 3 9 6 . 68 From the General Federation of Women's Clubs Magazine, June 1917, quoted i n O t i s L. Graham, The Great Campaigns: Re- form and War i n America, 1900-1928 (Englewood C l i f f s , 1971), — 69 Quoted i n "German P l o t s Among the Negroes," L i t e r a r y  Digest ( A p r i l 21, 1917), p. 1153. 70 Crowder h i m s e l f , though probably too busy to t h i n k of the l a r g e r dimensions of h i s i n s t i t u t i o n , held an organic view of s o c i e t y and hoped f o r a cooperative n a t i o n a l community. He made h i s views e x p l i c i t i n The S p i r i t of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , Chapter V I I I . The temporary u n i t y of wartime apparently bl i n d e d him to deep and c o n t i n u i n g d i v i s i o n s i n American s o c i e t y ; thus h i s book sounds naive at times. 71 Cong. Rec., p. 987. The speaker was Mr. Greene of Vermont, one of the most ardent supporters of the d r a f t . 72 ' Crowder, p. 232. 7 3 Palmer, p. 203. ' New York Times, May 18, 1917, p. 2. 7 5 New York Times, June 2, 1917, pp. 1-2. 7 6 F i r s t Report, p. 39- About .6% of the men w i t h i n the age l i m i t s f a i l e d to r e g i s t e r i n June 1917- The extent of evasion and d e s e r t i o n n a t u r a l l y grew i n 1918 as the system expanded immensely; s t i l l i t was r e l a t i v e l y minor. Overt r e s i s t a n c e was confined mainly to a few r u r a l r a d i c a l s i n Texas and Oklahoma, and to i s o l a t e d and ignorant Southern mountaineers. Americans of German descent stepped forward with the m a j o r i t y . See Second Report, p. 86 and pp. 199-212. 77 A good short summary of the d r a f t i s i n L o c k m i l l e r , Chapters XI and X I I . S p e c i f i c n a t i o n a l . p o l i c i e s w i l l be discussed i n greater d e t a i l i n the next chapters, i n r e l a t i o n to the l o c a l problems being considered. 7 8 Second Report, p. 1. 7 9 I b i d . , pp. 287-288. 8 0 General Crowder himself thoughtxthe "human s i d e " of the d r a f t to be of great importance. He twice asked l o c a l boards f o r "Experience Reports": " i n c i d e n t s p a t h e t i c , humorous, p a t r i o t i c , s e l f i s h — w h a t you w i l l , as long as they are the most i n t e r e s t i n g i n c i d e n t s t y p i c a l of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the d r a f t . " Crowder considered the r e p o r t s "the f l e s h and blood f o r the dry bones of the s t a t i s t i c s . " Quoted i n Waldo G. Leland, I n t r o d u c t i o n to the American O f f i c i a l Sources f o r the Eco- nomic and S o c i a l H i s t o r y of the World War (New Haven, 1926), p. 92. His concern as head of the immense system f o r the p r e s e r v a t i o n of such records i s f u r t h e r evidence of h i s under-4 b . standing of the importance of the personal element, even i n a mass i n s t i t u t i o n . I I . S e l e c t i v e Service i n Montgomery: The F i r s t R e g i s t r a t i o n In the e a r l y s p r i n g of 1917, the most conspicuous p u b l i c a c t i v i t y i n Montgomery, Alabama, was the music and dancing of a s t r e e t f a i r . 1 Before the year was out, the same s t r e e t s would resound w i t h more m a r t i a l music as young men l e f t to take part In the world c o n f l i c t . The people of the c i t y , both black and white, supported the.war and r e a d i l y entered i n t o the war e f f o r t . Despite some r e l a t i v e l y minor d i f f i c u l t i e s , S e l e c t i v e ^ S e r v i c e , as the f i r s t s u b s t a n t i a l element of the war e f f o r t , got a strong s t a r t i n Montgomery i n the c r u c i a l p e r i -od of the f i r s t months of the war. Montgomery e x e m p l i f i e d the best t r a d i t i o n s of the conser-v a t i v e South i n the f i r s t quarter of t h i s century. In the South the word "conservative" has o f t e n been used to mean an a t t i t u d e of bull-headed r e a c t i o n , a b r u t a l l y determined i n s i s -tence on keeping blacks (and o f t e n poor whites) i n a degraded st a t e of existence. The conservatism of Montgomery was not of t h i s perverse type. Rather i t was a true conservatism--b a s i c a l l y a high regard f o r i n h e r i t e d s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y and a d i s t a s t e f o r "extreme p o s i t i o n s " of any s o r t . Society i n Montgomery, both black and white, was co n s e r v a t i v e , and both black and white had some reason to be so. I t w i l l be u s e f u l here to attempt to c h a r a c t e r i z e b r i e f l y the nature of s o c i e t y and-race r e l a t i o n s ' i n Montgomery, by way of i n t r o d u c t i o n to a d i s c u s s i o n of the i n t e r a c t i o n of that s o c i e t y with S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e . By 1917 Montgomery had a t t a i n e d a venerable o l d age. I t s 4 b . h i s t o r y s t retched back even beyond l i v i n g memory—almost' 100 years. Montgomery has been c a p i t a l of the State since 1847, and f o r a few months i n 1861 i t was the c a p i t a l of the Con-federacy. The c a p i t o l b u i l d i n g (where J e f f e r s o n Davis gave hi s i n augural address), the house i n which Davis l i v e d before moving to Richmond, and the b u i l d i n g from which the order to f i r e on Port Sumter was telegraphed, have remained potent r e -minders of the c i t y ' s r o l e i n momentous events. Late i n the C i v i l War a detachment of Union r a i d e r s occupied Montgomery, but they d i d l i t t l e damage. The c i t y made i t s recovery from war and Reconstruction and was t h r i v i n g again by the time of the Spanish-American War. In 1917 the population had reached about f o r t y thousand. Montgomery's past had enough of the c o l o r of p o l i t i c s and war to give force to f a m i l y r e c o l l e c t i o n s , and the image of a c i t y w ith the wisdom of long experience formed a s i g n i f i c a n t element of the c i v i c consciousness. The c i t y ' s character.was r e f l e c t e d i n i t s appearance. Montgomery was s t i l l s m a l l , l e s s than seven square m i l e s . Downtown there was evidence of business p r o s p e r i t y i n substan-t i a l b r i c k warehouses and o f f i c e b u i l d i n g s , i n c l u d i n g a couple of "skyscrapers." Court Square, a small i r r e g u l a r space, was the center of the c i t y . I t was graced by a c a s t -i r o n f o u n t a i n i n the most ornate V i c t o r i a n s t y l e , one of the symbols of Montgomery. - Court Square was-at-the foot- of Dex-t e r Avenue-, a- wide boulevard which ran s i x blocks up to the white-domed- c a p i t o l b u i l d i n g . M u n i c i p a l improvements, and a modicum of a r c h i t e c t u r a l t a s t e , gave the white r e s i d e n t i a l areas a very pleasant appearance. Many f a m i l i e s l i v e d i n large and a i r y houses set above s t r e e t l e v e l and approached by red b r i c k steps. In l e s s agreeable sections of the c i t y black people l i v e d i n oblong wooden shacks on unpaved s t r e e t s . * From downtown, s t r e e t c a r s went to the suburbs, s o - c a l l e d , none more than a reasonable walking distance from Court Square. To v i s i t o r s , Montgomery gave an impression of quiet 2 and charming Southern l i f e . The conservatism of Montgomery s o c i e t y was i n lar g e measure sustained by the l o c a l economy, the most s i g n i f i c a n t -feature of which was the comparative unimportance of indus-t r y . Montgomery f e l t the e f f e c t s of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , the most dynamic s o c i a l force of the p e r i o d , to only a secondary degree. The c i t y had a low percentage of persons employed i n " i n d u s t r y " (broadly d e f i n e d ) — o n l y about h a l f the comparable n a t i o n a l f i g u r e , and lower than other Southern c i t i e s of comparable s i z e and l o c a t i o n . The i n d u s t r y that d i d e x i s t i n Montgomery was not of the type to be a strong i n f l u e n c e on l o c a l l i f e . Other c i t i e s were t e x t i l e or s t e e l or tobacco towns. In Montgomery i n d u s t r y was d i v e r s i f i e d . F e r t i l i z e r manufacture and the processing of cotton were important, but there was no outstandingly l a r g e plant nor one dominating i n d u s t r y . The deemphasis on i n d u s t r y i n Montgomery meant that trade assumed a more important r o l e i n the l o c a l economy. Mont-gomery served as the wholesale and r e t a i l center f o r the middle part of the State. The importance of commerce i n the c i t y ' s economy was evident from the warehouses and stores *Blacks were not concentrated i n a s i n g l e part of the c i t y , but l i v e d i n s e v e r a l f a i r l y l a r g e , w e l l - d e f i n e d areas i n a l l d i r e c -t i o n s from the center of the c i t y . and o f f i c e blocks downtown, where many of the c i t y ' s white men were employed. Indeed, Montgomery looked l i k e a c i t y of mer-chants. T r a n s p o r t a t i o n , mostly r a i l r o a d s , supported Mont-gomery's p o s i t i o n as a t r a d i n g center. Other sectors of the economy were of secondary importance. Over f i v e thousand people worked i n domestic and personal ser-v i c e , a r e f l e c t i o n of the economic s i t u a t i o n of the c i t y ' s black population. Most of the jobs i n t h i s category were as (female) servants or home laundresses, jobs t r a d i t i o n a l l y f i l l e d by black women. The s t r u c t u r e of the l o c a l economy, and Southern custom, l e f t few other jobs f o r them—and neces-s i t y r e q u i r e d them to work. One r e s u l t was that a "gracious" mode of l i v i n g was r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e to white Montgomerians, made p o s s i b l e by the labor of the poor and u n s k i l l e d blacks of the c i t y . On the whole, the l o c a l economy was one ba s i s of Mont-gomery's s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y . Montgomery was by no means stag-nant, but i t lacked the dynamism (and the s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a -t i o n ) represented by the i n d u s t r i a l c i t y of Birmingham', 100 miles to the north. The 1910 census showed that Montgomery was growing at a slower r a t e than the other c i t i e s of the S t a t e , 5 and was growing at i t s slowest r a t e since 1870. The conserva-t i v e l o c a l economy was not a d i s r u p t i v e f o r c e ; i t permitted Montgomery.to remain close to i t s past. Segregation was the other cornerstone of the conserva-t i v e s o c i a l order i n Montgomery. The c i t y was almost e x a c t l y h a l f white and h a l f b l a c k , and between the halves was a s o c i a l gap of tremendous pro p o r t i o n s . To be accurate, there -was" no such t h i n g as "Montgomery" i n a s o c i a l sense. There were r a t h e r two Montgomerys, white and b l a c k , r i g o r o u s l y separated and sharing almost nothing i n the true meaning of community. The two Montgomerys d i f f e r e d i n almost every respect. On one side of the c o l o r l i n e was white Montgomery, a homo-geneous, mostly middle-class group, a product of the com-m e r c i a l economy and a r i s t o c r a t i c h e r i t a g e of the c i t y . White Montgomery could l e g i t i m a t e l y be c a l l e d a community. The twenty or so thousand people shared a common background and outlook and p a r t i c i p a t e d i n an a c t i v e c i v i c l i f e . The white community, considered s e p a r a t e l y , c e r t a i n l y had the necessary s o c i a l strengths and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s k i l l s to provide a model home-front war e f f o r t . Black Montgomery, by c o n t r a s t , lacked p r a c t i c a l l y a l l the advantages of the white community. Black Montgomerians were poor, and poorly educated. With few exceptions, they were, not allowed to vote. They had r e l a -t i v e l y few i n s t i t u t i o n s to c a l l t h e i r own. Outside of a small e l i t e of business and p r o f e s s i o n a l men, most black Mont-gomerians were mired i n poverty and ignorance. In such con-d i t i o n s black community o r g a n i z a t i o n was i n e v i t a b l y much weaker than that of white Montgomery—so weak, i n f a c t , that i t would probably be in a p p r o p r i a t e to speak of black Mont-gomery as a community i n the same s t r i c t sense. Only with the o p p o r t u n i t i e s of wartime d i d black Montgomery begin to see anything l i k e the community o r g a n i z a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n which c h a r a c t e r i z e d white Montgomery. Re l a t i o n s between the two Montgomerys were governed by the conventions of segregation, to which white Montgomerians, l i k e other white Southerners, were s t r o n g l y committed. Yet despite the great s o c i a l distance between the races, b l a c k -white r e l a t i o n s i n Montgomery were f a r from the worst i n the re g i o n . Protected i n t h e i r s u p e r i o r i t y by black d i s f r a n c h i s e -ment, a f u l l range of Jim Crow laws, and the strong i n f l u e n c e of accomodationist black leaders l i k e Booker T. Washington, white Montgomerians had the s e c u r i t y which permitted them to be as decent and humane as p o s s i b l e w i t h i n the segregation system. White Montgomerians were d e f i n i t e l y white supre-macists, but of a d i f f e r e n t type from the b r u t a l and anarchic r u r a l poor whites. They had a high respect f o r the law, and f o r s o c i a l order, and nothing but contempt f o r the widespread crime of l y n c h i n g . In the bloody period 1839-1917 Montgomery had not a s i n g l e l y n c h i n g . The r a c i a l views of white Mont-gomery were given t h e i r best.expression i n 1903 by the Mont-gomery A d v e r t i s e r , a f i n e newspaper and the voice of the c i t y ' i n t e l l i g e n t conservatism. At a time when the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of white supremacy was being completed, the A d v e r t i s e r re f l e e t e d on the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s which white supremacy e n t a i l e d The white race has a duty which i s imperative. I t i s a duty which i s demanded by j u s t i c e , by humanity, and by s e l f - i n t e r e s t . Ours i s and w i l l ever be the governing race. I t w i l l e l e c t the lawmakers, makeethe laws, and enforce them. That being so, that p r i n c i p l e of e t e r n a l j u s t i c e which bids the strong protect the weak, makes i t our duty to p r o t e c t the negro i n a l l h i s l e g a l , i n d u s t r i a l , and s o c i a l r i g h t s . We should see that he has equal and exact j u s t i c e i n the c o u r t s , that the laws bear a l i k e on the black and the white, that he be paid f o r h i s labor j u s t as the white man i s p a i d , and that no advantage be taken of his;;ignorance and c r e d u l i t y . . . And the task i s a simple and easy one. The courts and j u r i e s should know no d i f f e r e n c e between whites and blacks when a question of r i g h t and j u s t i c e i s up f o r settlement. The man who employs a negro to work f o r him should deal as f a i r l y w i t h him as he should deal w i t h a white man. He i s i n our power, p o l i t i c a l l y and otherwise, and j u s t i c e , humanity, and good p o l i c y u n i t e i n demanding f o r him equal and exact j u s t i c e . Keep the negroes among us, give them the f u l l p r o t e c t i o n of the laws, and l e t them have j u s t i c e i n a l l t h i n g s . That i s the s o l u t i o n of the race question. 7 Perhap's- white Montgomerians d i d not always l i v e up to these goals, but at l e a s t they took them s e r i o u s l y enough to con-t i n u e to expect "equal and exact j u s t i c e " ( i n t h i s l i m i t e d g version)^{for the blacks who were, f r a n k l y , i n t h e i r charge. Black Montgomerians, f o r t h e i r p a r t , had l i t t l e choice but to acquiesce i n whatever arrangments the white community found s u i t a b l e . Some resented the h u m i l i a t i o n s of Jim Crow laws, or having to climb dark s t a i r s up to the "Buzzards' Roost" [balcony reserved f o r b l a c k s ] i n t h e a t r e s . 9 These were, however, the seemingly unchangeable c o n d i t i o n s of t h e i r l i v e s . And, i n an almost hopeless s i t u a t i o n , i t was probably e a s i e r to accomodate oneself to the k i n d l y but l i m i t e d p ater-nalism of white Montgomery r a t h e r than the unpredictable v i o l e n c e of whites elsewhere i n the r e g i o n . Black Montgomerians had l i t t l e but freedom from mob v i o l e n c e , but even that was more than many others of t h e i r race could c l a i m . By 1917 Montgomery had s e t t l e d more or l e s s comfortably i n t o i t s own patterns of race r e l a t i o n s . These patterns had proved s u i t a b l e enough f o r peacetime, but the requirements of war tended to put them i n doubt, at l e a s t t e m p o r a r i l y . At the beginning of the war the e x c l u s i o n of black Montgomery from p u b l i c a f f a i r s , which had been the object of so much e f f o r t , suddenly began to seem an obstacle to a c r e d i t a b l e war e f f o r t , and p a r t i c u l a r l y to the success of the d r a f t . Mont-gomery entered the war, then, w i t h ample s o c i a l resources i n the white community, but w i t h a p o t e n t i a l problem of serious dimensions i n the f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d d i v i s i o n between the races. Montgomery had not been eager f o r war, but when war came the c i t y was ready to do i t s duty. Soon a f t e r the d e c l a r a t i o n of war thousands "pledged l i f e and a l l " to the n a t i o n a l cause at a spectacular night r a l l y . ' 1 0 Later- i n the- month the black c i t i z e n s of the c i t y r e a f f i r m e d t h e i r l o y a l t y at a mass m e e t i n g . 1 1 White and black Montgomerians were u n i f i e d i n expressing t h e i r readiness to support President Wilson and to serve i n the world c o n f l i c t . Montgomery was q u i t e r e c e p t i v e to the idea of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e . Although the c i t y ' s congressman, S.H. Dent, had o r i g i n a l l y balked at the i n s t i t u t i o n of c o n s c r i p t i o n , h i s c o n s t i t u e n t s i n Montgomery were wi t h the President from the s t a r t . The mass r a l l y of A p r i l 11 voted support of a " s e l e c t i v e c a l l to the c o l o r s as advocated by President W i l -son" i n h i s war message to Congress. The A d v e r t i s e r was a 12 f i r m supporter of the d r a f t . I t i s true that the young men of the c i t y , who had a more personal stake i n the matter, d i d . not i n i t i a l l y appear so e n t h u s i a s t i c about m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e . There was no grand rush to the enlistment s t a t i o n s ; r e c r u i t i n g 13 remained slow and steady. On the other hand, there were no ove r t , or even c o v e r t , signs of r e s i s t a n c e to. m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e . Even the marriage r a t e was normal; Montgomery men were not seeking exemption from the d r a f t v i a marriage, though t h i s was a popular device i n other ci t i e s . " " " ^ The mood of the c i t y i n A p r i l 1917 i s best described as one of w i l l i n g expectancy. S e l e c t i v e Service made i t s o f f i c i a l appearance' i n the c i t y e a r l y i n May. Once the d e t a i l s of the b i l l i n Congress had been s e t t l e d , i t became apparent that Montgomery was large enough to r e q u i r e a r e g i s t r a t i o n board of i t s own, separate from the one f o r the r e s t of the county. Governor Henderson followed the suggestions of the War Department, and nominated IS f o r the board o f f i c i a l s of the municipal government. The chairman of the board, and t h e r e f o r e the general 16 supervisor of the r e g i s t r a t i o n , was Mayor W.T. Robertson. The mayor was a d i g n i f i e d e l d e r l y man who had been e l e c t e d i n 1915 a f t e r a p l a c i d campaign. He was a grocer, not a pro-f e s s i o n a l p o l i t i c i a n , and had no apparent p o l i t i c a l a n i m o s i t i e s . Mayor Robertson had been an " u n q u a l i f i e d and e n t h u s i a s t i c advocate" of S e l e c t i v e Service e a r l y on, and he was no doubt 17 eager to begin h i s job. An a s s o c i a t e member of the board was M e r i t t N. Gilmer, the c a s h i e r of the c i t y water works. Gilmer appears to have been w e l l known; the newspapers seemed to t h i n k that he needed no i n t r o d u c t i o n to the people except h i s name. Dr. S.E. C e n t e r f i t , the c i t y p h y s i c i a n , was named as the required medical member. The c i t y attorney and the c i t y c l e r k were assigned to help the board i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e spheres of competence, but were not made members. The r e g i s -t r a t i o n board was o f f i c i a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d on May 20, more than two weeks a f t e r the r e g i s t r a t i o n forms themselves had a r r i v e d i n town by p a r c e l post from Washington. The forms, which had 56. no accompanying i n s t r u c t i o n s , were held at c i t y h a l l by the mayor, who probably a n t i c i p a t e d h i s o f f i c i a l appointment. The r e g i s t r a t i o n board had to prepare f o r i t s task by appointing r e g i s t r a r s , who would a c t u a l l y do the work of r e g i s t r a t i o n i n each ward. There was to be one r e g i s t r a r f o r each eighty expected r e g i s t r a n t s , which meant that Montgomery needed about f i f t y . A number of men volunteered f o r t h i s duty, i n c l u d i n g many members of the Chamber of i q Commerce, which was already busy w i t h war-related a c t i v i t i e s . L o c a l labor unions a l s o wanted a r o l e i n the r e g i s t r a t i o n . A d e l e g a t i o n of union men, i n s p i r e d by the demand of Samuel Gompers that labor be represented on a l l d r a f t boards, c a l l e d on the mayor to volunteer to act as r e g i s t r a r s . The mayor r e p l i e d that i t was h i s plan to " d i s t r i b u t e the appointments among the c l a s s e s , " and agreed to name a "reasonable number" ~ . , 20 of union men as r e g i s t r a r s . Given the e s s e n t i a l l y middle-class nature of white Montgomery, i t can be argued that the mayor succeeded r a t h e r w e l l i n d i s t r i b u t i n g the appointments f a i r l y . The f o r t y -seven r e g i s t r a r s included merchants, c l e r k s , salesmen, c i t y 2 employees, and two union members, re p r e s e n t i n g s k i l l e d trades. Although any Montgomerian would recognize prominent names on the l i s t , i t by no means contained only the names of the e l i t e . The r e g i s t r a r s had no a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d i s c r e t i o n and c e r t a i n l y could not give out exemptions. Their primary c o n t r i b u t i o n to the r e g i s t r a t i o n , besides doing the o f f i c i a l work, was to symbolize the u n i t y of the community and to provide f a m i l i a r faces i n p o t e n t i a l l y d i f f i c u l t circumstances. I t goes almost without saying that black Montgomery received no r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n the group of r e g i s t r a r s . C e r t a i n l y i t never even crossed the mayor's mind to put black men i n such p o s i t i o n s of t r u s t and a u t h o r i t y , even over t h e i r own race. May 1917 was too e a r l y f o r black Montgomery to en-joy even the l i m i t e d i n s t i t u t i o n a l r e c o g n i t i o n i t d i d get l a t e r i n the war. On the day a f t e r r e g i s t r a r s were named the mayor appealed to c i t i z e n s to volunteer places s u i t a b l e f o r r e g i s t r a t i o n , p r e f e r a b l y close to the p o l l i n g places i n each ward. The rooms or b u i l d i n g s were to be used f o r one day only and were h o p e f u l l y to be o f f e r e d to the board without charge. As i t turned out, the board was forced to pay f o r r e g i s t r a t i o n places i n three of the wards. The A d v e r t i s e r o f f e r e d i t s f a c i l i t i e s to serve the l a r g e s t ward, and the other b u i l d i n g s used were p u b l i c property. Perhaps Wilsonian i d e a l i s m had not yet penetrated to the pocketbooks of three property owners. Apart from o f f i c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , there remained the task of informing the men of d r a f t age of t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n . Most of the newspaper s t o r i e s which had appeared e a r l y i n May 2? were misleading i n d e t a i l . A f t e r the d r a f t b i l l became law, the l o c a l press assumed i t s proper r o l e as the disseminator of information. Each of the c i t y ' s three d a i l y newspapers p r i n t e d numerous and r e p e t i t i v e a r t i c l e s from Washington c a r r i e d by the wire s e r v i c e s . From the State c a p i t o l , the adjutant general issued to the press many of the r e g u l a t i o n s and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e forms sent him from the Provost Marshal General's o f f i c e . The A d v e r t i s e r e s p e c i a l l y gave a great deal of space to p r i n t i n g these i n f u l l . Generally i n these news-paper a r t i c l e s the informat i o n was stated simply and c l e a r l y , w ith l i t t l e propaganda about the war. Men were j u s t expected to do t h e i r duty. I t seems inconceivable that a f t e r three weeks' barrage of newsprint any l i t e r a t e person could remain ignorant of what was expected of him on R e g i s t r a t i o n Day, June 5. And there, i n the word " l i t e r a t e , " was a problem, f o r many of the black men of the c i t y were i l l i t e r a t e and many were densely ignorant of events i n the white world. According to the 1910 census almost a quarter (24 . 6 % ) of the black males "of v o t i n g age" i n Montgomery were i l l i t e r a t e — a n d that was doubt-25 l e s s a conservative f i g u r e . The blacks appear to have under-stood that there was a war on, but f o r many of them the r e l a t i v e l y complicated procedures of r e g i s t r a t i o n and c o n s c r i p t i o n were be-yond comprehension. I t was the s p e c i a l duty of the l o c a l d r a f t o f f i c i a l s to penetrate what appeared to be a w a l l of ignorance and draw the b l a c k s , f o r a day at l e a s t , i n t o the community l i f e from which they had so r i g o r o u s l y been excluded. Even the immi-grant communities of the la r g e c i t i e s were aware o f , p o l i t i c a l i n -s t i t u t i o n s and could at l e a s t read about the d r a f t i n f o r e i g n - l a n -guage newspapers or i n the c a r e f u l l y t r a n s l a t e d n o t i c e s p r i n t e d by the War Department. Southern b l a c k s , though, were a d i f f e r e n t type of " f o r e i g n e r . " I t was e s s e n t i a l to the d i g n i t y of the n a t i o n , and to a r t i c u l a t e black leaders as w e l l , that blacks 2 6 be t r e a t e d i n the d r a f t j u s t as other c i t i z e n s were. In Mont-gomery, where such a lar g e part of the population was black, i t was more than a question of t h e o r e t i c a l correctness or d i g n i t y whether the blacks were r e g i s t e r e d : i t was a matter of the suc-cess of the whole r e g i s t r a t i o n . The "negro problem" at r e g i s t r a t i o n time had s e v e r a l d i f -f e r e nt aspects. One, as noted, was simply ignorance, or per-haps a f e e l i n g that the government from which they had been excluded would not now begin to Include them. Black leaders exhorted t h e i r people to remember that they too had r e s p o n s i -27 b i l i t i e s as part of the s o c i e t y that was going to war. Another was a wholly understandable d i s l i k e of bureaucratic f o r m a l i t y and white o f f i c i a l s . A l s o , the symbolic gestures so cherished by General Crowder had-no.effect on the b l a c k s . They were not represented among the r e g i s t r a r s . The e f f e c t of conducting the d r a f t r e g i s t r a t i o n i n a way analagous to that used f o r v o t i n g a c t u a l l y had a negative e f f e c t f o r black Montgomerians. The c l e r k of the r e g i s t r a t i o n board observed that "many of them [the b l a c k s ] a l s o w i l l b e l i e v e t h i s to be an e l e c t i o n , and knowing they are barred from v o t i n g i n A l a -bama,, they w i l l be backward i n appearing at the r e g i s t r a t i o n 28 booths."- F i n a l l y , the anecdote of Claud, the "well-known color e d chauffeur," which the Times saw f i t to inc l u d e i n a front-page a r t i c l e on the ignorance of the b l a c k s , may serve to r e v e a l another b a r r i e r between blacks and S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e Claud, having appeared worried f o r some time, f i n a l l y asked h i s white employer, "What day i s we got to sig n up, Miss Mary? Miss Mary was gracious enough to e x p l a i n r e g i s t r a t i o n to him. Claud then asked, "Well, do I have to go to war? I a i n ' t done 29 nothing to nobody and I shp. don't, want to be shot up." Re-gardless of how one i n t e r p r e t s Claud's remarks, they do h i n t at the d i s i n c l i n a t i o n of some blacks to become in v o l v e d i n the gruesome events hovering at the edge of t h e i r consciousness. Claud, though, at l e a s t had a vague idea that he had to " s i g n up." He and the r e s t of h i s race had to be informed and stimulated to the point where they would overcome t h e i r r e l u c -tance (or f e a r ) and come forward to r e g i s t e r . The d r a f t o f f i c i a l s used two s t r a t e g i e s to reach blacks with t h e i r message. One was to use the same medium r e l i e d upon to inform the whites, that i s , the newspapers, with s p e c i a l headlines to a t t r a c t black readers. (There was at the time no separate black newspaper i n the c i t y ; the A d v e r t i s e r had a 30 " l a r g e c o l o r e d patronage.") Under the heading "Colored Folk to R e g i s t e r , " f o r i n s t a n c e , the c l e r k of the l o c a l board reminded blacks that they"must r e g i s t e r along w i t h others on June 5- The o p i n i o n seems to p r e v a i l among the c o l o r e d population that the government w i l l not r e q u i r e them to r e g i s -t e r , but the c o n s c r i p t i o n b i l l i n c l u d e s a l l men, whether 31 married or s i n g l e , from the ages of 21 to 30, i n c l u s i v e . " The c l e r k was c a r e f u l to point out that r e g i s t r a t i o n d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y mean that a man would be d r a f t e d i n t o the army, which should have calmed some of Claud's f e a r s . The l o c a l o f f i c i a l s , though, put more t r u s t i n a more in f o r m a l and, i n the circumstances, a more n a t u r a l way of informing the b l a c k s . They appealed to white employers and black "race l e a d e r s " 31 ( e s p e c i a l l y m i n i s t e r s ) to spread the news by word of mouth. Black m i n i s t e r s were e s p e c i a l l y urged to preach p a t r i o t i c sermons on the Sunday before R e g i s t r a t i o n Day, and to remind 32 the men i n t h e i r congregations of t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s . The churches were probably the best means by which the mass of black men could be reached by people, they t r u s t e d . The nature of black l e a d e r s h i p i n Montgomery was such that they would w i l l i n g l y do t h e i r b i t f o r the d r a f t board, e i t h e r from a d e s i r e to serve the n a t i o n and prove themselves, or a d e s i r e to save t h e i r people from the t r o u b l e that would s u r e l y des-cend upon them a f t e r a mass neglect of r e g i s t r a t i o n . Thus/ a l l resources were m o b i l i z e d i n order to ensure black r e g i s t r a t i o n . As June 5 approached, then, the d r a f t o f f i c i a l s i n Mont-gomery b e l i e v e d that they had done a good job. The p u b l i c i t y e f f o r t s seemed adequate.' In a last-minute e f f o r t to reach black men, the mayor had "asked f o r the a s s i s t a n c e of one or two representative, negroes at the heaviest negro boxes i n the c i t y . " Two or three of the " l e a d i n g negroes" agreed to help the r e g i s t r a r s , even though they were not o f f i c i a l l y appointed There was no s i g n at a l l of any overt r e s i s t a n c e to r e g i s t r a -t i o n among e i t h e r whites.or blacks i n the c i t y , and o f f i c i a l s were confident that the day would be a success. The procedure f o r r e g i s t r a t i o n i t s e l f was q u i t e simple. The t a b l e s , p l a c a r d s , and forms were to be a l l prepared when the r e g i s t r a t i o n opened at 7 a.m. Men were asked to r e g i s t e r i n t h e i r own wards. One man at a time would approach the r e g i s t r a r , who asked him questions from the f r o n t side of the r e g i s t r a t i o n card. The r e g i s t r a r f i l l e d i n the answers on the card, t a k i n g care that the r e g i s t r a n t understood the questions The r e g i s t r a n t then a f f i r m e d h i s answers with h i s signature or mark. On the back of the card the r e g i s t r a r c e r t i f i e d that " a l l of [the r e g i s t r a n t ' s ] answers of which I have knowledge are t r u e , except as f o l l o w s . . . " (followed by a considerable space i n which to s p e c i f y the dishonest a s s e r t i o n s . The would-be s l a c k e r was doomed from the s t a r t . ) For Montgomery an important feature of the r e g i s t r a t i o n card was the lower l e f t - h a n d corner, marked " I f person i s of A f r i c a n descent, tear o f f t h i s corner." Because the army was segregated, t h i s small nuisance at r e g i s t r a t i o n was a great help l a t e r , i n 34 keeping the cards of white and black men separate. A f t e r completing the r e g i s t r a t i o n card the r e g i s t r a r f i l l e d out and signed a " R e g i s t r a t i o n C e r t i f i c a t e " (a small l i g h t - b l u e card) which, w i t h the l o c a l board stamp on the back, was the r e g i s t r a n t ' s o f f i c i a l proof of h i s compliance with the law and a reminder i n h i s pocket of the widened horizons of h i s l i f e . F i n a l l y , on Tuesday, June 5 S 1917, the memorable day a r r i v e d . At 7 a.m. the e n t i r e c i t y sounded w i t h w h i s t l e s , 35 b e l l s , and other noises to mark the s t a r t of r e g i s t r a t i o n . Any l i n g e r i n g anxiety was q u i c k l y d i s p e l l e d by the r i v a l r y of 3 6 c h e e r f u l men to be the f i r s t one r e g i s t e r e d i n each ward. Throughout the day there was a steady flow of men presenting, themselves f o r r e g i s t r a t i o n . In the afternoon i t became apparent that the procedure of having the men r e g i s t e r i n t h e i r own wards was counterproductive and confusing, mainly because many had come i n t o town from the country f o r the evening's b i g parade. R e g i s t r a r s were then i n s t r u c t e d to r e g i s t e r men from anywhere i n the county i n order to speed matters. Even with t h i s e x t r a workload the c i t y r e g i s t r a r s d i d t h e i r job q u i c k l y and w e l l . By 5:30 p.m. r e g i s t r a t i o n was p r a c t i c a l l y complete, though r e g i s t r a r s had to remain on duty u n t i l nine o'clock to r e g i s t e r any latecomers. The r e g i s t r a t i o n booths were the center of other a c t i v i t i e s besides the enrollment. The Chamber of Commerce had arranged 37 f o r a band to play s t i r r i n g tunes at various booths. The r e s i d e n t s of the ChisKolm neighborhood planned to have fr e e o 8 i c e cream f o r t h e i r r e g i s t r a n t s . Army r e c r u i t e r s were present at r e g i s t r a t i o n , showing men how to e n l i s t and avoid the supposed "stigma" of being d r a f t e d . I t i s not apparent 39 that they gathered many r e c r u i t s . P a t r i o t i c l a d i e s were als o present, b u s i l y Voiding out copies of President Wilson's f l o r i d R e g i s t r a t i o n Day proclamation. The good l a d i e s were di s t u r b e d to f i n d that the white men d i d not want copies, but at l e a s t "the negroes were anxious to get the l i t e r a t u r e . Every one was glad to get a copy of the p r e s i d e n t ' s proclamation and went away reading or t r y i n g to read the words of our c h i e f 40 executive." In the F i v e P o i n t s area i n f o r m a l i t y p r e v a i l e d . The r e g i s t r a t i o n t a b l e s were taken from the h a l l and set out-side under shade t r e e s . A group of people gathered to watch 41 t h e i r neighbors s i g n up. The day closed with a grand parade up Dex;ter Avenue, organized and d i r e c t e d by the Chamber of Commerce. The black r e g i s t r a n t s , marching i n step, were a conspicuous part (the l a s t ) of the parade. They were "accorded generous and hearty 42 applause" as they s t r u t t e d by. Afterwards there was a p a t r i o t i c r a l l y on the C a p i t o l g r o u n d s — b l a c k r e g i s t r a n t s and t h e i r f r i e n d s assigned to a separate s e c t i o n . This f i n a l event broke up e a r l y , and r e g i s t r a t i o n day was over. Just 04.. a f t e r the o f f i c i a l c l o s i n g of the r e g i s t r a t i o n booths at nine o'clock, the c l e r k of the r e g i s t r a t i o n board announced that a t o t a l of 3726 Montgomery men had e n r o l l e d themselves f o r 43 S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e . A l l t hings considered, Montgomery had c e r t a i n l y done w e l l . The f a c t that somewhat fewer men than expected had r e g i s t e r e d was explained by previous enlistments and the departure of 44 black men to places i n the North i n search of war work. In the g e n e r a l l y s a t i s f i e d newspaper re p o r t s of June 6 and 7 , though, there appeared a couple of p o t e n t i a l reasons f o r con-cern about the f u t u r e of S e l e c t i v e Service i n the c i t y . F i r s t , when the f i g u r e s f o r the r e g i s t r a t i o n were an-nounced on the night of June 5> the c l e r k had seen f i t to d i v i d e the r e g i s t r a n t s i n t o c ategories according to t h e i r chances f o r exemption. Of the 1942 native-born whites, 1154 were l i s t e d as being e i t h e r " t o t a l l y d i s a b l e d , " exempt be-cause of f a m i l y dependents, or as "probably exemptions." I f t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n were t r u e , then only 788 white men were l e f t without exemption and a v a i l a b l e f o r the d r a f t army. S i m i l a r l y , only 551 of the 1729 blacks would be l e f t without 45 exemption. Given these f i g u r e s , the Times had every reason to view the s i t u a t i o n w i t h a l a r m — f o r who was to do 46 the f i g h t i n g w i t h so many men exempt? S i m i l a r r e p o r t s from 47 other areas were cause f o r concern at the State l e v e l . The c l e r k ' s f i g u r e s , however, were c o n t r a d i c t e d by the re p o r t s of the r e g i s t r a r s themselves. In the f i r s t p l a c e , the a c t u a l question on the card i n v o l v i n g a c l a i m f o r exemption was withdrawn by s p e c i a l order l a t e i n May. The r e g i s t r a n t s were to be given the chance l a t e r to make t h e i r claims.""' A l s o , r e g i s t r a r s had noted that "comparatively few" of the men had showed a d e s i r e to c l a i m exemption. This was e s p e c i a l l y true among the b l a c k s . Indeed, " i t was remarked by se v e r a l of the r e g i s t r a r s working i n the c i t y that the negroes were not at a l l i n c l i n e d to volunteer reasons why they should be exempt, and that they were i n c l i n e d to take the r e g i s t r a t i o n 49 as a f i n a l act of j o i n i n g the army." From these r e p o r t s and from-the r e s u l t s of the exemption hearings i n August, i t i s apparent that the c l e r k of the board and h i s colleagues i n other j u r i s d i c t i o n s caused some alarm by a n t i c i p a t i n g the regulation-makers of the War Department. The numbers given to the press on the night of June 5 e v i d e n t l y were based on the assumption that every married man would be exempt, as w e l l as men wi t h c e r t a i n other f a m i l y r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . The as-sumption was p l a u s i b l e i n June; most people i n the country were not sure e x a c t l y how exemption would be determined. When the f i n a l set of r e g u l a t i o n s a r r i v e d i n Montgomery around the f i r s t of J u l y i t became c l e a r that some of those two thousand or more men supposedly exempt would soon f i n d them-selves i n the army. The problem which the Times had seen i n the f i r s t r e g i s t r a t i o n r e p o r t s never m a t e r i a l i z e d . However, the f i g u r e s given out on June 5 at l e a s t confronted Mont-gomery w i t h the f a c t that an arduous and complex process of s e l e c t i o n f o r s e r v i c e was ahead. The second reason f o r concern was the a p p a l l i n g ignorance of many black men as revealed at the r e g i s t r a t i o n booths. The black men had' shown themselves to be thoroughly compliant on R e g i s t r a t i o n Day, and perhaps more demonstratively p a t r i o t i c than the whites. S t i l l , l a r g e numbers of them were p l a i n l y ignorant. A f a v o r i t e example was t h e i r responses to the ques-t i o n about age: R e g i s t r a r s expressed themselves as amazed at the number of negroes who d i d not know t h e i r ages. Some could s t a t e the year i n which they were born, but couldn't t e l l what t h e i r present age was. Others had a theory about t h e i r age, but couldn't say when they were born. Many negroes asked to be r e g i s t e r e d who were obviously above the age l i m i t . . . Comparatively few of the negroes apparently w i t h i n the age l i m i t were sure of the date of t h e i r b i r t h . 5 0 An unfortunate case was that of a black man, twenty <years o l d , who r e g i s t e r e d i n ignorance of h i s age. He l a t e r found out that he was under the age l i m i t and asked to be removed from the l i s t s . His request was refused because the r e g u l a t i o n s 51 provided no procedure f o r removing names. ©ne man j u s t gave up and, i n the usual f e l i c i t o u s language a t t r i b u t e d to blacks i n newspaper r e p o r t s , announced to the r e g i s t r a r , "Boss, I knows I a i n ' t t h i r t y but I don't know how o l d I i s , 52 so I guess I ' l l j u s t s i g n up." In the s i x t h ward, a h e a v i l y black d i s t r i c t , c h i e f r e g i s t r a r K e l l y found something of a s o l u t i o n to the age problem, using h i s knowledge of l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s to decipher the answers of h i s r e g i s t r a n t s : "The year i n which they were born was e a s i l y a s c e r t a i n e d by what t h e i r grandmothers had t o l d them, some a r r i v i n g on earth. so many years a f t e r the 'stars f e l l , ' a f t e r the 'big blow,' and a f t e r the 'dark days.'" To complete the form, K e l l y made " I r i s h 53 negroes," a s s i g n i n g them March 17 as a b i r t h date. I t was a r a t h e r f l i p p a n t i m p r o v i s a t i o n , but given the s i t u a t i o n probab-l y not harmful and maybe even a b i t comforting to the poor r e g i s t r a n t , who at l e a s t now had a b i r t h d a y . The ignorance of many black men amazed the r e g i s t r a r s and caused them some t r o u b l e i n f i l l i n g out t h e i r r e p o r t s , but apart-from them and a few others o f f i c i a l l y i n v o l v e d w i t h S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , few white Montgomerians seemed d i s t r e s s e d by i t . Newspapers t r e a t e d s t o r i e s about ignorant blacks not as matters f o r serious concern, but as r a t h e r amusing i l l u s -t r a t i o n s of black i n f e r i o r i t y , headed, f o r i n s t a n c e , "Funny L i t t l e S t o r i e s from the P o l l [ s i c ] Booths." The i m p l i c a t i o n s of these "funny s t o r i e s , " had anyone cared to ponder them, were f r i g h t e n i n g : here was a group of men whose p r e p a r a t i o n f o r e f f i c i e n t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the war was p i t i f u l l y inadequate. The white p u b l i c , however, showed no signs of alarm over t h i s s i t u a t i o n . With the exception of a few perfunctory attempts by the Red Gross to inform black d r a f t e e s i n 1918, whites 55 gave l i t t l e f u r t h e r a t t e n t i o n to the ignorance problem. Some black teachers d i d o f f e r a few c l a s s e s . f o r men going i n t o the army, under the sponsorship of the Alabama I l l i t e r a c y 56 Commission. Without the support and encouragement of the white community, though, they could do l i t t l e w i th t h e i r l i m i t e d resources to a t t a c k a-'problem which white Montgomerians refused to see as such. In a sense, events j u s t i f i e d white Montgomerians i n t h e i r i n a c t i o n . As wi t h the a n t i c i p a t e d high r a t e of claims f o r exemption, i l l i t e r a c y and ignorance were never a serious problem i n the operations of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e . The success -of the f i r s t r e g i s t r a t i o n had shown that despite some d i f f i c u l t i e s blacks i n the c i t y would not h e s i t a t e to do a l l they could i n the war e f f o r t . Many black men were ignorant, but at the moment the important t h i n g was that they seemed eager to r e g i s t e r and to go o f f to war. The t r a d i t i o n a l means of g e t t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n to blacks had been proved r e l i a b l e i n wartime, as "race l e a d e r s " w i l l i n g l y took up the important task of e x p l a i n i n g the d r a f t law to t h e i r people. In the months ahead, white employers and l a t e r the Bar A s s o c i a t i o n helped black men (as w e l l as whites) i n d e a l i n g w i t h the complicated exemption forms. By these and other means the p o t e n t i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s a r i s i n g from the educational d i s a b i l i t i e s of black men were minimized. Though uneducated blacks posed 57 some problems once i n the army, at l e a s t i n Montgomery t h e i r ignorance d i d not i n t e r f e r e s e r i o u s l y w i t h the operations of S e l e c t i v e Service that put them there. A f t e r r e g i s t r a t i o n , >ln June and J u l y , some e f f o r t was made i n Montgomery to catch men who had avoided r e g i s t r a t i o n . Despite the resounding success of R e g i s t r a t i o n Day i t was feared that there might be i n the c i t y a few s l a c k e r s who should be brought to j u s t i c e . A s . i t turned out, these fears were groundless. The l o c a l board d i d r e c e i v e m a n y - l e t t e r s — a l l anonymous—alleging that men i n the community had f a i l e d to r e g i s t e r . The repor t s were i n every case untrue, many 58 being motivated by malice. Late i n June, one man was a r r e s t e d as a s l a c k e r , and the Times gave the story s e n s a t i o n a l treatment on i t s f r o n t page. The matter of "Si d Long, a l i a s S i d Coon, c o l o r e d , " q u i c k l y made i t s way to the back pages as h i s white f r i e n d s t e s t i f i e d on h i s behalf that he was over-age. Montgomery's only s l a c k e r case came to a quiet ending when 59 Sid' was rele a s e d from the county j a i l a f t e r h i s t r i a l . C i t y o f f i c i a l s made a thorough i n v e s t i g a t i o n and reported i n J u l y that there was "not a s i n g l e s l a c k e r among Montgomery's white po p u l a t i o n . " I t was thought that there might have been "a few among the negroes who know no b e t t e r , " but with u n c e r t a i n 6 0 info r m a t i o n i t was impossible to be sure. For a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes, then, Montgomery had a p e r f e c t record. S e l e c t i v e Service i n Montgomery, as i n the n a t i o n as a whole, was thus o f f to a f l y i n g s t a r t . Thousands of men i n the c i t y had c h e e r f u l l y taken the f i r s t step toward c o n s c r i p t i o n . The mayor and h i s colleagues had shown themselves to be capable, a c t i v e , and concerned about the black men they were d e a l i n g with. An even more d i f f i c u l t p r o c e s s — t h e s e i c t i o n of men f o r s e r v i c e — l a y ahead. 70. NOTES: CHAPTER I I 1 J u l i a n S t r e e t , "A Day i n Montgomery," C o l l i e r s (March 17, 1917), p. 7. 2 I b i d . , p. 9. See a l s o , Glenn N. S i s k , "Towns of the Alabama Black B e l t , " Mid-America (January 1957), pp. 8 6 f f ; Society of Pioneers of Montgomery, A^History of Montgomery i n  P i c t u r e s (Montgomery, 1963); and the d e s c r i p t i v e s e c t i o n of the 1917 Montgomery c i t y d i r e c t o r y . The c i t y d i r e c t o r y i d e n t i -f i e d blacks with an a s t e r i s k ; thus, the house-by-house enumera-t i v e s e c t i o n gives a reasonably c l e a r p i c t u r e of Montgomery's "patch" p a t t e r n of r e s i d e n t i a l segregation. 3 In Montgomery the percentage of persons 10 years of age and over employed i n "manufacturing and mechanical i n d u s t r i e s " was 21 .7. In L i t t l e Rock, f o r example, the. f i g u r e was 3 0 . 0 % ; i n Augusta, 35.8%; and i n C h a r l o t t e , 40.7$• The comparable n a t i o n a l average ( f o r non-farm and non-mine employees) was 43.4%. See U.S. Bureau of the Census, T h i r t e e n t h Census of the  United States (Washington, 1913), v o l . IV, Tables I and IV. In v o l . IV, t a b l e IV, pp. 250-254 i s a d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of em-ployment i n Montgomery, from which t h i s b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n i s taken. 4 Further i n f o r m a t i o n on c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s between black and white i n Montgomery i s f u r n i s h e d by S e l e c t i v e Service data i t s e l f . Of 379 white men d r a f t e d i n 1918, almost two t h i r d s (62.4%) were i n c l e r i c a l , business, or p r o f e s s i o n a l employment, or p r a c t i c e d a s k i l l e d trade. Only 18.9% of the 349 black draftees were i n these c a t e g o r i e s . Almost a quarter of the blacks were described as u n s k i l l e d l a b o r e r s , with many more working as p o r t e r s , w a i t e r s , or b e l l b o y s . Only 6% of the whites held such jobs. I t i s f a i r to assume that these young men a c c u r a t e l y represented the populations from which they were drawn. Data taken from P.M.G.O. Form 1029 (report of induction) f o r Montgomery c i t y board, photostats at Alabama Department of Archives and H i s t o r y (ADAH), Montgomery. 5 6 T h i r t e e n t h Census, v o l . I I , p. Ii See N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n f o r the Advancement of Colored People, T h i r t y Years of Lynching 1889-1918 (New York, 1919XAdvertiserffifa The Montgomery A d v e r t i s e r denounced ly n c h i n g i n the strongest' ' ' ' terms, c a l l i n g i t a "moral b l i g h t " that should not be t o l e r a t e d by law-abiding people. The e d i t o r i a l was quoted, approvingly, by the Colored Alabamian (Montgomery), January 9 , 1915. In general, the A d v e r t i s e r spoke f o r a Montgomery which looked down with Bourbon d i s d a i n upon the "Jack Cadeism" of that c l a s s of Southerners who lynched, voted p o p u l i s t , and, i n 1917, r e s i s t e d the d r a f t . See "The Southern R e s i s t e r s , " ( e d i t o r i a l ) , August 7, 1917. 7 Quoted i n Edgar Gardner Murphy, The Present South (New York, 1904), pp. 182-183. g See, f o r i n s t a n c e , the A d v e r t i s e r ' s e d i t o r i a l e a r l y i n the war advocat-ing . " f a i r and j u s t treatment [ f o r b l a c k s ] i n the t r a i n i n g camps of the country," quoted i n Monroe N. Work, ed., Negro Year Book 1918-191Q (Tuskegee, 1919), P- 80. 9 See the Colored Alabamian, February 3 and A p r i l 10, 1915-1 0 A d v e r t i s e r , A p r i l 12, 1917-1 1 A d v e r t i s e r , A p r i l 26, 1917. The i n s i g n i f i c a n t amount of black r e s i s t a n c e to the war i n Alabama was confined to r u r a l areas. Several blacks who spoke out against what they considered a "white man's war" s u f f e r e d unpleasant conse-quences f o r t h e i r rashness. See A d v e r t i s e r , May 20 and June 2, 1917. 12 For example, see the e d i t o r i a l " P u b l i c Opinion and Compulsory S e r v i c e , " A p r i l 19, 1917-1^ J Montgomery J o u r n a l , A p r i l 29, 1917. 14 J o u r n a l , A p r i l 22, 1917-15 F i r s t Report, pp. 7-8. The names of the r e g i s t r a t i o n board members were made p u b l i c on May 20, 1917-16 Information on Mayor Robertson i s from the c l i p p i n g f i l e s of the ADAH L i b r a r y . 1 7 Cong. Rec., p. 940. 1 ft J o u r n a l , May 2, 1917. 19 The Chamber of Commerce had assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the general d i r e c t i o n of home-front war a c t i v i t i e s . Their slogan was, s i g n i f i c a n t l y , "Every One i n the War." J o u r n a l , May 11, 1917. 2 0 Montgomery Times, May 23, A d v e r t i s e r , May 25, 1917. For Gompers' demand, see New York Times, May 20, 1917-21 The names were published i n the J o u r n a l , May 24, 1917. They have been i d e n t i f i e d i n the Montgomery c i t y d i r e c t o r y f o r 1917. 2 2 A d v e r t i s e r , May 30, 1917. 23 For example, J o u r n a l , May 1, May 6, 1917- These s t o r i e s revealed confusion about the composition of r e g i s t r a t i o n boards and the s i z e of r e g i s t r a t i o n d i s t r i c t s . The f i r s t a r t i c l e made the s t a r t l i n g a s s e r t i o n that the boards would i n c l u d e "a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of each of the l e a d i n g p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . " 24 For example, A d v e r t i s e r , May 2 0 , 2 5 , 2 7 , 2 9 , and June 4 and 5, 1 9 1 7 -25 T h i r t e e n t h Census, I I , p. 6 0 . (Less than 1% of the same age group of white men were i l l i t e r a t e . ) . Black schools i n Montgomery .were of minimal q u a l i t y and were poorly attended. See U.S. Bureau of Education, Negro Education; a Study of P r i v a t e  and Higher Schools f o r Colored People i n the United States (Washington, 1 9 1 7 ) , part I I , pp. 7 7 - 7 9 -2 6 See Negro Year Book 1 9 1 8 - 1 9 1 9 , p. 8 2 , and Emmett J . Sco t t , The American Negro i n the World War (Chicago, 1 9 1 9 ; r e p r i n t e d New York 1 9 6 9 ) , pp. 39-41. 27 For example, the speech of P r i n c i p a l Moton of Tuske-gee (Booker T. Washington's nephew and successor), quoted i n Negro Year Book 1 9 1 8 - 1 9 1 9 , p. 4 5 . p O A d v e r t i s e r , May 2 7 , 1 9 1 7 . 2 9 Times, May 3 0 , 1 9 1 7 -30 Colored Alabamian, January 9 , 1 9 1 5 . 3 1 Times, May 1 9 , 1 9 1 7 -3 2 Times, May 28, 1 9 1 7 -33 J J A d v e r t i s e r , June 3 , 1 9 1 7 -34 Later r e g i s t r a r s were urged to be very c a r e f u l i n t e a r i n g o f f the corner, to leave a neat card. The d e s c r i p t i o n of r e g i s t r a t i o n procedures i s taken from the r e g u l a t i o n s booklet and other m a t e r i a l s used.by the Montgomery r e g i s t r a t i o n board, now i n the ADAH L i b r a r y . 35 A d v e r t i s e r , June 6 , 1917. 3 6 J o u r n a l , June 5, 1 9 1 7 . 37 J' J o u r n a l , June 3 , 1 9 1 7 . o Q J A d v e r t i s e r , May 2 7 , 1 9 1 7 -39 J ? Times, June 5, 1 9 1 7 -40 A d v e r t i s e r , June 6 , 1 9 1 7 -41 -.Journal, June 5, 1 9 1 7 -42 Times, June 5, 1 9 1 7 -J A d v e r t i s e r , June 6 , 1 9 1 7 -44 I b i d . 45 D I b i d . 46 m . Times, June 7 , 1 9 1 7 . 47 A d v e r t i s e r . June 7 , 1 9 1 7 . A d v e r t i s e r , June 1 ; New York Times, June 1 , 1917 49 A d v e r t i s e r . June 6 , 1 9 1 7 . 5 0 I b i d . 5 1 Times, J u l y 2 6 , 1 9 1 7 -52 J o u r n a l , June 5> 1 9 1 7 . •J-J J o u r n a l , June 6 , 1 9 1 7 -S4 J Times, June 6 , 1 9 1 7 . 55 ^ J o u r n a l , June 2 1 , 1 9 1 7 . 56 A d v e r t i s e r , September 8 , 1 9 1 8 . General Growder had urged that steps be taken to glght i l l i t e r a c y , which he ch a r a c t e r i z e d as "a f a t a l obstacle to a s o l d i e r ' s best under-standing of h i s du t i e s and h i s commands." A d v e r t i s e r , August 2 0 , 1 9 1 8 . 57 For one view of these problems see Charles C. Lynde, " M o b i l i z i n g ' R a s t u s , O u t l o o k (March 1 3 , 1 9 1 8 ) , pp. 412 - 417 . The a r t i c l e i s every b i t as o f f e n s i v e as i t s t i t l e would i n d i c a t e . 58 3 J o u r n a l , J u l y 1 3 , 1 9 1 7 . 59 ^ Times, June 2 2 , 2 3 , J u l y 2 , 1 9 1 7 . 6 n A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 14, 1 9 1 7 . I I I . The Lo c a l Board During the summer of 1917, S e l e c t i v e Service was at the center of p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n i n Montgomery. With the r e g i s t r a -t i o n completed, Montgomery's board turned to the most c r u c i a l part of i t s work: the s e l e c t i o n of men f o r s e r v i c e . I t was of the utmost importance that the d r a f t board demonstrate i n a l l I t s a c t i o n s that S e l e c t i v e Service was indeed j u s t f a i r -ness i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d . Some l o c a l boards could not l i v e up to the high standard that had been set f o r them. The l o c a l board i n Montgomery d i d . I t accomplished d i f f i c u l t tasks w i t h s k i l l and compassion. The board's record was v i r t u a l l y spot-l e s s , both as an arm of the War Department, and as an i n t e r -p r e t e r of S e l e c t i v e Service to Montgomery. The remainder of June and J u l y was a time of pr e p a r a t i o n f o r the exemption hearings. There was a l u l l i n p u b l i c a c t i v i t y as the board attended to o r g a n i z a t i o n a l d e t a i l s . A f t e r r e g i s -t r a t i o n was completed, the r e g i s t r a t i o n board, a temporary o r g a n i z a t i o n , became "obsolete." However, Mayor Robertson, Mr. Gilmer, and Dr, C e n t e r f i t were as a matter of course appointed to the permanent c i t y exemption board (the " l o c a l b o a r d . " ) 1 The mayor continued to oversee the work of the board i n i t s o f f i c e s at C i t y H a l l . Also during J u l y , the " d i s t r i c t board" f o r c e n t r a l A l a -bama was appointed, comprising s e v e r a l prominent men. The d i s t r i c t board would hear appeals by both r e g i s t r a n t s and government, as w e l l as have primary j u r i s d i c t i o n over c e r t a i n types of exemption claims. The d i s t r i c t board had o f f i c e s i n the F i r s t N a t i o n a l Bank b u i l d i n g , about two blocks from C i t y H a l l . 2 A major task a f t e r r e g i s t r a t i o n was a s s i g n i n g r e g i s t r a t i o n numbers ( w r i t t e n i n red ink) to the cards f i l l e d out by the r e g i s t r a r s . Thus each man was assigned a number which, when drawn i n a l o t t e r y at Washington, would determine h i s place 3 i n the order of c a l l . The c l e r k of the l o c a l board was soon deluged with c a l l s from young men asking the burning question, "What's my red ink number?" A copy of the l i s t was made 5 a v a i l a b l e to i n t e r e s t e d members of the p u b l i c . The drawing i n Washington had to be postponed u n t i l every l o c a l board and every s t a t e had f i n i s h e d p r e parations. F i n a l l y i t was h e l d , on J u l y 20, 1917. Secretary Baker drew the f i r s t number: 258.. In Montgomery the next day Luther Adams May learned that he would be the f i r s t l o c a l man to be 6 c a l l e d f o r examination. May took the news i n s t r i d e , but another Alabamian w i t h number 258 k i l l e d himself i n a h o t e l room. The newspapers reported that "he had brooded a good 7 deal over the p r o b a b i l i t y of being d r a f t e d . " The d r a f t , and the war beyond, were becoming more t a n g i b l e . Montgomery's net quota f o r the f i r s t d r a f t was 193 men. This f i g u r e , which included both blacks and whites, was d e t e r -mined a f t e r a complex s e r i e s of c a l c u l a t i o n s . A "gross quota" was based on the population of the d i s t r i c t : t h i s was 445 men. From i t was subtracted the number of men who had j o i n e d the army or N a t i o n a l Guard between A p r i l and J u l y : 252. To f i l l the net quota of 193 men, 200 per cent (386 men) would be included i n the i n i t i a l c a l l f o r p h y s i c a l examinations, to allow f o r a s u b s t a n t i a l r a t e of exemptions. 0 During June and J u l y the l o c a l board members were f a m i l i a r i z i n g themselves w i t h the r e g u l a t i o n s governing the d r a f t . These were contained i n an 84-page pamphlet issued by Q the Provost Marshal General. The r e l a t i v e l y small bulk of the r e g u l a t i o n s d i d not Imply that they were easy to understand on the con t r a r y , some important r e g u l a t i o n s were r a t h e r vague, and the whole demanded a c a r e f u l e x e r c i s e of d i s c r e t i o n by the l o c a l board. Exemption hearings were to f o l l o w the p h y s i c a l examinations. A l l who passed the p h y s i c a l s were e n t i t l e d to cl a i m exemption or discharge w i t h i n seven days. Under the r e g u l a t i o n s the l o c a l board had j u r i s d i c t i o n over a l l types of exemptions (nine c a t e g o r i e s ) except those based on a g r i -c u l t u r a l or i n d u s t r i a l occupation. These would be judged by the d i s t r i c t board.in order to ensure i m p a r t i a l i t y . I f the r e g i s t r a n t disagreed with the d e c i s i o n of the l o c a l board, he could take an appeal to the d i s t r i c t board; i f s t i l l u n s a t i s -f i e d , he could appeal to the Pre s i d e n t . The government r e -served f o r i t s e l f the same r i g h t s of appeal, a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the Provost Marshal General being assigned to each session of the board. (In Montgomery the c i t y attorney performed t h i s f u n c t i o n . ) 1 ^ The e n t i r e process was supported by a massive system of paperwork. Claims f o r exemption r e q u i r e d a government form and three supporting a f f i d a v i t s — p l e n t y of work f o r n o t a r i e s p u b l i c . L o c a l boards had a good deal of procedural leeway. They were not governed by " t e c h n i c a l r u l e s of e v i d e n c e " — t h e y d i d not c o n s t i t u t e law c o u r t s — b u t were simply d i r e c t e d to s a t i s f y themselves as to the t r u t h of r e g i s t r a n t s ' claims. A c o n t i n u i n g problem during the middle of the summer was the dissemination of i n f o r m a t i o n about the d r a f t . The process, of p h y s i c a l examination and s e l e c t i o n was somewhat more complex than r e g i s t r a t i o n , which had simply r e q u i r e d that each man present himself to the r e g i s t r a r s on June 5. The magni-tude of the problem, even f o r the white community, was revealed when someone posted a supposed " d r a f t l i s t " as a prank. The l i s t was p l a i n l y f r a u d u l e n t — i t was two weeks before even the drawing was h e l d — y e t i t threw numbers of young men i n t o 12 panic. The l o c a l newspapers d i d what they could to inform the p u b l i c . The A d v e r t i s e r , f o r i n s t a n c e , r e p r i n t e d verbatim 13 important o f f i c i a l i n s t r u c t i o n s . A f t e r the drawing i n Washington the papers rushed i n t o p r i n t with l i s t s of men i n the order i n which they would be c a l l e d f o r examination. The Times received c o n g r a t u l a t i o n s f o r making "a d i s t i n c t i o n between white and. colored names. This was a great convenience, and but f o r the l e t t e r (w) or (c) opposite the names no one 14 could t e l l who they were, unless they happened to know them." The b l a c k s , however, received no s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n a f t e r r e g i s -t r a t i o n . June 5 had at l e a s t shown that the c i t y ' s black men would r e a d i l y cooperate w i t h S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e . The l o c a l board provided no a d d i t i o n a l p u b l i c i t y programs f o r the s e l e c t i o n process, apparently t h i n k i n g that i n f o r m a l channels would be s u f f i c i e n t to inform black men of t h e i r f u r t h e r d u t i e s . At the end of J u l y the board made preparations f o r the p h y s i c a l examinations. Dr. C e n t e r f i t was i n charge of t h i s phase of the pracess. He e n l i s t e d the help of s e v e r a l of h i s white colleagues, as w e l l as that of Dr. C.H. Wilson, a " w e l l known negro p h y s i c i a n , " who would examine the black men i n a se 15 arate p a r t - o f the b u i l d i n g . J On August 1 the c l e r i c a l s t a f f , which had been working h e c t i c a l l y , mailed out 386 n o t i c e s to report f o r p h y s i c a l examination on August 7> 8, and 9. The examinations went smoothly enough, but the r e s u l t s were not encouraging. Almost ninety men f a i l e d to report at a l l . Many had moved away or j o i n e d the army since June. A number of black men had no s t a b l e addresses, and th e r e f o r e d i d not r e c e i v e n o t i c e s i n the m a i l . However, there appeared to be no cases of w i l l f u l disobedience. Of the 293 men who were examined, 200 were passed, but of these only 78 waived 16 t h e i r claims to exemption. The other 122 men who passed seemed eager to apply f o r exemption from s e r v i c e . As f o r the p a t r i o t i c 78, a "large number" of them were "negroes who have 17 no grounds f o r exemption." The l o c a l board had a n t i c i p a t e d that the f i r s t c a l l might not produce enough men. More men were c a l l e d f o r p h y s i c a l examination s t a r t i n g August 15• The 18 r e s u l t s were s i m i l a r to those of the f i r s t c a l l . Demand f o r exemption forms was so heavy that the c l e r k s soon ran out of 19 them. ' Over 250 p h y s i c a l l y q u a l i f i e d men made cl a i m f o r exemp 20 t i o n . Most claims came from white men. B l a c k s , whether from f e a r , ignorance or p a t r i o t i s m , were much l e s s l i k e l y to ask f o r exemption. On the surface t h i s appears a bad r e f l e c t i o n on the p a t r i o t i s m of white Montgomery. The f a c t was, though, that a large number of white Montgomerians had e n l i s t e d i n the Army or N a t i o n a l Guard. Enlistments i n Montgomery f i l l e d 56.6% of the "gross q u o t a " — w e l l above the s t a t e and n a t i o n a l 21 averages (39-2% and 40.4% r e s p e c t i v e l y . ) The f i g u r e i s even more impressive when i t i s considered that because blacks could not e n l i s t , white Montgomerians i n e f f e c t f i l l e d " t h e i r " h a l f of the gross quota as w e l l a s r p a r t of what, s t a t i s t i c a l l y , should have been the black h a l f . Montgomery had seen no great rush to the r e c r u i t i n g s t a t i o n s , but a s u b s t a n t i a l num-ber of m©n j o i n e d i n d i v i d u a l l y , u n s p e c t a c u l a r l y . Those who e n l i s t e d may have done so f o r purely p a t r i o t i c reasons, or only because they saw no chance to avoid being d r a f t e d . Pre-sumably, those who d i d not e n l i s t d i d not want t o , or at l e a s t thought they had a f a i r chance f o r exemption. ( A f t e r a l l , the d r a f t r e g u l a t i o n s were themselves vague, and were n o t • c l e a r l y understood by the p u b l i c . ) . At any r a t e , Montgomery had, s t a t i s t i c a l l y , done more than i t s share by August. I t i s hard-l y s u r p r i s i n g that so many of the draft-age white men thought themselves e n t i t l e d to exemption—and most of them were. Nevertheless, the seeming r e l u c t a n c e of Montgomery's white men to serve was something of a c i v i c embarrassment. The f i r s t white man not to c l a i m exemption caused something of a s t i r , as "the members of-the board and a l l spectators congratulated i • „22 him." Black men had no s i m i l a r o p p o r t u n i t i e s to e n l i s t . The Army was segregated and the few places a l l o t t e d to blacks 23 were q u i c k l y f i l l e d . J r Many of Montgomery's black men were eager f o r any opportunity to serve. When the Navy a d v e r t i s e d i n the newspapers f o r " b r i g h t , e f f i c i e n t c o l o r e d men" with 80. experience and recommendations to j o i n as o f f i c e r s ' servants, the r e c r u i t i n g s t a t i o n downtown was swamped with a p p l i c a n t s . Ten were chosen; many more were turned away. This was evidence 24 that black d e c l a r a t i o n s of p a t r i o t i s m meant something. When the l o c a l board turned to the task of judging exemp-t i o n c l aims, i t sought the help of the general p u b l i c . Selec-t i v e Service p o l i c y , as at the time of r e g i s t r a t i o n , encouraged community p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h i s phase of the board's work. The reasons were twofold: to ensure accurate i n f o r m a t i o n about r e g i s t r a n t s , and ( i m p l i c i t l y ) to place the f a i r n e s s of the proceedings beyond reasonable doubt. E a r l y i n August the PMG i n s t r u c t e d l o c a l boards to provide f o r p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a -t i o n : The names of a l l r e g i s t e r e d men are on a l i s t i n the order i n which they w i l l be c a l l e d to m i l -i t a r y s e r v i c e . Whenever any r e g i s t e r e d person imposes upon a l o c a l board and improperly secures a c e r t i f i c a t e of exemption or discharge, he ad-vances the time of c a l l of a l l others u n c a l l e d on the l i s t . For t h i s reason every r e g i s t e r e d person, and to some extent every person i n the community, Is more or l e s s d i r e c t l y i n t e r e s t e d i n seeing that the tr u e f a c t s are brought to the a t t e n t i o n of the government. For every l o c a l board a person has been d e s i g -nated who w i l l r e c e i v e i n f o r m a t i o n of such cases and take appeals to the d i s t r i c t board or inform the l o c a l board. For t h i s reason the p u b l i c i s e n t i t l e d to know the grounds upon which claims f o r exemption or discharge are being asked by r e g i s t e r e d men. Lo c a l boards should, t h e r e f o r e , be i n s t r u c t e d immediately to make a v a i l a b l e to the press from day to day the names of persons c l a i m i n g exemption or discharge, the grounds on which such claims are based, and i n general the number of cases disposed of by the l o c a l board from day to day. When p r i n t i n g Crowder's i n s t r u c t i o n s the Times advised i t s readers that " i t i s every man's duty to watch c a r e f u l l y to see that no one escapes who has not a good reason f o r not e n t e r i n g the s e r v i c e . " ^ u The l o c a l board i n Montgomery made ample p r o v i s i o n f o r p u b l i c involvement i n the exemption hearings. The sessions themselves were open to any i n t e r e s t e d persons and to the press The l o c a l board e s p e c i a l l y wanted to be scrupulously f a i r , and to t h i s end i t adopted a p o l i c y that g r e a t l y increased i t s workload. Since the d r a f t r e g u l a t i o n s were unclear (and were continuously being m o d i f i e d ) , much depended upon the l o c a l board's judgment. Though each c l a i m f o r exemption r e q u i r e d a considerable amount of documentation, the board f e l t that e v i -dence on paper was i n s u f f i c i e n t to ensure " f a i r p l a y . " There-fore i t was decided that no exemptions would be granted s o l e l y on the b a s i s of a f f i d a v i t s . The board's p o l i c y was to sup-plement the a f f i d a v i t s with personal i n f o r m a t i o n from witnesses A f t e r the p h y s i c a l examinations, a stenographer was kept busy w r i t i n g summonses i n connection with a l l cases that would be heard. Montgomery's newspapers performed a great s e r v i c e by p r i n t i n g the i n f o r m a t i o n that made community p a r t i c i p a t i o n p o s s i b l e . A l l three papers p r i n t e d the r e s u l t s of each stage of the s e l e c t i o n process. In a d d i t i o n , r e p o r t e r s covered the hearings of the board, adding touches of c o l o r to t h e i r d a i l y a r t i c l e s . The newspaper r e p o r t s thereby f u r n i s h e d a very com-p l e t e record of the a c t i o n s of the l o c a l board. The f i r s t meeting of the l o c a l board to. consider claims f o r exemption was held on August 13. In a short s e s s i o n , t h i r -t y - e i g h t cases were heard. The board refused only s i x of the claims; t h i r t y were granted and the others held over f o r f u r -8 2 . ther i n v e s t i g a t i o n . In i t s f i r s t s ession the board again em-phasized i t s d e s i r e to be a b s o l u t e l y f a i r . In one case, a r e g i s -t r a n t was exempted when h i s f a t h e r came i n and t o l d the board that he had already "given h i s other son to the s e r v i c e of h i s country." The f a t h e r thought that t h e r e f o r e he should be "allowed to keep one of h i s boys at-home." The l o c a l board, remembering the other son, found the p r o p o s i t i o n reasonable, and exempted the r e g i s t r a n t — w h o d i d not even appear himself. The members of the board expressed themselves disappointed at the small number of men d r a f t e d , but they f e l t that i t would have been unjust to deny exemptions to men who deserved them. The board showed no h e s i t a t i o n i n g r a n t i n g exemptions to black 28 men on the same terms as to whites. A l l of the claims that f i r s t day were based on Section 20h of the r e g u l a t i o n s (dependent w i f e , c h i l d r e n , or aged parents.) Indeed, t h i s was by f a r the commonest type of c l a i m nationwide, and r e a l l y the only type with which the Montgomery board was concerned. L o c a l boards d i d not consider occupational claims (which were few i n Montgomery anyway), and Montgomery had few aliens and apparently only one man who claimed to be a conscientious o b j e c t o r . S e l e c t i v e Service p o l i c y on dependency exemptions was unstable, with a number of s i g n i f i c a n t changes being made during August. At the beginning of the month i t appeared that dependency exemptions would be f a i r l y easy f o r a l l married men 29 to o b t a i n . The r e s u l t i n g rush of a p p l i c a t i o n s alarmed the War Department, and on August 9 General Crowder d i r e c t e d l o c a l boards to "reduce discharges f o r dependency to a f a r more r e -s t r i c t e d c l a s s . " Repeating that "the c o n t r o l l i n g n e c e s s i t y i s to r a i s e an army," he threatened to change the r e g u l a t i o n s en-30 t i r e l y to prevent abuses. Local boards a l l across the coun-t r y promptly e s t a b l i s h e d more s t r i n g e n t requirements f o r exemp-t i o n , to make sure that men would be exempted only when t h e i r absence would produce hardship f o r dependents. Some were over-zealous, however, and the r e s u l t i n g p u b l i c outcry forced P r e s i -dent Wilson to iss u e an order l a t e i n August which r e s u l t e d i n 31 "a greater l i b e r a l i t y toward married men." The r e g u l a t i o n s had been none too c l e a r i n the f i r s t p l a c e , and the ensuing m o d i f i c a t i o n s confused many l o c a l boards. Claims based on dependency were never easy to d e c i d e — u n l e s s they were obviously f r a u d u l e n t . By t h e i r nature they r e q u i r e d i n t e l l i -gence and judgment, f o r the boards were examining the d e t a i l s of p r i v a t e l i v e s as the ba s i s f o r uniquely important d e c i s i o n s . The Montgomery board, though, had r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e t r o u b l e w i t h the dependency clause. Even from the beginning, the mem-bers of the board had understood and t r i e d to apply what General Crowder r e f e r r e d to as "the s p i r i t and purpose of the [ S e l e c t i v e 3 2 Se r v i c e ] a c t . " Their i n t e r e s t had always been i n f a i r n e s s r a t h e r than i n the petty d e t a i l s of the r e g u l a t i o n s . The War Department had a p p e a l e d to the l o c a l boards to use t h e i r d i s c r e t i o n ; the Montgomery board used i t s d i s c r e t i o n w i s e l y and c o n s i s t e n t l y . The board's hearings continued through the month" of August. A r o u t i n e was established,"and " d i s p o s a l of each case was e f -33 f e c t e d with the s l i g h t e s t d i s c u s s i o n necessary." Neverthe-l e s s , the board made sure i t heard ample testimony about each case: "Witnesses...were d r i l l e d i n regard to the f i n a n c i a l c o n d i t i o n of those c l a i m i n g dependents, and i n many cases mothers appeared asking exemption f o r t h e i r sons. The scenes enacted i n s e v e r a l cases were very p a t h e t i c . " The board con-tinued to f i n d that most claims f o r exemption were l e g i t i -mate. Those that were unfounded were q u i c k l y discovered and r e j e c t e d . Some of the t e r s e r e p o r t s i n the press w i l l perhaps give the f l a v o r of the proceedings. Earnest L. B u r f i t t , has two motherless c h i l d r e n now i n Selma with h i s mother. B u r f i t t ' s wife died J u l y 7. Drafted. Peter Green, c o l o r e d , wife and 2 c h i l d r e n . Wife i n bad h e a l t h . Works f o r W.M. Masks at $6.50 per month. Discharged. Robert C. Copeland, wife and no c h i l d r e n . I s a r a i l r o a d employee. Drafted. Ensie Strong, c o l o r e d , wife and c h i l d . Makes $11 per week. Wife strong [!]. Drafted. A l b e r t Nelson, c o l o r e d , wife and c h i l d . Wife takes i n washing. Drafted. Robert M c C a l l , c o l o r e d , wife and four c h i l d r e n . No income except s a l a r y . Discharged. W i l l i a m D. Sankey, f i l e d claims f o r dependent wife. Was examined August 15 and married that afternoon. Drafted.3 5 Newspaper r e p o r t s were d e t a i l e d and appear to have been c l o s e l y read. For i n s t a n c e , when a l i s t of "delinquents" (men who had not reported f o r p h y s i c a l examination) was published, a number of i r a t e men showed up at C i t y H a l l to p r o t e s t . Their sons were not d e l i n q u e n t s , but had i n f a c t j o i n e d the m i l i t a r y without n o t i f y i n g the l o c a l board. Such mistakes caused the f a m i l i e s i n v o l v e d a good* deal of worry and embarass-ment p r e c i s e l y because so many people i n town were watching the reports c l o s e l y . J U P u b l i c s c r u t i n y was the downfall of at l e a s t three- men whose exemptions were withdrawn a f t e r the 37 board r e c e i v e d f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n from the community. I f Montgomery had a " s p e c t a c u l a r " case, i t was that of I r v i n e Gassenheimer. Gassenheimer's case u s e f u l l y i l l u s t r a t e s s e v e r a l p o i n t s : the comp l e x i t i e s of the dependency c l a u s e , the l o c a l board's i n s i s t e n c e of " f a i r p l a y " r e g a r d l e s s of lacunae i n the r e g u l a t i o n s , and the i n f l u e n c e of community 3 8 context on d r a f t d e c i s i o n s . I r v i n e Gassenheimer was a well-to-do young business man,' partner i n an o f f i c e supplies f i r m and founding member of the Rotary Club. He was married and had one c h i l d . Gassenheimer was r e l u c t a n t to go to war, and h i s f a m i l y was anxious to see him remain i n Montgomery. He passed h i s p h y s i c a l examination and a p p l i e d f o r exemption because of h i s dependents. The l o c a l board, unconvinced that h i s absence would lead to hard-ship i n the f a m i l y , requested a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n from h i s f a t h e r and f a t h e r - i n - l a w . Each of those gentlemen thereby had no a l t e r n a t i v e but to declare " I am not w i l l i n g to support the 3 9 wife and c h i l d during the absence of the husband." p (Both men were q u i t e wealthy.) The board took the case, which was r a p i d l y becoming b i z a r r e , "under advisement." Several days l a t e r the board r e j e c t e d Gassenheimer's c l a i m , s t a t i n g that "the f i n a n c i a l status of both f a m i l i e s was such that Mr. Gassen 40 heimer was e n t i r e l y subject to d r a f t . " The c i t y a t t orney, a c t i n g as the government's spokesman, r e c a l l e d a statement of the e l d e r Gassenheimer that he "had s i x sons and would w i l l i n g -4 l l y give them a l l to the s e r v i c e of t h e i r country." Dr. Cente f i t t e s t i f i e d to the wealth of the f a m i l y . I t was at t h i s 4 stage that Gassenheimer's name appeared i n newspaper headlines. Gassenheimer took his. case to the d i s t r i c t board on ap-p e a l . In September the d i s t r i c t board, a c t i n g under P r e s i -dent Wilson's " l i b e r a l i z i n g " order, granted him exemption on the b a s i s that h i s parents were u n w i l l i n g to support h i s w i f e . When the l o c a l board heard that i t had been reversed i n t h i s and other s i m i l a r "noted cases," a l l three men s t a l k e d over to the d i s t r i c t board's o f f i c e and demanded an explanation. Dr. C e n t e r f i t took the lead i n presenting t h e i r case. The men of the d i s t r i c t board l i s t e n e d a t t e n t i v e l y to the f u l l s t o r y — a n d reversed t h e i r former d e c i s i o n s . Gassenheimer and others with s i m i l a r claims were ordered inducted. Subse-quently, Gassenheimer t r i e d a f u t i l e appeal to the governor (who had no power to i n t e r v e n e ) , but h i s case was clo s e d . Soon he was i n uniform. Formally, Gassenheimer's c l a i m may have been a l l o w a b l e , i f one chose to b e l i e v e that h i s r e l a t i v e s would have been w i l l i n g to see young Mrs. Gassenheimer and the c h i l d become a p u b l i c burden. R e a l i s t i c a l l y , i t r e q u i r e d no great i n t e l l i -gence to see that the c l a i m was a ruse. In pursuing the case so d i l i g e n t l y the l o c a l board was not v i n d i c t i v e . Rather, i t demonstrated i n the best p o s s i b l e way that i t would not be im-posed upon. The board members saw c l e a r l y that t h e i r purpose was to ensure f a i r n e s s i n s e l e c t i o n — a n d , at the cost of some t r o u b l e , they d i d t h e i r best to accomplish that purpose. U l t i m a t e l y , the l o c a l board found most claims j u s t , 44 exempting almost seventy per cent of the men who a p p l i e d . 87. Many of those r e j e c t e d a p p e a l e d t h e i r cases, as d i d Gassen-heimer, to the d i s t r i c t board. .In three quarters of the cases the d i s t r i c t board sustained the d e c i s i o n s of the l o c a l board. J By the time of the d i s t r i c t board's d e c i s i o n s i n September, r e g u l a t i o n s on dependency had achieved a sort of s t a b i l i t y . Without pressure to f i l l quotas and without personal knowledge of the men and the l o c a l context, the d i s t r i c t board could, as i t was intended to do, examine appeals purely i n l i g h t of the r e g u l a t i o n s . The p r o p o r t i o n of cases reversed was q u i t e s m a l l — the n a t i o n a l average was 4 5 %— p r o v i d i n g a f u r t h e r i n d i c a t i o n that the members of Montgomery's l o c a l board knew t h e i r business. A f t e r the drama and pathos of the exemption hearings, the i n i t i a l m o b i l i z a t i o n of the N a t i o n a l Army came as something of an a n t i - c l i m a x . In September the Army was unprepared to r e c e i v e l a r g e numbers of c o n s c r i p t s . Therefore a few s k i l l e d men were requested from each board to help f i n i s h the canton-ments. Only white men were taken. Montgomery's quota f o r t h i s s p e c i a l c a l l was ten men; a number of the d r a f t e d men 4 6 asked to be among the f i r s t chosen. At 8:05 on the morning of September 5, 1917, three months a f t e r r e g i s t r a t i o n day, two young Montgomerians boarded a t r a i n f o r Camp Gordon, Georgia. Elsewhere i n the n a t i o n there were l a v i s h ceremonies. In Washington President Wilson and a group of s e n a t o r s — U n i o n and 47 Confederate veterans—saw the " s e l e c t i v e s " o f f . In Montgomery, there was "no pomp or d i s p l a y of emotion." Mayor Robertson and a few f r i e n d s of the d r a f t e d men were the only witnesses of 48 the f i r s t of many such departures. On September 19 and 21 l a r g e r groups of white men were sent to Camp Gordon. The men were " p h i l o s o p h i c a l about t h e i r approaching part i n the n a t i o n a l s e r v i c e , the general sentiment being that so long as the powers that be have seen f i t to take 49 them they w i l l do t h e i r best to make good." Mayor Robertson, Mr. Gilmer, and Dr. C e n t e r f i t were among those seeing the men o f f . The l a s t hours before departure had brought " p a t h e t i c and a p p e a l i n g requests to the c i t y board." The board l i s t e n e d s y m p a t h e t i c a l l y ; however, there was no a u t h o r i t y to postpone the orders. The crowd cheered the men as they l e f t — b u t there was sadness a f t e r the t r a i n was out of s i g h t . Even the mayor was moved: "a t e a r or two" t r i c k l e d down h i s cheeks. A g i r l 50 sighed, " I t f e e l s awful now they're gone!" I t was not u n t i l October 30 that the f i r s t group of black draftees l e f t f o r Camp Dodge, Iowa, an experimental a l l - b l a c k cantonment. E a r l y i n the month they had been i n s t r u c t e d "to 51 hold themselves i n readiness to leave w i t h i n ten days'-----but the wait was much longer. The e i g h t y - e i g h t draftees were seen o f f by s e v e r a l hundred ( a l l b lack) f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s at the s t a t i o n . Mr. Gilmer was i n charge of-the men u n t i l they departed i n s p e c i a l Pullman c a r s , a l l apparently i n good s p i r i t s During the f a l l the l o c a l board f i n i s h e d i t s work on the f i r s t d r a f t . The War Department ordered re-examination of a l l men r e j e c t e d f o r p h y s i c a l d e f e c t s — w h i c h , a f t e r s e v e r a l days of work, produced fewer than ten a d d i t i o n a l e l i g i b l e Montgomerians. Dr. C e n t e r f i t had done h i s work w e l l the f i r s t time. A few more exemption hearings were h e l d , but by the middle of Novem-ber, the c i t y ' s quota was f i l l e d . The winter months were a p e r i o d of r e f l e c t i o n and r e o r g a n i -z a t i o n f o r S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , as f o r the war e f f o r t as a whole. General Crowder noted i n h i s r e p o r t , "When the b r e a t h l e s s haste of the f i r s t d r a f t was over there was time to consider the problem i n i t s l a r g e r aspects to make p r o v i s i o n against the 54 f u t u r e . " ^ S e l e c t i v e Service i n 1918 was s u b s t a n t i a l l y d i f -f e r e nt from the h a s t i l y constructed, sometimes confused system i t had been i n 1917. The r e g u l a t i o n s were completely changed, r e s u l t i n g i n a streamlined, almost "mechanical" set of pro-cedures f o r s e l e c t i o n . The aim of the War Department was now not merely to rush men i n t o the army, but to achieve "a s c i e n t i -f i c and most complete inventory of our man power," a much more 55 s o p h i s t i c a t e d g o a l . The system e s t a b l i s h e d was s i m i l a r to that i n e f f e c t t o -56 day. Registered men were to complete a c a r e f u l l y designed, d e t a i l e d q u e s t i o n n a i r e , p r o v i d i n g proof f o r a l l claims. On the b a s i s of t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n the l o c a l board then assigned r e g i s t r a n t s to one of f i v e c l a s s e s . In C l a s s - I were men im-mediately a v a i l a b l e f o r s e r v i c e , i . e . , " s i n g l e men and a few married men whose removal w i l l not d i s t u r b the reasonably ade-57 quate support of t h e i r dependents." Class I represented what the War Department had learned from experience i n "the t r o u b l e -some f i e l d of dependency cla i m s " : "to i n c l u d e i n the immediately a v a i l a b l e c l a s s only those who by no s t r e t c h o f the imagination 58 should be deferred on any ground of dependency." Classes I I through V provided exemption f o r men w i t h dependents and f o r occupational exemptions. Men from Class I would be c a l l e d f o r p h y s i c a l examination and i n d u c t i o n as needed. The others would be f r e e from worries about the d r a f t , able to give t h e i r f u l l a t t e n t i o n to t h e i r work. The new r e g u l a t i o n s were p r e c i s e to the point of l e a v i n g l o c a l boards with l i t t l e of the d i s c r e -t i o n that had been so important i n August 1917- I t was no longer up to the boards to determine " f a i r p l a y " ; f a i r p l a y , i n the government's view, had been c l e a r l y w r i t t e n i n t o the r e g u l a -t i o n s . The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and s e l e c t i o n of men was thus r e -duced almost to a r o u t i n e , which, i n a system that sought nationwide u n i f o r m i t y , was a great improvement. The Montgomery l o c a l board found the new system e x c e l l e n t . The board mailed out over three thousand questionnaires i n December and January. Men were c l a s s i f i e d r a p i d l y but care-f u l l y , s o l e l y on the b a s i s of t h e i r q u e s t i o n n a i r e s . Dramatic exemption hearings were a t h i n g of the past; p u b l i c emotion was now focused on elaborate "send-off" ceremonies f o r the d r a f t e e s . During 1918 the l o c a l board administered three more r e g i s t r a t i o n s , c l a s s i f i e d thousands of men, and sent over one thousand of them to army camps. A l l of t h i s work was accomplished wi t h a minimum of p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n . In 1917 the l o c a l board had demonstrated i t s e f f i c i e n c y and f a i r n e s s to the extent that i n 1918, while working as hard as ever, i t had become j u s t part of the wartime environment. The r e l a t i v e i n v i s i b i l i t y of the d r a f t board i n 1918 was i n f a c t the best p o s s i b l e sign that c o n s c r i p t i o n had been f i r m l y accepted as a fact :-of l i f e i n Montgomery. The u l t i m a t e e v a l u a t i o n of the Montgomery l o c a l board, however, must i n e v i t a b l y be based on i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h 59 black r e g i s t r a n t s . ^ As an i n s t i t u t i o n the l o c a l board was committed to both the s p i r i t of S e l e c t i v e Service (epitomized i n t he word " f a i r n e s s " ) and the c o n v e n t i o n s o f l o c a l s o c i e t y , namely r a c i a l s e g r e g a t i o n . G e n e r a l Crowder a f f i r m e d t h a t " c o l o r and r a c e were, o_f c o u r s e , not m a t e r i a l under the 6 0 [ S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e ] law;" i n Montgomery, d i s t i n c t i o n s based on " c o l o r and r a c e " were o f paramount s o c i a l i m p o r t a n c e . Yet wh i t e Montgomerians, though i n s i s t e n t on w h i t e supremacy, a l s o b e l i e v e d t h a t i n m a t t e r s of law b l a c k s d e s e r v e d e q u a l i t y ( o r n e a r - e q u a l i t y ) o f t r e a t m e n t . S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e o f f e r e d t h e l o c a l b o a r d , as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f w h i t e Montgomery, an oppor-t u n i t y t o demonstrate i n a f o r m a l s e t t i n g t h e c o m p a t a b i l i t y o f l e g a l i m p a r t i a l i t y w i t h s o c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . I f t h e Adver- t i s e r a c c u r a t e l y r e f l e c t e d the a t t i t u d e s o f the w h i t e community t h e n b l a c k s c o u l d expect " e q u a l and ex a c t j u s t i c e " i n the admin 6 l i s t r a t i o n o f t h e d r a f t . Some h i s t o r i a n s have e x p r e s s e d doubts about t h e t r e a t -ment o f b l a c k s i n the d r a f t . I t teas been a s s e r t e d r e c e n t l y t h a t S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e has always been t a i n t e d w i t h r a c i s m . One h i s t o r i a n f l a t l y s t a t e s , " B l a c k s have never r e c e i v e d e q u a l 62 t r e a t m e n t i n the d r a f t . " A n o t h e r , d i s c u s s i n g World War I i n p a r t i c u l a r , c l a i m s t h a t " d i s c r i m i n a t i o n was t h e r u l e throughout the d r a f t p r o c e s s i n g . " Even d u r i n g t h e war, t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e e d i t o r o f the Negro Year Book charged t h a t " i n c e r t a i n d r a f t boards an u n f a i r a t t i t u d e has been t a k e n toward Negroes, r e s u l t i n g i n i n d u c t i n g i n t o the army l a r g e numbers, who, i f w h i t e would have been exempted i n accordance w i t h the 64 •• •' p r o v i s i o n s o f the d r a f t law." On the s u r f a c e , t h e Mont-gomery board would seem a l i k e l y t a r g e t f o r a c c u s a t i o n - o f b i a s — p r o o f o f which would make t h e board's p r o t e s t a t i o n s o f d e d i c a t i o n to f a i r n e s s a sham. The f a c t was, though, that although the members of the Montgomery board were obviously products of t h e i r place and time, t h e i r o f f i c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h black r e g i s t r a n t s could hardly be f a u l t e d . A d i s t i n c t i o n must be made here between s o c i a l d i s c r i m i -n a t i on and l e g a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . Though an important part of the war e f f o r t , black men s t i l l could not expect to be t r e a t e d as s o c i a l equals. There was nothing e x t r a o r d i n a r y about the r a c i a l views of the l o c a l board members. They appear to have been r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of white Montgomery g e n e r a l l y : k i n d l y (according to t h e i r views), p a t e r n a l i s t i c , and uncompromising-65 l y white supremacist. The l o c a l board maintained segrega-t i o n wherever p o s s i b l e i n i t s o f f i c i a l proceedings. The races were separated f o r p h y s i c a l examination, and the black doctor was not allowed to examine white men. In September 1918, when r e g i s t r a n t s were provided l e g a l help i n f i l l i n g out t h e i r q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , whites, entered by the f r o n t door of the b u i l d i n g , blacks by a side entrance to a separate room. Board members and other o f f i c i a l s a l s o observed the " e t i q u e t t e " of segregation. They were oft e n addressed as "Boss" by the black men, who were i n t u r n c a l l e d "Boy." I t would have been un-r e a l i s t i c to expect that the Southern code of r a c i a l e t i -quette would not apply even i n a new s e t t i n g , e s p e c i a l l y one i n which much o f f i c i a l business was c a r r i e d out i n the o l d p a t e r n a l i s t i c manner. There i s , though, a"world of d i f f e r e n c e between being , addressed as "Boy" and being d r a f t e d i n t o the army u n f a i r l y . The p e r s i s t e n c e of s o c i a l i n f e r i o r i t y , however d i s t a s t e f u l now, i s of secondary importance. The l o c a l board must be judged on i t s substantive d e c i s i o n s on p h y s i c a l examinations and exemp-t i o n s . Although i t i s impossible to be p r e c i s e l y sure, because a v a i l a b l e s t a t i s t i c s do not d i s t i n g u i s h between black and white d r a f t e e s , the records seem to i n d i c a t e that blacks were not d i s c r i m i n a t e d against i n the p h y s i c a l examinations. The l o c a l board had a c t u a l l y expected to r e j e c t a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of bla'cks: " I t i s commonly known that the negro, owing to h i s mode of l i v i n g , i s s u s c e p t i b l e to c e r t a i n t r o u b l e s which ren-der a man u n f i t f o r m i l i t a r y duty."^,. However, the doctors were s u r p r i s e d to f i n d that many black men were i n e x c e l l e n t shape f o r s e r v i c e . Dr. C e n t e r f i t set s t r i c t standards f o r the p h y s i c a l examinations, g i v i n g the government the " b e n e f i t of the doubt" i n a l l cases, but i n d i s p u t a b l y u n f i t men were con-s c i e n t i o u s l y screened out. The men who were d r a f t e d were examined again by army doctors when they reached camp. The r e j e c t i o n r a t e f o r Montgomery i n these examinations (8.8%) was g r a t i f y i n g l y low: i n l i n e with'the n a t i o n a l average ( 8 . 5 % ) , below the s t a t e average ( 9 . 6 % ) , and below r a t e s f o r other Southern c i t i e s as w e l l . For example, the r e j e c t i o n r a t e f o r CO Macon was 9-6%; f o r Shreveport 12.3%; and f o r Columbia 13-7%. These f i g u r e s suggest that the men passed by Dr. C e n t e r f i t were indeed f i t to f i g h t , and that r e l a t i v e l y few men of e i t h e r race were sent to camp when p h y s i c a l l y d i s q u a l i f i e d f o r s e r v i c e . The r e a l t e s t of the l o c a l board's judgment was i n the matter of dependency exemptions. The board granted numerous exemptions to black men with dependent f a m i l i e s . However, a black man with dependents was f a r more l i k e l y to be d r a f t e d than a white man i n s i m i l a r circumstances. Of the 3^9 blacks d r a f t e d i n 1918, over a quarter (28.6%) were i n c l a s s e s other than I-A ("single man without dependent r e l a t i v e s . " ) By con-69 t r a s t , a l l but three of 379 whites were I-A. J S i m i l a r l y , a l a r g e number of the blacks i n the 1917 d r a f t l e f t wives and 70 f a m i l i e s behind. Was the l o c a l board, then, g u i l t y of a i p a r t i c u l a r l y c r u e l kind of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ? The answer i s c l e a r l y No. The d r a f t i n g of so many black men with dependents, and so few whites, was not evidence of r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n by the l o c a l board. Rather, i n l a r g e measure i t r e f l e c t e d the a p p l i c a t i o n of a reasonable and uniform standard of judgment i n an admittedly unequal s o c i e t y . The l o c a l board had a u t h o r i t y to exempt a man only i f h i s absence would cause hardship and s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n f o r those he l e f t behind. To put i t c r u d e l y , because blacks had l e s s to begin w i t h , they had l e s s to l o s e . For many, i n f a c t , being d r a f t e d was a f i n a n c i a l step up. The Army provided allotments to f a m i l i e s of s o l d i e r s , u s u a l l y between t h i r t y and f i f t y d o l -l a r s per month, q u i t e a considerable sum In Montgomery. In a d d i t i o n , thousands of black women i n the c i t y earned money working as laundresses or servants. In c o n t r a s t , almost a l l white men were b e t t e r paid than b l a c k s , and t h e i r wives were more oft e n t o t a l l y dependent on t h e i r husbands f o r support. In such f a m i l i e s the husband's i n d u c t i o n would mean a d r a s t i c change of s i t u a t i o n , which was viewed as s o c i a l l y undesirable 71 by the War Department. The l o c a l board members were w e l l aware of l o c a l economic c o n d i t i o n s , which helped determine t h e i r view of what was " f a i r " i n the d r a f t . E a r l y i n August 1917 they decided that few blacks making l e s s than f i f t y d o l l a r s per month would r e c e i v e dependency exemptions, on the grounds that t h e i r wives and f a m i l i e s would b e n e f i t f i n a n c i a l l y from t h e i r being d r a f t e d . In 1917 the board turned down a number of claims 72 f o r j u s t that reason. The board e v i d e n t l y expected that the wives of d r a f t e d men would be able to c o n t r i b u t e to t h e i r own support ( i . e . f o r p r a c t i c a l l y a l l b l a c k s , work f o r a l i v i n g ) ; 7 where t h i s expectation was unreasonable, the man was exempted. In making such an assumption, which h i s t o r i a n s of a l a t e r day might f i n d suspect, the board was simply t a k i n g i n t o account the economic r e a l i t i e s of l i f e i n Montgomery, j u s t as l o c a l boards were intended to do. C l e a r l y the low economic status of blacks was a r e s u l t of years of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . To the degree that the board's d e c i s i o n s r e f l e c t e d t h i s f a c t they were indeed, unavoidably, d i s c r i m i n a t o r y . However, the board's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was' not to r e c t i f y the i n j u s t i c e s of Southern s o c i e t y , but to apply the S e l e c t i v e Service law i n a manner consonant w i t h l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s as they were. In judging claims f o r exemption the board had to balance e q u i t a b l y the need f o r m i l i t a r y manpower wit h the welfare—economic, not emo-t i o n a l — o f each r e g i s t r a n t ' s f a m i l y . The same p r i n c i p l e of common-sense j u s t i c e that demanded the i n d u c t i o n of I r v i n e Gassenheimer a l s o , i n e v i t a b l y , meant that a s u b s t a n t i a l number of black men w i t h dependents were d r a f t e d . The l o c a l board's a c t i o n s , then, appear to have been scrupulously f a i r . The black people of Montgomery apparently 96. regarded them as such. Not one word of complaint about the d r a f t was heard. I t was not that grievances could not be a i r e d , or acted upon. There was ample opportunity, even i n the Deep South, f o r blacks to protes t i f they were wronged. Emmett J . S c o t t , of Tuskegee, had been appointed S p e c i a l A s s i s t a n t to the Secretary of War, charged .with l o o k i n g a f t e r the i n t e r e s t s of black s o l d i e r s . Scott p r a i s e d the War Department, and General Crowder i n p a r t i c u l a r , f o r i n s i s t i n g on f a i r treatment f o r b l a c k s . Crowder, he wrote, "kept a watchful eye upon c e r t a i n l o c a l boards which seemed d i s i n c l i n e d to t r e a t Negro dr a f t e e s 7 on the same basis as other Americans subject to the d r a f t laws." The War Department ordered r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of hundreds of b l a c k s , and i n one case removed an e n t i r e l o c a l board ( i n P u l -75 ton County, Georgia) f o r " f l a g r a n t v i o l a t i o n s . " Montgomery's black newspaper, the Emancipator, urged i t s readers to appeal to the government i n cases of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n : "Your Uncle Sammy i s on deck now. Use him. He i s not so p r e j u d i c e d as 7 6 some others." I f the l o c a l board i n Montgomery had been g u i l t y of i n j u s t i c e , r e a l or perceived, someone, e i t h e r l o c a l l y or i n Washington, would have asked f o r r e c t i f i c a t i o n . No one d i d . The Montgomery l o c a l board, though by no means a model of s o c i a l conduct, performed i t s s e n s i t i v e and demanding task to the evident s a t i s f a c t i o n of a l l concerned. In summary, Montgomery's l o c a l board had an exemplary record i n i t s r e l a t i o n s with black r e g i s t r a n t s , as w e l l as w i t h white. The reasons f o r t h i s success are not to be found so much i n the i n s t i t u t i o n of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , or i n War Department p o l i c y , as i n the r e s p o n s i b l y conservative views of the white community. To be sure, the wartime s p i r i t had. i t s i n f l u e n c e . Yet more important was the fundamental a t t i t u d e of white Montgomery: b l a c k s , while c e r t a i n l y not s o c i a l equals, de-served equal p r o t e c t i o n of the l a w s — a n d i t was the duty of re s p o n s i b l e white people to see that j u s t i c e was accorded them. In t h i s sense, S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , with i t s emphasis on i m p a r t i a l i t y i n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , was not a l i e n to the segregated s o c i e t y of Montgomery. In c o n t r a s t , the career of the l o c a l board provided an i l l u s t r a t i o n of what was good about race r e l a t i o n s i n Montgomery. 98. NOTES: CHAPTER I I I I A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 9, 1917. 2 A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 22, 1917. A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 9, 1917. 4 A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 13, 1917. 5 A v i v i d d e s c r i p t i o n of the ceremony i s i n Mark S u l l i v a n , Our Times, v o l . 5, Over Here (New York, 1 9 3 3 ) , pp. 3 0 4 - 3 0 5 . ^ A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 21, 1917. 7 A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 29, 1917. Q A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 19, 21, 1917. 9 Regulations were summarized i n the A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 3 , 1917. 1 0 A d v e r t i s e r , August 11, 1917. I I A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 29, 1917. 1 2 Times, J u l y 6, 1917. 13 For i n s t a n c e , J u l y 3 , 29, August 3, 1917,. 14 Times, J u l y 21, 1917. 15 A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 26, 30, 1917. 16 A d v e r t i s e r , August 4; J o u r n a l , August 8, 1917. 17 A d v e r t i s e r , August 10, 1917. 18 J o u r n a l , August 18, 1917. 1 9 I b i d . 20 F i r s t Report, p. 94. 2 1 I b i d . , pp. 16, 94. 2 2 Times, August 8, 1917. 23 Second Report, p. 192. The War Department admitted that because "negroes have been given no opportunity to e n l i s t i n the r e g u l a r army and navy','"about f i v e percent more white men w i l l be con s c r i p t e d i n the Southern states, than i n Northern and Western s t a t e s . " A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 8, 1917. White Southerners e v i d e n t l y f e l t t h i s a small p r i c e to pay f o r something as im-portant as segregation i n the armed f o r c e s . 24 Times, June 28, 29, 1917-25 Times, August 7, 1917- Secretary Baker had e a r l i e r s a i d much the same t h i n g , emphasizing the connection between p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n and f a i r n e s s i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the d r a f t . A d v e r t i s e r , June 23, 1917-Times, August 7, 1917-2 7 A d v e r t i s e r , August 11; J o u r n a l , August 12, 1917. 2 8 A d v e r t i s e r , August 14, 15, 1917- The exemption given the son of the di s t r a u g h t f a t h e r was e n t i r e l y proper under the r e g u l a t i o n s . 29 See F i r s t Report, pp. 2 2 - 2 3 , f o r a review of the problem 30 Crowder's order was p r i n t e d In the A d v e r t i s e r , August 10 1917. 31 The order was issued on August 27, 1917. I t s impact i s discussed i n F i r s t Report, p. 22. E a r l i e r Wilson had assured a concerned senator t h a t a l l married men wit h f a m i l i e s , "except those who have married to escape the d r a f t , " would be exempted by the l o c a l boards. S t r i c t l y speaking, t h i s was not t r u e . See A d v e r t i s e r , August 18, 1917-32 J A d v e r t i s e r , August 9, 1917. 3 3 J o u r n a l , August 20, 1917. 34 D Times, August 20, 1917.. 3 5 Times, August 20, 21, 1917. 2 A d v e r t i s e r , August 31, 1917-3 7 A d v e r t i s e r , August 22, 1917-3 8 Gassenheimer's case was copiously reported i n the newspapers, s t a r t i n g August 15, 1917-39' J y J o u r n a l , August 15, 1917. 40 J o u r n a l , August 20, 1917. 41 A d v e r t i s e r , August 21, 1917. 42 For i n s t a n c e , "Father and Father-In-Law of I r v i n e Gassenheimer F i l e Exemption A f f i d a v i t s , " J o u r n a l , August 15; "Gassenheimer Case Is Again Before Exemption Board," Adver- t i s e r , August 21, 1917. 100. 43 A d v e r t i s e r , September 18 (morning, r e p o r t i n g Gassen-heimer 's exemption); J o u r n a l , September 18 (afternoon, reporting h i s s e l e c t i o n . ) 44 F i r s t Report, p. 94. 45 A d v e r t i s e r , September 19, 1917. 46 A d v e r t i s e r , September 1, 1917 . 47 A d v e r t i s e r , September 5, 1917. 48 A d v e r t i s e r , September 6, 1917. 49 Journal,.September 21, 1917. 50 A d v e r t i s e r , September 20, 1917. 51 J o u r n a l , September 19; A d v e r t i s e r , September 20, 1917. 52 J J o u r n a l , October 30, 1917. 5 3 A d v e r t i s e r , October 16, 17, 18, 1917-54 F i r s t Report, p. 32. 5 5 I b i d . , p. 34. 56 Very c l e a r explanations of the new r e g u l a t i o n s were p r i n t e d i n the A d v e r t i s e r , November 15, 18, and 25, 1917. 57 Order of the PMG, p r i n t e d i n the A d v e r t i s e r , January 2, 1918. 58 F i r s t Report, p. 34. Emphasis added. 59 Suggestions, by "cranks," that the l o c a l board might favor the " r i c h c l a s s , " were obviously preposterous. (Adver- t i s e r , August 10, 1917.) Wealthy and s o c i a l l y prominent white Montgomerians were d r a f t e d and sent to camp r i g h t along w i t h more numerous c l e r k s and s k i l l e d workers. 6 0 Second Report, p. 191. ^ 1 See above, pp. 52-53. 6 2 Paul J . Murray,"Blacks and the D r a f t , " J o u r n a l of  Black Studies 2 (September 1971), p. 57. 6 3 Arthur E. Barbeau, The Unknown S o l d i e r s ; Black Ameri- can Troops i n World War I ( P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1974), p. 35. 64 Monroe N. Work, ed., Negro Year Book I918-I919 (Tuskegee, 1919), p. 88. 65 Mayor Robertson, f o r i n s t a n c e , repeated (and apparent-l y b e l ieved) the o l d c l i c h e that "the Southern white man has been the negro's best f r i e n d . " A d v e r t i s e r , A p r i l 16, 1917. ^ A d v e r t i s e r , August 7, 1917-6 7 A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 13, 1917. 6 8 U.S. Provost Marshal General's Bureau, F i n a l Re- port on the Operations of the S e l e c t i v e Service System to  J u l y 15, 1919 (Washington, 1919). Hereafter c i t e d as F i n a l  Report.. Tables 19 and 20. 69 * P.M.G.O. Forms 1029 and 1029-A, Montgomery C i t y Board. At Alabama Department of Archives and H i s t o r y (ADAH), Montgomery. 70 Entrainment l i s t s , 1917, ADAH. Where p o s s i b l e , men were i d e n t i f i e d i n the 1917 Montgomery c i t y d i r e c t o r y . 7 1 Second Report, pp. 108-113. 72 A d v e r t i s e r , August 7 5 1917. Judging from the f i g u r e s published i n newspaper r e p o r t s on claims f o r exemption, black men r e c e i v e d , on the average, $55-60 per month. Several earned l e s s than $50. Whites averaged about $85-90 per month, with none reported earning under $75- Times, August 20-21, 1917. For a review of pay and allotments see J u l i a C. Lathrop, " P r o v i s i o n of Care f o r the F a m i l i e s and Dependents of S o l d i e r s and S a i l o r s , " Proceedings of the American Academy of P o l i t i - c a l Science, 7, 1917-191o, pp.' 796-807. The War Department agreed that the d r a f t i n g of men who would be b e t t e r able to support t h e i r f a m i l i e s while i n the army was e n t i r e l y j u s t i -f i e d . See F i r s t Report, p. 22. 73 For example, the case of Peter Green, c i t e d above, p.. 84 74 Emmett J . S c o t t , The American Negro i n the World War (1919; r e p r i n t e d New York, 1969), p. 71. 7 5 I b i d . Emancipator, September 7, 1918. IV. S e l e c t i v e Service and Segregation Montgomery's experience w i t h S e l e c t i v e Service as a purely m i l i t a r y i n s t i t u t i o n was c l e a r l y s a t i s f a c t o r y ; the e f f e c t s of S e l e c t i v e Service as an element of change i n l o c a l s o c i e t y were j u s t the opposite. To many Americans, e s p e c i a l l y pro-g r e s s i v e s , the democratic, i n c l u s i v e s p i r i t of S e l e c t i v e Ser-v i c e had seemed to promise much i n the way of s o c i a l r e c o n c i l i a -t i o n i n a d i v i d e d n a t i o n . In terms more s p e c i f i c a l l y r e l e v a n t to Southern s o c i e t y , a number of prominent blacks had hoped that the i d e a l s embodied i n the d r a f t would help break down the b a r r i e r s of r a c i a l i n j u s t i c e . S e l e c t i v e Service o f f e r e d the p l a i n e s t p o s s i b l e proof that blacks belonged, and deserved to belong, to the American community: " I f the colored c i t i z e n s of the country s e i z e t h i s opportunity to emphasize t h e i r Ameri-can c i t i z e n s h i p by e f f e c t i v e war a c t i v i t i e s , they w i l l score tremendously. When men f i g h t together and work together... t h i s f o o l i s h n e s s of race p r e j u d i c e soon d i s a p p e a r s . " 1 Measured against t h i s high standard, S e l e c t i v e Service i n Montgomery could only be c a l l e d a f a i l u r e . Segregation, and the white a t t i t u d e s which sustainedddt, continued to be unquestionably e s t a b l i s h e d . Indeed, i t would be d i f f i c u l t to i d e n t i f y even the most modest of substantive changes i n Montgomery's p a t t e r n of segregation during the war. In terms of black-white r e l a -t i o n s , S e l e c t i v e Service meant p r a c t i c a l l y nothing to Mont-gomery . In c o n s i d e r i n g S e l e c t i v e Service from t h i s point of view (the s o c i a l ) , parades, p a r t i e s , and c e l e b r a t i o n s become s i g n i f l -cant events. The operations of the l o c a l board were at the center of a whole range of p u b l i c a c t i v i t i e s i n support of the d r a f t . The War Department s t r o n g l y approved of these "aux-i l i a r y a c t i v i t i e s " (as they s h a l l be c a l l e d h e r e ) , both as a t r i b u t e to the new c o n s c r i p t s and as a show of community en-2 thusiasm i n the war e f f o r t . One might expect that i n such events, w i t h p a t r i o t i c emotions running high, the e f f e c t s of the s p i r i t of wartime u n i t y would be most evident, and that white and black Montgomerians would show a heightened con-sciousness of t h e i r u n i t y as Americans. Instead, i n Mont-gomery, i t was the power of segregation and the c o n t i n u i n g distance between the races which most c l e a r l y marked the oc-casions. In f a c t , a f t e r June 5, 1917, only a s i n g l e major p u b l i c c e l e b r a t i o n included both black and white p a r t i c i p a n t s . For the most p a r t , the races went t h e i r separate ways i n a u x i l i a r y a c t i v i t i e s . Before t u r n i n g to the question of "com-munity r e l a t i o n s , " then, i t w i l l be u s e f u l to d i s c u s s b r i e f l y these separate a u x i l i a r y a c t i v i t i e s . White Montgomery, considered s e p a r a t e l y , provided a model of homefront war a c t i v i t i e s . Community sentiment was unani-mous, though not r a b i d , i n support of President Wilson and h i s war. The people waved f l a g s , bought bonds, and sent t h e i r young men o f f to army camps with sincere and unforced p a t r i o t i s m . Community e f f o r t s i n support of the d r a f t were p a r t i c u l a r l y impressive. Some examples from 1918 w i l l serve to i l l u s t r a t e the range and depth of white community involvement i n aux-i l i a r y a c t i v i t i e s . The s i n g l e l a r g e s t contingent of white draftees (159 men) 104. l e f t Montgomery on June 27, 1918, f o r Camp P i k e , L o u i s i a n a . Between the time t h e i r s e l e c t i o n was announced on June 9 and t h e i r departure, s e v e r a l c i v i c groups were busy o r g a n i z i n g a-"rousing send-off" f o r them. The Rotary Club—whose president was among the d r a f t e e s — w a s i n charge of the c e l e b r a t i o n . Every e f f o r t was made to have the e n t i r e community t u r n out f o r the event, i n order to make the s o l d i e r s ' " l a s t memory of home...a pleasant one of f r i e n d l y f a c e s , and waving handker-c h i e f s and music." The Chamber of Commerce a p p e a l e d , "Let the mothers put aside t h e i r household f o r a few hours and l e t the f a t h e r s l e t business go hang f o r one morning, while they go to wish the boys God-speed." Such requests d i d not go unheeded. "No l e s s than 5000" Montgomerians attended the ceremonies i n Court Square and then accompanied the men to the s t a t i o n . Mayor Robertson and two l o c a l judges addressed the crowd. Music, f l a g s , and young l a d i e s made the occasion a f e s t i v e one. With everyone i n the i n v a r i a b l e " g e n e r a l l y happy s p i r i t s , " the c e l e b r a t i o n ended, when the t r a i n f o r camp 5 p u l l e d out of the s t a t i o n s h o r t l y a f t e r noon. Other groups of draftees were accorded s i m i l a r treatment. When a contingent of s i x t y - f i v e , i n c l u d i n g "many of the best-known young men of Montgomery," l e f t on May 28, an "immense" crowd saw them o f f at the s t a t i o n . Young g i r l s presented the draftees with flowers and cards p r i n t e d w i t h p a t r i o t i c s e n t i -ments, and the crowd serenaded them with p a t r i o t i c songs. 7 As u s u a l , clubs and other-groups were w e l l represented. In 1918, too, the Fourth of J u l y c e l e b r a t i o n focused on the new r e g i s t r a n t s of June 5 ( i l ' e . the white r e g i s t r a n t s — b l a c k s had. a separate c e l e b r a t i o n ) , " i n whose honor the ceremonies g were given." Preparation f o r t h i s event i n v o l v e d even the c h i l d r e n of the community. On J u l y 3 a prominent business-man a d v e r t i s e d f o r p a t r i o t i c boys to perform a " s p e c i a l and h i g h l y important mission i n Uncle Sam's s e r v i c e . " As i t turned out, the boys' task was to summon the "Class of 1918" t o . p a r t i c i p a t e i n the ceremonies. The men marched up Dexter Avenue to the C a p i t o l , where they sang a popular war song, "To H e l l With the K a i s e r . " The Rotary Club and the Red Cross planned and d i r e c t e d the proceedings. 1*" 1 In general, the l a r g e r contingents of white d r a f t e e s were given p u b l i c f a r e w e l l s , i n a d d i t i o n to the numerous p r i v a t e gatherings before such oc-casions . White c o n s c r i p t s were able to enjoy ( i f indeed they d i d enjoy) these expressions of community support because white Montgomery had ample s o c i a l resources w i t h which to supply them. The community was i n t e r n a l l y strong, the people used to p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c i v i c a f f a i r s , and most i m p o r t a n t l y , community leadership was a c t i v e and i n t e l l i g e n t and had numer-ous i n s t i t u t i o n s through which to work. 1 1 The prominence of such o r g a n i z a t i o n s as the Chamber of Commerce and the Rotary Club was only n a t u r a l ; Montgomery was a f t e r a l l l a r g e l y a c i t y of merchants. The men of these groups had both the mana-g e r i a l s k i l l s needed to d i r e c t a u x i l i a r y a c t i v i t i e s , and the sense of c i v i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to undertake the task. Beyond t h a t , they had a u t h o r i t y and the respect of the community they represented. Along with Mayor Robertson and a few others from government and the p r o f e s s i o n s , the commercial leaders worked e f f e c t i v e l y to m o b i l i z e community sentiment and provide an organized means f o r i t s expression. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , the black d r a f t e e s of Montgomery r e -ceived much l e s s organized support from the.black people of the c i t y . Black Montgomery possessed w i t h i n i t s e l f n e i t h e r the h a b i t s of c i v i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n nor the accomplished l e a d e r s h i p from which the white community b e n e f i t t e d . A l -most i n i s o l a t i o n , with l i t t l e or no encouragement from white o f f i c i a l s and community l e a d e r s , i n t e r e s t e d blacks at l e a s t made some e f f o r t s to show t h e i r a p p r e c i a t i o n of the young black men going o f f to war. These e f f o r t s i n v o l v e d r e l a t i v e l y few people and, though s i n c e r e , could not match the e f f o r t s of the white community. The l a r g e s t group of black d r a f t e e s l e f t f o r camp on August 1, 1918. They had no.-parade, no band, and no speeches from the mayor. The men heard an address by a black preacher and then assembled f o r departure. A small crowd of blacks saw them o f f 12 "with y e l l s and hurrahs." Also i n August another s i z a b l e group l e f t , without even t h i s much d i s p l a y of support, though again there were speeches "by s e v e r a l l e a d i n g negro citizens.""'" E a r l i e r i n the year the Emancipator had scolded "the color e d c i t i z e n s as a whole" f o r not t u r n i n g out to support t h e i r 14 dr a f t e e s . The reprimand e v i d e n t l y had l i t t l e e f f e c t . The Emancipator even ignored i t s own advice, g i v i n g l e s s and l e s s space to S e l e c t i v e Service a c t i v i t i e s . A few p r i v a t e gathering and a reduced counterpart of the white Fourth of J u l y c e l e b r a t i o n held at the Normal School c o n s t i t u t e d most of the community r e c o g n i t i o n black r e g i s t r a n t s or dra f t e e s r e c e i v e d . 107. Because black Montgomery was I n t e r n a l l y weak and e x t e r n a l l y constrained (by segregation), a black demonstration on the scale of the white community's e f f o r t of June 27 was impossi-b l e , or unthinkable—most l i k e l y both. At the very beginning of S e l e c t i v e Service i n Montgomery, June 5j 1917, whites and blacks marked the day i n a b i r a c i a l c e l e b r a t i o n . I t was•not u n t i l the end of the war that a s i m i l a r event took place. September 12, 1918, was the'day of the f i n a l , and l a r g e s t , r e g i s t r a t i o n of the war, f o r men eighteen to f o r t y - f i v e . N a t i o n a l p o l i c y was to make the day before the r e g i s t r a t i o n i n t o a great p a t r i o t i c c e l e b r a t i o n , both to en-sure 100 percent r e g i s t r a t i o n and to convince the German com-mand that a u n i t e d America was preparing to send m i l l i o n s more 15 to the f r o n t . J L o c a l l y i n Montgomery, t h i s meant that j u s t as whites and blacks r e g i s t e r e d together, they would have to c e l e b r a t e together. The o f f i c i a l preparations f o r the r e g i s t r a t i o n were roughly the same as that of June 5 3 1917. Again, a l a r g e group of r e g i s t r a r s was needed. This time, the l o c a l board, "pleading a shortage of q u a l i f i e d help," turned to the Rotary Club "to a s s i s t i n every way p o s s i b l e i n r e g i s t e r i n g the great horde of people who w i l l be c a l l e d upon to r e g i s t e r . ""^ The members of the club were pleased to take t h i s "great b i g opportunity" to serve the community. E v e n t u a l l y nearly every R o t a r i a n was 17 sworn i n as a r e g i s t r a r . Members of the club a l s o secured r e g i s t r a t i o n places i n each ward and supplied paper and other necessary m a t e r i a l s . Boy Scouts volunteered to act as messen-gers f o r the r e g i s t r a r s . The Red Cross and the G i r l s ' P a t r i o t i c 108. League also o f f e r e d t h e i r s e r v i c e s i n the r e g i s t r a t i o n . None of t h i s a c t i v i t y i n v o lved b l a c k s , who again had no part i n the o f f i c i a l proceedings of the day. I t was important, though, that blacks take part i n the u n o f f i c i a l a u x i l i a r y a c t i v i t i e s . The day's a c t i v i t i e s were planned and d i r e c t e d by a committee of business l e a d e r s , the chairman of which (and Grand Marshal of the parade) was Michael Cody, an i n t e l l i g e n t and capable banker. The committee, whose members by now had some experience i n t h i s sort of work, went a l l out i n t h e i r p r e p a r a t i o n s — e v e n arranging f o r a formation of a i r p l a n e s to f l y over the parade. Cody and h i s a s s o c i a t e s were w e l l aware of the importance of black p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the great parade. Through black "race l e a d e r s " and Pour-Minute Men, Cody appealited to blacks "to stand w i t h the Anglo-Saxons of 18 Montgomery" i n the day's c e l e b r a t i o n s . (By t h i s time the s o - c a l l e d Anglo-Saxons themselves knew, and d i d , what was ex-pected of them.) The response of black Montgomery was e n t h u s i a s t i c . A number of committees, under the chairmanship of V i c t o r H. Tulane, the l e a d i n g black businessman of the c i t y , organized an e f f e c t i v e program of b l a c k p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Manpower Day 19 parade. They provided f o r banners and music, and much of 20 t h e i r own p u b l i c i t y . Their preparations r e s u l t e d i n a con-s i d e r a b l y more impressive showing than black Montgomery had been able to provide f o r i t s own young men. The black part of the parade included a band, the black Red Cross unit,' (which made a 21 "neat and s t r i k i n g appearance"), and a proud group of men ready to r e g i s t e r . Before the parade Tulane (whose e f f o r t s 109. earned, him a prominent place i n the procession) proclaimed that 22 "our l o y a l t y and p a t r i o t i s m as a race cannot be questioned." The good showing of black Montgomery on Manpower Day was ad-d i t i o n a l proof ( c e r t a i n l y not needed) that given the opportunity blacks were q u i t e as w i l l i n g as whites to be conspicuously, and s i n c e r e l y , p a t r i o t i c . The f a c t remains, though, that although black Mont-gomerians r e c e i v e d some temporary r e c o g n i t i o n of t h e i r importance i n the c i t y ' s war e f f o r t , blacks took part i n the day's events i n a humble and segregated p o s i t i o n . I r o n i c a l l y — a n d r a t h e r p a t h e t i c a l l y — s o m e of the black marchers c a r r i e d a banner 2? reading "No Color Line i n . T h i s F i g h t . " I t was a hope, per-haps, but not a f a c t . Though they marched proudly, blacks com-p r i s e d only four of the eighteen d i v i s i o n s of the parade. And as before, the black u n i t s formed the t a i l of the parade, coming a f t e r a very impressive d i s p l a y by white groups. At the c a p i t o l grounds, where a Dr. Welch ranted f o r an hour on "The S p i r i t of Americans," black people again formed a separate group. Evidence of a s o f t e n i n g of r a c i a l b a r r i e r s was com-p l e t e l y l a c k i n g . Black p a r t i c i p a t i o n , though important to the success of the day and e v i d e n t l y to the black people themselves, conformed i n a l l respects to the expectations of the most demand-ing s e g r e g a t i o n i s t . So, i t seems c l e a r , h a b i t s of segregation were a dominant i n f l u e n c e on a u x i l i a r y a c t i v i t i e s i n Montgomery. What i s more, the s o c i a l d i stance between the races remained as great as ever. I t i s p o s s i b l e to imagine the growth of a consciousness of u n i t y , or at the very l e a s t a greater respect of whites f o r 110. b l a c k s , while they s t i l l observed the s o c i a l forms of segre-g a t i o n . In Montgomery, though, a l l the a c t i v i t i e s of war ap-pear to have had no e f f e c t whatsoever on r a c i a l a t t i t u d e s . For most purposes whites and blacks ignored each other, as f a r as p o s s i b l e . E v i d e n t l y few blacks attended the c e l e b r a t i o n s of the white community, and v i c e versa. The r e p o r t i n g of the white press evinced no greater respect f o r t h e i r b l a c k compatriots, though they d i d r e f r a i n from p r i n t i n g features about ignorant blacks at the r e g i s t r a t i o n of September 12, 1918. One paper-r e f e r r e d to a large group of new black s o l d i e r s as "a drove 24 of negroes," as i f they were c a t t l e — o r s l a v e s . Worst of a l l , l e s s than two weeks a f t e r Manpower Day the Ku Klux Klan made a reappearance i n the c i t y , f o r the f i r s t time since r e -c o n s t r u c t i o n . On the night of September 21, a group of men dressed i n Klan robes rode through the downtown area, passing 25 out l e a f l e t s warning " s l a c k e r s " to do t h e i r b i t . J While t h i s group d i d not appear to be s p e c i f i c a l l y a n t i - b l a c k , the choice of name and costume was o m i n o u s — r e v e a l i n g at the very l e a s t a gross l a c k of concern f o r the memories of black Montgomerians. In a l l , even i n a time of supposed u n i t y the magnitude of the gap between the races could hardly be exaggerated. S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , then, l e f t no more than a s u p e r f i c i a l (at best) impression on race r e l a t i o n s i n Montgomery. The i n s t i t u t i o n of S e l e c t i v e s e r v i c e accomplished i t s work w e l l , but i t s s p i r i t l e f t the people of Montgomery untouched. This f a i l u r e , i f that i s the proper term, can l a r g e l y be a s c r i b e d to conservatism and i n e r t i a on the part of both races. The conservatism of white Montgomery i s easy enough to under-111. stand. The people of the white community were q u i t e s a t i s -f i e d w ith the r a c i a l s t r u c t u r e of l o c a l s o c i e t y , a s t r u c t u r e i n which whites were unchallengably "the dominant race." Furthermore, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the war d i d not appear to be s u f f i c i e n t impetus to a r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of race r e l a t i o n s . In the f i r s t p l a c e , the business of the war got done qu i t e w e l l under segregation, with the help of black l e a d e r s , so that there was no o p e r a t i o n a l need to t h i n k deeply about the i m p l i c a -t i o n s of segregation. I f , f o r i n s t a n c e , the a p p a l l i n g ignorance of many black men, as revealed i n the f i r s t r e g i s t r a t i o n , had been an insurmountable problem i n o r g a n i z i n g f o r war, perhaps whites might have given more a t t e n t i o n to the c o n d i t i o n s i n which t h e i r black neighbors l i v e d . As i t was, more t r a d i -t i o n a l arrangements s u f f i c e d . Secondly, i n terms of l o c a l s o c i e t y white Montgomerians d i d not expect ..much from the war. Despite the f a c t that hundreds of the community's young men entered m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e , the fundamental issues which P r e s i -dent Wilson saw i n the c o n f l i c t meant l i t t l e to white Mont-gomerians. The peo-ple of the community c e r t a i n l y supported the war, both i n idea and i n deed. Their support, however, as p u b l i c l y expressed, was not f o r the i d e a l s of l i b e r t y , j u s t i c e and democracy which echoed through Wilsonian r h e t o r i c . Prob-ably not even a complacent Montgomerian could have used these terms f o r any length of time without having some nagging thoughts about the s t a t e of l i b e r t y , j u s t i c e and democracy i n h i s own back yard. Rather, Montgomery's speeches and e d i t o r i -a l s s t r essed words l i k e "Americanism" and " p a t r i o t i s m " without much reference to the deeper meanings of these words. For i f 112. white Montgomerians saw any s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n i n t h e i r p a r t i -c i p a t i o n i n the war, i t was one which would al l o w them to r e -t a i n (or even strengthen) t h e i r p e c u l i a r l y unjust and un-democratic arrangements i n race r e l a t i o n s . The war d i d make white.Montgomerians more conscious of and secure i n t h e i r place i n the American n a t i o n . In a manner i r o n i c a l l y p a r a l l e l to that of many b l a c k s , white Southerners, i n c l u d i n g Montgomerians, viewed t h e i r section.'.s wholehearted c o n t r i b u t i o n to the war e f f o r t as con c l u s i v e proof that the South was f u l l y a member of the n a t i o n a l community. The d i v i s i o n s of h a l f a century e a r l i e r were s t i l l a v i v i d r e a l i t y to the men of 1917, so that at a time when n a t i o n a l u n i t y was con s t a n t l y s t r e s s e d , s e c t i o n a l reunion seemed a primary element i n f o r g i n g such u n i t y . Southern sentiment at the time of the Spanish-American War had done much to persuade the r e s t of the 2 6 n a t i o n that "the process of r e u n i f i c a t i o n had been completed." S t i l l , i n the e a r l y months of the war a good many people thought i t a d v i s a b l e to proclaim and symbolize the u n i t y of the 27 s e c t i o n s . In Birmingham on r e g i s t r a t i o n day, a f t e r a m a g n i f i -cent parade, General Leonard Wood (of Spanish-American War fame) a s s i s t e d a Union and a Confederate veteran i n " r a i s i n g a huge American f l a g . Wood observed to the crowed that "the h o i s t i n g of t h i s f l a g represents the blue and the grey f o r 28 America." In the speeches at Montgomery on that day, too, American p a t r i o t i s m and the r o l e of the South i n the war were 29 the l e a d i n g t o p i c s . ' The presence at nearby Camp Sheridan of troops from Ohio and other Northern s t a t e s , as w e l l as a few f o r e i g n o f f i c e r s , a l s o helped to make Montgomerians more con-113. scious of t h e i r place i n the American u n i o n . ^ A f t e r the early-part of the war, and the n a t i o n a l t u r n i n g from past to f u t u r e , the s e c t i o n a l issue was l a i d permanently to r e s t . The problem was t h a t , contrary to the s i t u a t i o n i n l a t e r •decades, i t was p e r f e c t l y proper during the per i o d of the war to be both American and s e g r e g a t i o n i s t . The president himself b e l i e v e d i n enforced separation of the races. His p u b l i c stand against l y n c h i n g ( J u l y 1918) merely r e s t a t e d themes that 31 the A d v e r t i s e r , f o r i n s t a n c e , had voiced f o r years. During the next great war, when segregation was t i m i d l y challenged by government o f f i c i a l s , the A d v e r t i s e r d e f i a n t l y exclaimed, "Army orders, even armies, even bayonets cannot fo r c e impossible and 32 unnatural s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s upon us." In World War I the government i t s e l f accepted the perpetuated segregation, i n s i s t i n g only, as d i d the decent white people of Montgomery, that blacks be t r e a t e d e q u a l l y under the law. Separation and s o c i a l i n f e r i o r i t y were not the formal concerns of the government, which was qu i t e r e s p e c t f u l of "Southern £i.e. white Southern] sentiment" on r a c i a l matters. White Montgomerians and t h e i r f e l l o w Southerners were thus i n the comfortable p o s i t i o n of having both t h e i r p a t r i o t i s m and t h e i r p r e j u d i c e s e x p l i c i t l y recognized by the na t i o n i n i t s hour of need. White Montgomerians expected l i t t l e s o c i a l l y from the war, and t h e i r expectations were f u l f i l l e d . B l a c k s , on the other hand, expected what amounted to the moon and the s t a r s as a r e s u l t of t h e i r s i n c ere and v i r t u a l l y unanimous support of the war. In gener a l , "the Afro-American has viewed h i s p a r t i c i -p a t i o n i n a l l of t h i s nation's wars not only as a p r i v i l e g e and an opportunity to serve i n the cause of democracy and human freedom, but as an opportunity to v i n d i c a t e and f u r t h e r h i s 33 own claims to the r i g h t of e q u a l i t y of treatment." World War I i n p a r t i c u l a r , coming as i t d i d at the " n a d i r " of black experience i n America, was widely considered a t u r n i n g point i n black h i s t o r y , a s t a r t towards the r e s t o r a t i o n of j u s t i c e long 34 denied. Yet the p o s s i b i l i t y of f u l f i l l m e n t of these expecta-t i o n s was v i r t u a l l y n i l . The war, which "seemed to o f f e r b lacks a long-awaited chance to a t t a i n e q u a l i t y , r e a l l y only served to confirm i n the most p a i n f u l l y obvious ways t h e i r continued p o s i t i o n of i n f e r i o r i t y . The black people of Montgomery, too, though thoroughly "conservative," could not help but wish f o r some improvement i n t h e i r s o c i a l s t a t u s . Their l o y a l t y i n wartime could not be doubted. Examples of black p a t r i o t i s m abound, whether of young men clamoring to j o i n the Navy (as o f f i c e r s ' s e r v a n t s ) , or of the o l d ex-slave who proudly gave h i s s i n g l e s i l v e r d o l -35 l a r to buy T h r i f t Stamps. Such p a t r i o t i s m was of course per-f e c t l y genuine, but black Montgomerians, l i k e others of t h e i r race, a l s o saw t h e i r s a c r i f i c e s i n the war as means to an end: s o c i a l change. Evidence of t h i s a t t i t u d e can be found i n the speeches made to black r e g i s t r a n t s and d r a f t e e s , as reported w i t h amused detachment by the white press. These speeches, of course, were c a r e f u l l y phrased and unim-peachably conservative. D u t i e s , not r i g h t s , were s t r e s s e d . Nevertheless there was i n them an i m p l i c i t concern f o r the j u s t r e c o g n i t i o n to which blacks were e n t i t l e d . I s r a e l B e l s e r , a 3 6 preacher and courthouse j a n i t o r , spoke to a group of draftees of the black race t a k i n g i t s r i g h t f u l place w i t h the other races of the world: "This i s the f i r s t - chance the negro has had to show himself a man and to act l i k e - a man.. Don't be cowards f o r cowards soon d i e . The white people w i l l be glad to see you go. [A c r y p t i c remark.] ...Every race on the face of the earth but the negro has had to s p i l l blood f o r i t s p r o t e c -t i o n . And now i t i s the sacred p r i v i l e g e of the negro to share 37 i n t h i s great cause." In another speech B e l s e r advised a d i f f e r e n t group that as a r e s u l t of the war "the United States was go'ing to wear the crown." He "admonished the men to per-form t h e i r utmost duty toward t h e i r government" so that a f t e r the war "they can share i n the wearing of t h i s crown." On Emancipation Day, 1918, a former slave t o l d young black men, " I f you young people want r e a l l i b e r t y you must f i g h t and d i e f o r i t . You must go to the war and f i g h t l i k e the Yankees are .flighting i n Europe. I f you stay home and l e t those Yan-kees f i g h t f o r l i b e r t y , you won't have any l i b e r t y . " The 39 audience applauded.these remarks e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y . Other speeches sounded s i m i l a r themes; the need f o r absolute l o y a l t y and the hope that b l a c k s , too, could share i n "wearing the crown." No one would consider these speakers r a d i c a l f i r e b r a n d s (the J o u r n a l commented that the Emancipation Day address was "sound advice to the race.") Yet they d i d imply- that blacks were i n a sense proving themselves i n the war, demonstrating t h e i r f i t n e s s f o r f i r s t - c l a s s c i t i z e n s h i p . They expected that blacks would "earn" (once again) the freedom that i s supposed to be the b i r t h r i g h t of a l l Americans. In a war fought p a r t l y 116. to assure liberty„for Belgians and Ruthenians and Serbs, Montgomery's, blacks a l s o f e l t themselves f i g h t i n g f o r t h e i r own l i b e r t y . The f i g h t i n g , though, was i n Europe, not i n Alabama. Black Montgomerians a s p i r e d , but they d i d not s t r u g g l e . They attacked the i n f e r i o r status of t h e i r race by- strenuous e f f o r t s against the K a i s e r , r a t h e r than by d i r e c t challenges l o c a l l y to segregation and a l l that i t i m p l i e d . The r e l a t i v e p a s s i v i t y of black Montgomery i n a time of recognized opportunity and hope was due i n large part to the i n g r a i n e d conservatism of black l e a d e r s h i p . Gunnar Myrdal, whose a n a l y s i s of American problems r e -mains one of the most p e r c e p t i v e , commented i n some wonder-ment on the " a s t o n i s h i n g l y important r o l e " of black l e a d e r s h i p 40 i n race r e l a t i o n s . Black leaders represented t h e i r community to the whites and i n t u r n i n t e r p r e t e d the expectations of the white community to b l a c k s . In e f f e c t , Myrdal observed, "Negroes and whites i n America deal w i t h each other through the medium 41 of p l e n i p o t e n t i a r i e s . " In Montgomery, where black people have lacked independent i n s t i t u t i o n s and a t r a d i t i o n of c i v i c involvement, community a c t i o n has been p a r t i c u l a r l y dependent 42 on the personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of black l e a d e r s . As M a r t i n Luther King demonstrated i n the 1 9 5 0 's, a charismatic leader can accomplish much. However, when q u a l i t i e s of charisma and dynamism have been absent from the l e a d e r s h i p , black Montgomery has been l e f t w ith few other s o c i a l resources. Such was the case i n 1917-1918. The black men who were prominent i n war-r e l a t e d a c t i v i t i e s were e v i d e n t l y a l l conservative accomoda-117. t i o n l s t s . They were s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by Booker T;.. Washing-ton's " o p t i m i s t i c formula f o r success that combined, obsequious-43 ness w i t h hard work." (Tuskegee, a f t e r a l l , i s only about f i f t y miles from Montgomery.) In t h i s they were no doubt simply being r e a l i s t i c — t h e y understood the temper of the times. The f a c t remains that Montgomery's black leaders during the war p e r i o d , while doing important work i n support of S e l e c t i v e Ser-v i c e , were an u n l i k e l y group to press any sort of demands on the white community. The views of J.W. Beverly, p r i n c i p a l of the State Normal 44 School, t y p i f i e d those of other black l e a d e r s . Beverly was the head of one of the most important black i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the c i t y . He was a c t i v e during the war, making speeches, teaching i l l i t e r a t e black d r a f t e e s , and h e l p i n g organize black 45 p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Manpower Day parade. Beverly was t r u s t e d by the white community—he was even allowed to vote!' • He was "conservative i n manner and d e l i b e r a t e i n outlook." On r a c i a l issues Beverly was d e c i d e l y c o n s e r v a t i v e , perhaps even more so than h i s p o s i t i o n demanded. In a p r a c t i c a l way— edu c a t i o n — h e d i d much f o r h i s people, and h i s r e p u t a t i o n f o r h u m i l i t y was probably u s e f u l i n d e a l i n g w i t h the State govern-ment, but he was not one to a s s e r t himself against the power of white Montgomery. Beverly and the other black leaders of Mont-gomery were accomodationists par e x c e l l e n c e . As long as men of t h i s type continued to occupy prominent p o s i t i o n s i n black Mont-gomery, the white people of the c i t y could be sure that white supremacy, while not openly endorsed by black l e a d e r s , would 118. not be s e r i o u s l y threatened. In a way, blacks i n Montgomery had good reason to be con-s e r v a t i v e . C e r t a i n l y they knew that race r e l a t i o n s i n the c i t y had ( f o r the times) i t s good q u a l i t i e s : the absence of l y n c h i n g s , f o r i n s t a n c e , which i n other parts of the n a t i o n continued un-abated during the war, or the i m p a r t i a l d e c i s i o n s of the l o c a l board. Montgomery was f a r from p e r f e c t , but i t was c l e a r l y p r e f e r a b l e to East St. L o u i s , or r u r a l Alabama f o r that matter. Even the e d i t o r of the Emancipator, who was able to suggest a few ways i n which the status of blacks would be improved, ad-mitted that many black Montgomerians had become " s a t i s f i e d — e v e n 46 conceited." I f indeed t h i s was the case, they were s a t i s -f i e d with very l i t t l e . However, the remark and the e d i t o r ' s r a -ther innocuous l i s t of improvements i l l u s t r a t e d the more conser-v a t i v e side--the more r e a l i s t i c s i d e - - o f black thought.in Montgomery. This black conservatism complemented white i n e r t i a , the r e s u l t being the unchallenged continuance of segregation and white supremacy i n the c i t y . I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g to speculate on a p o s s i b l e "deeper" cause f o r . the r e l a t i v e p a s s i v i t y of blacks during the war, not only i n Montgomery, but i n the n a t i o n as a whole. Blacks were long on hope and short on t a c t i c s . I t may have been the very nature of t h e i r hopes which kept them from t a k i n g a more a c t i v e r o l e i n t h e i r own behalf. Black spokesmen were fond of saying such things as "Out of t h i s war w i l l r i s e . . . a n American Negro wit h the r i g h t to vote and the r i g h t to work and the r i g h t to 47 l i v e without i n s u l t . " Mired i n hopelessness as they had been before the war, Wilsonian r h e t o r i c apparently went to t h e i r 119. heads. They spent much energy e l a b o r a t i n g on the freedoms which would i n e v i t a b l y be t h e i r s , a f t e r v i c t o r y , but i t was never quite c l e a r e x a c t l y how' these freedoms would be a t t a i n e d . What mattered was that f i r s t - c l a s s c i t i z e n s h i p f o r blacks would be the i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t of t h e i r vigorous and uncomplaining work i n the war. Therefore d i r e c t a c t i o n against d i s c r i m i n a t i o n was unnecessary. I f taken by the whites as a sig n of d i s l o y a l t y , i t might even be counter-productive. Thus the constant s t r e s s 48 on p u t t i n g aside r a c i a l grievances f o r the d u r a t i o n . Blacks could be sure, though, that the s p i r i t of the times was i r -revocably with them. E v i d e n t l y , blacks expected the war ex-perience to produce something l i k e a magical transformation of the h i t h e r t o adamant views of r a c i s t white Americans. I t was not to be. Apart from i n d i v i d u a l cases, the s p i r i t of the times, as blacks saw i t , f a i l e d to touch white" America. The h i s t o r i c a l moment, with whatever p o t e n t i a l i t might have had, was soon l o s t , w i t h blacks s t i l l i n the same p o s i t i o n from which they yearned to escape. A f t e r t h i s r a t h e r melancholy assessment of the s i t u a t i o n , can anything p o s i t i v e be s a i d about S e l e c t i v e Service i n the con-t e x t of segregation? A couple of developments, r e a l l y more l o s t p o s s i b i l i t i e s than anything concrete, c o n s t i t u t e v i r t u a l l y the whole of t h i s category. The f i r s t was that despite the con t i n u i n g distance between the races, S e l e c t i v e Service and the a u x i l i a r y a c t i v i t i e s pro-vided white Montgomerians with a chance to l e a r n something about t h e i r black neighbors. Southern whites n o t o r i o u s l y had a " r e -markable l a c k of c o r r e c t i n f o r m a t i o n about the Negroes and t h e i r 120. l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . T h i s was c e r t a i n l y t r u e i n Montgomery, and f o r a while S e l e c t i v e Service acted to c o r r e c t the s i t u a -t i o n . During the p h y s i c a l examinations i n 1917 3 f o r i n s t a n c e , a high p r o p o r t i o n of blacks were found healthy enough to be d r a f t e d . Before the examinations most whites ( i n c l u d i n g the doctors) had b e l i e v e d that a l a r g e number of the black men would be found p h y s i c a l l y u n f i t — e i t h e r "worn out" by. a l i f e of p h y s i -c a l t o i l , or weakened by what was supposed to be t h e i r v i c i o u s 50 mode of l i f e . P l a i n l y , white Montgomerians were i l l - i n f o r m e d on t h i s matter, and on others as w e l l . E s p e c i a l l y i n 1917, S e l e c t i v e Service p u b l i c i t y made a v a i l a b l e a great deal of i n -formation about black Montgomery. I t seems,-"though, that a-part from reading amusing anecdotes white Montgomerians were by and l a r g e content to remain i n ignorance of the other Mont-gomery. Another, perhaps more i n t e r e s t i n g development, was the growth of community o r g a n i z a t i o n i n black Montgomery. At the beginning of the war there was a p a u c i t y of black organiza-t i o n s — t h e churches (some of which were very important) being the most s i g n i f i c a n t . The demands of a war fought i n an atmosphere of segregation l e d to the formation of such groups as the Colored Comfort Committee, the black Red Cross u n i t , and the ad-hoc committees f o r the Manpower Day c e l e b r a t i o n . These or g a n i z a t i o n s gave i n t e r e s t e d blacks a focus f o r community a c t i v i t i e s . In a d d i t i o n , they provided black leaders with an opportunity to e x e r c i s e t h e i r t a l e n t s on a l a r g e r scale than before, and i n c i d e n t a l l y to increase t h e i r p r e s t i g e . Along with t h i s wartime a c t i v i t y came some signs of an increased sense 121. of group s e l f - a w a r e n e s s — o f community, i n f a c t . The exigencies of the war e f f o r t , and. the i n t e r m i t t e n t concern of the whites, helped make blacks aware of t h e i r important r o l e i n the l i f e of the c i t y . The s u c c e s s f u l launching of a new black newspaper i n the f a l l of 1917 was evidence of t h i s t r e n d , as, i n a d i f -f erent way, was the formation of a chapter of the N.A.A.C.P. i n 51 the s p r i n g of 1918. Like other hopeful trends of the war p e r i o d , however, these had no l a s t i n g s i g n i f i c a n c e . The N.A.A.C.P. chapter remained small and co n s e r v a t i v e , and the Emancipator died quietriyy. a few years a f t e r the war. Outside of war-related a c t i v i t i e s the conservative black leaders had few p u b l i c uses f o r t h e i r s k i l l s . Thus f o r black Montgomery i n t e r n a l l y as w e l l as i n i t s r e l a t i o n s w i t h the white community, the war e f f o r t , strenuous as i t was f o r some, u l t i m a t e l y had very l i t t l e s i g n i -f i c a n c e . In a phrase, f o r black Montgomerians the war e f f o r t l e d to a dead end. In sum, S e l e c t i v e Service (and the war e f f o r t g e n e r a l l y ) made no d i s c e r n i b l e impression on the patterns of black-white r e l a t i o n s i n Montgomery. This s t a s i s i n race r e l a t i o n s was not due to a conscious r e s i s t a n c e to the forces of change, but to an almost impenetrable conservatism on the part of both blacks and whites. The s p i r i t of u n i t y and democracy repr e -sented i n S e l e c t i v e Service d i d not arouse black Montgomerians to s t r u g g l e f o r the r i g h t s that were unquestionably t h e i r s . . Neither d i d i t cause white Montgomerians to re-examine t h e i r consciences concerning the j u s t i c e of white supremacy. The two races accomplished the business of war r a t h e r w e l l , but throughout the process segregation, and the s o c i a l distance be-122. tween blacks and whites, remained, as dominant as ever. 123. NOTES: CHAPTER IV George G. Bradford, "Save," C r i s i s (May 1918), p. 1. Any number of s i m i l a r statements could be c i t e d . Even the " r a d i -c a l " W.E.B. DuBois was caught up i n the wartime s p i r i t . See, f o r example, h i s often-quoted e d i t o r i a l "Close Ranks," C r i s i s ( J u l y 1918), p. 111. The depth of DuBois' d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t a f t e r the war was the measure of the height of h i s hopes during i t . 2 3 4 5 6 7 Second Report, pp. 237-238. J o u r n a l , June 26, 1918. I b i d . A d v e r t i s e r , June 28, 1918. A d v e r t i s e r , May 22, 1918. J o u r n a l , May 28; A d v e r t i s e r May 29, 1918. Q A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 5, 1918. a v J o u r n a l , J u l y 3, 1918. 1 0 A d v e r t i s e r , J u l y 5, 1918. 1 1 Besides the Rotary Club and the Chamber . of.. Commerce, white Montgomery, had dozens of other,clubs, and o r g a n i z a t i o n s , each d e s i r i n g to c o n t r i b u t e something, to the war e f f o r t . These a c t i v i t i e s ranged from the d e c i s i o n of labor unions to make Labor Day 1918 "not a l o a f i n g day, but a working day," to the request of. the United Daughters of the Confederacy that a b e l l be rung each day to remind people to pray to "God of Hosts, Commander of the F a i t h f u l " f o r v i c t o r y . (Times, September 2, 1918 and J u l y 10, 1918.) The contrast w i t h black Montgomery, which had nowhere near as many such groups, emphasized the importance of o r g a n i z a t i o n i n community a c t i o n . 1918 12 13 •14 15 16 17 A d v e r t i s e r , August 2, 1918. A d v e r t i s e r , August 18,23, 1918. Emancipator, March 9, 1918. New York Times, SeptemberM; A d v e r t i s e r , September 8 J o u r n a l , August 27, 1918. Times, September 12, 1918. 124 . 18 A d v e r t i s e r , September 7,. 1918 • 19 This cooperation between white and black leaders was arguably the high point of race r e l a t i o n s during the war. Cody's l e t t e r to Tulane thanking him (and through him a l l black c i t i z e n s ) f o r t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the parade, was quite s i n -cere, i f not eloquent. In the l e t t e r (published i n the Emanci- pator , September 21, 1918) Cody addressed Tulane as "Mr.," and " S i r , " and closed with "very t r u l y yours," phrases of respect which no doubt gave Tulane a great deal of s a t i s f a c t i o n . (See Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma; The Negro Problem and  Modern Democracy (New York, 1944), I , pp. 611-612, f o r comments on the s i g n i f i c a n c e of such courtesy t i t l e s . ) However, t h i s was not much of a "high p o i n t " i n anybody's terms, and the con-t e x t of r i g i d segregation made t h i s few days' cooperation among a few people almost i n s i g n i f i c a n t ' . 20 A d v e r t i s e r , September 7, 1918. 21 A d v e r t i s e r , September 12, 1918. 22 A d v e r t i s e r , September 11, 1918. J A d v e r t i s e r , September 13, 1918. 24 A d v e r t i s e r , August 1, 1918. J A d v e r t i s e r , September 22, 1918. 26 Richard E. Wood, "The South and Reunion," H i s t o r i a n (November 1970), p. 430. 27 Evidence of n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t i n the a t t i t u d e s of the South may be seen i n such a r t i c l e s as "Nationalism i n the South," "The South and the Nation," and "Sentiment i n the South," a l l of which appeared i n the Outlook about the time of the d e c l a r a -t i o n of war. 28 29 30 A d v e r t i s e r , June 6, 1917 J o u r n a l , June 6, 1917. Some of the older people i n i t i a l l y had r e s e r v a t i o n s about the presence of so many Yankees; many young people (e.g. Zelda Sayre, who met Scott F i t z g e r a l d while he was s t a t i o n e d at Camp Sheridan) were glad to welcome them. See Nancy M i l f o r d , Zelda, A Biography (New York, 1970),. pp. 19ff. 31 Wilson's message, which was deeply appreciated by the bl a c k s , can be found i n Messages and Papers, I , pp. 206-208. The e d i t o r i a l voice of Montgomery had not been so tardy i n speaking out against t h i s crime. 32 Quoted i n The American Negro Reference Book (Englewood C l i f f s , 1966), p. 77-125. ^3 J J E a r l E. Thorpe, The Mind of the Negro (Westport, 1970), p. 206. 34 See J.L. and H.N. Scheiber, "The Wilson A d m i n i s t r a t i o n and the Wartime M o b i l i z a t i o n of Black Americans, 1917-18," Labor H i s t o r y (Summer 1969)', pp. 433-438. 35 Negro Year Book 1Q18-1919 (Tuskegee, 1919), p. 46 3 6 E v i d e n t l y a l o f t y s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . Cf. Malcom L i t t l e , The Autobiography of Malcolm X (New York, 1965), p. 5. The occupations of Manpower Day committee members included m a i l c a r r i e r , harnessmaker, barber, and p o r t e r , as w e l l as business-men and preachers. See A d v e r t i s e r , September 7, 1918 (names i d e n t i f i e d i n the 1917 Montgomery c i t y d i r e c t o r y . ) 3 7 J o u r n a l , June 21, i917. 3 8 A d v e r t i s e r , August 2, 1918. 39 J o u r n a l , January 2, 1918. 40 Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma, I I , p. 711. 4 l I b i d . , p. 724. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between V i c t o r Tulane and Michael Cody i s an e x c e l l e n t example of t h i s phenomenon. -42 Gerald A. McWorter and Robert L. C r a i n , "Subcommunity G l a d i t o r i a l Competition: C i v i l Rights Leadership as a Competi-t i v e Process," i n Norval D. Glenn-and Charles M. Bojean, eds., Blacks i n the United States (San F r a n c i s c o , 1969), PP• 155, 158. 43 Pete D a n i e l , "Up from Slavery and Down to Peonage: the Alonzo B a i l e y Case," J . Am. H i s t . (December 1970), p. 658. 44 Beverly's l i f e and work are discussed i n Robert G. Sherer, "John W i l l i a m Beverly: Alabama's F i r s t Negro H i s t o r i a n , " A l a . Rev. ( J u l y 1973), pp. 194-208. lie: J A d v e r t i s e r , September 7, 8, 1918. 46 Emancipator, September 7, 1918. 4 7 "The Black S o l d i e r , " C r i s i s (June 1918), p. 60. 48 For example, see the speech of P r i n c i p a l Moton of Tuskegee, quoted i n Work, p. 45. ^ 9 Myrdal, I , p. 40. 50 A d v e r t i s e r , August 5; J o u r n a l , August 12, 1917. 51 Emancipator, September 7, 1918. The white newspapers paid no a t t e n t i o n to the new o r g a n i z a t i o n . 126. V. Conclusion S e l e c t i v e Service i n Montgomery was both a success and. a f a i l u r e . What i t accomplished was n a t u r a l l y of more immediate s i g n i f i c a n c e ; the d r a f t was a v i t a l element i n the war e f f o r t . Yet what S e l e c t i v e Service d i d not accomplish, i n terms of l o c a l s o c i e t y , i s perhaps of more i n t e r e s t h i s t o r i c a l l y , as a means of i n s i g h t i n t o the q u a l i t y of race r e l a t i o n s i n the heyday of segregation. As a m i l i t a r y i n s t i t u t i o n , S e l e c t i v e Service was a t h o r -oughgoing success i n Montgomery. There was a j u s t and e f f i c i e n t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of c o n s c r i p t i o n , u n d i s t o r t e d by r a c i a l d i s c r i m -i n a t i o n . The l o c a l board members brought t h e i r knowledge of l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s , as w e l l as t h e i r sympathy and common sense, to bear on the d e c i s i o n s they had to make. Their understanding of the S e l e c t i v e Service law was complete, t h e i r f a i r n e s s i n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n unquestioned. The record of the Montgomery l o c a l board (as w e l l as those of hundreds of others) f o r c e -f u l l y v i n d i c a t e d General Crowder's t r u s t i n the i n t e l l i g e n c e and honesty of ordinary Americans. Furthermore, the range and depth of p u b l i c support, f o r the d r a f t , and the u t i l i t y of t h i s sup-port i n the o f f i c i a l operations of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , demon-s t r a t e d Crowder's wisdom i n what was i n e f f e c t an appeal f o r community p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Indeed, from the point of view of the War Department, one might even have chosen Montgomery as an exemplary model of S e l e c t i v e Service i n a c t i o n . The f a i l u r e of S e l e c t i v e Service was as an agent of com-munity change. I t i s understandable that the i n f l a t e d hopes of 127. some blacks were not r e a l i z e d ; S e l e c t i v e Service could work no magic on American s o c i e t y . But even the more modest hopes of black Montgomerians proved to be ov e r l y o p t i m i s t i c . For a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes. S e l e c t i v e Service and the war e f f o r t i n general produced no improvement i n race r e l a t i o n s i n Montgomery. S e l e c t i v e Service was f a r from being a challenge to Montgomery's conservative framework of segregation. Instead,, i r o n i c a l l y enough., i t provided an object l e s s o n i n how w e l l the races could work together w i t h i n that framework. S e l e c t i v e Service was an i n s t i t u t i o n f o r which the p a r t i -c i p a t i o n of both races was undeniably important, both as I n -d i v i d u a l s ( i n the case of young men) and as part of the p u b l i c support on which the success of the d r a f t r e s t e d . This common p a r t i c i p a t i o n was i t s e l f s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r , outside of other war-related agencies, whites and blacks i n Montgomery had almost no i n s t i t u t i o n a l contact. S e l e c t i v e Service provided a r a r e opportunity f o r Montgomerians of both races to work together toward a common goal: the success of the d r a f t . Their "working together," of course, was always q u a l i f i e d by segregation. Nevertheless, i t was, as such things go, segregation i n perhaps i t s l e a s t odious form. In the case of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e , blacks were acknowledged to have a stake i n an important p u b l i c i n s t i -t u t i o n . The importance of black involvement was e x p l i c i t l y recognized by white o f f i c i a l s and community le a d e r s . For a wh i l e , black Montgomery emerged from i n v i s i b i l i t y to become, i f not part of a uni t e d Montgomery community, then at l e a s t an element i n the c i t y ' s l i f e worthy of serious c o n s i d e r a t i o n . In s p e c i a l circumstances, and always w i t h i n the r a t h e r severe l i m -i t s imposed by segregation, white Montgomery recognized black Montgomery as a partner i n the war e f f o r t . However, the s p i r i t of f r a t e r n i t y which some perceived i n S e l e c t i v e Service f a i l e d to penetrate Montgomery's deep-rooted conservatism i n race r e l a t i o n s . Despite the high hopes which some had had f o r i t , Selec t i v e Service i n Montgomery was only segregation at i t s b e s t — and nothing more. SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES—MONTGOMERY Montgomery A d v e r t i s e r , 1917-1919 Montgomery J o u r n a l , 1917-1919 Montgomery Times, 1917-1919 The Emancipator (Montgomery), 1917-1919 The Colored Alabamian, 1914-1915 At the Alabama Department of Archives and H i s t o r y , Montgomery: C l i p p i n g f i l e . Miscellaneous c o l l e c t i o n of r e g u l a t i o n booklets (with explanatory m a t e r i a l ) and forms, used by Montgomery C i t y Board. Photostats of S e l e c t i v e Service records: Form 101, New Form 101, Form 164-A, and Form 1029.' Alabama. Adjutant General. Quadrennial Report, of the Adjutant  General. Montgomery: Brown Co., 1923. Alabama. State Council of Defense. Report of the Alabama Coun- c i l of Defense. Montgomery: Brown Co., 1919-Hart, Hastings H. S o c i a l Problems of Alabama. Montgomery: Sage Foundation^ 1918-. Murphy, Edgar Gardner. The Present South. New York: Macmil-an, 1904. Owen, Marie B., comp. Alabama O f f i c i a l and S t a t i s t i c a l Regis- t e r 1919- Montgomery: Brown Co., 1920. Polk (R.L.) (Firm). Montgomery C i t y D i r e c t o r y 1917. Birming-ham: R.L. Polk, 1917. Society of Pioneers of Montgomery. A H i s t o r y of- Montgomery i n P i c t u r e s . Montgomery: the So c i e t y , 1963-S t r e e t , J u l i a n . "A Day i n Montgomery," C o l l i e r s , 59 (March 17, 1917), PP. 7-9, 31. OTHER PRIMARY SOURCES Baker, Newton D. "Newton D. Baker on Executive Influence i n M i l i t a r y L e g i s l a t i o n , " American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, 50 (September 1956), pp. 701-702. Bradford, George. "Save," C r i s i s , 16 (May 1918), p. 1. Crowder, Enoch H. The S p i r i t of S e l e c t i v e S e r v i c e . New York: Century, 1920. DuBois, W.E.B. [ E d i t o r i a l s i n C r i s i s , 16, July-September 19.18.] "German P l o t s Among the Negroes," L i t e r a r y Digest, 54 ( A p r i l 21, 1917) , p. 1153. House, Edward M. The Intimate Papers of Colonel House, ed. by Charles Seymour. London: Ernest Benn, 1926. V o l s . I I and I I I . "How the Draft W i l l Work," L i t e r a r y D i g est , 54 (June 2, 1917), pp. 1683-1685. Johnson, Hugh S. The Blue Eagle, From Egg to E a r t h . New York: Doubleday, 1935-Lathrop, J u l i a C. " P r o v i s i o n of Care f o r the F a m i l i e s and De-pendents of S o l d i e r s and S a i l o r s , " Proceedings of the  American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l Science, V I I . , 1917-1918, pp.796 0-807• Lynde, Charles C. " M o b i l i z i n g 'Rastus,'" Outlook, 118 (March 13, 1918) , pp. 412-417. "Negro C o n s c r i p t i o n , " New Republic, 12 (October 20, 1917), PP• 317-318. New York Times. 1917-1919-S c o t t , Emmett J . The American Negro i n the World War. Chicago, 1919; r e p r i n t e d New York: Arno Press, 1969. . Negro M i g r a t i o n During the War. New York: Oxford U.P., 1920. Snow, Gordon. " R e f l e c t i o n s of a Draft-Board Man," A t l a n t i c , 122 (August 1918), pp. 196-211. U.S. Bureau of Education. Negro Education; A Study of the P r i v a t e and Higher Schools f o r Colored People i n the United  States. Washington: G.P.O., 1917. 2 v o l . U.S. Bureau of the Census. H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s of the United  Sta t e s , C o l o n i a l Times to 1957. Washington: G.P.O., i960. 131. . T h i r t e e n t h Census of the United States. Washington: G.P.O., 1913. U.S. Congress. Congressional Record. S i x t y - f i f t h Congress, F i r s t Session. U.S. Provost Marshal General. F i n a l Report Made to the Secretary of War by the Provost Marshal General...March 17,  1866. Washington: G.P.O., 1866. U.S. Provost Marshal General's Bureau. F i n a l Report of the Pro- vost Marshal General to the Secretary of War on the Opera- t i o n s of the S e l e c t i v e Service System to J u l y 15, 1919-Washington: G.P.O., 1920. . Report of the Provost Marshal General to the Secretary of War on the F i r s t Draft Under the S e l e c t i v e Service Act,  1917- Washington: G.P.O., 1918 . . Second Report of the Provost Marshal General to the Secretary of War oh the Operations of the S e l e c t i v e Service  System to December 20, 1918. Washington: G.P.O., 1919-. S e l e c t i v e Service Regulations. (Second E d i t i o n , 1918). Washington: G.P.O., 1918. "Volunteers, C o n s c r i p t i o n , and Democracy," L i t e r a r y Digest, 54 ( A p r i l 21, 1917), PP. 1147-1149. "War For Democracy," L i t e r a r y . D i g e s t , 54 ( A p r i l 14, 1917), pp. 1043-1045. White, Walter F. "Work or Fight i n the South," New Republic, 18 (March 1, 1919), pp. 144-146. Wilson, Woodrow, The Messages and Papers, of Woodrow Wilson, edit e d by A l b e r t Shaw. New York: Review of Reviews, 1924. 2 v o l s . Work, Monroe N., ed. 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Baker and the American War E f - f o r t , 1917-1918"; L i n c o l n : U. of Nebraska Press, 1966. B e l l , H.C.F. Woodrow Wilson and the People. Garden C i t y : Doubleday, 1945-Chambers, John Whiteclay. Draftees or Volunteers. New York: Garland, 1975. Coffman, Edward M. The War to End A l l Wars. New York: Ox-f o r d u.p., 1968. Cooley, Charles H. S o c i a l Organization; a Study of the Larger  Mind. .New York: S c r i b n e r , 1910. D a n i e l , Pete. "Up From Slavery and Down to Peonage: The Alonzo B a i l e y Case," Journa l of American H i s t o r y , 57 (December 1970), pp. 654-673-Davis, John P., ed. The American Negro Reference Book. Engle-wood C l i f f s : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1966. De Weerd, Harvey A. President Wilson F i g h t s His War. New York: Macmillan, 1968. Dickinson, John. The B u i l d i n g of an Army. New York: Century, 1922. Eaves, Richard Glenn. 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