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Empress Wei, Consort Shang-Kuan and the political conflicts in the reign of Chung-Tsung Tang, Karen Kai-Ying 1975

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EMPRESS WEI,. CONSORT SHANG-KUAN & THE POLITICAL CONFLICTS IN THE REIGN OF CHUNG-TSUNG by KAREN KAI-YTNG TANG B.A., N a t i o n a l Taiwan Normal U n i v e r s i t y , 1969 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of A s i a n S t u d i e s We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1 9 7 5 In presenting th i s thesis in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary shal l make it f ree ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thes is for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permission. Department of A s i a n S t u d i e s The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date n n t n h p y U, 1 975 i i ABSTRACT Female i n t e r v e n t i o n i n government happened from time to time i n Chinese h i s t o r y . The women i n v o l v e d were u s u a l l y e i t h e r ambitious i n d i v i d u a l s who made use of f a v o u r a b l e oppo o p p o r t u n i t i e s to s e i z e p o l i t i c a l power or daughters of powerful f a m i l i e s whose marriages i n t o the I m p e r i a l House were arranged i n order to i n s u r e the power of t h e i r male r e l a t i v e s . I n t r a c i n g the background of these women, we f i n d t h a t the former type o f t e n came from a non-Chinese or lower-c l a s s f a m i l y while the l a t t e r type were u s u a l l y Chinese and i n v a r i a b l y had an a r i s t o c r a t i c background. Although coming from d i f f e r e n t backgrounds these l a d i e s shared the common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c t h a t they were contented w i t h the p o s i t i o n they had as Empress or Empress Dowager. The f u r t h e r ambition of themselves ascending to the throne never o c c u r r e d to them. The cases of female i n t e r v e n t i o n d u r i n g the T'ang p e r i o d were r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t from the above s t e r e o t y p e s . They were a s u c c e s s i o n of ambitious female members of the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y who t r i e d to f o l l o w i n the f o o t s t e p s of Empress Wu i n order to r u l e the country both i n name and i n f a c t . Though none of them d i d succeed, t h e i r ambition and s t r u g g l e was one of the major f a c t o r s t h a t i n f l u e n c e d the p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of the f i r s t h a l f of the e i g h t h century. i i i I n t h i s t h e s i s , I concentrate my study on the s t o r i e s of Empress Wei and Consort Shang-kuan, the two ambitious c o n s o r t s of Emperor Chung-tsung, f o r the purpose of d e f i n i n g the p a r t i c u l a r circumstances which allowed these l a d i e s i n the e a r l y T'ang Court to r e a l i z e t h e i r o p p o r t u n i t e s of s e i z i n g p o l i t i c a l power and the reasons f o r t h e i r f a i l u r e . I n a d d i t i o n to t r a n s l a t i n g the b i o g r a p h i e s of these two l a d i e s from the Old and New T'ang H i s t o r i e s and comparing them wit h the m a t e r i a l i n the T z u - c h i h T'ung-chien and other u.vu.I a v a i l a b l e sources, I t r a c e the background of feminine i n f l u e n c e i n both the I m p e r i a l L i f a m i l y and the T'ang Court. Besides, I a l s o t r y to analyse the c h a r a c t e r of Chung-tsung and o u t l i n e the p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t s i n h i s r e i g n . I n s t u d y i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between female i n t e r v e n t i o n and the p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t s i n the outer c o u r t , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to f i n d t h a t the supporters of Empress Wei i n the outer c o u r t were mainly the a r i s t o c r a t i c group of o f f i c i a l s who had s t r o n g l y opposed the i n t e r v e n t i o n of another female power-seeker, Empress Wu, about h a l f century e a r l i e r . The antagonism between o f f i c i a l s w i t h d i f f e r e n t backgrounds no doubt gave both Empress Wu and Empress Wei v a l u a b l e chances to s e i z e p o l i t i c a l power. liHowever, d i f f e r e n t f a m i l y background and d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l scene d i d not a l l o w Empress Wei to d u p l i c a t e a l l the p o l i c i e s her model, Empress Wu, used to apply. Lack of a b i l i t y to s e l e c t the proper s t r a t e g y f o r i v h e r s e l f caused her f a i l u r e i n the end. Above a l l , i t i s unquestionable t h a t the c o n f l i c t s of i n t e r e s t between d i f f e r e n t groups of o f f i c i a l s i n the outer co u r t and the female i n t e r v e n t i o n of the s t a t e a f f a i r s from the i n n e r court were i n t e r r e l a t e d and dominated the p o l i t i c a l scene of the e a r l y T'ang c o u r t . V CONTENTS CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I I THE BIOGRAPHIES OF EMPRESS WEI 5 I . T r a n s l a t i o n of CTS 51 7a-9b 5 I I . T r a n s l a t i o n of HTS 76 12a-13b 18 CHAPTER I I I THE BIOGRAPHIES OF SHANG-KUAN CHAO-JUNG 2 5 I . T r a n s l a t i o n of CTS 51 9b-10a 25 I I . T r a n s l a t i o n of HTS 76 1 3 b - l 4 a 28 CHAPTER IV THE SOURCE OF POWER OF EMPRESS WEI AND CONSORT SHANG-KUAN 33 I . The Feminine I n f l u e n c e at the T'ang Court 33 A. The T r a d i t i o n a l Feminine I n f l u e n c e i n the L i Fa m i l y 33 B. The Background of Feminine I n f l u e n c e at the T'ang Court 1. S o c i a l ^3 2. P o l i t i c a l — t h e s u c c e s s i o n problem 50 3 . R e l i g i o n 56 k. The I n f l u e n c e of Empress Wu 66 I I . The P o l i t i c a l C o n f l i c t s i n the Outer Court 73 A. The Formation of the "Group of Four F a m i l i e s R e l a t e d 75 by M a r r i a g e — t h e L i , Wu, Wei and Yang F a m i l i e s " 75 B. The Attempt of the Kuan-lung A r i s t o c r a t i c Group t o ? Revive T h e i r P o l i t i c a l Power 80 C. Economic Development and the Merchant Group 87 D. The Antagonism between the Pro & Anti-Empress Wei Bloc 90 v i I I I . The Complaisance of Chung-tsung 9 3 IV. The Ambiguous D e l i m i t a t i o n of the Inner and Outer Court 9 9 CHAPTER V AN ANALYSIS OF THE REASONS. FOR THE. FAILURE -OF EMPRESS WEI 1 0 2 Notes t o Chapter I I 1 1 1 Notes t o Chapter I I I 1 2 9 Notes t o Chapter IV 1 3 6 Notes t o Chapter V 1 6 0 Map I . The C i t y of Ch'ang-an i n the T'ang Dynasty A t end Map I I . The Palac e of Ch'ang-an i n the T'ang Dynasty A t end Map I I I . The C i t y of Lo-yang i n the T'ang Dynasty A t end 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The g l o r i o u s T'ang Dynasty of China i s famous f o r many t h i n g s , such as i t s m u l t i - o r i g i n c u l t u r e , i t s many-s i d e d i n f l u e n c e on nei g h b o u r i n g c o u n t r i e s , i t s newly matured poetry and l i t e r a r y s t y l e . I t i s a l s o famous f o r having had a female sovereign, both i n name and i n f a c t , a phenomenon unique i n Chinese h i s t o r y . Empress Wu was not only the so l e female r u l e r , but a l s o one of the most capable sovereigns i n Chinese h i s t o r y . Her f o r t y years of s o v e r e i g n t y t o g e t h e r w i t h the p r e c e d i n g r e i g n of the h e r o i c T ' a i - t s u n g and the f o l l o w i n g r e i g n of the t a l e n t e d Hsuan-tsung, c o n s t i t u t e the h i g h p o i n t s of the T'ang Dynasty. Yet her t a l e n t and achievements were by no means unique and as an ambitious female power-seeker she was n e i t h e r the f i r s t nor the l a s t at the T'ang Court. E s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g the p e r i o d r i g h t a f t e r the r e i g n of Empress Wu, there were s e v e r a l l a d i e s whose ambition was to f o l l o w i n her f o o t s t e p s . Among these l a d i e s , Empress Wei, w i t h the a s s i s t a n c e of Gonsort Shang-kuan, was the one who almost reached her g o a l . Though there were women who i n t e r f e r e d i n the government, 2 u s u a l l y an.empress dowager or an empress, i n other Chinese d y n a s t i e s , they were e i t h e r e x c e p t i o n a l i n d i v i d u a l s or puppets r e p r e s e n t i n g the i n t e r e s t s of powerful o f f i c i a l s . The former type o r d i n a r i l y o c c u r r e d as the r e s u l t of the combination of f a v o u r a b l e o p p o r t u n i t i e s and the p o l i t i c a l a mbition of an empress or empress dowager. U s u a l l y the empress or empress dowager of t h i s type was from a non-Chinese or l o w e r - c l a s s f a m i l y ; f o r example, the Empress Dowager L u of Western Han f "the Empress Tu-ku of S u i and the Empress Dowager T z ' u - h s i of Ch'ing e t c . . The l a t t e r type always happened when the s o v e r e i g n t y was under the c o n t r o l of c e r t a i n powerful f a m i l i e s . The male members of these f a m i l i e s used marriage as a way of i n s u r i n g t h e i r continued remaining i n power. The empresses or empress dowagers of t h i s type were u s u a l l y Chinese and were i n v a r i a b l y from an a r i s t o c r a t i c backgr/o.urid. However, they were merely t o o l s of the ambitious males of t h e i r f a m i l i e s . The s u c c e s s i v e Empress Dowagers i n the E a s t e r n Han are the best examples. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c which the above mentioned two types of females had i n common was t h a t they were a l l contented w i t h the p o s i t i o n s they had. The f u r t h e r ambition of ascending t o the throne themselves never o c c u r r e d to them. The female i n t e r v e n t i o n d u r i n g the T'ang p e r i o d c o u l d not be c l a s s i f i e d i n t o e i t h e r of the above mentioned types. 3 Although the c h a r a c t e r of Empress Wu's i n t e r f e r e n c e resembled the f i r s t type, the f a c t t h a t she had a s u c c e s s i o n of ambitious i m i t a t e r s made i t , by no means, a t y p i c a l case. Besides, Empress Wu and a l l her successors were from n e i t h e r non-Chinese nor l o w e r - c l a s s f a m i l i e s . From t h i s p o i n t of view, s i n c e the women i n v o l v e d i n such a c t i v i t i e s d u r i n g the T'ang p e r i o d were a l l from Chinese a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l i e s or even the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y , they might seem to resemble the second type. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e i r marriages were not p u r p o s e l y arranged by t h e i r male k i n i n order to m a i n t a i n the p o s i t i o n and power of t h e i r f a m i l y . T h e r e f o r e , i n s t e a d of b e i n g c o n t r o l l e d by the male members of t h e i r own f a m i l y , as the other women of the second type were, the ambitious female power-seekers d u r i n g the T'ang u s u a l l y put a l l the male r e l a t i v e s under t h e i r command. Above a l l , the f i n a l aim of the female power-seekers, i n c l u d i n g Empresses, P r i n c e s s e s e t c . , i n T'ang was the throne and s o v e r e i g n t y i n name and i n f a c t . The p o s i t i o n of Empress Dowager, P r i n c e s s e t c . was merely a stage i n t h e i r s t r u g g l e to success. Since the phenomenon of female i n t e r v e n t i o n d u r i n g T'ang p e r i o d was so d i f f e r e n t from t h a t of other d y n a s t i e s , I t h i n k i t i s worth some a t t e n t i o n i n the f i e l d of Chinese h i s t o r y . I n t h i s t h e s i s , I would l i k e to take Empress Wei and Consort Shang-kuan as examples i n order t o analyse the circumstances which allowed these l a d i e s i n the e a r l y T'ang Court t o r e a l i z e t h e i r o p p o r t u n i t i e s of s e i z i n g p o l i t i c a l power and the reasons f o r t h e i r f a i l u r e . CHAPTER I I THE BIOGRAPHIES OF EMPRESS WEI I . T r a n s l a t i o n of CTS 5 1 7 a - 9 b (The Empress) of Chung-tsung f % , Commoner Wei was a n a t i v e of Wan-nien $j of the C a p i t a l D i s t r i c t (Ching-chao k- ^ ) . Her grandfather Hung-piao $A h e l d the post of C o l o n e l of the Guard (Tien-chun ^ ) i n the Palac e of P r i n c e Ts'ao (Ts'ao-wang Fu * £ M ) d u r i n g the Chen-kuan it MJ p e r i o d . Chung-tsung took her as h i s Consort while he was Heir-Apparent. Hence her f a t h e r Hsuan-chen t I , the A d m i n i s t r a t o r (Ts'an-chun kr ^ ) of P'u-chou ,3 was promoted t o he Governor of Yu-chou (Yu-chou T Z«u-shih it n\ i\ i t ) . k I n the f i r s t year of Ssu-sheng ffll %L (68^ A.D.),^ she was made Empress. I n the same year, Chung-tsung was f o r c e d t o a b d i c a t e . ^ The Empress f o l l o w e d Chung-tsung to h i s p l a c e of banishment i n Fang-chou % #| J At t h a t time Chung-tsung was so a f r a i d t h a t he c o u l d not c o n t r o l h i m s e l f . Whenever he heard t h a t there was a messenger coming from the court, he became so f r i g h t e n e d t h a t he even attempted s u i c i d e . The Empress ad v i s e d the P r i n c e (Chung-tsungJ, " F a i l u r e and success, f o r t u n e and 6 m i s f o r t u n e are i n t e r r e l a t e d . What constancy i s there i n them? No one can a v o i d dying once. Why you are i n such a hurry!" I n s h a r i n g d i f f i c u l t and dangerous circumstances f o r y e a r s , t h e i r a f f e c t i o n s became deeply u n i t e d . [Empress Wei] had borne the Heir-Apparent I - t e ^ -3- ^ and the f o u r p r i n c e s s e s Yung-hui [ s i c ] ? Yung-shou i f , 1 0 Ch'ang-ning -k. ? 1 1 and A n - l o £ £ , 1 2 The A n - l o P r i n c e s s was the youngest. When she was born i n Fang-chou, the Emperor took o f f h i s own robe and wrapped her i n i t . So he named her " L i t t l e Bundle" (Kuo-erh & ) and showed s p e c i a l 13 favour to her. When Chung-tsung was a g a i n appointed Heir-Apparent, he made Empress Wei Consort once more. At t h a t time, Shang-kuan -h f , the Chao-jung gS M- [ c o n s o r t of Chung-tsung] , o f t e n urged the Empress to f o l l o w the precedent of Empress Wu. T h e r e f o r e Empress Wei sent a memorial a s k i n g t h a t there be a three y e a r s ' mourning p e r i o d f o r a d i v o r c e d mother among a l l the o f f i c i a l s and commoners i n the Empire. I n a d d i t i o n , she asked t h a t among the common people twenty-three be made the age of adulthood ( t i n g J ), and f i f t y - n i n e the age f o r exemption from government s e r v i c e ( i . She t r i e d t o change the government r e g u l a t i o n s i n order t o win p o p u l a r i t y . Her r e r e q u e s t s were a l l p e r m i t t e d by the Emperor. When they were i n Fang-chou, the Emperor always t o l d the Empress t h a t once they were f r e e to see the sun and sky, 7 he swore t h a t he would, not r e s t r a i n her. A f t e r a t t a i n i n g the promised p o s i t i o n , she was l u r e d by the c o r r u p t speech of Shang-kuan, and brought Wu San-ssu ^ — \? i n t o the P a l a c e . He climbed onto the I m p e r i a l bed and p l a y e d the game of "shuang-lu" fifb ^ w i t h the Empress. The Emperor c a l c u l a t e d t a l l i e s f o r them f o r h i s amusement. D i s g r a c e f u l sounds c o u l d be heard from o u t s i d e everyday. (The Emperor] a l s o l e t a g r e a t number of court l a d i e s go out of the P a l a c e . Even the c o n s o r t s were allowed to l e a v e the Palace at times. Shang-kuan and the other c o n s o r t s who were favoured by the Emperor a l l s e t up t h e i r houses o u t s i d e of the P a l a c e . T h e i r e n t e r i n g and l e a v i n g the Palace were u n r e s t r i c t e d . Those among the court o f f i c i a l s who were trea c h e r o u s and cunning watched f o r the c o n s o r t s and u n r e s t r a i n e d l y had f a m i l i a r d e a l i n g s w i t h them, begging f o r 17 rewards or ranks i n order t o a t t a i n important p o s t s . A t t h a t time the P r e s i d e n t of the C h a n c e l l e r y ( S h i h -chung ^ f ) Ching Hui $ L « f pplanned to remove the Wus. Wu San-ssu was w o r r i e d by t h i s , t h e r e f o r e he a l l i e d h i m s e l f w i t h 19 Lady Shang-kuan l o o k i n g t o her f o r support. y Hence he r e c e i v e d favour from the Empress and s t e a l t h i l y entered the P a l a c e i n order to make p l o t s . Consequently, he h i n t e d to the c o u r t o f f i c i a l s t h a t they should g i v e the Emperor the h o n o r i f i c t i t l e of "The Responding to Heaven Emperor" (Ying-t ' i e n Huang-1i J% A. X. ~f ) and the Empress the t i t l e of 8 "The Conforming t o Heaven Empress" (Shun-t'ien Huang-hou JIH X. JL fa ).^° The Emperor and Empress v i s i t e d the I m p e r i a l A n c e s t r a l Temple (T'ai-miao ) i n person t o announce 21 t h e i r thanks f o r r e c e i v i n g those h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s . H e n ceforth San-ssu was arrogant and b o l d i n e x e r c i s i n g a u t h o r i t y . Ching Hui and Wang T'ung-chiao ±. \% 3X^ were l i q u i d a t e d one a f t e r another. The whole Empire l a i d the blame on the Empress. At t h a t time the Empress was bestowing favo u r s on her r e l a t i v e s . A l l those who had maternal or p a t e r n a l k i n s h i p r e l a t i o n s w i t h her were granted t i t l e s or appointed t o 23 p o s t s . They were d i s t r i b u t e d among a l l the important p o s t s . J I n a d d i t i o n she wanted t o e s t a b l i s h the An-lo P r i n c e s s i n s p e c i a l f a v o u r . T h e r e f o r e she ordered the c r e a t i o n of a s t a f f f o r the P r i n c e s s e s . ^ The T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s X. "f ^ J enjoyed the same p e r q u i s i t e s as the P r i n c e s of the blood. The s t a f f s of Ch'ang-ning and An-lo P r i n c e s s e s l a c k e d only the post of C h i e f A d m i n i s t r a t o r (Chang-shih ) (^from the establishment of P r i n c e s of the blood] . The p e r q u i s i t e s of the I-ch'eng "3-.$K^ and other P r i n c e s s e s were d i m i n i s h e d to h a l f of those of the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s because they had not been borne by the Empress. The An-lo P r i n c e s s took advantage of her be i n g a f a v o u r i t e and was arrogant and u n r e s t r a i n e d . She s o l d o f f i c i a l 27 p o s t s and r e c e i v e d b r i b e s f o r l i t i g a t i o n s . ' The whole court 9 bowed before her power. She used to d r a f t e d i c t s and i m p e r i a l orders by h e r s e l f , and then, c o v e r i n g the words, asked the Emperor to s i g n them. The Emperor laughed and d i d what she asked without r e a d i n g or examining (the d r a f t s ] . She a l s o asked to have h e r s e l f appointed as H e i r e s s (Huang-1' a i - n u 1 A t ). ' Although the Emperor d i d not permit (her request] , he d i d not reprimand her e i t h e r . A l l the o f f i c i a l s whom the An-lo P r i n c e s s appointed f o r her own s t a f f were of humble o r i g i n and without the r e q u i s i t e s k i l l s f o r t h e i r p o s t s . She a l s o e x t e n s i v e l y b u i l t 29 d w e l l i n g s which were e x c e s s i v e l y w a s t e f u l and extravagant. 7 Ch'ang-ning and other p r i n c e s s e s i m i t a t e d her one a f t e r 30 another. The whole Empire groaned w i t h resentment f o r t h i s . I n the t h i r d year of Shen-lung f f %L ( 7 0 7 ) . 3 1 a f t e r the Heir-Apparent Chien-min if ^ ^ d i e d , Tsung Ch'u-k'e if; 32 J l e d a l l the o f f i c i a l s sending a memorial a s k i n g t h a t the o h o n o r i f i c t i t l e of the Empress be made "The Conforming to Heaven to A s s i s t the Emperor Empress" (Shun-t'ien I-sheng Huang-hou A\ K X t & ).33 I n the s p r i n g of the second year of Ching-lung "fil (7H)» the people i n the Inner P a l a c e f e l l i n w i t h the I m p e r i a l wish and f a l s e l y s t a t e d t h a t there were clouds of f i v e c o l o u r s coming out of the Empress* wardrobe c h e s t s . The Emperor had i t drawn by an o f f i c i a l a r t i s t and showed to the Court. He 10 f u r t h e r granted an amnesty to the e n t i r e Empire and bestowed " d i s t r i c t t i t l e s " (i-hao £, $L) upon the mothers and wives of a l l the o f f i c i a l s . 3 ^ The General of the Brave C a v a l r y of the R i g h t , i n Charge of the D i r e c t i o n of the I m p e r i a l L i b r a r y (Yu Hsiao-wei Chiang-chun Chih-t• a i - s h i h s h i h & #j M £ & ^ 4 ) Chia-yeh Chih-chung i ^ . j | 4s & sent i n a memorial which s a i d : P r e v i o u s l y , before Kao-tsu iff r e c e i v e d the mandate of Heaven, people i n the Empire sang of 'Peach-plum L i ' ( T ' a o - l i Tzu #t £ ) . - ^ Before T ' a i - t s u n g X. £ r e c e i v e d the mandate of Heaven, people i n the Empire sang the music of 'The P r i n c e of C h ' i n B r e a k i n g Through the Ranks' (Ch'in-wang P* o-chen-yueh ^ M ) Before Kao-tsung i% %\ r e c e i v e d the mandate of Heaven, people i n the Empire sang of ' M a j e s t i c a l l y at the Side' (T'se T ' a n g - f a n g ± £. ) . 3 8 Before 'The Queen of Heaven" (T'ien-hou X. £i ) [Empress WuJ r e c e i v e d the mandate of Heaven, people i n the Empire sang of 'Charming Miss Wu' (Wu Mei-niang ^ ^| ik.) I t i s my humble o p i n i o n t h a t before 'The Responding t o Heaven Emperor' r e c e i v e d the mandate of Heaven, people i n the Empire sang of 'The P r i n c e of Y i n g at Shih-chou' (Ying-wang Shih-chou X X X\ ).^° At the time before 'The Conforming Heaven Empress' r e c e i v e d the mandate of Heaven, people i n the Empire sang of 'The Branch of M u l b e r r y - t r e e Wei, I t i s Women's Business' (Sang-t'iao Wei-yeh Nu-hang Everyone inside the 'six directions* (liu-he ^ ), with heads l e v e l and feet stamping, on the occasion of the four seasons and 'eight f e s t i v a l s ' (pa-chieh 'WJ7 ). sings and dances and enjoys themselves together. Can t h i s be spoken of i n the same year as the hundred animals d dancing for the playing nine times of the music of 'Hsiao-shao* | -If? ? ^ I t i s my humble opinion that the Empress i s the s p i r i t of a daughter descended from Heaven. J She i s f i t to be the mother of the state and to take charge of the silkworms and mulberries (the sericulture industry] i n order to tr a n q u i l i z e the Empire. I t i s i n t h i s that the vir t u e of the Empress and Consorts i s f u l f i l l e d . With respect I send i n these twelve verses of 'The Song of the Mulberry Branches' (Sang-t'iao Ke ^ and humbly request to have them proclaimed to the world and . sent into the Music Office (Yueh-fu ) for use on the occasion of the Empress' 'Hsien-ts'an S a c r i f i c e * 3LJ ^  ' t o offer to the ancestors at the Imperial Ancestral Temple. The Emperor was pleased and agreed to his request. He sp e c i a l l y bestowed on Chili-chung an estate and seven hundred "tuan" $L of variegated s i l k . ^ In addition, the Vice-President of the Bureau of Imperial S a c r i f i c e s (T'ai-ch'ang Shao-ch*ing A . ^ ')> $f ) Cheng Y i n tf tt amplified i t and entered i t among 12 l\.Q the dances and chants. He was a l s o h e a v i l y rewarded. y The P r e s i d e n t of the M i n i s t r y of War (Ping-pu Shang-shu £: £f & it ) Tsung Ch'u-k'o a l s o h i n t e d t o the Omissioner (Pu-ch"ueh f$! $| ) Chao Yen-hsi £A J4r to send i n a memorial t o s t a t e the a u s p i c i o u s omen of Heaven's w i l l . - ' 0 I n t h i s he e x p l a i n e d the 51 "Mulberry Branch"aas the amulet of the e i g h t e e n g e n e r a t i o n s and requested t h a t i t be promulgated to the Empire as w e l l as i n c l u d e d i n the h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d s . The Emperor was g r e a t l y p l e a s e d and promoted Yen-hsi to be Remonstrating Censor ( C h i e n - i T a i - f u afc. s4 X. . At t h a t time Shang-kuan Chao-jung, together w i t h her mother, nee Cheng K > and the Shang-kung Consorts \«] IT , nee Ch'ai %~ K\ and He-lou % i: ^ e s t a b l i s h e d and employed 52 t h e i r r e l a t i v e s and f a c t i o n members. They accepted b r i b e s on a l a r g e s c a l e and sent down t h e i r own " e d i c t s w r i t t e n i n bl a c k ink" (mo-ch'ih -if: M ) to make " i r r e g u l a r appointments" (Ksieh-feng#j- M )^ ^° o f f i c e s . Some of those o f f i c i a l s , a l t hough s l a v e s or butchers by o r i g i n , were appointed t o a s u c c e s s i o n of honourable p o s i t i o n s . I n a d d i t i o n , a s o r c e r e s s whose name was Chao M. Ai was i n t r o d u c e d t o go i n and out of the Inner Palace and was c r e a t e d Lady Lung-hsi f-fjj, & A_ . 5^ Her power c o u l d compare w i t h t h a t of the Shang-kuan Consort. I n the w i n t e r of the t h i r d y e a r of Ching-lung ( 7 0 9 ) , the Emperor was go i n g t o "worship (Heaven) p e r s o n a l l y i n the southern suburb" H_, fs] $ ^ ,55J Rlerborroffthe.rtImperial'iUM»versity 1 3 (kuo-tzu C h i - c h i u (g) -3- ) Chu Ch'in-ming JL $ 5 6 and V i c e - r e c t o r (Ssu-yeh Sj % ) Kuo Shan-yun If J J ff- made a p r o p o s a l t h a t the Empress should a l s o a s s i s t at the s a c r i -f i c e . ^ 8 E r u d i t e of the Bureau of I m p e r i a l S a c r i f i c e s ( T ' a i -ch'ang Po-shih A ^ f $ ± ) T'ang Shao/i ^9 and Chiang Ch'in-hsu M $k ^ ° sent i n memorials to oppose t h i s s u g gestion. The V i c e - P r e s i d e n t of the R i g h t of the Department of A f f a i r s of St a t e (Shang-shu Yu P'u-yeh $ 4 ^ -fit M ) Wei Chu-yuan ^ E fo 6 2 c a r e f u l l y e s t a b l i s h e d d e t a i l e d r i t u a l procedures to c a r r y out the I m p e r i a l w i l l i n accordance /To w i t h Ch'in-ming's p r o p o s a l . ^ The Emperor accepted h i s words and made the Empress manage the "second o f f e r i n g " ( y a - h s i e n ). I n a d d i t i o n , the daughters of the Prime M i n i s t e r s ^ were made "La d i e s i n Charge of R i t u a l P r e p a r a t i o n s " ( C h a i -65 n i a n g fM&_) t o h o l d the " s p l i n t - b a s k e t s " ( p ' i e n - t o u j$_ JL ) ) . Chin-ming f u r t h e r intended t o re q u e s t t h a t the An-lo P r i n c e s s h o l d the " ' f i n a l o f f e r i n g " (chung-hsien ) but was f o r c e d 66 t o stop by the c r i t i c i s m of h i s contemporaries. On the n i g h t of the f i f t e e n t h day of the f i r s t month i n the f o u r t h year of Ching-lung ( 7 1 0 ) , the Emperor and Empress went t o the s t r e e t s i n d i s g u i s e t o watch the " l a n t e r n f e s t i v a l " (shao-teng A l L ^ t ) • S e v e r a l thousands of c o u r t l a d i e s were allowed t o wander a t n i g h t t o watch without r e s t r a i n t . Consequently they made use of the o p p o r t u n i t y t o have i n t e r -course w i t h o u t s i d e r s s e c r e t l y and to escape without coming Ik b a c k . 6 7 At t h a t time R e c t o r of the I m p e r i a l U n i v e r s i t y Yeh Ching-neng Jjt. iff It-, who was good at the technique of making i n c a n t a t i o n and taboo, Grand C o u n c i l l o r (San-ch'i Ch'ang-shih $L ^ $ ) Ma Ch'in-k'e ^: %~ who was q u i t e w e l l - t r a i n e d i n medicine, the V i c e - p r e s i d e n t of the Bureau of I m p e r i a l Banquets (kuang-lu Shao-ch'ing TL > ftf ) Yang Chun # 4/ whose d u t i e s i n v o l v e d a r r a n g i n g meals were a l l going i n and out of the P a l a c e o f t e n . Chun and Ch'in-k'e were both favoured (CO by the Empress. T h e i r mothers d i e d one a f t e r another but both of them were ordered t o r e t u r n t o t h e i r o l d p o s t s a f t e r mourning f o r t e n days. At t h a t time the An-lo P r i n c e s s , the I m p e r i a l Son-in-law (Fu-ma 4 ) Wu Yen-hsiu A % P r e s i d e n t of the Chancel-l e r y C h i Ch'u-na.^cL J L 1^ The P r e s i d e n t of the I m p e r i a l S e c r e t a r i a t (Chung-shu L i n g f ^ 4~ ) Tsung Ch'u-k'e, P r e s i d e n t of the Board of A g r i c u l t u r e (Ssu-nung Ch'ing ^ Jt_ ItJ ) Chao Lu-wen ^/IL>Jz. were s u s p i c i o u s of each other and kept changing t h e i r a l l i a n c e s . I n the s i x t h month, the Emperor passed away suddenly, 71 a v i c t i m of p o i s o n . H i s i l l n e s s was t r e a t e d by Ma Ch'in-k'e. P u b l i c o p i n i o n blamed Ch'in-k'e and the An-lo P r i n c e s s . The Empress was f r i g h t e n e d . She kept the news s e c r e t by not making a p u b l i c announcement and brought those who were c l o s e t o her i n t o the Palace i n order t o p l a n a s t r a t e g y f o r her 1 5 s a f e t y . She put the P r e s i d e n t of the M i n i s t r y of J u s t i c e (Hsing-pu Shang-shu *f'J £ ) P ' e i T'an J L 7 3 and the P r e s i d e n t of the M i n i s t r y of P u b l i c Works (Kung-pu Shang-shu -£f \§ ^ ) Chang H s i $L Ml 7^ i n charge of government a f f a i r s and l e f t 7 5" them to p r o t e c t the E a s t e r n C a p i t a l . ^ She a l s o ordered the Grand General of the L e f t of the Chin-wu B i r d Army (Tso Chin-wu Ta-ohiang-chun & £: 4- A M ) ? 6 Chao Ch'eng-en £i & 7 7 and a eunuch, Grand General of the L e f t of the Grard f o r S u r v e i l l a n c e of Gates (Tso Chien-men-wei Ta-chiang-chun A JH, f1 4} A I I ) Hsueh C h ' u n g - c h i e n 7 8 to l e a d an army w i t h f i v e hundred s o l d i e r s t o Yun-chou % -X-j (sic) 7 ^ to prepare f o r any a c t i o n by the P r i n c e of Ch'iao & X , Ch*ung-fu j§) . 8 0 , The Empress and her c o u s i n J u n i o r P r o t e c t o r of the H e i r -Apparent ( T ' a i - t z u Shao-pao A ^~ & ) (Wei) Wen 8 1 s e t t l e d on a p l a n to make Ch'ung-mao i A , the P r i n c e of Wen ^ ' i . , the Heir-Apparent and summoned an army of f i f t y thousand s o l d i e r s from v a r i o u s " m i l i t i a u n i t s " ( f u 7 i ^ ) , d i v i d i n g i t i n t o l e f t and r i g h t "camps" ( y i n g ) s t a t i o n e d at the C a p i t a l . 8 3 A f t e r t h i s , n a t i o n a l mourning was d e c l a r e d . S h a o - t i ^ ^ 8^ (ch'ung-maoj succeeded t o the throne. The Empress was honoured as Empress Dowager and gave audiences as weHaas a d m i n i s t e r e d the government. Wei Wen took f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the army i n s i d e and ou t s i d e of the Pala c e t o p r o t e c t i t . The Imperial Sons-in-law Wei Chieh -f- $L and Wei Cho -f '• 85 took charge of the l e f t and r i g h t "camps" respectively. Wu Yen-hsiu, [Wei] Po , son of a brother of Wei Wen, [WeiJ Hsuan $j% , a cousin of Wei Wen,^ and Kao Ch'ung gj ^  , son OO of a s i s t e r of Wei Wen, administered the Le f t and Right Reathers Forest Guards (Tso Yu Yu-lin-chun & $ ) 8 9 as w e l l as the F l y i n g Cavalrymen (Fei-ch'i ^ .#°f and the Ten-thousand Cavalrymen (Wan-ch'i % .$°f Wei Po and Wei Hsuan, intending to make an early show of force, flogged several soldiers of the Ten-thousand Cavalry-men on the day they took command. Therefore, everyone hated 92 them and was unwi l l i n g to obey t h e i r orders. At that time the whole Capital was frightened. A rumour was spread that a revolution was going to happen. There was an atmosphere of insecurity and people were constantly t a l k i n g together. Under the command of the Prince of L i n - t z u S?o 'Jw , Hsueh Ch'ung-chien If & ft Chung Shao-ching 4t M % and L i u Yu-ch'iu J:'j A & 93 led the Ten-thousand Cavalrymen as we l l as workmen from the Imperial Workshops (Tsung-chien Ting-fu went into the Palace City from the Hstlan-wu Gate £ A f l 95 a n ( j w e n - t -to the Le f t Feathers Forest Guards where they beheaded Generals Wei Hsuan, Wei Po and Colonel Kao Ch'ung inside of t h e i r sleeping tents. Then they severed 96 the bars pf the gates 7 and went i n as far as the Pole Star 17 H a l l ( T ' a i - c h i T i e n A ^ f e J - ^ ) . 9 7 The Empress was a g i t a t e d and t e r r i f i e d . She f l e d i n t o t h e camp of t h e F l y i n g Cavalrymen i n f r o n t o f t h e H a l l where she was k i l l e d by the r e b e l l i n g s o l d i e r s a l o n g w i t h Wu Yen-98 h s i u and the A n - l o P r i n c e s s . The s o l d i e r s of t h e Ten-thousand Cavalrymen were despatched s e p a r a t e l y t o e x t e r m i n a t e the p a r t i s a n s o f Empress Wei. Wei Wen, h i s nephew [Wei] C h i e h , h i s c o u s i n [WeiJ Y i n g 4r Tsung Ch'u-k'e, h i s younger b r o t h e r [Tsung] C h i n - c h ' i n g -f #f , 1 0 0 C h i Ch'u-na it A ity , Ma C h ' i n - k ' e , Yeh Ching-neng, Yang Chun, Chao L u - w e n , 1 0 1 the P r e s i d e n t of t h e C o u r t o f I m p e r i a l I n s i g n i a (Wei-wei C h ' i n g # M\ #f ) Wang Che -L # , t h e P r e s i d e n t o f t h e C o u r t of I m p e r i a l S a c r i f i c e ( T ' a i - c h ' a n g C h ' i n g A 'f Iff ) L i I i ^ , the Deputy C h i e f o f the Department of Works ( C h i a n g - t s o S h a o - c h i a n g $ 4 & % ) L i S h o u - c h i h £ f H and the clansmen of the W e i 1 0 2 and W u 1 0 3 f a m i l i e s , whether young or o l d , were a l l e x e c u t e d . The heads of the Empress and the A n - l o P r i n c e s s were exposed i n t h e " e a s t e r n market" ( t u n g - s h i h ^ - ^ ) .1°^ On the n e x t day, the c o r p s e s of the Empress and t h e P r i n c e s s were g a t h e r e d up and b u r i e d by I m p e r i a l command. The Empress r e c e i v e d the r i t e s of the f i r s t r a n k and was posthumously degraded t o t h e s t a t u s o f "commoner"; the P r i n c e s s r e c e i v e d t h e r i t e s of t h e t h i r d r a n k and was posthumously degraded t o the s t a t u s of a " t r a i t o r o u s commoner" ( p e i - n i s h u - j e n tt-i3L^S>1°^ 18 I I . T r a n s l a t i o n of HTS 7 6 12a-13b The Commoner [Empress] Wei of Chung-tsung was a n a t i v e of Wan-nien of the C a p i t a l t D i s t r i c t . Her g r a n d f a t h e r Hung-p i a o h e l d the post of C o l o n e l of the Guard i n the P a l a c e of P r i n c e Ts'ao d u r i n g the Chen-kuan p e r i o d . The Empress was s e l e c t e d as the Consort [of the f u t u r e Chung-tsung] w h i l e the Emperor was l i v i n g as Heir-Apparent i n the E a s t e r n P a l a c e (Tung Kung J^. % ). I n the b e g i n n i n g of the Ssu-sheng p e r i o d , she was made Empress. A f t e r a short while she was sent t o l i v e at Fang-l i n g w i t h the Emperor. Every time there was a messenger coming, the Emperor was always so f r i g h t e n e d t h a t he even attempted to commit s u i c i d e . The Empress stopped him by s a y i n g "There i s no constancy i n e i t h e r f o r t u n e or m i s f o r t u n e . Death w i l l come sooner or l a t e r . Don't be i n a hurry to r e a c h i t ! " 1 0 ? When the Emperor r e g a i n e d h i s throne, the Empress took charge of the Inner P a l a c e . At t h a t time Shang-kuan Chao-jung was i n t e r f e r i n g i n government a f f a i r s , while Ching Hui and 108 others were -planning to a n n i h i l a t e a l l of the Wus. Alarmed, Wu San-ssu persuaded Chao-jung to p l e a f o r him, and a f t e r succeeding i n o b t a i n i n g favour from the Empress, managed f i n a l l y to p l o t s u c c e s s f u l l y the executions of Hui and h i s p a r t i s a n s . A t f i r s t when the Emperor was f o r c e d to a b d i c a t e and 1 9 was i n e x i l e , he agreed w i t h the Empress t h a t once they were f r e e t o see the sun and sky, they would not r e s t r a i n each other. Hence, hy t h i s time (the Empress] climbed onto the I m p e r i a l bed w i t h San-ssu and gambled. The Emperor c a l c u l a t e d t a l l i e s by t h e i r s i d e without being i r r i t a t e d . San-ssu h i n t e d t o the court o f f i c i a l s t h a t they should give the Empress the h o n o r i f i c t i t l e of "The Conforming to Heaven Empress". She v i s i t e d the I m p e r i a l A n c e s t r a l Temple i n person ( t o show her a p p r e c i a t i o n ] 1 0 9 and gave to her f a t h e r Hsuan-chen the t i t l e of " P r i n c e of Shang-lo P r e f e c t u r e " (Shang-lo Chun-wang -k.'&• ?ff i ) ( s i c ) . 1 1 0 The L e f t Reminder (Tso S h i h - i £ ) C h i a Hsu-chi f A L s t a t e d : 1 1 1 Anyone who does not belong t o the L i f a m i l y and who r e c e i v e s the t i t l e of P r i n c e (wang JE,) w i l l be e x p e l l e d bu the I n o b i l i t y J who signed the form of oath. The dynasty having j u s t been r e s t o r e d , i t i s d r e a d f u l t o grant fav o u r s t o the f a m i l y of the Empress i n such a h u r r y . Needless t o say, the lamentable example of the p r e v i o u s throne i s not f a r away. I f the Empress r e f u s e s a b s o l u t e l y (to accept the t i t l e j , t h i s w i l l convince the whole empire of the modesty of the Inner Palace [Empress]. What a good example she w i l l s e t ! ( H i s words] were not accepted. I n the t h i r d year of Shen-lung (707), the Heir-Apparent Chieh-min gathered an army but was soon d e f e a t e d . Tsung Ch'u-20 k*e l e d a l l the o f f i c i a l s i n a p e t i t i o n t o put " t o A s s i s t the Emperor" (I-sheng -J? ) on the t i t l e [of the Empress) . I t was p e r m i t t e d by an I m p e r i a l e d i c t . I n s i d e the Inner P a l a c e , a f a l s e rumor was spread t h a t there were f i v e - c o l o u r e d clouds r i s i n g from the wardrobe chests of the Empress. The Emperor [had a p i c t u r e of the clouds] drawn and shown t o the Court. He t h e r e f o r e granted an amnesty to the e n t i r e Empire and bestowed " d i s t r i c t t i t l e s " upon the mothers and wives of a l l the o f f i c i a l s . The D i r e c t o r of the I m p e r i a l L i b r a r y ( T ' a i - s h i h A ) Chia-yeh Chih-chung sent i n a memorial w i t h twelve stanzas of [the poem) "The Song of the Mulberry Branches""'""'"3 and s a i d t h a t the Empress should r e c e i v e the mandate of Heaven. He s a i d : Formerly, i n the r e i g n of Kao-tsu, people i n the Empire sang of 'the Peach-plum' ( T ' a o - l i 4fe t- J . 1 1 ^ I n the r e i g n of T ' a i - t s u n g , [they] sang of 'The P r i n c e of C h ' i n B r e a k i n g Through the Ranks (Ch'in-wang P'o-chen). [ i n the reign] of Kao-tsung, [they] sang of 'The Majesty' (T'ang-t'ang jt % I n the r e i g n of 'The Queen of Heaven* (Empress Wu) , [they) sang of 'Charming Miss Wu' (Wu M e i - n i a n g ) . [When] the Emperor r e c e i v e d the mandate, [they] sang of 'The P r i n c e of Y i n g at Shih-chou' (Ying-wang Shih-chou). Now when the Empress r e c e i v e s the mandate of Heaven, [they w i l l ) s i n g of 'The Branch of M u l b e r r y - t r e e Wei' (Sang-t'iao 2 1 Wei ^ 4$: ^ ) i s i n c e t h e v i r t u e o f Empress and o t h e r C o n s o r t s c o n s i s t s i n t a k i n g s p e c i a l c a r e o f the s i l k w o r m s and the m u l b e r r i e s (the s e r i c u l t u r e i n d u s t r y ] and i n s h a r i n g the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of s a c r i f i c e i n the I m p e r i a l Temple. (The Emperor] c o n f e r r e d on Chih-chung a mansion and seven hundred "tuan" o f v a r i e g a t e d s i l k . The V i c e P r e s i d e n t of Bureau of I m p e r i a l S a c r i f i c e s , Cheng Y i n , e n t e r e d i t among the poems of t h e M u s i c O f f i c e . Ch'u-k'e a g a i n h i n t e d t o t h e O m i s s i o n e r Chao Y e n - h s i t o a n a l y s e and comment on the ( r e l a t i o n s h i p between] branches o f the m u l b e r r y t o n i n e t y - e i g h t g e n e r a t i o n s . The Emperor was g r e a t l y p l e a s e d and promoted Y e n - h s i t o the p o s i t i o n o f R e m o n s t r a t i n g Censor. Thereupon Chao-jung used t h e example of Empress Wu t o persuade the Empress t o send i n a memorial r i g h t away ( t o a s k ] : t h a t the mourning p e r i o d f o r one's own mother be l e n g t h e n e d ; t h a t t w e n t y - t h r e e be made the age o f " a d u l t h o o d " ( t i n g ) among 1 1 7 t h e common p e o p l e and f i f t y - n i n e t h e age f o r exemption; t h a t t h e mothers and w i v e s of o f f i c i a l s whose r a n k s were over tHe f i f t h "grade" ( p ' i n ) , and who r e c e i v e d t h e i r h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s n o t because of t h e appointments of t h e i r husbands or sons, s h o u l d e n j o y the m u s i c a l r i t e o f drum and f l u t e i n t h e i r f u n e r a l s . (The EmpressJ changed the system s e v e r a l t i m e s ( w i t h the s e c r e t d e s i g n o f g a i n i n g ] p o p u l a r i t y . She g r a n t e d 22 t i t l e s and government p o s t s l t o a l l her f a v o u r i t e s and r e l a t i v e s . Chao-jung and her mother as w e l l as the Shang-kung Consort, nee He-lou e t c . a l l accepted l a r g e sums of money. The s o r c e r e s s C&ap was made "Lady L u n g - h s i " . She went i n and out of the Inner P a l a c e and became as powerful as Shang-kuan. ( i n t h i s way) the " b l a c k i n k e d i c t s " and the " i r r e g u l a r appointments" were a l l c r e a t e d . I n the t h i r d year (of Ching-lung) (709) » the Emperor worshipped Heaven i n person and put the Empress [ i n charge of) the "second o f f e r i n g " ( y a - h s i e n ) . I n the f i f t e e n t h n i g h t of the f i r s t month of next year (710)i the Emperor and the Empress, i n d i s g u i s e , went wander-i n g and l o o k i n g around the s t r e e t s . The c o u r t l a d i e s f r e e d from t h e i r c o n f i n e s were able to enjoy themselves f r e e l y . Consequently, they a l l eloped without coming back. The R e c t o r of the I m p e r i a l U n i v e r s i t y Yeh Ching-neng who was good a t stratagems, the C o u n c i l l o r (Ch'ang-shih ^ ) Ma Ch'in-k'e who was master of h e a l i n g , the V i c e - P r e s i d e n t of the Bureau of I m p e r i a l Banquets Yang Chun, who was good at cooking, were a l l brought i n t o the Inner P a l a c e . Both Chun and Ch'in-k'e having had i l l i c i t i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h the Empress, had been ordered to r e t u r n t o t h e i r o l d p o s t s a f t e r mourning f o r l e s s than t e n days. When the Emperor was k i l l e d , p u b l i c o p i n i o n blamed Ch'in-k'e and the An-lo P r i n c e s s . The Empress, f r i g h t e n e d , 23 brought those who were c l o s e to her i n t o the P a l a c e i n order t o set up a s t r a t e g y . Then she appointed the P r e s i d e n t of the M i n i s t r y of J u s t i c e P ' e i T'an and the P r e s i d e n t of the M i n i s t r y of P u b l i c Works Chang H s i t o a s s i s t the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and to p r o t e c t the E a s t e r n C a p i t a l . She a l s o appointed General (Chiang-chun $ % ) Chao C h ' e n g - f u 1 1 9 and Hsueh 120 Chien to l e a d f i v e hundred s o l d i e r s to guard a g a i n s t the P r i n c e of Ch'iao, Ch'ung-fu and planned w i t h her c o u s i n [Wei] Wen to make Ch'ung-mao, the P r i n c e of Wen, the Heir-Apparent. In a d d i t i o n , f i f t y thousand s o l d i e r s from v a r i o u s " m i l i t i a 0 1 u n i t s " were d i v i d e d i n t o two "camps", to be s t a t i o n e d i n the C a p i t a l . A f t e r t h i s n a t i o n a l mourning was d e c l a r e d , the H e i r -Apparent succeeded the throne. He was the [ l a t e r ] s o - c a l l e d Shang-ti ;£§ j . The Empress Dowager gave audiences i n the Court. [Wei] Wen took f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the army i n s i d e and o u t s i d e of the Palace i n order to p r o t e c t i t . ([Besides] , [Wei] Cho and [Wei] Po, cousins [of Wei Wen] , [Wei] Chieh and [Wei] Hsuan, son of [wei Wen's) clansmen and [Wei] 122 Hsuan's nephew Kao Ch'ung as w e l l as Wu Yen-hsiu l e d the l e f t and r i g h t " camps" * the F e a t h e r s F o r e s t Guards ( Y u - l i n V\ ^ ), the F l y i n g Cavalrymen and the Ten-thousand Cavalrymen r e s p e c t i v e l y . The whole C a p i t a l was f r i g h t e n e d . There were rumors i n the a i r t h a t a r e v o l u t i o n would break out. (Wei) Po and 2h (Wei] Hsuan went to the armies and d i s c i p l i n e d the Ten-thousand Cavalrymen by f l o g g i n g i n order to make a show of f o r c e . Hence the s o l d i e r s hated them and were u n w i l l i n g to 123 obey t h e i r o r d e r s . A f t e r a s h o r t w h i l e , the P r i n c e of L i n - t z u l e d an army t o open the Hsuan-wu Gate at n i g h t . They went i n t o the F e a t h e r s F o r e s t G u a r d s 1 2 ^ t o k i l l (Wei] Hsuan, (Wei] Po and (Kao] Ch'ung at t h e i r s l e e p i n g (tent] .^5" Then they chopped through the bars of the gates and knocked on (the door of] the P o l e S t a r H a l l . The Empress f l e d i n t o the camp of the F l y i n g Cavalrymen where she was k i l l e d by the r e b e l s o l d i e r s . (The army of the P r i n c e of L i n - t z u ] beheaded (Wu] Yen-hsiu, the A n-lo P r i n c e s s and a r r e s t e d the Weis as w e l l as the Wus and t h e i r p a r t i s a n s , r e s p e c t i v e l y . A l l of them were e x e c u t e d . 1 2 7 The heads of the Empress and the An-lo ( P r i n c e s s were e x h i b i t e d i n the " e a s t e r n market" ( t u n g - s h i h ) . On the next day (the Empress] was posthumously degraded to the s t a t e of "commoner" (but nonetheless] , was s t i l l b u r i e d w i t h the r i t e s of the f i r s t rank. 25 CHAPTER I I I THE BIOGRAPHIES OF SHANG-KUAN CHAO-JUNG I. T r a n s l a t i o n of CTS 51 9b-10a i Shang-kuan the Chao-jung Consort of Emperor Chung-tsung had the p e r s o n a l name Wan-erh i<?£j jiL and was the grand-daughter of the V i c e - P r e s i d e n t of the Western T e r r a c e ( H s i -t ' a i S h i h - l a n g & ± # *f ) 2 Shang-kuan I Ji j f 4 » 3 H e r f a t h e r T ' i n g - c h i h j L <~ ^ was executed at the same time as Shang-kuan I . A t t h a t time Wan-erh was i n her infancy.-' She was banished t o the Pala c e of the Side Apartments (Yeh-t ' i n g M_ ) w i t h her mother. A f t e r she grew up, she was good at l i t e r a t u r e and thoroughly conversant w i t h the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of s t a t e a f f a i r s / Once d u r i n g the r e i g n of Empress Wu, Wan-erh was sentenced t o be executed f o r d i s o b e y i n g a command from the Empress. Because Empress Wu a p p r e c i a t e d Wan-erh's t a l e n t , she only had Wan-erh g branded on the f a c e i n s t e a d of p u t t i n g her to death. Beginning i n the S h e n g - l i M p e r i o d (698-699 A.D.), she was o f t e n ordered t o take p a r t i n the d e c i s i o n s made on memorials submitted by the h i g h o f f i c i a l s . A f t e r Chung-tsung's s u c c e s s i o n , Wan-erh was a g a i n ordered t o take s p e c i a l charge of the e d i c t s . She won great 26 t r u s t from the Emperor and soon was appointed as the Chao-jung C o n s o r t ; 9 her mother, whose maiden name was C h e n g $ f , became "Lady P'ei-kuo" i f (1 A. ^~ . Since Wan-erh had l i c e n t i o u s r e l a t i o n s w i t h Wu San-ssu, the e d i c t s she wrote f o r the Emperor were always t r y i n g to f i n d reasons to f a v o r the Wu f a m i l y and d e n i g r a t e the I m p e r i a l Family. The Heir-Apparent Chieh-min deeply hated her f o r her doing so. 10 When the Heir-Apparent l e d the army to Su-chang Gate it -f- n j 1 1 he k n o c k e d 1 2 and asked f o r Wan-erh. Wan-erh s a i d a r r o g a n t l y , "To judge from h i s i n t e n t i o n , he w i l l ask f o r the u Emperor and Empress next." Therefore the Emperor and Empress were enraged at the p r i n c e by t h i s and together they l e d Wan-erh t o climb up the tower at the Hsuan-wu Gate 2; H 1 3 i n order to a v o i d the t r o o p s . The i n c i d e n t was s e t t l e d a f t e r a s h o r t w h i l e . Wan-erh o f t e n urged the Emperor to i n c r e a s e the .appoint-ments of S c h o l a r s of the Chao-wen Academy (Chao-wen Hsueh-shih 8§ X ^ J 1 ^ and recommended a g r e a t number of w r i t e r s and s c h o l a r s among the o f f i c i a l s at the c o u r t . F r e q u e n t l y the Emperor gave banquets i n s c e n i c spots. A l l the attendants wrote poetry and competed at matching one another's rhymes. Wan-erh always wrote f o r the Emperor, the Empress, the Ch'ang-n i n g P r i n c e s s and the An-lo P r i n c e s s . Although she was w r i t i n g s e v e r a l compositions at the same time, the terms were s t i l l 2 7 e l e g a n t and b e a u t i f u l . Her poems were popular among her 1 7 contemporaries f o r chanting. ' Wan-erh a l s o had i l l i c i t r e l a t i o n s w i t h the V i c e -P r e s i d e n t of the M i n i s t r y of P e r s o n n e l ( L i - p u S h i h - l a n g j<L -Sf5 {\ ) T s ' u i S h i h & >^_;18 t h e r e f o r e she recommended t h a t he be made P a r t i c i p a n t of P o l i t i c a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n (Chih-cheng-shih $K_ ) »^ T s ' u i S h i h had served as commissioner f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a new route by Mount Shang (Shang-shan 2 0 IJ ). The work was not even h a l f done when Emperor Chung-tsung passed away. Wan-erh used t h i s o p p o r t u n i t y to w r i t e a testamentary e d i c t f o r the Emperor d i s h o n e s t l y s t a t i n g T s ' u i ' s m e r i t and g i v i n g him p r a i s e and rewards. When Empress Wei's p l o t f a i l e d , Wan-erh was a l s o beheaded i n the army. L a t e r Emperor Hsuan-tsung t, % ordered her p o e t r y c o l l e c t e d and compiled i n twenty "chuan" w i t h a p r e f a c e w r i t t e n by Chang Yuen P r e v i o u s l y , when Lady Cheng was pregnant w i t h Wan-erh, she dreamed t h a t someone sent her a l a r g e s c a l e . A f o r t u n e -t e l l e r i n t e r p r e t e d t h i s as a p r e d i c t i o n t h a t she would have a son who would have noble p o s i t i o n and h o l d the s c a l e s of 2 2 a u t h o r i t y i n s t a t e a f f a i r s . A f t e r a g i r l was born, a l l those who had heard the p r e d i c t i o n laughed at i t s u n r e l i a b i l i t y . L a t e r Wan-erh h e l d f u l l a u t h o r i t y i n the p a l a c e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n j u s t as the f o r t u n e t e l l e r had p r e d i c t e d . 28 I I . T r a n s l a t i o n of HTS 7 6 13b-l^a Shang-kuan the Chao-jung Consort (of Emperor Chung-tsung] had the p e r s o n a l name Wan-erh and was the granddaughter of the V i c e - P r e s i d e n t of the Western Terr a c e Shang-kuan I . Her f a t h e r T ' i n g - c h i h was put t o death a l o n g w i t h Shang-kuan I i n the time of Empress Wu. Her mother was an e l d e r s i s t e r of the V i c e - P r e s i d e n t of Bureau of I m p e r i a l S a c r i f i c e s Cheng Hsiu-yuan ^ -2IL . Immediately a f t e r her "birth Wan-erh was banished to the P a l a c e of the Side Apartments along w i t h her mother. Wan-erh was b r i g h t and a l e r t by nature and good at l i t e r a r y composition. At the age of f o u r t e e n , she was summoned to audience by Empress Wu. The work she wrote i n f r o n t of her majesty was of the same O i l q u a l i t y as i f she had i t a l r e a d y worked out. From the T ' u n g - f i e n i L X p e r i o d ( 6 9 6 A . D . ) 2 ^ on she was t r u s t e d by Empress Wu w i t h h a n d l i n g the i m p e r i a l e d i c t s w i t h i n the P a l a c e . They were admirably coherent and w r i t t e n i n b e a u t i f u l language. Wan-erh once disobeyed a command of Empress Wu, an o f f e n c e which should have brought her the punishment of execu-t i o n . The Empress was r e l u c t a n t t o l o s e her t a l e n t s and only branded her on the face i n s t e a d of p u t t i n g her to death. A f t e r t h i s i n c i d e n t she d e a l t w i t h the memorials of the h i g h o f f i c i a l s and p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a l l s t a t e a f f a i r s . A f t e r Chung-tsung succeeded to the throne, Wan-erh was 2 9 a g a i n e n t r u s t e d w i t h g r e a t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . She was promoted as Chao-jung Consort and her mother was made "Lady P'ei-kuo". Wan-erh had i l l i c i t r e l a t i o n s w i t h Wu San-ssu; t h e r e -f o r e the e d i c t s she wrote always favoured the Wu f a m i l y and tended t o de n i g r a t e the House of T'ang. The Heir-Apparent Chieh-min f e l t i n s e c u r e . When he s t a r t e d h i s m i l i t a r y u p r i s i n g , he knocked on the Su-chang 2 6 Gate and asked f o r Wan-erh. I n order t o arouse the Emperor Wan-erh s a i d , " I f I d i e , he w i l l ask f o r the Empress and the Emperor next." The Emperor and Empress took Wan-erh between them and climbed up on the Hsuan-wu Gate to a v o i d [the s o l d i e r s ] . They s u r v i v e d when the army of the Heir-Apparent was defeated. Wan-erh urged the Emperor t o enlarge the Academy (Shu-kuan % -If )» i n c r e a s e the number of the S c h o l a r s (Hsueh-shih i ) and recommended o f f i c i a l s as w e l l as famous s c h o l a r s 27 to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the s e l e c t i o n . ' On s e v e r a l occasions the Emperor gave banquets a t which the o f f i c i a l s matched the rhymes of h i s poems. Wan-erh u s u a l l y wrote f o r the Emperor, the Empress and the two p r i n c e s s e s Ch'ang-ning, An-lo. She wrote s e v e r a l poems on the same o c c a s i o n but each was more el e g a n t and o r i g i n a l t h an the l a s t . She a l s o ranked the works of the 28 o f f i c i a l s and c o n f e r r e d golden cups upon them as p r i z e s . T h e r e f o r e w r i t i n g p o e t r y became very popular i n the c o u r t . At t h a t time, most of the w r i t e r s p a i d too much a t t e n t i o n to 3 0 making t h e i r language ornate hut t h e i r works were s t i l l q u i t e 29 worth r e a d i n g . That should be a t t r i b u t e d to Wan-erh's e f f o r t s . When Lady Cheng-died, she was g i v e n the posthumous t i t l e "Lady C h i e h - i " ff A_ A_ . Wan-erh requested t h a t her rank be lowered while she was mourning. She was demoted t o be Chieh-yu Consort ^ _ " i t but promoted back to Chao-jung very 30 soon. Chung-tsung v i s i t e d Wan-erh's house where she had 31 a r t i f i c i a l ponds and h i l l s made. I t was thoroughly decorated and f i l l e d w i t h p o i n t s of I n t e r e s t . (when the Emperor d i s -covered the beauty of the place] , he summoned the c o u r t i e r s to have a banquet t h e r e . At t h a t time, the conso r t s i n the Inner Court of the Emperor were a l l f r e e t o go out of the Palace without r e s t r a i n t . T h e r e f o r e Wan-erh and other f a v o u r i t e s c o u l d keep houses out-s i d e . Shameless and d i s r e p u t a b l e people h u r r i e d to wait i n t h e i r houses and gave themselves up t o l i c e n t i o u s i n t i m a c y i n order t o ask f o r hig h p o s i t i o n s . Wan-erh had immoral r e l a t i o n s w i t h T s ' u i S h i h and recommended him as P a r t i c i p a n t of P o l i t i c a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . T s ' u i was ordered to open the road i n Mount Shang. Although he had not f i n i s h e d h a l f of the work, Wan-erh made use of an op p o r t u n i t y t o w r i t e the Emperor's testamentary e d i c t t o put T s ' u i ' s f a l s e m e r i t i n i t and cause him to be rewarded. A f t e r Empress Wei's p l o t f a i l e d , Wan-erh was a l s o executed i n f r o n t 3 1 o f the Palace Gate. At f i r s t , when Lady Cheng was j u s t pregnant, she dreamed t h a t a g i a n t gave her a "big s c a l e and t o l d her, "Use t h i s t o weigh the empire." Over one month a f t e r Wan-erh was born, her mother j o k i n g l y s a i d , "Are you the one who i s going t o weigh the empire?" The baby made a sound which sounded l i k e 3 2 a "yes" answer. L a t e r Wan-erh was i n charge of s t a t e a f f a i r s , which p e r f e c t l y matched the words of the dream. In the Ching-yun ^ % p e r i o d ( 7 1 0 - 7 1 1 A . D . ) Wan-erh's rank of Chao-jung Consort was r e s t o r e d and she was g i v e n the posthumous name Hui-wen X. . 3 ^ At f i r s t , her aunt's son Wang Yu £ ^ h e l d the p o s i t i o n of Reminder ( S h i h - i i l L ). He warned (Lady Cheng) "When f o r m e r l y the Emperor was imprisoned i n F a n g - l i n g , the Wu's were i n power but the I m p e r i a l house f i n a l l y r e g a i n e d c o n t r o l . T h i s was the w i l l of Heaven and not j u s t a matter of l u c k . Although San-ssu i s t a k i n g advantage of h i s o p p o r t u n i t y , the whole empire knows t h a t he i s going t o f a i l . Now Chao-jung, who i s t r u s t e d by the Emperor, s i d e s w i t h San-ssu. I t w i l l b r i n g about the e x t i n c t i o n of the whole f a m i l y . " Lady Cheng rebuked Wan-erh u s i n g h i s words but Wan-erh r e f u s e d t o accept t h e i r o p i n i o n . A f t e r the Heir-Apparent k i l l e d Wu San-ssu he r e a l l y asked f o r Wan-erh (as Wang p r e d i c t e d ] , then she began t o f e e l w o r r i e d and a f r a i d . When she drew up the testamentary e d i c t 3 2 f o r Emperor Chung-tsung she brought i n P r i n c e of Hsiang (Hsiang-wang ^ to a s s i s t i n s t a t e a f f a i r s . When P r i n c e of L i n - t z u launched h i s coup, Wan-erh was a r r e s t e d . She showed the d r a f t of the testamentary e d i c t of Chung-tsung to L i u Yu-ch'iu. L i u appealed t o P r i n c e L i n - t z u on her b e h a l f but the P r i n c e d i d not permit her t o be f o r g i v e n . Hence Wan-erh was executed. At the beginning of K'ai-yuan |Jf] xj p e r i o d (713-7^1 A.D.) Emperor Hsuan-tsung had Wan-erh's l i t e r a r y works compiled and ordered Chang Yueh to w r i t e the p r e f a c e f o r t h i s c o l l e c t i o n . 33 CHAPTER IV THE SOURCE OF POWER OF EMPRESS WEI AND CONSORT SHANG-KUAN I. ThePFeminine I n f l u e n c e at the T'ang Court A. The T r a d i t i o n a l Feminine I n f l u e n c e i n the L i Family When the t r a d i t i o n of a f a m i l y i s i n v o l v e d , we have t o t r a c e back i t s f a m i l y h i s t o r y . A c c o r d i n g t o the r e c o r d s which con t a i n e d i n f o r m a t i o n coming d i r e c t l y from the L i s , the I m p e r i a l L i f a m i l y of T'ang was r e l a t e d to the Chinese a r i s t o c r a t i c L i f a m i l y of Lung-hsi FtL i5 , and moreover only s i x g e n e r a t i o n s before Kao-tsu, the founder of the T'ang Dynasty, i t had been the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y of Western L i a n g tSi . 1 P r o f e s s o r Ch'en Yin-k'o made a s e r i e s of d e t a i l e d s t u d i e s on t h i s s u b j e c t . I n h i s essays he agreed t h a t the L i s had Chinese o r i g i n . However, he a l s o p o i n t e d out t h a t i n s t e a d of being the descendants of the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y of Western L i a n g and a branch of the L i f a m i l y of Lung-hsi, the L i s most l i k e l y were r e l a t e d to a humble branch of the great L i f a m i l y of Chao P r e f e c t u r e (Chao-chun %k %\ ) of E a s t e r n C h i n a . 2 There have a l s o been s c h o l a r s who m a i n t a i n t h a t the L i s had non-Chinese o r i g i n . 3 Since P r o f e s s o r Ch'en's theory i s g e n e r a l l y accepted and t h i s q u e s t i o n has l i t t l e b e a r i n g on 3h what I am going t o d i s c u s s i n t h i s t h e s i s , I w i l l not make any f u r t h e r i n q u i r y i n t o i t . What I would l i k e t o emphasize i s t h a t even i f the L i f a m i l y had Chinese o r i g i n , by the time the T'ang Dynasty was e s t a b l i s h e d , they had a l r e a d y been s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by non-Chinese c u l t u r e brought i n t o n o r t h e r n China d u r i n g the S i x t e e n S t a t e s P e r i o d and the Northern and Southern D y n a s t i e s . T h i s i s a c o n c l u s i o n we can draw from the r e l i a b l e p a r t o f the L i f a m i l y h i s t o r y . S t a r t i n g from L i Hu , the gra n d f a t h e r of Kao-tsu, the f a m i l y h i s t o r y of the L i s can be t r a c e d i n o f f i c i a l h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d s . L i Hu was one of the e i g h t P i l l a r of Sta t e Generals (Pa Chu-kuo Ta Chiang-chun >v^ft lH A M % ) who helped Yu-wen T ' a i T 1 4 b u i l d Northern Chou )% Yu-wen T ' a i was o r i g i n a l l y from the H s i e n - p e i ,$f t r i b e . ^ As t o h i s f o l l o w e r s , except f o r some non-Chinese from the S i x G a r r i s o n s ( L i u - c h e n ^ ), most had Chinese o r i g i n . 7 F o r the purpose of s t r e n g t h e n i n g the u n i f i c a t i o n of h i s m u l t i -o r i g i n f o l l o w e r s i n order to r e s i s t the t h r e a t e n i n g power of Northern C h ' i -Jt f" and the Southern Dynasty $ 4ft , Yu-wen T ' a i a p p l i e d h i s "Kuan-chung F i r s t P o l i c y " (Kuan-chung Pen-wei Cheng-ts'e fi9 f ^ { X ^ & ) * 8 I n e x e c u t i n g h i s new p o l i c y , Yu-wen T ' a i i m i t a t e d the system r e c o r d e d i n The R i t e s of Chou ( C h o u - l i $\ - f t ) t o crea t e h i s o f f i c i a l d o m i n order to emphasize the f a c t t h a t the 3 5 t e r r i t o r y of Northern Chou was the p l a c e of o r i g i n of a n c i e n t Chinese c u l t u r e . 9 On the other hand he ordered a l l the 10 o f f i c i a l s to he dressed i n the H s i e n - p e i s t y l e and to use 11 newly bestowed H s i e n - p e i f a m i l y names, hoping t h a t w h i l e r e v i v i n g o l d Chinese forms of government, h i s Chinese f o l l o w e r s would he more and more non-Chinese i n t h e i r d a i l y l i f e . As statesmen, L i Hu and h i s f a m i l y n a t u r a l l y would have had to support the "Kuan-chung F i r s t P o l i c y " of Yu-wen T ' a i . I n s t e a d of L i , they began to use the newly bestowed H s i e n - p e i f a m i l y name—Ta-yeh X . The maiden name of L i Hu's wife was "Liang" which most probably was a Chinese name. Ne v e r t h e l e s s , h i s son L i P i n g £ 9$ , grandson Kao-t t s u — L i Yuan and g r e a t grandson T ' a i - t s u n g — L i Shih-min £ it K a l l m a r r i e d daughters of non-Chinese a r i s t o c r a t s . J L i v i n g i n a s o c i e t y s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by non-Chinese c u l t u r e f o r at l e a s t f o u r g e n e r a t i o n s and furthermore having had m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h noble non-Chinese f a m i l i e s f o r at l e a s t three g e n e r a t i o n s , i t was i m p o s s i b l e f o r the L i s not to lk have a s s i m i l a t e d some aspects of the non-Chinese c u l t u r e . 15 1 (5 T h e r e f o r e , i n the b i o g r a p h i e s of Kao-tsu, T ' a i - t s u n g and 17 t h e i r sons, ' the i n f l u e n c e of non-Chinese l i f e s t y l e i s q u i t e obvious. When any s p e c i a l s k i l l s of the male of the L i s are mentioned, these u s u a l l y i n c l u d e horse breeding, r i d i n g , £&re archery, h u n t i n g as w e l l as f i g h t i n g . The e l d e s t son of T ' a i -tsung, L i Ch'eng-ch*ien not only d e c l a r e d t h a t he 36 p r e f e r r e d t o be a non-Chinese but a l s o p r a c t i s e d a non-Chinese 1 Pi l i f e s t y l e i n h i s p a l a c e . He i s t h e r e f o r e an extreme example to show the i n f l u e n c e of both the t r a d i t i o n and the b l o o d of the maternal s i d e i n the L i f a m i l y . G e n e r a l l y speaking, the female p o s i t i o n i n a non-Chinese f a m i l y was h i g h e r than i n a t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese f a m i l y , a custom which would be d i s c u s s e d i n d e t a i l l a t e r i n t h i s chapter. The data concerning the l i f e of the female members of the L i s i s f a r l e s s abundant i n h i s t o r y r e c o r d s . However, we can s t i l l t r a c e some of t h e i r s p e c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which were d i f f e r e n t from t y p i c a l Chinese women. Although, no biography e x i s t s i n o f f i c i a l h i s t o r y on Lady Tu-ku $f <Ji>V. , mother of Kao-tsu, she was most pro b a b l y the f i r s t one to b r i n g non-Chinese bl o o d i n t o the L i f a m i l y . Her younger s i s t e r was the Empress of the Emperor Wen of S u i (Sui Wen-ti \% X_ "f" ). Empress Tu-ku was n o t o r i o u s f o r her 19 dominance and extreme j e a l o u s y . 7 Emperor Wen l e t her i n t e r -f e r e f r e e l y i n s t a t e a f f a i r s , t h e r e f o r e , i n the Palace she and the Emperor were honoured t o g e t h e r as "The Two Sovereigns" 2 0 (Erh Sheng — • $ . ) . We are not sure whether Lady Tu-ku was as dominant as her s i s t e r . However, the b i o g r a p h i e s of her is 21 daughter-in-law, Empress Tou f „, mention t h a t her c h a r a c t e r was v e r y s t r i c t , and t h a t t h e r e f o r e , except f o r Empress Tou, a l l her daughters-in-law avoided a t t e n d i n g on her i n her i l l n e s s i n order not to be s c o l d e d . Although her r e l a t i o n s h i p 37 w i t h her daughters-in-law does not make Lady Tu-ku seem any d i f f e r e n t from a t y p i c a l Chinese mother-in-law, i t s t i l l can r e i n f o r c e the assumption t h a t she probably had the same k i n d of d i s p o s i t i o n as her s i s t e r . Even w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of Lady Tu-ku about whom we do not know enough to make a judgement, the L i f a m i l y was f i l l e d w i t h capable and ambitious women t h a t i n c l u d e e i t h e r daughters-i n - l a w or daughters of the L i s . Empress Tou of Kao-tsu and Empress Chang-sun -JL of T ' a i - t s u n g both were from non-Chinese f a m i l i e s . They however, were w e l l educated and became famous f o r t h e i r un-u s u a l l y good judgement. E v e r s i n c e her ch i l d h o o d , Empress Tou showed her t a l e n t as an admonitor. Her admonitions were d i r e c t e d even a g a i n s t her uncle, Emperor Wu of Northern Chou (Chou Wu-ti M s^ ). As a c h i l d , she had al r e a d y shown a grasp of p o l i t i c s by persuading Emperor Wu to be more a f f e c t i o n a t e towards h i s T u r k i s h Empress f o r the sake of the country. Even a f t e r her death, her advice was f o l l o w e d by Kao-tsu who, i n order t o a v o i d the s u s p i c i o n of Emperor Yang of S u i (Sui Y a n g - t i - f | 7 ) o f f e r e d eagles and dogs t o the Emperor. With Empress Tou's keen judgement and a b i l i t y , i f she had not d i e d before the T'ang Dynasty was founded, the e a r l y p a r t of T'ang H i s t o r y , e s p e c i a l l y the h a n d l i n g of the s u c c e s s i o n problem, would undoubtedly have been somewhat d i f f e r e n t . 3 8 As to Empress Chang-sun, she had the o p p o r t u n i t y to be more i n f l u e n t i a l i n s t a t e a f f a i r s . Though, she always emphasized her pre f e r e n c e t o be a woman f o l l o w i n g C o n f u c i a n nh, p r i n c i p l e s , which may have prevented her from being dominant, t h i s c e r t a i n l y d i d n o t h i n g t o prevent her from b e i n g i n f l u e n t i a l on Emperor T ' a i - t s u n g . From the time t h a t Empress Chang-sun m a r r i e d at the age of t h i r t e e n , she always stood c l o s e l y behind T ' a i - t s u n g . When the antagonism between T ' a i - t s u n g and h i s e l d e r b r o t h e r Chien-cheng , the Heir-Apparent, became more and more obvious, she was the one who t r i e d t o r e c o n c i l e T ' a i - t s u n g t o h i s f a t h e r as w e l l as to the co n s o r t s of Kao-tsu and t h a t was an aspect i n which T ' a i - t s u n g h i m s e l f had l e s s a b i l i t y than Chien-cheng. F i n a l l y , the Coup of Hsuan-wu Gate occurred. When T ' a i - t s u n g was busy i n d i s t r i b u t i n g the arms, Empress Chang-sun was the one to give a l l the p a r t i c i p a n t s v e r b a l and moral encouragement. A f t e r T ' a i - t s u n g succeeded the throne, Empress Chang-sun admonished him i n many aspects. However, understanding how not to o f f e n d the d i g n i t y of a r u l e r , she always chose the r i g h t time t o make her admonitions. Sometimes even i f T ' a i -tsung f o r c e d her to make suggestions, she would not say any-t h i n g . By g i v i n g T ' a i - t s u n g the im p r e s s i o n t h a t she had no i n t e n t i o n of i n t e r f e r i n g i n s t a t e a f f a i r s , she won the r e s p e c t and t r u s t of the Emperor. Hence, her suggestions were u s u a l l y 3 9 2 5 accepted w i l l i n g l y . Even before she d i e d , Empress Chang-sun, i n her i l l n e s s , s t i l l t r i e d t o stand beside T ' a i - t s u n g when some m i l i t a r y i n f o r m a t i o n was sent i n i n the middle of the n i g h t . Her l a s t words wi t h T ' a i - t s u n g urged the Emperor not only to p r a c t i s e the v i r t u e s of an emperor i n Con f u c i a n s t y l e but a l s o t o c a l l back the o l d statesman Fang H s u a n - l i n g /% % -ifet- who had been 26 t e m p e r o r i l y d i s m i s s e d from o f f i c e at t h a t time. With her i n f l u e n c e on T ' a i - t s u n g and her knowledge of the ambition of her br o t h e r , Chang-sun Wu-chi i f Empress Chang-sun had not d i e d so e a r l y , the i n t r i g u e s and s u c c e s s i o n problem i n the l a t e r p a r t of T' a i - t s u n g ' s r e i g n might not have been as severe, or there might have been a d i f f e r e n t r e s u l t . Besides the two Empresses, the P'ing-yang P r i n c e s s j *• 1 28 ^ 2- was a l s o a h i g h l y r e s p e c t e d female member i n the L i f a m i l y . During the founding war of the T'ang Dynasty, the P'ing-yang P r i n c e s s , a daughter of Kao-tsu, formed an army of seventy thousand s o l d i e r s t o f i g h t i n the Kuan-chung area. Although most of the s o l d i e r s were outlaws, they showed p e r f e c t d i s c i p l i n e and captured q u i t e a few c i t i e s under the command of the P r i n c e s s . Because of her m i l i t a r y m e r i t , when the P'ing-yang P r i n c e s s d i e d , i n s p i t e of the d i s s e n t of the o f f i c i a l s of the Bureau of I m p e r i a l S a c r i f i c e s (T'ai-ch'ang Ssu ko Kao-tsu ordered the i n c l u s i o n i n her f u n e r a l of the music of horns and drums, a t r a d i t i o n a l m i l i t a r y m u s i c a l r i t e which 29 had never been bestowed upon the f u n e r a l of a woman. y Although the Empress Tou, Empress Chang-sun and the P'ing-yang P r i n c e s s showed no ambitions of e i t h e r dominating t h e i r husbands of t a k i n g over the s t a t e a f f a i r s , t h e i r a b i l i t i e s and the r e s p e c t they won i n the f a m i l y somehow must have i n f l u e n c e d the female p o s i t i o n i n the L i f a m i l y . Apart from these three capable female members of the L i s , there were other p r i n c e s s e s i n v o l v e d i n p o l i t i c a l i n t r i g u e s d u r i n g the b e g i n n i n g of T'ang p e r i o d . For example, the Ch'ang-lo P r i n c e s s ^ %. £ £ , 3 ° a daughter of Kao-tsu was k i l l e d by Empress Wu f o r the charge o f involvement i n the anti-Empress Wu coup l e d by L i Chen , the P r i n c e of Yueh M. -L . 3 1 The P a - l i n g P r i n c e s s & X , 3 2 and the Kao-yang P r i n c e s s \%j ?§j , 3 3 daughters of T ' a i - t s u n g , both were ordered to commit s u i c i d e i n Kao-tsung's r e i g n f o r p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the c o n s p i r a c y of Fang Y i - a i j% i|L ^ L. • However, there i s l i t t l e doubt t h a t a l l these p r i n c e s s e s were v i c t i m s of p o l i t i c a l power s t r u g g l e s . The Ch'ang-lo P r i n c e s s was a f a v o u r i t e aunt of Emperor Kao-tsung. She must had i n f l u e n c e d Kao-tsung to the extent t h a t Empress Wu regarded her as an opponent. T h e r e f o r e , Empress Wu arranged to have her daughter imprisoned t i l l death, t a k i n g away at the same time her p r i v i l e g e of having i n audience w i t h the Emperor, and furthermore the P r i n c e s s " husband was a l s o degraded. A c c o r d i n g t o the l i m i t e d i n f o r m a t i o n e x i s t i n g on the Ch'ang-lo P r i n c e s s , she seems t o have remained q u i t e determined. These e a r l y s i g n s of warning she r e c e i v e d from Empress Wu d i d not stop her from j o i n i n g the anti-Empress Wu coup org a n i z e d by the P r i n c e of Yueh. Hence, even i f the i n f o r m a t i o n i s l i m i t e d , l i t t l e doubt e x i s t s as to the p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t of the Ch'ang-lo P r i n c e s s . As to the co n s p i r a c y of Fang Y i - a i i n which the P a - l i n g P r i n c e s s and her husband Ch'ai Ling-wu %- 4" "^ C , the Kao-yang P r i n c e s s and her husband Fang Y i - a i were i n v o l v e d , i t i s q u i t e d o u b t f u l whether i t r e a l l y d i d e x i s t . Since both Ch'ai L i n g -wu and Fang Y i - a i were p a r t i s a n s of L i T ' a i £ ^ , P r i n c e of Wei 4%* -±- , and opponents of Chang-sun Wu-chi d u r i n g the 34 p r e v i o u s c o n f l i c t s of s u c c e s s i o n i n the Chen-kuan p e r i o d , there i s a gre a t p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t the charge was only made by Chang-sun Wu-chi i n order t o remove these p o l i t i c a l opponents to g e t h e r w i t h the r e p u t a b l e L i K'o , P r i n c e of Wu I; i , whose e x i s t e n c e was a constant t h r e a t to the throne of Kao-tsung. T h e i r c o n s p i r a c y was s a i d t o have been d e t e c t e d i n the course o f l i t i g a t i o n between the Kao-yang P r i n c e s s and her br o t h e r - i n - l a w Fang Y i - c h i h jfi i f , J i I t would have been q u i t e a f o o l i s h move of the P r i n c e s s t o arouse a t t e n t i o n r i g h t l±2 before a coup, hence i f she was not greedy and unwise, she must have been a v i c t i m of Chang-sun Wu-chi's p l o t . The Kao-yang P r i n c e s s was known to dominate her husband. And there were r e c o r d s of her despatching a eunuch to spy on 37 the I m p e r i a l P a l a c e f o r her. Hence, there i s no doubt t h a t she p l a y e d a p a r t i n her husband's p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . As to the P a - l i n g P r i n c e s s , there i s i n s u f f i c i e n t i n f o r m a t i o n about her, however, i t i s l i k e l y t h a t she had at l e a s t some i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c s , s i n c e d u r i n g the T'ang p e r i o d , a p r i n c e s s u s u a l l y would not r e c e i v e any punishment but have a second marriage arranged, i f only her husband was i n v o l v e d i n a co n s p i r a c y or p o l i t i c a l i n t r i g u e . 3 ^ A f t e r a review of the feminine h i s t o r y of the L i s , I have the i m p r e s s i o n t h a t d u r i n g the p e r i o d immediately before and a f t e r the T'ang Dynasty was founded, • p o s s i b l y because of the non-Chinese l i f e s t y l e which was i n t r o d u c e d among the L i s by marriage and s t a t e o r d e r s , the female members d i d p l a y a more important r o l e i n the L i f a m i l y than i n a t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese f a m i l y . They p a r t i c i p a t e d i n f i g h t i n g and p o l i t i c a l i n t r i g u e s and were constant admonitors to the male members. What those l a d i e s d i d at t h a t time must somehow have i n f l u e n c e d t h e i r descendants' ide a s of the woman's r o l e i n the f a m i l y and have helped the l a t e r ambitious female members of the f a m i l y t o f e e l t h a t power-seeking e f f o r t s would not n e c e s s a r i l y be f u t i l e . ^3 B. The Background of Feminine I n f l u e n c e at the T *ang C ourt 1 . S o c i a l The s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of women i n T'ang was r e l a t i v e l y much high e r than i n l a t e r p e r i o d s . The feminine i n f l u e n c e i n the T'ang court may have been p a r t l y the r e s u l t of t h i s s o c i a l custom.' There are two p o s s i b l e sources f o r t h i s s o c i a l custom. One i s the customs of non-Chinese tribesmen of the Northern D y n a s t i e s t h a t allowed women to i n t e r f e r e i n men's b u s i n e s s . The other i s the r e s p e c t f o r the gre a t f a m i l i e s shown i n the Northern and Southern D y n a s t i e s . The f i r s t p o s s i b l e source, mentioned e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter, i s t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l l y the female p o s i t i o n i n the f a m i l i e s of tribesmen was higher t h a n i i n Chinese f a m i l i e s . The e x i s t e n c e of t h i s custom i s mainly r e l a t e d t o t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e . The L a t e r Han H i s t o r y (Hou Han Shu f4 ; 4 -t- mentions t h a t the customs of H s i e n - p e i and Wu-huan were a l i k e . L i v i n g a nomadic s t y l e of l i f e , they were s k i l l e d i n r i d i n g and hunting. I f a male was annoyed, he might even k i l l h i s f a t h e r or b r o t h e r s . However, he would never commit m a t r i c i d e , otherwise the maternal kinsmen would take revenge on him. Besi d e s , except f o r f i g h t i n g , the m i s t r e s s was the d e c i s i o n -maker of the f a m i l y . A c c o r d i n g to the d e s c r i p t i o n of the L a t e r Han H i s t o r y , the H s i e n - p e i t r i b e s t i l l possessed some f e a t u r e s of a 44 m a t r i a r c h a t e . Not only the mother but a l s o the maternal kinsmen were h i g h l y r e s p e c t e d by the f a m i l y . Because of these t r a d i t i o n a l customs, even by the time of S u i and T'ang, the females o f the tribesmen s t i l l h e l d a r e s p e c t e d p o s i t i o n i n . the f a m i l y and were used t o e x e r t i n g i n f l u e n c e on the male m members of the f a m i l y . Hence, a c c o r d i n g to the c r i t e r i a of the n o r t h e r n tribesmen, the i n t e r f e r e n c e of women would not be c o n s i d e r e d as o b j e c t i o n a b l e as among the Chinese, who were under the i n f l u e n c e of p h i l o s o p h i c a l i d e a s l i k e those of Confucianism which made not meddling i n men's business a necessary v i r t u e of women. During Northern Wei i t s H s i e n - p e i r u l e r s made every e f f o r t t o make t h e i r non-Chinese s u b j e c t s adopt Chinese c u l t u r e . T h e i r endeavours d i d b r i n g about the a s s i m i l a t i o n of the tribesmen i n the C a p i t a l D i s t r i c t — L o - y a n g — w h i l e those who l i v e d a long the f r o n t i e r - - t h e S i x G a r r i s o n s remained unchanged. T r e a t e d u n e q u a l l y compared to t h e i r compatriots i n the C a p i t a l , the f r o n t i e r tribesmen t o g e t h e r w i t h the f r o n t i e r Chinese, i n c l u d i n g the f u t u r e I m p e r i a l L i Fam i l y of T'ang, who had been a s s i m i l a t e d t o the c u l t u r e of tribesmen, f i n a l l y showed t h e i r implacable anger by r e s o r t i n g t o f o r c e „ 40 of arms. A f t e r t h i s u p r i s i n g , the Northern Wei was soon d i v i d e d i n t o two p a r t s - - t h e E a s t e r n and the Western Wei. The Emperors of both s i d e s only r u l e d nominally, the E a s t e r n Wei was 45 dominated by Kao Huan , whose son l a t e r founded N o r t h e r n 4 l C h ' i t o r e p l a c e i t and Western Wei was dominated by Yu-wen T ' a i , whose son l a t e r e s t a b l i s h e d N o r t h e r n Chou t o r e p l a c e W e stern Wei. B o t h Kao Huan and Yu-wen T ' a i came from the S i x G a r r i s o n s a r e a and needed the s u p p o r t o f the t r i b e s m e n from t h e r e , hence, under the o r d e r s and encouragement of the government, a d o p t i n g the c u l t u r e of t r i b e s m e n became the t r e n d 42 of s o c i a l custom i n b o t h N o r t h e r n Chou and C h i . T h i s t r e n d remained u n t i l Yang Chien. , Emperor Wen b u i l t up the S u i Dynasty and a g a i n u n i f i e d C h i n a . He a b o l i s h e d the b u r e a u c r a t i c system o f Yu-wen T ' a i and b u i l t h i s own by 43 f o l l o w i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese system. ^ Moreover, he a l s o made the Chinese go back t o t h e i r o r i g i n a l C h inese f a m i l y n a m e s ^ wh i c h had been r e p l a c e d by H s i e n - p e i names d u r i n g the N o r t h e r n Chou p e r i o d . Yang C h i e n had e s t a b l i s h e d h i m s e l f as a Chinese s o v e r e i g n . He d i d not however f o r b i d t r i b a l customs, because of h i s own background and h i s need of the s u p p o r t of the non-Chinese g 45 group. ^ Hence, the i n f l u e n c e of the t r i b a l customs remained i n the s o c i e t y t h r o u g h o u t and even a f t e r the s h o r t p e r i o d of S u i . The h i g h e r s o c i a l p o s i t i o n o f women was o n l y one of the phenomena w h i c h s u r v i v e d u n t i l the b e g i n n i n g o f T'ang. I t i s n o t d i f f i c u l t t o f i n d examples of f e m a l e s d o m i n a t i n g t h e i r husbands and sons e i t h e r i n f a m i l y or i n s t a t e a f f a i r s d u r i n g the N o r t h e r n D y n a s t i e s . Yen C h i h - t ' u i M. -L. ^  i n h i s F a m i l y I n s t r u c t i o n s f o r the Yen C l a n (Yen-shih Chia-hsun M K i"\ ) t e l l s v i v i d l y : But i n the c i t y of Yeh "$? i t was the custom f o r women to handle a l l f a m i l y business, t o demand j u s t i c e and to s t r a i g h t e n out l e g a l d i s p u t e s , t o make c a l l s and c u r r y f a v o r w i t h the powerful. They f i l l e d the s t r e e t s w i t h t h e i r c a r r i a g e s , occupied the government o f f i c e s w i t h t h e i r fancy dress, begged o f f i c i a l p o s t s f o r t h e i r sons, and made complaints about i n j u s t i c e done t o t h e i r husbands. Were these custom handed down from the T'o-pa Wei dynasty 2 4 - 6 (386-53^)? ...Most people n o r t h of the Yellow r i v e r l e t t h e i r wives handle domestic a f f a i r s . (To these l a d i e s ) s a t i n and s i l k , g o l d and jade were i n d i s p e n s a b l e ; y e t l e a n horses and d e c r e p i t s ervants were good enough f o r s e r v i c e . Husband and wife sometimes c o u l d address each other by "thee" and "thou". The women n o r t h of the Yellow R i v e r are f a r s u p e r i o r t o those east of Yangtze i n the a r t s of weaving and sewing, and i n s k i l l i n v a r i o u s s o r t s of embroidery on s i l k garments.^ 7 Chao I % ^ a l s o quoted from the biography of Yuan Hsiao-yu TO # i n Northern C h ' i H i s t o r y ( P e i C h ' i Shu Jfc $ ^ ) a passage which s a i d t h a t the o f f i c i a l s of Northern C h ' i had no concubines and females were taught by t h e i r p a r e n t s , s i s t e r s or s i s t e r s - i n - l a w t o be j e a l o u s . T h e r e f o r e , i t became the custom t o c o n s i d e r dominating one's husband as a feminine v i r t u e ^ and je a l o u s y as a women's employment -iy • A c c o r d i n g t o these d e s c r i p t i o n s , women i n the n o r t h e r n p a r t of China d u r i n g the Northern D y n a s t i e s were not only 47 dominant and independent but a l s o capable and d i l i g e n t . I n 49 a d d i t i o n t o t h a t , many of them were even s k i l l e d i n a r c h e r y . Among the I m p e r i a l f a m i l i e s of the Northern D y n a s t i e s , the s o c i a l customs d e s c r i b e d by Yen C h i h - t ' u i and Chao I were a l s o w i d e l y p r a c t i s e d . Hence, though the number was not as h i g h nor the p r a c t i s e as c o n s i s t e n t as d u r i n g T'ang, there were q u i t e a few dominating Empress Dowagers and Empresses throughout t h a t p e r i o d . The b e t t e r known were Empress Dowager Feng X ia ^° and Empress Dowager Hu (Hu L i n g Hou #J J| fa of Northern Wei, and Empress Dowager Lou % X fe> ^ of Northern C h ' i . As to S u i , a p e r i o d f o l l o w i n g the Northern D y n a s t i e s which i n h e r i t e d most of i t s customs, there was the famous Empress Tu-ku. A l l these I m p e r i a l L a d i e s worked i n t h e i r own way to be powerful and i n f l u e n t i a l i n s t a t e a f f a i r s . Event the. o f f i c i a l h i s t o r i e s which were w r i t t e n a c c o r d i n g to C o n f u c i a n c r i t e r i a c o u l d not a v o i d mentioning t h e i r t a l e n t s i n managing s t a t e a f f a i r s and c a p a b i l i t i e s i n d e a l i n g w i t h o f f i c i a l s . The examples of these Empress Dowagers and Empresses d u r i n g the Northern and S u i D y n a s t i e s would d e f i n i t e l y not o n l y r a i s e the a l r e a d y comparatively h i g h s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of women but a l s o encourage the ambitious female power-seekers i n T'ang to s e i z e every o p p o r t u n i t y t o f o l l o w the example of t h e i r immediate p r e d e c e s s o r s . The other custom which p o s s i b l y e l e v a t e d the female 48 s o c i a l p o s i t i o n was a l s o d e r i v e d from the p e r i o d of Northern and Southern D y n a s t i e s . At t h a t time, China had f i v e groups of great f a m i l i e s which were h i g h l y r e s p e c t e d hy both government and s o c i e t y of 53 the a r e a i n which they were r e s i d i n g . J Since the g r e a t f a m i l i e s maintained t h e i r honorable p o s i t i o n p a r t i a l l y by 54 i n t e r m a r r i a g e w i t h i n t h e i r own groups, the p o s i t i o n s of mother and maternal k i n s h i p i n the f a m i l y were c o n s i d e r e d r e l a t i v e l y important. L i u Fang $f % of T'ang mentioned t h i s phenomenon and s t a t e d t h a t i t was e x c e p t i o n a l l y prominent i n the groups from Shan^tung JJ J^. and T ' a i - p e i A areas. The passage quoted above t e l l i n g how the l a d i e s i n the c i t y of Yeh used to go out to seek appointments f o r t h e i r husbands and sons c o u l d a l s o serve t o i l l u s t r a t e the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of the females of the g r e a t f a m i l i e s i n Northern China. Although the great f a m i l i e s u s u a l l y would not have marriage r e l a t i o n s w i t h any f a m i l y c o n s i d e r e d to be i n a lower s o c i a l p o s i t i o n , sometimes they might c o n s i d e r a b e t r o t h a l w i t h a great f o r t u n e . ^ T h i s p o s s i b i l i t y made the f a m i l i e s of lower s o c i a l standing, i n c l u d i n g even the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y of the time, eager to c o u r t the great f a m i l i e s as soon 57 as they had enough money and p o l i t i c a l power. Such a s i t u a t i o n s t i l l e x i s t e d i n e a r l y T'ang p e r i o d as we can see from the s t o r y of L i Y i - f u £ M of Empress Wu's r e i g n , who t r i e d t o arrange an engagement between a daughter of a great h9 Shan-tung f a m i l y and h i s son. Since i t was taken to he a g r e a t honour to marry a daughter from the great f a m i l i e s , these l a d i e s who were ma r r i e d to f a m i l i e s of lower s o c i a l s t a n d i n g might even r e c e i v e g r e a t e r r e s p e c t from t h e i r in-laws than those who were m a r r i e d t o f a m i l i e s of equal p o s i t i o n . T h e r e f o r e , Yen C h i h - t ' u i warned h i s descendants not to marry wi t h g r e a t f a m i l i e s i n order to a v o i d having "an arrogant woman assume power i n the household". 7 The e d i c t of T ' a i - t s u n g promul-gated i n 64-2 A.D. a l s o r e f e r s to cases of women from g r e a t 60 f a m i l i e s b e i n g rude t o t h e i r i n - l a w s . Consequently, because of t h e i r f a m i l y background the daughters of the great f a m i l i e s u s u a l l y enjoyed higher p o s i t i o n i n t h e i r husband's home no matter what k i n d of f a m i l i e s they were married i n t o . T h i s p r o b a b l y would not have made too much d i f f e r e n c e t o the f;xml f a m i l i e s of commoners. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t must had i n f l u e n c e d the feminine p o s i t i o n of those i n the higher c l a s s . The I m p e r i a l L i f a m i l y which possessed the b l o o d of the T a i - p e i great f a m i l i e s were a l s o unavoidably i n f l u e n c e d by t h i s custom. F o r example, a f t e r t h e i r Empresses passed away, both Kao-tsu and T ' a i - t s u n g once c o n s i d e r e d a p p o i n t i n g new Empresses. Kao-tsu's choice was the Chao-yi Consort nee Yu-wen f X_ 0S - f4 , , 6 1 a daughter of the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y of Northern Chou, and T ' a i - t s u n g ' s was Lady Yang J$j , a daughter of the Kuan-chung a r i s t o c r a t i c Yang f a m i l y . They both gave the 5 0 i d e a up l a t e r f o r other reasons, however, the motive which made them s e l e c t these two among a l l the f a v o u r i t e s was at l e a s t p a r t l y the prominent f a m i l y background of these two c o n s o r t s . Besides, i n the e a r l y r e i g n of Emperor Kao-tsung, one of the reasons t h a t the P r i n c e of Wu was regarded as a constant t h r e a t t o the throne by Chang-sun Wu-chi was the f a m i l y back-ground of h i s mother, another Lady Yang % 4Li . She was not only a daughter of Emperor Yang of S u i but a l s o from the eminent Yang c l a n of Kuan-chung. These examples should show how much importance the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y of T'ang p l a c e d on the s o c i a l s t a n d i n g of t h e i r i n - l a w s and gi v e us some i d e a of what k i n d of p o s i t i o n the daughters-in-law c o u l d enjoy i n the L i f a m i l y . 2 . P o l i t i c a l — t h e s u c c e s s i o n problem Because of the i n f l u e n c e of the a b d i c a t i o n t h e o r y i n Confucianism, the Chinese b e l i e v e d t h a t the country should be r u l e d by a capable man of o u t s t a n d i n g v i r t u e who was e n t r u s t e d 6h by Heaven w i t h the care of the empire. For t h i s reason, the emperor was c a l l e d T ' i e n - t z u , son of Heaven X . . The theory commonly h e l d i n European c o u n t r i e s and Japan of r u l e by an unbroken f a m i l y l i n e was unknown i n Chinese p o l i t i c a l thought. Hence, having the r i g h t b l o o d was not as important as r e c e i v i n g the s a n c t i o n of Heaven from the former emperor. T h i s thought a p p l i e d not only when a change of dynasty was i n v o l v e d , but 51 a l s o t o the problem of s u c c e s s i o n w i t h i n the dynasty. I t became a t h e o r e t i c a l r u l e a t the b e g i n n i n g of the Chou Dynasty )% 4$ (1122-255 B.C.) to appoint the e l d e s t son of the empress as the emperor's h e i r - a p p a r e n t . ^ However, the r u l e was not f o l l o w e d a l l the time. U s u a l l y , i n c o n t r a s t to the European s u c c e s s i o n r u l e , a c c o r d i n g to which the e l d e s t son c o u l d c l a i m the throne as of r i g h t , the empress' e l d e s t son i n China s t i l l needed to be appointed as h e i r - a p p a r e n t by h i s f a t h e r . T h e r e f o r e , i f a p r i n c e was a s p e c i a l f a v o r i t e of the emperor, he might have more chance of b e i n g appointed the h e i r - a p p a r e n t than h i s e l d e s t b r o t h e r . That was the reason why p r i n c e l y r i v a l r i e s happened f r e q u e n t l y i n Chinese h i s t o r y . Among a l l the d y n a s t i e s i n China, T'ang was one of those which had the most s u c c e s s i o n problems. There were twenty-one r u l e r s d u r i n g the T'ang p e r i o d and none of them succeeded to the throne without any c o m p e t i t i o n . T h i s s i t u a t i o n was probably i n f l u e n c e d to the numerous examples from the p r e c e d i n g p e r i o d s . During the one hundred and s i x t y - n i n e years of the Northern and Southern D y n a s t i e s , the t h e o r e t i c a l r u l e of s u c c e s s i o n by the e l d e s t son of the empress was seldom a p p l i e d i n e i t h e r Northern or Southern China. I n more re c e n t times, the success of S u i Emperor Yang's 66 6*7 p l o t and Emperor T ' a i - t s u n g ' s coup ' a l s o p r o v i d e d examples f o r l a t e r power-seekers of T'ang, showing t h a t the throne so c o u l d be had by M a c h i a v e l l i a n methods. 52 Through the p e r i o d of T'ang, the ambitious power-seekers who were i n v o l v e d i n the c o m p e t i t i o n of s u c c e s s i o n i n c l u d e d p r i n c e s , Impresses, p r i n c e s s e s , c o u r t l a d i e s , o f f i c i a l s , p a lace guards and even eunuchs. Some of the coups were l e d by atelA ambitious p r i n c e s who wished to f o l l o w the example of T ' a i -t s u n g ; ^ 9 others were organized by the Heir-Apparent who had l o s t a sense of s e c u r i t y f o r h i s s u c c e s s i o n because of the 70 p r e s s u r e of c o m p e t i t i o n from other p r i n c e s or even p r i n c e s s e s . U s u a l l y , those i n v o l v e d i n a coup i n c l u d e d a melange of the kinds of people mentioned above. However, a f t e r the success of the coup, the female p a r t i c i p a n t s and the eunuchs f r e q u e n t l y won more c r e d i t from the Emperor than the o t h e r s . Chung-tsung's t r u s t i n Empress Wei, even though she d i d not j o i n the coup d i r e c t l y , J u i - t s u n g ' s -f- ^ t r u s t i n the T ' a i -p ' i n g P r i n c e s s as w e l l as Su-tsung's jtj T- t r u s t i n Empress Chang $k 1 £ and eunuch L i Fu-kuo $ m were a l l good examples. T h i s phenomenon was mainly caused by the secluded e a r l y l i f e of each emperor. Since p r i n c e l y r i v a l r i e s happened from time to time, the Emperor had to take some p r e c a u t i o n s to decrease the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of o p p o s i t i o n from h i s Heir-Apparent, sons and b r o t h e r s . For i n s t a n c e , d u r i n g the r e i g n of T ' a i - t s u n g , he sent most of h i s b r o t h e r s and sons to p r e f e c t u r a l p o s t s and a s s i g n e d each of them a s t a f f . Except f o r a s s i s t i n g the P r i n c e s i n 53 a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , the c h i e f duty of the l e a d i n g members of t h e i r s t a f f s , the C h i e f A d m i n i s t r a t o r (Chang-shih) and the Adminis-t r a t o r (Ssu-ma I . | ), was to r e p o r t the behavior of the 71 P r i n c e s to the Emperor. Dur i n g Empress Wu's p e r i o d , the P r i n c e s of the L i f a m i l y were e i t h e r imprisoned i n the P a l a c e 72 and beaten s e v e r a l times each year' or banished to p r e -73 fectures.'-^ When Hsuan-tsung came t o the throne, he employed the g e n t l e but prudent technique of g a t h e r i n g a l l the P r i n c e s t o g e t h e r m the C a p i t a l . ' The P r i n c e s were encouraged to i n d u l g e i n a l u x u r i o u s l i f e s t y l e but on the other hand any o f f i c i a l s or I m p e r i a l - i n - l a w s who t r i e d t o make f r i e n d s w i t h the P r i n c e s were s e v e r e l y punished. y The t r a d i t i o n a l i s t i c h i s t o r i a n s p r a i s e d Hsuan-tsung f o r h i s a f f e c t i o n toward h i s b r o t h e r s by d e s c r i b i n g how he granted the P r i n c e s audience every morning and how i n a d d i t i o n t o f r e q u e n t p e r s o n a l v i s i t s of the Emperor the eunuchs who c a r r i e d the k i n d r e g a r d s and g i f t s bestowed upon the P r i n c e s formed a constant stream on 76 the road. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t i s more l i k e l y t h a t i t was a d e l i b e r a t e p o l i c y of Hsuan-tsung to c o r r u p t the P r i n c e s w i t h extravagant enjoyment and at the same time to send eunuchs to spy on them, i n order to decrease the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of any p r i n c e l y r i v a l r i e s . F or t h i s reason, most of the T'ang P r i n c e s spent t h e i r e a r l y l i v e s i n remote p l a c e s or i n the C a p i t a l under c l o s e watch. They seldom had o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o have c o n t a c t s w i t h 5 4 people outside t h e i r own households. Besides, even i f they had the chance t o communicate w i t h the out s i d e world, they were r e l u c t a n t to do so, because i t was so easy to provoke the 77 charge of c o n s p i r a c y from other competitors.'' Consequently, the e a r l y secluded l i f e of a p r i n c e helped t o make h i s c o n s o r t s , eunuchs and female attendants the few c o n f i d e n t i a l a s s i s t a n t s he c o u l d p o s s i b l y t r u s t . When one P r i n c e f i n a l l y succeeded t o the throne, he used t o reward the o f f i c i a l s and pa l a c e guards who had served him i n the s u c c e s s i o n c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h important p o s t s . However, a f t e r a short w h i l e , i t was very easy f o r Emperors to s t a r t s u s p e c t i n g t h a t those o f f i c i a l s who had once been h i s a l l i e s were t r y i n g t o deprive him of h i s power, s i n c e the b u r e a u c r a t i c system of T'ang had a b u i l t - i n tendency t o make the Emperor and h i s o f f i c i a l s r i v a l s f o r power. Because they l a c k e d access to the throne and so found i t d i f f i c u l t t o prove t h e i r innocence when they had p o l i t i c a l opponents i n the i n n e r p a l a c e , h i g h o f f i c i a l s who had helped an emperor t o power f r e q u e n t l y soon l o s t t h e i r p o s t s , power and even l i v e s . The antagonism between Kao-tsung and Chang-sun Wu-chi as w e l l as the c o n f l i c t between Chung-tsung and the " F i v e P r i n c e s " (Wu-wang, £ ), d i s c u s s e d l a t e r , were p e r f e c t examples. U n l i k e such o f f i c i a l s , the c o n s o r t s , p r i n c e s s e s , eunuchs or even female attendants, who u s u a l l y had a l r e a d y become the 55 c o n f i d e n t i a l a s s i s t a n t s of the Emperor before h i s a c c e s s i o n , c o u l d s t i l l l i v e i n or r e a d i l y e nter the Inner Palace a f t e r he came to the throne. They d i d not have to antagonize the Emperor by opposing h i s w i l l i n the Outer Court but c o u l d persuade him at convenient times. By u s i n g t h e i r o p p o r t u n i t i e s s k i l l f u l l y and c o n t i n u a l l y the c o n s o r t s , eunuchs e t c . were o f t e n able to t r a n s f e r the I m p e r i a l power to themselves without the Emperor's b e i n g aware of i t . During the e a r l y p a r t of T'ang, c o n s o r t s and p r i n c e s s e s were f a r more i n f l u e n t i a l i n s t a t e a f f a i r s than the eunuchs. However, i n the l a t e r p e r i o d only the eunuchs dominated the throne. The powerlessness of the eunuchs d u r i n g the e a r l y T'ang p e r i o d was mainly caused by the order of T ' a i - t s u n g which s t a t e d t h a t the number of eunuchs should be l i m i t e d and the appointments they h e l d should under no circumstances be h i g h e r than the f o u r t h g r a d e . 7 8 Besides, except f o r wearing the y e l l o w uniform of the f o u r t h grade and r e c e i v i n g an allowance of g r a i n , the d u t i e s of the two N e i - s h i h ^ f f who h e l d the h i g h e s t f o u r t h grade po s t s among a l l the eunuchs were c o n f i n e d to guarding the Palace gates and c l e a n i n g the Inner 7 9 P a l a c e . 7 T h i s order l i m i t e d the N e i - s h i h , heads of the Department of A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the Inner Palace ( N e i - s h i h Sheng ^ i l 4 ), t o a lower grade and t o doing o n l y manual t a s k s . For t h i s reason, the eunuchs were no match f o r the 5 6 c o n s o r t s and p r i n c e s s e s i n access t o the Emperor. I t was d u r i n g Empress Wu's and Chung-tsung's r e i g n s t h a t both the numbers and ranks of eunuchs were e s c a l a t e d w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t t h e i r power i n c r e a s e d i n d i r e c t propor-t i o n . Then a f t e r they g r a d u a l l y gained the c o n t r o l of palace guards from Su-tsung t o Te-tsung's \%- ^  p e r i o d , the eunuchs f i n a l l y surpassed the co n s o r t s as w e l l as other female competitors and began t o dominate s t a t e a f f a i r s and l a t e r even 80 the s u c c e s s i o n of the throne. To put i t b r i e f l y , the unstable c o n d i t i o n of s u c c e s s i o n i n T'ang aroused the.ambition of many power-seekers. Among them, the co n s o r t s and p r i n c e s s e s were most s u c c e s s f u l i n the e a r l y T'ang p e r i o d while the o f f i c i a l s were unable to i n t e r v e n e and the eunuchs had not y e t found a way i n t o the confidence of the Emperor. The i n t e r v e n t i o n of Empress Wei, Consort Shang-kuan, the An-lo and T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s as w e l l as t h e i r female p a r t i s a n s was the t y p i c a l r e s u l t of the s u c c e s s i o n problem from the r e i g n of Kao-tsung and Empress Wu to Chung-tsung as w e l l as from Chung-tsung t o J u i - t s u n g . L a t e r between the r e i g n of Hsuan-tsung and Su-tsung, the s i m i l a r but l e s s severe s i t u a t i o n a l s o e x i s t e d . 3 . R e l i g i o n By the T'ang p e r i o d , Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism had a l r e a d y become the three major p h i l o s o p h i c a l t r e n d s which 5 7 most i n f l u e n c e d Chinese thought and way o f l i f e . Hence, though C o n f u c i a n i s m was not a r e l i g i o n , i t was i n c l u d e d among "The Three R e l i g i o n s " ( S a n - c h i a o — ) t o g e t h e r w i t h Buddhism and Taoism. S i n c e the Three R e l i g i o n s had g r e a t i n f l u e n c e of the p e o p l e i n C h i n a , i t a l s o became n e c e s s a r y f o r the r u l e r t o know how t o a p p l y the t h r e e r e l i g i o n s s t r a t e g i c a l l y i n o r d e r t o s t r e n g t h e n h i s s o v e r e i g n t y . Throughout Chinese h i s t o r y , a few r u l e r s f o r c i b l y a d v o c a t e d one of the t h r e e r e l i g i o n s ^ ' " %ft t h e expense of the o t h e r s whereas o t h e r s t r i e d t o r a n k the 82 t h r e e i n o r d e r . However, most of the r u l e r s , no m a t t e r w h i c h one of the t h r e e r e l i g i o n s t h e y t h e m s e l v e s p r e f e r r e d , u s u a l l y t o l e r a t e d the e x i s t e n c e o f a l l the t h r e e , c o n s i d e r i n g t h i s as the b e s t p o l i c y . I t i s o n l y i n r e c e n t y e a r s t h a t h i s t o r i a n s have begun t o n o t i c e t h a t r e l i g i o n may have been a f a c t o r i n f a v o u r i n g women's h i g h e r p o s i t i o n i n T'ang s o c i e t y . 8 3 However, the work of a n a l y z i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the waning and w a x i n g o f the i n f l u e n c e s of the t h r e e r e l i g i o n s and the female p o s i t i o n i n T'ang s o c i e t y s t i l l r e m ains t o be done. Among the t e a c h i n g s of the Three R e l i g i o n s , Taoism seems t o have shown l e s s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t women. I have mentioned b e f o r e t h a t C o n f u c i a n p r i n c i p l e s f r e q u e n t l y emphasized t h a t female i n t e r v e n t i o n i n s t a t e a f f a i r s would b r i n g about the d e s t r u c t i o n o f the c o u n t r y . The i d e a l woman 58 i n C o n fucian t e a c h i n g should obey the head of the f a m i l y , a male of course, and concern h e r s e l f only w i t h her own domestic d u t i e s ; such as breed i n g silkworms and weaving. Consequently, females i n a s o c i e t y mainly dominated by Confucianism were i n c l i n e d t o c u l t i v a t e refinement and not to he ag g r e s s i v e i n meddling i n business o u t s i d e of the f a m i l y . Although i n Buddhism women are p e r m i t t e d t o leave the home and become devotees as men are, o r i g i n a l Buddhism s t i l l c o n s i d e r e d the female as an i n f e r i o r sex. T h i s a t t i t u d e i s apparent i n the Buddhist i d e a t h a t a women i s not q u a l i f i e d to become a Buddha un l e s s she can c u l t i v a t e her m o r a l i t y t o r e a c h the standard of b e i n g worthy t o be r e i n c a r n a t e d as a male i n her next l i f e ; then she may be able t o become a Buddha a f t e r the end of t h i s second l i f e , i f she keeps c u l t i v a t -i n g the m o r a l i t y of t h i s second, male, l i f e . Moreover, from the number of d i s c i p l i n e s r e q u i r e d : two hundred and f i f t y f o r a monk and f i v e hundred f o r a nun, we can a l s o see the unequal 8 4 treatment of the male and female Buddhist devotees. B a s i c a l l y , the p o s i t i o n of men and women i n Buddhism i s unequal. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h i s k i n d of a t t i t u d e sometimes v a r i e d as the r e l i g i o n spread and d i f f e r e n t s e c t s arose. For example, when the Mahayana s e c t was i n t r o d u c e d i n t o China, i t s canon a l r e a d y i n c l u d e d some proph e c i e s about female r u l e r s who would be a v a t a r s of Buddha. 8-' As to the r e l i g i o n of Taoism, i t was o r i g i n a l l y a 59 combination of Chinese t r a d i t i o n a l i d e a s of i m m o r t a l i t y and some t e a c h i n g of L a o - t z u & . There was no obvious i d e a i n Taoism to show any d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t women. Both males and females were able t o become immortals as l o n g as they were devotees or had set up a d i v i n e a l t a r at home and worshiped P>£> day and n i g h t . As a r e l i g i o n o r i g i n a t i n g from a n c i e n t Chinese b e l i e f s , Taoism i n h e r i t e d a l l the gods and goddesses i n t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese f o l k l o r e , f o r example, L i - s h a n Lao-mu M ^ £ » H s i Wang-mu , e t c . 8 7 U n l i k e the s i t u a t i o n i n Buddhism, i n Taoism women cou l d become immortals, and goddesses were b e l i e v e d to e x i s t . Perhaps because of the i n f l u e n c e of the p r i n c i p l e of d u a l i t y , Taoism allowed the female t o enjoy a p o s i t i o n of r e l a t i v e e q u a l i t y . I n h i s "Todai n i okeru boshin s h u g i t e k i f u k k i k a i s e i n i t s u i t e " # ^ *1 W ° " ' ' 1 P r o f e s s o r Fujikawa Masakazu ^ ;'| JE. ^  a l s o suggests t h a t d u r i n g the T'ang p e r i o d Taoism p l a y e d a p a r t i n b r i n g i n g about a h i g h e r s o c i a l p o s i t i o n f o r women because of the r e s p e c t i t accorded to motherhood and t h a t i t was because of t h i s f a v o u r a b l e s o c i a l c l i m a t e , t h a t Empress Wu and Empress Wei were able t o promote the p o s i t i o n of mothers i n mourning . . 8 8 r i t e s . D uring the p e r i o d s which preceded T'ang , the p o s i t i o n of Confucianism was r e l a t i v e l y low while Buddhism and Taoism, w i t h the encouragement of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l s u pporters, competed 6o f o r the l e a d i n g p o s i t i o n . Once the Emperor Wu of Northern C Chou d i d endeavour to suppress Buddhism and Taoism and t o honour Confucianism as the only r e l i g i o n . 8 9 But h i s r e i g n was s h o r t and h i s t e r r i t o r y covered l e s s than one t h i r d of the Chinese map of t h a t epoch. A f t e r he d i e d , Buddhism and Taoism soon became even more popular than b e f o r e . - The Northern and Southern D y n a s t i e s were times of anarchy and d i s o r d e r which made people t u r n t o r e l i g i o n f o r r e l i e f . T h i s k i n d of q u i c k r e l i e f was what Confucianism, not a r e l i g i o n hut a p h i l o s o p h y , c o u l d not p r o v i d e . Hence, even without the constant support of sovereigns i n both the Northern and the Southern D y n a s t i e s , Buddhism and Taoism s t i l l might have r e -mained more i n f l u e n t i a l than Confucianism i n s o c i e t y . The two r u l e r s of S u i , Emperor Wen and Emperor Yang, were both ardent supporters of Buddhism. 9 0 However, they a l s o b e l i e v e d i n Taoism. For example, Emperor Yang always kept male and female T a o i s t s , together w i t h Buddhist monks and nuns, 91 as h i s attendants. A t the same time, s i n c e the S u i Emperor d i d not give as much a t t e n t i o n t o Confucianism, few C o n f u c i a n s c h o l a r s won important p o s t s because of t h e i r l e a r n i n g . B e sides, there was c o n f l i c t between d i f f e r e n t s e c t s of Con-92 f u c i a n i s m , hence i t stayed at the lowest p o s i t i o n among the three r e l i g i o n s . T h e r e f o r e , g e n e r a l l y speaking at the b e g i n n i n g of T'ang, Chinese s o c i e t y was i n f l u e n c e d l e s s by Confucianism than by 6 1 e i t h e r Buddhism or Taoism. A f t e r the T'ang Dynasty was e s t a b l i s h e d , Emperors Kao-9 3 t s u and T ' a i - t s u n g showed more r e g a r d f o r Confucianism. 7-^ T h i s was e s p e c i a l l y t r u e of Emperor T ' a i - t s u n g , who ordered Yen Shih-ku M ff # to prepare The D e f i n i t i v e E d i t i o n of the F i v e C l a s s i c s (Wu-ching Ting-pen S- 3L$- ) • ^  and K'ung Y i n g - t a - JL £k 4 - to compile The Orthodox I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the F i v e C l a s s i c s (Wu-ching Cheng-i -5- JE, ). From t h a t time onward, the C o n f u c i a n students had a standard to f o l l o w and they had to f o l l o w t h i s standard i n order to enter i n t o o f f i c i a l d o m a f t e r competing i n the examination 9 6 system set up i n the b e g i n n i n g of T'ang. 7 Since s t u d y i n g Confucianism a g a i n became an o u t l e t t o winning appointments i n the government, i t s importance i n c r e a s e d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , although Confucianism r e c e i v e d a c e r t a i n amount of encouragement.from the government, the i n f l u e n c e of 9 7 Buddhism s t i l l e x i s t e d i n s o c i e t y . 7 1 Besides, i t was not Confucianism but Taoism t h a t was regarded as the f i r s t r e l i g i o n 9 8 by both Emperors Kao-tsu and T ' a i - t s u n g . 7 Since Taoism claimed L a o - t z u as i t s founder and the surname of L a o - t z u happened to be L i , the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y of T'ang took advantage of t h i s t o p r a i s e Taoism and to i d e n t i f y themselves assthe descendents of L a o - t z u i n order to promote t h e i r f a m i l y fame. Hence, w i t h the encouragement of the government, Taoism enjoyed the l e a d i n g p o s i t i o n almost from 62 the b e g i n n i n g f o T'ang, whereas Confucianism was the next and QQ Buddhism the t h i r d o f f i c i a l l y . 7 7 T h i s s i t u a t i o n continued u n t i l the r e i g n of Emperor Kao-tsung. The power s t r u g g l e between Kao-tsung and h i s ambitious Consort, Empress Wu, showed i t s e l f c l e a r l y i n t h e i r a t t i t u d e toward the three r e l i g i o n s . Kao-tsung t r i e d t o h o l d on to h i s s o v e r e i g n t y by p r a i s i n g Taoism and Confucianism c o n s t a n t l y while Empress Wu worked step by step to promote the o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n of B u d d h i s m . 1 0 0 Empress Wu encouraged Buddhism p a r t l y because of her own b e l i e f . However, a more p r a c t i c a l reason came from the Buddhist canon of the Mahayana s c h o o l mentioned above which t e l l s of female r u l e r s , an example t h a t Empress Wu c o u l d use 101 as a j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r her mandate. Since Empress Wu c o u l d not f i n d any precedent of a female s o v e r e i g n i n Chinese h i s t o r y , she had to search f o r examples from other sources i n order to prove the l e g a l i t y of her p o s i t i o n as s o v e r e i g n . I t was q u i t e i m p o s s i b l e f o r her to f i n d a n y t h i n g u s e f u l i n the C l a s s i c s and Commentary of Confucianism. As f o r Taoism, i t was supposed to be a supporter of the I m p e r i a l L i f a m i l y , and the maximum advantage Empress Wu c o u l d o b t a i n from i t was to have the statue of the mother of L a o - t z u moved i n t o the temple of Taoism and g i v e n the posthumous t i t l e of "The H s i e n - t ' i e n Empress Dowager" ( H s i e n - t ' i e n T'ai-hou ^ X ia ) i n order 1 02 t o emphasize the importance of the Empress Dowager. Hence, 63 a c c o r d i n g to her p o l i t i c a l needs, Empress Wu supported Buddhism 103 104 as the l e a d i n g r e l i g i o n , J kept Taoism i n a lower p o s i t i o n and p a i d as l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n as p o s s i b l e t o the male chauvin-10 5 i s t i c d o c t r i n e , Confucianism. A f t e r Emperor Chung-tsung succeeded the throne, he t r i e d t o improve the p o s i t i o n of Taoism and Confucianism. ' However, h i s p o l i t i c a l power was soon t r a n s f e r r e d t o the hands of Empress Wei who again needed the Buddhist canon to back up her p o s i t i o n . Consequently, Buddhism continued to prosper A Q O and to he i n f l u e n t i a l i n s o c i e t y . T h e r e f o r e , i f we t r y t o analyze the i n f l u e n c e of the three r e l i g i o n s i n the e a r l y T'ang p e r i o d , we f i n d t h a t from the r e i g n of Emperor Kao-tsu to Chung-tsung, Confucianism was p r o b a b l y the l e a s t i n f l u e n t i a l i n s o c i e t y . T h i s was i n the f i r s t p l a c e because of i t s l o n g h i s t o r y of i n s i g n i f i c a n c e . Secondly, i t never r e c e i v e d as much a t t e n t i o n from the govern-ment as the other two r e l i g i o n s . Besides, although i t became the means of e n t r y to o f f i c i a l p o s t s i n the government, i t s i n f l u e n c e was mostly l i m i t e d t o c e r t a i n groups, namely the new middle c l a s s and the great f a m i l i e s i n the Shan-1ting r e g i o n , si n c e the examinations were e i t h e r out of r e a c h f o r people i n the lower c l a s s or unnecessary f o r those w i t h Kuan-l u n g a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l y background as the s o l e way of winning o f f i c i a l p o s t s . 1 0 9 The middle c l a s s which w i l l be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r was a 64 new e n t i t y which appeared i n the l a t e r p e r i o d of N o rthern and 110 Southern D y n a s t i e s . L a t e r , thoughout the c e n t u r i e s , i t g r a d u a l l y r e p l a c e d the g r e a t f a m i l i e s which had dominated the l e a d i n g s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n s from E a s t e r n Han and 111 became the e s s e n t i a l c l a s s i n Chinese s o c i e t y . However, at the b e g i n n i n g of T'ang, i t was not u n t i l the r e i g n of Empress Wu, t h a t the middle c l a s s became s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n f l u e n t i a l upon both the c o u r t and the s o c i e t y . T h e i r p o s i t i o n mainly came about because of Empress Wu who emphasized the importance of examinations i n order to expand the b a s i s f o r her s e l e c t i o n of o f f i c i a l s . Consequently, the middle c l a s s would not do a n y t h i n g to remove t h e i r p a t r o n by opposing the power of a female r u l e r . The same s i t u a t i o n a p p l i e d t o the great f a m i l i e s of the Shan-tung area. These f a m i l i e s w i t h a t r a d i t i o n of Confucian-112 ism should not have approved of the r i s i n g power of Empress Wu. However, w i t h the hope t h a t Empress Wu, who was a l s o an o u t s i d e r toward the Kuan-lung Group, co u l d b r i n g them a share i n the p o l i t i c a l power which was at t h a t time mainly h e l d by the Kuan-lung f a m i l i e s , the great Shan-tung f a m i l i e s a l s o 113 compromised. J The middle c l a s s and the g r e a t f a m i l i e s of Shan-tung o r i g i n d i d oppose female i n t e r v e n t i o n i n s t a t e a f f a i r s by f o l l o w i n g the p r i n c i p l e of Confucianism but such an a t t i t u d e d i d not appear u n t i l Empress Wei was i n power. Since by t h a t 6 5 time they had a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n , the o r i g i n a l means of access was simply not necessary. B e s i d e s , Empress Wei belonged t o and was mainly supported by i l k the a r i s t o c r a t i c Kuan-lung group which had l o n g been the p o l i t i c a l opponent of both the middle c l a s s and the gr e a t f a m i l i e s of Shan-tung o r i g i n . I have mentioned before t h a t the i n f l u e n c e of Confucianism i n s o c i e t y was a l r e a d y l i m i t e d at the be g i n n i n g of T'ang. I n a d d i t i o n t o t h i s , i t s main f o l l o w e r s were not only l e s s powerful but a l s o chose t o compromise w i t h a female r u l e r f o r t h e i r own advantage. T h i s c o u l d e x p l a i n from the r e l i g i o u s p o i n t of view why there was so l i t t l e r e s i s t a n c e a g a i n s t Empress Wu*s ascending the throne. Hence, we cou l d say the high e r s o c i a l female p o s i t i o n and the constant female i n t e r v e n t i o n i n s t a t e a f f a i r s i n e a r l y T'ang p e r i o d were at l e a s t p a r t l y due t o the l a c k of Con f u c i a n i n f l u e n c e i n s o c i e t y as w e l l as the powerless and compromising a t t i t u d e of the supporters of Confucianism. Besides, from Empress Wu's r e i g n onward the female s o c i a l p o s i t i o n was most pro b a b l y eMen h i g h e r as a r e s u l t of her e f f e c t i v e r u l e , her advocacy of Buddhism, emphasizing the phophecy of female r u l e r s i n the Buddhism canon, and her appeal to the s p i r i t of r e s p e c t f o r motherhood i n popul a r Taoism. The female f o l l o w e r s of Empress Wu, most of whom were from Kuan-lung f a m i l i e s which u s u a l l y were l e s s c o l o u r e d 66 by Confucianism, would have beeneeasilyeinfluenoedobyfsuchwa& g t r e n d and they began to conceive the ambition of f o l l o w i n g i n the f o o t s t e p s of Empress Wu. k.The I n f l u e n c e of Empress Wu The i n f l u e n c e of Empress Wu on her female successors i n c l u d e d a t l e a s t three aspects. The one which d i r e c t l y s t i m u l a t e d the ambition of her f o l l o w e r s was her e f f e c t i v e s o v e r e i g n t y . Before the r e i g n of Empress Wu, there had been other times of female r u l e i n China. P r e v i o u s female r u l e r s however had a l l governed under the name of Empress Dowager. Besides, they o f t e n handed the s o v e r e i g n t y t o t h e i r male k i n , u s u a l l y a f a t h e r , b r o t h e r or nephew. Even Empress Lu of Western Han i5l /J|_ , who was a comparatively capable Empress Dowager 11 ^  p r e v i o u s to Empress Wu, conformed to t h i s s t e r e o t y p e . ^ As t o the s u c c e s s i v e Empresses Dowagers i n E a s t e r n Han, they were 11 6 a c t u a l l y only the t o o l s of t h e i r ambitious male r e l a t i v e s . Since the domination of s t a t e a f f a i r s by I m p e r i a l i n -117 laws u s u a l l y r e s u l t e d i n p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t s , ' i t seems to have been w i d e l y accepted t h a t an^Empress Dowager would not o n l y be i n c a p a b l e of conducting the government e f f e c t i v e l y by h e r s e l f but would a l s o i n e v i t a b l y b r i n g about p o l i t i c a l 118 c o n f l i c t s . Such c o n c l u s i o n s based on h i s t o r i c a l precedents c o u l d not have been encouraging to any woman who had the o p p o r t u n i t y t o i n t e r f e r e i n p o l i t i c s ; ; ; 67 N e v e r t h e l e s s , Empress Wu f i n a l l y brought a change t o t h i s s t e r e o t y p e . With her a b i l i t y , she became the s o v e r e i g n both i n name and i n f a c t . The o f f i c i a l s , i n c l u d i n g her male r e l a t i v e s , were a l l under her command. Her m e r i t s made i t p o s s i b l e t o set up her own dynasty without any s i g n i f i c a n t 1 1 9 m i l i t a r y r e s i s t a n c e i n the country. 7 Compared to the male r u l e r s i n Chinese h i s t o r y , her name co u l d be put amongst the most capable. To the l a d i e s of her court who had access t o power i n the f o l l o w i n g r e i g n s , she had p r o v i d e d a l i v i n g example which no doubt strengthened t h e i r ambitions. The second aspect of the i n f l u e n c e of Empress Wu was on a more p r a c t i c a l s i d e . She promoted the p o s i t i o n of women both i n s o c i e t y and at c o u r t . Empress Wu's f i r s t attempt t o improve the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of women was i n the r e i g n of Kao-tsung. She pleaded w i t h the Emperor t o o r d a i n t h a t even d u r i n g the l i f e t i m e of a f a t h e r , mourning should be worn f o r a deceased mother f o r three y e a r s . H i t h e r t o t h i s p e r i o d of mourning had been c o n f i n e d t o bereave-120 ment f o r a f a t h e r . She suggested p r o l o n g i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l one year mourning p e r i o d f o r the mother t o three years i n order to show as much r e s p e c t and f i l i a l p i e t y t o the mother as to f a t h e r . T h i s p r o p o s a l of Empress Wu was not a p p l i e d u n t i l her own r e i g n . N e v e r t h e l e s s i t l a t e r became an o f f i c i a l r i t e of the T'ang system. Although t h i s p e t i t i o n of Empress Wu d i d not yet b r i n g 6 8 the p o s i t i o n of the mother t o a f u l l y equal standing w i t h f a t h e r , i t was no doubt a great step forward i n promoting the 121 p o s i t i o n of the mother i n the f a m i l y . Besides, i t helped, i n one way or another, to promote the p o s i t i o n of women i n s o c i e t y g e n e r a l l y . The T'ang system allowed a woman who r e c e i v e d an h o n o r i f i c t i t l e not because of the p o s i t i o n of her husband or sons but f o r her own m e r i t or b i r t h , t o bear her o f f i c i a l 122 rank w i t h the bestowed t i t l e whenever the t i t l e was mentioned. H o w e v e r , Empress Wu seems t o have been the f i r s t s o v e r e i g n who 123 e x t e n s i v e l y bestowed h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s on women. J Besides g i v i n g such t i t l e s t o her mother, female r e l a t i v e s and 124 neighbours, she a l s o a p p l i e d t h i s system i n order t o honour two women f o r t h e i r bravery i n o r g a n i z i n g women s o l d i e r s to h e l p i n defending t h e i r c i t i e s a g a i n s t the a t t a c k s of non-12 5 Chinese t r i b e s . v These s p e c i a l honours which were generously bestowed on women by Empress Wu must have not onl y improved t h e i r s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n s but a l s o helped to make them aware t h a t they were not merely a c c e s s o r i e s of t h e i r husbands or sons. Besides such women who won t h e i r own t i t l e s , l a d i e s who were gi v e n ranks and t i t l e s because of the p o s i t i o n s of t h e i r husbands or sons, such as c o u r t l a d i e s , and mothers and wives of the h i g h o f f i c i a l s , were a l s o regarded w i t h more 69 esteem a f t e r Empress Wu was appointed the Empress of Kao-tsung. The reason was t h a t Empress Wu requested to be allowed to f o l l o w the r i t e d e s c r i b e d i n The R i t e s of Chou (Ch o u - l i ) of 126 having audience w i t h those l a d i e s r e g u l a r l y . B e s i d e s , the l a d i e s were o f t e n summoned to p a r t i c i p a t e i n banquets and 127 r e l i g i o u s ceremonies. ' Such audiences and ceremonies were p r a c t i s e d f r e q u e n t l y d u r i n g the r e i g n of Kao-tsung and Empress Wu. Consequently, these l a d i e s a p p a r e n t l y p l a y e d a much more important r o l e than i n p r e c e d i n g r e i g n s . I n a d d i t i o n to p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n banquets, f o r m a l audience and ceremonies, some of the l a d i e s were a c t u a l l y t r u s t e d w i t h s t a t e a f f a i r s . Although Empress Wu g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d the number of eunuchs, there i s no r e c o r d of her p e r m i t t i n g them any access to s t a t e a f f a i r s . Her long-time t r u s t e d c o n f i d e n t i a l a s s i s t a n t s i n the Palace were the court l a d y Shang-kuan Wan-erh and her daughter, the T ' a i - p ' i n g 128 P r i n c e s s . They both f r e q u e n t l y attended her d e c i s i o n making meetings. T h i s was e s p e c i a l l y true of Shang-kuan Wan-erh, who occupied the p o s i t i o n of a c o n f i d e n t i a l s e c r e t a r y i n the l a s t decade of Empress Wu's r e i g n . Although she was once punished f o r d i s o b e y i n g the command of the Empress, t h i s seems to have onl y been a warning f o r her not to be too. c o n c e i t e d i n over e s t i m a t i n g h e r s e l f , a u s u a l move f o r a power-f u l s o v e r e i g n . A f t e r t h a t she was even more t r u s t e d by the Empress. She not only handled the i m p e r i a l e d i c t s w i t h i n the 7 0 p a l a c e but a l s o took p a r t i n d e c i s i o n s made on memorials sub-m i t t e d by h i g h o f f i c i a l s , and p a r t i c i p a t e d g e n e r a l l y i n a l l s t a t e a f f a i r s . D uring the r e i g n of Empress Wu, there may have been other court l a d i e s b e s i d e s Shang-kuan who were t r u s t e d t o d e a l w i t h l e s s important d u t i e s i n s t a t e a f f a i r s . There i s no s u f f i c e n t i n f o r m a t i o n concerning t h i s ; however, judging from the p o l i t i c a l power of Shang-kuan Wan-erh and the T ' a i -p ' i n g P r i n c e s s d u r i n g Empress Wu*s and the f o l l o w i n g r e i g n of Chung-tsung, t h e i r p o s i t i o n undoubtedly had a l r e a d y g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d the feminine s t a n d i n g i n the c o u r t . The p r o v i s i o n f o r more e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r c o u r t l a d i e s was the t h i r d aspect of Empress Wu's i n f l u e n c e on the female p o s i t i o n i n the c o u r t . Empress Wu was i n t e r e s t e d i n l i t e r a t u r e and most pr o b a b l y she intended to t r a i n more a s s i s t a n t s l i k e Shang-kuan Wan-erh. She e n l a r g e d the L i t e r a r y Academy of the Inner Palace (Nei Wen-hsueh Kuan F*} X. % 4t ) c o n s i d e r a b l y . A t the beginning of T'ang, the L i t e r a r y Academy of the Inner Palace was under the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the I m p e r i a l S e c r e t a r i a t (Chung-shu Sheng f ^ 4i ). With only one C o n f u c i a n educated t u t o r assigned as S c h o l a r (Hsueh-shih ^ -t ) to teach the c o u r t l a d i e s , we can imagine i t to have been a r a t h e r s m a l l department of l i t t l e importance i n the I m p e r i a l S e c r e t a r i a t . J Though, there i s no r e c o r d of the a c t u a l number of c o u r t 71 l a d i e s i n the e a r l y T'ang p e r i o d , i n a memorial submitted by L i Pai-yao £ § |t u r g i n g T ' a i - t s u n g t o r e l e a s e the s u r p l u s c o u r t l a d i e s , i t i s mentioned t h a t there were s e v e r a l t e n -131 thousand s u r p l u s l a d i e s at t h a t time. J I n r e l a t i o n t o t h i s number, one can imagine t h a t the L i t e r a r y Academy of the Inner P a l a c e c o u l d not have been very e f f e c t i v e . I n 6 9 2 A.D., Empress Wu changed the name of L i t e r a r y Academy of the Inner P a l a c e to Academy of A r t s ( H s i - i Kuan % % M ) and i n c r e a s e d the number of tea c h e r s , T u t o r s of Inner P a l a c e (Nei-chiao P o - s h i h /*) t4 ^ ), to eighteen. Among the e i g h t e e n t u t o r s , f i v e were i n charge of t e a c h i n g the Con f u c i a n c l a s s i c s ( c h i n g ilL ), three f o r H i s t o r y ( s h i h X ), P h i l o s o p h y ( t z u -3- ), B e l l e s - l e t t r e s ( c h i ^ ) and Composition (chui-wen X. ), two f o r formal C a l l i g r a p h y ( k ' a i - s h u $j ^ ) and one each f o r Chuang-tzu $L -J- , Lao-tzu, T ' a i - i X_ " » w r i t i n g of S e a l Character (Chuan-shu §L ^ ), Law ( l u - l i n g 4~ )» Chanting (yin-yung D ^ ), w r i t i n g of Fe i - p o s t y l e (Fei-po-shu ^ % ) and Chess ( c h ' i ^ ). Besides, two of the most famous contemporary poets, Sung Chih-wen %- M and Yang Chiung $j , were appointed by Empress Wu as t u t o r s i n the Academy of A r t s . 1 3 2 Judging from the wide range of the courses and the q u a l i t y of the tea c h e r s , Empress Wu o b v i o u s l y took the ed u c a t i o n of cou r t l a d i e s s e r i o u s l y . The courses, which i n c l u d e d Law, H i s t o r y , C l a s s i c s e t c . , p r o v i d e d knowledge not 7 2 necessary f o r o r d i n a r y c o u r t l a d i e s but f o r h i g h o f f i c i a l s . T h i s a l s o shows t h a t the Empress may have had the i n t e n t i o n of s e l e c t i n g Inner Pal a c e c o n f i d e n t i a l a s s i s t a n t s from among the c o u r t l a d i e s . T h i s would not only have promoted the p p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n of the court l a d i e s , at l e a s t those who had the o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o be educated, but would a l s o have made some of them conscious of the p o s s i b i l i t y of g a i n i n g p o l i t i c a l power. Needless t o say, knowledge c o u l d have a l s o helped them g a i n confidence and develop ambitions. Except f o r Shang-kuan Wan-erh, I c o u l d not o b t a i n s u f f i c i e n t i n f o r m a t i o n as t o whether the other powerful c o n s o r t s of Emperor Chung-tsung, such as the Consort Ch'ai or Ho-lou, were i n the Inner Palace and had been educated d u r i n g the r e i g n of Empress Wu. Ne v e r t h e l e s s , Shang-kuan Wan-erh can be taken as the best example of a cou r t l a d y who c u l t i v a t e d her knowledge, a b i l i t i e s and ambition i n the Inner P a l a c e of Empress Wu. Whether d e l i b e r a t e l y or not Empress Wu improved the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n of T'ang women a f t e r she was appointed as Empress of Kao-tsung. Above a l l , her own success made her a l i v i n g example f o r her f o l l o w e r s most of whom had witnessed her e x t r a o r d i n a r y achievement and found i t hard to r e s i s t the temptation of i m i t a t i n g her. 73 II.The P o l i t i c a l C o n f l i c t s i n the Outer Court Since the l a t e P r o f e s s o r Ch'en Yin-k'o p u b l i s h e d h i s "T ' a n g - t a i Cheng-chih-shih Shu-lun K a o " 1 3 3 i n 1 9 k k , p o l i t i c a l antagonisms i n the e a r l y T'ang Court have been d i s c u s s e d by many contemporary h i s t o r i a n s . I n P r o f e s s o r Ch'en's s t u d i e s , he suggested t h a t n a t i v e - p l a c e , b i r t h , marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p s and type of appointment and examination were the major f a c t o r s i 3 k i n the f o r m a t i o n of f a c t i o n s i n the e a r l y T'ang Court. Among the l a t e r works i n which the same s u b j e c t has been d i s c u s s e d , some have p r o v i d e d supplementary m a t e r i a l t o support P r o f e s s o r Ch'en's th e o r y and some have been a g a i n s t i t . However, those who have t r i e d t o prove t h a t n a t i v e - p l a c e , b i r t h , marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p s and type of examination and appointment were not the main reasons f o r f a c t i o n a l i s m have u s u a l l y c oncentrated on r e j e c t i n g one or two of these f o u r f a c t o r s suggested by P r o f e s s o r Ch'en. Chang Ch'un ^ ^ f o r example, has pre s e n t e d a q u i t e d e t a i l e d study "Lun T ' a n g - t a i Kai-yuan Ch'ien T i Cheng-chih C h i - f u a n " Hfr M K #1 i ^ I U which d i s c u s s e s the forming of the p o l i t i c a l groups before K'ai-yuan p e r i o d . J I n t h i s essay, though he d i s a g r e e d t h a t n a t i v e - p l a c e was the main f a c t o r which caused p o l i t i c a l antagonism, he c o u l d not t o t a l l y deny the i n f l u e n c e of b i r t h , type of examination or even marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p s . R e c e n t l y , Howard F. Wechsler has a l s o p r e s e n t e d an 7 k 1 3f essay " F a c t i o n a l i s m i n E a r l y T'ang Government". J Though, mainly b a s i n g h i m s e l f on Chang Ch'un's work, he seems to be t r y i n g t o use a more s c i e n t i f i c approach to analyze the reasons which caused f a c t i o n a l i s m d u r i n g the r e i g n s of Kao-t s u and T ' a i - t s u n g . H i s c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t d u r i n g the r e i g n s of the f i r s t two T'ang Emperors, i f f a c t i o n a l c o n f l i c t between o f f i c i a l s d i d occur, i t was t y p i c a l l y the r e s u l t of p e r s o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t s and p e t t y j e a l o u s i e s . N e i t h e r n a t i v e - p l a c e nor b i r t h , marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p s , p e r s o n a l background e t c . , i n ge n e r a l , had any s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n w i t h i t . N e v e r t h e l e s s , apart from the sparseness and l i m i t a t i o n s of the sources f o r the T'ang p e r i o d , h i s l a c k of comprehensive knowledge of the h i s t o r i c a l background has l e d him to make q u i t e a few mistakes i n the t a b l e s he drew. These mistakes d e t r a c t from the r e l i a b i l i t y of h i s c o n c l u s i o n . Hence, although the sparseness and l i m i t a t i o n s of the source m a t e r i a l s make i t impossible t o draw up a s t a t i s t i c a l t a b l e which w i l l show the r e a l p i c t u r e of the p o l i t i c a l antagonisms i n e a r l y T'ang p e r i o d , we can say t h a t P r o f e s s o r Ch'en Yin-k'o's viewpoint, though f o r the time b e i n g under a t t a c k , i s s t i l l a wi d e l y accepted theory. P o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t s i n the cou r t of Chung-tsung, were no doubt another main source of power f o r Empress Wei and Consort Shang-kuan. However, i t i s probably b e t t e r to c a l l the p a r t i c i p a t i n g p a r t i e s " i n t e r e s t groups" i n s t e a d of 7 5 f a c t i o n s , s i n c e i n a d d i t i o n t o n a t i v e - p l a c e , b i r t h , marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p s and type of appointment and examination, t h e i r confederacy a l s o v a r i e d depending on the temporary i n t e r e s t s 137 each group or i n d i v i d u a l r e p r e s e n t e d . -Jl I b e l i e v e there were f o u r i n t e r e s t groups i n the Court of Chung-tsung. That i n c l u d e d : ( l ) T h e L i , Wu, Wei, Yang Four F a m i l y Group (2)The Kuan-lung A r i s t o c r a t i c Group (3)The New Middle C l a s s Bureaucrats ( k)The New Power-seeking Group w i t h humble o r i g i n s . G e n e r a l l y speaking, d u r i n g the r e i g n of Chung-tsung, these f o u r groups formed two r i v a l b l o c s , the pro-Empress Wei b l o c and the anti-Empress Wei b l o c , i n order t o compete f o r t h e i r own group i n t e r e s t s . A.The Formation of the "Group of Four F a m i l i e s R e l a t e d Toy M a r r i a g e — t h e L i , Wu, Wei and Yang F a m i l i e s " I n h i s essay " Chi T ' a n g - t a i C h i h L i , Wu, Wei, Yang Hun-y i n Chi-t'uan" %h j& K ^ £ ^ ^ # & & $• 1 3 8 P r o f e s s o r Ch'en Yin-k'o suggests t h a t ever s i n c e Empress Wu had been appointed as the Empress of Kao-tsung, there was a new p o l i t i c a l group formed i n T'ang Court. The forming of t h i s group was based on the i n t e r - m a r r i a g e r e l a t i o n s h i p s among the fo u r f a m i l i e s of L i , Wu, Wei, Yang. The L i s were the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y o f T'ang. Wei and Yang both were among the l e a d i n g 139 a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l i e s i n the Kuan-chung area. J 7 B e s i d e s , the Yangs were a l s o the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y of S u i and the maternal k i n of Empress Wu. Through the e a r l y p e r i o d of T'ang, before 76 the R e b e l l i o n of An Lu-shan, t h i s group, centered on L i and Wu and supplemented by Wei and Yang were the l e a d i n g p o l i t i c a l group i n T'ang Court. P r o f e s s o r Ch'en a l s o says t h a t the group of Four F a m i l i e s was founded by Empress Wu i n order to s t r e n g t h e n the p o l i t i c a l power of the Wu f a m i l y , A c t u a l l y , the f o r m a t i o n of t h i s group, though begun by Empress Wu, was not completed u n t i l the time of Wu San-ssu and Empress Wei. A c c o r d i n g to the e x i s t i n g r e c o r d s , i t seems obvious t h a t the i d e a of a network of marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the L i s and Wus d i d not occur to Empress Wu u n t i l she s e t up her own r e i g n and began to look f o r a candidate to be her s u c c e s s o r . 1 ^ 0 As a female sovereign, l i v i n g i n a s o c i e t y which only r e c o g n i z e d the male l i n e of a c l a n , she encountered a dilemma i n the problem of s e l e c t i n g the successor. Being urged c o n s t a n t l y hy some of her o f f i c i a l s and since she never l i k e d the male k i n of her f a m i l y v e r y much, she always kept one of her own sons as the H e i r . However, f o r the s a f e t y of the descendants of the Wus, a network of marriage r e l a t i o n -s h i p s seemed to be the best p o l i c y she c o u l d apply. T h e r e f o r e , she arranged s e v e r a l marriages between the two f a m i l i e s , i n c l u d i n g the second marriage of her f a v o r i t e daughter--the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s . Even t h i s r e q u i r e d q u i t e a few troublesome 142 procedures. A f t e r the s u c c e s s i o n of Chung-tsung, these e f f o r t s of 77 Empress Wu immediately y i e l d e d abundant rewards. Since the An-lo P r i n c e s s , the f a v o r i t e daughter of Chung-tsung and Empress Wei, was married to the son of Wu San-ssu, who was the nephew of Empress Wu and the l e a d e r of the Wu f a m i l y at t h a t time, the newly formed L i Wu Group were able to put the s t a t e a f f a i r s under c o n t r o l i n no time. The o f f i c i a l r e c o r d s a l l blame Consort Shang-kuan f o r 143 i n t r o d u c i n g Wu San-ssu to Empress We a? and Chung-tsung. A c t u a l l y , Wu San-ssu a l r e a d y had marriage connections w i t h Chung-tsung and Empress Wei before Chung-tsung's s u c c e s s i o n . I n the K'ao-i of the T z u - c h i h T'ung-chien the author s t a t e s t h a t he r e v i s e d the time of Wu San-ssu's sneaking i n t o the :P P a l a c e to p l o t w i t h Empress Wei from the day a f t e r Chung-tsung' s r e v o l u t i o n t o one month l a t e r , s i n c e the p e r i o d of one day which i s r e c o r d e d by C h i u T'ang-shu 91» 4b seems too s h o r t . However i f we n o t i c e the e a r l i e r marriage c o n n e c t i o n and p o s s i b l e e a r l i e r a s s o c i a t i o n between Wu San-ssu and Empress Wei, the statement i n the C h i u T'ang-shu i s not completely i n c o n c e i v a b l e . On the other hand, Shang-kuan Wan-erh probably d i d encourage Empress Wei to b r i n g Wu San-ssu i n t o the d e c i s i o n making group, s i n c e Shang-kuan, as a l o y a l attendant of Empress Wu, would t h i n k i t was a good arrangement to continue Empress Wu's p o l i c y of s t r e n g t h e n i n g the t i e s between the f a m i l i e s of L i and Wu. Empress Wei continued to enlarge the almost e s t a b l i s h e d 78 group by i n t r o d u c i n g more blood from her own f a m i l y , the ' i l j , c; Weis. Since the Yangs a l r e a d y had a long-term marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the I m p e r i a l L i f a m i l y , f i n a l l y the Group of Four F a m i l i e s was e n t i r e l y formed and had s o v e r e i g n t y and government under i t s c o n t r o l d u r i n g the r e i g n of Chung-tsung. Though f o r the convenience of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n we here c a l l t h i s group the Group of Four F a m i l i e s as named by P r o f e s s o r Ch'en Yin-k'e, we should keep i n mind t h a t the members of t h i s group were not s t r i c t l y c o n f i n e d t o those who bore the f o u r f a m i l y name L i , Wu, Wei and Yang. I n t h i s group there were a l s o a few members who bore surnames other than L i , Wu, Wei and Yang, but who attached themselves to the group l> because of t h e i r marriage connections w i t h these f o u r i':?,mill 147 f a m i l i e s . ' For example, the Tsung b r o t h e r s Ch'u-k'o and Chin-eh'ing, sons of Empress Wu's c o u s i n , both were a c t i v e members of the group. Even e a r l i e r than the s u c c e s s i o n of Chung-tsung, the male members of the Wu f a m i l y had r e a l i z e d t here were not much 1 UP, p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r them to ascend the throne. However, because of t h e i r marriage c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y , some of t h e i r female members possessed the blood of the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y . T h e r e f o r e , i t was n a t u r a l f o r the male members of the Wus to t r y to advance t h e i r power seeking ends by encouraging the female members, the daughters of the L i s , to pursue the throne. F o r example, the ambitions of Wu San-ssu 79 and h i s son Wu Ch'ung-hsun were probably the main m o t i v a t i o n which i n s p i r e d the An-lo P r i n c e s s t o ask f o r the p o s i t i o n of l l l Q h e i r e s s of the throne. ' As to the members of the Wei, Yang and other a t t a c h e d f a m i l i e s , they were a l s o w i l l i n g t o support Empress Wei and her daughter the An-lo P r i n c e s s , f o r the sake of t h e i r p e r s o n a l or f a m i l y advantages. The l e a d e r s h i p of Empress Wei and the An-lo P r i n c e s s c e r t a i n l y would a l s o s t i r up d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n among other members of the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y , e s p e c i a l l y those who reckoned themselves at l e a s t as q u a l i f i e d f o r the throne as Empress Wei and her daughter. However, at t h a t time the members of the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y , having j u s t escaped from the i r o n hands of 1 SO Empress Wu, ^ were e i t h e r too t i m i d or too powerless t o stand up a g a i n s t the Empress Wei's p a r t y . A few of them, f o r in s t a n c e the Heir-Apparent Ch'ung-chun and the P r i n c e of Ch'eng, t r i e d 1 SI but f a i l e d . Cautious and ambitious members of the L i c l a n l i k e the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s and the P r i n c e L i Lung-chi t r i e d t o c u l t i v a t e t h e i r power s e c r e t l y and a t the same time main-t a i n e d harmonious r e l a t i o n s w i t h Chung-tsung and Empress Wei on the surface i n order t o s u r v i v e the constant a t t a c k s from 1S2 the p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei. ^ I n s h o r t , because of the i n t e r - m a r r i a g e p o l i c y of Empress Wu and Empress Wei, the f o u r f a m i l i e s of L i , Wu, Wei and Yang g r a d u a l l y r e p l a c e d the L i s alone and formed the 80 upper r u l i n g group of the T'ang Court. Though u s u a l l y m a i n t a i n i n g a n o n - h o s t i l e r e l a t i o n s h i p among each other, the ambitious members of the group were busy at i n t r i g u e s f o r the p u r s u i t of the throne while the other members s e l e c t e d t h e i r l e a d e r s f o r p e r s o n a l or f a m i l y i n t e r e s t s . B e sides, s i n c e male members were sometimes unable to pursue the throne f o r themselves, the female members were o f t e n encouraged to do so. Hence, the Group of Four F a m i l i e s was one of the important f a c t o r s which caused constant female i n t e r v e n t i o n s i n the e a r l y T'ang p e r i o d . B.The Attempt of the Kuan-lung A r i s t o c r a t i c Group to Revive T h e i r P o l i t i c a l Power I n h i s r e c e n t work, "The Composition of the T'ang R u l i n g 1 53 C l a s s : New Evidence from Tunhuang", P r o f e s s o r Denis T w i t c h e t t proposes h i s new hypothesis t h a t the r e a l l y new element of m o b i l i t y which emerged through the examination system i n e a r l y T'ang times was not the new e s c a l a t i n g middle c l a s s l i t e r a r y gentry group suggested by P r o f e s s o r Ch'en Y i n -k'o but a l a r g e group of l o c a l l y prominent c l a n s whose o r i g i n s o f t e n went back at l e a s t as f a r as the s u p e r - e l i t e a r i s t o c r a t i c c l a n s and was r e c o g n i z e d i n s t a n d i n g only minor t o these super-e l i t e c l a n s by s t a t e and s o c i e t y . As to the members of o r d i n a r y p r o v i n c i a l commoner f a m i l i e s , they were not able to p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i t i c s u n t i l l a t e T'ang. P r o f e s s o r T w i t c h e t t has made a d e t a i l e d study to support h i s h y p o t h e s i s , but there are s t i l l some qu e s t i o n a b l e p o i n t s 81 i n h i s work. For example, based on some fragments of a genealogy found i n Tunhuang, P r o f e s s o r T w i t c h e t t proposes t h a t the o r i g i n s of the prominent l o c a l l i n e a g e s c o u l d be t r a c e d back at l e a s t as f a r as the s u p e r - e l i t e a r i s t o c r a t i c c l a n s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , even i f these fragments are proved to be w r i t t e n i n the pre-T'ang p e r i o d , i t might s t i l l be from a genealogy of a newly opulent m i d d l e - c l a s s f a m i l y , s i n c e the new middle-c l a s s gentry began to appear not i n T'ang s o c i e t y but i n the s o c i e t y of a much e a r l i e r s t a g e — t h e Northern and Southern 1 S k D y n a s t i e s . P r o f e s s o r T w i t c h e t t a l s o p o i n t s out t h a t the contents of t h i s genealogy almost c e r t a i n l y d e r i v e i n l a r g e p a r t from the l o c a l h i s t o r y Tun-huang S h i h - l u , w r i t t e n by the f i f t h -century author L i u P i n g . However, he n e g l e c t s the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t i n a s o c i e t y extremely conscious of f a m i l y standings, a newly wealthy f a m i l y may t r y to develop a prominent f a m i l y h i s t o r y and l i n k i t s e l f w i t h some eminent l o c a l f i g u r e s i n h i s t o r y . Besides, P r o f e s s o r T w i t c h e t t a l s o s t a t e s t h a t a c c o r d i n g to o f f i c i a l l i s t i n g , the l o c a l l y prominent c l a n s formed a f l u i d group whose members were i n c r e a s i n g g r e a t l y throughout the T'ang p e r i o d . I f t h i s group was made up of prominent c l a n s which had had an eminent f a m i l y h i s t o r y f o r c e n t u r i e s and whose s t a n d i n g was r e c o g n i z e d as s u p e r i o r both by the 8 2 s t a t e and by s o c i e t y as he b e l i e v e s , we would expect to f i n d most of these clans i n c l u d e d i n the e a r l i e s t o f f i c i a l l i s t i n g of p r e s t i g e clans of T'ang. Consequently, since the f l u i d c haracter of t h i s group f i t s i n more w i t h the continuously i n c r e a s i n g and e s c a l a t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the middle c l a s s gentry group which s t r u g g l e d and won a prominent s o c i a l standing throughout T'ang Dynasty, there i s a l s o a p o s s i b i l i t y t hat what P r o f e s s o r Twitchett reckons as the group of l o c a l l y prominent clans i s nothing but a new r i s i n g c l a s s w i t h no eminent background. I n a d d i t i o n to P r o f e s s o r T w i t c h e t t ' s research, P r o f e s s o r Howard F. Wechsler has taken a d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n i n t r y i n g to show that there was no f a c t i o n a l i s m during the r e i g n s of Kao-tsu and T'ai-tsung. I have mentioned t h a t h i s argument seems at best i n c o n c l u s i v e to me. As a matter of f a c t , even T'ai-tsung h i m s e l f pointed out the contrast between h i s o f f i c i a l s of Kuan-chung o r i g i n and those from Shan-tung area. Although not always sharply defined, the two c l e a r l y d i s c e r n i b l e l i n e s e x i s t e d i n the Outer Court of T'ang at l e a s t as e a r l y as i n T'ai-tsung's r e i g n . Therefore, since we l a c k conclusive evidence to prove P r o f e s s o r T w i t c h e t t ' s or P r o f e s s o r Wechsler*s hypotheses, I w i l l s t i l l apply i n t h i s t h e s i s P r o f e s s o r Ch'en's theory, which defines the two c o n t r a s t i n g groups of o f f i c i a l s i n the Outer Court of T'ang as the Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t s and the 83 middle c l a s s g entry from the east and south, though i n need of more supplementary work. I have mentioned e a r l i e r the view of P r o f e s s o r Ch'en t h a t not only p l a c e of o r i g i n hut a l s o b i r t h , type of examination and appointment or even marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p c o u l d i n f l u e n c e the way i n which s i d e s were taken by a c e r t a i n o f f i c i a l . T h e r e f o r e , though we u s u a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h the two groups as the a r i s t o c r a t s from the Kuan-lung area and the middle c l a s s l i t e r a r y gentry from the east and south, there were always some excepti o n s , people who d e s e r t e d t h e i r own group and j o i n e d the o t h e r s ' . For example, the C o n f u c i a n educated Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t s who won t h e i r appointments through examinations might have f e l l o w f e e l i n g w i t h the 156 l i t e r a t i group D while some of the l i t e r a t e b u reaucrats w i t h a r i s t o c r a t i c background i n the east and south j o i n e d the Kuan-1 57 l u n g a r i s t o c r a t i c group. J ( Besides, p e r s o n a l i t y c o n f l i c t s and p e t t y j e a l o u s i e s would c e r t a i n l y a l s o make a d i f f e r e n c e . The composition of the i n t e r e s t s groups among the T'ang o f f i c i a l s i s a problem too complicated t o be f u r t h e r d i s c u s s e d i n t h i s t h e s i s . However, i t i s obvious t h a t the antagonism between the Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t s and the new middle c l a s s bureaucrats from the east and south was g e t t i n g s t r o n g e r thoughout the r e i g n s of Kao-tsung and Empress Wu, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r Empress Wu promoted a great number of o f f i c i a l s , w i t h l i t e r a t e gentry backgrounds through the 8^ examination system. As a new r u l e r p l a y i n g the o l d t r i c k of promoting a group of new attendants who would f o l l o w orders g r a t e f u l l y i n order t o f i g h t or r e p l a c e the e x i s t i n g b u r e a u c r a t i c power, Empress Wu was by a l l means good at her games. By the end of her r e i g n , though the o l d a r i s t o c r a t i c power s t i l l e x i s t e d , i t was f a r l e s s i n f l u e n t i a l i n the Court. Chung-tsung's r e s u c c e s s i o n gave the Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t i c group a new o p p o r t u n i t y to r e t r i e v e t h e i r power. Since Empress Wei was o r i g i n a l l y from t h i s group and her ambition c o i n c i d e d w i t h t h e i r needs, she q u i c k l y won support 1S9 from the a r i s t o c r a t i c group of o f f i c i a l s . ^ 7 N e v e r t h e l e s s , Chung-tsung's reassumption was planned and accomplished through the e f f o r t s of the " F i v e P r i n c e s " and t h e i r p a r t i s a n s , a group of o f f i c i a l s from the east and south. The Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t i c group confederated w i t h the group of Four F a m i l i e s , l e d by Wu San-ssu at t h a t time, g r a d u a l l y a b o l i s h e d the power of the F i v e P r i n c e s and p l a y e d a s u p e r i o r 1 Al p a r t i n the Court. The r e v i v a l of the power of the a r i s t o c r a t i c group showed i t s e l f i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o l i c i e s of Chung-tsung's government. F o r example, d u r i n g the r e i g n of Chung-tsung, except f o r the f i r s t few months, most of the Prime M i n i s t e r s were from e i t h e r the Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t i c group or the group 162 of Four F a m i l i e s . Since i t was the duty of Prime M i n i s t e r s to recommend candidates f o r h i g h o f f i c i a l p o s t s t o the 85 Emperor, ^ the o f f i c i a l s of Kuan-lung group and the group of f o u r f a m i l i e s n a t u r a l l y enjoyed more o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r 164 promotion. I t was no doubt a great a s s e t to t h e i r groups i n s t r e n g t h e n i n g t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power. I n 706, Emperor Chung-tsung p e r m i t t e d the descendant f a m i l i e s of t w e n t y - f i v e m e r i t o r i o u s statesmen who served i n the founding war of the dynasty to enjoy the same income of f i e f s ( s h i h - f e n g i t ' ) ) as t h e i r honorable a n c e s t o r s . T h i s was another v i c t o r y of the Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t s . 1 ^ I n a d d i t i o n to the above mentioned examples, there were other undertakings t h a t seemed to r e f l e c t the i n t e r e s t s of the Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t i c group. For i n s t a n c e , a f t e r r e c e i v i n g a memorial from L i u Ch'ung, a member of the great L i u f a m i l y of Kuan-chung, the Emperor ordered him and a group of s c h o l a r s to r e v i s e the l i s t of prominent c l a n s and 166 l i n e a g e s . Since u s u a l l y the o f f i c i a l c o m p i l a t i o n of such a l i s t was designed p r i m a r i l y t o check and e v e n t u a l l y to c o n t r o l a r i s t o c r a t i c c l a i m s t o preeminent s t a t u s and i n f l u e n c e both i n p o l i t i c s and i n s o c i a l l i f e , Chung-tsung's order was p r o b a b l y not only caused hy the p l e a of L i u Ch'ung, a man w i t h a r i s t o c r a t i c background, but a l s o r e p r e s e n t e d a g e n e r a l wish on the p a r t of the r e v i v i n g a r i s t o c r a t i c group. F o r the a r i s t o c r a t s , i t was a restatement of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l s t a t u s i n the face of the p o l i t i c a l c h a l l e n g e of men from comparatively humble o r i g i n s . 1 ^ ? 86 Furthermore, L i u Ch'ung's request to r e v i s e not the H s i n g - s h i h Lu -ik A, 4^3 if of Kao-tsung* s p e r i o d , but the Chen- kuan S h i h - t s u C h i h k $L K $k & of T ' a i - t s u n g ' s p e r i o d , a l s o showed h i s i n t e n t i o n of c o m p i l i n g a work to honor the o l d a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l i e s , s i n c e a r e v i s i o n of Kao-tsung's H s i n g - s h i h Lu would have c o n f e r r e d s t a t u s upon the descendants of the many persons of comparatively humble o r i g i n s who had h e l d h i g h rank under the Empress Wu. 1 6 The b u i l d i n g of the new t r a n s p o r t route i n Shang-chou can probably a l s o be counted as another work undertaken i n the i n t e r e s t s of the Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t i c group. 6 A c c o r d i n g to r e c o r d s , the Kuan-chung ar e a s u f f e r e d from drought and famine i n the year of 709. "'"^  However, Empress Wei, w i t h her f a m i l y l i v i n g i n the suburb of Ch'ang-an, was not w i l l i n g t o f o l l o w the precedent of moving the Court to the E a s t e r n C a p i t a l , Lo-yang, a more convenient p l a c e f o r r e c e i v i n g the g r a i n supply from the east and the south-east, so she sent a w i z a r d to persuade Chung-tsung t o stay i n Ch'& Ch'ang-an. Though the o f f i c i a l r e c o r d s s t a t e t h a t Empress Wei was the one who was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r o b s t r u c t i n g the Court from moving away from her hometown, her i n t e r e s t s were pro b a b l y shared by both the Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t i c and the Four F a m i l y groups, s i n c e the prominent f a m i l i e s of these two groups a l l came from the Kuan-chung area. 87 The time of commencement of the project of constructing a new pass i n Mount Shang of Shang-chou coincided with the 1 7 0 famine i n Kuan-chung area. ' The object of t h i s project was to connect the land and waterway transportation i n Shang-chou, a place between the Ca p i t a l , Ch'ang-an, and the grain supplying area--Shannan Tung Tao h $j -iJL The project was suggested and planned by Ts'ui Shih, a partisan of Empress Wei. Although the whole project was a f a i l u r e and i t s d e t a i l s are hard to discover, i t was most l i k e l y undertaken i n the interest of both the Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t i c and the Four Family groups, the purpose being to enable the forwarding of grain from the south to Ch'ang-an i n order to solve the grain supply problem of the Kuan-chung area and keep the Court i n the base of these prominent fa m i l i e s . In short, from the time of the abdication of Empress Wu, the a r i s t o c r a t s began a series of attempts to ret r i e v e t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power, which had been severely reduced by the increasing power of the middle class l i t e r a t i gentry group under the control of Empress Wu. During the f i r s t round, Chung-tsung's period, though they encountered frequent 1 7 2 hindrances from other forces, ' the old a r i s t o c r a t i c group were i n general i n the ascendancy. C.Economic Development and the Merchant Group In Chinese history, most of the dynastic founders advocated f r u g a l i t y i n order to help the country recover from 88 the u s u a l economic bankruptcy s u f f e r e d at the end of the p r e v i o u s dynasty. The f i r s t two emperors of T'ang, Kao-tsu and T ' a i - t s u n g , both f o l l o w e d t h i s stereotype because of unavoidable economic n e c e s s i t i e s . By the time Empress Wu set up her r e i g n , China had a g a i n become a s t r o n g and prosperous country. T h i s showed i t s e l f not only i n the more extravagant l i f e s ctyle which the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y enjoyed but a l s o i n the 173 expansion of trade and i n d u s t r y . The l o n g p e r i o d of peace and the economic p r o s p e r i t y 17 -^l e d t o the growth of a group of r i c h merchants. ' Since i t was i m p o s s i b l e t o c a r r y on commerce s u c c e s s f u l l y without some p o l i t i c a l support, n a t u r a l l y these merchants turn e d t h e i r a t t e n t i o n toward p o l i t i c s . However, at t h a t time, i t was almost i m p o s s i b l e f o r sons o f f t h o s e w i t h a merchant f a m i l y background to enter government s e r v i c e through the 17 S" u s u a l way of p a s s i n g examinations. ( J Besides, the o r d i n a r y way was not c e r t a i n of success, even i f a l a r g e amount of time and endeavor had been put i n . T h e r e f o r e , these merchants were i n need of a more e f f e c t i v e and smooth access to govern-ment, i n order to p r o t e c t t h e i r f a m i l y business and f o r t u n e s . D u r i n g the r e i g n of Chung-tsung, t h e i r problem was s o l v e d , s i n c e what the merchants c o u l d o f f e r — m o n e y — c o r r e s p o n d e d to the needs of the p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei. The p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei were n o t o r i o u s f o r competing w i t h each other i n extravagant l i f e s t y l e s which 89 c o u l d h a r d l y he maintained w i t h the income they c o l l e c t e d from t h e i r wages, f i e f s e t c . . Since the most convenient way f o r them to a c q u i r e e x t r a money was u s i n g t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power, the vending of o f f i c i a l p o s t s and the enrolment of Buddhist and T a o i s t monks and nuns became p r o f i t a b l e s i d e -l i n e s . One of the r i c h e r merchants c o u l d o f f e r a l a r g e amount of cash i n exchange f o r an o f f i c i a l post which guaranteed h i s e n j o y i n g a s a l a r y , l a n d , the exemption from corvee l a b o u r , m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e , l a n d tax, market t o l l s and other numerous p r i v i l e g e s while a l e s s wealthy or ambitious merchant c o u l d pay a s m a l l e r amount f o r an o r d i n a t i o n c e r t i f i c a t e which would at l e a s t p r o t e c t him and h i s f a m i l y from paying tax and f o r c e d l a b o u r . Besides, s i n c e Empress Wei and her p a r t i s a n s were q u i t e e n t h u s i a s t i c about r e l i g i o n s , 1 ? ^ some of the monks and T a o i s t p r i e s t s a l s o had o p p o r t u n i t i e s to r e c e i v e i r r e g u l a r 177 appointments and became extremely r i c h and i n f l u e n t i a l . ' A c t u a l l y , the merchants should not be r e c o g n i z e d as a s e l f - c o n t a i n e d caste but as a c e r t a i n group i n the new, r i s i n g , middle c l a s s . The middle c l a s s of landowners began t o appear i n the l a t t e r p a r t of the Northern and Southern D y n a s t i e s and i t s numbers i n c r e a s e d c o n t i n o u s l y throughout S u i and T'ang times. At l e a s t p a r t of i t s membership came from the merchants, s i n c e i n an a g r i c u l t u r a l s o c i e t y there were gre a t p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r s u c c e s s f u l merchant f a m i l i e s to become landowners and 9 0 e v e n t u a l l y t o j o i n the middle c l a s s gentry. I n s h o r t , the prosperous economy i n e a r l y T'ang l e d to the emergence of a g r e a t group of merchants whose background were r a t h e r s i m i l a r to t h a t of the new b u r e a u c r a t i c o f f i c i a l s , a l a n d grabbing group which had a l r e a d y made i t s appearance before and d u r i n g the r e i g n of Empress Wu. However, d u r i n g the r e i g n of Chung-tsung, s i n c e the middle c l a s s gentry group had a l r e a d y become an e s t a b l i s h e d power i n the court w h ile the merchant group was s t i l l s t r u g g l i n g f o r a b e t t e r p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s , even though both of these two groups o r i g i n a l l y arose from a s i m i l a r , lower n o n - a r i s t o c r a t i c background, they r i v a l e d each other i n p o l i t i c a l s t a n d i n g and i n t e r e s t . D.The Antagonism between the Pro & Anti-Empress Wei Bloc While the Kuan-lung A r i s t o c r a t i c Group j o i n e d w i t h the Group of Four F a m i l i e s and the New Power-seeking Merchant 179 Group ' 7 to support Empress Wei f o r t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s , the middle c l a s s bureaucrats from the east and south n a t u r a l l y formed an Anti-Empress Wei b l o c i n the Court. T h i s was not only the r e s u l t of t h e i r long-term antagonism w i t h the Kuan-l u n g A r i s t o c r a t i c Group. I t was a l s o because the l i t e r a t i b u reaucrats who a t t a i n e d t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power through examination system were educated i n Confucianism and, to them, the extravagant l i f e s t y l e of the a r i s t o c r a t s , the i n t e r v e n t i o n i n government of Empress, P r i n c e s s , I m p e r i a l - i n -laws or even monks and nuns, and the appointment of o f f i c i a l s 91 of merchant background were a l l c o r r u p t and unorthodox. Needless to say the domination of Empress Wei and her p a r t i s a n s over Chung-tsung reduced almost to zero the p o s s i b i l i t y of a p p l y i n g the C o n f u c i a n i d e a l of o f f i c i a l s admonishing the Emperor. Apart from d i f f e r e n c e s of i d e o l o g y , there were a l s o p r a c t i c a l reasons f o r the l i t e r a t i o f f i c i a l s t o oppose what was happening. Empress Wei and her p a r t i s a n s brought a great number of " e x t r a o r d i n a r y appointees" i n t o the o f f i c i a l d o m i n exchange f o r f i n a n c i a l a i d from the merchant group. The l i t e r a t i b ureaucrats had t o oppose t h i s i n order to p r o t e c t t h e i r e s t a b l i s h e d p o l i t i c a l power from b e i n g r e p l a c e d by these new o f f i c i a l s . D u ring the r e i g n of Empress Wu, the t r a d i t i o n a l educated l i t e r a t i b ureaucrats c o u l d endure an unorthodox female s o v e r e i g n because she was the source of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power. N e v e r t h e l e s s i t was a l r e a d y d i f f i c u l t f o r them to bear the e x i s t e n c e of the f a v o r i t e s of Empress Wu such as the Chang b r o t h e r s . Besides, these o f f i c i a l s were proud of t h e i r non-c o o p e r a t i v e a t t i t u d e toward the Wu b r o t h e r s , nephews of 180 Empress Wu, and c o n s t a n t l y urged the Empress not to appoint any of the Wus as the Heir-Apparent. Consequently, a f t e r Empress Wu was f i n a l l y f o r c e d t o a b d i c a t e , a p l o t i n which not a l l of the l i t e r a t i b ureaucrats p a r t i c i p a t e d y e t the r e s u l t s 1 P 1 of which they accepted w i t h almost no r e g r e t , they were 92 u n w i l l i n g to see the s o v e r e i g n t y transferee! i n t o the hands of another woman. T h i s was e s p e c i a l l y true s i n c e the new female contender was on the side of the a r i s t o c r a t s , I m p e r i a l in-laws and e x t r a o r d i n a r y appointees, and was not only u n l i k e l y t o help strengthen the p o l i t i c a l power of the l i t e r a t i b ureaucrats hut would probably d e s t r o y i t . The h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d s c o n t a i n frequent r e f e r e n c e s to the o p p o s i t i o n between the two p o l i t i c a l b l o c s d u r i n g the 1 82 r e i g n of Chung-tsung. The l i t e r a t i b ureaucrats, i n ge n e r a l , fought i n d i v i d u a l l y w i t h the pro-Empress Wei b l o c . Not u n t i l the r e i g n of J u i - t s u n g , d i d they f i n d themselves a l e a d e r from the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y — t h e P r i n c e L i Lung-chi; while the o l d a r i s t o c r a t s , i m p e r i a l in-laws and other power-seekers of humble o r i g i n s u n i t e d a g a i n to support t h e i r new 184 l e a d e r — t h e T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s . By making use of the i n t e r e s t s and antagonisms of the above mentioned i n t e r e s t groups, Empress Wei, Consort Shang-kuan and t h e i r female p a r t i s a n s were able t o e s t a b l i s h t h e i r power d u r i n g the r e i g n of Chung-tsung. However, l a t e r t h e i r d e f e a t was a l s o p a r t l y caused by b e i n g unable to balance the power and i n t e r e s t s of these groups. I t made the anti-Empress Wei's b l o c t u r n c l o s e r t o the P r i n c e of Hsiang and gave h i s son, P r i n c e L i Lung-chi, and h i s s i s t e r , the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s , the o p p o r t u n i t y t o enthrone him. III.The Complaisance of Chung-tsung One of the d e c i s i v e f a c t o r s among the sources of power of Empress Wei and Shang-kuan Wan-erh was the complaisant a t t i t u d e of Chung-tsung. T h i s a t t i t u d e arose mainly from h i s c h a r a c t e r and l o n g i s o l a t e d l i f e hut a l s o p o s s i b l y at f i r s t from h i s d i s p l e a s u r e at "The F i v e P r i n c e s " . I n h e r i t i n g a l l the weaknesses of h i s f a t h e r , Chung-tsung has a cowardly and i n d e c i s i v e c h a r a c t e r which was j u s t the opposite of t h a t of h i s mother and w i f e . As a commoner, he might have been d e s c r i b e d as good-tempered, a f f e c t i o n a t e , weak-minded and r e c l i n i n g i n the l a p of l u x u r y . However, as an Emperor, a l l these weaknesses i n h i s c h a r a c t e r were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the t r a g i c end of h i s l i f e and r e i g n . On the other hand, but f o r h i s weaknesses and l a c k of a b i l i t y , he -ff would probably have d i e d e a r l i e r at the hand of Empress Wu. Apart from h e r e d i t y , the l i f e of Chung-tsung i n h i s e a r l y years must had had a great i n f l u e n c e i n forming h i s c h a r a c t e r , Though, the d e t a i l s of h i s e a r l y p e r i o d are not o b t a i n a b l e , judging from a l l the i n c i d e n t s t h a t happened around him, i t was d e f i n i t e l y not a p l e a s a n t e xperience. He was born i n the f i r s t year of H s i e n - c h ' i n (656 A.D.) the same year h i s e l d e s t b r o t h e r , L i Hung, was appointed as Heir-Apparent t o r e p l a c e the p o s i t i o n of the unfortunate L i Chung 4- £r t^^7 h a l f - b r o t h e r of both L i Hung and Chung-tsung. I n 6571 the second year a f t e r h i s b i r t h , he r e c e i v e d 94 the t i t l e of P r i n c e of Chou (Chou Wang )£\ Ju ) and the appoint-ment as Governor of Lo-chou (Lo-chou Mu %- tt\ ). He 188 p r o b a b l y l e f t the C a p i t a l and took the o f f i c e from t h a t time, however, no matter where he was brought up, Chung-tsung was 189 never a f a v o r i t e c h i l d of h i s p a r e n t s . y As soon as he succeeded the throne i n 684, Chung-tsung 190 i n t e n d e d to appoint the son of h i s nanny as a h i g h o f f i c i a l . I n a d d i t i o n , he was the f i r s t T'ang Emperor to bestow d i s t r i c t t i t l e s on h i s nanny as w e l l as on a court l a d y who p r o b a b l y j oil 1 9 1 had taken care of h i s n ^ l a M s J j l n h ' i s l c h i l d h b o d . J wdgiludging from the c l o s e r e l a t i o n between Chung-tsung and these female a t t e n d a n t s , h i s e a r l y l i f e seems not to have had much d i f f e r e n c e from those of other T'ang p r i n c e s , l o n e l y , i s o l a t e d , w i t h only the company of a few a t t e n d a n t s . Although he was i s o l a t e d from the o u t s i d e world, Chung-tsung must had n o t i c e d the s u c c e s s i v e t r a g e d i e s t h a t happened i n s i d e of the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y d u r i n g h i s princehood and been t e r r i f i e d by the h o r r i b l e atmosphere. Before he was appointed 192 as the Heir-Apparent i n 680, 7 there had been three appointed Heir-Apparents, but none of them c o u l d a v o i d meeting a t r a g i c f a t e . The f i r s t Heir-Apparent L i Chung was f i r s t deposed and then accused of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n r e b e l l i o n and executed. H i s suc c e s s o r L i Hung, the e l d e s t son of Empress Wu, d i e d m y s t e r i o u s l y w i t h the s u s p i c i o n of b eing poisoned by h i s 95 mother. The t h i r d Heir-Apparent L i H s i e n £ If" , second son of Empress Wu, was a l s o deposed on a charge of c o n s p i r a c y , and though not k i l l e d immediately, i t was only a matter of time. Besides, two other I m p e r i a l P r i n c e s were a l s o i n v o l v e d i n t h i s i n c i d e n t and punished. 7 Apart from the deposing of the three p r e v i o u s H e i r -Apparents, Chung-tsung a l s o witnessed the f a t e of h i s Consort 19 S nee Chao. 7 V She was imprisoned t i l l death because of Empress Wu's h a t r e d of her mother, the Ch'ang-lo P r i n c e s s , aunt of Emperor Kao-tsung. I n a d d i t i o n to these f a t a l i n c i d e n t s , the other c h i l d r e n of Kao-tsung, h a l f b r o t h e r s and s i s t e r s of Chung-tsung, had a l l been e i t h e r degraded or imprisoned without any charge and f i n a l l y d i s m i s s e d from the C a p i t a l and had l o s t the r i g h t of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n audience. The m i s f o r t u n e s of h i s e l d e r b r o t h e r s , consort, h a l f b r o t h e r s and s i s t e r s must had i n f l u e n c e d Chung-tsung deeply and brought himaa sense of i n s e c u r i t y . I n a d d i t i o n the i n h e r i t a n c e of the weaknesses from h i s f a t h e r , the i n s u f f i c i e n c y of a f f e c t i o n and encouragement from h i s p a r e n t s as w e l l as such an i s o l a t e d , i n s e c u r e , e a r l y l i f e may have a l l been p a r t l y r e s p o n s i b i l e f o r the forming of the t i m i d and i n d e c i s i v e c h a r a c t e r of Chung-tsung. £ Besides, he was probably a l s o i n f l u e n c e d by the domineering a t t i t u d e of h i s mother, Empress Wu, toward h i s 96 f a t h e r , Emperor Kao-tsung, and the whole Court. Since Empress Wu was i n charge of e v e r y t h i n g , even i n c l u d i n g h i s l i f e and death, the young Chung-tsung d i d not dare t o decide a n y t h i n g f o r h i m s e l f , and was not i n the h a b i t of doing so. As an Heir-Apparent, a l l the weaknesses i n h i s c h a r a c t e r had a l r e a d y shown themselves. However, i t was a l s o f o r t h i s reason t h a t he was allowed t o remain i n t h i s p o s i t i o n u n t i l Emperor Kao-tsung passed away. During the f i r s t r e i g n of Chung-tsung, he was a l r e a d y 197 q u i t e dominated by h i s Consort Empress Wei, y i who happened to be as domineering and s t r o n g - w i l l e d as Empress Wu. The weaked-willed Chung-tsung n a t u r a l l y f i r s t r e l i e d on her and was then f u l l y dominated by her. Emperor Chung-tsung was soon compelled t o a b d i c a t e by 198 Empress Wu and her o f f i c i a l s . 7 D u r i n g h i s f o u r t e e n y e a r s ' banishment (684-698), Chung-tsung s u f f e r e d the constant t h r e a t of death. Though, a f t e r he was o f f i c i a l l y r e a p p o i n t e d as the Heir-Apparent of Empress Wu, h i s own l i f e and p o s i t i o n seemed more secure, y e t he l o s t a son, a daughter and a son-199 m-law at the hands of Empress Wu. 7 7 The t e r r o r of death and the l o n e l i n e s s a f t e r h i s a b d i c a t i o n had made Chung-tsung even more dependent on the comfort and encouragement of Empress Wei, so he promised not to r e s t r a i n her a f t e r he r e g a i n e d p o w e r . 2 0 0 Consequently, he connived at Empress Wei's i n t e r f e r i n g i n S t a t e A f f a i r s d u r i n g 97 h i s second r e i g n . For these reasons, he not only t r u s t e d to her l o y a l t y and a b i l i t y but a l s o wished to compensate her f o r what she had s u f f e r e d w i t h him i n t h e i r l o n g term of e x i l e . There i s another p o s s i b i l i t y , - t h a t Chung-tsung at f i r s t d e l i b e r a t e l y l e t Empress Wei and her p a r t i s a n s have power i n order to remove "The F i v e P r i n c e s " , who f r e q u e n t l y opposed 201 h i s w i l l and gave him the i m p r e s s i o n t h a t they were a t h r e a t to h i s s o v e r e i g n t y . Yet, h i s d i s p l e a s u r e at "The F i v e P r i n c e s " was probably a l s o a r e s u l t of s l a n d e r by Empress Wei 202 and Wu San-ssu, who regarded the F i v e P r i n c e s as the main o b s t r u c t i o n i n the Empress Wei's way of becoming the second Empress Wu. Though, Chung-tsung's d i s a f f e c t i o n from the F i v e P r i n c e s was most probably provoked by Empress Wei and Wu San-ssu, o b v i o u s l y he had a l s o never a p p r e c i a t e d t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n t o h i s a c c e s s i o n r i g h t from the beginning. As f a r as Chung-tsung was concerned, the coup which the F i v e P r i n c e s and t h e i r p a r t i s a n s planned f o r him was not a n e c e s s i t y , s i n c e he had a l r e a d y been r e s t o r e d as the Heir-Apparent and the h e a l t h of Empress Wu was i n decay. I t seemed to him t h a t h i s s u c c e s s i o n was only a matter of time. Hence, he was almost 203 f o r c e d by them to p a r t i c i p a t e the coup. J Although the coup was a success, i t was d i f f i c u l t f o r Chung-tsung not to t h i n k what k i n d of dilemma they would have put him i n , i n case the r e s u l t had been the o p p o s i t e . 98 Besides, except for Ts'ui Hsuan-wei £ ^ W h 0 Yiad taken the p o s i t i o n of "T'ai-tzu Tso Shu-tzu" i n the household of the Heir-Apparent for one year as a second post to his main appointment as Prime Minister (Luan-t'ai Shih-lang T'ung Feng-ke Luan-t'ai P' ing-chang-shih ^ ^ ij 4 1 $ % 1 f ^ )» 2 0 A 1 , none of the other four Princes had any close r e l a t i o n with Chung-tsung. This would also have helped him reach the conclusion that they were merely a group of ambitious i n t r i g u e r s who were t r y i n g to take a chance on him i n order to win power and rewards. Though, there i s no evidence to prove whether Chung-20 5 tsung did think i n t h i s way, J yet he once did c r i t i c i z e T i Jen-chieh %K -f- 0.1" for persuading Empress Wu to l e t him, as Heir-Apparent, take charge of State A f f a i r s while she was i n i l l n e s s saying that i t had been out of the s e l f i s h i ntention 2 0 & of winning favour for himself. I f Chung-tsung made such a comment on T i Jen-chieh, who had constantly supported his restoration to the p o s i t i o n of Heir-Apparent, he might c e r t a i n l y have f e l t the same way towards those who reenthroned him. According to the judgement of Chung-tsung, Empress Wei was indisputably much more trustworthy than the o f f i c i a l s who helped him to restore the throne. Consequently, those who were recommended by her would also be r e l i a b l e . Hence, he supported t h e i r e f f o r t s to expel the partisans of the Five 99 Princes form the Court and enabled them to take charge of State A f f a i r s . By the time Empress Wei and her followers got out of control, he showed his r e g r e t . 2 0 7 However, i t was too l a t e and only hastened the end of his l i f e and reign. After Empress Wei and her partisans murdered Chung-tsung, they were also soon destroyed, since Chung-tsung was t h e i r main source of power. Without his support, they were neither capable nor powerful enough to take his place as the sovereign as Empress Wu had done about a quarter of a century e a r l i e r . IV.The Ambiguous Delimitation of  the Inner and Outer Court The rule of separation between the Inner and Outer Courts during T'ang times was f a r less s t r i c t than i n the l a t e r dynasties of China. That was most probably the r e s u l t of contemporary s o c i a l custom, which allowed women more respect and freedom i n society and the higher female p o s i t i o n i n p o l i t i c s . During the reign of Chung-tsung, t h i s s i t u a t i o n was most obvious. Ever since Chung-tsung had been reenthroned, he permitted Empress Wei to follow the previous examples of Empress Tu-ku of Sui and Empress Wu of s i t t i n g behind a 208 curtain to participate i n the d a i l y audience. Besides, also following the example of Empress Wu, Chung-tsung and Empress Wei frequently summoned t h e i r favorite o f f i c i a l s to par t i c i p a t e i n banquets i n which the o f f i c i a l s were able to 100 209 mingle w i t h a l l the P r i n c e s s e s and Consorts. Over and beyond such e a r l i e r precedents, the female p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei were p e r m i t t e d to enjoy more freedom than the Court L a d i e s i n any other p e r i o d of Chinese h i s t o r y . 210 The P r i n c e s s e s were p e r m i t t e d to set up t h e i r own s t a f f s , a r i g h t u s u a l l y only possessed by the P r i n c e s of the b l o o d while the o f f s p r i n g of the P r i n c e s s e s b e i n g granted the same 211 r i g h t of h e r e d i t a r y employment as those of the P r i n c e s ' . As to the Court L a d i e s , they were allowed to come i n and out of the Inner Palace from time to time. Some of the f a v o r i t e C onsorts, f o r example Shang-kuan Wan-erh, even had t h e i r own 212 houses b u i l t o u t s i d e of the P a l a c e . Not only these f a v o r i t e Consorts but a l s o other female p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei, f o r i n s t a n c e the s o r c e r e s s e s nee Ti-wu and Chao, were a l l p e r m i t t e d 213 to e n t e r and l e a v e the P a l a c e u n r e s t r i c t e d l y . y I n a d d i t i o n t o the freedom of e n t e r i n g and l e a v i n g the P a l a c e , the p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei a l s o enjoyed the power 21^ 4-of a p p o i n t i n g , promoting and degrading o f f i c i a l s . Since they were so i n f l u e n t i a l i n the government i n s t i t u t i o n s and s i n c e i t was not d i f f i c u l t f o r the o f f i c i a l s t o g a i n access t o these l a d i e s e i t h e r i n s i d e or o u t s i d e of the P a l a c e , not too many ambitious o f f i c i a l s c o u l d ignore t h i s s h o r t cut f o r t h e i r own f u t u r e . Consequently, some o f f i c i a l s i n the Outer Court and the female p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei i n the Inner Court formed a l l i a n c e s , so t h a t both groups c o u l d become 101 s t r o n g e r and more i n f l u e n t i a l i n the government. The a s s o c i a t i o n s between Wu San-ssu and Consort Shang-kuan, between Wu San-ssu and Empress Wei, as w e l l as between T s ' u i S h i h and Consort Shang-kuan e t c . were a l l examples of t h e i r making use of each other i n t h i s way. Hence, the phenomenon of ambiguous d e l i m i t a t i o n between the Inner and Outer Courts was at f i r s t a r e s u l t of female i n t e r v e n t i o n i n State A f f a i r s , however, s i n c e i t brought support from the Outer Court f o r Empress Wei, Consort Shang-kuan and t h e i r female p a r t i s a n s , i t l a t e r a l s o became one of the sources which made Empress Wei's group more powerful. 102 CHAPTER V AN ANALYSIS OF THE REASONS FOR THE FAILURE OF EMPRESS WEI At the b e g i n n i n g of Chung-tsung*s r e i g n , Empress Wei, w i t h the a s s i s t a n c e of Consort Shang-kuan, seemed to have a good chance to d u p l i c a t e the s t o r y of Empress Wu and Kao-tsungo However, she f a i l e d at the c r u c i a l moment of the t r a n s f e r of s o v e r e i g n t y . The reasons f o r her f a i l u r e had d e f i n i t e a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h her b i r t h and p e r s o n a l i t y , and her p o s i t i o n i n the a p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t s i n the c o u r t of Chung-tsung. Empress Wu*s success was due to her d e t e r m i n a t i o n and extremely f i n e judgement i n a p p l y i n g v a r i e d schemes at the r i g h t time i n order to r e a c h her g o a l . A f t e r she won the appointment as Empress i n 6 5 5 . Empress Wu commenced t o impress Emperor Kao-tsung w i t h her a b i l i t y i n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . She e x t i n g u i s h e d her o p p o s i t i o n among the o f f i c i a l s and i n the meantime i n c r e a s e d her p o p u l a r i t y i n the 1 country. By the time Emperor Kao-tsung d i e d (683 A.D.), Empress Wu had been i n power f o r more than twenty-three y e a r s . The c o u r t o f f i c i a l s r e s p e c t e d her a b i l i t y to the extent t h a t they were w i l l i n g t o depose Chung-tsung i n exchange f o r her 103 domination. However, i n s t e a d of h u r r y i n g to usurp the throne, she c a r e f u l l y arranged to step through the p o s i t i o n s of Empress Dowager and "Holy Mother D i v i n e I m p e r i a l One" (Sheng-mu Shen-huang ~% ?f JL ) u n t i l she came t o govern, both i n name and i n f a c t , as the "Holy and D i v i n e Emperor" (Sheng-shen Huang-ti ^. 1 y ) . Before each step she took, a u s p i c i o u s omens and p r o p h e c i e s were arranged to show her 2 d i v i n e r i g h t . I t took Empress Wu seven years to go through a l l these steps. When she f i n a l l y ascended the throne i n 690, the whole country accepted t h i s r e s u l t without any r i v a l r y . However, Empress Wu's success was not only because of these l o n g term p r e p a r a t i o n s i n changing t i t l e s but a l s o because of the e f f e c t i v e p o l i c i e s she adopted i n governing. For example, as we mentioned e a r l i e r , ever s i n c e Kao-tsung*s r e i g n , she had begun to e n l i s t support and to r e p r e s s o p p o s i t i i n the country. She emphasized the importance of examinations i n order to expand the b a s i s f o r her s e l e c t i o n of o f f i c i a l s . T h i s p o l i c y c r e a t e d a group of s c h o l a r s w i t h middle c l a s s o r i g i n i n the o f f i c i a l d o m . Furthermore, Empress Wu appointed a l a r g e number of the s o - c a l l e d " S c h o l a r s of the North Gate" (Pei-men Hsueh-shih Jfc fj % ± ) and took p a r t i c u l a r care to encourage l i t e r a t u r e and to appear as a p a t r o n of l e a r n i n g . These p o l i c i e s helped her to win f u l l support from these s c h o l a r o f f i c i a l s . She a l s o f r e q u e n t l y ordered the S c h o l a r s 10k of the North Gate to take p a r t i n the d e c i s i o n s made on memorials,submitted by the h i g h o f f i c i a l s . I n t h i s way, she was able t o encroach upon the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the Prime M i n i s t e r s and g r a d u a l l y deprive the Emperor and the e s t a b l i s h e d bureaucracy of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power. At the same time, she d i d not f o r g e t to l i q u i d a t e her opponents among the o f f i c i a l s and the members of the i m p e r i a l f a m i l y . A f t e r she began to govern under the name of Empress Dowager i n 68k, Empress Wunapplied her former p o l i c i e s more e x t e n s i v e l y . She f u r t h e r broadened the b a s i s of s e l e c t i n g o f f i c i a l s t o people w i t h lower c l a s s o r i g i n . The o f f i c i a l k h i s t o r y r e f e r s t h a t : "The Empress was not s p a r i n g i n the bestowal of t i t l e s and ranks, because she wished t o cage the b o l d and e n t e r p r i s i n g s p i r i t s of a l l r e g i o n s . Even a w i l d r e c k l e s s f e l l o w who s a i d something which she thought apt would be made an o f f i c i a l without r e g a r d t o the normal order of the degrees of rank." Though Empress Wu seemed not very s e l e c t i v e i n appoint-i n g o f f i c i a l s , she kept a c l o s e eye on these new appointees. T h e r e f o r e , '"...those ( o f f i c i a l s ) who proved u n f i t f o r t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s were f o r t h w i t h , i n l a r g e numbers, c a s h i e r e d or executed. Her broad aim was to s e l e c t men of r e a l t a l e n t and t r u e v i r t u e . " ^ By p r a c t i s i n g t h i s p o l i c y , she not only brought many t a l e n t e d men of humble o r i g i n i n t o the government f o r s e r v i c e but a l s o won t h e i r l o y a l support. Besides e n l a r g i n g the p a r t y devoted to her r u l e , Empress 1 0 5 Wu a l s o t r i e d t o d e t e c t and suppress r e v o l t s and c o n s p i r a c i e s i n a more organized way by i n s t i t u t i n g a system of i n t e l l i g e n c e and a s e c r e t p o l i c e which served her purpose e f f i c i e n t l y u n t i l she s u c c e s s f u l l y ascended the throne. With her expert and i n t u i t i v e a b i l i t y t o f o r e s e e and t w i s t events t o her purpose as w e l l as the s k i l l and c a p a c i t y which she had a c q u i r e d i n the a r t of government, a f t e r t h i r t y -s i x y e a r s ' endeavor, Empress Wu f i n a l l y gained f u l l c o n t r o l over her o f f i c i a l s , r e l a t i v e s and the whole country and became' the s o l e female sovereign, both i n name and i n f a c t , i n Chinese h i s t o r y . Obviously, when Empress Wei and Consort Shang-kuan decided t o f o l l o w i n the f o o t s t e p s of Empress Wu, they had s t u d i e d the methods of t h e i r model—Empress Wu. Hence, d u r i n g the r e i g n of Chung-tsung, Empress Wei sent i n p r o p o s a l s t o change the mourning r i t e f o r mothers and sho r t e n the p e r i o d of government l a b o u r e t c . i n order t o win p o p u l a r i t y . There a l s o arranged a u s p i c i o u s omens and p r o p h e c i e s , f o r example, the clouds of f i v e c o l o u r s and the Song of the Mulberry Branches, and assumed h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s to i n d i c a t e the w i l l of the Heaven. Besides, the Empress a s s i s t e d the Emperor i n the worship of Heaven, a r i t e Empress Wu and Kao-tsung a l s o 7 performed. Furthermore, at l e a s t the main l e a d e r s of the o p p o s i t i o n i n the o f f i c i a l d o m and the i m p e r i a l f a m i l y were removed. The 1 0 6 number of the S c h o l a r s of Chao-wen Academy was i n c r e a s e d to win the p o l i t i c a l support of the s c h o l a r o f f i c i a l s . Thousands of o f f i c i a l s w i t h lower c l a s s o r i g i n were appointed and promoted without r e g a r d to e i t h e r the u s u a l standard of s e l e c t i o n or the normal order of the degrees of rank. On the s u r f a c e Empress Wei seemed to copy most of the p o l i c i e s of Empress Wu, n e v e r t h e l e s s the r e s u l t was c o n t r a r y . T h i s was mainly because her l i m i t e d t a l e n t and experience d i d not allow her to analyze her s i t u a t i o n , f o r e s e e her o p p o r t u n i -t i e s and draw up a proper p l a n f o r h e r s e l f . Besides, due to her l a c k of d e t e r m i n a t i o n and s k i l l , even though she r e a l i z e d t h a t the b a s i c p r i n c i p l e of Empress Wu was t o e n l i s t support and r e p r e s s o p p o s i t i o n she was not capable of adopting i t e f f e c t i v e l y . Hence, her e f f o r t s t o e n l i s t , support only brought forward a group of arrogant f a v o r i t e s and r e l a t i v e s and her r e p r e s s i n g of o p p o s i t i o n was s c a r c e l y s u c c e s s f u l , e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g the l a t e r p a r t of Chung-tsung's r e i g n . A c t u a l l y , a t the b e g i n n i n g of Chung-tsung's p e r i o d , Empress Wei probably had more a s s e t s than Empress Wu had had. Empress Wei, the f i r s t Consort of Emperor Chung-tsung, was from a l e a d i n g Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l y . T h e r e f o r e , she had the c o o p e r a t i o n of the o l d a r i s t o c r a t i c group t h a t wished to r e v i v e t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power i n the c o u r t . Besides, she a l s o had the support of most of the members of the group of the Four F a m i l i e s L i , Wu, Wei and Yang. Hence, what she needed 1 0 7 most was the submission of the middle c l a s s b u r e a u c r a t s , the capable members of the L i s and the lower c l a s s power-seekers. As we mentioned i n Chapter IV, the middle c l a s s b u r e a u c r a t s , had a l r e a d y become an e s t a b l i s h e d group by t h a t time. Since they were t r a i n e d i n Confucianism and disappoved i n p r i n c i p l e of female i n t e r v e n t i o n i n p o l i t i c s , i t would have been d i f f i c u l t t o o b t a i n t h e i r t o t a l submission. However, Empress Wei a l s o d i d not f o r e s e e the n e c e s s i t y of doing so. D u r i n g the y e a r s of her p r e p a r a t i o n f o r u s u r p a t i o n , although she l i q u i d a t e d the F i v e P r i n c e s , her main o b s t a c l e , she seldom t r i e d e i t h e r t o suppress or to win the favour of the group of middle c l a s s b u r e a u c t a t s . She hastened to bestow p r i n c e l y t i t l e s on her f a t h e r , t o arrange omens and p r o p h e c i e s and h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s f o r h e r s e l f , and to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the worship of Heaven without c o n s i d e r i n g the need to prepare a more i n v i t i n g atmosphere i n the outer c o u r t . Hence, her a c t i o n s d i d n o t h i n g but provoke the anger of her opponents and put them on the a l e r t . Though, because of the s u g g e s t i o n of Consort Shang-kuan, Empress Wei d i d i n c r e a s e the number of S c h o l a r s of the Chao-wen Academy, she f a i l e d t o r e a l i z e t h a t s i n c e most of the Prime M i n i s t e r s of Chung-tsung were her s u p p o r t e r s , t h e r e was no such n e c e s s i t y f o r her to appoint a group of s c h o l a r s t o weaken the power of the Prime M i n i s t e r s . T h e r e f o r e , except f o r g i v i n g a s p e c i a l p o s i t i o n to a s m a l l group of poets among the court o f f i c i a l s and winning some fame 108 f o r Consort Shang-kuan, i t brought Empress Wei n e i t h e r the r e p u t a t i o n of b e i n g a p a t r o n of l e a r n i n g nor e f f i c i e n c y i n h her a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Besides, a f t e r the removal of the F i v e P r i n c e s , the Heir-Apparent Chieh-min and t h e i r p a r t i s a n s , Empress Wei stopped t r y i n g i n t e n s i v e l y t o e x t i n g u i s h the remaining power of her opponents. Hence, a group of middle c l a s s bureaucrats s u r v i v e d i n the co u r t and i n p r e f e c t u r a l p o s t s , who, though not i n power, took p r i d e i n p u t t i n g down the power of the Empress whenever there was a chance. From the sparse i n f o r m a t i o n we have, i t i s not c l e a r i f Empress Wei and her p a r t i s a n s were s t r o n g enough to ex-D terminate the ambitious members of the L i f a m i l y . However, the c r e a t i o n of a s t a f f f o r the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s , perhaps o r i g i n a l l y a scheme to win the c o o p e r a t i o n of the P r i n c e s s , proved t o be one of the g r e a t e s t mistakes of Empress Wei. I t no doubt strengthened the power of the P r i n c e s s and, l a t e r , the a l l i a n c e of the P r i n c e s s and the P r i n c e L i Lung-chi f i n a l l y broke the dream of the Empress and the An-lo P r i n c e s s . Probably because they knew i t was too d i f f i c u l t f o r them t o win the support of the middle c l a s s o f f i c i a l s , Empress Wei and her p a r t i s a n s t r i e d to b r i n g more lower c l a s s o f f i c i a l i n t o the court i n order t o i n c r e a s e the support f o r the Empres Ne v e r t h e l e s s , s i n c e she d i d not have the prudent judgement of Empress Wu to d i s t i n g u i s h men of r e a l t a l e n t and t r u e v i r t u e 1 0 9 from the throng of power-seekers, a l l t h i s p o l i c y brought her was the scandals of b r i b e r y , o v e r s t a f f e d government i n s t i t u -t i o n s and the s t r o n g d i s a p p r o v a l of the middle c l a s s o f f i c i a l s . I n a d d i t i o n t o a l l these mistakes t h a t Empress Wei made i n a p p l y i n g her p o l i c i e s , she was d e f i n i t e l y i n f e r i o r t o Empress Wu i n h a n d l i n g the people c l o s e t o her. Though Empress Wu sometimes e n t r u s t e d a c e r t a i n amount of power to her r e l a t i v e s and f a v o r i t e s , she always remained the m i s t r e s s of a l l her p o l i c i e s and kept these r e l a t i v e s and f a v o r i t e s under her f u l l c o n t r o l . On the c o n t r a r y , Empress Wei adopted a l a i s s e z f a i r e a t t i t u d e toward her p a r t i s a n s . Such an a t t i t u d e was most pro b a b l y caused by her l a c k of a b i l i t y . A l s o , s i n c e she was not as experienced and capable as Empress Wu, she had t o r e l y on the a s s i s t a n c e of her p a r t i s a n s . D u r i n g the e a r l y p a r t of Chung-tsung*s r e i g n , her c h i e f c o n s u l t a n t s were Wu San-ssu and Consort Shang-kuan. Wu and Shang-kuan made the p a r t y of Empress Wei concentrate most of t h e i r a t t e n t i o n on removing the opposing power from the court and winning p o p u l a r i t y i n order t o prepare a more i n v i t i n g atmosphere i n the cou r t f o r Empress Wei's f u r t h e r i n t e r v e n t i o n i n s t a t e a f f a i r s . Wu San-ssu d i e d i n the coup of the Heir-Apparent Chieh-min ( 7 0 7 ) . A f t e r t h i s coup Shang-kuan Wan-erh, who was a tr u e admirer of Empress Wu and an a s p i r a n t t o the power once wie l d e d by Empress Wu, a l s o became r e l u c t a n t t o give her f u l l support 110 to Empress Wei. I t was s a i d t h a t she was f r i g h t e n e d by Wu San-ssu's death. However, judging from her p e r s o n a l i t y and her continued a c t i v i t y on the p o l i t i c a l scene, i t i s more l i k e l y t h a t she foresaw t h a t the i n c a p a b l e Empress had l i t t l e chance and s i n c e her power had grown out of Empress Wei's hand, she probably began t o have some other ambitious p l a n f o r h e r s e l f . For example, her s u g g e s t i o n of i n c r e a s i n g the number and importance of the S c h o l a r s of the Chao-wen Academy was l i k e l y a scheme to win p o p u l a r i t y f o r h e r s e l f . A f t e r l o s i n g the support of her two more experienced and c a u t i o u s c o n s u l t a n t s , Empress Wei c o u l d only r e l y on the advice of her i g n o r a n t s p o i l e d daughter, the An-lo P r i n c e s s , the w i t l e s s r e l a t i v e s from the Wei f a m i l y and some ambitious power-seeking o f f i c i a l s . I t was a group overwhelmed by the t a s t e of power. They h u r r i e d to the arrangement of a u s p i c i o u s omens and p r o p h e c i e s and the removal of Chung-tsung i n order to a l l o w Empress Wei to r u l e under the name of Empress Dowager, a step f o r which even Empress Wu had waited f o r almost a q u a r t e r of a c e n t r y . With n e i t h e r Empress Wu's t a l e n t and d e t e r m i n a t i o n nor her p a t i e n c e and s k i l l , Empress Wei got r i d of Chung-tsung, her source of power, while there was s t i l l o p p o s i t i o n power i n both the o f f i c i a l d o m and the i m p e r i a l L i f a m i l y . Even the p a l a c e guard who u s u a l l y p l a y e d a key r o l e i n the e a r l y T'ang coups was not under her f u l l c o n t r o l . ^ Hence, the f a i l u r e of Empress Wei was unavoidable. I l l NOTES CHAPTER I I """In T'ang p e r i o d , the D i s t r i c t of C a p i t a l c o n s i s t e d of two p r e f e c t u r e s : Ch'ang-an on the west and Wan-nien on the e a s t (see Map I ) . A c c o r d i n g t o LCCFK 8. 8a, the p r e f e c t u r e o f f i c e ^ o f s W a n - n i e n was i n the southeast corner of Hsllan-yang Fang 1 t& tfj which was the e i g h t h b l o c k on the t h i r d s t r e e t east of the Chu-ch'ueh Men S t r e e t A f) £j ( a l s o see Map I ) . At t h a t time, the Wei Family of Wan-nien was one of the numbered great f a m i l i e s i n Kuan-chung ftfj t area (see HTS 19^9. l i b and 74a. la-27a). They a c t u a l l y • r e s i d e d i n W e i - c h ' u -f * , a suburb to the south of the C a p i t a l Ch'ang-an ( c f . Takeo Hiraoka, Ch'ang-an and Lo-yang Maps.,/Vol. VII of T' ang  C i v i l i z a t i o n Reference S e r i e s , Kyoto: Jimbunkagaku Kenkyusho, Kyoto U n i v e r s i t y , 1956] , pp. 79-80; and Morohashi T e t s u j i , "Wei-ch'u", Dai Kan-wa J i t e n , XII, p. 184, n. 31.). According to CTS 76. 12ab and HTS- 80. 9b, P r i n c e of Ts'ao, L i Ming £ ty , was the f o u r t e e n t h and a l s o the youngest son of T ' a i - t s u n g ^ X £ . H i s mother had been the consort of P r i n c e of C h ' i Ir JL , T ' a i - t s u n g ' s younger b r o t h e r L i Yuan-chi . P r i n c e of Ts'ao was f o r c e d to commit s u i c i d e i n the Yung-lung p e r i o d (680 A.D.) of Kao-tsung ,% $. Wei Hung-piao should work i n the Palace of P r i n c e of Ts'ao between 6 4 ? A.D., the year P r i n c e of Ts'ao f i r s t r e c e i v e d h i s t i t l e of P r i n c e , and 6 4 9 , the l a s t year of Chen-kuan p e r i o d . ^ A c c o r d i n g to Hu San-hsing's note of TCTC 202, Xungg-l u n g l(680)/8/after i-ch'ou, P'u-chou was 2306 l i I2 .fronr.the C a p i t a l , Chang-an, and 3203 l i from the E a s t e r n C a p i t a l , Lo-yang. CKKCTMTTT p. 899 i n d i c a t e s t h a t the p r e f e c t u r e govern-ment of P'u-chou was i n the modern An-yueh Hs i e n -fe l l -of Szechwan Province w »\ 4 . However, CTSCKC 32«. 4a mentions t h a t a c c o r d i n g to TFYK l 4 l . (31a), Wei Hsuan-chen was the A d m i n i s t r a t o r of Chin-chou -§- fl-j which i s the modern Shou-yang % i-| H s i e n of Shangsi M \» P r o v i n c e (see a l s o CKKCTMTTT p. 704). Since both CTS 51. 7a and.TCTC s t a t e t h a t 112 Wei Hsuan-chen was the A d m i n i s t r a t o r of P'u-chou, i t i s pro b a b l y asnmiswriting of TFYK. it A c c o r d i n g to Hu's note of TCTC 203, Kuang-chai 1(684)/ l / a f t e r chia-shen shuo;' CKKCTMTTT p. 323 "Ju-nan Chun" l± ifj and pp. 1242-43 "Yu-chou", d u r i n g the T'ang p e r i o d , Yu-chou i n c l u d e d the e a s t e r n p a r t of modern Honan >? i|j and the western p a r t of modern Anhwei^ -fJX_ P r o v i n c e . I t s p r e f e c t u r e government was i n modern Ju-nan H s i e n of Honan P r o v i n c e . -'According t o TCTC i b i d . , she was made Empress between the dates of chia-shen'shuo and k u e i - s s u of the f i r s t month of the f i r s t y ear of Ssu-sheng (684 A.D.). 6 C f . TCTC 203, Kuang-chai l / l / a f t e r K u e i - s s u . The main excuse Empress Wu used to f o r c e Chung-tsung to a b d i c a t e was t h a t Chung-tsung wanted to promote Wei Hsuan-chen, f a t h e r of Empress Wei, to the p o s i t i o n of P r e s i d e n t of the C h a n c e l l e r y (Shih-chung 1% -\ ). "^According t o TCTC 203, Ch'ui-kung 1 ( 6 8 5 ) / 3/ping-ch'en, Chung-tsung was moved to Fang-chou on t h i s date. A l s o see CTS 39. 40a, Fang-chou was 1195 l i south of Ch'ang-an and 1185 l i from Lo-yang. 8 C f . CTS 86. 7b-8a and HTS 81. 5ab b i o g r a p h i e s of I - t e . Heir-Apparent I - t e w a s a posthumous t i t l e . H i s o r i g i n a l name, L i Ch'ung-chao £ * & , was l a t e r changed to Ch'ung-jun % jf4 , because the name of Empress Wu was a l s o pronounced as "chao". CTS 86. 7b mentions t h a t he was born of Commoner Chang (Chang Shu-3en ^ M- ^- )• O b v i o u s l y Chang i s a m i s w r i t i n g of Wei. The sepulchre of Heir-Apparent I - t e has been excavated i n 1971 (see the r e p o r t and photos i n Wen-wu, VII , 1972 , pp. 26 -31 ) . 9 I t should be the Yung-t'ai 4<- & P r i n c e s s . CTSCKC 32. 4b i n d i c a t e s t h a t i n T ' a i - p ' i n g Y u - l a n l 4 l . (4a) i n s t e a d of Yung-hui, i t w r i t e s as the Yu n g - t ' a i P r i n c e s s . Since Yung-hui i s a t i t l e of r e i g n of Emperor Kao-tsung, i n here "Hui" i s o b v i o u s l y a m i s w r i t i n g . A c c o r d i n g t o the biography of the Yung-t'ai P r i n c e s s i n HTS 83. 7b, she was k i l l e d by Empress Wu. Her t i t l e of P r i n c e s s was posthumously granted by Chung-tsung. The sepulchre of the Yung-t'ai P r i n c e s s has a l s o been excavated i n I96O-I962 (see the r e p o r t and photos i n 113 Wen-wu, I, 1964- , pp. 7-18). Judging from the words of the e p i t a p h found i n the sepulchre, i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t the P r i n c e s s , i n s t e a d of being k i l l e d by Empress Wu, d i e d of pregnancy (see Wu PoM'.un, "T'ang Yun g - t ' a i Kung-chu Mu-chih-ming", Wen-wu, I, 1 9 6 3 , pp. 5 9 - 6 2 ) . 1 0 Biography i n HTS 8 3 . 7 b . Her t i t l e of P r i n c e s s was a l s o a posthumous one granted by Empress Wu i n the beg i n n i n g of Ch'ang-an p e r i o d . 1 1 Biography i n HTS 8 3 . 7 a b . The Ch'ang-ning P r i n c e s s was one of the two Empress Wei's c h i l d r e n who were a l i v e i n the second r e i g n of Chung-tsung. She and her husband Yang Shen-chiao % % 3L were however accused of being p r o d i g a l and p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei ( c f . her biography i n HTS and Su i T'ang Chia-hua 3« P- 2 5 ) , and they never became as i n f l u e n t i a l as t h e i r younger s i s t e r - the An-lo P r i n c e s s . T h i s should be the reason why a f t e r Empress Wei's p l o t f a i l e d , i n s t e a d of being executed, the Ch'ang-ning P r i n c e s s and Yang Shen-chiao only r e c e i v e d a punishment of being e x i l e d . 1 2 B i o g r a p h y • i n HTS 8 3 . 7 b - 8 a . A c c o r d i n g t o her biography i n HTS; CTS I 8 3 . 8 b & 1 0 a and TCTC 2 0 9 , Ching-lung 2 ( 7 0 8 ) / l l / c h i - m a o , the An-lo P r i n c e s s f i r s t m a r r i e d w i t h Wu Ch'ung-hsun ^ £ !«| i n the Ch'ang-an p e r i o d of Empress Wu's r e i g n and then m a r r i e d again w i t h Wu Yen-hsiu &, iL % i n the second year of Ching-lung. However, i n TTCLC k 3 « P« 2 1 1 , we f i n d an e d i c t of Empress Wu p r o c l a i m i n g to marry the P r i n c e s s t o Yang Shou-wen % f X. . T h i s marriage i s not mentioned by HTS, CTS, TCTC or other e x i s t e n t sources but i t a l s o does not seem t o be a mistake of TTCLC. T h e r e f o r e , before she married Wu Ch'ung-hsun, the An-lo P r i n c e s s was probably a t l e a s t once engaged or married t o Yang Shou-wen who was a member of the great Yang f a m i l y i n Kuan-chung area. 1 3 A c c o r d i n g t o HTS 8 3 . 7 b and TCTC 2 0 8 , Sheng-lung 1 ( 7 0 5 ) / 2 / a f t e r c h i a - t z u , she was born on Emperor Chung-tsung and Empress Wei's journey to Fang-chou. See a l s o CTS I 8 3 . 8 b which i n d i c a t e s t h a t she was born at ro a d s i d e while the Emperor and the Empress were about to r e a c h the t e r r i t o r y of Fang-chou. x See TCTC i b i d . , i t happened i n Shen-lung l ( 7 0 5 ) / 2 / c h i a - t z u . 114 1 ^ C f . TCTC 208, Sheng-lung l / 5 / a f t e r k u e i - s s u . However, a c c o r d i n g t o the o p i n i o n of CTSCKC 32. 4b , i n s t e a d of twenty-three and f i f t y - n i n e , i t should be twenty-two as the age of adulthood and f i f t y - e i g h t as the age of exemption, s i n c e both CTS 48. 3b and T'ung-tien 7. (p. 42) s t a t e so. 1 A c c o r d i n g toIvfturs;'';njotV.;; of TCTC 208, Sheng-lung l / 2 / a f t e r c h i a - t z u , Shuang-lu I s a k i n d df checkers. The move of the twelve checkers i s decided by throwing d i c e . Since i t has s i x checkers on each s i d e , the game i s named "Double S i x " (Shuang-lu). i 7'Cf. HTS 76. 14a and TCTC 209, Ching-lung 2 ( 7 0 8 ) / ? / a f t e r chia-wu. 18 Ching Hui i s one of the f i v e l e a d i n g o f f i c i a l s who were honoured as the " F i v e P r i n c e s " (Wu Wang JL i . ) because of t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p l a n n i n g f o r the r e s t o r a t i o n of Chung-tsung. H i s b i o g r a p h i e s together w i t h those of the other f o u r o f f i c i a l s can he found i n CTS 91 and HTS 120. Cf. a l s o HTS 76. 12b and TCTC 208, Shen-lung l / 2 / a f t e r c h i a - t z u and 5/kuei-ssu. A c c o r d i n g to HTS 76., Ching Hui and h i s p a r t i s a n s were p l a n n i n g t o a n n i h i l a t e the Wus. However, judging from the statements of CTS 91; HTS 120 and TCTC, i n s t e a d of a n n i h i l a t i o n , they only t r i e d t o r e s t r a i n the power of the Wus. 19 7The d e t a i l s of the c o n f l i c t between the f a c t i o n s of the F i v e P r i n c e s and Wu San-ssu as w e l l as i t s r e s u l t s can be found i n TCTC 208, Shen-lung 1-2(705-706) passim. 2 0 A c c o r d i n g t o TCTC 208, i t was i n Shen-lung 1(705)/:J l l / w u - y i n g 2 1 A c c o r d i n g t o TCTC 208, i t was i n Shen-lung l / l l / jen-wu, f o u r days a f t e r they r e c e i v e d the t i t l e s . 2 2Wang T'ung-chiao m a r r i e d a daughter of Chung-tsung, the Ting-an P r i n c e s s . H e was a l s o a p a r t i s a n of the F i v e P r i n c e s . H i s b i o g r a p h i e s and the i n c i d e n t of h i s death can be found i n CTS 187a. 9b; HTS 191. 5h-6a and TCTC 208, Shen-lung 2 / 3 / a f t e r chia-ch'en and keng-shu. 'Cf. CTS 183. 15a and HTS 206. 5 b - 6 a . A t t h a t time 115 o n l y the power of the Wus c o u l d compare w i t h the Wei f a m i l y . See TCTC 208, Shen-lung 2 / s p r i n g i n t e r c a l a r y l / ping-wu. The e d i c t was sent out on the above date. I n the e d i c t seven P r i n c e s s were p e r m i t t e d to c r e a t e t h e i r own s t a f f . A l s o c f . CTS 196a. 5 b - 6 b ; HTS 83. 7a-8b; THY 6 . p. 69 and TCTC 208, Ching-lung 1(707)/summer k / h s i n - s s u . Except f o r the youngest Ch'eng-an P r i n c e s s A, •£ £ , a l l Chung-tsung* s f i v e daughters who were a l i v e at t h a t time were granted s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s i n t h i s e d i c t . Moreover the Chin-ch' eng P r i n c e s s 4: *A £ £ , an adopted daughter of Chung-tsung, a l s o r e c e i v e d s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s because of the m a r r i a g arrangement between she and the k i n g of T i b e t (T'u-fan »£ % ) 2 S -The T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s was the f a v o r i t e daughter of Empress Wu and Kao-tsung. Her b i o g r a p h i e s can be found i n CTS I83. l l a - 1 2 a and HTS 83. 5 a - 7 a . Since she was a s i s t e r pf Chung-tsung, she i s allowed to enjoy p e r q u i s i t e s more r e s p e c t f u l than those of her n i e c e s . However, i n Chapter V we w i l l d i s c u s s the other p o s s i b l e reasons behind the scenes f o r her b e i n g granted these p e r q u i s i t e s . 2 6 Biography can be found i n HTS 83. 7 a . The biography of the I-ch'eng P r i n c e s s mentions t h a t the P r i n c e s s was once banished as Chun-chu If £ by the Emperor. T h e r e f o r e Wu Shen p o i n t e d out i n h i s H s i n T'ang Shu Chiu-miu 19 . p. 200 t h a t s i n c e there was no Emperor f o r twenty-one years before the Shen-lung p e r i o d , the content of the whole biography was not r e l i a b l e . A c t u a l l y , i t i s most probably only a c a r e l e s s mistake of HTS. The Emperor who banished the I-ch'eng P r i n c e s must be Empress Wu. Such a minor mistake c e r t a i n l y c o u l d not disprove the v a l i d i t y of the r e s t of the biography. 2 7 C f . TCTC 208, Shen-lung 2 / l 2 / a f t e r chi-mao and HTS 83. 8a. " w C f . TCTC i b i d , and HTS 83. 7 a - 8 a . A c c o r d i n g to the words of TCTC she sometimes d r a f t e d e d i c t s and asked the Emperor t o s i g n , however, i n HTS she only d i d i t once. The K'ao-i of TCTC i b i d , has i n t e r p r e t e d the reason why TCTC does not quote from T'ung-chi i t "the s t o r y of Wei Yuan-chung's 4&> & & persuading Chung-tsung not to appoint the An-lo P r i n c e s s as Huang-t'ai-nu. No matter whether Wei Yuan-chung"has t r i e d t o persuade Chung-tsung or not, we can t e l l t h i s i n c i d e n t of a p p o i n t i n g Huang-t*ai-nu must have 116 brought some uneasiness among the o f f i c i a l s and the a n t i - A n - l o P r i n c e s s group. For example, TCTC 20.8, _Ching-lung 1/autumn 7/ a f t e r hsin-ch'ou m e n t i o n s ' a f t e r the death of the Heir-Apparent, H s i Yu ^ #L , n t h a t the M a g i s t r a t e ( W e i i t ) of Hsiang D i s t r i c t ( H s i a n g - i jj^ EL> ) > having heard of the ambition of the P r i n c e s s , sent i n a memorial t o p l e a d w i t h the Emperor f o r the appointment of a new Heir-Apparent. The T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s who was a l e a d e r of the a n t i - A n - l o P r i n c e s s group wanted to recommend H s i Yu as a Censor (Chien-kuan T ) but he r a n away to a v o i d t h i s p o s t which he thought was shameful. 2 9 A c c o r d i n g to TLCCFK 4. 18b, 19a & 5. l6b; Ch'ang-an  C h i h 10. 6a and CTS I83. 8b, the An-lo P r i n c e s s f i r s t dwelled i n H s i u - h s i a n g Fang #• -ff */) w i t h her husband Wu Ch'ung-hsun, then moved to Chin-ch'eng Fang -£ ^ $ a f t e r she m a r r i e d Wu Yen-hsiu. She a l s o had a d w e l l i n g i n the Ching-shan Fang 4r $ of Lo-yang C i t y . (See Map. I & I I I ) TPKC 236. 10b; CTS I83. 8b; HTS 83. 8a and TCTC 209, Ching-lung 2/autumn 7/after chia-wu a l s o mention t h a t she b u i l t the Lake of Ting-k'un _^ & it_i west of Ch'ang-an C i t y i n order to surpass the f e a t u r e s of the K'un-ming Lake St i£j which Chung-tsung d i d not give the p e r m i s s i o n as her p r o p e r t y . Besides, a buddhist temple i n the Tao-kuang Fang i l JL rfj of Lo-yang C i t y was a l s o b u i l t by her (see Map I I I ) . Both of the two parks of the Ting-k'un Lake and the temple were e x t r a v a g a n t l y b u i l t . 3 ° C f . TCTC i b i d , and HTS 83. 7ab. At t h a t time, not only other P r i n c e s s e s but a l s o some of Chung-tsung's Consorts, s i s t e r s of Empress Wei and a few s o r c e r e s s e s e t c . f o l l o w e d the example of the A n - l o P r i n c e s s . The Ch'ang-ning and An-lo P r i n c e s s e s p e c i a l l y emulated w i t h each other, b u i l t d w e l l i n g s which i m i t a t e d the d e s i g n of the Palace but even more e l a b o r a t e . J X C f . TCTC 208, Ching-lung l/9/keng-tzu. TCTC put t h i s i n c i d e n t i n the seventh month of the f i r s t y e a r of Ching-l u n g . A c t u a l l y the name of Ching-lung was not adopted u n t i l two months l a t e r , the n i n t h month of the t h i r d year of Shen-l u n g . 3 2 B i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 92. 17b-l8a and HTS 109. k b . T.sung Ch'u-k'o's mother i s a c o u s i n of Empress Wu. A f t e r Wu San-ssu's death, he became the l e a d e r of Empress Wei's Outer Court s u p p o r t e r s . 117 3 3 C f . TCTC 208, Ching-lung l/8/wu-yin. Emperor Chung-tsung was a l s o made "The Y i n g - t ' i e n Shen-lung H u a n g - t i " x . * f it i ^y ^ e impress and o f f i c i a l s . 3 \ ) f . TCTC 209, Ching-lung 2/spring 2/keng-yin and HTS 76. 12b. TCTC does not mention the bestowing of t i t l e s but the g r a n t i n g of amnesty. -^A c c o r d i n g t o Hu San-hsing's note of TCTC 208, Ching-l u n g l / 5 / a f t e r wu-hsu, Chia-yeh i s an I n d i a n surname. 3 6 C f . TCTC 183, Ta-yeh 12(6l6)/l0/after c h i - c h ' o u . B e s i d e s , Woodbridge Bingham made a d e t a i l e d study of t h i s b a l l a d , "The Rise of L i i n a B a l l a d Prophecy", i n J o u r n a l  of the American O r i e n t a l S o c i e t y 6 l (1941), pp. 272-280. 3 7 C f . CTS 28. ^b-5a and TCTC 192, Chen-kuan 1(627)/ l / t i n g - h a i . I t was a popular song which was made t o s i n g the m e r i t s of the P r i n c e of Ch'in (the f u t u r e T ' a i - t s u n g ) . 3 8 C f . HTS 35. 9b; CTSCKC 32. 5a; TCTC 209, Ching-lung 2/2/after keng-yin and i t s note by Hu San-hsing. TCTC uses the name "T*ang-t*ang" H , i n s t e a d of "Ts'e T'ang-t'ang" 1 1 . HTS mentions t h a t the u s i n g of double "T'ang" i s an omen of the T'ang Dynasty's r e c e i v i n g the mandate of Heaven again. 3 9 C f . CTSCKC i b i d . ; TCTC i b i d , and Ch'ao-yeh Ch'ien- t s a i 1. pp. 7-8. A c c o r d i n g t o HTS 76. 5a, "Wu-mei" was a t i t l e which was granted to the f u t u r e Empress Wu by Emperor T'ai-chung. Cf. TCTC i b i d , and i t s note by Hu San-hsing. T h i s song was not reco r d e d i n T'ang h i s t o r y . "The P r i n c e of Yi n g " was a t i t l e of Chung-tsung before he was appointed as the Heir-Apparent of Emperor Kao-tsung. "•Cf. TCTC and Hu's notes i b i d , and Ch'ao-yeh Ch'ien- t s a i 1. p. 5» The song was po p u l a r i n the Yung-hui p e r i o d o f Kao-tsung. See a l s o CTSCKC l o c . c i t . about the omission of the word "yeh" ( t ) i n TCTC. Besides, i t a l s o i n d i c a t e s t h a t the u s i n g of "nu-hang" -be ^  i n here i s probably a mistake. I t should be "nu-shih" ± B | . 118 h o "'Liu-he" means the s i x d i r e c t i o n s of heaven (up), e a r t h (down), ea s t , west, n o r t h and south (see " l i u - h e " , Morohashi, op. c i t . , I I , p. 49, n. 84). ^ 3The equinoxes, the s o l s t i c e s and the f i r s t day of each season were c a l l e d "pa-chieh" i n the Chinese l u n a r c a l e n d e r (see Morohashi, op. c i t . I I , pp. 13-14, n. 310). 44 C f . " I - c h i " , Shang. Shu 1. (see Ku Chieh-kang, Shang- Shu T' ung-chien T a i p e i s A u t h o r i z e d R e p r i n t D i s t r i b u t e d by Chinese M a t e r i a l s and Research A i d s S e r v i c e Center, Inc., 1966 , p.3) and Morohashi, op., c i t . , V I I I , pp. 858-59, n. 13. "Shao" i s the music of Shun ^ , a legendary Chinese r u l e r , s a i d t o have r u l e d from 2255-2205 B.C.. " h s i a o " i s a k i n d of m u s i c a l instruments, b i g , t i n y or i n between. T h e r e f o r e , the music of Hsiao-shao a c t u a l l y means the music of K i n g Shun. ^ S e e "Chung Shan Ching", Shan Hai Ching 5. 10b. I t r e c o r d s a t a l e t h a t there i s a mulberry t r e e i n Mount Hsuan (Hsuan Shan t h ). I t i s f i f t y f e e t ( c h ' i h A. ) t a l l w i t h o u t s t r e t c h i n g branches, f o o t - l o n g l e a v e s , r e d g r a i n s , y e l l o w f l o w e r s and green c a l y x e s . T h i s mulberry t r e e i s c a l l e d the "Mulberry Tree of the Daughter of the Emperor i n Heaven" ( T i -nu c h i h Sang '? +• £ ) (see a l s o Morohashi, op. c i t . , IV, p. 428, n. 160). Cbiu Chia-yeh Chih-chung used t h i s t a l e i n Shan H a i Ching and the popular song of Sang-t'iao Wei to draw an i n t e r p r e t a -t i o n t h a t Empress Wei was the s p i r i t of a descended daughter of the Emperor i n Heaven. Consequently, she was s u i t a b l e t o r e c e i v e the mandate of Heaven. As a r e s u l t of her b e i n g the mother of the s t a t e and t a k i n g charge of the silkworms and mulberry t r e e of the country, she would be able t o t r a n q u i l i z e the Empire. 46 u C f . "Yueh-fu", Morohashi, op. c i t . , VI, p. 514, B, n. 233 f o r the o r i g i n and changes of t h i s term. ^ H s i e n - t s ' a n i n d i c a t e s L e i Tsu i f . I n Chinese leg e n d she was the f i r s t woman to tend silkworms and r e e l s i l k from i t s cocoons. I t i s b e l i e v e d i n t h a t she was a co n s o r t of the Yellow Emperor (Huang-ti 0; f ), the f i r s t Chinese legendary K i n g . The d e t a i l s of the t r a d i t i o n a l ceremony of t h i s H s i e n - t s ' a n S a c r i f i c e can be found In Edward T. Williams;, "The Worship of L e i Tsu, P a t r o n S a i n t of S i l k Workers" i n the J o u r n a l of the North China Branch of the R o y a l A s i a t i c Society,j66il^l4y o!935. 119 Cf. TCTC 209, Ching-lung 2 / s p r i n g 2 / a f t e r keng-yin. C f . a l s o Morohashi, op_. c i t . , VI, p. 7^4, one "t'uan" equals to h a l f " p ' i " e or two "chang" it. (twenty Chinese f e e t ) . T h e r e f o r e seven hundred t'uan i s 350 p ' i or 1,400 chang. ^ C f . TCTC i b i d . . A c c o r d i n g t o Ch'ao-yeh C h ' i e n - t s a i 1. p. 5« Cheng Y i n was rewarded w i t h a hundred p ' i of t h i c k s i l k ( c h i e n $ ) and promoted as V i c e - P r e s i d e n t of M i n i s t r y of P e r s o n n e l ( L i - p u S h i h - l a n g jL -Sf # *f ). Cf. a l s o CTSCKC 32. 5a . I t mentions t h a t i n TCTC and CTS 37 . 18a Cheng Y i n has been r e c o r d e d as Cheng Heng $f fj, . 5 ° C f . TCTC i b i d . y The e i g h t e e n t h g e n e r a t i o n should r e a d the n i n e t y -e i g h t h g e n e r a t i o n . In the biography of Empress Wei i n HTS 76. 12b i t i s s t a t e d as the n i n e t y - e i g h t g e n e r a t i o n (see a l s o CTSCKC l o c . c i t . ) . A l though TCTC i b i d . d o e s not s t a t e t h i s c l e a r l y , i t a l s o agrees w i t h HTS. Besides, the s t r o n g e s t p r o o f c o u l d be found i n HTS 109. 5b. I t mentions t h a t the w i l l of Heaven, as e x p l a i n e d by Chao Ye n - h s i , was t h a t the dynasty succeeding Chou $ would r u l e c o n t i n u o u s l y f o r one hundred g e n e r a t i o n s . Chung-tsung succeeded the throne from h i s mother, Empress Wu, the Empress of Chou Dynasty. Hence, i t was b e l i e v e d t h a t Empress Wu was the f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n of the one hundred and Chung-tsung the second. A f t e r Chung-tsung, there would be n i n e t y - e i g h t more ge n e r a t i o n s i n the f a m i l y t o occupy the throne. The words which Chao Yen-hsi quoted t o support h i s theor y were those of Con f u c i u s : "Tsze-chang asked whether the a f f a i r s of t e n ages a f t e r c o u l d be known. Confucius s a i d , 'The Y i n dynasty f o l l o w e d the r e g u l a t i o n s of the H s i a : wherein i t took from o or added t o them may be known. The Chau dynasty has f o l l o w e d the r e g u l a t i o n s of the Y i n : wherein i t took from or added t o them may be known. Some other may f o l l o w the Chau, but though i t should be at the d i s t a n c e of a hundred ages, i t s a f f a i r s may be known.'" (Confucius,"Wei-cheng", Lun Yu i n "'ConfucianoAnalects"•• The Four Books, Book I I , t r a n s , and ed. James Legge Shanghai, 1923> r e p r i n t , New York: Paragon Book R e p r i n t Corp., I966 , p.23.) ^ 2 C f . TCTC 209, Ching-lung 2/autumn 7 / a f t e r chia-wu. A c c o r d i n g to TCTC, t h i s powerful female group a l s o i n c l u d e d the An-lo and Ch'ang-ning P r i n c e s s e s who were mentioned p r e v i o u s l y ; Lady Ch'eng-kuo """" ty $ A A. , a s i s t e r of Empress 120 Wei and a s o r c e r e s s Ti-wu Y i n g - e r h % ^ & who, a c c o r d i n g t o TCTC 208, Shen-lung 2/winter 1 0 / a f t e r ping-ch'en, should he the wife of Mi-shu Chien % Cheng P'u-ssu $f £ & ^Cf. TCTC 209, Ching-lung 2/autumn 7 / a f t e r chia-wu. These l a d i e s had f i x e d p r i c e s f o r t h e i r b u s i n e s s . Any person no matter what k i n d of o r i g i n he had c o u l d buy an o f f i c i a l p o s t w i t h three hundred thousand of cash or a c e r t i f i c a t e as monk or nun w i t h t h i r t y thousand of cash. D i f f e r i n g from the t r a d i t i o n a l I m p e r i a l r e d i n k used only by the Emperor, they wrote e d i c t s w i t h b l a c k i n k . T h e r e f o r e , these were c a l l e d "The B l a c k - i n k E d i c t s " (mo-ch'ih -f ). They sent the e d i c t s to the Grand I m p e r i a l S e c r e t a r i a t (Chung-shu *f % ) w i t h oblique s e a l s ( h s i e h - f e n g <£f i f ), hence the o f f i c i a l s who were appointed by these l a d i e s were c a l l e d "Hsieh-feng" o f f i c i a l s ( I r r e g u l a r Appointments). I n the r e i g n of Chung-tsung, the number of these i r r e g u l a r l y appointed o f f i c i a l s reached s e v e r a l thousand. These o f f i c i a l s who won the post by money were u s u a l l y appointed as Yuan-wai | , T'ung-cheng li] JE , Shih-she , Chien-chiao fa ^ and P'an-kuan j" or Chih-kuan ^ 0 ^ ^ C f . TCTC i b i d . . A c c o r d i n g to CTS 92. 15a, she was a l s o c a l l e d as Chao Wu-niang jfa . -^According to Morohashi, op. c i t . , I I , p. 567, n. 103, i t was a t r a d i t i o n a l r i t e t o worship Heaven i n the south suburb on the summer s o l s t i c e . Heaven means the F i v e I P l a n e t a r y E m p e r o r s — t h e Green, Red, Yellow, White and B l a c k Emperors, corresponding w i t h J u p i t e r , Mars, Saturn, Venus, and Mercury, r e s p e c t i v e l y as w e l l as the gods of Sun, Moon and S t a r s . However, a c c o r d i n g to the r e c o r d s of CTS 7. 8b; HTS k. 15b; TTCLC 68. p. 379; THY 9a. p. 151 and TCTC 209, Ching-lung 3/winter l l / i - c h ' o u , Chung-tsung had t h i s r i t e performed not i n the summer but i n w i n t e r t i m e . Cf. a l s o THY 9a. pp. 151-162 f o r the d e t a i l of t h i s i n c i d e n t . ^ B i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 189b. 4-b-7b and HTS 109. 6a-7b. ^ B i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 189b, 7b-8a and HTS 109. 7b. era The content of t h i s p r o p o s a l can be found i n CTS 189b, ifb-7a and HTS 109. 6a-7a. ^ B i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 85. 2a-3a and HTS 113. lb-2b. 121 6°Biography i n HTS 112. 12b Cf. TCTC 209, Ching-lung 3 / 8 / a f t e r c h i - y u . A c c o r d i n g t o TCTC and CTS 92. l k a , V i c e - R e c t o r of the I m p e r i a l U n i v e r s i t y Ch'u Wu-liang $ & J- , V i c e - P r e s i d e n t of the M i n i s t r y of R i t e s ( L i - p u S h i h - l a n g # 4f # ft ) Hsu Chien -j& & and E r u d i t e of the Bureau of I m p e r i a l S a c r i f i c e s P'eng C h i n g - c h i h % jt JL a l s o opposed to having the Empress a s s i s t at t h i s s a c r i f i c e of Heaven. The memorial of Ch'u Wu-liang c o u l d be found i n CTS 102. 2a - 3 a . 6 2 B i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 92. 12b-l4b and HTS 123. 6ab. 6 3 C f . TCTC l o c . c i t . See CTS 189b. 7a. The daughter of C h i e f M i n i s t e r (Tung Chung-shu Men-hsia San-pin Is] f t ft T «w ) L i Chiao .£ J^- was one of the "Chai-niang". A f t e r t h i s s a c r i f i c e Chung-tsung ordered the husbands of a l l the married C h a i - i u % n i a n g to be promoted. 6 ^ C f . Morohashi, op. c i t . , V I I I , p.788 and p. 880, n . 5 « 6 6 A c c o r d i n g t o CTS 7. 8b and TCTC 209, Ching-lung 3/8/ t i n g - y u , i t was f o r c e d t o stop by the i n s i s t e n t o p p o s i t i o n of T'ang Shao and Chiang Ch'in-hsu. F i n a l l y , Chung-tsung gave up and appointed C h i e f M i n i s t e r Wei Chu-yuan to h o l d the F i n a l O f f e r i n g . 6 ? C f . CTS 7 . 8b and TCTC 209, Ching-yun 1 ( 7 1 0 )/spring l / n i g h t of p i n g - y i n . so D O C f . TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 5 / a f t e r chi-mao. 69 7Wu Yeh-hsiu i s the second husband of the An-lo P r i n c e s s . H i s biography, can be found i n CTS I83 . 8a - 9 a . 70 ' Chi Ch'u-na m a r r i e d a s i s t e r of Wu San-ssu's w i f e . He won the t r u s t of Chung-tsung because of San-ssu's scheme (see TCTC 208, Ching-lung l / 5 / a f t e r wu-hsu). H i s b i o g r a p h i e s can be found i n CTS 92. 18b and HTS 109. 5 b -6a . 122 7 Cf. TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 5 / a f t e r chi-mao. A c c o r d i n g t o TCTC, he passed away on the date of jen-wu i n the s i x t h month. The p o i s o n was put i n t o the p a s t r y hy h i s Consort, Empress Wei, and daughter, the An-lo P r i n c e s s . ? 2 C f . CTS 88. l i b ; HTS 125. 2a and TCTC 209, Ching-yun 1/6/j e n-wu, I s hel? summoned a l l the C h i e f M i n i s t e r s i n t o the P a l a c e . ? 3See TCTC 208, Shen-lung 2 / 7 / a f t e r p i n g - y i n . He reached t h i s p o s i t i o n of P r e s i d e n t of the M i n i s t r y of J u s t i c e by s u g g e s t i n g to execute "the F i v e P r i n c e s " without f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n . nh, . ' Biography i n HTS 113. 3t>. A c c o r d i n g to H s m T'ang Shu Chiu-miu 3. pp. 18-19, t h i s time Chang H s i h e l d the post of C h i e f M i n i s t e r f o r f o r t y days, i n s t e a d of t e n days as HTS 113. 3t> s t a t e d . 7 5 C f . HTS 61. 25a & i b i d . 5 TCTC 209, Ching-yun 1/6/ jen-wu. P ' e i and Chang were appointed as C h i e f M i n i s t e r and V i c e r o y of the E a s t e r n C a p i t a l (T'ung Chung-shu Men-hsia San-p ' i n ; Tung-tu L i u - s h o u ft f ± f s. & jjL jtf $ f „)J ? 6 C T S 86. 8b and HTS 81. 5b both mention him as the Grand General of the L e f t of the T'un-wei Army (Tso T'un-wei Ta-chiang-chun £ & #j X. $ ^ ). Since there was n e i t h e r t h i s p o s i t i o n nor such an army e x i s t e d d u r i n g T'ang p e r i o d ( c f . CTS 44. 20a-23b and HTS 49a. l a - 6 b ) , i t should be a mistake. "CTS 51. 9a, 86. 8b and HTS 81. 5b mention h i s name as Chao Ch'eng-en, however, i n HTS 76. 13a i t i s Chao Ch'eng-f u ? 8 A c c o r d i n g to TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 6 / k u e i - w e i , he a l s o possessed the appointment of N e i - s h i h ^ . There seems not much doubt about h i s p o s t s ; however, among f o u r sources, h i s name has been rec o r d e d i n three d i f f e r e n t forms. He i s c a l l e d Hsueh Ch'ung-chien i n CTS 51. 9a, Hsueh Chien & g i n HTS 76. 13a, Hsueh Ssu-chien ^ & g i n HTS 81. 5D and TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 6 / k u e i - w e i . Besides, i n other p a r t of TCTC he a l s o has been c a l l e d Hsueh Chien once (see TCTC 208, Ching-lung 1 / 9 / a f t e r c h i a - c h ' e n ) . Since Hsueh Ch'ung-chien i s the name of a son of the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s 123 (see CTS ?• 10b, 8. l b and HTS 5. 4a, 83. 5b) and t h e r e was l i t t l e p o s s i b i l i t y f o r a eunuch, even a N e i - s h i h , t o po s s e s t h e same name as t h e son of a p o w e r f u l p r i n c e s s , we have r e a s o n t o presume i t i s a c a r e l e s s m i s t a k e of CTS 51'-» 9a "to r e c o r d h i s name as Hsueh Ch'ung-chien. As t o the o t h e r two form s , Hsueh C h i e n and Hsueh S s u - c h i e n , b o t h Chang T s u n g - t ' a i and Ts'en Chung-mien b e l i e v e t h a t the l a t t e r one i s p o s s i b l y the r i g h t form because d u r i n g t h e S u i -T'ang p e r i o d i t was a p o p u l a r p r a c t i c e t o s t a t e o n l y one word of a two-word g i v e n name ( c f . CTSCKC 32. 5a ; Ts'en Chung-mien, T'ung-chien S u i - T ' a n g - c h i P i - s h i h C h i h - i fTCSTCPSCl], P e k i n g : Chung-hwa, 1964 , pp. 146-147 and Yuan-he H s i n g - t s u a n Ssu-chxao c h i a o - c h i , Shanghai: Commercial P r e s s , 1948 , pp. v x i v - v x v ) . 79 ' ' I n s t e a d of Yun-chou, i t s h o u l d be w r i t t e n as Chun-chou *J7 XI TI , ^ skLnce t h e r e was no Yun-chou but Chun-chou e x i s t e d d u r i n g T'ang p e r i o d ( c f . CTS 38-41 & 39. 39"b; HTS 37-43b & 40. 3 b ) . B e s i d e s , CTS 86. 8b; HTS 81. 5 b .and TCTC 208, Shen-lung l / 2 / p i n g - y i n a l l r e c o r d t h i s p l a c e as Chun-chou. 8 0 B i o g r a p h i e s in-CTS 86. 8a-9b and HTS 81. 5 b - 6 a . Ch'ung-fu, the second son of Chung-tsung, was b a n i s h e d t o Ch'un-chou by Empress Wei i n 705 A.D..(see TCTC i b i d . ) . 8 l B i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS I83 . I4a-15.b and HTS 206. 5b-6a. O p B i o g r a p h y i n CTS 86. 10b. A c c o r d i n g t o t h i s b i o g r a p h y Ch'ung-mao was sevent e e n (Chinese s t y l e ) when he d i e d i n 714. T h e r e f o r e a t t h i s time he s h o u l d be o n l y t w e l v e y e a r s o l d . 8 3 C f . TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 6 / j e n - w u . 84 L a t e r , d u r i n g the r e i g n of Hsuan-tsung, he a l s o r e c e i v e d the posthumous t i t l e of S h a n g - t i ?JL ^ . (CTS S 6 v &0b) 8 5 C f . the K ' a o - i o f TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 6 / k u e i - w e i . I t i n d i c a t e s t h a t i n T' ang S h i h - l u M f 4%- Wei Cho was w r i t t e n as Wei Kuan 5|[ , t h e r e f o r e TCTC a l s o uses kuan i n s t e a d o f Cho. However, CTS 51. 9a, I83 . 15a; HTS 74a. 23b, 76. 13a, 83. 7a, 206. 5^ a H f o l l o w the r e c o r d of C h i n g - l u n g Wen-kuan  C h i t H il it t o w r i t e as Wei Cho. Cf„ a l s o TCSTCPSCI, pii'l4.8f,:!.Ts.|eni: Chung-mien f a v o r s t h e use o f Wei Cho o f Yuan-he  H s i n g - t s u a n and the Genealogy of the Weis of HTS (see Yuan-he  H s i n g - t s u a n S s u - c h i a o - c h i p p . 180-181; HTS 74a. 23b) . 124 O D C f . HTS 7 6 . 13a and TCTC 2 0 9 , Ching-yun l / 6 / k u e i - w e i . HTS mentions Wei Po as a c o u s i n of Wei Wen. However, a c c o r d i n to the genealogy of the Weis i n HTS 7 4 a , 23a-24b Po was a nephew of Wei Wen and most of the members who are one genera-t i o n p o s t e r i o r to Wei Wen possess a "hand" r a d i c a l i n the c h a r a c t e r s of t h e i r g i v e n names as Wei Po does. T h e r e f o r e , we have reason to presume the r e c o r d of HTS 7 6 . 13a i s i n c o r r e c t while CTS 51• 9a and TCTC are more r e l i a b l e i n s t a t i n g Wei Po as a nephew of Wei Wen. 8 7 C f . HTS 7 6 . 13a and TCTC i b i d . . HTS 76 mentions Wei Hsuan as a son of Wei Wen's clansman ( t s u n g - t z u ^ 3- ) while i n CTS 51• 9a and TCTC he i s r e c o r d e d as Wei Wen's c o u s i n ( t s u - t i % )• A c c o r d i n g to the genealogy of the Weis i n ^ HTS 7 4 a . 2 3 a - 2 6 b , there i s no Wei Hsuan but three Wei Chun i f , a l l are Wen's c o u s i n , i n the f a m i l y . Except the Wei Chun who h e l d s a p r e f e c t u r e post and does not belong to the same branch w i t h Wei Wen, there were two Wei Chun i n Wei Wen's branch; one h e l d the post of Wei-wei Shao-ch'ing '> ffi and the other h e l d the post of Chih-fang Lang-chung % tf f A c c o r d i n g to the genealogy of the Weis i n Yuan-he Hsing-tsuan, the name of the Chih-fang Lang-chung Wei Chun should be Wei Hsuan. Ch'en Chung-mien a l s o presume t h i s Chih-fang Lang-chung Wei Hsuan i s the one who j o i n e d Empress Wei and Wei Wen' p l o t because CTS has mentioned Wei Hsuan i s Wei Wen's t s u - t i . Since the Chih-fang Lang-chung Wei Hsuan shares the g r e a t g r e a t g r e a t g r a n d f a t h e r w i t h Wei Wen while the Wei=wei Shao-c h ' i n g Wei Chttn share the g r e a t g r e a t g r a n d f a t h e r w i t h him, i t i s more proper to c a l l the former one t s u - t i . ( s e e Yuan-he  Hsing-tsuan S s u - c h i a o - c h i p. 180 and TCSTCPSCI pp. 148-149). However, h i s o p i n i o n i s only based on a presumption. B e s i d e s , i t i s not i m p o s s i b l e sometimes to c a l l a c o u s i n , who shares the same g r e a t g r e a t g r a n d f a t h e r , t s u - t i . Since TCTC i n d i c a t e s t h a t Wei Hsuan h e l d the post of Wei-wei Ch'ing which shows great resemblance w i t h the post of Wei-wei Shao-ch'ing Wei Chun and the c h a r a c t e r s of Hsuan (*| ) and Chun (;|: ) are easy to be mixed up, there i s a l s o a p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t the one who j o i n e d Wei Wen's p l o t was not Wei Hsuan but Wei-wei Shao-ch'ing Wei Chun. N e v e r t h e l e s s , no matter which one of these two c o u s i n s of Wei Wen j o i n e d the p l o t , HTS 7 6 . 13a has made a mistake by p l a c i n g him one g e n e r a t i o n p o s t e r i o r to Wei Wen. 8 8 C f . HTS 7 6 . 13a and TCTC i b i d . . I n TCTC the name of Kao Ch'ung i s w r i t t e n as Kao Sung ,|j ^ . a l s o d i f f e r e n t from the r e c o r d s of CTS 5 1 . 9 a and TCTC, HTS 76 mentions Kao Ch'ung i s son of Wei Hsuan's s i s t e r . 125 8 9 C f . CTS 44. 22b; HTS 49a. 5b-6a and THY 72. pp.1291-1292. 9 ° C f . i b i d , a 'IW p 9 1 C f . CTS 44. 22b; THY 72. p. 1291 and TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 6 / a f t e r jen-ch'en. 9 2 C f . HTS 76. 13a and TCTC i b i d . . A c c o r d i n g t o TCTC, i t was Wei Po and Kao Sung who f l o g g e d the s o l d i e r s of the Ten-thousand Cavalrymen. 7^The b i o g r a p h i e s of P r i n c e of L i n - t z u , the f u t u r e Emperor Hsuan-tsung can be found i n CTS 7. 10a-l?a; HTS 5. la - 3 b . See a l s o CTS 97 and HTS 121. l a - 2 a f o r the b i o g r a p h i e s of L i u Yu-ch'iu and Chung Shao-ching. I n TCTC i b i d . Hsueh Ch'ung-chien's name i s w r i t t e n as # £ B|~ , however, i n CTS 7. 10b, 8. l b ; HTS 5. 4a, 83. 5b; TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 6 / c h i - y u and 210, Kai-yuan l(71~3)/7/ • a f t e r i - c h ' o u i t i s If £ jg| . (Cf.' a l s o TCSTCPSCI p. 150) ^ I n s t e a d of t i n g - f u T A . , the SPPY e d i t i o n of CTS has t i n g - w e i J . However, a c c o r d i n g t o CTSCKC 32. 5b inwhich the i n f o r m a t i o n of TCTC 209, Ching-yun 1/6/keng-tzu p u - s h i h has been r e f e r r e d t o , t i n g - f u i s the c o r r e c t form. Since Chung-SHao-ching was the S u p e r v i s o r of the I m p e r i a l Workshop (Yuan Tsung-chien & i®s H; ), t i n g g f u were the men working under h i s s u p e r v i s i o n ( c f . CTS 44. 15b; HTS 48. 13a and TTLT 19. 24b) i . 9 ^ C f . Morohashi, op. c i t . VII, p. 765."* ^ i n t e r p r e t s Hsuan-wu Gate as the n o r t h e r n gate of the Ta-ming P a l a c e . A c t u a l l y i n T'ang Dynasty, there were at l e a s t f o u r Hsuan-wu Gate s a i n tthentwoMJapiitals. odTTwo of them were i n the Pa l a c e C i t y of Ch'ang-an (TLCCFK 1. 2ab, l4b-15~a & 22a) and the other two were i n the Palace C i t y of Lo-yang {TLCCFK 5» 2b & lOab). A c c o r d i n g t o TLCCFK 1. l4b-15a and 22a, the two gates i n Ch'ang-an; one was the n o r t h e r n gate of the Palace C i t y , the other was the n o r t h e r n gate of the Ta-ming P a l a c e . (See Map. I & I I ) I n Ch'ang-an Chih 6. l b , the Hsuan-wu Gate of the Pal a c e C i t y of Ch'ang-an was c a l l e d Ting-wu G a t e £ ^ u Hsu Sung p o i n t s out i n TLCCFK 1. 2ab t h a t a c c o r d i n g t o the t e x t s of CTS and HTS, i t should be c a l l e d Yuan-wu G a t e . ' X ^ ' r T "-126 A c t u a l l y , the o r i g i n a l name should he Hsuan-wu, Hsu Sung used Yuan i n s t e a d of Hsuan, i n order t o a v o i d u s i n g the same word w i t h the name of Emperor K'ang-hsi jfa, % of Ch'ing if Dynasty ( c f . Morohashi, op. c i t . I, p. 974, n. 21). For the importance of the n o r t h e r n gate of the Palace C i t y in9T'ang Dynasty, c f . Ch'en Yin-k'o, "TTCCSSLK", CYKHSLC, ( T a i p e i , 1971), pp. 141-146. ^ A c c o r d i n g to TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 6 / k e n g - t z u erh-ku and the note of Hu San-hsing, these were the Po-shou § -It and Hsuan-te £ Gates of the Inner P a l a c e . 9 7 P o S t a r H a l l was the main h a l l of the Palace C i t y of Ch'ang-an ( c f . TLCCFK 1. l b and Map. I I ) . I t was a l s o the southernmost h a l l of the Palace C i t y . The t r o o p s of P r i n c e of L i n - t z u came i n t o the Palace C i t y through Hsuan-wu Gate, the n o r t h e r n gate of the Palace C i t y . Hence, by the time they reached Po S t a r H a l l , the t r o o p s must had a l r e a d y occupied the main p a r t of the P a l a c e C i t y . Cf. a l s o TCTC 209, Ching-yun l/6/keng-tzu san-ku. A c c o r d i n g to TCTC, the c o f f i n of Chung-tsung was p l a c e d - i n Po S t a r H a l l a t t h a t time. 9 8 C f . TCTC i b i d . ; CTS 183. 9a and HTS 8 3 . 8b. ^ A c c o r d i n g HTS 74a. 23a, he was the General of the L e f t of the Chin-wu B i r d Army (Tso Chin-wu Chiang-chun £ -f-# % )• 1 0 0 B i o g r a p h i e s i n HTS 109. 4b-5b. Cf. a l s o TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 6 / h s i n - s s u and i t s K a o - i f o r the e x e c u t i o n s of Tsung Ch'u-k'e and Tsung C h i n - c h ' i n g . 1 0 1 C f . TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 6 / a f t e r h s i n - s s u . 1 0 2 C f . TCTC i b i d , and TPKC 148. l a . 1 0 3 C f . TCTC i b i d , and the note of Hu San-hsing.• 1 0 \ } f . TLCCFK 3 . 21b and Ch'ang-an Chih 8. H a b . The E a s t e r n Market which occupied a space of two b l o c k s was on ; the f o u r t h s t r e e t e a s t of Chu-ch'ueh Men S t r e e t , between Sheng-yeh j£ ^ and A n - i & b l o c k s (see Map. I ) . 127 1 0 5 C f . HTS ?6. 13b and 83. 8b. Cf. n. 7. F a n g - l i n g was one of the f o u r sub-p r e f e c t u r e s ( h s i e n ) which belonged to Fang-chou. S t a r t i n g from the t e n t h year of Chen-kuan (636), the p r e f e c t u r e government of Fang-chou was set up. i n F a n g - l i n g . CKKCTMTTT p. 465 i n d i c a t e s t h a t F a n g - l i n g was the modern Fang H s i e n of Hupeh Pr o v i n c e ity Jt j& 1 0 7 C f . CTS 51. 7a and TCTC 208, Shen-lung l / 2 / c h i a - t z u . 1 0 8 C f . n. 18. 1 0 9 C f . CTS 7. 4b, 51. 7b; HTS 4. 14a and TCTC 208, Shen-lung l / l l / w u - y i n and jen-wu. Chung-tsung a l s o r e c e i v e d the h o n o r i f i c t i t l e of "The Responding to Heaven Emperor". They both v i s i t e d the I m p e r i a l A n c e s t r a l Temple to show t h e i r a p p r e c i a t i o n . 1 1 0 C f . CTS 7. 2a & 4b; TCTC 208, Shen-lung 1/2/chia-:.,. t z u and l l / w u - y i n . A c c o r d i n g to CTS and TCTC, the t i t l e of P r i n c e of Shang-lo P r e f e c t u r e was not bestowed to Wei Hsuan-chen a f t e r Empress Wei's r e c e i v i n g the t i t l e of "The Conform-i n g t o Heaven Empress" i n the e l e v e n month of 705. Instead, i t was bestowed to him i n the second month of 705, r i g h t a f t e r Empress Wei's b e i n g appointed as the Empress. However, the Empress d i d grant another higher-up t i t l e , a t i t l e of p r i n c e — " P r i n c e of Feng" (Feng Wang ff i . ), to Wei Hsuan-chen a f t e r she r e c e i v e d the above mentioned h o n o r i f i c t i t l e (see CTS 7. 5a; TCTC 208 Shen-lung 2/summer 4). Obviously, HTS has mixed up the time of Wei Hsuan-chen's twice r e c e i v i n g posthumous t i t l e s . I n t h i s p l a c e HTS should s t a t e t h a t Empress Wei gave to her f a t h e r Hsuan-chen the t i t l e of " P r i n c e of Feng" i n s t e a d of " P r i n c e of Shang-lo P r e f e c t u r e " . 1 : L 1 C f . TCTC 208, Shen-lung l / 2 / c h i a - t z u . The words of the memorial of C h i a Hsu-chi quoted by TCTC are s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t w i t h those of HTS. 1 1 2 C f . S h i h - c h i 17. l b . Since L i u Pang Jt\ 4f became the f i r s t emperor of Han Dynasty, i t had been a r u l e not t o bestow any t i t l e of " p r i n c e " (wang j , ) to someone out s i d e of the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y . During T'ang p e r i o d , a s i m i l a r r u l e a l s o e x i s t e d (see HTS 112. 5b). 128 1 1 3 C f . GTS 51. 8a and TCTC 209. Ching-lung 2 / s p r i n g 2/ a f t e r keng-yin. 11 U-fn I n . i b i d , t h i s song i s mentioned as " T ' a o - l i Tzu" (Peach-plum L i ) . 1 : L5in CTS i b i d , t h i s song i s mentioned as "T'se T'ang-t'ang" ( M a j e s t i c a l l y at the S i d e ) . l l 6 C f . n. 51. 1 1 7 A c c o r d i n g to CTS 7. 4a & 7a; TCTC 208, Shen-lung 1/ 5/aft e r k u e i - s s u and 209, Ching-lung 2 / s p r i n g 2/keng-yin, Empress Wei sent i n t h i s memorial i n the f i r s t year of Shen-lu n g . I t was almost three years e a r l i e r than the i n c i d e n t of f i v e - c o l o u r e d clouds and Chia-yeh Chih-chung's o f f e r i n g up "The Song of the M u l b e r r y - t r e e Branches". I n t h i s p l a c e HTS n e g l e c t s the time sequence again. l l 8 C f . CTS 85. 2ab and THY 38. pp. 69I-692. A c c o r d i n g t o CTS, the memorial was pr e s e n t e d i n the second y e a r of i Ching-lung (708). However, THY s t a t e s t h a t i t was i n the t w e l f t h month of the t h i r d year of Ching-lung (7091). Both CTS and THY mention t h a t ' t h e new r i t e a l s o a p p l i e d t o a l l the Consorts, P r i n c e s s e s and Court L a d i e s . 1 1 9 C f . n. 77. 1 2 0 C f . n. 78. 1 2 1 C f . n. 84. 1 2 2 C f . n. 85-88. 1 2 3 C f . n. 92. 1 ?U A c c o r d i n g t o CTS 51. 9a, i t was the L e f t F e a t h e r s F o r e s t Guards. 12 S -^According to i b i d . , i t was i n t h e i r s l e e p i n g t e n t s . 129 1 2 6 C f . n. 96. 127Cf. CTS 51. 9a and n. 98-103. CHAPTER I I I 1 A c c o r d i n g to THY 3» P« 32, i n the T'ang system, the , Chao-jung consort was one of the nine P i n s £f whose p o s i t i o n ranked only lower than t h a t of the Empress and the f o u r F u - j e n A. A- and who belonged to the upper second rank (cheng erh-p ' i n 1 - w ) • 2 C f . CTS 42. 2b-3a. I n the second year of Lung-shuo (662), the t i t l e of Chung-shu L i n g f % ( P r e s i d e n t of the Grand I m p e r i a l S e c r e t a r i a t ) was changed to H s i - t ' a i Shih-l a n g or Yu-hsiang S h i h - l a n g & 4@ if . Moreover, a c c o r d i n g to CTS 42. 6b, t h i s t i t l e belonged to the second grade of the upper f o u r t h rank at. t h a t time but l a t e r was changed to the f i r s t grade i n the K'ai-yuan p e r i o d . 3See .CJ1S 80. 9ab; HT_S_ 105. llb-12a, the b i o g r a p h i e s of Shang-kuan I . See a l s o TCTC 201, L i n - t e 1 ( 6 6 4 )/winter 10/ a f t e r keng-ch'en f o r the i n c i d e n t of Shang-kuan I's e x e c u t i o n . Vrs 80. 9b and HTS 105. 12a, both mention t h a t T ' i n g -c h i h had served on the s t a f f of the P r i n c e of Chou. T h i s P r i n c e of Chou i s the f u t u r e Emperor Chung-tsung who possesed the t i t l e of P r i n c e of Chou from 657-677 A.D. ( c f . CTS 7. l a ) . ^In TPKC 137. 5a, Wei Hsuan's % $ C h i a-hua L u J t U l . . i n c o n t r a d i c t i o n t o other extant sources, mentions t h a t Shang-kuan Chao-jung was born a f t e r her f a t h e r ' s death and a f t e r her mother's e n t r y i n t o the P a l a c e . A c c o r d i n g to TLCCFK 1. l b and 7ab, the Palace of the Side Apartments was on the west sid e of the Palace C i t y (see Map. I I ) . I n Ch'ang-an Chi h 6. 4a i t i s a l s o s t a t e d t h a t the P a l a c e was b u i l t by Kao-tsu ^ jfi f o r t e a c h i n g a r t s t l % ) to the c o u r t l a d i e s . 130 ''See TCTC l o c . c i t . , Shang-kuan I was charged w i t h p l o t t i n g s e d i t i o n ( t a - n i ^ i | L ). A c c o r d i n g to T'ang Code, anyone g u i l t y of p l o t t i n g to r e b e l ( f a n jk^ , overthrow the dynasty) or t a - n i (damage the I m p e r i a l temple, tombs or pa l a c e s ) was to be beheaded. H i s f a t h e r and sons who were over sixteensyeaxslol'dewereotbebe hanged. The sons who were under f i f t e e n were t o be c o n f i s c a t e d by the government along w i t h the c u l p r i t ' s mother, daughters, w i f e , concubines, daughters-in-law, grandparent, g r a n d c h i l d r e n , b r o t h e r s , e s i s t e r s , s l a v e s , wealth, l a n d and d e w e l l i n g s . Only men over •eighty or-seriously s i c k and. women over s i x t y or super-annuated c o u l d be f o r g i v e n ( c f . Hsueh Yun-sheng, T'ang Ming  Lu Ho-pien ( F a c s i m i l e r e p r o d u c t i o n of T ' i e n t s i n T'ui-keng T'ang Wang Shu (1922) e d i t i o n , n.p., 1965) 1. 8a and 17. l a ) . A c c o r d i n g t o TTLT 6. 40b-41b, women who were s k i l l f u l were t o be sent i n t o the Palace of the Side Apartments as s l a v e s and babies who were under three years o l d were t o be allowed t o stay w i t h t h e i r mothers. That i s the reason why Shang-kuan I's son, T ' i n g - c h i h , was k i l l e d , h i s d a u g h t e r - i n -law and granddaughter were banished to the Palace of the Side Appartments. Q Cf. Tuan Ch'eng-shih, "Brand" (Ch'ing I f ), Yu-yang  T s a - t s u (Ts'ung-shu Chi-ch'eng Ch'u-pien, V o l . 0276-78. Shanghais Commercial P r e s s , 1935), 8. p. 6l. I t mentions t h a t Shang-kuan Chao-jung was the f i r s t woman to pu t " a f l o w e r ornament on her face i n order t o cover her brand. I n Shih-wu  Chi-yuan, however, i t i s s a i d t h a t t h i s k i n d of make-up appeared before the T'ang (see Kao Ch'eng, "Crown and Women's Ornaments" (Kuan-mien Shou-shih A& f ] , Shih-wu C h i - yuan H s i - y i n Hsuan Ts'ung-shu, 11 Han & , V o l . 73-82. Hung-tao Shu-yuan e d i t i o n , 1846 , 3« 18a). A l l the same we can presume t h a t Shang-kuan Chao-jung used a"flower ornament on her brand and t h a t i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t i t was her i n f l u e n c e which made f l o w e r ornaments popular among T'ang women. Harada Y o s h i h i t o mentions i n h i s a r t i c l e "Todai J o s h i Kesho Ko" which i s i n pp. 79-92, Shigaku Z a s s h i 21-4 (1910) t h a t the l i g h t green shape of the ornament between the eyebrows of the l a d i e s i n the p a i n t i n g of "Ladies Under Trees" (Juka B i j i n T A_ ) on the screen panels i n Shosoin JL ^% F£> ( a l s o see Doi Hiromu, "Shosoin", Genshoku Nihon no  B i j u t s u Tokyo, 1968 , pp. 25-26 and appendix p. 5) might be the same k i n d of f l o w e r ornament used by Shang-kuan Chao-jung. He a l s o uses a l i n e i n the "Nan-ke-tzu" ~^ po©m of Wen T • ing-yun ;A A % t h a t " jft _t <£ % *a , 4 fa] % t o back up h i s assumption. But so f a r no t r a c e of l i g h t green ornament has been found on the f a c e s of the women from the w a l l p a i n t i n g s of excavated T'ang tombs. 131 9She was appointed as the Chieh-yu -££. i t Consort i n 705 A.D. (TCTC 208, Shen-lung l / 2 / a f t e r c h i a - t z u ) and promoted t o he Chao-jung Consort i n 708 A.D. (TCTC 209, Ching-lung 2/ l l / a f t e r k u e i - w e i ) . 1 0 C f . Chapter I I , n. 31 and TCTC 208, Ching-lung l / autumn 7/hsin-ch'ou. T h i s i n c i d e n t happened i n 707 A.D.. 11 A c c o r d i n g t o TLCCFK 1. 3ab, Su-chang Gate was one of the three gates between the i n n e r and outer p a r t of the Palace C i t y . The t h r e e gates were Su-chang, Chu-ming ^ $ and C h ' i e n - h u a ^ J{j . Su-chang was the one on the west sid e (see Map. I I ) . 1 2 I n t h i s p l a c e , the o r i g i n a l t e x t i s ". . . Jt ilj ^ H %o ^ % -£»L> #J By q u o t i n g from the biography of Heir-Apparent Chieh-min, we can see the word "ko" • i n t h i s o r i g i n a l t e x t does not mean the Su-chang Gate. The biography i n CTS 86. 10a says, " . . . Leading the army by h i m s e l f , the Heir-Apparent broke i n t o the Su-chang Gate t o s e a r c h f o r Commoner Wei and the An-lo P r i n c e s s . Moreover, s i n c e the Chao-jung Consort nee Shang-kuan had i l l i c i t i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h Wu San-ssu, the Heir-Apparent knocked a palace door to ask f o r her ( % if 4$ a $ n, *r M * ^ *• $ & ^ * * ^ * *t & . ^ ^ & ± t From t h i s passage we know the Heir-Apparent had a l r e a d y broken i n t o the Su-chang Gate while he was a s k i n g f o r Shang-kuan. Moreover, a c c o r d i n g t o Morohashi, op. c i t . XI, p. 7 k0, n. 2, "ko" i s a g e n e r a l d e s i g n a t i o n f o r s m a l l door i n the p a l a c e . Hence, i f we r e f e r t o the map of the Palace C i t y (Map. I I ) , i t i s more l i k e l y t h a t the "ko" Heir-Apparent Chieh-min knocked while a s k i n g f o r Shang-kuan was not the Su-chang Gate which he had a l r e a d y broken i n t o but some other s m a l l palace door, f o r example the Y i - c h ' i o u 4K or P e i - f u g f| Gate, between the Su-chang Gate and the Inner P a l a c e . 13 -'Tn 707 A.D. Chung-tsung changed the name of Hsuan-wu Gate t o Shen-wu Gate ^ c i -^he/"J:.oand theiftdw.e.rvrof'JHsuan^wuh-Gate tooThey V i c t o r y Tower (Chih-sheng Lou $j # % ) (see TCTC 208, Ching-lung l/8/wu-yin). Hsu Sung's TLCCFK 5. 2b says t h i s Shen-wu Gate should be the n o r t h e r n gate of the Palace C i t y of Lo-yang, because i t was the gate from which the army came i n to help Chung-tsung r e s t o r e h i s throne. N e v e r t h e l e s s Hsu Sung n e g l e c t e d t o note t h a t the changing of name was i n 707 A.D.. I t was r i g h t a f t e r 1 3 2 the i n c i d e n t of Chieh-min however two years a f t e r the r e s t o r a t i o n of Chung-tsung. B e s i d e s , i n the i n c i d e n t of Chieh-min, the tower of the Hsuan-wu Gate i n Ch'ang-an p l a y e d a much more s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e than those of Lo-yang i n the r e s t o r a t i o n of Chung-tsung. T h e r e f o r e , i t i s obvious t h a t the Shen-wu Gate and the Chieh-sheng Tower are the n o r t h e r n gate and i t s gate tower of the Palace C i t y of Ch'ang-an where the t r o o p s of Heir-Apparent Chieh-min were defeated. The d e t a i l s of t h i s i n c i d e n t can be found i n CTS 8 6 . 9b-10a; HTS 81. 6 b , the b i o g r a p h i e s of Heir-Apparent Chieh-min and TCTC 208, Ching-lung 1 / 6 / a f t e r ting-mao-shuo 1 5 S e e CTS 43. 21a and TTLT 8 . 4la-44b. Chao-wen Academy (Chao-wen Kuan 9§ X. ) was o r i g i n a l l y named Hung-wen Kuan $U X. 4t • Since the name of Emperor H s i a o - c h i n g (posthumous t i t l e of the Heir-Apparent of Kao-tsung) was a l s o Hung, i t was changed to Chao-wen i n 7 0 5 and then to Hsiu-wen \&r X. i n the next y e a r . L a t e r the name was changed back t o Hung-wen i n Kai-yuan p e r i o d (719)• The Chao-wen Academy belonged to Department of the I m p e r i a l C h a n c e l l e r y (Men-hsia Sheng fl T | ) which had t h i r t y students, two S e c r e t a r i e s i n Charge of R e v i s i n g Books (Chiao-shu Lang % tf ) and an indeterminate number of S c h o l a r s . The S c h o l a r s of Chao-wen Academy were i n charge of the r e v i s i o n of maps and books and acted as t e a c h e r s and c o n s u l t a n t s f o r the s t a t e system and r i t e s . A c c o r d i n g to HTS 202. l b ; THY 6 4 . pp. 1114 - 1 5 and TCTC 2 0 9 , Ching-lung 2/summer 4/kuei-wei, I n 708 Chung-tsung s t a r t e d t o appoint f o u r Grand S c h o l a r s (Ta Hsueh-shih X. ^ -k ), e i g h t S c h o l a r s (Hsueh- . s h i h •$> ± ) and twelve A u x i l i a r y S c h o l a r s (Chih Hsueh-shih A 3$: ± ) f o r the Hsiu-wen Academy i n accordance w i t h the symbol of f o u r seasons, e i g h t f e s t i v a l s and twelve months. I t was a great honour to be s e l e c t e d at t h a t time, s i n c e among a l l the o f f i c i a l s , except the C h i e f M i n i s t e r s , only the S c h o l a r s of the Hsiu-wen Academy were allowed t o a t t e n d the Emperor Chung-tsung i n h i s s t r o l l s and banquets. l 6 T h i s k i n d of p o e t r y i s c a l l e d Y i n g - c h i h S h i h (poems w r i t t e n i n response to I m p e r i a l command). There was a l a r g e number of poems w r i t t e n i n t h i s s t y l e d u r i n g Chung-tsung' s p e r i o d . I t c o n t r i b u t e d g r e a t l y t o the growth of the '^seven-word l i n e poetry" ( c h ' i - y i e n l u - s h i h -t i ^ # ) (see Takagi S h o i c h i , " P o e t i c a l C i r c l e and the Growth of the Seven-Word L i n e Lu-shy"j^Ritsumeikan Bungaku, 224:45-81, February, 1 964). 1 3 3 7 Of a l l Shang-kuan Chao-Jung's poems t h i r t y - t w o of them s t i l l e x i s t a t p r e s e n t . T h i r t y - o n e of them are i n Y i n g -c h i h s t y l e . Concerning her l i t e r a r y works, see P*eng.Ting-on 1 i u e t a l . ( e d s . ) , Ch'uan T'ang Shih (Fu-chou Jao Yu-ch'eng ( I 8 7 5 J e d i t i o n , 1 2 Han, r e p r i n t e d . h y Shuang-feng Shu-wu n.d.),-1st Han, v o l . 2 , 5 9 b - 6 2 b ; L u Ching-ch'ing, T ' a n g - t a i Nu-shih- .jen (Shanghais Shen-chou Kuo-kuang She, 1 9 3 U » pp. 13-14, 18-21, 2 7 - 3 6 and Jan W. W a l l s , "The P o e t r y of Yu Hsuan-chi" ( (unpublished Ph.DB t h e s i s , The U n i v e r s i t y of Indian a , 1 9 7 2 ) , pp. 20-21. 1 8 S e e CTS 7 4 . l O a - l l b and HTS 9 9 . 9 a - 1 0 b , the b i o g r a p h i e s of T s ' u i S h i h . "^According t o i b i d . , the a c t u a l p o s t T s ' u i S h i h h e l d at t h a t time was not Chih-cheng-shih but T'ung Chung-shu Men-h s i a P'ing-chang-shih $ f # f] T f % - f • U£L 51' pp. 884-885 mentions t h a t from the f i r s t y ear of Yung-ch'un (682), the o f f i c i a l whose rank was lower than the f o u r t h rank (ssu-p'in) would be appointed as T'ung Chung-shu Men-hsia P'ing-chang-shih i n s t e a d of Chih-cheng-shih. But l a t e r the setup was not f o l l o w e d s t r i c t l y . Since these became the two d i f f e r e n t names of one post, we c o u l d presume both CTS and HTS used Chih-cheng-shih i n the b i o g r a p h i e s of Shang-kuan Chao-jung as a matter of convenience. 2 0 S e e CKKCTMTTT pp. 7 8 5 - 7 8 6 . Shang Shan (Mount Shang) i s i n the east of the prese n t day Shang H s i e n $ $#, of Shensi f$. $j P r o v i n c e . I t was a l s o once known as Shang L i n g R| ^ , Shang Pan $ ^ or Mount; South (Nan Shan $j 1) ) „ The p o s s i b l e r e l a t i o n s between T s ' u i ' s p l a n n i n g f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the new route i n Mount Shang area and the r e v i v i n g p o l i t i c a l power of the o l d a r i s t o c r a t i c group d u r i n g Chung-tsung's p e r i o d w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter IV. I I , B. 21 The c o l l e c t i o n , except f o r the P r e f a c e of Chang Yueh, no l o n g e r e x i s t s . F o r the p r e f a c e , see Tung Kao e t a l . (eds.) Ch'uan T'ang Wen ( T a i p e i : Hui-wen, F a c s i m i l e r e p r o d u c t i o n of 1814 e d i t i o n , 1 9 ' 6 l ) , 2 2 5 . 1 7 b . Chang Yueh a l s o i n s c r i b e d memorial tombstone f o r Shang-kuan Chao-jung. T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n can be found i n Ch'uan T'ang Wen 2 3 1 . 6 b . 2 2 There are at l e a s t t hree d i f f e r e n t v e r s i o n s of the dream Lady Cheng had before Shang-kuan Chao-jung was born. They are quoted by CTS, Ching-lung Wen-kuan Chi (CLWKC) ft ft, %J&*L which i s a l s o the source of the q u o t a t i o n i n HTS and Chia-hua L a , T t i s C'jnie i n C'IMM) can fee 1 3 k L u (CHL). The one i n CLWKC can be found i n TPKC 2 7 1 . 6 a and the CHL one i n TPKC 1 3 7 . 5 a . Of these three q u o t a t i o n s the one i n CTS seems t o be the l e a s t m y t h o l o g i c a l . The CLWKC one and the CHL one are s i m i l a r j but the CHL one on l y mentions t h a t Lady Cheng's c h i l d was going t o weigh the l i t e r a t i of the empire i n s t e a d of weighing the whole empire. 2 3 I n CTS 51. 9 b , 8 0 . 9 b and HTS 1 0 5 . 1 2 a , T ' i n g - c h i h i s a l l w r i t t e n as J L £. • Hence i t might be an e r r o r . o f the c o p y i s t t o w r i t e ^ £ as i n here (HTS 7 6 . 1 3 b ) . 9h Compared t o the t e x t of CLWKC which i s quoted by TPKC 2 7 1 . 6 a , the biography of Shang-kuan Chao-jung i n HTS^ was w r i t t e n u s i n g CLWKC as the main source m a t e r i a l . But i n t h i s p l a c e CLWKC used % i n s t e a d of % 2 S -^It should be c a l l e d the Wan-sui T'ung-t'ien p e r i o d . CTS 51. 9 b mentions t h a t a f t e r she was branded, b e g i n n i n g i n S h e n g - l i p e r i o d ( 6 9 8 - 6 9 9 ) she was o f t e n a u t h o r i z e d t o take p a r t i n the d e c i s i o n s made on memorials submitted by the h i g h o f f i c i a l s . Comparing the t e x t s of CTS and HTS, i t i s q u i t e obvious t h a t a t f i r s t Shang-kuan Chao-jung was t r u s t e d by Empress Wu w i t h h a n d l i n g the i m p e r i a l e d i c t s w i t h i n the Palac e from the Wan-sui T'ung-t'ien p e r i o d ( 6 9 6 ) . L a t e r she was branded on the f a c e , because of d i s o b e y i n g a command from the Empress. T h i s i n c i d e n t probably happened around 6 9 8 - 6 9 9 .A.D.. A f t e r t h i s i n c i d e n t she was even more t r u s t e d by the Empress and t h i s was a l s o the begin n i n g of her d e a l i n g w i t h the memorials of the hi g h o f f i c i a l s and p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a l l s t a t e a f f a i r s . ? 6 " • • The gate Chieh-min knocked on probably was not the Su-chang Gate. See n. 1 2 f o r the e x p l a n a t i o n . 27 'According t o CTS 5 1 . 9 h , shu-kuan i n d i c a t e s the Chao-wen Academy and hsueh-shih r e f e r s t o the S c h o l a r s of Chao-wen Academy ( c f . a l s o n. 1 5 ) . 28 See C hi Yu-kung (ed.), T'ang S h i h C h i - s h i h ( r e p r i n t Shanghai & Peking: Chunghwa P r e s s , 1 9 6 5 ) , 3 . p. 28. 2 9 C f . TPKC 2 7 1 . 6 a and HTS 2 0 2 . 3 a . A c c o r d i n g to HTS, "From the Chien-an i t -£ p e r i o d of Wei $ L t o the Southern D y n a s t i e s , the r u l e s of w r i t i n g - h a d changed s e v e r a l times. By the time of Shen Yueh £•} and Yu H s i n ^ they viss^i Miymes to r e s t r i c t the form; T h e i r s e l e c t i o n of p a r a l l e l 135 used rhymes to r e s t r i c t the form. T h e i r s e l e c t i o n of p a r a l l e l sentences was exact. By the time of Sung Chih-wen %. and Shen Ch'uan-ch'i & , i t became more f l o w e r y . They were very s t r i c t i n u s i n g tones and formed the number of words and sentences of each s t y l e . T h e i r work wastaso^t of ornamental as embroidery. I t i s true t h a t most of the w r i t e r s p a i d too much a t t e n t i o n to making t h e i r language ornate i n t h a t p e r i o d . But at the same time they a l s o formed the s t y l e of p oetry." 3°See THY 38. p. 689 and TTCLC 25. p. 81. She was appointed as Chao-jung Consort i n 708 A.D. and demoted to be Chieh-yu Consort a g a i n at her own request i n the twenty-ninth day of the e l e v e n t h month of the t h i r d year of Ching-lung (709). The e d i c t which Chung-tsung approved her request can be found i n TTCLC l o c . c i t . 3 1 A c c o r d i n g to TLCCFK 4. 25ab and Ch'ang-an Ch i h 10. 9b, the house of Shang-kuan Chao-jung was i n the f i f t h b l o c k of the f i f t h s t r e e t west of the Chu-chueh. Men S t r e e t ( a l s o the t h i r d s t r e e t west of the I m p e r i a l C i t y ) . The b l o c k was c a l l e d Chun-hsien Fang %\ % ijj (see a l s o Map. I ) . The house of Shang-kuan was on the southeast corner of Chun-hsien Fang. 3 2 S e e TPKC 271. 6a which quotes from CLWKC seems to be the source of t h i s s t o r y . 3 3 A c c o r d i n g t o TCTC 210, Ching-yun 2(711)/autumn 7/ k u e i - s s u , she was r e s t o r e d t o honour i n t h a t day. I t i s i n the r e i g n of J u i - t s u n g ^ % . Wan-erh had brought i n J u i -tsung ( P r i n c e of Hsiang ^ ) to a s s i s t i n s t a t e a f f a i r s , when she drew up the testamentary decree f o r Chung-tsung. T h i s might be the r e a s o n why J u i - t s u n g r e s t o r e d her t o honour l a t e r . 3 \ : f . TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 6 / a f t e r keng-tzu san-ku. A c c o r d i n g to TCTC, i t was a c o n v e r s a t i o n between Wang Yu and Lady Cheng. -'•"Later became Emperor J u i - t s u n g . H i s b i o g r a p h i e s can be found i n CTS 7. 10a-l?a and HTS 5. la-3b. 136 CHAPTER I V 1Cf. CTS 1. lab; HTS 1. l a , 70. lOab; TFYK 1. 2 5 b - 2 6 a . See Ch'en Yin-k'o, "TTCCSSLK", CYKHSLC pp. 109-119: '"IiTSTGTT" , CYKHSLC pp. 249-258; "LTSTCTTHC" , CYKHSLC pp. 299-304; "SLLTSTWT", CYKHSLC pp. 342-345. 3For example Kanai Yukitada £ ^ <- ^ who was mentioned by Ch'en Yin-k'o i n "SLLTSTWT", CYKHSLC pp. 342. ^Cf. CTS 1/ l a ; HTS 1. l a ; CS 16. l4b-15b and TCTC I63, Ta-pao l(550)/12/after hsin-ch'ou. 5See CS 1. l a . See Morohashi, op. c i t . , I I , p. 69, n. 449. ^ The Six Regiments i n modern Sui-yuan jjt and Ch'a-ha-erh % $ province were Wu-ch'uan Chen >i| . ^ i. , Fu-ming Chen ^ fe. % ^ , Huai-suo Chen 1|L #j A% , Huai-huang Chen f|_ % $k , Jou-hsuan Chen t ^ 4 and Yu-yi Chen % k 4k , established by Emperor Shih-tsu it j± on the f r o n t i e r of Northern Wei^fc iff^ . 7 C f . TCTC 149, P'u-t'ung 4(523)/summer 4/after chia-shen. There were quite a few Chinese among his high o f f i c i a l s , f o r example K'ou Lo 4 (cf. CS 15. l a & 3a), L i P i $ #5 (cf. CS 15. 3a & 5b), Chao Kuei 4k f (CS 16. l a & 3a), L i Hu, Yang Chung % (CS 19. l6a';& 19b), Wang H&iung A 1$. (CS 19. 23ab), Su Chuo ^ A (CS 2 3 . la) and Lu Pien % M (CS 24". l a ) , etc. 1 I uCf. "TTCCSSLK", CYKHSLC pp. 118-120. An English -summary of Ch'en's theory appears i n Edwin G. Pulleyblank, The  Background of the Rebellion of An Lu-shan 5(London: Oxford University Press, 1955), PP. 47-48. • 9Cf. CS 24. 2b-5a; PS 30. 27b-31a and TCTC 165, Ch'eng-sheng 3(554)7l/after hsin-ch'ou (14) and 166, Shao-t'ai 1(555)/ 12/after jen-hsu (13) and T'ai-p'ing 1(556)/spring l / t i n g -ch'ou shuo. TCTC 173 , T'ai-chien 1 1 ( 5 7 9 )/spring l/kuei-ssu 137 mentions dit hat from that time on, the Emperor of Northern Chou and his o f f i c i a l s began to dress i n Han-Wei ( t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese) s t y l e . Therefore, i n his notes Hu San-hsing states that the Emperor and o f f i c i a l s of Northern Chou must had dressed i n non-Chinese style previous to t h i s date. Ch'en Yin-k'o i n his "STCTYYLLK" (CYKHSLC p. 38) agrees that the Emperor and o f f i c i a l s of Norhern Chou might usually dress i n non-Chinese s t y l e . However, he also points out that on special occasions, f o r example the new year's audience, they should wear clothes designed according to the description of The  Rites of Chou (Chou-li % ,f# ) (cf. also CS 24. 2a and SS 11). n S e e WS 113. 38b; CTS 1. l a ; HTS 1. l a and TCTC 165, Ch'eng-sheng 3T554) A / a f t e r hsin-ch' ou~Tl4). 1 2 C f . THY 3 . p. 23; "TTCCSSLK", CYKHSLC p. 116 and "SLLTSTWT", CYKHSLC p. 343. Professor Ch'en quotes from CS 19 (should be 17. l a ) , PS 59. (16a) and WS 113. (40a) to prove that there were non-Chinese who changed t h e i r family name to "Liang", for example the Pa-l i e h tfk_ /'J family. However, most of the "Liang"family were of Chinese o r i g i n , hence, i t i s more l i k e l y that L i Ping's wife was also a Chinese. 1 3Lady Tu-ku 4$ $V £\j , wife of L i Ping, was a daughter of Tu-ku Hsin <$v. ^% , P i l l a r of State General of Northern Chou (see CS,16. 3b; PS 6 l . 5a for her family h i s t o r y ) . Empress Tou \ % , Consort of Kao-tsu, was a daughter of Tou Y i | who was also a P i l l a r of State General of Northern Chou. Her mother was the s i s t e r of Emperor Wu A f of Northern Chou,(see CS 30 . l a & 6b; CTS 51 . 2a; HTS 76. l b , 71b. 5a-6b for her family genealogy). Empress Chang-sun it % fa , Consort of T'ai-tsung, was a dsifiaai desendant of the Imperial family of Northern Wei (see CTS 51,. 2b; HTS 76. 2a, 72a. la-2a as w e l l as her father Chang-sun Ch'eng's 1% A biography i n SS'51. 3 a - l l b f or her family h i s t o r y ) . A l l these three ladies were from the leading non-Chinese a r i s t o c r a t i c clans of Northern Dynasties. 14 Since the government of Northern Wei had encouraged the inter-marriage of Chinese and non-Chinese, i t i s not impossible that even much e a r l i e r than L i Ping's generation the L i s already had marriage r e l a t i o n with non-Chinese f a m i l i e s . However, as f a r as we know (cf. THY 3« P« 23) L i Hu's mother and grandmother a l l had Chinese family names. 1 5CTS 1; HTS 1.. 138 l 6 C T S 2 & 3; HTS 2. 1 7 C T S 64 & 76 passim; HTS 79 &'• 80 passim. l 8 S e e CTS 76. 2b; HTS 80. l b and TCTC I96, Chen-kuan 17(6 k3)/3/after keng-wu. 1 9 B i o g r a p h y i n SS 36. 4a-5b.. See a l s o Chao I , Nien-erh  S h i h Cha-chi ( T a i p e i : S h i h - c h i e h , Reproduction of 1795 e d i t i o n , I967), 15. pp. 208-209* she was even j e a l o u s of the concubines of her sons and of the o f f i c i a l s . 2 0 S e e SS 36. 5ab. See a l s o TCTC 179, Kai-huang 20(600)/ 6/after t i n g - c h ' o u about her i n t e r f e r i n g i n the s u c c e s s i o n problem. 2 1 C T S 51. 2b; HTS 76. l b . 2 2 B i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 51. 2ab; HTS 76. lb-2a. 2 3 B i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 51. 2b-4b; HTS 76. 2a-3b. 2k Confucianism makes not meddling i n men's b u s i n e s s a necessary v i r t u e of women. Cf. "Mu-shih", Shang-Shu:#C j% & A' l& tl t (Shang-Shu T'ung-chi en p. 11),. and "Ta-ya, Chan-ang" , Shih-Ching: if-'u -f , tf- £ % „4j^  (Mao S h i h Y i n - t e — A Concordance t o Sh i h Ching No. 9 Supplement of the Harvard-Yehching I n s t i t u t e  S i n o l o g i c a l Index S e r i e s ; Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko, R e p r i n t i s s u e d by The Japan C o u n c i l f o r E a s t A s i a n S t u d i e s , 1962 , p. 73). 2 5 S e e CTS 51. 4b and TCTC 194, Chen-kuan 10(636)/6// a f t e r jen-shen, a f t e r Empress Chang-sun's death, T ' a i - t s u n g s a i d i n g r i e f t h a t he had l o s t a good a s s i s t a n t whose admoni-t i o n s had always reproved him. 2 6 S e e HTS 76. 3a; TCTC i b i d . 2 7 S e e CTS 51. 3a & 4a; HTS 76. 2b & 3a; TCTC i b i d . . She always i n s i s t e d on l e t t i n g : h e r ; . f amily members, e s p e c i a l l y Chang-sun Wu-chi, only r e c e i v e honorable but powerless p o s i t i o n s i n order t o keep them from i n t e r f e r i n g i n s t a t e • 139 a f f a i r s . 2 8 B i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 58. 6b-?b and HTS 83. l a b . 2 9 C f . i b i d v ' l THY 38. pp. 69I-692 and TCTC 190, Wu-te 6(623)/2/wu-wu. 3°Biography i n HTS 83. 2b. See a l s o CTS 76. 10b; HTS 80. 8a and TCTC 204, Ch'ui-kung 4(688)/9/after ping-ch'en. TCTC i s the only source s t a t e s the Ch'ang-lo P r i n c e s s , i n s t e a d of being k i l l e d , committed s u i c i d e . 31 The P r i n c e of Yueh i s a son of T ' a i - t s u n g . B i o g r a -p h i e s i n CTS 76. 9a-llb; HTS 80. 7a-8b. See a l s o TCTC 204, Ch'ui-kung 4/7/after t i n g - s s u f o r the d e t a i l s of h i s coup. 3 2 B i o g r a p h y i n HTS 83. 3a. See a l s o CTS 58. 7b; HTS 90. 6a and TCTC 199, Yung-hui 3 ( 6 5 2 ) / l l / a f t e r k u e i - s s u . A l l these sources f a i l t o mention the d e t a i l s of how and why the P a - l i n g P r i n c e s s and her husband were i n v o l v e d i n the & o m % £ c o n s p i r a c y . 3 3 B i o g r a p h y i n HTS 83. 4ab. See a l s o CTS 66. 6a; HTS 96. 4a and TCTC i b i d . 3 \ l f . CTS 76. 5b; HTS 80. 5a. . 3- 5Cf. CTS 76. 2b; HTS 80. 2b. 3 6 C f . TCTC l o c . c i t . . 3 7HTS 83. 3a and TCTC l o c . c i t . . o Q See HTS 83 passim. F o r example, the Ch*eng-yang ^  f% P r i n c e s s , daughter of T ' a i - t s u n g , the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s , daughter of Kao-tsung and Empress Wu, the Ting-an P r i n c e s s , daughter of Chung-tsung, a l l had a second marriage arranged when t h e i r husbands were executed f o r c o n s p i r a c y . 3 9 H o u Han Shu 120. l a b & 8a. ^°See TCTC l k 9 , P'u-t'ung 4/summer 4/a f t e r chia-shen 140 passim and biography of Erh-chu Jung # % i n WS 74. An E n g l i s h summary of the c o n f l i c t s i n t h i s p e r i o d appears i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n of A l b e r t E. D i e n j s Biography of Yu-wen Hu, ' t r a n s l a t e d and annotated (No. 9 of Chinese D y n a s t i c H i s t o r i e s T r a n s l a t i o n s , I n s t i t u t e of I n t e r n a t i o n a l S t u d i e s , Univ. of C a l i f o r n i a ; B erkeley and Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1 9 6 2 ) , pp. 1 - 2 3 . 41 B i o g r a p h i e s i n P e i C h ' i Shu 1 & 2 ; PS 6 . l a - 2 3 a, 42 The s i t u a t i o n i n Northern Chou was mentioned e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter. As to Northern C h ' i , Yen C h i h - t ' u i d e s c r i b e d i n h i s Yen-shih Chia-hsun how Chinese made t h e i r sons l e a r n Hsien-peilanguage and p l a y i n g non-Chinese music in s t r u m e n t s i n order to g a i n appointments. "Once a gentleman of the Ch'i c o u r t a son who i s a l r e a d y seventeen years o l d . a b l u t w r i t i n g l e t t e r s and memorials. I am the H s i e n - p i language and p l a y i n g the l u t e w i t h the hope t h a t he may g a i n p r o f i c i e n c y With these accomplishments he may serve the 11 have something and o f f i c i a l s , and o b t a i n t h e i r f a v o r s , important t h i n g ? ' " Yen C h i h - t ' u i , Family  Yen Clan, Yen-shih Chia-hsun, t r a n s l a t e d i n t r o d u c t i o n by. Teng Ssu-yu (Leiden: E. pp. 7 - 8 . t o l d mer,1; He knows having him taught ( p ' i - p ' a & fj ) • and mastery i n both, hig h m i n i s t e r s I s not t h a t an I n s t r u c t i o n s f o r the and annotated w i t h J . B r i l l , 1 9 6 8 ) , p-pt 43 44 See TCTC 1 7 5 , T ' a i - c h i e n 1 3 ( 5 8 l ) / 2 / a f t e r c h i a - t z u . See TCTC 174, T ' a i - c h i e n 1 2 / l 2 / k u e i - h a i . ^Cf. Yang Chien's biography i n SS 1 . l a . H i s f a m i l y was a l s o one of the Chinese f a m i l i e s which had been a s s i m i l a t e d by the c u l t u r e of non-Chinese tribesmen i n the S i x Regiments area. B e s i d e s , h i s w i f e , Empress Tu-ku, a l s o a daughter of Tu-ku H s i n , was from a non-Chinese a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l y . She was known to have gre a t i n f l u e n c e on him. 4 6 See Yen, oo£. gjcit. 1pp.ll i 9»'Hn.lLl. "The t e x t reads, Heng-tai c h i h i - f e n g tt. <- a l i L » 'a custom bequeathed from P'ing-ch'eng f 4 of T a i - c h u n i n Heng-chou tk flj near Ta-t'ung, Shansi, where the c a p i t a l of the Northern Wei dynasty was l o c a t e d b e f o r e moving t o Lo-yang; hence the t r a n s l a t i o n . " 141 ^ 7See i b i d , p. 19. ^ 8 C f . Chao I, op. c i t . 15. p. 201 and P e i C h ' i Shu 28. 3a-5b. ^ 9 C f . WS 13. 21a; PS 13. 19a and 14. 4b. For example, Empress Hu (Hu-Ling Hou t% j§ £ ) of Wei and Empress E r h -chu, daughter of Erh-chu Jung, Consort of Emperor Hsiao-chuang of Wei i%> 4- £- "f and Emperor Shen-wu of C h ' i $ <ff -ft » were both s k i l l e d i n archery. ' 5°Biographies i n PS 15. 10b-13a; WS 13. 8 a - l l b . 5 1 B i o g r a p h i e s i n PS 15. I8a-21a; WS 13. 20a-24a. ^ B i o g r a p h i e s i n PS 14. 2b-4a; P e i C h ' i Shu 9- lb-3b. 53Q±, HTS 199. H b . The f i v e groups were the Ch'iao-h s i n g ^ -it group i n s o u t h e a s t e r n China, the Wu-hsing -k. -Lt group i n s o u t h e a s t e r n China, the Chun-hsing - i i group i n the east (ShangtungDJJ ), the Chun-hsing ;?[ -±i group i n Kuan-chung area and the L u - h s i n g ^  ^ group m T a i - p e i area. S4 J E s p e c i a l l y the c l a n s of the Shan-tung area., they m a r r i e d only among themselves u n l e s s h e a v i l y b r i b e d t o do otherwise.(see CTS 65. 2ab; HTS 95. 2ab and TCTC 195, Chen-kuan 12(638)/l/after i - w e i ) . As to the c l a n s of the Kuan-chung area, they had c o n s t a n t l y i n t e r m a r r i e d w i t h the non-Chinese f a m i l i e s of the T a i - p e i a r e a d u r i n g the Northern D y n a s t i e s . Hence they had formed a group of mixed-blood e l i t e which e s t a b l i s h e d both S u i and T'ang dynasty and e x e r c i s e d g r e a t i n f l u e n c e i n the e a r l y T'ang c o u r t . ^ C f . HTS 199. 12a. .See a l s o CTS 65. 2ab; HTS 95. 2ab and TCTC i b i d . T ' a i - t s u n g mentioned to h i s o f f i c i a l s t h a t the b r o t h e r s of g r e a t Shan-tung f a m i l i e s used to compare the s o c i a l standings of t h e i r wives' l i n e a g e s w i t h each other. ^ 6 C f . jjbid^:!!bHTS'T&5. 2ab; TCTC i b i d , and Chao I, op. c i t . 15. p. 197. 5 7 C f . THY &% p . M 5 2 8 and Chao I , i b i d . 142 5 8 S e e CTS 82. 6a; TCTC 200, Hsien-ch:7. i n g 4(659)/l0/ a f t e r ping-wu. ^ 9See Yen, op_. c i t . p. 20 6°See THY l o c . c i t . . 6 l C f . CTS 64. 9b; HTS 79. l a & 7ab. 6 2 C f . HTS 80. l a & 9b. 6 3 C f . CTS 76. 2b; HTS 80. 2b. 64 I n Confucianism, a b d i c a t i o n i s the best way to get an i d e a l s t a t e . T h e r e f o r e i n C o n f u c i u s ' s t e a c h i n g s he always admires the o l d sages Yao 4J and Shun, because i t was b e l i e v e d t h a t Yao gave h i s throne t o the capable, v i r t u o u s and non-a r i s t o c r a t i c Shun i n s t e a d of h i s own son and Shun a l s o d i d the same t h i n g t o Yu fc\ whose great c o n t r i b u t i o n to the people was t o stop the f l o o d . Yao and Shun are the models of the V C o n f u c i a n a b d i c a t i o n theory. 6 ^ C f . TFYK 256. l a b 6 6 S e e TCTC 179, Kai-huang 20(600)/6/after t i n g - c h ' o u t o 180, Jen-shou 4(604)/8/ping-tzu passim. See a l s o PS 71. 9a-17b and SS 45. l a - l O b , Yang Yung's ^ u ^ r a b i d g r a p h i e s . 6 7 C f . CTS 64. lb-7a; HTS la-6a; TCTC 190, Wu-te 5(622)/ l l / a f t e r keng-ch'en to 191, Wu-te 9/6/ting-ssu passim. See a l s o Ch'en Yin-k'o, "TTCCSSLC", CYKHSLC pp. 140-143 and L i Shu-t'ung, T'ang-shih K'ao-pien ( T a i p e i : Taiwan Chung-hua, 1965), pp. 1-309 f o r t h e i r arguments about the r e a l i t y of the r e c o r d s of CTS, HTS and TCTC. 68 D u r i n g T'ang p e r i o d the s u c c e s s i o n problem of S u i was f r e q u e n t l y mentioned and taken as an example (see CTS 64. 3b; TCTC 196. Chen-kuan 17(643)/3/after keng-wu). 69 7For example, the coup of P r i n c e L i Ch'ung-fu, son of Chung-tsung (see CTS 86. 8a-9b; HTS 81. 5b-6a and TCTC 209, Ching-yun l / 7 / a f t e r i - h a i ) . 143 70 ' F o r example, the coup of L i Ch'eng-ch'ien, H e i r -Apparent of T ' a i - t s u n g , was mainly caused hy the p r e s s u r e of c o m p e t i t i o n from h i s b r o t h e r , L i T ' a i £ & (see CTS 76. l b -2a & 5b-6a; HTS 80. la-2a & 4b-5a; TCTC 196, Chen-kuan 17(643)/ 3 / a f t e r i - c h ' o u ) . The coup of L i Ch'ung-chun, the Heir-Apparent of Chung-tsung, was mainly caused by the pressure of c o m p e t i t i o n from h i s s i s t e r , the An-lo P r i n c e s s (see CTS 86. 9b-10a; HTS 81. 6b; TCTC 208, Ching-lung l / 6 / a f t e r ting-mao shuo). 7 1 S e e TCTC I96, Chen-kuan 17/2/after wu-shen. See a l s o CTS 44. 27b-28a; .HTS 49b. l a b f o r the o r g a n i z a t i o n of a P:fin P r i n c e ' s s t a f f . 7 2 S e e CTS 86. 7ab; HTS 81. 4ab and TCTC 204, T ' i e n -shou 2(691)/8/after keng-shen. 7 3 S e e CTS 86 passim and HTS 81 passim. 74c passim rSee CTS 95. 2a & 107 passim; HTS 81. 7b & 82. la-6b "^See CTS 95. 2a & 5b; HTS 81. 7b & lOab. ? 6 S e e CTS 95. 2a; HTS 81. 7b. 7 7 F o r example, P r i n c e L i S h o u - l i £ T 1^. , grandson of Kao-tsung and Empress Wu, was accused by h i s c o u s i n , L i Fan '£ jfb » f o r knowing magic only because he was able to f o r e t e l l the weather (see CTS 86. 7ab; HTS 81. 4b). 7 8 S e e CTS 184. l a ; HTS 207. l a and THY 65. p. 1131. 7 9 I b i d . . See a l s o TCTC 210, K'ai-yuan 1(713)/7/after c h i - s s u , - i n s t e a d of c l e a n i n g the Inner P a l a c e , i t s t a t e s the d u t i e s of N e i - s h i h were c o n f i n e d to guarding the P a l a c e gates and t r a n s m i t t i n g o r d e r s . A c c o r d i n g to CTS 44. 5b, 184. l a , there were only two N e i - s h i h i n the Department of A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the Inner P a l a c e , however, HTS 47. 8a, 207. l a and THY 65. p. 1131 all,-: s t a t e f o u r . 8 0 C f . CTS 184. la-2a; HTS 207. l a b ; THY i b i d . 1 4 4 Q A F o r example, Emperor Wu of Northern Chou ( c f . CS 5 « 24b; TCTC 1 7 1 , Kuang-ta 6 ( 5 7 4 ) / 5 / p i n g - t z u . 82 For example, Emperor T ' a i - t s u n g and Empress Wu ( c f . THY 49. p. 8 5 9 ; TTCLC 113. PP. 5 8 6 - 5 8 7 ) . J C f . Fujikawa Masakazu, "Todai n i , o k e r u B o s h i n S h u g i t e k i F u k k i K a i s e i n i t s u i t e " , TohSgaku, l 6 : 3 5 - 3 7 » ^ Juru i 9 5 8 , The author suggests t h a t there i s r e l a t i o n between the advocacy of Taoism and the h i g h e r female s o c i a l p o s i t i o n d u r i n g the T'ang p e r i o d . 84 -Fan Wen-Ian, Chung-kuo T'ung-shih C h i e n - p i e n , ' r e v i n g d . (Peking! Jen-min,.1st ed. 1949; rev,, 4 t h ed. 1964), I I I , 2 : 5 6 2 . and "WCYFC" CYKHSLC p. 312. , 8- 5Cf. CYKHSLC p. 3 1 2-314. 86 Cf. Fan, op. c i t . , I I , p. 508. 87 rSee Morohashi, op_. c i t . , X, p. 3 0 3-304, n. 641 and XII, p. 5 6 8 , n. 18. 88 Fujikawa, l o c . c i t . . 89 ( ;u. 90c ^ J f . CS 5 . I8a-24b passim; TCTC 171, Kuang-ta 6 / 5 / p i n g - t z u'See CYKHSLC pp. 306-312 f o r the r e l a t i o n • b e t w e e n the I m p e r i a l f a m i l y of S u i and Buddhism. 9 1 S e e TCTC 181, Ta-yeh 6 ( 6 l 0 ) / l / a f t e r t i n g - c h ' o u . See a l s o Fan, o_p_. c i t . , I I I , 2:649, i t mentions t h a t one of the c o n f i d e n t i a l a s s i s t a n t s of Emperor Wen was a famous T a o i s t , Emperor Wen bestowed upon him a T a o i s t temple and the t i t l e of "The Head of T a o i s t Sect" ( T ' i e n - s h i h X. £f ). Fu Chia-c h ' i n , T a o - c h i a o - s h i h K a i - l u n (Shanghai: Commercial P r e s s , 1934), pu 65 mentions t h a t the t i t l e of r.eigneofiEmperor Wen, K'ai-huang j5fl %, , was d e r i v e d from the T a o i s t canon. B e s i d e s , TCTC 181, Ta-yeh 8/spring 1 a l s o r e c o r d s t h a t Emperor Yang ordered a T a o i s t to r e f i n e the p i l l of i m m o r t a l i t y f o r him. A l l these r e c o r d s prove t h a t both Emperor Wen and Emperor Yang of S u i a l s o b e l i e v e d i n Taoism. 145 9 2 C f . TCTC 175, T ' a i - c h i e n 13(58l)/l2/after keng-tzu, because of the encouragement of Emperor Wen, Buddhism was much more popular than Confucianism i n s o c i e t y . Cf. a l s o TCTC 179» Jen-shou l(601)/6/i-ch'ou and SS 75. l b & l6h which stated.inn the l a t e r e i g n of Emperor Wen the emperor d i s f a v o u r e d Comity® Confucianism, t h e r e f o r e , he had the sch o o l s i n p r e f e c t u r e s , a b o l i s h e d and l i m i t e d the establishment of the s c h o o l i n the C a p i t a l . SS 75 passim a l s o mentions the n e g l i g i b l e p o s i t i o n of C o nfucian s c h o l a r s a t the S u i Court and the c o n f l i c t between d i f f e r e n t s e c t s of Confucianism at t h a t time. 9 3 C f . THY 35- P. 633-640 passim; CTS 189a. lb-2b and HTS 198. l a b . 9 \ l f . CTS 73- 5ab, 189a. 2b; HTS 123. 4b. 9 5 C f . CTS 73. 10ab, 189a. 2b; HTS 123. 6a and TCTC 195, Chen-kuan l4(640)/2/ting-ch'ou. 96 7 The examination system was f i r s t s et up i n the S u i p e r i o d . D u r i n g the r e i g n of Kao-tsu of T'ang, i t was r e - e s t a b l i s h e d . However, the system was not f u l l y developed u n t i l the r e i g n s of T ' a i - t s u n g and Kao-tsung ( c f . HTS 44. l a - : 3b). -^During the r e i g n s of Kao-tsu and T ' a i - t s u n g , there were many ardent supporters of Buddhism i n the Court and s o c i e t y . ( s e e THY 47. pp. 835-836 f o r the c o n t r o v e r s y over Buddhism between Fu I $ and Hsiao Yu if $$j i n 624 as w e l l as the d i s c u s s i o n between T ' a i - t s u n g and Wei Cheng $%L $k_ i n 634 about the p o p u l a r i t y of Buddhism i n s o c i e t y ) . B e s i d e s , T ' a i - t s u n g a l s o b e l i e v e d i n Buddhism (see A r t h u r F. Wright, "T'ang T ' a i - t s u n g and Buddhism", P e r s p e c t i v e s on the T'ang' New Haven and London: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1973 , pp. 239-263 f o r T ' a i - t s u n g ' s a t t i t u d e toward Buddhism). 9 8 C f . THY 49. p. 859 and 50. p. 865; CTS 1. 8b; Fan, op. c i t . I l l , 2:650-651. 9 9 C f . Fan, i b i d . . ; I 1 0 0 C f . Fan, pp. c i t . I l l , 2:652-655. 146 1 0 1 C f . "WCYFG", CYKHSLC pp. 3 0 5 - 3 1 5 1 0 2 S e e THY 5 0 . p. 8 ? 8 . I t was i n the f i r s t r e i g n of J u i - t s u n g (684 A.D.), while Empress Wu was s t i l l i n the p o s i t i o n of Empress Dowager. 1 0 3 S e e THY 49. p. 8 5 9 . 1 0 ^ I b i d . See a l s o THY 5 0 . p. 8 6 5 , d u r i n g Empress Wu's r e i g n ( 6 8 9 ) , L a o - t z u l o s t h i s posthumous t i t l e as an emperor. 1 0 5 C f . CTS 1 8 9 a . 2 b - 3 a ; HTS 1 9 8 . l b ; THY 3 5 . pp. 6 3 3 -6 3 4 and 6 3 7 5 TCTC 2 0 6 , S h e n g - l i 2 ( 6 9 9 ) / w i n t e r 1 0 / a f t e r t i n g -h a i . See THY 5 0 . p. 8 6 5 , as soon as Chung-tsung r e g a i n e d the throne, the posthumous I m p e r i a l t i t l e of L a o - t z u was r e s t o r e d . 1 0 7 S e e THY 3 5 . p. 6 3 8 - 6 3 9 . During the r e i g n of Empress Wu, she had never f o l l o w the example of p r e v i o u s T'ang emperors to e i t h e r p r a i s e or o f f e r a s a c r i f i c e t o Confucius. Hence, even though Chung-tsung's a t t i t u d e toward Confucianism was s t i l l not as p o s i t i v e " a s other T'ang emperors, i t was a l r e a d y a g r e a t improvement from Empress Wu's p e r i o d . However, Chung-tsung's a c t i o n s i n p r a i s i n g Confucius took p l a c e only at the very b e g i n n i n g of h i s r e i g n . 1 n P t Empress Wei and her p a r t i s a n s were n o t o r i o u s f o r b u i l d i n g temples and bestowing f a v o r s upon monks ( c f . THY 48. pp. 8 5 0 - 8 5 2 , on p. 8 5 0 the r e i g n t i t l e Ching-yun should be Ching-lung. c f . a l s o TCTC 2 0 8 , Shen-lung 1 / 2 / a f t e r c h i a - t z u , Ching-lung l / 9 / a f t e r chia-ch'en, 2 0 9 , Ching-lung 2 / 7 / a f t e r ".: k u e i - s s u the memorials of L u Yu a n - t ' a i X t ^ and H s i n T:.irfou ^ • . J&ffiu and TCTC 2 0 9 , Ching-lung 3/l/ting-mao & 3 / a f t e r wu-wu, 2 1 0 , Ching-yun 2/winter 1 0 / a f t e r chia-ch'en, the memorial of H s i n T ' i - f o u ) . 1 0 9 F o r the " h e r e d i t a r y system" (Men-yin ft fijr ) see HTS 4 5 . l b - 3 a . 110 Cf. Wu Tse e t a l . , "T'ang-ch'u Cheng-ch'uan Yu Cheng-cheng Te H s i n g - c h i h Wen-t'i", L i - s h i h Yen-chiu, 1 9 6 4 - 2 , ( A p r i l , 1 9 6 4 ) , pp. H l - 1 3 4 . 147 1 1 1 C f . "TTCCSSLK", CYKHSLC pp. 120 - 1 2 3 , 153-168. 1 1 2 C f . "STCTYYLLK", i b i d , pp. 2 9 - 3 2 and "TTCCSSLK", i b i d , pp. 1 5 3 - 1 5 k . 1 1 3 C f t "TTCCSSLK", CYKHSLC pp. 1 1 8 - 1 2 3 . 114 See p a r t I I of t h i s chapter f o r the d e t a i l s . 11 5 -^Biographies i n S h i h - c h i 9 and Han Shu 3V.a Gf. Of., a l s o Chao I, pp. c i t . 3 - pp. 3 5 - 3 6 . A A /I Cf. Hou Han Shu lOab passim. 117 'For example, the c o n f l i c t s o c c u r r e d i n Western Han because of the i n t e r v e n t i o n of the kinmen of Empress L u ( c f . S h i h - c h i 9 and Han Shu 3 ) and Empress Dowager Wang ( c f . a l s o S h i h - c h i 9 and Han Shu 3 ) • e t c . . l l 8 S e e CTS 91. 2ab; HTS 120. lb-2a and TCTC 208, Shen-l u n g l / 2 / c h i a - t z u , the memorial of Huan Yen-fan r e p r e s e n t s t h i s viewpoint t y p i c a l l y . 1 1 9 C f . TCTC 2 0 3 , Kuang-chai 1(684)/9-12/passim. The most serious, one was l e d by Hsu Ching-yeh fa ]jjr , i t was e x t i n g u i s h e d i n three months. 1 2 0 C f . CTS 5 . 6 a ; HTS 76. 6 b ; TCTC 202, Shang-yuan 1 (674)/12/jen-yTnT THY 3 7 . PP. 675-678 and C. E. F i t z g e r a l d , The Empress Wu (Melbourne: A u s t r a l i a n N a t i o n a l U n i v e r s i t y , 19<55, r e p r i n t e d I968)., p. 78. 121 Empress Wu was c a u t i o u s enough not to b r i n g the s t a n d i n g of the mother to f u l l e q u a l i t y w i t h the f a t h e r . She suggested wearing the h e a v i e s t unhemmed mourning garment ( c h a n - t s ' u i $i ) f o r the f a t h e r and the second degree hemmed mourning garment ( t z u - t s ' u i ^ ^ ) f o r the mother i n order t o d i s t i n g u i s h the p o s i t i o n of the f a t h e r from the mother. T h i s was p o s s i b l y one of the reasons t h a t her -su g g e s t i o n of p r o l o n g i n g the mourning p e r i o d f o r the mother d i d not s t i r up any o p p o s i t i o n . 1 2 2 S e e T'ung-tien 3 4 . 197a. 148 3Among the e x i s t i n g r e c o r d s , I found t h a t p r e v i o u s t o Empress Wu's r e i g n , Kao-tsu was the only T'ang Emperor who had bestowed h o n o r i f i c t i t l e s t o women f o r t h e i r b i r t h or m e r i t s . A c c o r d i n g to CTS 1 9 3 . 2ab and HTS 2 0 5 . l b , he only a p p l i e d t h i s system twice, f a r l e s s e x t e n s i v e l y than Empress Wu d i d . 1 2 ^ S e e CTS 4 . 8b & 9 a ; TCTC 200, H s i e n - c h ' i n g 5 ( 6 6 0 ) / 3/ping-wu. 1 2 ^ C f . CTS 193. 5 a b and T ;"ung-tien l o c . c i t . . One of these two l a d i e s i s r e c o r d e d as the wife of Tsou Pao-ying §f 4*. 4k. nee H s i by CTS and the wife of Cheng Pao-ying J? nee Yuan ^_ by T'ung-tien. ' 1 2 6 C f . HTS 7 6 . 5b and THY 2 6 . p. 4 9 2 . 1 2 7 C f . TCTC 202, K a i - y i a o 1(681)/l/keng-ch'en f o r banquet. Cf. THY 10b. p. 2 6 0 ; TCTC 201, L i n - t e 2 ( 6 6 5 ) . / w i n t e r l l / k u e i - c h ' o u f o r worship ceremonies. Cf. CTS 5« 4 a and HTS 7 6 . 6 b f o r f u n e r a l . 1 2 8 C f . HTS 8 3 . 5b and TCTC 2 0 9 , C h i n g - y u n i l / 6 / c h i - y u . 1 2 9 C f . HTS 4 7 . 8 b - 9 a and Wang Y i n g - l i n , Yu-hai ( T a i p e i : Hua-wen, I 9 6 7 ; r e p r i n t of 1 8 7 5 - 1 8 7 7 e d i t i o n ) , 165. H a b and 1 3 a - 1 7 a . 1 3°According to CTS 4 3 . 24a, t h i s S c h o l a r was a court l a d y , who was good at Confucianism. However, HTS 4 7 . 8 b - 9 a does not s p e c i f y whether the S c h o l a r was s e l e c t e d from among the c o u r t l a d i e s or o f f i c i a l s . 1 3 1 C f . THY 3 . pp. 3 5 - 3 6 . 1 3 2 C f . CTS 1 9 0 b . 10a; Yu-hai l o c . c i t . 1 3 3"TTCCSSLK", CYKHSLC pp. 1 0 9 - 2 0 9 . 1 3^Ch'en Yin-k'o d i s c u s s e s h i s theory i n "STCTYYLLK", . i b i d , pp. 3-104; "TTCCSSLK", i b i d , pp. 1 0 9 - 2 0 9 and "Chi T'ang-t a i c h i h L i , Wu, Wei, Yang Hun-yin Chi-t'uan" (LWWY), L i - s h i h  Yen-chiu, 1 9 5 4 - h , (February, 1 9 5 4 ) , pp. 3 3 - 5 1 . l k 9 3-%ee Chang Ch'un, "Lun T'ang K'ai-yuan Ch'ien t i Cheng-chih Chi-t'uan", H s i n Ya Hsueh-pao, I, No. 2 , ( 1 9 5 6 ) , pp. 2 8 1 - 3 0 3 . 1 3 ^ S e e Howard F. Wechsler, " F a c t i o n a l i s m i n E a r l y T'ang Government", P e r s p e c t i v e s on the T'ang, pp. 8 7 - 1 2 0 . 137 ^'For example, Empress Wei and the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s both belonged t o the L i , Wu, Wei, Yang Four Family Group, y e t were r i v a l s because of t h e i r mutual p e r s o n a l ambitions toward the s o v e r e i g n t y . T h i s c o u l d a l s o e x p l a i n the reason why some of the supporters of Empress Wei l a t e r a l l i e d themselves w i t h the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s i n her c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h P r i n c e L i Lung-chi. 1 3 8 S e e "LWWY", lbcV;--cit.. 1 3 9 C f . HTS 199. H b . 1^°Cf. TCTC 204, T'ien-shou 1(690)/7/after t i n g - h a i . Empress Wu d i d not make any marriage arrangement between the L i s and the Wus u n t i l 6 9 0 A.D., the f i r s t year of her own r e i g n . I n t h i s year she married her f a v o r i t e daughter, the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s , t o her un c l e ' s grandson, Wu Y u - c h i <f>k^ £ . l i n C f . TCTC 204, T'ien-shou l / 9 / i - y u and 2 0 6 , S h e n g - l i ( 6 9 8 ) / 9 / j e n - s h e n . From 6 9 0 to 6 9 8 Empress Wu kept her 3?ou?t£ youngest son, J u i - t s u n g , as her h e i r and i n 6 9 8 she o f f i c i a l l y a ppointed Chung-tsung as the Heir-Apparent. - ^ C f . HTS 8 3 . 5 a - 8 b passim and TCTC 204, T'ien-shou l / 7 / a f t e r t i n g - h a i . Empress Wu even had Wu Yu - c h i ' s wife k i l l e d i n order to marry the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s to him. l i f 3 S e e CTS 5 1 . 7 a b ; HTS 7 6 . 1 2 b and TCTC 2 0 8 , Shen-lung l / 2 / a f t e r c h i a - t z u . l k \ C T G i b i d . , l 2 ^ C f . HTS 8 3 . 7 a - 8 b passim. - ^ C f . CTS 6 4 . l b , 7 6 passim, 8 6 . l a ; HTS 7 1 b . 2 9 b - 3 2 b 150 passim, 7 9 . l a , 8 0 . l a , 81. l a and 8 3 . I'D-8 b passim. Cf. a l s o "LWWY" l o c . c i t . . ^ ^ M o s t of them had marriage connections w i t h Empress Wu's f a m i l y . For example, the Tsung b r o t h e r s were the sons of Empress Wu*s c o u s i n and Chi Ch'u-na m a r r i e d the s i s t e r of Wu San-ssu's wife (see CTS 9 2 and HTS 1 0 9 ) . l i f 8 S e e TCTC 2 0 6 , S h e n g - l i l / s p r i n g 2 / a f t e r i - w e i to Ch'ang-an 1 ( ? 0 1 ) / 1 2 passim. A f t e r Empress Wu summoned Chung-tsung back from h i s p l a c e of e x i l e and prepared to appoint him as the Heir-Apparent, Wu Ch'eng-ssu -A -"K M$ d i e d i n disappointment and Wu San-ssu a l s o stopped openly p u r s u i n g the p o s i t i o n of Heir-Apparent. - ^ S e e TCTC 2 0 8 , Ching-lung l / 6 / a f t e r ting-mao-shuo. 1 5 ° C f . CTS 64. 7 6 and 8 6 passim; HTS 7 9 . 8 0 and 81 passim. Cf. a l s o TCTC 2 0 8 Shen-lung l / 2 / a f t e r c h i a - t z u . 1 5 1 S e e CTS 7 6 . 2 b - 3 a , 8 6 . 9 b ; HTS 8 0 . 2 b - 3 a , 81. 6 a - 7 a and TCTC 2 0 8 , Ching-lung l / 6 / a f t e r ting-mao shuo. 1 ^ 2 S e e CTS 7 0 . 9 a , 9 2 . 1 5 b - l 6 a ; HTS 1 0 2 . 2 b , 1 2 3 . 3 b ; TCTC 208, Ching-lung 1 / 8 / a f t e r wu-yin. See a l s o Chapter V f o r the c o n f l i c t between the p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei and the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s .-during Chung-tsung's p e r i o d . 1 ^ 3 D e n i s T w i t c h e t t , "The Composition of the T'ang R u l i n g C l a s s : New Evidence from Tunhuang", P e r s p e c t i v e s on the  T'ang, pp. 4 7 - 8 5 . 1 ^ C f . Wu Tse, l o c . c i t . ; C h ' i Ch'en-chun, " S h i h - l u n S u i he T'ang Ch'u t i Cheng-ch'uan", L i - s h i h Yen-chiu, I 9 6 5 - I , pp. 1 0 3 - 1 2 2 ; L i a n g M i a o - t ' a i , "Kuan-yu T'ang-ch'u Cheng-ch'uan H s i n g - c h i h t i Chi-ke Wen-t'i", L i - s h i h Yeh-chiu, 1 9 6 5 - 6 , pp. 6 3 - 7 8 . 1 ^ S e e CTS 7 8 . 7 a ; HTS 104. 6 b . 1 5 6 F o r example, T'ang Shao was from a Kuan-lung aifi;it a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l y , however, he chose t o a l l y h i m s e l f w i t h the middle c l a s s b ureaucrats ( b i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 8 5 . 2 a - 3 a ; 151 HTS 113. l b - 2 b ) . 157 F o r example, T s ' u i S h i h ( b i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 7 k . 10a-l l b ; HTS 99. 9a-10b) and L i Chiao ( b i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 9 k. l a -3b; HTS 123. l a ) both came from the a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l i e s of the Shan-tung'area. 1 5 8 C f > " T T C C S S L K " , C Y K H S L C pp. 117-122; Hu J u - l e i , " l u n Wu-chou t i She-hui Chi-ch'u", L i - s h i h Yen-chiu, 1955-1. i'-p* pp. 85-96; Chang Chun, l o c . c i t . . A l l these three a r t i c l e s agree t h a t by the end of Empress Wu's r e i g n , though the o l d a r i s t o c r a t i c power s t i l l e x i s t e d , i t had become f a r l e s s i n f l u e n t i a l i n the Court. 1 S9 V 7Among the h i g h o f f i c i a l s , most of the supporters of Empress Wei, f o r example Wei Chu-yuan (CTS 92. 12b-14b; HTS 123. 6ab), Tou Huai-chen f \%S ! (CTS l"5"3. 2b-3a; HTS 109. 3b), T'ang H s i u - c h i n g jg 4. i f : (CTS 93* 2b-4a; HTS 111. 11a-12b), e t c . , were a l l from Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l i e s . l 6 ° C f . CTS 91 and HTS 116, the b i o g r a p h i e s of the F i v e P r i n c e s , a l l the f i v e p r i n c e s were from e i t h e r Shan-tung or the south area. Besides, except f o r T s ' u i Hsuan-wei, none of them had prominent f a m i l y background. l 6 l S e e TCTC 208, Shen-lung l / 2 / a f t e r c h i a - t z u to Shen-l u n g 2/autumn 7 / a f t e r wu-shen passim. • ^ A c c o r d i n g to HTS 6 l . 23a-25a;and 71a-75a passim, from the f i f t h month of the f i r s t year of Shen-lung (705) to the s i x t h month of the f i r s t y ear of Ching-yue.n (710), Chung-tsung and Empress Wei appointed twenty-four C h i e f M i n i s t e r s . Among these C h i e f M i n i s t e r s , s i x t e e n , T'ang H s i u - c h i n g , T o u - l u ChMn-wangi 1 4 1 A , Yang T s a i - s s u % # , Wei Chu-yuan, Wei An-shih -f % , P'e.i T'an'•it. « Chu Ch'in-ming ilj *h » Chao Yen-chao $L $ <a*> , Wei Wen, Tsung Ch'u-k'o, Chi Ch'u-na, L i Chiao, T s ' u i Shih, Cheng Y i n , Chang H s i and Chang C h i a - f u 3K & » w e r e "the supporters of,Empress Wei. The f i r s t e l e v e n of these s i x t e e n C h i e f M i n i s t e r s came from e i t h e r the Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t i c group or the group of f o u r f a m i l i e s . Besides, they were a l s o the C h i e f M i n i s t e r s who stayed i n t h a t p o s i t i o n f o r the l o n g e s t p e r i o d s . F o r i n s t a n c e , Tou-lu, Yang and Wei Chu-yuan were three of the f o u r C h i e f M i n i s t e r s who served over f o u r years and Tsung, Chi both se.r served f o r r a l m o s t three years i n the l a t e r h a l f of the f i v e and h a l f year's r e i g n . 1 5 2 L i Huai-yuan £ tJL ', Chang Jen-tan ^ •f'- JE and Yft Wei-ch'ian are three C h i e f M i n i s t e r s , whose standings we can h a r d l y d e f i n e from the l i m i t e d sources of i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e . L i passed'away e a r l y i n 7 0 6 , but from the d e s c r i p -t i o n i n h i s b i o g r a p h i e s , he does not appear to have been a -supporter of the Empress. Chang had Kuan-lung o r i g i n and Was never a g a i n s t the Empress' p o l i c y , at l e a s t as f a r as there i s any r e c o r d . He was c r i t i c i z e d by Confucian h i s t o r i a n s f o r h i s t y r a n n i c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , but s i n c e he was mostly s t a t i o n e d on the f r o n t i e r , he probably d i d not become i n v o l v e d i n the antagonisms at court as much as the other C h i e f M i n i s t e r s d i d . Yu Wei-ch'an was not even l i s t e d i n the g e n e a l o g i e s of the C h i d f M i n i s t e r s of HTS. Yet t h i s i s h a r d l y enough to a l l o w us to presume t h a t he was one of the l o w e r - c l a s s power-seekers who sought to advance by j o i n i n g with-the Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t s and the members of the f o u r f a m i l i e s or by b r i b i n g the female p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei (see_CTS 90. 7 a b , 9 3 . 4 b - 5 b ; HTS 111. 12b-13b, 116. 1 2 b - 1 3 a ) . Wei S s u - l i % , Su Kui jfc. 4L , Wei Yuan-chung, Hsiao Chih-chung |f £ & and Ts'en H s i 4- ^ were the only C h i e f M i n i s t e r s who showed t h e i r disagreement toward the p o l i c i e s of the Empress or the pro-Empress b l o c . N e v e r t h e l e s s , 'Su was from a famous Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l y while Wei S s u - l i and Hsiao were not only from l e a d i n g a r i s t o c r a t i c l i n e a g e s but a l s o had k i n s h i p or m a t r i m o n i a l a l l i a n c e w i t h Empress Wei's f a m i l y . Perhaps, t h a t may e x p l a i n why they were able t o m a i n t a i n t h e i r p o s t s . Besides, Ts'en H s i won h i s appointment a f t e r Chung-tsung*s unannounced death and i t was probably because of the recommandation of Ts'ung Ch'u-k'o who used to a p p r e c i a t e Ts'en's a b i l i t y or perhaps the s u g g e s t i o n of the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s who was i n f l u e n t i a l i n Empress Wei's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . And. Wei Yuan-chung, though o f t e n c r i t i c i z e d by the extreme members of the anti-Empress b l o c f o r h i s c o o p e r a t i v e a t t i t u d e toward the p a r t i s a n s of the Empress, was f o r c e d t o r e s i g n i n 7 0 7 by the pro-Empress b l o c , ( s e e CTS 7 0 . 6 a - 9 a , 8 8 andi592 passim; HTS 102. 2ab, 116. 5 a - 7 a , 122. l a - 6 b , 1 2 3 . 3 a - k b , 1 2 5 . l a - 2 a . see a l s o n. 183 f o r more d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n about the st a n d i n g of Hsiao Chih-chung and Ts'en H s i ) . T h e r e f o r e , i t i s obvious t h a t d u r i n g the r e i g n of Chung-tsung, except f o r the f i r s t few months, the o l d a r i s t o c r a t i c group and the group of f o u r f a m i l i e s had more power i n . c o n t r o l l i n g government i n s t i t u t i o n s . l 6 3 C f . CTS k 3 . 2 b - 3 a . See HTS 1 2 3 . 6 a f o r the c o n v e r s a t i o n between Yang T s a i - s s u and Wei Chu-yuan about the appointment of o f f i c i a l s . 153 ^Cf. THY 90. pp. l 6 k 2 . Unless w i t h s p e c i a l i m p e r i a l favour, the r i g h t of shih-feng decreased w i t h each generation ( c f . a l s o THY 9 0 . p. 1639 and l 6 k l , the descendants of Fang Hsuan-ling Jk'-t i t and L i Ching £ 2% were allowed to enjoy the same shih-feng as t h e i r ancestors hy Emperor Kao-tsung). l 6 6 C f . CTS I89b5 HTS 199. 10b. 1 6 7 'See Ikeda On, "Toho shizokushi no i c h i kSsatsu: iwayuru''TonkS meizokushi' zankan o megutte"ij Hokkaido daigaku  bungakubu k i y 5 13 (1965), PP« 3 - 6 k ; T a k e d a R y u j i , "Togan shiz o k u s h i no hensan n i kansuru i c h i kosatsu", Shigaku Zasshi 2 5 - k (1952), pp. 2 3 - k l i n .Denis T w i t c h e t t , o p . ~ c l t . , p. 62. l 6 8 S e e CKKCTMTTT pp. 785-786; T'ao Hsi-sheng and Chu Ch'ing-yuan, T'ang-tai Ching-chi Shih (Shanghai: Commercial Pr e s s , 1936), pp. 79 and 81 n. 18. Shang-chou, the modern Shang-hsien of Shensi Province, was l o c a t e d to the south-east of Ch'ang-an c i t y . To the east of Shang-chou, there was Mount Shang which was an important pass on the way from Ch'ang-an t o south China ( c f . a l s o Chapter I I I n. 20). l 6 9 C f . CTS 7. 8a; HTS k . 15b and TCTC 2 0 9 ,,Ching-lung 3/12/after i - s s u . 1 7°Cf. CTS 51.. 9b,. 7 k. l O h - l l a ; HTS 76. l k a , 99. 9ab and TCTC 209, ClTIng-lung 3/3/wu-wu to 12/after i - s s u passim. None of these records e x p l i c i t l y s t a t e s the time of commence-ment of the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the new pass by Mount Shang. However, they say t h a t T s ' u i Shih was the Commissioner of t h i s p r o j e c t , t h a t i t began during the p e r i o d of Ching-lung (707-710) and t h a t by the time of Chung-tsung's death i n the middle of 710, i t was not h a l f f i n i s h e d y e t. I f T s ' u i Shih was s t i l l working on t h i s p r o j e c t when Chung-tsung passed away, the c o n s t r u c t i o n can have s t a r t e d no e a r l i e r than the eleventh month of 709 because previous to t h i s month he was i n e x i l e f o r almost h a l f a year and before the e x i l e he was i n charge of - the " s e l e c t i o n of o f f i c i a l s " (hsuan i j L ) i n the C a p i t a l . The drought had begun i n the summer of 709 and the d i s c u s s i o n of moving the C a p i t a l occurred around the t w e l f t h month of t h i s year, almost at the same time t h a t the ^con s t r u c t i o n of the new pass i n Mount Shang s t a r t e d . Hence, there i s a great p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t the famine i n Kuan-chung area and the work on the new pass were r e l a t e d . 1 5 4 171 ' The Court had decided not to move to Lo-yang and the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n between Lo-yang and Ch'ang-an was dangerous and i n e f f i c i e n t (see HTS 5 3 • l a ) , and i t was a l s o d o u b t f u l , i f g r a i n could reach Lo-yang from the south because around t h a t time the j u n c t i o n of the P i e n Canal if and Yellow R i v e r % >5 was b e l i e v e d blocked (see P u l l e y b l a n k , op. c i t . , pp. 3 3 and 128 - 1 2 9 , i r m . 5 3 ) ' I n these circumstances, i t was qu i t e n a t u r a l t h a t the p a r t i s a n s of the Empress should look f o r ways t o improve the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n between Ch'ang-an and the g r a i n suppling area of the south through other access L S routes. According to T'ao and Chu, l o c . c i t . ; GTS 4 9 . 3 a ; THY 8 6 . p. 157^, 8 7 . p. 1 5 8 8 and TPKC~4~04. l b - 2 a , "the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , from Ch'ang-an passing byiJcMouht Shang and then t a k i n g the waterway of the Han R i v e r >%. X- to reach the Ching-hsiang %^  area—Shannan Tung Tao was qu i t e convenient. L a t e r , during the p e r i o d of Pao-ying |[ M, ( 7 6 2 ) , t h i s route was again used f o r t r a n s p o r t i n g g r a i n from the south to Ch'ang-an. Hence f o l l o w i n g a drought and famine i n Kuan-chung area, the s t a r t i n g of c o n s t r u c t i o n of a new pass by Chung-tsung's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to connect the land and waterway t r a n s p o r t a t i o n by way of Mount Shang was most probably f o r the main purpose of g r a i n shipping. 1 7 2 F o r i n s t a n c e , according to THY 8 6 . p. 1 5 7 0 , i n 7 0 9 Chao Lu-wen suggested degrading the st a t u s of the descendants of s e v e r a l thousand Fan F a m i l i e s (Fan-hu la / ) of Sui t o Government Slaves (Kuan-nu-pei % ^  ^ ) i n order to grant these slaves to the a r i s t o c r a t s and the f a v o u r i t e s . This proposal which no doubt was made f o r the i n t e r e s t of the a r i s t o c r a t s and the i m p e r i a l f a v o u r i t e s was dropped because of the oppose of P'ei Tzu-yu -3- 4$ . P'ei was from a Kuan-lung a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l y , however, w i t h strong l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n (see HTS 1 2 9 . l b ) . This i n c i d e n t could be presumed as one of the e f f o r t s that the anti-Empress bloc made to prevent the o l d a r i s t o c r a t s from r e t r i e v i n g t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power. 173 '^Cf. Feng Yen, Feng-shih Wen-chien Chi Chiao-chu, r e v i s e d and annotated by Chao Chen-hsin (Peking: Chung-hua, 1 9 5 8 ) , 5 . 2 3 a ; T'ao and Chu op. c i t . , pp. 9 7 - 1 3 7 and 1 8 2 - 1 8 3 . Besides, a great a g r i c u l t u r a l expansion of the south had a l s o created much new wealth (see Pulleyblank, \ j pp. a c i t . , p. 2 7 ) . 1 7 k C f . T'ao and Chu i b i d , and P u l l e y b l a n k , op. c i t . , pp. 4 0-41. 1 5 5 1 7 5 C f . CTS 4 3 . 7 a , k 8 . 3 b ; HTS 4 5 . T a ; P u l l e y b l a h k , i b i d , and pp. 1 3 3 - 1 3 4 , n. 2 , 3 , 7 . At l e a s t p r e v i o u s t o the p e r i o d of Empress Wu the members of merchant f a m i l i e s were allowed n e i t h e r t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the " s e l e c t i o n of o f f i c i a l s " (hsuan) nor to be appointed t o any government p o s t . Fan Wen-Ian s t a t e s i n h i s Chung-kuo T'ung-shih Chien-pien I I I , v o l . 1 , pp. 2 7 1 - 2 7 2 t h a t T ' a i - t s u n g and Kao-tsung both granted o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s t o merchants. I have not y e t been able t o f i n d h i s source m a t e r i a l s , however, i t i s q u i t e d o u b t f u l whether the two An-chou £ #| n a t i v e s whom he mentions and d e f i n e s as wealthy businessmen were a c t u a l l y merchants or merely r i c h land-owners. 176 ' They b e l i e v e d i n Buddhism, thus had had many temples b u i l t d u r i n g the p e r i o d of Chung-tsung ( c f . HTS 8 3 . 8 a ; TCTC 2 0 9 , Ching-lung 2 / 7/chia-wu t o Ching-lung 3 / 3 / a f t e r wu-wu passim; THY 4 7 . pp. 8 3 6 - 8 3 7 ) . Besides, they a l s o showed g r e a t i n t e r e s t i n Taoism and w i t c h c r a f t ( c f . TCTC 2 0 8 , Shen-lung l / 3 / a f t e r chi-ch'ou t o Shen-lung 2 / l l / a f t e r ping-ch'en passim, 2 0 9 , Ching-lung 3 / l l / a f t e r i - s s u and TLCCFK 3 . 5 b ) . 1 7 7 C f . HTS i b i d . ; TCTC 208, Shen-lung l / 3 / a f t e r c h i - -ch'ou t o 2 0 9 , Ching-lung 3 / l l / a f t e r i - s s u passim and Ch'ao-yeh C h ' i e n - t s a i 5 « P« 6 5 . Not only the Buddhist and T a o i s t c l e r g y e t c . but a l s o the o f f i c i a l s who i n t r o d u c e d them t o the Empress were rewarded w i t h important p o s i t i o n s . A number of these powerful c l e r g y , f o r example Hui-Fan & f o , had non-Chinese o r i g i n s , however, there i s no e x i s t i n g r e c o r d f o r us t o a s s o c i a t e them w i t h the l a r g e group of non-Chinese merchants who l i v e d i n China at t h a t time. 1 7 8 S e e T'ao and Chu, pp. c i t . , p. 48 and P u l l e y b l a n k , op. c i t . , p. 41. 179 y I n f o r m a t i o n on any i n d i v i d u a l o f f i c i a l who was from t h i s new power-seeking merchant group i s sparse. Neverthe-l e s s there i s evidence f o r t h e i r . e x i s t e n c e " in the memorials of p r o t e s t made by o f f i c i a l s who"~belonged t o the a n t i - ."" - . Empress b l o c ( c f . TCTC 2 0 8 , Shen-lung 2 / 3 / a f t e r keng-hsu f o r the letter..: of Yuan Ch'u-k^o JL ft and 2 0 9 , Ching-lung 2 / 7 / a f t e r chia-wu f o r the memorial of H s i n T ' i - f o u ) . D uring Chung-tsung's r e i g n , there were two o f f i c i a l s , L i Ch'eng-chia $. A. and Chang C h i a - f u , who might f i t i n t o t h i s category. Though t o t a l l y i l l i t e r a t e , as a p a r t i s a n of Wu San-ssu, L i Ch'eng-chia was appointed as P r e s i d e n t of the M i n i s t r y of Finance (Hu-pu Shang-shu / *f ' £) % ) and P r e s i d e n t of the Censorate (Yu-shih T a - f u ^ ^_ ) and 1 5 6 , was extremely powerful i n the court ( c f . TCTC 208, Shen-lung 2/4/after chi-ch'ou and Ch'ao-yeh C h ' i e n - t s a i 6 . p. 8 l ) . Chang G h i a - f u commenced h i s career as an o f f i c i a l d u r i n g Empress Wu's p e r i o d . There are records of h i s sending i n a memorial p l e a d i n g w i t h Empress Wu to appoint Wu Ch'eng-ssu as the Heir-Apparent. A f t e r Chung-tsung*s death, Chang was one of the supporters of Empress Wei who were appointed as Chief M i n i s t e r s . He i s not even mentioned i n the genealogies of Chief M i n i s t e r s of the Chang f a m i l y i n HTS. T h i s u s u a l l y means t h a t the person i n question i s of ohscure o r i g i n ( c f . HTS 6 l . 2 5 a , 7 2 c . l a - 2 3 a ) . Judging from the l i m i t e d informa-t i o n I have c o l l e c t e d , there i s a p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t L i and Chang were members of the power-seeking group w i t h humble o r i g i n s who won t h e i r appointment or, promotion by b r i b i n g or a l l y i n g themselves t o the p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei. l 8 0 S e e TCTC 203, Kuang-chai 1(684) to 2 0 7 , Ch'ang-an 1(704) passim; CTS 8 9 . 7b; HTS 115. 3b-4a and TPKC 2 7 7 . 6ab. T i Jen-chieh was a t y p i c a l example i n persuading Empress Wu to summon Chung-tsung back from e x i l e . l 8 l S e e CTS 9 6 . lb-2a; HTS 124. l b ; TCTC 2 0 7 , Shen-lung^ l / s p r i n g l / a f t e r jen-wu shuo and 298, Shen-lung l / 2 / a f t e r i -mao. Yao Yuan-chih x_> -i- (Ch'ung jfc ) was the only o f f i c i a l who wept openly when Empress Wu was deposed but he was a l s o one of the o f f i c i a l s who took p a r t i n the p l a n t o depose her. Hence, h i s t e a r s , as he explained, probably meant more sorrow of separation than r e g r e t . l 8 2 S e e TCTC 208, Shen-lung l / 2 / h s i n - h a i to 2 0 9 , Ching-yungl/ 6 /jen-wu passim; L i u Su, Ta T'ang Hsin-yu (Chung-kuo Wen-hsueh Ts'an-k'ao T z u - l i a o Hsiao-ts'ung-shu, No. 2. Shanghai: K u - t i e n Wen-hsueh, 1957), 2. pp. 64 - 6 5 , 9 . pp. 144-145. 183 ^Though we have the s c a n t i e s t references t o prove i t , some of the o f f i c i a l s who belonged t o the anti-Empress Wei bloc may have been p a r t i s a n s of the T'ai-p'ing P r i n c e s s . For example, there were two high o f f i c i a l s , Hsiao Chih-chung and Ts'en H s i , who u s u a l l y disagreed w i t h the p o l i c y of Empress Wei and her p a r t i s a n s and l a t e r they both di e d as p a r t i s a n s of the T'ai-p'ing P r i n c e s s . I f i t was not coincidence, both Hsiao and Ts'en had defended t h e " P r i n c e s s from slander d u r i n g Chung-tsung's p e r i o d . I t was considered by t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i a n s t h a t they had abandoned t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s during Jui-tsung's r e i g n to serve the T'ai-p'ing P r i n c e s s ; but i s i t p o s s i b l e t h a t they had always been somehow a s s o c i a t e d w i t h 157 the P r i n c e s s ? (See GTS 70. 6a-9a, 92. 15b; HTS 102. 2ab, 123. 3a; TCTC 208, Ching-lung l / 8 / a f t e r wu-yin; Ta T'ang Hsin-yu 5. p. 95. 6. p. 113.) 1 Pih-P r o f e s s o r Chen Yin-k'o had i n d i c a t e d i n h i s theory t h a t s i n c e Empress Wu emphasized the importance of the examination system i n s e l e c t i n g o f f i c i a l s , the c o u r t became dominated by b u r e a u c r a t s w i t h l i t e r a t i background. Hence, the g r e a t m i n i s t e r s of the K * a i - y u a n p e r i o d were mostly o f f i c i a l s who had come up through the examination system and who had served under the Empress Wu (see "TTCCSSLK", CYKHSLC pp. 111-112). However, i f we study the sources of the p e r i o d between Empress Wu and Hsuan-tsung i n d e t a i l , we r e a l i z e t h a t d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d the c o n f l i c t s between the Kuan-lung a i i s t a r i s t o c r a t s and the l i t e r a t i b u reaucrats went on c o n t i n u o u s l y . As a matter of f a c t , d u r i n g the r e i g n of Chung-tsung and Empress Wei, the o l d a r i s t o c r a t s r e v i v e d t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power q u i t e s u c c e s s f u l l y . Though t h e i r achievement s u f f e r e d some l o s s u d u r i n g the coup of P r i n c e L i Lung-chi, they soon managed to r e c o v e r most of i t by a l l y i n g w i t h the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s and making use of her i n f l u e n c e toward Emperor J u i -tsung to encounter the r e v i v i f i e d power of the l i t e r a t i b u r e a u c r a t s , the supporters of P r i n c e L i Lung-chi. Only a f t e r Hsuan-tsung, the former P r i n c e L i Lung-chi, de f e a t e d the P r i n c e s s i n h i s second coup, d i d the o l d a r i s t o c r a t s a g a i n l o s e t h e i r predominance i n the c o u r t . T h i s may a l s o e x p l a i n why d u r i n g the f i r s t h a l f of Hsuan-tsung's r e i g n , the g r e a t m i n i s t e r s were u s u a l l y of l i t e r a t e background. Yao Ch'ung and Sung Ching, the two g r e a t e s t m i n i s t e r s of K'ai-yuan p e r i o d , who had been h i g h o f f i c i a l s under the Empress Wu, but only h e l d l o c a l p o s t s d u r i n g Chung-tsung's p e r i o d , were the best examples (see P u l l e y b l a n k , p_p. c i t . , p. 48 and Appendix V ) , l 8 ^ S e e CTS 7- l a . l 8 6 B i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 86. 4a-5b and HTS 81. 2b-3b. 1 8 7 B i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 86. la-2a and HTS 81. l a b . Cf. a l s o TCTC 200, Yung-hui 6 T o~55)/ll/chi-ssu and H s i e n - t s ' i n l / (656)/spring l / h s i n - w e i . l 8 8 C f . CTS 7. l a and TCTC 200, H s i e n - t s ' i n 2/2:tekeng-wu. Both CTS 80. 9b; HTS 105. 12a mention t h a t Shang-kuan T ' i n g -c h i h , f a t h e r of Shang-kuan Wan-erh, served on the s t a f f of P r i n c e of Chou (Chung-tsung) ;bef©refheewastex@:cutedrih!i664, t h e r e f o r e , i t i s c l e a r t h a t Chung-tsung had a l r e a d y set up h i s 1 5 8 own s t a f f and took the o f f i c e i n Lo-chou before 664. The biography of Chung-tsung (CTS 7 « l a ) f a i l s t o s t a t e the time he l e f t the C a p i t a l , however, i t i s most probably r i g h t a f t e r h i s r e c e i v i n g the t i t l e of P r i n c e and the appointment of the Governor of Lo-chou. "*"89There i s no record a v a i l a b l e f o r us to v e r i f y the r e l a t i o n s between Chung-tsung and h i s parents. However, judging from the biographies of the other c h i l d r e n of Kao-tsung and Empress Wu, i t seems t h a t except the T'a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s who was the f a v o r i t e c h i l d of both Kao-tsung and Empress Wu (see CTS 1 8 3 . 11a), Pri n c e L i Hsien, second son of Empress Wu, won more a p p r e c i a t i o n from Kao-tsung among a l l the P r i n c e s (see CTS 8 6 . 6ab; HTS 81. 3 b and 4a). 1 9°Cf. TCTC 2 0 3 , Kuang-chai 1 ( 6 8 4 ) / l / a f t e r k u e i - s s u . 1 9 1 C f . THY 3 . p. 3 5 . ch'ou. 1 9 2 C f . CTS 7 . l a and TCTC 2 0 2 , Yung-lung l ( 6 8 0 ) / 8 / i -1 9 3 B i o g r a p h i e s i n CTS 8 6 . 5 b - 6 b and HTS 81. 3 b - 4 b . 1 9 k C f . TCTC 2 0 2 , Yung-lung l / w i n t e r 1 0 / j e n - y i n . 1 9 5 C f . CTS 5 1 . 6 b ; HTS 7 6 . 1 2 a and TCTC 2 0 2 , Shang-yuan 2 ( 6 7 5 ) / 4 / a f t e r keng-ch'en. 1 9 6 C f . CTS 8 6 . 2 a - 3 b & 4 b ; HTS 81. l b - 2 b ; TCTC 2 0 2 , Shang-yuan 2 / 4 / a f t e r h s i n - s s u , 6 / a f t e r ; wu-yin ,&aautiumn 7 , I-feng 1 ( 6 7 6 ) / 1 0 / a f t e r t i n g - y u and K ' a i - y i a o l ( 6 8 1 ) / 2 . 197 " F o r example, as soon as he succeeded to the throne, Chung-tsung promoted Empress Wei's f a t h e r to be Governor of Yu-chou and w i t h i n a month intended t o promote him again to the p o s i t i o n of Pr e s i d e n t of the Chancellery (Shih-chung) (see TCTC 2 0 3 , Kuang-chai 1(684)/spring l / a f t e r chia-shen shuo). 1 9 8 S e e TCTC 2 0 3 , Kuang-chai l/2/wu-wu. 1 9 9 C f . CTS 8 6 . 8 a ; HTS 81. 5 b , 8 3 . 7 b ; TCTC 2 0 7 , Ch'ang-an (Ta-tsu) l ( 7 0 1 ) / 8 / a f t e r p i n g - y i n . See a l s o Chapter I I . n. 9 159 f o r the argument of the death of the Yung-t'ai P r i n c e s s . 2 0 0 C f . CTS 51. 7ah; HTS 76. 12ab and TCTC 208, Shen-l u n g l / 2 / c h i a - t z u . 2 0 1 C f . CTS 91 passim;. HTS 120 passim and TCTC 208, Shen-lu n g l / 2 / c h i a - t z u t o 5/chia-wu passim. 2 0 2 S e e TCTC 208, Shen-lung l / 5 / a f t e r k u e i - s s u . 2 0 3 S e e CTS 187a. 9^5 HTS 191. 5"b and TCTC 207, Shen-l u n g l/l/kuei-mao. 20l?Cf. CTS 91. 6a and HTS 120. 5b. A c c o r d i n g to the r e c o r d s of CTS and HTS, T s ' u i Hsuan-wei took the p o s i t i o n of T ' a i - t z u Tso Shu-tzu as a second p o s t i n 703 A.D.. I n the j year of 704 he r e c e i v e d a ^promotion on h i s main appointment. Since both CTS and HTS f a i l t o mention i f he kept the former second p o s t from t h a t time on, we would presume he had only h e l d t h i s second post u n t i l 7°4. Anyway, the coup of Chung-tsung' s r e s u c c e s s i o n o c c u r r e d i n the f i r s t month of 705, t h e r e f o r e , even though T s ' u i kept t h i s second post from 704 on, he s t i l l had only served as Chung-tsung's s t a f f f o r l e s s than two y e a r s , a p a r t from the f a c t t h a t i t was only a second post a d d i t i o n a l t o h i s main appointment as C h i e f M i n i s t e r . 2 ° 5 C f > "TTCCSSLK", CYKHSLC p. 148 and the K'ao-i of TCTC 208, Shen-lung l / 5 / a f t e r chia-wu. A c c o r d i n g to the r e c o r d of T'ung-chi, mentioned i n the K'ao-i of TCTC, a f t e r Chung-tsung was reenthroned, Empress Wu once accused the F i v e P r i n c e s of c o v e t i n g m e r i t s i n f r o n t of him. Though, Chung-tsung p r o b a b l y would not have been i n f l u e n c e d by her words as TCTC presumed, t h i s statement at l e a s t c o u l d prove not only t h a t there were such innuendos a g a i n s t the F i v e P r i n c e s at t h a t time but a l s o t h a t they had been expressed i n f r o n t of Chung-tsung. Weak-minded as Chung-tsung was, there was l i t t l e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t he would ignore such a comment t o t a l l y . 2 0 6 C f . TCTC 208, Ching-lung l/9/chia-ch'en. 2 0 ? C f . TCTC 209, Ching-yun l/5/ting-mao. or\Q * u o C f . SS 36. 5ab; HTS 76. 5b-6a; TCTC 175, T ' a i - c h i e n ' 13(58l)/l0/wu-tzu, 201, L i n - t e l ( 6 6 4 ) / l 2 / w u ^ t z u and 208, Slaeja-Ix&xg 1 / 2 / c M t - J r j a memorial of. Hnaan Xen-fan* 1 160 Shen-lung l / 2 / c h i a - t z u the memorial of Huan Yen-fan. 2 ° 9 C f . TCTC 202, K ' a i - y i a o 1(68l)/spring l/keng-ch'en, 209, Ching-lung 2/summer k / k u e i - w e i and Ching - l u n g 3/2/chi-ch'ou. 2 1 0 C f . CTS 51. 7b; HTS 83. 5h; TCTC 208, Shen-lung 2/ i n t e r c a l a r y 1/ping-wu and THY 6. p. 69. 2 1 1 C f . CTS ?. 8a, 183. l i b ; HTS 4. 15b, 83. 5b. A c c o r d i n g to CTS 7 and HTS k, d u r i n g the r e i g n of Chung-tsung, not only the o f f s p r i n g of the Princesses' but a l s o those of the l a d i e s , who granted d i s t r i c t t i t l e s f o r t h e i r 'own m e r i t s , were a l s o allowed to r e c e i v e the r i g h t of h e r e d i t a r y employment. 2 1 2 C f . HTS 76. l k a ; TCTC 208, Shen-lung 2/3/after keng-hsu the l e t t e r of Yuan Ch'u-k'o and 209, Ching-lung 2/7/after chia-wu. 2 1 3 C f . CTS 51. 8b, 88. H a b ; HTS 76. 13a, 125. l b ; TCTC 208, Shen-lung_ 2/10/after ping-ch'en and Ta T'ang Hsin-yu 2. p. 63. A c c o r d i n g to the r e c o r d of Ta T'ang Hsin-yu, i t would appear t h a t the s o r c e r e s s nee Ti-wu argued w i t h the o f f i c i a l s i n the Outer Court. Though the female p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei were powerful a t t h a t time, i t would s t i l l have been q u i t e i m p o s s i b l e f o r them to a t t e n d d a i l y audience i n the Outer Court. Hence, TCTC made some r e c t i f i c a t i o n w h i le t a k i n g t h i s s t o r y from Ta T'ang Hsin-yu. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the r e c o r d s i n both Ta T'ang Hsin-yu and TCTC are enough to prove f o r us t h a t Ti-wu enjoyed the p r i v i l e g e of e n t e r i n g and l e a v i n g the Inner P a l a c e . 2 1 \ f . CTS 51. 8b'| HTS 76. 13a & l k a , 83. 8a; TCTC 208, Ching-lung l/7/kuei-mao and 209, Ching-lung 2/7/after chia-wu. CHAPTER V -"Cf. HTS 7/6. 5a-6b; TCTC 199, Yung-hui 6{655)/6 to 203, Hung-tao 1(683)/l2/ting-ssu passim. 1 6 1 2See CTS 2 b - 3 b ; TCTC 2C4, Chiui-kung 4 ( 6 8 8 ) A / a f t e r wu-hstl and T'ien-shou l ( 6 9 0 ) / 7 - 9 . -'See CTS 8 7 . 3 a , 1 9 0 b . 2 a ; UTS 7 6 . 6 a , 1 1 7 . 3 a , 2 0 1 . 8 a b and TCTC 2 0 2 , Shang-yuan 2 ( 6 7 5 ) / 3 / a f t e r t i n g - s s u . Empress Wu won the fame of p a t r o n of l e a r n i n g mainly by o r d e r i n g these s c h o l a r s to compile a great number of books. T h i s task continued even a f t e r she had ascended the throne ( c f . HTS 2 0 2 . l a and TCTC 2 0 6 , C h i u - s h i h l ( 7 0 0 ) / 6 ) . ^See HTS 7 6 . 8 a ; TCTC 2 0 3 , Ch'ui-keng 2 / 3 / a f t e r wu-shen and F i t z g e r a l d , pp. c i t . p. ^ I b i d . and TCTC 2 0 5 , Ch'ang-shou 1 ( 6 9 2 ) / s p r i n g l / a f t e r ting-mao. ^TCTC 2 0 3 , Ch'ui-keng 2 / 3/wu-shen s t a t e s i n d e t a i l about the establishment of the system of i n t e l l i g e n c e and the s e c r e t p o l i c e . As to t h e i r work and achievement, see TCTC 2 0 3 , Kuang-chai l / 2 / a f t e r c h i - wei t o 2 0 6 , Shen-kung 1 ( 6 9 7 ) / 6 / a f t e r i - c h ' o u passim. r C f . CTS 5 . l a ; HTS 3 . 7 a and TCTC 2 0 1 , Ch'ien-feng 1 ( 6 6 6 ) / s p r i n g l/wu-ch'en shuo. A c c o r d i n g to these r e c o r d s , d u r i n g Kao-tsung's p e r i o d , the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the Empress i n the worship of Heaven d i d not s t i r up any o b j e c t i o n as i t d i d i n Chung-tsung* s r e i g n . See a l s o TCTC 2 0 1 , L i n - t e 2 ( 6 6 5 ) / w i n t e r 1 0/kuei-ch'ou f o r Empress Wu's c a r e f u l p r e p a r a t i o n f o r her p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the worship. She used f i l i a l p i e t y as the e x p l a n a t i o n of her i n t e n d i n g to a s s i s t Kao-tsung i n the worship which made the o f f i c i a l s f a i l t o f i n d any b e t t e r reason to a g a i n s t her p a r t i c i p a t i o n . T h i s i n c i d e n t c l e a r l y show the d i f f e r e n c e s between Empress Wu and Empress Wei i n t h e i r methodssof d e a l i n g w i t h c r i t i c a l problems and h a n d l i n g the c o u r t o f f i c i a l s . 8 C f . HTS 8 3 . 5 b ; TCTC 208, Ching-lung 1 / 7 / a f t e r k u e i -amo and /8, 2 0 9 , Ching-lung 3 / 9 / a f t e r wu-ch'en. I n f o r m a t i o n about the other members of the L i s s c a r c e l y e x i s t s . However, a c c o r d i n g to the above mentioned statements, the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s was q u i t e i n f l u e n t i a l i n Chung-tsung's c o u r t . Both Empress Wei and Shang-kuan Wan-erh admitted they were i n f e r i o r t o the P r i n c e s s i n t a l e n t . Besides, the An-lo P r i n c e s s d i d t r y c o n s t a n t l y to exterminate the power of the T ' a i - p ' i n g P r i n c e s s but she never succeeded. 162 y C f . "TTCCSSLK", CYKHSLC pp. 140-153 f o r the r e l a t i o n between the palace guard and the coups i n e a r l y T'ang p e r i o d . Cf. a l s o CTS 1 8 3 . 15a; HTS 2 0 6 , 5 b - 6 a . Empress Wei and her p a r t i s a n s should have been able to f o r e s e e the importance of the palace guard. She d i d appoint her c o u s i n Wei Hsu ^ ;"f- , b r o t h e r of Wei Wen, as Grand General of the L e f t F e a t h e r s F o r e s t Guard (Tso Y u - l i n Ta-chiang-chun £. ti #- X. M % )• However, l a t e r she poisoned Wei Hsu, the only r e c o r d e d severe treatment t h a t Empress Wei ever a p p l i e d to her r e l a t i v e s and f a v o r i t e s . I t i s s a i d by HTS t h a t Empress Wei condemned him f o r spending a l l h i s time i n the army i n s t e a d of w r i t i n g poems f o r h i s other newly appointed j o b — S c h o l a r of Chao-wen Academy. Judging from Empress Wei's u s u a l a t t i t u d e toward her p a r t i s a n s , i t does not seem to be a good e x p l a n a t i o n . ' However, from the sparse i n f o r m a t i o n we have, i t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o f i n d out wlto" whether the Empress was aware t h a t Wei Hsu had ambition to asw, make use of the palace guard f o r h i s own advantage or Wei Hsu f a i l e d t o f o l l o w the d i r e c t i o n of the Empress upon, the c o n t r o l of the palace guard or perhaps he f a i l e d t o f o l l o w the new i n c l i n a t i o n of the Empress keeping watch f o r the growing i n f l u e n c e of Consort Shang-kuan toward the S c h o l a r s of Chao-wen Academy. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t i s sure t h a t by the time of Chung-tsung's death, the p a r t i s a n s of Empress Wei were s t i l l n ot able to c o n t r o l the palace guard and i t was one of the main reasons of the f a i l u r e of Empress Wei.. 163 BIBLIOGRAPHY A b b r e v i a t i o n s CKKCTMTTT Chung-kuo Ku-chin Ti-ming Ta T z ' u - t i e n CLWKC Ching-lung Wen-kuan C h i CS Chou Shu. 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E d i t i o n i n Shih-1'ung f , V o l . 2 of Wan-yu Wen-k'u % jt_ y^ - , Shanghai: Commercial P r e s s , 1 9 3 5 « T z u - c h i h T'ung-chien 'J i n iiL ( T C T Q - - 2 9 4 ch. , by Ssu-ma Kuang <| ,.| >tj , 1 0 8 5 . ( l ) R e v i s e d and annotated e d i t i o n by L i Tsung-1'ung £ , f v M et a l . e n t i t l e d T z u - c h i h T'ung-chien 168 Chin-chu |£ w i t h K'ao-i i n t e r s p e r s e d through the t e x t and Hu San-hsing's commentary (Yin-chu -f- f t ) i n t e r s p e r s e d through the notes, T a i p e i : Commercial P r e s s , I966-67 . (2) E d i t i o n of Ku-chi Ch'u-pan-she & & i, , w i t h K'ao-i and Hu*s commentary i n t e r s p e r s e d through the t e x t , Peking, 1956. T z u - c h i h T'ung-chien K'ao-i /% ^  - - 3 0 ch. , by Ssu-ma Kuang. See T z u - c h i h T'ung-chien. T z u - c h i h T'ung-chien Y i n - c h u -f- I i —commentary to TCTC by Hu San-hsing ty 4i , 1285. See T z u - c h i h T'ung-chien. 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Fujikawa Masakazu Jfb "j J E . -|>C — " T o d a i n i okeru Boshin S h u g i t e k i Fukki K a i s e i n i t s u i t e " A ^ l!- t>' 't 1 i . A ^ $K 1 7 0 tJ ° " X . Tohogaku ^ 7) <g , 1 6 : 3 5 - 5 7 , June, 1 9 5 8 . Harada Y o s h i h i t o yfN U9 A _ — " T o d a i J o s h i Kesho K 5 " M H\ it ±4L>%k^ , Shigaku Z as s h i , 2 1 - 4 , 1910, pp. 7 9 - 9 2 . Hiraoka Takeo and Imai K i y o s h i --Ch' ang-an and Lo-yang Index, Texts, Maps, T'ang C i v i l i z a t i o n  Reference S e r i e s No. 5 - 7 M A, ^  X € t & J » Jimbunkagaku Kenkyujo, Kyoto U n i v e r s i t y % £f A ^ X. Jtf % August, 1 9 5 6 . Hsieh Shou-ch'ang e t a l . l | f $> —Chung-kuo Ku-chin Ti-ming  Ta T z ' u - t i e n f g ^ ^ J < #f ^ (CKKCTMTTT) , Shanghai: Commercial P r e s s , 1 9 3 1 , r e p r i n t e d 1 9 3 5 * Hu J u - l e i t% -fa If — "Lun Wu Chou t i She-hui Chi-ch'u" ^ % 45 %L AT A , L i - s h i h Yen-chiu, 1 9 5 5 - 1 , February, 1 9 5 5 , pp. 8 5 - 9 6 . 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B r i l l , 1968. 173 -Hi lo pq lo E •3 E 3 F i a t 9 « C 5 > T 3 £ 3 £ ^ 0 HOW « MEJ 1  s&ct g a r B • —•— 5 1 2-SSI J 3 8 E •K m {on j ^ r fflm g -S$E S + S e -3 «! 3 £ if $ •K S i 3* <U W E £ £ 5 s> s * St «f s S i 15 s « S3 9 S IS W g s r g a g * 5.' » - — J5 .ss 3 S 3 S •Ml §J I o — J c O l<<»*. 5^ 4. * l Si S 3 Kg* 3 s. E as ts « S 4: s-S Si -:tr«-!r 174 ••3? • ^ ci -s: M a! 4 io {on S3 •3 (BI9 » SQ nr— ait; *£ SI 4=1 n: 

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