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An interpretation of Peruzzi’s frieze in the Sala Del Fregio, Villa Farnesina, Rome Jensen, Josephine 1975

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AN INTERPRETATION OF PERUZZI'S FRIEZE IN THE SALA DEL FREGIO, VILLA FARNESINA, ROME by JOSEPHINE JENSEN B.A., University of British Columbia, 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts in the Department of Fine Arts We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September - 1975 In presenting th i s thes i s in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make i t f ree l y ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thes is for s cho la r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or publicati< of th is thes i s for f i nanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permiss ion. i on Department of F"lNE ftfLT^ The Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date &>j?4-ejjvJtUAj 16" / °) 76" i ABSTRACT Although the fresco decoration of Agostino Chigi's V i l l a Farnesina i n Rome has received much scholarly attention, the precise meaning of the decoration i n several of the rooms i s s t i l l not known. This thesis i s concerned with one of these rooms, the Sala del Fregio, on the ground f l o o r , which contains a continuous f r i e z e running around the top of the four walls. This f r i e z e was painted by Baldessare Peruzzi i n 1 5 1 2 . While ten of the mythological s t o r i e s represented i n the f r i e z e have been i d e n t i f i e d , there i s a large segment of i t for which no s a t i s f a c t o r y explanation has been given. Furthermore, to date, only one scholar has t e n t a t i v e l y suggested a theme fo r the entire decoration of t h i s room, which interpretation, however, i s not t o t a l l y convincing. In t h i s thesis, a l i t e r a r y source f o r the un i d e n t i f i e d part of the f r i e z e i s proposed, and a new i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the meaning of the entire decoration i s given. I t i s suggested that not one l i t e r a r y text, i . e . , Ovid's Metamorphoses was used i n the formulation of t h i s f r i e z e , but several, very s p e c i f i c texts. These texts are a l l p o s t - c l a s s i c a l , where the authors concerned have interpreted the myths a l l e g o r i c a l l y . An analysis of these texts has made i t possible to come to a more d e f i n i t e conclusion regarding the meaning of the f r i e z e . The recurrent theme that emerges from t h i s analysis of sources centres on the Neo-Platonic doctrine of the immortality of the soul. i i The second part of the thesis examines t h i s Neo-Platonic doctrine of immortality as i t may r e l a t e to the patron, Agostino Chigi, and i t attempts to answer the question: What s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e could t h i s subject have had f o r the patron himself? At almost exactly the same date when Peruzzi painted the f r i e z e i n the Sala del Fregio, i . e . , 1512, Agostino Chigi commissioned Raphael to design and decorate his mortuary chapel i n the Church of S. Maria del Popolo. In the mosaic decoration of the cupola of the mausoleum, as has already been established by Shearman, the same Neo-Platonic doctrine of the immortality of the soul i s expressed. A r e l a t i o n s h i p of theme, therefore, e x i s t s between the idea stated i n the cupola of the mausoleum and the f r i e z e i n the Sala del Fregio. This thesis explores the connection between the two programs and, as part of t h i s exploration, proposes a leading Augustinian scholar and P l a t o n i s t , Egidio da Viterbo, as the most l i k e l y humanist adviser f o r both programs. In conclusion, the thesis considers, but only b r i e f l y , the themes of the c l a s s i c a l subjects depicted i n the other major rooms of the ground f l o o r of the V i l l a Farnesina, to see whether these also contain a l l u s i o n s to immortality. I t i s suggested that they do, and t h i s r a i s e s the p o s s i b i l i t y which i s , however, another f u l l subject f o r research not broached i n t h i s t h e s i s , that there may be, i n f a c t , a u n i f i e d program f o r the whole v i l l a , one centered on the doctrine of the immortality of the soul. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION . . . . . 1 CHAPTER I. SALA DEL FREGIO: DESCRIPTION OF THE FRIEZE AND PREVIOUS INTERPRETATIONS . . 6 I I . INTERPRETATION OF THE FRIEZE 1 6 1 . Labours of Hercules 2. Orpheus 3 * Europa, Danae and Semele k. The Neo-Platonic Doctrine of the F a l l of the Soul 5* A Platonized Exposition of Ovid's Metamorphoses at Chartres 6 . Actaeon and Midas 7. Neptune, Amphitrite and the Long Narrow Wall showing a Sea t h i a s o i 8. Ariadne 9. Marsyas 1 0 . Meleager I I I . AGOSTINO CHIGI, EGIDIO DA VITERBO AND RENAISSANCE IDEAS CONCERNING THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL 6 6 CONCLUSION 92 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 0 1 APPENDICES» APPENDIX I . 1 3 0 APPENDIX II 1 3 1 APPENDIX III 1 3 3 *««*«*« i v LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FIGURE PAGE 1. Plan of V i l l a Farneaina showing rooms decorated 110 2. Plan of Sala del Fregio showing p o s i t i o n of mythological subjects i n Frieze I l l PLATES 1-19* D e t a i l s of Fri e z e 112 to 121 Boethius 1 De consolatione philosophiae  Paris B.N. Lat. 11856 20. Stymphalian Birds . 122 21. Mares of Diomedes 123 22. Hercules and Cacus . . 124 Woodcuts. Hypnerotomachia P o l i p h i l i 22A Danae 125 23. Europa 125 24. Leda . 126 25. Danae • 126 26. Semele 12? 27. •Uriadne" 128 V i l l a Farnfesina Frescoes. Entrance Vestibule 28. Narcissus and Orpheus . . . . . . . 129 29. Prometheus and Unidentified figure . . . . . . . 129 30. Apollo . 129 31. Three Muses . . . . . . 129 ^2. Three Muses .129 33. Three Muses 129 ******* ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I wish to acknowledge with thanks the kind help given i n the ed i t i n g of t h i s thesis by Professor George Rosenberg of the Department of Fine Arts, University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1 INTRODUCTION The fresco decoration of Agostino Chigi*s Roman v i l l a , the Farnesina, b u i l t between 1509-11 by Baldassare Peruzzi, has always been a source of great i n t e r e s t . Even before the decoration of the v i l l a was completed, two commemorative verses appeared which praised the v i l l a , i t s gardens and i t s decoration. 1 Since that time the fresco decoration of the Farnesina has generated much discussion. F a i r l y general agreement has now been reached as to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the subject matter i n the various rooms. Perhaps the most famous room i s the Sala d i Psiche on the ground f l o o r ( F i g . 1,1). The vault and the pendentives i l l u s t r a t e the myth of Cupid and Psyche? i t i s a work by Raphael and h i s assistants dated 1518. In the adjoining room, the Sala d i Galatea ( F i g . 1,2), to the r i g h t of the Sala d i Psiche, i s another work by Raphael, the Galatea, dated 1514. The vault of t h i s room was decorated by Peruzzi i n 1511» and Egidio Gallo, De V i r i d a r i o Augustini Chiggi. P a t r i t i i  Senen. Yera/Libellus G a l l i E g i d i i Romani Poe. Laur.. ( R o m e T . 1 5 1 1 ? and Blosio P a l l a d i o , Suburbanum Augstini C h i s i i . (Rome), 1 5 1 2 • 2 Although there i s an extensive bibliography on the fresco decoration, the three works that deal with the e n t i r e decorative program are* R. Forster, Farnesina-Studien. (Rostock), 1 8 8 0 ; F. Hermanin, La Farnesina. (Bergamo). 1 9 2 ? ? and P. D'Ancona, The Farnesina Frescoes at Rome. (Milan), n.d. 2 the lunettes by Sebastian© del Piombo i n 1511-12.^ A t h i r d room i s referred to as the Sala del Fregio ( F i g . 1,3) and was painted by Peruzzi i n 1512. Gn the piano nobile of the Farnesina, two rooms are decorated. The f i r s t i s the Sala d e l l e Prospettive ( F i g . 1,4), so-called a f t e r the i l l u -s i o n i s t i c wall paintings by Peruzzi. The decoration also includes the twelve Olympian gods and a continuous f r i e z e which runs around the top of the walls. The paintings i n t h i s room are dated 1517-18. In a smaller room (F i g . 1,5)» leading o f f from the Sala d e l l e Prospettive, the walls are frescoed with scenes from the l i f e of Alexander the Great, a work by Sodoma, also dated 1517-18. One of the most i n t e r e s t i n g aspects, indeed one of the most outstanding features of the decoration of the Farnesina, i s that a l l the subjects are drawn from C l a s s i c a l a n t i q u i t y . There are no references to C h r i s t i a n i t y anywhere, and, to-gether with Peruzzi*s new Renaissance style of v i l l a a r c hitec-k ture, the Farnesina i s unique at t h i s time f o r i t s evocation of the s p i r i t of an t i q u i t y . Interested i n t h i s singular -'In the second h a l f of the seventeenth century, Gaspard Dughet painted the imaginary landscapes on the panels of the other walls. 4 C'f. J.S. Ackerman, "Sources of the Renaissance V i l l a , " i n Acts of the Twentieth International Congress of the History  of Art, Studies i n Western Art l i t The Renaissance and  Mannerism. (Princeton). 1963. P. 9. 3 display of a t o t a l l y c l a s s i c a l iconography, scholars have natur a l l y been drawn to seeking the sources of the program of the decoration, which has resulted i n a wealth of icono-graphical research. While i t has been possible to discover the sources and elucidate the meaning of the decoration i n several of the rooms, others s t i l l present d i f f i c u l t i e s of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The room that most obviously demonstrates a coherent program i s the Sala d i Psiche, f o r here a l l the scenes are an elaboration of a single story, Cupid and Psyche, t o l d by Apuleius i n the Golden Ass.-* I t i s not so easy to determine whether the other rooms Taave a d e f i n i t e theme, although one would think i t obvious that subjects of frescoes that are to figure i n the u n i f i e d decoration of a room should have some element i n common, and that t h i s unity should be a conscious consideration of the painter and his patron. In the case of a second room, the Sala d i Galatea, Saxl t e n t a t i v e l y suggests that the whole decoration could be seen as representing three symbolic planesi f i r e , a i r and water. However, the most important and revealing aspect of Saxl's work on t h i s room i s not his suggestion as to i t s possible -'For an excellent discussion c f . J . Shearman, "Die Loggia der Psyche i n der V i l l a Farnesina und die Probleme der l e t z t e n Phase von Raffaels graphischem S t i l " i n Jahrbuch der Kunsthis-torischen Sammlungen i n Wien. XXIV, 1964, 59 f f . 4 u n i f i e d program, but h i s incontrovertible demonstration that Peruzzi's painting i n the c e i l i n g of the room i s not simply a a disconnected grouping of figures from c l a s s i c a l mythology, as previously assumed, but does i n f a c t represent, disguised i n Ovidian form, an a s t r o l o g i c a l star-chart showing a complex configuration of planets and signs of the zodiac. He further proved that t h i s star-chart represents the b i r t h date of the patron, Agostino C h i g i . ^ This discovery of an iconographical program of great s o p h i s t i c a t i o n i n the c e i l i n g of t h i s room, a program which must have been c a r e f u l l y devised under the personal supervision of the patron, r a i s e s a strong p o s s i b i l i t y that at l e a s t i n some of the other rooms a si m i l a r s i t u a t i o n applies. This thesis i s an attempt to show that i n one of these other rooms, the Sala del Fregio, the mythological s t o r i e s i n the f r e i z e do, i n f a c t , express a coherent, c a r e f u l l y devised theme and, as i n the a s t r o l o g i c a l c e i l i n g , the theme has a p a r t i c u l a r significance f o r the patron, Agostino C h i g i . Because a l l of the images i n the Farnesina are drawn exclu-s i v e l y from the C l a s s i c a l period, the temptation has been to regard the decoration as simply a conscious attempt to recreate F. Saxl, La fede astrologica d i Agostino C h i g i . Inter  pretazione dei d i p i n t i d i Baldassare Peruzzi n e l l a sala d i Galatea d e l l a Farnesina, (Rome: Reale accademia d ' I t a l i a ) , " 5 the pagan s p i r i t of a n t i q u i t y . Yet, i f the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given i n t h i s thesis i s i n any way convincing, then Hartt's view would have to be modified considerably, and i t would no doubt become important to reconsider the decoration i n the other rooms to see whether beneath the guise of c l a s s i c a l images, there i s a more profoundly s p i r i t u a l meaning. To explore t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y , t h i s thesis i s arranged i n the following manner. The f i r s t chapter w i l l consist of a scene by scene v i s u a l description of the entire f r i e z e , followed by a consideration of the various conclusions that have been reached so f a r concerning i t s meaning. In the second chapter, a new interpretation w i l l emerge as the various l i t e r a r y sources that were most probably used i n i t s formulation are considered* The t h i r d chapter w i l l attempt to r e l a t e the theme to the patron himself and w i l l investigate some of the ideas of the man most l i k e l y to have been responsible f o r the iconography of the program. In the conclusion, the possible implications of t h i s research are discussed* #**«»«« 'P. Hartt, History of I t a l i a n Renaissance Art. (New York; H.N. Abrams, Inc.), 1969, p. 475, "From i t s very purpose—a re t r e a t to enshrine Chigi's beloved Imperia, the most celebrated courtesan i n Rome—down to the f i n a l d e t a i l s of the decoration and symbolic imagery, the palace i s thoroughly and exquisitely pagan." 6 CHAPTER I SALA DEL FREGIOi DESCRIPTION OF THE FRIEZE AND PREVIOUS INTERPRETATIONS In May, 1 5 0 5 , the Sienese banker, Agostino Chigi, acquired land i n the Trastevere section of Rome, near the Porta Settimana, and shortly thereafter commissioned Baldassare Peruzzi, a fellow Sienese, to design and b u i l d h i s • v i l l a suburbana', the Farnesina. 1 Peruzzi had just designed a v i l l a , probably h i s f i r s t , f o r Agostino's brother, S i g i s -mondo Chigi, As Agostino*s v i l l a greatly resembles that of hi s brother, "Le Volte", i t i s quite possible t h i s v i l l a provided the i n i t i a l i n s p i r a t i o n f o r i t s design. 2 By 1 5 1 1 , some of the rooms had already been decorated since two commemorative verses celebrating the beauty of the v i l l a and i t s surrounding gardens were written at that time, i n 1 5 1 1 and 1 5 1 2 . Whereas Egidio Gallo only describes the decorations very generally, "Verum arabas ornat pictura f i g u r i s , " ^ Blosio Palladio gives more s p e c i f i c information* xThe house was c a l l e d the Farnesina because i n 1579 or 1580 i t was bought by Cardinal Alessandro Famese. I t f e l l to the Bourbons i n 1714 and then, i n i860, i n leasehold to the Duke of Rip a l t a , by whose heirs i t was ceded i n 1927 to the I t a l i a n government. Since 1929, i t has housed the Accademia dei L i n c e i and, i n another part, the Gabinetto Nazionale d e l l e Stampe. 2 For information on the v i l l a "Le Volte" c f . C.L. Froramel, Die Farnesina and Peruzzi's Architektonisches Fruhwerk. (Berlin* Walter de Gruyter and Co.), 1961, pp. 1 0 6 - 1 0 9 . •""Gallo, De V i r i d a r i o Augustini C h i g i i . 7 Heic Iuno ut veris vehitur pavonibust Extat Heic Venus orta mari et concha sub sydera f e r t u r . Heic Boreas raptam ferus avehit Orithyiam. Heic Pandioniae reserant arcana sorores. Denique quas Ovidi versus pinxere, r e p i n x i t P i c t o r et aequavit Pelignos arte colores. j. Tarn f o e l i x p i c t o r vale ut pictore Poeta... Perhaps reference to the f r i e z e i n the Sala del Fregio may be seen i n the l i n e "Denique repinxit."-' Vasari makes no mention of the Sala del Fregio and Cavalcaselle was the f i r s t to recognize the painting as Peruzzi's.^ The f r i e z e . the only decoration i n the room, runs continuously around i t s walls. In the inventory, dated 1526, the room was referred to as the 'Saletta' and probably was used as a reception room.' The frescoes have suffered heavily from humidity and dampness, esp e c i a l l y some of the scenes representing the labours 8 of Hercules. The f r i e z e ( F i g . 2) depicts twelve d i f f e r e n t s t o r i e s from c l a s s i c a l mythology. In only two places can a P a l l a d i o , Suburbanum Augustini C h i s i i . ^C.L. Frommel, Baldassare Peruzzi a l s Maler und Zeichner. (Munichi Verlag Anton S c h r o l l and Co.), 1967/68, p. 61. ^J.A. Crowe and G.B. Cavalcaselle. A History of Painting i n I t a l y , Vol. VI, (Londont John Murray), 1914, p. 20, "Nothing can be more l i k e the handling of Peruzzi than the p l a s t i c nature and action of the f i g u r e s . I t i s the work of a man who has studied Michelangelo and Raphael without abandoning his own o r i g i n a l i t y who has become chastened by contact with great con-temporaries." ^Frommel, Die Farnesina und Peruzzie Architektonisches  Fruhwerk, p. 21. ^Frommel, Baldassare Peruzzi a l s Maler und Zeichner. p. 61. During the restoration work i n 1860, some of the outlines were redrawn and the shading renewed. 8 d e f i n i t e Caesura be seent between the s t o r i e s of Meleager and Orpheus there i s a thick v e r t i c a l l i n e from the top of the picture frame to the bottom? a f t e r the sequence showing the twelve labours of Hercules and before the story of Mercury leading the Cattle of Jupiter, there i s alargp female herm which e f f e c t i v e l y separates the two s t o r i e s . In the Sala d i Prospettive, hermes have been used to separate the s t o r i e s i n the f r i e z e but here there i s only one. Separation of the i n d i v i d u a l s t o r i e s and episodes within those s t o r i e s i s achieved i n most cases by the i n s e r t i o n of trees which divide the scenes c l e a r l y . Most descriptions of the f r i e z e begin with the labours of Hercules^ which commences on the wall to the r i g h t as one enters the room. Ten labours of Hercules take up one whole narrow wall and two more labours are i l l u s t r a t e d on the adjoining wall, above the entrance. The f i r s t labour represents Hercules f i g h t i n g the Centaurs (Plate 1). Hercules i s seen brandishing h i s club i n one hand, gripping the arm of one Centaur, while another, f l e e i n g i n the opposite d i r e c t i o n , aims a spear at the hero. y I b i d . , p. 62, and Egon Verheyen, "Coirregio's Amori d i Giove," Journal of Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . Vol. XXIX, 1966, p. 181.. 9 A tree separates t h i s scene from the next (Plate 1) i n which Hercules i s strangling the Nemean l i o n . The t h i r d labour, (Plate 2 ) , representing the destruction of the cannibal birds of Lake Stymphalis, shows Hercules drawing back h i s bow, poised to aim at the Stymphalian birds who at that moment have alighted on the table at which s i t SJtymphalus and Ornis. In the fourth labour, (Plate 2 ) , representing the theft of the Apples of the Hesperides, Hercules has s l a i n the guardian dragon, Ladon, and leans on the garden fence, his club l y i n g at his f e e t . The f i f t h labour (Plate 2) shows Hercules, having chained the dog Cerberus, bringing him up from the Underworld. The horses of Diomedes i n the s i x t h labour (Plate 3) are devouring human f l e s h while the advancing Hercules, holding Diomedes high i n the a i r , i s ready to throw him to the horses f o r a s i m i l a r f a t e . 1 0 The l a s t four deeds on t h i s wall have suffered the most damage from humidity but the scenes can s t i l l be i d e n t i f i e d (Plates 3 and 4). Hercules k i l l i n g the Lernean Hdrya i s next, followed by Hercules grasping the horns of Achelous. Then comes Hercules and Anteus and f i n a l l y , Hercules Both Forster, Farnesina-Studien. p. 86 f . and D'Ancona, The Farnesina Fresoces at Rome, p. 91,f. i d e n t i f y two labours here instead of one. The Horses of Diomedes and Hercules and Geyron make a t o t a l of t h i r t e e n labours. Forster's error has been pointed out by Frommel, Baldassare Peruzzi a l s Maler und  Seichner. p. 62 n. 248. 10 slaying Cacus."1"1* On the entrance wall, d i r e c t l y above the door, two more labours are presented, Hercules carrying the firmament on h i s back i n the place of Atlas (no i l l u s t r a t i o n ) , and Hercules r e s t i n g (Plate 5)» a f t e r having overcome the Erymanthian Boar which l i e s at his f e e t . The female herm, mentioned previously, c l e a r l y divides the labours of Hercules from the following story which shows Mercury, Jupiter's assistant, d r i v i n g the herd of c a t t l e to the seashore while Europa's distressed maidens f r a n t i c a l l y s i g n a l Europa's abduction by Jup i t e r (Plates 5 and 6 ) . The Rape of Europa i s followed by the story of Dariae and the Shower of Gold. The recumbent Danae i s shown upon a canopied bed, set within two trees, while Jupiter descends as a shower of gold (Plate 6 ) . The next two scenes i l l u s t r a t e the story of Semele (Plate 6 ) . In the f i r s t , Semele i s v i s i t e d by Juno disguised as an old woman, and i n the next, Jupiter i s shown s t r i k i n g Semele with his thunderbolt. A much larger space i s a l l o t t e d to the myth of Actaeon (Plate 7 ) . While Diana and her two maidens are shown standing i n a marble fountain, Actaeon i n the centre i s being metamorphosed into a stag, as 1 1Frommel t Ibid.. p. 62, i d e n t i f i e s Hercules breaking the horns of Achelous as the Capture of the Cretan B u l l and Hercules slaying Cacus as Hercules slaying B u s i r i s . Evidence to support t h i s new i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i l l be given i n Chapter I I . 1 1 he i s attacked by three dogs. Two of his fellow hunters are also present, s t r i k i n g Actaeon with spears and clubs. The next story shows Apollo giving Midas asses' ears 12 f o r having judged Pan's music better than h i s (Plate 8 ) . The musical contest between Apollo and Pan comes next (Plate 8 ) . Apollo, standing i n the centre, plays h i s v i o l a , Tmolus s i t t i n g to his r i g h t and Pan and Midas to the l e f t . In the next scene (Plate 9 ) Midas washes himself i n the r i v e r to free himself of the golden touch. F i n a l l y , Midas i s shown pleading before Bacchus for release from the golden touch, and Bacchus i s shown pointing to the scene of Midas i n the r i v e r (Plate 9 ) . The f i n a l scene on the entrance wall shows Neptune r i d i n g on the sea i n h i s chariot with Amphitrite, who holds a c h i l d on her la p . Two t r i t o n s a s t r i d e hippocampi drive the chariot (Plate 9 ) . The theme of marine l i f e , introduced by Neptune and Amphitrite, i s continued along the narrow wall d i r e c t l y opposite the labours of Hercules (Plates 1 0 , 1 1 , 1 2 , 1 3 ) . There i s no clea r d i v i s i o n between the groups of figures to indicate separate s t o r i e s and the presence of water tends to unify a l l the elements into one continuous narrative. Tritons, Up to t h i s point the narrative reads from l e f t to r i g h t . Now, however, t h i s sequential flow i s interrupted by the four Midas scenes. In ancient accounts of the story of Midas, the golden touch always precedes the musical contest of Apollo and Pan. In Peruzzi's f r i e z e , the four episodes read from r i g h t to l e f t . There appears to be no l o g i c a l explanation f o r t h i s . 12 nereids, p u t t i s playing with s a i l s and r i d i n g dolphins, figures holding amphoras, lead the eye towards a small i s l a n d . Here a figure s i t s playing a double f l u t e . To the l e f t stands another smaller figure, and d i r e c t l y i n front of him there i s another climbing out of the water. One cupid appears to be swimming and a second s i t s on the edge of the isl a n d , f i s h i n g . Next there i s a herald, standing i n shallow water holding f i g h t i n g a t t r i b u t e s , and blowing a long trumpet. Figures mounted on strange sea creatures, holding shields made from t o r t o i s e - s h e l l and swinging clubs are engaged i n bat t l e , encouraged by a second herald who also blows a trumpet. On another i s l a n d s i t a young couple and a c h i l d next to whom r e c l i n e s a r i v e r god, whose cornucopia i s overflowing. Bringing the scenes on t h i s narrow wall to a close are* a t r i t o n with a young boy on his shoulder; a young woman; a man who holds i n each hand a bow and v i o l a ; a figure carrying a satyr on his back. This part, unlike the rest of the f r i e z e , does not appear to i l l u s t r a t e a recog-nizable myth. The f i r s t myth i l l u s t r a t e d on the window wall i s Ariadne (Plate 14). As she sleeps, r e s t i n g her head and arm on the t i g e t of Bacchus, two satyrs and a cupid look on. One satyr reaches forward to unveil her. A short distance away, two figures holding vases lead the eye to the seated figure of Bacchus, who holds a cup of wine (Plate 14). His attention i s directed to the group on his l e f t where the satyr Marsyas i s i s being flayed by two Scythians, as Apollo stands nearby 13 d i r e c t i n g the torture (Plate 1 5 ) . Close hy, two more standing figures i n conversation with each other, e f f e c t i v e l y set o f f the slaylhg of Marsyas from the next myth which presents the story of Meleager, shown i n three scenes (Plates 15,16,17). F i r s t i s the k i l l i n g of the Calydonian boar where Atalfcttta, Meleager, three companions and dogs are shown attacking the beast. In the next scene Meleager i s shown f i g h t i n g with his uncles, one of whom already l i e s dead. Next, the three Fates stand close to the f i r e into which Meleager's enraged mother throws the unburned brand i n revenge f o r the k i l l i n g of her brothers. At the extreme ri g h t Meleager l i e s , (surrounded by h i s mourning family), helpless, on a bed, as i n v i s i b l e flames scorch his body. The f i n a l story of the f r i e z e i s Orpheus, (Plates 18,19) i l l u s t r a t e d i n three separate scenes. The f i r s t shows Orpheus s i t t i n g i n a wooded glen charming a l l the animals with h i s music. In the next, Pluto drags Eurydice back to the Underworld while Orpheus stands nearby. In the l a s t scene, Orpheus, l y i n g defenceless on the ground, i s attacked by three Maenads who pound him to death with clubs. The death of Orpheus brings to a close the scenes on the window wall and the f r i e z e begins again with the labours of Hercules on the adjoining w a l l . The question that arises from t h i s description of Peruzzi*s f r i e z e i s , of course, why were these p a r t i c u l a r myths chosen and incorporated into one f r i e z e . Given the 14 great sophistication of Peruzzi*s a s t r o l o g i c a l c e i l i n g i n the Sala d i Galatea, i t i s very doubtful that they were a r b i t r a r i l y grouped together. What idea, then, do they represent? Attempts to i n t e r p r e t i t s meaning beyond the mere iden-t i f i c a t i o n of the myths represented has so f a r proved incon-clusive and unsatisfactory. S a x l , 1 ^ a f t e r s t a t i n g that the themes are taken from Ovid's Metamorphoses, describes these s t o r i e s as a "strange conglomeration of tales," seeing i n them a kind of "dance macabre, the 'Song of Songs' as i t were of l i f e and death." In discussing the Sala d i Ovidio i n the Palazzo del Te, Egon Verheyen turns his attention to the f r i e z e i n the Farnesina. Although h i s description i s more detailed than Saxl's, h i s main in t e r e s t i s i n the "Amori d i Giove," those three scenes which coneern the love of Jupiter for a mortal* Europa, Danae and Semele. He o f f e r s no explana-t i o n as to the possible meaning of the entire f r i e z e . Frommel 1^ i s the only scholar to attempt an o v e r a l l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the f r i e z e , although he does admit i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to judge whether t h i s seemingly a r b i t r a r y sequence of episodes can reveal a d e f i n i t e program. Nonethe-l e s s , he finds i t noticeable that on each of the four walls, J F . Saxl, "The V i l l a Farnesina," Lectures. Vol. 1, London, 1957i P. 193« Verheyen, "Correggio's Amori d i Giove," p. 181. "'"-'Frommel, Baldassare Peruzzi a l s Maler und Seichner. p. 62. 15 one subject seems to predominate: Hercules' superhuman labours; the rel a t i o n s h i p between Gods and man (love of Jupiter, Diana and Actaeon| r Apollo and Midas); the rudimentary element water; and f i n a l l y death (Marsyas, Meleager and Orpheus). He suggests that these four subjects may represent the four worldly t e r r i -t o r i e s , Earth, Olympic Gods, Sea Gods and Death Gods. Frommel's in t e r p r e t a t i o n would be rather more convincing i f the world t e r r i t o r i e s were neatly confined to each wall. Hercules' labours, however, continue f o r two scenes on the adjoining wall and, s i m i l a r l y , on the wall he would set aside f o r the Olympic Gods, Neptune and Amphitrite are shown. Very c l e a r l y then, a more intensive study of the f r i e z e must be made i f i t s meaning i s to be revealed. (Shapter II w i l l attempt to locate the most probable l i t e r a r y texts that served i n the composition of the f r i e z e , since only by reverting to the actual texts used i s i t possible to come to some d e f i n i t e conclusions as to the meaning invested i n each of the myths represented. 16 CHAPTER II INTERPRETATION OP THE FRIEZE 1. LABOURS OF HERCULES Among the numerous deeds of the Greek hero, Hercules, son of Jupiter and Alomena, wife of Amphitryon, the twelve he performed f o r King Eurystheus are generally accepted as const i t u t i n g the Labours of Hercules, 1 They are i n the order of performance* 1. The slaying of the Nemean Lion 2. The k i l l i n g of the Learnean Hydra 3. The k i l l i n g of the Erymanthian Boar 4. The catching of the Arcadian Stag 5. The destruction of the cannibal birds of Lake Stymphalis 6. The cleaning of the Augean Stables x0n the day that Hercules was to be born, Jupiter announced that a descendent of Perseus was about to be born who should hold sway over a l l the other descendents of that hero. Jupiter was obviously r e f e r r i n g to the b i r t h of Hercules who, through h i s mother Alomena, was a great-grandson of Perseus. Juno induced Jupiter to confirm t h i s with an oath, whereupon, as goddess of b i r t h , she withheld the b i r t h of Hercules and hastened the b i r t h of Eurystheus, grandson of Perseus. I t was by t h i s t r i c k that the mighty Hercules was made subject to the weakling Eurystheus, and again i t was at Juno's i n s t i g a t i o n that Eurystheus set Hercules twelve great labours. Cf. Ovid Metamorphoses, trans. F.J. M i l l e r , 2 Vols. (London* Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y ) , 1958, Book IX, 281 f f . 17 7. The capture of the Cretan B u l l 8. The capture of the horses of Diomedes 9. The seizure of the g i r d l e of Hippolyte 10. The capture of the Oxen of Geryon 11. The chaining of Cerberus 12. The theft of the Apples of Hesperides 2 A glance at Peruzzi's f r i e z e proves immediately that the episodes represented do not a l l belong to these 'canonical' twelve labours. Peruzzi's f r i e z e omits numbers 4, 6, 9 and 10 and includes: Hercules and the Centaurs, Hercules and Anteus, Hercules and Cacus and Hercules carrying the firmament. The f a c t , that the sequence of labours fliffers i n Peruzzi*s f r i e z e from the accepted twelve, would seem to indicate that the author of the f r i e z e r e l i e d on a s p e c i f i c l i t e r a r y text. I t has been suggested that t h i s l i t e r a r y text i s Ovid's Metamorphoses.This appears u n l i k e l y , however, since the deeds This series of twfelve labours could be found described i n i Hyginus Fabulaet Diodorus Siculus Bibliotheca: Appolodorus Mvthographi graeci. Cf. also F. Brommer, Herakles. Die Zwolf  Taten des Helden i n Antiker Kunst und L i t e r l t t u r . (Munster). 1953* The Dodecathlos i s not c l a s s i c a l but was composed by H e l l e n i s t i c writers out of the numerous adventures of Hercules, perhaps as Brommer suggests, imit a t i n g the twelve labours represented on the Temple of Zeus at Olympia. 3 •'Forster, Farnesina-Studien. p. 86 f f . , Frommel, Baldessare Peruzzi a l s Maler und Zeichner. p. 62. 18 enumerated by Ovid do not correspond with those i n the f r i e z e , Boccaccio, whose Genealogie deorum gentilium l i b r i ^ served as a mythological handbook u n t i l the middle of the sixteenth century, stated that although everyone knew that there were twelve labours of Hercules, he had found thirty-one d i f f e r e n t heroic actions.^ A s i m i l a r comparison of the deeds described i n Boccaccio with those of Peruzzi's f r i e z e again makes i t very u n l i k e l y that the Genealogie was used as a source. Coluccio S a l u t a t i s ' De laboribus H e r c u l i s ^ dated 1406, the most extensive treatment of the hero and h i s deeds since 8 antiquity, described and interpreted the same number of ^Ovid Metamorphoses. Book IX, v. 184-198, "Was i t f o r t h i s I slew B u s i r i s , who d e f i l e d his temples with strangers' blood? that I deprived the dread Antaeus of h i s mother's strength? that I did not fear the Spanish shepherd's t r i p l e form, nor thy t r i p l e form, 0 Cerberus? Was i t f o r t h i s , 0 hands, that you broke the strong b u l l ' s horns? that E l i s knows your t o i l , the waves of Stymphalus, the Parthenian go&ds? that by your prowess the g i r d l e wrogght of Thermodinian gold i n r e l i e f was secured, and that f r u i t guarded by the dragon's sleepless eyes? Was i t f o r t h i s that the centaurs could not p r e v a i l against me, nor the boar that wasted Aready? that i t did not a v a i l the hydra to grow by loss and gain redoubled strength? What, when I saw the Tbracian's horses f a t with human blood and those mangers f u l l of mangled corpses and, seeing threw them down and slew the master and the steeds themselves? By these arms the monster of Nemea l i e s crushed; upon t h i s neck I upheld the sky!" ^G. Boccaccio, Genealogie deorum gentilium l i b r i . ed. V. Romano, 2 Vols* (Bari), 1951• ^Boccaccio, Genealogie. Book XIII, p. 633. 'coluccio S a l u t a t i s , De laboribus Herculis . ed. B.L. Ullman, (Turin), 1951. Q G. Karl Galinsky. The Herakles Theme. (London* B a s i l Blackwell), 1972, p. 196. 19 labours as Boccacio and s i m i l a r l y , a comparison once again discounts the l i k e l i h o o d that t h i s woi?k served as the l i t e r a r y o text. The l i t e r a r y source that was most probably used by the author of the f r i e z e i s Boethius' De consolatione philosophiae. In t h i s work the twelve labours, which form part of a poem (Appendix I) i n Book IV, are described as follows* Hercules famous i s f o r h i s laborious t o i l , Who tamed the Centaurs and did take the the dreadful l i o n ' s s p o i l . He the Stymphalian birds with p i e r c i n g arrows strook, And from the watchful dragon's care the golden apples took. He i n a threefold chain the h e l l i s h porter l e d . And with t h e i r cruel master's f l e s h the savage horses fed. He did th' increasing heads of poisonous Hydra burn, And breaking Achelous' horns, did make him back return. He on the Libyan sands did proud Antaeus-; k i l l , And with the mighty Cacus' blood Euander's wrath f u l f i l . That world-up l i f t i n g back the boar's white foam did f l e c k . To hold on high the sphere of heaven with never bending neck.l° ^According to Hildegard Utz, "The Labours of Hercules and Other Works by Vincenzo de* Rossi," Art B u l l e t i n . Vol. 53, 1971, Vincenzo C a r t a r i "seems to be the f i r s t Renaissance writer who l i m i t e d h i s description to twelve Labors" i n his Le Imagini con  l a Sposizione de i dei de g l i a n t i c h i . (Venice), 1556, 1557. 1 0Boethius, De consolatione philosophiae. trans. H.F. Stewart and E.K. Rand, (London* Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y ) , 19 k6, Book IV, Poem 7, v,13-28. "Herculem duri celebrant laboress I l l e Centauros domuit superbos, A b s t u l i t saevo spolium l e o n i , F i x i t et c e r t i s volucres s a g i t t i s i Poma cernenti rapuit draconi, Aureo laeva gravior metallo* Cerberum t r a x i t t r i p l i c i catena* Vic t o r immitem,posuisse f e r t u r Pabulum saevis dominum quadrigis* Hydra combusto p e r i i t veneno* 20 A comparison with Peruzzi's f r i e z e shows that they correspond exactly both i n the deeds described and i n the order of per-formance, with one exception—the l a s t two labours i n Peruzzi's f r i e z e are reversed, Hercules carrying the firma-ment precedes the episode of Hercules and the boar, but perhaps t h i s reversal was suggested by the poem i t s e l f since the phrase "that world u p l i f t i n g back" i s used to introduce the episode of the boar, A second, and probably more v a l i d , reason may be that Peruzzi considered the image of Hercules re s t i n g , a f t e r having overcome the boar, a more appropriate v i s u a l termination f o r the labours, rather than Hercules s t i l l struggling under the weight of the globe. Further evidence that the Hercules part of the f r i e z e may have been inspired by the poem i n the Consolatio i s suggested by an i l l u s t r a t e d manuscript of t h i s work, executed f o r Louis II of Anjou, dated 1384-1417, 1 1 since a comparison Fronte turpatus Achelous amnis, Ora demersit pudibunda r i p i s j S t r a v i t Antaeum L i b y c i s arenis Cacus Evandri s a t i a v i t i r a s Quosque pressurus f o r e t altus orbis, Setiger spumis humeros notavitt Ultimus coelum labor i r r e f l e x o S u s t u i l i t c o l l o , pretium que rursus Ult i m i coelum mervit l a b o r i s , " 1 3-Paris B.N. Lat. I I 8 5 6 , f o l . 1 1 0 v , ° s : x i v e x # F i r s t published by Pierre Courcelle, La Consolation de Philosophie  dans l a T r a d i t i o n L i t t e r a i r e , (Paris» Etudes Augustiniennes), 1967, p. 1 9 0 , Plate Nos. 1 1 3 , 1 1 4 , 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 - 1 . This manuscript i s also c i t e d in» W. Bradly, A Dictionary of M i n i a t u r i s t s , . . , Vol. 1, (London), 1 8 9 9 , p, 4611 The a r t i s t i s an anonymous fourteenth century French illuminator, I have been unable to f i n d further references to t h i s worko 21 indicates that Peruzzi may have used i t as a guide f o r three of 12 h i s scenes * Hercules and the Stymphalian birds; Capture of the horses of Diomedes; and Hercules slaying Cacus (and, i n f a c t , t h i s comparison helps to confirm the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the l a t t e r scene as Hercules slaying Cacus and not Hercules slaying B u s i r i s as previously suggested). I t may seem odd that Peruzzi, i n h i s attempt to re-create the gods and heroes of antiquity, turned to a Medieval manuscript f o r a p i c t o r i a l source, but i t i s not so remarkable when i t i s noted that whereas Hercules and some of h i s deeds were frequently represented, e.g., Hercules and the Nemean Lion, Hercules and the Lernean Hydra, Hercules and the Eryman-thian Boar, the more obscure labours were not. 1-^ A r i c h p i c t o r i a l source f o r any Renaissance a r t i s t would have been Roman sarcophagi since Hercules as subject was It i s , of course, c r i t i c a l for my argument that Peruzzi a c t u a l l y saw t h i s manuscript. As I have been unable to obtain further information about i t , p a r t i c u l a r l y regarding i t s whereabouts at the beginning of the sixteenth century, I have ±o conclude that i t was either i n Naples, i t s place of o r i g i n or i n Rome, both places being accessible to the a r t i s t . In Chapter I I I , mention i s again made of t h i s manuscript with a further explanation as to how the a r t i s t may have had f i r s t -hand access to i t . "^In f a c t , i t i s quite probable that Peruzzi's f r i e z e i s the f i r s t major work since antiquity to depict a ser i e s of 12 labours. I have f a i l e d to f i n d a single p o s t - c l a s s i c a l p i c -t o r i a l example of the twelve labours, with the exception of the Paris manuscript of Boethius. Utz, "The Labours of Hercules and Other Works by Vincenzo de' Rossi," p. 357, states that Vincenzo de Rossi's Fountain of the Twelve Labours of Hercules "appears as the f i r s t program known i n the h i s t o r y of p o s t - c l a s s i c a l a r t to revive the representation of the Dodekathlos." 22 one most frequently depicted on these funerary monuments."1"^ The episode of the Stymphalian birds was included on antique sarcophagi and, as depicted for instance, on the Torlonia Hercules sarcophagus, 1^ the scene i s represented by Hercules shooting arrows at large birds the size of cranes which, according to Pausanias, c l o s e l y resemble i b i s e s . 1 ^ In some l i t e r a r y accounts of the myth, however, the Stymphalian birds were women, daughters of Stymphalus and Ornis, whom Hercules Jean Bayet, "Hercule Funeraire," Melanges d'archelogie  et d'Histoire. t . XXXIX, 1921, p. 227. There i s some evidence to suggest that f o r several of the labours represented, Peruzzi may have been influenced by antique sarcophagi. His int e r e s t i n sarcophagi i s attested to by his drawings of sarcophagi r e l i e f s . Cf.Frommel, Baldessare Peruzzi a l s Maler and Zeichner. e s p e c i a l l y Plates X l l l a , LXXla. For instance, the pose of Peruzzi's Hercules k i l l i n g the Lernean Hydra i s very close to the antique prototype seen, for instance, on the Hercules sarco-phagus i n the Torlonia C o l l e c t i o n , Rome*, Cf. S. Reinach, Repetoire de R e l i e f s Grecs et Romains. 3 vols., ( P a r i s ) , 1903, p. 3 k2, es p e c i a l l y 2 and 3» the end panels of the sarcophagus representing Hercules and the Centaurs. The head of Hercules shown with f u l l beard and i n p r o f i l e , the raised foreshortened arm, the head and arm placed close to the picture frame and the torso shown f r o n t a l l y i s exactly the same. There are also re-semblances between these two end panels and Peruzzi's own de-p i c t i o n of Hercules f i g h t i n g the Centaurs. Note, f o r instance, the f l e e i n g but backward-looking centaur i n the panel on the r i g h t , and the rearing centaur on the l e f t . Peruzzi may also have studied the c l a s s i c a l composition of Hercules strangling the Nemean Lion, but i n h i s f r i e z e he has modified i t by c o i l i n g the l e g of Hercules around the l i o n ' s body, ^ C f . S. Reinach, Repetorie de R e l i e f s Grecs et Romains, Vol. I I I . p. 3 k2. Pausanias, Description of Greece, v i i i , 22, 4-6. 23 k i l l e d because they refused him h o s p i t a l i t y . ' A r This version i s the one i l l u s t r a t e d i n the Paris manuscript of the Consolatio (Plate 2 0 ) , where birds are depicted with female heads, hovering above a table (symbolizing the h o s p i t a l i t y denied to Hercules) behind which appears a seated f i g u r e , probably Stymphalus. Hercules i s shown taking careful aim with h i s bow and arrow. Peruzzi's version does not follow the p i c -t o r i a l t r a d i t i o n of Roman sarcophagi but c l o s e l y resembles the Paris manuscript. Almost the same composition i s used i n Peruzzi's scene where Hercules i s also placed on the l e f t , aiming h i s bow at the b i r d - l i k e women who have alighted on the table, behind which s i t Stymphalus and Ornis. A second comparison may be made between Peruzzi's sixth labour, the mares of Diomedes and the same scene i l l u s t r a t e d i n the Paris manuscript (Plate 2 1 ) . Eurystheus ordered Hercules to capture the savage mares of the Thracian king, Diomedes, because Diomedes fed them on the f l e s h of unsus-pecting guests. After stunning Diomedes with h i s club, Hercules then set h i s body before the king's own horses, so that they would devour him. This labour does not appear to 1 8 have been included on antique Hercules sarcophagi, and, ^Pausanias, Description of Greece, v i i i , 22, 2 and 5. 1 8 I have been unable sentation of t h i s labour. have been unable to f i n d one single c l a s s i c a l repre-24 therefore, i t i s reasonable to assume that Peruzzi turned to t h i s manuscript as a guide f o r t h i s scene. Although Peruzzi has extended the episode to include Hercules carrying Diomedes, i n both representations there i s the g r i s l y scene of a horse plunging his teeth into a corpse stretched out on the ground. The tenth labour i l l u s t r a t e d i n Peruzzi's f r i e z e i s the hero's f i g h t with Cacus who, during Hercules' sleep, had stolen some of the cows that the hero had taken from Geryon. To deceive Hercules, Cacus pulled the animals backward into h i s cave, but the t r i c k was discovered and Cacus k i l l e d by Hercules. In Peruzzi's picture, one sees Hercules, club i n hand, towering over Cacus whose body emerges from the ground, x^ Comparing Peruzzi's scene with the Paris manuscript, (Plate 22), the elements are s i m i l a r . The hero stands on the l e f t , club i n hand, while the top half of Cacus' body emerges from the ground. Although i n the Paris manuscript, he has collapsed and l i e s i n a forward po s i t i o n , s t r i k i n g l y the same i n each case, i s the awkward posing of Hercules, In making these comparisons, i t should be stressed of course that s t y l i s t i c a l l y , Peruzzi obviously departs r a d i c a l l y *In V i r g i l ' s Aeneid. Book v i i i , 242, the cave i s described as subterranean, "But there the cave lay open— Cacus' proud palazzo—deep, dark tunnels," l i n e s 241-242. This would explain why Cacus' body i s depicted emerging from the ground. 2 5 from t h i s e s s e n t i a l l y Medieval prototype. However, when a l l the points are considered together, there remains a good p o s s i b i l i t y that the i l l u s t r a t e d Paris manuscript of the Consolatio assisted the a r t i s t i n the composition of the Hercules part of the f r i e z e , 2 . ORPHEUS In order to strengthen the argument that Boethius' Consolatio was one of the l i t e r a r y texts used by the author of the program, consideration must now be given to the myth that precedes the labours of Hercules i n the f r i e z e , the story of Orpheus. I t w i l l be remembered that Hercules' labours forms part of a poem i n Book IV of the Consolatio. In Book I I I , the l a s t poem recounts the story of Orpheus and Eurydice. The story of Orpheus, then, precedes that of Hercules i n the Con-s o l a t i o . as i t does i n the f r i e z e . 2 0 ° Peruzzi i l l u s t r a t e s the story of Orpheus i n three scenes: Orpheus enchanting the wild beasts with his music; The myth of Orpheus and Eurydice was known to the Middle Ages primarily from Ovid's Metamorphoses X, 1 - 1 1 1 , XI, 1-84, and from the subsequent Qv,?_de Mnraiigg, where the story was twisted and distorted to f i t C h r i s t i a n doctrine and i n s t r u c t i o n . Cf. John Block Friedman, Orpheus i n the Middle Ages. (Cam., Mass., Harvard University Press). 1 9 7 0 ; V i r g i l ' s Georgics. IV, 4 5 3 - 5 2 7 , and Boethius' Cons. Ph. Book I I I , Poem 1 2 , 1 - 5 8 . During the Quattrocento his legend was often the subject of poems, most notably Poliziano's pastoral poem "Fabula d'Orfeo." Cf. Angelo Poliziano, Rime, ed. Natalino Sapegno, (Rome: E d i z i o n i d e l l 'Ateneo), 1 9 6 7 , pp. I O 5 - I 3 0 . Orpheus was also represented on medallions, cassoni chests and engravings, examples too numerous to c i t e . Cf. Francoise Joukousky, Orphee  et ses d i s c i p l e s dans l a poe'sie francaise et Neo-Latine du XVI e  S i S c l e . (Geneva: L i b r a i r e Droz). 1 9 7 0 . P. 2 3 . 26 Eurydice being pulled back to the underworld by Pluto; and the death of Orpheus at the hands of the Maenads. Boethius* rather lengthy poem,(Appendix I I ) , follows t h i s sequence by f i r s t describing Orpheus playing h i s music« The Thracian poet, whose sweet song Performed h i s wife's sad obsequeies, And forced the woods to run along When he his mournful tunes did play, Whose powerful mu&ic so strong That i t could make the r i v e r s stay; The f e a r f u l hinds not daunted were, But with the l i o n s took t h e i r way. Nor did the hare behold with fear 2 , The dog whom these sweet notes appease. and, a f t e r describing how the power of his mournful music caused Plutoto give back his wifes Let us not then from him debar 2 2 His wife whom he with songs doth gain Boethius ends the poem with the l i n e s : """Boethius, Cons. Ph. Book I I I , Poem 12, 5-13* "Quondam funera coniugis Vates Threicius gemens Postquam f l e b i l i b u s modis Sila a s currere mobiles, Amnes stare coegerat, Iunxitque intrepidura latus Saeuis cerua leonibus, Nec uisum timuit lepus lam cantu placidum canemt" Boethius, Cons. Ph. Book I I I , "Donamus comitem uiro Egyptam carmine coniugem." Poem 12, 43-44 27 Orpheus, seeing on the verge of night Eurydice, doth lose and k i l l Her and himself with f o o l i s h love. But you t h i s feigned tale f u l f i l , Who think unto the day above To bring with speed your darksome mind. For i f , your eye conquered, you move Backward to Pluto l e f t behind, A l l the r i c h prey which thence you took. You lose while back to h e l l you look. 2 3 Boethius then describes two of the scenes i n Peruzzi's f r i e z e and although there i s no e x p l i c i t reference to the death of Orpheus by the Maenads, i t i s nevertheless implied i n the l i n e s i Eurydice, doth lose and k i l l Her and himself with f o o l i s h love. From the above discussion, of both the Hercules and Orpheus part of the f r i e z e , i t would seem very l i k e l y that the Consolatio served as the l i t e r a r y text. I f i t i s accepted that Boethius' Consolatio was used i n the formulation of the Orpheus and Hercules part of the f r i e z e , then i t would cer-t a i n l y make sense of the only two d e f i n i t e separation devices seen i n the f r i e z e , the Caesura placed at the beginning of -'Boethius, Cons. Ph. Book I I I , Poem 12, 49-58, "Heu, noctis prope terminos Orpheus Eurydicen suam V i d i t , p e r d i d i t , o c c i d i t . Vos haec fabula r e s p i c i t Quicumque i n superum diem Mentem ducere q u a e r i t i s . Nam qui Tartareum i n specus Victus lumina f l e x e r i t , Quidquid praecipuum t r a h i t Perdit, dum uidet inferos." 28 the Orpheus story, and the female herm placed a f t e r the labours of Hercules. These then can be read as parentheses, e f f e c -t i v e l y s e t t i n g o f f these two myths, drawn from one l i t e r a r y text. However, i t i s not enough simply to locate the most probable source, f o r the question remains* What was t h e i r intended meaning? To attempt to answer t h i s , consideration must be given i n greater depth to Boethius' De consolatione  philosophiae. Boethius' De Consolatione philosophiae The author's f u l l name i s Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius (c. 480-524), who l i v e d i n I t a l y during the time of the Gothic King Theodoric, whose Consul he became. The Conso-l a t i o was written i n 5^ 2 A.D., while Boethius was i n prison, awaiting the sentence of death, having been charged with conspiring against Theodoric and corresponding treasonably 24 with the Byzantine Emperor J u s t i n . I t s subsequent influence on Medieval thought and l i t e r a t u r e was great and i t became "one of the hundred best books--one of those books which no educated man l e f t unread," 2^ and among those c l e a r l y influenced 26 by i t s ideas was Dante, e s p e c i a l l y i n the Convivio. During 2 kH, R o l l i n Patch, The T r a d i t i o n of Boethius. a Study of  h i s Importance i n medieval Culture. (New Yorki University Press), 1935t P. 11. 2^E.K. Rand, Founders of the Middle Ages. (New York) 1928 r e p r i n t ed., n.d., p. 136. 2 6Dante A l i g h i e r i , II Convivio. ed. Maria Simonelli, (Bologna), 1966, 1 x 3 , IV x i i 4, 7. x i i i 13. 29 the Renaissance, the work continued to he of great inte r e s t and, a f t e r the f i r s t p r i n t i n g at Savigliano i n 1471, numerous 27 editions soon followed. The Consolatio was primarily educational and "to the i n t e l l e c t u a l i t raised i n t e r e s t i n g questions i n an informal and easy manner through i t s philosophical discussions." I t was composed as a series of philosophical dialogues between the narrator (Boethius) and h i s a l l e g o r i c a l i n s t r u c t o r (Dame Philosophy) i n which the narrator i s reconciled to his mis-fortune (his unjust imprisonment and impending execution) and i s shown the way to s p i r i t u a l enlightenment through a c l o s e l y reasoned argument dealing with ethics and metaphysics—the nature of prosperity and adversity, of good and e v i l , of human free w i l l and divine prescience. The work combines both prose and poetry to elucidate i t s points, c i t i n g examples of h i s t o r i c a l and mythological characters as i n the case of Orpheus and Hercules. The story of Orpheus and Eurydice comes at the very end of Book III and i l l u s t r a t e s the theme of Book III which, i n summary, i s as follows. At the beginning of Book I I I , Philosophy promises to teach the narrator true happiness but, because his sight 2?Patch, p. 26, Printings or editions appeared at Toulouse, Cologne, Louvain, Ghent, Lyons, Venice, Basel, Strassburg and elsewhere. 2 8 I b i d . , p. 5. 30 i s occupied and disturbed by imagination of earthly things, they must f i r s t reconsider worldly goods (the subject of Book II) as p o s i t i v e e v i l s . Philosophy i s able to demon-strate that worldly goods are "good" only insofar as they are the p a r t i a l r e f l e c t i o n s of the summum bonum, the ultimate p r i n c i p l e of good, which ought to be the object of man's s t r i v i n g . This goodness i s inherent i n God, and can be approached only through prayer. Since God i s benevolent and omnipotent, he i s incapable of e v i l and, therefore, evil;, i s non-existent. Philosophy closes the book with a song on the l u c i d source of good, i l l u s t r a t i n g her theme by an unusual 29 a p p l i c a t i o n of the story of Orpheus and Eurydice. 7 The l a s t l i n e s of the poem readi But you t h i s feigned t a l e f u l f i l , Who think unto the day above To bring with speed your darksome mind. For i f , your eye conquered, you move Backward to Pluto l e f t behind, A l l the r i c h prey which thence you took, You lose while back to h e l l you look. In other words, Boethius i s saying that t h i s fable applies to a l l who look to salvation, but those that turn t h e i r eyes to worldly things lose a l l the excellence they have gained. In t h i s context, the Orpheus myth i s used as an ad-monitory exemplum by Philosophy to show the d i s t i n c t i o n between 7E.K. Rand, "On the composition of Boethius' Consolatio Philosophiae," Harvard Studies i n C l a s s i c a l Philology. Vol. XV, 1904, p. 14. For a discussion of the more conventional meaning of Orpheus i n the Middle Ages and Renaissance, c f . Friedman, Orpheus i n the Middle Ages. 31 worldly and s p i r i t u a l desires. Taken i n the larger context of the work as a whole, Orpheus represents mind and Eurydice desire, the passionate part of man's soul. In turning h i s eyes back to Eurydice, Orpheus turns them away from heaven, which i n Boethius' neo-platonic view, i s the only proper object fo r mind. 30 The P l a t o n i s t , Guilliame of Conches, whose glosses on the Consolatio made a s i g n i f i c a n t contribution to Chartrian thought,-'1 outlines the moral significance of the Orpheus story. "He (Boethius) proves that as long as the attention i s occupied with temporal things one can neither know nor delight i n the highest good and t h i s i s revealed by the 32 story of Orpheus."^ The labours of Hercules, described at the end of Book IV, s i m i l a r l y sum up the thought contained i n that book. Book IV deals with the problem of how e v i l can exist i n the presence of a Personal Good which i s at once bene-volent and omnipotent. Philosophy argues that the good are always rewarded and the wicked always punished. She d i s -courses on Providence and Fate and shows that what may seem -'John Block Friedman, "Eurydice, Heurodis and the noon-day Demon," Speculum. V01. XLI, 1966, p. 23. ^Friedman, i b i d . . p. 23. In pointing the way to an e s s e n t i a l l y transcendant s o l u t i o n to the problems with which he deals, Boethius demonstrates the strong element of Neo-Platonism i n his thought. In f a c t , he became one of the leading transmitters of Neo-Platonism to the Middle Ages and was of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t to the P l a t o n i s t School of Chartres i n the twelfth century. Ibid., p. 23. 32 unjust confusion i n the a f f a i r s of men i s directed by Pro-vidence toward the Good, fo r God gives to each, good and bad a l i k e , exactly the medicine that h i s cure demands. Love rules a l l , and nothing can ex i s t unless i t return to t h i s love that gave i t being. Thus a l l fortune i s good, and the sage should be as eager f o r his t r i a l as the s o l d i e r i s f o r b a t t l e . Every Hercules has h i s labours, but i f he endures, heaven i s h i s reward.33 The labours of Hercules then are here given as an example of the highest virtue* You gallant men, pursue t h i s way of high renown. Why y i e l d you? Overcome the earth, and you the stars s h a l l crown.3^ Hercules i s held up as an example of the highest good, who achieves, by h i s t o i l , the reward of immortality. Before pursuing further the implications of Boethius' meaning as applied to the Orpheus and Hercules s t o r i e s i n Peruzzi's f r i e z e , consideration must f i r s t be given to the l i t e r a r y source that served as a basis f o r the next three myths that follow i n Peruzzi's f r i e z e , since a continuity of thought and theme appears to emerge and firmer conclusions regarding i n t e r p r e t a t i o n can, therefore, be reached. •"'-"'Rand, "On the composition of Boethius* Consolatio Philosophiae," p. 17. ^Boethius, Cons. Ph.. Book IV, Poem 7» 32-35. 33 3. EUROPA, DANAE AND SEMELE Immediately following the deeds of Hercules are the s t o r i e s of Europa, Danae and Semele. The story of Europa i s shown i n two scenesi i n the f i r s t , Mercury, Jupiter's assistant, i s dr i v i n g the herd of c a t t l e to the seashore; 35 then, Europa's abduction, watched by her two maidens. J J The story of Danae shown i n one scene i s next, and the a r t i s t portrays her l y i n g on a splendid bed, with Jupiter descending i n a shower of g o l d . ^ Then follows the story of Semele, i n •^Ovid.Metamorphoses. Book I I , 850-875. Peruzzi may have referred d i r e c t l y to Ovid's account of t h i s story for h i s i l l u s t r a t i o n since several d e t a i l s i n Ovid's description appear i n the picture; "Jupiter, adopting the guise of a b u l l and mingling with the other bullocks, joined i n the lowing and ambled i n the tender grass. His hide was white as untrodden snow, the muscles stood out on h i s neck and deep folds of the skin hung along h i s flanks," 850-854; and f o r Europa; "She trembles with fear and looks back at the receding shore, holding fa s t a horn with one hand and re s t i n g the other on the creature's back," 873-875. The two lamenting maidens are not included i n Ovid's description, but si m i l a r figures do appear i n 14th and 15th century representations, f o r instance, i n the Cassoni panel by Francesca d i Giorgio; c f . Schubring Cassoni* Truhen and Truhenbilder der i t a l i e n i s c h e n Fruh-renalssance. (Leipzig). 1923. Taf. CX No. 466. Peruzzi's two maidens correspond exactly with those i n Giorgione's l o s t painting of the Rape of Europa, known from the copy by Teniers. Cf. Art i n America. XXX, 1954, p. 217, f i g . 6, and i t i s possible both a r t i s t s drew on an unknown common source. ^The story i s referred to i n Ovid, Book I I I , 2 6 l f f . , but more detailed accounts are given i n Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 11, 2.4; Hyginus, Fabula. 63; Horace, Odes. I l l , 16. Panofsky says that Peruzzi's p i c t o r i a l source probably derives from the Medieval manuscript t r a d i t i o n which shows a recumbent Danae. Cf. E. Panofsky, "Der Gefesselte Eross zur Genealogie von Rembrandt's DanSCe, Pud Holland, v. 50, no. 5. 1933, p. 207, f i g . 15. A more r e a d i l y accessible image and one that he un-doubtedly knew was the woodcut of Danae (Plate 22jA) i n the Hypnerotomachia P o l i p h i l i . published by Aldus Manutius i n 1499. Cf. Francesco Colonna, Hypnerotomachia P o l i p h i l i . ed. G. Pozzi and L.A. Ciaponi, Vol. 1 (Padua* E d i t r i c e Antenore), 1964, p. 162. 34 two successive scenes, f i r s t with Juno i n disguise as an old lady addressing Semele, and then with Jupiter, who s t r i k e s Semele with h i s thunderbolt These three s t o r i e s were probably composed as a unit since a l l three are an elaboration of a single theme, Jupiter's love for a m o r t a l , ^ In discussing the f i f t e e n t h century t r a d i t i o n of representing the loves of Jupiter, Verheyen states that, apart from the Peruzziefrieze, there was no t r a d i t i o n of the Amori d i Giove as a cycle of paintings before Correggio's time, "although representations of amorous adventures were known si n g l y . Some of those which Ovid de-scribed i n d e t a i l were i l l u s t r a t e d i n manuscripts of Ovide  Moralise, and i n Ovid editions of the l a t e fourteenth and f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s . " ^ Verheyen has overlooked one l a t e f i f t e e n t h century text, where four loves of Jupiter, Europa, Leda, Dante, and Semele, are represented together as a s e r i e s . That text i s Francesco Colonna's Hypnerotomachia P o l i p h i l l i . -"'Ovid, Metamorphoses. Book I I I , 259-309. I have been unable to f i n d a p i c t o r i a l precedent £or the story of Semele, ^^This i s how Verheyen, "Corregio's Amori d i Giove," p. I83, reads thems "Only on the Farnesina f r i e z e are the Amori d i Giove seen as the theme of a succession of paintings containing several scenes." 3 9 I b i d . . p. I83. 35 kQ published by Aldus Manutius i n 1499• In the book, the author t e l l s i n a dream of the wanderings of the lover, P o l i p h i l u s , and at one stage i n the narrative, P o l i p h i l u s sees four Triumphal Chariots which are described at length and are i l l u s t r a t e d by woodcuts (Plates 23, 24, 25, 26), Seated on the f i r s t Tr^Sim^ which i s drawn by Centaurs, i s Europa on a b u l l . Upon the second Chaci&t,this time drawn by Elephants, i s Leda and the Swan. On the t h i r d , pulled by Unicorns, s i t s Danae into whose lap f a l l s a shower of gold. The fourth Chariot d i f f e r s from the other three i n that the myth of Semele i s alluded to by an Amphora which contains her 4 l ashes and i s accompanied by an i d e n t i f y i n g i n s c r i p t i o n . This fourth Chariot i s drawn by Tigers. For Colonna, these four Triumphs symbolize " g l i a f f e t t i et e f f e t t i d i amore vario" (the a f f e c t s and e f f e c t s of 40 Francesco Colonna, P o l i p h i l i Hypnerotomoachia. ubi humana  omnia non n i s i somnium esse ostendit. atque obiter plurima s c i t u  sane quam digna commemorat. Venice. 1499. For information concerning the author, c f . M.T. Casella and G. Pozzi, Francesco  Colonna. Biografia e opera. 2 Vols. (Padua), 1959* 41 / \ "Una venerabile matrona praegnante (Semele) a l i a quale e l summo Jupiter divinamente (quale cum l a dea lunone sole) cum t o n i t r i et fulmini l i appareva, i n tanto che accensa se cremaua i n cinere et del combusto uno nobilissimo et divo i n tantulo extrahevano." Ed. G. Pozzi and L.A. Ciapponi, Vol. 1, p. 164. 42 G. Pozzi and L.A. Ciapponi, HFPnerotomachia, Vol. 11, P. 137. 36 various loves). This i s a rather vague explanation'*-' and, i n order to understand more c l e a r l y the significance of Colonna's statement, the source of his i n s p i r a t i o n , the T r i o n f i of LL Petrarch must now be considered. Of a l l of Petrarch's poems, the T r i o n f i appeared to be h i s most popular and i n f l u e n t i a l work during the f i f t e e n t h century. J In the T r i o n f i , Petrarch describes six Triumphs, of Love, Chastity, Death, Fame, Time and E t e r n i t y . Although Petrarch introduced the triumphal chariot drawn by beasts only i n the f i r s t Triumph, Love, the many i l l u s t r a t o r s of the poem conceived each of the six triumphs as a cortege with a central figure seated on a chariot drawn by 43 •^G.olonna's whole book revels i n obscurity and enigma, and the language i t s e l f i s a mixture of Greek, L a t i n and I t a l i a n , since i t was his declared intention to v e i l his meanings i n order to s h i e l d from the vulgar the r e a l meaning of his work. This i s made clear by Colonna's patron and f r i e n d , Leonardo Grassi, who wrote the preface to the 1499 e d i t i o n and who declared that the theme of the book was ancient wisdom "the hidden things of nature drawn from the innermost sanctuary of philosophy and the fonts of the Muses, and not f o r vulgar understanding," Ss M i t c h e l l , Archaeology and Romance i n Renaissance Ita l y , " i n I t a l i a n Renaissance Studies - A Tribute to the late C e c i l i a M. Ady. ed. E.F. Jacob. (London). I960, p. 467, LL This connection i s pointed out by Pozzi and Ciapponi, Vol. 11, p. 137. L< -Xord Morley'sTryumphes of Fraunces Petrarcke. edited by D.D, C a r n i c e l l i , (Cam..Mass., Harvard University Press), 1971, p. 28. For example of the 25 editions of the I t a l i a n poems printed between 1470 and 1500, nine were sepaii^te'-'SQ.S^'tidas of the T r i o n f i . 37 46 a beast. This p i c t o r i a l t r a d i t i o n , which became c r y s t a l l i z e d as early as the late fourteenth century and remained substan-47 t i a l l y unchanged£for two hundred years, served as Colonna's source i n h i s textural description of the Triumphs, (and also acted as a guide for the anonymous a r t i s t who i l l u s t r a t e d the Hypnerotomachia)• While Colonna seems to depart from the conventional p i c t o r i a l t r a d i t i o n by introducing a mythological figure instead of a p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n , a c o r r e l a t i o n with Petrarch's T r i o n f i can e a s i l y be made by considering the beasts that draw each Triumph. Colonna's Triumph,representing Europa, i s drawn by Centaurs and these correspond to the horses of Petrarch's Triumph of Love. Colonna's Triumph of Danae, drawn by Unicorns, corresponds to the p i c t o r i a l t r a d i t i o n of Petrarch's Triumph of Chastity drawn by Unicorns. Only i n the l a s t Triumph does Colonna depart from the p i c t o r i a l t r a d i t i o n f o r Petrarch's T r i o n f i . which represents the Triumph of Death by a chariot drawn by B u l l s . Colonna's fourth chariot i s drawn by Tigers and thereby he makes a d i r e c t reference to Dionysus, born of 48 the union of Semele and Jup i t e r . 46 The T r i o n f i inspired a great many a r t i s t s during the Renaissance; among the most prominent are Mantegna, S i g n o r e l l i and T i t i a n , and an enormous number of paintings, frescoes, minia-tures, tapestries and medals based wholly or i n part on the T r i o n f i were produced. Cf. Victor Massena d'Essling's and Eugene Muntz's Petrarque. ses e'tudes d'art, son influence sur l e s  a r t i s t e s , ses p o r t r a i t s , et ceux de Laure, (Paris: Gazette des Beaux-arts), 1902. 47carnicelli, p. 38. ^^These correspondences have been pointed out by Pozzi and Ciapponi, Vol. 11, p. 137. 38 The meaning of Petrarch's T r i o n f i was made quite ex-p l i c i t i n the f i r s t annotated editions of the T r i o n f i which appeared to be of even greater i n t e r e s t than the f i r s t editions of the poem.**9 A l l of these annotated editions interpreted the work of an allegory of the progress of the human soul. The most i n f l u e n t i a l of these early annotated editions was the one which appeared i n l k 7 5 and carr i e d the commentaries of a Bernardo da Pietro Lapini da Montalcino. Bernardo's commentary, which appeared i n subsequent editions of the T r i o n f i . i s a massive a f f a i r , amounting to some f i f t e e n or twenty words of exegesis for every word of text. I t i s important because i t became the model for v i r t u a l l y a l l the Renaissance commen-t a r i e s on the T r i o n f i . and a l l echo i n one form or another the elaborate a l l e g o r i c a l interpretations f i r s t set fo r t h i n Bernardo's commentary•^G From the outset, Bernardo reads the T r i o n f i as an allegory of the growth and progress of the soul, and states that the purpose of the poem i s to lead men to the virtuous l i f e . He explains that Petrarch divided i t into six parts to represent the s i x consecutive states of the soul. Bernardo interprets Petrarch's Triumphs as follows* The f i r s t Triumph (of Love) shows the soul dominated by the sensual appetite; the second (of Chastity) dramatizes the triumph of C a r n i c e l l i , p. 28. Ibid.. pp. 28-29. 39 reason over sensuality; the t h i r d (of Death) analyzes the process by which the body and the soul are separated; the fourth (of Fame) i s concerned with man's remembrance of the soul after the death of the body. 51 In Colonna*s Hypnerotomachia. only the f i r s t four Triumphs (however, not i n Petrarch's sequence) are described and i l l u s t r a t e d , but h i s intended meaning can now be under-stood with the help of Bernardo's commentary. As we have seen, Colonna's Triumph, representing Europa, corresponds to Petrarch's Triumph of Love. Europa then symbolizes the soul dominated by sensual appetite. Leda i n the Hypnerotomachia corresponds to Fame, and Fame i s concerned with man's remem-brance of the soul a f t e r the death of the body. Colonna's Danae corresponds to Chastity and, therefore, dramatizes the triumph of reason over sensuality. Lastly, Colonna's Triumph of Semele, corresponding to Petrarch's Death, i s interpreted as the process by which the body and soul are separated. It w i l l be noted that i n Peruzzi's f r i e z e , Europa, Danae and Semele appear as the f i r s t three i n Petrarch's T r i o n f i . namely: Europa (Love), DanSe (Chastity) and Semele (Death). Colonna i n the Hypnerotomachia in s e r t s Leda (Fame) between Europa and Dana'e. Therefore, i t i s more l i k e l y to assume that although the author of Peruzzi's f r i e a e looked Ibid.. p. 31. 40 to the Hypnerotomachia f o r h i s v i s u a l m o d e l , h e r e a l l y was working with the sequence of ideas contained i n Bernardo's commentary. Thus, by taking the f i r s t three i n Bernardo's commentary, the meaning of the myths i n the f r i e z e can be interpreted as an allegory of the three jejonsecutive states of the human soul. F i r s t l y , the soul dominated by sensual appetite (Europa), the triumph of reason over sensuality (Danae) and l a s t l y , the process by which the body and souM are separated (Semele). Had the author of the f r i e z e followed Colonna*s example, *hen t h i s conceptual development would have been broken, since Leda which i n the Hypnerotomachia comes between Europa and Danae, symbolizing Fame, concerns the re-membrance of the soul a f t e r the death of the body. CO J Although Colonna departs from the Petrarchian p i c t o r i a l t r a d i t i o n by choosing mythological figures to symbolize the progress of the soul, the myths chosen are e n t i r e l y appropriate. Europa, a l l e g o r i z e d i n the Ovide Moralise*, symbolizes the human souLil and Jupiter, symbolized by the b u l l , i s Christ who has descended to^earth out of love for the human soul. Cf. Waley's Ovid Moralise. F o l . 33. Danae i n the Middle Ages i s viewed as a prefi g u r a t i o n of Mary, who conceived by Divine intervention and thereby became a symbol of Chastity i n Defensorium i n  violatae V i r g i n i s Mariae. by Frantz von Retz. Cf. E. Panofsky, "Der Gefesselte Eros: zur Genealogie von Rembrandt's Danae," p. 205. The unicorn i s also a symbol of chastity, c f . G. de Tervarent, Attributes et Symbols dans 1 'art Profane. 1450-1500. (Geneve: L i b r a i r e Droz), 1958, Vol. 1, p. 84. According to ancient authors: Pindar Odes i i 27; P h i l o s t r . Imag. 1. 114; Nonnus Dionysiaca. v i i i , 409 f f . , Semele struck by l i g h t n i n g i s immediately raised to heaven since l i g h t n i n g makes the v i c t i m holy and raises him or her to everlasting l i f e . Cf. E. Rhode, Psyche. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul L t d . ) , 1950, p. 5BI. 41 In summation, i t would appear that these three myths, representing i n a l l e g o r i c a l form the progress of the human soul, can be linked thematically to the Orpheus and Hercules part of the f r i e z e . In the discussion of the Orpheus and Hercules myths i n Boethius* Consolatio. Orpheus became an allegory of the human soul which was dominated by things of t h i s world, the sensual appetite. Hercules through his labours, each labour therefore representing the progress of the soul, i s rewarded with the g i f t of immortality. This same process i n three stages i s symbolized once again i n the Europa, Dan'ae and Semele s t o r i e s . Insofar as the Orpheus to Semele part of the f r i e z e i s concerned, therefore, a d e f i n i t e theme appears to emerge, that of representing an allegory of the human soul. I t i s one of the ideas of Neo-Platonism that the soul, having f a l l e n from heaven into the prison of matter (body), undergoes various t r i a l s and ordeals u n t i l , having overcome the e v i l s of t h i s world, the soul i s p u r i f i e d and can, through death, return to i t s divine o r i g i n . ^ Boethius' Consolatio becomes, therefore, an appropriate text f o r the Orpheus and Hercules part of the f r i e z e , since the work expresses t h i s Neo-Platonic doctrine ^ C f . Courcelle, " T r a d i t i o n Platohicienne et Traditions Chre'tiennes du Corps-Prison" i n Revue__des Studes Latins, t . XLIII, 1965, PP. 406-443; R.J. O'Connell, S.J., "The Plo-t i n i a n F a l l of the Soul i n St. Augustine" i n T r a d i t i o , Vol. XIX, 1963. PP. 1-35. 42 of the F a l l of the Soul as i t s central theme.^ Since t h i s thesis proposes that the entire f r i e z e expresses t h i s Neo-Platonic doctrine of the Soul, a more detailed analysis of i t must be made before proceeding further. k. THE NEO-PLATONIC DOCTRINE OF THE FALL OF THE SOUL The doctrine of the F a l l of the Soul was f i r s t set forth i n Plato's dialogue, the Timaeus. Both i n Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, t h i s Dialogue held a central place i n the t r a d i t i o n of Neo-Platonism.-^ Although most of Plato's works were not reintroduced into the West u n t i l the middle of the f i f t e e n t h century, under the patronage of the Medici, the Timaeus was known during the Middle Ages by the commentary of Ca l c i d i u s . - ^ At the end of the f i f t e e n t h century, i n l k 9 4 , Ma r s i l i o F i c i n o completed h i s commentary and t r a n s l a t i o n on -)S'P. Courcelle, La Consolation de Philosophie dans l a  Tr a d i t i o n L i t t e r a r i e . p. 191. Boethius' own l i t e r a l imprison-ment i n the Consolatio becomes a metaphor of the soul's impri-sonment i n the body. The figure of Philosophy, therefore, becomes a divine embodiment of splendor, whose presence "can d i s p e l the dark night of despair and by r e f l e c t i n g the l i g h t of truth can bring her students to the dawn of recognition, the remembrance of the sun of divine truth," The Consolation  of Philosophy, trans. Richard Green, (New Yorki Bobbs-Merrill Co.), 1962, p. x x i i i . ^-\j.C.M. Van Winde, Calcidius on Matter, his Doctrine and  Sources. (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l ) , 1959» P. 1. Ibid.. p. 2 43 «57 the Greek text of the Timaeus.-"' That i t was considered i n the Renaissance to be one of Plato's most important works, i s attested to by Raphael's School of Athens, which represents Plato with the Timaeus i n his hands. The central subject treated i n the Timaeus i s the o r i g i n of things, and the Dialogue has, therefore, been c a l l e d "Plato's book of Genesis."-'® The o r i g i n of the soul, according to the Timaeus-'9 and the commentary by C a l c i d i u s , ^ 0 runs as follows. The demiurge, a f t e r having created the c e l e s t i a l sphere, next fashioned with his own hands the immortal, i n d i v i d u a l souls, composed of what was l e f t of the o r i g i n a l ingredients used to compound the World Soul. These i n d i v i d u a l souls he d i s t r i b u t e d between the stars, one soul to each s t a r . The souls, each one attached to i t s star, f i r s t are charioteered around the outside of heaven i n contemplation of the divine order, before being scattered and sown i n Earth and the planets. The demiurge then charges the immortal gods to fashion the mortal parts of the souls and the bodies the souls were to inhabit, and to preside over t h e i r destiny: And he who should l i v e well his due span of time should journey back to the habitation of 5?P.Q. K r i s t e l l e r , The Philosophy of M a r s i l i o F i c i n o . trans. V. Conant, (Gloucester, Mass., Peter Smith), 1964, p. 314. 5 8Van Winden, p. 1. ^9F.M. Conford, Plato's Cosmology. The Timaeus of Plato. (London: Kegan, Paul, French, Trubner and Co., Ltd.), 1937» p. 142 f f . ^°Paule Demats, Fabula. T r o i s E*tudes de Mythographie Antique  et j e dievale. (Geneva: L i b r a i r i e Droz), 1973. p. 138. 44 his consort star and there l i v e a happy and congenial l i f e ! but f a i l i n g t h i s , he should s h i f t at h i s second b i r t h into a woman; and i f i n t h i s condition he s t i l l did not cease from wickedness, then according to the character of h i s depravation, he should constantly be changed into some beast of a nature resembling the formation of that character"! and should have no r e s t from the t r a v a i l of these changes, u n t i l l e t t i n g the revolution of the same and uniform within himself drawn into i t s t r a i n a l l that turmoil of f i r e and water and a i r and earth that had l a t e r grown about i t , he should control i t s i r r a t i o n a l turbulence by discourse of reason and return once more to the form of his f i r s t and best condition.62 The soul's sojourn on earth, then, i s considered i n terms of an ordeal» those souls that emerge from t h i s t r i a l v i c t o r i o u s , (as did Hercules), are rewarded and go to t h e i r stars a f t e r death; while the wicked are reincarnated u n t i l , p u r i f i e d by t h e i r expiation, they f i n d t h e i r true abode and t h e i r f i r s t d i g n i t y . This same Platonic cosmology was b r i l l i a n t l y summarized by Boethius i n the Consolatio i n his cosmic prayer, "0 Qui This e s s e n t i a l l y Pythagorean idea of transmigration, that the human soul be transformed into that of an animal, was rejected by l a t e r Neo-Platonists who denied that animals have souls at a l l i n the s t r i c t sense of the term. Cf. Proclus, Platonic Theology. I l l , 128, and De Malorum Subsistentia. 25, 223-4. They, therefore, interpreted Plato's references to animal transmigration either as meaning merely that the e v i l man acquires a beast-like character, or at most, as allowing that h i s soul while remaining human, may become temporarily associated with an animal body. Cf. S a l l u s t i u s , De P i s et Mundo. XX, 1; Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum. I l l , 294 22 f f . , and, because the ideaeiSf Metempsychosis was incompatible with C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s of punish-ment i n h e l l , the passage was laundered i n the commentary by C a l c i d i u s . Demats, p. 145. Plato Timaeus. 42 B, C, D, trans. F.M. Cornford, p. 144. 45 perpetua"^ (Appendix I I I ) , and i t was lar g e l y f o r t h i s reason that the Consolatio was one of the texts most frequently glossed throughout the Medieval period, e s p e c i a l l y i n the Neo-Platonist, 64 Augustinian c i r c l e s at Chartres i n the twelfth century. Guilliame of Conches, whose commentary on the Consolatio has already been mentioned,^ laboured f o r much of his career over 66 a f u l l - l e n g t h commentary on the Timaeus i t s e l f . And Chartres becomes espe c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n the following attempt to interpret the next two myths of the f r i e z e , Actaeon and Midas, i n the sense proposed here (that of the Neo-Platonic doctrine of the Soul) because i t was most probably at Chartres, during the twelfth century, that a "Platonized" i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the stories of Actaeon and Midas f i r s t appeared within the context of a Platonic explication of Ovid's Metamorphoses.^ °3Boethius, Cons.Ph. Book I I I , Poem 9, l i n e s 1-28 64 Winthrop Wetherbee, Platonism and Poetry i n the Twelfth  Century. (Princeton), 1972, p. 30. ^ S e e page 31. 66 Wetherbee, p. 30. ^ I t was also during the twelfth century that the Metamor-phoses became Ch r i s t i a n i z e d . Even Ovid himself began to function as Ovidius Ethicus or Theologus. Cf. R. S c h e v i l l , Ovid and the  Renaissance i n Spain. (Berkeley), 1913, P. 6. For instance, a Christianized version of various mythological figures i s as follows: "The Argus eyes that Juno scatters over the t a i l of the peacock are the vanities of t h i s world; the peacock i s the vain-glorious mortal who flaunts them; Diana i s the T r i n i t y ; Actaeon, Jesus C h r i s t . Phaethon represents L u c i f e r and h i s revolt against God. Ceres looking for Proserpina i s the Church seeking to re-cover the souls of the f a i t h f u l who have strayed from the f o l d . " Jean Seznec, The Survival of the Pagan Gods. (New York: Bollingen Se r i e s ) , 1953. P. 93. 46 5. A PLATONIZED EXPOSITION OF OVID'S METAMORPHOSES AT CHARTRES Plato's Timaeus held a place of special importance i n P l a t o n i s t c i r c l e s , and t h i s was abundantly true at Chartres i n the twelfth century. "The greatest of the auctores was Plato, whose Timaeus was revered as the 'flower of a l l philosophy'." I t i s impossible to exaggerate the importance 68 of the Timean cosmos as a model of Chartrian thought. The Chartrian Platonic c i r c l e , nourished by the Timaean cosmology and the Consolatio of Boethius, found i n Ovid's Metamorphoses an echo of the themes contained i n the Timaeus and the Consolatio concerning: the World Soul: the d i v i n i t y of the 69 sky and the stars; and the o r i g i n of the soul. 7 Not only did the f i r s t book of the Metamorphoses, verses 1-88, concord very c l o s e l y with the Timaeus, but also, i n the L a t i n transla-t i o n of the Timaeus and i n the commentary by Cal c i d i u s , the 'demiurge' of Plato i s rendered 'Opifex' and 'fabricator', 70 the very same terms used by Ovid.' Evidence to support the "Platonized' exposition of the myths i n the Metamorphoses comes f i r s t l y from a very curious, anonymous poem of the twelfth century. In i t , the poet meditates on the lesson of the Metamorphoses: 68 Wetherbee, p. 29. 69 7Demats, p. 136. 70 Ibid.. p. 139. For example i n the Timaeus: Opifex Tim, p. 21, 1.16; p. 16, 1,5; p. 20, 1,22; p. 35, 1.10; opifex et  f a b r i c a t o r . Cf. Met. 1 57 f a b r i c a t o r . 1 79 opifex. 47 I wonder why the poet about to t e l l of so many monstrous and shameful things wished f i r s t to r e l a t e the beginnings of heaven and earth. Like Plato he gives a cosmology and then explains the things that were changed, the varied species, the flaw i n what i s mutable, the unholy lewdness of the gods. Why does he do t h i s ? He wants to show us how much Natura, once g u i l t l e s s l y pure, has been dragged down, seduced and d e f i l e d . When we contem-plate heaven, when we philosophize about the planet's courses, (believing) that the dwelling of souls i s i n the stars, that they must proceed from there into whatever i s born, submitting to t h e i r destiny, descending into a body and inhabitating i t , when we discuss how blessed sould seek t h e i r f i r s t r e s t i n g -place again, or else, departing death, atone f o r t h e i r deeds i n the just suffering of flames, by which you become pure again, destined to enjoy heaven forever—when we expound such things about virtue and true salvation, i n s p i r i t we are f l y i n g to the stars. Thus do we (truly) seek heaven./I For the poet, the Metamorphoses i s an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the Platonic doctrine of the F a l l and Return of the Soul, and furthermore, the poet draws a d i r e c t p a r a l l e l between Plato's cosmology and the Metamorphoses. Following the suggestion of Demats,? 2 the text would seem to support the idea that during the twelfth century, the 'metamorphoses' (of a mortal, for instance Actaeon into a stag) was explained i n terms of the Neo-Platonic idea of the F a l l of the Soul. ? P. Dronke, Medieval L a t i n and the Rise of European Love  L y r i c , Vol. I I , 2nd ed. (Oxfordi Clarendon Press), 1968, pp. 460-461. Manuscript Munchen, Clm. 19488, pp. 128-30. *"2Demats, p. 139, "mais i l (the poem) prouve apparement qu ' i l ^ e x i s t e au X I I e sie'cle une explication de l a mutatio par l'idee platonicienne et n£o-platonicienne de l a chute de l'ame." 48 A second work,which gives added weight to Demats' assumption, i s i n the introduction (accessus) to the twelfth century commentary on the Metamorphoses by Arnulf of Orleans, i n which he says that Ovid has attempted "so to describe muta-b i l i t y that we may understand by i t not simply those changes which take place around us, a l t e r i n g material things f o r good or i l l , but those also which take place inwardly, i n the soul." 7-' The fable, he t e l l s us, presents the metamorphosis of form as a metaphor of the moral vicisstudes of the soul and, therefore, by metamorphosis of the body, the poet makes i t clearer f o r us to understand the changes that occur i n the soul.7**' Although the accessus of A r n u l f s commentary on the Metamorphoses indicates undeniable traces of P l a t o n i s m , w e are l e f t to imagine what hi s commentary on the f i r s t verses of the Metamorphoses was l i k e , since to date, the glosses for verses 12-198 of the f i r s t Book have not yet been found. "^Allegoriae super O v i d j i Metamorphosin. c. 1175, Cf. Wetherbee, p. 11. 74 ' Demats, p. 148 "La fable (fabulosa narratio) presente ces v i c i s s i t u d e s morales comme des changements de forma, mais les metamorphoses des corps ont pour objet de nous e*clairer sur l e s changements qui se font dan l e s ames;" '•^ The editor of the commentary bf Arnulf of Orleans on Lucan's Phaesalia has connected him to the current of Neo-Platonic thought issuing i n the 12th century from the study of Calcidius and Boethius, and i t appears that i n the l a s t quarter of the century the School of Orleans inherited the Platonism of Chartres. Cf. SRNULFI AURELIANENSIS Glosule super Lucanum e d i d i t Berthe M. Marti, Papers and Monographs of the American Academy. 49 These glosses, as Demats maintains, may well have contained a Platonic exposition on the Ovidian cosmology, and as with the anonymous twelfth century poem mentioned above, would tend to support the thesis that Ovid's Metamorphoses was conceived of i n the twelfth century as an allegory of the F a l l of the S o u l . 7 6 Perhaps i t was just such a Neo-Platonic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Ovid's Metamorphoses that the author of the f r i e z e had i n mind for the myths of Actaeon and Midas. In Chapter I I I , speculation as to who t h i s author may have been i s given, and there i t w i l l be shown that t h i s humanist scholar was f u l l y conversant with the ideas of the P l a t o n i s t , Augustinian c i r c l e at Chartres. 6. ACTAEON AND MIDAS The myths of Actaeon and Midas appear to fourn a con-ceptual l i n k i n the f r i e z e as both protagonists undergo meta-morphosis. The story of Actaeon i s t o l d at length i n O v i d . 7 7 Actaeon, who happened to see Diana and her nymphs bathing i n a stream, stayed to watch, but f e a r f u l that he should a f t e r -wards boast to his companions that he had seen her naked, the Demats, p. 143. Ovid Metamorphoses. Book I I I , 138 f f . 50 outraged goddess sprinkled his head with water. Thereupon, Actaeon was transformed into a stag, and torn to pieces by 78 his own hounds.' Arnulf of Orleans, i n h i s accessus to his Allegoriae  super O v i d i i Metamorphosin. c i t e s the story of Actaeon as , one of the very few myths where a moral similitude cou<Id be a p p l i e d . A c c o r d i n g to Arnulf's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Actaeon myth, therefore, the cruel punishment i n f l i c t e d on Actaeon i s an allegory of the transformation that the soul undergoes which i s dominated by e v i l intentions. Turning now to Peruzzi's f r i e z e , the story of Actaeon becomes a grim reminder of the torment of the soul when i t loses sight of i t s proper goal. The next myth i l l u s t r a t e d on Peruzzi's f r i e z e i s Midas. As has been pointed out e a r l i e r (Chapter I, page 11, f.n. 12), the two s t o r i e s concerning Midas (the Golden Touch and the ( During the 1 5 t h century, t h i s story was frequently represented on marriage cassoni (as perhaps an a l l u s i o n to c h a s t i t y ) . Peruzzi's i l l u s t r a t i o n , showing Diana and two nymphs i n a marble fountain with Actaeon on the l e f t being transformed into a stag, was no doubt inspired by t h i s cassoni t r a d i t i o n . Cf. Schubring, Taf. XXXIV, no. 169 e s p e c i a l l y . Neither the cassoni nor other 1 5 t h century i l l u s t r a t i o n s of t h i s story show the two huntsmen. This motif may have been suggested by the depiction on an Etruscan Funerary Urn, tsf.. S. Reinach, Vol. I l l , ppge 25,5, which shows Actaeon being beaten by h i s two fellow huntsmen, while ferocious dogs tear at h i s f l e s h . "^Demats, p. 148 " I I y trouve non seulement une theorie de l a mutatio concue comme "s i m i l i t u d e morale," ce qui va l u i permettre d'interpreter allegoriquement n'importe quelle meta-morphose, mais aussi des exemples dont deux semblent ch o i s i s tout exprds pour £lucider l a transformation de Lycaeon en loup, de Midas en 'ane, et dont un autre, c e l u i de 1'homme-cerf... alle'gorie d'Action." 51 Musical Contest) run counterclockwise to the rest of the f r i e z e . The scene that follows immediately upon the Actaeon story i s also a metamorphosis, Midas ears are changed into those of an ass. Then follows the musical contest between Apollo and Pan where Midas dissents from the verdict given by the judge, 80 Tmolus. Midas i s again one of the very few examples Arnulf 81 of Orleans c i t e s i n h i s accessus, where an a l l e g o r i c a l trans-formation of the soul can be understood by the metamorphosis of Midas' ears into those of an ass. The second story of Midas i n Peruzzi's f r i e z e , Midas and the Golden Touch, i s t o l d i n two episodes. In the f i r s t , Midas kneels before Bacchus begging to be released from the golden touch, while Bacchus points to the r i v e r , Patroclus, which i s shown i n the next scene. Here Midas stands i n the Op r i v e r , washing himself, stripped of his robe and crown. This Midas myth does not, of course, concern a metamorphosis. However, i t s message i s e x p l i c i t , since i t shows the f o l l y of those who seek only material riches, and, within the larger context of the f r i e z e , it,echoes the meaning of the Orpheus story. The f i f t e e n t h century Neo-Platonist scholar, Maksilio F i c i n o , makes s p e c i f i c mention of Midas i n his Theologica  Platonica, published i n 1491. He describes Midas as an 8 0 0 v i d , Metamorphoses. Book XI, 146 f f . 8 l R e f e r to f.n. 79. 8 2 0 v i d , Metamorphoses. Book XI, 100 f f . 52 example of "impudent men, who seek to enjoy m a t e r i a l goods but i n the extreme. They are envious of the l i f e they imagine the gods to possess, and i n t h i s sense seek to be gods They do not serve the body but damage i t , and unaware of b o d i l y t r o u b l e s , they do not obey the body, but envious of d i v i n e happiness, they s t r i v e t o take over f o r themselves t h i s immense supply of goods and p l e a s u r e s . And meanwhile they l o s e t h e i r b odies, a f f l i c t t h e i r s o u l s and d i s t u r b t h e i r l i v e s . " ^ L i k e Boethius, F i c i n o s t a t e s t h a t God alone i s the sum o f p l e a s u r e and i s the source o f a l l goods, and t h a t the human s o u l should f i n d i t s g o a l of i m m o r t a l i t y and d i v i n i t y because (by i t s d i v i n e nature) i t seeks an end which i s good, pure, whole 84 and s t a b l e . 7. NEPTUNE, AMPHITRITE AND THE LONG NARROW WALL SHOWING A SEA THIASOI The next and l a s t scene on the w a l l opposite the windows shows Neptune ( i d e n t i f i e d by h i s t r i d e n t ) s t a n d i n g i n a c h a r i o t , next to whom s i t s A m p h i t r i t e , h o l d i n g a c h i l d . The c h a r i o t i s drawn by two hippocampi, upon whose backs s i t two t r i t o n s . T h i s marine scene i n t r o d u c e s the l o n g , continuous f r i e z e on the narrow w a l l ( d i r e c t l y o p p o s i t e to the l a b o u r s of H e r c u l e s ) , % a r s i l i o F i c i n o , T h e o l . Prohemium. 1, pp. 35-6, c i t e d i n s C h a r l e s T r i n k a u s , In Our Image and L i k e n e s s , V o l . 2 (London: C o n s t a b l e ) , 1970, p. 492 f f . 8 2 * I b i d . . p. 493. 53 and shows various standing and seated figures, marine d e i t i e s , monsters, cupids and sea-creatures. Attempts to f i n d a l i t e r a r y text to explain t h i s part of the f r i e z e so f a r appear to have been unsuccessful. I t has been noticed that part of t h i s f r i e z e may have been suggested by Mantegna's engraving, c. 1485-88, depicting the Battle of the Sea Gods, attention being p a r t i c u l a r l y focused on the old hag with the sagging breasts, which appears i n Peruzzi's f r i e z e and also i n Mantegna's engraving as a symbol of Invidia. 8'' ^Frommel, Baldassare Peruzzi a l s Maler und Zeichner. p. 62, the only scholar to propose a text, suggests Ovid Metamorphoses. Book T, 284 f f . This i s somewhat unconvincing since Ovid describes the cataclysmic disaster of a flood, where a greater part of the human race was swallowed up by waters. His description simply does not correspond to the f r i e z e , f o r examples "Neptune himself smites the earth with his t r i d e n t . She trembles, and at the stroke f l i n g s open wide a way f o r the waters. The r i v e r s overleap a l l bounds and flood the open p l a i n s . And not alone orchards, crops and herds, men and dwellings, but shrines as well and t h e i r sacred contents do they sweep away." Rook I, 284-287. Moreover, t h i s description i s i n complete contrast to the one given by d'Ancona, p. 91, who de-scribes the f r i e z e as followsi "Further s t i l l i s Neptune and Amphi-t r i t e the l a t t e r with a c h i l d on her arms. They are on a chariot drawn by Hippocampi. A l l around them i n a j o y f u l procession are f a n t a s t i c a l figures of Nereids, Tritons and Cherubs, prancing i n the water, whilst Nymphs and Satyrs play hide and seek i n the woods. Other figures of Sea Gods are seen merrily tossing and f i g h t i n g each other." Frommel, Baldassare Peruzzi a l s Maler und Zeichner, p. 62. 87 'Mantegna's Battle of the Sea Gods appears to have been i n -fluenced by an antique r e l i e f . Cf. P h y l l i s Pray Bober, "An Antique Sea-Thiasos i n the Renaissance," Essays i n Memory of Karl Lehmann. ed. Lucy Freeman Sandler, (N.Y., Inst, of Fine Arts N.Y. Univ.), 1964, p. 48. The Battle probably represents a Renaissance 'inven-zionii ' v r , ; 1 " based on c l a s s i c a l ideas. The theme may have been the creation of a court scholar or of Mantegna himself. The subject centers around the emanciated woman holding a tablet on the l e f t , who c l e a r l y represents the vice of Envy, a theme i n which Mantegna seems to have been quite interested. Cf. Jay A. Levenson, Konrad Oberhuber, Jacquelyn L. Sheehan, Early I t a l i a n Engravings from the  National Gallery of Art. (Washington), 1973, p. 188 f f . 54 Peruzzi may have had Mantegna's Invidia i n mind f o r t h i s one figure, "but there the resemblance to Mantegna's engraving ends as Peruzzi's other creatures are d i s s i m i l a r and his compo-sition&ishares none of the drama and great rage of Mantegna's combatants. Peruzzi*s f r i e z e conveys a d e f i n i t e i d y l l i c atmo-sphere, seen f o r instance i n the p l a y f u l occupations of the cupids and the gently flowing water that continues along the entire length of the wall. A more promising source for t h i s long f r i e z e i s once again Francesco Colonna's Hypnerotomachia. i n which he describes and imaginary c l a s s i c a l r e l i e f that 88 P o l i f i l i o sees on the s o f f i t of a great porch. Colonna's description i s as follows* There offered i t s e l f to the eyes. . . .a r e l i e f harmoniously f i l l e d with l i t t l e acquatic monsters. In the simulated water and i n the gentle surf were seen half-men and half-women with c o i l i n g f i s h - t a i l s . On these, attached to t h e i r backs, they d a i n t i l y sat, some of the nude females hugging the monsters i n mutual embrace. Some played f l u t e s , others f a n t a s t i c i n s t r u -ments. S t i l l others, s i t t i n g i n strange chariots, were drawn by a g i l e dolphins, crowned with the cool blossom of the water l i l y . . .some held vases of many shapes f i l l e d with p l e n t i f u l f r u i t and brimming cornucopias. Others fought one another with sprays or i r i s or barba silvana flowers,°9 r i d i n g upon hippocampi and other various beasts, with t o r t o i s e - s h e l l shields for protection. Some were "^Colonna, Hypnerotomachia. ed. Pozzi and L.A. Ciapponi, Vol. 1, p. 52. 8 9 T h i s t r a n s l a t i o n i s by E. Panofsky, Meaning i n the Visual  Arts. (New York), 1957, p. 24-3, n. 22, within the context of his discussion of Albrecht Durer's Abduction of Europa. 55 wantonly disposed, while others did various sports with l i v e l y and quick motions.90 There seems to be an undisputed correspondence between Colonna's des c r i p t i o n of t h i s r e l i e f and Peruzzi's f r i e z e . There i s f i r s t l y , the emphasis on an i d y l l i c atmosphere where t r i t o n s , nereids and other figures sport about i n various ways. Secondly, more s p e c i f i c a l l y , there are the same motifs of f l u t e s and other musical instruments being played, vases being carried, overflowing cornucopias, and f i g h t i n g sea creatures bearing t o r t o i s e - s h e l l shields. In discussing Colonna's source f o r t h i s description of a c l a s s i c a l r e l i e f , Pozzi concludes that Colonna may have been i n part inspired by Mantegna's famous engraving, since at the time the engraving appeared, c. 1488-90, Colonna was s t i l l working 91 on the composition of h i s Hypnerotomachia. I t seems hardly 7"Hypnerotomachia. Vol. 1, p. 52, "Di tale excogitato foecundo d i l e c t a b i l e offerivase cum tale praestante caelatura, piena concinnamente d i acquatici monstriculi nell'aqua simulata et negli moderati plemmyruli semihomini; et foemine, cum spirate code p i e c i c u l a t i e , sopra q u e l l i appresso d i dorso acconciamente sedeano, alcune d i esse nude, amplexabonde g l i monstri cum mutuo innexo: t a l i t i b i c i n a r i i , a l t r i cum phantastici instrumenti, alcuni t r a c t i , n e l l e extranee bige sedenti, dagli perpeti d e l p h i n i , d i l f r i g i d o f i o r e d i nenufaro incoronati, t a l i vestitose d i l e proprie f o l i a c i e : a lcuni cum m u l t i p l i c i vasi d i f r u c t i copiosi et cum stipate copiei a l t r i cum f a s c i c u l i d i achori e t p d i i f i o r i d i barba silvana mutuamente se percotevano; t a l i erano c i n c t i d i  t r i v u l i ; l ' a l t r a parte sopra g l i hippopotami aequitanti luctavano. Et a l t r e diverse belve et invise cum protectione chilonea. Et qui  dava opera a l i a l a s c i v i a . " Trans. J . Jensen. 9 1 P o z z i and Ciapponi, Vol. I I , p. 8 7 . 56 a coincidence, therefore, that both Colonna*s description and Peruzzi's i l l u s t r a t i o n i n some way hark back to Mantegna's engraving. Could i t be that Peruzzi, reading Colonna's descrip-t i o n , r e a l i z e d that i t was i n part inspired by Mantegna and so, therefore, went d i r e c t l y to the engraving and included the figure of Invidia i n his f r i e z e ? I t i s d i f f i c u l t to assess the significance of t h i s r e l i e f within the context of the Hypnerotomachia. According to Wind, P o l i f i l o , the hero of the story, i s "cautiously and a l l u r i n g l y guided towards the more hidden arcana, learning on his way to combine prudence with daring. The plan of the novel, so often quoted and so l i t t l e read, i s to ' i n i t i a t e * the soul into i t s own secret d e s t i n y — t h e f i n a l union of Love and Death, fo r which Hypneros (the sleeping Eros funeraire) served as a poetic 92 image.' Wind's Neo-Platonic int e r p r e t a t i o n of the Hypnero-tomachia has, however, been refuted by Pozzi and C i a p p o n i . 9 3 Rather than t r y i n g to speculate on the meaning of t h i s inten-t i o n a l l y esoteric work, i t may be more rewarding i n t h i s E. Wind, Pagan Mysteries i n the Renaissance. (New and enlarged e d i t i o n ) , New York: Barnes and Noble Inc.), 1968, p. 104. 9 3 P o z z i and Ciapponi, Vol. I I , p. 46, " I I piano del P o l i f i l o non consiste i n un'iniziazione dell'anima a l suo destino f i n a l e , l'unione d i Amore e Morte, come vuole lo Wind;. . .11 c a s t e l l o a l l e g o r i c o ideato da Colonna trova compattenza ed unita n e l l a sua secchezza s c o l a s t i c a : i l cammino dell'uomo verso l a conoscenza procede lineare fino all'episodoio d e l l a tre porte; nel c o n f l i t t o f r a ragione e volonta, l a v i t t o r i a spetta a quest'ultima, f a t t a l a s c e l t a d i amore come supremo bene, ne conseque 1'iniziazione f i n o a l l e ultime p o s s i b i l i t a . " 57 instance to explore the f i f t e e n t h century i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Sea Thiasoi as a theme. In antiquity, nerids, t r i t o n s , hippo-camps and f i g h t i n g monsters appear frequently on Roman sarco-phagi, and the majority of c l a s s i c a l scholars contend that t r i -tons and nereids i n c l a s s i c a l art expressed the journey of the ok soul to the I s l e s of the Blessed. Jan Bialos t o c k i c i t e s various examples where sea t h i a s o i were used to decorate Renaissance funerary monuments and i n discussing these tombs, Bialosto c k i concludes thati I t seems plausible to assume that at least some a r t i s t s of the Renaissance, confronted with numerous examples of the c l a s s i c a l t r i t o n and nereid motif i n a sepulchral context, did interpret i t as a death image. The patterns of movement inherent i n i t could hardly f a i l to appeal to Renaissance a r t i s t s , and i t i s not improbable that they interpreted those move-ments as expressive of the journey of the human soul to the a f t e r l i f e . . . .The f a n t a s t i c world of sea-creatures, of v i o l e n t l y f i g h t i n g t r i t o n s , of monsters and of be a u t i f u l women was probably intended to convey q t. the c l a s s i c a l ideas of the (journey to) the a f t e r - l i f e . I f indeed, as Bialos t o c k i suggests, some a r t i s t s were aware of the s p i r i t u a l significance of Sea Thiasoi, could t h i s not have been the case with Peruzzi and his humanist adviser? This eschatological i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Sea Thiasoi would c e r t a i n l y f i t into the thematic context demonstrated so f a r i n the 7 Cf. E. Strong, Apotheosis and A f t e r - L i f e . (New York), 1915, P« 153; F. Cumont, Recherches sur l e symbolisme funeraire  des Romains. (P a r i s ) , 19^2, pp. 166, 306; Karl Sbhefold, "La Force Creatrice du symbolisme funeraire des Romains," Revue  archeologique. I I , 1961, p. 186. 7 <Jan B i a l o s t o c k i , "The Sea-Thiasos i n Renaissance Sepulchral Art," i n Studies i n Renaissance and Baroque Art. (London: Phaidon), 1967, p. WTl 58 f r i e z e . The Sea T h i a s o i p a r t of the f r i e z e c o u l d then be read as an a l l e g o r y of the journey of the s o u l , i t s b e g i n n i n g symbo-l i z e d by Neptune r i d i n g i n h i s c h a r i o t . Then, a l o n g the e n t i r e l e n g t h of the narrow w a l l , t h i s movement continues i n a slow, measured pace u n t i l i t reaches the corner where the next myth begins, the s t o r y of A r i a d n e . T h e m a t i c a l l y , Ariadne would seem to belong to the Sea T h i a s o i p a r t of the f r i e z e because, as w i l l be s h o r t l y demonstrated, i t s e r v e s as an a p p r o p r i a t e symbol of the c u l m i n a t i o n of the journey of the s o u l . 8. ARIADNE The myth of Ariadne ( p l a c e d d i r e c t l y a c r o s s from Neptune) 96 was a l s o f e q u e n t l y r e p r e s e n t e d on Roman s a r c o p h a g i . A c c o r d i n g to the myth, Ariadne was abandoned by Theseus on the i s l a n d of Naxos and c l a s s i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n s say t h a t Bacchus found A r i a d n e 97 a s l e e p on the seashore. A l l c l a s s i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s on Roman f u n e r a r y monuments d e p i c t t h i s s t o r y by showing one of 9^R. Turcan, Les Sarcophages Romains a Rep r e s e n t a t i o n s  Dionvsiaques. ( P a r i s ) , 1966, p. 511. 9 ^ E . f . P h i l o s t r a t u s Imagines. 1, 15. 59 98 the ill-mannered members of Bacchus' cortege unveiling her. 7 The theological and eschatological meaning of the Ariadne 99 myth on Roman sarcophagi i s explained by Lehmann who i n t e r -prets the myth as a symbol of death and r e s u r r e c t i o n . 1 0 0 In h i s discussion of the Ariadne sarcophagus i n the Walters Art Ga l l e r y i n Baltimore, Lehmann i d e n t i f i e s the bearded figure, i n whose lap Ariadne sleeps, as Thanatos, the god of death, symbolizing the realm of the underworld and death. Ariadne, who has remained 9 Saxl, " T i t i a n and Aretino," i n Lectures. I (London: Univ. of London), 1957» P« 162. For t h i s scene Peruzzi was very probably influenced by one of the many Roman sarcophagi which depict the sleeping Ariadne being unveiled by a Satyr. Cf. F. Matz and F. Von Duhn, Antike Bildwerke i n Rom. 1-111, ( L e i p z i g ) , 1881-1882. Ariadne sarcophagus i n the V i l l a Doria-Pamphili, Rome, nos. 2259/60; and Aurigemma, Le Terme d i Diocleziano e i l  Museo Nazionale Romano. 5 t h ed., Rome, 1963, no. 404; see also the Ariadne sarcophagus i n the Vatican Grotto, i n Turcan, pi.22 For the actual sleeping figure of Ariadne, however, Peruzzi may have had a woodcut from the Hypnerotomachia i n mind (Plate 2 7 ) • since the two sleeping figures are remarkably s i m i l a r . Both l i e on th e i r r i g h t side, with the r i g h t elbow bent, with the other arm stretched on the leg to the middle of the thigh, and both show the same clumsiness of execution. This woodcut i l l u s t r a t e s a long and detailed description of a r e l i e f on a fountain that P o l i f i l o sees during h i s interminable journey. Although Saxl, p. 162, i d e n t i f i e s t h i s figure as Ariadne, t h i s has not been accepted by Poazi and Ciapponi, Vol. 11, p. 93-9 9 K a r l Lehmann-Hartleban and E.C. Olsen, Dionysiac Sarcophagi i n Baltimore, (Baltimore; N.Y. University and Walters Art G a l l e r y ) , 1942, pp. 37-41. 1 0 0 I b i d . . p.41. This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s also given by E. PanSfsky, Tomb Sculpture. (Harry H. Abrams: New York), 1964, p. 34, who states: "An instrument of salvation i n that i t i s she whose help enables Theseus to f i n d his way back from the inferno of the Cretan Labyrinth, and she was f o r m a l l y — i n f a c t , doubly, recognized as an object of salvation by her two-fold encounter with Dionysus who rescued her a f t e r her desertion by Theseus, abandoned her himself, but f i n a l l y immortalized her as his c e l e s t i a l bride." 60 there only i n temporary sleep, w i l l soon emerge and be united i n everlasting l i f e with Dionysus, who comes to release h e r . 1 0 1 The motif of the l i f t i n g of Ariadne's garment by the action of the Satyr, a representative of Dionysus, Lehmann interprets as a symbol of the soul's abandonment of the bodily and earthly garb at d e a t h . 1 0 2 Peruzzi's version of the myth i n the f r i e z e includes these two major elements, the sleeping figure and the l i f t i n g of the v e i l . Instead of a bearded fi g u r e , Peruzzi depicts Ariadne re s t i n g on the t i g e r of Bacchus, and t h i s , therefore, may be interpreted as a symbol of the saviour god, Bacchus. I t i s of course pure speculation, as to whether Peruzzi and his i n t e l l e c -t u a l mentor were aware of the r e l i g i o u s and eschatological i m p l i -cations of the Ariadne myth. I t i s not unreasonable to suggest, however, that they studied the Ariadne r e l i e f s on these funerary monuments and pondered t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e . Ariadne's association with Bacchus could not but have helped them i n t h e i r task of inter p r e t a t i o n , since Bacchus as a saviour from the realm of death i s an old and o r i g i n a l part of the Bacchic r e l i g i o n . 1 0 3 Considering the Sea-Thiasoi and the Ariadne myth as a unit, i t i s now possible to propose an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . I f , as has been 1 0 1Lehmann, p. 38. 1 Q 2 I b i d . . p. 4o. 1 Q 3 I b i d . . p. 39. 61 demonstrated, the Sea-Thiasoi symbolizes the journey of the soul towards the a f t e r - l i f e , then the sleeping Ariadne s i g n i f i e s the state of death, that temporary sleep which comes before the soul i s released to immortal l i f e . 9. MARSYAS The story of Marsyas follows Ariadne and concerns the second legend about musical contests i n antiquity. Marsyas, the f l u t e - p l a y i n g satyr, was defeated i n aamusical competition by Apollo, and as punishment, he was bound to a tree and flayed alive.1^*" According to the musicologist, Aristede Q u i n t i l i e n , f o r the Pythagoreans t h i s myth symbolized the v i c t o r y of the l y r e , a divine instrument since i t s music creates an earthly echo of the harmony of the spheres. This weak imitation of the cosmic symphony i s s u f f i c i e n t to l i f t up souls to remember the concert that they had heard before descending to the earth. The lugubrious and confusing f l u t e , on the other hand, excites the passions of impurity. 1 0-* The f l u t e of Marsyas, a follower Ovid Metamorphoses, Book VI, 38$-400. Peruzzi*s model fo r t h i s scene i s c l e a r l y the sarcophagus i l l u s t r a t e d by Saxl, La Fede Astrologica d i Agostino Chigi. p. k9, f i g . 28, showing the p r o f i l e view of Marsyas, and the kneeling executioner. -'Cited i n Cumont, Rgcherches sur l e symbolisme Funeraire  des Romains. p. 18. 62 of Bacchus, was the Bacchic instrument f o r arousing the dark and uncontrollable passions that c o n f l i c t with the pu r i t y of Apollo's l y r e . 1 0 6 The musical contest between Apollo and Marsyas was therefore concerned with the r e l a t i v e powers of Dionysian darkness and Apollonian c l a r i t y , and i f the contest ended with the f l a y i n g of Marsyas, i t was because the f l a y i n g was i t s e l f a Dionysian r i t e , a tragic ordeal of p u r i f i c a t i o n by which the ugliness of the outward man was thrown of f and the beauty of his inward s e l f revealed. 1 Q7 Wind, i n his discussion of Raphael's Flaying of Marsyas i n the Stanza d e l l a Segnatura, confirms that t h i s Pythagorean interpre-t a t i o n of the myth was known i n humanist c i r c l e s during the Renaissance. For the purposes of the in t e r p r e t a t i o n of Peruzzi's f r i e z e , Marsyas then represents a further and more s i g n i f i c a n t stage i n th i s a l l e g o r i c a l journey of the soul because the very act of f l a y i n g i s a symbol of p u r i f i c a t i o n and i t i s only when the soul i s redeemed to i t s former state, as described by Plato i n the Timaaus. 1 0^ that i t can return to i t s place of divine o r i g i n . This 'return' of the soul i s alluded to a l l e g o r i c a l l y i n the l a s t myth represented on the f r i e z e , the story of Meleager. 1 0 6Wind, p. 173. 1 0 7 I b i d . , p. 173. 1 0 8 I b i d . , pp. 171-176. 1 0 9 S e e page 44. 63 10. MELEAGER The s t o r y of Meleager i s e l a b o r a t e l y t o l d i n th r e e separate episodes i n the f r i e z e . F i r s t , the k i l l i n g of the Calydonian boar by Meleager, accompanied by three huntsmen and A t a l a n t a , who shoots an arrow a t the f e r o c i o u s beast. Next, Meleager k i l l s h i s u n c l e s because they r e s e n t e d h i s g i f t of the Trophy t o A t a l a n t a . One uncl e l i e s dead and Meleager i s about to s l a y the other. L a s t l y , the three Fates stand beside the f i r e i n t o which Meleager's mother throws the brand, a l o g t h a t A l t h a e a had snatched from the f i r e when Meleager was seven days o l d , s i n c e the Fates had announced he c o u l d l i v e so lo n g as i t remained unburned. On the r i g h t , Meleager d i e s , s l o w l y consumed by a s c o r c h i n g , hidden f i r e . 1 1 0 In Ovid, Meleager i s presented as an i r a s c i b l e hunter who k i l l e d h i s u n c l e s and, as such, i t would be hard to j u s t i f y h i s s t o r y as r e p r e s e n t i n g the f i n a l stages of the human s o u l as i t moves towards death and i m m o r t a l i z a t i o n . Since the time of Ovid, however, the c h a r a c t e r of Meleager has undergone a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n x x " 0 v i d Metamorphoses. Book V I I I , 385 f f . A l l these scenes were probably i n s p i r e d by Roman s a r c o p h a g i . P e r u z z i ' s composition of the k i l l i n g of the Caly d o n i a n boar i s very s i m i l a r to two Meleager sarcophagi i n Rome: c f . S a x l , Le fede a s t r o l g i a , p. 50, f i g s . 30 and 31. Another Meleager sarcophagus, now i n England a t W i l t o n House, d e p i c t s the k i l l i n g of h i s un c l e s w i t h one f i g u r e l y i n g on the ground. C f . Marjory S. S t r a u s s , "The Death of Meleager i n the M i d - S i x t e e n t h Century," i n Renaissance Papers. 1973, PP. 29-35, f i g . 5. 64 i l l which had begun even i n Late A n t i q u i t y . Medieval a l l e g o r i z e r s of Ovid saw i n the magic p i e c e of wood an analogy to the h o l y c r o s s and, t h e r e f o r e , e x p l i c i t connections between Meleager and C h r i s t were made, so t h a t Meleager was conceived as the Son who 112 d i e d through the brand of the c r o s s . P i e r r e B e r s u i r e ' s C h r i s t i a n i z e d and m o r a l i z e d v e r s i o n of Ovid's Metamorphoses. which was w r i t t e n i n the mid-fourteenth c e n t u r y , 1 1 3 i n t e r p r e t e d Meleager as C h r i s t , A t a l a n t a as human nature, the boar as L u c i f e r , 11 Al-and the brand as the worship or the contemplation of the c r o s s . T h i s C h r i s t i a n i z e d v e r s i o n of the Meleager s t o r y does p r o v i d e some i n d i c a t i o n of how Meleager was g e n e r a l l y understood d u r i n g the Renaissance (as e n t i r e l y good). T h i s i s important because, as w i l l be shown, the Meleager s t o r y serves as an appro-p r i a t e metaphor f o r the c o n c l u s i o n of the f r i e z e . I t i s most s i g n i f i c a n t f o r t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the f r i e z e , t h a t Meleager i s the l a s t myth re p r e s e n t e d , and t h a t furthermore, the very l a s t scene shows Meleager s l o w l y s c o r c h i n g to death by f i r e . H i p . Brommer i n E n c i c l o p e d i a d e l l ' a r t e a n t i c a s.v. "Meleagro," p. 984; A. Grabar, L'Empereur dans l ' a r t B y z a n t i n . ( P a r i s ) , 1936, c i t e d i n S t r a u s s , p. 30. C. de Boer, Martina G. de Boer, and Jeannette T.M. Van't Sant, "Ovide m o r a l i s e , " Verhandelingen der Koninkli.jke Neder-, landse Akademie van Wetenschappen. a f d e e l i n g Letterkunde, New S e r i e s , XXX ( 1 9 3 D . 1?4, c i t e d i n S t r a u s s , p. 29. 113For a b i b l i o g r a p h y of B e r s u i r e , c f . Friedman, Orpheus i n  the Middle Ages, p. 231, n. 46. 114J, Engels, P e t r u s B e r c h o r i o u s , " O v i d i u s M o r a l i z a t u s " (Werkmateriaal 2, uitgegeven door het I n s t i t u u t voor Laat L a t i j n , U t r e c h t ) , 1962, f o l . LXV, c i t e d i n S t r a u s s , p. 30. 65 I f , i n the e s t a b l i s h e d C h r i s t i a n i z e d a l l e g o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n , Meleager equates with Chir-ist, and the brand s i g -n i f i e s the c r o s s , t h e r e i s a l r e a d y a very s t r o n g a l l u s i o n t o r e s u r r e c t i o n i n the Meleager s t o r y . Meleager*s death by f i r e would seem to take on added s i g n i f i c a n c e , s i n c e f i r e becomes the u l t i m a t e p u r i f y i n g element. I t i s remembered t h a t the death of Semele was by the sacred f i r e o f l i g h t e n i n g , which 115 immediately r a i s e d her to immortal l i f e , J and a l s o H e r c u l e s , who, by h i s l a b o u r s , was granted the g i f t of i m m o r t a l i t y , was -1 - I c a l s o consumed by flames. And, i f the words of the anonymous t w e l f t h century poet are r e c a l l e d a g a i n : When we d i s c u s s how b l e s s e d s o u l s seek t h e i r f i r s t r e s t i n g p l a c e again, or e l s e , d e p a r t i n g i n death, atone f o r t h e i r deeds i n the j u s t s u f f e r i n g of flames, by which you become pure again, d e s t i n e d to enjoy heaven foreverll7 then death by f i r e , which Meleager undergoes, serves to emphasize t h i s i d e a of the human s o u l t h a t i s p u r i f i e d and r e t u r n e d to heaven. W i t h i n the context of the f r i e z e as a whole, the death of Meleager could, t h e r e f o r e , be i n t e r p r e t e d as the very l a s t stage i n t h i s complex p i c t o r i a l a l l e g o r y of the v i c i s s i t u d e s of the human s o u l , conceived, as t h i s chapter has t r i e d to show, i n terms of Neo-Platonic i d e a s concerning the s o u l ' s d i v i n e o r i g i n and e s s e n t i a l immortal n a t u r e . ll^See page 4 0 , f i n . 52. l l 6 0 v i d Metamorphoses. Book IX, 234-253. 1 1 7 S e e page 4 7 ,fin. 71. 66 CHAPTER III AGOSTINO CHIGI, EGIDIO DA VITERBO AND RENAISSANCE IDEAS CONCERNING THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL Born in Siena i n 1466, Agostino Chigi x moved to Rome at the beginning of the sixteenth century, where he soon became by repute the richest merchant in Italy. Most of his wealth derived from his banking concern, the most extensive in the world, which dealt with France, Spain, Germany, the Low Countries, England and Turkey. Much of his personal power came from close financial relations with the Vatican, as he was the personal banker to three consecutive popes, Alexander VI, Julius II and Leo X, maintaining close personal relations with each. Agostino was particularly close to Julius II and, as a sign of his favour, the Pope honoured Agostino, his brother Sigismondo and their descendants, with the della Rovere coat Our information concerning the l i f e of Agostino Chigi comes from the biography of Agostino written by his nephew, Fabio Chigi, who, having been elected Pope in 1655, took the name of Alexander VII. Fab&6'>s% manuscript was discovered by Guiseppe Cuguoni and published in 1878. Cf. G. Cuguoni, Agostino Chigi II Magnifico. Rome, 1878. This work was unavailable for use with respect to this thesis, but much of the information i s given i n : Rodolfo Lanciani, "Agostino II Magnifico and the Contrada de Banchi," The Golden Days of the Renaissance in Rome. (London: Constable and Co. Ltd.), 1907, pp. 275-325; and Ludovico Chigi^Albani in F, Herinanin, La Farnesina. (Bergamo), 1930, PP. 7-14. 2 He i s denominated as such in a letter from Leonardo da Porto to Antonio Savorgnaho i n the year 1511, "Agostino Ghisi mercante pio ricco, che alcuno altro d'Italia." William Roscoe, Leo The Tenth. Vol. 1, ed. and revised T. Roscoe, (London: Bickers and Son), 1827, p. 409. Agostino was once asked by Leo X (whom he often entertained) how rich he really was. Agostino could only say that besides the central house at Rome, he had 100 branch houses in Italy, and 5 abroad, at Constantinople, Alexandria, Cairo, Lyons and London. One hundred vessels sailed under his flag from the docks and harbour of Porto Ercole, and 20,000 men were in his pay. Lanciani, pp. 288-289. 67 of arms.-' From Julius II he also obtained the very valuable monopoly in Italy of three staple commoditiesi salt, wheat and alum, and the Pope also allowed him to acquire the Porto Ercole from the Republic of Siena, where he moored his merchant-men, had warehouses for alum and large quantities of grain.^ It was Siena which bestowed the t i t l e of "11 Magnifico" on Agostino,^ and the Sultan of Turkey, with whom he was on good terms, referred to him as "Magnus Mercater Christianus. . . ."*" Agostino's banking house was on the Via de' BanchL in the heart of the banking d i s t r i c t in Rome, and this i s where he 8 installed his permanent household. In 1508, he married Margherita Saracini, a Sienese, who died soon after leaving no children. Several years later, he brought a young Venetian g i r l , Francesca Ordeaschi, to Rome, where she entered a convent to complete her education. Later, she came to live in the Farnesina, and Agostino had four children by hen Lorenzo Leone (baptized by Leo X), Alessandro Giovanni, Margherita and Camilla. He did not marry 3Chigt-Albani, p. 9. ^Lanciani, p. 279. 5Ferdinand Gregorovious, History of the City of Rome. Vol, VIII, Part 1, 4th ed., trans. A. Hamilton, (Londoni George Bell and Sons), 1902, p. 127, n. 1. 6Ibid.. p. 127, n . l . 7Chigi-Albani, p. 9. o . Gregorovious, pp. 126-128. Chigi's house, called Corte  de' Chigi. stood on the spot where the triumphal arch of the.. Emperors Gratian, Theodosius and Valentinian had formerly stood. The Farnesina, built on the opposite bank of the Tiber, was located on a s t i l l rural stretch of land situated between St. Peter's and Trastevere. 68 Q Francesca u n t i l August 1519• On April 11, 1520, nine months later, at the age of 55» Agostino died and was buried i n his mausoleum in the Church of Santa Maria del Popolo. 1 0 Agostino*s character has i n a l l probability suffered somewhat from his biographer, Fabio Chigi, who appeared to delight in emphasizing his uncle's extravagant wealth. The three great 'Lucullean* feasts that Agostino staged for Leo X in the Farnesina, f a i t h f u l l y recorded by Fabio, are always mentioned in subsequent accounts and have no doubt contributed towards a f a i r l y one-sided view of both Agostino and his v i l l a . 1 1 ^The ceremony was performed by Leo X i n the Farnesina, i n the presence of eleven Cardinals and six Bishops. Cf. Frommel, Die Farnesina und Peruzzis Architecktonisches Fruhwerk. p,. 9. 1 0Francesca died eight months after Agostino, in Nov. 1520. 1 1 A t the f i r s t of these Lucullean feasts, Agostino enter-tained the Pope in his stables on the grounds of the Farnesina, which were so richly decorated with Flemish tapestries, oriental carpets, cupboards f u l l of gold plate, that the true nature of the building was concealed. At the sight of such magnificence, the Pope said that he almost regretted the good old days of intimate, informal dining. Whereupon, Agostino l i f t e d the nearest piece of tapestry to reveal that he was, i n fact, receiving the Pope i n a stable. During the second feast, held in a loggia (now destroyed), overlooking the Tiber, the silver plate was thrown into the river to show that the same silver was not used twice. Unbeknown to the guests, however, the dishes f e l l into concealed nets spread below the surface of the water. At the third banquet, given i n 1519» twenty cardinals or foreign representatives were served on silv e r and gold plate, each bearing his own particular coat-of-arms, crest and motto, and each guest was served with f i s h , game, f r u i t , wine and delicacies peculiar to his own country. Lanciani, p. 301 f f . 69 His name has also been linked to that of Imperia, the famous Courtesan and, coupled with the fact that he did not legitimize his marriage to Francesca or the children of that marriage u n t i l shortly before he died, couldhave also helped to produce a somewhat unfair portrait of Agostino. So that Saxl, for instance, could contrast him unfavourably with Lorenzo de Medici and assert that* He was no genius like Lorenzo Medici who gathered the Platonists around him and himself wrote delightful canti and philosophical poems. But he was a powerful associate of the Renaissance popes, a man of strong sensuality whose avowed intention i t was to build a place where he and his friends could live surrounded by the best of a l l that the new classical art could offer.12 Agostino i s , perhaps, remembered best for his great generosity and patronage of the arts. Raphael, Perugino, Guilio Romano, Giovanni da Udine, i l Fattore, Lorenzetto, Bramante, Peruzzi, Sebastian© del Piombo and Sodoma were a l l in his employ at various times. They helped to build and decorate for him not only the v i l l a Farnesina, but also Chapels in the Roman churches of S. Maria della Pace, S. Maria del Popolo, S. Caterina da Siena (in the via G u i l l i a ) , and they did work for him on his houses in Rome and Siena. 1 3 Of these artists, Raphael was closest to Agostino and did the most work for him. There appears to have been a special bond between the two throughout Saxl, Lectures. 1, p. 190. 1 3Lanciani, pp. 289-290. 70 their Roman years, as i s observed by Kleber. ""^  What Kleber finds significant are the humanistic themes Raphael executed i t ' for Agostino, J and he suggests that perhaps they moved in the same intellectual circle i n Rome. The origins of Raphael's contact and intellectual friendship with Chigi may well have been the humanist c i r c l e at the Court of Urbino. Kleber cites part of a letter written by Bembo in 1507, in which the author describes the deep consternation and anxiety f e l t by a l l at Urbino over the news of Agostino*s i l l n e s s . It could well be that Raphael, coming from Urbino with letters of recommendation for Agostino*s friends, was received by him with special attention. 1^ In addition to being the patron of many prominent' artists i n Rome, Agostino was also the patron of a large number of eminent humanists, such as Pietro Bembo, Paolo Giovio, lit Wilhelm Kleber, Raphael von Rubino. Band l i t Die  Romischen Werke. (Stuttgartt Verlag Urachhaus), 1964, p. 81, 1 % . Maria Delia Pace, Cappella Chigi, Sibyls and Prophets, c, 1512j S. Maria del Popolo, Cappella Chigi, building designed by Raphael. Also the mosaic decoration in the cupola, (re-ferred to in detail below). Raphael was s t i l l working on this commission at the time of his death in 1520. Raphael died only five days before Agostino, on April 6, 1520. Cf, John Shearman, "The Chigi Chapel in S.Maria del Popolo." Journal  of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute. Vol. 24, 1961, pp. 129-1 160; V i l l a Farnesina. Galatea 1514t Cupid and Psyche 1518. l 6Kleber, p. 81. 71 17 Cornelio Benigno and Pietro Aretino. ' Furthermore, the very f i r s t Greek book to be published in Rome came from a printing press installed in the Farnesina. This was an edition of 18 Pindar which appeared i n 1515* The same press produced an edition of the I l y l l i a and Epigrams of Theocritus which appeared in 1 5 l 6 . 1 ^ Saul's statement that "he (Agostino) was no genius like 20 Lorenzo Medici who gathered Platonists around him" may perhaps have to be slightly modified, since i t appears that there were Platonists i n his c i r c l e of friends. These Pla-tonists were among the members of the Roman Academy, which used 21 to hold occasional meetings in the Farnesina* According to 7Deno John Geanakopolos, Greek Scholars in Venice. Studies  i n the Dissemination of Greek learning from Byzantium to Western  Europe. (Harvard University Press). 1962. pp. 213-214. 18 Ibid.. p. 213. The dedication reads 1 "This collection of the poems of Pindar—The Olympians, the Pythians, the Nemeans, and the Isthmians—has been printed and finished with God's aid, at Rome the queen of c i t i e s , in the house of the magnificent Augustino Chigi, at his personal expense, and at the urging? of the learned Cornelio Benigno of Viterbo, and by the labour and s k i l l of lacharias Calliergis of Crete, in the year 1515, 13 August, in the Pontificate of Leo X." 1 9Roscoe, Vol. 1, p. 410. 20 See page 69, f.n. 12. 21 Gregorovius, p. 313. 7 2 22 Wind, the Roman Academy became the centre for Augstinian Platonists. Some of the more notable members of the Roman Academy23 at this time, (c. 1 5 1 0 - 1 5 2 0 ) , were Bembo, Sadoleto, Tebaldeo, Vida, Castiglione, Navegero, Beroaldo, Inghirami and Valerianus, Its accepted head was the antiquarian and classical scholar, Angelo Colocci, who became Secretary to Leo X, Colocci also built himself a v i l l a , 2 ^ in 1 5 1 3 , where he housed his collection of antiquities and inscriptions, coins, gems 2 6 and Greek and Hebrew manuscripts. As already noted, the meetings of the Academy were occasionally held in the Farnesina (where Agostino kept, 27 besides a collection of antiquities, a notable library of op . E. Wind, "Michelangelo's Prophets and Sibyls," Lectures on Aspects of Art, British Academy, Proceedings of the British  Academy. Vol. LI, (London1 Oxford Univ. Press), I960, p. 82. 2 3 F o r information concerning the Roman Academy cf. Guiseppe Carafa, De Gymnasio Romano. (Rome), 1 7 5 1 ; F.M. Renazzi, Storia dell'Universita degli studi di Roma. 3 Vols. (Rome), I 8 0 3 - I 8 0 6 ; and R. Sabbadini, Storia del Ciceronismo (Turin), 1 8 8 5 , pp. k2-K 5 . These books were unavailable for use in respect to this thesis. 24 Gregorovius, p. 3 1 3 * 2^Ibid.. p. 3 1 3 . According to Renazzi, Vol. II, p. 1 9 , cited in Gregorovius, Colocci's house, the Horti Colotiani stood near the present Palazzo del Bufalo, 2 6 I b i d . , p. 3 1 3 . 2 7Lanciani, p. 2 7 8 . 73 28 manuscripts, or at the v i l l a of Mario Maffei of Volterra, or at that of the poet, Blosio Palladio, on the Tiber. They also met at the house of Sadoleto on the Quirinal, and in the summer-29 house of Egidio da Viterbo. 7 The last-named, Egidio da Viterbo (1469-1532) is of particular interest in respect to this thesis since he appears to be an excellent candidate i n the search for a humanist adviser, who devised the iconography of the frieze in the Sala del Fregio. Egidio was at once a notable humanist, philosopher, theo-logian, cabalist, b i b l i c a l scholar, historian, ecclesiastical reformer, diplomat and orator, who moved with ease and famili-arity in the most advanced intellectual circles of Padua, Naples, Florence and Rome, where he was recognized as a leading scholar in Platonic and Hebrew studies. 3 1 He began his career as a theological student at the Augustinian studium generale in Padua, from 1490 to about 1493• On a v i s i t to Florence in 1494 to 1495, Egidio met the Platonist, Marsilio Ficino and this contact was to have a deep and lasting influence on him, and 28 Gregorovius, p. 315. 2 9 I b i d . , p. 313. 3°John W. O'Malley, Giles of Viterbo on Church and Reform. (Leiden* E.J. B r i l l J , 1968, p. 7. 3 1Wind, "Michelangelo's Prophets and Sibyls," p. 82, n. 1. 74 he subsequently became one of Ficino's most enthusiastic disciples. He moved to Naples in 1499 to 1501, where he exercised considerable influence on Giovanni Pontano, int e l l e c -tual leader of the Neapolitan Academy, as Pontano's dialogue Aegidius indicates. 3 2 When Egidio came to Rome, he became a close friend of Julius II, and i t was under the Pope's powerful patronage that he was elected, in 1507, Prior General of the Augustinian Order. 3 3 For Julius II, Egidio became not only his chosen preacher, but also his confidant and diplomat, since Julius always confided in him and sent him on various religious and diplomatic missions. 3^ Agostino, as we have seen, was also a close friend and associate of Julius II, and there well may have been a special friendship between Agostino and Egidio because of the prominent position both men enjoyed at the Paper Court during the Ponti-ficate of Julius. In addition, both men appeared to share similar intellectual interests in their connection with the Roman Academy. But, perhaps most important of a l l , both men appeared to share a similar religious outlook. Egidio, from 3 O'Malley, p. 8. For information concerning the Neapo-l i t a n Academy, cf. F. Fiorentino, "Egidio da Viterbo e i Pontanian di Napoli," Archivio Storico per le province napo-letane. 9, 1884, pp. 430-452. * 3 30'Malley, p. 4. In 1506 he had been elected Vicar General of this Order. 3 kWind, "Michelangelo's Prophets and Sibyls," p. 82, n . l . 3 50'Malley, p. 4. 75 1507 onwards, was the highest-ranking member of the Augustinian Order. Agostino's Sienese family had always had constant and traditional ties with this order. St. Augustine,Agostino's namesake, was the family's patron s a i n t , 3 6 and the two Roman churches of S. Maria delle Pace and S. Maria del Popolo, in which the Chigi family built their chapels, belonged to the Augustinian order. 3 7 One of those chapels, the Capella Chigi i n S. Maria del Popolo, has important bearing on the thesis proposed here, that Egidio i s the most li k e l y of a l l the humanists in Chigi's circle to have planned the frieze in the Sala del Fregio, and i t w i l l , therefore, be discussed i n some detail below. In the same year that Julius appointed Egidio as the Prior General of the Augustinians, Agostino received from the Pope a Bull in which he was given a concession to purchase the Mellini Chapel in S. Maria del Popolo, as a mausoleum for himself and his h e i r s . 3 8 This mausoleum was designed and 3 6ChigiAlbani, p. 11. 37Shearman, "The Chigi Chapel in S. Maria del Popolo"p.l29. 3 8 I b i d . . p. 129. Agostino was also given permission to change the dedication of the Chapel from SS. Sigismondo, Sebastiano and Rocco to that of the Blessed Virgin of Loreto, SS. Agostino and Sebastiano. This concession led, in fact, to the erection of a new chapel from new foundations. 76 built by Raphael, although i t was l e f t incomplete when Agostino and Raphael both died in 1520. The mosaics i n the cupola were, however, completed in 1516,39 and i t i s the program of this cupola that i s of enormous interest for this thesis. The framework of the interior of the dome i s divided into eight trapezoid sections, supporting a ring at the apex. In these eight sections are represented the plane-tary d i v i n i t i e s . The seven planets are arranged anti-clockwise around the c i r c l e . F i r s t comes the moon goddess Diana, f o l -lowed by Mercury, and then after a gap f i l l e d by the sphere of the fixed stars, the sequence continues with Venus, Apollo, Mars, Jupiter and ends with Saturn. Arching above these half length divinities i s the curve of the Zodiac, on which l i e angels, each to control the movement of one sign. In the circle, at the apex of the cupola, i s the half-length figure of God the Father. This cupola decoration was traditionally thought to re-present the Creation of the Planets as recounted in Genesis. 39lbid.. p. 130. **°Cf. J.D. Passavant, Raphael d'Urbin, (Paris), i860, II, p. 3845 F.A. Gruyer, Raphael et 1' Antiouite. (Paris), 1864, P» 395» 406: Crowe and Cavalcaselle, Raphelt His Life and Works. (London), 1885, II, p.338s E. Muntz, Raphael. . ..(Paris). 1886. p. 509? Fischel, in Vasari Society XI, 1930, Nos,5 and 6; K.T. Packer, Catalogue of the...drawings in the Ashmolean Museum II. (Oxford). 1956. p. 309; A. Chastel. Art et Humanism a Florence (Paris), 1959, P» 213. This interpretation i s based on the scr o l l which appears in the sphere of the fixed stars, bearing the following words from Genesis 1, l4s "Fiant Lurainaria in Firmament Coeli." Fabio Chigi in his letter from Rome d/26 Dec. 1626, states that there are no inscriptions to be found anywhere in the Chapel. Shearman, "The Chigi Chapel in S. Maria del Popolo," p. 141, n. 53. 77 This interpretation has been challenged by Shearman, because "the theme of the Creation of Planets, as recounted in Genesis, i s 4l not appropriate to a funerary Chapel. Shearman's own theory i s most convincing. He identifies the source for the cupola program as Plato's Timaeus and the Republict It seems inconceivable that Agostino (and Raphael) should not have known the cosmos de-scribed by Plato in the Timaeus and at the end of the Republic. The number of celestial spheres i s right for this identification! seven for the planets and the eight for the fixed stars. According to Platonic theory, i t was from the material of the celestial spheres that the souls were created, and i t was to them that the souls return as their ultimate home, after their tem-porary imprisonment in the body of the carcere  terrene? 2 Shearman further suggests that these planets simply identify the world beyond the cupola as the realm of the Soul after Death, and the figure of God, in this Christianized, Platonic cosmos, i s portrayed in the act of 'receiving* souls into heaven (rather than creating the planets as formerly assumed). The zodiac also f i t s into this symbolic region and represents a sign of transition from the earthly world to immortality. Shearman, "The Chigi Chapel in S. Maria del Popolo," p. 129, 140. Another theory by Muntz and Fischel that the.work may have been inspired by Dante, Paradiso II, 127; Convivio. II, Chapters 4 and 6, i s also challenged by Shearman; "This w i l l not do as an i l l u s t r a t i o n of Dante's cosmos, because the number of spheres i s wrong (there should be ten), and indeed there i s nosother connection beyond the presence of the angels 1 even they, since they are a l l the same, do not correspond to the hierarchy of angels that Dante describes." Shearman, p. l 4 o . Ibid., p. 142. 78 Shearman points out how general was the circulation of this Platonic theory i n the humanist thinking of the time, citi n g Bembo*s discussion, which comes at the end of Castiglione's Courtier, on the identity of Beauty and Good which quotes this Platonic system, " i t s link with l i f e of the soul and he did i t without acknowledgement or apology, as i f i t were the most natural course to follow." J Having established f a i r l y convincingly the real meaning of the cupola decoration, the question arisesi Who devised the program? It i s proposed in this thesis that the most l i k e l y humanist scholar to have advised Agostino and Raphael i n the planning of this program in the cupola i s the Augustiniah, k k Egidio da Viterbo. Shearman gives as the latest, reasonable k< date for the conception of the cupola as about 1513* During k 3 I b i d . . p. 142. k k Wind, i n stressing Egidio's influence on religious and theological thought during the period of Julius II, proposes him as Michelangeld's mentor for the program of the Sistine Ceiling. Wind, "Michelangelo's Prophets and Sibyls. Typology in the Sistine Ceiling—A C r i t i c a l Statement," Art Bulletin. 33, 1951, p. 44, n. 23 and 24: and Wind, "Michelangelo's Prophets and Sibyls," Proceedings of the British Academy, p.82, n. 1. The question of Bembo*,s candidacy as adviser in this program i s discussed below, p.91» ; As to the argument that Agostino, together with Raphael, devised the program, i t i s of course a possibility. However, i t i s unlikely that both patron and ar t i s t would have planned such an important program in a Church without at least some consultation with a humanist and theo-logical scholar. ^Shearman, "The Chigi Chapel i n S. Maria del Popolo," p. 130. 79 46 the previous year, in 1512, Egidio was writing his commen-tary on the seventeen Distinctions of the f i r s t book of Peter 47 Lombard's Sentences, ' which Egidio wanted to do "according to 48 Plato." Egidio's "Sententiae ad mentern Platonis." the most extensive of his early works, is s t i l l to be found only in manuscript, except for those parts edited and published by 49 Massa. y Egidio's commentary on the Sentences was written i n 50 reaction to those Aristotelian philosophers at Padua, who 46 • O'Malley, p. 16 *J written over a period of years at least up into 1512." ^ 7Peter Lombard (1100-1160), theologian, whose Sentences became the standard textbook on theology in the Middle Ages. This treatise of four books was composed arouhd 1150 and dealt successively witht God as Unity and Trinity: Sin and Redemption; the Sacraments and Human Beatitude. For a discussion of Peter Lombard, see Etienne Gilson, The Sp i r i t of Mediaebal Philosophy, trans. A.H.C. Downes, (New Yorki Charles Scribner's Sons), 1940, p. 223 Passim. ^O'Malley, p. 16. 7Eugenio Massa, I fondamenti metafisici della 'dignitas hominls' e testi inedi'ti di Egidio da Viterbo. (Turin). 1954. and "L'anima e l'uomoin Egidio da Viterbo e nelle fonti classiche e medievali," in Testi umanistici sul 'De Anima' ed. Garin, (Padua), 1951. ~*°E.g, Vernias, Niphus, A c h i l l i n i and Zimara. For a dis-cussion of Paduan Aristotelianism, see Erminio Tuoilo, Averroismo  e Aristotelismo Padovano. (Paduat CEDAM), 1939; Francesco Fio-rentino, Pietro Pomponazzi. Studi s t o r i c i su l a scuola bologne3e  e padovana del Secolo XVI. (Florence). 1868; P.O. K r i s t e l l e r . "Paduan Averroism and Alexandrism" i n Renaissance Thought II. (New York; Harper and Row), 1965, PP. 1 1 1 - 1 1 8 . ' 80 were advocating the doctrine of Averroes,-7"1" namely,that there is a unity of intellect in a l l men and an impersonal immor-t a l i t y . ^ 2 This was not the f i r s t stand Egidio took against the Averroistic Aristotelians. In 1493, he published a tract, entitled "De intellectu p o s s i b i l i contra Averroim." in which he challenged Averroes' doctrine of the unity of intellect, and his involvement i n the question of Paduan Aristotelianism continued until the end of his l i f e , involving him at the highest level of the controversy. 3 This controversy w i l l be discussed at the end of the chapter, since i t has important implications in the discussion of the frieze in the Sala del Fregio, i n the Farnesina. In his attempt to refute the philosophical arguments of the Averroists concerning the immortality of the soul, Egidio in the Sentences reveals the extent of his Neo-Platonism. When Averroes (1126-1198), the Arabian commentator of Aristotle's De Anima. had a powerful influence on the Western schools of philosophy from the 1 3 t h to the 1 5 t h centuries. For a discussion of Averroes and his influenceon western thought, seet E. Kenan, Aveeroes et l'averroisme. (Paris). 1852« Etienne Gilson, History of Christian Philosophy i n the Middle  Ages. (New Yorki Random House), 1955, PP. 216-225. -*2Massa, "L'anima e l'tiomo in Egidio da Viterbo,* p. 38. According to Averroes, the human soul i s a substance brought into being by human generation, and i t perishes at death. Man possesses by nature only a material, passive in t e l l e c t . The spiritual faculty of knowing and the agent intellect are both separated from individual men and are common to a l l men. Averroes denied immortality to the individual soul because i t did not possess the attribute of intelligence. Andrew Haliday Douglas, The Philosophy and Psychology of Pietro Pomponazzi. ed. Charles Douglas and R.P. Hardie, Ofaldesheinu Georg 01ms Verlags-buchhandlung), 1962, pp. 36-42. 530'Malley, p.41. 81 he treats of the soul, i t s origin, essence and position in the cosmic hierarchy, Egidio's sources are primarily Plato's Timaeus. Book VII of the Republic, and the Enneads of the Neo-Platonist Plotinus (newly translated by Marsilio Ficino and published i n l492).-*k He clearly conceives the body as a prison, "carcere" and the soul as i t s prisoner, which longs to return to i t s former s t a t e . J J This can only be achieved gradually, since there i s a great abyss that separates the soul from i t s source. But once having regained i t s source and re-cognized i t s divinity, the soul can enjoy immortal b l i s s . ^ The part of Egidio's commentary that concerns the nature of the soul, therefore, appears to be wholly inspired by Platonic and Neo-Platonic concepts.-'' Traditionally, Augus-tinians have always been drawn to Plato, since Augustine in 5kMassa, "L'anima e l'uomo i n Egidio da Viterbo," p. 53. ^ I b i d . , P . 531 cf. Jules Paquier, "Un essai de Thedlogie Platonicienne a l a Renaissance—Le commentaire de Grilles de Vitdrbe sur les Premier livres des Sentences," Re*cherches de  Science Religieuse, Vol. 13, 1923, p. 430, "Le grande idee de l a psychoiogie de Platon, celle qui l a distinque profoundement de l a psycholggie d'Aristote, c'est que 1'union de notre corps avec notre ame est malheureuse et contra nature. Gilles adhere a cette opinion". . . .Tout fo i s , on sent que spontane'ment i l va a considerer les corps comme un habit ou une epee exterieMrs a nous." 5 6Massa, "L'anima e l'uomo in Egidio da Viterbo," p.53, 54. 5®In his discussion on the essence of the soul, Egidio goes even further than Marsilio Ficino in declaring the Platonic dualist doctrine of the soul's absolute independence from the body, thus contradicting the Thomistic Aristotelian stand that the soul has only a partial independence from the body. Massa, "L'anima e l'uomo in Egidio da Viterbo," p. 46. Aristotle in the De Anima 4l3b, 25627, maintained that as entelechy of the body, the soul i s distinguished from the body as an act from potency. Aristotle in the Metaphysics 1070a,25-28, says perhaps some part of the soul, but not a l l , survives the union with the body. 82 his writings repeatedly praises the Platonists above a l l other philosophers and i s indebted to them for many of his meta-ls physical concepts. The doctrine of immortality, whereby the human soul i s an incorporeal substance, distinct from the body and by i t s very nature immortal and incorruptible, i s not found anywhere in the Bible. Augustine was the f i r s t of the Latin Fathers to have a clear concept of the soul as a spiritual substance united to the body, which idea he took from Platonic and Neo-Platonic sources.-^ While Augustine acknowledges the Platonic dualist idea of the soul's incorporeality, 6 0 he was unable to reach a definite position on i t s origin. In his earliest extant writings up to and including the Confessions, i t appears Augustine held the view that souls pre-existed elsewhere and that they were either ^ P.O. Kri s t e l l e r , "Augustine and the Early Renaissance," Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters. (Romet Edizioni di Storia e Letterature), 1956, p. 355* Platonic and Neo-Platonic writings were known to Augustine through Cicero, Apulieus and a Latin version of Plotinus. CO -"P.O. Kristel l e r , "Pier Candido Decembrio and his Unpub-lished Treatise on the Immortality of the Soul" i n The Classical  Tradition Literary and Historical Studies in Honour of Harry  Caplan, ed. Luitpold Wallach, (Ithacat Cornell University Press), I 9 6 0 , p. 553. 6°Augustine. De libero arbitrio 3, 59. 83 sent by God into the bodies of those who were born, or that they came down of their own free w i l l . Thus i t would seem that Augustine was thinking in terms of the soul's pre-existence and f a l l into the body,^1 In his later writings, after the year 415, Augustine repudiates this opinion, since in the meantime he had become aware of the anti-Origenist 62 controversy, Origen's views on the pre-existence of the soul and universal redemption^3 were condemned as heretical by the Council of Alexandria in 400 A.D., and his book, Peri  Archon, which contained his 'mistaken views,' was likewise condemned by the Fifth Ecumenical Council held at Constan-tinople in 553 A.D. When i n i 486 , Pico della Mirandola 6 lRobert J. O'Connell, s . j . "The Plotinian F a l l of the Soul"in St. Augustine, Traditio. Vol. XIX, (New York* Fordham University Press), 1963, p. 34. 6 2 I b i d . . p. 3. ^According to Origen, a l l rational creatures were created at once, in the beginning, pure, equal and alike. Since they were without body or matter they were called intellegences. Because they were creatures, they were mutable and equally capable of good and e v i l , and when God put them to the test, a l l f e l l in some degree (except Christ). The result was the hierarchy of rational creatures, angels, souls and demons, Origen believed in universal redemption whereby God, who had made none e v i l , would, by his providence, reconcile a l l souls to their original pure state. And even the devil, would at the last be saved. Cf. Etienne Gilson, History of Christian  Philosophy in the Middle Ages, pp. 42-43. 84 published his Nongentae Conclusiones. in which he defended Origen, his book was placed on the Index. The following year, Pico published his Apologia, in which, instead of revising the opinions he had expressed in the Nongentae Conclusiones. he developed them with considerable force, and for this he was 64 indicted for heresy and temporarily arrested. Egidio's l i b e r a l i t y and tolerance of ideas that are not wholly orthodox i s confirmed by the fact that the f i r s t edition of Origen. published by Aldus Manutius in 1503, was dedicated to him. This edition was cautiously confined to a group of Homilies on the Old Testament, but Egidio's p a r t i a l i t y to Origen was unambiguous because in 1512, he had a Latin translation of the Peri Archon and Pamphilius Martyr's defence of Origen copied for himself. 6^ From the preceding discussion, i t would seem both from Egidio's commentary on the Sentences, and from his obvious interest in the heterodox views of Origen, that he at this time was persuaded by this Neo-Platonic doctrine E. Wind, "The Revival' of Origen," in Studies in Art and  Literature for Belle da Costa Greene, ed. D. Miner, (Princeton), 1954, p. 412: see also D.P. Walker, "Origene en France du Debut du XVI Sieclej" i n Courants Religieux et Humanisme a l a Fin  du XV et Au Debut Du XVI Siecle. (Strasburg). 1957. P . 106. 6 50'Malley, p. 59. 85 of the immortality of the s o u l . u w For justification, he could turn to the authority of St. Augustine, the founder of his Order, in some of whose writings these ideas were also ex-pressed. It seems highly possible, then, that Egidio, f u l l y conversant with Platonic metaphysics, served as the humanist adviser to Agostino and Raphael in the devising of the Timaean cosmos in the mosaics of Agostino's mortuary chapel in the Church of S. Maria del Popolo. If the latest reasonable date for the conception of the cupola i s given as 1513, 6 7 then this would be at about the same time that Egidio was writing his Sentences, where the Neo-Platonic doctrine of the F a l l i s clearly expressed. It was also at about this time, 1512, that he was studying Origen*s views on the pre-existence of the soul as set out in the Peri Archon. Although no supportive documentary evidence exists, i t is highly possible that Egidio was a close friend of Agostino, since, as has been pointed out earlier, both were prominent Perhaps this i s why his Sentences were never published either by himself or later by the Augustiniah Order. The Order was not very proud of this period of their history since Egidio was Prior General of the Order when Luther, himself an Augus-tinian, had f i r s t raised the standard of revolt. Cf. F.X. Martin,"The Augustinian Order on the Eve of the Reformation" in Miscellanea Historiae Ecclesiasticae, Vol. II (Louvain), 1967, pp. 72-104 and F.X. Martin, "The Problem of Giles of Viterbo. A Historiographical Survey" in Augustiniana. #9, 1959, PPi 357-379, 6 7See page 76,fn. 39. 86 men in the papal court, receiving special favours from Julius II, Both were associated with the intellectual c i r c l e of the Roman Academy and both had ties with the Augustinian Order, Lastly, and perhaps most importantly, Egidio was an Augus-tinian, and i t would have been entirely appropriate for him, as a theologian, to have been consulted in the decoration of 68 a Chapel in an Augustinian Church, If Egidio did, indeed, act as an intellectual mentor for the program of Agostino's mausoleum, could he have also furnished the rather complex mythological program for the Sala del Fregio i n the V i l l a Farnesina? The answer could be yes, since once again, as has been demonstrated in Chapter II of this thesis, the theme i s based on Plato's doctrine of the soul. In his humanistic outlook, Egidio was heir to the tradition of Marsilio Ficino and Pico della Mirandola, believing with them that the classical authors were the bearers of an ancient theology and that their poetry was used to disguise a higher 69 wisdom. 7 Pico intended to develop a "poetic theology," i n the course of which he would be able to interpret pagan myths in their proper philosophical and theological sense, showing that under different names and different fables, a single An extant text of a sermon delivered by Egidio in the Church of S. Maria del Popolo in 1512 confirms his connection with this church at this time, Cf, O'Malley, p. 14, 6 90'Malley, p. 57. 87 religious truth was to be found. 7 0 This idea was taken up by Egidio and: He approached the ancient poets with the awe justly reserved for those who by their antiquity were closest to the original sources of revelation, . . . .Their theology was Christianity in disguise, hidden under the poetic veils of myths, and their philosophical assumptions, so marvellously in accord with Plato, added dignity and authority to that author's "pia philosophia," helping to substantiate i t s authentically religious character.71 It i s particularly i n his commentary on the Sentences that Egidio constantly reiterates his theological arguments in terras of classical myths of the gods and heroes, so that his commentary becomes a sort of theologica poetica i n reverse, where he translates the meanings back into the myths. 7 2 Given Egidio's great interest in Platonist writings, he would have most certainly known Boethius' De consolatione  philosophiae. since as has been shown, Boethius held a special place of honour in Augustinian, Platonist ci r c l e s . Perhaps, he had had occasion to study the Paris manuscript which o r i g i -nated in Naples, during his stay in that city i n 1499-1501. 7 3 Egidio's interest in almost every aspect of humanistic studies 7°Wind, Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance, pp. 24-39, ^O'Malley, pp. 57-58. 72 ' Trinkaus, "In Our Image and Likeness." Vol. II, p. 527. 73Whether Egidio brought this manuscript to Rome for Peruzzi to see or whether Egidio simply described the labours of Hercules to the a r t i s t i s , of course, impossible to determine. 88 makes i t also reasonable to suggest that he was acquainted with Francesco Colonna's strange book, the Hypnerotomachia P o l i p h i l i . printed by Aldus in 1499. Finally, as the Prior General of the Order and one of the leading Augustinian scholars of his day, he, perhaps more than anyone, would have been familiar with Platonist interpretations of classical works that o r i g i -nated at Chartres in the twelfth century. Moreover, his interest in Medieval writers i s already confirmed by his commen-tary on the Sentences of Peter Lombard. Blosio Palladio's commemorative poem, in which the lines "denique quas Ovidii versus pinxere, repinxit" may have been a. reference to Peruzzi's frieze in the Sala del Fregio, i s dated 1512, and i t i s , therefore, reasonable to assume that the 1 frieze was completed in that year. This i s about the same time, as has been suggested, in 1512 to 1513, that the mosaics in Agostino's mausoleum were probably planned. Since both decora-tive programs appear to stress the same theme, namely, the Platonic doctrine of the soul, could i t not be that these two programs were devised simultaneously? There i s an element of speculation in this assumption, but given the closeness of the dates, i t would appear to merit some consideration. In the ' Colonna*s work was well known both in humanist and a r t i s t i c c i r c l e s . Cf. Madlyn Kahr, "Titian, The "Hypneroto-machia P o l i p h i l i " Woodcuts and Antiquity," Gazette des Beaux  Arts. 67, 1967. PP. 119-127. 89 V i l l a , however, as with the astrological ceiling in the Sala di Galatea, i t s true meaning i s hidden under poetic v e i l s . That, indeed, the need was f e l t to dwell on the theme of "immortality, both in the chapel and the v i l l a , attests to the very great importance of this subject at this time. The concern was not limited to Agostino himself, since the question of whether the soul i s immortal had become the central concern for a great many educated men at this time. The large number of treatises**: dealing with theories of immortality written at the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth, indicates this widespread concern. 7^ One of the principal causes for anxiety on this issue was the Aristotelian philosophers who were expounding the doctrine of Averroes: and, as has been noted, i t was against these very men that Egidio directed his polemical commentary. An even greater s t i r was caused by another Paduan philosopher, 76 Pietro Pomponazzi, who denied a separate spiritual substance 7 5 P . o . K r i s t e l l e r , "Pier Candido Decembrio and his Unpub-lished Treatise on the Immortality of the Soul," pp. 536-537« Kristeller notes that these Renaissance theories of immortality have only recently received the scholarly attention which their historical importance demands. 7 6 P i e t r o Pomponazzi (1462-1525), taught and studied at Padua and after a brief interval at Ferrara, spent the remainder of his l i f e as a professor of philosophy at the University of Bologna, as a distinguished representative of Italian Aristo-telianism. His works on the soul aret De Imgtortalitate Animae (Bologna), 1516, and two works in defence of the same, Apologia. 1518, and Defensorium, 1519• He also wrote a commentary on Aristotle's De Anima. Cf. Douglas, The Philosophy and Psychology  of Pietro Pomponazzi. 90 for the soul and accordingly claimed that the soul was not immortal. He held that immortality of the soul was an artic l e of faith, but that i t could not be demonstrated on philosophical grounds. Pomponazzi's views were received with a storm of indignant criticism. Even before they were set forth in his famous De immortalitate animae, published in 1516, Pomponazzi was challenged, not only by the Platonists who believed that the soul's immortality could be demonstrated on rational grounds, but also by the Church i t s e l f . 7 7 The Fi f t h Lateran Council held a meeting on December 19, 1513» quite possibly at the urgings of Egidio da Viterbo.7® Presided over by the new Pope, Leo X, i t issued a decree "directed against certain philosphers (Pomponazzi) who taught that the reasonable sould was mortal, and others (Averroists) who, allowing the immortality of the soul, asserted that there was but one soul pervading a l l human bodies." 7 9 The real significance of this 1^Douglas, The Philosophy and Psychology of Pietro Pomponazzi, pp. 66-67. Cf. also P.O. Kristel l e r , "Ficino and Pomponazzi on the Place of Man in the Universe," Journal of  the History of Ideas. Vol. V, 19k4, pp. 220-226. 7 80'Malley, p. 4l. At the opening of the Fi f t h Lateran Council in May 1512, presided over by Julius II, Egidio delivered the oration. Cf. Martin, "The Problem of Giles of Viterbo," p. 357. 7 9Rev. E.H. Landon, A Manual of Councils of the Holy  Catholic Church. (Edinburgh! John Grant), 1909, p. 335. 91 decree ftas that for the f i r s t time, the soul's immortality • A was declared an o f f i c i a l dogma of the Church. In this prevailing atmosphere of tense philosophical debate and controversy, (which was to continue for a number 80 of years), the choice of this theme appears to be wholly appropriate to the time. For Agostino and other members of the e l i t e c i r c l e of humanists who comprised the Roman,Academy, who met sometimes in the V i l l a Farnesina, the frieze i n the Sala del Fregio became for them a visual affirmation of their most profound longing—the immortality of the soul. w wThree years after the F i f t h Lateran Council meeting i n 1516, Pomponazzi published his book De Immortalitate. Animae in which he set forth his controversial theories. During the period of intense debate which followed this publication, Pomponazzi wrote a defense of his views, set out i n his Apologia and Defensorium. In 1 5 l 8 t another Papal brief was issued against him. Douglas, The Philosophy and Psychology of  Pietro Pomponazzi. p. 68. According to Renan, Averroes et  l'averroisme. pp. 3"3» 366, cited in Douglas, p. 68, Bembo i s said to have agreed with Pomponazzi and protected him against attack. It i s for this reason that Bembo's candidacy as the humanist adviser to Agostino Chigi in the decoration of the mausoleum and the Sala del Fregio i s not as compelling as the choice of Egidio da Viterbo, 92 CONCLUSION If the allegorical interpretation of Peruzzi's mytho-logical frieze i n the Sala del Fregio appears convincing, i t would be interesting and important to consider the decora-tion i n the other rooms of the Farnesina, to see whether the theme of immortality i s also present. In this Conclusion, only the rooms on the ground floor have been considered within this context. In the Introduction to this thesis, reference was made to Saxl's discovery of the astrological star-chart in the vault of the Sala di Galatea, which shows the birth date of the patron, Agostino Chigi, and although Saxl limited his discussion of the iconography to the ceiling, he did suggest that a l l the lunettes refer to myths of air, and the walls to the element of water. 1 If this interpretation i s extended to include Earth (upon which the spectator stands), the whole decorative program in this room could be interpreted as symbolizing the four elements* f i r e , a i r , water, earth. Could this not be a reference to the Timaean cosmos, as described by Plato? xSaxl, La fede astrologica. p. 11, "Non parleremo qui minutamente di cio che riguarda l a disposizione generale, desidero limitarci al solo s o f f i t t o . E opinione comune che sulle pareti dovessero apparive dei miti, r i f e r e n t i s i a l l ' elemento dell'acqua (e di questo solo l a Galatea di Raffaello ebbje eseuzione). Nei tondi, sotti i l soffitto, miti dell'Aria, e nei dipinti del soffitto, le Sfere celesti." 93 Wherefore also God in the beginning of creation made the body of the universe to consist of f i r e and earth. . .(and he) placed water and air in the mean between f i r e and earth, and made them have the same proportion so far as was possible--as f i r e i s to air so i s air to water, and as air i s to water so i s water to earth—and thus he bound 2 and put together a visible and tangible heaven. Agostino's horoscope would then take on a further significance in this Platonic cosmology since, as i s described by Plato, souls, when they are created, are each allotted to their own star, and i t i s to this star they ultimately return, after having lived a righteous l i f e t He who lived well during his appointed time was to return and dwell in his native star, and there he would have a blessed and congenial existence.3 It would seem possible, then, to interpret the decorative program in the Sala di Galatea in terms.of Plato's Timaean cosmos, and thereby thematically connect this program with the Sala del Fregio. The room that forms a physical link between the Sala di Galatea and the Sala del Fregio i s the Sala di Psiche, decorated by Raphael and his assistants in 1518. Here the story of Cupid and Psyche i s represBnfcidlinft&he lunettes and vault. Most descriptions of this loggia deal with the story 2Plato, Timaeus 31 Vi, £s 32 ,f, 6. 3Ibid., kZ Qk described in the Golden Ass of Apuleius, without probing further into the significance i t may have had for Agostino Chigi.24" Apuleius composed the Golden Ass during the second century A.D., and i t i s s t i l l a matter of scholarly debate whether Apuleius interpreted the story of Cupid and Psyche allegorically, although i n antiquity, a mystical and Neo-platonic meaning was attributed to this legend.-* This i s , for example, substantiated by an important message i n Plotinus, which discusses 'pictures and fables' of Amor and Psychet That the Good i s Yonder, appears by the love which i s the soul's natural companion, so that in both pictures and fables Eros and Psyche make a pair. Because she i s of God's race, yet other than God, she cannot but love God. Whilst she is yonder she knows the Heaven-passion—but when she enters into generation. . .then she likes better another and a less enduring love. . . .Yet learning afterwards to hate the wanton dealings of this place, she journey's again to her father's house when she has purified , herself of earthly contacts, and abides in well-being. Psyche, then, according to Plotinus i s an allegory of the human soul that, while obsessed with earthly things, loses sight of the true goal of happiness. Psyche, unlike Orpheus, however, is consumed by the love of God, and i s able to overcome a l l distractions of this world, and ascend to an immortal l i f e . ^Cf. Hermanin, p. 56 f., P. D'Ancona, pp. 55-56 f, and 89-90. c •'Shearman, "Die Loggia der Psyche in der V i l l a Farnesina . . .," P. 7 k. 6 Plotinus Enneads VI, ix, 9, cited i n Wind, Pagan  Mysteries of the Renaissance, p. 59* 95 When in 1469» Apuleius' Golden Ass was f i r s t published in Rome, i t was conceived as a compendium of Platonic philosophy.' A commentary on the Golden Ass, written by Philippo Beroaldo the Elder, appeared in 1500, which "resumed these reflections by quoting from Plato, Proclus and Origen in order to explain the author's intention and design. 'And i t appears that under that mystical cover, being deeply versed in Pythagorean and Platonic philosophy, he set forth the dogmas of both these masters, and conveyed the lesson of palingenesis and metempsychosis, that i s , of regeneration and transmutation, through the disguise of 8 that ludicrous story.'" It is generally agreed that i t was Beroaldo's version of the Golden Ass that was used by Raphael i n the composition of o the fresco cycle in the Sala di Psiche. 7 Beroaldo the Elder was a celebrated humanist and a friend of Agostino Chigi in whose honour he composed an 0 d e . x 0 Although, as previously Wind, Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance, p. 236. The t i t l e , quoted from the edition of 1500,cited in Wind, p. 236, reads* Lucii Apuleii Platonici Madaurensis Philosophi Metamor-phoseos Liber ac nonnulla a l i a opuscula eiusdem. 8 Ibid.. p . 2 3 7 , quoted from Philippi Beroaldi in Commen-tarios Apuleianos praefatio (1516 edition), f o l . a . i i i v . Q 7Hermanin, p. 56 f f . , 0. B&schel, Raphael, trans. B. Rackham, Vol. 1, (London* Kegan Paul), 1948, pp. 166,303* Shearman, "Die Loggia der Psyche in der V i l l a Farnesina," p.74, also cites Niccolo da Correggio's Psyche as another possible reference, used in conjunction with Apuleius. Hermanin, p. 56. 96 mentioned, most descriptions of Raphael's Cupid and Psyche frescoes in the Farnesina treat the story l i t e r a l l y , B e l lori in his Descrizione delle Immagini Dipinte da Raffaelle d'Urbino, published in 1751, does interpret the myth symbo-l i c a l l y . 1 1 Shearman, in his discussion of the Cupid and Psyche story i n the Sala di Psiche, i s more concerned with the meaning of the legend as i t applies to Agostino Chigi himself and, after discussing the allegorical implications of the myth, comes to the conclusion thatt The assumption remains therefore justified, that Agostino had chosen the theme for the loggia as an allegory of the l i f e of the soul, as a supplement to the specifically Christian allegory which he had obviously sought for his tomb chapel.12 Thus, here, Shearman also draws a parallel between the decora-tion in the mortuary chapel and program in the Farnesina. It would seem highly possible, therefore, that once again in the Cupid and Psyche frescoes there are allusions to immortality, and that the myth was conceived as an allegory of the human soul. As has been shown in Chapter II of this thesis, this i s AJ"P. Bell o r i , Descrizione delle Immagini Dipinte da Raffaelle  d'Urbino. Rome, 1751, P» 184, "Questa favola descritta da Apulejo viene interpretata da Fulgenzio nei suo Mithologico in senso allegorico.polche s'intende l'anima umana, la quale cade in dis-grazie, e disastri, qual'ora incauta all'incitamento de'sensi con l a lucerna ardente del desiderio riguarda i d i l e t t i , e lascia 1'Amore divino invisible a g l i occhi corporei, penando infelice sinche purgata col divino ajuto beve i l nettare immortale, ed a Dio s i ricongiunge eternamente in Cielo a godere la beatitudine." 12 Shearman, "Die Loggia der Psyche in der V i l l a Farnesina," P. 74. 97 probably the meaning of Peruzzi's frieze i n the Sala del Fregio and thus, there appears to be a strong continuity of theme between these two rooms. 1 3 The f i n a l part of the decoration of the ground floor of the V i l l a Farnesina to be considered i s the entrance vestibule. Only the lunettes and vault have been decorated in this vesti-bule (Fig. 1,6). The vault i s designed as a large rectangle, two puttis hover beneath an expanse of sky, holding a f l o r a l crown. Narcissus and Orpheus appear in two octagons at one end (Plate 28) and at the corresponding end are Prometheus and an unidentified figure drawing with a compass (Plate 2 9 ) . Beneath the vault, directly above the door that leads to the Sala di Psiche, i s a medallion representing Apollo (Plate 3 0 ) . Inthe lunettes on the other three walls are the nine Muses in three groups (Plates 31,32,33). Although the significance of the figures represented i n the octagons i s unclear, 1^ the presence of Apollo and the Muses is not, since i t appears entirely appropriate to the interpretation in this thesis that this,subject should be represented, especially in the entrance vestibule. 3A1though the Sala di Psiche was painted almost seven years after the Sala del Fregio, i n 1518, the time was very significant in the continuing debate on the soul's immortality, since Pompo-nazzi was vigorously defending his views in his Apologia, published in that year. I have been&unable to find a single reference to the decora-tion in this vestibule, although no doubt one exists. The paintings are in the style of Raphael, u -^Obviously, much more research needs to be done here. 98 In antiquity, Apollo and the Muses had very definite eschatalogical associations, and often were represented on Roman sarcophagi. According to the ancient Pythagorean belief, the eternal movement of the planets in the sky v i -brated the e*her according to their different speeds, which produced harmonies of music. The Muses were the celestial musicians who presided over this harmony of the spheres: seven muses for the seven planetary circles, and one for the fixed stars. The ninth Muse was placed between the earth and sky. At a later date, the Neo-Platonists identified the celestial concert of the Muses with the Logos, who was the supreme controller of the universal harmony. Adapting the Pythagorean doctrine of the sun as the centre of the other planets and the controlling intelligence, the Neo-Platonists assimilated the Logos to Apollo, who directed the planetary choir of the Muses and assured the unity of the World. The daughters of Apollo were elevated to divinities, and became the mistresses of the universal harmony.16 The Muses played an important part in the future l i f e since i t was their celestial harmonies that reminded the soul on earth of i t s former l i f e . The Muses inspired a passionate Cumont, Recherches sur le symbolisme funeraire des  Romaine, pp. 25*8-260. 99 love of divine things and purified souls through their c e l e s t i a l concert, exhorting the soul to rise to accomplish the ascension 17 to heaven. According to Macrobius, each one of the Muses 18 greets the returning soul as i t ascends from sphere to sphere. This theological interpretation of the harmony of the spheres i s mentioned frequently in the writings of the Neo-Platonists and was transmitted to the Middle Ages and 19 Renaissance. Furthermore, Macrobius* commentary on Cicero's Sominum Scipionis was probably known to Raphael, since i n a l l likelihood i t served as the literary source for the painting, 20 the Dream of Scipio. Given the thematic unit that appears to exist i n the other rooms on the ground floor, i t i s not unreasonable to suggest that Apollo and the Muses were conceived in this symbolic sense. Although this has been a brief and inadequate considera-tion of the themes of the other rooms of the Farnesina, there i s enough evidence to suggest that, at least in respect to the ground floor, a l l the decoration can be conceived as a conceptual unit, expressing the Neo-Platonic doctrine of the immortality 1 7 I b i d . , p. 262. l 8Macrobius, Sominum Scipionus II, 3, 1 ss. cited in Cumont, p. 262. 19Cumont, p. 261. Ficino describes the system in his Theologica Platonica. IV, Chapter 1. 2 0Wind, Pagan Mysteries of the Renaissance, p. 81, n. 1. 10G of the soul. It i s not d i f f i c u l t to find a precedent for this kind of program i n a private v i l l a since there are obvious parallels to the Roman mystery v i l l a s of Late Antiquity. These private v i l l a s , built by Roman patricians, were decorated with paintings and stuccoes of classical mythology, where the myths represented were conceived mystically as religious symbols embodying beliefs i n the 21 a f t e r - l i f e . Is i t not possible to view Agostino's V i l l a Farnesina as a recreation of these mystery vil l a s ? This could prove fascinating study for a further thesis. *«*»#** For information concerning the mystery v i l l a s of Late Antiquity, cf. Michael I. Rostovtzeff, Mystic Italy. New York, 1927. And for a discussion of.mythology interpretated mysti-cally, cf. also J . Carcopino, Etudes Romains. La Basilioue  Bythagoricienne de l a Porte Ma&giore. 1927. 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ackerman, J.S. "Sources of the Renaissance V i l l a . 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ErtWMM pm>« «r(w«4 ^ t w i .kWloip 0» Unn r H w * i — * f r t i i ( j tiuinn .tafeSw.,,,, m f M W M H M « U m PLATE 21 MARES OF DIOMEDES 114. i-4- LES • T R A V A U X » D'HERCULE Pans, B.N., to. „ 8 S 6 , fol. m r°, xiv ex.; inedites. 124 <KwiV* ft ivm ^mnrr tyuumj Inmu* nwmur. \ i i A u r *t ^ m S , .1. >t»if f rtnuu to nHr»»n.,» tnuiwivt* iKfetf fiftrt ftYutuft (k PLATE 22 HERCULES AND CACUS PLATE 22A DANAE PLATE 23 EUROPA PLATE 25 DANAE PLATE 26 SEMELE 129 1:30 APPENDIX I CONSOLATION OF PHILOSOPHY Book IV, Poem 7 Revengeful Atreus' son did ten whole years employ In wars, t i l l he his brother's loss repaid with ransa&te^d^poy. He setting forth the fleet of Greece upon the seas, And knowing well that only blood the angry winds would please, Forgot a father's part, and with his cruel knife Unto the gods did sacrifice his dearest daughter's l i f e . Ulysses wailed the loss of his most fa i t h f u l men. Whom Polyphemus did devour enclosed in his den But when his hands by sleight had made the Cyclops blind, Most pleasant joy instead of former tears possessed his mind. Hercules famous i s for his laborious t o i l , Who tamed the Centaurs and did take the dreadful lion's spoil. He the Stymphalian birds with piercing arrows strook, And from the watchful dragon's care the golden apples took. He in a threefold chain the hellish porter led, And with their cruel master's flesh the savage horses fed. He did th' increasing heads of poisonous Hydra burn, , And breaking Achelous' horns, did make him back return. He on the Libyan sands did proud Antaeus k i l l , And with the mighty Cacus' blood Euander's wrath f u l f i l . That world-uplifting back the boar's white foam did fleck. To hold on high the sphere of heaven with never bending neck Of a l l his many t o i l s the last was, and most hard, And for this last and greatest t o i l the heaven was his reward. You gallant men pursue this way of high renown, Why yield you? Overcome the earth, and you the stars shall crown. APPENDIX II CONSOLATION OF PHILOSOPHY Book III, Poem 12 Happy i s he that can behold The well-spring whence a l l good doth rise, Happy i s he that can unfold The bands with which the earth him t i e s . TheThxacian poet whose sweet song Performed his wife's sad obsequies, And forced the woods to run along When he his mournful tunes did play, Whose powerful music was so strong That i t could make the rivers stay; The fearful 6dnds not daunted were, But with the lions took their way, Nor did the hare behold with fear The dog whom these sweet notes appease. When force of grief drew yet more near, And on his heart did burning seize, Nor tunes which a l l in quiet bound Could any jot their master ease, The gods above too hard he found, And Pluto's palace v i s i t i n g . He mixed sweet verses with the sound Of his loud harp's delightful string, A l l that he drank with thirsty draught From his high mother's chiefest spring, A l l that his restless grief him taught, And love which gives grief double aid, With this even hell i t s e l f was caught, Whither he went, and pardon prayed For his dear spouse (unheard request). The three-head porter was dismayed, Ravished with his unwonted guest, The Furies, which in tortures keep The guilty souls with pains opprest, Moved with his song began to weep* Ixion's wheel now standing s t i l l Turns not his head with motions steep. Though Tantalus might drink at w i l l , To quench his thirst he would forbear. The vulture f u l l with music s h r i l l Doth not poor Tityus' l i v e r tear. 'We by his verses conquered are,' Saith the great King whom sp i r i t s fear. 'Let us not then from him debar His wife whom he with songs doth gain. Yet lest our g i f t should stretch too far, We w i l l i t with this law restrain, That when from h e l l he takes his f l i g h t , He shall from looking back refrain.' Who can for lovers laws indite? Love hath no law but her own w i l l . Orpheus, seeing on the verge of night Eurydice, doth lose and k i l l Her and himself with foolish love. But you this feigned tale f u l f i l . Who think unto the day above To bring with speed your darksome mind. For i f , your eye conquered, you move Backward to Pluto l e f t behind. A l l the rich prey which thence you took, You lose while back to he l l you look. 133 APPENDIX III CONSOLATION OP PHILOSOPHY Book III, Poem 9 0 Thou, that dost the world in lasting order guide, Father of heaven and earth, Who makest time swiftly slide, And, standing s t i l l Thyself, yet fram'st a l l moving laws, Who to Thy work wert moved by no external cause* But by a sweet desire, where envy hath no place, Thy goodness moving Thee to give each thing his grace, Thou dost a l l creatures' forms from highest patterns take, From Thy f a i r mind the world f a i r like Thyself doth make. Thus Thou perfect the whole perfect each part dost frame. Thou temp'rest elements, making cold mixed with flame And dry things join with moist, lest f i r e away should f l y , Or earth, opprest with weight, buried too low should l i e . Thou in consenting parts f i t l y disposed hast Th' all-moving soul in midst of threefold nature placed, Which, cut in several parts that run a different race, Into i t s e l f returns, and c i r c l i n g doth embrace The highest mind, and heaven with like proportion drives. Thou with like cause dost make the souls and lesser lives, Fix them in chariots swift, and widely scatterest O'er heaven and earth; then at Thy fatherly behest They stream, like f i r e returning, back to Thee, their God. Dear Father,, let my mind Thy hallowed seat ascend, Let me behold the spring of grace and find Thy light, That I on Thee may f i x my soul's well cleared sight. Cast off the earthly weight wherewith I am opprest, Shine as Thou art most bright, Thou only calm and rest To pious men whose end i s to behold Thy ray, Who their beginning art, their guide, their bound, and way. 

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