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The social influence of the United Church of Canada in British Columbia 1930-1948 Harrison, Marilyn Joan 1975

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THE SOCIAL INFLUENCE OF THE UNITED CHURCH OF CANADA IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 1930-1948 by MARILYN JOAN HARRISON B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of History We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1975 In presenting this thesis i n p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of this thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of History The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver, B.C. Canada V6T 1W5 Date A p r i l , 1975 i ABSTRACT Throughout Canadian history the major Christian churches have played an important role i n the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l l i f e of the nation. B r i t i s h Columbia, however, has stood apart as more secular than the rest of the country and the influence of the church, though present, has been far less obvious. With the rest of Canada now entering a secular period, the past experiences of the church i n B r i t i s h Columbia becomes annimppfftantttramllb'laze'rr f oEr thee rest L of the country. The United Church of Canada was chosen for this study because of i t s national strength geographically and numerically, i t s class structure which i s predominately Anglo-Saxon middle-class but also includes some upper and lower-class members as wel l as some ethnic minorities, and i t s propensity for s o c i a l action inherited from i t s predecessors. Shortly after the union of 1925 three unusual circumstances developed which had a profound effect on B r i t i s h Columbia and the United Church—the depression, the Second World War and the evacuation of the Japanese from the west coast. These three crises form the setting for a close examination of the United Church's influence within the province. Of key importance for this examination were the record and minute books of the United Church congregations and i n s t i t u t i o n s , the minutes and papers of the higher courts of the church, and the papers i i of i n d i v i d u a l church leaders. The popular press was used extensively to supplement the o f f i c i a l records, providing additional information covering church a c t i v i t y i n the community and giving colour and i n t e r -pretation to church issues and debate. Interviews with some people active during the years under scrutihyyroundeddoutttheeresearch by f i l l i n g i n gaps of information and adding personal opinion and r e f l e c t i o n . The sources were allowed to speak for themselves and indicate certain patterns which were then examined by more selective research. However, since opinion and action are based on so many variables, i t was impossible to separate the influence of the church from other influences i n society. Therefore the conclusions are based less on hard fact than on general impression and deduction. The United Church d e f i n i t e l y had an influence i n B r i t i s h Columbia, not only on i t s own membership but also on the general public. The extent, however, i s impossible to measure precisely. Through b r i e f s , p e t i t i o n s , reports, study groups, sermons and public announcements i t f u l f i l l e d an educational role by advocating economic and s o c i a l change which prepared the people for a s o c i a l welfare state. The church, i n i t s defence of the Japanese Canadians, awakened many consciences and led the way for r a c i a l j u s t i c e after the war. Throughout the depression and the war church members responded generously with time, leadership and materials to ease the hunger, the cold and the loneliness of un-employed men, drought-strifeken p r a i r i e families and soldiers at home and overseas. While most church members could whole-heartedly support the t r a d i t i o n a l charity of the church, fewer supported the b r i e f s and i i i reports demanding change i n society. Fewer s t i l l , and these were led by a handful of r a d i c a l clergy, supported socialism, the demands of the unemployed transients and labour, pacifism, and the rights of the Japanese Canadians during the war. By working with other i n s t i t u t i o n s , the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia showed that i t i s possible for a church to influence society i n a secular age. The clergy, on the whole more l i b e r a l than the l a i t y , could only lead the church body i n the same direction as society generally was moving, but the church was able to hasten that movement. And through the work of a few radicals i n the church, i t could prod society and keep a l i v e the Christian ideals of Canadian l i b e r a l i s m at a time when i t would have been very easy to ignore . pri n c i p l e s of human dignity. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page INTRODUCTION 1 1 THE UNITED CHURCH HERITAGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA . . . . 9 2 CHURCH UNION 29 3 THE DEPRESSION 45 Bread—Paternal Charity 55 4 REFORMING THE SOCIAL ORDER 70 Traditional Reform 70 The "Reds"—Radical Social Change 93 T T A ^ . . . . 1 0 / 5 WAR : . : : 124 6 THE EVACUATION OF JAPANESE CANADIANS 159 CONCLUSION 196 ABBREVIATIONS 206 FOOTNOTES 2 0 7 BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDICES 249 273 V LIST OF TABLES Table Page I Religious Denominations C l a s s i f i e d by Racial Origins i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931 • • • 4 II Union Congregations P r i o r to 1925 33 I I I Non-Concurring Presbyterians 35 IV Extent of Church Union i n B r i t i s h Columbia 35 V The United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931 41 VI Charges Vacant or Supplied by Lay or Retired Men, 1944 B r i t i s h Columbia Conference 129 VII Rate of Growth of Total Membership During the War Years of United Church Presbyteries and Some Congregations i n M i l i t a r y Training Centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia . . 137 VIII Rates of Growth Compared to Population Increase i n B r i t i s h Columbia 154 IX War and Post-War Growth of United Church Presbyteries and Selected C i t i e s 154 X Active Full-Time Chaplains i n Canadian Armed Forces to A p r i l 1944 156 XI Canadian and B r i t i s h Columbia Enlistments by Religious A f f i l i a t i o n 156 XII Intake into Canadian Armed Forces by Province, World War II 157 XIII Immigrant Population of B r i t i s h Columbia by Country of Allegiance 161 XIV Regional Di s t r i b u t i o n of a l l A s i a t i c s Belonging to the United Church 164 XV Religious A f f i l i a t i o n of Chinese and Japanese i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931 164 INTRODUCTION In Canada the Christian r e l i g i o n has been very much intertwined with the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l fabric of the nation. During the nineteenth century, i n d i v i d u a l piety was strong and was rarely i n c o n f l i c t with the dominant economic and p o l i t i c a l directions of society. Progress for the ind i v i d u a l depended upon hard work, sobriety, s t a b i l -i t y , humanitarian e f f o r t s , strong family l i f e and unified class aims, a l l of which the churches fostered through t h e i r preaching of God's and Christ's demand for personal reformation. At the same time, movements for organic s o c i a l action were also at work with similar aims. As a result the leading denominations were i n the forefront of controversies over land questions, public education, p o l i t i c a l party platforms and pr o v i n c i a l finances. In many instances, churches shaped the s o c i a l l i f e of communities and determined the public image of towns and c i t i e s . By 1900 the major denominations, the Roman Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian and Baptist Churches had firmly established i n f l u e n t i a l roles i n the p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic f i e l d s at the federal, p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l levels."'' In contrast to the rest of the country, B r i t i s h Columbia stands apart as a more secular society i n which re l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s have 2 played a lesser r o l e . When the white man came to the P a c i f i c north-west permanently, the churches came too. Why did they not play a more prominent role? In small towns, i t was not taken for granted that everyone 1 2 would be a church-goer as i t was i n eastern parts of the country, nor 3 were the churches as obviously active i n p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l issues. This lack of public p a r t i c i p a t i o n , however, does not s i g n i f y the absence of action on the part of the churches. B r i t i s h Columbia was settled l a t e r than the rest of the country and copied many of the public i n s t i t u t i o n s of the eastern provinces, o r i g i n a l l y started by churches and then taken over by.the government. The period of settlement was at a time when s o c i a l reform movements i n a l l areas of l i f e were vigorous and the churches' action paralleled that of other forces i n society and therefore did not stand out as unique; i t was a time of c o n f l i c t between rugged individualism and a greater degree of collectivismm and much of the churches' energy was dissipated i n t e r n a l l y over the same struggle as they t r i e d to cope with the newly-emerging, more secular society; i t was a time when most f r o n t i e r land i n Canada and the United States had been settl e d and many of those entering this province were i n d i v i d u a l i s t s , unable to cope with the more t r a d i t i o n a l society of eastern Canada, the United States and Europe. Many of the new settlements were composed of single males and this did not encourage the establishment of stable t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the church. The question arises whether the church can have any influence i n a secular society such as this and i f so, what kind? The s o c i a l attitudes and actions of the United Church of Canada have been chosen for close examination for several reasons. In Canada and i n B r i t i s h Columbia, i t has been one of the leading denominations i n terms of number of members and adherents. Its membership represented 3 a cross-section of the population, reaching a l l corners of & the country and province, and included r u r a l , urban, native Indian, o r i e n t a l , upper, 4 middle and lower class people. Moreover, i t and i t s predecessors showed a s o c i a l conscience. In the early part of the twentieth century, the Methodist Church was known for i t s enthusiastic adoption of the s o c i a l gospel and i t s p a r t i a l endorsement of s o c i a l i s t aims for the country. The Presbyterian Church had stressed s o c i a l reform, largely through i n d i v i d u a l reformation and action, but i t also agreed with some of the more l i b e r a l measures for changing society. The United Church started off with a reputation for l i b e r a l s o c i a l views, unshackled by binding t r a d i t i o n . I t accepted r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for a l l i n the country otherwise unchurched, and for the moral quality of Canadian society as a whole. This fact plus i t s c a t h o l i c i t y and the number of i t s members, i t s geographical spread, i t s singular union and i t s predecessors' history of Canadian nationalism gave i t a strongly national a i r . By 1925 much of the s o c i a l work originated by the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches had become i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d by either the govern-ment or by the churches. Shortly after union however, three "abnormal" developments occurred which had a profound effect on B r i t i s h Columbia society and on the United Church i n that province—the depression of the 1930's, the Second World War and the evacuation of a l l Japanese from the P a c i f i c coast. These three crises form the setting for a close examination of the s o c i a l concern and influence of the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Did the church have any influence over the decisions and actions of the legislators,oof the general population or 4 Table I Religious Denominations Cl a s s i f i e d by Racial Origins i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931 Anglicans Roman Catholics United Church B r i t i s h Races 190,507 32,134 140,632 English 151,854 11,481 64,507 I r i s h 17,141 14,049 22,877 Scottish 17,127 6,211 49,778 Other 4,385 393 3,470 European Races 7,924 43,732 13,213 French 1,678 9,716 1,881 Austrian 121 2,758 194 Belgian 192 1,114 151 Czech & Slovak 57 2,280 110 Danish 453 130 575 Dutch 723 594 1,967 Finnish 115 97 295 German 1,816 3,841 3,304 Greek 72 160 27 .Hebrew 24 16 26 Hungarian 29 943 69 Icelandic 74 19 201 I t a l i a n 239 11,453 278 Jugo-Slavic 48 2,157 60 Norwegian 731 238 1,287 Pol i s h 153 3,423 189 Roumanian 34 684 65 Russian 211 1,360 347 Swedish 1,002 297 2,027 Ukrainian 51 1,817 75 Other 101 635 85 A s i a t i c Races 1,678 463 5,813 Chinese 357 93 978 Japanese 1,240 208 4,789 Other 81 162 46 Indian & Eskimo 4,737 14,289 4,609 Negro 56 45 220 Unspecified 145 189 263 TOTAL 205,047 90,852 164,750 Source: Census of Canada, 1931. 5 of i t s own members? Who formed the church's public opinions and pro-vided the leadership during these c r i s i s years? Was i t the same leadership throughout? What were the r e l a t i v e roles of the clergy and the l a i t y ? Was the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia more f l e x i b l e , secular and ra d i c a l than the church i n the rest of the country? These are some of the questions to be explored i n the following examination of the church's influence. ******************** According to one h i s t o r i a n , history i s of everyday people and documents only record the exceptional.^ O r i g i n a l l y i t had been hoped that this study could concentrate on the ordinary members of the church but i t very quickly became evident that this was impossible. Most have l e f t no records. A survey questionnaire was ruled out because so many had died, moved away or had changed t h e i r opinions (often unconsciously) over the intervening years. As a r e s u l t , this thesis i s based on what evidence does remain, with deduction playing a large role i n the con-clusions reached. From the governing bodies of the church, there are the o f f i c i a l minutes for the presbyteries, the conference and some committees. Most of the correspondence has been destroyed, but the valuable papers of the Rev. Hugh Dobson, associate secretary of the Board of Evangelism and Social Service, throughout the period under discussion, and of the Rev. W.P. Bunt, superintendent of home missions for B r i t i s h Columbia during the 1940's, remain and were used as key source material. Minute 6 books from congregations were used as w e l l but choice was dependent upon those available. F i r e , water and deliberate destruction have played havoc with many congregational records. Minutes are often extremely b r i e f and subject to the biases of the secretaries, and a desire to minimize uripleasantijpconferoversi'alrorepetsonal i n f o r -mation. Reports mentioned i n minutes and giving the important details needed are rarely printed i n f u l l and are usually unavailable i n the papers of the organization under scrutiny. The main value of the o f f i c i a l minute books i s as a source for resolutions passed, topics discussed and talks given. These indicate the general current issues and topics church members were most concerned about at the time. The l o c a l newspapers are most useful i n f i l l i n g out the secular background for current issues as w e l l as giving colourful d e t a i l s of church meetings. Lengthy debates, b i t t e r controversy, unanimous decisions and standing ovations were recorded i n the press but not i n the o f f i c i a l minutes. Also found i n the press are details of church groups' and church members' involvement i n the s o c i a l issues of the day, frequently ignored i n the church records. This i s especially true i n the smaller c i t i e s and towns. Letters to the editors draw attention to current l o c a l issues and public (including church members') opinion. Allowing for the editor's bias and desire for news-making items, the author found the press a most valuable source for rounding out a more popular view of church involvement i n society. A large number of individuals were interviewed—some b r i e f l y and others at great length; some very active i n leadership roles during 7 the crises' periods and others as ordinary church members. The choice was necessarily limited to those s t i l l l i v i n g and with keen minds, and to those readily available to the w r i t e r . After the idea of a question-naire was dropped, there was no attempt to pick a representative cross-section to interview i n the hope of proving a p a r t i c u l a r attitude or view towards a s p e c i f i c issue. Instead, the interviews were used as opportunities to f i l l i n background information, atmosphere and personal reactions to a pa r t i c u l a r controversial issue. In some instances, interviewees provided factual information unobtainable elsewhere i n the form of correspondence, scrapbooks and memories, as w e l l as very useful leads for further sources. There i s always the danger i n interviews on the past of receiv-ing opinions people would give to-day i n s i m i l a r situations, or i d e a l opinions they wish they had held at the time, or opinions they think the writer wants to hear. In actual practice, most people appeared to be honest i n reporting where they or the church had f a i l e d . I t became reasonably easy to spot r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , one-sided views of extremists, and cliches. Although a l l of the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference of the United Church was examined, Vancouver figures very prominently i n the research. The greater Vancouver area had over half of the United Church membership; permanent f i e l d s t a f f had t h e i r offices i n the c i t y and tended to r e f l e c t i n t h e i r outlook and actions, the l o c a l problems; the majority of members of conference committees were drawn from t h i s area so meetings could be held frequently and inexpensively; the outlying presbyteries, because of 8 geographic barriers and lack of good communication with neighbouring areas, looked to Vancouver for church fellowship and guidance; and this c i t y was most prominently affected by a l l three c r i s e s . At the beginning of the research, the basic assumption was made that the United Church, as an i n t e g r a l part of society, had an influence i n current s o c i a l issues. The extent of that influence and i t s nature, however, were unknown. The sources available were studied as intensively as possible and allowed to speak for themselves. As time progressed, certain patterns and trends emerged upon which one could base a viable hypothesis which was, i n turn, followed by further selective research. However, opinions and action are based on so many variables that i t was impossible to separate, i n most instances, the influence of the church from the influences of other i n s t i t u t i o n s i n society. Therefore, con-clusions are based, partly on hard fact, but more frequently on general impression, pattern, and deduction. Chapter 1 THE UNITED CHURCH HERITAGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA In the popular view each of the three denominations which joined i n 1925 to form The United Church of Canada, the Congregational Union of Canada, the Presbyterian Church i n Canada and the Methodist Church of Canada, presented a de f i n i t e image. The Congregational Church was noted for i t s emphasis on congregational independence i n p o l i t y and doctrine, and on sound academic, l i b e r a l preaching. The Presbyterian Church presented a strongly doctrinal theology based on a scholarly study of the Bible, d i g n i f i e d worship, and a highly democratic p o l i t y . The Methodist Church seemed informal and evangelical i n i t s forms of worship, highly authoritarian i n structure, and was involved, corporately, i n the a f f a i r s of society."'" By the time these three denominations came to B r i t i s h Columbia, they had been drawn closer together by a common heritage i n eastern Canada, and by co-operative or simi l a r solutions to western problems. Experiences unique i n B r i t i s h Columbia accentuated the s i m i l a r i t i e s as the three churches t r i e d to cope with a pioneering society isolated from the rest of the country. Many of the problems confronting the churches were solved f i r s t by informal and then,by formal co-operation. Union was the l o g i c a l f i n a l step. 9 10 In B r i t i s h Columbia i s o l a t i o n was a common problem, not only i n the early days but l a t e r as w e l l . Communication with the parent churches i n eastern Canada and i n the B r i t i s h Isles took months and transporta-tion was slow and d i f f i c u l t . With the coming of the railway i n 1885, communication improved but the Rockies s t i l l separated B r i t i s h Columbia psychologically from the rest of the country. In the churches, this was emphasized by the fact that the headquarters of the parent bodies 2 and the key committee personnel were a l l i n Ontario. Furthermore, within the province i t s e l f , regionalism due to geographical b a r r i e r s , created a lack of communication and understanding, varied s o c i a l problems, different l i f e s t y l e s , and made unified decisions, support and action very d i f f i c u l t . 3 Probably the Methodists, through the itineracy system were best able to overcome regional misunderstanding, at least among the clergy. In many parts of the province, the clergy coped with very primitive physical conditions with poor or no roads, shacks for homes often b u i l t with t h e i r own hands, expensive supplies, few contacts with persons of l i k e i n t e r e s t s , and i s o l a t i o n from the outside world i n which they had been raised. They were called to be pioneers physically as w e l l as s p i r i t -u a l l y . The churches a l l found i t d i f f i c u l t to fi n d enough men who were suited to deal with such i s o l a t i o n . The varied r a c i a l population of B r i t i s h Columbia presented unique problems with which the churches had to work. The province had a very large Indian population, which on the coast had a highly developed s o c i a l and economic structure. The coming of the white man immediately upset the Indian way of l i f e with the introduction of li q u o r , new diseases and 11 p r o s t i t u t i o n . The Indians' s o c i a l and economic l i f e collapsed and only the churches f e l t any obligation to help the Indians adjust to the new economic and s o c i a l conditions. A large transient white population gave the province a secular a i r . By the time B r i t i s h Columbia became of r e a l interest to the rest of the Anglo-Saxon world, a ma t e r i a l i s t and secular society i n which industry replaced agriculture was becoming increasingly dominant. The province was a natural resource pool to be exploited by c a p i t a l i s t entre-preneurs for i n d u s t r i a l and economic purposes. The pri n c i p l e s held by those mining, lumbering and f i s h i n g interests which were developing the province often seemed contrary to the e t h i c a l demands of C h r i s t i a n i t y and the churches had a hard time combating secularism. A large portion of the working population was composed of single men, frequently d r i f t e r s , speculators and s o c i a l m i s f i t s from eastern Canada, the United States and Europe who wanted adventure, money, and escape from the s o c i a l bonds of a more settle d society. Family, community and rel i g i o u s t i e s had long since been broken and the churches found i t very d i f f i c u l t to mMister to this constantly s h i f t i n g element of the population which brought with i t s o c i a l problems of drunkenness, gambling and generally loose l i v i n g . ^ A large o r i e n t a l population brought into the province as cheap labour by the r a i l r o a d and mine owners added to the s o c i a l problems. The orientals found i t almost impossible to become assimilated into the pre-dominately Caucasian society and t h e i r presence i n such large numbers created much i n d u s t r i a l unrest among the white labourers.^ 12 A very large proportion of B r i t i s h Columbia's population came from the B r i t i s h Isles after the turn of the century and had strong l o y a l t i e s to i t s homeland and l i t t l e knowledge of or roots i n Canadian history by the time the F i r s t World War struck.^ As a r e s u l t , B r i t i s h Columbia contributed a very high percentage of i t s male population to the war e f f o r t and this fact d i r e c t l y affected church congregations i n terms of f a l l i n g numbers and revenue. The key to many of the problems faced by the churches was timing. Settled l a t e r than eastern Canada and just at a time when industrialism had h i t the country, the province had no opportunity to develop gradually from one era of economic endeavour to another. The mass of i t s popula-tion came within a very few years and increased adjustment problems.^ Simultaneously, the province and the churches had to deal with pioneer-ing ranch l i f e i n the Cariboo; small family farms i n the Okanagan and Fraser Valleys; remote mining towns i n the Yukon and Kootenay controlled by large international companies; the rapidly growing port c i t y of Vancouver with i t s slums, unassimilated and poorly-paid labourers, inadequate health and welfare regulations, and i t s mushrooming middle-class bedroom suburbs which demanded roads, f i r e protection, schools, churches and streetcar service. A depression i n 1913 following .real estate boom, and World War I magnified the problems. The churches f e l t that they had to meet a l l needs i n a l l places but with one s o c i a l c r i s i s upon another, they rarely had time for any clear-cut long range planning, but acted haphazardly with p r a c t i c a l and sometimes divergent solutions. 13 From i t s e a r l i e s t days when John Wesley preached to street crowds i n England, Methodism was popularly noted for i t s aggressive evangelism. Wesley's message was two-fold: God's grace was free to a l l who would l i s t e n and accept the g i f t of new b i r t h , and secondly, a new way of l i f e a l t e r i n g one's s o c i a l and moral habits would naturally follow. Converts, released from feelings of g u i l t and elated by the gospel, f e l t bound to share the i r enthusiasm, i n s p i r a t i o n and joy with a l l others. Methodism always contained a dichotomy between an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c concern for per-g sonal salvation and c o l l e c t i v e concern for the salvation of a l l society. And B r i t i s h Columbia was part of that society. As soon as i t heard of the gold rush the Canadian Wesleyan Methodist Church became concerned about the godless miners and pagan Indians of the west coast and sent out four missionaries, chosen from nine volunteers. The four, the Revs. Ephraim Evans, Edward White, Arthur Browning and Ebenezer Robson, landed i n V i c t o r i a i n January of 1859 and immediately began work i n V i c t o r i a , New Westminster, Nanaimo and the Hope-Yale area among the few white Methodist s e t t l e r s who welcomed t h e i r church's presence on the coast, the unchurched miners, the many Indians around these settlements, and the few Chinese who had d r i f t e d i n with the miners. Enthusiasm was high and roots were w e l l -established for future growth. Although very few i n number i n England and i n eastern Canada, 9 the Congregational Church through i t s B r i t i s h Colonial Missionary S o c i e t y ^ responded quickly to the rel i g i o u s needs of B r i t i s h Columbia and sent the Rev. W.F. Clarke from Canada West to V i c t o r i a i n the summer 14 of 1 8 5 9 , a n d the Rev. Mathew Macfie from England a few months l a t e r . Within the f i r s t month of his a r r i v a l , Clarke was involved i n the colony's s o c i a l l i f e , having addressed the Y.M.C.A. and the Dashaway Society, a temperance group. In that same year he took a strong stand against the current r u l i n g clique's desire for the Church of England to 12 be named the established church. Unfortunately, Clarke's stand against the segregation of negroes i n his congregation caused Macfie and most white members to leave. Clarke returned east, Macfie l e f t i n 1864 and 13 the remaining Congregationalists turned to the Presbyterian Church. For the next t h i r t y years Congregationalism was dead i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Too few members, lack of constant oversight and disagreement over s o c i a l issues brought about the demise of what had been a promising beginning. Least enthusiastic were the Presbyterians who did not heed the plea for clergy i n B r i t i s h Columbia u n t i l 1861 and then i t was the I r i s h Presbyterian Church which sent out the Rev. John H a l l to V i c t o r i a to serve white Presbyterians. His work was made more d i f f i c u l t when the Church of Scotland sent out the Rev. James Nimmo shortly afterwards. There were not enough Presbyterians i n V i c t o r i a to keep two men busy, the Church of Scotland refused to withdraw Nimmo and i t never occurred to either man that one might work elsewhere i n the colony. The Presby1-terian cause was further weakened by a s p l i t i n the V i c t o r i a congregation over church authority, a demonstration of a common Presbyterian t r a i t of 14 stubborn adherence to p r i n c i p l e regardless of the disruptive e f f e c t . Both congregations and their ministers largely ignored the miners, other whites and the Indians i n the colony and concentrated their e f f o r t s among 15 Scottish Presbyterian s e t t l e r s on Vancouver Island. An exception to the narrowness of the Island Presbyterians was the Rev. Robert Jamieson, a former I r i s h Presbyterian who, after much pleading with the Canada Presbyterian Church to which he was attached i n Canada West, was sent out i n 1862 to New Westminster where there was a sizeable number of Presbyterians from eastern Canada. Pr i o r to Jamieson's a r r i v a l , the Canada Presbyterian Church was divided as to the nature of the proposed mission to the P a c i f i c and even after sending Jamieson, was not enthusiastic about mission work i n B r i t i s h Columbia. In l e t t e r after l e t t e r , Jamieson asked for answers to his e a r l i e r appeals, for money, for d i r e c t i o n from Synod the church's chief governing body, and for more men to aid i n the ever widening area as the miners worked their way up the Fraser and into the Cariboo. Unlike the i r Scottish breth-ren, Jamieson and his two assistants, Daniel Duff and William Aitken, who were sent out for one or two years, appreciated the f r o n t i e r aspect of the colony with i t s d r i f t i n g population and lack of s p i r i t u a l d irection and followed the miners into the Cariboo and ministered to whites other than Presbyterians. Their style of approach and general attitude towards society was more i n tune with that of the Canadian Methodists. Jamieson was constantly frustrated, through lack of funds and men, i n his attempts to deal with the s o c i a l problems of drinking, lack of educational and re l i g i o u s services and the ignoring of the Sabbath which surrounded him. He f e l t that his own e f f o r t was so small as to be almost u s e l e s s . 1 6 During t h i s period, Presbyterian preaching i n eastern Canada was undergoing a slow evolution. P r i o r to 1850 preaching had been heavily 16 doctrinal but this was gradually replaced by more emphasis on moral issues, both for individuals and for the community. At the same time tolerance for the Methodists was growing. Perhaps Robert Jamieson, Daniel Duff and William Aitken reflected t h i s new approach of the church i n contrast to the more t r a d i t i o n a l and conservative approach taken by the Church of Scotland clergy. Or perhaps i t was coincidence that the eastern body sent out individuals concerned about s o c i a l problems. The o f f i c i a l Presbyterian view s t i l l differed considerably from the o f f i c i a l Methodist view. Presbyterians were educated to act as concerned Christians i n t h e i r everyday l i v e s . While not denying the importance of i n d i v i d u a l conduct, the Methodists also fought as a body for l e g i s l a t i o n to affect 18 a l l of society. Jamieson, Duff and Aitken were acting as individuals of the Presbyterian Church i n declaring and acting out the gospel i n their daily l i v e s as the many varied opportunities presented themselves and they encouraged t h e i r flocks to do likewise. Throughout the whole period of the gold rush the churches never had enough men to cover the two colonies adequately or to deal with the many s o c i a l problems which beset society. As a body the Methodist Church seemed to be the only one r e a l l y enthusiastic about the area and able to understand the challenge i t presented. By 1865 the gold rush had died down, and B r i t i s h Columbia entered a long period of economic depression and dire f i n a n c i a l c r i s e s . The colony of Vancouver Island was merged with the colony of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1866 i n the vain hope that the economic c r i s i s would be eased by the elimination of duplication i n government spending. In 1871 B r i t i s h 17 Columbia became a province of Canada, but i t took many years more before the r a i l r o a d f i n a l l y reached the province and the economic si t u a t i o n began to improve. During these dark years of mounting debts, depression, and wrangling over responsible government, the s i t e of the c a p i t a l , the governor's expenditures, annexation or confederation, the Methodists and Presbyterians carried on thei r work. The Scottish Presbyterian Church sent out more than ten men i n this period to minister mainly to Scottish s e t t l e r s on the Island and around Langley but unfortunately, the men stayed for only b r i e f periods and never succeeded i n adopting a f l e x i b l e s t y l e , necessary on the f r o n t i e r . Robert Jamieson remained under the auspices of the Canada Presbyterian Church and maintained a holding operation among the Canadian Presbyterians of the New Westminster, Nanaimo and Fraser Valley area u n t i l such time as he received more assistance. Only the Methodists maintained a keen interest i n th e i r work i n the province and used these quiet years to expand thei r Indian work along the Fraser River and up the coast as far as Port Simpson. P r a c t i c a l men who were w i l l i n g to l i v e i n isolated surroundings and were able to keep up their enthusiasm and b e l i e f despite opposition from white traders, Indian medicine men, government o f f i c i a l s and apathetic eastern church o f f i c i a l s , dedidated the i r l i v e s to th i s d i f f i c u l t and often unrewarding work. The Methodists had such men so that missions became firmly estab-lished i n many Indian v i l l a g e s . 18 With the completion of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway i n 1885 came a new era for B r i t i s h Columbia. At long l a s t there was a direct l i n k with the rest of Canada which attracted trade and immigration. Wherever the growing population s e t t l e d , the churches t r i e d to be there using both t r a d i t i o n a l and new methods i n serving the people over a wide area. Within the eastern-based churches, enthusiasm for the west and missions generally grew. The various branches of the Methodist Church united i n 1884 to become the Methodist Church of Canada, and developed an aggressive n a t i o n a l i s t policy i n i t s attempt to Christianize the 19 northwest, including B r i t i s h Columbia. To this end the Rev. James Woodsworth i n Winnipeg was appointed superintendent of home missions for the northwest and he activ e l y sought out missionaries to send to B r i t i s h Columbia. The Presbyterian Churches i n eastern Canada united i n 1875 to become the Presbyterian Church i n Canada but not u n t i l the rai l r o a d was completed did i t take up the challenge of being a national church. In 1887 the Synod of B r i t i s h Columbia of the Church of Scotland joined the Presbyterian Church i n Canada and dropped much of i t s former cliquishness and i n f l e x i b i l i t y . The Rev. James Robertson, superintendent of home missions with his headquarters i n Winnipeg, had B r i t i s h Columbia added to his t e r r i t o r y . Like Woodsworth, he travelled the northwest looking for the n u c l e i i of new congregations, and canvassed the eastern un i v e r s i t i e s as well as the B r i t i s h Isles for ministers. At f i r s t he found great reluctance on the part of students and newly-ordained clergy to leave the i r comfortable 20 posts for the uncertain rough and tumble world of the west. By the turn 19 of the century enthusiasm mounted as the west became more se t t l e d , better known and romanticized. The Revs. George M. Grant and D.M. Gordon, both principals of Queen's University and key leaders i n the Presbyterian General Assembly, made t r i p s to B r i t i s h Columbia and encouraged t h e i r students and the church i n general to pay more attention to the west, while the Rev. C.W. Gordon, wri t i n g under the name Ralph Connor, popular-ized the west through such novels as The Sky P i l o t and The Prospector, 21 both widely read throughout eastern Canada. After 1885 the Presbyterian Church adopted the well-used Methodist "saddle-bag" system i n order to reach as many widely scattered s e t t l e r s of the Okanagan, Cariboo and Kootenay regions as possible. In two years one man conducted worship i n fifty-seven different places from Yale to the Rockies, t r a v e l l i n g by horseback, sleeping under the stars or i n Indian camps, and preaching wherever he found a few s e t t l e r s gathered 22 together—barrooms, schoolhouses, and ranch homes. The Methodist missionaries experienced the same conditions of enormous distances, lack of good transportation, and much loneliness. 23 The 1890's dawned with a mining boom i n the Kootenay followed by a gold rush i n the Yukon which brought thousands of single men, i n -stant camps, easy money, gambling, dance-hall g i r l s and saloons to B r i t i s h Columbia. The Methodists and the Presbyterians and even the Congregation-a l i s t s sent i n scores of young men to preach the gospel and set up s o c i a l centres for card playing, sports and reading as an alternative to the saloons. In the Yukon the Presbyterian Church established medical f a c i -l i t i e s as w e l l . I t a l i a n , German and Swedish names appeared on church 20 r o l l s . At l a s t the Presbyterian Church had broken out of i t s Scottish mold and l i v e d up to James Robertson's credo that the church must minister to a l l and not just to those of Scottish Presbyterian back-24 ground. In doing so the Presbyterian Church joined the Methodist as a vehicle for t r a i n i n g Canadian c i t i z e n s . The transient population, the enormity of the s o c i a l problems, the sudden disappearance of mining towns, the vast t e r r i t o r y of the i n t e r i o r and the lack of enough missionaries and money frustrated the churches' work. Only i n the larger towns l i k e Kelowna, Nelson, Prince Rupert, Prince George and Kamloops could therebbe seen v i s i b l e results with the erection of church buildings and manses, and the establish-ment of a stable congregation with full-time ministers. Meanwhile on Vancouver Island, along the coast and up the Fraser Valley the Methodists with evangelistic zeal expanded their Indian work ' s t i l l further, organized missions for the o r i e n t a l s , began a marine ministry to the many lighthouses, lumber camps and f i s h i n g canneries, and established many congregations i n the rapidly populated a g r i c u l t u r a l areas and i n the growing c i t i e s of Nanaimo, New Westminster and V i c t o r i a . The Presbyterians did likewise, although s t i l l trapped by t r a d i t i o n , they concentrated most of t h e i r e f f o r t s among the white population and especially among former Presbyterians. For both denominations Vancouver posed a special problem. The coming of the r a i l r o a d and the presence of an excellent harbour helped turn the c i t y into the f i n a n c i a l , transportation, communication and business metropolis for the whole province. Enterprising merchants and 21 r e a l estate speculators, doctors and lawyers, s k i l l e d and unskilled labourers, grasping landlords and exploiters, orientals and eastern European immigrants, prostitutes and bootleggers flooded into the c i t y . 25 The population grew from v i r t u a l l y nothing i n 1885 to 95,260 i n 1911. The churches reflected this rapid and enthusiastic growth i n thei r own development. One congregation, Mount Pleasant Presbyterian Church, added 1300 names to i t s r o l l i n s i x years and the Methodists started twenty-one congregations i n thirteen y e a r s . ^ Neither denomination, however, could keep up with the needs of thei r own members l e t alone those with no church a f f i l i a t i o n , or deal with the s o c i a l problems inherent i n a big c i t y of rapid growth. One solution t r i e d by both denominations was the establishment of l o c a l theological colleges, Columbian Methodist College and West-minster H a l l , to t r a i n men fa m i l i a r with B r i t i s h Columbia conditions but the demand always exceeded the supply. The Methodists had by this time recognized the need for a more highly trained clergy to meet the demands of a more sophisticated i n d u s t r i a l society and emphasized a college education. Westminster H a l l carried on the Presbyterian t r a d i -t i o n of a s o l i d theological education for i t s ministers. I t adopted the novel system of summer classes so that students would be free i n the winter to replace student missionaries from Knox and Queen's Uni-v e r s i t i e s returning to the east after serving western posts during their summer break. This arrangement also allowed the college to hire w e l l -known theologicans from the B r i t i s h , Isles and eastern North American uni v e r s i t i e s enabling the students to receive a very sound academic . . 27 traini n g . 22 Another approach the churches adopted toward the s o c i a l problems of B r i t i s h Columbia was that of the s o c i a l gospel. The Presbyterians and Methodists, and the Congregationalists who had revived t h e i r a c t i v i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia, hoped, through this new form of evangelism, to b u i l d the Kingdom of God i n Vancouver and throughout the province. The s o c i a l gospel came to Canada from B r i t a i n and the United States i n the 1890's and emphasized a p r a c t i c a l C h r i s t i a n i t y based on 28 human interaction and love rather than on theological debate. In Canada the old moral concerns such as Sabbath observance and temperance were incorporated into the s o c i a l gospel along with the newer concerns for labour l e g i s l a t i o n , missions i n the slums and the assimilation of foreigners into the Anglo-Saxon way of l i f e . In B r i t i s h Columbia the Methodists readily adopted this new evangelism aimed at both personal and organic s o c i a l reform. The Presbyterian Church, though slower to respond, accepted the t r a d i t i o n a l challenge to individuals for reform and many gradually saw the need for more drastic change through government l e g i s l a t i o n . The Congregation-a l i s t s , though few i n number were noted for thei r l i b e r a l views and were quite w i l l i n g to co-operate with the others i n any reform movements. Certainly B r i t i s h Columbia with i t s wide-open lumbering and mining f r o n t i e r s , i t s expiloilatd^ve-eres'o'urcenilndus'fef-ies J t£t^rdM^dai f f iimmLgration problem and i t s growing urban problems i n the port c i t y of Vancouver provided many opportunities for improvement. The buoyant growth and enthusiasm of the early twentieth century i n Canada encouraged the 23 churches to believe that man could create God's Kingdom on earth i f given enough men, money and time. A great deal of e f f o r t was spent on urban missions i n the slum areas. In order to determine where action should be concentrated and of what kind, the Presbyterian and Methodist Churches conducted socio-l o g i c a l surveys of several Canadian c i t i e s and r u r a l areas including 29 Vancouver between 1910 and 1913. The report on Vancouver, besides giving many s t a t i s t i c s and facts, condemned much of the c i t y ' s behaviour i n poor building and zoning practices; i n ignoring human needs when passing new l e g i s l a t i o n ; i n bribery and corruption; i n the lack of proper f a c i l i t i e s and care for the sick, aged, b l i n d , deaf, mentally retarded and unemployed; and i n i t s poor r e l a t i o n to the pr o v i n c i a l government. In response, F i r s t Presbyterian Church and Central Methodist Church, both situated i n the growing slum area of downtown Vancouver inhabited by large numbers of recent non-Anglo-Saxon immigrants, became i n s t i t u t i o n a l churches with the emphasis on s o c i a l work among immigrants. The churches used kindergartens, mothers' clubs, language classes, fresh a i r camps and personal home v i s i t s to reach the newcomers and try to assimilate them into the Canadian way of l i f e . In 1913 F i r s t Presbyter-ian, Central Methodist and Knox Congregational Churches met to discuss the building of a $250,000 i n s t i t u t i o n a l church i n the east end of the c i t y while i n the west end St. Andrew's Presbyterian, Wesley Methodist 30 and F i r s t Congregational Churches explored ways of co-operation. Before anything concrete came of these plans, World War I intervened 24 and a l l planning ceased. In the meantime, work continued unabated i n the downtown missions u n t i l union i n 1925 brought about an amalgama-tion of resources. The i d e a l society, as seen by the s o c i a l gospellers, was to i n -corporate a l l classes including labour, which was largely an unchurched group. The churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia were mainly of the middle-class and did not understand labour aims and i n many cases, feared the working class, with the res u l t that e f f o r t s to reach i t were lim i t e d to a few leading clergy and laymen and were too diffuse for any concrete results. Some, l i k e the Methodist businessmen of Cranbrook or the Congre-gational minister i n Nelson, i n an a i r of paternalism set up reading rooms, gymnasiums and discussion groups, and became r e a l friends of the miners. Fewer s t i l l , i n a much more r a d i c a l vein, fought for new labour l e g i s l a t i o n advocating fewer hours, mine safety regulations and the right to unionize. The Rev. E.S. Rowe of Metropolitan Methodist Church i n V i c t o r i a , an appointee to the federal Royal Commission i n 1903 to investigate coal mine explosions i n the Nanaimo area, defended the miners i n an otherwise unsympathetic report, noting that a l l the 31 trouble seemed to arise i n the non-union mines. The majority of church members however, avoided the economic-labour aspect of the s o c i a l gospel to concentrate on the more t r a d i t i o n a l middle-class interests such as the prohibition movement which came to a climax during the F i r s t World War. B r i t i s h Columbia, with a preponder-ance of Anglicans i n the l e g i s l a t u r e and single men i n the population, was one of the l a s t provinces i n Canada to launch a b a t t l e against the 25 free flowing liquor trade though a few Presbyterians and many Methodists 32 had been fightin g the scourge for many years. Thirty-two saloons i n the town of Donald with a population of 350 were symptomatic of the problem's depth. By 1908, enough Methodists and sympathetic Presbyter-ians had moved into the province to form the Local Option League but the l e g i s l a t u r e continued to ignore regional p l e b i c i t e s for prohibition. In 1915 the picture changed. Climbing on the bandwagon of war-time patriotism and s o c i a l gospel idealism, and l i n k i n g prohibition with the reform of a corrupt p r o v i n c i a l government, of a vice-ridden society and of a world gone mad, a group of wealthy Vancouver Methodist businessmen l i k e Jonathan Rogers, Chris Spencer and W.H. Malkin formed and led the People's Prohibition Association. Success came i n 1917 when B r i t i s h Columbia went dry. The People's Prohibition Association fought not only for pro-h i b i t i o n but also teamed with the General M i n i s t e r i a l Association to elect a reform government i n favour of the franchise for women, enforce-ment of laws con t r o l l i n g Sabbath observance and p r o s t i t u t i o n , and clean government. The Vancouver Congregationalist minister, the Rev. A.E. Cooke played a leading role i n th i s p o l i t i c a l reform campaign to oust a corrupt Conservative government as did many Methodist and Presbyterian clergymen and prominent laymen. Victory was temporarily t h e i r s . The Liberals led by H.C. Brewster formed the new government i n 1916 and brought i n many reform changes including prohibition. The l a t t e r was short-lived and throughout the 1920's the churches fought a losing battle to the moderates who advocated and won government control of liquor sales and d i s t r i b u t i o n . 26 At no time before or since have the churches shown such united action or influence i n the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l l i f e of B r i t i s h Columbia as they did during the election campaign of 1916. Under the general banner of the s o c i a l gospel aimed at building a new society, the campaign united war pa t r i o t s , zealous p r o h i b i t i o n i s t s , women suffragettes, Liberals, disgruntled c i t i z e n s hurt by the 1913 depression, and newly-r i c h Methodist and Presbyterian laymen of Vancouver who found the corruption i n V i c t o r i a p a r t i c u l a r l y odious and themselves i n a position of influence to bring about change. The war ended with the churches convinced that a new age was dawning and that they were at the fore-front i n building God's Kingdom. Delegates from B r i t i s h Columbia to the Methodist General Confer-ence i n 1918 led much of the debate and returned home enthusiastic over 33 the p o s s i b i l i t y of church leadership i n a s o c i a l revolution. The Conference strongly condemned the c a p i t a l i s t economic system as one of the roots of war and called for a r a d i c a l change through l e g i s l a t i v e controls on industry and the nationalization of natural resources, 34 communication, transportation and public u t i l i t i e s . The decidedly s o c i a l i s t d i r e c t i o n taken by the church was too much for i t s wealthy lay leaders and t r a d i t i o n a l l y conservative r u r a l members and i n the wake of postwar labour r i o t s and s t r i k e s , they became increasingly vocal to 35 r a d i c a l pronouncements. Just prior to the 1918 General Conference the editor of the Western Methodist Recorder voiced his fears that such a reaction to s o c i a l change would set i n . In an e d i t o r i a l he lamented that 27 Indeed to many, both inside and outside the Church, i t [a refusal to endorse s o c i a l change] would imply that the Methodist Church had been captured by, or had deliberately surrendered i t s e l f to a privileged class; that i t had s t u l t i f i e d i t s t r a d i t i o n a l s p i r i t , that henceforth i t has no voice for the masses; no disinterested sympathy for the returned s o l d i e r ; no rugged, trusted influence i n the rebuilding of our s o c i a l structure i n the new era.36 Although the church i n B r i t i s h Columbia maintained a more r a d i c a l stance than other parts of the country and supported the General Conference's stand i n i t s own conference meeting i n 1919, wealthy businessmen and conservative clergy voiced the i r c r i t i c i s m of any " s o c i a l revolution," conference reports became less and less r a d i c a l i n following years and the general church body supported the r a d i c a l suggestions with deafening apathy.^ The s o c i a l gospel movement s p l i t into three segments across denominational l i n e s . The large conservative wing withdrew but continued the church's s o c i a l work through various i n s t i t u t i o n s established before and during the war, and through petitions to the government on moral issues. A much smaller progressive group, s t i l l bearing the s o c i a l gospel banner, supported the Rev. Salem Bland and his attack on capitalism 38 and i t s a l l i a n c e with Protestantism as bourgeois C h r i s t i a n i t y and continued to work for further public ownership and the ideals of the labour movement within the churches. A handful of radicals l i k e J.S. Woodsworth and A.E. Smith became so d i s i l l u s i o n e d with the Methodist Church that they l e f t to struggle for the i r new world through the labour movement or new p o l i t i c a l groups. The s o c i a l gospel idealism no longer f i l l e d the front stage of church a c t i v i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia or i n Canada as a whole during the 28 1920's. Church members concentrated on worship services, meetings, building campaigns and making up for ground l o s t during the war, although a few devoted themselves to the peace movement or the losing battle over prohibition. Preparation for church union and i t s execution occupied the time and energy of church leaders to the neglect of s o c i a l issues. In academic c i r c l e s neo-orthodoxy stressing man's s i n and the power of God replaced the s o c i a l gospeller's emphasis on Jesus' humanity and man's a b i l i t y to change the world. Reform was no longer fashionable. Chapter 2 CHURCH UNION "Church Union" was the magic c u r e - a l l phrase for some Canadian Protestants who despaired of solving s o c i a l problems without more men and money. These churchmen had reason to hope. The Presbyterian Church i n Canada after the union of 1875 and the Methodist Church of Canada after the union of 1884 had taken on national significance and f e l t a re s p o n s i b i l i t y to ministerttoaallpparHsOoft'tehec Gouht"ryaand'-to^aIl races. 1 Enthusiasm was high. Numbers grew as did f i n a n c i a l resources and the two churches became highly centralized with congregations distributed 2 from the east to west coasts. Many of the leading lay members were highly successful businessmen, lawyers and p o l i t i c i a n s , and had a strong 3 influence i n l o c a l , p r o v i n c i a l and federal a f f a i r s . Would not a further union stimulate enthusiasm and bring yet greater prosperity and s o c i a l influence? P r i o r to church union i n 1925, the churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia were already p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n interdenominational organizations and pooling the i r resources and energy. In dealing with the s o c i a l problems that challenged them on a l l sides, the churches frequently found them-selves working together informally because of common objectives as i n the early temperance campaigns, or along p a r a l l e l l i n e s as i n their medical work. But there were other instances when the churches created organiza-tions for formalized co-operation. The Social Service Council linked 29 30 < the churches and secular organizations, the Religious Education Council linked church youth work, the People's Prohibition Association linked temperance forces, and the home mission co-operative work linked Presbyterians and Methodists at the l o c a l congregational l e v e l . These united e f f o r t s were steps along the road which led to the o f f i c i a l union of 1925. The organization encompassing the widest number of groups and interests was the Social Service Council of Canada. I t was organized i n 1907 by a Presbyterian, the Rev. J.G. Shearer, to co-ordinate the s o c i a l work of the moral and s o c i a l reform boards of the various churches and of other groups l i k e the Y.M.C.A., the Y.W.C.A., the Victorian Order of Nurses, the Federation of Women's Institutes and the Canadian Prison-ers' Welfare Association. I t s main emphasis was upon government l e g i s -l a t i o n i n the s o c i a l welfare f i e l d and i t acted as an effect i v e t o o l for the s o c i a l gospellers i n achieving p r a c t i c a l results from their idealism. As well as having a national headquarters, i t had pr o v i n c i a l and l o c a l branches. V i c t o r i a and Vancouver had active branches and Presbyterian, Methodist and Congregational Churches played leading roles i n i t s work, especially during the battle for prohibition.^ In 1918, the B r i t i s h Columbia branch of the Religious Education Council of Canada was organized with the Rev. E.R. McLean, a Presby-te r i a n , as i t s executive secretary and Miss Anne Fountain, a Methodist, as G i r l s ' Work Secretary. They were responsible for the tra i n i n g of church youth leaders and for sponsoring church camps, congregational youth groups and Sunday Schools. Anglicans and Baptists participated as 31 we l l as the Congregationalists, Presbyterians and Methodists, but the l a s t two were the most active and worked very closely and harmoniously together. Two other co-operative groups previously mentioned were the General M i n i s t e r i a l Association which was so active during the 1916 pro v i n c i a l election and the People's Prohibition Association which included laymen i n a concerted attack on liq u o r . There were also such groups as the Bible Society which distributed Bibles i n many languages throughout the province, the Lord's Day Alliance which concentrated on Sabbath observance l e g i s l a t i o n and the many temperance organizations. Another major f i e l d of co-operation which drew the two larger denominations together was that of home mission work. In the early pioneer days of the province, the two often shared buildings, worship services, ministers and i n one instance, the choir, which sang for both Methodist and Presbyterian congregations i n the same building.^ F i n a l l y , i n 1911, d e f i n i t e guide l i n e s were l a i d down for co-operation between the two denominations and a lengthy report outlining these guideslines and the extent of current co-operation appeared i n the annual report of the Home Mission Committee of the Presbyterian Church.^ World War I encouraged further co-operation as did the prospect of imminent church union on a national scale. By 1912, the central courts of the Congregational and Methodist Churches had accepted the Basis of  Union and were ready to consummate union. The Presbyterian General Assembly approved the document but because of a sizeable opposition from congregations and presbyteries, asked for minor changes and held a second 32 vote i n 1915. In the 1916 General Assembly, the Presbyterian Church resolved to unite with the Methodist and Congregational Churches a f t e r 8 the war. During the war years there was an extreme shortage of clergy; many church members who went overseas stopped their f i n a n c i a l c o n t r i -butions to their l o c a l congregations, and a f i n a n c i a l depression i n many parts of the province h i t church coffers heavily. One congregation 9 saw seventy of i t s 271 members e n l i s t . Many small congregations i n the c i t y suburbs, i n small towns and i n the r u r a l and fr o n t i e r areas were forced by economic and s o c i a l conditions into l o c a l unions or some form of co-operation. Between 1919 and 1921 the Methodist and Presbyterian home mission superintendents divided much of the province between them in order to minimize overlapping. 1^ This policy was so successful that the Rev. George A. Wilson i n a report on co-operation i n 1921 could state that there was v i r t u a l l y no duplication of services by the two denominations i n towns containing aid-receiving charges.1"'" By 1925 there were more than a dozen union congregations i n various towns besides the co-operation on the home mission f i e l d s , so that church union was a f a i t accompli i n large segments of the two denominations i n B r i t i s h 12 Columbia p r i o r to formal union. Church union was easily achieved i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Common s o c i a l concerns, f r o n t i e r and geographic conditions, economic cut-backs and the war drew Presbyterian and Methodist Churches as well as the four Congregational churches i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a very closely together. 33 Table I I Union Congregations P r i o r to 1925* Unions Total No. of Congregations % B r i t i s h Columbia 139 629 21.2 Alberta 297 1,103 26.9 Saskatchewan 431 1,394 30.9 Manitoba 148 746 19.8 * Some were independent unions, some were a f f i l i a t e d with parent bodies and others were formed when t e r r i t o r y was divided between the Methodists and Presbyterians under the plan of co-operation of the Home Missions Board. One hundred and thirty-two i n B r i t i s h Columbia were formed under the l a t t e r plan. Source: Figures are from C.E. Silcox, Church Union i n Canada: I t s Causes  and Consequences, New York, I n s t i t u t e of Social and Religious Research, 1933, p. 227. 34 Congregational and Methodist congregations i n the province followed the national churches and went into union with no dissension. The Presby-terians were s p l i t but the battle was not the b i t t e r struggle which took 13 place i n Ontario or the Maritimes. Although i t cannot be proven conclusively, there i s s u f f i c i e n t evidence to indicate that the Presbyterian non-concurrents i n B r i t i s h Columbia were conservative i n their approach to a l l phases of religious l i f e . One very active leader of the non-concurrents was the Rev. R.G. MacBeth, who had a strong influence on his own congregation as well as many others. In a pamphlet distributed throughout the Presbyterian 14 Church he attacked the Basis of Union for i t s lack of creeds. The Rev. A.M. Sanford, a B r i t i s h Columbia Methodist minister, wrote several pamphlets for the Ryerson Press i n 1922 and 1923, and was attacked for his l i b e r a l views on theology not only l o c a l l y , but also i n the east by some Presbyterians.^ A leading Presbyterian unionist summed up his feelings after the l o c a l struggle by saying that those opposing [the] policy of the Church on account of their reaction-ary theological views have cast the i r l o t with the non-concurring groups. . . . Progress i n thought, education and aggressive work i s now possible without the continuous charge of di s l o y a l t y to the truth by those whose main interest seemed to be unending c r i t i c i s m of a l l who did not think as they thought.-^ That Nanaimo was the centre of B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s t influence i n B r i t i s h Columbia and was for years represented i n the pr o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e by Methodist lay preachers was a fact not l o s t on conservative Presbyterians who had no understanding of labour problems and feared socialism. 35 Table I I I Non-Concurring Presbyterians Canada B r i t i s h Columbia Presbyterian congregations 17.37% 7.23% Presbyterian members 30.18 23.0 Table IV Extent of Church Union i n B r i t i s h Columbia Congregations F u l l Members Congregations into Union into Union* and Members Out Methodist 266 17,680 0** Congregational 4 1,905 0 Presbyterian 359 18,608 28*** * These figures are taken from the 1924 annual reports, and those under pastoral oversight usually number about four times this figure. ** A few Methodists l e f t to j o i n the Nazarene Church or other evangelical denominations but there i s no way of t e l l i n g how many. *** xhe number varies s l i g h t l y depending on how many point charges are counted. This figure comes from Silaox, op_i c i t . , p. 282. 36 Most of the Presbyterian clergymen who stayed out of union were either r e t i r e d , inactive or close to retirement, and none played an active role i n s o c i a l action at the l o c a l , presbytery or synod levels of the church."^ The majority of the church members who stayed out of union were from congregations led by the non-concurring ministers, and shared their ministers' conservatism. In Vancouver where most of the s o c i a l outreach of the church was centered, the four leading Presbyterian congregations went into union. F i r s t Presbyterian Church i n Vancouver had been strongly against union i n 1915, but by 1924, with i t s i n s t i t u -t i o n a l work i n f u l l swing, had become equally strong for union. On the other hand i n V i c t o r i a and New Westminster, c i t i e s r e l a t i v e l y untouched by the new i n d u s t r i a l scene, the Presbyterians 18 voted strongly against union. The remaining congregations that voted non-concurrence were strongly influenced by t h e i r ministers or had a history of stubborn independence led by several powerful elders. The Prince Rupert congregation i n 1915 voted strongly for union but switched i n 1924 under the influence of an elder, Alex Manson, attorney-general of B r i t i s h Columbia, and the current minister, the Rev. H.R. Grant. The congregation had just finished a successful building campaign. In Grand Forks, where a union church had been i n operation for several years, one elder s t i r r e d up s u f f i c i e n t agitation to force a vote and obtain some of the former Presbyterian property. Although a minority, the non-concurrent Presbyterians put up a vigorous struggle and i n the l e g i s l a t u r e , the unionists were on the defensive. The Presbyterian Church Association sent open l e t t e r s to a l l 37 members of the legislature urging them to vote against the b i l l to constitute the new church in the province; among the signers were the Rev. W.L. Clay of Victoria and the Rev. R.G. MacBeth of Vancouver, both 19 well-known and highly respected men. A good proportion of the legis-lators were of the Church of England, and some had no church a f f i l i a t i o n . These men were easily led by speakers such as Clay. Some "antis" im-pressed, with the power of their oratory, legislators who were largely 20 ignorant of the facts behind the issue. Inactive Presbyterians leapt on the bandwagon and made emotional appeals for the church of their 21 ancestors, much to the disgust of the union Presbyterians. Ian McKenzie was the most fiery and most frequent speaker for the antis. He i s from Vancouver, and you may know him. He is a Highland Wee Free, and proud of i t . Fighting on matters religious was his glory. What matter (as Mary Ellen Smith pointed out) that he had not been in church for 23 years. It It •.{sic] transpired that he never was a member, never attends and never supports any church. But he pled for the preservation of the religion his mother taught him, r e - l i t the fires that the covenanters had kindled, and in twenty or thirty addresses, more or less he never ceased to fight t i l l the end.22 The attorney-general A.M. Manson, was an extremely staunch Presbyterian from Prince Rupert who was determined that the b i l l would not pass in the legislature. He and other anti-union lawyers contested every clause in the b i l l and made i t very d i f f i c u l t for the unionists 23 who had only one lawyer for their guidance. The b i l l f i n a l l y passed after six weeks of bitter fighting. British Columbia was the f i r s t of four provincial legislatures to vote on the matter after i t passed the federal government and, therefore, the outcome was very important as a 38 precedent for provinces such as Ontario and Quebec where even stronger i . • 24 battles were shaping up. Public battles over the l o c a l vote took place only i n the larger towns and c i t i e s where there were sizeable groups of Presbyterian a n t i -unionists. Advertisements, probably placed by the l o c a l non-concurring ministers, appeared i n papers i n Nanaimo, V i c t o r i a , Vancouver, Vernon and Chilliwack,„urging support for the continuing Presbyterians. The unionists countered t h i s p u b l i c i t y with full-page advertisements of thei r own, as we l l as pulpit addresses. They had d i f f i c u l t y i n secur-ing opportunities to speak i n the churches of anti-union ministers such as MacBeth's i n Vancouver but the anti-unionists encountered si m i l a r opposition. Although allowed to hold weekly "prayer meetings" opposing union i n Mount Pleasant Presbyterian Church, the anti-unionists were not allowed to speak from the p u l p i t , and at the height of the battle i n late 1924, the communion service was cancelled by the minister be-cause he feared that some elders supporting the "antis" would refuse 25 to accept communion from him. In New Westminster a non-concurrent minister canvassed a congregation behind the back of i t s minister, urging a l l to vote against union. Special pressure was brought to bear on inactive members ignorant of a l l the facts, and upon sympathetic 26 adherents to j o i n and thus acquire the right to vote. Nanaimo was the scene of the nastiest f i g h t . The minister, the Rev. D. L i s t e r , turned the issue into a personal endorsement of himself, tampered with the r o l l , l i e d to l a t e r courts of enquiry and locked out half his session when i t voted for union. The man showed no remorse or shame over his actions. \ 39 L i s t e r was a very stubborn man who was determined that his congregation should remain Presbyterian. In an e a r l i e r vote i n 1915 before he had been called to Nanaimo, thehcongregation had voted for union. In 1924 most of the session, the Sunday School s t a f f and a sizeable number i n the congregation voted for union. Immediately after the vote, the unionists who had l o s t by ten votes complained because some membershhadbbeenddeMedtibhe±rvv6te. UUponidinvestirgatd>oniitwwas dis-covered that the minister had removed names from the r o l l i l l e g a l l y . The battle went through both presbytery and synod courts and was f i n a l l y s e t t l e d i n a c i v i l court. The vote was declared i n v a l i d , and since the time for voting had passed, the property passed automatically into the United Church. In the end, the non-concurring Presbyterians received the smaller, former Methodist building and the United Church kept St. Andrew's.^ Despite the eff o r t s of the non-concurrents, union was achieved with l i t t l e bitterness i n B r i t i s h Columbia and most Presbyterians together with the Methodists and Congregationalists rejoiced i n special services on June 10, 1925, marking formal union and the b i r t h of the United Church of Canada. Although Canada o f f i c i a l l y had no national or state church, the United Church i n many respects became one i n English Canada. I t promoted Canadian nationalism i n i t s periodicals and Christian Education 28 material, and openly accepted the re s p o n s i b i l i t y of serving a l l persons i n the nation not connected with any other religious body. Amalgamations 40 29 of congregations freed men and home mission money to work i n the unchurched fron t i e r s of the province. For example i n the Cariboo, work was expanded and the number of fu l l - t i m e clergy d o u b l e d i i n t t h e f f i r s t f i v e years a f t e r union. In B r i t i s h Columbia where church t i e s were not as common as i n other parts of the country, the United Church served 30 many non-church persons i n times of tragedy, death and marriage. In many coastal Indian v i l l a g e s , lumber and fi s h i n g camps, and i n parts of the Cariboo and Kootenay, the United Church was the only rel i g i o u s body present and took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for a l l people l i v i n g i n the area even 31 when they might belong to other denominations. Considering the large percentage of United Church members and the even larger number of persons i n B r i t i s h Columbia who looked to this denomination for s p i r i t u a l guidance, the United Church had a great opportunity to exert an influence on society i f i t took seriously i t s s o c i a l concern. Church union supposedly brought together a group of like-minded, l i b e r a l and s o c i a l l y - a l e r t clergy who were prepared to combat the s o c i a l i l l s which beset the country and p a r t i c u l a r l y B r i t i s h Columbia. Unfor-tunately, after union most of the leaders' energy was concentrated on bureaucratic problems, st r u c t u r a l organization, l o c a l congregational amalgamations and existing i n s t i t u t i o n a l work; church members were much more conservative than their leaders; and most clergymen, dependent upon the i r congregations for a l i v i n g , were caught up between the ideals set forth by their leaders and their own and their congregations' more t r a -d i t i o n a l views of society and the church's role i n i t . Table V The United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1931* Prince Kamloops-B r i t i s h Vancouver Kootenay** Vancouver Cariboo*** Rupert** Okanagan** Canada Columbia City Presbytery Island Presbytery-Presbytery Presbytery Total Population 10,376,786 694,263 246,593 67,823 120,933 29,565 30,000 65,716 United Church (Census of Canada) 2,016,897 164,656 161,213 13,566 25,153 7,443 7,296 16,885 % of t o t a l population 19.4% 23.9% 24.8% 20% 20.8% 25.2% 24.2% 25.7% United Church, . Year Book*** 1,533,125 120,442 37,265 8,592 16,484 4,242 6,202 16,371 % of those claim-ing U.C. but unknown to the church 24% 26.8% 39.2% 34.5% 34.5% 43.1% 14.7% 3.1% * Only the Anglican and Roman Catholic Churches come near of surpass any of the United Church figures. See Tables I, p. 4, VIII, p. 154, and XV, p. 164. In many Indian v i l l a g e s , coastal camps and mining areas, only one of the three denominations was present, regardless of the reli g i o u s preference given to the census enumerator. ** Figures for these columns are only approximate since the e l e c t o r a l boundaries and the presbytery boundaries are not exactly the same. *** These figures are for those under pastoral care. Number of actual members i s considerably l e s s , 4^  usually 1/3 to 1/4 of the figure quoted here. 1-1 42 The United Church drew most of i t s members from the stable middle-class. Members i n B r i t i s h Columbia were largely Anglo-Saxon and had come from a Presbyterian or Methodist background either i n eastern 32 Canada or the B r i t i s h I s l e s . In spite of the e f f o r t put forth to attract the single men i n the lumber camps and mining towns, the church membership remained almost exclusively the preserve of families. After World War I the churches gave up trying to gain new converts from the fringes of society and concentrated on the middle-class urban people and their own youth through a t h l e t i c , s o c i a l and religious groups. The church also gave up the e f f o r t to reach the labour or lower class which had rebuffed most of i t s advances. Even within the church the few labour members did not mix with the more numerous middle-class. In Nanaimo there were two Methodist Churches, one for the miners and one for the town's business people and frequently the two ministers took opposite sides i n labour disputes and i n one instance, one wrote to his superior i n Toronto condemning the 33 other man who supported the miners out on s t r i k e . In Vancouver congregations on the east side of the c i t y among the working class remained small, struggling churches often with i n e f f e c t u a l ministers while from the large west-side churches came the c i t y ' s lawyers, teachers, doctors and leading businessmen who f i l l e d positions on the church colleges' boards and acted as lay representatives on church committees. Because these men had free time and leadership s k i l l s , they wielded far more power than t h e i r numbers represented. U n t i l 1900 Presbyterians had held the more i n f l u e n t i a l positions i n 43 B r i t i s h Columbia society but with the growth of Vancouver and the province generally p r i o r to 1913, Methodist businessmen came increas-34 ingly into prominence i n p o l i t i c a l and community organizations. These society leaders were strong i n d i v i d u a l i s t s and believers i n the c a p i t a l -i s t system which had favoured them. They continued to be i n f l u e n t i a l i n the new United Church. Many church members never did support the s o c i a l gospel but went along with the church leaders as long as there were no p r a c t i c a l consequences which affected the i r own l i v e s . Frequently, members had no idea the church courts were pet i t i o n i n g the government or passing resolutions related to changing church policy. When special campaigns such as the one against prohibition was launched or when money was re-quested to run a downtown mission, support was readily given. Otherwise, church membership meant attending weekly worship, p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n purely congregational a f f a i r s and trying to l i v e an exemplary personal l i f e i n the business world and l o c a l community. The United Church had become an inclusive denomination, largely middle-class but with a sprin k l i n g of lower class and some upper class members, the l a t t e r hold-ing considerable power i n society. Although the church's wide range of theological b e l i e f s and s o c i a l attitudes precluded any unanimous agreement on controversial s o c i a l issues, union had brought together r e l i g i o u s leaders noted for their l i b e r a l views and .willingnessftppsupport-moreiradiealisocial a c t i v i s t s both i n and outside the church. Throughout the 1920's while the church body-attended to i n s t i t u t i o n a l matters, the s o c i a l gospel remnant or progressives could only wait for an opportunity to press home th e i r views for reconstructed s o c i a l order. This opportunity came i n the 1930's when the economic depression and the p r a i r i e drought created c r i s i s i n society. Once more the s o c i a l gospel came to the fore i n church courts and i n church action, making the United Church widely known for i t s l i b e r a l i s m on s o c i a l issues. Chapter 3 THE DEPRESSION The 1930's dawned with the economy of the western world i n chaos. Germany and other European countries experienced galloping i n f l a t i o n after the F i r s t World War and faced f i n a n c i a l ruin. Mean-while the United States had years of f r a n t i c prosperity marked by speculators i n the m i l l i o n s playing the stock market for huge paper p r o f i t s . The bubble burst on "Black Thursday," October 24, 1929 with the crash on the New York Stock Exchange which threw the general public into a state of panic. Canadians had not been as involved i n the speculative stock market as Americans but the resulting depression had a deep effect which i s evident to the present day. Among the hardest h i t were the p r a i r i e wheat farmers who saw their net p r o f i t s of $363 m i l l i o n i n 1928 plummet to minus $10,728,000 by 1931. 1 Drought, year after year, turned much of thei r land into a gigantic dust bowl. Markets closed down for those who did raise a crop, and when they f i n a l l y opened up, grasshoppers and rust struck. The farmers could not pay off farm mortgages and debts on the large-scale machinery bought on credit i n more prosperous years. Rural disaster was matched by urban disaster. In 1933 over twenty-six per cent of the non-agricultural work force i n Canada was 2 jobless. Factory workers i n the i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s , with no resources to f a l l back on, found themselves on the streets when assembly l i n e s 45 46 closed down. Single men i n the mining, docking, lumbering and f i s h i n g industries were cast out of both jobs and company housing with no homes or other jobs to go to and no municipalities w i l l i n g to support them. Young i d e a l i s t i c men and women, fresh out of school and eager to work found no one wanted their s k i l l s and ideas. The depression was not only an economic recession, but was also a state of mind which affected a l l people. Men l o s t f a i t h i n the i n s t i t u t i o n s of government, r e l i g i o n , p o l i t i c s and education as the system patently f a i l e d to work. Ideals, formerly taken for granted, were now questioned and new ways were t r i e d . Canada had reached the end of i t s pioneer era with i t s emphasis on national expansion and progress. Industrialism and urbanism demanded new economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l p o l i c i e s to cope with the new regional, class and r a c i a l d i s p a r i t i e s which were emerging i n Canadian society. The depression emphasized these problems, already obvious to some s o c i a l workers, religious leaders, p o l i t i c i a n s and i n t e l l e c t u a l s , 3 and enabled these people to get a hearing from the general public. As w e l l as giving b i r t h to new ideas, p o l i c i e s and methods, the depression i n s t i l l e d a sense of caution and a deep desire for security i n a generation of young people who, i n the next twenty-five years, became the country's leaders and set up much of the governing machinery for present-day Canada. The result has been a curious mixture of the old i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c Puritan ethic combined with a growing commit-ment to the concept of cradle-to-the-grave economic security. 47 Just as Canada, as a whole incapable of autarky and dependent on world markets, was unable to r e c t i f y the causes of the depression and become s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , so B r i t i s h Columbia, extremely dependent on the 4 export market, was hard h i t and unable to solve i t s economic problems. Within a few months of the stock-market crash, the lumber industry l o s t most of i t s foreign and home markets and was i n chaos; foreign orders for salmon were cancelled leaving canneries with an enormous stock un-sold; dockers were l e t go when the overseas market for wheat from the p r a i r i e s closed; coal miners i n the Crow's Nest Pass were l a i d off as the demand for coal tapered off; the drop i n price of lead and zinc caused the Consolidated Mining and Smelting Company to cut wages; the f r u i t growers of the Okanagan suffered a drop i n prices for several years previously, and the depression i n t e n s i f i e d this s i t u a t i o n . ^ By February of 1931, i n addition to i t s own unemployed who numbered 67,128 out of a population of 694,263, B r i t i s h Columbia with i t s mild coastal climate, attracted transients from across the country who rode the rods i n search of work, food and shelter, or at least the opportun-i t y to go hungry i n a mild climate. The p r o v i n c i a l government was i n dire f i n a n c i a l s t r a i t s . Dur-ing the 1920's i t had borrowed heavily at high rates of interest which had to be paid even though revenues had f a l l e n o f f . M u n i c i p a l i t i e s , responsible for l o c a l r e l i e f , quickly ran out of funds and appealed to the p r o v i n c i a l government which refused to help except for the provision of road work for 7,200 men.^ The federal government i n the early months rejected p r o v i n c i a l appeals for help on the ground that the unemployment 48 problem was only the usual seasonal one. By the time of the 1930 federal election, i t had become obvious that times were not normal nor was normalityiinssight. TThat;7autumn the new prime minister, R.B. Bennett, announced a grant of $900,000 to B r i t i s h Columbia which the p r o v i n c i a l government distributed to certain g municipalities for l o c a l r e l i e f . In 1931 again with the aid of federal money, the province set 9 up 237 r e l i e f camps and by October, 11,353 transients were registered i n these camps, located i n remote parts of the province for the construc-tion of roads and airports. For the day-to-day expenses of the transients the p r o v i n c i a l government paid half and the federal government the other h a l f . Eventually one-third of a l l Canada's unemployed were i n B r i t i s h " Columbia r e l i e f camps.^ Within a year, resources were so strained that the camps were r e s t r i c t e d to unmarried men and by 1933 costs had become so high that the Department of National Defence took over the camps, giving the men a roof over their head, food i n their b e l l i e s and twenty cents a day. In the meantime, r e l i e f to families, disabled single men and single women i n B r i t i s h Columbia mounted. By the spring of 1932 ten per cent of Vancouver's population was on direct relief, 1"'" and the 12 province was spending $300,000 a month on r e l i e f and public works. Added to the pr o v i n c i a l debt which amounted to $143,000,000 was a bank 13 overdraft for unemployment r e l i e f for $2,393,600. A Li b e r a l premier, Duff P a t t u l l o , was elected i n 1933 on a "new deal" platform promising decent l i v i n g standards for a l l ; reduction i n taxes; the establishment 49 of an economic council, state health insurance, a g r i c u l t u r a l and market-ing boards, a p r o v i n c i a l highway commission and a public u t i l i t i e s commission; and pressure on the federal government for unemployment insurance and improved old age pensions. Unfortunately, lack of co-operation and monejs from the federal government coupled with the r e s t r i c -tions of the B r i t i s h North America Act on p r o v i n c i a l taxation powers prevented P a t t u l l o from carrying out much of his programme. Relief debts continued to mount as the depression dragged on and eventually people l o s t f a i t h i n the i r cocky reformer even though he fought on with 14 the King government for a better f i n a n c i a l deal. Many of B r i t i s h Columbia's crises during the 1930's centred around Vancouver. This c i t y had a long history of unemployment and transience. Even i n the boom year of 1925, the winter saw 1800 men on r e l i e f dole of f i f t y cents a day for room and board. In 1920 there had been nearly 13,500 j o b l e s s . 1 ^ The causes of this permanent si t u a t i o n of unemployment and transient population naturally had a bearing on the c i t y ' s magnified problems during the 1930's. Vancouver was a seaport, and l i k e ports a l l over the world, had a constantly changing population of single men i n search of excitement for a short period. This population created a demand for liquor, gambling, prostitutes and night clubs near the docks. Work on the docks was sporadic so that there was a changing pool of unskilled men who were often i d l e . One of the f i r s t casualties of the depression was the export market, and as the ships stood i d l e i n Vancouver harbour the pool of s k i l l e d dockers and transient unskilled workers were thrown 50 en masse into the ranks of the jobless. Vancouver was also the metropolitan centre for the extractive industries, which depended on foreign markets and provided the bulk of the province's wealth. Vancouver did not have a great i n d u s t r i a l base but what industry she did have was ti e d i n with the extractive industries of the sea, the i n t e r i o r and northern parts of the province. With the closing of foreign markets, Vancouver's industries were shut down or severely cut back. At the beginning of 1931, besides transients there were 807 families and 640 single men on r e l i e f . By the end of the year, there were 2,588 families, 175 single women and 4,664 single men. The able-bodied transient men had been moved to pr o v i n c i a l r e l i e f camps but the ci t y s t i l l had the u n f i t ones and family men. The b i l l for r e l i e f came 16 to $1,300,000. As families went on r e l i e f the c i t y income dropped d r a s t i c a l l y . Land values sank, taxes went unpaid and properties sold at tax sales rarely covered the back t a x e s . ^ Not only were companies' head o f f i c e s , sources of supplies, shipping and railway points, s t a f f r e c r u i t i n g centres, banking f a c i l i t i e s 18 and processing plants located here but also the homes of the single men working on the fishboats and i n the lumber and mining camps. When these men came to town i t was to blow off steam and with i t blow off t h e i r bankrolls before returning to the isolated camps. When the export market dried up, the cpmpanies began to retrench and withdraw from the mines and forests. The workers d r i f t e d to thei r natural centre, Vancouver, where they could hope to find a job, or r e l i e f , and would at least find companionship. 51 The mild climate at the end of the r a i l r o a d attracted the hobo and the permanent transient as he worked his way by handouts and odd jobs across the country. Winter was customarily spent on the coast. As the country's unemployed numbers grew and municipalities refused to look after single men, the number a r r i v i n g i n Vancouver on the rods reached unheard-of proportions and the c i t y r e l i e f department could not begin to cope. The charge was made that the rest of Canada was 19 dumping i t s unemployed into Vancouver. Although the province came to the c i t y ' s aid i n 1930 with extra r e l i e f money and again i n 1931 with the establishment of the r e l i e f camps which drew of f most of the transients, the c i t y ' s problems were not at an end. The men, isolated physically from urban areas and cut off from any normal l i f e , were ripe for agitators and trouble-makers. Complaints, often legitimate, of demoralization, poor conditions, m i l i t a r y d i s c i p l i n e and a sense of being forgotten abounded. Most men i n the camps had been recruited from Vancouver. As a r e s u l t , when they had complaints and went on s t r i k e by abandoning the camps, they returned to Vancouver, adding further to the c i t y ' s unrest and r e l i e f problems. Just as the c i t y and province were unprepared for the magnitude of this depression, so was the United Church. This i n s t i t u t i o n , to which nearly a quarter of the population i n B r i t i s h Columbia claimed 20 allegiance did, however, have advantages over governments i n this unprecedented si t u a t i o n . Through i t s organizational structure i t was accustomed to helping the poor with handouts of food and clothing. Through i t s Board of Evangelism and Social Service i t constantly examined 52 society and had a t r a d i t i o n of ide n t i f y i n g neglected human needs. From the enthusiastic days of the s o c i a l gospel when God's Kingdom was being b u i l t on earth, through the mil i t a n t post-war days when the church advocated s o c i a l i s t economic reform and into the prosperous twenties, this board of the church had issued widely publicized reports which pinpointed s o c i a l and economic corruption and suggested reform i n a l l walks of l i f e — t h e penal system, temperance, censorship of movies, sex education, labour l e g i s l a t i o n , economic controls, r a c i a l discrimination and i n d u s t r i a l unrest. The key man i n directing the s o c i a l concerns of the church i n 21 the west, and especially i n B r i t i s h Columbia was the Rev. Hugh Dobson. He was associate secretary of Evangelism and Social Service for the United Church, and s i g n i f i c a n t l y his o f f i c e was moved to Vancouver i n 1926. Previously he held the same post for the Methodist Church for a l l of western Canada, operating out of Regina. Dobson was an indefatigable worker, involved i n every aspect of the church's s o c i a l a c t i v i t y . He was constantly speaking to church courts, preaching on Sundays, organizing campaigns and attending endless meetings, yet he kept voluminous correspondence with s o c i a l workers and community groups throughout Canada, and maintained a reading load which would have staggered the average man. In his regular work he organized and led study committees such as "The Church and In d u s t r i a l Relations" and "C h r i s t i a n i z i n g the Social Order" which submitted b r i e f s to the national committees reporting to General Council and acted ex o f f i c i o behind the scenes on a l l B r i t i s h 5.3 Columbia Conference and presbytery committees of Evangelism and Social Service. Outside the church he was on committees for the c i t y of Vancouver and the province dealing with a l l manner of s o c i a l concerns and frequently spearheaded investigations and studies ranging from one on slum housing i n Vancouver to one on r a c i a l i n j u s t i c e s . Dobson was a man of many colours. For some he was a great leader and a b r i l l i a n t man, l i g h t years ahead of the general public i n his knowledge of s o c i a l problems and possible solutions. He had con-tacts with s o c i a l workers, government o f f i c i a l s and p o l i t i c i a n s a l l across the west and was i n the vanguard educating the public for necessary change. Others gave him credit for his forward-looking ideas and regretted that he was severely r e s t r i c t e d i n his actions by reactionaries i n the east, i n the l o c a l pulpits and especially i n the pews. He was forced into a conciliatory role rather than pushing ahead with his own views. S t i l l others saw Dobson as an old wind-bag who never knew when to stop preaching on the old Methodist war horses of drink, gambling, obscenity and lax Sabbath observance and could not see the deeper economic and urban i n d u s t r i a l problems of a new age. His defenders said he did this i n order to gain the ear of a conservative church body which he then t r i e d to educate. He was a s o c i a l gospel man. He had studied under the Rev. Salem Bland i n Winnipeg, the fountainhead of Canadian s o c i a l gospel thought, and he firmly believed i n the use of government l e g i s l a t i o n , control and education to remedy much of society's i l l s . U n t i l his retirement he kept abreast of the l a t e s t s o c i o l o g i c a l thinking and passed the new ideas 54 on to the church-at-large. Although very much i n sympathy with the s o c i a l i s t s , he never o f f i c i a l l y joined a p o l i t i c a l party, preferring the role of mediator between the conservative and r a d i c a l wings both 22 of the church and of society. Because of Dobson's s o c i a l i s t leandingssanddhaisspassionnfor s o c i a l j u s t i c e , he was able to understand and help the r a d i c a l new 23 s o c i a l gospellers i n the church and yet maintain at the same time the respect of conservative church members who could forgive his radicalism because of his intense hatred of liquor and his enthusiastic promotion of evangelism. On his committees, he made a point of having a l l view-points represented, not as a gesture, but i n a sincere e f f o r t to bring the church body to a common consensus and he frequently achieved t h i s . Many times though, he was call e d upon to defend the radic a l s . At one conference meeting, the Rev. A.M. Sanford, a leading church con-servative, threatened to "put on the f l o o r " of conference a young r a d i c a l , the Rev. H.T. Allen for his involvement with the C.6.F. party. Dobson tol d Sanford that he i n turn would be "put on the f l o o r " for his involve-ment with the Conservative parity, and s p e c i f i c a l l y for his handling of patronage i n New Westminster for the former premier S.F. Tolmie. Sanford desisted. Highly respected both i n and out of the church, Dobson played the mediator's role with great s k i l l . I t was Dobson who enabled the church to adopt some of the s o c i a l i s t views advocated by i t s more r a d i c a l leaders without completely antagonizing those conservatives who had the power to block reform. 55 The " r a d i c a l s " were involved i n a l l aspects of the United Church's response to the depression and had an influence far greater than t h e i r small numbers would suggest. At times they were the leaders formulating church policy; i n other cases they backed the ef f o r t s of more moderate churchmen i n meeting emergency needs or fostering s p i r i t u a l renewal; i n many instances they were active i n secular organizations and gave them a Christian orientation. The problems the church faced during the depression were endless and i t s response can be broken down into three general categories: paternal charity, t r a d i t i o n a l reform and r a d i c a l s o c i a l change. Although linked together through mutual co-operation and the influence of Hugh Dobson, each category involved a different group within the church. The f i r s t two categories included the majority of church members, many of whom had been involved i n the s o c i a l gospel movement i n i t s heyday but grew disenchanted after some of i t s leaders became obviously s o c i a l i s t i n outlook. The t h i r d category consisted of a small but vocal minority who had formed the progressive wing of the e a r l i e r movement, and i t s recent d i s c i p l e s , who were attracted to the s o c i a l i s t theory of the new s o c i a l gospel of the 1930's. Most church members, regardless of where their sympathy lay were convinced that change i n some form was necessary and therefore were more open to new ideas than i n normal times. Bread—Paternal Charity The f i r s t and most immediate response to cries for help f.rom society came i n the form of paternal charity as carried on by the Christian 56 Church for centuries. I t was easily organized along already established li n e s and received a ready p a r t i c i p a t i o n from v i r t u a l l y a l l church members because i t involved the least threat to th e i r personal l i v i n g habits. F i r s t United Church i n Vancouver was a focal point for much of this work. In the f a l l of 1930, the single unemployed made th e i r annual trek into Vancouver i n search of "comfort" for the winter months, but i n numbers far surpassing those of previous years. A t r i c k l e soon be-came a flood and the c i t y had no resources to cope with the thousands on i t s streets without jobs, food or shelter. The men gathered around F i r s t United Church, surrounded by the densely populated Chinese quarters, the tenements of recent P o l i s h , Greek and I t a l i a n immigrants, the docks and skid row with a l l i t s saloons, bootleg j o i n t s and gambling dens. In the daily routine the church s t a f f worked with the unemployed and f r e -quently gave out food, clothing and advice to the underdog. The minis-te r , the Rev. Andrew Roddan, was the f i r s t man i n the c i t y to respond to the growing c r i s i s , and he responded with such vigor that a c i t y o f f i c i a l l a t e r said " I f i t had not been for the work of F i r s t Church, 24 there would have been much blood shed i n the streets of Vancouver." To the general public, both i n and out of the church, Roddan was F i r s t United. He was physically very large, and apparently fear was not an element of his nature. He had a broad streak of combative-ness and went r e j o i c i n g into any fig h t that would help the downtrodden. As a powerful evangelistic preacher with a keen sense of the dramatic, he attracted the press as wel l as the general public to his services to hear his attacks on the oppressors of the poor. Today he would inevitably be called "dynamic" and "charismatic." He was of the breed of men who are deeply loved or intensely hated, but are safe from i n -25 difference. Along with his driving s o c i a l concern went a deep f a i t h 26 i n a God of love and "man as a c h i l d of God of i n f i n i t e worth." In the context of his f a i t h "love" demanded expression i n action, and this set the dire c t i o n of a l l he undertook. As soon as Roddan found that no government was prepared to help the homeless, starving men on his doorstep, he set up soup kitchens i n F i r s t United, i n old Wesley United and i n the Scandinavian Mission, feeding 800 to 1200 men d a i l y . Food was donated by other congregations and well-wishers. In response to a radio appeal, eighty tons of potatoes came from one firm alone; another gave twenty tons of onions; a butcher sent a l l the sheep heads they could use; a l o c a l bakery on s t r i k e gave 27 15,000 loaves of bread that had not been delivered to homes. Women from Vancouver Presbytery United Church congregations volunteered to prepare and serve the food while men collected food from farmers i n the Fraser Valley. For three months this continued u n t i l the c i t y and province got themselves organized. Behind F i r s t United on the False Creek Flats and under the bridges, the men created homes for themselves out of old cars, t i n , scrap lumber, cardboard and anything else useable. These were Vancouver's "jungles." They were hidden beside the garbage dump, out of sight of the ordinary c i t i z e n , but Roddan knew them well and v i s i t e d them regularly with large cauldrons of soup. As w e l l as food the church continued to hand out shoes, 58 clothing and blankets and at Christmas time, nearly 1500 bags of socks, soap and shaving needs were distributed. When death occurred, Roddan was often called upon to conduct a funeral service. On one day, bleak of climate and bleak of s p i r i t , but bleakest of a l l i n i t s typicalness, there were only the undertaker, his assistant, a grave-digger and Roddan to l i f t the three rough coffins from the hearses and lower them into the ground. The dead were nameless but "they were somebody's boys." F i r s t United had a long t r a d i t i o n of good preaching which Andrew Roddan carried on. His topics were current moral and s o c i a l issues. To the Sunday morning services came the old l o y a l families from the out-lyi n g area as well as the l o c a l families, but at night came the big crowds, and a r i c h l y varied l o t they were: c u r i o s i t y seekers wondering whom Roddan would attack next, members from other congregations, radio members v i s i t i n g the c i t y , communists singing the "Red Flag," and always the unemployed, who often formed eighty-five per cent of the congrega-28 tion. Whether the l a t t e r came for s p i r i t u a l nourishment or physical warmth or both was immaterial. The men obviously f e l t at home there and the church provided something they needed. From his p u l p i t Roddan was not a f r a i d to name persons when f r u i t was found r o t t i n g i n p i l e s on farmers' f i e l d s i n the Fraser Valley, or when wealthy d i s t i l l e r s aimed their advertising at men on r e l i e f , or when the head of a Vancouver brewery withdrew his presents from an orphanage after Roddan refused a 29 $25 g i f t and demanded $500. By early 1931, the Sunday evening service was f i l l e d to overflowing and the Board of Managers was making plans for 30 an extra two hundred chairs as w e l l as more hymnbooks. 59 While Roddan and his permanent staff intensified their efforts to deal with the social problems which the depression dumped on their doorstep, the congregation of First United Church went about i t s work much as before except for a greater concern about money to keep up the 31 buildings. The only congregational organization seemingly cognizant of the local c r i s i s was the Ladies Aid which collected from i t s members to be distributed locally, clothing, food and material including clean flour sacks to be made into handkerchiefs for the unemployed boys. But the majority of church members, many of them of Scottish background whom Roddan atrracted to the church, were not interested in his work 32 nor did they share his concern for the underdog. Through his dynamic preaching, much of i t over the radio, his Welfare Industries which refurbished rummage for cheap sale, his staff's work with downtown youth and poor families, his fresh air camp on Gambier Island and his counselling, Rodden naively hoped to achieve a new compassionate world order. He was no philosopher or theologian, had l i t t l e interest in p o l i t i c a l activity or socialism, and was too busy with day-to-day personal tragedies to be much concerned with long-term solutions when the complexities of the depression became obvious. Furthermore, Roddan was dependent upon a cautious Board of Home Missions for his salary and staff, and/on' wealthy businessmen and middle-class church goers for his supplies and extra funds. He did not fear these people but at the same time he was a practical man and realized he must not antagonize them with radical p o l i t i c a l solutions, thus cutting off his sources for emergency r e l i e f . He l e f t i t to others 60 i n the church i n less vulnerable positions to bring about more permanent changes i n society through p o l i t i c a l agitation and l e g i s l a t i o n . F i r s t United Church was not the only congregation i n Vancouver to engage i n the t r a d i t i o n a l form of charity and help for the less fortunate. Another was St. Giles i n the Mount Pleasant area, a d e c l i n -ing d i s t r i c t economically before the depression struck. There the Board of Managers made a point of asking one member to do roof and eaves-tfrough repairs, since he had been out of work for some time. In view of the fact that the man was simultaneously spared the embarrassment of not being able to give money, was given the s a t i s f a c t i o n of c o n t r i -buting something of r e a l value, and saved from enforced idleness, the Managers showed a degree of acumen worthy of professional therapists. While this dealt temporarily with the problems of only one man, such action was a p r a c t i c a l demonstration of concern. The Woman's Missionary Society collected food and clothing for l o c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n as did the Woman's A u x i l i a r i e s which adopted certain families and supported them for a period of time, and the men's club, the A.O.T.S., made a survey of employers within the congregation and. t r i e d to l i n k up the unemployed 33 with any vacancies. Congregations l i k e West Point Grey, Ryerson and Canadian Memorial on the west side of the c i t y were not badly affected by the depression and easily looked after the few l o c a l families i n need as we l l as con-t r i b u t i n g food and clothing to F i r s t United Church. These congregations also contributed to a Central Clothing Fund set up by Vancouver Pres-bytery to supply clothes to those poorer congregations who could not 61 34 f i l l l o c a l needs, provided volunteers to man the soup kitchens and to c o l l e c t food i n the Fraser Valley, and generously supported the F i r s t United Church summer camp and Christmas Cheer programmes. How-ever, at Knox United i n a s p i r i t e d debate concerning the c i t y r e l i e f problems i n 1931, i t was decided that although an opportunity would be given for those wanting to donate food and clothing, the congregation as aawhole would look a f t e r i t s own people (very few i n r e a l i t y ) and 35 i t s debts f i r s t . As might be expected, the depression brought out selfishness as well as generosity. On the c i t y ' s east side a different picture prevailed. Most families had at least one member unemployed. Despair was a natural reaction to such circumstances, and i t was up to the morally strong to prevent i t from becoming universal. The United Church congregations, concerned for their mere s u r v i v a l , r a l l i e d to the larger cause and came to t h e i r communities' aid with a stamina they did not know they possessed. Riverview United Church, with only twelve men out of seventy employed, s t i l l managed to contribute to others i n the community besides i t s own members. For the women of the area the church was an important focal point as a s o c i a l outlet and escape from drab and increasingly depressing homes from which furniture was sold to pay mounting b i l l s , heat was cut o f f for lack of fu e l and l i g h t b i l l s went unpaid. 36 Throughout the depression the Vancouver A.O.T.S. clubs especially those on the west side of the c i t y , played a v i t a l role. Service meant supplying food, coal, shoes and clothing to l o c a l families as w e l l as to less fortunate people across the c i t y , on the mission f i e l d s , 62 i n the r e l i e f camps and on the p r a i r i e s . Service also meant helping others to help themselves. In 1935, the A.O.T.S. clubs organized at the Scandinavian Mission, a polytechnic school with courses i n a r i t h -metic, bookkeeping, and other p r a c t i c a l subjects with the hope that with further education some of the unemployed would f i n d jobs. This school ran for two years i n co-operation with the p r o v i n c i a l Department of Education and over one thousand boys improved t h e i r chances of f i n d -ing employment.^ Others i n the c i t y were not so fortunate. Vancouver's large o r i e n t a l population tucked away i n ghettos near the waterfront and around F i r s t United Church was hated by white labourers for accepting low wages, feared by the middle-class for i t s strange customs, and harassed by government o f f i c i a l s enforcing l e g i s l a t i o n r e s t r i c t i n g t h e i r employment i n certain industries and professions. Employers had no qualms about l e t t i n g the orientals go when cut-backs became necessary and the United Church was no different from other groups i n the c i t y i n this respect. A medical c l i n i c for the Chinese run by the Home Missions Board was closed for lack of funds despite pleas from a white doctor who volunteered his time and asked only for medicines and drugs to be supplied by white congregations. His appeals were ignored. I f the o r i e n t a l church missions wanted extra help they had to provide i t for themselves. The Chinese, with a history of passive dependence upon white missionaries were unable to r i s e to the challenge but the Japanese congregations were more aggressively independent and 63 looked after their own destitute. Women's and men's groups collected and distributed supplies, v i s i t e d homes, searched out jobs and acted as interpreters for the Social Welfare Department of the c i t y . Led by th e i r pastor, the Rev. K. Shimizu, an Is s e i thoroughly assimilated into Canadian culture, the Japanese United Church members of the lower mainland organized a Japanese Free C l i n i c for tuberculosis for the whole Japanese community. Fearing that non-Christian groups would boycott a c l i n i c run by a church connected with the occidental world, the Japanese congregations refused a l l public credit and placed representatives from a l l major community groups on the board, although the United Church members provided the accommodation, the volunteers, the supplies and the doctors' s a l a r i e s . For church members Christian love and action to a l l was more important than public acknowledgement. The depression gave the Japanese a strength and cohesiveness which was called to an even greater test during the 38 war years to follow. Church charity extended beyond Vancouver but because of Van-couver's s i z e , d i v e r s i t y of population, strategic economic and s o c i a l importance to the province, the problems generated by the depression were concentrated i n the c i t y , and as i t was for the c i t y among the communities of the province, so i t was for the c i t y ' s churches. Other towns and c i t i e s had only the i r own unemployed to look a f t e r , and the degree to which t h i s was necessary varied widely, as did the congregations' response to l o c a l need. Single industry towns l i k e Fernie and Port Alberni where unemploy-39 ment reached thirty-seven per cent i n 1932 were subject to a single but 64 universally devastating blow when the l o c a l mine or m i l l closed down or went on part s h i f t . The workers' empty pockets quickly produced ledgers i n red for the l o c a l merchants, doctors, lawyers and other businessmen who were the key f i n a n c i a l supporters of the l o c a l churches. As everywhere, many of the jobless were single men who made their way to Vancouver and l a t e r to the r e l i e f camps. The family men stayed and went on r e l i e f or eked out a bare subsistence by growing their own vegetables, scavenging coal from the slag heaps and picking up a few days' road work when they could. In such towns the United Church congregations essayed to carry on "business as usual," with women's groups meeting for Bible study, sewing and s o c i a b i l i t y , and youth clubs providing mental stimulus and entertainment. L i t t l e e f f o r t was made to organize l o c a l r e l i e f since a l l were i n the same boat and were already helping each other. On the other hand, towns servicing a g r i c u l t u r a l areas of the Kootenay, the Okanagan, Fraser Valley and Vancouver Island experienced r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e hardship. Although the i r export markets were closed and the drop i n food prices h i t the farmer and l o c a l businessman, there was always food on hand, plenty of work on the land and some cash flow-ing. When r e l i e f camps opened i n Oyama, Naramata and Lumby i n 1933, 40 towns nearby boasted that few l o c a l boys were i n them. Local concern was not for the feeding of starving transients, but for keeping them out of town. An e d i t o r i a l writer i n Vernon advised his readers not to panic, but recommended that with a l l these strangers about, women should keep houses locked, a big dog on hand, stay home at night and report any 65 41 lurking strangers to the police. Rural towns tended to be leery of strangers even i n prosperous days, but with tales of anarchy headlining Vancouver's papers, hordes of transients moving about the country and the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of adding more to the hard-pressed l o c a l r e l i e f r o l l s , the towns' fear of newcomers increased. The churches i n these areas were concerned mainly with t h e i r own f i n a n c i a l problems as home mission grants from Tor.ontohheadq.uarters , were reduced and members' contributions declined. There was l i t t l e need for r e l i e f i n the small centres and what was given was done privately. In Kelowna, however, there was a City Relief Committee and i t s f i r s t chairman was the l o c a l United Church minister, the Rev. A.K. McMinn, a former Congregationalist and a keen exponent of s o c i a l and p r a c t i c a l 42 C h r i s t i a n i t y . His successor, the Rev. W.W. McPherson was also active on the City Relief Committee and t r i e d to have on i t a representative from the unemployed. He promoted schemes such as "swap and barter" of labour for clothing and food; c i t y reading rooms for transients; and "adopt a family" by those with plenty. Most of his ideas were ignored, but the c i t y did use the United Church h a l l to pack food hampers for 43 l o c a l r e l i e f d i s t r i b u t i o n . The need was not great i n Kelowna and was handled by t r a d i t i o n a l methods of r e l i e f and private donations. The same could be said of V i c t o r i a which was only s l i g h t l y affected by the depression. A large proportion of i t s population was r e t i r e d and the c i t y ' s major employer, the p r o v i n c i a l government, did not cut s t a f f although salaries were reduced. The larger United Church congregations reflected the c i t y ' s conservative middle-class a i r and 66 were too "self-contained and s e l f i s h " to have any r e a l sympathy for 44 the unemployed. At th'e same time that the churches of B r i t i s h Columbia were being called upon to help those i n their own communities, they were also asked to help the people of the p r a i r i e s . I f for many i n B r i t i s h Columbia, the depression was a session i n Purgatory, for the people of the southern p r a i r i e s their dwelling place was H e l l . Thousands p i l e d t h e i r few belongings into "Bennett buggies" and trekked north to home-stead or f l e d westward to the Okanagan or the Fraser Valley to start over again. Others stayed and survived with food and cast-off clothing from Ontario and B r i t i s h Columbia. By July of 1931 the United Church of Canada had organized the National Emergency Relief Committee to c o l l e c t food, clothing, bedding and books which reached enormous proportions and was an outstanding success. In B r i t i s h Columbia the Woman's Missionary Society, the Woman's Aux i l i a r y and the committee of Evangelism and Social Service shared the res p o n s i b i l i t y for rounding up goods. Congregations which seemed unaware of l o c a l problems responded to this challenge. Large bales of clothing from United Churches i n Alberni, Armstrong, Nelson and Rossland were readily collected while Courtenay, i n the centre of a good farming area, responded generously with food. There the United Church played a key role i n c o l l e c t i n g and f i l l i n g the rai l r o a d cars, as did the large wealthy Vancouver churches through the i r A.O.T.S. clubs. Psychologically i t was less embarassing 67 and therefore much easier to launch a popular appeal for strangers elsewhere than for those on one's own doorstep whom one would be more l i k e l y to help p r i v a t e l y , i f at a l l . Even poor congregations l i k e Vancouver Heights and Riverview i n Vancouver, and Centennial i n V i c t o r i a , which had a major task to care for many of t h e i r own members and neighbours, gave what they could to 45 a l l e v i a t e the appaling conditions on the p r a i r i e s . These few congre-gations refused to succumb to s e l f i s h inwardness or s e l f - p i t y as would be natural at such a time and as many other congregations did. Through-out the depression they maintained a sense of hope i n the Christian mission to the world and they intended to be a part of that mission at any cost. Members did s a c r i f i c e i n order to play a part i n B r i t i s h Columbia's contribution. In 1931, B r i t i s h Columbia sent a t o t a l of seventeen ra i l r o a d cars of r e l i e f supplies, and i n 1933, i t sent twenty-two, seventeen of 46 which were from the United Church. When conditions did not improve the United Church National Committee was reorganized i n 1937 to c o l l e c t and d i s t r i b u t e clothes and bedding only, and the United Churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia continued to donate. B r i t i s h Columbia Conference also worked very closely with the interdenominational Joint Committee of Churches for Western Re l i e f , set up i n 1936 when i t became obvious that the food s i t u a t i o n on the p r a i r i e s was s t i l l bad, i f "bad" w i l l serve to describe yet another year without a harvest, without seed grains, without money and without the memory of a reserve of anything at a l l . Two well-known Vancouver United Church 68 ministers headed the B r i t i s h Columbia branch of this ecumenical committee, f i r s t the Rev. Hugh Rae and then the Rev. G.B. Switzer. B r i t i s h Columbia had no drought nor massive crop f a i l u r e s . Indeed, i t was producing food i n such abundance that tons of i t lay rot t i n g i n the f i e l d s for lack of markets. In 1936, the churches sent 125 carloads, most of i t from the Okanagan which gave 101 carloads of 47 f r u i t and vegetables. In the Okanagan, the Kelowna United Church acted as the central c o l l e c t i o n depot and i t s minister chaired the l o c a l committee. Unfortunately for the p r a i r i e people but fortunately for l o c a l employment, the establishment of two dehydrating plants i n 1937 reduced the number of c u l l s available so that only 75 cars of f r u i t were sent from that region the following year. However, those i n other parts of the province r a l l i e d to radio appeals by the Rev. G.B. Switzer, Dorothy Steeves who was s i t t i n g i n the pro v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e for Van-couver, and Howard Green, a Vancouver Conservative M.P. i n Ottawa and a very active United Church A.O.T.S. member. Over 211 carloads of free 48 food r o l l e d eastward, a large proportion of this collected and packed by United Church A.O.T.S. groups from the Vancouver area. Men from Ryerson, Canadian Memorial and West Point Grey formed the backbone of the organization for l o c a l transportation and without thei r time and 49 energy, much of the food would have been wasted. Relief came to an end for the p r a i r i e s i n 1938 when the drought was f i n a l l y broken. Rain f e l l on the desert that had been p r a i r i e and i t became the p r a i r i e once more. The people who had hung on and on, and then hung on longer s t i l l i n the bottom layer of a world made en t i r e l y 69 of dust, could look again on the endless ripple of grasses under a sky too wide to f i t within a man's imagination. The Arcadian memory was becoming r e a l i t y once more. Throughout the 1930's the United Churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia responded to emergency c a l l s for food, fuel and clothing promptly and generously. The ordinary people of the church did what was within th e i r capacity, and they did i t w e l l . When the congregations i n Vancouver formed the soup kitchens i n the winter of 1930-1931 they fed starving men u n t i l the c i t y , p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments got organized for massive r e l i e f . When congregations collected and sent carloads of food and clothing to the p r a i r i e s , they made l i f e bearable for many destitute f a m i l i e s , and thereby carried many over the prodigious s p i r i t u a l chasm which separates meagre hope from blank despair. When congregations r a l l i e d to the support of th e i r own unemployed, they gave physical and mental comfort. When they reached out to help others i n the community they helped bu i l d strong community s p i r i t and morale. The United thurch through i t s leaders frequently led the way for other segments of society. The church had no need to hang i t s head over i t s response to cries for food. Chapter 4 REFORMING THE SOCIAL ORDER Traditional Reform Although fewer i n number than those involved i n giving food and clothing, many church members and ministers, especially from the large urban congregations spent a great deal of time on self-examina-t i o n , lectures and study of s o c i a l and economic subjects, and brie f s to l o c a l , p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments i n an e f f o r t to bring order to society once more. Some members f e l t a vague g u i l t because they had jobs and money when so many worthy people had neither; some were bewildered by the s o c i a l chaos surrounding them and were afra i d th e i r world was collapsing; some f e l t f r u s t r a t i o n or rage at thei r impotence to control the problem. A l l wanted a solution, and none knew where to fi n d i t . In 1932 the General Council of the United Church set up a commission under S i r Robert Falconer, president of the University of Toronto, and the Rev. W.T. Brown, president of V i c t o r i a University i n Toronto to study the conditions of the depression and the exi s t i n g s o c i a l order, and to make recommendations concerning the church's role i n the creation of a new s o c i a l order. Outside help from experts l i k e Professors Harry A. Cassidy and E.J. Urwick of the University of Toronto School of Social Work was used i n drafting the report 1 and l o c a l subgroups covering 70 71 a cross-section of the church were established to read and c r i t i c i z e the rough drafts. The f i n a l report, C h r i s t i a n i z i n g the Social Order, condemned the current economic and s o c i a l system but i t never matched the extreme statements of the Methodist Church which i n 1918 had attacked capitalism as "one of the roots of war" and called for public 2 ownership of natural resources. The commission examined the complexity of the current depression i n r e l a t i o n to modern industry. I t then looked deeply at s o c i a l a t t i -tudes which were i n c o n f l i c t with Christian standards and blocked the road to an i d e a l s o c i a l order. I t found the "acceptance of money as the measure of a man's worth to society," a degraded view of property as functionless ownership without r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , "an undue emphasis on p r o f i t as the main incentive to production," "unregulated competition for monetary gain," and the seeking of special privileges to maintain 3 and increase unearned wealth. The commission f e l t unable to draft a s p e c i f i c programmew.for s o c i a l change but indicated that the country needed more s o c i a l welfare l e g i s l a t i o n and the extension, of public u t i l i t i e s . As society moved forward "the importance of stimulating indi v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e and the necessity for s o c i a l co-ordination" had to be kept i n balance. Immediate action was recommended i n the form of study groups for people of mixed ideals and outlooks so that "under-standing, s e l f - c r i t i c i s m and insight begotten of fellowship among those of contrasted t r a d i t i o n s " might be gained. ~* A minority addendum ques-tioned whether any r e a l change could take place u n t i l "the important means of production . . . [was] changed into communal ownership and 72 control," and indicated the report was too bland for some members' 6 taste. In B r i t i s h Columbia, a l o c a l committee was set up by the Rev. Hugh Dobson to help prepare the national report. Some members l i k e John Sidaway, former secretary of the Independent Labour Party; R.P. Pettipiece, p rinter and labour leader; Prof. C.W. Topping of the s o c i o l -ogy department, and Prof. W.A. Carrothers of the economics department at The University of B r i t i s h Columbia; and the Rev. Alver Mackay, a member of the League for Christian Social Action were outspoken regard-ing the need for economic reform along s o c i a l i s t l i n e s . The Revs. Gordon Dickie, secretary of the Social Service Council of B r i t i s h Columbia; Hugh Rae, convenor of Evangelism and Social Service for Vancouver Presbytery; Andrew Roddan of F i r s t United Church and Mr. Stanley Brent, secretary of the Y.M.C.A. were more moderate i n their views but s t i l l favoured more drastic action than the majority i n society. The committee was balanced with the addition of frankly conservative members such as C.T. McHattie, a Vancouver wholesale merchant; Judge David Grant and the Rev. J.G. Brown, p r i n c i p a l of Union Theological College, who chaired the committee. Even these men, while quibbling for hours over phrases l i k e "Paul's greatest s o c i o l o g i c a l contribution" i n the f i r s t draft, ended the examination of the f i r s t chapter feeling that "the document scarcely went far enough," and that "the e v i l s of the present time should be openly attacked."^ However, when the rough draft turned from B i b l i c a l background and church h i s t o r i c a l teaching to an examination of current 73 economic and s o c i a l conditions, committee members' views became more diverse with some c r i t i c i z i n g the draft as "too negative," "pessimistic i n the extreme," and "unreasonable," while others found "every single statement i n i t [to be] true." In the f i n a l report most dramatic s t a t i s t i c s and examples of hardship were replaced by more general statements, thus pacifying i n f l u e n t i a l church businessmen l i k e one on the l o c a l subcommittee who f e l t that "the Church ought not to deal, except i n a general way with economic and business conditions, and should devote i t s strength to the promotion of d e f i n i t e moral and s p i r i t u a l • • , „9 p r i n c i p l e s . The f i n a l report was published by the Board of Evangelism and Social Service as a study pamphlet and was widely used throughout the church for the following year or two. In B r i t i s h Columbia, 21,000 copies were distributed for use i n congregational study groups, special day conferences and A.O.T.S. meetings."^ Although the d i s t r i b u t i o n of a certain number of pamphlets does not necessarily mean they are read, i t does indicate an e f f o r t by the national body to arouse i t s people to consideration, discussion and action. The results l o c a l l y from such a campaign would depend upon the minister of each congregation, the locale of the church and the makeup of i t s membership. Reaction varied considerably. When H.T. Allen used the pamphlet as a basis for study groups i n each of his three small charges outside Nanaimo where up to ninety per cent of the men were unemployed, 1 1 the r a d i c a l implications could emerge and sound clear themes above the 74 murkiness of the general orchestration. In Vancouver Presbytery, where i t was studied i n d e t a i l , speakers praised co-operatives and public ownership of u t i l i t i e s , using New Westminster Light and Water Works as 12 a good example of success. On the other hand i n congregations l i k e Knox United Church i n Vancouver which had several groups studying the 13 report, the s o c i a l i s t slant was either ignored or c r i t i c i z e d . Regard-less of attitude, however, people were talk i n g and thinking about Christian ideals as they applied to secular society and economic conditions. The pamphlet, Ch r i s t i a n i z i n g the Social Order, was not the only t o o l used by the church to get members and even non-church members d i s -cussing new economic ideas and examining the i l l s of the ex i s t i n g situation. The B.C. Conference committee on Evangelism and Social Service was especially active during the 1930's, an a c t i v i t y substantially stimu-lated by the presence i n Vancouver of the associate secretary for western Canada who was, as has been noted, that c a t a l y t i c person, Hugh Dobson. He had been one of the key writers of the r a d i c a l report for the Methodist Church i n 1918 and he constantly encouraged others to express their s o c i a l i s t ideals. On the B r i t i s h Columbia committee were some of 14 the church's "wild men," " s o c i a l i s t s , " "reds," and "r a d i c a l s " and i t s annual reports naturally generated debate and controversy at the confer-ence meetings, where the more ra d i c a l statements drew the massed f i r e of the i n f l u e n t i a l conservative ministers led by the Rev. A.M. Sanford. Sanford had been a leading l i b e r a l s o c i a l gospel advocate i n B r i t i s h Columbia before 1900 when he had been serving mining communities, but 75 when he became p r i n c i p a l of the Methodist Columbian College i n New Westminster, his views began to moderate and continued to do so when he l a t e r became a professor at Union College. Indeed he "moderated" to the point of arch-conservatism i n the eyes of the younger s o c i a l gospellers who now attacked him as part of the establishment. Sanford had been the f i r s t president of the conference after union, a regular delegate to the General Council and was highly respected by many both within and outside of the church. The quality of his convictions was not i n question. In the early t h i r t i e s , the B.C. Conference committee on Evangelism and Social Service was c a l l i n g for unemployment insurance, vocational education, the cessation of m i l i t a r y training i n schools, and guidance of the l a i t y i n the use of th e i r l e i s u r e . ^ The following year i t demanded immediate r e l i e f from the government for the unemployed, an enquiry into the causes and a search for cures for the depression, and suggested that the economy get away from the p r o f i t motive and move towards a co-opera-16 tive society. In 1932 i t sent a copy of i t s report on "The World Order" to the pr o v i n c i a l government c a l l i n g for a union government which would be above partisan p o l i t i c s and above class, and would work for a 17 f a i r e r d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth, of taxation, of labour and of t a r i f f s . The delegates at the annual meeting of the conference deplored the use of the unemployed as a p o l i t i c a l f o o t b a l l by the various levels of govern-18 ment and parties. The o r i g i n a l report from Evangelism and Social Service, written under the guidance of Prof. C.W. Topping and the Rev. Hugh Dobson met heavy resistance and was considerably modified by Sanford before being 76 published and sent to the government. He and his supporters were most concerned that the report not support one par t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l party, either i n fact or by inference. In their view too much of the o r i g i n a l report coincided with popular s o c i a l i s t party platforms. S o c i a l i s t ideas were again much i n evidence i n the 1934 and 1935 meetings of the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference. The Christian Social Action Committee of the Evangelism and Social Service Committee i n 1934 brought i n a r a d i c a l report demanding the reconstruction of the banking system and the debt structure, and the nationalization of natural re-sources. This was too close to the C.C.F. platform for many and was 19 watered down i n an amendment. Again i n 1935 si m i l a r reforms were advocated; added to the 1934 proposals were demands for the extension of co-operatives, federal market controls, public works and the cessation , 20 of overtime work. Reports given at the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference meetings and at presbytery meetings received wide press coverage so that the views expressed had some effect upon the thinking of the general public as we l l as upon the church delegates at the meetings.. Headlines such as "Church's Relation to Social Issues" and "Relief Work Pay i s Urged" drew people's attention to f u l l writetmps on the committee's recommendations " ' c a l l i n g for a drastic revision of the present system of production 21 for p r o f i t as opposed to production for useV" Frequent b r i e f s , petitions and telegrams demanding action were sent to the governments and were s i m i l a r l y publicized i n the daily press. Just how effective these were cannot be measured but the men sending them were convinced of t h e i r value i n changing government views. By doing so the church leaders f e l t they were contributing p o s i t i v e l y to solving some of society's most pressing problems. Lectures, talks and sermons played a prominent role i n the United Church during the depression. Many ministers adopted s o c i a l topics for t h e i r sermons. The Rev. Andrew Roddan at F i r s t United i n Vancouver set up a series of Sunday evening sermons based on a popular book by E. Stanley Jones, Christ's Alternative to Communism, i n which Jones challenged Christians to act c o l l e c t i v e l y for world j u s t i c e and brother-hood founded on in d i v i d u a l freedom, i n order to avert a world take-over by Communism i n which a l l would be subordinated to state control. At the B.C. Conference Laymen's Association i n 1933 the theme was "The Church's Task i n Relation to Urban, Rural, I n d u s t r i a l and Tran-sient Communities," and i n 1937 the Hon. H.H. Stevens, federal minister of Trade and Commerce and a strong United Church member, spoke to the laymen about the relationships among labour, C h r i s t i a n i t y and business. Most men attending these meetings were middle-class business and pro-22 fessional men who had strong motives for maintaining the status quo. Talks emphasized personal reformation and the adoption of Christian attitudes towards one's business, employees and competition. The majority would agree with Steven's attack on "those ministers who are incl i n e d to give 'half-baked' dissertations on economics from the P u l p i t . " Ministers should concentrate instead on scripture passages on stewardship which afford "a wonderful opportunity to get at the very 'heart of our present 23 trouble.'" The "wild men" advocating public ownership of u t i l i t i e s 78 or unemployment insurance from their pulpits or i n church reports were 24 strongly opposed by many i n f l u e n t i a l laymen. On the other hand, the Laymen's Association did endorse the establishment of the League for Christian Social Action " f o r the promo-tion of World Peace, International j u s t i c e , r a c i a l fairness, economic freedom, democratic government and i n d u s t r i a l co-operation and s o c i a l 25 ownership," sponsored by the more r a d i c a l ministers i n the Conference. Members also listened to active members l i k e Prof. C.W. Topping who helped write many of the reports of the committee of Evangelism and Social Service and firmly believed that "the competitive system must be transformed into a co-operative one, and that production and d i s -t r i b u t i o n together with the whole f i s c a l system must be controlled i n 2 6 the interest of human need rather than for private gain." Topping, through his membership at Canadian Memorial United Church and l a t e r at West Point Grey i n Vancouver, both west-side middle-class churches, and through his a c t i v i t y i n the A.O.T.S., had the respect of conservative church members and received a hearing for his more r a d i c a l views to reform society, although there was always some opposition to his praise of Russia's economic system and to his ef f o r t s to bring the church and sociologists closer together. Many women's groups also heard such views and i n Topping's opinion the women were 27 97 better informed and moreyreadyc'foBgehahge thaiirthei!i?ahdsbandsrf6w How many were influenced by such lectures no one can t e l l . In t h i s , as i n so many other church endeavours, the matter i s i r r e t r i e v a b l y beyond the reach of the sta t i s t i c i a n s , , a n d one can choose only between making value 79 judgements or foregoing judgement ent i r e l y . Stevens f e l t that i f only 28 one man heard one idea, the evening's talk was not wasted. A substantial number of wealthy conservative church members found their solution to the world's economic c r i s i s temporarily through the age-old practice of personal s p i r i t u a l renewal. The Oxford Group Movement which swept across North America i n the early 1930's offered re l i g i o u s salvation i n convincing s i m p l i c i t y . Its message called upon the i n d i v i d u a l to adopt the four principles of absolute honesty, absolute purity, absolute unselfishness and absolute love; to confess his sins openly,, and to l e t God's guidance through meditation govern each day's 29 a c t i v i t y . The promised reward was the solution of a l l l i f e ' s problems. Its appeal was directed frankly towards the well-to-do and i n f l u e n t i a l element of society, and i t cut across a l l denominational l i n e s and i n -cluded many community leaders with nominal church a f f i l i a t i o n . United Church clergy of wealthy congregations blessed the movement and encouraged their parishioners to j o i n . Evening dress, sparkling diamonds, laughter and c u r i o s i t y marked the crowds who f i l l e d the Hotel Vancouver ballroom, the Empress Hotel i n V i c t o r i a , and several large downtown churches to hear the leader of the Oxford Group, Frank Buchman and his team, composed mainly of upper-class and often t i t l e d Europeans, give witness to their new l i f e and declare the i r aim to "make Canada as r a d i c a l l y Christian as Russia i s 30 Communistic and Germany i s Nazi." Large headlines i n the daily press 3 proclaimed "Oxford Group's C a l l Packs Four of City's Biggest Auditoriums' 80 and prominent p o l i t i c i a n s l i k e Mayor Louis D. Taylor of Vancouver ex-tended a c i v i c welcome, h e a r t i l y endorsing the movement as one "which 32 anyone with any heart or soul must j o i n . " Jokes and popular hymns interspersed the ind i v i d u a l j o y f u l testimonies of the team while Buchman beamed his approval and declared "unbounded admiration for 33 what I see i n Vancouver." After breakfasts for businessmen, garden parties and women's luncheons to which individuals received personal i n v i t a t i o n s , house parties at Harrison Hot Springs, Qualicum Beach and Banff were organized for the sincere followers. These gatherings, always i n luxurious surroundings, stressed personal experiences, confession of si n s , Bible study and quiet meditation waiting for God's guidance. Converts quickly spread the word about t h e i r s p i r i t u a l renewal around the province and shortly l o c a l teams from Vancouver and V i c t o r i a were conducting enthusiastic campaigns i n Kelowna, Kamloops, T r a i l and Nanaimo, while smaller places l i k e B e l l a Coola and Okanagan Landing were requesting v i s i t s . Oxford Groups emerged throughout the province, composed mainly of prosperous community leaders of a l l denominations with such clergymen as Dean Quainton of Christ Church Cathedral i n V i c t o r i a endorsing the aims of the movement with statements l i k e " . . . no other organization i n Christendom could surpass i t i n evangelism, , . . . . „34 enterprise and i n i t i a t i v e . In conservative V i c t o r i a enthusiasm was high. Six hundred lay people organized themselves into twenty Oxford groups. V i r t u a l l y a l l the United Church clergy recognized the good work of the movement i n 81 35 their Sunday morning sermons following Buchman's v i s i t and the Rev. E.F. Church of Metropolitan United Church was one of seven leading clergymen who held a public meeting and gave a t y p i c a l testimony. He confessed he had "learned to l i k e churches that [he] sneered at before . . . had hungered for the high things; but now . . . [was] content 36 with the lowly things i f God comes down among lowly things with me." Many other Victorians echoed these words. Vancouver's reaction was more diverse. Only the wealthy congre-gations on the west side of the c i t y showed any r e a l enthusiasm and i t was from such congregations as Shaughnessy Heights, Knox, St. Stephen's and St. Andrewss^Wesleytthat •'local^studyggroups.--emerged, and members attended the out-of-town parties and ministers delivered sermons praising the movement. Former Presbyterian ministers and congregations found the ind i v i d u a l piety of the Oxford Movement very much i n keeping with t r a d i -t i o n a l C a l v i n i s t doctrine and keenly supported the movement. Andrew Roddan of F i r s t United threw his weight behind the movement with the wri t i n g of a pamphlet For Doubters Only: How I was Changed which was endorsed by Buchman and sold widely across Canada as part of the move-ment's l i t e r a t u r e . And i n the summer of 1933, as v i s i t i n g preacher at St. Andrew's-Wesley, the Rev. George Pidgeon, a leader for church union i n the Presbyterian Church and f i r s t moderator of the United Church, 37 encouraged lis t e n e r s to j o i n the Oxford Group and change their l i v e s . His presence had alarmed c r i t i c s of the movement i n the east, one of whom wrote " I dread his v i s i t to Vancouver—and I speak for others h e r e — 82 for i f he reveals there the attitude revealed here he w i l l make l i f e 38 more d i f f i c u l t for our ministers than before." At the Toronto Con-ference annual meeting the "parage which Pidgeon staged . . . created a very bad reaction. The day previous . . . c r i t i c i s m [of the Group] was not considered, but a day after the parade the committee was i n s i s -39 tent that the c r i t i c i s m be made." Fortunately, the divisiveness he caused i n Ontario was not repeated i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Despite the public endorsement by several leading United Church ministers and the pa r t i c i p a t i o n by many church members, the Oxford Group did not receive unanimous approval. The B r i t i s h Columbia Conference at 40 i t s annual meeting i n 1933 refused to endorse the movement but i n the report of the L i f e and Work Committee, the conference acknowledged i t s "challenge to greater r e a l i t y and s i n c e r i t y i n . . . interpretation of the s p i r i t and service of Jesus Christ as the One who alone can meet 41 the heart hunger of humanity i n these d i f f i c u l t days." The following year a hot debate arose over a similar report which indicated the d i v i s i v e nature of the movement among United Church clergy and l a i t y . Direct c r i t i c i s m was f i n a l l y expunged and the resulting resolution blandly hoped that the benefits from the movement would be incorporated into the 42 l i f e of the church. Benefits were few i f the answers to a questionnaire sent out to a l l United Church ministers i n 1935 are at a l l accurate. Most minis-43 ters found very l i t t l e change i n their own congregations and enthusiasm in l o c a l study groups rapidly waned without the stimulus of Buchman's personal evangelists and front page coverage of the press. Many joined 83 as part of the crowd but soon d r i f t e d away after receiving temporary comfort and a sense of well-being. A few stuck with the movement, receiving psychological security and freedom from g u i l t for not embrac-ing the more r a d i c a l demands of the church courts. A s t i l l smaller group experienced a r e a l conversion to Christ's good news through per-sonal examination, but went on to recognize the essential s u p e r f i c i a l i t y of the Groupssttheolggyaaridssocialaaction,aaridpp'rggr.essedbbeyohdiit to become leaders of more r a d i c a l thinking and s o c i a l action within the 44 framework of the church. A common c r i t i c i s m of the Oxford Group was i t s lack of any Christian s o c i a l message and i t s emphasis on ind i v i d u a l change as s u f f i c i e n t to reform society's p o l i t i c a l and economic a f f a i r s . Those on the Board of Evangelism and Social Service including Hugh Dobson became very concerned about this aspect and backed the report The Challenge  of the Oxford Group Movement i n which the histo r y , strengths and weak-nesses of the organization were explored. At the same time, Dobson and others l i k e him could support the movement for i t s emphasis on personal renewal i n the expectation that society could be saved only through the salvation of a s u f f i c i e n t number of individuals who could corporately bring i n the Kingdom. The movement was also f r e q u e n t l y c r i t i c i z e d on theological grounds. The basic doctrines of the Christian f a i t h regarding God, Christ and salvation were ignored while the views of s i n and the nature 45 of man were at such a simple-minded and frequently t r i v i a l l e v e l , that one young speaker pu b l i c l y announced "He was lazy, did not get along 84 with his brother or his young s i s t e r , 'grunted' his way through break-46 fast . . . " There was l i t t l e recognition of the deeper s i n of pride or of an individual's part i n the corporate e v i l s of society. Many of the students from Union College went to a house party at Harrison Hot Springs as guests of the wealthy chairman of the Board and former mayor of Vancouver, W.H. Malkin and of Chris Spencer, owner 47 of a large department store. P r i n c i p a l J.G. Brown was most grateful to Malkin and Spencer and enthusiastic about the t r i p and i t s effect 48 on his students, but the students had mixed feelings. Those i n arts embraced the movement wholeheartedly but those i n theology were much more aware of i t s i n t e l l e c t u a l poverty and refused to be drawn into i t 49 50 too deeply. Even Brown acknowledged privately some reservations. Many could accept the movement's emphasis on s p i r i t u a l renewal and could overlook i t s s u p e r f i c i a l theology but balked at i t s snobbish appeal to the e l i t e of society only. This was countered by others i n -cluding Andrew Roddan who overcame his reservations upon finding the Banff meeting, to which he was sent, held i n a cold, barn-like hall."'''' Further c r i t i c i s m s about " i t s dress s h i r t advocates" were voiced at the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference meeting i n 1933, to which one clergyman replied that " ' i f Almighty God can get into the upper crust of our society then for heaven's sake do not l e t us hinder Him, or place any 52 obstacles i n the way.'" I t was widely believed i n r u l i n g church c i r c l e s that any " e f f o r t to influence a class too often not reached by evangelical agencies" should be encouraged provided that the message given would stress the rich's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to make changes i n s o c i a l 85 53 l i f e which might lessen their own pr i v i l e g e s . I t was precisely be-cause the movement did not do this that some ministers, i n i t i a l l y hope-f u l of the Group's crusade, became d i s i l l u s i o n e d and turned against i t . The Oxford Group f a i l e d to deliver on i t s promises for a new world. By 1935 enthusiasm for the movement had faded, l i f e returned to i t s regular a c t i v i t i e s and new causes arose to attract the attention of those s t i l l wanting to cure society's economic i l l s without too much s a c r i f i c e to themselves. One such avenue which appealed to a few United Church people, especially the small middle-class businessman, was the 54 Reconstruction p"arty, organized by the Hon. H.H. Stevens for the federal election of 1935. As a very active layman i n the Methodist and l a t e r United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Stevens frequently spoke to A.O.T.S. clubs, pres-byteries, conferences and even General Council explaining the need for a Christian impact on big business to make i t s practices more e t h i c a l and i n keeping with Christ's teachings. He believed that greed of the owners should be eliminated and that p r o f i t s should be shared more equitably with the employees who would enjoy better working conditions and give unreserved loyalty to the company i n return. Stevens was con-vinced that "The Church [had] the secret of International Salvation. I t [was] the Golden Rule. 1st Respect the Great Central Control of the Universe—God 2nd Do Unto others as you have them treat you T h i s — i f made the dominating practice of a l l church members would have a great influence over the whole world." In Steven's view this was the gum @f the ^ ^&^ngng£h^isfgh@£cha§ySdh^§.of^Si-iy> f®d heehQp,edrfcp. use the 86 reform of business and p o l i t i c a l action to create a better world. I n i t i a l l y , i n 1934 his idea of an investigation into the busi-ness practices of large firms was influenced by the coming federal e l e c t i o n , and the need of R.B. Bennettjs Conservative government for an i s s u e . A t the same time, Stevens was honestly outraged at the profit e e r i n g practised by some large firms at the expense of the small businessman and the farmer. Once the Price Spreads Investigation was launched by the Bennett government under Steven's chairmanship, the p o l i t i c a l aspects faded into the background and for Stevens the i n v e s t i -gation took on the colouration of a relig i o u s crusade against sweat shop labour, a r t i f i c i a l l y high pr i c e s , monopolies, forced mergers and other unethical business practices. Charges were made that Imperial Tobacco made s i x m i l l i o n a year p r o f i t and " i n the midst of the fabulous pros-pe r i t y . . . cut the farmers down from 33 cents a pound . . . to 16 cents a pound.""^ Stevens chose the witnesses and directed the minute examination of such firms as Eaton's, Simpson's and Imperial Tobacco and received widespread p u b l i c i t y and support i n the papers. His attack and expose undoubtedly awakened the country to increased c r i t i c i s m of the business community and hastened l e g i s l a t i o n for better working con-ditions for labour and controls on big business. Stevens was not a wealthy man and was always at odds with some of the eastern magnates i n Bennett's cabinet. The Price Spreads I n v e s t i -gation increased this animosity and caused a personal feud to erupt between Stevens and Bennett. When a l l hope of co-operation on reform within the Conservative party was gone, Stevens broke away to form the 87 R e c o n s t r u c t i o n p a r t y i n o r d e r t o " r e - e s t a b l i s h C a n a d a ' s i n d u s t r i a l , 5 8 e c o n o m i c a n d s o c i a l l i f e t o t h e b e n e f i t o f t h e g r e a t m a j o r i t y . " To do t h i s , h e p r o p o s e d t o s e t up a p u b l i c w o r k s p r o g r a m m e , a F e d e r a l T r a d e a n d I n d u s t r y C o m m i s s i o n , a n e c o n o m i c c o u n c i l , a n a g r i c u l t u r a l 59 b o a r d , a n d t o i n c r e a s e t a x e s o n t h e w e a l t h y . He b e l i e v e d t h a t " i f t h e r e a r e t h i n g s t h a t a r e i n h e r e n t l y w r o n g e x i s t i n g w i t h i n o u r e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e , t h e b e s t t h i n g t o do i s t o l o o k a t i t , . . . a n d s e e i f we c a n n o t r e c t i f y i t ; o r . . . s o o n e r o r l a t e r t h i n g s o f t h a t c h a r a c t e r 60 become s e r i o u s a n d may p o s s i b l y d e s t r o y o u r e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e . " He w a n t e d a C h r i s t i a n c a p i t a l i s t s y s t e m i n C a n a d a a n d w h i l e a g a i n s t w e a l t h y m o n o p o l y h e was n o t i n s y m p a t h y w i t h t h e s o c i a l i s m e s p o u s e d b y p a r t o f t h e c h u r c h b o d y . ^ 1 S u p p o r t f o r h i s P r i c e S p r e a d s I n v e s t i g a t i o n came f r o m t h e V a n c o u v e r a n d W e s t m i n s t e r P r e s b y t e r i e s o f t h e U n i t e d C h u r c h , t h e l a t t e r h a v i n g memo r i a l i z e d G e n e r a l C o u n c i l t o e n c o u r a g e a l l c h u r c h members n o t t o b u y 62 p r o d u c t s p r o d u c e d u n d e r c o n d i t i o n s i n i m i c a l t o human w e l f a r e . The B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a C o n f e r e n c e a n n u a l m e e t i n g i n 1 9 3 4 a l s o e n d o r s e d t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n and wanted Stevens to broaden i t to include the p r i c e 6 3 m o n o p o l y o f t h e l i q u o r i n t e r e s t s . T h a t same y e a r , l a y m e n a t t e n d i n g t h e i r a n n u a l b a n q u e t h e a r d G e o r g e R. M a t t h e w s , s e c r e t a r y o f t h e B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a d i v i s i o n o f t h e R e t a i l M e r c h a n t s ' A s s o c i a t i o n , s t r o n g l y recommend t h e P r i c e S p r e a d s C o m i s s i o n ' s R e p o r t a n d u r g e t h e m t o " a c c e p t a d e f i n i t e 64 r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . . . i n s e e k i n g s o l u t i o n o f t h e b u s i n e s s p r o b l e m . " S t e v e n s ^ p r o b e a p p e a l e d t o t h e m a j o r i t y o f m i d d l e - c l a s s c h u r c h g o e r s l i k e h i m s e l f , who w e r e m o r e t h a n w i l l i n g t o s e e a n y g r o s s i n j u s t i c e s r e m e d i e d 88 and the power of wealthy businessmen curbed especially i f i t were i n favour of the small businessman. Letters to the editor of the Western Recorder i n response to a favourable e d i t o r i a l showed to what extent 65 Stevens had touched a common concern through his investigation. The following year the Western Recorder supported Stevens and his new party as an answer to people who were "getting t i r e d of party and party p o l i t i c i a n s , and have been praying that some leaders might arise who would think i n terms of country and not party; who would merit 66 the t i t l e of 'statesman!'" There was however, r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e a c t i v i t y on behalf of the Reconstruction party i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The wealthy laymen found Stevens too much a reformer for thei r taste although a few ind i v i d u a l small businessmen and personal friends including United Church ministers supported Stevens and chaired public meetings. The Rev. E.F. Church of Metropolitan United i n V i c t o r i a told his audience that 6 7 "'we are looking to Mr. Stevens and he i s looking to God,'" and i n the Cariboo, the Rev. E.S. Fleming actively campaigned for Stevens.^ The B r i t i s h Columbia Conference, however, standing by i t s e a r l i e r decision to avoid any o f f i c i a l t i e s with a p o l i t i c a l party, and i n par-69 t i c u l a r with the C.C.F. refused to endorse the Reconstruction party. P o l i t i c a l allegiance was l e f t up to the i n d i v i d u a l . During the summer of 1935 opposition to Stevens mounted from business c i r c l e s which alleged that he had created a schism between monied interests and the people to such an extent that a V i c t o r i a editor accused him of descending "to agitator s t a t u s . T h i s opposition did not worry Stevens to any great extent since he f e l t that there was not 89 enough small manufacturing i n B r i t i s h Columbia for people to become very involved for or against his party. He concentrated his e f f o r t s i n southern Ontario where his son, the Rev. Francis H. Stevens a United Church minister released from Vancouver Presbytery, organized the youth 71 movement for the party. In Stevens' own r i d i n g of Kootenay East, he received a great deal of press p u b l i c i t y and won his seat, the only one for the party, despite the strong campaign waged against him by the Liberals and C.C.F. The l o c a l Conservative party did not run a candidate against him and the miners remained l o y a l to him personally for the key part he had 72 played i n 1933 i n keeping open the mines at Coal Creek. Stevens' e f f o r t to reform Canadian l i f e through his new party f a i l e d . His Christian ideals did not even win him the support of most United Church members who preferred the o l d - l i n e parties. With a change i n leadership of his old party, Stevens went back to the Conservatives and his b r i e f attempt at reform was largely forgotten. However, many of the changes he advocated were brought i n by the Lib e r a l government i n the following years and Stevens could take some credit for preparing the public for their acceptance. In this -respecthhef€oMowedt'the established pattern of the s o c i a l i s t s i n federal p o l i t i c s who never seem able to control parliament, but have a degree of success i n that the two major parties enact substantial amounts of s o c i a l i s t l e g i s l a t i o n . The United Church theological college i n B r i t i s h Columbia might have been expected to lead the church i n thought about society but this was not the case. In f a c t , the college actively discouraged any recognit 90 of the changing society around i t . By the early t h i r t i e s , there was a growing resentment among the students towards the autocratic p r i n -c i p a l , J.G. Brown, towards professors nearing retirement who gave d u l l , irrelevant courses and towards the administration for i t s lack of co-operation with The University of B r i t i s h Columbia. No recognition of the university courses i n sociology, l i t e r a t u r e and psychology was made. One student of that period said that R.B.Y. Scott who l a t e r went on to Montreal and was very active i n the Fellowship for Christian Social Order, the C.C.F. and the League for Social Reconstruction, was the only professor who had any i n k l i n g of the world outside the college walls, and he l e f t a f ter a very short time because of the college's lack of 73 challenge and i t s poor academic standards. Many students dropped out of the theological courses and the ministry as a result and the church l o s t such dedicated men as Robert McMaster, l a t e r a lawyer very active i n c i v i l rights and Arnold Webster, a high school teacher and C.C.F. p o l i t i c i a n . Other students i f they had the money went elsewhere to study. Brown created such a mutinous feeling among the students i n residence, snooping i n rooms and l i s t e n i n g through keyholes to personal conversations at night, that a delegation from Toronto headquarters was sent out to investigate the complaints. In the report issued January 28, 1938, the p r i n c i p a l was condemned for his lack of interest i n the students, poor academic standards i n the college, badly taught basic courses and f a i l u r e to i n i t i a t e p r a c t i c a l courses i n Homiletics, Sociology and Re-n- • ^ . 7 4 lig i o u s Education. Brown was a very stubborn man, and a man u t t e r l y devoid of sympathy for the s o c i a l gospel or l i b e r a l theological thought. When the 91 s o c i a l i s t J. King Gordon became t r a v e l l i n g professor of Christian ethics under the auspices of the Board of Evangelism and Social Service i n 1935, Dobson had him tour B r i t i s h Columbia giving public lectures. Gordon received a hearty welcome i n many outlying places but at Union College his reception from Brown was cool, i f not g l a c i a l . However, the S.C.M. on the nearby University of B r i t i s h Columbia campus held public meetings so that the theological students heard him free from the i n h i b i t i n g eyes of their unenthusiastic professors and p r i n c i p a l . ^ The depression with a l l i t s turmoil and questioning hardly entered the classrooms of the archetypal ivory tower of the theological college. On the whole, t r a d i t i o n a l reformation i n the form of lectures, study, p e t i t i o n s , piety and moderate p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y was easy for the church. I t involved mainly those middle-class members who supported and led most of the church organizations. These people wanted to bring an end to society's economic chaos and return to a state of f i n a n c i a l security, but they looked back with longing to t h e i r more secure days i n the early 1900's or the 1920's, and not forward to a new system or way of l i f e . New ideas presented by reputable scholars and o f f i c i a l church bodies gradually became acceptable with the passage of time. The report Ch r i s t i a n i z i n g the Social Order emphasized the necessity of change and put a respectable cast upon some of the s o c i a l i s t s ' views. How effec-t i v e this report was i s impossible to measure. That i t provided ample opportunity for discussion and debate on new ideas cannot be disputed. The United Church not only educated many of i t s own members to accept 92 change but also many others i n society who were exposed frequently to church viewpoints i n the daily press. As a result Evangelism and Social Service reports and Ch r i s t i a n i z i n g the Social Order played some part i n preparing the country for governmental controls during the war and for the s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n that came then and l a t e r . The majority of ministers were more w i l l i n g than laymen to countenance change provided someone else did the necessary spade work. There was a r e a l antipathy towards active p o l i t i c a l involvement from some; there was a general lack of i n i t i a t i v e i n dealing with new problems; there was a fear of s o c i a l unrest and i n s t a b i l i t y , there was ignorance and misunderstanding of industry, unions and urban society; there was retrenchment to save one's own congregregation and job; there was reliance on the t r a d i t i o n a l methods of paternalism, handouts and emer-gency patching; there was the usual pat solution offered time and again to return to the " r e a l Gospel" and "true Christian l i v i n g . " "True Christian l i v i n g " when put into more concrete terms i n b r i e f s , studies and resolutions to the government, however, looked very r a d i c a l to many church members and very close to out and out socialism. Current problems were of s u f f i c i e n t magnitude that the majority of clergy were at least w i l l i n g to pay l i p service to the radicals on the Board of Evangelism and Social Service and regularly pass reports and resolutions condemning the current economic and s o c i a l system. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to estimate what influence church telegrams, p e t i t i o n s , b r i e f s and resolutions had on governments but i t i s safe to say there was some. The r a d i c a l solutions offered by the church courts helped to establish 93 the United Church's reputation as a s o c i a l l y concerned or even a ra d i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n i n society, even while a large majority of i t s members held much more conservative views. "The Reds"—Radical Social Change While the majority of church members were involved i n paternal charity and were exposed to advocates of some form of t r a d i t i o n a l re-form, a small handful of members within the church hoped to bring about a completely changed s o c i a l order across Canada. I t was their work which gave the United Church an image of radicalism i n the public press. During the 1920's when l i f e was generally prosperous and the United Church was mainly concerned with i t s own b i r t h and organization, the moderate a c t i v i t i e s and b e l i e f s of the s o c i a l gospellers were absorbed into the i n s t i t u t i o n a l church. The radicalism of the immediate post-war years was dropped and forgotten by most. I t was this radicalism when reappeared with the depression and made i t s e l f f e l t across the country, through reports of the Board of Evangelism and Social Service and i t s committees, The New Outlook, the o f f i c i a l church paper and the a c t i v i t i e s of a few individuals. The power of the few men involved lay i n their possession of key positions on conference and presbytery committees for Evangelism and Social Service, the church department most i n the public eye and res-ponsible for the r a d i c a l reports issued by the church during the early 1930's. Not only were these men strong believers i n the necessity of a new s o c i a l order but they were also w i l l i n g to work hard with p o l i t i c a l , 94 labour and s t r i k i n g groups to achieve this new society. They were men of action, determined to help the unemployed and the poor. In 1931 as soon as B r i t i s h Columbia announced i t s plans for r e l i e f camps key men i n the Vancouver Presbytery of the United Church went into action. Under the Rev. Hugh Dobson's watchful eye the pres-76 bytery i n i t i a t e d a Relief Committee to watch, form policy and co-operate with the other churches, the Y.M.C.A. and the Social Service Council, concerning conditions i n the r e l i e f camps. The presbytery sent a l e t t e r to the government urging i t to consider the necessity of recrea-t i o n a l , c u l t u r a l and s p i r i t u a l care of the men i n the camps and offered to help i n any way p o s s i b l e . ^ Already some were concerned about the men's morale i n such out-of-the-way places, a problem to which the government displayed profound indifference. Determined to i n i t i a t e some action, the Vancouver Presbytery i n the spring of 1932 gave one minister, the Rev. H.P. Davidson, leave 78 from a regular pastorate to v i s i t r e l i e f camps i n the Fraser Valley. Davidson v i s i t e d over twenty camps, spending one to two days i n each. According to him, the government camps gave good accommodation and food but did not "give two hoots" for the boys' mental and s p i r i t u a l welfare. He gave travel shows with slides provided by the Canadian P a c i f i c R a i l -way and led the men i n rousing renditions of the most popular song i n camp, " F i f t y Years From Now." The l i n e "What does i t matter, we'll be pushing up the daisies with marble at our heads" always got a personal response from the men. Davidson also distributed personal necessities l i k e books, shaving k i t s , toothpaste, brushes, records and stationery 95 which were generously donated by Spencer's and Woodward's Department Stores or by Vancouver congregations. The men seemed to appreciate the efforts of Davidson and his successors. Certainly they were the only people who showed any r e a l interest i n the men's p l i g h t . Davidson f e l t that v i s i t i n g the r e l i e f camps was the best b i t of work the church did during the depression, although i t was largely on his shoulders, on those of an Anglican minister and on Davidson's successor, the Rev. G.H. Findlay. Fortunately Findlay was w e l l - q u a l i f i e d to carry on the work, which could e a s i l y have foundered under a man of unsuitable personality. He was an older man who had spent most of his ministry with single men i n logging or mining camps i n B r i t i s h Columbia and the Yukon. He enjoyed their humour, sense of adventure and down-to-earth approach to l i f e , but was greatly distressed at society's callousness towards the " f o r -gotten men" i n the r e l i e f camps. His view of his role and the value of his work i s expressed i n an account of an incident which he recorded i n one of his reports. A middle aged i n t e l l i g e n t man came into the o f f i c e when the mail had been sorted, apparently looking for a l e t t e r . The time-keeper said to me, "He has been i n this camp four months and p r a c t i c a l l y every day he comes over looking for a l e t t e r , but he has never got anything yet." I think one of the hardest things i n l i f e i s to f e e l oneself forgotten, that nobody cares, and I believe the best thing about my work i s t h i s — t h a t i t ' s a continual reminder to these men, two thousand of them i n the Fraser Valley, that the Church has not forgotten.79 The only other minister who showed any great interest i n the r e l i e f or work camps was the Rev. Bryce Wallace. While i n T r a i l he 96 v i s i t e d four camps on his own i n i t i a t i v e and encouraged the Young People's Society from his congregation to entertain the men and after he moved to V i c t o r i a he v i s i t e d and delivered "luxury items," such as toothpaste and razor blades, to the work camps north of the c i t y . His own congregation i n V i c t o r i a and most other congregations and ministers showed a l e v e l of i n i t i a t i v e and interest which reached i t s summit i n the donation of t h e i r used magazines. I t took the super-intendent of home missions three months to reach the point of asking Davidson i f he had any money with which to run his car and pay expenses. The camps were easily forgotten. Almost i n sight of one of Vancouver's more prosperous congregations was a r e l i e f camp, t o t a l l y ignored. The camp on the University Endowment Lands on Point Grey had the worst condi-tions of any i n the province, according to the Macdonald Commission, established by the federal government i n A p r i l 1935 to investigate camp conditions throughout the province, following mounting complaints and unrest among the men. The three-man commission consisting of the chair-man, the Hon. W.A. Macdonald, a judge, the Rev. E.D. Braden of Ryerson United Church i n Vancouver and C.T. McHattie, a prominent c i t y wholesale merchant and United Church layman, described the washhouses and showers as "'disgracefully crude, unsightly and d i r t y " 1 and found rats a menace 80 "' p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the bunkhouses,'" but no l o c a l congregations rose up i n anger over the inhumane si t u a t i o n on their doorstep. P r i o r to the publishing of the Macdonald Commission report, however, Vancouver Presbytery did c a l l a special meeting to discuss the r e l i e f camp si t u a t i o n and made a recommendation to the federal government 97 s i m i l a r to that of the Macdonald Commission asking for a cessation of the r e l i e f camps and the establishment of work camps with proper wages for work done.^1 In A p r i l of 1935 before the Macdonald Commission had a chance to report i t s findings, the men i n the camps became rebellious, and two thousand, mainly from the Fraser Valley camps marched on Vancouver to demand work and wages. For weeks the s t r i k e r s held parades, s i t - i n s at the c i t y museum, interviews with the mayor and tag days to dramatize the hopelessness they f e l t i n the camps and their insistence that the government pay decent wages. The Vancouver M i n i s t e r i a l Association headed by the Rev. Elbert Paul, a Baptist minister, volunteered to act as mediator between the s t r i k e r s ' Relief Camp Union and the federal government which had f a i l e d to answer c i t i z e n s ' pleas for action i n the form of wages. The Rev. H.P. Davidson and several other United Church ministers joined with Paul i n meeting the s t r i k e r s but their attempt at solution was i n vain. When the group met with the p r o v i n c i a l premier, Duff Pa t t u l l o i n his hotel suite at the Hotel Vancouver, he just threw up his hands and "passed 82 the buck" to the federal government which ran the camps. Again i n the spring of 1938 when the unemployed occupied Van-couver's main post o f f i c e and art gal l e r y , a few United Church people came to the s t r i k e r s ' aaiid. FEoddaaridccl6MingT:werecc611ectedbbyasome Vancouver congregations after an open l e t t e r was sent to the papers by 83 four United Church ministers. The Vancouver Presbytery Relief Committee of 1935 was reactivated and some of the clergy, including H.P. Davidson, 98 G.B. Switzer, and Andrew Roddan mingled among the s t r i k e r s urging them to remain peaceful so that some solution could be worked out with the government. The United Church refused the s t r i k e r s ' request to set up a church service i n the Post Office but some ministers, including Andrew Roddan of F i r s t United and Willard Brewing of St. Andrew's-Wesley spoke frankly from thei r pulpits i n condemnation of the government and i n 84 support of the men. In June an open l e t t e r signed by Davidson and Switzer appeared i n the Daily Province attacking the whole r e l i e f 85 policy. The Relief Committee was again endorsing work for wages, long term training for the unemployed and an extension of public works. I t urged the reopening of the forest camps for the summer and telegraphed the Minister of Labour i n Ottawa to this e f f e c t . ^ 6 After the men were evicted from the Post Office, the church set up a fund to provide finan-87 c i a l aid for the six men arrested i n connection with the eviction. During the s i t - i n at the Vancouver Art Gallery and Post Office, seven hundred s t r i k e r s went to V i c t o r i a to present the i r problem to Pat t u l l o . After the men were turned out of three deserted hotels, the Rev. Bryce Wallace, on behalf of the V i c t o r i a M i n i s t e r i a l Association, approached the government with an offer of mediation and a request for food and medication for the destitute men but was f l a t l y turned down 88 by Pa t t u l l o . However, a women's emergency committee worked closely with the M i n i s t e r i a l Association i n providing food and after the i n t e r -vention of Wallace, the c i t y f i n a l l y reopened i t s three unused hotels 89 to the men for the duration of their stay i n the c i t y . The c i t y s t i l l 99 refused to meet with the V i c t o r i a Presbytery's requests for a tag day 90 or the use of an empty theatre as a meeting place for the unemployed. The church was concerned not only with the men's physical needs but also with the dangerous impasse the s t r i k e r s and the government had reached. Wallace played a v i t a l role i n getting the men to accept the government's compromise offer of free transportation home with jobs for the B r i t i s h Columbia boys, and jobs for the p r a i r i e boys u n t i l 91 harvest time when they would return home. The immediate c r i s i s was over but r e l i e f of the symptoms of unrest had done nothing toward cur-ing the disease of unemployment. Later i n November of 1938, Vancouver Presbytery again objected strenuouslyLto :thejj.ailingoofttransiehtsaaridddemandedcconstructive aid as an alternative. In the spring of 1939 i t was s t i l l voicing i t s demands for federal government aid for retraining of the unemployed and for a study i n which a l l workers with the unemployed would pa r t i c i p a t e , i n the hope that a permanent solution to the unemployment problem could 92 be found. Hugh Dobson added his voice to that of Presbytery declar-ing that the strikershhadaasstrongcGaseiint"thei-rffiavo.uraaridttheffederal 93 government was dragging i t s feet. For eight years the church had been c a l l i n g for action. Vancouver Presbytery was largely responsible for the establishment by the Vancouver General M i n i s t e r i a l Association i n January 1931, of a B.C. Committee on Unemployment and R e l i e f , and the conference committee on Evangelism and Social Service bore the costs. Hugh Dobson chaired the committee and the two ministers, the Revs. A.W. Mcintosh of the United Church and H.L. 100 McNeill of the Baptist; three university professors, H.F. Angus, W.A. Carrothers and C.W. Topping; one employer, W.C. Ditmars and one repre-sentative of labour, John Sidaway formed the advisory board. This board in v i t e d over f i f t y organizations throughout the province to send delegates to a meeting to discuss a long-term policy of r e l i e f . Boards of trade, labour unions, schools, churches, s o c i a l work agencies, Van-couver City Council, women's groups, and service clubs were represented. This enlarged group presented bri e f s to the p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments on matters such as work for wages; i t studied Russian and Fascist methods of dealing with unemployment; i t provided a safe locale for blowing off steam by r i v a l groups and promoted understanding among them; and i t addressed the general public through lectures, pamphlets and newspaper a r t i c l e s on the current economic and s o c i a l problems with 94 some suggestions for reform. Unemployment insurance was one programme i t pushed very hard i n an e f f o r t to gain a long range policy on unemploy-ment from the federal government. The committee was not successful i n the short run with i t s re-form suggestions but eventually the government acted i n the dir e c t i o n the members had indicated years before. The main aim of the group, however, was to educate the public on the need for change and this i t did w e l l . By bringing together such a d i v e r s i t y of int e r e s t s , i t pro-vided a good forum for the exchange of opinions between such groups as the Canadian Legion and the Waterfront Workers' Association, the Terrace Board of Trade and the Vancouver Trades and Labour Council. One p a r t i -cipant was convinced " I t saved trouble i n Vancouver because i t gave labour 101 95 and business a chance to blow off i n a reasonable state." Another problem which concerned Hugh Dobson and the Vancouver Presbytery was the question of housing. By 1936 the housing of families on r e l i e f or subsistence-level wages had become desperate. Mortgages and rents were going unpaid and foreclosures and evictions were rapidly increasing. The c i t y of Vancouver paid r e l i e f rent only on a shelter basis after eviction had been threatened and only enough to f o r e s t a l l 96 the eviction. With no spare cash at hand, l i v i n g standards were steadily lowered. Houses went unpainted, splintered steps remained un-fi x e d , and an old wood stove i n the kitchen replaced a broken-down furnace. Vancouver Presbytery at Dobson's suggestion appointed a sub-committee of three men, the.Revs. Andrew Roddan, H.P. Davidson and Mr. 97 George B e l l to j o i n with an organization of unemployed and part-time workers to deal with the housing problem generally and p a r t i c u l a r l y with the problems of high rents and evictions. A special p e t i t i o n went out to the c i t y and p r o v i n c i a l governments to increase the rent allowance. The committee made a survey of the units available as w e l l as those abandoned but repairable, and directed people towards these. Presbytery offered to co-operate with the federal government concerning the housing 98 of transients, though nothing seems to have come of t h i s . Congregations were asked to help those i n distress among themselves with volunteer 99 labour and materials i n order to improve l i v i n g conditions, and i n many cases did so. But the e f f o r t s hardly scratched the surface. Two years l a t e r , petitions were s t i l l being sent to P a t t u l l o , R.B. Bennett and J.S. Woodsworth, concerning the way slum housing conditions i n parts of 102 Vancouver were s p r e a d i n g . T h e problem was never completely solved u n t i l after the war . When money became available with the advent of war there was no material available for repairs or building. But the war did bring an end to evictions and mortgage foreclosures just as i t brought an end to unemployment. Early i n the spring of 1935 the church had one of i t s many opportunities to as s i s t i n the d e f i n i t i o n of a ju s t s o c i a l order. At the Corbin mines i n the Crowsnest Pass a s t r i k e erupted into a scene of mob violence and police b r u t a l i t y . The minister of the United Church at Michel, the Rev. J.H. Matthew§, who also looked after the people at Corbin, was greatly incensed by the numbers of police brought i n , the excessive force which he personally witnessed during the r i o t , and the subsequent lack of any proper investigation. He, along with several members of the C.C.F. party held a private investigation and found that "several misstatements had been made, that the police being sent into the area was not a conciliatory measure, that the people of the d i s t r i c t were smarting under a sense of i n j u s t i c e and that Inspector McDonald's conduct was unwise when the trouble developed on A p r i l 17." 1^ 1 The B r i t i s h Columbia Conference i n i t s annual meeting responded to his report with a resolution demanding a pr o v i n c i a l investigation under the 102 attorney-general, i n essence seconding an e a r l i e r request sent by Hugh 103 Dobson at the height of the troubles. In this instance the church did not take sides, feeling that there was faul t on both parts. I t was determined, though, that the truth 103 should be discovered; that the people of Corbin, a company mining town, should have j u s t i c e ; and that police force versus mob force should not replace round-table bargaining. But cool heads did not p r e v a i l i n govern-ment c i r c l e s and the church's suggestions went unheeded. Tempers were hot, governing o f f i c i a l s were frightened and bewildered by the current unrest, and labour was impatient and increasingly, m i l i t a n t i n the face of continuing government inaction. Force was the easy answer to which men turned again i n June to s e t t l e the longshoremen's s t r i k e , i n the On-To-Ottawa Trek, and three years l a t e r i n the sitdown s t r i k e at the Vancouver Post Office. Following the battle between st r i k e r s and police at the Ballan-tyne pier i n Vancouver during the longshoremen's s t r i k e of 1935, H.P. Davidson rounded up three other United Church ministers, R. Matheson, W.E.GGalloway and Wm. Graham as a committee and in v i t e d the committee of the s t r i k e r s to give t h e i r side of the story. The m i n i s t e r i a l committee then met with the shipping companies involved. The result was a l e t t e r sent to the mayor and council demanding that they f u l f i l l 104 their oath of o f f i c e and keep the peace by helping to solve the s t r i k e . The s t r i k e continued. A month l a t e r , Davidson along with several others appealed to Mayor McGeer again to interfere on "commercial, j u s t i c e and humanitarian grounds" and bring an end to the s t r i k e which was causing unemployment, hardship and c i v i c u n r e s t . T h e c i t y responded by getting the federal government to exercise i t s powers under the I n d u s t r i a l Dispute Investigation Act to bring about c o n c i l i a t i o n . A mediator select-ed by the prime minister was f i n a l l y sent out and the s t r i k e ended when the demands of the s t r i k e r s were partly met. 104 While the men were on s t r i k e , the ministers' committee organized a soup kitchen, manned by veterans near the docks. Chinese gardeners contributed produce. As w e l l , Davidson with volunteers, collected food from the Fraser Valley for the s t r i k e r s ' families, since none could get r e l i e f and many families were dependent upon door-to-door handouts. McGeer had been quite firm i n his announcement to the press that no st r i k e r s would ever be e l i g i b l e for c i t y r e l i e f . After the r i o t i n June, Vancouver Presbytery sent a l e t t e r to the p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments demanding an end to the use of force against s t r i k e r s and the establishment of free bargaining. The following Sunday, sermons on the s t r i k e were preached at F i r s t United where the Rev. Andrew Roddan, i n discussing the use of scab labour and police to break a l e g a l s t r i k e , declared "the crux of the st r i k e i s i n the matter of control, not wages," and at St. Andrew's-Wesley where the Rev. Willard Brewing, i n condemning the use of force, regretted that "the r i o t indicated that c i v i l i z a t i o n s t i l l depends on 108 strength." The c i t y had much to answer for i n i t s use of the police to stop the marchers who had been peaceful up to the time the chief of police rose to address them. And the pr o v i n c i a l and federal governments had much to answer for i n allowing the shipping companies to hire work-ers i l l e g a l l y during a legitimate s t r i k e . Church members could not f e e l proud of their behaviour either. Davidson found the church as a whole very unsympathetic towards the str i k e r s whose legitimate grievances were ignored by the government and society as a whole. In the United Church the committees of Evangelism 105 and Social Service of the conference and of the presbyteries largely ignored the ministers' work with labour. Ministers l i k e Brewing and Roddan i n the downtown areas of Vancouver who, Davidson f e l t , should have been involved down on the docks among the s t r i k e r s , stood and preached safely from their p u l p i t s . The reason, Davidson advanced, was that the managers of the shipping companies were generous donors 109 to church projects and they could not be angered. The church as a whole f a i l e d to l i v e up to i t s own teachings of j u s t i c e for a l l and proved once again the v a l i d i t y of the accusation that " B r i t i s h Columbia — b o t h i n and out of the c h u r c h — i s only money oriented." 1"'"^ One alternative to society's c a p i t a l i s t system which was widely advocated by the church radicals through various reports and br i e f s was the co-operative movement,11"'* but i t never became popular among United Church members generally, despite the hard work of a handful to organize i n B r i t i s h Columbia. One staunch advocate was T.C. Dearlove, a B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s t immigrant who was involved i n co-operatives for his entire l i f e . Becom-ing discouraged with the lack of s o c i a l action by the Stanley Park Study Group, the forerunner of a C.C.F. study club, and the squabblings of the different s o c i a l i s t factions, he and his wife l e f t to concentrate on 112 co-operatives. Dearlove wanted Christian action. F i r s t , he set up the Common Good Co-operative Association i n Burnaby where a large number were unemployed. Members bought an old truck, cut the i r own wood, raised their own vegetables and operated on the basis of one labour unit for one hour's work. Goods were priced i n 106 labour units, not dollars. The group operated constantly i n the red but i t s members had employment, food and fu e l . A s p l i t developed over the question of co-operating with other groups on the west side of Vancouver and Dearlove pulled out i n 1933 to star t afresh i n Ki t s i l a n o . This second venture flourished u n t i l after the war and even expanded to Acadia Camp on The University of B r i t i s h Columbia campus, furnishing groceries to the returned veterans. By 1936 a number of co-operatives existed i n the Vancouver area which prompted Dearlove to establish the Vancouver D i s t r i c t Co-opera-tive Council, drawing a l l the small groups together. Throughout the 1930's there was a constant struggle between the majority of members and a handful of communists determined to take over the Council although they never succeeded.11"^ The Rev. J.C. Sibley, a r e t i r e d United Church minister, l a t e r was president of the D i s t r i c t Council. Sibley, a quiet i n t e l l e c t u a l , was a man of broad s o c i a l interests, and widely read i n economic and , international a f f a i r s . He, along with so many others, had studied under Salem Bland and was convinced that only economic reform would end the world's chaos. He considered the co-operative movement the id e a l Christian answer, but Sibley was not well-known i n B r i t i s h Columbia, having r e t i r e d to Vancouver i n 1927 from Saskatchewan for health reasons, and his work, though d i l i g e n t and sincere, never produced much result from the United Church constituency. Hugh Dobson also supported the co-operative movement personally, lecturing on i t s values whenever he could. Through his influence the 107 B r i t i s h Columbia Conference at i t s annual meetings i n 1935 and 1936 strongly endorsed the consumer co-operative p r i n c i p l e and asked for i t s extension among church members to include "the production and d i s t r i b u -114 t i o n of a l l basic necessities . . . of food, clothing and shelter." Beyond such recommendations and the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a few individuals, however, the church i n B r i t i s h Columbia never was greatly involved i n the movement. Those who were came largely from C.C.F. ranks and maintained their association through a sense of duty. Some found i t increasingly burdensome to travel any distance to buy from a limi t e d range of goods and gradually dropped away. I t never gained popularity among the majority of urban middle-class church goers who often linked the co-operative movement with communism. Only i n the Fraser Valley and the Okanagan where the dairy farmers and f r u i t growers had control without interference from the communists did any number of church members become involved. In the Fraser Valley Milk Producers' Cooperative, for instance, very strong United Church and e a r l i e r , Methodist Church, members l i k e A.C. Wells and John Oliver, were key directors long before the church launched i t s campaign for co-operatives."""""""'' Economics, not religious or p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s , determined t h e i r decision. During the depression members remained conservative i n their outlook towards society generally and the F.V.M.P.A. refused to a l i g n i t s e l f with the C.C.F. The success of this co-operative kept i t s farmer members from turning r a d i c a l and towards 116 socialism as did t h e i r counterparts i n Ontario and the p r a i r i e s . The church per se had no influence. 108 The same small group of radicals who were involved with the st r i k e r s and were responsible for the church's more s o c i a l i s t i c stands i n B r i t i s h Columbia worked closely for the C.C.F. party o f f i c i a l l y i n public and u n o f f i c i a l l y through church committees. One such u n o f f i c i a l group was the League for Christian Social Action or the L.C.S.A., which l a t e r joined the national body of the Fellowship for a Christian Social Order or the F.C.S.O. In September of 1932 after returning from the General Council meeting, the Rev. H.T. A l l e n of Terrace wrote up a set of principles and an organizational outline for a Christian s o c i a l action group. His ideas came from the General Councils of 1928, 1930 and 1932 when dele-gates dealt with reports concerned with the economic and i n d u s t r i a l l i f e of the country. Corresponding with the Rev. Bryce Wallace of T r a i l who had been thinking along similar lines the two men set up the L.C.S.A. They drafted a poli c y which proved very s i m i l a r to that of the C.C.F. Among i t s main points were c o l l e c t i v e ownership of natural resources, of the means of production, and of banking and credit; equality of income; s o c i a l insurance for health, l i f e , accident and old age; and the promotion of peace. The men proposed to extend such an organization throughout Canada, preferably through the church, and to work with other like-minded groups. 1 1^ They recognized that the whole church would not immediately back their proposals but they hoped that with education the church would eventually back the C.C.F. The L.C.S.A. held i t s f i r s t meeting at conference time i n May of 1933 when a very lengthy and heated debate took place on the fl o o r 109 of the meeting as to whether the group should be under the auspices of the church, and the majority at the annual meeting voted against i t . I n f l u e n t i a l clergy and laymen feared the group's p o l i t i c a l bias towards the C.C.F. and socialism, and wanted to keep the church free of any p o l i t i c a l entanglements. While t h i s argument won the day, a strong minority condemned the church for i t s t i m i d i t y and inaction, feeling " ' I t i s time she hunted out the robbers i n society and used a l i t t l e 118 dynamite to shake the lurking banditry who fatten on society today.'" The League then proceeded to organize i t s e l f as a voluntary u n o f f i c i a l group dedicated to forming s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l opinion. The League was supposed to have combined study groups of laymen and ministers i n each presbytery throughout the province. There was a twenty-point creed, based on the suggested policy drafted by A l l e n , and meetings were to be held monthly to discuss current books and plan p o l i t i c a l action. The only properly organized group, however, was i n the lower mainland, and i t spent a great deal of time, under the leader-ship of the Rev. Alver Mackay, examining drafts of the report, Christian- i z i n g the Social Order and submitting suggestions to a l o c a l committee which was formed to c r i t i c i z e rough drafts of the report. Men from out-lyi n g parts of the conference joined i n at meetings held at the time of the annual meetings of conference and some took part by mail i n a rotat-ing reading club started by A l l e n . Books on economic, p o l i t i c a l and rel i g i o u s thought by men l i k e R.H. Tawney, Bertrand Russell and Harold Laski were exchanged along with lengthy l e t t e r s of discussion. Originally some of the members had considered entering the p o l i t i c a l f i e l d to promote a Christian s o c i a l order. Others were against 110 the idea s u f f i c i e n t l y to dampen any organizational attempts i n a p o l i t i c a l vein. However, those who i n i t i a l l y broached the suggestion entered p o l i t i c s on an indi v i d u a l basis. The L.C.S.A. as a group decided to con-centrate on education and hopefully bring some more moderate men of the 119 church into t h e i r f o l d . I t did present a b r i e f to the Macmillan 120 Banking Commission i n support of the nationalization of banking, and published the text of a radio address, Religion and Social Change by i t s president, H.T. A l l e n , given on The Radio Fellowship programme, conducted 121 by the Rev. Edwin H. Baker, an Anglican clergyman i n Vancouver. During the spring of 1933, J.S. Woodsworth, leader of the newly-formed C.C.F. party had suggested to Al l e n that he contact Professor John Line of Emmanuel College, Toronto who had been involved i n Ontario with a similar organization c a l l e d the Fellowship for a Christian Social 122 Order. Because the L.C.S.A. i n i t i a l l y hoped to be more p o l i t i c a l l y oriented than the F.C.S.O., the L.C.S.A. refused to merge with the national body although i t s views were almost i d e n t i c a l and some i n 123 B r i t i s h Columbia wanted the broader connection. F i n a l l y i n 1935 when J. King Gordon was appointed secretary of the F.C.S.O. to travel across Canada and organize branches i n each conference, the L.C.S.A. 124 became the F.C.S.O. branch i n B r i t i s h Columbia. By 1937 the national F.C.S.O. had become impatient and demanded action, believing that the 125 talking stage was past. In Toronto the group then became active and led marches of unemployed men to churches to draw attention to their 126 plig h t . E a r l i e r the F.C.S.O. had backed the unemployed marchers i n Regina and the s t r i k e r s against General Motors i n Oshawa. I l l In greater Vancouver, however, the F.C.S.O. remained b a s i c a l l y a study group. The group met weekly i n St. Andrew's-Wesley Church and under the leadership of a different minister each week, held s p i r i t e d discussions about the current book under examination. One week i t was The I n t e l l i g e n t Man's Guide Through World Chaos by G.D.H. Cole, attempt-ing to unravel the world's economic a f f a i r s i n order to determine whether restoration of the old c a p i t a l i s t system was desirable and practicable, or whether the s o c i a l i s t system was a better solution. Another week, discussion would centre around C h r i s t i a n i t y and the Social Revolution, a c o l l e c t i o n of essays by Christian theologians and Russian 127 communists, published by Victor Gollancz for his Left Book Club. The F.C.S.O. gave summer lectures at Union College and i n 1937 caused an uproar at the conference annual meeting when i t asked for more freedom of action, and suggested a move to Ocean Park for the summer school i n order to get away from the control of the senate of the College. The conference sided with the senate, with the p r i n c i p a l , J.G. Brown, who i n s i s t e d that "the senate must control the course" and with Dr. A.M. Sanford, a member of the faculty, who "denied there had ever been 12 8 censorship over the type of lectures given." The only time the l a b e l F.C.S.O. was used i n public action i n B r i t i s h Columbia was i n defense of the waterfront s t r i k e r s i n 1935. H.P. Davidson, the l o c a l chairman along with three other members publicly charged the federal government which had refused to act under the Indus-t r i a l Disputes Act, "'of having f a i l e d i n i t s proper role as mediator and of having sanctioned the conduct of the Shipping Federation.'" The 112 statement continued with an attack on the Shipping Federation, the employers' organization, accusing i t of trying to break the Vancouver and D i s t r i c t Waterfront Workers Union, turning the waterfront into an armed camp, using inexperienced men i n dangerous work and passing out beer to the workers. In conclusion, the F.C.S.O. said "'A situ a t i o n such as t h i s should challenge a l l sincere Christians to throw their f u l l 129 weight into a re a l e f f o r t towards a ju s t settlement." 1 For this i t was labelled "red" and linked with a communist group i n New York, and i n a l e t t e r to the editor i n the V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist, a reader 130 accused Davidson personally of being a communist. Once the League became a branch of the F.C.S.O., l o c a l impetus died. JiAllen Ahadzbec6me2too2busy inirhisnnewscongregation at Nanaimo and i n community a f f a i r s and Davidson, the new leader was not an organ-i z i n g man. About twenty members maintained the i r t i e s with the national organization and gathered together at the time of the conference annual meeting for discussion and fellowship. Both Davidson and Allen admitted that for an "action" group, the B r i t i s h Columbia branch of the F.C.S.O. was very inactive although i n d i v i d u a l l y and on church committees, i t s members spearheaded v i r t u a l l y a l l concrete action the church took. Although the L.C.S.A. and l a t e r the F.C.S.O. i n B r i t i s h Columbia never was d i r e c t l y involved i n the C.C.F. i n spite of the constant e f f o r t s of some members, i t did maintain very close t i e s and viewpoints. Charges by the public and conservative church o f f i c i a l s that the L.C.S.A.-F.C.S.O. was linked with the C.C.F. and was "red" were not groundless. Many members of the F.C.S.O. were actively involved i n the C.C.F. party, 113 sponsoring l o c a l study clubs, running for o f f i c e and drafting l o c a l party platforms. The same men then incorporated many of these platform planks into the church's Evangelism and Social Service reports where they re-ceived wide p u b l i c i t y and frequently o f f i c i a l church endorsement. Many i n the United Church were attracted to the C.C.F. because of Woodsworth and his l o f t y humanitarian i d e a l s , considering i t to be not just another party but Christian socialism above partisan p o l i t i c s . A key United Church minister i n B r i t i s h Columbia who combined his p o l i t i c a l aims with his Christian b e l i e f s through his involvement with the C.C.F., the F.C.S.O. and the committees of Evangelism and Social Service was H.T. Allen. He had formed p o l i t i c a l study groups i n Terrace a year or two before the C.C.F. was formed, using for discussion Hansard and material printed by Woodsworth and his followers i n the House of 131 Commons. These groups formed the nucleus of the C.C.F. party i n that area. Upon moving to Cumberland i n the summer of 1933, Allen was asked to write the educational planks for the C.C.F. for i t s p r o v i n c i a l elec-tion campaign that f a l l . After much urging he stood as a candidate for Comox i n that election campaign, despite being a newcomer to the area. Cumberland and i t s environs had a large number of s o c i a l i s t . Welsh miners who readily supported the C.C.F. and Al l e n who lo s t by only a few hundred votes, mainly because the Conservative candidate withdrew at the l a s t minute and a l l the right-wing voters were consolidated be-hind the L i b e r a l to defeat Allen. Allen claimed that the voters' l i s t was rigged and many of his supporters, long-time residents and voters i n the d i s t r i c t found themselves unlisted when they went to cast the i r 132 b a l l o t s . 114 One of the men who had pressed A l l e n to run was the Rev. Mortimer Lees of Courtenay, a very active C.C.F. man behind the scenes. Lees was older than Allen but because his p o l i t i c a l work was unobtrusive he had l i t t l e trouble with his congregation accepting his views. Such t r a n q u i l l i t y was not for Al l e n . A peppery man who could not hide his opinions, he s p l i t his congregation by running for o f f i c e and almost winning. The key f i n a n c i a l supporters o r i g i n a l l y were w i l l i n g to l e t him run, never dreaming that he would receive such strong support. Following his near success, several withdrew from the congregation u n t i l he l e f t . He always had the majority of the congregation behind him, but they were mainly the mine workers on reduced s h i f t or unemployed, and they could not carry the f i n a n c i a l load of the church. They, along with a former Conservative M.L.A., General George McNaughton, however, r a l l i e d around Allen when he was accused of being "an atheist and communist or 'CCF'er'" by a mine manager's wife, whose p o l i t i c a l alarm seems to have exceeded her i n t e l l e c t u a l precision. McNaughton, i n fact, praised Allen for preaching, not C.C.F. polic y from the p u l p i t , but Christian p r i n -133 ciples a l l should hear and act upon. Another keen C.C.F. candidate and also a member of the F.C.S.O. and the United Church was Mildred Osterhout Fahrni i n Vancouver. Christ's teachings as she understood them from her family and church strongly motivated her p o l i t i c a l ideals and involvement. A family friend of J.S. Woodsworth and the daughter of a s o c i a l gospeller, the Rev. A.B. Oster-hout who had exchanged many hours of discussion and debate with Salem Bland while they both were i n Winnipeg, she had run unsuccessfully i n a 115 p r o v i n c i a l by-election at Haney and l a t e r i n the 1935 federal election i n Vancouver Burrard. P r i o r to these elections she had attended the Regina Conference, taking part i n the debate over the Manifesto, the core of the C.C.F. p o l i c y , and l o c a l l y she, along with provincial-M.L.A.'s l i k e Dorothy Steeves, Ernie and Harold Winch, was instrumental i n establishing a C.C.F. family summer camp on Gabriola Island to pro-mote education and fellowship among C.C.F. members. Many of Mrs. Fahrni's more ra d i c a l ideas were formed while i n the Student Christian Movement at The University of B r i t i s h Columbia and at the London School of Economics where she became a personal friend of Ghandi. O r i g i n a l l y trained as a teacher, she i's.saafxrmmbeMever.rinnth%eva'Meeof>feducation and ra t i o n a l debate as a means of achieving s o c i a l reform, and most of her l i f e has! been devoted to a c t i v i t i e s of that kind, not only i n the C.C.F. but also i n the peace movement and i n the Japanese evacuation question. The United-ChurchMn the r Okanagan also ..had-its avid C.C.F. followers. Rev. A.K. McMinn, the United Church minister i n Kelowna, conducted study clubs from 1930 to 1932 which formed the nucleus of the 135 l o c a l C.C.F. branch. Later i n 1933, the Young People's Society of the United Church held study groups which c l e a r l y linked economic theory with current C.C.F. p r i n c i p l e s . The party had put up a valiant fight i n 1933 and although their candidate l o s t , he came very close to both L i b e r a l and Conservative candidates. The near success was partly due to a strong United Church layman, Frank Snowsell from Glenmore near Kelowna, who played a v i t a l p u b l i c i t y and speaking role i n the campaign 116 137 for the l o c a l C.C.F. candidate. Snowsell and his wife obviously came into the party because i t seemed the only p o l i t i c a l expression of 138 thei r Christian b e l i e f s . Internal s t r i f e among Okanagan C.C.F. members caused them to look outside the party stalwarts for a candidate to run i n the 1935 federal election. They chose another United Church minister and F.C.S.O member, the Rev. E.W. Mackay from Summerland. Mackay r e t i r e d from the ministry that summer and gave a great deal of time to his campaign. He was a novice i n p o l i t i c s , had very l i t t l e f i n a n c i a l backing and his so-called supporters spent much of their energy feuding, among themselves. Although he did poorly i n the large centres l i k e Kelowna and as a result l o s t , Mackay received good support i n the mining and r u r a l areas, i n spite of his weak campaign. He was a "johnny-come-lately" to the C.C.F. and joined largely because the party's p o l i t i c a l aims corresponded to those of the church report, C h r i s t i a n i z i n g the Social Order, and he f e l t that through p o l i -139 t i c a l action some of these reforms might be realized. Unfortunately, l o f t y ideals and sincere^intentions were not enough i n the rough and ready game of p o l i t i c s . Mackay f e l l v i c t i m to his own naivety and made l i t t l e attempt to unite the warring factions among his supporters into a strong campaigning force. In that same election of 1935, the Rev. J . King Gordon, while roving professor of Christian ethics for the Board of Evangelism and Social Service and national organizer of the F.C.S.O., ran i n V i c t o r i a as a C.C.F. candidate and nearly won. Gordon entered the p o l i t i c a l 117 arena almost by accident. Ostensibly f i r e d from United Theological College i n Montreal for reasons of economy, he found his l i b e r a l views on Christian ethics antagonized several governors on the board of the 140 college who were not sorry to see him leave. Gordon was subsequently hired by the General Council for one year to lecture across the country under the supervision of the secretaries of Evangelism and Social Ser-141 vice. At the same time he was " t r a v e l l i n g agitator" for the F.C.S.O., establishing new branches across the country. Upon a r r i v a l i n Vancouver to attend a Student Christian Movement conference he was met on the rai l r o a d platform by a delegation asking him to run i n V i c t o r i a . Except for serving a mission f i e l d at Giscombe i n the i n t e r i o r of the province for a short time i n the 1920's, he had no other contacts with the province 142 but decided to run despite his being an "Eastern carpet-bagger." Although he l o s t the three elections he contested, Gordon came within ninety votes of the former premier, S.F. Tolmie, i n 1936 and never regretted his decision to take the plunge. Because he was not connected with a congregation i n V i c t o r i a he never had the problems Allen had faced i n Cumberland, but Gordon was not aware of any pa r t i c u l a r backing from church members either. His friends and supporters came from 14 already-formed C.C.F. groups where religious a f f i l i a t i o n was not raised. A number of other United Church clergymen were also avid C.C.F. supporters as wel l as members of the F.C.S.O. The Revs. Bryce Wallace, A.O. Patterson, H.P. Davidson, Alver Mackay, A.E.! Whitehouse, Charles Addyman and H. Feir were among those who wrote a r t i c l e s for the Western Recorder and the New Outlook espousing economic reforms, worked l o c a l l y 118 for the C.C.F. and encouraged church co-operation with the unemployed and labouring class. These men believed that church b r i e f s , sermons and debates were not enough to effect a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth i n society and the establishment of true Christian brotherhood. They turned to the C.C.F. and i t s aims similar to the s o c i a l gospel to reach a much wider con-stituency, part of which distrusted the church as a tool of the c a p i t a l -i s t s . TlSere was also the hope that once p o l i t i c a l power was achieved, l e g i s l a t i o n would be enacted to eliminate some of the grossest i n j u s t i c e s f a l l i n g mainly upon the labouring class—unemployment, lack of insurance for the i l l , aged and handicapped, and subsistence wages. This connection with the C.C.F. and the labour class often caused trouble for these min-i s t e r s from t h e i r more conservative church members, especially i n the small communities where l o c a l businessmen and mine managers controlled church boards and finances. Those i n c i t y congregations faced less c r i t i c i s m because t h e i r congregations were usually i n homogeneous work-ing-class areas and the c i t y offered some anonymity from the more con-servative middle-class. The vigour of B r i t i s h Columbia's communists challenged the s o c i a l a c t i v i s t s within the church to think through very c l e a r l y their position vis-a-vis communism. To the a c t i v i s t s communism was seen as the a n t i -Christ determinedifco. elimiha^eathetGhurchralongowithithetcapitalist society. A firm b e l i e f i n man's a b i l i t y to reform the economic and p o l i t i c a l system without violence, i n man's dependence upon a God of love for forgiveness of personal as well as corporate sins, and i n Christ's 119 h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y to a l l succeeding generations who w i l l hear his message, could not co-exist with a m i l i t a n t atheist b e l i e f . The radicals constantly ran up against the communists as they i n f i l t r a t e d s o c i a l i s t groups and used them as a front to further communist aims or thwart the more moderate s o c i a l i s t reform. In the co-operative movement Dearlove and Sibley frequently found that the communists prolonged policy meetings with irrelevant debate and motions u n t i l the regular, unsuspecting members grew t i r e d and l e f t , at which time the communists passed motions putting policy and control i n their 144 own hands. Another t a c t i c used was to undermine the C.C.F. at the p o l l s by endorsing candidates l i k e Mildred Fahrni and frightening off many of her would-be supporters. At the same time as the a c t i v i s t s fought communist i n f i l t r a t i o n , they admired much of the communist platform as a p r a c t i c a l expression of New Testament C h r i s t i a n i t y . Popular preachers l i k e Andrew Roddan from the pulpit spoke on "Jesus and the P r o l e t a r i a t " and "Why S t a l i n Changed his Mind." Roddan did not fear men but he did fear the power of communism and realized that l i v i n g conditions i n the "jungles" and i n the r e l i e f camps made many of the unemployed men ripe for Bolshevism. They were desperate enough to follow anyone who promised a more hopeful future. The communists preached i n the jungles and along the bread lines with a missionary zeal which Roddan envied, and he believed there was a great deal of truth i n the i r statement that "economic determinism determines everything. I f you take sick, your economic standing w i l l determine whether they put you i n a private ward or i n the basement of 120 the hospital. . . . " But communism did not have the whole answer, for as Roddan said, "On the other hand, no matter . . . how great the salary . . . may be, i f the moral and s p i r i t u a l l i f e of the individuals are not touched, they w i l l , l i k e the swine, 'return to their wallowing 147 i n the mire, or l i k e the dog to his vomit." 1 Roddan believed "there must be a 'via media' between these two philosophies"; between the economic determinism of the communist and the " s p i r i t u a l determinism" of the Christian church. He told the church that through selfishness and indifference, i t was largely to blame for the present condition which forced thousands of homeless men to d r i f t aimlessly across the 148 nation. Roddan's purpose was to create a new attitude of compassion i n the church and through i t i n the municipal, p r o v i n c i a l and federal authorities so that "a new world order [would] be ushered i n . An order i n which the motive of service and mutual helpfulness w i l l take the place 149 of s e l f i s h , heartless, cruel competition. . . . " The other r a d i c a l ministers would echo much of Roddan's views. A small handful of the early s o c i a l gospellers including the Rev. A.E. Smith, carried the admiration to i t s extreme conclusion and decided communism to be superior to C h r i s t i a n i t y i n offering a pathway to brotherhood devoid of human exploitation. Smith, a former Methodist minister i n Nelson had been highly respected for his s o c i a l gospel views, his sympathy for the l o c a l mine workers and his fight for prohibition. During the 1930's as general secretary of the Communist party i n Canada, he returned to B r i t i s h Columbia on speaking engagements and i n Nelson and Fernie he was welcomed by the United Church ministers. In Fernie, he 121 spoke on "What C h r i s t i a n i t y and Communism have i n Common" i n which he stressed how each sought a new s o c i a l order based on j u s t i c e and equal brotherhood, which would free the common man from his economic chains. In Smith's view, the i n s t i t u t i o n a l church had l o s t t h i s v i s i o n and communism had picked i t up and would carry i t through to i t s culmination. The s o c i a l i s t or more ra d i c a l ministers agreed with many of Smith's c r i t i c i s m s of the Christian church and l i k e him, were anxious to popularize certain s o c i a l i s t goals such as the just d i s t r i b u t i o n of the nation's wealth. Nevertheless, while co-operating with the communists for limited objectives, men l i k e Dobson, Allen and Roddan emphasized the uniqueness of C h r i s t i a n i t y and stressed i t s moral and s p i r i t u a l dimen-sions i n contrast to communism's economic determinism.'''^''' Society needed change but i t was to be orderly change within the present p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l structure. Other ministers not only shared certain goals with the communists but also worked with known communists on a personal basis because they were human beings i n need of help. In T r a i l , the Rev. Bryce Wallace became chairman of the l o c a l communist c e l l i n order that the group could use the church premises as a meeting place after a l l other places i n 152 town were closed to them. A l l e n courted c r i t i c i s m i n Cumberland when he conducted the funerals of several well-known communists at the 153 request of t h e i r families and H.P. Davidson, who associated with known communist dock s t r i k e r s , i n v i t e d attack from many who were unsympa-154 thetic towards labour, the unemployed and the s t r i k e r s . These men were strong believers i n p r a c t i c a l C h r i s t i a n i t y and i t s need to be a part of the world, and they were not a f r a i d of the r i s k s 122 involved. They saw communism as dangerous; thought i t to be a menace to society and constantly fought against i t s i n f i l t r a t i o n into the unions, the co-operatives, the C.C.F. and the various study groups, but this did not blin d them to i t s good points and to the fact that commun-i s t s were people e n t i t l e d to j u s t i c e . The few radicals never achieved their aim of a new and perfect society. These men, strong disciples of the new s o c i a l gospel, and i n many cases, ex-students of Salem Bland, studied intensely, wrote the bri e f s and petitions to government, prepared the church reports, sent l e t t e r s to the press, led meetings between r i v a l groups and ministered to society's underdogs. Some took an active part i n p o l i t i c s i n the hope of effecting l a s t i n g s o c i a l change by that route. These men saw a lessening of the class cleavage as a v i t a l part of the necessary s o c i a l change. However, their emphasis was on minimiz-ing s o c i e t a l breakdown and anarchy rather than on broadening the base of the United Church membership. Any attempts at bringing labour and the United Church closer together f a i l e d . The church membership, by and large, would and indeed probably could not, i n order to make the church more hospitable to a wider range of persons with different values, break down i t s middle-class barriers which stressed the old values of individualism and free enterprise. Labour, on i t s part, w i l l i n g l y accepted support from the church i n i t s struggles for j u s t i c e and a f a i r e r portion of the country's wealth but had no interest i n the i n s t i t u -tion as prospective members or as searchers for religious truth. 123 The radicals did not worry about occupying a p u l p i t i n a wealthy congregation; they did not quit when labelled "red"; they did not fear to grapple with "the establishment." Because of the i r steady needling, the destitute and downtrodden were not t o t a l l y forgotten by the church and many i n the church had their views broadened to accept s o c i a l and economic reforms. They kept the challenge of Christian ideals i n front of the church body and society generally. Where the church majority f e l l short was i n dealing with long-term solutions for society's i l l s . This type of action was foreign to the thinking of the average middle-class church member. He was not accustomed to abstract thinking, s o c i a l planning or economic theory especially along new l i n e s . In time of trouble, his main pre-occupation was personal—a roof over his head, food on the table, a job to perform —and he naturally turned to the old and t r i e d ways for security. The unemployed, and especially the transients as strangers were feared, and i f out-of-sight, conveniently forgotten. I t took this small s o l i d core of r a d i c a l ministers with a few dedicated laymen..to keep the church's eyes focused on the deeper unpleasant problems. The bearing of a society's ideals i s v i t a l l y necessary, and i s always a task of a minority. The value of the minority's contribution cannot be measured i n concrete terms but i s beyond price. Much of the humanitarianism and decency that Canadian society possesses today i s i n substantial degree the legacy of such men as these. Chapter 5 WAR While Canadians were struggling with unemployment, crop f a i l u r e s and changes i n the current economic system, another cloud loomed on the horizon. In Europe, the Spanish were involved i n a c i v i l war, I t a l y took over Ethiopia,aaridGSermanyuuriderHHit'lerssystematicallyaannexedlland on i t s borders and silenced i t s Jewish population and p o l i t i c a l c r i t i c s . F i n a l l y on September 3, 1939, war was declared by B r i t a i n and France, and on the 10th, Canada entered. The unemployed flocked to re c r u i t i n g offices to volunteer for service or to facto r i e s , newly-established or retooled to manufacture war materials. Mines re-opened as the demand for coal and metals became urgent; ports became active with naval manoeuvres, boat building and the shipping of supplies to the a l l i e s i n Europe; lumber camps and sawmills hummed with a c t i v i t y to f i l l export and home market orders; the overseas' demand for a g r i c u l t u r a l products put money into the pockets of the Okanagan f r u i t farmers, the Cariboo ranchers and the p r a i r i e grain growers who, at l a s t , had big successful crops. Unlike World War I, this war brought immediate prosperity to Canada, and especially to B r i t i s h Columbia where so much of i t s raw materials was necessary for the war e f f o r t . The population of the coast grew rapidly with men from the i n t e r i o r , the p r a i r i e s and the east a r r i v i n g to work i n the new ship-yards, the 124 125 airplane construction plants and the other related industries. The armed forces set up tra i n i n g camps and stations at Gordon Head near V i c t o r i a , Jericho i n Vancouver, Chilliwack, Terrace, Prince Rupert, T r a i l , New Westminster, Prince George, Boundary Bay, P a t r i c i a Bay, Vernon, Courtenay, Esquimalt and Nanaimo. Many of the men brought their families with them and found housing almost impossible to locate, since construction had not even kept up with l o c a l needs during the depression. The attack ori Pearl Harbour by the Japanese i n December of 1941 added a further dimension to the war period i n B r i t i s h Columbia. 1 Urgency and even a note of hysteria entered the public response to the war. The quiet Japanese suddenly found themselves regarded as dangerous spies and shunned by t h e i r formerly frien d l y neighbours. Suspicions grew into strident demands for t h e i r evacuation or even deportation to Japan, and the federal government bowed to some of these demands without any long-range planning.. The s h e l l i n g of Estevan Point on the west coast of Vancouver Island only abetted the growing fear along the coast. Black-outs were ordered at night, causing a run on window blinds i n the l o c a l stores. National rationing of certain food products and gasoline, and a shortage of clothing and f u e l brought the affects of war into everyone's daily l i f e . Some ori the coast were forced to go into the l o c a l woods -or to the beaches to cut th e i r own f u e l . And there were the many families whose sons or husbands were i n the services. Loneliness, fear for their safety, and frequent tragedy had to be l i v e d with. Many turned to the church for comfort. 126 The Christian Church throughout the ages has adopted three approaches to war and a l l three have been widely held i n Canada i n the twentieth century. Pacifism was the o r i g i n a l stance of the early Christian church at a time when Christians were a persecuted minority group i n the Roman empire. No k i l l i n g was j u s t i f i e d . Once C h r i s t i a n i t y became an acceptable r e l i g i o n , the Greek and Roman ideas of a j u s t war were adopted. War was e v i l but j u s t i f i e d i f against an even greater e v i l or for defence. The t h i r d view developed during the middle ages when C h r i s t i a n i t y had become a p o l i t i c a l power, and the church adopted the old Hebrew view of 2 war as a crusade to achieve God's w i l l on earth. For thinking members of the United Church, there was a constant tension among these three positions. A l l could be supported and refuted by B i b l i c a l text and by t r a d i t i o n . The f i f t h commandment, "Thou Shalt not K i l l , " together with the general view of Jesus as a man of peace, however, had a very powerful hold on Christians. When war actually came, the state held a far stronger influence over church members than did their church, but conscience obliged members to seek reli g i o u s j u s t i f i -cation for the i r secular actions. Personal decisions were not easily made and sometimes separated friends and neighbours. World War I I differed considerably from World War I. The romantic and crusading view of war had v i r t u a l l y disappeared. In 1914, Canadians had, for the most part, no experience with war, and approached i t with highly u n r e a l i s t i c views. Coming as i t did i n a period of widespread s o c i a l reform and the s o c i a l gospel, i t became the war to end a l l wars and "to make the world safe for democracy." Pacifism was not condoned 3 by the general public or by the church. 127 By 1939, morale was very low after ten years of economic chaos and unemployment had graphically demonstrated man's i n a b i l i t y to control his own society. L i f e was a grim ba t t l e , the world had not been made safe for democracy as the growth of t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m showed, and men were faced with seemingly insoluble problems which threatened the whole fabric of society. In contrast to the F i r s t World War when pulpits became re c r u i t i n g centres and clergy put pressure upon a l l young men to e n l i s t or be ostracized by the community, the Second World War found the churches playing l i t t l e or no role i n rec r u i t i n g . The New Outlook and the Western  Recorder urged church members to do their duty i n this most regrettable a f f a i r and ministers preached on war and peace, mainly i n general terms, but i t was l e f t up to the ind i v i d u a l whether he or she enlisted. Many church members did e n l i s t v o l u n t a r i l y . Some joined i n order to have a job, and some did so out of a sense of duty to the country and the world's dilemma, but without much thought of theological j u s t i f i c a t i o n , while others who leant towards pacifism during the 1930's found their theologi-c a l b e l i e f s challenged and changed with the r e a l i t y of H i t l e r ' s aggression and war.^ Response was good from the churches. Kelowna United Church had two hundred of i t s young men e n l i s t i n the course of three years.^ West Point Grey i n Vancouver, by February of 1944, had 175 of i t s young people enlisted and had s i x war casualties. The loss of the young people seriously affected the rec r u i t i n g for the Young People's Union, the ushers and the Sunday School teachers, while the number of theological students 128 at Union College dropped d r a s t i c a l l y during the war years and there was a severe shortage of summer supply i n the outlying areas of B r i t i s h Columbia and of ordained men to replace those dying or r e t i r i n g . ^ In one year thirteen died i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference while only two were ordained.*"" The Department of National Defence working with the major Protes-tant denominations, organized the chaplaincy service and requested from the different denominations the number of chaplains needed. Each brigade required four clergymen: one Roman Catholic, one Anglican, one United 9 Churchman and one Presbyterian or Baptist. In addition were the senior chaplains i n administrative positions, f u l l and part-time chaplains i n the Young Men's Christian Association m i l i t a r y huts on home bases and overseas, and chaplains with the Canadian Legion. The Committee on the Chaplaincy to the Armed Forces, a sub-committee of the War Service Committee i n the United Church, was responsible for recommending United Church chaplains from the many applications received. ."".Age and medical condition were m i l i t a r y prerequisites but the church also considered a man's current p o s i t i o n , temperament and general a b i l i t y to deal w e l l with people of a l l kinds. Ministers from B r i t i s h Columbia responded most readily for service i n the chaplaincy. The majority were veterans from World War I and were e l i g i b l e only for l o c a l m i l i t a r y bases, Y.M.C.A. huts, internment camps and the Legion. Many f i l l e d i n on a part-time basis while looking after th e i r l o c a l congregations. These men were not the leaders of the peace movement i n the 1930's, and while not m i l i t a r i s t s , they s t i l l held a more 129 Table VI Charges Vacant or Supplied by Lay or Retired Men, 1944 B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Presbytery No. Vacant Cariboo 2 Kootenay 7 Prince Rupert 10 Vancouver 7 V i c t o r i a 7 Westminster 3 Total vacant 36 Total number of charges 194 Source: United Church of Canada, Year Book, 1945. 130 romantic view of war and one's p a t r i o t i c duty to the state than did many younger men i n the ministry. Several were most persistent, despite age and medical d i s a b i l i t i e s , and eventually were accepted as the war dragged on and the shortage of ordained men increased. 1^ Among the younger men who volunteered for the chaplaincy there was a greater antipathy towards war than among the older ministers, and a sense of duty towards the enlisted men who would need s p i r i t u a l com-for t predominated among th e i r reasons for j o i n i n g the chaplaincy. Most of these men went overseas and endured, along with the enlisted men, the long separation from families and fa m i l i a r surroundings, the dangers of combat i n the f i e l d and i n several cases, actual imprisonment. Out of 233 chaplains''"''' from the United Church, a higher percentage 12 13 came from B r i t i s h Columbia d i r e c t l y than from any other conference. By the end of 1941, the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference had given eleven young men to the chaplaincy and was hard-pressed to f i n d two more requested by the Department of National Defence. Already sixteen f i e l d s , usually under an ordained man, were unmanned and most r e t i r e d men able to supply 14 had already been cal l e d back into service. The W.M.S. i n B r i t i s h Columbia also provided one of i t s deaconesses as an assistant chaplain i n the Canadian Women's Army Corps i n Victoria,"*""* where she provided mainly a counselling service for.the women i n the service. One chaplain from B r i t i s h Columbia spent the war i n a Japanese concentration camp, another saw duty i n the jungles of Burma, several were on the front l i n e s i n Europe, and the Rev. George R. Pringle, a p i l o t with the Royal Canadian Ai r f o r c e , was k i l l e d i n action. 131 The chaplains found themselves i n a peculiar no man's land. Once i n the chaplaincy they were part of the m i l i t a r y machine and no longer answerable to their p a r t i c u l a r denomination. Except for family, friends and perhaps a l o c a l congregation, they were largely ignored by the church. They were i n the services on a temporary basis only, and f e l t very much cut off from thei r chosen i n s t i t u t i o n , the church.""^ Although the church made some provision for as s i s t i n g the chaplains i n finding a pastorate upon their discharge from the armed forces i t was largely l e f t up to the i n d i v i d u a l congregations, presbyteries and conference settlement 18 committees. Within the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference, congregations were asked to keep openings for returning chaplains and not to c a l l ministers from 19 other conferences, but the request was ignored. A few of the men returned to former pulpits but most returned to new f i e l d s . In some cases adjustment to congregational l i f e , with church boards and petty l o c a l quarrels, was very d i f f i c u l t . In certain cases where the only charges open were very small f r o n t i e r ones, the chaplain decided to take 20 up a different career or remain with the armed forces permanently. , The church did a good job i n supplying chaplains for the services and the chaplains f e l t they did a creditable job with the men they served. The chaplains found that the majority of service men were theologically i l l i t e r a t e but were eager for knowledge, s p i r i t u a l guidance and comfort when i n danger. The chaplains recommended that the i r policy of meeting 21 the men on the job be followed at home i n peace as we l l . They also encouraged greater ecumenical co-operation and more stringent B i b l i c a l 132 teaching i n the congregations. Although ecumenism gained popularity after the war, the other suggestions were largely ignored as the church busied i t s e l f i n post-war reconstruction. The men's views of the chaplaincy were as varied as the men themselves. Those with strong church t i e s naturally tended to be more favourable towards the chaplains' work, regardless of denomination or effectiveness, and to go to them for help. Others were more frequently apathetic, and i n some cases h o s t i l e to a l l rel i g i o u s observances and advances by the chaplains, unless the pa r t i c u l a r chaplain assigned to a base had a charismatic personality. In this case the c l e r i c a l c o l l a r held l i t t l e significance. The chaplain was simply a friend capable of understanding and helping i n time of personal trouble. Generally speaking, those chaplains on the front were more highly thought of and turned to for help than those on home bases. The imminent danger common to chaplains as w e l l as the enlist e d men, and the choice of chaplains sent overseas could account for t h i s . On home bases, many of the chaplains ranked as o f f i c e r s , spent much of their time i n the o f f i c e r s ' mess and did not mingle with the rank and f i l e as much as they 22 did when overseas. As soon as war was declared the sub-executive of the General Council issued directives for the establishment of war service units i n l o c a l congregations to work under the War Service Committee i n close co-operation with the Red Cross. In most cases the units were formed from already e x i s t i n g women's organizations who started k n i t t i n g and sewing immediately. In the f i r s t s i x months of the war, United Church units 133 across the country turned i n almost one-quarter of a m i l l i o n a r t i c l e s to o u t f i t s oldiers, hospitals and refugee children. In the same period, 975 units were registered with the Board of Evangelism and Social Service. These units included approximately 2,900 United Church organizations and 23 involved at least 50,000 women. The l o c a l units were also called on to help entertain service men i n l o c a l camps, keep i n touch with enlisted members from thei r own congregation and welcome new m i l i t a r y families i n th e i r community, especially young brides who were l e f t alone after their husbands went overseas. The units used devotional and educational material at th e i r regular sewing meetings, issued by the W.M.S. and the Boards of Christian Education and Evangelism and Social Service, and sent booklets of prayers and Bible readings to the soldiers i n camps. In 1942, the Camp and War Production Communities Committee was organized i n Toronto to supervise and stimulate further the congregations near m i l i t a r y camps and war factory centres to work more closely with the people i n these areas. The Committee i n co-operation with other denominations and the Y.M.C.A. supplied church workers i n the camps to lead worship services, counsel men and their families, organize study groups, and keep track of personnel as they were transferred from one camp to another. Nearby United Church War Service Units frequently formed the l o c a l nucleus of manpower for the 24 work of this committee throughout the country. In B r i t i s h Columbia by January of 1940, there were fifty-seven War Service Units registered i n the United Church and actively working for the Red Cross. ,Some represented previously organized women's and youth 134 groups but others represented the congregation as a whole. Knitted and sewn a r t i c l e s flowed from the women's agile hands as they met regularly i n small groups or worked alone at home. The Vancouver Presbyterial of 25 the W.A. alone sent i n 4,743,737 a r t i c l e s during the war. M i l i t a r y camps had been established at various places throughout the province and l o c a l war service units worked closely with the camps under the Camp and War Production Communities Committee once i t was organized. At both Prince Rupert and Vernon, almost the whole congregation took an active part i n working with transient m i l i t a r y and war industry workers. Prince Rupert had grown from 6,000 to over 25,000 i n the course of three years and the church could not cope with the magnitude of the problem—homeless families, lonely men and women, uprooted and bewildered brides with small babies. The W.M. S. appointed a f u l l - t i m e worker to aid the United Church people i n Prince Rupert; the l o c a l congregation loaned i t s basement to the United Services Organization as a s o c i a l club; 27 and the minister t r i e d hard to help the enlisted personnel. Vernon United Church had almost every organization working as a war service 28 unit and did a great deal to befriend the service personnel through v i s i t s i n private homes on special holidays and through concerts and 29 other entertainments. Prince George United Church suddenly found i t s e l f inundated with airmen from the m i l i t a r y camp flocking to i t s services. The W.A. members set up a Fellowship Hour following the evening service and welcomed the boys into t h e i r homes. The airmen, i n turn, sang i n the choir, replacing 135 many of the regular members who had enl i s t e d , took several worship services themselves, and helped pay off the congregation's debt. The minister acted as an unpaid c i v i l i a n chaplain to the small R.C.A.F. detachment. The congregation remembered i t s own enlist e d men and women with Christmas g i f t s and regular quarterly l e t t e r s along with devotional material. Vancouver was flooded by families from the p r a i r i e s and elsewhere who had come to work i n the ship building industry and there was a serious, housing and dislocation problem which congregations t r i e d to a l l e v i a t e . The W.M.S. sent two women to work i n the west end and F a i r -view d i s t r i c t s . The l a t t e r area had been evacuated by the Japanese and now housed mainly non-Anglo-Saxons from the p r a i r i e s while the west end increasingly became an apartment-roominghouse area of young couples and single persons away from home for the f i r s t time. Mothers' clubs, youth 31 groups, v i s i t i n g and counselling took the workers' f u l l time. Vancouver A.O.T.S. clubs took turns providing weekly entertainments and refresh-ments at the Vancouver Barracks (the old Vancouver Hotel) for the service-men, and urged i t s members to be a big brother to young boys whose fathers 32 had enlisted. West Point Grey United Church, near the Jericho m i l i t a r y base, had some m i l i t a r y men attend services but showed special concern for the p r a i r i e boys taking m i l i t a r y training at The University of B r i t i s h Columbia by entertaining them as a group and as individuals i n private 33 homes. With newcomers flocking into the d i s t r i c t , the Board pressed for a neighbourhood v i s i t a t i o n to meet and get to know the newcomers. At the same time i t was welcoming strangers, however, the congregation was 136 berating i t s e l f over the neglect of i t s own g i r l s and boys i n the services. Many congregations through t h e i r War Service Units or other groups remembered and kept i n touch with the i r own enlisted men and women. In the Kootenay, the W.M.S. presbyterial sent every United Church boy a 35 comfort bag and chocolates for Christmas. Knox United i n T r a i l syste-matically sent ind i v i d u a l parcels and cards to i t s men as did Nanaimo St. Andrew's, Knox i n Prince George and many otherccongregations. In some places the United Church responded w e l l but could not do i t a l l . In other places, i t s response seemed almost negligible although probably much was done by individuals on a personal basis, or by co-operative community groups. This would be especially true i n small r u r a l places l i k e Vanderhoof where the United Church members formed 36 a strong part of the l o c a l Red Cross Unit. The increase of population did not swell church membership r o l l s during the war but o v e r a l l attendance did increase along with f i n a n c i a l givings. Church membership i n the urban areas rose slowly but not i n the same proportion as did the general population and i n some r u r a l areas church membership actually decreased. This was dramatically so i n the Prince Rupert area where so many small charges were l e f t without a min-37 i s t e r . Shortage of personnel meant that many newcomers were not welcomed and drawn into the f o l d of exi s t i n g congregations and lack of funds l e f t new housing areas i n the suburbs unchurched. Many of the families and especially the men i n the m i l i t a r y camps were i n one area such a short time that no r e a l commitment could be made to a l o c a l congre-gation, even i f a person desired one. Local congregations' e f f o r t s through Table VII Rate of Growth of Total Membership During the War Years of United Church Presbyteries and some Congregations i n M i l i t a r y Training Centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1939 1944 Prince Rupert 1,095 978 Cariboo 845 801 Kamlo op s-Okanagan 4,356 4,205 Kootenay 2,546 2,778 Vancouver 16,780 16,969 V i c t o r i a 6,238 5,878 Westminster 4,699 4,753 Prince Rupert 119 140 Prince George 140 183 Vernon 408 430 T r a i l 434 415 Sidney 89 103 Source: United Church of Canada, Year Book, 1940, 1945. 138 th e i r War Service Units were done as a Christian service to uprooted persons i n need of s p i r i t u a l comfort and friendship. Finances did improve greatly from f u l l employment and the v i s i t o r s to the l o c a l churches i n the urban areas nearmmilitary camps. Debts p i l e d up during the 1930's were paid o f f , building funds were started and even some 38 construction undertaken despite the scarcity of materials. In keeping i n touch with enlisted men from the i r own congrega-tions and i n supplying the Red Cross with knitted and sewn supplies, the United Church congregations i n B r i t i s h Columbia did a creditable job although no better than anywhere else i n the country. The extent of a congregation's support for an enlisted person depended largely upon his or her personal and family relationship i n the congregation before the war. Possibly the United Church's greatest single e f f o r t i n the war years was i t s War Savings Plan. The church had been l e f t with a debt of $1,700,000 with interest charges of $70,000 annually after the de-pression and i n an e f f o r t to wipe this debt out and at the same time support the war, the following plan was launched i n June 1940. Church members were to buy war savings bonds, c e r t i f i c a t e s or stamps i n the church's name so that once the war was over, the money would go to the national church towards i t s debt. Straight g i f t s were also s o l i c i t e d . Each conference was a l l o t t e d a d e f i n i t e quota and appointed a committee to publicise the campaign l o c a l l y . In B r i t i s h Columbia, the Rev. G.A.WWilson, a r e t i r e d but s t i l l very highly respected and well-known clergyman, chaired the committee. 139 Some other members were well-known businessmen l i k e W.H. Malkin, Col. Nelson Spencer, C.T. McHattie, C.E. Mahon and Chris Spencer, as w e l l as ministers of some of the 'larger Vancouver and V i c t o r i a churches such as the Revs. F.W. Norman, W.G. Wilson, W.H. Smith, G.H. V i l l e t , E.D. Braden, W.J. S i p p r e l l and A.M. Sanford. The goal was $90,000 to be achieved i n a hard-hitting every member campaign i n three periods: Easter of 1941, September of 1941 and March to September 1942. Pres-byteries and congregations were, i n turn, given a quota to reach but despite v i s i t s by guest preachers, numerous l e t t e r s and door-to-door v i s i t s by the l o c a l campaign committee, only $60,000 had been raised by 39 May of 1942. The Rev. Hugh Dobson attended a l l meetings of the B.C. War Savings Committee and promoted,the plan i n his travels throughout the conference. For the conference year of 1941-1942, he was the president and while i n that o f f i c e he put extra pressure upon the con-gregations to meet their quotas. Letters were sent-out asking for an 40 accurate record of givings to date with future plans and expectations. The response was mixed. Some congregations far exceeded thei r a l l o c a t i o n on the f i r s t campaign. Port Simpson, an Indian Home Mission charge, raised 159% while Ferniie, badly h i t by the depression, raised 132%. Other congregations such as Rosedale and Hope had passed out stamp books, r e a l l y pushed thei r people but had a hard time reaching their quotas. The Japanese congregations responded we l l up to the time of their evacuation early i n 1942, and the larger urban congregations easily made their quota with well-run campaigns. Many of the.congregations f e l t they had done th e i r best i n the f i r s t campaign and were opposed to a second one, which would either 140 antagonize t h e i r members or draw off money from l o c a l projects which were deemed more important. West Point Grey O f f i c i a l Board i n Vancouver promised to underwrite their quota from other funds i f enough did not come 41 from the members but Collingwood i n Vancouver, Nelson, Cranbrook, Grand Forks, Abbotsford and Merritt a l l had more pressing f i n a n c i a l needs and refused a further campaign at that time. A number of congregations d e f i n i t e l y opposed the plan of erasing the church debt through an emotional p a t r i o t i c appeal, and thus p r o f i t i n g from the war. They f e l t this was morally wrong. These congregations did make an appeal for direct g i f t s to the church and generally received a good response. Individuals i n those congregations also supported the war through the sale of war bonds but the two f i n a n c i a l drives were kept completely separate. The minister i n charge seemed to play a small role i n a congrega-tion's decision. Cedar Cottage i n Vancouver had already decided against the plan before the Rev. Bryce Wallace, a p a c i f i s t , arrived there although he did make an e f f o r t to raise direct g i f t s from the congregation. In Richmond, the Rev. C.E. Finnemore had one congregation, Brighouse, vote against the scheme while his other congregation, Richmond, voted for i t , and i n Salmon Arm, the congregation gave only personal g i f t s although the minister was an eager volunteer for the chaplaincy and supporter of the 42 war e f f o r t . Among those who did support the scheme h e a r t i l y was the Rev. T.C. Colwell of Port Simpson, a veteran from the F i r s t World War, who received excellent congregational support. On the other hand there was the Rev. Evan Baker, also a veteran i n the F i r s t World War and a 141 chaplain l a t e r i n the Second World War, who preached from the p u l p i t , v i s i t e d members personally and received very poor support. In the end B r i t i s h Columbia Conference was the only conference to go over i t s pledged quota i n the three years of the extended cam-43 paign, and i t was very proud of i t s record i n helping to wipe out the United Church national d e f i c i t . The Second World War not only differed from that of the F i r s t i n i t s attitude towards pacifism but also challenged the p a c i f i s t stand adopted by the church i n the interwar years. A widespread p a c i f i s t mood spread throughout the population i n the twenties and t h i r t i e s . Hopes for world peace were pinned on the League of Nations and p a c i f i s t groups sprang up and received r e s p e c t a b i l i t y from the presence of a large 45 number of academics and clergymen who played a prominent ro l e . Some f e l t g u i l t y over the stringent terms meted out to Germany i n the Treaty of V e r s a i l l e s or believed that the a l l i e s had violated those terms, especially on reparations. When war broke out again i n 1939, secularism had increased and there was no attempt to turn this war into a holy crusade. War was recognized as an e v i l , j u s t i f i e d i n order to end an even greater e v i l . The majority i n the United Church agreed with society's view that this was a just war and supported i t out of a sense of duty and with regret. There were a few, however, who maintained thei r p a c i f i s t views of the 1920's and 1930's. Throughout the 1930's at the General Council meetings of the United Church, resolutions were passed which rejected war, praised the Kellogg Pact for i t s renunciation of war as an instrument for solving 142 international disagreements, encouraged a l l congregations to support the League of Nations, c r i t i c i z e d nations for not reducing the i r arms, and emphasized the role of the church i n spreading peace through Christ's 46 example of non-violence. The B r i t i s h Columbia Conference supported the United Church's stand. In August 1929, Prince Rupert Presbytery, led by the Revs. H.T. Allen and Wm. Deans, asked the sub-executive of the General Council to request the federal government to place framed copies of the Kellogg Peace Pact i n every schoolroom i n Canada, the act to be accompanied by 47 a suitable ceremony. At the following 1930 General Council meeting, th i s was endorsed as was the placing of the Pact i n a l l United Church 48 Sunday Schools. Many United Church clergy, including the Rev. Hugh Dobson who publicized the plan i n his p r o v i n c i a l travels as associate secretary of Evangelism and Social Service, supported the scheme. Allen 49 hung the f i r s t copy at Terrace and Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King unveiled one at Ocean F a l l s on November 11, 1929. The Rev. R.C. Scott promoted the idea a l l along the coast as he journeyed i n the Thomas Crosby mission boat. Ocean Fa l l s sent several l e t t e r s to the pr o v i n c i a l department of education, i t s l o c a l member i n the l e g i s -lature, and secured a promise from King that the federal government would underwrite the cost of the framed copies.Kamloops-Okanagan, V i c t o r i a , and Kootenay Presbyteries also strongly supported the p u b l i c i z i n g of the Peace Pact and wrote l e t t e r s to the p r o v i n c i a l and federal govern-ments, and urged the i r congregations to do likewise. B r i t i s h Columbia was the f i r s t province to accept the plan. 143 As early as 1934, the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference became con-cerned about conscientious objectors i n the event of another war. I t sent a memorial to General Council asking i t to p e t i t i o n the federal government to grant to a l l those conscientiously opposed to war, exemp-tion from m i l i t a r y service."""'"' The General Council did not concur with the conference's views and f e l t that the role of the church was to encourage obedience to c i v i l authority. In a rather schizophrenic vein however, i t did praise the growing p a c i f i s t mood especially among college students, and expressed the hope that peace might come through 52 the p a c i f i s t movement. At the same time, the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference went on record 53 as opposing m i l i t a r y or cadet t r a i n i n g i n the schools. Agitation against m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g i n place of physical education i n the schools 54 had arisen e a r l i e r when i n 1928, the Student Christian Movement at The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, composed largely of United Church arts and theological students, protested the presence of the Canadian Officers' Training Corps on the campus."''"'' Then i n 1930 Prince Rupert Presbytery asked that suitable non-military physical education be given i n a l l schools and that donations to school boards by the M i l i t i a Depart-5 6 ment for cadet training be discontinued. Out of s i x thousand cadets i n B r i t i s h Columbia, four thousand were i n the Vancouver area i n 1929 where p a r t i c i p a t i o n was voluntary but pressure to j o i n varied considerably and was dependent upon the school personnel. Training also varied from straight physical education to marching to mock warfare. P a r t i a l success was.nattaimedrwhehathewauperintendenlnof nVancouveraschooibs', sJ'.iS."1 Gordon, 144 a p a c i f i s t and a former United Church minister, i n one of his l a s t acts before his death i n 1933 deemphasized the cadet movement i n the Vancouver school system. Throughout the 1930's, the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference and the different presbyteries wrote the federal government i n support of the General Council's demands for disarmament by Canada and, l a t e r , for an 59 embargo on a l l war products to belligerent nations, as an example to the rest of the world. Presbyteries sent petitions to a l l congregations, c a l l i n g for disarmament and received a very good response from the church members. These were then sent to Ottawa to be forwarded to the Disarmament 60 Conference i n Geneva i n February of 1932. In the spring of 1939, the P a c i f i c Northwest Embargo Conference was held i n Vancouver and received widespread support from Vancouver United Churches. The Women's Christian Temperance Union, with many United Church women as active members, was the prime organizer of the conference and the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Committee of Evangelism and Social Service supported, i t . ^TliiDheoconf erence cal l e d for an embargo on a l l war material to Japan. Although war was roundly denounced throughout this period, out and out pacifism was much less frequently advocated. In Prince Rupert Presbytery, however, the church members were urged to j o i n the Fellow-62 ship of Reconciliation, a p a c i f i s t organization. The following year the same presbytery sent a memorial to B r i t i s h Columbia Conference urging that "our Church as a whole undertake the propagation of pacifism, i . e . , — t h e renunciation of pa r t i c i p a t i o n i n war—as an in t e g r a l part of the 6 3 Christian l i f e . " In 1939 the conference endorsed the importance of 145 64 the F.O.R., i n which several leading members of the church were active. The small handful from the United Church who were members of the F.O.R. were almost a l l members of the Fellowship for a Christian Social Order which had a small but strong p a c i f i s t wing.^ The Rev. Bryce Wallace influenced conference and presbytery reports wherever he l i v e d , as did the Rev. H.T. All e n and a few others. Mildred Fahrni, an active lay woman, influenced the general public through her p o l i t i c a l involve-ment with the C.C.F. party and the Rev. R.B. Tillman, as secretary of the S.C.M. on The University of B r i t i s h Columbia campus i n the late 1930's, came into contact with many of the United Church students and ordinands.^ With the declaration of war i n 1939, many of the S.C.M. United Church members who had considered themselves p a c i f i s t or had at least paid l i p - s e r v i c e to the pacifism of th e i r leaders changed t h e i r views 6 7 and r a l l i e d to the support of their nation i n the war e f f o r t . Minis-ters who had strongly denounced war from thei r pulpits a few months previously now re g r e t f u l l y supported i t and church members who had signed petitions urging the disarmament of nations were soon bearing arms. A small minority, however, remained steadfastly p a c i f i s t throughout the war and the United Church as a body supported the right of individuals to hold this position. Shortly after the declaration of war, seventy-five p a c i f i s t s from the United Church sent a l e t t e r to the United Church Observer, declaring publicly t h e i r renunciation of the war. Most were clergymen and members of the F.O.R. and F.C.S.O. from Ontario and Quebec. The 68 Rev. Bryce Wallace was the only B r i t i s h Columbia signatory. The 146 p u b l i c i t y from the secular press and the resulting outrage from the general public c a l l i n g the signatories communist or communist-led 69 caused great consternation among church o f f i c i a l s across the country. The sub-executive of General Council chastised the p a c i f i s t s for making t h e i r stand i n the press at that p a r t i c u l a r time and stressed the church support of the war effort.^® As a result of the furore, the p a c i f i s t group sent a delegation to the chairman of the United Church War Service Committee to suggest how i t s work could be enriched and enlarged to promote peace and thus receive the p a c i f i s t s ' support. The p a c i f i s t s urged moral and s o c i a l support by l o c a l war service units of families where men were overseas, of men unable to fight and of families where men were interned. The p a c i f i s t s wanted chaplains of the church to work with interned men as well as with enlisted men, and they wanted church families to open their homes to orphans of the enemy. Nothing much o f f i c i a l l y came of these suggestions. In B r i t i s h Columbia, a small minority of the clergy remained out and out p a c i f i s t s throughout the war, and on the whole, were respected by the i r fellow clergymen and congregations for the i r views. Many other ministers had p a c i f i s t leanings. At the Vancouver Presbytery meeting i n September of 1939, there was a very heated debate over whether a resolu-t i o n of loyalty should be presented or not, and i t very narrowly passed. One minister, as a student, preached against the war to a very small congregation of middle-class mine management men and l o s t the whole congregation. The two larger congregations of his charge made up of 147 72 workers, ranchers and miners, remained l o y a l to him, however. In Vanderhoof the minister spoke against the war, thus losing a good portion of his congregation who were staunch Legion members from World War I, and once the young men of the area enl i s t e d , there was v i r t u a l l y no 73 congregation l e f t . On the other hand, the Rev. IBryce Wallace preached 74 to his V i c t o r i a congregation without undue c r i t i c i s m and was backed by his next congregation i n Vancouver for his views against the involvement of the United Church i n the sale of war bonds to liquidate i t s debts.^ Although many i n the Sardis congregation did not agree with H.T. Allen's views on war, they s t i l l respected him and continued to support the church.^ The Rev. CD. Clarke at St. James i n V i c t o r i a refused to stand for the resolution of lo y a l t y at the 1940 annual meeting of the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference and asked that his vote be recorded.^ In November he resigned from his charge. The congregation refused to accept his resignation i n June but f i n a l l y did so with deep regret. Some members 78 were staying away because of the minister's views. Clarke eventually l e f t the ministry because he f e l t his views were contrary to those of the church. I t was a personal decision, however, and his clergy brethern 79 i n V i c t o r i a Presbytery sorrowed over his decision. The p a c i f i s t ministers i n B r i t i s h Columbia were not unduly vocal about the i r views and thus avoided much opposition from the i r congrega-80 t i o n a l members and the general public. Only i n one instance did a minister's stand provoke an unpleasant s i t u a t i o n which h i t the news-papers . 148 In the f a l l of 1939, the Rev. W.E.G. Dovey of the Peachland-Westbank charge refused to allow his Peachland congregation to sing the national anthem at the close of every worship service and th i s stand caused a serious s p l i t i n the O f f i c i a l Board and congregation. The presbytery was forced to step i n and s e t t l e the problem. The Peachland congregation asked Dovey to resign at the end of the church year i n June 1940 which greatly upset the Westbank congregation who very much 81 admired his honesty, conviction and his work with their youth. Pres-bytery f e l t the breach was too wide for Dovey to continue but thought the Peachland congregation, despite the minister's rash statement i n "82 the heat of debate, was most unchristian i n i t s treatment of him. Dovey was brought into c i v i l court on charges of seditious utterance, sentenced to s i x months' imprisonment and fined $100. The church was unable to get his sentence lessened but did establish a fund for his 83 wife who was l e f t with heavy debts. Ministers i n the lower mainland 84 v i s i t e d Dovey regularly i n prison and sympathized with him. They held similar views and f e l t that he had been caught up i n a v i n d i c t i v e attack by a couple of key board members who were rabid patriots and w i l l i n g to report him to the c i v i l authorities. The ministers also f e l t he had not received a f a i r t r i a l since the court t o t a l l y ignored the statement of loyalty to the King which Dovey signed for the Peachland 85 O f f i c i a l Board l a t e r . Immediately upon his discharge Dovey was given another pastorate where he had no such problems. Among the majority of church members and clergy a l i k e , there was deep regret over the war. Disillusionment over the f a i l u r e of i d e a l i s t i c 149 86 peace alms made the church tolerant and sympathetic toward p a c i f i s t s . Very few, however, had any idea of the United Church's direct involve-ment with the federal government on behalf of conscientious objectors. The Revs. John Coburn and James R. Mutchmor were the key men at the national l e v e l while the Rev. Hugh Dobson was the person from B r i t i s h Columbia who played a role i n t h i s issue. Under the National Resources Mobilization Act, 1940, only Mennonites and Doukhobors were exempt from compulsory m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g and a l l other conscientious objectors were subject to imprisonment. At the 1940 meeting of General Council the government was urged to broaden i t s laws concerning conscientious objectors and to bring them more i n l i n e with those of Great B r i t a i n , where alternative service 87 was provided for conscientious objectors of a l l re l i g i o u s persuasions. The United Church sent several men to Ottawa to meet with o f f i c i a l s over the desired changes which were brought into effect on March 18, 1941. 8 8 In B r i t i s h Columbia, Dobson became very concerned early i n the f a l l of 1940 when a second-year theological student and p a c i f i s t , Ernest Bishop, found no way open for him to be a conscientious objector. The l o c a l tribunal of the National War Service Board considered Bishop's case after orders had gone out to postpone a l l hearings u n t i l the law was amended; the university where he was enrolled i n some courses refused to l e t him take m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g and t r i e d to expel him; and he was about to bertu.med overhtoRthe?RoyaldCanaaiantMounted Police when Dobson intervened with Ottawa on his behalf. Under the new regulations, Bishop took his m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g and was then exempt from the draft for his 150 t h i r d year of theology. Upon graduation he received his draft c a l l and was to be sent to an alternative service camp. His ordination took place just p r i o r to his departure date so that he came under the exemption regulations pertaining to a l l clergymen. The Department of National War Services of the federal government was w i l l i n g to co-operate i n t h i s matter provided Bishop made no unfair 89 or d i s l o y a l statements concerning the government or the country. The l o c a l t r i b u n a l was not as generous i n i t s approach. The chairman, A.M. Manson was a staunch Presbyterian who had fought church union i n 1925 and he not only had no sympathy for conscientious objectors, but he hated the United Church and a l l those connected with i t as w e l l . He was deter-90 mined to see Bishop i n j a i l or at a camp, and to prevent his ordination. The men f i g h t i n g for the right of the conscientious objectors were not p a c i f i s t s , but they were determined that there should be just treatment. And the United Church did not f e e l that a l l the tribunals were just . Judge A.M. Manson was c l e a r l y biased i n his views towards Bishop. In Alberta, John Rowe, the son of a United Church minister, was sent to j a i l for three months on the basis of a t r i a l with no witnesses and loaded 91 questions. In Saskatchewan, the chairman was greatly distrusted by 92 the church since he f a i l e d to seriously consider rel i g i o u s objections. The Toronto t r i b u n a l , two of whose three members were United Church lay-men, directed loaded questions at one theological student, never gave him a chance to explain his p o s i t i o n , and misread a l e t t e r from United 93 Church headquarters pointing out the extreme shortage of ministers. The church o f f i c i a l s f e l t that conscientious objectors should be w i l l i n g to take basic t r a i n i n g and alternative service equal i n hardship 151 94 and requiring equal s a c r i f i c e to others submitting to the draft. Certainly some of the conscientious objectors whom the church defended f e l t the same way. They were not cowards wanting the easy way out for they were w i l l i n g to go to j a i l , work overseas i n dangerous positions or spend years i n work camps on d u l l , monotonous jobs. Furthermore, many found their decision a d i f f i c u l t one to make since they realized that i t was only because the majority of young men were w i l l i n g to e n l i s t 95 that the few had the l i b e r t y to follow the i r own b e l i e f s , and l i v e i n r e l a t i v e safety i n alternate service camps set up by the government. Some of the camps were isolat e d from large communities and many of the men were a long way from home. Correspondence from Mutchmor and Coburn i n Toronto kept the students i n touch with the larger church body and those i n the camp near Port Alberni v i s i t e d the l o c a l church and some were in v i t e d into a few homes. Most church members, however, were unaware of these men, and only after the Rev. J.M. Finlay from Toronto v i s i t e d the camps across Canada and the Rev. J.R. Mutchmor wrote to the president of the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference did the l o c a l ministers 96 make an e f f o r t to v i s i t the camps near them. Since most of the United Church conscientious objectors were university students and the church was desperately short of men, several were eventually released from the forestry camps to work i n church i n s t i -tutions. One such student worked i n the Indian Residential School at Port Alberni and after the war, while s t i l l i n the Alternative Service, as Boys' Work Secretary for the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference. There was some fear that congregations would not want to co-operate with a 152 conscientious objector and that he would be a bad influence on youth, 97 but the fears did not materialize. His work was well received. Three other theological students were released to help teach in the W.M.S. high schools i n the interior established for the Japanese evacuated from the coast. In this case the Revs. J.R. Mutchmor and John Coburn from the Board of Evangelism and Social Service and the Revs. George Dorey and W.P. Bunt from the Board of Home Missions intervened on behalf of the boys with the government. The conscientious objectors came from a variety of backgrounds. Many had pacif i s t fathers. Ernest Bishop's father had been a pacifist minister in Alberta during the First World War as had John Rowe's father. Clyde and Keith Woollard had a pacif i s t father and a strongly pacifist minister in their Saskatchewan home town, while in Ontario Ernest Best with a pacif i s t father was strongly influenced by several pacifist minis-ters during his teens and early twenties. On the other hand, Albert Dobson, exempted to do v i t a l medical work in northern Alberta, had Hugh Dobson, a non-pacifist as his father. The latter, because of his son's beliefs was placed in an awkward position in aiding conscientious objectors. However, from the same family another son, Arthur, signed up as a chaplain in Burma. Many of the conscientious objectors had been active members of the S.C.M. while at university and had their views on pacifism strength-ened there. Key men in the church fought for the right of these young men to be pacifists and to be f a i r l y treated. Because of their high scholastic calibre, their leadership a b i l i t y , their intention to serve the church with 153 a l i f e t i m e career and the respect held by the church hierarchy for them and the i r f a m i l i e s , men l i k e Coburn, Dorey, Mutchmor, Dobson and Bunt were w i l l i n g to use what influence they could with the federal government. Putting aside t h e i r personal views on war, these same men were also very incensed by the loaded questioning and archaic war regulations used by the war tribunals at the beginning of the war. They wanted just treat-ment for a l l men of draft age, believing that a United Church member should have the same right t o . p a c i f i s t b e l i e f s as a Mennonite or Doukhobor. Primarily through t h e i r constant intervention the regulations were changed. The church leaders were not p a c i f i s t s themselves nor did they r e a l l y approve of that stand while the war was being fought, but they were strong believers i n equal treatment for a l l r eligions and i n the importance of i n d i v i d u a l conscience. The church did not suffer, as i t did i n the F i r s t World War from a drop i n membership or finances. During the Second World War even those places l e f t without a regular minister were strong enough to keep going and, i n some cases, to increase i n numbers. After the war new members join i n g the church kept up with the general increase i n population. Finances improved greatly as B r i t i s h Columbia entered a boom period after the depression and war industries, shipping, mining, lumbering and the m i l i t a r y put money into the pockets of workers, who, i f church members, placed i t on the offering plate. The conference oversubscribed to the national d e f i c i t fund, repaired i t s own churches and manses and embarked n 101 on new building. 154 Table VIII Rates of Growth Compared to Population Increase i n B r i t i s h Columbia % of Roman % of United % of B.C. Pop. Anglican Pop. Catholic Pop. Church Pop. 1931 694,263 207,049 29.8 91,641 13.2 164,750 23.9 1941 817,861 246,191 30.1 113,587 13.9 201,638 24.7 1951 1,165,210 315,469 27.0 168,016 14.4 341,914 30.9 Source: Census of Canada, 1931, 1941, 1951. Table IX War and Post-War Growth of United Church Presbyteries and Selected C i t i e s 1941* 1941** 1951* 1951** Kootenay 10,557 18,040 15,759 23,569 Kamloops-Okanagan 15,246 20,632 23,032 .'35,479 V i c t o r i a 24,971 33,081 23,754 58,583 Prince Rupert 7,202 5,601 9,124 8,264 Cariboo 6,173 8,651 6,750 16,675 Westminster 17,171 25,348 28,946 190,691 Vancouver 56,373 87,242 69,376 147,119 New Westminster 1,795 4,928 5,459 7,782 North Vancouver 3,232 1,518 5,962 4,782 Vancouver City 40,725 69,246 52,125 101,804 T r a i l 1,810 2,151 4,076 3,418 Penticton 1,425 1,761 3,000 3,908 V i c t o r i a City 10,863 8,795 11,602 12,508 * United Church Year•Book, 1941, 1951. Figures for those under pastoral care. ** Census of Canada, 1941, 1951. Those claiming the United Church. 155 Morale was high within the church throughout the war, as members worked together i n a common war e f f o r t . The church stood by as a symbol of security i n a world gone mad, and the comfort i t gave to numerous families was immeasurable. With the end of the war, the high morale continued as men and their now permanently s e t t l e d families flocked to the church. The war did not leave the church demoralized and discredited as i t had been after the F i r s t World War. Part of the reason for this was due, no doubt, to the general atmosphere of society. The war had been approached with a sense of duty, not as a holy crusade to cleanse society, so that there were no false hopes or deep disillusionment at the end. The church echoed society's attitude. I t responded quickly and ef f e c t i v e l y to the need for material supplies because the structure and orientation of i t s women's groups were t r a d i t i o n a l l y directed along these l i n e s . Chaplains volunteered for service, not with the desire to be part of the batt l e or to compete with other denominations, but to serve enlisted men. 102 The United Church sent a large number into the forces but i t did not promote r e c r u i t i n g from the p u l p i t , the church press, or put pressure upon single and married men i n the congregations as i t had done during the previous war. I t supported the government's r e c r u i t i n g and conscrip-103 tion plans t a c i t l y but defended those not enlisted. I t fought for a more ju s t treatment of conscientious objectors and won. The pacifism of the 1920's and 1930's had a meliorating effect on the church's view of conscientious objectors and p a c i f i s t s i n i t s own ranks, so there was not the ostracism nor the rabid patriotism of the F i r s t World War. 156 Table X Active Full-time Chaplains i n Canadian to A p r i l 1944 Armed Forces Navy Army Airforce Anglican 25 176 71 Roman Catholic 31 129 69 United Church 17 2230 93 Source: United Church Evangelism and Social Service, Report, 1946, p. 110. Table XI Canadian and B r i t i s h Columbia Enlistments by Religious A f f i l i a t i o n Canada B r i t i s h Columbia A i r f o r c e * Army** Army** Anglican 23.86% 22.29% 38.00% Roman Cathcblic 20.80% 36.56% 16.20% United Church 31.87% 20.87% 25.21% * Figures v a l i d u n t i l A p r i l 1944. United Church Evangelism and Social Service, Report, 1946, p. 110. ** Figures v a l i d u n t i l September 1945. Figures for p r o v i n c i a l a f f i l i a -tion of the navy and airforce were unavailable. Letter from Depart-ment of Veteran A f f a i r s , Ottawa, to writer, June 1973. 157 Table XII Intake into Canadian Armed Forces by Provinces, World War I I Male population Total % of t o t a l to male pop. 18-45 P.E.I. 19,000 9,309 48.18 Nova Scotia 123,000 59,355 48.31 New Brunswick 94,000 45,137 48.17 Quebec 699,000 175,441 25.69 Ontario 830,000 397,808 47.77 Manitoba 159,000 76,444 48.12 Saskatchewan 191,000 80,605 42.38 Alberta 178,000 77,703 43.11 B r i t i s h Columbia 181,000 90,976 50.47 Source: CP. Stacey, Arms, Men and Governments. The War P o l i c i e s of Canada 1939-1945, Queen's Pr i n t e r , Ottawa, 1970, p. 590. 158 The church did promote strongly the war savings plan, but largely because i t stood to gain i n the long run. And i t did'. The huge d e f i c i t of the depression years was wiped out, l i f t i n g morale s t i l l higher for church members. Throughout the war the church pushed for r e a l i s t i c post-war planning, not only i n i t s own ranks but also with the government. There was to be no unemployment and unrest such as followed the previous war. TheBBritish Columbia Conference passed a resolution urging plans for 104 s o c i a l reconstruction and post-war r e h a b i l i t a t i o n as early as 1940 and repeated i t i n succeeding y e a r s . B y the closing years of the war, d e f i n i t e suggestions concerned with the disposal of war goods, crown industries and property; the post-war control of prices, production, investment, employment, export trade and foreign exchange; and the re h a b i l i t a t i o n of returned veterans into the regular employment stream were made to the government.Congregations made a special e f f o r t to befriend war brides, searched out jobs and housing for veterans and welcomed the new families into t h e i r couple clubs and youth groups. In return membership swelled, adding further to the sense of well-being i n the church. I f dollars and numerical strength determine the success of a programme then the United Church i n i t s s o c i a l outreach during the Second World War had reason to congratulate i t s e l f on a job we l l done. Chapter 6 THE EVACUATION OF JAPANESE CANADIANS The war brought to a head the latent h o s t i l i t y of white B r i t i s h Columbia towards the Japanese i n the province. The church had always paid l i p - s e r v i c e to the i d e a l of brotherhood but now the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia was confronted with an explosive r a c i a l s i t u a t i o n on i t s own doorstep. One minister wrote at the time, " I do hope that our Church people can be measurably Christian. This i s going to be a test anyway—as between impulse and passion and panic vs. a Christian d i s c i p l i n e . May we follow the Master'.""'" Would the church come up to i t s ideals against the rest of society or r a t i o n a l i z e i t s behaviour and go along with the masses? In the past the predecessors of the United Church had exhibited their differences on the r a c i a l question i n the 2 province but during the three decades preceding World War I I , the United Church was never called to make a public stand. The test was at hand. With the advent of the h o s t i l i t i e s i n Asia, many missionaries from both China and Japan were recalled by the United Church to Canada and were l i v i n g i n B r i t i s h Columbia at the time war was declared with Japan. The province also had a large number of both o r i e n t a l and occ i -dental missionaries working with o r i e n t a l missions and congregations, especially i n Vancouver, V i c t o r i a and the lower mainland. This nucleus of missionaries provided both support and opposition for the Japanese i n Canada from very personal viewpoints, dependent upon whether they had 159 160 worked with Chinese or Japanese. Those clergy i n o f f i c i a l positions, and especially those on the Board of Home Missions, and a few laymen strongly supported the Japanese. The rest of the clergy and the majority of church members responded as the general public did, either with apathy or outright h o s t i l i t y . As early as 1891, when the le g i s l a t u r e of B r i t i s h Columbia t r i e d to l i m i t Japanese immigration, h o s t i l i t y towards the Japanese was wide-3 spread throughout the province. In Vancouver i n the summer of 1907 a white mob, aroused by impassioned a n t i - o r i e n t a l speakers including two clergymen, t r i e d to destroy the o r i e n t a l sections of the c i t y but were turned back by the Japanese who resolutely stood t h e i r ground. A "Gentleman's Agreement" between Japan and Canada followed the r i o t where-upon the former vo l u n t a r i l y r e s t r i c t e d the numbers of immigrants to Canada. In spite of repeated r e s t r i c t i o n s however, the Japanese popula-4 tion grew at an alarming rate, adding further cause for white h o s t i l i t y . Restrictions against the Japanese i n the f i s h i n g , lumbering and mining industries were levied as families increased and improved thei r economic status i n the p r o v i n c e . W i t h the scarcity of jobs during the 1930's the white population turned on the Japanese as a scapegoat for the wide-spread unemployment.6 By this time an a r t i c u l a t e group of N i s e i , born and educated i n Canada and considering themselves Canadians, entered the job market and faced rank discrimination. The New Canadian, a weekly newspaper started i n 1938 largely as the voice for the N i s e i , articulated the various problems, dreams and ambitions of the growing number of N i s e i , as did the 161 Table XIII Immigration Population of B r i t i s h Columbia by Country of Allegiance 1911 -20 1921 -30 1931 -40 1941 -45 1946 -51 Canada 82,070 71,958 10,825 3,510 8,634 Other B r i t i s h Commonwealth 1,017 862 237 276 14,033 United States 1,270 1,229 807 467 2,506 Europe 709 3,106 663 72 13,174 Asia 3,014 665 196 21 1,392 China 2,881 497 72 16 1,205 Japan 124 133 86 4 10 Others 9 35 38 1 177 Source: Census of Canada, 1951. 162 Canadian Japanese Association.^ As early as 1934, the C.C.F. added g the enfranchisement of the Japanese to i t s party platform, and the Nis e i i n p a r t i c u l a r , through the Canadian Japanese Association, the 9 New Canadian and "The Young People" took up the cry. Such demands from a vocal and well-educated group increased the fears and h o s t i l i t y of the white population. Long before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour the general public i n B r i t i s h Columbia was s u f f i c i e n t l y upset about the war i n general, and i n p a r t i c u l a r , Ottawa's lack of concern for the defence of the west coast and i t s peculiar problems related to the Japanese, that i t would believe any rumours, myths or extreme suggestions that gave promise of a solution to the Japanese problem. 1^ War with Japan gave B r i t i s h Columbia i t s opportunity. During the war, the Japanese community drew i t s friends mainly from the Student Christian Movement (S.C.M.), the C.C.F. and the United, Anglican and Roman Catholic Churches. The United Church through i t s predecessor, the Methodist Church, was the f i r s t to become involved with the Japanese i n B r i t i s h Columbia and directed i t s e f f o r t s towards the t o t a l assimilation of the Japanese into the white community. With about fi v e thousand Japanese members, i t played the largest role of the three churches during the evacuation p e r i o d . 1 1 The Japanese Christians began thei r own evangelism i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n the late 1880's with the formation of a Japanese "Christian Endeavour" group i n Vancouver and then asked to j o i n the Methodist Church 12 of Canada. Methodist missions were opened i n other areas of the province 163 wherever a large number of Japanese had gathered; some at the insistence of the resident Japanese as i n V i c t o r i a , Cumberland, Steveston and New Westminster, and others by the church mission board i n Ocean F a l l s , the Fraser Valley and Kelowna. In a l l the missions, there were language night schools, regular worship and prayer services, kindergartens and l a t e r as a congregation developed, women's and youth's groups. Some were t r a d i t i o n a l church groups for church members; others were primarily for non-church members but a l l concentrated on helping members become assimilated Canadians. In addition, the Methodists started a hospital i n Steveston which was l a t e r taken over by the Japanese Fishermen's Association, and i n V i c t o r i a , an Oriental Home for G i r l s which became 13 a haven for homeless Japanese g i r l s and women. The Japanese readily adopted C h r i s t i a n i t y . Shintoism e a s i l y accommodated the holding of other religious b e l i e f s as w e l l , and many of the Japanese coming to Canada were nominal Buddhists only. Since the Christian church was, for the most part, the only white group to help the new immigrants i n a strange land i n the early days, the Japanese were very favourably impressed with C h r i s t i a n i t y . For many attending the night language schools, the adoption of C h r i s t i a n i t y was only one more step i n the process of assimilation. The kindergartens, as well as the night schools, played a strong role i n attracting adult converts through 14 their children, and many of the children attending kindergarten l a t e r became church members even though their parents remained Buddhist. 1"' Even those who remained Buddhist adopted Christian i n s t i t u t i o n a l practices with youth groups, Sunday Schools, and women's groups which aided i n the assimilation to Canadian ways. 164 Table XIV Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n of a l l A s i a t i c s Belonging to the United Church 1931 1941 1951* B r i t i s h Columbia 5,813 6,376 5,847 Alberta 1,101 843 2,887 Saskatchewan 950 634 1,385 Manitoba 400 359 1,315 Ontario 1,710 1,885 7,652 Quebec 343 194 814 * Although a l l A s i a t i c s are lumped together i n these figures, i t can be assumed that most of the increase i n the 1951 figures i s due to Japan-ese United Church members moving east and to new converts to the United Church. Although there was a large number of Chinese moving into Canada after 1945, very few would be connected with the United Church and Chinese missions i n Canada did not have a great upsurge i n converts during and after World War I I . Source: Census of Canada, 1931, 1941, 1951 Table XV Religious A f f i l i a t i o n of Chinese and Japanese i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931 Chinese Japanese Total 27,139 22,205 Anglican 357 1,240 Roman Catholic 93 208 United Church 978 4,789 Confucian and Buddhist 17,860 14,707 Source: Census of Canada, 1931. 165 Because the Methodist Church was the f i r s t on the scene and had the largest and most numerous missions, i t received the most converts. B r i t i s h Columbia's mild climate, i t s proximity to Japan, and i t s need for cheap labour encouraged the Japanese to stay i n the province and put down roots. As i n the case of most white ethnic missionvjwork, the new Japanese converts gradually became independent and formed thei r own congregations. In one year during the 1920's, the Japanese attached to the Powell Street Mission i n Vancouver collected among themselves $12,000 to help erect a gymnasium and s o c i a l centre, and i n the Fairview d i s t r i c t a very small group donated $2,000 towards a chapel and kindergarten b u i l d -16 mg. During the 1930's, Japanese church membership grew extensively. In one year about one hundred adults were baptized into the church and i n New Westminster Japanese membership rose 28% i n one y e a r . ^ This growth was p a r t i a l l y due to the popularity of the Rev. K. Shimizu, a 18 pastor born i n Japan but educated i n Canada, who was a strong believer i n assimilation and did a l l he could among the Japanese people to achieve this goal. U n t i l Shimizu took over, the Japanese United Church had remained strongly Methodist-oriented i n form and stayed quite aloof from 19 the Anglo-Saxon congregations and higher courts of the United Church. In addition to the night school, s o c i a l events, children's, youth's, women's and men's groups connected with the Powell Street congregation of which he was the minister, Shimizu set up cottage meetings i n the Fairview and Marpole areas of Vancouver, and the former eventually b u i l t i t s own separate building and congregation. He himself was very active 166 at the presbytery and conference levels of the church and encouraged his church groups to take part i n the predominantly white presbytery and conference gatherings. Shimizu was very much aware of the problems which the N i s e i faced with the older generation, the I s s e i , and with the white community. English services for the N i s e i were started and the "Shepherd's C a l l " i n English and Japanese was sent weekly to a l l members and adherents of the Powell Street church to keep them informed of church events and personal news, and to encourage ways towards further assimilation. Shimizu's Young People's Society published i t s own paper which stressed the N i s e i viewpoint: problems of misunderstanding with parents steeped i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese culture and with the surrounding white community; loyalty to Canada; and s o c i a l , economic, l e g a l , p o l i t i c a l , marital and rel i g i o u s problems. As a part of his educational programme for assimilation Shimizu stressed the shouldering of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y by his parishioners not only for other United Church Japanese but for a l l Japanese i n the community. During the 1930's, the Japanese congregation of Powell Street became self-sustaining and organized /wider s o c i a l work with the establishment of a medical c l i n i c , c o l l e c t i o n of food and clothing, and the provision of jobs for their unemployed. Meanwhile, i n New Westminster and i n the Fraser Valley, the Japanese missions were growing too. There was less ghetto l i v i n g and a greater mixing of Japanese among their white neighbours. Children mixed 20 at school and i n each other's homes, and adults joined the l o c a l ' 167 21 co-operatives. By 1941, the Fraser Valley mission with branches i n several centres had become strong enough to bu i l d i t s own church at . Mission City and have i t completely paid for. The general attitude of the white congregations towards thei r Japanese brethern during this pre-war period was mixed. The majority had no contact with them and had no feeli n g , one way or the other, a l -though many of the women involved i n W.M.S. work were sympathetic to the efforts of assimilation i n Canada as an extension of the more romantic overseas mission work i n Japan. Despite the myth that Canada was a mosaic of different races and cultures working together, there was a general assumption, a r i s i n g out of the 19,th century imperialism and s o c i a l Darwinism and held by the church and society, that a l l would adopt Anglo-Saxon views on government, law, education, morality, health, language and r e l i g i o n . What remained for preservation by the various ethnic groups was a s u p e r f i c i a l smattering of thei r f o l k arts to be d i s -played on special days for entertainment of the Anglo-Saxon majority. A few church members of the white congregations were d e f i n i t e l y opposed to the presence of a l l orientals i n the province and wanted nothing less than deportation, and could probably arouse support from many i n the quiet majority. An even smaller number, though not i n favour of further immigration, were very sympathetic to the plight of the Japanese caught between the economic greed of the big i n d u s t r i a l i s t s and the h o s t i l i t y of the general population. This small group worked hard through the missions to help educate the Japanese i n Canadian customs and the English language, and to ease the problems of the N i s e i . 168 Very few of the Japanese joined white congregations and those who did were usually l i v i n g i n an area where there were few Japanese. Some who did venture away from the Japanese congregations f e l t unwelcome 22 and l a t e r returned to t h e i r ethnic group. During the 1920's and the 1930's a few church members became aware of the injustices being done to the Japanese and spoke out for them. In 1925, some Anglican and United Church members managed to stop a l l school 23 segregation i n the Vancouver area, except for Steveston, and i n 1936 the O f f i c i a l Board of Knox United Church, Vancouver, drafted a resolution for the presbytery concerning the need of the franchise for Japanese 24 Canadians. On another occasion when the p r o v i n c i a l government refused r e l i e f to the unemployed Japanese during the depression, the Rev. Andrew Roddan of F i r s t United Church through the intervention of the Hon. Herbert Marler, the Canadian minister to Japan who was then v i s i t i n g B r i t i s h Columbia, obtained changes i n the government's policy and the Japanese received r e l i e f . ^ Racial h o s t i l i t y had reached such a height by 1927 that at the annual meeting of the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference, a Committee on Christian-i t y and Race Relations ontthe P a c i f i c Coast was appointed with the Rev. Hugh Dobson as chairman. This committee f e l t i t could not speak for the church as a whole but i t would examine the problem sanely and without hysteria, and offer facts to the church as a part of an educational pro-gramme. Eventually i t hoped the church body would be able to reach a unified agreement. Besides gathering facts from many sources—university faculty, published materials and secular groups—for church members to 169 borrow, committee members spoke to service clubs, the church courts and congregations, and led discussion groups. The committee continued throughout the 1930's under the Board of Evangelism and Social Service with various t i t l e s , and included among i t s members, not only persons working with o r i e n t a l missions, but men l i k e Prof. C.W. Topping of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Stanley Brent of the Y.M.C.A., and leading ministers i n the conference l i k e the Revs. W.H. Smith, A.E. White-house, Hugh M. Rae, Wm. Deans, Andrew Roddan and W.B. Willan. In 1936, the conference urged the federal and pr o v i n c i a l govern-ments to grant the franchise to a l l persons born and raised i n Canada, and asked congregations to study i n th e i r o f f i c i a l boards the whole question of r a c i a l relations. I t i s very doubtful i f the l a t t e r . i n s t r u c -26 tion was carried out. Two years l a t e r , the conference wrote to the Prime Minister, the Minister of Justice and the Minister of Internal A f f a i r s asking that a l l races be treated equally i n the issuance of f i s h -27 ing licences. Although o f f i c i a l courts of the church through a few concerned people were informed and alarmed about the in j u s t i c e s towards the Japanese,aaridfldespitet'the years and extent of mission work among the Japanese, the bulk of the church membership, unconcerned and content with the status quo, ignored the efforts of the few to change the situ a t i o n . Educational attempts had f a i l e d so that when war broke out with Japan, there was no large body sympathetic towards the Japanese-Canadians i n their p l i g h t . P r i o r to Pearl Harbour, but once war with Japan looked imminent, h o s t i l i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia against the Japanese increased to the point 170 where Ottawa was forced to appoint a special committee to study the 28 problem and suggest solutions or action i f war did break out. The major recommendation of the report stressed the need to calm the white population since no subversive Japanese elements were found, and to do t h i s , a l l Japanese were re-registered v o l u n t a r i l y and w i l l i n g l y . I t was decided not to draft Japanese as soldiers and a Standing Committee on Orientals was appointed. Again A.W. Sparling and F.J. Mead of the o r i g i n a l committee served as did F.J. Hume, mayor of New Westminster, Prof. H.F. Angus of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia and Lt. Col. M. Macintosh of the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a t u r e . Immediately after the attack on Pearl Harbour, individuals and especially key p o l i t i c i a n s i n B r i t i s h Columbia took up the attack on 29 a l l Japanese i n Canada regardless of loy a l t y or ci t i z e n s h i p . Gradually community organizations added t h e i r voices to the protest as did many of the p r o v i n c i a l newspapers. Howard C. Green, Ian Mackenzie, Thomas Reid, A.W. N e i l l i n the federal parliament and Vancouver alderman Halford Wilson were among the most vocal p o l i t i c i a n s . One white woman to l d of l i v i n g happily beside Japanese neighbours i n the Fraser Valley u n t i l war broke out and suddenly a l l actions became food for suspicion and the 30 Japanese were quickly ostracized. On the advice of the Standing Com-mittee, f i s h boats were impounded, some fortyi Japanese considered dangerous were interned and the Japanese language schools and newspapers were closed. These moves did nothing to calm the cry for evacuation. On January 14, 1942 the federal government announced a p a r t i a l evacuation of the defence zone—a s t r i p about one hundred miles wide along 171 the c o a s t — o f a l l Japanese males, eighteen to f o r t y - f i v e years of age 31 who were cit i z e n s of Japan. Again this did not calm the population and on February 26, 1942 t o t a l evacuation of a l l Japanese, regardless 32 of citizenship was ordered. The B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission was created to handle the evacuation and find housing for approximately 33 16,000 bewildered people. Other provinces and communities i n the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia refused to take the evacuees. The commission then turned to the ghost mining towns of the Kootenay where the majority were sent to 34 l i v e i n deserted buildings or i n small newly-built cabins. Some moved to self-supporting projects i n L i l l o o e t , Grand Forks, Bridge River and other points i n the province as w e l l as to other provinces. The govern-ment also moved sizeable numbers to the sugar beet farms of southern Alberta, Manitoba and southwestern Ontario. Over two thousand men worked on road camps i n B r i t i s h Columbia and northern Ontario, but many of the 35 married men gradually returned to be with families i n the camps. Although many from the Vancouver area moved directly, to a camp, those from the outlying area and up the coast were brought into Hastings Park, Vancouver, where they were housed i n the c a t t l e barns u n t i l the camps were ready. During the evacuation period, the United Church went along with the government orders and concentrated i t s efforts on looking after i t s Japanese members and ministers. The church was caught unprepared by the suddenness of the evacuation orders and i t s leaders had no time to think 172 out a position. Dealing with the p r a c t i c a l problems which the evacuation entailed took up what available time there was. Even i f there had been more time, however, the church's reaction would have been the same. The leaders realized that i n this h y s t e r i c a l period, the church membership agreed with the general public about the dangerous presence of the Japanese and desired t h e i r removal from the coast. The extent of m i l i t a r y danger was unknown and the time was not opportune for reason and further careful education i n an e f f o r t to change r a c i a l bias and eliminate fear. The church leaders took the only l i n e they considered open to them i n the emergency—help the Japanese as much as possible mentally, physically 3 6 and s p i r i t u a l l y u n t i l the time was ripe for a more l a s t i n g solution. As early as September 1941 the church had realized that i t s Japanese members were i n a dangerous position although the extent of the danger was never imagined. The president of the conference, the Rev. Hugh Dobson, had written to a l l the Japanese clergy assuring them of the church's brotherly love and efforts to keep the public calm. He asked the Japanese to remain calm also, and not allow the i r conduct to give r i s e to any action which would give cause for persecution to those 37 who were prejudiced against them. In this same period, Dobson and others concerned about the r i s i n g r a c i a l tension v i s i t e d the Japanese consul, the other denominations' leaders and 'local p o l i t i c i a n s to gain assurances and make plans for the safety of Japanese congregations and 38 those Japanese who were l o y a l to Canada. The church considered men l i k e Vancouver alderman Wilson trouble-makers and rabble-rousers who were using the Japanese issue for p o l i t i c a l gain and the leaders f e l t quiet o 173 consultation behind the scenes was preferable to public confrontation, 39 i n order to keep the public emotions curtailed as much as possible. 40 In late 1941, the Special Committee on Japanese Work was set up by the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference and i t continued u n t i l 1946 to keep watch over the si t u a t i o n . In March of 1942 i t presented to the B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission a suggested plan for church policy. E a r l i e r i t had asked for a l i f t i n g of the curfew for the Japanese clergy 41 i n Vancouver, custodians to look after vacated Japanese property, and the opportunity to move Japanese of a pa r t i c u l a r f a i t h to the same camp. The suggested plan included these e a r l i e r requests and added that families should be kept together to encourage normal family l i f e ; that the churches be permitted to set up night schools and clubs which would promote further assimilation into Canadian l i f e ; and that the church 42 missionaries be allowed to continue t h e i r Christian work as i n the past. Some from the Special Committee on Japanese Work were also on the Advisory Committee Meeting of the Four Christian Churches working at Hastings Park. This interdenominational committee established co-operation i n kindergarten, boys' and g i r l s ' work i n the Park, and divided up respon-s i b i l i t y for educational work i n the i n t e r i o r camps and for providing clergy for the Japanese i n the i n t e r i o r . The New Canadian was used by the 43 Advisory Committee as i t s medium to relay information to the Japanese. The United Church Special Committee decided p o l i c y , l a i d plans and backed the Superintendent of Home Missions, the Rev. W.P. Bunt, i n his day-to-day decisions and work with the Japanese. As the Japanese were moved into the camps, he took over r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the vacated 174 church property, for the personal effects of the clergy and church members stored i n the empty buildings, and for placing and supervising the Japanese clergy i n the different camps. The o r i g i n a l plan to have 44 a l l Japanese United Church people i n one camp was not carried out although a large majority did get to Kaslo. This was due largely to the efforts of the Rev. K. Shimizu who spent a great deal of time i n A p r i l of 1942 urging his Vancouver parishioners to register immediately 45 for that location. The United Church had members i n a l l the camps, and as a r e s u l t , had missionaries working i n most of them although one of the other co-operating denominations might have the major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . In March 1942, Vancouver Presbytery, i n response to the evacuation orders, passed and sent to the press a resolution indicating not only the presbytery's support for the Japanese as a group but also i t s w i l l i n g -ness to co-operate with the government i n carrying out the orders. The public renunciation of this mild resolution by the Rev. Chas. E. Batzold showed that at least one clergyman supported the public i n i t s strident 46 cries against the Japanese. Later the same day, a more strongly worded resolution was passed condemning the r a c i a l cleavage which was being forced on the Canadian society and asked that Japanese-Canadian volunteers be allowed to e n l i s t . This was sent to the minister of National Defence. Even among the defenders of the Japanese though, there were some reservations about the loy a l t y of the seven Japanese clergy. A l l the 47 clergy were I s s e i and of Japanese c i t i z e n s h i p ; some had d i f f i c u l t y understanding the Ni s e i and their problems of assimilation and some had 48 mixed feelings towards Canada and i t s ideals. The Rev. George Dorey, 175 secretary of the Board of Home Missions i n Toronto, went so far as to write the B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission asking for n o t i f i c a t i o n 49 of any d i s l o y a l Japanese clergy. In placing the ministers i n the camps, great care was taken by the Special Committee that the greatest number of Nisei be served by the more assimilated Japanese ministers and that the N i s e i be encouraged to j o i n white congregations wherever possible i n order to hasten the i r assimilation. The response of the Japanese congregations to the evacuation orders was mixed. Although many expected some sort of drastic action by the government i n response to the r a c i a l h o s t i l i t y of the general public, none expected t o t a l evacuation. Those with Canadian citizenship and long roots i n Canada were shocked to lose a l l t h e i r rights and be treated the same as Japanese nationals. Some became very b i t t e r and t r i e d to f i g h t , but most accepted the orders with quiet resignation. The Japanese clergy and the white missionaries were a strong support for the church members, comforting them, interpreting the govern-ment's orders, looking after property matters, and helping the families re-s e t t l e as best they could. Many of the church families were among the better assimilated and moved east of the Rockies independently. Often this was done so the younger members of the family could complete their 50 education or find jobs. The Japanese congregations had been good supporters of the War Victory Bond campaign and continued their support even after the govern-ment started i t s r e s t r i c t i v e measures. In January of 1942 those congre-gations i n the lower mainland drafted a resolution expressing their 176 p a t r i o t i c loyalty and sent i t to the Standing Committee on Orientals and to the prime minister. As a sense of hopelessness pervaded the Japanese communities, the church members were asked to increase the i r e f f o r t s to improve morale and patriotism among the other Japanese."^ Once the evacuation order was given, church members were urged to keep their f a i t h , and to remember the church would do a l l i t could to help them i n the camps and i n the east. For many the comfort of the church kept the i r morale up and as a group, they never had the intense b i t t e r -ness and h o s t i l i t y which the Buddhists had from feeling t o t a l l y alone 52 and unwanted i n Canada. That there was some bitterness and a sense of betrayal especially among the naturalized citizens and Nisei who considered themselves noth-ing but true Canadians cannot be denied. These people f e l t the country had l e t them down and betrayed i t s own ideals as wel l . One Japanese minister became so embittered he l e f t the church temporarily and another committed suicide after suffering a mental breakdown, which was attributed 53 to the s t r a i n of the evacuation. Most white congregations ignored what was happening to the Japanese i n this period unless they happened to be i n an area where some of the Japanese were r e - s e t t l i n g . In Kaslo, the minister the Rev. H.J. Armitage, i n i t i a l l y welcomed the Japanese and their minister, the Rev. K. Shimizu, opened his church building for Japanese services and t r i e d to include the Ni s e i i n his regular Sunday evening services. Unfortunately, f r i c t i o n arose between Armitage and Shimizu over the inclusion of Nisei i n the regular Kaslo congregation's services. Armitage saw this as a welcomed 177 opportunity for assimilation and at the same time for strengthening his small congregation, while Shimizu wanted to maintain complete control over his Japanese flock during t h e i r temporary stay i n the town and postpone further assimilation u n t i l after the people sett l e d permanently 54 i n the east. A few whites l e f t the Kaslo church i n opposition to the Japanese presence"'"'' but the majority grew to appreciate these newcomers i n the community and shared women's meetings, teas and b a l l games. Kaslo was a very small town and the a r r i v a l of the Japanese gave a big boost 5 6 to the town's prosperity, putting money into l o c a l businessmen's pockets including some United Church people. In Grand Forks where the mayor and many others opposed any Japanese families i n the town,"""^  the minister, the Rev. Thos. Keyworth, did a l l he could to ease the s i t u a t i o n for the newcomers. He found the Japanese minister rooms on the edge of town, fought for educational 58 f a c i l i t i e s for the Japanese children and smoothed relations between the 59 Japanese and the l o c a l white farmers. Not a l l his parishioners followed 60 s u i t , but some did go out of t h e i r way to help too. A few white individuals from congregations i n towns that were evacuated also helped i n this period of upheaval. In Cumberland i n addi-tion to other a i d , the minister looked after f i v e Japanese boys i n the 61 spring of 1942 u n t i l they finished their school year. The minister i n Ocean F a l l s was concerned over the Japanese minister's f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n while i n Hastings Park and looked after the disposal of the Japanese con-62 gregation's belongings, and i n Rosedale, the minister intervened and gained more time for one of his Japanese parishioners to s e l l his property 178 6 3 and s e t t l e his a f f a i r s before moving east. Several Anglo-Saxon church families i n Vancouver took i n Japanese students who were allowed to stay i n the c i t y u n t i l the end of the school year and stored personal effects u n t i l the owners knew where they were going to s e t t l e . This was not without some danger since at least one family was reported to the police and had their home searched and i n other cases neighbours watched a l l a c t i v i t y very closely and suspiciously. Among the R.C.M.P. of f i c e r s who took the i n i t i a l r e g i s t r a t i o n , and who were responsible along with the B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission for moving the Japanese and maintaining order i n the camps, were United Church men who sympathized with the Japanese i n their s i t u a t i o n and t r i e d to be as helpful as p o s s i b l e . ^ A small group of individuals i n Vancouver concerned about c i v i l rights organized a Consultative Council of Cooperation i n Wartime Problems 66 of Canadian Citizenship i n March of 1942, and spearheading this group 6 7 was a strong United Church lay man, Dr. Norman F. Black. He was ably supported by the Revs. Hugh Dobson and Hugh Rae; three returned mission-aries from Japan, the Revs. W.H. Howard Norman, W.R. McWilliams and Miss Helen Hurd; and several lay people l i k e D.R. Poole, R.J. McMaster, V. Osterhout, Mrs. Mildred Fahrni and others. Anglicans, Baptists and others were active i n the Council too but the majority were from the United Church and most had connections with the C.C.F., the S.C.M. or both. The main purpose of this group was to gain j u s t i c e for the Canadian residents of Japanese o r i g i n , but the group was also concerned with the honour and interests of Canada and of the Christian church. 179 In the autumn of 1942, the Vancouver Consultative Council drafted a pamphlet for public d i s t r i b u t i o n which pointed out the i n j u s t i c e s to the Japanese and debunked the popular myths. I t condemned the federal government's policy of allowing most Japanese immigrants to s e t t l e i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and suggested that only by a l l of Canada accepting r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and aid i n relocating these people throughout the country on a permanent basis would the r a c i a l problem be solved. The Board of Evangelism and Social Service indicated i t s eagerness to publish the pamphlet, feeling i t would have more effectiveness i n the east i f handled by a large eastern-based body l i k e the church. The board then proceeded to drag i t s feet deliberately i n the actual publication and d i s t r i b u t i o n 68 to clergymen, p o l i t i c i a n s and other people i n i n f l u e n t i a l places. The men at the church headquarters i n Toronto decided that h o s t i l i t y towards the Japanese i n the rest of Canada was too high at that time to launch 69 a successful campaign for re-settlement. The pamphlet was eventually published i n 1944 under the t i t l e A Challenge to Patriotism and Statesman- ship by The Christian Social Council of Canada and distributed to a l l United Church ministers. The Vancouver Consultative Council also presented a "Memorandum to Vancouver City Council" on September 9, 1942 which opposed a resolution for the expulsion of the Japanese as contrary to the rights of Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p . ^ Throughout the war the Council continued i t s f i g h t for the Japanese Canadians by needling the federal government for a d e f i n i t e post-war p o l i c y , and by speaking out for the Japanese i n church groups and other public gatherings. When the h o s t i l e climate moderated at the 180 end of the war this group was ready to lead the fig h t against deportation along with si m i l a r groups i n Winnipeg and Toronto. L i f e i n the evacuation camps had many unpleasant aspects and the United Church along with the Anglican and Roman Catholic Churches concentrated their efforts on making l i f e as palatable as possible. Despite the fact that the majority of Japanese were segregated from the rest of the Canadian people, the main aim was s t i l l to hasten thei r assimilation into Canadian society. Education was the primary tool for accomplishing t h i s . The general church membership had no part i n and was largely ignorant of th i s work carried on by the Woman's Missionary Society through i t s returned missionaries from Japan as well as i t s home missionaries; they led kindergartens i n the camps, organized youth recreational programmes and taught the women the English language and Canadian household methods. The p r o v i n c i a l government refused to provide education for any of the Japanese children i n the camps, stating i t was the federal govern-ment's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission f i n a l l y consented to set up an elementary school system, and asked Miss Hide Hyodo, a teacher from Steveston and a very dedicated United Church member, to select the teachers from volunteer high school graduates, set up the schools i n the different camps, order the materials and supervise the curriculum. E a r l i e r while Hastings Park was s t i l l i n operation Miss Hyodo with the help of Dr. Norman Black had set up a teachers' training school for high school graduates who could take over the teaching of the 181 elementary school pupils. At the same time the church through Miss Hyodo, Dr. Black and the Rev. Horace Burkholder, secretary of Christian Education for Alberta and B r i t i s h Columbia for the United Church, set up a training session for a l l youth leaders of the Japanese so that recreational programmes i n the camps would have leadership to keep the young people active and to continue the i r growth i n the understanding of Canadian ways. No one would take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the high school students, however, u n t i l the United Church through i t s W.M.S. and the Roman Catholic Church, set up schools. The United Church operated schools i n Lemon Creek, Tashme and New Denver-Rosebery, using missionaries, friends of the Japanese and three United Church conscientious objectors who were released from 72 thei r camps for this work. The high schools were a success and many of the pupils, upon moving east went on to university. In June 1946 the school i n New Denver was f i n a l l y ordered closed by the B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission because i t was so good parents refused to remove 73 thei r children i n order to go east. In Grand Forks the school board i n s i s t e d upon payment of fees for the Japanese students, and many of the parents who had moved into the area independently as farm labourers found the fees beyond their f i n a n c i a l means. Both the l o c a l United Church minister and the church's Special Committee on Japanese Work fought with the B r i t i s h Columbia Security 7'74 Commission and with Ottawa foraammorej j.ustrremedy. T-TMspp-rbblem. was f i n a l l y settled with the parents and B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission paying the Grand Forks school board for each elementary school c h i l d 182 enrolled i n classes. However, the parents had to pay the high school fees themselves and, unlike the whites who could pay monthly, the Japanese had to pay i n advance yearly. Throughout this period, the Rev. W.P. Bunt, the home mission superintendent for B r i t i s h Columbia, made regular v i s i t s to the camps, boosting the morale of the Japanese clergy and looking after their many personal problems. Three conferences for a l l the Japanese workers, o r i e n t a l and white, were organized to give them a chance to compare work, to make plans for future arrangements as people moved out of the camps permanently or were switched to a different one,^ and to provide fellowship, especially for the Japanese who were r e s t r i c t e d i n their travel and unable to attend conference and presbytery meetings. During the war years while the Japanese went about thei r business i n the camps the church quietly worked towards a just and permanent solu-tion and as the war neared i t s close the church became more and more vocal. The United Church was convinced that the resettlement of the Japanese i n the east was the best solution to the r a c i a l problem. The church hoped the move would hasten assimilation and reduce discrimination p a r t i a l l y caused by the heavy concentration of Japanese i n loc a l i z e d areas of B r i t i s h Columbia. As a member of the National Inter-Church Advisory 76 Committee the United Church endorsed the "Church Sponsored Placement Plan for Japanese Canadian Families" which l o c a l clergymen i n eastern Canada were to publicize i n their congregations. The plan was an utter f a i l u r e and v i r t u a l l y no Japanese families were p l a c e d . ^ The east was as much 183 against the hapless Japanese as B r i t i s h Columbia. At the same time the W.M.S. started a project to bring Japanese g i r l s east for domestic jobs. This plan f a i l e d too. Only a few went since most families were closely 78 knit and reluctant to l e t t h e i r daughters leave home on their own. When the church continued to push for resettlement i n the east, the Rev. K. Shimizu was sent on two t r i p s to v i s i t those Japanese already settled there. He returned to the camps i n B r i t i s h Columbia with encourag-ing news and urged more families to move. As sons, daughters or other families became established and favourable word was sent back, resistance lessened and more moved, but the majority preferred the camp they knew to the unknown east where they would be on their own. In addition to personal hardship, the Japanese were deprived of the right to vote. Those i n B r i t i s h Columbia had never had i t , but i n June of 1944 the House of Commons passed B i l l 135 without debate amending the Dominion Elections Act of 1938 and removing the franchise from a l l Japanese-Canadians regardless of which province they resided i n . The B r i t i s h Columbia Conference through Dobson, the Vancouver Consultative Council and the Inter-Church Advisory Committee a l l protested this rank piece of discriminatory l e g i s l a t i o n and telegraphed the prime minister and the senate asking that the b i l l be withdrawn or not passed, but to 79 no a v a i l . One c r i t i c suggested i t did some good by drawing the general 80 public's attention dramatically to the issue. Another burden on the Japanese was the uncertainty of their future and t h e i r l e g a l and economic status i n Canada. The l i q u i d a t i o n of th e i r property and personal assets hinted at permanent exclusion from B r i t i s h 184 Columbia; work contracts i n the other provinces were made on a yearly basis only, so i t was d i f f i c u l t to s e t t l e and assimilate with any sense of permanency there; and there were constant c a l l s for their deportation after the war. Concerned for the Japanese i n their state of insecurity and anxious that the government decide on a plausible solution quickly, the Vancouver Consultative Council i n May of 1944 under Dr. Black's guidance, wrote a long l e t t e r to the prime minister urging the adoption of a def i n i t e policy of resettlement i n the east by a l l law-abiding Japanese who wished to remain i n the country after the war. The l e t t e r strongly opposed deportation of a l l Japanese, a solution widely supported across the country and very popular i n B r i t i s h Columbia. On February 16, 1944 a Gallop P o l l indicated that 80% across Canada wanted a l l Japanese nationals deported and that 33% wanted Japanese 81 Canadians deported as w e l l . The suggestion probably emanated i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Among i t s e a r l i e s t exponents during the war was the Vancouver City Council i n September of 1942. Throughout the war B r i t i s h Columbia newspapers and p o l i t i c i a n s , including Howard Green and A.W. N e i l l , both 82 United Church men, kept the idea before the public. The l e t t e r also indicated a fear that a return of the Japanese to the west coast would lead to c i v i l uprisings. Signatories of the l e t t e r represented the major r e l i g i o u s denominations but again those of the United 83 Church were the most numerous. In the prime minister's reply of August 3, 1944, he said that the policy to be announced the following day included 84 many of the suggestions given by the Consultative Council i n i t s l e t t e r . 185 Those d i s l o y a l to Canada or wanting to return to Japan were to be re-turned. A l l others were to be encouraged to s e t t l e throughout Canada with a quota set for the number to be sallowed to remain i n B r i t i s h Columbia Despite the church's work on behalf of the Japanese i n the camps, i t s defence of their franchise, i t s demands for a def i n i t e government policy of resettlement i n the east, and i t s promotional material d i s t r i -85 buted to church members defending the Japanese Canadians, there was a strong element i n the church s t i l l vehemently opposed to the presence of the Japanese i n Canada. At the meeting of General Council i n Septem-ber 1944, a resolution condemning the federal government for i t s passing of B i l l 135 was vigourously debated on the fl o o r . Opposition to the 86 resolution was led by the Rev. F.H. Stevens of West Vancouver and the motion was narrowly defeated by fourteen votes. One returned missionary from China said " I have heard b i t t e r things said i n China about the 87 Japanese, but never anything as b i t t e r as I have heard i n Canada." The Rev. Hugh Rae, who also attended the meeting from B r i t i s h Columbia placed the blame for the defeat of the motion upon the wi l d statements made by the Ottawa members of parliament from B r i t i s h Columbia l i k e Howard Green and A.W. N e i l l . Eastern delegates to the Council, ignorant of the s i t u a -t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia and unacquainted with any Japanese personally, were ea s i l y swayed by the f i e r y accusations made by such men i n the dai l y 88 press. Not a l l the blame can be l a i d on the shoulders of B r i t i s h Columbia' p o l i t i c i a n s . The church was also g u i l t y . Dobson i n early 1942 privately condemned Vancouver churchmen as being so "resentful against a l l Japanese 186 . . . one would never know that they had learned of Christ. """^  Ralph Maybank, a member of parliament from Winnipeg and a member of the United Church, was probably correct when he wrote that . . . the church . . . i s doing a better job of c r i t i c i z i n g agencies such as governments than i n developing positive pulpit leadership. Had the churchmen been acting otherwise a law l i k e the one under discussion [ B i l l 135] would never have been passed. The clause complained of was there, indubitably, by reason of B.C. opinion which either has been formed or influenced by the church, or else the church has not influenced or formed i t . Such information as I have been able to get on the subject i s that preachers i n B r i t i s h Columbia have not been advocating for the Japs the same treatment as for the Germans.90 During this whole period most United Church clergymen were s i l e n t on the treatment of the Japanese. Some feared antagonizing their congre-gations, and others shared the i r congregations' fear of the Japanese. A few purposely refrained from speaking out i n the sincere b e l i e f that silence and time would lessen the anti-Japanese hysteria and i n the long run aid the Japanese. But Maybank's accusation s t i l l stands. The minis-ters even during the 1930's had done l i t t l e to educate their congregations on r a c i a l i n j u s t i c e s on the i r own doorstep. With the defeat of Japan imminent, United Church ministers and concerned laymen became braver and openly took up the cause of the Japanese Canadians. Other church members were now open to l o g i c a l reasoning and supported church leaders' stand for j u s t i c e . As the war drew to a close, demands for the implementation of the prime minister's announced policy of August 1944 grew. F i n a l l y i n March of 1945 the government asked a l l Japanese to indicate their preference 187 for repatriation to Japan or settlement east of the Rockies. A l l Japanese over sixteen years had to sign but many of the young adults along with the younger children abided by the decision of thei r fathers to return to Japan i n order not to break up the family unit. Over ten thousand indicated a desire to be repatriated. Most Christians, however, 91 elected to remain i n Canada. Once the war was over, many Japanese wanted to change thei r minds and remain i n Canada. As many as seventy per cent i n the Tashme camp 92 indicated this desire. Some had misunderstood the terms when they signed for repatriation; others at the time preferred a victorious Japan where they might be welcomed, to an unknown h o s t i l e eastern Canada; some Ni s e i signed i n order to placate parents. However, upon Japan's defeat, Canada looked more a t t r a c t i v e and the N i s e i , ignorant of the Japanese language and customs, forced t h e i r parents to reconsider. Such was the case of one boy who l a t e r became a United Church minister. His family had signed to go to Japan, but when three of the older children refused to leave Canada, the father changed his mind and asked to remain too 93 along with his wife and the three youngest children. The United Church through i t s camp missionaries and i t s moderator, the Rev. J.H. Arnup who v i s i t e d Tashme on a western tour, took up the Japanese cause. The Japanese became hopeful once the United Church supported them pub l i c l y through 94 the press and with the prime minister. On October 5, 1945, B i l l 15 was introduced into the House of Commons authorizing deportation and revocation of the Canadian nationality of the Japanese Canadians. Westminster Presbytery e a r l i e r had passed a 188 resolution urging a l l i t s ministers and l a i t y to fight for the right of the Japanese to change thei r minds and wrote to the prime minister to this effect. V i c t o r i a W.M.S. Presbyterial, V i c t o r i a Presbytery and 95 Vancouver Presbytery a l l passed si m i l a r resolutions. The Vancouver Consultative Council under Dr. Black had written to King urging him to take Christian action and not rely on the M.P.'s from B r i t i s h Columbia 96 as the c o l l e c t i v e voice of the province. Leaflets e n t i t l e d "From Citizens to Refugees—It's Happening Here" were distributed to the public by the Council asking that the b i l l be defeated. The campaign was successful. Public pressure from church groups and i n d i v i d u a l s , C.C.F. members, various c i v i l l i b e r t y groups, the S.C.M. and the Vancouver Con-su l t a t i v e Council did result i n the b i l l being withdrawn. In late November, i t was announced that Japanese nationals were to be repatriated only i f they had requested i t , that Canadian c i t i z e n s of Japanese ancestry could remain i n Canada i f they had requested cancellation before Septem-ber 2, (the day of Japanese surrender), and that Canadian-born of Japanese ancestry would have their cancellation request reviewed even i f i t came i n after September 2. In December, however, three orders-in-council were 97 passed which again authorized deportation. 98 The Co-operative Committee on Japanese-Canadians tested the l e g a l i t y of these orders i n the Supreme Court where they were declared i n v a l i d insofar as they applied to the wives and children of those who signed repatriation forms. An appeal was then entered with the Privy Council i n London i n respect to other groups to be deported. In the 189 meanwhile deportation was postponed. The Vancouver Consultative Council continued i t s work of arousing the public, as did the l o c a l S.C.M. group on The University of B r i t i s h Columbia campus and the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Dobson spoke for the United Church at a public meeting of the C i v i l L i b e r t i e s Union protesting repatriation and R.J. McMaster, a Vancouver lawyer and United Church layman was retained by the Japanese 99 i n B r i t i s h Columbia to look after their interests regarding repatriation. In the end only those wanting repatriation were sent to Japan and the . . , _ j 100 rest were dispersed throughout Canada. Once i t was made clear they could stay i n Canada permanently, buy property and set up businesses, Japanese families were much more w i l l i n g to leave the camps and most moved east. Some stayed permanently i n towns l i k e Greenwood and Kaslo where the Nisei i n p a r t i c u l a r were integrated into the community and some gradually d r i f t e d back to the coast where they, too, slowly were accepted by the white community. The church appointed a W.M.S. worker to aid Japanese returning to the coast i n finding a church home i n the lower mainland. 1^ 1 The Japanese did not 102 f e e l e n t i r e l y welcomed, however, and hesitated to j o i n white churches. Because of this coolness, several young Ni s e i attending The University of B r i t i s h Columbia set up the i r own campus group, and l a t e r a church s o c i a l group. Gradually the attitude of the white churches changed and St. Andrew's-Wesley opened i t s gymnasium and F i r s t United i t s camp and other 103 f a c i l i t i e s to the N i s e i church group i n Vancouver. Property settlements remained a sore point long after the war was over. On January 19, 1943, the government custodian of enemy property was 190 granted power to s e l l the Japanese coastal properties and chattels. The f i s h i n g boats had previously been sold, the average price received being 5.8% above the suggested negotiating price, 21.7% above the 104 appraised price and 22.5% below the Japanese asking price. The government appraised the r e a l estate property and then bought much of i t for resale to returning veterans. Chattels were sold at auction sales. Consent for sales was to be gained from the Japanese owners but many said they never gave l t ^ ^ and many more were very d i s s a t i s f i e d with the prices • i 106 they received. The United Church leaders immediately intervened i n Ottawa on behalf of the Japanese but to no a v a i l . According to the Rev. James Mutchmor, Prime Minister King deliberately avoided United Church delegates, especially the Rev. George Dorey, a strong L i b e r a l who had been sent to complain about the property s e t t l e m e n t . I n 1947 Dorey was s t i l l push-108 ing the government on i t s Christian r e s p o n s i b i l i t y towards the Japanese. By 1947 the Co-operative Committee for Japanese-Canadians had also taken up the struggle to see that the Japanese received a more just property settlement. Over 1,370 claims were f i l e d , 74.3% for properties sold without permission, 18.4% for forced sales of property and 7.3% for 109 property s t i l l unaccounted for. The committee collected the claim details and hired R.J. McMaster to v e r i f y them l o c a l l y and prepare the b r i e f to present to Justice Henry Bird of the Property Commission estab-lished by the federal government. McMaster worked night and day for over a year at a fr a c t i o n of a normal lawyer's fee with no i n i t i a l , , <• , . . . 1 1 0 guarantee of any payment whatsoever to look after t h i s situation. 191 Out of claims t o t a l l i n g $4,000,000 the Japanese got $1,222,929, most of i t going to Fraser Valley farmers who f i n a l l y received about 80% of 111 their property's value. After the war the church stepped up i t s campaign for the enfran-chisement of the Japanese and for the granting of f u l l citizenship rights. The B r i t i s h Columbia Conference passed resolutions to t h i s effect i n 112 1946 and 1947, and sent representatives who spoke at the public hear-ings held i n Vancouver by the B r i t i s h Columbia Legislature Committee appointed to revise the Election Act i n 1946. A l l four western confer-ences also appealed to the federal government for a repeal of the wartimes measures r e s t r i c t i n g the movement of Japanese Canadians across the country. Gradually the church body started to support i t s leaders. The dramatic incident of a Japanese Canadian theological student and his parents who had to get police permits i n order to attend the student's ordination service i n Vancouver made a big impact on many United Church people i n the lower mainland who f i n a l l y realized the inhumaneness of 113 the country's laws against the Japanese at least i n peace time. Among the unjiust laws were those l i m i t i n g the kinds of employ-ment open to the Japanese. Pre-war l e g i s l a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia had debarred Japanese from several professions and industries including logging but the federal government had intervened and allowed Japanese to work i n Kootenay logging companies during the wartime shortage of workers. When the B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Lands and Forests d i s -missed a l l Japanese from the logging camps of the i n t e r i o r of the province after the war, the church cried out angrily against such i n j u s t i c e . Church 192 leaders wrote to the premier, Byron Johnson, and Vancouver Presbytery protested as did l o c a l A.O.T.S. groups and the S.C.M. through i t s 114 secretary, the Rev. Frank Patterson of the United Church. The B.C. le g i s l a t u r e listened to the United Church as w e l l as to other religious bodies and to c i v i l l i b e r t i e s groups and f i n a l l y rescinded a l l discrima-tory r a c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n . By 1948 the general public i n B r i t i s h Columbia had become supporters of the Japanese. The church leaders did a l l they could to help the Japanese, given the hysteria of the population i n B r i t i s h Columbia at that time, the public opinion created i n eastern Canada by the M.P.'s from the province, the indecisiveness of the federal government i n i t s f i n a l solution to the problem and the lack of unity among the church m e m b e r s h i p . T h e New Canadian made i t quite obvious that the United Church, along with the S.C.M., the C.C.F., the Vancouver Consultative Council and the Co-operative Committee for the Japanese-Canadians were the Japanese's strongest supporters. Of these the United Church provided the greatest variety of •A 1 1 6 aid. On the other hand, the general church membership had great cause to be ashamed of i t s attitudes, especially i n the early days of the war. Those i n B r i t i s h Columbia made no e f f o r t to help the Japanese except i n a few personal cases and the majority went along with the public panic or were t o t a l l y apathetic. I t was a b i t t e r disappointment to the church leaders when the congregations i n the east refused to sponsor Japanese families and very d i f f i c u l t to acknowledge men l i k e Howard Green, A.W. 1117 NeillaaridHHUH. SSfeevensaasUUriiteMCGhurchnmembers. The B r i t i s h Columbia 193 Conference leaders deliberately kept discussion of the Japanese evacua-tion off the agendas of presbytery and conference meetings i n the early war years i n order to avoid acrimonious and d i v i s i v e debate. They f e l t the church could help the Japanese more by working quietly behind the scenes at that time than by public debate i n church courts and they were probably correct. As for the small group of laymen who supported the Japanese through-out, the church owes them a great debt. These people took their Christian b e l i e f s seriously and were w i l l i n g to r i s k their own community positions and security i n order to see j u s t i c e done. There was a definite l i n k between the individuals i n the church active for the Japanese cause, and other organizations also concerned l i k e the S.C.M., the F.O.R., the C.C.F. and the Vancouver Consultative Council. In many instances leadership came from the samelsmall core who were active i n the church as wel l . The professional church workers most acti v e l y involved i n the struggle were mainly missionaries to the Japanese either i n Canada or i n Japan, or men on the committees for Home Missions and Evangelism and Social Service. They had been concerned with c i v i l rights and the assimi-l a t i o n of ethnic groups into Canadian society for a long period before the war and became involved i n this c r i s i s as a natural outcome of their regular work. The church did excellent work i n the camps, and as a resul t , gained the gratitude of many Japanese who became Christian and joined the church. One boy from a Buddhist home came i n touch with the church through i t s evening high school classes at Tashme and today i s a United Church 194 118 minister. His was not an isolated case. I t was generally agreed that the Japanese United Church gained many new converts because of the educa-119 t i o n a l , recreational and r e l i g i o u s work done i n the camps. Once the Japanese were settl e d into the camps and the general panic subsided, the church was able to concentrate some of i t s efforts on widespread education of i t s l a i t y . Gradually, members became aware of the in j u s t i c e s done to the Japanese i n the mass evacuation, the forced sale of property, and the lack of franchise and other c i v i l rights. The widely-spread rumours about the Japanese were dispelled through the d i s -t r i b u t i o n of church l i t e r a t u r e and especially through the speaking engagements of men l i k e the Rev. K. Shimizu. For many church members i n the east, he was the f i r s t Japanese with whom they had had any contact. The victory of the a l l i e s i n the summer of 1945 eliminated much of the hysteria and fear f e l t by the Canadian people toward the Japanese i n their midst and brought saner attitudes to the issue of deportation. Enough consciences of church members were then pricked that the church, when confronting the government with i t s unjust actions, could speak with the power of votes behind i t and be listened to. Letters from United Church presbyteries, congregations and individuals i n B r i t i s h Columbia indicated a view different from that espoused by the vocal anti-Japanese p o l i t i c i a n s . F i n a l l y the federal government responded with a def i n i t e policy of dispersal and assimilation, dropped i t s extensive deportation scheme, restored citizenship rights and the franchise, and made some r e s t i t u t i o n of property losses. As resettlement took place on a permanent basis after the war, church leaders and members, wherever they could, 195 helped the Japanese become an int e g r a l part of Canadian society. The United Church did not l i v e up to i t s ideals of brotherhood but through the work of a few individuals during the war and a l a s t minute campaign for j u s t i c e by many more, the church could hold up i t s head and take some credit for having given more positive leadership on the Japanese Canadian question than other elements i n Canadian society. The Japanese, however, did not become assimilated into the white congregations of the United Church, a goal the church had maintained since the days of the early Methodist missions. The Japanese congrega-tions after the war grew into very tight l i t t l e communities which have refused to disperse despite assimilation of members i n school, business and home l i f e . The Japanese seem to prefer the more intimate church l i f e they know to the larger, less personal congregations of the white community. The revived interest i n ancestral culture among the t h i r d and fourth generation Japanese Canadians has strengthened this desire for the i r own worshipping community and new immigrants from Japan are s u f f i c i e n t i n number to replace those members who do leave the Japanese congregations to j o i n regular white ones. The choice has been their own and the church has respected the decision by giving help where needed i n order that the Japanese United Church members can maintain t h e i r independence. CONCLUSION The attitudes and a c t i v i t i e s of the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia during the depression and war years were varied, yet a pattern of characteristics common throughout the period i s evident. The church-at-large responded enthusiastically and well to t r a d i t i o n a l forms of a c t i v i t y . Food and clothing flowed forth during the depression and war; money, men and women supported the war ef f o r t at home and abroad; missionaries i n t e n s i f i e d t h e i r mission work i n the evacuation camps; many answered the c a l l for personal salvation; and b r i e f s , petitions and lectures never ceased. Furthermore, the United Church members provided much of the leadership and work force for emergency projects i n th e i r l o c a l communities as part of thei r natural Christian r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and without direct pressure from church o f f i c i a l s . This t r a d i t i o n a l and fam i l i a r type of response to crises was easy for the majority of members since i t did not threaten their s o c i a l status nor the i r personal security. Most church members rejected r a d i c a l solutions which would shake t h e i r status quo or court personal r i s k . Socialism, support for the persecuted Japanese Canadians and acceptance of the conscientious objectors were too unpopular and r a d i c a l for the average church member to tolerate, l e t alone espouse. United Church members formed a cross-section of middle-class Canada, reasonably comfortable economically, wrapped i n s e l f - i n t e r e s t and ignorant or more frequently apathetic about events not touching their 196 197 personal l i v e s , content with the status quo and f e a r f u l of change. Few adults are able to r a d i c a l l y change their b e l i e f s or th e i r behaviour l e t alone s o c i a l situations incongruent with the i r b e l i e f s . As a r e s u l t , during the depression we see church members modifying c r i s i s ' situations with material handouts, r a t i o n a l i z i n g their s o c i a l position through an emphasis on personal salvation i n the Oxford Group Movement and reducing the dissonance between world r e a l i t y and their b e l i e f s through study, lectures and petitions. By doing something they eased their worry and anxiety without encouraging any r e a l threat to th e i r way of l i f e . Dis-cussion of change became fashionable and indeed, necessary i n order to preserve the old order. As i n R.B. Bennett's New Deal, so i n the church, i n Steven's Reconstruction party, i n the report Chr i s t i a n i z i n g the Social  Order, and i n the Oxford Group Movement—all talked about change and a new s o c i a l order while i n r e a l i t y they t r i e d to prop up or restore the old. The old conservative side of the s o c i a l gospel with i t s emphasis on moral issues and dependence upon ind i v i d u a l Christian behaviour was s t i l l very much a l i v e , although dressed i n the more ra d i c a l language of the 1930's. 1 I t i s very d i f f i c u l t to determine without a great deal more study whether the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia was more or less f l e x i b l e i n i t s attitudes to s o c i a l change than the church i n the rest of the country. Certainly i n the Japanese evacuation s i t u a t i o n , church members west of the Rockies, with ostensibly more cause to be a f r a i d , did not react more vigorously than those i n eastern Canada. As elsewhere i n the country a considerable number of United Church members became active i n 198 the C.C.F. party and helped i n spreading s o c i a l i s t thought throughout B r i t i s h Columbia. Furthermore, members i n B r i t i s h Columbia w i l l i n g l y accepted more radi c a l leadership from the clergy and reacted more po s i t i v e l y to the s o c i a l i s t reports endorsed i n the church courts than 2 was the case i n other parts of Canada. The clergy i n B r i t i s h Columbia were exposed, on the whole,ito a^much wider variety of situations than their eastern counterparts—Indian coastal missions, logging camps, mining towns, a g r i c u l t u r a l areas, a rapidly growing urban seaport, a large o r i e n t a l population and a v i s i b l y exploitative economy—and change was constantly i n the a i r . To be effec t i v e the ministers had to be f l e x i b l e and adaptable to the needs of th e i r varying pastorates. Young clergymen coming from elsewhere tended to be more adventuresome than 3 the average and were drawn to B r i t i s h Columbia by i t s f r o n t i e r . In the promotion of peace, i n the push for economic changes of a longterm nature, i n the demand for a solution to the Japanese problem, the leading clergy of B r i t i s h Columbia were i n the vanguard nationally. This leadership gave to the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia i t s l i b e r a l and at times, seemingly r a d i c a l public image. The daily press played up, through i t s headlines and detailed a r t i c l e s , the a c t i v i t i e s of the radicals and the s o c i a l i s t reports debated i n the church courts. In s o c i a l crises such as the dockers' s t r i k e on Ballantyne Pier the United Church stood alone among the c i t y denominations as a champion of the st r i k e r s . Regular church business was not considered "news" and there-fore did not receive the same attention. The same d i s t o r t i o n was inevitable i n this thesis simply because the a c t i v i s t s involved the church, 199 at least i n name, though frequently i n fact as w e l l , i n the wide variety of new s o c i a l action undertaken during the period under study. Church leadership came largely from a small group of clergy and an even smaller group of laymen. Most were active on committees of Evangelism and Social Service or Home Missions, and were much more l i b e r a l and broader i n their views than most church members. They tended to look at the future as well as the present, and the national and international scene as well as the l o c a l or pr o v i n c i a l one. The leaders were divided into two groups. The more ra d i c a l group included many who had studied under the Rev. Salem Bland, leader of the s o c i a l gospel movement i n Canada. There was a def i n i t e l i n k between 4 these men and the C.C.F., and several of them ran for public o f f i c e . These same radicals also had connections with the S.C.M., the F.C.S.O.,"' and less frequently with the F.O.R. Often controversial, these clergy had trouble with th e i r l o c a l congregations and were usually settled by the conference settlement committee i n small r u r a l congregations rather than i n a large urban congregation. These men drew up the petitions and b r i e f s , led debates i n the church courts, worked personally with unemployed men and s t r i k e r s , and appeared before governments and i n the press on behalf of the downtrodden. They were the spearhead, constantly prodding the church and the public into action and change. A second group was much more moderate, i f not i n i t s views, at least i n i t s manner of presentation and operation. These men were usually i n administrative positions i n the church, the ministers of large c i t y congregations or from the university, and had the respect of the church 200 as a whole and the general public. They often interpreted the radicals' ideals to the wider church membership and to the l e g i s l a t o r s , and designed the programmes to implement such ideals through education and gradual change. Some of these men had studied under Bland as w e l l , but the majority had received t h e i r education either i n B r i t i s h Columbia 6 or Ontario. The other United Church clergy were w i l l i n g to support these leaders i n passing b r i e f s i n church courts, promoting church pro-grammes and c o l l e c t i n g material, but few became ac t i v e l y involved out-side the church.'' Although most of the leadership was the same throughout the whole period under scrutiny, the various issues did bring d i f f e r e n t men to the fore. Those most prominent during the 1930's i n the church courts on economic, s o c i a l and c i v i l rights questions became much less obvious i n the 1940's although they led the debate within the church on pacifism, and promoted action on post-war r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and the c i v i l rights of the Japanese. The missionaries to the Japanese were leaders on the l a s t issue only and largely i n a non-controversial role. In the church's campaign for war bonds, leadership f e l l mainly on an older, more t r a d i -tionally-oriented group of men. The one person who a c t i v e l y participated i n every phase of the church's s o c i a l involvement was the Rev. Hugh Dobson. Without his insight, concern, c r e d i b i l i t y and organizational s k i l l s , the church's influence would have been not only d i f f e r e n t but probably much less. Leadership was c r u c i a l during this period. The Christian ministry, l i k e any other trade or profession has three parts. I t s bulk consists 201 of tolerably competent and sometimes s k i l l f u l p r a c t i t i o n e r s . Below this i s a small proportion of bumblers' and incompetents who are not so blatantly inept as to be formally cast out. The t h i r d part i s an even smaller proportion of truly g i f t e d men who are the main source of whatever greatness the c a l l i n g possesses. Fortunately, the United Church had i t s share of the l a t t e r , i n the persons of Hugh Dobson for general guidance, i n s p i r a t i o n , trust and statesmanship, of Andrew Roddan for charismatic appeal with the general public, of Kasaburo Shimizu for his dreams and understanding of the Japanese community and of Dr. Norman Black for his highly-developed Christian sense of j u s t i c e . Despite the q u a l i t i e s of these men the church membership would only be led so far so fast. Seldom were the leaders able to arouse l o c a l congregations to s o c i a l action u n t i l society generally (of which they were a sizeable part) showed trends i n a p a r t i c u l a r direction. I t tobkvvictoryii'nll945-to awaken the United Church people to the i n j u s t i c e s done to the Japanese Canadians. One sociologist of r e l i g i o n has said that The church cannot change basic secular i n s t i t u t i o n s ; i t [can] sponsor modification of them only when important groups have already moved i n that direction . . . i t can have an i n d i r e c t influence on the d i s t r i b u t i o n of economic and p o l i t i c a l power . . . i t can . . . soften some of the harshness of the c o n f l i c t s i n [the class] s i t u a t i o n . . . . I t can help to maintain some sense of a common i d e n t i t y . 8 Certainly t h i s statement holds true for the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia. A l l the leaders could do was hasten and gently influence the direction of the change through education, through giving respectability to new ideas?? through promotion of Christian ideals and through mediation 202 between warring factions. Throughout the years under discussion, the question of the nature and extent of p o l i t i c a l involvement by the church constantly arose. Most church members believed the church should not a l i g n i t s e l f o f f i c i a l l y with any one party but l i m i t i t s e l f to a role of c r i t i c i n e t h i c a l matters. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s p e c i f i c parties and i t s extent was to be l e f t up to the indiv i d u a l church member i n his private l i f e , but ministers should remain aloof to avoid congregational dissension. However, i f the church or i t s clergy f e l t compelled to become involved i t should be with one of the "respectable" mainline parties. The a c t i v i s t s i n the church f e l t otherwise. Attracted to socialism as the p r a c t i c a l means to achieve greater s o c i a l j u s t i c e they had no hesitation i n jo i n i n g the C.C.F., thinking of i t less as a p o l i t i c a l party than as a Christian s o c i a l 9 movement. In doing so they gave to the party not only a Christian aura but also an a i r of respectability and c r e d i b i l i t y i n the eyes of the middle-class. This probably helped prevent the party from becoming one composed only of members of the labouring class but i t created much tension within the church. This tension eased only as the C.C.F. became less r a d i c a l i n the public eye and many of i t s platforms were adopted by governments. Even so the majority of church members hold to the t r a d i t i o n a l conservative view on p o l i t i c a l involvement. Only when a minister has widespread popularity or when a p a r t i c u l a r party platform coincides with an e t h i c a l view held by the church majority i s direct p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y sanctioned. This rarely occurs. Questions as to the role of a church i n a secular society are p a r t i a l l y answered by this study on the United Church's position i n the 203 secular society of B r i t i s h Columbia. B r i t i s h Columbia Conference enjoyed fewer committed members i n re l a t i o n to the t o t a l p r o v i n c i a l population and a much smaller f i n a n c i a l base than did the other United Church con-ferences. Furthermore, i n a province such as B r i t i s h Columbia, the s o c i a l problems were as great or greater than i n other parts of the country. Therefore, the church had to be much more selective of the issues to which i t directed i t s attention. I t had to think out i t s position and mode of attack very carefully i n order to make maximum use of limited resources, as was done by church leaders i n the i n i t i a l stages of the Japanese evacuation. Church leaders realized that they could not achieve success i n s o c i a l issues on their own but had to work with governments and other organizations and even compromise aims i n order to achieve change. The behind-the-scenes work on behalf of conscientious objectors, the espousal of certain C.C.F. planks to effect economic change, the close r e l a t i o n -ship with the Co-operative Committee for the Japanese Canadians and even the petitions to the government on a variety of subjects acknowledged the church's dependence upon other agencies. The church acted as s o c i a l c r i t i c pointing out in j u s t i c e s hidden or ignored by society generally, but once society undertook i t s responsi-b i l i t y , the church w i l l i n g l y l e t go and turned to new issues. To a limited degree the church i n B r i t i s h Columbia did this when i t fed the starving transients i n the early 1930's or when i t pushed for schooling for the children i n the Japanese evacuation camps. However, the i n s t i t u -t i o n a l church, such as the United Church of Canada, because of i t s broad 204 inclusive nature i s not well suited to the role of s o c i a l c r i t i c within society, especially when dealing with r a d i c a l or controversial issues. As a result only a small group within the church f u l f i l l s t h is prophetic rol e , frequently without the backing of the church majority. An age-old problem within the church has been the dichotomy between personal salvation and organic s o c i a l action. At a s u p e r f i c i a l glance i t would appear that the tension this creates divides the church into two s o l i d groups, the conservative majority favouring personal salvation and the radi c a l minority wanting organic s o c i a l reform. The truth i s more complicated. Individual church members cannot be so easily cate-gorized. Many ministers, r a d i c a l i n thei r s o c i a l views, held conservative and evangelical theological views. The gospel was foremost i n thei r minds while they engaged i n action for j u s t i c e or a new s o c i a l order. One extreme example would be the Rev. Bryce Wallace who, while a pseudo member of the Communist party so that the l o c a l group could meet i n his church, wrote to Hugh Dobson asking that the Oxford Group v i s i t T r a i l because the adults i n his congregation needed a l l the s p i r i t u a l stimulus they could get. 1^ The same person could honestly be involved i n providing band-aid help to hungry men, i n praising the Oxford Group Movement for saving l o s t souls, and i n advocating socialism. Likewise, the United Church as aawhole i n i t s inclusiveness had learned to l i v e with the tension a r i s i n g between the demands of personal salvation and s o c i a l action, care-f u l l y balancing one against the other and keeping both a l i v e and responsive to the s o c i a l needs of the moment. Both are necessary to b u i l d any sort of Christian community within or outside the i n s t i t u t i o n a l church. 205 The charge has been made that the church i n emphasizing organic s o c i a l action increased secularism i n society and thereby decreased church influence i n the long run. To the degree that those who heard the radicals ignored the gospel message and only accepted the part deal-ing with s o c i a l action, this would be true. But the same charge could be made against the church conservatives i n thei r emphasis on personal salvation. Many of their l i s t e n e r s heard only a message of personal comfort, praising the status quo and using the church as a g l o r i f i e d s o c i a l club i n the community. Secularism was encroaching upon the church's i n -fluence from a l l directions i n society including from within the church, and only those who continued to hear the word of God and govern t h e i r acts accordingly could speak for the church with i n t e g r i t y . And only as the church adjusted i t s mode of c r i t i c i s m or prophecy to s u i t a secular age would i t be heeded. The United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia did have an influence on the s o c i a l l i f e of the province. I t f a i l e d i n some of the challenges which presented themselves but at the same time i t had no cause to hang i t s head i n constant shame. I t did what i t could, given the times and the nature of people who made up i t s constituency. Above a l l else at a time when successive crises made i t very easy to ignore principles of human decency, i t helped keep a l i v e i n the province a l i b e r a l and Christian t r a d i t i o n which emphasized the uniqueness and dignity of the i n d i v i d u a l . 1 1 Abbreviations B.C.C.A. United Church B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Archives, Vancouver, B.C. B. C.P.A. B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Archives. C. H.R. Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review U.B.C. The University of B r i t i s h Columbia U.C.A. United Church Archives, Toronto, Ontario. W.A. Woman's Au x i l i a r y . W.M.S. Woman's Missionary Society. 206 FOOTNOTES—INTRODUCTION X The following historians a l l stress the primary influence of r e l i g i o n on Canadian nineteenth century society. John S. Moir, Church and  State i n Canada West, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1959; Wm. H. Elgee, The Social Teachings of the Canadian Churches, Toronto, Ryerson, 1964; Goldwin French, "The Evangelical Creed i n Canada," Laurence S. F a l l i s , J r . , "The Idea of Progress i n the Province of Canada: A Study i n the History of Ideas," S.F. Wise, "God's Peculiar Peoples," W.L. Morton, "Victorian Canada," a l l found i n W.L. Morton, ed., The Shield of A c h i l l e s , Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 1968. A.M.C. Waterman i n "The Lord's Day Act i n a Secular Society: A H i s t o r i c a l Comment on the Canadian Lord's Day Act of 1906," Canadian  Journal of Theology, 1965, no. 2, disagrees and argues that Canadian society was so secular that no rel i g i o u s l e g i s l a t i o n could be passed that would hurt the economy. Certainly B r i t i s h Columbia would be called a secular province by Waterman's d e f i n i t i o n . 2 Michel Despland, "The Process of Secularization," P h i l i p Le Blanc and Arnold Edinborough, eds., One Church, Two Nations? Don M i l l s , Longsmans, 1968, pp. 120-21. See the entire a r t i c l e for a more detailed discussion on secularization and the role of the church. 3 Walter E l l i s , "Some Aspects of Religion i n B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c s , " M.A. thesis, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1959, p. 204; Bryce H. Wallace, "Survgyo<5f TTBdilIIiriduS.trMlCeeAti^ ,, , ' ,pultpMl-iis.]5ed • manu-s c r i p t , ca. February 1933, Dobson papers. 4 I t was predominately Anglo-Saxon middle-class. See Table I , p. 4, "Religious Denominations C l a s s i f i e d by Racial Origins i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931." "* Peter Waite, "A Point of View," i n Johni S. Moir, ed. , Character and Circumstance, Toronto, Macmillan, 1970, pp. 225-34. See Appendix 2 for the p o l i t y of the United Church for the period covered by th i s paper. 207 FOOTNOTES—CHAPTER 1 For a good general comparison of denominational traditions and theology, see Wilhelm Niesel, trans. David Lewis, Reformed Symbolics. A Comparison of Catholicism, Orthodoxy, and Protestantism, Edinburgh, Oliver and Boyd, 1962. Essays i n John Webster Grant, ed., The Churches  and the Canadian Experience, Toronto, Ryerson, 1963 give a good outline of the Congregational, Presbyterian and Methodist traditions i n Canada. J. Warren Caldwell, "The Unification of Methodism i n Canada 1865-1884," The B u l l e t i n , Archives of the United Church of Canada (hereafter c i t e d as U.C.A.), 1967 and William H. Magney, "The Methodist Church and the National Gospel 1884-1914," The B u l l e t i n , 1961 give further details on the Methodist history while J.T. McNeill, The Presbyterian Church i n Canada 1875-1925, Toronto, General Board Presbyterian Church i n Canada, 1925 gives more d e t a i l on Presbyterianism. 2 G.N. Emergy, "Methodism on the Canadian P r a i r i e s , 1896 to 1914: the Dynamics of an I n s t i t u t i o n i n a New Environment," Ph.D. thesis, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970, pp. 42-45. This was truer of the Methodist Church than the Presbyterian. 3 Ministers were moved every two to four years to different charges at the discretion of a settlement committee. In r u r a l areas, a minister might have several congregations, often miles apart, under his oversight. 4 In a secular society economic principles determine key l e g i s -l a t i o n while i n a r e l i g i o u s l y oriented society, moral or religious principles dominate. B r i t i s h Columbia has always been a secular society i n these terms. See A.M.C. Waterman, "The Lord's Day Act i n a Secular Society: A H i s t o r i c a l Comment on the Canadian Lord's Day Act of 1906," Canadian Journal of Theology, 1965, no. 2, p. 122 and S.D. Clark, The  Developing Canadian Community, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2nd ed i t i o n , 1968, ch. V. Margaret A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A History, Toronto, Macmillan, 1958, ch. 12. B r i t i s h Columbia had 8,910 Chinese, 9.1% of i t s population i n 1891, while the province with the next largest Chinese population was Ontario with 97 persons. Canada, Census, 1891, v o l . 4, pp. 390-91. Ib i d . , 1921, v o l . 1. Between 1901 and 1911 the population increased 119.68%. ^ Between 1881 and 1911 the population grew from 49,459 to 392,480. Ibid. 208 209 g Rupert Davies, Methodism, London, Penquin, 1963. This dicotomy exists down to the present day within the United Church of Canada. 9 The correct name after 1906 was the Congregational Union of Canada. The l o c a l congregations were loosely bound together by a national structure but never achieved the cohesiveness of the Methodists and Presbyterians. Because of the small membership however, the Congregation-a l i s t s maintained a fellowship s i m i l a r to a very large family. FF.E?.. RunnaCflfs.. I t ' s God's Country. A review of the United Church  and i t s Founding Partners, the Congregational, Methodist and Presbyterian  Churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia,[United Church B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Archives, (hereafter cited as B.C.C.A.), 1974]; J.W. P i l t o n , "Negro Set t l e -ment i n B r i t i s h Columbia," M.A. thesis, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1951; John Wood, Memoir of Henry Wilkes, P.P., L.L.D., His L i f e and Times, Montreal, Grafton and Sons, 1887; and P.H. Reid, "Segregation i n B r i t i s h Columbia," The B u l l e t i n , 1963. H.H. Walsh, The Christian Church i n Canada, Toronto, Ryerson, 1956, p. 281 says that Clarke was sent by the Educational and Home Missionary Society of Montreal but none of the other sources agree with him. Walsh i s also i n error i n asserting that Clarke went to Vancouver. 1 1 Clarke had worked extensively among negroes i n the Windsor area of Canada West before coming west. Robin W. Winks, The Blacks i n Canada A History, Montreal, McGill-Queen's University Press, 1971, p. 280. 12 Runnalls, op. c i t . , pp. 27-30. 13 See the following for a more complete picture of the feud. P i l t o n , op. c i t . , pp. 178-180; Wood, op. c i t . , pp. 165-67; and Reid, op. c i t . , pp. 1-15. The l a t t e r i s the most thoroughddiscuss.ionoof the whole dispute. 14 Those wanting s t r i c t e r authority formed St. Andrew's Presby-terian Church. Harry Gregson, A History of V i c t o r i a 1842-1970, V i c t o r i a , Observer Publishing Co., 1970, p. 39. ^ John C. Walker, "The Early History of the Presbyterian Church i n Western Canada from the E a r l i e s t Times to the Year 1881," Ph.P. thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1928, p. 208. 16 Runnalls, op. c i t . , pp. 36-42 and Jamieson's l e t t e r s to eastern Canadian church o f f i c i a l s , Letters from Missionaries, 1858-1886, Presby-terian Church Home Missions, U.C.A. ^ L.E. Smith, "Nineteenth Century Canadian Preaching i n the Methodist, Presbyterian and Congregational Churches," Th.P. thesis, V i c t o r i a University, 1951, p. 121. 210 18 E.A. C h r i s t i e , "The O f f i c i a l Attitudes and Opinions of the Presbyterian Church i n Canada with respect to public a f f a i r s and s o c i a l problems 1875-1925," M.A. thesis, University of Toronto, 1955; and Marion V. Royce, "The Contribution of the Methodist Church to Social Welfare i n Canada," M.A. thesis, University of Toronto, 1940 both emphasize this point. d e t a i l . 19 Caldwell, op. c i t . , and Magney, op. c i t . , go into this i n 20 C.W. Gordon, The L i f e of James Robertson, Toronto, Westminster Press, 1908, p. 261. 21 The plot of The Sky P i l o t was based on the experience of the Rev. Hugh R. Grant, a very popular Presbyterian minister i n the mining camps of the Kootenay and The Prospector had i t s setting i n the Crows-nest Pass. 22 H. McKellar, Presbyterian Pioneer Missionaries i n Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta and B r i t i s h Columbia, Toronto, Murray Press, 1924, pp. 232-33. This book gives many early experiences of the pioneer missionaries i n the i n t e r i o r . 23 See the following for details on the mining boom and the resultant unrest among the workers. John Spencer Church, "Mining Companies i n the West, Kootenay and Boundary Regions of B r i t i s h Columbia 1890-1900— Capital Formation and Financial Operations," M.A. thesis, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1961; I.M.L. Bescoby, "Some Social Aspects of the American Mining Advance into the Cariboo and Kootenay," M.A. thesis, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1935. In 1895 95% of the c a p i t a l and population was from the United States but by 1898, B r i t i s h and Canadian c a p i t a l had taken over. I b i d . , p. 43. Allan Donald Orr, "The Western Federation of Miners and the Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l Disputes i n 1903,with special reference to the Vancouver Island Coal Miners' Strike," M.A. thesis, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968. Much detailed i n -formation about the churches i n the Kootenay can be found i n E l s i e G. Turnbull, Church i n the Kootenays The Story of the United Church of Canada  i n Kootenay Presbytery, T r a i l , T r a i l Times Ltd., 1965. 24 Gordon, op. c i t . , p. 316 and Presbyterian Church i n Canada, The Acts and Proceedings, General Assembly (hereafter c i t e d as G.A.M.), 1892, Appendix 1, p. XIV. 25 In greater Vancouver which included South Vancouver, North Vancouver and Point Grey, the population was 123,902. Census, 1911, pp. 148-49. 2 6 Methodist Church of Canada, Year Book, 1900, 1913. In 1900 there were f i v e Methodist Churches and by 1913 there were twenty-six as well as several missions and i n s t i t u t i o n s . 211 27 Early college calendars l i s t e d men from Glasgow, Aberdeen, Edinburgh, Lojidon, Cambridge, Chicago, C a l i f o r n i a as w e l l as from Halifax, Montreal, Toronto and Winnipeg. Included were James Denney, and James Moffatt, leading B r i t i s h theologians. J.W. Grant, George  Pidgeon, Toronto, Ryerson Press, 1962, p. 42. 2 8 Richard A l l e n , The Social Passion: Religion and Social Reform  i n Canada 1914-1928, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1971, pp. 4-5. 29 The Report of a brief investigation of s o c i a l conditions i n the city=which indicate the need of an intensive s o c i a l survey the lines  of which are herein suggested, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia made by the Board of Temperance and Moral Reform of the Methodist Church and the Board of Social Service and Evangelism of the Presbyterian Church. 30 Minutes of Cooperation Committee of the Presbyterian, Congre-gational and Methodist Churches of Vancouver, 1913, B.C.C.A. 31 Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l Disputes  i n the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia issued by the Department of Labour, Ottawa, 1903. Orr, op. c i t . , p. 181. J.T. Saywell, i n "Labour and Socialism i n B r i t i s h Columbia: A Survey of H i s t o r i c a l Development Before 1903," B.C. H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly, July-October, 1951 says that Rowe changed his views when given a luc r a t i v e seat on the commission and was a n t i -s o c i a l i s t and anti-union. The report shows, however, that Rowe was not so much against socialism or the unions as against American unions i n Canada, and especially the Western Federation of Miners. He was i n favour of the Nanaimo unions organized along B r i t i s h labour l i n e s by Ralph Smith and Parker Williams. 32 A.J. Hiebert, "Prohibition i n B r i t i s h Columbia," M.A. thesis, Simon Fraser University, 1969 gives a detailed account of prohibition i n the province up to 1921. 33' Western Methodist Recorder, Nov. 1918. 34 Al l e n , op. c i t . , pp. 71-77. The same year the Presbyterian Board of Home Missions and Social Service echoed s i m i l a r sentiments a l -though not so strongly. 1919. 35 36 37 38 A l l e n , op. c i t . , ch. 7, 8, and 9. Western Methodist Recorder, July 1918. Al l e n , op. c i t . , p. 260 and Methodist B.C. Conference Minutes. Ib i d . , 1920, 1921 and Western Methodist Recorder, Nov. and Dec. 1918; Jan., Feb., March and A p r i l 1919. FOOTNOTES—CHAPTER 2 Wm. Gregg, Short History of the Presbyterian Church i n the  Dominion of Canada from the E a r l i e s t to the Present Time, Toronto, 1892; and J.T. McNeill, The Presbyterian Church i n Canada 1875-1925, Toronto, General Board Presbyterian Church i n Canada, 1925, give detailed accounts of the Presbyterian Church union i n 1875, but with l i t t l e analysis. J. Warren Caldwell, "The Unification of Methodism i n Canada 1865-1884," The B u l l e t i n , 1967 gives the Methodist details as wel l as an analysis of the causes for union and the anticipated r e s u l t s . C.E. Silcox, Church  Union i n Canada Its Causes and Consequences, New York, I n s t i t u t e of Social and Religious Research, 1933 and H.H. Walsh, The Christian Church  i n Canada, Toronto, Ryerson, 1956 cover the unifications with much less d e t a i l . 2 The Congregational Church after i t s union i n 1906 was s t i l l very small and much less structured than the other two. 3 Men l i k e C.A. Birge, S.R. Parsons, A.E. Ames, Chester Massey, T. Eaton, Newton Rowell for the Methodists and Fred Moffatt, Hon. Robert MacKay, S i r Robert Falconer, James C r o i l , W.M. Birks, Hamilton Cassels and W.L.M. King for the Presbyterians gave the churches prestige i n society and power i n legisla t u r e s . 4 Silcox, op. c i t . , p. 91, and Richard A l l e n , The Social Passion; Religion and Social Reform i n Canada 1914-1928, University of Toronto Press, 1971, ch. 15. Al l e n , op. c i t . , p. 242 and F.E. Runnalls, I t ' s God's Country. A review of the United Church and i t s Founding Partnersj the Congregational, Methodist and Presbyterian Churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia, [United Church B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Archives,1974], pp.186, 208.. Cranbrook. E l s i e G. Turnbull, Church i n the Kootenays. The  Story of the United Church of Canada i n Kootenay Presbytery, T r a i l Times, 1965, p. 20. ^ Presbyterian Church i n Canada, The Acts and Proceedings, General  Assembly, 1911, pp. 4-11 appendix, g See Silcox, op. c i t . for a complete analysis of the church union struggle and i t s immediate results. Q Vancouver Robertson.Er.esbyte'riansChurchsfileTiBiJ.CC.G-.iA'.-'I: ^ Methodist B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Minutes, 1919, p. 850. 212 213 Wilson, "Report re Co-operation—British Columbia," Church Union Papers, U.C.A. Wilson was the Presbyterian superintendent of home missions for most of B r i t i s h Columbia. 1 2 See Table I I , p. 33. 13 See Tables I I , p. 33, I I I and IV, p. 35, for s t a t i s t i c s of B r i t i s h Columbia. E.L. Morrow, Church Union i n Canada. I t s History, Motives, Doctrine and Government, Toronto, Thomas A l l e n , 1923 and Ephraim Scott, Church Union and the Presbyterian Church i n Canada, Montreal, John Lovell and Son, 1928 give the Presbyterian side for the non-concurrents. George C. Pidgeon, The United Church of Canada the  Story of the Union, Toronto, Ryerson, 1950owrote from the point of view of a very active Presbyterian unionist who led the f i n a l struggle for union. Ernest Thomas, "Church Union i n Canada," American Journal of  Theology, July 1919, pp. 257-73, and S.D. Chownk The Story of Church  Union i n Canada, Toronto, Ryerson, 1930 give the contemporary Methodist views. E.R. Schwarz, "Samuel Dwight Chown and Church Union i n Canada," The B u l l e t i n , 1961 outlines Chown's contribution and Sil c o x , op. c i t . , gives an h i s t o r i c a l and so c i o l o g i c a l analysis while John W. Grant, The  Canadian Experience of Church Union, London, Lutterworth Press, 1967 gives an h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y t i c a l account. 14 R.G. MacBeth, Organic Union or Federation Which? Church Union papers, U.C.A. ^ Interview with the Rev. F.E. Runnalls; "An Open Letter to the Members and Adherents of the Presbyterian Church," Kew Beach Church, Toronto, October 24, 1924. 16 P r i n c i p a l W.H. Smith, "What Church Union w i l l mean to Vancouver," The New Outlook, June 10, 1925, p. 27. ^ The Revs. W.L. Clay, R.J. Douglas and E.G. Thompson were on committees of Home Missions and Social Service after these two boards had been merged i n 1915 for f i n a n c i a l reasons. They were not interested i n the Social Service side of the work though. In late 1924 and early 1925 they obstructed summer f i e l d placement. Dr. J.H. Edmison to the Rev. J.F. M i l l a r , Jan. 28, 1925, Church Union papers, U.C.A. Some of the inactive ministers came forward after church union to help f i l l the depleted ranks of Presbyterian ministers i n the pastorate. 18 See Appendix 1 for the l i s t and description of non-concurring ministers and congregations. In V i c t o r i a , F i r s t Presbyterian Church voted for union. I t had always been the l i b e r a l congregation compared to St. Andrew's which broke away i n the 1860's over the question of s t r i c t e r church government. Harry Gregson, A History of V i c t o r i a 1842- 1970, V i c t o r i a Observer, 1970, p. 39. 214 19 Presbyterian Non-concurrence box 1, Church Union papers, U.C.A. 20 The Rev. W.G. Wilson, V i c t o r i a to his brother the Rev. R.J. Wilson, Toronto, Dec. 19, 1924, Church Unionnpapers, U.C.A. 21 Ib i d . ; the Rev. W.W. Peck to the Rev. J.H. Edmison, Dec. 26, 1924; the Rev. J.F. M i l l a r to the Rev. J.H. Edmison, Jan. 20, 1925; the Rev. W.H. Smith to the Rev. George Pidgeon, Dec. 23, 1924; Church Union papers, U.C.A. 22 Wilson to Wilson, op. c i t . 23 J.B. Clearihue to G.W. Mason, Jan. 16, 1925, Church Union papers, U.C.A. 24 See G.W. Mason, The Legislative Struggles for Church Union, Toronto, Ryerson, 1956 for f u l l e r d e t a i l s . The b i l l made provision for a commission of three to recommend to the next s i t t i n g of the l e g i s l a t u r e the d i s t r i b u t i o n of property between the anti and pro-unionists. The anti-unionists hated the b i l l , especially after narrowly losing their amendment which gave the commission power to act, levy charges and c o l l e c t them. The unionists d i s l i k e d the b i l l with the appointed commission but f e l t that i t s power was s u f f i c i e n t l y weak as to be no threat. Wilson to Wilson, op. c i t . Upon request from the United and Presbyterian Churches, the commission was changed by the lieutenant-governor to ten persons, f i v e from each of the unionist and anti-unionist bodies. Si l c o x , op. c i t . , p. 359. A l l property matters were settl e d by the commission except that of St. Andrew's i n Nanaimo which went to the c i v i l court. 25 Vancouver, Mount Pleasant Presbyterian Church, Session Minutes. 26 Interview with the Rev. H.M. Rae. 27 Nanaimo f i l e , Church Union papers, B.C.C.A. 28 Si l c o x , op. c i t . , pp. 455-57. 29 More than 45 by 1928. Church Union i n Canada Two Years' Pro- gress i n the United Church of Canada, 1928, p. 9. 30 See Table V, p. 41. Add to the figures representing United Church leanings, members of other denominations who do not have a repre-sentative of their church nearby and rely on the United Church as well. A look at the marriage and b u r i a l records quickly shows how often members of other churches do t h i s . In 1928, 42% of marriages and 28% of burials were conducted by United Church clergy. B r i t i s h Columbia Conference papers, S t a t i s t i c a l Report, 1928. 31 Be l l a B e l l a , Skidegate, Hartley Bay and many of the stops of the Thomas Crosby boat were i n this category. 215 3 2 See Table I, p. 4. 33 Interview with the Rev. W.P. Bunt; the Rev. W.J. Knott to the Rev. James Endicott, March 26, 1914, Endicott and Arnup papers, U.C.A. 34 R. Macdonald, "Character and Role of Business Leadership i n Vancouver 1886-1914," unpublished manuscript and the many biographies i n E.O.S. Scholefield, B r i t i s h Columbia from the E a r l i e s t Times to the Present, Vancouver, S.J~ Clarke, [1914] , vols. 3 and 4. FOOTNOTES—CHAPTER 3 1 L.M. Grayson and Michael B l i s s , eds., The Wretched of Canada, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1971, p. i x . 2 Ibid. 3 H. B l a i r Neatby, The P o l i t i c s of Chaos, Toronto, Macmillan, 1972, chap. 1-3. The foregoing has been based on this book to a large extent. 4 M.A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A History, Toronto, Macmillan, 1958, ch. 15. This gives a more detailed account of the decade i n the province. Sales of salmon, for example, dropped 70% i n one year and the price per case dropped 35%. Report of the Committee Appointed by the Government to Investigate the Finances of B r i t i s h Columbia, July 12, 1932, V i c t o r i a , pp. 12-13, hereafter c a l l e d the Kidd Report. See 'the same pages for further examples of the percentage of B.C. products ex-ported, the drop i n sales and prices of other products. Ormsby, op. c i t . , p. 446. ^ I b i d . , p. 443. 8 Ib i d . , pp. 445-6. 9 [H.D. Twigg], Report of Select Committee of the Legisl a t i v e  Assembly on Unemployment" [ V i c t o r i a , 1932]. Both T. Tanner, "Microcosms of Misfortune: Canada's Unemployment Camps Administered by the Depart-ment of National Defense, 1933-1936," M.A. thesis, University of Western Ontario, 1965, and Marion E. Lane, "Unemployment During the Depression: The Problem of the Single Unemployed Transient i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1930-1938," graduating essay, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1966 are good accounts of the r e l i e f camps. 10 11 12 13 14 Orsmby, op. c i t . , p. 445. Ib i d . , p. 446. Kidd Report, p. 50. Ormsby, op. c i t . , p. 446. M.A. Ormsby, "T. Dufferin Pattullo.and the L i t t l e New Deal," C.H.R., December 1962. 216 217 ^ Alan Morley, Vancouver From Milltown to Metropolis, Vancouver, M i t c h e l l Press, 1961, p. 152. 1 6 I b i d . , p. 178. ^ T. Bradshaw, Survey of Financial Conditions, Vancouver, B.C., March 7, 1935, (a special report on back taxes requested by Vancouver City Council). 18 This term i s loosely used, and frequently meant only a fa m i l i a r cheap hotel, flophouse or room. 19 Morley, op. c i t . , p. 178. 20 See Table V, p. 41, Many were not members as far as the church was concerned. 21 The information on Dobson i s based on a reading of his papers, press accounts, church minutes and papers, and interviews with the Revs. W.P. Bunt, H.P. Davidson, H.T. A l l e n , A.E. Whitehouse and F.E. Runnalls, Dr. C.W. Topping, Mrs. M. Brunette, and others. 22 He did become a member of League for Social Reconstruction along with several other ex-Methodist and United Church ministers. The League, largely an i n t e l l e c t u a l body intent upon p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n public a f f a i r s , favoured moderate socialism and helped draft the Regina Manifesto for the C.C.F. party and, i n 1935, published Social Planning for Canada, an analysis of contemporary economic and s o c i a l conditions i n Canada and a very detailed blueprint of moderate s o c i a l i s t solutions for the future. See Michiel Horn, The Dirty T h i r t i e s Canadians i n the Great Depression, Copp Clark, 1972, pp. 407-9 for the text of i t s manifesto and Michiel Horn, "The League for Social Reconstruction: Socialism and Nationalism i n Canada, 1931-1945," Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1969 for a more detailed account of the League. His a r t i c l e "Frank Underbill's Early Drafts of the Regina Manifesto 1933," C.H.R. December 1973, also gives more d e t a i l s . 23 The new church "r a d i c a l s " were the progressive remnant l e f t after the s o c i a l gospel movement s p l i t i n the 1920's along with a hand-f u l of younger recruits to the cause. 24 United Church of Canada, Year Book, 1932, p. 166 and Andrew Roddan, The Church i n the Ci t y , Vancouver, p. 34. 25 Roddan had been born and raised i n Scotland and had his f i r s t experience with mission work i n Gibralter among soldiers and s a i l o r s . Coming to Canada, he took his theological training i n Winnipeg at Manitoba College where, l i k e so many other future wave-makers, he studied under Salem Bland. After pastorates i n Winnipeg and Port Arthur he came to Vancouver i n 1929, attracted by the challenging downtown mission work among the single men on skid row and the destitute families surrounding F i r s t United Church. 218 2 6 Roddan, Christ of the Wireless Ways, Vancouver, [Clarke and Stewart, 1932], p. 25. 2 7 Roddan, The Church i n Action, [Vancouver, 1939], pp. 10-11. A l l other de t a i l s on F i r s t United are from this book unless otherwise noted. O Q Year Book, 1934, p. 171. 29 Hamilton Spectator, Sept. 1932, clippin g found i n Sanford Scrapbook. 30 Vancouver F i r s t United Church, Board of Managers Minutes, Sept. 10, 1931. 31 Staff was paid by the national Board of Home Missions, the camp was funded by the Welfare Federation, and the Welfare Industries and radio work were self-supporting. 32 Interview with Muriel Richardson on Thompson tapes, Roddan f i l e , B.C.C.A. 33 Vancouver St. Giles United Church, Board of Managers Minutes, A p r i l 12, 1932 and Annual Reports, 1930-1936. The i n i t i a l s A.O.T.S. stand for "As One That Serves." Vancouver Presbytery Minutes, Jan. 16, 1933. Vancouver Knox United Church, O f f i c i a l Board Minutes, Jan. 34 35 26, 1931. 36 The A.O.T.S. was a very active layman's, organization started i n 1922 at Kerrisdale Methodist Church i n Vancouver as a Christian service club. I t grew rapidly throughout the province among the middle-class churchmen, even to the extent of embracing some Presbyterians and Baptists. In 1932 the number of clubs i n Vancouver had increased from 15 to 24 and membership doubled i n one year. At the same time 10 to 30% of i t s members were unemployed. Vancouver Province, Dec. 31, 1932. 37 "History of Ryerson A.O.T.S. Men's Club as prepared by Harry R. Grant Historian from i t s inception January 8th, 1933 to 1950," typed manuscript, p. 13, quoting from "Handshake," September 1935, and c i r -cular l e t t e r from the A.O.T.S. to Vancouver Presbytery, n.d., B.C.C.A. 38 The foregoing on the Japanese and Shimizu i s based on Tadashi M i t s u i , "The Ministry of the United Church of Canada Amongst Japanese Canadians i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1892-1949," S.T.M. thesis, Union College, 1964, pp. 182-190 and Isabel McFadden, The Man Who Knew the Difference, United Church of Canada, 1965. 219 39 Vancouver's was only 17%. Vancouver Real Estate Exchange Ltd., "A Negative View of a Publicly Assisted Housing Programme," found in Michiel Horn, The Dirty Thirties, pp. 254-55. See Wm. A. Sloan, "The Crowsnest Pass During the Depression: A Socioeconomic History of Southeastern British Columbia 1918-1939," M.A. thesis, University of Victoria, 1968 for details on the Fernie area. 40 Kelowna Courier, Dec. 27, 1933. 41 Vernon News, Sept. 22, 1932. 42 4 Kelowna Courier, April 15, 1931; Feb. 4, 1932. 1934. 4 3 Ibid., July 13, 1933; Nov. 30, 1933; Dec. 28, 1933; Dec. 6, 44 Interviews with the Revs. Bryce Wallace and A.E. Whitehouse. 45 Interviews with Wallace, Mrs. H.P. Davidson, Mrs. J.C. Switzer, and Vancouver Heights United Church, A Book of Remembrance  1911-1961. 46 Vancouver Province, Nov. 11, 1933. 47 United Church of Canada Evangelism and Social Service, Report, 1937, p. 47, and Switzer papers, B.C.C.A. 48 Year Book, 1938, p. 15. 49 Interviews with Prof. C.W. Topping, Howard Green, and the Revs. G.B. Switzer, H.P. Davidson, Hugh M. Rae and others. FOOTNOTES—CHAPTER 4 I United Church of Canada, Record of Proceedings, 1934, pp. 235-48. See Appendix 3 for a summary of some of i t s points. 2 See Chapter 1. 3 Record of Proceedings, 1934, p. 236, 242-43. 4 Ibi d . , p. 247. 5 I b i d . , p. 248. 6 Ibid. 7 Minutes of Meetings of Informal Group to Consider Christian Social Order, Dobson papers, and l e t t e r to Rev. J.G. Brown from D.N. McLachlan, Feb. 1, 1934; l e t t e r to J.G. Brown from Wm. A. Irwin, Jan. 19, 1934, Dobson papers. Minutes of Christian Social Order, Feb. 26, 1934. 9 Letter from McLachlan to Brown, Feb. 1, 1934. ^ United Church Evangelism and Social Service (hereafter cited E & S.S.), Report, 1934, pp. 32, 37; 1935, p. 29. I I Interview with the Rev. H.T. A l l e n , Marr'i 2, "iro'5. 12 Vancouver Sun, Dec. 12, 1934. 13 Vancouver Knox United Church, Session Minutes. 14 Terms quoted to the author by some of the so-called r a d i c a l s . ^ United Church B r i t i s h Columbia Conference, Digest of the Minutes, 1930, pp. 15-18. 16 I b i d . , 1931, p. 11 and the Vancouver Sun, May 16, 1931. See Appendix 3 for statement made i n the Report. 1 7 Digest, 1932, pp. 22-23. 18 The Columbian, May 18, 1932. 19 Vancouver News-Herald, May 23, 1934. 220 221 I b i d . , May 22, 1935, and Digest, 1935, pp. 26-7. 21 Vancouver Province, and Vancouver News-Herald, May 22, 1935. 22 Interviews with Prof. C.W. Topping, Howard Green and H.H. Stevens. 23 New Outlook, A p r i l 5, 1934. 24 Interviews with Prof. C.W. Topping, Rev.'H.T. A l l e n , H.H. S tevens. 2 5 Digest, 1933, p. 44. 26 I b i d . , 1931, p. 11 and interview with Topping. 27 Interview with Topping and minutes of various church women's groups i n Vancouver United Churches. 2 8 Interview with H.H. Stevens. 29 The Oxford Group Movement had i t s o r i g i n i n an unique type of personal evangelism by the Rev. Frank Buchman while he was engaged i n Y.M.C.A. work i n the United States. At the end of World War 1 he v i s i t e d England where he attracted a strong group of followers at Oxford and Cambridge. From there the movement spread to South A f r i c a where i t became known as Buchmanism. The tour of Canada i n 1933 marked Buchman's return to North America after three years of great success i n Europe under the new t i t l e of the Oxford Group Movement. See also The Committee of Thirty, The Challenge of the Oxford Group. Movement, Ryerson Press, 1933, and Peter Howard, Frank Buchman's Secret, London, Heinemann, [l96l] for f i r s t , a view by.the group of United Church ministers and secondly, a view by one of his followers. 30 Vancouver News-Herald, March 31, 1933. Ibid. 32 Vancouver Province, May 29, 1934. 33 Ibid. 34 Montreal Witness and Canadian Homestead, Feb. 28, 1934. 35 V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist, March and October 1933. Montreal Witness, Feb. 28, 1934. 37 Vancouver Province, May 22, 1933. 222 38 Letter from the Rev. Ernest Thomas to Rev. J.G. Brown, on July 1933, Union College papers, B.C.C.A. 39 Ibid. 40 Vancouver News-Herald, May 23, 1933. 4 1 Digest, 1933, p. 23. 42 United Church of Canada B r i t i s h Columbia Conference, Minutes, 1934, pp. 283-84. 43 B r i t i s h Columbia Conference L i f e and Work Committee Question-naire r e s u l t s , 1935, Conference papers. 44 Personal observation of some clergymen s t i l l i n B r i t i s h Columbia Conference who had connections with the Oxford Groups Movement at that time. 45 Frank N.D. Buchman, Remaking the World, London, Blandford Press, [1947]; V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist, March 24, 1933; Committee of Thirty, op. c i t . ; confidential report to Hugh Dobson, Dobson papers; l e t t e r from R.B.Y. Scott to J.G. Brown, Jan. 27, 1933, Union College papers. 46 Vancouver Province, A p r i l 1, 1933. 47 Letter from J.G. Brown to W.H. Malkin, A p r i l 22, 1933 and Brown to Rev. H. Viney, A p r i l 15, 1933, Union College papers. 48 Letter from J.G. Brown to Wm. A. Irwin, August 18, 1933, Union College papers. 49 Interview with Willard Ireland. Letter from J.G. Brown to Ernest Thomas, July 24, 1933, Union College papers. Andrew Roddan, For Doubters Only, p. 6. 52 U n i d e n t i f i e d press c l i p p i n g , ca May 1933, Sanford Scrapbook, B.C.C.A. 53 Dobson confidential report, Dobson papers. 54 Born into a strong Methodist family, Stevens had come to B r i t i s h Columbia from Ontario and set himself up i n business. By 1904 he was i n the public eye, speaking to the Vancouver Police Commission for the Moral Reform League of Wesley Methodist Church. After a s t i n t as alderman for Vancouver he was elected as a Conservative to Ottawa i n 223 1911 where he subsequently attacked prominent meatpacking executives for profit-mongering during the F i r s t World War. During the 1930's he was to repeat s i m i l a r charges against other meatpacking firms and large department stores. See J.R.H. Wilburn, "H.H. Stevens and the Reconstruc-tion Party," P o l i t i c s of Discontent, University of Toronto Press, 1967 f i r s t published i n C.H.R., March 1964. Kingston Whig-Standard, Sept. 15, 1934 and interview with the Hon. H.'H. Stevens at which time he gave the author a written summary of his views quoted here. 56 See Wilbur, op. c i t . and Wilbur, "H.H. Stevens and R.B. Bennett 1930-1934," C.H.R., March 1962 for f u l l e r d e t a i l s . H.H. Stevens, "Price Spreads and Mass Buying," 1934, mimeo-graphed copy of a speech given to the author, p. 10. 58 Wilbur, P o l i t i c s of Discontent, p. 49. 5 9 TK • J Ibid. 60 Price Spreads speech, p. 3. 61 Interview with Stevens. 62 Vancouver Presbytery Minutes, Nov. 20, 1934 and Record of Proceedings, 1934, p. 65. 63 Vancouver Sun, May 17, 1934. 64 Western Recorder, Sept. 1935. 65 I b i d . , Sept. 1934 and following issues. 6 6 I b i d . , July 1935. 6 7 Wilbur, P o l i t i c s of Discontent, p. 73. 68 Cariboo Observer, Sept. 1935. 69 Prince George C i t i z e n , Nov. 2, 1933. ^ V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist, Aug. 9, 1935. ^ Interview with Stevens. 72 Fernie Free Press, July 12; Oct. 11, 18, 1935. 73 Interview with the Rev. S.H. Pinkerton. 224 74 "The Report of the Committee on Student A f f a i r s at Union College," Jan. 28, 1938 and papers and l e t t e r s contained i n the Board of Colleges and Secondary Schools papers, U.C.A. 7"* Letter from Gordon to Dobson, Nov. 19, 1935, Dobson papers and interview with H.T. Allen. 7^ A previous committee dealing with the organization of soup kitchens i n the winter of 1930-1931 was examined i n the previous chapter. 7 7 Vancouver Presbytery Minutes, Sept. 8, 1931. 78 Davidson was one of Salem Bland's students, having studied under him at Manitoba College, Winnipeg, when Bland was lecturing to j o i n t classes i n the Presbyterian and Methodist Colleges. He was an apt p u p i l , and became one of B r i t i s h Columbia's more f i e r y ministers. Davidson's f i r s t charge i n the province was i n Britannia, a closed min-ing town where he mingled freely with labouring men of a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s and viewpoints. He soon realized that t h e i r problems were substantive and developed an empathy which made him an id e a l r e l i e f camp worker. 79 Year Book, 1934, p. 171. A l l other details on the r e l i e f camps, unless otherwise noted, are from an interview with the Rev. H.P. Davidson. 80 81 82 83 Vancouver Province, June 12, 1935. Vancouver Presbytery Minutes, A p r i l 30, 1935. Interview with Davidson. Interview with the Rev. G.B. Switzer. He was chairman of the E. & S.S. committee of Vancouver Presbytery at the time. The four ministers were the Revs. W. Graham, George Turpin, E.W. Mackay and R.N. Matheson. Vancouver Presbytery Committee for Emergency R e l i e f , Dobson papers. 84 Vancouver Province, May 30, 1938. 8 5 I b i d . , June 24, 1938. 8^ Vancouver Presbytery Minutes, May 3, 1938. 8 7 I b i d . , Sept. 20, Nov. 9, 1938. 88 V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist, June 21, June 23, 1938. 89 Interview with the Rev. Bryce Wallace. V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist, July 6, 1938. 225 91 Ibid., July 10, 1938 and interview with Wallace. The novel, Waste Heritage by Irene Baird, Toronto, Macmillan, 1939 is a thinly dis-guised account of this episode as seen through the eyes of a participant. 92 Vancouver Presbytery Minutes, May 9, 1939. 93 Manuscript, Dobson papers. 94 British Columbia Committee on Unemployment and Relief, Minutes and Papers, Dobson papers. 95 Interview with Prof. C.W. Topping. 96 Alan Morley, Vancouver from Milltown to Metropolis, Vancouver, Mitchell Press, 1961, p. 178. 97 George Bell had been a Liberal M.L.A. during the 1920's and was very active in the United Church at the conference and Vancouver Presbytery level. 98 Vancouver Province, Sept. 16, 1936. 99 Vancouver Presbytery Minutes, April 28, June 16, 1936. 1 0 0 Ibid., Feb. 8, 1938. """^  Vancouver News-Herald, May 22, 1935. McDonald was in charge of the B.C. Provincial Police in Corbin. 102 Digest, 1935, p. 27. Dobson papers. 104 Details on the riot and the church's part in i t are from an interview with Davidson unless otherwise noted. Vancouver Province, July 29, 1935. 106 Vancouver Sun, June 20, 1935. Vancouver Presbytery Minutes, June 18, 1935. 108 Vancouver Province, June 24, 1935. 109 Interview with Davidson. He would not reveal names. "*"""" ^ Interview with Bryce Wallace. The movement was started in England at the end of the 18th , century by Robert Owen, a textile factory owner. A few years later, a 226 group of unemployed weavers i n Rochdale banded together i n 1843 to star t the f i r s t co-operative store (Union Shops had been present e a r l i e r but these failed.) , and i t s success led to the founding of others throughout northern England and the Scottish midlands. Gradually manufacturing, banking and wholesale outlets were added. The Christian S o c i a l i s t s strongly supported the movement as did the Fabians and B r i t i s h S o c i a l i s t s at the turn of the 20th century. The movement spread throughout the world and i n Canada made i t s e a r l i e s t success i n the Maritimes under the guidance of St. Francis Xavier University and i t s adult education pro-gramme. Interested persons on the p r a i r i e s and i n B r i t i s h Columbia gained valuable advice from the Maritimers and from B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s t s i n th e i r own midst when they started to establish l o c a l co-operatives and credit unions. See E l l i s Cowling, Co-operatives i n America, Their Past, Present  and Future, New York, Coward-McCann, 1938; M.M. Coady, Masters of Their  Own Destiny, New York, Harper, 1939; J.T. Croteau, Cradled i n the Waves, Toronto, Ryerson, 1951; and Ian MacPhersOn, "The Co-operative Union of Canada and P o l i t i c s , 1909-1931," C.H.R., June 1973 for more d e t a i l s . The l a t t e r two books are on the movement i n Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island. The United Church was the only Protestant denomination which actively backed the movement and supported the Roman Catholics who led i t i n the Maritimes. 112 Dearlove, a machinist, followed i n his father's steps and became involved with co-operatives i n England around the turn of the century. Upon coming to B r i t i s h Columbia, he and his wife became members of St. Andrew's-Wesley United Church where during the depression they t r i e d to interest members of that congregation i n s o c i a l concerns. They had l i t t l e success. Dearlove was a self-educated man and i n 1974, the owner of a small bicycle repair shop and s t i l l active i n the co-operative movement. Interview with T.C. Dearlove. Most of the details are from him. 113 Interview with Dearlove. MacPherson, op. c i t . , gives a detailed account of e a r l i e r Communist attempts at take-over i n northern Ontario. 1 1 4 Digest, 1935, p. 26. Morag E. Maclachlan, "The Fraser Valley Milk Producers' Assoc-i a t i o n : Successful Cooperative," M.A. thesis, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1972. A.C. Wells started a creamery co-operative i n 1895, i b i d . , pp. 16-17. 1 1 6 I b i d . , pp. 170-71. Vancouver News-Herald, May 24, 1933 and l e t t e r from the Rev. Bryce Wallace to A l l e n , March 23, 1933, Allen's papers. 118 Vancouver News-Herald, May 24, 1933. 227 119 Letter from the Rev. H.P. Davidson to A l l e n , n.d., A l l e n papers and interview with A l l e n . 120 Interview with Allen. 121 H.T. A l l e n , Religion and Social Change, radio address under the Radio Fellowship, November 18, 1934, Dobson papers. 122 Letter from Prof. John Line to A l l e n , May 27, 1933. See Appendix 4 for the constitution. This group, the F.C.S.O., was re-organizing i n order to become national i n scope and had t i e s with a United States body of the same name, which was started i n the early 1920's under Sherwood Eddy and other Christian s o c i a l i s t s . The F.C.S.O'. membership i n Canada consisted largely of United Church ministers and a few laymen, mainly i n Ontario, the Maritimes, Quebec and Alberta whose interests lay i n the advancement of Christian socialism and pacifism. Starting i n 1935 i t ran a regular column i n the New Outlook which out-lined i t s aims, reported on annual conventions, educated the readers on economic a f f a i r s , s o c i a l problems and provoked thoughtful discussions. I t published numerous pamphlets and one f u l l - l e n g t h book of essays, Towards the Christian Revolution, written by United Church men and intro-duced by the past moderator, the Very Rev. Richard Roberts. Theological professors R.B.Y. Scott, Gregory Vlastos, John Line and J. King Gordon along with Eugene Forsey, J.W.A. Nicholson, R. Edis Fairbairn and E r i c Havelock were the contributors. The book was a strenuous attack on the c a p i t a l i s t system and was chosen as an alternate selection i n the Left Book Club i n B r i t a i n where i t received wide c i r c u l a t i o n . 123 Letter from Wallace to A l l e n , A p r i l 25, 1934, A l l e n papers. 124 Ibid. This told of Line's plans for national organization. Interview with Allen. 125 New Outlook, June 11, 1937. •j o/r Toronto Globe and M a i l , Feb. 27, 1939. 127 Interview with H.P. Davidson. W. Brewing, E.W. Mackay, P. Henderson, Bryce Wallace, R.N. Matheson, A.E. Whitehouse, Wm. Graham, A.O. Patterson and Mildred Osterhout Fahrni were among i t s members. 12 8 Vancouver News Herald, May 25, 1937 and interview with Allen. 129 Vancouver Sun, July 16, 1935. 130 V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist, August 9, 1935. 131 Interview with Allen. Ibid. 2 2 8 1 3 3 Interview with Allen. 1 3 4 Interview with Mrs. Mildred Fahrni. 135 Ronald Grantham, "Some Aspects of the S o c i a l i s t Movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1898-1933," M.A. thesis, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1942, p. 202. 136 Kelowna Courier, Sept. 7, 1933. 137 I b i d . , summer and f a l l of 1933. 1 O Q I b i d . , Nov. 9, 1933. 139 Interview with Allen. 140 Toronto Star, Sept. 20, 1935. 141 Letter from Gordon to author, Jan. 30, 1973. Ibid. 1 4 3 TU-A Ibid. 144 MacPherson, op. c i t . and interview with Dearlove. 145 Interview with Mildred Fahrni. See also Walter D. Young, The Anatomy of a Party, The National CCF 1932-61, University of Toronto Press, 1969, chap. 9 for a detailed discussion on C.C.F.—Communist relationship. 146 Andrew Roddan, Canada's Untouchables, Vancouver, [Clarke and Stewart, 1932], p. 20. 147 Ibid., p. 94. 148 Q Q I b i d . , p. 98. 149 I b i d . , p. 101. Nelson T r i n i t y United Church, Session Minutes, Nov. 12, 1937 and Fernie Free Press, Dec. 3, 1937. For a more detailed account of Smith, see A l l e n , Social Passion, pp. 163-67 and A.E. Smith, A l l My L i f e , Toronto, 1949. Roddan, Christ of the Wireless Waves, pp. 13-26. 152 Interview with Bryce Wallace. 153 Interview with Allen. 154 Interview with Davidson. FOOTNOTES—CHAPTER 5 1 The Japanese evacuation question w i l l be dealt with i n much greater d e t a i l i n the following chapter. 2 Roland H. Bainton, Christian Attitudes Toward War and Peace, A  H i s t o r i c a l Survey and C r i t i c a l Re-evaluation, New York, Abingdon Press, 1960. 3 There had been an element of pacifism i n the s o c i a l gospel but i t was, for the most part, theory, and when confronted by r e a l i t y , most s o c i a l gospellers enthusiastically embraced the war and i t s end goal. The Rev. J.S. Woodsworth f e l t compelled to leave the ministry, partly because his p a c i f i s t views were contrary to the dominant view i n the Methodist Church. See J.S. Woodsworth, Following the Gleam, Ottawa, 1926; A.R. A l l e n , The Social Passion.-Religion and Social Reform i n Canada 1914-" 28, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1971, ch. 3; and J.M. B l i s s , "The Methodist Church and World War I," C.H.R., Sept. 1968. 4 Interviews with the Rev. R.A. Wilson, J.G. Pinkerton, Prof, and Mrs. C. M i l l e r , Major G. Logan. Kelowna Courier, Feb. 4, 1943. 6 Vancouver West Point Grey United Church, O f f i c i a l Board Min-utes, Feb. 10, 1943; Feb. 2, 1944. ^ United Church of Canada, Year Book, 1943, p. 83. Over 115 candidates for the minstry i n the United Church served i n the armed forces while 250 ministers were chaplains. Year Book, 1944, p. 133. See Table VI also, p. 129. g United Church B r i t i s h Columbia Conference, Digest of the  Minutes, 1946, pp. 19, 38. 9 United Church of Canada, Committee on the Chaplaincy to the Armed Forces, Minutes 1939-1945 and papers, U.C.A. Most of the material dealing with the chaplaincy comes from this c o l l e c t i o n unless otherwise noted. ^ Letter from the Rev. J.R. Mutchmor to the Rev. Hugh M. Rae, Aug. 31, 1942, Chaplaincy papers. United Church of Canada, Record of Proceedings, 1946, p. 238. This figure does not correspond with that of the E. & S.S. Report, 1946, p. 110. See Table X, p. 156. The l a t t e r report probably includes chaplains to the l o c a l Legions and Y.M.C.A. huts as well. 229 230 12 Digest, 1945, pp. 50-51. Year Book, 1945, p. x i i . At least two are not on that l i s t so the t o t a l was a minimum 24. Over 10% of a l l United Church chaplains came from B.C. while it's t o t a l number of clergy only amounted to 8^% of the national t o t a l . 13 United Church of Canada Evangelism and Social Service, Report, 1946, p. 110. 14 Letter from the Rev. Hugh M. Rae to Hugh Dobson, Nov. 25, 1941, Dobson papers. See also Table VI, p. 129. 1 5 W.M.S. Vi c t o r i a Presbyterial Minutes, Jan. 29-30, 1946. ^ Interview with the Rev. F.E. Runnalls. 1 7 Gordon C. Zahn, The M i l i t a r y Chaplaincy. A Study of Role  Tension i n the Royal A i r Force, University of Toronto Press, 1969. This book deals with the tension which career chaplains face as to whether loyalty to the service or to the church comes f i r s t . Always there i s the irony of being i n a m i l i t a r y i n s t i t u t i o n while preaching a gospel of peace. 18 Record of Proceedings, 1944, pp. 120-22. 19 Digest, 1941, p. 33 and correspondence i n Dobson papers. 20 Interview with the Rev. S.H. Pinkerton and l e t t e r from Dobson to Mutchmor, May 10, 1945, Dobson papers. 21 Record of Proceedings, 1946, pp. 239-46. 22 Interviews with G. Logan, J.G. Pinkerton, Prof, and Mrs. C. M i l l e r , S. Roddan. 23 "Report of the War Service Committee," May 1940, Dobson papers. 24 United Church of Canada, General Council, Camp and War Pro-duction Communities Committee and Sub-committee Minutes, 1942-1945, U.C.A. 25 W.A. Vancouver Presbyterial Minutes, A p r i l 18, 1947. 26 Camp and War Production Committee Minutes. Wilson. 27 Year Book, 1943, p. 162 and interview with the Rev. R.A. 2 8 B.C. l i s t of War Service Units, 1940, Dobson papers. 231 29 Vernon News, 1940-1945. 30 F.E. Runnalls, "A History of Knox United Church Prince George," unpublished manuscript, 1945, pp. 95§6, B.C.C.A. 3 1 Year Book, 1944, p. 184; W.M.S. Annual Report, 1945-46, pp. 109-10; 1946-47, pp. 95-99. 32 "The Handshake," Vancouver D i s t r i c t Council A.O.T.S. magazine, Oct. 1942. 33 Vancouver West Point Grey United Church, O f f i c i a l Board Minutes, Nov. 3, 1941. 3 4 I b i d . , Nov. 23, 1942; A p r i l 27, 1944; Oct. 23, 1944. 35 W.M.S. B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Minutes, March 9, 1944. 36 Interview with Wilson. 3 7 See Tables VI, p. 129 and VII, p. 137. 38 Salmon Arm, Prince George, Vancouver West Point Grey, Duncan, Nanaimo are just a few places where this happened. 39 Digest, 1942, pp. 6-7. 40 Dobson to a l l ministers i n the conference, Sept. 4, 1941, Dobson papers. 41 Vancouver West Point Grey United Church, O f f i c i a l Board Minutes, June 2, 1942. 42 A l l the preceding responses were found i n Dobson papers. 43 Year Book, 1944, p. 65. 4 4 Digest, 1944, pp. 14-15. 45 Clergymen l i k e S.D. Chown and W.B. Creighton, both Methodists and fervent supporters of World War I , l a t e r moved towards pacifism and publ i c l y apologized for thei r war-time behaviour. B l i s s , op. c i t . , p. 231 footnote. A l l e n , op. c i t . , ch. 20 i s a good general discussion of the resurgence of pacifism i n Canada i n the 1920's and goes into d e t a i l about Creighton's change of mind. 46 Record of Proceedings, 1930, pp. 113-15; 1932, pp. 105-6; 1934, pp. 63-4; 1936, p. 107; 1938, pp. 93-8. 47 Year Book, 1930, p. 12 and interview with the Rev. H.T. A l l e n . 232 48 Record of Proceedings, 1930, p. 115. 49 Interview with Allen. 5 0 Ocean F a l l s United Church, O f f i c i a l Board Minutes, 1929. 5 1 Digest, 1934, pp. 15-16. 52 Ib i d . , and Record of Proceedings, 1934, p. 64. 5 3 Digest, 1934, pp. 15-16. 54 A l l e n , op. c i t . , ch. 21 goes into much greater d e t a i l on the peace movement. Dobson papers. Prince Rupert Presbytery Minutes, February 1930. Dobson papers. 5 8 J.S. Gordon f i l e , B.C.C.A. 5 9 Digest, 1932, p. 25; 1933, p. 19; 1934, p. 15; 1936, p. 16; 1939, p. 20; Kootenay Pres. Minutes Feb. 1933, March 1938; V i c t o r i a Pres. Minutes March 1933; Kamloops-Okanagan Pres. Minutes Feb. 1930, Feb. 1932, Feb. 1937; Vancouver Pres. Minutes November 16, 1937; Prince Rupert Pres. Minutes Aug. 1933. 60 Vancouver Pres. Minutes Dec. 1931; Kamloops-Okanagan Minutes, Feb. 1932. ^ "Report of P a c i f i c Northwest Embargo Conference," Dobson papers. 62 Prince Rupert Pres. Minutes, March 1931. This was started i n England during World War I and i n 1922, one of i t s founders, the Rev. Richard Roberts, came to Canada as the minister of the American Presby-terian Church i n Montreal. He entered the United Church i n 1925 and became one of the focal points for Canadian pacifism i n the late 1920's and 1930's. He was widely respected throughout the United Church. See A l l e n , The Social Passion, ch. 20 and 21 for more d e t a i l . 6 3 Prince Rupert Pres. Minutes, Feb. 1932. 64 Most of i t s members were Quakers and Mennonites, but i t s leader-ship came from United Church men i n the east. Interview with Mrs. Mildred Fahrni, western secretary of the F.O.R. 233 65 I t saw that drastic economic change would not only eliminate society's economic and s o c i a l distress but would also remove the root causes of war. Greed, s e l f - i n t e r e s t and extreme nationalism would be done away with. 6y6 See A l l e n , op. c i t . , ch. 20, for the national picture of pacifism and i t s extent i n the S.C.M. throughout the 1920's and 1930's. Peter P a r i s , "Report on SCM of Canada" part I I , 1965 also goes into some d e t a i l . 6 7 Interviews with the Revs. R.B. Tillman, R.A. Wilson, E.M. Nichols, and Major G. Logan. The United Church Observer, Oct. 15, 1939. See also David R. Rothwell, "United Church Pacifism," The B u l l e t i n , U.C.A., 1973. 69 The Vancouver Province, Oct. 25, 27, Nov. 2, 1939 are t y p i c a l examples. 7^ United Church, General Council World War I I , correspondence to and from the Rev. J.R. Mutchmor, United Church archives, and Dobson papers indicate the concern f e l t across the country. Mutchmor was en-raged at the unethical stand of the Financial Post i n i t s lengthy attack on the United Church p a c i f i s t s i n an e f f o r t to gain wider readership. Financial Post, Dec. 9, 16, 1939 and Mutchmoreto.oD6bsonsi,Jama.. 12?.. 1940.". Dobson papers. Year Book 1940, pp. 22-23, gives the sub-executive's statement. 7 1 Interview with the Rev. F.E. Runnalls. 72 Interview with the Rev. E.M. Nichols. In this case the defection could have resulted more from an incompatibility between the student minister and the church members than from the p a r t i c u l a r views expressed. 73 W.G. Partridge, "The United Church of Canada i n Vanderhoof, Fort Fraser and Fort St. James (An H i s t o r i c a l Study)," B.D. thesis, Union College of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967, pp. 51-52. 74 Observer, Oct. 1, 1939. 7^ Wallace to Dobson, Sept. 30, 1941, Dobsonppapers. 76 Interview with Allen. 7 7 B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Minutes 1940. 78 V i c t o r i a James Bay United Church, Session Minutes, June 4, 1940; Congregational Meeting Minutes, June 16, 1940, Nov. 4, 1940. 234 79 V i c t o r i a Presbytery Minutes, May 1941. 80 Dobson to Mutchmor, Oct. 28, 1941, Dobson papers. 81 Kamloops-Okanagan Presbytery Papers, l e t t e r s from Westbank Session, Jan. 31, 1940, Feb. 1, 1940; l e t t e r from Dovey to the Rev. J.W. M i l l e r , Feb. 2, 1940; "History of events and ultimations issued by Mr. Dovey to Peachland United Church Board Stewards," typescript copy, Dobson papers. 82 Letters to and from Dobson with the Revs. W.P. Bunt and C.R. McGillivray, Dobson papers. 83 Peachland had refused to pay a l l Dovey's salary although he continued there i n his work u n t i l June of 1940. Dobson papers. 84 Ibid, and interview with Runnalls. 8 5 , , Dobson papers. 86 Interview with the Rev. Clyde Woollard. 87 Record of Proceedings, 1940, p. 90; Dobson to Mutchmor, Oct. 25, 1940; Mutchmor to Prof. R.B.Y. Scott, Oct. 25, 1940, Dobson papers. 88 National War Services Regulation, 1940 (Recruits) (Consolida-tion 1941), Ottawa, King's P r i n t e r , 1941. 89 Copy of l e t t e r from L.A. LaFleche to Mutchmor, A p r i l 21, 1942. Dobson papers. These papers contain most of the material on Bishop's case. 90 Dobson to Mutchmor, Nov. 4, Nov. 27, 1941, Dobson papers. 91 The Rev. A.H. Rowe to Dobson, Sept. 8, 1941; Dobson to Mutch-mor, Sept. 16, 1941; Mutchmor to Dobson Sept. 8, 1941, Dobson papers. 92 The Rev. R.B. Cochrane to the Rev. W.P. Bunt, June 10, 1942, Dobson papers. 9 3 Copy of t r i a l of E.E. Best, May 12, 1942, Dobson papers, and l e t t e r from Best to author, May 7, 1973. 94 Mutchmor to Dobson, Sept. 6, 1941; Dobson to Mutchmor, Sept. 16, 1941, Cochrane to Bunt, June 10, 1942, Dobson papers. 95 Interview with Woollard; Dobson to Mutchmor, Nov. 2], 1941; Best to Rev. J. Coburn, August 21, 1942; paper from Facts and Figures Weekly,=Wartime Information Board, Ottawa, no. 121-June 1-June 7, 1945; a l l from Dobson papers. Woollard to friends, July 26, 1942 i n United 235 Church General Council Board of E. & S.S. Conscientious Objectors' f i l e , U.C.A. 96 The Rev. J.M. Finlay, "Canadian C.O.'s i n Action," n.d. General Council, World War I I ; Mutchmor to the Rev. A.E. Whitehouse, Jan. 6, 1943, Conscientious Objectors' f i l e , U.C.A. 97 i v ~ - r - ~ ~ McWilliams, to the Rev. R. McLaren, March 3, 1945, Dobson papers. 98 Interview with Woollard and l e t t e r from Best to author. 99 Circular from Mutchmor, Jan. 14, 1941; Mutchmor to Dobson, Jan. 8, 1943, Dobson papers. See Tables VIII and IX, p. 154. B r i t i s h Columbia population increased about 30% i n ten years while those climing United Church ti e s increased about 40%. See above #38. 102 See Tables X, XI., p. 156 and XII, p. 157. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of chaplains was determined by the Department of National Defence and the United Church provided a l l that were requested. The Anglicans' greater response could be explained by the s t i l l close connection with B r i t a i n by many of i t s members, while the United Church membership was composed of a more varied national background. See Table 1, p. 4. The United Church men seemed to prefer the R.C.A.F. and 2,000 more joined that service than did Anglicans. Mutchmor to Dobson, Nov. 3, 1941, Dobson papers. ^ 3 Interview with Wilson. 1 0 4 Digest, 1940, p. 20. 1 0 5 Digest, 1943, p. 21; 1944, pp. 21, 24; 1941, p. 13; 1945, pp. 23-4. 106 Digest, 1945, pp. 23-4. FOOTNOTES—CHAPTER 6 X The Rev. R.W. Hibbert to the Rev. W.P. Bunt, A p r i l 13, 1942, Bunt Papers, B.C.C.A. 2 W. Peter Ward, "The Oriental Immigrant and Canada's Protestant Clergy, 1858-1925," B.C. Studies, Summer 1974, goes into this question i n some d e t a i l . 3 The following a l l give a detailed history of the Japanese i n Canada and p a r t i c u l a r l y B r i t i s h Columbia p r i o r to the war. Both Young and Woodsworth use much of Sumida's material verbatim. Charles H. Young Helen R.Y. Reid and W.A. Carrothers, The Japanese Canadians, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1938; Rigenta Sumida, "The Japanese i n B r i t i s h Columbia," M.A. thesis, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1935; Charles J. Woodsworth, Canada and the Orient, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1941. 4 Youn.g, op. c i t . , p. 31. See also Table XIII, p. 161. Between 1922 and 1924 the number of Japanese i n schools increased 74%. B r i t i s h Columbia, Report on Oriental A c t i v i t i e s within the Province, V i c t o r i a , King's P r i n t e r , 1927. This report i s excellent for outlining the occupa-tions held by the Japanese and the extent they had taken over neighbour-hood stores and commercial services throughout Vancouver and V i c t o r i a , and had expanded thei r acreage holdings i n the Fraser Valley. After 1920, the number of f i s h i n g licences to Japanese was s t r i c t l y controlled i n an e f f o r t to give Indians and whites more oppor-tunity. In 1919 the Japanese held almost one-half of the B.C. f i s h i n g licences. Young, op. c i t . , p. 43. Between 1922 and 1925, there was a 50.3% drop i n the number of boat licences issued to the Japanese. B.C. Report, op. c i t . , p. 18. In 1925 the Minimum Wage Law i n B r i t i s h Columbia was designed to r e s t r i c t the employment of orientals i n lumbering and other industries. Young, op. c i t . , p. 49. Halford D. Wilson and Harry J. de Graves, aldermen of Vancouver c i t y , i n "Brief on the Oriental Situation i n B r i t i s h Columb i a i n the year 1938," p. 12 make a strident attack on the number of Japanese students attending schools, especially i n the better parts of the c i t y l i k e Shaughnessy and Kerrisdale "at the expense of the white population." See also Young, op. c i t . , pp. 134-5 for the breakdown i n numbers attending The University of B r i t i s h Columbia. P a t r i c i a E. Roy, "Educating the 'East': B r i t i s h Columbia and the Oriental Question i n the Interwar Years," B.C. Studies, Summer 1973; P h i l i p A. Morris, "Conditioning Factors Molding Public Opinion i n B r i t i s h Columbia Hostile to Japanese Immigration into Canada," M.A. thesis, University of Oregon, 1963, p. 50. Both of these authors go into d e t a i l concerning the l e g i s l a t i o n against the Japanese. 236 237 During this period i t published "Report of the Survey of the Second Generation Japanese i n B r i t i s h Columbia," 1935 and "The Japanese Contribution to Canada," Vancouver, 1940. g The C.C.F. did not want more o r i e n t a l immigration into Canada but i t did i n s i s t upon f u l l Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p , including the franchise for those already here. Grace and Angus Maclnnis, Oriental Canadians— Outcasts or Citizens? [Vancouver, Federationist Publishing Co., ca. 1944]; and J . King Gordon to T.H. Hughes, December 10, 1937 [copy i n author's possession]; Roy, op. c i t . , p. 62. 9 This was a United Church publication put out by the Japanese Young People's Union of the Powell Street Japanese United Church, Vancouver. ^ Gwen Cash, A M i l l i o n Miles from Ottawa, Toronto, Macmillan, 1942 gives a v i v i d picture of the tense and f e a r f u l atmosphere dm the west coast. 1 1 Sumida, op. c i t . , p. 132. Buddhists formed 66.7% of the Jap-anese population, the United Church members were 21.6%, Anglicans 5.6% and the Roman Catholics .9%. S t a t i s t i c s can only be approximate since the Japanese United Church records vary r a d i c a l l y from year to year de-pending on the current minister's method of numbering those under his pastoral care. Many stating r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s i n the census returns would be only nominal members of the church concerned. In the case of the Japanese and Chinese, this would be p a r t i c u l a r l y true of those claim-ing the Buddhist r e l i g i o n . See Tables XIV and XV, p. 164, for further r e l i g i o u s s t a t i s t i c s . 12 The Christian Endeavour Society was a non-denominational evangelistic movement begun i n the United States i n the late 19th cen-tury to work among young people. S.S. Osterhout, Orientals i n Canada, Toronto, Ryerson Press, 1929 gives a detailed account of early Methodist and United Church work among the Japanese. 13 V i c t o r i a Oriental Home for G i r l s , Minute Books, B.C.C.A. and Gladys W. B e a l l , "History of Oriental Home and Missions i n V i c t o r i a , " 1959, unpublished manuscript, B.C.P.A. 14 Interview with Grace Namba. Her parents joined the United Church because of her involvement with the kindergarten as did many of the other United Church adults i n the Fraser Valley. 15 Sumida, op. c i t . , p. 470 taken from K. Shimizu, "The Problem of the 2nd Generation Japanese," 1931, p. 15. Although 65% of Japanese children belonged to Buddhist parents and only 16% to Christian, 65% were • i n Christian Sunday Schools and only 15% i n Buddhist. A case i n point i s the Imai family i n which f i v e out of the s i x children became Christian while the parents and the remaining c h i l d stayed with the Buddhist r e l i g -ion. Interview with the Rev. Gordon Imai. 238 ^ Osterhout, op. c i t . , pp. 142, 146. ^ United Church of Canada, Year Book, 1932, p. 156. The census figures i n Table XIV, p. 164, do not bear this out. Either the church missions padded thei r numbers or many 'Japanese i n answering the 1931 census claimed United Church membership before this was o f f i c i a l l y so. 18 He was a former student and p r i n c i p a l of the Vancouver Methodist night school, was ordained by B r i t i s h Columbia Conference of the United Church after university t r a i n i n g at U.B.C. and Harvard. Osterhout, op. c i t . , p. 144; and Isobel McFadden, The Man Who Knew the Difference, Rev. Kosaburo Shimizu, M.A., P.P., United Church of Canada, 1965. 19 Tadashi M i t s u i , "The Ministry of the United Church of Canada Amongst Japanese Canadians i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1892-1949," S.T.M. thesis, Union College of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964, pp. 131-2. 20 Interviews with Mrs. K. Shimizu, Imai, Namba. The l a t t e r grew up i n the Haney area, had white friends and taught piano lessons to white pupils as well as Japanese. She f e l t personally very l i t t l e h o s t i l i t y from the community and neither did the other two, one of whom grew up i n New Westminster and the other i n South Vancouver. 21 Letter from the P a c i f i c Co-operative Union, Mission City to a member of the Japanese United Church, Jan. 8, 1942. Fraser Valley United Church papers, B.C.C.A. A survey of Westminster Presbytery which included the Fraser Valley indicated that the number of Japanese converts was decreasing because of white h o s t i l i t y and Buddhist competition. The author was speaking of the sit u a t i o n i n Steveston rather than the Valley most probably. The Rev. F.H. Stevens, "Survey of Westminster Presby-tery," B.D. thesis, Union College of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1941, p. C23. 22 M i t s u i , op. c i t . , p. 171 footnote. This i s true even today when the Japanese population i s scattered throughout the country, and seemingly well-assimilated. Because of t h e i r d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l back-ground, the Japanese Canadians f e e l t h e i r s p i r i t u a l needs and problems are different and go unmet i n a regular white congregation. The problem seems to be as much theirs as that of the white church members who either treat the Japanese coolly or signal them out with too much attention. Interviews with Namba and Imai, and personal observation of the author. 23 Mit s u i , op. c i t . , p. 133. Segregation at Steveston ceased at a l a t e r date also. 24 Vancouver Knox United Churchy O f f i c i a l Board Minutes, March 3, 1936. 25 Montreal Witness and Canadian Homestead, Nov. 9, 1932 and Andrew Roddan, The Church i n the Modern Cit y , [Vancouver, 1945], p. 39. 239 26 British Columbia Conference Digest of the Minutes, 1936, p. 13. No o f f i c i a l board minutes examined indicated that the instructions were followed. 27 Digest, 1938, p. 16. 28 Canada, War Committee, Special Committee on Orientals in British  Columbia, Report and Recommendations, December 1940. H.L. Keenleyside of the Department of External Affairs, Lt. Col. A.W. Sparling of the Department of National Defence and F.J. Mead of the R.C.M.P. were the three men to gather the information. 29 Canada, Department of Labour, Report on the Administration  of Japanese Affairs in Canada, 1942-1944, p. 2. The 1941 census gives 14,119 as Canadian born and another 3,159 as naturalized citizens. 30 Interview with Morag Maclachlan. Cash, op. c i t . , gives a personal contemporary view while Forrest E. LaViolette, The Canadian  Japanese and World War II, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1948, pp. 34-63, gives a good detailed account of the build-up of public pro-test leading to the complete evacuation. 31 Order-in-Council P.C. 365. See Appendix 5 for a complete l i s t of government actions 1941 to 1945. 32 See LaViolette, op. c i t . , p. 60 for more details on the British Columbia Security Commission. F.J. Mead of the R.C.M.P., Austin Taylor, a prominent Vancouver industrialist and John Shirras of the B.C. provin-c i a l police headed the commission. 33 Others found their own housing or already lived outside the defence area. 34 Towns were Greenwood, Slocan City, New Denver, Rosebery, Sandon and Kaslo. The new camps were built at Lemon Creek near Slocan City, and Tashme near Hope. Japanese crews did the building and renova-tion work. 35 Department of Labour, Report, op. c i t . , gives the numbers which went to the various destinations and a more complete picture of the general conditions in the camps. 36 Interviews with the Revs. W.P. Bunt, H.M. Rae, F.E. Runnalls. 37 Circular letter, the Rev. Hugh Dobson to Japanese ministers, Sept. 8, 1941, Dobson papers. 38 Dobson to the Rev. J.R. Mutchmor, Sept. 5, 1941, Dobson papers. 39 Ibid., and circular letter, op. c i t . 240 40 Sometimes called the Consultative Committee on Japanese Relations. 41 A l l Japanese had to be off the streets by dark. This made i t very d i f f i c u l t for the Japanese clergy and doctors to do a l l the i r v i s i t i n g and to deal with emergencies. The Rev. K. Shimizu's comment was "This i s the end of Democracy i n Canada." Shimizu diary, Feb. 28, 1942, U.B.C. Special Collections. 42 Special Committee on Japanese Work, Minutes, March 16, 1942, Bunt papers. 43 Minutes of the Advisory Committee Meeting of the Four Christian Churches working at Hastings Park A p r i l 8, 1942-May 28, 1942, Bunt papers. 44 They were to go to Kaslo, but since i t was one of the f i r s t camps ready for occupancy, others already moved out of the i r homes were sent there to make room for more at Hastings Park. Interview with Mrs. K. Shimizu. 45 Shimizu d a i r i e s , A p r i l 1942. 46 Vancouver P rovince, March 11, 1942, l e t t e r to the editor from the Rev. Chas. E. Batzold. He also had his negative vote -recorded i n Van-couver Presbytery Minutes, March 10, 1942. This man was a maverick among his fellow clergymen but did represent the feelings of a number of lay-men. He had been a staunch supporter of B r i t i s h Israelism and had been chastized by the presbytery on previous occasions for interference with other ministers' work. 47 Shimizu had t r i e d to become naturalized for many years p r i o r to World War I I but was always refused with no explanation ever given. Interview with Shimizu. 206. papers. 48 49 50 Rae to Bunt, A p r i l 16, 1942, Bunt papers; M i t s u i , op. c i t . Dorey to Austin Taylor, May 19, 1942, carbon copy i n Bunt Throughout March of 1942, one congregation noted i t s fare-wells to families going on the i r own to Manitoba and Alberta where they could take up farming again. Minutes of the Japanese United Church, Mission City. Another example was the family of Mrs. K. Shimizu. Her family pioneered i n South Vancouver and was very w e l l assimilated into the community. After a s i s t e r got a job as a domestic and a brother a farming job i n the east, the whole family moved. I t never was i n a camp, There were others i n a s i m i l a r position. By the f a l l of 1941, quite a few university graduates and other N i s e i had already gone east i n order to f i n d employment. Interview with Shimizu. 241 Minutes of Representatives of Powell United, New Westminster, Steveston and Fraser Valley, [Japanese United Church congregations], Jan. 8 and 22, 1942, Fraser Valley United Church papers, B.C.C.A. 52 53 54 Interview with Namba and Shimizu. The Rev. K. Nomoto. Interview with Bunt, Dec. 8, 1970. Mits u i , op. c i t . , pp. 257, 276 says Armitage was not friendl y towards the Japanese but Shimizu i n his d i a r i e s , May 1942 and his l e t t e r s to Bunt, May 2, 29, 1942 and Feb. 23, 1944 indicates otherwise as do the Minutes of the Special Committee, op. c i t . , June 14, 1945. Armitage did withdraw his o r i g i n a l offer to look after a l l the Japanese when he learned that many had no English (Armitage to Bunt, May 8, 1942), and when i t became obvious that the congregation needed to renovate the buildings for the Japanese kindergarten and youth work (Armitage to Bunt, June 3, 1942 and Dorey to Bunt, May 4, 1942). Later Armitage and Miss Tait, the W.M.S. worker with the Japanese, f e l l out with Shimizu but i t was a clash of personalities and goals, (Dorey Report, March 1943). Perhaps Mitsui mistook these negative aspects as indications of Armitage's h o s t i l i t y towards the Japanese when i t was r e a l l y directed towards Shimizu. The l a t t e r was very unhappy i n Kaslo and wanted to go east very early during the war. (Mitsui, op. c i t . , pp. 276-78 and Shimizu d i a r i e s ) . 55 Bunt to Armitage, July 3, 1942; Sadie Tait to Mrs. I.M. Loveys, June 4, 1942; Dorey Report, March 1943. Kaslo Kootenaian, Jan. 22, 1942; A p r i l 30, 1942; July 2, 9, 1942. 5 7 Grand Forks Sun, A p r i l 10, 1942; May 1, 1942; Sept. 4, 1942; Aug. 27, 1943; Oct. 3, 1944; Grand Forks Gazette, Feb. 19, March 5, March 12, March 26, May 14, Aug. 20, Dec. 3, 1942. Japanese families moved independently to the surrounding area to farm. 5 8 This i s discussed l a t e r i n more d e t a i l . 59 The Rev. Thos. Keyworth to Bunt, June 30, Nov. 28, 1942; Feb. to A p r i l 1944, Bunt papers. 60 One was the superintendent for the Rev. Y. Ogura i n the Japanese Sunday School. Frank H. Humphrey to Bunt, June 17, 1942, Bunt papers. 61 Letter of farewell from the Japanese to the Comox d i s t r i c t , Japanese c o l l e c t i o n , U.B.C. Special Collections, and the Rev. Y. Ono to Bunt, n.d., Bunt papers. 62 The pulp and paper company burnt the church along with the Japanese part of town and gave the Home Missions Board no recompense. The Rev. E.S. Fleming to Bunt, May 4, 1942, Bunt papers. 242 6 3 Interview with the Rev. G. Baker. 64 Interviews with Mrs. M. Brunnette, daughter of Dr. Norman Black, and with Mrs. R.J. McMaster. Letter of farewell, op. c i t . ; the Rev. Y. Yoshioka to Bunt, Aug. 24, 1942, Bunt papers; interview with Rae. 66 This was l a t e r known as the Vancouver Consultative Council for Study of Problems of Citizenship and became the l o c a l branch of the Co-operative Committee on Japanese-Canadians.. Hereafter i t w i l l be referred to as the Vancouver Consultative Council. 6 7 He was a r e t i r e d professor of education, a keen supjporter of c i v i l r i g h t s , especially of ethnic minorities, and had become' involved with the Japanese community through his children's Japanese friends at U.B.C. He had been a close friend of the Rev. Hugh Dobson since 1915. Interview with Brunnette. 68 69 70 Black to Dorey, Jan. 4, 1943, Dobson papers. Dorey to Bunt, Jan. 14, 1943, Bunt papers. Minutes of Special Committee on Japanese Work, op. c i t . , contains a copy of the Memorandum Interview with Shimizu. Mrs. Shimizu was the former Hide Hyodo and married Shimizu i n Toronto after his f i r s t wife died from tuberculosis. 72 These men were university students who were quite anxious to be engaged i n more worthwhile projects than cutting down brush. One said he f e l t the church intervened on their behalf, not so much for their benefit but because of the church's desperate need for teachers i n the camps. E. Best to the author, May 27, 1973. 73 Gwen Suttie, "With the N i s e i i n New Denver," edited by Dorothy Blakey Smith, B.C. H i s t o r i c a l News, February 1972, pp. 15-25. This a r t i c l e gives a detailed picture of a school i n New Denver as w e l l as other church work with the Japanese. 74 Minutes of Special Committee on Japanese Work, March 22, 1945; Bunt papers. ^ In the l a t t e r days of the war, Kaslo and New Denver were designated camps for those remaining i n Canada while Tashme and Lemon Creek were for those signing repatriation forms. 76 The Rev. George Dorey was the key United Church man on this committee. 243 7 7 LaViolette, op. c i t . , pp. 193-5. 78 W.M.S. Dominion Board Home Missions, Minutes, Sept. 16, 1942. 79 Letters and telegrams to Senator Cairine Wilson and the prime minister with their responses, Dobson papers. Wilson quoted Dr. N. Black and the Vancouver Consultative Council i n her speech against the disen-franchisement. Vancouver Sun, July 3, 1944. 80 A.W.. Roebuck to the Rev. J.A. Donnell, July 31, 1944, Dobson papers. Roebuck gives a detailed explanation as to how the b i l l passed without King, the C.C.F. or most i n the House knowing i t s contents. 81 LaViolette, "Two Years of Japanese Evacuation i n Canada," Far Eastern Survey, May 31, 1944, p. 99. 82 Interview with Howard C. Green and "Should We Send the Japs Back—Yes," Macleans, Dec. 1, 1943; A.W. N e i l l to the Rev. C.E.FEinne-more, June 1943, Dobson papers and House of Commons Debates, Aug. 4, 1944, pp. 6079-80. 83 Vancouver Consultative Council to King, May 29, 1944, Dobson papers. 8.4 King to Dobson, August 3, 1944, Dobson papers. See / 6 for the speech. 85 Isabel Mcintosh Loveys, Among the Japanese Canadians i n B r i t i s h  Columbia, 1944 was used i n W.M.S. study groups and Constance Chappell, Second Pioneers, 1944 was studied by teenage g i r l s ' groups. ^ He was the son of the Hon. H.H. Stevens, who had long been an opponent of the o r i e n t a l presence i n B r i t i s h Columbia. 87 LondofTrFreerEress, Sept. 15, 1944, Sanford Scrapbrook. 88 Interview with Rae. There had been a long and heated debate i n the House of Commons i n May over the government's estimates for i t s Japanese camp work and over B i l l 135, at which time these vocal M.P.'s gained a great deal of press coverage. Their solution was s t i l l one of deportation of a l l Japanese. LaViolette, The Canadian Japanese, pp. 22 7-32, 89 Dobson to Mutchmor, Jan. 7, 1942, Dobson papers. 90 Ralph Maybank, M.P.}Winnipeg to the Rev. R.B. Cochrane, July 12, 1944, Cochrane papers, U.C.A. 91 The Rev. T. Komiyama to Bunt, May 3, 1945, Bunt papers; and Minutes of Special Committee on Japanese Work, June 14, 1945. 244 92 The New Canadian, Sept. 26, 1945. 93 Interview with Imai. Norman Black and W.H.H. Norman, Save  Canadian Children and Canadian Honour, Vancouver Consultative Council, [n.d.], gives examples of si m i l a r cases as does the New Canadian, of families and individuals who changed t h e i r minds for many different reasons. Imai considered that up to 90% of the families i n Tashme during the early war years wanted Japan to win.' The whole camp waited eagerly for the clandestine news bu l l e t i n s received from Japan over a forbidden short-wave radio. 94 The New Canadian, Oct. 3, 1945. 95 Westminster Presbytery Minutes, Sept. 18, 1945; Nov. 22, 1945; Vancouver Presbytery Minutes, Oct. 23, 1945; V i c t o r i a Pres-bytery Minutes, Feb. 28, 1946; V i c t o r i a Presbyterial Minutes, Jan. 29, 1946. 96 97 98 Black to King, Oct. 18, 1945, Dobson papers. Orders-in-council P.C. 7355, 7356, 7357. The Toronto committee s i m i l a r to the Vancouver Consultative Council was formed i n 1943. Winnipeg also had a group. On the Toronto committee were active United Church people including the Rev. E.M. Nichols from B r i t i s h Columbia, an S.C.M. secretary, the Rev. James Finlay of Toronto, who was a member of the F.O.R. and Miss Constance Chappell, a W.M.S. missionary from Japan. Edith Fowke, They Made Democracy Work, Co-operative Committee on Japanese-Canadians, 1952, gives a good history of this committee's work. 99 He was formerly a very strong S.C.M. member, was active i n the United Church and at one time seriously considered the ministry. He was a p a c i f i s t , a member of the C.C.F. and very much concerned with the rights of the downtrodden. Interviews with Mr. and Mrs. R.J. McMaster, Miss G. McMaster, and Mrs. Mildred Fahrni. By August 31, 1945, 10Q813 asked to go to Japan but by Sept. 1, 285 had cancelled, by Dec. 4, 4,720 had applied for cancellation and by March 1946, 6,313 had applied. Canada, Department of Labour, Report  on Re-Establishment of Japanese i n Canada, 1944-1946, 1947, p. 13. More cancelled l a t e r . In the end, 3,903 were deported. Thirty-two per cent 245 were Japanese nationals, 16% were naturalized Canadians and 50% were Canadian-born. Robert Stewart, "The Church and Min o r i t i e s : the Japanese-Canadians and World War I I , " paper for the Department of Religious Studies, U.B.C., 1972, p. 8, from the New Canadian, Sept. 11, 1963. 101 102 103 104 Board of Home Missions Minutes, March 8, 1950. Year Book, 1949, p. 190. Interview with Imai. Report of Japanese Fishing Vessels Disposal Committee, Vancouver, 1942, p. 22. This report gives the details on this operation. Bunt received many l e t t e r s from United Church Japanese who had their property sold without consent. Bunt papers. Bunt himself complained about the custodian taking belongings under his care without permission. Bunt to the Rev. T. Komiyama, Oct. 12, 1945. Chester Bloom, "Bargain Prices," Saskatoon Star-Phoenix, May 28,* 1947, Dobson papers. A moral issue raised was the buying of much of the land i n the Fi-aser Valley by the same department which evaluated i t at a lower rate than the municipalities. ^ 7 Mutchmor to Dobson, June 29, 1943, Dobson papers. 108 109 110 Mutchmor to Dobson, June 9, 1947, Dobson papers, The New Canadian, Sept. 6, 1947. Interview with Miss G. McMaster. Ken Adachi, "A History of the Japanese Canadians i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1877-1958," written under the auspices of the History Committee of the National Japanese Canadian Citizens Association, [1958], p. 34. Fowke, op. c i t . gives further d e t a i l s . 1 1 2 Digest, 1946, p. 22; 1947, p. 17. 113 Dobson to Mutchmor, June 5, 1947. 114 Bunt, Dobson and Rae to Johnson, Jan. 29, 1948; and Dobson to H.P. Davidson, Jan. 29, 1948; Dobson papers. Interview with Bunt and Mrs. Shimizu. Shimizu agreed with a s i m i l a r statement made by Bunt at the time, i n a talk "What the Church has done." Shimizu papers, U.B.C. Special Collections. The Japanese did not re a l i z e how few church members were sympathetic u n t i l after the war was over. They had thought the leaders were speaking for the whole church membership and not just a very small minority. Interview with Mitsui. 246 116 The Anglican Church besides helping i n the camps came to the Japanese aid i n the deportation question much l a t e r and the Roman Catholics took no part i n that struggle. They worked only i n the camps, especially i n the educational f i e l d . The New Canadian and T. Nakayama, "Anglican Japanese Missions i n Canada: A H i s t o r i c a l Survey," term paper, Anglican Theological College, 1956, Anglican archives, Vancouver. 1 1 7 Green l a t e r modified his views somewhat concerning deporta-tion but even i n 1972, f e l t very strongly that the Japanese had to be dispersed. He showed l i t t l e regret at how the dispersion was handled. Interview with Green. His parents l i v i n g i n Kaslo at the time of the evacuation were against the Japanese u n t i l , one day when Mr. Green Sr. was to be away, an elderly Japanese gentleman volunteered to sleep on the porch to protect Mrs. Green. The senior Greens' opposition d i s -appeared. Interview with Rae. 118 Five out of s i x children i n his family became Christian because of church contacts i n the camp at Tashme. Interview with Imai. 119 Accurate figures cannot be obtained because of the United Church's inaccurate s t a t i s t i c s and the dispersal of the Japanese after the war. Statements by Namba, Imai, Bunt, and the Rev. W.R. McWilliams support t h i s . Kathleen Green, "Japanese-Canadian Background," Recon- c i l i a t i o n , F.O.R. March 1944, Dobson papers; Mi t s u i , op. c i t . , p. 310; Tak Komlyama, "Missionary Work Among the Japanese i n Canada," n.d. Komiyama papers, B.C.C.A.; Madeline Bock, "How God Worked on Men," Missionary Monthly, Sept. 1958; a l l make the same comment. FOOTNOTES—CONCLUSION R.G. Stewart, "Radiant Smiles i n the Dirty T h i r t i e s : History and Ideology of the Oxford Group Movement i n Canada, 1932-1936," M. Div. thesis, Vancouver School of Theology, 1974 analyses responses to c r i s i s and b e l i e f . 2 Walter E l l i s , "Some Aspects of Religion i n B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c s , " M.A. thesis, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1959, pp. 81-85; Richard A l l e n , The Social Passion* Religion and Social Reform  i n Canada 1914-28, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1971, p. 260 and United Church of Canada, Record of Proceedings, 1930-1946. L i s t s of memorials sent i n to General Council from B r i t i s h Columbia Conference almost always dealt with in j u s t i c e s either i n society or i n the church structure. The same cannot be said for the other conferences. 3 The climate of the coast also attracted r e t i r e d men from the pra i r i e s who brought decidedly conservative outlooks to the fl o o r of the church courts so that s o c i a l action was often modified or delayed. Interview with the Rev. F.E. Runnalls. 4 E l l i s , op. c i t . , pp. 81-85. The United Church was the strongest reli g i o u s denomination i n the C.C.F- and thus sometimes was known as "the C.C.F. party at prayer." "* I t was sometimes called the alumini group of the S.C.M. B r i t i s h Columbia Conference L i f e and Work Committee Question-naire r e s u l t s , 1935, Conference papers. By this date there were very few ministers i n B r i t i s h Columbia who had been educated i n the Maritimes although i n the previous generation there had been a considerable number of them i n i n f l u e n t i a l positions. They tended to be rather conservative. Union College was quite conservative i n i t s teaching on s o c i a l concern but i t s predecessors had a more l i b e r a l approach. The college actually l o s t candidates for the ministry because of i t s conservatism during the 1930's and 1940's. Interviews with S. Roddan, R.J. McMaster, J.G. Pinkerton, and S.H. Pinkerton. 7 E l l i s , op. c i t . , pp. 32, 60, agrees with this conclusion. He also states that the United Church ministers were more l i b e r a l and more involved i n secular groups and s o c i a l issues than ministers from any other denomination. See pp. 21, 38, 60-65, 84-85. g J. Milton Yinger, Religion, Society and the Individual, New York, Macmillan, 1957, p. 229. 247 248 9 Of course, i t s founder J.S. Woodsworth and others from d i f f e r -ent denominations contributed to t h i s aura as w e l l . The party also had a large vocal group of ath e i s t s and agnostics. ^ Letter from the Rev. Bryce Wallace to Dobson, Feb. 10, 1933, Dobson papers. 1 1 A.R.M. 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