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The social influence of the United Church of Canada in British Columbia 1930-1948 Harrison, Marilyn Joan 1975

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THE SOCIAL INFLUENCE OF THE UNITED CHURCH OF CANADA IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 1930-1948 by MARILYN JOAN HARRISON B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  i n the Department of History  We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1975  In presenting  t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r  an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I further agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s thesis for s c h o l a r l y purposes may by h i s representatives.  be granted by the Head of my Department or  I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission.  Department of History The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver, B.C. Canada V6T 1W5  Date A p r i l ,  1975  i  ABSTRACT Throughout Canadian h i s t o r y the major C h r i s t i a n churches have played an important r o l e i n the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l l i f e of the n a t i o n .  B r i t i s h Columbia, however, has stood apart as more  secular than the r e s t of the country and the i n f l u e n c e of the church, though present, has been f a r l e s s obvious.  With the r e s t of Canada  now entering a secular p e r i o d , the past experiences of the church i n B r i t i s h Columbia becomes annimppfftantttramllb'laze'rr f oEr thee r e s t L of the country. The United Church of Canada was chosen f o r t h i s study because of i t s n a t i o n a l strength geographically and numerically, i t s class s t r u c t u r e which i s predominately Anglo-Saxon middle-class but a l s o includes some upper and lower-class members as w e l l as some ethnic m i n o r i t i e s , and i t s propensity f o r s o c i a l a c t i o n i n h e r i t e d from i t s predecessors. Shortly a f t e r the union of 1925 three unusual  circumstances  developed which had a profound e f f e c t on B r i t i s h Columbia and the United Church—the depression, the Second World War and the evacuation of the Japanese from the west coast.  These three c r i s e s form the  s e t t i n g f o r a close examination of the United Church's i n f l u e n c e w i t h i n the province. Of key importance for t h i s examination were the record and minute books of the United Church congregations and i n s t i t u t i o n s , the minutes and papers of the higher courts of the church, and the papers  ii of i n d i v i d u a l church leaders.  The popular press was used extensively  to supplement the o f f i c i a l records, providing a d d i t i o n a l information covering church a c t i v i t y i n the community and g i v i n g colour and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n to church issues and debate.  Interviews w i t h some people  a c t i v e during the years under scrutihyyroundeddoutttheeresearch  by  f i l l i n g i n gaps of information and adding personal opinion and r e f l e c t i o n . The sources were allowed to speak f o r themselves and i n d i c a t e c e r t a i n patterns which were then examined by more s e l e c t i v e research.  However,  since opinion and a c t i o n are based on so many v a r i a b l e s , i t was impossible to separate the i n f l u e n c e of the church from other influences i n society.  Therefore the conclusions are based l e s s on hard f a c t than  on general impression and deduction. The United Church d e f i n i t e l y had an i n f l u e n c e i n B r i t i s h Columbia, not only on i t s own membership but also on the general p u b l i c . The extent, however, i s impossible to measure p r e c i s e l y . Through b r i e f s , p e t i t i o n s , r e p o r t s , study groups, sermons and p u b l i c announcements i t f u l f i l l e d an educational r o l e by advocating economic and s o c i a l change which prepared  the people f o r a s o c i a l welfare s t a t e .  The church, i n  i t s defence of the Japanese Canadians, awakened many consciences and led  the way f o r r a c i a l j u s t i c e a f t e r the war.  Throughout the depression  and the war church members responded generously w i t h time, leadership and materials to ease the hunger, the cold and the l o n e l i n e s s of unemployed men, drought-strifeken p r a i r i e f a m i l i e s and s o l d i e r s at home and  overseas. While most church members could whole-heartedly  t r a d i t i o n a l c h a r i t y of the church, fewer supported  support the  the b r i e f s and  iii reports demanding change i n s o c i e t y .  Fewer s t i l l , and these were l e d  by a handful of r a d i c a l clergy, supported s o c i a l i s m , the demands of the unemployed transients and labour, p a c i f i s m , and the r i g h t s of the Japanese Canadians during the war. By working w i t h other i n s t i t u t i o n s , the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia showed that i t i s p o s s i b l e f o r a church to influence society i n a secular age. The clergy, on the whole more l i b e r a l than the l a i t y , could only lead the church body i n the same d i r e c t i o n as society generally was moving, but the church was able to hasten that movement.  And through the work of a few r a d i c a l s i n the church, i t  could prod society and keep a l i v e the C h r i s t i a n i d e a l s of Canadian l i b e r a l i s m at a time when i t would have been very easy to ignore . p r i n c i p l e s of human d i g n i t y .  iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Chapter  Page INTRODUCTION  1  1  THE UNITED CHURCH HERITAGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA  2  CHURCH UNION  29  3  THE DEPRESSION  45  4  . . . .  9  Bread—Paternal Charity  55  REFORMING THE SOCIAL ORDER  70  T r a d i t i o n a l Reform  70  The "Reds"—Radical Social Change  93  T T A  ^  .  .  .  .  10/  5  WAR : . : :  124  6  THE EVACUATION OF JAPANESE CANADIANS  159  CONCLUSION  196  ABBREVIATIONS  206  FOOTNOTES BIBLIOGRAPHY  2  APPENDICES  0  7  249 273  V  LIST OF TABLES Table I  Page R e l i g i o u s Denominations C l a s s i f i e d by R a c i a l Origins i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931  II III IV V VI VII  VIII IX X XI XII XIII XIV XV  • • •  4  Union Congregations P r i o r to 1925  33  Non-Concurring Presbyterians  35  Extent of Church Union i n B r i t i s h Columbia  35  The United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931  41  Charges Vacant or Supplied by Lay or R e t i r e d Men, 1944 B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Rate of Growth of Total Membership During the War Years of United Church Presbyteries and Some Congregations i n M i l i t a r y T r a i n i n g Centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia . .  129 137  Rates of Growth Compared to Population Increase i n B r i t i s h Columbia  154  War and Post-War Growth of United Church Presbyteries and Selected C i t i e s  154  A c t i v e Full-Time Chaplains i n Canadian Armed Forces to A p r i l 1944  156  Canadian and B r i t i s h Columbia Enlistments by Religious A f f i l i a t i o n  156  Intake i n t o Canadian Armed Forces by Province, World War I I  157  Immigrant Population of B r i t i s h Columbia by Country of A l l e g i a n c e  161  Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n of a l l A s i a t i c s Belonging to the United Church  164  Religious A f f i l i a t i o n of Chinese and Japanese i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931  164  INTRODUCTION In Canada the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n has been very much intertwined with the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l f a b r i c of the nation.  During  the nineteenth century, i n d i v i d u a l p i e t y was strong and was r a r e l y i n c o n f l i c t with the dominant economic and p o l i t i c a l d i r e c t i o n s of s o c i e t y . Progress f o r the i n d i v i d u a l depended upon hard work, s o b r i e t y , s t a b i l i t y , humanitarian  e f f o r t s , strong family l i f e and u n i f i e d c l a s s aims,  a l l of which the churches fostered through t h e i r preaching of God's and C h r i s t ' s demand f o r personal reformation.  At the same time, movements  for organic s o c i a l a c t i o n were also at work with s i m i l a r aims.  As a  r e s u l t the leading denominations were i n the f o r e f r o n t of controversies over land questions, p u b l i c education, p o l i t i c a l party platforms and p r o v i n c i a l finances.  I n many instances, churches shaped the s o c i a l  l i f e of communities and determined the p u b l i c image of towns and c i t i e s . By 1900 the major denominations, the Roman C a t h o l i c , Anglican,  Methodist,  Presbyterian and B a p t i s t Churches had f i r m l y established i n f l u e n t i a l r o l e s i n the p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic f i e l d s at the f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l levels."'' In contrast t o the r e s t of the country, B r i t i s h Columbia stands apart as a more secular s o c i e t y i n which r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s have 2 played a l e s s e r r o l e .  When the white man came to the P a c i f i c north-  west permanently, the churches came too. prominent role?  Why d i d they not play a more  I n small towns, i t was not taken f o r granted that everyone 1  2 would be a church-goer as i t was i n eastern parts of the country, nor were the churches as obviously a c t i v e i n p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l issues.  3  This lack of p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n , however, does not s i g n i f y the absence of a c t i o n on the part of the churches. B r i t i s h Columbia was s e t t l e d l a t e r than the r e s t of the country and copied many of the p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s of the eastern provinces, o r i g i n a l l y s t a r t e d by churches and then taken over by.the government. The period of settlement was at a time when s o c i a l reform movements i n a l l areas of l i f e were vigorous and the churches' a c t i o n p a r a l l e l e d that of other forces i n society and therefore did not stand out as unique; i t was a time of c o n f l i c t between rugged i n d i v i d u a l i s m and a greater degree of collectivismm and much of the churches' energy was d i s s i p a t e d i n t e r n a l l y over the same struggle as they t r i e d to cope w i t h the newlyemerging, more secular s o c i e t y ; i t was a time when most f r o n t i e r land i n Canada and the United States had been s e t t l e d and many of those entering t h i s province were i n d i v i d u a l i s t s , unable to cope w i t h the more t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y of eastern Canada, the United States and Europe. Many of the new settlements were composed of s i n g l e males and t h i s d i d not encourage the establishment of stable t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the church.  The question a r i s e s whether the church can have  any influence i n a secular society such as t h i s and i f so, what kind? The s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s and actions of the United Church of Canada have been chosen f o r close examination f o r s e v e r a l reasons.  I n Canada  and i n B r i t i s h Columbia, i t has been one of the leading denominations i n terms of number of members and adherents.  I t s membership represented  3 a c r o s s - s e c t i o n of the population, reaching a l l corners of the country &  and province, and included r u r a l , urban, n a t i v e Indian, o r i e n t a l , upper, 4 middle and lower c l a s s people. showed a s o c i a l conscience.  Moreover, i t and i t s predecessors  I n the e a r l y part of the twentieth century,  the Methodist Church was known f o r i t s e n t h u s i a s t i c adoption of the s o c i a l gospel and i t s p a r t i a l endorsement of s o c i a l i s t aims f o r the country.  The Presbyterian Church had stressed s o c i a l reform, l a r g e l y  through i n d i v i d u a l reformation and a c t i o n , but i t a l s o agreed w i t h some of the more l i b e r a l measures f o r changing society.  The United Church  started o f f with a r e p u t a t i o n f o r l i b e r a l s o c i a l views, unshackled by binding t r a d i t i o n .  I t accepted r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a l l i n the country  otherwise unchurched, and f o r the moral q u a l i t y of Canadian s o c i e t y as a whole.  This f a c t plus i t s c a t h o l i c i t y and the number of i t s members,  i t s geographical spread, i t s s i n g u l a r union and i t s predecessors' h i s t o r y of Canadian n a t i o n a l i s m gave i t a s t r o n g l y n a t i o n a l a i r . By 1925 much of the s o c i a l work o r i g i n a t e d by the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches had become i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d by e i t h e r the government or by the churches.  Shortly a f t e r union however, three "abnormal"  developments occurred which had a profound e f f e c t on B r i t i s h Columbia s o c i e t y and on the United Church i n that p r o v i n c e — t h e depression of the 1930's, the Second World War and the evacuation of a l l Japanese from the P a c i f i c coast.  These three c r i s e s form the s e t t i n g f o r a  close examination of the s o c i a l concern and i n f l u e n c e of the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  Did the church have any i n f l u e n c e over the  decisions and actions of the l e g i s l a t o r s , o o f the general population or  4 Table I Religious Denominations C l a s s i f i e d by R a c i a l Origins i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931 Anglicans  Roman Catholics  United Church  190,507 151,854 17,141 17,127 4,385  32,134 11,481 14,049 6,211 393  140,632 64,507 22,877 49,778 3,470  European Races French Austrian Belgian Czech & Slovak Danish Dutch Finnish German Greek .Hebrew Hungarian Icelandic Italian Jugo-Slavic Norwegian Polish Roumanian Russian Swedish Ukrainian Other  7,924 1,678 121 192 57 453 723 115 1,816 72 24 29 74 239 48 731 153 34 211 1,002 51 101  43,732 9,716 2,758 1,114 2,280 130 594 97 3,841 160 16 943 19 11,453 2,157 238 3,423 684 1,360 297 1,817 635  13,213 1,881 194 151 110 575 1,967 295 3,304 27 26 69 201 278 60 1,287 189 65 347 2,027 75 85  A s i a t i c Races Chinese Japanese Other  1,678 357 1,240 81  463 93 208 162  5,813 978 4,789 46  Indian & Eskimo Negro Unspecified  4,737 56 145  14,289 45 189  4,609 220 263  205,047  90,852  164,750  B r i t i s h Races English Irish Scottish Other  TOTAL  Source: Census of Canada, 1931.  5 of i t s own members? Who formed the church's p u b l i c opinions and provided the leadership during these c r i s i s years? leadership throughout? the l a i t y ?  Was i t the same  What were the r e l a t i v e roles of the clergy and  Was the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia more f l e x i b l e ,  secular and r a d i c a l than the church i n the r e s t of the country?  These  are some of the questions to be explored i n the f o l l o w i n g examination of the church's i n f l u e n c e . ******************** According to one h i s t o r i a n , h i s t o r y i s of everyday people and documents only record the exceptional.^  O r i g i n a l l y i t had been hoped  that t h i s study could concentrate on the ordinary members of the church but i t very q u i c k l y became evident that t h i s was impossible. Most have l e f t no records. A survey questionnaire was ruled out because so many had died, moved away or had changed t h e i r opinions (often unconsciously) over the intervening years.  As a r e s u l t , t h i s thesis i s based on what  evidence does remain, w i t h deduction p l a y i n g a large r o l e i n the conclusions reached. From the governing bodies of the church, there are the o f f i c i a l minutes f o r the p r e s b y t e r i e s , the conference and some committees.  Most  of the correspondence has been destroyed, but the valuable papers of the Rev. Hugh Dobson, associate secretary of the Board of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service, throughout the period under d i s c u s s i o n , and of the Rev. W.P. Bunt, superintendent of home missions f o r B r i t i s h Columbia during the 1940's, remain and were used as key source m a t e r i a l .  Minute  6 books from congregations were used as w e l l but choice was upon those a v a i l a b l e .  dependent  F i r e , water and d e l i b e r a t e destruction have  played havoc with many congregational  records.  Minutes are often  extremely b r i e f and subject to the biases of the s e c r e t a r i e s , and a desire to minimize uripleasantijpconferoversi'alrorepetsonal i n f o r mation.  Reports mentioned i n minutes and g i v i n g the important d e t a i l s  needed are r a r e l y p r i n t e d i n f u l l and are usually unavailable i n the papers of the organization under s c r u t i n y .  The main value of the o f f i c i a l  minute books i s as a source f o r r e s o l u t i o n s passed, topics discussed t a l k s given.  and  These i n d i c a t e the general current issues and topics church  members were most concerned about at the time. The l o c a l newspapers are most u s e f u l i n f i l l i n g out the secular background f o r current issues as w e l l as g i v i n g c o l o u r f u l d e t a i l s of church meetings.  Lengthy debates, b i t t e r controversy, unanimous decisions  and standing ovations were recorded i n the press but not i n the o f f i c i a l minutes.  Also found i n the press are d e t a i l s of church groups' and  church members' involvement i n the s o c i a l issues of the day, ignored i n the church records. c i t i e s and towns.  frequently  This i s e s p e c i a l l y true i n the smaller  L e t t e r s to the e d i t o r s draw a t t e n t i o n to current  l o c a l issues and p u b l i c ( i n c l u d i n g church members') opinion.  Allowing  for the e d i t o r ' s bias and desire f o r news-making items, the author found the press a most valuable source f o r rounding out a more popular view of church involvement i n s o c i e t y . A large number of i n d i v i d u a l s were interviewed—some b r i e f l y and others at great length; some very a c t i v e i n leadership r o l e s during  7 the c r i s e s ' periods and others as ordinary church members.  The  choice  was n e c e s s a r i l y l i m i t e d to those s t i l l l i v i n g and with keen minds, and to those r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e to the w r i t e r . A f t e r the idea of a questionnaire was dropped, there was no attempt to pick a representative crosss e c t i o n to interview i n the hope of proving a p a r t i c u l a r a t t i t u d e or view towards a s p e c i f i c i s s u e .  Instead, the interviews were used as  opportunities to f i l l i n background information, atmosphere and reactions to a p a r t i c u l a r c o n t r o v e r s i a l i s s u e .  personal  In some instances,  interviewees provided f a c t u a l information unobtainable  elsewhere i n the  form of correspondence, scrapbooks and memories, as w e l l as very u s e f u l leads f o r f u r t h e r sources. There i s always the danger i n interviews on the past of r e c e i v i n g opinions people would give to-day i n s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s , or i d e a l opinions they wish they had held at the time, or opinions they think the w r i t e r wants to hear.  In a c t u a l p r a c t i c e , most people appeared to  be honest i n r e p o r t i n g where they or the church had f a i l e d . reasonably  I t became  easy to spot r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , one-sided views of extremists,  and c l i c h e s . Although a l l of the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference of the United Church was examined, Vancouver f i g u r e s very prominently  i n the research.  The greater Vancouver area had over h a l f of the United Church membership; permanent f i e l d s t a f f had t h e i r o f f i c e s i n the c i t y and tended to r e f l e c t i n t h e i r outlook and a c t i o n s , the l o c a l problems; the majority of members of conference committees were drawn from t h i s area so meetings could be held frequently and inexpensively; the o u t l y i n g p r e s b y t e r i e s , because of  8 geographic b a r r i e r s and lack of good communication w i t h neighbouring areas, looked to Vancouver f o r church f e l l o w s h i p and guidance; and t h i s c i t y was most prominently a f f e c t e d by a l l three c r i s e s . At the beginning of the research, the b a s i c assumption was made that the United Church, as an i n t e g r a l part of s o c i e t y , had an i n f l u e n c e i n current s o c i a l i s s u e s . however, were unknown.  The extent of that i n f l u e n c e and i t s nature,  The sources a v a i l a b l e were studied as i n t e n s i v e l y  as p o s s i b l e and allowed to speak f o r themselves.  As time progressed,  c e r t a i n patterns and trends emerged upon which one could base a v i a b l e hypothesis which was, i n turn, followed by f u r t h e r s e l e c t i v e research. However, opinions and a c t i o n are based on so many v a r i a b l e s that i t was impossible to separate, i n most instances, the i n f l u e n c e of the church from the influences of other i n s t i t u t i o n s i n s o c i e t y .  Therefore, con-  clusions are based, p a r t l y on hard f a c t , but more frequently on general impression, p a t t e r n , and deduction.  Chapter 1 THE UNITED CHURCH HERITAGE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA In the popular view each of the three denominations which j o i n e d i n 1925 to form The United Church of Canada, the Congregational Union of Canada, the Presbyterian Church i n Canada and the Methodist Church of Canada, presented a d e f i n i t e image.  The Congregational Church was  noted f o r i t s emphasis on congregational independence i n p o l i t y and doctrine, and on sound academic, l i b e r a l preaching. The Presbyterian Church presented a strongly d o c t r i n a l theology based on a s c h o l a r l y study of the B i b l e , d i g n i f i e d worship, and a highly democratic p o l i t y .  The  Methodist Church seemed informal and e v a n g e l i c a l i n i t s forms of worship, h i g h l y a u t h o r i t a r i a n i n s t r u c t u r e , and was involved, corporately, i n the a f f a i r s of society."'" By the time these three denominations came to B r i t i s h Columbia, they had been drawn c l o s e r together by a common heritage i n eastern Canada, and by co-operative or s i m i l a r s o l u t i o n s to western problems. Experiences unique i n B r i t i s h Columbia accentuated the s i m i l a r i t i e s as the three churches t r i e d to cope w i t h a pioneering society i s o l a t e d from the r e s t of the country. Many of the problems confronting the churches were solved f i r s t by informal and then,by formal co-operation. was the l o g i c a l f i n a l step.  9  Union  10 In B r i t i s h Columbia i s o l a t i o n was a common problem, not only i n the e a r l y days but l a t e r as w e l l .  Communication with the parent  churches  i n eastern Canada and i n the B r i t i s h I s l e s took months and transportat i o n was slow and d i f f i c u l t .  With the coming of the railway i n 1885,  communication improved but the Rockies s t i l l separated B r i t i s h Columbia p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y from the r e s t of the country.  In the churches, t h i s  was emphasized by the f a c t that the headquarters o f the parent bodies 2 and the key committee personnel were a l l i n Ontario.  Furthermore, w i t h i n  the province i t s e l f , regionalism due to geographical b a r r i e r s , created a l a c k of communication and understanding, v a r i e d s o c i a l problems, d i f f e r e n t l i f e s t y l e s , and made u n i f i e d d e c i s i o n s , support and a c t i o n very d i f f i c u l t . 3 Probably the Methodists, through the i t i n e r a c y system  were best able to  overcome r e g i o n a l misunderstanding, at l e a s t among the c l e r g y . I n many parts of the province, the c l e r g y coped w i t h very p r i m i t i v e p h y s i c a l conditions with poor or no roads, shacks f o r homes o f t e n b u i l t w i t h t h e i r own hands, expensive s u p p l i e s , few contacts w i t h persons of l i k e i n t e r e s t s , and i s o l a t i o n from the outside world i n which they had been raised.  They were c a l l e d t o be pioneers p h y s i c a l l y as w e l l as s p i r i t -  ually.  The churches a l l found i t d i f f i c u l t to f i n d enough men who were  s u i t e d to deal with such i s o l a t i o n . The v a r i e d r a c i a l population of B r i t i s h Columbia presented unique problems w i t h which the churches had to work.  The province had a very  large Indian population, which on the coast had a h i g h l y developed and economic s t r u c t u r e .  The coming of the white man immediately  social  upset  the Indian way of l i f e with the i n t r o d u c t i o n of l i q u o r , new diseases and  11 prostitution.  The Indians' s o c i a l and economic l i f e collapsed and only  the churches f e l t any o b l i g a t i o n to help the Indians adjust to the  new  economic and s o c i a l conditions. A large t r a n s i e n t white population gave the province a secular air.  By the time B r i t i s h Columbia became of r e a l i n t e r e s t to the r e s t  of the Anglo-Saxon world, a m a t e r i a l i s t and secular s o c i e t y i n which industry replaced a g r i c u l t u r e was becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y dominant.  The  province was a n a t u r a l resource pool to be e x p l o i t e d by c a p i t a l i s t entrepreneurs f o r i n d u s t r i a l and economic purposes.  The p r i n c i p l e s held by  those mining, lumbering and f i s h i n g i n t e r e s t s which were developing the province often seemed contrary to the e t h i c a l demands of C h r i s t i a n i t y and the churches had a hard time combating secularism. of the working population was composed of s i n g l e men,  A large p o r t i o n frequently d r i f t e r s ,  speculators and s o c i a l m i s f i t s from eastern Canada, the United States and Europe who wanted adventure, money, and escape from the s o c i a l bonds of a more s e t t l e d s o c i e t y .  Family, community and r e l i g i o u s t i e s had  long since been broken and the churches found i t very d i f f i c u l t to m M i s t e r to t h i s constantly s h i f t i n g element of the population which brought w i t h i t s o c i a l problems of drunkenness, gambling and generally loose  living.^ A large o r i e n t a l population brought i n t o the province as cheap  labour by the r a i l r o a d and mine owners added to the s o c i a l problems.  The  o r i e n t a l s found i t almost impossible to become a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o the predominately C a u c a s i a n s o c i e t y and created  t h e i r presence i n such large numbers  much i n d u s t r i a l unrest among the white labourers.^  12 A very large proportion of B r i t i s h Columbia's population came from the B r i t i s h I s l e s a f t e r the turn of the century and had strong l o y a l t i e s to i t s homeland and l i t t l e knowledge of or roots i n Canadian h i s t o r y by the time the F i r s t World War struck.^  As a r e s u l t , B r i t i s h  Columbia contributed a very high percentage of i t s male population to the war e f f o r t and t h i s fact d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d church congregations  in  terms of f a l l i n g numbers and revenue. The key to many of the problems faced by the churches was timing. S e t t l e d l a t e r than eastern Canada and j u s t at a time when i n d u s t r i a l i s m had h i t the country, the province had no opportunity to develop gradually from one era of economic endeavour to another.  The mass of i t s popula-  t i o n came w i t h i n a very few years and increased adjustment problems.^ Simultaneously, the province and the churches had to deal with pioneering ranch l i f e i n the Cariboo; small family farms i n the Okanagan and Fraser V a l l e y s ; remote mining towns i n the Yukon and Kootenay c o n t r o l l e d by large i n t e r n a t i o n a l companies; the r a p i d l y growing port c i t y of Vancouver w i t h i t s slums, unassimilated and poorly-paid labourers, inadequate health and welfare r e g u l a t i o n s , and i t s mushrooming middleclass bedroom suburbs which demanded roads, f i r e p r o t e c t i o n , schools, churches and s t r e e t c a r s e r v i c e . A depression i n 1913 f o l l o w i n g .real estate boom, and World War I magnified the problems.  The churches f e l t  that they had to meet a l l needs i n a l l places but w i t h one s o c i a l c r i s i s upon another, they r a r e l y had time f o r any c l e a r - c u t long range planning, but acted haphazardly with p r a c t i c a l and sometimes divergent s o l u t i o n s .  13 From i t s e a r l i e s t days when John Wesley preached to s t r e e t crowds i n England, Methodism was popularly noted f o r i t s aggressive evangelism. Wesley's message was two-fold: God's grace was free to a l l who would l i s t e n and accept the g i f t of new b i r t h , and secondly, a new way of l i f e a l t e r i n g one's s o c i a l and moral habits would n a t u r a l l y f o l l o w .  Converts,  released from f e e l i n g s of g u i l t and e l a t e d by the gospel, f e l t bound to share t h e i r enthusiasm, i n s p i r a t i o n and joy with a l l others.  Methodism  always contained a dichotomy between an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c concern f o r perg sonal s a l v a t i o n and c o l l e c t i v e concern f o r the s a l v a t i o n of a l l s o c i e t y . And B r i t i s h Columbia was part of that society. As soon as i t heard of the gold rush the Canadian Wesleyan Methodist Church became concerned about the godless miners and pagan Indians of the west coast and sent out four m i s s i o n a r i e s , chosen from nine volunteers.  The four, the Revs. Ephraim Evans, Edward White,  Arthur Browning and Ebenezer Robson, landed i n V i c t o r i a i n January of 1859 and immediately began work i n V i c t o r i a , New Westminster, Nanaimo and the Hope-Yale area among the few white Methodist s e t t l e r s who welcomed t h e i r church's presence on the coast, the unchurched miners, the many Indians around these settlements, and the few Chinese who had d r i f t e d i n w i t h the miners.  Enthusiasm was high and roots were w e l l -  established f o r future growth. Although very few i n number i n England and i n eastern Canada, 9 the Congregational Church  through i t s B r i t i s h C o l o n i a l Missionary  S o c i e t y ^ responded q u i c k l y to the r e l i g i o u s needs of B r i t i s h Columbia and sent the Rev. W.F.  Clarke from Canada West to V i c t o r i a i n the summer  14 of 1 8 5 9 , a n d the Rev. Mathew Macfie from England a few months l a t e r . Within the f i r s t month of h i s a r r i v a l , Clarke was involved i n the colony's s o c i a l l i f e , having addressed the Y.M.C.A. and the Dashaway Society, a temperance group.  In that same year he took a strong stand  against the current r u l i n g c l i q u e ' s d e s i r e f o r the Church of England to 12 be named the e s t a b l i s h e d church.  Unfortunately, Clarke's stand against  the segregation of negroes i n h i s congregation caused Macfie and most white members to leave.  Clarke returned east, Macfie l e f t i n 1864  and 13  the remaining Congregationalists turned to the Presbyterian Church. For the next t h i r t y years Congregationalism was dead i n B r i t i s h  Columbia.  Too few members, lack of constant oversight and disagreement over s o c i a l issues brought about the demise of what had been a promising beginning. Least e n t h u s i a s t i c were the Presbyterians who d i d not heed the plea f o r clergy i n B r i t i s h Columbia u n t i l 1861 and then i t was the I r i s h Presbyterian Church which sent out the Rev. John H a l l to V i c t o r i a to serve white Presbyterians. His work was made more d i f f i c u l t when the Church of Scotland sent out the Rev. James Nimmo s h o r t l y afterwards. There were not enough Presbyterians i n V i c t o r i a to keep two men busy, the Church of Scotland refused to withdraw Nimmo and i t never occurred to e i t h e r man that one might work elsewhere i n the colony.  The Presby 1  t e r i a n cause was f u r t h e r weakened by a s p l i t i n the V i c t o r i a congregation over church a u t h o r i t y , a demonstration of a common P r e s b y t e r i a n t r a i t of 14 stubborn adherence to p r i n c i p l e regardless of the d i s r u p t i v e e f f e c t . Both congregations and t h e i r m i n i s t e r s l a r g e l y ignored the miners, other whites and the Indians i n the colony and concentrated t h e i r e f f o r t s among  15 S c o t t i s h Presbyterian s e t t l e r s on Vancouver I s l a n d . An exception to the narrowness of the Island Presbyterians the Rev. Robert Jamieson, a former I r i s h Presbyterian who,  a f t e r much  pleading with the Canada Presbyterian Church to which he was i n Canada West, was sent out i n 1862  was  attached  to New Westminster where there was  a s i z e a b l e number of Presbyterians from eastern Canada.  P r i o r to  Jamieson's a r r i v a l , the Canada Presbyterian Church was d i v i d e d as to the nature of the proposed mission to the P a c i f i c and even a f t e r sending Jamieson, was not e n t h u s i a s t i c about mission work i n B r i t i s h Columbia. In l e t t e r a f t e r l e t t e r , Jamieson asked f o r answers to h i s e a r l i e r appeals, f o r money, f o r d i r e c t i o n from Synod the church's c h i e f governing body, and f o r more men  to a i d i n the ever widening area as the miners worked  t h e i r way up the Fraser and i n t o the Cariboo.  Unlike t h e i r S c o t t i s h  breth-ren, Jamieson and h i s two a s s i s t a n t s , Daniel Duff and W i l l i a m A i t k e n , who were sent out f o r one or two years, appreciated the f r o n t i e r aspect of the colony with i t s d r i f t i n g population and l a c k of s p i r i t u a l d i r e c t i o n and followed the miners i n t o the Cariboo and ministered to whites other than Presbyterians.  Their s t y l e of approach and  general  a t t i t u d e towards s o c i e t y was more i n tune w i t h that of the Canadian Methodists. and men,  Jamieson was constantly f r u s t r a t e d , through lack of funds  i n h i s attempts to deal w i t h the s o c i a l problems of d r i n k i n g ,  lack of educational and r e l i g i o u s services and the i g n o r i n g of the Sabbath which surrounded him. almost u s e l e s s .  He f e l t that h i s own e f f o r t was so small as to be  1 6  During t h i s p e r i o d , Presbyterian preaching i n eastern Canada was undergoing a slow e v o l u t i o n .  P r i o r to 1850 preaching had been h e a v i l y  16 d o c t r i n a l but t h i s was gradually replaced by more emphasis on moral issues, both f o r i n d i v i d u a l s and f o r the community. tolerance f o r the Methodists was growing.  At the same time  Perhaps Robert Jamieson,  Daniel Duff and W i l l i a m A i t k e n r e f l e c t e d t h i s new approach of the church i n contrast to the more t r a d i t i o n a l and conservative approach taken by the Church of Scotland c l e r g y .  Or perhaps i t was coincidence that the  eastern body sent out i n d i v i d u a l s concerned about s o c i a l problems.  The  o f f i c i a l Presbyterian view s t i l l d i f f e r e d considerably from the o f f i c i a l Methodist view.  Presbyterians were educated to act as concerned C h r i s t i a n s  i n t h e i r everyday l i v e s .  While not denying the importance of i n d i v i d u a l  conduct, the Methodists also fought as a body f o r l e g i s l a t i o n to a f f e c t 18 a l l of s o c i e t y .  Jamieson, Duff and Aitken were a c t i n g as i n d i v i d u a l s  of the Presbyterian Church i n d e c l a r i n g and a c t i n g out the gospel i n t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s as the many v a r i e d opportunities presented themselves and they encouraged t h e i r f l o c k s to do l i k e w i s e . Throughout the whole period of the gold rush the churches never had enough men to cover the two colonies adequately or to deal with the many s o c i a l problems which beset s o c i e t y .  As a body the Methodist Church  seemed to be the only one r e a l l y e n t h u s i a s t i c about the area and able to understand the challenge i t presented. By 1865 the gold rush had died down, and B r i t i s h Columbia entered a long period of economic depression and d i r e f i n a n c i a l c r i s e s .  The  colony of Vancouver Island was merged with the colony of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1866 i n the v a i n hope that the economic c r i s i s would be eased by the e l i m i n a t i o n of d u p l i c a t i o n i n government spending.  In 1871 B r i t i s h  17 Columbia became a province of Canada, but i t took many years more before the r a i l r o a d f i n a l l y reached the province and the economic s i t u a t i o n began to improve.  During these dark years of mounting debts, depression,  and wrangling over responsible government, the s i t e of the c a p i t a l , the governor's expenditures, annexation or confederation, the Methodists and Presbyterians c a r r i e d on t h e i r work. The S c o t t i s h P r e s b y t e r i a n Church sent out more than ten men i n t h i s period to m i n i s t e r mainly to S c o t t i s h s e t t l e r s on the Island and around Langley but unfortunately, the men stayed f o r only b r i e f periods and never succeeded i n adopting a f l e x i b l e s t y l e , necessary on the frontier.  Robert Jamieson remained under the auspices of the Canada  Presbyterian Church and maintained a holding operation among the Canadian Presbyterians of the New Westminster, Nanaimo and Fraser V a l l e y area u n t i l such time as he received more a s s i s t a n c e . Only the Methodists maintained a keen i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r work i n the province and used these quiet years to expand t h e i r Indian work along the Fraser R i v e r and up the coast as f a r as Port Simpson.  P r a c t i c a l men  who were w i l l i n g to l i v e i n i s o l a t e d surroundings and were able to keep up t h e i r enthusiasm and b e l i e f despite o p p o s i t i o n from white traders, Indian medicine men, government o f f i c i a l s and apathetic eastern church o f f i c i a l s , dedidated t h e i r l i v e s to t h i s d i f f i c u l t and often unrewarding work.  The Methodists had such men so that missions became f i r m l y estab-  l i s h e d i n many Indian v i l l a g e s .  18 With the completion of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway i n 1885 came a new era f o r B r i t i s h Columbia.  At long l a s t there was a d i r e c t l i n k  with the r e s t of Canada which a t t r a c t e d trade and immigration.  Wherever  the growing population s e t t l e d , the churches t r i e d to be there using both t r a d i t i o n a l and new methods i n serving the people over a wide area. Within the eastern-based churches, enthusiasm f o r the west and missions generally grew.  The various branches of the Methodist Church  united i n 1884 to become the Methodist Church of Canada, and developed an aggressive n a t i o n a l i s t p o l i c y i n i t s attempt to C h r i s t i a n i z e the 19 northwest, i n c l u d i n g B r i t i s h Columbia.  To t h i s end the Rev. James  Woodsworth i n Winnipeg was appointed superintendent of home missions for the northwest and he a c t i v e l y sought out missionaries to send to B r i t i s h Columbia.  The P r e s b y t e r i a n Churches i n eastern Canada united  i n 1875 to become the P r e s b y t e r i a n Church i n Canada but not u n t i l the r a i l r o a d was completed d i d i t take up the challenge of being a n a t i o n a l church.  I n 1887 the Synod of B r i t i s h Columbia of the Church of Scotland  j o i n e d the Presbyterian Church i n Canada and dropped much of i t s former c l i q u i s h n e s s and i n f l e x i b i l i t y .  The Rev. James Robertson,  superintendent  of home missions w i t h h i s headquarters i n Winnipeg, had B r i t i s h Columbia added to h i s t e r r i t o r y . L i k e Woodsworth, he t r a v e l l e d the northwest looking f o r the n u c l e i i of new congregations, and canvassed the eastern u n i v e r s i t i e s as w e l l as the B r i t i s h I s l e s f o r m i n i s t e r s . At f i r s t he found great reluctance on the part of students and newly-ordained  clergy to leave t h e i r comfortable 20 posts f o r the uncertain rough and tumble world of the west. By the turn  19 of the century enthusiasm mounted as the west became more s e t t l e d , b e t t e r known and romanticized.  The Revs. George M. Grant and D.M.  Gordon,  both p r i n c i p a l s of Queen's U n i v e r s i t y and key leaders i n the P r e s b y t e r i a n General Assembly, made t r i p s to B r i t i s h Columbia and encouraged t h e i r students and the church i n general to pay more a t t e n t i o n to the west, while the Rev. C.W.  Gordon, w r i t i n g under the name Ralph Connor, popular-  i z e d the west through such novels as The Sky P i l o t and The Prospector, 21 both widely read throughout eastern Canada. A f t e r 1885 the P r e s b y t e r i a n Church adopted the well-used Methodist "saddle-bag" system i n order to reach as many widely s c a t t e r e d s e t t l e r s of the Okanagan, Cariboo and Kootenay regions as p o s s i b l e .  In two years  one man conducted worship i n f i f t y - s e v e n d i f f e r e n t places from Yale to the Rockies, t r a v e l l i n g by horseback, sleeping under the stars or i n Indian camps, and preaching wherever he found a few s e t t l e r s gathered 22 together—barrooms,  schoolhouses, and ranch homes.  The Methodist  missionaries experienced the same conditions of enormous distances, lack of good t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , and much l o n e l i n e s s . 23 The 1890's dawned w i t h a mining boom  i n the Kootenay followed  by a gold rush i n the Yukon which brought thousands of s i n g l e men, i n stant camps, easy money, gambling, dance-hall g i r l s and saloons to B r i t i s h Columbia.  The Methodists and the Presbyterians and even the Congregation-  a l i s t s sent i n scores of young men to preach the gospel and set up s o c i a l centres f o r card p l a y i n g , sports and reading as an a l t e r n a t i v e to the saloons.  In the Yukon the P r e s b y t e r i a n Church e s t a b l i s h e d medical f a c i -  l i t i e s as w e l l .  I t a l i a n , German and Swedish names appeared on church  20 rolls.  At l a s t the Presbyterian Church had broken out of i t s S c o t t i s h  mold and l i v e d up to James Robertson's credo that the church must m i n i s t e r to a l l and not j u s t to those of S c o t t i s h Presbyterian back24 ground.  In doing so the Presbyterian Church j o i n e d the Methodist  as a v e h i c l e f o r t r a i n i n g Canadian c i t i z e n s . The t r a n s i e n t population, the enormity of the s o c i a l problems, the sudden disappearance of mining towns, the vast t e r r i t o r y of the i n t e r i o r and the lack of enough missionaries and money f r u s t r a t e d the churches' work.  Only i n the l a r g e r towns l i k e Kelowna, Nelson, Prince  Rupert, Prince George and Kamloops could therebbe seen v i s i b l e r e s u l t s with the e r e c t i o n of church b u i l d i n g s and manses, and the e s t a b l i s h ment of a stable congregation with f u l l - t i m e m i n i s t e r s . Meanwhile on Vancouver I s l a n d , along the coast and up the  Fraser  V a l l e y the Methodists with e v a n g e l i s t i c z e a l expanded t h e i r Indian work ' s t i l l f u r t h e r , organized missions f o r the o r i e n t a l s , began a marine m i n i s t r y to the many lighthouses, lumber camps and f i s h i n g canneries, and established many congregations i n the r a p i d l y populated a g r i c u l t u r a l areas and i n the growing c i t i e s of Nanaimo, New Westminster and The Presbyterians  did l i k e w i s e , although s t i l l trapped by  Victoria.  tradition,  they concentrated most of t h e i r e f f o r t s among the white population  and  e s p e c i a l l y among former Presbyterians. For both denominations Vancouver posed a s p e c i a l problem.  The  coming of the r a i l r o a d and the presence of an e x c e l l e n t harbour helped turn the c i t y i n t o the f i n a n c i a l , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , communication and business metropolis  f o r the whole province.  E n t e r p r i s i n g merchants and  21 r e a l estate speculators, doctors and lawyers, s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d labourers, grasping landlords and e x p l o i t e r s , o r i e n t a l s and eastern European immigrants, p r o s t i t u t e s and bootleggers flooded i n t o the c i t y . 25 The population grew from v i r t u a l l y nothing i n 1885 to 95,260 i n 1911. The churches r e f l e c t e d t h i s rapid and e n t h u s i a s t i c growth i n t h e i r own development.  One congregation, Mount Pleasant Presbyterian Church,  added 1300 names to i t s r o l l i n s i x years and the Methodists s t a r t e d twenty-one congregations i n t h i r t e e n y e a r s . ^  Neither  denomination,  however, could keep up w i t h the needs of t h e i r own members l e t alone those w i t h no church a f f i l i a t i o n , or deal with the s o c i a l problems inherent i n a b i g c i t y of r a p i d growth. One s o l u t i o n t r i e d by both denominations  was the establishment  of l o c a l t h e o l o g i c a l c o l l e g e s , Columbian Methodist College and Westminster H a l l , to t r a i n men f a m i l i a r w i t h B r i t i s h Columbia conditions but the demand always exceeded the supply.  The Methodists had by t h i s  time recognized the need f o r a more h i g h l y t r a i n e d clergy to meet the demands of a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y and emphasized a college education.  Westminster H a l l c a r r i e d on the P r e s b y t e r i a n t r a d i -  t i o n of a s o l i d t h e o l o g i c a l education f o r i t s m i n i s t e r s . I t adopted the novel system of summer classes so that students would be f r e e i n the winter to replace student missionaries from Knox and Queen's Univ e r s i t i e s r e t u r n i n g to the east a f t e r serving western posts during t h e i r summer break.  This arrangement a l s o allowed the c o l l e g e to h i r e w e l l -  known theologicans from the B r i t i s h , I s l e s and eastern North American u n i v e r s i t i e s enabling the students to receive a very sound academic . . 27 training.  22 Another approach the churches adopted toward the s o c i a l problems of B r i t i s h Columbia was that of the s o c i a l gospel.  The Presbyterians  and Methodists, and the Congregationalists who had revived t h e i r a c t i v i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia, hoped, through t h i s new form of evangelism, to b u i l d the Kingdom of God i n Vancouver and throughout the province. The s o c i a l gospel came to Canada from B r i t a i n and the United States i n the 1890's and emphasized a p r a c t i c a l C h r i s t i a n i t y based on 28 human i n t e r a c t i o n  and love rather than on t h e o l o g i c a l  debate.  In  Canada the o l d moral concerns such as Sabbath observance and temperance were incorporated i n t o the s o c i a l gospel along with the newer concerns f o r labour l e g i s l a t i o n , missions i n the slums and the a s s i m i l a t i o n of foreigners i n t o the Anglo-Saxon way of l i f e . In B r i t i s h Columbia the Methodists r e a d i l y adopted t h i s new evangelism aimed at both personal and organic s o c i a l reform. The Presbyterian Church, though slower to respond, accepted the t r a d i t i o n a l challenge to i n d i v i d u a l s  f o r reform and many gradually saw the need f o r  more d r a s t i c change through government l e g i s l a t i o n .  The Congregation-  a l i s t s , though few i n number were noted f o r t h e i r l i b e r a l views and were quite w i l l i n g to co-operate with the others i n any reform movements. Certainly  B r i t i s h Columbia with i t s wide-open lumbering and mining  f r o n t i e r s , i t s expiloilatd^ve-eres'o'urcenilndus'fef-ies Jt£t^rdM^dai immLgration ffi  problem and i t s growing urban problems i n the port c i t y of Vancouver provided many opportunities f o r improvement.  The buoyant growth and  enthusiasm of the early twentieth century i n Canada encouraged the  23 churches to b e l i e v e that man could create God's Kingdom on earth i f given enough men, money and time. A great deal of e f f o r t was spent on urban missions i n the slum areas.  In order to determine where a c t i o n should be concentrated and  of what k i n d , the P r e s b y t e r i a n and Methodist Churches conducted s o c i o l o g i c a l surveys of s e v e r a l Canadian c i t i e s and r u r a l areas i n c l u d i n g 29 Vancouver between 1910 and 1913.  The report on Vancouver, besides  g i v i n g many s t a t i s t i c s and f a c t s , condemned much of the c i t y ' s behaviour i n poor b u i l d i n g and zoning p r a c t i c e s ; i n ignoring human needs when passing new l e g i s l a t i o n ; i n b r i b e r y and c o r r u p t i o n ; i n the lack of proper f a c i l i t i e s and care f o r the s i c k , aged, b l i n d , deaf, mentally retarded and unemployed; and i n i t s poor r e l a t i o n to the p r o v i n c i a l government. In response, F i r s t P r e s b y t e r i a n Church and C e n t r a l Methodist Church, both s i t u a t e d i n the growing slum area of downtown Vancouver inhabited by large numbers of recent non-Anglo-Saxon immigrants, became i n s t i t u t i o n a l churches w i t h the emphasis on s o c i a l work among immigrants. The churches used kindergartens, mothers' clubs, language c l a s s e s , fresh a i r camps and personal home v i s i t s to reach the newcomers and t r y to a s s i m i l a t e them i n t o the Canadian way of l i f e .  In 1913 F i r s t Presbyter-  i a n , C e n t r a l Methodist and Knox Congregational Churches met to discuss the b u i l d i n g of a $250,000 i n s t i t u t i o n a l church i n the east end of the c i t y while i n the west end St. Andrew's P r e s b y t e r i a n , Wesley Methodist 30 and F i r s t Congregational Churches explored ways of co-operation. Before anything concrete came of these plans, World War I intervened  24 and a l l planning ceased.  In the meantime, work continued unabated i n  the downtown missions u n t i l union i n 1925 brought about an amalgamat i o n of resources. The i d e a l s o c i e t y , as seen by the s o c i a l g o s p e l l e r s , was to i n corporate a l l classes i n c l u d i n g labour, which was l a r g e l y an unchurched group.  The churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia were mainly of the middle-class  and d i d not understand labour aims and i n many cases, feared the working c l a s s , w i t h the r e s u l t that e f f o r t s to reach i t were l i m i t e d to a few leading clergy and laymen and were too d i f f u s e f o r any concrete r e s u l t s . Some, l i k e the Methodist businessmen of Cranbrook or the Congreg a t i o n a l m i n i s t e r i n Nelson, i n an a i r of paternalism set up reading rooms, gymnasiums and d i s c u s s i o n groups, and became r e a l f r i e n d s of the miners.  Fewer s t i l l , i n a much more r a d i c a l v e i n , fought f o r new  labour l e g i s l a t i o n advocating fewer hours, mine safety regulations and the r i g h t to unionize.  The Rev. E.S. Rowe of Metropolitan Methodist  Church i n V i c t o r i a , an appointee to the f e d e r a l Royal Commission i n 1903 to i n v e s t i g a t e c o a l mine explosions i n the Nanaimo area, defended the miners i n an otherwise unsympathetic r e p o r t , noting that a l l the 31 trouble seemed to a r i s e i n the non-union mines. The majority of church members however, avoided the economiclabour aspect of the s o c i a l gospel to concentrate on the more t r a d i t i o n a l middle-class i n t e r e s t s such as the p r o h i b i t i o n movement which came to a climax during the F i r s t World War.  B r i t i s h Columbia, with a preponder-  ance of Anglicans i n the l e g i s l a t u r e and s i n g l e men i n the population, was one of the l a s t provinces i n Canada to launch a b a t t l e against the  25 free flowing l i q u o r trade though a few Presbyterians and many Methodists 32 had been f i g h t i n g the scourge f o r many years.  Thirty-two saloons i n  the town of Donald w i t h a population of 350 were symptomatic of the problem's depth.  By 1908, enough Methodists and sympathetic Presbyter-  ians had moved i n t o the province to form the L o c a l Option League but the l e g i s l a t u r e continued to ignore r e g i o n a l p l e b i c i t e s f o r p r o h i b i t i o n . In 1915 the p i c t u r e changed.  Climbing on the bandwagon of  war-time p a t r i o t i s m and s o c i a l gospel i d e a l i s m , and l i n k i n g p r o h i b i t i o n w i t h the reform of a corrupt p r o v i n c i a l government, of a v i c e - r i d d e n s o c i e t y and of a world gone mad, a group of wealthy Vancouver Methodist businessmen l i k e Jonathan Rogers, Chris Spencer and W.H. Malkin formed and l e d the People's P r o h i b i t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n .  Success came i n 1917  when B r i t i s h Columbia went dry. The People's P r o h i b i t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n fought not only for proh i b i t i o n but a l s o teamed w i t h the General M i n i s t e r i a l A s s o c i a t i o n to e l e c t a reform government i n favour of the franchise f o r women, enforcement of laws c o n t r o l l i n g Sabbath observance and p r o s t i t u t i o n , and clean government.  The Vancouver Congregationalist m i n i s t e r , the Rev. A.E.  Cooke played a leading r o l e i n t h i s p o l i t i c a l reform campaign to oust a corrupt Conservative government as d i d many Methodist and Presbyterian clergymen and prominent laymen.  V i c t o r y was temporarily t h e i r s .  The  L i b e r a l s l e d by H.C. Brewster formed the new government i n 1916 and brought i n many reform changes i n c l u d i n g p r o h i b i t i o n .  The l a t t e r was  s h o r t - l i v e d and throughout the 1920's the churches fought a l o s i n g b a t t l e to the moderates who advocated and won government c o n t r o l of l i q u o r sales and d i s t r i b u t i o n .  26 At no time before or since have the churches shown such united a c t i o n or influence i n the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l l i f e of B r i t i s h Columbia as they d i d during the e l e c t i o n campaign of 1916.  Under the general  banner of the s o c i a l gospel aimed at b u i l d i n g a new s o c i e t y , the campaign united war p a t r i o t s , zealous p r o h i b i t i o n i s t s , women s u f f r a g e t t e s , L i b e r a l s , disgruntled c i t i z e n s hurt by the 1913 depression, and newlyr i c h Methodist and Presbyterian laymen of Vancouver who found the corruption i n V i c t o r i a p a r t i c u l a r l y odious and themselves i n a p o s i t i o n of influence to b r i n g about change.  The war ended with the churches  convinced that a new age was dawning and that they were at the f o r e f r o n t i n b u i l d i n g God's Kingdom. Delegates from B r i t i s h Columbia to the Methodist General Conference i n 1918 l e d much of the debate and returned home e n t h u s i a s t i c over 33 the p o s s i b i l i t y of church leadership i n a s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n .  The  Conference strongly condemned the c a p i t a l i s t economic system as one of the roots of war and c a l l e d f o r a r a d i c a l change through l e g i s l a t i v e controls on industry and the n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of n a t u r a l 34 communication, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and p u b l i c u t i l i t i e s .  resources, The decidedly  s o c i a l i s t d i r e c t i o n taken by the church was too much f o r i t s wealthy l a y leaders and t r a d i t i o n a l l y conservative r u r a l members and i n the wake of postwar labour r i o t s and s t r i k e s , they became i n c r e a s i n g l y v o c a l to 35 r a d i c a l pronouncements.  Just p r i o r to the 1918 General Conference  the e d i t o r of the Western Methodist Recorder voiced h i s fears that such a r e a c t i o n to s o c i a l change would set i n . that  In an e d i t o r i a l he lamented  27 Indeed to many, both i n s i d e and outside the Church, i t [a r e f u s a l to endorse s o c i a l change] would imply that the Methodist Church had been captured by, or had d e l i b e r a t e l y surrendered i t s e l f to a p r i v i l e g e d c l a s s ; that i t had s t u l t i f i e d i t s t r a d i t i o n a l s p i r i t , that henceforth i t has no voice f o r the masses; no d i s i n t e r e s t e d sympathy f o r the returned s o l d i e r ; no rugged, trusted i n f l u e n c e i n the r e b u i l d i n g of our s o c i a l structure i n the new era.36 Although the church i n B r i t i s h Columbia maintained a more r a d i c a l stance than other parts of the country and supported the General  Conference's  stand i n i t s own conference meeting i n 1919, wealthy businessmen and conservative clergy voiced t h e i r c r i t i c i s m of any " s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n , " conference reports became l e s s and l e s s r a d i c a l i n f o l l o w i n g years and the general church body supported the r a d i c a l suggestions w i t h deafening apathy.^ The s o c i a l gospel movement s p l i t into three segments across denominational l i n e s .  The large conservative wing withdrew but continued  the church's s o c i a l work through various i n s t i t u t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e d before and during the war, and through p e t i t i o n s to the government on moral issues.  A much smaller progressive group, s t i l l bearing the s o c i a l  gospel banner, supported the Rev. Salem Bland and h i s attack on c a p i t a l i s m 38 and i t s a l l i a n c e w i t h Protestantism as bourgeois C h r i s t i a n i t y  and  continued to work f o r further p u b l i c ownership and the i d e a l s of the labour movement w i t h i n the churches.  A handful of r a d i c a l s l i k e J.S.  Woodsworth and A.E. Smith became so d i s i l l u s i o n e d with the Methodist Church that they l e f t to s t r u g g l e f o r t h e i r new world through the labour movement o r new p o l i t i c a l groups. The s o c i a l gospel i d e a l i s m no longer f i l l e d the front stage of church a c t i v i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia or i n Canada as a whole during the  28 1920's.  Church members concentrated on worship s e r v i c e s , meetings,  b u i l d i n g campaigns and making up f o r ground l o s t during the war, although a few devoted themselves to the peace movement or the l o s i n g b a t t l e over p r o h i b i t i o n .  Preparation f o r church union and i t s execution  occupied the time and energy of church leaders to the neglect of s o c i a l issues.  In academic c i r c l e s neo-orthodoxy s t r e s s i n g man's s i n and the  power of God replaced the s o c i a l gospeller's emphasis on Jesus' humanity and man's a b i l i t y to change the world.  Reform was no longer fashionable.  Chapter 2 CHURCH UNION "Church Union" was the magic c u r e - a l l phrase f o r some Canadian Protestants who despaired of s o l v i n g s o c i a l problems without more men and money.  These churchmen had reason to hope.  The Presbyterian Church  i n Canada a f t e r the union of 1875 and the Methodist Church of Canada a f t e r the union of 1884 had taken on n a t i o n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e and f e l t a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to ministerttoaallpparHsOoft'tehec ouht"ryaand'-to^aIl G  Enthusiasm was high.  races.  1  Numbers grew as d i d f i n a n c i a l resources and the  two churches became h i g h l y c e n t r a l i z e d with congregations  distributed  2 from the east to west coasts.  Many of the leading l a y members were  h i g h l y s u c c e s s f u l businessmen, lawyers and p o l i t i c i a n s , and had a strong 3  i n f l u e n c e i n l o c a l , p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l a f f a i r s .  Would not a  further union stimulate enthusiasm and b r i n g yet greater p r o s p e r i t y and s o c i a l influence? P r i o r to church union i n 1925, the churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia were already p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n interdenominational organizations and pooling t h e i r resources and energy.  I n dealing with the s o c i a l problems  that challenged them on a l l s i d e s , the churches frequently found themselves working together i n f o r m a l l y because of common objectives as i n the e a r l y temperance campaigns, or along p a r a l l e l l i n e s as i n t h e i r medical work.  But there were other instances when the churches created organiza-  tions f o r formalized co-operation.  The S o c i a l Service Council l i n k e d 29  30 <  the churches and secular o r g a n i z a t i o n s , the R e l i g i o u s Education Council l i n k e d church youth work, the People's P r o h i b i t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n l i n k e d temperance f o r c e s , and the home mission co-operative work l i n k e d Presbyterians and Methodists at the l o c a l congregational l e v e l .  These  united e f f o r t s were steps along the road which l e d to the o f f i c i a l union of 1925. The organization encompassing the widest number of groups and i n t e r e s t s was the S o c i a l Service Council of Canada.  I t was organized  i n 1907 by a P r e s b y t e r i a n , the Rev. J.G. Shearer, to co-ordinate the s o c i a l work of the moral and s o c i a l reform boards o f the various churches and of other groups l i k e the Y.M.C.A., the Y.W.C.A., the V i c t o r i a n Order of Nurses, the Federation of Women's I n s t i t u t e s and the Canadian P r i s o n ers'  Welfare A s s o c i a t i o n . I t s main emphasis was upon government l e g i s -  l a t i o n i n the s o c i a l welfare f i e l d and i t acted as an e f f e c t i v e t o o l for the s o c i a l gospellers i n achieving p r a c t i c a l r e s u l t s from t h e i r idealism.  As w e l l as having a n a t i o n a l headquarters, i t had p r o v i n c i a l  and l o c a l branches.  V i c t o r i a and Vancouver had a c t i v e branches and  P r e s b y t e r i a n , Methodist and Congregational Churches played leading r o l e s i n i t s work, e s p e c i a l l y during the b a t t l e f o r p r o h i b i t i o n . ^ In 1918, the B r i t i s h Columbia branch of the R e l i g i o u s Education Council of Canada was organized w i t h the Rev. E.R. McLean, a Presbyt e r i a n , as i t s executive secretary and Miss Anne Fountain, a Methodist, as G i r l s ' Work Secretary.  They were responsible f o r the t r a i n i n g of  church youth leaders and f o r sponsoring church camps, congregational youth groups and Sunday Schools.  Anglicans and B a p t i s t s p a r t i c i p a t e d as  31 w e l l as the Congregationalists, Presbyterians and Methodists, but the l a s t two were the most a c t i v e and worked very c l o s e l y and harmoniously together. Two other co-operative groups p r e v i o u s l y mentioned were the General M i n i s t e r i a l A s s o c i a t i o n which was so a c t i v e during the 1916 p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n and the People's P r o h i b i t i o n A s s o c i a t i o n which included laymen i n a concerted attack on l i q u o r .  There were also such  groups as the B i b l e Society which d i s t r i b u t e d B i b l e s i n many languages throughout the province, the Lord's Day A l l i a n c e which concentrated on Sabbath observance l e g i s l a t i o n and the many temperance organizations. Another major f i e l d of co-operation which drew the two l a r g e r denominations  together was that of home mission work.  In the e a r l y  pioneer days of the province, the two o f t e n shared b u i l d i n g s , worship s e r v i c e s , m i n i s t e r s and i n one instance, the c h o i r , which sang f o r both Methodist and Presbyterian congregations i n the same b u i l d i n g . ^ F i n a l l y , i n 1911, d e f i n i t e guide l i n e s were l a i d down f o r cooperation between the two denominations  and a lengthy report o u t l i n i n g  these guideslines and the extent of current co-operation appeared i n the annual report of the Home Mission Committee of the P r e s b y t e r i a n Church.^  World War I encouraged f u r t h e r co-operation as d i d the prospect  of imminent church union on a n a t i o n a l s c a l e .  By 1912, the c e n t r a l courts  of the Congregational and Methodist Churches had accepted the Basis of Union and were ready to consummate union.  The Presbyterian General  Assembly approved the document but because of a s i z e a b l e opposition from congregations and p r e s b y t e r i e s , asked f o r minor changes and held a second  32 vote i n 1915.  I n the 1916 General Assembly, the Presbyterian Church  resolved to unite w i t h the Methodist and Congregational Churches a f t e r 8 the war. During the war years there was an extreme shortage of clergy; many church members who went overseas stopped t h e i r f i n a n c i a l c o n t r i butions to t h e i r l o c a l congregations, and a f i n a n c i a l depression i n many parts of the province h i t church c o f f e r s h e a v i l y .  One congregation  9  saw seventy o f i t s 271 members e n l i s t .  Many small congregations i n  the c i t y suburbs, i n small towns and i n the r u r a l and f r o n t i e r areas were forced by economic and s o c i a l conditions i n t o l o c a l unions or some form of co-operation.  Between 1919 and 1921 the Methodist and Presbyterian  home mission superintendents divided much o f the province between them i n order to minimize o v e r l a p p i n g . ^ This p o l i c y was so s u c c e s s f u l that 1  the Rev. George A. Wilson i n a report on co-operation i n 1921 could s t a t e that there was v i r t u a l l y no d u p l i c a t i o n of s e r v i c e s by the two denominations  i n towns containing a i d - r e c e i v i n g charges. "'" 1  By 1925  there were more than a dozen union congregations i n various towns besides the co-operation on the home mission f i e l d s , so that church union was a f a i t accompli i n large segments of the two denominations 12 Columbia p r i o r to formal union.  in British  Church union was e a s i l y achieved i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  Common  s o c i a l concerns, f r o n t i e r and geographic c o n d i t i o n s , economic cut-backs and the war drew P r e s b y t e r i a n and Methodist Churches as w e l l as the four Congregational churches i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a very c l o s e l y together.  33  Table I I Union Congregations P r i o r to 1925*  Unions  Total No. of Congregations  B r i t i s h Columbia  139  629  21.2  Alberta  297  1,103  26.9  Saskatchewan  431  1,394  30.9  Manitoba  148  746  19.8  %  * Some were independent unions, some were a f f i l i a t e d with parent bodies and others were formed when t e r r i t o r y was divided between the Methodists and Presbyterians under the plan of co-operation of the Home Missions Board. One hundred and t h i r t y - t w o i n B r i t i s h Columbia were formed under the l a t t e r plan. Source: Figures are from C.E. S i l c o x , Church Union i n Canada: I t s Causes and Consequences, New York, I n s t i t u t e of S o c i a l and Religious Research, 1933, p. 227.  34 Congregational and Methodist congregations i n the province followed the n a t i o n a l churches and went i n t o union with no d i s s e n s i o n . The Presbyterians were s p l i t but the b a t t l e was not the b i t t e r struggle which took 13  place i n Ontario or the Maritimes. Although i t cannot be proven c o n c l u s i v e l y , there i s s u f f i c i e n t evidence to i n d i c a t e that the P r e s b y t e r i a n non-concurrents  i n British  Columbia were conservative i n t h e i r approach to a l l phases of r e l i g i o u s life.  One very a c t i v e leader of the non-concurrents was the Rev. R.G.  MacBeth, who had a strong i n f l u e n c e on h i s own congregation as w e l l as many others.  In a pamphlet d i s t r i b u t e d throughout the Presbyterian 14  Church he attacked the Basis of Union f o r i t s l a c k of creeds.  The  Rev. A.M. Sanford, a B r i t i s h Columbia Methodist m i n i s t e r , wrote s e v e r a l pamphlets f o r the Ryerson Press i n 1922 and 1923, and was attacked f o r h i s l i b e r a l views on theology not only l o c a l l y , but also i n the east by some P r e s b y t e r i a n s . ^ A leading Presbyterian u n i o n i s t summed up h i s f e e l i n g s a f t e r the l o c a l struggle by saying that those opposing [the] p o l i c y of the Church on account of t h e i r r e a c t i o n ary t h e o l o g i c a l views have cast t h e i r l o t w i t h the non-concurring groups. . . . Progress i n thought, education and aggressive work i s now p o s s i b l e without the continuous charge of d i s l o y a l t y to the t r u t h by those whose main i n t e r e s t seemed to be unending c r i t i c i s m of a l l who d i d not think as they thought.-^ That Nanaimo was the centre o f B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s t i n f l u e n c e i n B r i t i s h Columbia and was f o r years represented i n the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e by Methodist l a y preachers was a f a c t not l o s t on conservative Presbyterians who had no understanding of labour problems and feared s o c i a l i s m .  35  Table I I I Non-Concurring Presbyterians  Canada Presbyterian congregations  17.37%  Presbyterian members  30.18  B r i t i s h Columbia 7.23% 23.0  Table IV Extent of Church Union i n B r i t i s h Columbia Congregations i n t o Union Methodist Congregational Presbyterian  266 4 359  F u l l Members i n t o Union* 17,680 1,905 18,608  Congregations and Members Out 0** 0 28***  * These figures are taken from the 1924 annual reports, and those under p a s t o r a l oversight u s u a l l y number about four times t h i s figure. ** A few Methodists l e f t to j o i n the Nazarene Church or other e v a n g e l i c a l denominations but there i s no way of t e l l i n g how many. *** xhe number v a r i e s s l i g h t l y depending on how many point charges are counted. This f i g u r e comes from S i l a o x , op_i c i t . , p. 282.  36 Most of the Presbyterian clergymen who stayed out of union were e i t h e r r e t i r e d , i n a c t i v e or close to retirement, and none played an a c t i v e r o l e i n s o c i a l action at the l o c a l , presbytery or synod l e v e l s of the church."^  The majority of the church members who stayed out of  union were from congregations l e d by the non-concurring m i n i s t e r s , and shared t h e i r m i n i s t e r s ' conservatism.  In Vancouver where most of the  s o c i a l outreach of the church was centered, the four leading Presbyterian congregations went i n t o union.  F i r s t Presbyterian Church i n Vancouver  had been strongly against union i n 1915, but by 1924, with i t s i n s t i t u t i o n a l work i n f u l l swing, had become equally strong f o r union. On the other hand i n V i c t o r i a and New Westminster,  cities  r e l a t i v e l y untouched by the new i n d u s t r i a l scene, the Presbyterians 18 voted s t r o n g l y against union. non-concurrence  The remaining congregations that voted  were s t r o n g l y influenced by t h e i r m i n i s t e r s or had a  h i s t o r y of stubborn independence l e d by s e v e r a l powerful e l d e r s .  The  Prince Rupert congregation i n 1915 voted s t r o n g l y f o r union but switched i n 1924 under the influence of an e l d e r , Alex Manson, attorney-general of B r i t i s h Columbia, and the current m i n i s t e r , the Rev. H.R. Grant. The congregation had j u s t f i n i s h e d a s u c c e s s f u l b u i l d i n g campaign.  In  Grand Forks, where a union church had been i n operation f o r s e v e r a l years, one e l d e r s t i r r e d up s u f f i c i e n t a g i t a t i o n to force a vote and obtain some of the former Presbyterian property. Although a m i n o r i t y , the non-concurrent Presbyterians put up a vigorous struggle and i n the l e g i s l a t u r e , the u n i o n i s t s were on the defensive.  The Presbyterian Church A s s o c i a t i o n sent open l e t t e r s to a l l  37  members of the l e g i s l a t u r e urging them to vote against the b i l l to constitute the new church i n the province; among the signers were the Rev. W.L.  Clay of V i c t o r i a and the Rev. R.G. MacBeth of Vancouver,  both  19 well-known and highly respected men.  A good proportion of the l e g i s -  l a t o r s were of the Church of England, and some had no church a f f i l i a t i o n . These men were e a s i l y led by speakers such as Clay.  Some "antis"  im-  pressed, with the power of their oratory, l e g i s l a t o r s who were largely 20 ignorant of the facts behind the issue. Inactive Presbyterians leapt on the bandwagon and made emotional appeals f o r the church of t h e i r 21 ancestors, much to the disgust of the union Presbyterians. Ian McKenzie was the most f i e r y and most frequent speaker f o r the antis. He i s from Vancouver, and you may know him. He i s a Highland Wee Free, and proud of i t . Fighting on matters r e l i g i o u s was his glory. What matter (as Mary E l l e n Smith pointed out) that he had not been i n church for 23 years. I t It •.{sic] transpired that he never was a member, never attends and never supports any church. But he pled for the preservation of the r e l i g i o n his mother taught him, r e - l i t the f i r e s that the covenanters had kindled, and i n twenty or t h i r t y addresses, more or less he never ceased to f i g h t t i l l the end.22  The attorney-general A.M.  Manson, was an extremely staunch  Presbyterian from Prince Rupert who was determined that the b i l l would not pass i n the l e g i s l a t u r e .  He and other anti-union lawyers contested  every clause i n the b i l l and made i t very d i f f i c u l t f o r the unionists 23 who had only one lawyer for their guidance. after s i x weeks of b i t t e r f i g h t i n g .  The b i l l f i n a l l y passed  B r i t i s h Columbia was the f i r s t of  four p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s to vote on the matter after i t passed the federal government and, therefore, the outcome was very important as a  38 precedent f o r provinces such as Ontario and Quebec where even stronger i. • b a t t l e s were shaping up. 24  P u b l i c b a t t l e s over the l o c a l vote took place only i n the larger towns and c i t i e s where there were s i z e a b l e groups of Presbyterian a n t i unionists.  Advertisements, probably placed by the l o c a l non-concurring  m i n i s t e r s , appeared i n papers i n Nanaimo, V i c t o r i a , Vancouver, Vernon and Chilliwack,„urging support f o r the continuing Presbyterians.  The  u n i o n i s t s countered t h i s p u b l i c i t y with f u l l - p a g e advertisements of t h e i r own, as w e l l as p u l p i t addresses.  They had d i f f i c u l t y i n secur-  i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s to speak i n the churches of anti-union m i n i s t e r s such as MacBeth's i n Vancouver but the a n t i - u n i o n i s t s encountered s i m i l a r opposition.  Although allowed to hold weekly "prayer meetings"  opposing  union i n Mount Pleasant P r e s b y t e r i a n Church, the a n t i - u n i o n i s t s were not allowed to speak from the p u l p i t , and at the height of the b a t t l e i n l a t e 1924, the communion service was cancelled by the m i n i s t e r because he feared that some elders supporting the " a n t i s " would refuse 25 to accept communion from him.  In New Westminster a non-concurrent  m i n i s t e r canvassed a congregation behind the back of i t s m i n i s t e r , urging a l l to vote against union.  S p e c i a l pressure was brought to  bear on i n a c t i v e members ignorant of a l l the f a c t s , and upon sympathetic 26 adherents to j o i n and thus acquire the r i g h t to vote. Nanaimo was the scene of the n a s t i e s t f i g h t .  The m i n i s t e r , the  Rev. D. L i s t e r , turned the issue i n t o a personal endorsement of h i m s e l f , tampered w i t h the r o l l , l i e d to l a t e r courts of enquiry and locked out h a l f h i s session when i t voted f o r union. shame over h i s actions. \  The man showed no remorse or  39 L i s t e r was a very stubborn man who was determined that h i s congregation should remain Presbyterian.  I n an e a r l i e r vote i n 1915  before he had been c a l l e d to Nanaimo, thehcongregation had voted f o r union.  I n 1924 most of the session, the Sunday School s t a f f and a  s i z e a b l e number i n the congregation voted f o r union.  Immediately  after  the vote, the unionists who had l o s t by ten votes complained because some membershhadbbeenddeMedtibhe±rvv6te. UUponidinvesti gatd>oniitwwas r  covered that the m i n i s t e r had removed names from the r o l l  dis-  illegally.  The b a t t l e went through both presbytery and synod courts and was f i n a l l y s e t t l e d i n a c i v i l court.  The vote was declared i n v a l i d , and since the  time f o r v o t i n g had passed, the property passed a u t o m a t i c a l l y i n t o the United Church.  In the end, the non-concurring Presbyterians received  the smaller, former Methodist b u i l d i n g and the United Church kept St. Andrew's.^ Despite the e f f o r t s of the non-concurrents, union was achieved w i t h l i t t l e b i t t e r n e s s i n B r i t i s h Columbia and most Presbyterians together w i t h the Methodists and Congregationalists r e j o i c e d i n s p e c i a l services on June 10, 1925, marking formal union and the b i r t h of the United Church of Canada. Although Canada o f f i c i a l l y had no n a t i o n a l or state church, the United Church i n many respects became one i n E n g l i s h Canada. I t promoted Canadian n a t i o n a l i s m i n i t s p e r i o d i c a l s and C h r i s t i a n Education 28 material,  and openly accepted the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of s e r v i n g a l l persons  i n the nation not connected w i t h any other r e l i g i o u s body.  Amalgamations  40 of congregations  29  freed men and home mission money to work i n the  unchurched f r o n t i e r s of the province.  For example i n the Cariboo, work  was expanded and the number of f u l l - t i m e clergy f i v e years a f t e r union.  doublediinttheffirst  I n B r i t i s h Columbia where church t i e s were not  as common as i n other parts of the country, the United Church served 30 many non-church persons i n times of tragedy, death and marriage.  In  many c o a s t a l Indian v i l l a g e s , lumber and f i s h i n g camps, and i n parts of the Cariboo and Kootenay, the United Church was the only r e l i g i o u s body present and took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a l l people l i v i n g i n the area even 31 when they might belong to other denominations. Considering the l a r g e percentage of United Church members and the even l a r g e r number of persons i n B r i t i s h Columbia who looked to t h i s denomination f o r s p i r i t u a l guidance, the United Church had a great opportunity to exert an i n f l u e n c e on s o c i e t y i f i t took s e r i o u s l y i t s s o c i a l concern. Church union supposedly brought together a group of like-minded, l i b e r a l and s o c i a l l y - a l e r t clergy who were prepared to combat the s o c i a l i l l s which beset the country and p a r t i c u l a r l y B r i t i s h Columbia.  Unfor-  tunately, a f t e r union most of the leaders' energy was concentrated on bureaucratic problems, s t r u c t u r a l organization, l o c a l congregational amalgamations and e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n a l work; church members were much more conservative than t h e i r leaders; and most clergymen, dependent upon t h e i r congregations f o r a l i v i n g , were caught up between the i d e a l s s e t f o r t h by t h e i r leaders and t h e i r own and t h e i r congregations' more t r a d i t i o n a l views of society and the church's r o l e i n i t .  Table V The United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1931*  Kootenay** Vancouver Presbytery Island  Prince KamloopsCariboo*** Rupert** Okanagan** Presbytery-Presbytery Presbytery  Canada  British Columbia  Vancouver City  10,376,786  694,263  246,593  67,823  120,933  29,565  30,000  65,716  2,016,897  164,656  161,213  13,566  25,153  7,443  7,296  16,885  19.4%  23.9%  24.8%  20%  20.8%  25.2%  24.2%  25.7%  Total Population United Church (Census of Canada) % of t o t a l population  United Church, . Year Book*** 1,533,125 120,442 37,265 8,592 16,484 4,242 6,202 16,371 % of those c l a i m ing U.C. but unknown to the church 24% 26.8% 39.2% 34.5% 34.5% 43.1% 14.7% 3.1% * Only the Anglican and Roman C a t h o l i c Churches come near of surpass any of the United Church f i g u r e s . See Tables I , p. 4, V I I I , p. 154, and XV, p. 164. In many Indian v i l l a g e s , c o a s t a l camps and mining areas, only one of the three denominations was present, regardless of the r e l i g i o u s preference given to the census enumerator. ** Figures f o r these columns are only approximate since the e l e c t o r a l boundaries and the presbytery boundaries are not exactly the same. *** These figures are f o r those under p a s t o r a l care. u s u a l l y 1/3 to 1/4 of the f i g u r e quoted here.  Number of a c t u a l members i s considerably l e s s , 4^ 1-1  42 The United Church drew most of i t s members from the stable middle-class.  Members i n B r i t i s h Columbia were l a r g e l y Anglo-Saxon and  had come from a Presbyterian or Methodist background e i t h e r i n eastern 32 Canada or the B r i t i s h I s l e s .  In s p i t e of the e f f o r t put f o r t h to  a t t r a c t the s i n g l e men i n the lumber camps and mining towns, the church membership remained almost e x c l u s i v e l y the preserve of f a m i l i e s .  After  World War I the churches gave up t r y i n g to gain new converts from the fringes of society and concentrated on the middle-class urban people and t h e i r own youth through a t h l e t i c , s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s groups.  The  church also gave up the e f f o r t to reach the labour or lower class which had rebuffed most of i t s advances. Even w i t h i n the church the few labour members d i d not mix w i t h the more numerous middle-class.  In Nanaimo there were two Methodist  Churches, one f o r the miners and one f o r the town's business people and frequently the two m i n i s t e r s took opposite sides i n labour disputes and i n one instance, one wrote to h i s superior i n Toronto condemning the 33 other man who supported the miners out on s t r i k e . In Vancouver congregations on the east side of the c i t y among the working c l a s s remained s m a l l , s t r u g g l i n g churches often w i t h i n e f f e c t u a l ministers while from the large west-side churches came the c i t y ' s lawyers, teachers, doctors and leading businessmen who  filled  p o s i t i o n s on the church colleges' boards and acted as l a y representatives on church committees.  Because these men had free time and leadership  s k i l l s , they wielded f a r more power than t h e i r numbers represented. U n t i l 1900 Presbyterians had held the more i n f l u e n t i a l p o s i t i o n s i n  43 B r i t i s h Columbia s o c i e t y but w i t h the growth of Vancouver and the province generally p r i o r to 1913, Methodist businessmen came i n c r e a s 34 i n g l y i n t o prominence i n p o l i t i c a l and community organizations.  These  s o c i e t y leaders were strong i n d i v i d u a l i s t s and b e l i e v e r s i n the c a p i t a l i s t system which had favoured them.  They continued to be i n f l u e n t i a l i n  the new United Church. Many church members never d i d support the s o c i a l gospel but went along with the church leaders as long as there were no p r a c t i c a l consequences which a f f e c t e d t h e i r own l i v e s .  Frequently, members had  no idea the church courts were p e t i t i o n i n g the government or passing r e s o l u t i o n s r e l a t e d to changing church p o l i c y .  When s p e c i a l campaigns  such as the one against p r o h i b i t i o n was launched or when money was r e quested to run a downtown mission, support was r e a d i l y given.  Otherwise,  church membership meant attending weekly worship, p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n purely congregational a f f a i r s and t r y i n g to l i v e an exemplary personal l i f e i n the business world and l o c a l community. become an i n c l u s i v e denomination,  The United Church had  l a r g e l y middle-class but w i t h a  s p r i n k l i n g of lower c l a s s and some upper c l a s s members, the l a t t e r holding considerable power i n s o c i e t y . Although the church's wide range of t h e o l o g i c a l b e l i e f s and s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s precluded any unanimous agreement on c o n t r o v e r s i a l s o c i a l i s s u e s , union had brought together r e l i g i o u s leaders noted f o r t h e i r l i b e r a l views and .willingnessftppsupport-moreiradiealisocial a c t i v i s t s both i n and outside the church.  Throughout the 1920's while the church  body-attended to i n s t i t u t i o n a l matters, the s o c i a l gospel remnant or  progressives could only wait f o r an opportunity to press home t h e i r views f o r reconstructed s o c i a l order.  This opportunity came i n the  1930's when the economic depression and the p r a i r i e drought created c r i s i s i n society.  Once more the s o c i a l gospel came to the fore i n  church courts and i n church a c t i o n , making the United Church widely known f o r i t s l i b e r a l i s m on s o c i a l issues.  Chapter 3 THE DEPRESSION The 1930's dawned with the economy of the western world i n chaos.  Germany and other European countries experienced g a l l o p i n g  i n f l a t i o n a f t e r the F i r s t World War and faced f i n a n c i a l r u i n .  Mean-  w h i l e the United States had years of f r a n t i c p r o s p e r i t y marked by speculators i n the m i l l i o n s p l a y i n g the stock market f o r huge paper profits.  The bubble burst on "Black Thursday," October 24, 1929 w i t h  the crash on the New York Stock Exchange which threw the general p u b l i c i n t o a s t a t e of panic.  Canadians had not been as involved i n the  speculative stock market as Americans but the r e s u l t i n g depression had a deep e f f e c t which i s evident to the present day. Among the hardest h i t were the p r a i r i e wheat farmers who  saw  t h e i r net p r o f i t s of $363 m i l l i o n i n 1928 plummet to minus $10,728,000 by 1931.  1  Drought, year a f t e r year, turned much of t h e i r land i n t o a  g i g a n t i c dust bowl.  Markets closed down f o r those who d i d r a i s e a  crop, and when they f i n a l l y opened up, grasshoppers and rust struck. The farmers could not pay o f f farm mortgages and debts on the l a r g e scale machinery bought on c r e d i t i n more prosperous years. Rural d i s a s t e r was matched by urban d i s a s t e r .  In 1933 over  twenty-six per cent of the n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l work force i n Canada was 2 jobless.  Factory workers i n the i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s , with no resources  to f a l l back on, found themselves on the s t r e e t s when assembly l i n e s 45  46 closed down.  Single men i n the mining, docking, lumbering and f i s h i n g  i n d u s t r i e s were cast out of both jobs and company housing w i t h no homes or other jobs to go to and no m u n i c i p a l i t i e s w i l l i n g to support them. Young i d e a l i s t i c men and women, f r e s h out of school and eager to work found no one wanted t h e i r s k i l l s and ideas. The depression was not only an economic recession, but was also a s t a t e of mind which a f f e c t e d a l l people.  Men l o s t f a i t h i n the  i n s t i t u t i o n s of government, r e l i g i o n , p o l i t i c s and education as the system p a t e n t l y f a i l e d to work.  I d e a l s , formerly taken f o r granted,  were now questioned and new ways were t r i e d . Canada had reached the end of i t s pioneer era with i t s emphasis on n a t i o n a l expansion and progress.  I n d u s t r i a l i s m and urbanism demanded  new economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l p o l i c i e s to cope with the new r e g i o n a l , c l a s s and r a c i a l d i s p a r i t i e s which were emerging i n Canadian society.  The depression emphasized these problems, already obvious to  some s o c i a l workers, r e l i g i o u s leaders, p o l i t i c i a n s and i n t e l l e c t u a l s , 3  and enabled these people to get a hearing from the general p u b l i c . As w e l l as g i v i n g b i r t h to new ideas, p o l i c i e s and methods, the depression i n s t i l l e d a sense of caution and a deep d e s i r e f o r s e c u r i t y i n a generation of young people who,  i n the next twenty-five  years, became the country's leaders and set up much of the governing machinery f o r present-day Canada.  The r e s u l t has been a curious mixture  of the o l d i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c P u r i t a n e t h i c combined with a growing commitment to the concept of cradle-to-the-grave economic s e c u r i t y .  47 Just as Canada, as a whole incapable of autarky and dependent on world markets, was unable to r e c t i f y the causes of the depression and become s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , so B r i t i s h Columbia, extremely dependent on the 4 export market, was hard h i t and unable to solve i t s economic problems. Within a few months of the stock-market crash, the lumber industry l o s t most of i t s f o r e i g n and home markets and was  i n chaos; f o r e i g n orders  f o r salmon were cancelled l e a v i n g canneries with an enormous stock  un-  s o l d ; dockers were l e t go when the overseas market f o r wheat from the p r a i r i e s closed; c o a l miners i n the Crow's Nest Pass were l a i d o f f as the demand f o r coal tapered o f f ; the drop i n p r i c e of lead and z i n c caused the Consolidated  Mining and Smelting Company to cut wages; the  f r u i t growers of the Okanagan suffered a drop i n p r i c e s f o r several years previously, and the depression i n t e n s i f i e d t h i s s i t u a t i o n . ^ February of 1931, 67,128  By  i n a d d i t i o n to i t s own unemployed who numbered  out of a population of 694,263, B r i t i s h Columbia with i t s mild  c o a s t a l climate, a t t r a c t e d t r a n s i e n t s from across the country who  rode  the rods i n search of work, food and s h e l t e r , or at l e a s t the opportuni t y to go hungry i n a mild climate. The p r o v i n c i a l government was  i n dire financial straits.  Dur-  ing the 1920's i t had borrowed h e a v i l y at high rates of i n t e r e s t which had to be paid even though revenues had f a l l e n o f f . M u n i c i p a l i t i e s , responsible f o r l o c a l r e l i e f , q u i c k l y ran out of funds and appealed to the p r o v i n c i a l government which refused to help except f o r the p r o v i s i o n of road work f o r 7,200 men.^  The f e d e r a l government i n the early months  rejected p r o v i n c i a l appeals f o r help on the ground that the unemployment  48 problem was only the usual seasonal one. By the time of the 1930 f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n , i t had become obvious that times were not normal nor was n o r m a l i t y i i n s s i g h t . TThat; autumn the 7  new prime m i n i s t e r , R.B. Bennett, announced a grant of $900,000 to B r i t i s h Columbia which the p r o v i n c i a l government d i s t r i b u t e d to c e r t a i n g municipalities for local r e l i e f . In 1931 again with the a i d of f e d e r a l money, the province set 9 up 237 r e l i e f camps and by October, 11,353  t r a n s i e n t s were r e g i s t e r e d  i n these camps, located i n remote parts of the province f o r the construct i o n of roads and a i r p o r t s .  For the day-to-day expenses of the transients  the p r o v i n c i a l government paid h a l f and the f e d e r a l government the other half.  Eventually one-third of a l l Canada's unemployed were i n B r i t i s h  Columbia r e l i e f camps.^  Within a year, resources were so s t r a i n e d that  the camps were r e s t r i c t e d to unmarried men and by 1933 costs had become so high that the Department of National Defence took over the camps, g i v i n g the men a roof over t h e i r head, food i n t h e i r b e l l i e s and twenty cents a day. In the meantime, r e l i e f to f a m i l i e s , disabled s i n g l e men and s i n g l e women i n B r i t i s h Columbia mounted. per  "  By the spring of 1932 ten  cent of Vancouver's population was on d i r e c t r e l i e f , " ' " and the 1  12 province was spending $300,000 a month on r e l i e f and p u b l i c works. Added to the p r o v i n c i a l debt which amounted to $143,000,000 was a bank 13 overdraft f o r unemployment r e l i e f f o r $2,393,600.  A L i b e r a l premier,  Duff P a t t u l l o , was elected i n 1933 on a "new deal" platform promising decent l i v i n g standards f o r a l l ; reduction i n taxes; the establishment  49 of an economic c o u n c i l , s t a t e health insurance, a g r i c u l t u r a l and marketing boards, a p r o v i n c i a l highway commission and a p u b l i c u t i l i t i e s commission; and pressure on the f e d e r a l government f o r unemployment insurance and improved o l d age pensions.  Unfortunately, lack of co-  operation and monejs from the f e d e r a l government coupled with the r e s t r i c tions of the B r i t i s h North America Act on p r o v i n c i a l t a x a t i o n powers prevented P a t t u l l o from c a r r y i n g out much of h i s programme.  Relief  debts continued to mount as the depression dragged on and eventually people l o s t f a i t h i n t h e i r cocky reformer even though he fought on with 14 the King government f o r a b e t t e r f i n a n c i a l deal. Many of B r i t i s h Columbia's c r i s e s during the 1930's centred around Vancouver. transience.  This c i t y had a long h i s t o r y of unemployment and  Even i n the boom year of 1925, the winter saw 1800 men  r e l i e f dole of f i f t y cents a day f o r room and board.  on  In 1920 there had  been nearly 13,500 j o b l e s s . ^ The causes of t h i s permanent s i t u a t i o n 1  of unemployment and t r a n s i e n t population n a t u r a l l y had a bearing on the c i t y ' s magnified problems during the 1930's. Vancouver was a seaport, and l i k e ports a l l over the world, had a constantly changing population of s i n g l e men i n search of for a short period.  excitement  This population created a demand for l i q u o r ,  gambling, p r o s t i t u t e s and night clubs near the docks.  Work on the docks  was sporadic so that there was a changing pool of u n s k i l l e d men were often i d l e .  who  One of the f i r s t c a s u a l t i e s of the depression was  export market, and as the ships stood i d l e i n Vancouver harbour the pool of s k i l l e d dockers and t r a n s i e n t u n s k i l l e d workers were thrown  the  50 en masse i n t o the ranks of the j o b l e s s . Vancouver was also the metropolitan  centre f o r the e x t r a c t i v e  i n d u s t r i e s , which depended on f o r e i g n markets and provided the province's wealth.  the bulk of  Vancouver did not have a great i n d u s t r i a l  base but what industry she did have was t i e d i n with the e x t r a c t i v e i n d u s t r i e s of the sea, the i n t e r i o r and northern parts of the  province.  With the c l o s i n g of f o r e i g n markets, Vancouver's i n d u s t r i e s were shut down or severely cut back. At the beginning of 1931, besides transients there were 807 f a m i l i e s and 640 s i n g l e men on r e l i e f .  By the end of the year, there  were 2,588 f a m i l i e s , 175 s i n g l e women and 4,664 s i n g l e men. The ablebodied t r a n s i e n t men had been moved to p r o v i n c i a l r e l i e f camps but the c i t y s t i l l had the u n f i t ones and family men. The b i l l f o r r e l i e f came 16 to $1,300,000. drastically.  As f a m i l i e s went on r e l i e f the c i t y income dropped Land values sank, taxes went unpaid and properties sold  at tax sales r a r e l y covered the back  taxes.^  Not only were companies' head o f f i c e s , sources of supplies, shipping and railway p o i n t s , s t a f f r e c r u i t i n g centres, banking f a c i l i t i e s 18 and processing plants located here but also the homes  of the s i n g l e  men working on the fishboats and i n the lumber and mining camps. When these men came to town i t was to blow o f f steam and with i t blow o f f t h e i r bankrolls before returning to the i s o l a t e d camps.  When the export  market dried up, the cpmpanies began to retrench and withdraw from the mines and f o r e s t s .  The workers d r i f t e d to t h e i r n a t u r a l centre, Vancouver,  where they could hope to f i n d a job, or r e l i e f , and would at l e a s t f i n d companionship.  51 The mild climate at the end of the r a i l r o a d a t t r a c t e d the hobo and the permanent t r a n s i e n t as he worked h i s way by handouts and odd jobs across the country.  Winter was customarily spent on the coast.  As the country's unemployed numbers grew and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s refused to look a f t e r s i n g l e men, the number a r r i v i n g i n Vancouver on the rods reached unheard-of proportions and the c i t y r e l i e f department could not begin to cope.  The charge was made that the r e s t of Canada was 19  dumping i t s unemployed into Vancouver. Although the province came to the c i t y ' s a i d i n 1930 with e x t r a r e l i e f money and again i n 1931 with the establishment of the r e l i e f camps which drew o f f most of the t r a n s i e n t s , the c i t y ' s problems were not at an end.  The men, i s o l a t e d p h y s i c a l l y from urban areas and cut  o f f from any normal l i f e , were r i p e f o r a g i t a t o r s and trouble-makers. Complaints, often l e g i t i m a t e , of demoralization, poor conditions, m i l i t a r y d i s c i p l i n e and a sense of being forgotten abounded. i n the camps had been r e c r u i t e d from Vancouver.  Most men  As a r e s u l t , when they  had complaints and went on s t r i k e by abandoning the camps, they returned to Vancouver, adding further to the c i t y ' s unrest and r e l i e f problems. Just as the c i t y and province were unprepared f o r the magnitude of t h i s depression, so was the United Church.  This i n s t i t u t i o n , to  which nearly a quarter of the population i n B r i t i s h Columbia claimed 20 allegiance  d i d , however, have advantages over governments i n t h i s  unprecedented s i t u a t i o n .  Through i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l structure i t was  accustomed to helping the poor w i t h handouts of food and c l o t h i n g . Through i t s Board of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service i t constantly examined  52 society and had a t r a d i t i o n of i d e n t i f y i n g neglected human needs.  From  the e n t h u s i a s t i c days of the s o c i a l gospel when God's Kingdom was being b u i l t on earth, through the m i l i t a n t post-war days when the church advocated s o c i a l i s t economic reform and into the prosperous twenties, t h i s board of the church had issued widely p u b l i c i z e d reports which pinpointed s o c i a l and economic corruption and suggested reform i n a l l walks of l i f e — t h e penal system, temperance, censorship of movies, sex education, labour l e g i s l a t i o n , economic c o n t r o l s , r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l unrest. The key man i n d i r e c t i n g the s o c i a l concerns of the church i n 21  the west, and e s p e c i a l l y i n B r i t i s h Columbia was the Rev. Hugh Dobson. He was associate secretary of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service f o r the United Church, and s i g n i f i c a n t l y h i s o f f i c e was moved to Vancouver i n 1926.  Previously he held the same post f o r the Methodist Church f o r  a l l of western Canada, operating out of Regina. Dobson was an i n d e f a t i g a b l e worker, involved i n every aspect of the church's s o c i a l a c t i v i t y .  He was constantly speaking to church  courts, preaching on Sundays, organizing campaigns and attending endless meetings, yet he kept voluminous correspondence with s o c i a l workers and community groups throughout Canada, and maintained a reading load which would have staggered the average man. In h i s regular work he organized and l e d study committees such as "The Church and I n d u s t r i a l R e l a t i o n s " and " C h r i s t i a n i z i n g the S o c i a l Order" which submitted b r i e f s to the n a t i o n a l committees r e p o r t i n g to General Council and acted ex o f f i c i o behind the scenes on a l l B r i t i s h  5.3 Columbia Conference and presbytery committees of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service.  Outside the church he was on committees f o r the c i t y of  Vancouver and the province dealing w i t h a l l manner of s o c i a l concerns and frequently spearheaded i n v e s t i g a t i o n s and studies ranging from one on slum housing i n Vancouver to one on r a c i a l i n j u s t i c e s . Dobson was a man of many colours.  For some he was a great  leader and a b r i l l i a n t man, l i g h t years ahead of the general p u b l i c i n h i s knowledge of s o c i a l problems and p o s s i b l e s o l u t i o n s .  He had con-  tacts with s o c i a l workers, government o f f i c i a l s and p o l i t i c i a n s a l l across the west and was i n the vanguard educating the p u b l i c f o r necessary change.  Others gave him c r e d i t f o r h i s forward-looking ideas and regretted  that he was severely r e s t r i c t e d i n h i s actions by r e a c t i o n a r i e s i n the east, i n the l o c a l p u l p i t s and e s p e c i a l l y i n the pews.  He was forced  i n t o a c o n c i l i a t o r y r o l e rather than pushing ahead w i t h h i s own views. S t i l l others saw Dobson as an o l d wind-bag who never knew when to stop preaching on the o l d Methodist war horses of drink, gambling, obscenity and l a x Sabbath observance and could not see the deeper economic and urban i n d u s t r i a l problems of a new age.  His defenders s a i d he d i d t h i s  i n order to gain the ear of a conservative church body which he then t r i e d to educate. He was a s o c i a l gospel man.  He had studied under the Rev. Salem  Bland i n Winnipeg, the fountainhead of Canadian s o c i a l gospel thought, and he f i r m l y believed i n the use of government l e g i s l a t i o n , c o n t r o l and education to remedy much of society's i l l s .  U n t i l h i s retirement he  kept abreast of the l a t e s t s o c i o l o g i c a l t h i n k i n g and passed the new ideas  54 on to the church-at-large.  Although very much i n sympathy w i t h the  s o c i a l i s t s , he never o f f i c i a l l y j o i n e d a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y , p r e f e r r i n g the r o l e of mediator between the conservative and r a d i c a l wings both 22 of the church and of s o c i e t y . Because of Dobson's s o c i a l i s t leandingssanddhaisspassionnfor s o c i a l j u s t i c e , he was able to understand and help the r a d i c a l new 23 s o c i a l gospellers  i n the church and yet maintain at the same time the  respect of conservative church members who could f o r g i v e h i s r a d i c a l i s m because of h i s intense hatred of l i q u o r and h i s e n t h u s i a s t i c promotion of evangelism.  On h i s committees, he made a p o i n t of having a l l view-  points represented, not as a gesture, but i n a sincere e f f o r t to b r i n g the church body to a common consensus and he frequently achieved t h i s . Many times though, he was c a l l e d upon to defend the r a d i c a l s . At one conference meeting, the Rev. A.M. Sanford, a leading church cons e r v a t i v e , threatened to "put on the f l o o r " of conference a young r a d i c a l , the Rev. H.T. A l l e n f o r h i s involvement w i t h the C.6.F. party.  Dobson  t o l d Sanford that he i n turn would be "put on the f l o o r " f o r h i s i n v o l v e ment w i t h the Conservative parity, and s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r h i s handling of patronage i n New Westminster f o r the former premier S.F. Tolmie.  Sanford  desisted. Highly respected both i n and out of the church, Dobson played the mediator's r o l e w i t h great s k i l l .  I t was Dobson who enabled the  church to adopt some of the s o c i a l i s t views advocated by i t s more r a d i c a l leaders without completely antagonizing those conservatives who had the power to block reform.  55 The " r a d i c a l s " were involved i n a l l aspects of the United Church's response to the depression and had an i n f l u e n c e f a r greater than t h e i r small numbers would suggest.  At times they were the leaders  formulating church p o l i c y ; i n other cases they backed the e f f o r t s of more moderate churchmen i n meeting emergency needs or f o s t e r i n g s p i r i t u a l renewal; i n many instances they were a c t i v e i n secular organizations and gave them a C h r i s t i a n o r i e n t a t i o n . The problems the church faced during the depression were endless and i t s response can be broken down i n t o three general categories: paternal c h a r i t y , t r a d i t i o n a l reform and r a d i c a l s o c i a l change.  Although  l i n k e d together through mutual co-operation and the i n f l u e n c e of Hugh Dobson, each category involved a d i f f e r e n t group w i t h i n the church.  The  f i r s t two categories included the majority of church members, many of whom had been involved i n the s o c i a l gospel movement i n i t s heyday but grew disenchanted a f t e r some of i t s leaders became obviously s o c i a l i s t i n outlook.  The t h i r d category consisted o f a small but v o c a l m i n o r i t y  who had formed the progressive wing of the e a r l i e r movement, and i t s recent d i s c i p l e s , who were a t t r a c t e d to the s o c i a l i s t theory of the new s o c i a l gospel of the 1930's.  Most church members, regardless of  where t h e i r sympathy l a y were convinced that change i n some form was necessary and therefore were more open to new ideas than i n normal times. B r e a d — P a t e r n a l Charity The f i r s t and most immediate response to c r i e s f o r help f.rom society came i n the form of p a t e r n a l c h a r i t y as c a r r i e d on by the C h r i s t i a n  56 Church f o r centuries. I t was e a s i l y organized along already e s t a b l i s h e d l i n e s and received a ready p a r t i c i p a t i o n from v i r t u a l l y a l l church members because i t involved the l e a s t threat to t h e i r personal l i v i n g habits. F i r s t United Church i n Vancouver was a f o c a l point f o r much of t h i s work.  I n the f a l l of 1930, the s i n g l e unemployed made t h e i r annual  trek i n t o Vancouver i n search of "comfort" f o r the winter months, but i n numbers f a r surpassing those of previous years.  A t r i c k l e soon be-  came a flood and the c i t y had no resources to cope with the thousands on i t s s t r e e t s without j o b s , food o r s h e l t e r .  The men gathered around  F i r s t United Church, surrounded by the densely populated Chinese quarters, the tenements of recent P o l i s h , Greek and I t a l i a n immigrants, the docks and s k i d row w i t h a l l i t s saloons, bootleg j o i n t s and gambling dens. I n the d a i l y routine the church s t a f f worked with the unemployed and f r e quently gave out food, c l o t h i n g and advice to the underdog. ter,  The minis-  the Rev. Andrew Roddan, was the f i r s t man i n the c i t y to respond  to the growing c r i s i s , and he responded w i t h such v i g o r that a c i t y o f f i c i a l l a t e r s a i d " I f i t had not been f o r the work of F i r s t Church, 24 there would have been much blood shed i n the s t r e e t s of Vancouver." To the general p u b l i c , both i n and out of the church, Roddan was F i r s t United.  He was p h y s i c a l l y very large, and apparently fear  was not an element of h i s nature.  He had a broad streak of combative-  ness and went r e j o i c i n g i n t o any f i g h t that would help the downtrodden. As a powerful e v a n g e l i s t i c preacher w i t h a keen sense of the dramatic, he a t t r a c t e d the press as w e l l as the general p u b l i c to h i s services  to hear h i s attacks on the oppressors of the poor.  Today he would  i n e v i t a b l y be c a l l e d "dynamic" and "charismatic." He was of the breed of men who are deeply loved or i n t e n s e l y hated, but are safe from i n 25 difference.  Along w i t h h i s d r i v i n g s o c i a l concern went a deep f a i t h 26  i n a God of love and "man  as a c h i l d of God of i n f i n i t e worth."  In  the context of h i s f a i t h " l o v e " demanded expression i n a c t i o n , and t h i s set the d i r e c t i o n of a l l he  undertook.  As soon as Roddan found that no government was prepared to help the homeless, s t a r v i n g men on h i s doorstep, he set up soup kitchens i n F i r s t United, i n o l d Wesley United and i n the Scandinavian M i s s i o n , feeding 800 to 1200 men d a i l y .  Food was donated by other congregations  and well-wishers. In response to a radio appeal, eighty tons of potatoes came from one f i r m alone; another gave twenty tons of onions; a butcher sent a l l the sheep heads they could use; a l o c a l bakery on s t r i k e gave 27 15,000 loaves of bread that had not been d e l i v e r e d to homes.  Women  from Vancouver Presbytery United Church congregations volunteered to prepare and serve the food while men c o l l e c t e d food from farmers i n the Fraser V a l l e y .  For three months t h i s continued u n t i l the c i t y and province  got themselves organized. Behind F i r s t United on the False Creek F l a t s and under the bridges, the men created homes f o r themselves out of o l d cars, t i n , scrap lumber, cardboard and anything else useable.  These were Vancouver's " j u n g l e s . "  They were hidden beside the garbage dump, out of s i g h t of the ordinary c i t i z e n , but Roddan knew them w e l l and v i s i t e d them r e g u l a r l y with large cauldrons of soup.  As w e l l as food the church continued to hand out shoes,  58 c l o t h i n g and blankets and at Christmas time, nearly 1500 bags of socks, soap and shaving needs were d i s t r i b u t e d .  When death occurred, Roddan  was often c a l l e d upon to conduct a funeral s e r v i c e .  On one day, bleak  of climate and bleak of s p i r i t , but bleakest of a l l i n i t s t y p i c a l n e s s , there were only the undertaker, h i s a s s i s t a n t , a grave-digger and Roddan to l i f t the three rough c o f f i n s from the hearses and lower them i n t o the ground.  The dead were nameless but "they were somebody's boys."  F i r s t United had a long t r a d i t i o n of good preaching which Andrew Roddan c a r r i e d on.  His topics were current moral and s o c i a l issues.  To the Sunday morning s e r v i c e s came the o l d l o y a l f a m i l i e s from the outl y i n g area as w e l l as the l o c a l f a m i l i e s , but at night came the b i g crowds, and a r i c h l y v a r i e d l o t they were: c u r i o s i t y seekers wondering whom Roddan would a t t a c k next, members from other congregations, radio members v i s i t i n g the c i t y , communists s i n g i n g the "Red F l a g , " and  always  the unemployed, who often formed e i g h t y - f i v e per cent of the congrega28 tion.  Whether the l a t t e r came f o r s p i r i t u a l nourishment or p h y s i c a l  warmth or both was immaterial.  The men obviously f e l t at home there  and the church provided something they needed.  From h i s p u l p i t Roddan  was not a f r a i d to name persons when f r u i t was found r o t t i n g i n p i l e s on farmers' f i e l d s i n the Fraser V a l l e y , or when wealthy d i s t i l l e r s aimed t h e i r a d v e r t i s i n g at men on r e l i e f , or when the head of a Vancouver brewery withdrew h i s presents from an orphanage a f t e r Roddan refused a 29 $25 g i f t and demanded $500. By e a r l y 1931, the Sunday evening s e r v i c e was f i l l e d to overflowing and the Board of Managers was making plans f o r 30 an e x t r a two hundred chairs as w e l l as more hymnbooks.  59 While Roddan and his permanent s t a f f i n t e n s i f i e d their e f f o r t s to deal with the s o c i a l problems which the depression dumped on t h e i r doorstep, the congregation of F i r s t United Church went about i t s work much as before except for a greater concern about money to keep up the 31 buildings.  The only congregational organization seemingly cognizant  of the l o c a l c r i s i s was the Ladies Aid which collected from i t s members to be d i s t r i b u t e d l o c a l l y , clothing, food and material including clean f l o u r sacks to be made into handkerchiefs f o r the unemployed boys. But the majority of church members, many of them of Scottish background whom Roddan atrracted to the church, were not interested i n his work 32 nor d i d they share his concern for the underdog. Through his dynamic preaching, much of i t over the radio, h i s Welfare Industries which refurbished rummage for cheap sale, h i s s t a f f ' s work with downtown youth and poor families, h i s fresh a i r camp on Gambier Island and h i s counselling, Rodden naively hoped to achieve a new compassionate  world order.  He was no philosopher or theologian,  had l i t t l e interest i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y or socialism, and was too busy with day-to-day personal tragedies to be much concerned with longterm solutions when the complexities of the depression became obvious. Furthermore, Roddan was dependent upon a cautious Board of Home Missions for his salary and s t a f f , and/on' wealthy businessmen and middle-class church goers for his supplies and extra funds.  He did  not fear these people but at the same time he was a p r a c t i c a l man and r e a l i z e d he must not antagonize them with r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l solutions, thus cutting o f f h i s sources for emergency r e l i e f .  He l e f t i t to others  60 i n the church i n l e s s vulnerable p o s i t i o n s to b r i n g about more permanent changes i n s o c i e t y through p o l i t i c a l a g i t a t i o n and l e g i s l a t i o n . F i r s t United Church was not the only congregation i n Vancouver to engage i n the t r a d i t i o n a l form of c h a r i t y and help f o r the l e s s fortunate.  Another was St. G i l e s i n the Mount Pleasant area, a d e c l i n -  ing d i s t r i c t economically before the depression struck.  There the  Board of Managers made a point of asking one member to do roof and tfrough r e p a i r s , since he had been out of work f o r some time.  eaves-  In view  of the f a c t that the man was simultaneously spared the embarrassment of not being able to give money, was given the s a t i s f a c t i o n of c o n t r i buting something of r e a l value, and saved from enforced i d l e n e s s , the Managers showed a degree of acumen worthy of p r o f e s s i o n a l t h e r a p i s t s . While t h i s dealt temporarily with the problems of only one man, a c t i o n was a p r a c t i c a l demonstration of concern.  such  The Woman's Missionary  Society c o l l e c t e d food and c l o t h i n g f o r l o c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n as d i d the Woman's A u x i l i a r i e s which adopted c e r t a i n f a m i l i e s and supported them f o r a period of time, and the men's c l u b , the A.O.T.S., made a survey of employers w i t h i n the congregation and. t r i e d to l i n k up the unemployed 33 w i t h any vacancies. Congregations  l i k e West Point Grey, Ryerson and Canadian Memorial  on the west side of the c i t y were not badly a f f e c t e d by the depression and e a s i l y looked a f t e r the few l o c a l f a m i l i e s i n need as w e l l as cont r i b u t i n g food and c l o t h i n g to F i r s t United Church.  These congregations  also contributed to a Central C l o t h i n g Fund set up by Vancouver Presbytery to supply clothes to those poorer congregations who  could not  61 f i l l l o c a l needs,  34  provided volunteers to man the soup kitchens and  to c o l l e c t food i n the Fraser V a l l e y , and generously supported the F i r s t United Church summer camp and Christmas Cheer programmes.  How-  ever, at Knox United i n a s p i r i t e d debate concerning the c i t y r e l i e f problems i n 1931, i t was decided that although an opportunity would be given f o r those wanting to donate food and c l o t h i n g , the congregation as aawhole would look a f t e r i t s own people (very few i n r e a l i t y ) and 35 i t s debts f i r s t .  As might be expected, the depression brought out  s e l f i s h n e s s as w e l l as generosity. On the c i t y ' s east side a d i f f e r e n t p i c t u r e p r e v a i l e d . Most f a m i l i e s had at l e a s t one member unemployed.  Despair was a n a t u r a l  r e a c t i o n to such circumstances, and i t was up to the morally strong to prevent i t from becoming u n i v e r s a l .  The United Church congregations,  concerned f o r t h e i r mere s u r v i v a l , r a l l i e d to the l a r g e r cause and came to t h e i r communities' a i d with a stamina they d i d not know they  possessed.  Riverview United Church, with only twelve men out of seventy employed, s t i l l managed to contribute to others i n the community besides i t s own members.  For the women o f the area the church was an important  f o c a l point as a s o c i a l o u t l e t and escape from drab and i n c r e a s i n g l y depressing homes from which f u r n i t u r e was sold to pay mounting b i l l s , heat was cut o f f f o r l a c k of f u e l and l i g h t b i l l s went unpaid. 36 Throughout the depression the Vancouver A.O.T.S. clubs e s p e c i a l l y those on the west side of the c i t y , played a v i t a l r o l e . Service meant supplying food, c o a l , shoes and c l o t h i n g to l o c a l f a m i l i e s as w e l l as to l e s s fortunate people across the c i t y , on the mission f i e l d s ,  62 i n the r e l i e f camps and on the p r a i r i e s . others to help themselves.  Service also meant helping  In 1935, the A.O.T.S. clubs organized at  the Scandinavian M i s s i o n , a polytechnic school with courses i n a r i t h metic, bookkeeping, and other p r a c t i c a l subjects with the hope that with f u r t h e r education some of the unemployed would f i n d jobs.  This  school ran f o r two years i n co-operation w i t h the p r o v i n c i a l Department of Education and over one thousand boys improved t h e i r chances of f i n d ing employment.^ Others i n the c i t y were not so fortunate. Vancouver's large o r i e n t a l population tucked away i n ghettos near the waterfront and around F i r s t United Church was hated by white labourers f o r accepting low wages, feared by the middle-class for i t s strange customs, and harassed by government o f f i c i a l s enforcing l e g i s l a t i o n r e s t r i c t i n g t h e i r employment i n c e r t a i n i n d u s t r i e s and professions. Employers had no qualms about l e t t i n g the o r i e n t a l s go when cut-backs became necessary and the United Church was no d i f f e r e n t from other groups i n the c i t y i n t h i s respect. A medical c l i n i c f o r the Chinese run by the Home Missions Board was closed f o r l a c k of funds despite pleas from a white doctor who volunteered h i s time and asked only f o r medicines and drugs to be supplied by white congregations.  His appeals were ignored.  I f the o r i e n t a l church missions wanted e x t r a help they had to provide i t f o r themselves.  The Chinese, with a h i s t o r y of passive  dependence upon white m i s s i o n a r i e s were unable to r i s e to the challenge but the Japanese congregations were more aggressively independent and  63 looked a f t e r t h e i r own d e s t i t u t e . Women's and men's groups c o l l e c t e d and d i s t r i b u t e d s u p p l i e s , v i s i t e d homes, searched out jobs and acted as i n t e r p r e t e r s f o r the S o c i a l Welfare Department of the c i t y .  Led by t h e i r pastor, the Rev.  K. Shimizu, an I s s e i thoroughly a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o Canadian c u l t u r e , the Japanese United Church members of the lower mainland organized a Japanese Free C l i n i c f o r tuberculosis f o r the whole Japanese community.  Fearing  that non-Christian groups would boycott a c l i n i c run by a church connected w i t h the o c c i d e n t a l world, the Japanese congregations  refused  a l l p u b l i c c r e d i t and placed representatives from a l l major community groups on the board, although the United Church members provided the accommodation, the volunteers, the supplies and the doctors' s a l a r i e s . For church members C h r i s t i a n love and a c t i o n to a l l was more important than p u b l i c acknowledgement.  The depression gave the Japanese a strength  and cohesiveness which was c a l l e d to an even greater t e s t during the 38 war years to f o l l o w . Church c h a r i t y extended beyond Vancouver but because of Vancouver's s i z e , d i v e r s i t y of population, s t r a t e g i c economic and s o c i a l importance to the province, the problems generated by the depression were concentrated i n the c i t y , and as i t was f o r the c i t y among the communities o f the province, so i t was f o r the c i t y ' s churches.  Other  towns and c i t i e s had only t h e i r own unemployed to look a f t e r , and the degree to which t h i s was necessary v a r i e d widely, as d i d the congregations' response to l o c a l need. Single industry towns l i k e Fernie and Port A l b e r n i where unemploy39 ment reached t h i r t y - s e v e n per cent i n 1932 were subject to a s i n g l e but  64 u n i v e r s a l l y devastating blow when the l o c a l mine or m i l l closed down or went on part s h i f t .  The workers' empty pockets q u i c k l y produced  ledgers i n red f o r the l o c a l merchants, doctors, lawyers and other businessmen who were the key f i n a n c i a l supporters of the l o c a l  churches.  As everywhere, many of the j o b l e s s were s i n g l e men who made t h e i r way to Vancouver and l a t e r to the r e l i e f camps.  The family men stayed and  went on r e l i e f or eked out a bare subsistence by growing t h e i r own vegetables, scavenging c o a l from the s l a g heaps and p i c k i n g up a few days' road work when they could. In such towns the United Church congregations  essayed to carry  on "business as usual," with women's groups meeting for B i b l e study, sewing and s o c i a b i l i t y , and youth clubs providing mental stimulus and entertainment.  L i t t l e e f f o r t was made to organize l o c a l r e l i e f since  a l l were i n the same boat and were already helping each other. On the other hand, towns s e r v i c i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l areas of the Kootenay, the Okanagan, Fraser V a l l e y and Vancouver I s l a n d experienced r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e hardship.  Although t h e i r export markets were closed  and the drop i n food p r i c e s h i t the farmer and l o c a l businessman, there was always food on hand, plenty of work on the land and some cash flowing.  When r e l i e f camps opened i n Oyama, Naramata and Lumby i n 1933, 40  towns nearby boasted that few l o c a l boys were i n them.  Local concern  was not f o r the feeding of s t a r v i n g t r a n s i e n t s , but f o r keeping them out of town.  An e d i t o r i a l w r i t e r i n Vernon advised h i s readers not to  panic, but recommended that w i t h a l l these strangers about, women should keep houses locked, a b i g dog on hand, stay home at night and report any  65 l u r k i n g strangers to the p o l i c e .  41  Rural towns tended to be l e e r y of  strangers even i n prosperous days, but w i t h t a l e s of anarchy headlining Vancouver's papers, hordes of t r a n s i e n t s moving about the country and the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of adding more to the hard-pressed l o c a l r e l i e f r o l l s , the towns' fear of newcomers increased. The churches i n these areas were concerned mainly w i t h t h e i r own f i n a n c i a l problems as home mission grants from Tor.ontohheadq.uarters , were reduced and members' c o n t r i b u t i o n s declined.  There was  little  need f o r r e l i e f i n the small centres and what was given was done p r i v a t e l y . In Kelowna, however, there was a C i t y R e l i e f Committee and i t s f i r s t chairman was the l o c a l United Church m i n i s t e r , the Rev. A.K.  McMinn,  a former Congregationalist and a keen exponent of s o c i a l and p r a c t i c a l 42 Christianity.  His successor, the Rev. W.W.  McPherson was also a c t i v e  on the C i t y R e l i e f Committee and t r i e d to have on i t a representative from the unemployed.  He promoted schemes such as "swap and b a r t e r " of  labour f o r c l o t h i n g and food; c i t y reading rooms f o r t r a n s i e n t s ; and "adopt a f a m i l y " by those w i t h plenty.  Most of h i s ideas were ignored,  but the c i t y did use the United Church h a l l to pack food hampers f o r 43 local relief distribution.  The need was not great i n Kelowna and  was  handled by t r a d i t i o n a l methods of r e l i e f and p r i v a t e donations. The same could be s a i d of V i c t o r i a which was only s l i g h t l y a f f e c t e d by the depression.  A large proportion of i t s population was  r e t i r e d and the c i t y ' s major employer, the p r o v i n c i a l government, d i d not cut s t a f f although s a l a r i e s were reduced.  The l a r g e r United Church  congregations r e f l e c t e d the c i t y ' s conservative middle-class a i r and  66 were too " s e l f - c o n t a i n e d and s e l f i s h " to have any r e a l sympathy f o r 44 the unemployed. At th'e same time that the churches of B r i t i s h Columbia were being c a l l e d upon to help those i n t h e i r own communities, they were also asked to help the people of the p r a i r i e s .  I f f o r many i n B r i t i s h  Columbia, the depression was a session i n Purgatory, f o r the people of the southern p r a i r i e s t h e i r d w e l l i n g place was H e l l .  Thousands p i l e d  t h e i r few belongings i n t o "Bennett buggies" and trekked north to homestead or f l e d westward to the Okanagan o r the Fraser V a l l e y to s t a r t over again.  Others stayed and survived with food and c a s t - o f f c l o t h i n g  from Ontario and B r i t i s h Columbia. By J u l y of 1931 the United Church of Canada had organized the National Emergency  R e l i e f Committee to c o l l e c t food, c l o t h i n g , bedding  and books which reached enormous proportions and was an outstanding success.  In B r i t i s h Columbia the Woman's Missionary Society, the Woman's  A u x i l i a r y and the committee of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service shared the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for rounding up goods. Congregations which seemed unaware of l o c a l problems responded to t h i s challenge.  Large bales of c l o t h i n g from United Churches i n  A l b e r n i , Armstrong, Nelson and Rossland were r e a d i l y c o l l e c t e d while Courtenay, i n the centre of a good farming area, responded generously with food.  There the United Church played a key r o l e i n c o l l e c t i n g and  f i l l i n g the r a i l r o a d cars, as d i d the large wealthy Vancouver churches through t h e i r A.O.T.S. clubs.  P s y c h o l o g i c a l l y i t was l e s s embarassing  67 and therefore much e a s i e r to launch a popular appeal f o r strangers elsewhere than f o r those on one's own doorstep whom one would be more l i k e l y to help p r i v a t e l y , i f at a l l . Even poor congregations l i k e Vancouver Heights and Riverview i n Vancouver, and Centennial i n V i c t o r i a , which had a major task to care f o r many of t h e i r own members and neighbours, gave what they could to 45 a l l e v i a t e the appaling conditions on the p r a i r i e s .  These few congre-  gations refused to succumb to s e l f i s h inwardness or s e l f - p i t y as would be n a t u r a l at such a time and as many other congregations d i d .  Through-  out the depression they maintained a sense of hope i n the C h r i s t i a n mission to the world and they intended to be a part of that mission at any cost.  Members d i d s a c r i f i c e i n order to play a part i n B r i t i s h  Columbia's c o n t r i b u t i o n . In 1931, B r i t i s h Columbia sent a t o t a l of seventeen  railroad  cars of r e l i e f s u p p l i e s , and i n 1933, i t sent twenty-two, seventeen of 46 which were from the United Church.  When conditions d i d not improve  the United Church N a t i o n a l Committee was reorganized i n 1937 to c o l l e c t and d i s t r i b u t e clothes and bedding only, and the United Churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia continued to donate. B r i t i s h Columbia Conference also worked very c l o s e l y with the interdenominational J o i n t Committee of Churches f o r Western R e l i e f , set up i n 1936 when i t became obvious that the food s i t u a t i o n on the p r a i r i e s was s t i l l bad, i f "bad" w i l l serve to describe yet another year without a harvest, without seed g r a i n s , without money and without the memory of a reserve of anything at a l l .  Two well-known Vancouver United Church  68 ministers headed the B r i t i s h Columbia branch of t h i s ecumenical committee, f i r s t the Rev. Hugh Rae and then the Rev. G.B.  Switzer.  B r i t i s h Columbia had no drought nor massive crop f a i l u r e s . Indeed, i t was producing food i n such abundance that tons of i t l a y r o t t i n g i n the f i e l d s f o r l a c k of markets.  In 1936, the churches sent  125 carloads, most of i t from the Okanagan which gave 101 carloads of 47 f r u i t and vegetables.  In the Okanagan, the Kelowna United Church  acted as the c e n t r a l c o l l e c t i o n depot and i t s m i n i s t e r chaired the l o c a l committee.  Unfortunately f o r the p r a i r i e people but f o r t u n a t e l y f o r  l o c a l employment, the establishment of two dehydrating plants i n 1937 reduced the number of c u l l s a v a i l a b l e so that only 75 cars of f r u i t were sent from that region the f o l l o w i n g year.  However, those i n other parts  of the province r a l l i e d to radio appeals by the Rev. G.B.  Switzer,  Dorothy Steeves who was s i t t i n g i n the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e couver, and Howard Green, a Vancouver Conservative M.P. a very a c t i v e United Church A.O.T.S. member. 48 food r o l l e d eastward,  f o r Van-  i n Ottawa and  Over 211 carloads of free  a large proportion of t h i s c o l l e c t e d and packed  by United Church A.O.T.S. groups from the Vancouver area. Men from Ryerson, Canadian Memorial and West Point Grey formed the backbone of the organization f o r l o c a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and without t h e i r time and 49 energy, much of the food would have been wasted. R e l i e f came to an end f o r the p r a i r i e s i n 1938 when the drought was f i n a l l y broken.  Rain f e l l on the desert that had been p r a i r i e and  i t became the p r a i r i e once more.  The people who had hung on and on, and  then hung on longer s t i l l i n the bottom l a y e r of a world made e n t i r e l y  69 of dust, could look again on the endless r i p p l e of grasses under a sky too wide to f i t w i t h i n a man's imagination.  The Arcadian memory  was becoming r e a l i t y once more. Throughout the 1930's the United Churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia responded to emergency c a l l s f o r food, f u e l and c l o t h i n g promptly and generously.  The ordinary people of the church d i d what was w i t h i n t h e i r  capacity, and they did i t w e l l .  When the congregations i n Vancouver  formed the soup kitchens i n the winter of 1930-1931 they fed s t a r v i n g men u n t i l the c i t y , p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments got organized f o r massive r e l i e f .  When congregations c o l l e c t e d and sent carloads of  food and c l o t h i n g to the p r a i r i e s , they made l i f e bearable f o r many d e s t i t u t e f a m i l i e s , and thereby c a r r i e d many over the prodigious s p i r i t u a l chasm which separates meagre hope from blank despair. When congregations r a l l i e d to the support of t h e i r own unemployed, they gave p h y s i c a l and mental comfort.  When they reached out to help others i n  the community they helped b u i l d strong community s p i r i t and morale.  The  United thurch through i t s leaders frequently l e d the way f o r other segments of society.  The church had no need t o hang i t s head over i t s  response to c r i e s f o r food.  Chapter 4 REFORMING THE SOCIAL ORDER T r a d i t i o n a l Reform Although fewer i n number than those involved i n g i v i n g food and c l o t h i n g , many church members and m i n i s t e r s , e s p e c i a l l y from the large urban congregations spent a great deal of time on self-examinat i o n , lectures and study of s o c i a l and economic subjects, and b r i e f s to l o c a l , p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments i n an e f f o r t to bring order to society once more.  Some members f e l t a vague g u i l t because  they had jobs and money when so many worthy people had neither; some were bewildered by the s o c i a l chaos surrounding them and were a f r a i d t h e i r world was c o l l a p s i n g ; some f e l t f r u s t r a t i o n or rage at t h e i r impotence to c o n t r o l the problem.  A l l wanted a s o l u t i o n , and none  knew where to f i n d i t . In 1932 the General Council of the United Church s e t up a commission under S i r Robert Falconer, president of the U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, and the Rev. W.T. Brown, president of V i c t o r i a U n i v e r s i t y i n Toronto to study the conditions  of the depression and the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l  order, and to make recommendations concerning the church's r o l e i n the creation of a new s o c i a l order.  Outside help from experts l i k e Professors  Harry A. Cassidy and E.J. Urwick of the U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto School of S o c i a l Work was used i n d r a f t i n g the r e p o r t 70  1  and l o c a l subgroups covering  71 a c r o s s - s e c t i o n of the church were e s t a b l i s h e d to read and the rough d r a f t s .  criticize  The f i n a l report, C h r i s t i a n i z i n g the S o c i a l Order,  condemned the current economic and s o c i a l system but i t never matched the extreme statements of the Methodist Church which i n 1918  had  attacked c a p i t a l i s m as "one of the roots of war" and c a l l e d f o r p u b l i c 2  ownership of n a t u r a l resources. The commission examined the complexity of the current depression i n r e l a t i o n to modern i n d u s t r y . I t then looked deeply at s o c i a l a t t i tudes which were i n c o n f l i c t w i t h C h r i s t i a n standards and blocked the road to an i d e a l s o c i a l order.  I t found the "acceptance of money as  the measure of a man's worth to s o c i e t y , " a degraded view of property as f u n c t i o n l e s s ownership without r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , "an undue emphasis on p r o f i t as the main i n c e n t i v e to production," "unregulated competition for monetary gain," and the seeking of s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s to maintain 3  and increase unearned wealth.  The commission f e l t unable to d r a f t a  s p e c i f i c programmew.for s o c i a l change but i n d i c a t e d that the country needed more s o c i a l welfare l e g i s l a t i o n and the extension, of p u b l i c utilities.  As s o c i e t y moved forward "the importance of s t i m u l a t i n g  i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e and the necessity f o r s o c i a l co-ordination" had to be kept i n balance.  Immediate a c t i o n was recommended i n the form  of study groups f o r people of mixed i d e a l s and outlooks so that "understanding, s e l f - c r i t i c i s m and i n s i g h t begotten of f e l l o w s h i p among those of contrasted t r a d i t i o n s " might be gained. ~*  A minority addendum ques-  tioned whether any r e a l change could take place u n t i l "the important means of production . . . [was] changed i n t o communal ownership and  72  c o n t r o l , " and i n d i c a t e d the report was too bland f o r some members' 6 taste. In B r i t i s h Columbia, a l o c a l committee was set up by the Rev. Hugh Dobson to help prepare the n a t i o n a l report.  Some members l i k e  John Sidaway, former secretary of the Independent Labour Party; R.P. P e t t i p i e c e , p r i n t e r and labour leader; Prof. C.W. Topping of the s o c i o l ogy department, and Prof. W.A. Carrothers of the economics department at The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia; and the Rev. A l v e r Mackay, a member of the League f o r C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l A c t i o n were outspoken regarding the need f o r economic reform along s o c i a l i s t l i n e s .  The Revs.  Gordon D i c k i e , secretary of the S o c i a l Service Council of B r i t i s h Columbia; Hugh Rae, convenor of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service f o r Vancouver Presbytery; Andrew Roddan of F i r s t United Church and Mr. Stanley Brent, secretary of the Y.M.C.A. were more moderate i n t h e i r views but s t i l l favoured more d r a s t i c a c t i o n than the majority i n s o c i e t y . The committee was balanced with the a d d i t i o n of f r a n k l y conservative members such as C.T. McHattie, a Vancouver wholesale merchant; Judge David Grant and the Rev. J.G. Brown, p r i n c i p a l of Union Theological College, who chaired the committee. Even these men, while q u i b b l i n g f o r hours over phrases l i k e "Paul's greatest s o c i o l o g i c a l c o n t r i b u t i o n " i n the f i r s t d r a f t , ended the examination of the f i r s t chapter f e e l i n g that "the document scarcely went f a r enough," and that "the e v i l s of the present time should be openly attacked."^  However, when the rough d r a f t turned from B i b l i c a l  background and church h i s t o r i c a l teaching to an examination of current  73  economic and s o c i a l conditions, committee members' views became more diverse w i t h some c r i t i c i z i n g the d r a f t as "too negative," " p e s s i m i s t i c i n the extreme," and "unreasonable," while others found "every s i n g l e statement i n i t [to be] true."  In the f i n a l report most dramatic  s t a t i s t i c s and examples of hardship were replaced by more general statements, thus p a c i f y i n g i n f l u e n t i a l church businessmen l i k e one on the l o c a l subcommittee who f e l t that "the Church ought not to deal, except i n a general way with economic and business conditions, and should devote i t s strength to the promotion of d e f i n i t e moral and s p i r i t u a l •  • ,  „9  principles. The f i n a l report was published by the Board of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service as a study pamphlet and was widely used throughout the church f o r the f o l l o w i n g year or two.  In B r i t i s h Columbia, 21,000 copies  were d i s t r i b u t e d f o r use i n congregational study groups, s p e c i a l day conferences and A.O.T.S. meetings."^ Although the d i s t r i b u t i o n of a c e r t a i n number of pamphlets does not n e c e s s a r i l y mean they are read, i t does i n d i c a t e an e f f o r t by the n a t i o n a l body to arouse i t s people to consideration, discussion and action.  The r e s u l t s l o c a l l y from such a campaign would depend upon the  m i n i s t e r of each congregation, the l o c a l e of the church and the makeup of i t s membership. Reaction v a r i e d considerably.  When H.T. A l l e n used the pamphlet  as a basis f o r study groups i n each of h i s three small charges outside Nanaimo where up to ninety per cent of the men were unemployed,  11  r a d i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s could emerge and sound c l e a r themes above the  the  74  murkiness of the general orchestration.  In Vancouver Presbytery, where  i t was studied i n d e t a i l , speakers praised co-operatives and p u b l i c ownership of u t i l i t i e s , using New Westminster Light and Water Works as 12 a good example of success.  On the other hand i n congregations l i k e  Knox United Church i n Vancouver which had several groups studying the 13 report,  the s o c i a l i s t s l a n t was e i t h e r ignored or c r i t i c i z e d .  Regard-  l e s s of a t t i t u d e , however, people were t a l k i n g and t h i n k i n g about C h r i s t i a n i d e a l s as they applied to secular society and economic conditions. The pamphlet, C h r i s t i a n i z i n g the S o c i a l Order, was not the only t o o l used by the church to get members and even non-church members d i s cussing new economic ideas and examining the i l l s of the e x i s t i n g situation.  The B.C. Conference committee on Evangelism and S o c i a l Service  was e s p e c i a l l y a c t i v e during the 1930's, an a c t i v i t y s u b s t a n t i a l l y stimul a t e d by the presence i n Vancouver of the associate secretary f o r western Canada who was, as has been noted, that c a t a l y t i c person, Hugh Dobson. He had been one of the key w r i t e r s of the r a d i c a l report f o r the Methodist Church i n 1918 and he constantly encouraged others to express their s o c i a l i s t ideals.  On the B r i t i s h Columbia committee were some of 14  the church's " w i l d men," " s o c i a l i s t s , " "reds," and " r a d i c a l s "  and i t s  annual reports n a t u r a l l y generated debate and controversy a t the conference meetings, where the more r a d i c a l statements drew the massed f i r e of the i n f l u e n t i a l conservative m i n i s t e r s l e d by the Rev. A.M. Sanford. Sanford had been a leading l i b e r a l s o c i a l gospel advocate i n B r i t i s h Columbia before 1900 when he had been serving mining communities, but  75 when he became p r i n c i p a l of the Methodist Columbian College i n New Westminster, h i s views began to moderate and continued to do so when he l a t e r became a professor at Union College.  Indeed he "moderated"  to the point of arch-conservatism i n the eyes of the younger s o c i a l gospellers who now attacked him as part of the establishment.  Sanford  had been the f i r s t president of the conference a f t e r union, a regular delegate to the General Council and was h i g h l y respected by many both w i t h i n and outside of the church.  The q u a l i t y of h i s convictions was  not i n question. In the e a r l y t h i r t i e s , the B.C. Conference committee on Evangelism and S o c i a l Service was c a l l i n g f o r unemployment insurance, v o c a t i o n a l education, the cessation of m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g i n schools, and guidance of the l a i t y i n the use of t h e i r l e i s u r e . ^  The f o l l o w i n g year i t demanded  immediate r e l i e f from the government f o r the unemployed, an enquiry i n t o the causes and a search f o r cures f o r the depression, and suggested that the economy get away from the p r o f i t motive and move towards a co-opera16 t i v e society.  In 1932 i t sent a copy of i t s report on "The World  Order" to the p r o v i n c i a l government c a l l i n g f o r a union government which would be above p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s and above c l a s s , and would work f o r a 17 f a i r e r d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth, of t a x a t i o n , of labour and of t a r i f f s . The delegates a t the annual meeting of the conference deplored the use of the unemployed as a p o l i t i c a l f o o t b a l l by the various l e v e l s of govern18 ment and p a r t i e s .  The o r i g i n a l report from Evangelism and S o c i a l Service,  w r i t t e n under the guidance of P r o f . C.W. Topping and the Rev. Hugh Dobson met heavy r e s i s t a n c e and was considerably modified by Sanford before being  76 published and sent to the government.  He and h i s supporters were most  concerned that the report not support one p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l party, e i t h e r i n f a c t or by inference.  I n t h e i r view too much of the o r i g i n a l  report coincided w i t h popular s o c i a l i s t party platforms. S o c i a l i s t ideas were again much i n evidence i n the 1934 and 1935 meetings of the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference.  The C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l  A c t i o n Committee of the Evangelism and S o c i a l Service Committee i n 1934 brought i n a r a d i c a l report demanding the reconstruction of the banking system and the debt s t r u c t u r e , and the n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of n a t u r a l r e sources.  This was too close to the C.C.F. platform f o r many and was  19 watered down i n an amendment.  Again i n 1935 s i m i l a r reforms were  advocated; added to the 1934 proposals were demands f o r the extension of co-operatives, f e d e r a l market c o n t r o l s , p u b l i c works and the cessation , 20 of overtime work. Reports given at the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference meetings and at presbytery meetings received wide press coverage so that the views expressed had some e f f e c t upon the t h i n k i n g of the general p u b l i c as w e l l as upon the church delegates a t the meetings.. Headlines such as "Church's R e l a t i o n to S o c i a l Issues" and " R e l i e f Work Pay i s Urged" drew people's a t t e n t i o n to f u l l writetmps on the committee's recommendations " ' c a l l i n g f o r a d r a s t i c r e v i s i o n of the present system of production 21 f o r p r o f i t as opposed to production f o r u s e V "  Frequent b r i e f s ,  p e t i t i o n s and telegrams demanding a c t i o n were sent to the governments and were s i m i l a r l y p u b l i c i z e d i n the d a i l y press.  Just how e f f e c t i v e  these were cannot be measured but the men sending them were convinced of  t h e i r value i n changing government views.  By doing so the church  leaders f e l t they were c o n t r i b u t i n g p o s i t i v e l y to s o l v i n g some of society's most pressing problems. Lectures, t a l k s and sermons played a prominent r o l e i n the United Church during the depression. f o r t h e i r sermons.  Many m i n i s t e r s adopted s o c i a l topics  The Rev. Andrew Roddan at F i r s t United i n Vancouver  set up a s e r i e s of Sunday evening sermons based on a popular book by E. Stanley Jones, C h r i s t ' s A l t e r n a t i v e to Communism, i n which Jones challenged C h r i s t i a n s to act c o l l e c t i v e l y f o r world j u s t i c e and brotherhood founded on i n d i v i d u a l freedom, i n order to avert a world  take-over  by Communism i n which a l l would be subordinated to s t a t e c o n t r o l . At the B.C. Conference Laymen's A s s o c i a t i o n i n 1933 the theme was "The Church's Task i n R e l a t i o n t o Urban, R u r a l , I n d u s t r i a l and Trans i e n t Communities," and i n 1937 the Hon. H.H. Stevens, f e d e r a l m i n i s t e r of Trade and Commerce and a strong United Church member, spoke to the laymen about the r e l a t i o n s h i p s among labour, C h r i s t i a n i t y and business. Most men attending these meetings were middle-class business and pro22 f e s s i o n a l men who had strong motives f o r maintaining the status quo. Talks emphasized personal reformation and the adoption of C h r i s t i a n a t t i t u d e s towards one's business, employees and competition.  The majority  would agree w i t h Steven's attack on "those m i n i s t e r s who are i n c l i n e d to give 'half-baked' d i s s e r t a t i o n s on economics from the P u l p i t . "  Ministers  should concentrate instead on s c r i p t u r e passages on stewardship which a f f o r d "a wonderful opportunity to get at the very 'heart of our present 23 trouble.'" The " w i l d men" advocating p u b l i c ownership of u t i l i t i e s  78 or unemployment insurance from t h e i r p u l p i t s or i n church reports were 24 strongly opposed by many i n f l u e n t i a l laymen. On the other hand, the Laymen's A s s o c i a t i o n d i d endorse the establishment of the League f o r C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l A c t i o n " f o r the promot i o n of World Peace, I n t e r n a t i o n a l j u s t i c e , r a c i a l f a i r n e s s , economic freedom, democratic government and i n d u s t r i a l co-operation and s o c i a l 25 ownership," sponsored by the more r a d i c a l ministers i n the Conference. Members also l i s t e n e d to a c t i v e members l i k e Prof. C.W.  Topping who  helped w r i t e many of the reports of the committee of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service and f i r m l y b e l i e v e d that "the competitive system must be transformed i n t o a co-operative one, and that production and d i s t r i b u t i o n together w i t h the whole f i s c a l system must be c o n t r o l l e d i n 26 the i n t e r e s t of human need rather than f o r p r i v a t e gain." Topping, through h i s membership at Canadian Memorial United Church and l a t e r at West Point Grey i n Vancouver, both west-side middlec l a s s churches, and through h i s a c t i v i t y i n the A.O.T.S., had the respect of conservative church members and received a hearing f o r h i s more r a d i c a l views to reform s o c i e t y , although there was always some opposition to h i s p r a i s e of Russia's economic system and to h i s e f f o r t s to b r i n g the church and s o c i o l o g i s t s c l o s e r together. Many women's groups also heard such views and i n Topping's opinion the women were 27  97  b e t t e r informed and moreyreadyc'foBgehahge thaiirthei!i?ahdsbandsrf6w How many were influenced by such l e c t u r e s no one can t e l l .  In t h i s , as i n so  many other church endeavours, the matter i s i r r e t r i e v a b l y beyond the reach of the s t a t i s t i c i a n s , , a n d one can choose only between making value  79 judgements or foregoing judgement e n t i r e l y . one man heard one idea, the evening's  Stevens f e l t that i f only 28 t a l k was not wasted.  A s u b s t a n t i a l number of wealthy conservative church members found t h e i r s o l u t i o n to the world's economic c r i s i s temporarily through the age-old p r a c t i c e of personal s p i r i t u a l renewal.  The Oxford Group  Movement which swept across North America i n the e a r l y 1930's o f f e r e d r e l i g i o u s s a l v a t i o n i n convincing s i m p l i c i t y .  I t s message c a l l e d upon  the i n d i v i d u a l to adopt the four p r i n c i p l e s of absolute honesty, absolute p u r i t y , absolute unselfishness and absolute love; to confess h i s s i n s openly,, and to l e t God's guidance through meditation govern each day's 29 activity.  The promised reward was the s o l u t i o n of a l l l i f e ' s problems.  I t s appeal was d i r e c t e d f r a n k l y towards the well-to-do and i n f l u e n t i a l element of s o c i e t y , and i t cut across a l l denominational l i n e s and i n cluded many community leaders with nominal church a f f i l i a t i o n .  United  Church clergy of wealthy congregations blessed the movement and encouraged t h e i r p a r i s h i o n e r s to j o i n . Evening dress, s p a r k l i n g diamonds, laughter and c u r i o s i t y marked the crowds who  f i l l e d the Hotel Vancouver ballroom, the Empress Hotel  i n V i c t o r i a , and s e v e r a l l a r g e downtown churches to hear the leader of the Oxford Group, Frank Buchman and h i s team, composed mainly of upperclass and o f t e n t i t l e d Europeans, give witness to t h e i r new l i f e and declare t h e i r aim to "make Canada as r a d i c a l l y C h r i s t i a n as Russia i s 30 Communistic and Germany i s Nazi." Large headlines i n the d a i l y press 3 proclaimed "Oxford Group's C a l l Packs Four of C i t y ' s Biggest Auditoriums'  80 and prominent p o l i t i c i a n s l i k e Mayor Louis D. Taylor of Vancouver extended a c i v i c welcome, h e a r t i l y endorsing the movement as one "which 32 anyone with any heart or soul must j o i n . "  Jokes and popular hymns  interspersed the i n d i v i d u a l j o y f u l testimonies of the team while Buchman beamed h i s approval and declared "unbounded admiration f o r 33 what I see i n Vancouver." A f t e r breakfasts f o r businessmen, garden p a r t i e s and women's luncheons to which i n d i v i d u a l s received personal i n v i t a t i o n s , house p a r t i e s at Harrison Hot Springs, Qualicum Beach and Banff were organized f o r the sincere f o l l o w e r s .  These gatherings, always i n luxurious  surroundings, stressed personal experiences, confession of s i n s , B i b l e study and quiet meditation w a i t i n g f o r God's guidance. Converts q u i c k l y spread the word about t h e i r s p i r i t u a l renewal around the province and s h o r t l y l o c a l teams from Vancouver and V i c t o r i a were conducting e n t h u s i a s t i c campaigns i n Kelowna, Kamloops, T r a i l and Nanaimo, while smaller places l i k e B e l l a Coola and Okanagan Landing were requesting v i s i t s .  Oxford Groups emerged throughout the province,  composed mainly of prosperous community leaders of a l l denominations with such clergymen as Dean Quainton of C h r i s t Church Cathedral i n V i c t o r i a endorsing the aims of the movement with statements l i k e  "...  no other o r g a n i z a t i o n i n Christendom could surpass i t i n evangelism, , . . . . „34 enterprise and  initiative.  In conservative V i c t o r i a enthusiasm was high. people organized themselves i n t o twenty Oxford groups.  S i x hundred l a y Virtually a l l  the United Church clergy recognized the good work of the movement i n  81 t h e i r Sunday morning sermons f o l l o w i n g Buchman's v i s i t  35  and the Rev.  E.F. Church of Metropolitan United Church was one of seven leading clergymen who held a p u b l i c meeting and gave a t y p i c a l testimony. He confessed he had "learned to l i k e churches that [he] sneered at before . . . had hungered f o r the high things; but now . . . [was] content 36 with the lowly things i f God comes down among lowly things with me." Many other V i c t o r i a n s echoed these words. Vancouver's r e a c t i o n was more diverse.  Only the wealthy congre-  gations on the west side of the c i t y showed any r e a l enthusiasm and i t was from such congregations as Shaughnessy Heights, Knox, S t . Stephen's and St. Andrewss^Wesleytthat •'local^studyggroups.--emerged, and members attended the out-of-town p a r t i e s and m i n i s t e r s delivered sermons p r a i s i n g the movement. Former Presbyterian ministers and congregations found the i n d i v i d u a l p i e t y of the Oxford Movement very much i n keeping with t r a d i t i o n a l C a l v i n i s t doctrine and keenly supported the movement. Andrew Roddan of F i r s t United threw h i s weight behind the movement with the w r i t i n g of a pamphlet For Doubters Only: How I was Changed which was endorsed by Buchman and sold widely across Canada as part of the movement's l i t e r a t u r e .  And i n the summer of 1933, as v i s i t i n g preacher at  St. Andrew's-Wesley, the Rev. George Pidgeon, a leader f o r church union i n the Presbyterian Church and f i r s t moderator of the United Church, 37 encouraged l i s t e n e r s to j o i n the Oxford Group and change t h e i r l i v e s . His presence had alarmed c r i t i c s of the movement i n the east, one of whom wrote " I dread h i s v i s i t to Vancouver—and I speak f o r others h e r e —  82 for  i f he reveals there the a t t i t u d e revealed here he w i l l make l i f e 38  more d i f f i c u l t f o r our m i n i s t e r s than before."  At the Toronto Con-  ference annual meeting the "parage which Pidgeon staged . . . created a very bad r e a c t i o n . The day previous . . . c r i t i c i s m [of the Group] was not considered, but a day a f t e r the parade the committee was i n s i s 39 tent that the c r i t i c i s m be made." Fortunately, the d i v i s i v e n e s s he caused i n Ontario was not repeated i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Despite the p u b l i c endorsement by s e v e r a l leading United Church ministers and the p a r t i c i p a t i o n by many church members, the Oxford Group did  not receive unanimous approval.  The B r i t i s h Columbia Conference at 40  i t s annual meeting i n 1933 refused to endorse the movement  but i n the  report of the L i f e and Work Committee, the conference acknowledged i t s "challenge to greater r e a l i t y and s i n c e r i t y i n . . . i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the s p i r i t and s e r v i c e of Jesus C h r i s t as the One who alone can meet 41  the heart hunger of humanity i n these d i f f i c u l t days."  The f o l l o w i n g  year a hot debate arose over a s i m i l a r report which i n d i c a t e d the d i v i s i v e nature of the movement among United Church clergy and l a i t y . Direct c r i t i c i s m was f i n a l l y expunged and the r e s u l t i n g r e s o l u t i o n blandly hoped that the b e n e f i t s from the movement would be incorporated i n t o the 42 l i f e of the church. Benefits were few i f the answers to a questionnaire sent out to a l l United Church m i n i s t e r s i n 1935 are at a l l accurate. Most minis43 ters found very l i t t l e change i n t h e i r own congregations  and enthusiasm  i n l o c a l study groups r a p i d l y waned without the stimulus of Buchman's personal evangelists and f r o n t page coverage of the press.  Many joined  83 as part of the crowd but soon d r i f t e d away a f t e r r e c e i v i n g temporary comfort and a sense of well-being.  A few stuck with the movement,  r e c e i v i n g p s y c h o l o g i c a l s e c u r i t y and freedom from g u i l t f o r not embracing the more r a d i c a l demands of the church courts.  A s t i l l smaller  group experienced a r e a l conversion to C h r i s t ' s good news through personal examination, but went on to recognize the e s s e n t i a l s u p e r f i c i a l i t y of the Groupssttheolggyaaridssocialaaction,aaridpp'rggr.essedbbeyohdiit to become leaders of more r a d i c a l t h i n k i n g and s o c i a l a c t i o n w i t h i n the 44 framework of the church. A common c r i t i c i s m of the Oxford Group was i t s lack of any C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l message and i t s emphasis on i n d i v i d u a l change as s u f f i c i e n t to reform society's p o l i t i c a l and economic a f f a i r s .  Those  on the Board of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service i n c l u d i n g Hugh Dobson became very concerned about t h i s aspect and backed the report The Challenge of the Oxford Group Movement i n which the h i s t o r y , strengths and weaknesses of the organization were explored.  At the same time, Dobson  and others l i k e him could support the movement f o r i t s emphasis on personal renewal i n the expectation that s o c i e t y could be saved only through the s a l v a t i o n of a s u f f i c i e n t number of i n d i v i d u a l s who could corporately b r i n g i n the Kingdom. The movement was also f r e q u e n t l y c r i t i c i z e d on t h e o l o g i c a l grounds.  The basic doctrines of the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h regarding God,  C h r i s t and s a l v a t i o n were ignored while the views of s i n and the nature 45 of man were at such a simple-minded and frequently t r i v i a l l e v e l , that one young speaker p u b l i c l y announced "He was l a z y , d i d not get along  84 with h i s brother or h i s young s i s t e r , 'grunted' h i s way through  break-  46 fast . . . "  There was l i t t l e r e c o g n i t i o n of the deeper s i n of p r i d e  or of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s part i n the corporate e v i l s of society. Many of the students from Union College went to a house party at Harrison Hot Springs as guests of the wealthy chairman of the Board and former mayor of Vancouver, W.H. Malkin and of Chris Spencer, owner 47 of a l a r g e department store. P r i n c i p a l J.G. Brown was most g r a t e f u l to Malkin and Spencer and e n t h u s i a s t i c about the t r i p and i t s e f f e c t 48 on h i s students,  but the students had mixed f e e l i n g s .  Those i n a r t s  embraced the movement wholeheartedly but those i n theology were much more aware of i t s i n t e l l e c t u a l poverty and refused to be drawn i n t o i t 49 50 too deeply. Even Brown acknowledged p r i v a t e l y some r e s e r v a t i o n s . Many could accept the movement's emphasis on s p i r i t u a l  renewal  and could overlook i t s s u p e r f i c i a l theology but balked at i t s snobbish appeal to the e l i t e of s o c i e t y only.  This was countered by others i n -  cluding Andrew Roddan who overcame h i s reservations upon f i n d i n g the Banff meeting, to which he was sent, held i n a cold, b a r n - l i k e hall."'''' Further c r i t i c i s m s about " i t s dress s h i r t advocates" were voiced at the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference meeting i n 1933, to which one clergyman r e p l i e d that " ' i f Almighty God can get i n t o the upper c r u s t of our society then f o r heaven's sake do not l e t us hinder Him, or place any 52 obstacles i n the way.'"  I t was widely b e l i e v e d i n r u l i n g church  c i r c l e s that any " e f f o r t to i n f l u e n c e a class too o f t e n not reached by e v a n g e l i c a l agencies" should be encouraged provided that the message given would s t r e s s the r i c h ' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to make changes i n s o c i a l  85 l i f e which might lessen t h e i r own p r i v i l e g e s .  53  I t was p r e c i s e l y be-  cause the movement d i d not do t h i s that some m i n i s t e r s , i n i t i a l l y  hope-  f u l of the Group's crusade, became d i s i l l u s i o n e d and turned against i t . The Oxford Group f a i l e d to d e l i v e r on i t s promises f o r a new world.  By 1935 enthusiasm f o r the movement had faded, l i f e returned  to i t s regular a c t i v i t i e s and new causes arose to a t t r a c t the a t t e n t i o n of  those s t i l l wanting to cure society's economic i l l s without too much  s a c r i f i c e to themselves.  One such avenue which appealed to a few United  Church people, e s p e c i a l l y the small middle-class businessman, was the 54 Reconstruction p"arty, organized by the Hon. H.H. Stevens  f o r the  f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n of 1935. As a very a c t i v e layman i n the Methodist and l a t e r United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Stevens frequently spoke to A.O.T.S. clubs, presb y t e r i e s , conferences and even General Council e x p l a i n i n g the need f o r a C h r i s t i a n impact on b i g business to make i t s p r a c t i c e s more e t h i c a l and i n keeping w i t h C h r i s t ' s teachings. He believed that greed of the owners should be eliminated and that p r o f i t s should be shared more equitably w i t h the employees who would enjoy b e t t e r working conditions and give unreserved l o y a l t y to the company i n return.  Stevens was con-  vinced that "The Church [had] the secret of I n t e r n a t i o n a l Salvation. It  [was] the Golden Rule.  1st Respect the Great Central Control of  the Universe—God 2nd Do Unto others as you have them t r e a t you T h i s — i f made the dominating p r a c t i c e of a l l church members would have a great i n f l u e n c e over the whole world."  I n Steven's view t h i s was the  gum @f the ^^&^ngng£h^isfgh@£ch §ySdh^§.of^Si-iy> f®d he hQp,ed fcp. use the a  e  r  86 reform of business and p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n to create a b e t t e r world. I n i t i a l l y , i n 1934 h i s idea o f an i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o the b u s i ness p r a c t i c e s of large firms was influenced by the coming f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n , and the need of R.B. Bennettjs Conservative government f o r an i s s u e . A t the same time, Stevens was honestly outraged at the p r o f i t e e r i n g p r a c t i s e d by some large firms a t the expense of the small businessman and the farmer.  Once the P r i c e Spreads I n v e s t i g a t i o n was  launched by the Bennett government under Steven's chairmanship, the p o l i t i c a l aspects faded i n t o the background and f o r Stevens the i n v e s t i gation took on the c o l o u r a t i o n of a r e l i g i o u s crusade against sweat shop labour, a r t i f i c i a l l y high p r i c e s , monopolies, forced mergers and other u n e t h i c a l business p r a c t i c e s .  Charges were made that Imperial Tobacco  made s i x m i l l i o n a year p r o f i t and " i n the midst of the fabulous prosp e r i t y . . . cut the farmers down from 33 cents a pound . . . to 16 cents a pound.""^  Stevens chose the witnesses and d i r e c t e d the minute  examination of such firms as Eaton's, Simpson's and I m p e r i a l Tobacco and received widespread p u b l i c i t y and support i n the papers.  His attack  and expose undoubtedly awakened the country to increased c r i t i c i s m of the business community and hastened l e g i s l a t i o n f o r b e t t e r working cond i t i o n s f o r labour and controls on b i g business. Stevens was not a wealthy man and was always at odds w i t h some of the eastern magnates i n Bennett's cabinet. The P r i c e Spreads I n v e s t i gation increased t h i s animosity and caused a personal feud to erupt between Stevens and Bennett.  When a l l hope of co-operation on reform  w i t h i n the Conservative party was gone, Stevens broke away to form the  87  Reconstruction party  i n order  to " r e - e s t a b l i s h Canada's  industrial, 58  e c o n o m i c and s o c i a l l i f e t o do t h i s ,  he p r o p o s e d  T r a d e and I n d u s t r y  the b e n e f i t  of  the  great m a j o r i t y . "  t o s e t up a p u b l i c w o r k s p r o g r a m m e ,  Commission, an economic c o u n c i l ,  a  To  Federal  an a g r i c u l t u r a l  59 board, there  and to  increase taxes  are things  structure, cannot  that  the b e s t  rectify i t ;  on the w e a l t h y .  a r e i n h e r e n t l y wrong e x i s t i n g w i t h i n our  t h i n g t o do i s or  He b e l i e v e d t h a t  .  .  .  to look at  it,  .  .  sooner or l a t e r t h i n g s of  "if  economic  . and see i f that  we  character 60  become s e r i o u s a n d may p o s s i b l y d e s t r o y He w a n t e d  economic  structure."  a C h r i s t i a n c a p i t a l i s t s y s t e m i n Canada and w h i l e  w e a l t h y monopoly by p a r t  our  of  h e was n o t  the church  i n sympathy  against  w i t h the s o c i a l i s m espoused  body.^1  S u p p o r t f o r h i s P r i c e S p r e a d s I n v e s t i g a t i o n came f r o m t h e V a n c o u v e r r i a l i z e d G e n e r a l C o u n c i l t o e n c o u r a g e a l l c h u r c h members n o t t o buy memo and W e s t m i n s t e r P r e s b y t e r i e s o f t h e U n i t e d C h u r c h , the l a t t e r h a v i n g 62 products British  p r o d u c e d u n d e r c o n d i t i o n s i n i m i c a l t o human w e l f a r e . Columbia Conference  a n n u a l m e e t i n g i n 1934  The  a l s o endorsed  the  i n v e s t i g a t i o n and wanted Stevens to broaden i t to i n c l u d e the p r i c e 63 monopoly their  of  the l i q u o r i n t e r e s t s .  annual banquet  Columbia d i v i s i o n of the P r i c e Spreads  h e a r d George  T h a t same y e a r , R.  Matthews,  the R e t a i l Merchants'  C o m i s s i o n ' s Report  laymen  s e c r e t a r y of  Association,  and urge  attending the  strongly  them t o " a c c e p t a  British recommend definite 64  responsibility  . . .  i n seeking s o l u t i o n of  Stevens^  probe  appealed to  himself,  who w e r e more t h a n w i l l i n g t o  the m a j o r i t y  the b u s i n e s s p r o b l e m . "  of m i d d l e - c l a s s church goers s e e any  gross i n j u s t i c e s  like  remedied  88 and the power of wealthy businessmen curbed e s p e c i a l l y i f i t were i n favour of the small businessman.  L e t t e r s to the e d i t o r of the Western  Recorder i n response to a favourable e d i t o r i a l showed to what extent 65 Stevens had touched a common concern through h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The f o l l o w i n g year the Western Recorder supported Stevens and his new party as an answer to people who were " g e t t i n g t i r e d of party and party p o l i t i c i a n s , and have been praying that some leaders might a r i s e who would think i n terms of country and not party; who would merit 66 the  t i t l e of 'statesman!'"  There was however, r e l a t i v e l y  little  a c t i v i t y on behalf of the Reconstruction party i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  The  wealthy laymen found Stevens too much a reformer f o r t h e i r taste although a few i n d i v i d u a l small businessmen and personal f r i e n d s i n c l u d i n g United Church ministers supported Stevens and chaired p u b l i c meetings.  The Rev.  E.F. Church of Metropolitan United i n V i c t o r i a t o l d h i s audience that 67 "'we are looking to Mr. Stevens and he i s looking to God,'" the  and i n  Cariboo, the Rev. E.S. Fleming a c t i v e l y campaigned f o r S t e v e n s . ^  The B r i t i s h Columbia Conference, however, standing by i t s e a r l i e r d e c i s i o n to avoid any o f f i c i a l t i e s with a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y , and i n par69 t i c u l a r with the C.C.F.  refused to endorse the Reconstruction p a r t y .  P o l i t i c a l a l l e g i a n c e was l e f t up to the i n d i v i d u a l . During the summer of 1935 opposition to Stevens mounted from business c i r c l e s which alleged that he had created a schism between monied i n t e r e s t s and the people to such an extent that a V i c t o r i a e d i t o r accused him of descending "to a g i t a t o r s t a t u s . T h i s opposition d i d not worry Stevens to any great extent since he f e l t that there was not  89 enough small manufacturing  i n B r i t i s h Columbia f o r people to become  very involved f o r or against h i s party.  He concentrated h i s e f f o r t s  i n southern Ontario where h i s son, the Rev. Francis H. Stevens a United Church m i n i s t e r released from Vancouver Presbytery, organized the youth 71  movement f o r the party. In Stevens' own r i d i n g of Kootenay East, he received a great deal of press p u b l i c i t y and won h i s seat, the only one f o r the party, despite the strong campaign waged against him by the L i b e r a l s and C.C.F. The l o c a l Conservative party d i d not run a candidate against him and the miners remained l o y a l to him personally for the key part he had played i n 1933 i n keeping open the mines at Coal Creek.  72  Stevens' e f f o r t to reform Canadian l i f e through h i s new party failed.  His C h r i s t i a n i d e a l s d i d not even win him the support of most  United Church members who preferred the o l d - l i n e p a r t i e s .  With a change  i n leadership of h i s o l d party, Stevens went back to the Conservatives and h i s b r i e f attempt at reform was l a r g e l y forgotten.  However, many  of the changes he advocated were brought i n by the L i b e r a l government i n the f o l l o w i n g years and Stevens could take some c r e d i t f o r preparing the p u b l i c f o r t h e i r acceptance.  In t h i s -respecthhef€oMowedt'the  established pattern of the s o c i a l i s t s i n f e d e r a l p o l i t i c s who never seem able to c o n t r o l parliament, but have a degree of success i n that the two major p a r t i e s enact s u b s t a n t i a l amounts of s o c i a l i s t l e g i s l a t i o n . The United Church t h e o l o g i c a l college i n B r i t i s h Columbia might have been expected to lead the church i n thought about s o c i e t y but t h i s was not the case.  In f a c t , the college a c t i v e l y discouraged any recognit  90 of the changing society around i t .  By the e a r l y t h i r t i e s , there was  a growing resentment among the students towards the a u t o c r a t i c p r i n c i p a l , J.G. Brown, towards professors nearing retirement who gave d u l l , i r r e l e v a n t courses and towards the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n f o r i t s lack of cooperation with The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia.  No r e c o g n i t i o n of  the u n i v e r s i t y courses i n sociology, l i t e r a t u r e and psychology was made.  One student of that period said that R.B.Y. Scott who l a t e r went  on to Montreal and was very a c t i v e i n the Fellowship f o r C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l Order, the C.C.F. and the League f o r S o c i a l Reconstruction, was the only professor who had any i n k l i n g of the world outside the college w a l l s , and he l e f t a f t e r a very short time because of the college's lack of 73 challenge and i t s poor academic standards.  Many students dropped out  of the t h e o l o g i c a l courses and the m i n i s t r y as a r e s u l t and the church l o s t such dedicated men as Robert McMaster, l a t e r a lawyer very a c t i v e i n c i v i l r i g h t s and Arnold Webster, a high school teacher and C.C.F. politician.  Other students i f they had the money went elsewhere to study.  Brown created such a mutinous f e e l i n g among the students i n residence, snooping i n rooms and l i s t e n i n g through keyholes to personal conversations at n i g h t , that a delegation from Toronto headquarters was sent out to i n v e s t i g a t e the complaints.  In the report issued January 28,  1938, the p r i n c i p a l was condemned f o r h i s lack of i n t e r e s t i n the students, poor academic standards i n the c o l l e g e , badly taught b a s i c courses and f a i l u r e to i n i t i a t e p r a c t i c a l courses i n H o m i l e t i c s , Sociology and Re- • ^ . 7 4 n  l i g i o u s Education. Brown was a very stubborn man, and a man u t t e r l y devoid of sympathy f o r the s o c i a l gospel or l i b e r a l t h e o l o g i c a l thought.  When the  91 s o c i a l i s t J . King Gordon became t r a v e l l i n g professor of C h r i s t i a n ethics under the auspices of the Board of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service i n 1935, Dobson had him tour B r i t i s h Columbia g i v i n g p u b l i c l e c t u r e s . Gordon received a hearty welcome i n many o u t l y i n g places but at Union College h i s reception from Brown was c o o l , i f not g l a c i a l .  However, the S.C.M.  on the nearby U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia campus held p u b l i c meetings so that the t h e o l o g i c a l students heard him free from the i n h i b i t i n g eyes of t h e i r unenthusiastic professors and p r i n c i p a l . ^  The  depression  w i t h a l l i t s turmoil and questioning hardly entered the classrooms of the archetypal i v o r y tower of the t h e o l o g i c a l c o l l e g e . On the whole, t r a d i t i o n a l reformation i n the form of l e c t u r e s , study, p e t i t i o n s , p i e t y and moderate p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y was easy f o r the church.  I t involved mainly those middle-class members who  and l e d most of the church organizations.  supported  These people wanted to b r i n g  an end to s o c i e t y ' s economic chaos and return to a state of f i n a n c i a l s e c u r i t y , but they looked back with longing to t h e i r more secure days i n the e a r l y 1900's or the 1920's, and not forward to a new system or way of l i f e . New  ideas presented by reputable scholars and o f f i c i a l  bodies gradually became acceptable with the passage of time.  church The report  C h r i s t i a n i z i n g the S o c i a l Order emphasized the necessity of change and put a respectable cast upon some of the s o c i a l i s t s ' views. t i v e t h i s report was i s impossible to measure.  How e f f e c -  That i t provided ample  opportunity f o r d i s c u s s i o n and debate on new ideas cannot be disputed. The United Church not only educated many of i t s own members to accept  92  change but also many others i n s o c i e t y who were exposed frequently to church viewpoints i n the d a i l y press.  As a r e s u l t Evangelism  and  S o c i a l Service reports and C h r i s t i a n i z i n g the S o c i a l Order played some part i n preparing the country f o r governmental c o n t r o l s during the war and f o r the s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n that came then and l a t e r . The majority of m i n i s t e r s were more w i l l i n g than laymen to countenance change provided someone e l s e did the necessary spade work. There was a r e a l antipathy towards a c t i v e p o l i t i c a l involvement from some; there was a general l a c k of i n i t i a t i v e i n dealing with new problems; there was a fear of s o c i a l unrest and i n s t a b i l i t y , there was  ignorance  and misunderstanding of i n d u s t r y , unions and urban s o c i e t y ; there was retrenchment  to save one's own congregregation and job; there was  r e l i a n c e on the t r a d i t i o n a l methods of paternalism, handouts and emergency patching; there was the usual pat s o l u t i o n o f f e r e d time and again to return to the " r e a l Gospel" and "true C h r i s t i a n l i v i n g . " "True C h r i s t i a n l i v i n g " when put i n t o more concrete terms i n b r i e f s , studies and r e s o l u t i o n s to the government, however, looked very r a d i c a l to many church members and very close to out and out s o c i a l i s m . Current problems were of s u f f i c i e n t magnitude that the majority of clergy were at l e a s t w i l l i n g to pay l i p s e r v i c e to the r a d i c a l s on the Board of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service and r e g u l a r l y pass reports and r e s o l u t i o n s condemning the current economic and s o c i a l system.  It is  d i f f i c u l t to estimate what i n f l u e n c e church telegrams, p e t i t i o n s , b r i e f s and r e s o l u t i o n s had on governments but i t i s safe to say there was some. The r a d i c a l s o l u t i o n s offered by the church courts helped to e s t a b l i s h  93 the United Church's reputation as a s o c i a l l y concerned or even a r a d i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n i n s o c i e t y , even while a large majority of i t s members held much more conservative views. "The  R e d s " — R a d i c a l S o c i a l Change  While the majority of church members were involved i n paternal c h a r i t y and were exposed to advocates of some form of t r a d i t i o n a l r e form, a small handful of members w i t h i n the church hoped to b r i n g about a completely  changed s o c i a l order across Canada.  I t was t h e i r work  which gave the United Church an image of r a d i c a l i s m i n the p u b l i c press. During the 1920's when l i f e was generally prosperous and the United Church was mainly concerned with i t s own b i r t h and organization, the moderate a c t i v i t i e s and b e l i e f s of the s o c i a l gospellers were absorbed i n t o the i n s t i t u t i o n a l church.  The r a d i c a l i s m of the immediate  post-war years was dropped and forgotten by most.  I t was t h i s r a d i c a l i s m  when reappeared with the depression and made i t s e l f f e l t across the country, through reports of the Board of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service and i t s committees, The New Outlook, the o f f i c i a l church paper and the a c t i v i t i e s of a few i n d i v i d u a l s . The power of the few men involved l a y i n t h e i r possession of key p o s i t i o n s on conference and presbytery committees f o r Evangelism and S o c i a l Service, the church department most i n the p u b l i c eye and responsible f o r the r a d i c a l reports issued by the church during the e a r l y 1930's.  Not only were these men strong b e l i e v e r s i n the necessity of  a new s o c i a l order but they were also w i l l i n g t o work hard with  political,  94 labour and s t r i k i n g groups to achieve t h i s new s o c i e t y .  They were men  of a c t i o n , determined to help the unemployed and the poor. In 1931 as soon as B r i t i s h Columbia announced i t s plans f o r r e l i e f camps key men i n the Vancouver Presbytery of the United Church went i n t o a c t i o n .  Under the Rev. Hugh Dobson's watchful eye the pres76  bytery i n i t i a t e d a R e l i e f Committee  to watch, form p o l i c y and co-  operate with the other churches, the Y.M.C.A. and the S o c i a l Service Council, concerning conditions i n the r e l i e f camps.  The presbytery sent  a l e t t e r to the government urging i t to consider the necessity of recreat i o n a l , c u l t u r a l and s p i r i t u a l care of the men i n the camps and o f f e r e d to help i n any way p o s s i b l e . ^ Already some were concerned about the men's morale i n such out-of-the-way  p l a c e s , a problem to which the  government displayed profound i n d i f f e r e n c e . Determined to i n i t i a t e some a c t i o n , the Vancouver Presbytery i n the spring of 1932 gave one m i n i s t e r , the Rev. H.P.  Davidson, leave 78  from a regular pastorate to v i s i t r e l i e f camps i n the Fraser V a l l e y . Davidson v i s i t e d over twenty camps, spending one to two days i n each. According to him, the government camps gave good accommodation and food but d i d not "give two hoots" f o r the boys' mental and s p i r i t u a l welfare. He gave t r a v e l shows w i t h s l i d e s provided by the Canadian P a c i f i c  Rail-  way and l e d the men i n rousing r e n d i t i o n s of the most popular song i n camp, " F i f t y Years From Now."  The l i n e "What does i t matter, w e ' l l be  pushing up the d a i s i e s w i t h marble at our heads" always got a personal response from the men.  Davidson also d i s t r i b u t e d personal n e c e s s i t i e s  l i k e books, shaving k i t s , toothpaste, brushes, records and s t a t i o n e r y  95 which were generously donated by Spencer's and Woodward's Department Stores or by Vancouver  congregations.  The men seemed to appreciate the e f f o r t s of Davidson and h i s successors.  C e r t a i n l y they were the only people who showed any r e a l  i n t e r e s t i n the men's p l i g h t .  Davidson f e l t that v i s i t i n g the r e l i e f  camps was the best b i t of work the church d i d during the depression, although i t was l a r g e l y on h i s shoulders, on those of an Anglican m i n i s t e r and on Davidson's successor, the Rev. G.H. Findlay. Fortunately Findlay was w e l l - q u a l i f i e d to carry on the work, which could e a s i l y have foundered under a man of unsuitable p e r s o n a l i t y . He was an older man who had spent most of h i s m i n i s t r y with s i n g l e men i n logging or mining camps i n B r i t i s h Columbia and the Yukon.  He enjoyed  t h e i r humour, sense of adventure and down-to-earth approach to l i f e , but was g r e a t l y d i s t r e s s e d at society's callousness towards the " f o r gotten men" i n the r e l i e f camps.  His view of h i s r o l e and the value  of h i s work i s expressed i n an account of an i n c i d e n t which he recorded i n one of h i s reports. A middle aged i n t e l l i g e n t man came i n t o the o f f i c e when the m a i l had been sorted, apparently looking f o r a l e t t e r . The timekeeper s a i d to me, "He has been i n t h i s camp four months and p r a c t i c a l l y every day he comes over looking f o r a l e t t e r , but he has never got anything yet." I think one of the hardest things i n l i f e i s to f e e l oneself forgotten, that nobody cares, and I believe the best thing about my work i s t h i s — t h a t i t ' s a continual reminder to these men, two thousand of them i n the Fraser V a l l e y , that the Church has not forgotten.79 The only other m i n i s t e r who showed any great i n t e r e s t i n the r e l i e f or work camps was the Rev. Bryce Wallace.  While i n T r a i l he  96 v i s i t e d four camps on h i s own i n i t i a t i v e and encouraged the Young People's Society from h i s congregation to e n t e r t a i n the men and a f t e r he moved to V i c t o r i a he v i s i t e d and d e l i v e r e d "luxury items," such as toothpaste and razor blades, to the work camps north of the c i t y . His own congregation i n V i c t o r i a and most other congregations and ministers showed a l e v e l of i n i t i a t i v e and i n t e r e s t which reached i t s summit i n the donation of t h e i r used magazines.  I t took the super-  intendent of home missions three months to reach the point of asking Davidson i f he had any money with which to run h i s car and pay expenses. The camps were e a s i l y forgotten.  Almost i n s i g h t of one of Vancouver's  more prosperous congregations was a r e l i e f camp, t o t a l l y ignored.  The  camp on the U n i v e r s i t y Endowment Lands on Point Grey had the worst conditions of any i n the province, according to the Macdonald Commission, established by the f e d e r a l government i n A p r i l 1935 to i n v e s t i g a t e camp conditions throughout the province, f o l l o w i n g mounting complaints and unrest among the men.  The three-man commission c o n s i s t i n g of the c h a i r -  man, the Hon. W.A. Macdonald, a judge, the Rev. E.D. Braden of Ryerson United Church i n Vancouver and C.T. McHattie, a prominent c i t y wholesale merchant and United Church layman, described the washhouses and showers as " ' d i s g r a c e f u l l y crude, u n s i g h t l y and d i r t y "  1  and found rats a menace  80 " ' p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the bunkhouses,'"  but no l o c a l congregations rose  up i n anger over the inhumane s i t u a t i o n on t h e i r doorstep. P r i o r to the p u b l i s h i n g of the Macdonald Commission report, however, Vancouver Presbytery d i d c a l l a s p e c i a l meeting to discuss the r e l i e f camp s i t u a t i o n and made a recommendation to the f e d e r a l government  97 s i m i l a r to that of the Macdonald Commission asking f o r a cessation of the r e l i e f camps and the establishment of work camps w i t h proper wages for work done.^  1  In A p r i l of 1935 before the Macdonald Commission had a chance to report i t s f i n d i n g s , the men i n the camps became r e b e l l i o u s , and two thousand, mainly from the Fraser V a l l e y camps marched on Vancouver to demand work and wages.  For weeks the s t r i k e r s held parades, s i t - i n s  at the c i t y museum, interviews with the mayor and tag days to dramatize the hopelessness they f e l t i n the camps and t h e i r i n s i s t e n c e that the government pay decent wages. The Vancouver M i n i s t e r i a l A s s o c i a t i o n headed by the Rev. E l b e r t P a u l , a B a p t i s t m i n i s t e r , volunteered to act as mediator between the s t r i k e r s ' R e l i e f Camp Union and the f e d e r a l government which had f a i l e d to answer c i t i z e n s ' pleas f o r a c t i o n i n the form of wages.  The Rev.  H.P. Davidson and several other United Church ministers joined with Paul i n meeting the s t r i k e r s but t h e i r attempt at s o l u t i o n was i n vain.  When  the group met with the p r o v i n c i a l premier, Duff P a t t u l l o i n h i s h o t e l s u i t e at the Hotel Vancouver, he j u s t threw up h i s hands and "passed 82 the buck" to the f e d e r a l government which ran the camps. Again i n the spring of 1938 when the unemployed occupied Vancouver's main post o f f i c e and a r t g a l l e r y , a few United Church people came to the s t r i k e r s ' aaiid.  FEoddaaridccl6MingT:werecc611ectedbbyasome  Vancouver congregations a f t e r an open l e t t e r was sent to the papers by 83 four United Church m i n i s t e r s .  The Vancouver Presbytery R e l i e f Committee  of 1935 was r e a c t i v a t e d and some of the c l e r g y , i n c l u d i n g H.P. Davidson,  98 G.B. Switzer, and Andrew Roddan mingled among the s t r i k e r s urging them to remain peaceful so that some s o l u t i o n could be worked out with the government. The United Church refused the s t r i k e r s ' request to set up a church service i n the Post O f f i c e but some m i n i s t e r s , i n c l u d i n g Andrew Roddan of F i r s t United and W i l l a r d Brewing of St. Andrew's-Wesley spoke f r a n k l y from t h e i r p u l p i t s i n condemnation of the government and i n 84 support of the men.  I n June an open l e t t e r signed by Davidson and  Switzer appeared i n the D a i l y Province a t t a c k i n g the whole r e l i e f 85 policy.  The R e l i e f Committee was again endorsing work f o r wages, long  term t r a i n i n g f o r the unemployed and an extension of p u b l i c works. I t urged the reopening of the f o r e s t camps f o r the summer and telegraphed the M i n i s t e r of Labour i n Ottawa to t h i s e f f e c t . ^  6  A f t e r the men were  evicted from the Post O f f i c e , the church set up a fund to provide f i n a n 87 c i a l a i d f o r the s i x men arrested i n connection with the e v i c t i o n . During the s i t - i n a t the Vancouver A r t G a l l e r y and Post O f f i c e , seven hundred s t r i k e r s went to V i c t o r i a to present t h e i r problem to Pattullo.  A f t e r the men were turned out of three deserted h o t e l s , the  Rev. Bryce Wallace, on behalf of the V i c t o r i a M i n i s t e r i a l A s s o c i a t i o n , approached the government with an o f f e r of mediation and a request f o r food and medication f o r the d e s t i t u t e men but was f l a t l y turned down 88 by P a t t u l l o .  However, a women's emergency committee worked c l o s e l y  w i t h the M i n i s t e r i a l A s s o c i a t i o n i n providing food and a f t e r the i n t e r vention of Wallace, the c i t y f i n a l l y reopened i t s three unused hotels 89 to the men f o r the duration of t h e i r stay i n the c i t y . The c i t y s t i l l  99 refused to meet w i t h the V i c t o r i a Presbytery's  requests f o r a tag day 90  or the use of an empty theatre as a meeting place f o r the unemployed. The church was  concerned not only with the men's p h y s i c a l needs  but also w i t h the dangerous impasse the s t r i k e r s and the government had reached.  Wallace played a v i t a l r o l e i n g e t t i n g the men  to accept  the government's compromise o f f e r of free t r a n s p o r t a t i o n home with jobs f o r the B r i t i s h Columbia boys, and jobs f o r the p r a i r i e boys u n t i l 91 harvest time when they would r e t u r n home.  The immediate c r i s i s  was  over but r e l i e f of the symptoms of unrest had done nothing toward curing the disease of unemployment. Later i n November of 1938, Vancouver Presbytery again  objected  strenuouslyLto :thejj.ailingoofttransiehtsaaridddemandedcconstructive a i d as an a l t e r n a t i v e . In the spring of 1939  i t was  s t i l l voicing i t s  demands f o r f e d e r a l government a i d f o r r e t r a i n i n g of the unemployed and f o r a study i n which a l l workers with the unemployed would p a r t i c i p a t e , i n the hope that a permanent s o l u t i o n to the unemployment problem could 92 be found.  Hugh Dobson added h i s voice to that of Presbytery d e c l a r -  ing that the  strikershhadaasstrongcGaseiint"thei-rffiavo.uraaridttheffederal  93 government was dragging i t s f e e t . For eight years the church had been c a l l i n g f o r a c t i o n . Presbytery was  l a r g e l y responsible f o r the establishment  Vancouver  by the Vancouver  General M i n i s t e r i a l A s s o c i a t i o n i n January 1931, of a B.C.  Committee  on Unemployment and R e l i e f , and the conference committee on Evangelism and S o c i a l Service bore the costs. the two m i n i s t e r s , the Revs. A.W.  Hugh Dobson chaired the committee and Mcintosh of the United Church and  H.L.  100 M c N e i l l of the B a p t i s t ; three u n i v e r s i t y professors, H.F. Angus, Carrothers and C.W.  Topping; one employer, W.C.  W.A.  Ditmars and one repre-  sentative of labour, John Sidaway formed the advisory board.  This  board i n v i t e d over f i f t y organizations throughout the province to send delegates to a meeting to discuss a long-term p o l i c y of r e l i e f .  Boards  of trade, labour unions, schools, churches, s o c i a l work agencies, Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l , women's groups, and s e r v i c e clubs were represented. This enlarged group presented b r i e f s to the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments on matters such as work f o r wages; i t studied Russian and F a s c i s t methods of dealing w i t h unemployment; i t provided a safe l o c a l e for blowing o f f steam by r i v a l groups and promoted understanding among them; and i t addressed the general p u b l i c through l e c t u r e s , pamphlets and newspaper a r t i c l e s on the current economic and s o c i a l problems w i t h 94 some suggestions f o r reform.  Unemployment insurance was one programme  i t pushed very hard i n an e f f o r t to gain a long range p o l i c y on unemployment from the f e d e r a l government. The committee was not s u c c e s s f u l i n the short run with i t s r e form suggestions but eventually the government acted i n the d i r e c t i o n the members had i n d i c a t e d years before.  The main aim of the group,  however, was to educate the p u b l i c on the need f o r change and t h i s i t did w e l l .  By b r i n g i n g together such a d i v e r s i t y of i n t e r e s t s , i t pro-  vided a good forum for the exchange of opinions between such groups as the Canadian Legion and the Waterfront Workers' A s s o c i a t i o n , the Terrace Board of Trade and the Vancouver Trades and Labour Council.  One  parti-  cipant was convinced " I t saved trouble i n Vancouver because i t gave labour  101 and business a chance to blow o f f i n a reasonable s t a t e . "  95  Another problem which concerned Hugh Dobson and the Vancouver Presbytery was the question of housing.  By 1936 the housing of f a m i l i e s  on r e l i e f or subsistence-level wages had become desperate.  Mortgages  and rents were going unpaid and foreclosures and e v i c t i o n s were r a p i d l y increasing.  The c i t y of Vancouver paid r e l i e f rent only on a s h e l t e r  basis a f t e r e v i c t i o n had been threatened and only enough to f o r e s t a l l 96 the e v i c t i o n .  With no spare cash at hand, l i v i n g standards were  s t e a d i l y lowered.  Houses went unpainted, s p l i n t e r e d steps remained un-  f i x e d , and an o l d wood stove i n the k i t c h e n replaced a broken-down furnace. Vancouver Presbytery at Dobson's suggestion appointed a subcommittee of three men,  the.Revs. Andrew Roddan, H.P.  Davidson and Mr.  97 George B e l l  to j o i n with an o r g a n i z a t i o n of unemployed and part-time  workers to deal w i t h the housing problem generally and p a r t i c u l a r l y with the problems of high rents and e v i c t i o n s .  A s p e c i a l p e t i t i o n went out  to the c i t y and p r o v i n c i a l governments to increase the rent allowance. The committee made a survey of the units a v a i l a b l e as w e l l as those abandoned but r e p a i r a b l e , and directed people towards these.  Presbytery  offered to co-operate with the f e d e r a l government concerning the housing 98 of t r a n s i e n t s , though nothing seems to have come of t h i s . Congregations were asked to help those i n d i s t r e s s among themselves with volunteer 99 labour and materials i n order to improve l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s ,  and i n many  cases d i d so.  Two  But the e f f o r t s hardly scratched the surface.  years  l a t e r , p e t i t i o n s were s t i l l being sent to P a t t u l l o , R.B. Bennett and J.S. Woodsworth, concerning the way slum housing conditions i n parts of  102 Vancouver were s p r e a d i n g . T h e problem was never completely  solved  u n t i l a f t e r the war . When money became a v a i l a b l e with the advent of war there was no m a t e r i a l a v a i l a b l e f o r repairs or b u i l d i n g .  But the  war did bring an end to e v i c t i o n s and mortgage foreclosures j u s t as i t brought an end to unemployment. Early i n the spring of 1935 the church had one of i t s many opportunities to a s s i s t i n the d e f i n i t i o n of a j u s t s o c i a l order.  At  the Corbin mines i n the Crowsnest Pass a s t r i k e erupted i n t o a scene of mob violence and p o l i c e b r u t a l i t y .  The m i n i s t e r of the United  Church at M i c h e l , the Rev. J.H. Matthew§, who also looked a f t e r the people at Corbin, was greatly incensed by the numbers of p o l i c e brought i n , the excessive force which he personally witnessed during the r i o t , and the subsequent lack of any proper i n v e s t i g a t i o n . He, along with several members of the C.C.F. party held a p r i v a t e i n v e s t i g a t i o n and found that "several misstatements had been made, that the p o l i c e being sent i n t o the area was not a c o n c i l i a t o r y measure, that the people of the d i s t r i c t were smarting under a sense of i n j u s t i c e and that  Inspector  McDonald's conduct was unwise when the trouble developed on A p r i l 1 7 . " ^ 1  1  The B r i t i s h Columbia Conference i n i t s annual meeting responded to h i s report with a r e s o l u t i o n demanding a p r o v i n c i a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n under the 102 attorney-general,  i n essence seconding an e a r l i e r request sent by Hugh 103  Dobson at the height of the troubles. In t h i s instance the church did not take s i d e s , f e e l i n g that there was f a u l t on both parts.  I t was determined, though, that the t r u t h  103 should be discovered; that the people of Corbin, a company mining town, should have j u s t i c e ; and that p o l i c e force versus mob replace round-table bargaining.  force should not  But c o o l heads d i d not p r e v a i l i n govern-  ment c i r c l e s and the church's suggestions went unheeded.  Tempers were  hot, governing o f f i c i a l s were frightened and bewildered by the current unrest, and labour was impatient and increasingly, m i l i t a n t i n the face of continuing government i n a c t i o n .  Force was the easy answer to which  men turned again i n June to s e t t l e the longshoremen's s t r i k e , i n the On-To-Ottawa Trek, and three years l a t e r i n the sitdown s t r i k e at the Vancouver Post O f f i c e . Following the b a t t l e between s t r i k e r s and p o l i c e at the B a l l a n tyne p i e r i n Vancouver during the longshoremen's s t r i k e of 1935,  H.P.  Davidson rounded up three other United Church m i n i s t e r s , R. Matheson, W.E.GGalloway and Wm.  Graham as a committee and i n v i t e d the committee  of the s t r i k e r s to give t h e i r side of the s t o r y .  The m i n i s t e r i a l  committee then met with the shipping companies involved.  The r e s u l t  was a l e t t e r sent to the mayor and c o u n c i l demanding that they f u l f i l l 104 t h e i r oath of o f f i c e and keep the peace by helping to solve the s t r i k e . The s t r i k e continued.  A month l a t e r , Davidson along with s e v e r a l others  appealed to Mayor McGeer again to i n t e r f e r e on "commercial, j u s t i c e and humanitarian grounds" and b r i n g an end to the s t r i k e which was unemployment, hardship and c i v i c u n r e s t . T h e  causing  c i t y responded by  g e t t i n g the f e d e r a l government to exercise i t s powers under the I n d u s t r i a l Dispute I n v e s t i g a t i o n Act to b r i n g about c o n c i l i a t i o n .  A mediator s e l e c t -  ed by the prime m i n i s t e r was f i n a l l y sent out and the s t r i k e ended when the demands of the s t r i k e r s were p a r t l y  met.  104 While the men were on s t r i k e , the m i n i s t e r s ' committee organized a soup k i t c h e n , manned by veterans near the docks. contributed produce.  Chinese gardeners  As w e l l , Davidson with volunteers, c o l l e c t e d food  from the Fraser V a l l e y f o r the s t r i k e r s ' f a m i l i e s , since none could get r e l i e f and many f a m i l i e s were dependent upon door-to-door handouts. McGeer had been quite f i r m i n h i s announcement to the press that no s t r i k e r s would ever be e l i g i b l e f o r c i t y r e l i e f . A f t e r the r i o t i n June, Vancouver Presbytery sent a l e t t e r to the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments demanding an end to the use of force against s t r i k e r s and the establishment of free bargaining. The f o l l o w i n g Sunday, sermons on the s t r i k e were preached at F i r s t United where the Rev. Andrew Roddan, i n discussing the use of scab labour and p o l i c e to break a l e g a l s t r i k e , declared "the crux of the s t r i k e i s i n the matter of c o n t r o l , not wages," and a t S t . Andrew'sWesley where the Rev. W i l l a r d Brewing, i n condemning the use of force, regretted that "the r i o t i n d i c a t e d that c i v i l i z a t i o n s t i l l depends on 108 strength."  The c i t y had much to answer f o r i n i t s use of the p o l i c e  to stop the marchers who had been peaceful up to the time the chief of p o l i c e rose to address them.  And the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l  governments  had much to answer f o r i n allowing the shipping companies to h i r e workers i l l e g a l l y during a l e g i t i m a t e s t r i k e . Church members could not f e e l proud of t h e i r behaviour e i t h e r . Davidson found the church as a whole very unsympathetic towards the s t r i k e r s whose l e g i t i m a t e grievances were ignored by the government and society as a whole.  I n the United Church the committees of Evangelism  105  and S o c i a l Service of the conference and of the presbyteries l a r g e l y ignored the m i n i s t e r s ' work with labour.  M i n i s t e r s l i k e Brewing and  Roddan i n the downtown areas of Vancouver who,  Davidson f e l t , should  have been involved down on the docks among the s t r i k e r s , stood and preached s a f e l y from t h e i r p u l p i t s .  The reason, Davidson advanced,  was that the managers of the shipping companies were generous donors 109  to church projects and they could not be angered.  The church as a  whole f a i l e d to l i v e up to i t s own teachings of j u s t i c e f o r a l l and proved once again the v a l i d i t y of the accusation that " B r i t i s h Columbia — b o t h i n and out of the c h u r c h — i s only money oriented." "'"^ 1  One a l t e r n a t i v e to s o c i e t y ' s c a p i t a l i s t system which was  widely  advocated by the church r a d i c a l s through various reports and b r i e f s  was  the co-operative movement, "'* but i t never became popular among United 11  Church members g e n e r a l l y , despite the hard work of a handful to organize i n B r i t i s h Columbia. One staunch advocate was T.C.  Dearlove, a B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s t  immigrant who was involved i n co-operatives f o r h i s e n t i r e l i f e .  Becom-  i n g discouraged with the lack of s o c i a l a c t i o n by the Stanley Park Study Group, the forerunner of a C.C.F. study c l u b , and the squabblings  of  the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l i s t f a c t i o n s , he and h i s wife l e f t to concentrate  on  112 co-operatives.  Dearlove wanted C h r i s t i a n a c t i o n .  F i r s t , he set up the Common Good Co-operative A s s o c i a t i o n i n Burnaby where a large number were unemployed.  Members bought an o l d  truck, cut t h e i r own wood, r a i s e d t h e i r own vegetables and operated the basis of one labour u n i t f o r one hour's work.  on  Goods were p r i c e d i n  106 labour u n i t s , not d o l l a r s .  The group operated constantly i n the red  but i t s members had employment, food and f u e l .  A split  developed  over the question of co-operating with other groups on the west side of Vancouver and Dearlove p u l l e d out i n 1933 to s t a r t afresh i n Kitsilano.  This second venture f l o u r i s h e d u n t i l a f t e r the war and  even expanded to Acadia Camp on The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia campus, f u r n i s h i n g groceries to the returned veterans. By 1936 a number of co-operatives e x i s t e d i n the Vancouver area which prompted Dearlove to e s t a b l i s h the Vancouver D i s t r i c t Co-operat i v e C o u n c i l , drawing a l l the small groups together.  Throughout the  1930's there was a constant struggle between the majority of members and a handful of communists determined to take over the Council although they never succeeded. "^ 11  The Rev. J.C. S i b l e y , a r e t i r e d United Church m i n i s t e r , l a t e r was president of the D i s t r i c t Council.  S i b l e y , a quiet i n t e l l e c t u a l ,  was a man of broad s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s , and widely read i n economic and , international affairs.  He, along with so many others, had studied under  Salem Bland and was convinced that only economic reform would end the world's chaos.  He considered the co-operative movement the i d e a l  C h r i s t i a n answer, but S i b l e y was not well-known i n B r i t i s h Columbia, having r e t i r e d to Vancouver i n 1927 from Saskatchewan f o r health reasons, and h i s work, though d i l i g e n t and s i n c e r e , never produced much r e s u l t from the United Church constituency. Hugh Dobson also supported the co-operative movement p e r s o n a l l y , l e c t u r i n g on i t s values whenever he could.  Through h i s i n f l u e n c e the  107 B r i t i s h Columbia Conference at i t s annual meetings i n 1935 and 1936 strongly endorsed the consumer co-operative p r i n c i p l e and asked f o r i t s extension among church members to include "the production and d i s t r i b u 114 t i o n of a l l basic n e c e s s i t i e s . . . of food, c l o t h i n g and s h e l t e r . " Beyond such recommendations and the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a few i n d i v i d u a l s , however, the church i n B r i t i s h Columbia never was g r e a t l y involved i n the movement. Those who were came l a r g e l y from C.C.F. ranks and maintained t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n through a sense of duty.  Some  found i t i n c r e a s i n g l y burdensome to t r a v e l any distance to buy from a l i m i t e d range of goods and gradually dropped away.  I t never gained  p o p u l a r i t y among the majority of urban middle-class church goers who often l i n k e d the co-operative movement with communism. Only i n the Fraser V a l l e y and the Okanagan where the dairy farmers and f r u i t growers had c o n t r o l without i n t e r f e r e n c e from the communists d i d any number of church members become involved.  I n the  Fraser V a l l e y M i l k Producers' Cooperative, f o r instance, very strong United Church and e a r l i e r , Methodist Church, members l i k e A.C. Wells and John O l i v e r , were key d i r e c t o r s long before the church  launched  i t s campaign f o r co-operatives."""""""'' Economics, not r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s , determined t h e i r d e c i s i o n . During the depression members remained conservative i n t h e i r outlook towards society generally and the F.V.M.P.A. refused to a l i g n i t s e l f with the C.C.F. The success of t h i s co-operative kept i t s farmer members from turning r a d i c a l and towards 116 s o c i a l i s m as d i d t h e i r counterparts i n Ontario and the p r a i r i e s . church per se had no i n f l u e n c e .  The  108 The same small group of r a d i c a l s who were involved with the s t r i k e r s and were responsible f o r the church's more s o c i a l i s t i c stands i n B r i t i s h Columbia worked c l o s e l y f o r the C.C.F. party o f f i c i a l l y i n p u b l i c and u n o f f i c i a l l y through church committees.  One such u n o f f i c i a l  group was the League f o r C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l A c t i o n or the L.C.S.A., which l a t e r joined the n a t i o n a l body of the Fellowship f o r a C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l Order or the F.C.S.O. In September of 1932 a f t e r returning from the General Council meeting, the Rev. H.T. A l l e n of Terrace wrote up a s e t of p r i n c i p l e s and an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l o u t l i n e f o r a C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l action group. His ideas came from the General Councils o f 1928, 1930 and 1932 when delegates dealt w i t h reports concerned with the economic and i n d u s t r i a l l i f e of the country.  Corresponding w i t h the Rev. Bryce Wallace of  T r a i l who had been t h i n k i n g along s i m i l a r l i n e s the two men set up the L.C.S.A. the  They drafted a p o l i c y which proved very s i m i l a r to that of  C.C.F. Among i t s main points were c o l l e c t i v e ownership of n a t u r a l  resources, of the means of production, and of banking and c r e d i t ; e q u a l i t y of income; s o c i a l insurance f o r h e a l t h , l i f e , accident and o l d age; and the promotion of peace.  The men proposed to extend such an  organization throughout Canada, preferably through the church, and to work with other like-minded g r o u p s . ^ 11  They recognized that the whole  church would not immediately back t h e i r proposals but they hoped that with education the church would eventually back the C.C.F. The L.C.S.A. held i t s f i r s t meeting at conference time i n May of  1933 when a very lengthy and heated debate took place on the f l o o r  109 of the meeting as to whether the group should be under the auspices of the church, and the majority at the annual meeting voted against i t . I n f l u e n t i a l clergy and laymen feared the group's p o l i t i c a l bias towards the C.C.F. and s o c i a l i s m , and wanted to keep the church free of any p o l i t i c a l entanglements.  While t h i s argument won  the day, a strong  minority condemned the church f o r i t s t i m i d i t y and i n a c t i o n , f e e l i n g " ' I t i s time she hunted out the robbers i n s o c i e t y and used a l i t t l e 118 dynamite to shake the l u r k i n g banditry who  f a t t e n on s o c i e t y today.'"  The League then proceeded to organize i t s e l f as a voluntary u n o f f i c i a l group dedicated to forming s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l opinion. The League was supposed to have combined study groups of laymen and ministers i n each presbytery throughout the province.  There was  a  twenty-point creed, based on the suggested p o l i c y drafted by A l l e n , and meetings were to be held monthly to discuss current books and plan p o l i t i c a l action.  The only properly organized group, however, was i n  the lower mainland, and i t spent a great deal of time, under the leadership of the Rev. A l v e r Mackay, examining d r a f t s of the report, C h r i s t i a n i z i n g the S o c i a l Order and submitting suggestions to a l o c a l committee which was formed to c r i t i c i z e rough d r a f t s of the report.  Men from out-  l y i n g parts of the conference j o i n e d i n at meetings held at the time of the annual meetings of conference and some took part by m a i l i n a r o t a t ing reading club s t a r t e d by A l l e n .  Books on economic, p o l i t i c a l and  r e l i g i o u s thought by men l i k e R.H.  Tawney, Bertrand R u s s e l l and Harold  Laski were exchanged along w i t h lengthy l e t t e r s of discussion. O r i g i n a l l y some of the members had considered entering the p o l i t i c a l f i e l d to promote a C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l order.  Others were against  110 the  idea s u f f i c i e n t l y to dampen any o r g a n i z a t i o n a l attempts i n a p o l i t i c a l  vein.  However, those who i n i t i a l l y broached the suggestion entered  p o l i t i c s on an i n d i v i d u a l basis.  The L.C.S.A. as a group decided to con-  centrate on education and hopefully bring some more moderate men of the 119 church i n t o t h e i r f o l d .  I t d i d present a b r i e f to the Macmillan 120  Banking Commission i n support of the n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of banking,  and  published the t e x t of a radio address, R e l i g i o n and S o c i a l Change by i t s president, H.T. A l l e n , given on The Radio Fellowship programme, conducted 121 by the Rev. Edwin H. Baker, an Anglican clergyman i n Vancouver. During the spring of 1933, J.S. Woodsworth, leader of the newlyformed C.C.F. party had suggested to A l l e n that he contact Professor John Line of Emmanuel College, Toronto who had been involved i n Ontario with a s i m i l a r organization c a l l e d the Fellowship f o r a C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l 122 Order.  Because the L.C.S.A. i n i t i a l l y hoped to be more p o l i t i c a l l y  oriented than the F.C.S.O., the L.C.S.A. refused to merge with the n a t i o n a l body although i t s views were almost i d e n t i c a l and some i n 123 B r i t i s h Columbia wanted the broader connection.  F i n a l l y i n 1935  when J . King Gordon was appointed secretary of the F.C.S.O. to t r a v e l across Canada and organize branches i n each conference, the L.C.S.A. 124 became the F.C.S.O. branch i n B r i t i s h Columbia. By 1937 the n a t i o n a l F.C.S.O. had become impatient and demanded a c t i o n , b e l i e v i n g that the 125 t a l k i n g stage was past. In Toronto the group then became a c t i v e and led marches of unemployed men to churches to draw a t t e n t i o n to t h e i r 126 plight.  E a r l i e r the F.C.S.O. had backed the unemployed marchers i n  Regina and the s t r i k e r s against General Motors i n Oshawa.  Ill In greater Vancouver, however, the F.C.S.O. remained b a s i c a l l y a study group.  The group met weekly i n St. Andrew's-Wesley Church and  under the leadership of a d i f f e r e n t m i n i s t e r each week, held s p i r i t e d discussions about the current book under examination.  One week i t was  The I n t e l l i g e n t Man's Guide Through World Chaos by G.D.H. Cole, attempti n g to unravel the world's economic a f f a i r s i n order to determine whether r e s t o r a t i o n of the o l d c a p i t a l i s t system was d e s i r a b l e and p r a c t i c a b l e , or whether the s o c i a l i s t system was a b e t t e r s o l u t i o n . Another week, d i s c u s s i o n would centre around C h r i s t i a n i t y and the S o c i a l Revolution, a c o l l e c t i o n of essays by C h r i s t i a n theologians and Russian 127 communists, published by V i c t o r Gollancz f o r h i s L e f t Book Club. The F.C.S.O. gave summer lectures at Union College and i n 1937 caused an uproar at the conference annual meeting when i t asked f o r more freedom of a c t i o n , and suggested a move to Ocean Park f o r the summer school i n order to get away from the c o n t r o l of the senate of the College. The conference sided w i t h the senate, with the p r i n c i p a l , J.G. Brown, who i n s i s t e d that "the senate must c o n t r o l the course" and with Dr. A.M. Sanford, a member of the f a c u l t y , who "denied there had ever been censorship over the type of l e c t u r e s given."  12 8  The only time the l a b e l F.C.S.O. was used i n p u b l i c action i n B r i t i s h Columbia was i n defense of the waterfront s t r i k e r s i n 1935. H.P. Davidson, the l o c a l chairman along w i t h three other members p u b l i c l y charged the f e d e r a l government which had refused to act under the Indust r i a l Disputes Act, "'of having f a i l e d i n i t s proper r o l e as mediator and of having sanctioned the conduct of the Shipping Federation.'" The  112 statement continued w i t h an attack on the Shipping Federation, the employers'  o r g a n i z a t i o n , accusing i t of t r y i n g to break the Vancouver  and D i s t r i c t Waterfront Workers Union, turning the waterfront i n t o an armed camp, using inexperienced men i n dangerous work and passing out beer to the workers.  In conclusion, the F.C.S.O. s a i d "'A s i t u a t i o n  such as t h i s should challenge a l l sincere C h r i s t i a n s to throw t h e i r f u l l 129  weight i n t o a r e a l e f f o r t towards a j u s t settlement."  1  For t h i s i t  was l a b e l l e d "red" and l i n k e d with a communist group i n New York, and i n a l e t t e r to the e d i t o r i n the V i c t o r i a Daily C o l o n i s t , a reader 130  accused Davidson personally of being a communist. Once the League became a branch of the F.C.S.O., l o c a l impetus died. JiAllen hadzbec6me2too2busy inirhisnnewscongregation at Nanaimo A  and i n community a f f a i r s and Davidson, the new leader was not an organi z i n g man.  About twenty members maintained t h e i r t i e s with the n a t i o n a l  organization and gathered together at the time of the conference meeting f o r d i s c u s s i o n and f e l l o w s h i p .  annual  Both Davidson and A l l e n admitted  that f o r an " a c t i o n " group, the B r i t i s h Columbia branch of the F.C.S.O. was very i n a c t i v e although i n d i v i d u a l l y and on church committees, i t s members spearheaded v i r t u a l l y a l l concrete a c t i o n the church took. Although the L.C.S.A. and l a t e r the F.C.S.O. i n B r i t i s h Columbia never was d i r e c t l y involved i n the C.C.F. i n s p i t e of the constant e f f o r t s of some members, i t d i d maintain very close t i e s and viewpoints. Charges by the p u b l i c and conservative church o f f i c i a l s that the L.C.S.A.F.C.S.O. was l i n k e d with the C.C.F. and was "red" were not groundless. Many members of the F.C.S.O. were a c t i v e l y involved i n the C.C.F. party,  113 sponsoring l o c a l study clubs, running f o r o f f i c e and d r a f t i n g l o c a l party platforms.  The same men then incorporated many of these platform planks  i n t o the church's Evangelism and S o c i a l Service reports where they r e ceived wide p u b l i c i t y and frequently o f f i c i a l church endorsement.  Many  i n the United Church were a t t r a c t e d to the C.C.F. because of Woodsworth and h i s l o f t y humanitarian  i d e a l s , considering i t to be not j u s t another  party but C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l i s m above p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c s . A key United Church m i n i s t e r i n B r i t i s h Columbia who combined h i s p o l i t i c a l aims with h i s C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s through h i s involvement with the C.C.F., the F.C.S.O. and the committees of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service was H.T. A l l e n .  He had formed p o l i t i c a l study groups i n Terrace  a year or two before the C.C.F. was formed, using f o r discussion Hansard and m a t e r i a l p r i n t e d by Woodsworth and h i s followers i n the House of 131 Commons. area.  These groups formed the nucleus of the C.C.F. party i n that  Upon moving to Cumberland i n the summer of 1933, A l l e n was asked  to w r i t e the educational planks f o r the C.C.F. f o r i t s p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n campaign that f a l l .  A f t e r much urging he stood as a candidate f o r  Comox i n that e l e c t i o n campaign, despite being a newcomer to the area. Cumberland and i t s environs had a large number of s o c i a l i s t . Welsh miners who r e a d i l y supported the C.C.F. and A l l e n who l o s t by only a few hundred votes, mainly because the Conservative  candidate withdrew  at the l a s t minute and a l l the right-wing voters were consolidated behind the L i b e r a l to defeat A l l e n .  A l l e n claimed that the voters' l i s t  was rigged and many of h i s supporters, long-time residents and voters i n the d i s t r i c t found themselves u n l i s t e d when they went to cast t h e i r 132 ballots.  114 One of the men who had pressed A l l e n to run was the Rev. Lees of Courtenay, a very a c t i v e C.C.F. man behind the scenes.  Mortimer Lees was  older than A l l e n but because h i s p o l i t i c a l work was unobtrusive he had l i t t l e trouble w i t h h i s congregation accepting h i s views. Such t r a n q u i l l i t y was not f o r A l l e n .  A peppery man who could  not hide h i s opinions, he s p l i t h i s congregation by running f o r o f f i c e and almost winning.  The key f i n a n c i a l supporters o r i g i n a l l y were w i l l i n g  to l e t him run, never dreaming that he would receive such strong support. Following h i s near success, s e v e r a l withdrew from the congregation u n t i l he l e f t .  He always had the majority of the congregation behind him, but  they were mainly the mine workers on reduced s h i f t or unemployed, and they could not carry the f i n a n c i a l load of the church.  They, along with  a former Conservative M.L.A., General George McNaughton, however, r a l l i e d around A l l e n when he was accused of being "an a t h e i s t and communist or 'CCF'er'" by a mine manager's w i f e , whose p o l i t i c a l alarm seems to have exceeded her i n t e l l e c t u a l p r e c i s i o n .  McNaughton, i n f a c t , praised A l l e n  f o r preaching, not C.C.F. p o l i c y from the p u l p i t , but C h r i s t i a n p r i n c i p l e s a l l should hear and act upon.  133  Another keen C.C.F. candidate and a l s o a member of the F.C.S.O. and the United Church was M i l d r e d Osterhout Fahrni i n Vancouver.  Christ's  teachings as she understood them from her family and church s t r o n g l y motivated her p o l i t i c a l i d e a l s and involvement.  A family f r i e n d of J.S.  Woodsworth and the daughter of a s o c i a l g o s p e l l e r , the Rev. A.B.  Oster-  hout who had exchanged many hours of d i s c u s s i o n and debate with Salem Bland while they both were i n Winnipeg, she had run unsuccessfully i n a  115 p r o v i n c i a l b y - e l e c t i o n at Haney and l a t e r i n the 1935 f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n i n Vancouver Burrard.  P r i o r to these e l e c t i o n s she had attended the  Regina Conference, t a k i n g part i n the debate over the Manifesto, the core of the C.C.F. p o l i c y , and l o c a l l y she, along with p r o v i n c i a l M.L.A.'s l i k e Dorothy Steeves, Ernie and Harold Winch, was instrumental i n e s t a b l i s h i n g a C.C.F. family summer camp on Gabriola Island to promote education and f e l l o w s h i p among C.C.F. members.  Many of Mrs.  Fahrni's more r a d i c a l ideas were formed while i n the Student C h r i s t i a n Movement at The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia and at the London School of Economics where she became a personal f r i e n d of Ghandi. t r a i n e d as a teacher, she  Originally  i's.saafxrmmbeMever.rinnth%eva'Meeof>feducation  and r a t i o n a l debate as a means of achieving s o c i a l reform, and most of her l i f e has! been devoted to a c t i v i t i e s of that k i n d , not only i n the C.C.F. but also i n the peace movement and i n the Japanese evacuation question. The United-ChurchMn the r Okanagan a l s o ..had-its a v i d C.C.F. followers.  Rev. A.K. McMinn, the United Church m i n i s t e r i n Kelowna,  conducted study clubs from 1930 to 1932 which formed the nucleus of the 135  l o c a l C.C.F. branch.  Later i n 1933, the Young People's Society of  the United Church held study groups which c l e a r l y l i n k e d economic theory with current C.C.F. p r i n c i p l e s .  The party had put up a v a l i a n t f i g h t  i n 1933 and although t h e i r candidate l o s t , he came very close to both L i b e r a l and Conservative candidates.  The near success was p a r t l y due  to a strong United Church layman, Frank Snowsell from Glenmore near Kelowna, who played a v i t a l p u b l i c i t y and speaking r o l e i n the campaign  116 for the l o c a l C.C.F. candidate.  137  Snowsell and h i s wife obviously  came i n t o the party because i t seemed the only p o l i t i c a l expression of 138 their Christian beliefs. I n t e r n a l s t r i f e among Okanagan C.C.F. members caused them to look outside the party stalwarts f o r a candidate to run i n the 1935 federal election.  They chose another United Church m i n i s t e r and F.C.S.O  member, the Rev. E.W. Mackay from Summerland.  Mackay r e t i r e d from the  m i n i s t r y that summer and gave a great deal of time to h i s campaign.  He  was a novice i n p o l i t i c s , had very l i t t l e f i n a n c i a l backing and h i s soc a l l e d supporters spent much of t h e i r energy feuding, among themselves. Although he did poorly i n the large centres l i k e Kelowna and as a r e s u l t l o s t , Mackay received good support i n the mining and r u r a l areas, i n s p i t e of h i s weak campaign. He was a "johnny-come-lately"  to the C.C.F. and j o i n e d l a r g e l y  because the party's p o l i t i c a l aims corresponded to those of the church report, C h r i s t i a n i z i n g the S o c i a l Order, and he f e l t that through p o l i 139 t i c a l a c t i o n some of these reforms might be r e a l i z e d .  Unfortunately,  l o f t y i d e a l s and s i n c e r e ^ i n t e n t i o n s were not enough i n the rough and ready game of p o l i t i c s .  Mackay f e l l v i c t i m to h i s own naivety and made  l i t t l e attempt to unite the warring f a c t i o n s among h i s supporters i n t o a strong campaigning force. In that same e l e c t i o n of 1935, the Rev. J . King Gordon, while roving professor of C h r i s t i a n e t h i c s f o r the Board of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service and n a t i o n a l organizer of the F.C.S.O., ran i n V i c t o r i a as a C.C.F. candidate and nearly won.  Gordon entered the p o l i t i c a l  117 arena almost by accident.  Ostensibly f i r e d from United Theological  College i n Montreal f o r reasons of economy, he found h i s l i b e r a l views on C h r i s t i a n e t h i c s antagonized several governors on the board of the 140  college who were not sorry to see him leave.  Gordon was subsequently  h i r e d by the General Council f o r one year to l e c t u r e across the country under the s u p e r v i s i o n of the s e c r e t a r i e s of Evangelism and S o c i a l Ser141  vice.  At the same time he was " t r a v e l l i n g a g i t a t o r "  e s t a b l i s h i n g new branches across the country.  f o r the F.C.S.O.,  Upon a r r i v a l i n Vancouver  to attend a Student C h r i s t i a n Movement conference he was met on the r a i l r o a d platform by a delegation asking him to run i n V i c t o r i a .  Except  f o r serving a mission f i e l d at Giscombe i n the i n t e r i o r of the province f o r a short time i n the 1920's, he had no other contacts with the province 142  but decided to run despite h i s being an "Eastern carpet-bagger." Although he l o s t the three e l e c t i o n s he contested, Gordon came w i t h i n ninety votes of the former premier, S.F. Tolmie, i n 1936 and never regretted h i s d e c i s i o n to take the plunge.  Because he was not  connected with a congregation i n V i c t o r i a he never had the problems A l l e n had faced i n Cumberland, but Gordon was not aware of any p a r t i c u l a r backing from church members e i t h e r .  His friends and supporters came from 14  already-formed C.C.F. groups where r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n was not raised. A number of other United Church clergymen were also avid C.C.F. supporters as w e l l as members of the F.C.S.O.  The Revs. Bryce Wallace,  A.O. Patterson, H.P. Davidson, A l v e r Mackay, A.E.! Whitehouse, Charles Addyman and H. F e i r were among those who wrote a r t i c l e s f o r the Western Recorder and the New Outlook espousing economic reforms, worked l o c a l l y  118 f o r the C.C.F. and encouraged church co-operation w i t h the unemployed and labouring c l a s s . These men believed that church b r i e f s , sermons and debates were not enough to e f f e c t a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth i n society and the establishment of true C h r i s t i a n brotherhood.  They turned to the C.C.F.  and i t s aims s i m i l a r to the s o c i a l gospel to reach a much wider cons t i t u e n c y , part of which d i s t r u s t e d the church as a t o o l of the c a p i t a l ists.  TlSere was also the hope that once p o l i t i c a l power was achieved,  l e g i s l a t i o n would be enacted to e l i m i n a t e some of the grossest i n j u s t i c e s f a l l i n g mainly upon the labouring class—unemployment, lack of insurance f o r the i l l , aged and handicapped, and subsistence wages.  This connection  w i t h the C.C.F. and the labour class often caused trouble f o r these mini s t e r s from t h e i r more conservative church members, e s p e c i a l l y i n the small communities where l o c a l businessmen and mine managers c o n t r o l l e d church boards and finances.  Those i n c i t y congregations faced l e s s  c r i t i c i s m because t h e i r congregations were u s u a l l y i n homogeneous working-class areas and the c i t y o f f e r e d some anonymity from the more cons e r v a t i v e middle-class. The vigour of B r i t i s h Columbia's communists challenged the s o c i a l a c t i v i s t s w i t h i n the church to think through very c l e a r l y t h e i r p o s i t i o n v i s - a - v i s communism.  To the a c t i v i s t s communism was seen as the a n t i -  Christ determinedifco. elimiha^eathetGhurchralongowithithetcapitalist society.  A f i r m b e l i e f i n man's a b i l i t y to reform the economic and  p o l i t i c a l system without v i o l e n c e , i n man's dependence upon a God of love f o r forgiveness of personal as w e l l as corporate s i n s , and i n C h r i s t ' s  119  h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y to a l l succeeding generations who w i l l hear h i s message, could not co-exist w i t h a m i l i t a n t a t h e i s t b e l i e f . The r a d i c a l s constantly ran up against the communists as they i n f i l t r a t e d s o c i a l i s t groups and used them as a front to further communist aims or thwart the more moderate s o c i a l i s t reform.  In the  co-operative movement Dearlove and Sibley frequently found that the communists prolonged p o l i c y meetings with i r r e l e v a n t debate and motions u n t i l the regular, unsuspecting members grew t i r e d and l e f t , at which time the communists passed motions p u t t i n g p o l i c y and c o n t r o l i n t h e i r 144 own hands.  Another t a c t i c used was to undermine the C.C.F. at the  p o l l s by endorsing candidates l i k e Mildred Fahrni and f r i g h t e n i n g o f f many of her would-be supporters. At the same time as the a c t i v i s t s fought communist i n f i l t r a t i o n , they admired much of the communist platform as a p r a c t i c a l expression of New Testament C h r i s t i a n i t y .  Popular preachers l i k e Andrew Roddan  from the p u l p i t spoke on "Jesus and the P r o l e t a r i a t " and "Why Changed h i s Mind."  Stalin  Roddan d i d not fear men but he d i d fear the power  of communism and r e a l i z e d that l i v i n g conditions i n the "jungles" and i n the r e l i e f camps made many of the unemployed men r i p e f o r Bolshevism. They were desperate enough to f o l l o w anyone who promised a more hopeful future.  The communists preached i n the jungles and along the bread  l i n e s w i t h a missionary z e a l which Roddan envied, and he believed there was a great deal of t r u t h i n t h e i r statement that "economic determinism determines everything. I f you take s i c k , your economic standing w i l l determine whether they put you i n a p r i v a t e ward or i n the basement of  120 the h o s p i t a l . . . . "  But communism d i d not have the whole answer,  for as Roddan s a i d , "On the other hand, no matter . . . how great the s a l a r y . . . may be, i f the moral and s p i r i t u a l l i f e of the i n d i v i d u a l s are not touched, they w i l l , l i k e the swine, 'return to t h e i r wallowing 147 i n the mire, or l i k e the dog to h i s vomit."  Roddan believed "there  1  must be a ' v i a media' between these two philosophies"; between the economic determinism of the communist and the " s p i r i t u a l determinism" of the C h r i s t i a n church.  He t o l d the church that through s e l f i s h n e s s  and i n d i f f e r e n c e , i t was l a r g e l y to blame f o r the present condition which forced thousands of homeless men to d r i f t a i m l e s s l y across the 148 nation.  Roddan's purpose was to create a new a t t i t u d e of compassion  i n the church and through i t i n the m u n i c i p a l , p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l a u t h o r i t i e s so that "a new world order [would] be ushered i n . An order i n which the motive of service and mutual helpfulness w i l l take the place 149 of s e l f i s h , h e a r t l e s s , c r u e l competition. . . . "  The other r a d i c a l  ministers would echo much of Roddan's views. A small handful of the e a r l y s o c i a l gospellers i n c l u d i n g the Rev. A.E. Smith, c a r r i e d the admiration to i t s extreme conclusion and decided communism to be superior to C h r i s t i a n i t y i n o f f e r i n g a pathway to brotherhood devoid of human e x p l o i t a t i o n .  Smith, a former Methodist  m i n i s t e r i n Nelson had been highly respected f o r h i s s o c i a l gospel views, h i s sympathy f o r the l o c a l mine workers and h i s f i g h t f o r p r o h i b i t i o n . During the 1930's as general secretary of the Communist party i n Canada, he returned to B r i t i s h Columbia on speaking engagements and i n Nelson and Fernie he was welcomed by the United Church m i n i s t e r s .  In Fernie, he  121 spoke on "What C h r i s t i a n i t y and Communism have i n Common" i n which he stressed how each sought a new s o c i a l order based on j u s t i c e and equal brotherhood, which would free the common man  from h i s economic chains.  In Smith's view, the i n s t i t u t i o n a l church had l o s t t h i s v i s i o n and communism had picked i t up and would carry i t through to i t s culmination. The s o c i a l i s t or more r a d i c a l m i n i s t e r s agreed with many of Smith's c r i t i c i s m s of the C h r i s t i a n church and l i k e him, were anxious to popularize c e r t a i n s o c i a l i s t goals such as the j u s t d i s t r i b u t i o n of the nation's wealth.  Nevertheless, while co-operating with the communists  for l i m i t e d o b j e c t i v e s , men l i k e Dobson, A l l e n and Roddan emphasized the uniqueness of C h r i s t i a n i t y and stressed i t s moral and s p i r i t u a l dimensions i n contrast to communism's economic determinism.'''^''' Society needed change but i t was to be o r d e r l y change w i t h i n the present p o l i t i c a l and cultural structure. Other ministers not only shared c e r t a i n goals with the communists but also worked with known communists on a personal basis because they were human beings i n need of help.  In T r a i l , the Rev. Bryce Wallace  became chairman of the l o c a l communist c e l l i n order that the group could use the church premises as a meeting place a f t e r a l l other places i n town were closed to them.  152  A l l e n courted c r i t i c i s m i n Cumberland  when he conducted the funerals of several well-known communists at the request of t h e i r f a m i l i e s  153  and H.P.  Davidson, who associated w i t h  known communist dock s t r i k e r s , i n v i t e d attack from many who were unsympa154  t h e t i c towards labour, the unemployed and the s t r i k e r s . These men were strong b e l i e v e r s i n p r a c t i c a l C h r i s t i a n i t y and i t s need to be a part of the world, and they were not a f r a i d of the r i s k s  122 involved.  They saw communism as dangerous; thought i t to be a menace  to s o c i e t y and constantly fought against i t s i n f i l t r a t i o n i n t o the unions, the co-operatives, the C.C.F. and the various study groups, but t h i s did not b l i n d them to i t s good points and to the f a c t that communi s t s were people e n t i t l e d to j u s t i c e . The few r a d i c a l s never achieved t h e i r aim of a new and perfect society.  These men, strong d i s c i p l e s of the new s o c i a l gospel, and i n  many cases, ex-students of Salem Bland, studied i n t e n s e l y , wrote the b r i e f s and p e t i t i o n s to government, prepared the church r e p o r t s , sent l e t t e r s to the press, l e d meetings between r i v a l groups and ministered to society's underdogs.  Some took an a c t i v e part i n p o l i t i c s i n the  hope of e f f e c t i n g l a s t i n g s o c i a l change by that route. These men saw a lessening of the class cleavage as a v i t a l part of the necessary s o c i a l change.  However, t h e i r emphasis was on minimiz-  i n g s o c i e t a l breakdown and anarchy rather than on broadening the base of the United Church membership.  Any attempts at b r i n g i n g labour and  the United Church c l o s e r together f a i l e d .  The church membership, by  and l a r g e , would and indeed probably could not, i n order to make the church more hospitable to a wider range of persons w i t h d i f f e r e n t values, break down i t s middle-class b a r r i e r s which stressed the o l d values of i n d i v i d u a l i s m and free e n t e r p r i s e .  Labour, on i t s p a r t , w i l l i n g l y  accepted support from the church i n i t s struggles f o r j u s t i c e and a f a i r e r p o r t i o n of the country's wealth but had no i n t e r e s t i n the i n s t i t u t i o n as prospective members or as searchers f o r r e l i g i o u s t r u t h .  123 The r a d i c a l s d i d not worry about occupying a p u l p i t i n a wealthy congregation; they d i d not q u i t when l a b e l l e d "red"; they d i d not fear to grapple with "the establishment."  Because of t h e i r steady needling,  the d e s t i t u t e and downtrodden were not t o t a l l y forgotten by the church and many i n the church had t h e i r views broadened to accept s o c i a l and economic reforms.  They kept the challenge of C h r i s t i a n i d e a l s i n front  of the church body and s o c i e t y generally. Where the church majority f e l l short was i n dealing with longterm s o l u t i o n s f o r s o c i e t y ' s i l l s .  This type of a c t i o n was f o r e i g n to  the thinking of the average middle-class church member.  He was  not  accustomed to abstract t h i n k i n g , s o c i a l planning or economic theory e s p e c i a l l y along new l i n e s .  In time of t r o u b l e , h i s main pre-occupation  was p e r s o n a l — a roof over h i s head, food on the t a b l e , a job to perform — a n d he n a t u r a l l y turned to the o l d and t r i e d ways f o r s e c u r i t y .  The  unemployed, and e s p e c i a l l y the t r a n s i e n t s as strangers were feared, and i f o u t - o f - s i g h t , conveniently forgotten.  I t took t h i s small s o l i d core  of r a d i c a l m i n i s t e r s with a few dedicated laymen..to keep the church's eyes focused on the deeper unpleasant problems. The bearing of a society's i d e a l s i s v i t a l l y necessary, and i s always a task of a m i n o r i t y .  The value of the minority's c o n t r i b u t i o n  cannot be measured i n concrete terms but i s beyond p r i c e .  Much of the  humanitarianism and decency that Canadian s o c i e t y possesses today i s i n s u b s t a n t i a l degree the legacy of such men as these.  Chapter 5 WAR While Canadians were s t r u g g l i n g with unemployment, crop f a i l u r e s and changes i n the current economic system, another cloud loomed on the horizon.  I n Europe, the Spanish were involved i n a c i v i l war, I t a l y took  over Ethiopia,aaridGSermanyuuriderHHit'lerssystematicallyaannexedlland on i t s borders and s i l e n c e d i t s Jewish population and p o l i t i c a l c r i t i c s . F i n a l l y on September 3, 1939, war was declared by B r i t a i n and France, and on the 10th, Canada entered. The unemployed flocked to r e c r u i t i n g o f f i c e s to volunteer f o r s e r v i c e or to f a c t o r i e s , newly-established or retooled to manufacture war m a t e r i a l s .  Mines re-opened as the demand f o r c o a l and metals became  urgent; ports became a c t i v e w i t h naval manoeuvres, boat b u i l d i n g and the shipping of supplies to the a l l i e s i n Europe; lumber camps and sawmills hummed w i t h a c t i v i t y to f i l l export and home market orders; the overseas' demand f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l products put money i n t o the pockets of the Okanagan f r u i t farmers, the Cariboo ranchers and the p r a i r i e grain growers who, at l a s t , had b i g s u c c e s s f u l crops.  Unlike World War I ,  t h i s war brought immediate p r o s p e r i t y to Canada, and e s p e c i a l l y to B r i t i s h Columbia where so much of i t s raw materials was necessary f o r the war e f f o r t . The population of the coast grew r a p i d l y with men from the i n t e r i o r , the p r a i r i e s and the east a r r i v i n g to work i n the new ship-yards, the 124  125 airplane construction plants and the other r e l a t e d i n d u s t r i e s .  The  armed forces set up t r a i n i n g camps and s t a t i o n s at Gordon Head near V i c t o r i a , Jericho i n Vancouver, C h i l l i w a c k , Terrace, Prince Rupert, T r a i l , New Westminster, Prince George, Boundary Bay, P a t r i c i a Vernon, Courtenay, Esquimalt and Nanaimo.  Bay,  Many of the men brought  t h e i r f a m i l i e s with them and found housing almost impossible to l o c a t e , since construction had not even kept up with l o c a l needs during the depression. The attack ori P e a r l Harbour by the Japanese i n December of added a f u r t h e r dimension to the war period i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  1941 Urgency  1  and even a note of h y s t e r i a entered the p u b l i c response to the war.  The  quiet Japanese suddenly found themselves regarded as dangerous spies and shunned by t h e i r formerly f r i e n d l y neighbours.  Suspicions grew i n t o  s t r i d e n t demands f o r t h e i r evacuation or even deportation to Japan, and the f e d e r a l government bowed to some of these demands without any longrange planning..  The s h e l l i n g of Estevan Point on the west coast of  Vancouver Island only abetted the growing fear along the coast.  Black-  outs were ordered at n i g h t , causing a run on window b l i n d s i n the l o c a l stores.  National r a t i o n i n g of c e r t a i n food products and gasoline, and  a shortage of c l o t h i n g and f u e l brought the a f f e c t s of war i n t o everyone's daily l i f e .  Some ori the coast were forced to go i n t o the l o c a l woods -or  to the beaches to cut t h e i r own f u e l .  And there were the many f a m i l i e s  whose sons or husbands were i n the s e r v i c e s .  Loneliness, fear f o r t h e i r  s a f e t y , and frequent tragedy had to be l i v e d with. church f o r comfort.  Many turned to the  126 The C h r i s t i a n Church throughout the ages has adopted three approaches to war and a l l three have been widely held i n Canada i n the twentieth century.  P a c i f i s m was the o r i g i n a l stance of the e a r l y C h r i s t i a n  church at a time when C h r i s t i a n s were a persecuted m i n o r i t y group i n the Roman empire.  No k i l l i n g was j u s t i f i e d .  Once C h r i s t i a n i t y became an  acceptable r e l i g i o n , the Greek and Roman ideas of a j u s t war were adopted. War was e v i l but j u s t i f i e d i f against an even greater e v i l or f o r defence. The t h i r d view developed during the middle ages when C h r i s t i a n i t y had become a p o l i t i c a l power, and the church adopted the o l d Hebrew view of 2 war as a crusade to achieve God's w i l l on earth. For t h i n k i n g members of the United Church, there was a constant tension among these three p o s i t i o n s . by B i b l i c a l t e x t and by t r a d i t i o n .  A l l could be supported and refuted The f i f t h commandment, "Thou Shalt  not K i l l , " together with the general view of Jesus as a man of peace, however, had a very powerful hold on C h r i s t i a n s .  When war a c t u a l l y came,  the s t a t e held a f a r stronger i n f l u e n c e over church members than d i d t h e i r church, but conscience obliged members to seek r e l i g i o u s j u s t i f i cation f o r t h e i r secular actions. Personal decisions were not e a s i l y made and sometimes separated friends and  neighbours.  World War I I d i f f e r e d considerably from World War I . and crusading view of war had v i r t u a l l y disappeared.  The  romantic  In 1914, Canadians  had, f o r the most p a r t , no experience w i t h war, and approached i t with h i g h l y u n r e a l i s t i c views. Coming as i t d i d i n a period of widespread s o c i a l reform and the s o c i a l gospel, i t became the war to end a l l wars and "to make the world safe f o r democracy." 3 by the general p u b l i c or by the church.  P a c i f i s m was not condoned  127 By 1939, morale was very low a f t e r ten years of economic and unemployment had g r a p h i c a l l y h i s own society.  chaos  demonstrated man's i n a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l  L i f e was a grim b a t t l e , the world had not been made  safe f o r democracy as the growth of t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m showed, and men were faced with seemingly i n s o l u b l e problems which threatened the whole f a b r i c of  society. In contrast to the F i r s t World War when p u l p i t s became r e c r u i t i n g  centres and clergy put pressure upon a l l young men to e n l i s t or be ostracized  by the community, the Second World War found the churches  p l a y i n g l i t t l e or no r o l e i n r e c r u i t i n g .  The New Outlook and the Western  Recorder urged church members to do t h e i r duty i n t h i s most regrettable a f f a i r and ministers preached on war and peace, mainly i n general terms, but i t was l e f t up to the i n d i v i d u a l whether he or she e n l i s t e d . church members d i d e n l i s t v o l u n t a r i l y .  Many  Some joined i n order to have a  job, and some d i d so out of a sense of duty to the country and the world's dilemma, but without much thought of t h e o l o g i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n , while others who leant towards p a c i f i s m during the 1930's found t h e i r  theologi-  c a l b e l i e f s challenged and changed w i t h the r e a l i t y of H i t l e r ' s aggression and war.^ Response was good from the churches.  Kelowna United Church had  two hundred of i t s young men e n l i s t i n the course of three years.^ West Point Grey i n Vancouver, by February of 1944, had 175 of i t s young people e n l i s t e d and had s i x war c a s u a l t i e s . s e r i o u s l y affected  The l o s s of the young people  the r e c r u i t i n g f o r the Young People's Union, the ushers  and the Sunday School teachers, while the number of t h e o l o g i c a l students  128 at Union College dropped d r a s t i c a l l y during the war years and there was a severe shortage of summer supply i n the o u t l y i n g areas of B r i t i s h Columbia and of ordained men  to replace those dying or r e t i r i n g . ^  In  one year t h i r t e e n died i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference while only two were ordained.*"" The Department of N a t i o n a l Defence working with the major Protestant denominations, organized the chaplaincy s e r v i c e and requested from the d i f f e r e n t denominations the number of chaplains needed.  Each brigade  required four clergymen: one Roman C a t h o l i c , one Anglican, one 9 Churchman and one Presbyterian or B a p t i s t .  United  In a d d i t i o n were the senior  chaplains i n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o s i t i o n s , f u l l and part-time chaplains i n the Young Men's C h r i s t i a n A s s o c i a t i o n m i l i t a r y huts on home bases and overseas, and chaplains with the Canadian Legion.  The Committee on the  Chaplaincy to the Armed Forces, a sub-committee of the War  Service  Committee i n the United Church, was responsible f o r recommending United Church chaplains from the many a p p l i c a t i o n s received. ."".Age and  medical  condition were m i l i t a r y p r e r e q u i s i t e s but the church also considered a man's current p o s i t i o n , temperament and general a b i l i t y to deal w e l l w i t h people of a l l kinds. M i n i s t e r s from B r i t i s h Columbia responded most r e a d i l y f o r s e r v i c e i n the chaplaincy.  The majority were veterans from World War I and were  e l i g i b l e only f o r l o c a l m i l i t a r y bases, Y.M.C.A. huts, internment camps and the Legion.  Many f i l l e d i n on a part-time basis while looking a f t e r  t h e i r l o c a l congregations.  These men were not the leaders of the peace  movement i n the 1930's, and while not m i l i t a r i s t s , they s t i l l held a more  129  Table VI Charges Vacant or Supplied by Lay or Retired Men, 1944 B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Presbytery  No. Vacant  Cariboo  2  Kootenay  7  Prince Rupert  10  Vancouver  7  Victoria  7  Westminster  3  T o t a l vacant Total number of charges  Source: United Church of Canada, Year Book, 1945.  36 194  130 romantic view of war and one's p a t r i o t i c duty to the s t a t e than d i d many younger men i n the m i n i s t r y . Several were most p e r s i s t e n t , despite age and medical d i s a b i l i t i e s , and eventually were accepted as the war dragged on and the shortage of ordained men i n c r e a s e d . ^ 1  Among the younger men who volunteered f o r the chaplaincy there was a greater antipathy towards war than among the older m i n i s t e r s , and a sense of duty towards the e n l i s t e d men who would need s p i r i t u a l comf o r t predominated among t h e i r reasons for j o i n i n g the chaplaincy.  Most  of these men went overseas and endured, along w i t h the e n l i s t e d men, the long separation from f a m i l i e s and f a m i l i a r surroundings, the dangers of combat i n the f i e l d and i n s e v e r a l cases, a c t u a l imprisonment. Out of 233 chaplains''"''' from the United Church, a higher percentage came from B r i t i s h Columbia d i r e c t l y  12  13 than from any other conference.  By the end of 1941, the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference had given eleven young men to the chaplaincy and was hard-pressed to f i n d two more requested by the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence.  Already s i x t e e n f i e l d s , u s u a l l y  under an ordained man, were unmanned and most r e t i r e d men able to supply 14 had already been c a l l e d back i n t o s e r v i c e .  The W.M.S. i n B r i t i s h  Columbia also provided one of i t s deaconesses as an a s s i s t a n t chaplain i n the Canadian Women's Army Corps i n Victoria,"*""* where she provided mainly a c o u n s e l l i n g s e r v i c e for.the women i n the s e r v i c e .  One chaplain  from B r i t i s h Columbia spent the war i n a Japanese concentration camp, another saw duty i n the jungles of Burma, s e v e r a l were on the f r o n t l i n e s i n Europe, and the Rev. George R. P r i n g l e , a p i l o t w i t h the Royal Canadian A i r f o r c e , was k i l l e d i n a c t i o n .  131 The chaplains found themselves i n a p e c u l i a r no man's land.  Once  i n the chaplaincy they were part of the m i l i t a r y machine and no longer answerable to t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r denomination.  Except f o r f a m i l y , f r i e n d s  and perhaps a l o c a l congregation, they were l a r g e l y ignored by the church. They were i n the services on a temporary basis only, and f e l t very much cut o f f from t h e i r chosen i n s t i t u t i o n , the church.""^  Although  the church  made some p r o v i s i o n f o r a s s i s t i n g the chaplains i n f i n d i n g a pastorate upon t h e i r discharge from the armed forces i t was l a r g e l y l e f t up to the i n d i v i d u a l congregations, presbyteries and conference  settlement  18 committees. Within the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference, congregations were asked to keep openings f o r r e t u r n i n g chaplains and not to c a l l ministers from 19 other conferences,  but the request was ignored.  A few of the men  returned to former p u l p i t s but most returned to new f i e l d s .  I n some  cases adjustment to congregational l i f e , w i t h church boards and petty l o c a l q u a r r e l s , was very d i f f i c u l t .  In c e r t a i n cases where the only  charges open were very small f r o n t i e r ones, the chaplain decided to take 20  up a d i f f e r e n t career or remain w i t h the armed forces permanently. , The church d i d a good job i n supplying chaplains f o r the services and the chaplains f e l t they d i d a c r e d i t a b l e job with the men they served. The chaplains found that the majority of s e r v i c e men were t h e o l o g i c a l l y i l l i t e r a t e but were eager f o r knowledge, s p i r i t u a l guidance and comfort when i n danger.  The chaplains recommended that t h e i r p o l i c y of meeting 21  the men on the job be followed at home i n peace as w e l l .  They also  encouraged greater ecumenical co-operation and more s t r i n g e n t B i b l i c a l  132 teaching i n the congregations.  Although ecumenism gained p o p u l a r i t y a f t e r  the war, the other suggestions were l a r g e l y ignored as the church busied i t s e l f i n post-war reconstruction. The men's views of the chaplaincy were as v a r i e d as the men themselves.  Those w i t h strong church t i e s n a t u r a l l y tended to be more  favourable towards the chaplains' work, regardless of denomination or e f f e c t i v e n e s s , and to go to them f o r help.  Others were more frequently  apathetic, and i n some cases h o s t i l e to a l l r e l i g i o u s observances and advances by the chaplains, unless the p a r t i c u l a r chaplain assigned to a base had a charismatic p e r s o n a l i t y . In t h i s case the c l e r i c a l c o l l a r held l i t t l e s i g n i f i c a n c e . of understanding  The chaplain was simply a f r i e n d  capable  and helping i n time of personal trouble.  Generally speaking, those chaplains on the f r o n t were more h i g h l y thought of and turned to f o r help than those on home bases.  The imminent  danger common to chaplains as w e l l as the e n l i s t e d men, and the choice of chaplains sent overseas could account f o r t h i s .  On home bases, many of  the chaplains ranked as o f f i c e r s , spent much of t h e i r time i n the o f f i c e r s ' mess and d i d not mingle with the rank and f i l e as much as they 22 d i d when overseas. As soon as war was declared the sub-executive of the General Council issued d i r e c t i v e s f o r the establishment of war s e r v i c e u n i t s i n l o c a l congregations  to work under the War Service Committee i n close co-  operation w i t h the Red Cross.  I n most cases the u n i t s were formed from  already e x i s t i n g women's organizations who s t a r t e d k n i t t i n g and sewing immediately.  In the f i r s t s i x months of the war, United Church u n i t s  133 across the country turned i n almost one-quarter of a m i l l i o n a r t i c l e s to o u t f i t s o l d i e r s , h o s p i t a l s and refugee c h i l d r e n .  I n the same p e r i o d ,  975 u n i t s were r e g i s t e r e d with the Board of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service. These u n i t s included approximately 2,900 United Church organizations and 23 involved a t l e a s t 50,000 women. The l o c a l u n i t s were also c a l l e d on to help e n t e r t a i n s e r v i c e men i n l o c a l camps, keep i n touch with e n l i s t e d members from t h e i r own congregation and welcome new m i l i t a r y f a m i l i e s i n t h e i r community, e s p e c i a l l y young brides who were l e f t alone a f t e r t h e i r husbands went overseas.  The u n i t s used devotional and educational m a t e r i a l at t h e i r  regular sewing meetings, issued by the W.M.S. and the Boards of C h r i s t i a n Education and Evangelism and S o c i a l S e r v i c e , and sent booklets of prayers and B i b l e readings to the s o l d i e r s i n camps.  I n 1942, the Camp and War  Production Communities Committee was organized i n Toronto to supervise and stimulate f u r t h e r the congregations near m i l i t a r y camps and war factory centres to work more c l o s e l y with the people i n these areas. The Committee i n co-operation with other denominations  and the Y.M.C.A.  supplied church workers i n the camps to lead worship s e r v i c e s , counsel men and t h e i r f a m i l i e s , organize study groups, and keep track of personnel as they were t r a n s f e r r e d from one camp to another.  Nearby United Church  War Service Units frequently formed the l o c a l nucleus of manpower f o r the 24 work of t h i s committee throughout  the country.  In B r i t i s h Columbia by January of 1940, there were f i f t y - s e v e n War Service Units r e g i s t e r e d i n the United Church and a c t i v e l y working for the Red Cross. ,Some represented previously organized women's and youth  134 groups but others represented the congregation as a whole.  K n i t t e d and  sewn a r t i c l e s flowed from the women's a g i l e hands as they met i n small groups or worked alone at home.  regularly  The Vancouver P r e s b y t e r i a l of 25  the W.A.  alone sent i n 4,743,737 a r t i c l e s during the war. M i l i t a r y camps had been e s t a b l i s h e d at various places  throughout  the province and l o c a l war s e r v i c e u n i t s worked c l o s e l y w i t h the camps under the Camp and War Production Communities Committee once i t was organized. At both Prince Rupert and Vernon, almost the whole congregation took an a c t i v e part i n working with t r a n s i e n t m i l i t a r y and war industry workers.  Prince Rupert had grown from 6,000 to over 25,000 i n the course  of three years and the church could not cope w i t h the magnitude of the problem—homeless f a m i l i e s , l o n e l y men and women, uprooted and bewildered brides with small babies.  The W.M. S. appointed a f u l l - t i m e worker to  aid the United Church people i n P r i n c e Rupert; the l o c a l congregation loaned i t s basement to the United Services Organization as a s o c i a l club; 27 and the m i n i s t e r t r i e d hard to help the e n l i s t e d personnel. Vernon United Church had almost every organization working as a war s e r v i c e 28 unit and d i d a great deal to b e f r i e n d the s e r v i c e personnel through v i s i t s i n p r i v a t e homes on s p e c i a l holidays and through concerts and 29 other entertainments. Prince George United Church suddenly found i t s e l f inundated with airmen from the m i l i t a r y camp f l o c k i n g to i t s s e r v i c e s .  The W.A.  members  set up a Fellowship Hour f o l l o w i n g the evening s e r v i c e and welcomed the boys i n t o t h e i r homes.  The airmen, i n t u r n , sang i n the c h o i r , r e p l a c i n g  135 many of the regular members who had e n l i s t e d , took several worship services themselves, and helped pay o f f the congregation's debt.  The  m i n i s t e r acted as an unpaid c i v i l i a n chaplain to the small R.C.A.F. detachment.  The congregation remembered i t s own e n l i s t e d men and women  w i t h Christmas g i f t s and regular quarterly l e t t e r s along w i t h devotional material. Vancouver was flooded by f a m i l i e s from the p r a i r i e s and elsewhere who had come to work i n the ship b u i l d i n g industry and there was a serious, housing and d i s l o c a t i o n problem which congregations t r i e d to alleviate.  The W.M.S. sent two women to work i n the west end and F a i r -  view d i s t r i c t s .  The l a t t e r area had been evacuated by the Japanese and  now housed mainly non-Anglo-Saxons from the p r a i r i e s while the west end i n c r e a s i n g l y became an apartment-roominghouse  area of young couples and  s i n g l e persons away from home f o r the f i r s t time.  Mothers' clubs, youth 31  groups, v i s i t i n g and c o u n s e l l i n g took the workers' f u l l time.  Vancouver  A.O.T.S. clubs took turns providing weekly entertainments and r e f r e s h ments at the Vancouver Barracks (the o l d Vancouver Hotel) f o r the s e r v i c e men, and urged i t s members to be a b i g brother to young boys whose fathers 32 had e n l i s t e d .  West P o i n t Grey United Church, near the Jericho m i l i t a r y  base, had some m i l i t a r y men attend services but showed s p e c i a l concern f o r the p r a i r i e boys taking m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g a t The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia by e n t e r t a i n i n g them as a group and as i n d i v i d u a l s i n p r i v a t e 33 homes.  With newcomers f l o c k i n g i n t o the d i s t r i c t , the Board pressed f o r  a neighbourhood v i s i t a t i o n to meet and get to know the newcomers. same time i t was welcoming strangers, however, the congregation was  At the  136 berating i t s e l f over the neglect of i t s own g i r l s and boys i n the s e r v i c e s . Many congregations through t h e i r War Service Units or other groups remembered and kept i n touch w i t h t h e i r own e n l i s t e d men and women. I n the Kootenay, the W.M.S. p r e s b y t e r i a l sent every United Church boy a 35 comfort bag and chocolates f o r Christmas.  Knox United i n T r a i l syste-  m a t i c a l l y sent i n d i v i d u a l parcels and cards to i t s men as d i d Nanaimo St. Andrew's, Knox i n Prince George and many otherccongregations. In some places the United Church responded w e l l but could not do i t a l l .  In other places, i t s response seemed almost n e g l i g i b l e  although probably much was done by i n d i v i d u a l s on a personal b a s i s , or by co-operative community groups.  This would be e s p e c i a l l y true i n  small r u r a l places l i k e Vanderhoof where the United Church members formed 36 a strong part of the l o c a l Red Cross U n i t . The increase of population d i d not s w e l l church membership r o l l s during the war but o v e r a l l attendance d i d increase along with f i n a n c i a l givings.  Church membership i n the urban areas rose slowly but not i n the  same proportion as d i d the general population and i n some r u r a l areas church membership a c t u a l l y decreased.  This was d r a m a t i c a l l y so i n the  Prince Rupert area where so many small charges were l e f t without a min37 ister.  Shortage of personnel meant that many newcomers were not  welcomed and drawn i n t o the f o l d of e x i s t i n g congregations and lack of funds l e f t new housing areas i n the suburbs unchurched.  Many of the  f a m i l i e s and e s p e c i a l l y the men i n the m i l i t a r y camps were i n one area such a short time that no r e a l commitment could be made to a l o c a l congregation, even i f a person desired one.  L o c a l congregations' e f f o r t s through  Table V I I Rate of Growth of T o t a l Membership During the War Years of United Church Presbyteries and some Congregations i n M i l i t a r y Training Centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia  1944  1939 1,095  978  845  801  Kamlo op s-Okanagan  4,356  4,205  Kootenay  2,546  2,778  Vancouver  16,780  16,969  Victoria  6,238  5,878  Westminster  4,699  4,753  Prince Rupert  119  140  Prince George  140  183  Vernon  408  430  Trail  434  415  89  103  Prince Rupert Cariboo  Sidney  Source: United Church of Canada, Year Book, 1940, 1945.  138 t h e i r War Service Units were done as a C h r i s t i a n s e r v i c e to uprooted persons i n need of s p i r i t u a l comfort and f r i e n d s h i p .  Finances did  improve greatly from f u l l employment and the v i s i t o r s to the l o c a l churches i n the urban areas nearmmilitary camps.  Debts p i l e d up during  the 1930's were paid o f f , b u i l d i n g funds were s t a r t e d and even some 38 construction undertaken despite the s c a r c i t y of m a t e r i a l s . In keeping i n touch w i t h e n l i s t e d men from t h e i r own  congrega-  tions and i n supplying the Red Cross w i t h k n i t t e d and sewn supplies, the United Church congregations i n B r i t i s h Columbia d i d a c r e d i t a b l e job although no b e t t e r than anywhere else i n the country.  The extent of a  congregation's support f o r an e n l i s t e d person depended l a r g e l y upon h i s or her personal and family r e l a t i o n s h i p i n the congregation before the war. P o s s i b l y the United Church's greatest s i n g l e e f f o r t i n the war years was i t s War Savings Plan.  The church had been l e f t with a debt  of $1,700,000 w i t h i n t e r e s t charges of $70,000 annually a f t e r the depression and i n an e f f o r t to wipe t h i s debt out and at the same time support the war, the f o l l o w i n g plan was launched i n June 1940.  Church  members were to buy war savings bonds, c e r t i f i c a t e s or stamps i n the church's name so that once the war was over, the money would go to the n a t i o n a l church towards i t s debt.  S t r a i g h t g i f t s were also s o l i c i t e d .  Each conference was a l l o t t e d a d e f i n i t e quota and appointed a committee to p u b l i c i s e the campaign l o c a l l y . In B r i t i s h Columbia, the Rev. G.A.WWilson, a r e t i r e d but s t i l l very h i g h l y respected and well-known clergyman, chaired the committee.  139 Some other members were well-known businessmen l i k e W.H.  Malkin, Col.  Nelson Spencer, C.T. McHattie, C.E. Mahon and Chris Spencer, as w e l l as m i n i s t e r s of some of the 'larger Vancouver and V i c t o r i a such as the Revs. F.W. E.D.  Braden, W.J.  Norman, W.G.  S i p p r e l l and A.M.  Wilson, W.H. Sanford.  churches  Smith, G.H.  Villet,  The goal was $90,000 to  be achieved i n a h a r d - h i t t i n g every member campaign i n three periods: Easter of 1941, September of 1941 and March to September 1942.  Pres-  b y t e r i e s and congregations were, i n turn, given a quota to reach but despite v i s i t s by guest preachers, numerous l e t t e r s and  door-to-door  v i s i t s by the l o c a l campaign committee, only $60,000 had been r a i s e d by 39 May of 1942.  The Rev. Hugh Dobson attended a l l meetings of the  War Savings Committee and promoted,the plan i n h i s t r a v e l s the conference.  B.C.  throughout  For the conference year of 1941-1942, he was  the  president and while i n that o f f i c e he put e x t r a pressure upon the congregations to meet t h e i r quotas.  Letters were sent-out asking f o r an 40  accurate record of givings to date w i t h future plans and expectations. The response was mixed. a l l o c a t i o n on the f i r s t campaign.  Some congregations f a r exceeded t h e i r Port Simpson, an Indian Home Mission  charge, r a i s e d 159% while Ferniie, badly h i t by the depression, r a i s e d 132%.  Other congregations such as Rosedale and Hope had passed out stamp  books, r e a l l y pushed t h e i r people but had a hard time reaching t h e i r quotas.  The Japanese congregations responded w e l l up to the time of  t h e i r evacuation e a r l y i n 1942, and the l a r g e r urban congregations e a s i l y made t h e i r quota w i t h w e l l - r u n campaigns. Many of the.congregations f e l t they had done t h e i r best i n the f i r s t campaign and were opposed to a second one, which would e i t h e r  140 antagonize t h e i r members or draw o f f money from l o c a l p r o j e c t s which were deemed more important.  West P o i n t Grey O f f i c i a l Board i n Vancouver  promised to underwrite t h e i r quota from other funds i f enough d i d not come 41 from the members  but Collingwood i n Vancouver, Nelson, Cranbrook, Grand  Forks, Abbotsford and M e r r i t t a l l had more pressing f i n a n c i a l needs and refused a f u r t h e r campaign at that time. A number of congregations d e f i n i t e l y opposed the plan of erasing the church debt through an emotional p a t r i o t i c appeal, and thus p r o f i t i n g from the war.  They f e l t t h i s was morally wrong.  These congregations  did make an appeal f o r d i r e c t g i f t s to the church and generally received a good response.  I n d i v i d u a l s i n those congregations also supported the  war through the sale of war bonds but the two f i n a n c i a l drives were kept completely separate. The m i n i s t e r i n charge seemed to play a small r o l e i n a congregation's decision.  Cedar Cottage i n Vancouver had already decided against  the plan before the Rev. Bryce Wallace, a p a c i f i s t , a r r i v e d there although he d i d make an e f f o r t to r a i s e d i r e c t g i f t s from the congregation.  In  Richmond, the Rev. C.E. Finnemore had one congregation, Brighouse, vote against the scheme while h i s other congregation, Richmond, voted f o r i t , and i n Salmon Arm, the congregation gave only personal g i f t s although the m i n i s t e r was an eager volunteer f o r the chaplaincy and supporter of the 42 war e f f o r t .  Among those who d i d support the scheme h e a r t i l y was  Rev. T.C. C o l w e l l of Port Simpson, a veteran from the F i r s t World who received e x c e l l e n t congregational support.  the War,  On the other hand there  was the Rev. Evan Baker, a l s o a veteran i n the F i r s t World War and a  141 chaplain l a t e r i n the Second World War, who preached from the p u l p i t , v i s i t e d members personally and received very poor support. In the end B r i t i s h Columbia Conference was the only conference to go over i t s pledged quota i n the three years of the extended cam43 paign,  and i t was very proud of i t s record i n helping to wipe out the  United Church n a t i o n a l d e f i c i t . The Second World War not only d i f f e r e d from that of the F i r s t i n i t s a t t i t u d e towards p a c i f i s m but also challenged the p a c i f i s t stand adopted by the church i n the interwar years. A widespread p a c i f i s t mood spread throughout the population i n the twenties and t h i r t i e s . Hopes for world peace were pinned on the League of Nations and p a c i f i s t groups sprang up and received r e s p e c t a b i l i t y from the presence of a large 45 number of academics and clergymen who played a prominent r o l e .  Some  f e l t g u i l t y over the s t r i n g e n t terms meted out to Germany i n the Treaty of V e r s a i l l e s or believed that the a l l i e s had v i o l a t e d those terms, e s p e c i a l l y on reparations.  When war broke out again i n 1939, secularism  had increased and there was no attempt to turn t h i s war i n t o a holy crusade.  War was recognized as an e v i l , j u s t i f i e d i n order to end an  even greater e v i l .  The majority i n the United Church agreed with  society's view that t h i s was a j u s t war and supported i t out of a sense of duty and w i t h regret.  There were a few, however, who maintained t h e i r  p a c i f i s t views of the 1920's and 1930's. Throughout the 1930's at the General Council meetings of the United Church, r e s o l u t i o n s were passed which rejected war, praised the Kellogg Pact f o r i t s renunciation of war as an instrument f o r s o l v i n g  142 i n t e r n a t i o n a l disagreements, encouraged a l l congregations to support the League of Nations, c r i t i c i z e d nations f o r not reducing t h e i r arms, and emphasized the r o l e of the church i n spreading peace through C h r i s t ' s 46 example of non-violence.  The B r i t i s h Columbia Conference  supported  the United Church's stand. In August 1929, Prince Rupert Presbytery, l e d by the Revs. A l l e n and Wm.  H.T.  Deans, asked the sub-executive of the General Council to  request the f e d e r a l government to place framed copies of the Kellogg Peace Pact i n every schoolroom i n Canada, the act to be accompanied by 47 a s u i t a b l e ceremony. At the f o l l o w i n g 1930 General Council meeting, t h i s was endorsed as was the p l a c i n g of the Pact i n a l l United Church 48 Sunday Schools.  Many United Church clergy, i n c l u d i n g the Rev. Hugh  Dobson who p u b l i c i z e d the plan i n h i s p r o v i n c i a l t r a v e l s as associate secretary of Evangelism and S o c i a l S e r v i c e , supported the scheme. 49 hung the f i r s t copy at Terrace  and Prime M i n i s t e r W i l l i a m Lyon  Mackenzie King unveiled one at Ocean F a l l s on November 11, 1929. Rev. R.C.  Allen  The  Scott promoted the idea a l l along the coast as he journeyed  i n the Thomas Crosby mission boat.  Ocean F a l l s sent s e v e r a l l e t t e r s to  the p r o v i n c i a l department of education, i t s l o c a l member i n the l e g i s l a t u r e , and secured a promise from King that the f e d e r a l government would underwrite the cost of the framed c o p i e s . K a m l o o p s - O k a n a g a n , V i c t o r i a , and Kootenay Presbyteries a l s o s t r o n g l y supported the p u b l i c i z i n g of the Peace Pact and wrote l e t t e r s to the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments, and urged t h e i r congregations to do l i k e w i s e . was the f i r s t province to accept the plan.  B r i t i s h Columbia  143 As early as 1934, the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference became concerned about conscientious objectors i n the event of another war. I t sent a memorial to General Council asking i t to p e t i t i o n the f e d e r a l government to grant to a l l those conscientiously opposed to war, exempt i o n from m i l i t a r y service."""'"' The General Council d i d not concur with the  conference's views and f e l t that the r o l e of the church was to  encourage obedience to c i v i l authority.  In a rather schizophrenic vein  however, i t d i d p r a i s e the growing p a c i f i s t mood e s p e c i a l l y among college students, and expressed the hope that peace might come through 52 the p a c i f i s t movement. At the same time, the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference went on record 53 as opposing m i l i t a r y or cadet t r a i n i n g i n the schools.  Agitation  against m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g i n place of p h y s i c a l education i n the schools 54 had a r i s e n e a r l i e r  when i n 1928, the Student C h r i s t i a n Movement at  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, composed l a r g e l y of United Church arts and t h e o l o g i c a l students, protested the presence of the Canadian O f f i c e r s ' Training Corps on the campus."''"'' Then i n 1930 Prince Rupert Presbytery asked that s u i t a b l e non-military p h y s i c a l education be given i n a l l schools and that donations to school boards by the M i l i t i a Depart56 ment f o r cadet t r a i n i n g be discontinued.  Out of s i x thousand cadets  i n B r i t i s h Columbia, four thousand were i n the Vancouver area i n 1929 where p a r t i c i p a t i o n was voluntary but pressure to j o i n v a r i e d considerably and was dependent upon the school personnel. Training also v a r i e d from s t r a i g h t p h y s i c a l education to marching to mock warfare.  P a r t i a l success  was.nattaimedrwhehathewauperintendenlnof nVancouveraschooibs', sJ'.iS." Gordon, 1  144 a p a c i f i s t and a former United Church m i n i s t e r , i n one of h i s l a s t acts before h i s death i n 1933 deemphasized the cadet movement i n the Vancouver school system. Throughout the 1930's, the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference and the d i f f e r e n t presbyteries wrote the f e d e r a l government i n support of the General Council's demands f o r disarmament by Canada and, l a t e r , f o r an 59 embargo on a l l war products to b e l l i g e r e n t n a t i o n s , the r e s t of the world.  as an example to  Presbyteries sent p e t i t i o n s to a l l congregations,  c a l l i n g f o r disarmament and received a very good response from the church members.  These were then sent to Ottawa to be forwarded to the Disarmament 60  Conference i n Geneva i n February of 1932.  I n the spring of 1939, the  P a c i f i c Northwest Embargo Conference was held i n Vancouver and received widespread support from Vancouver United Churches.  The Women's C h r i s t i a n  Temperance Union, with many United Church women as a c t i v e members, was the prime organizer of the conference and the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Committee of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service supported, i t . ^TliiDheoconf erence c a l l e d f o r an embargo on a l l war m a t e r i a l to Japan. Although war was roundly denounced throughout t h i s p e r i o d , out and out p a c i f i s m was much l e s s frequently advocated.  In Prince Rupert  Presbytery, however, the church members were urged to j o i n the Fellow62 ship of R e c o n c i l i a t i o n , a p a c i f i s t organization.  The f o l l o w i n g year  the same presbytery sent a memorial to B r i t i s h Columbia Conference urging that "our Church as a whole undertake the propagation of p a c i f i s m , i . e . , Christian l i f e . " I n 1939 the conference endorsed the importance of — t h e renunciation of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n w a r — a s an i n t e g r a l part of the 63  145 the F.O.R., i n which several leading members of the church were a c t i v e .  64  The small handful from the United Church who were members of the F.O.R. were almost a l l members of the Fellowship f o r a C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l Order which had a small but strong p a c i f i s t w i n g . ^  The Rev. Bryce  Wallace influenced conference and presbytery reports wherever he l i v e d , as d i d the Rev. H.T. A l l e n and a few others.  Mildred Fahrni, an a c t i v e  lay woman, influenced the general p u b l i c through her p o l i t i c a l i n v o l v e ment with the C.C.F. party and the Rev. R.B. T i l l m a n , as secretary of the S.C.M. on The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia campus i n the l a t e 1930's, came i n t o contact w i t h many of the United Church students and o r d i n a n d s . ^ With the d e c l a r a t i o n of war i n 1939, many of the S.C.M. United Church members who had considered themselves p a c i f i s t or had a t l e a s t paid l i p - s e r v i c e to the p a c i f i s m of t h e i r leaders changed t h e i r views 67 and r a l l i e d t o the support of t h e i r nation i n the war e f f o r t .  Minis-  t e r s who had s t r o n g l y denounced war from t h e i r p u l p i t s a few months previously now r e g r e t f u l l y supported i t and church members who had signed p e t i t i o n s urging the disarmament of nations were soon bearing arms.  A  small m i n o r i t y , however, remained s t e a d f a s t l y p a c i f i s t throughout the war and the United Church as a body supported the r i g h t of i n d i v i d u a l s to hold t h i s p o s i t i o n . Shortly a f t e r the d e c l a r a t i o n of war, seventy-five p a c i f i s t s from the United Church sent a l e t t e r to the United Church Observer, d e c l a r i n g p u b l i c l y t h e i r renunciation o f the war. Most were clergymen and members of the F.O.R. and F.C.S.O. from Ontario and Quebec. The 68 Rev. Bryce Wallace was the only B r i t i s h Columbia signatory. The  146 p u b l i c i t y from the secular press and the r e s u l t i n g outrage from the general p u b l i c c a l l i n g the s i g n a t o r i e s communist or communist-led 69 caused great consternation among church o f f i c i a l s across the country. The sub-executive of General Council chastised the p a c i f i s t s f o r making t h e i r stand i n the press at that p a r t i c u l a r time and stressed the church support of the war effort.^® As a r e s u l t of the furore, the p a c i f i s t group sent a delegation to the chairman of the United Church War Service Committee to suggest how i t s work could be enriched and enlarged to promote peace and thus receive the p a c i f i s t s ' support.  The p a c i f i s t s urged moral and s o c i a l  support by l o c a l war s e r v i c e u n i t s of f a m i l i e s where men were overseas, of men unable to f i g h t and of f a m i l i e s where men were interned. The p a c i f i s t s wanted chaplains of the church to work with interned men as w e l l as w i t h e n l i s t e d men, and they wanted church f a m i l i e s to open t h e i r homes to orphans of the enemy.  Nothing much o f f i c i a l l y came of these  suggestions. In B r i t i s h Columbia, a small minority of the clergy remained out and out p a c i f i s t s throughout the war, and on the whole, were respected by t h e i r f e l l o w clergymen and congregations f o r t h e i r views.  Many other  ministers had p a c i f i s t leanings. At the Vancouver Presbytery meeting i n September of 1939, there was a very heated debate over whether a r e s o l u t i o n of l o y a l t y should be presented or not, and i t very narrowly passed. One m i n i s t e r , as a student, preached against the war to a very small congregation of middle-class mine management men and l o s t the whole congregation.  The two l a r g e r congregations of h i s charge made up of  147 workers, ranchers and miners, remained l o y a l to him, however.  72  In  Vanderhoof the m i n i s t e r spoke against the war, thus l o s i n g a good p o r t i o n of h i s congregation who were staunch Legion members from World War I , and once the young men of the area e n l i s t e d , there was v i r t u a l l y no 73 congregation l e f t .  On the other hand, the Rev. IBryce Wallace preached 74  to h i s V i c t o r i a congregation without undue c r i t i c i s m  and was backed by  h i s next congregation i n Vancouver f o r h i s views against the involvement of the United Church i n the sale of war bonds to l i q u i d a t e i t s d e b t s . ^ Although many i n the Sardis congregation d i d not agree w i t h H.T.  Allen's  views on war, they s t i l l respected him and continued to support the church.^ The Rev. CD.  Clarke at St. James i n V i c t o r i a refused to stand  f o r the r e s o l u t i o n of l o y a l t y at the 1940 annual meeting of the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference and asked that h i s vote be r e c o r d e d . ^ he resigned from h i s charge.  In November  The congregation refused to accept h i s  r e s i g n a t i o n i n June but f i n a l l y d i d so w i t h deep regret. 78 were staying away because of the m i n i s t e r ' s views.  Some members  Clarke eventually  l e f t the m i n i s t r y because he f e l t h i s views were contrary to those of the church.  I t was a personal d e c i s i o n , however, and h i s clergy brethern 79  i n V i c t o r i a Presbytery sorrowed over h i s decision. The p a c i f i s t m i n i s t e r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia were not unduly vocal about t h e i r views and thus avoided much opposition from t h e i r congrega80 t i o n a l members and the general p u b l i c .  Only i n one instance d i d a  minister's stand provoke an unpleasant s i t u a t i o n which h i t the newspapers .  148 In the f a l l of 1939, the Rev. W.E.G. Dovey of the PeachlandWestbank charge refused to allow h i s Peachland congregation to sing the n a t i o n a l anthem at the close of every worship s e r v i c e and t h i s stand caused a serious s p l i t i n the O f f i c i a l Board and congregation. The presbytery was forced to step i n and s e t t l e the problem.  The Peachland  congregation asked Dovey to resign at the end of the church year i n June 1940 which greatly upset the Westbank congregation who very much 81 admired h i s honesty, conviction and h i s work with t h e i r youth.  Pres-  bytery f e l t the breach was too wide f o r Dovey to continue but thought the Peachland congregation, despite the minister's rash statement i n "82 the heat of debate, was most u n c h r i s t i a n i n i t s treatment of him. Dovey was brought i n t o c i v i l court on charges of s e d i t i o u s utterance, sentenced to s i x months' imprisonment and f i n e d $100. The church was unable to get h i s sentence lessened but d i d e s t a b l i s h a fund f o r h i s 83 wife who was l e f t w i t h heavy debts. M i n i s t e r s i n the lower mainland 84 v i s i t e d Dovey r e g u l a r l y i n p r i s o n and sympathized with him.  They  held s i m i l a r views and f e l t that he had been caught up i n a v i n d i c t i v e attack by a couple of key board members who were rabid p a t r i o t s and w i l l i n g to report him to the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s .  The ministers also f e l t  he had not received a f a i r t r i a l since the court t o t a l l y ignored the statement of l o y a l t y to the King which Dovey signed f o r the Peachland 85 O f f i c i a l Board l a t e r .  Immediately upon h i s discharge Dovey was given  another pastorate where he had no such problems. Among the majority of church members and clergy a l i k e , there was deep regret over the war. Disillusionment over the f a i l u r e of i d e a l i s t i c  149 86 peace alms made the church t o l e r a n t and sympathetic toward p a c i f i s t s . Very few, however, had any idea of the United Church's d i r e c t i n v o l v e ment with the f e d e r a l government on behalf of conscientious objectors. The Revs. John Coburn and James R. Mutchmor were the key men at the n a t i o n a l l e v e l while the Rev. Hugh Dobson was played a r o l e i n t h i s i s s u e .  the person from B r i t i s h Columbia who  Under the N a t i o n a l Resources M o b i l i z a t i o n  Act, 1940, only Mennonites and Doukhobors were exempt from compulsory m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g and a l l other conscientious objectors were subject to imprisonment.  At the 1940 meeting of General Council the government was  urged to broaden i t s laws concerning conscientious objectors and to b r i n g them more i n l i n e with those of Great B r i t a i n , where a l t e r n a t i v e s e r v i c e 87 was provided f o r conscientious objectors of a l l r e l i g i o u s persuasions. The United Church sent s e v e r a l men  to Ottawa to meet w i t h o f f i c i a l s  over the desired changes which were brought i n t o e f f e c t on March 18, 1941.  88  In B r i t i s h Columbia, Dobson became very concerned e a r l y i n the f a l l of 1940 when a second-year t h e o l o g i c a l student and p a c i f i s t , Ernest Bishop, found no way open f o r him to be a conscientious objector.  The  l o c a l t r i b u n a l of the N a t i o n a l War Service Board considered Bishop's case a f t e r orders had gone out to postpone a l l hearings u n t i l the law was amended; the u n i v e r s i t y where he was e n r o l l e d i n some courses to l e t him take m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g and t r i e d to expel him; and he  refused was  about to bertu.med overhtoRthe?RoyaldCanaaiantMounted P o l i c e when Dobson intervened with Ottawa on h i s behalf. took h i s m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g and was  Under the new r e g u l a t i o n s , Bishop  then exempt from the d r a f t f o r h i s  150 t h i r d year of theology.  Upon graduation he received h i s d r a f t c a l l  and was to be sent to an a l t e r n a t i v e service camp. His o r d i n a t i o n took place j u s t p r i o r to h i s departure date so that he came under the exemption regulations p e r t a i n i n g to a l l clergymen. The Department of N a t i o n a l War Services of the f e d e r a l government was w i l l i n g to co-operate i n t h i s matter provided Bishop made no u n f a i r 89 or d i s l o y a l statements concerning the government or the country. l o c a l t r i b u n a l was not as generous i n i t s approach.  The chairman,  The A.M.  Manson was a staunch Presbyterian who had fought church union i n 1925 and he not only had no sympathy f o r conscientious o b j e c t o r s , but he hated the United Church and a l l those connected w i t h i t as w e l l .  He was deter90  mined to see Bishop i n j a i l or at a camp, and to prevent h i s o r d i n a t i o n . The men f i g h t i n g f o r the r i g h t of the conscientious objectors were not p a c i f i s t s , but they were determined that there should be j u s t treatment. just.  And the United Church d i d not f e e l that a l l the t r i b u n a l s were  Judge A.M. Manson was c l e a r l y biased i n h i s views towards Bishop.  In A l b e r t a , John Rowe, the son of a United Church m i n i s t e r , was sent to j a i l f o r three months on the basis of a t r i a l w i t h no witnesses and loaded 91 questions.  In Saskatchewan,  the chairman was greatly d i s t r u s t e d by 92  the church since he f a i l e d to s e r i o u s l y consider r e l i g i o u s objections. The Toronto t r i b u n a l , two of whose three members were United Church l a y men, d i r e c t e d loaded questions at one t h e o l o g i c a l student, never gave him a chance to e x p l a i n h i s p o s i t i o n , and misread a l e t t e r from United 93 Church headquarters p o i n t i n g out the extreme shortage of m i n i s t e r s . The church o f f i c i a l s f e l t that conscientious objectors should be w i l l i n g to take b a s i c t r a i n i n g and a l t e r n a t i v e s e r v i c e equal i n hardship  151 and r e q u i r i n g equal s a c r i f i c e to others submitting to the d r a f t .  94  C e r t a i n l y some of the conscientious objectors whom the church defended f e l t the same way.  They were not cowards wanting the easy way out f o r  they were w i l l i n g to go to j a i l , work overseas i n dangerous p o s i t i o n s or spend years i n work camps on d u l l , monotonous jobs.  Furthermore, many  found t h e i r d e c i s i o n a d i f f i c u l t one to make since they r e a l i z e d that i t was only because the majority of young men were w i l l i n g to e n l i s t 95 that the few had the l i b e r t y to f o l l o w t h e i r own b e l i e f s ,  and l i v e  i n r e l a t i v e safety i n a l t e r n a t e s e r v i c e camps set up by the government. Some of the camps were i s o l a t e d from large communities and many of the men were a long way from home.  Correspondence from Mutchmor  and Coburn i n Toronto kept the students i n touch w i t h the l a r g e r church body and those i n the camp near Port A l b e r n i v i s i t e d the l o c a l church and some were i n v i t e d i n t o a few homes.  Most church members, however,  were unaware of these men, and only a f t e r the Rev. J.M. F i n l a y from Toronto v i s i t e d the camps across Canada and the Rev. J.R. Mutchmor wrote to  the president of the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference d i d the l o c a l ministers 96  make an e f f o r t to v i s i t the camps near them. Since most of the United Church conscientious objectors were u n i v e r s i t y students and the church was desperately short of men, s e v e r a l were eventually released from the f o r e s t r y camps to work i n church tutions.  insti-  One such student worked i n the Indian R e s i d e n t i a l School at  Port A l b e r n i and a f t e r the war, while s t i l l i n the A l t e r n a t i v e Service, as Boys' Work Secretary f o r the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference.  There was  some fear that congregations would not want to co-operate w i t h a  152 conscientious objector and that he would be a bad influence on youth, 97  but the fears did not materialize.  His work was well received.  Three  other theological students were released to help teach i n the W.M.S. high schools i n the i n t e r i o r established for the Japanese evacuated from the coast.  In this case the Revs. J.R. Mutchmor and John Coburn from the  Board of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service and the Revs. George Dorey and W.P. Bunt from the Board of Home Missions intervened on behalf of the boys with the government. The conscientious objectors came from a variety of backgrounds. Many had p a c i f i s t fathers.  Ernest Bishop's father had been a p a c i f i s t  minister i n Alberta during the F i r s t World War as had John Rowe's father. Clyde and Keith Woollard had a p a c i f i s t father and a strongly p a c i f i s t minister i n t h e i r Saskatchewan home town, while i n Ontario Ernest Best with a p a c i f i s t father was strongly influenced by several p a c i f i s t ministers during his teens and early twenties.  On the other hand, Albert Dobson,  exempted to do v i t a l medical work i n northern Alberta, had Hugh Dobson, a non-pacifist as his father. was  The l a t t e r , because of h i s son's b e l i e f s  placed i n an awkward p o s i t i o n i n aiding conscientious  objectors.  However, from the same family another son, Arthur, signed up as a chaplain i n Burma.  Many of the conscientious objectors had been active members  of the S.C.M. while at university and had their views on pacifism strengthened there. Key men i n the church fought for the right of these young men to be p a c i f i s t s and to be f a i r l y treated.  Because of their high scholastic  c a l i b r e , their leadership a b i l i t y , their intention to serve the church with  153 a l i f e t i m e career and the respect held by the church hierarchy f o r them and t h e i r f a m i l i e s , men l i k e Coburn, Dorey, Mutchmor, Dobson and Bunt were w i l l i n g to use what i n f l u e n c e they could with the f e d e r a l government. P u t t i n g aside t h e i r personal views on war, these same men were a l s o very incensed by the loaded questioning and archaic war r e g u l a t i o n s used by the war t r i b u n a l s at the beginning of the war.  They wanted j u s t t r e a t -  ment f o r a l l men of draft age, b e l i e v i n g that a United Church member should have the same r i g h t t o . p a c i f i s t b e l i e f s as a Mennonite or Doukhobor. P r i m a r i l y through t h e i r constant i n t e r v e n t i o n the regulations were changed. The church leaders were not p a c i f i s t s themselves nor d i d they r e a l l y approve of that stand while the war was being fought, but they were strong b e l i e v e r s i n equal treatment f o r a l l r e l i g i o n s and i n the importance of i n d i v i d u a l conscience. The church d i d not s u f f e r , as i t d i d i n the F i r s t World War from a drop i n membership or finances. During the Second World War even those places l e f t without a regular m i n i s t e r were strong enough to keep going and, i n some cases, to increase i n numbers.  A f t e r the war new members  j o i n i n g the church kept up with the general increase i n population. Finances improved greatly as B r i t i s h Columbia entered a boom p e r i o d a f t e r the depression and war i n d u s t r i e s , shipping, mining, lumbering and the m i l i t a r y put money i n t o the pockets of workers, who, i f church members, placed i t on the o f f e r i n g p l a t e .  The conference oversubscribed to the  n a t i o n a l d e f i c i t fund, repaired i t s own churches and manses and embarked n 101 on new b u i l d i n g .  154 Table V I I I Rates of Growth Compared t o Population Increase i n B r i t i s h Columbia  B.C. Pop.  Anglican  % of Pop.  Roman Catholic  % of Pop.  United Church  % of Pop.  1931  694,263  207,049  29.8  91,641  13.2  164,750  23.9  1941  817,861  246,191  30.1  113,587  13.9  201,638  24.7  1951  1,165,210  315,469  27.0  168,016  14.4  341,914  30.9  Source: Census of Canada, 1931, 1941, 1951. Table IX War and Post-War Growth of United Church Presbyteries and Selected C i t i e s 1951**  1941*  1941**  1951*  Kootenay  10,557  18,040  15,759  23,569  Kamloops-Okanagan  15,246  20,632  23,032  .'35,479  Victoria  24,971  33,081  23,754  58,583  Prince Rupert  7,202  5,601  9,124  8,264  Cariboo  6,173  8,651  6,750  16,675  Westminster  17,171  25,348  28,946  190,691  Vancouver  56,373  87,242  69,376  147,119  New Westminster  1,795  4,928  5,459  7,782  North Vancouver  3,232  1,518  5,962  4,782  40,725  69,246  52,125  101,804  Trail  1,810  2,151  4,076  3,418  Penticton  1,425  1,761  3,000  3,908  10,863  8,795  11,602  12,508  Vancouver C i t y  V i c t o r i a City  * United Church Year•Book, 1941, 1951. Figures f o r those under p a s t o r a l care. ** Census of Canada, 1941, 1951. Those claiming the United Church.  155 Morale was high w i t h i n the church throughout the war, as members worked together i n a common war e f f o r t .  The church stood by as a symbol  of s e c u r i t y i n a world gone mad, and the comfort i t gave to numerous f a m i l i e s was immeasurable.  With the end of the war, the high morale  continued as men and t h e i r now permanently s e t t l e d f a m i l i e s f l o c k e d to the church. The war d i d not leave the church demoralized and d i s c r e d i t e d as i t had been a f t e r the F i r s t World War. Part of the reason f o r t h i s was due, no doubt, to the general atmosphere of society.  The war had been  approached w i t h a sense of duty, not as a holy crusade to cleanse s o c i e t y , so that there were no f a l s e hopes or deep d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t at the end. church echoed s o c i e t y ' s a t t i t u d e .  The  I t responded q u i c k l y and e f f e c t i v e l y to  the need f o r m a t e r i a l supplies because the s t r u c t u r e and o r i e n t a t i o n of i t s women's groups were t r a d i t i o n a l l y d i r e c t e d along these l i n e s . Chaplains volunteered f o r s e r v i c e , not w i t h the desire to be part of the b a t t l e or to compete with other denominations, but to serve e n l i s t e d men. 102 The United Church sent a large number i n t o the forces  but i t d i d not  promote r e c r u i t i n g from the p u l p i t , the church press, or put pressure upon s i n g l e and married men i n the congregations as i t had done during the previous war.  I t supported the government's r e c r u i t i n g and conscrip103  t i o n plans t a c i t l y but defended those not e n l i s t e d . more j u s t treatment of conscientious objectors and won.  I t fought f o r a The p a c i f i s m of  the 1920's and 1930's had a m e l i o r a t i n g e f f e c t on the church's view of conscientious objectors and p a c i f i s t s i n i t s own ranks, so there was not the ostracism nor the rabid p a t r i o t i s m o f the F i r s t World War.  156 Table X Active F u l l - t i m e Chaplains i n Canadian Armed Forces to A p r i l 1944 Navy  Army  Airforce  Anglican  25  176  71  Roman C a t h o l i c  31  129  69  United Church  17  2230  93  Source: United Church Evangelism and S o c i a l S e r v i c e , Report, 1946, p. 110.  Table XI Canadian and B r i t i s h Columbia Enlistments by R e l i g i o u s A f f i l i a t i o n  B r i t i s h Columbia  Canada Airforce*  Army**  Army**  Anglican  23.86%  22.29%  38.00%  Roman Cathcblic  20.80%  36.56%  16.20%  United Church  31.87%  20.87%  25.21%  * Figures v a l i d u n t i l A p r i l 1944. Service, Report, 1946, p. 110.  United Church Evangelism and S o c i a l  ** Figures v a l i d u n t i l September 1945. Figures f o r p r o v i n c i a l a f f i l i a t i o n of the navy and a i r f o r c e were unavailable. L e t t e r from Department of Veteran A f f a i r s , Ottawa, to w r i t e r , June 1973.  157  Table X I I Intake i n t o Canadian Armed Forces by Provinces, World War I I % of t o t a l to male pop. 18-45  Male population  Total  19,000  9,309  48.18  123,000  59,355  48.31  94,000  45,137  48.17  Quebec  699,000  175,441  25.69  Ontario  830,000  397,808  47.77  Manitoba  159,000  76,444  48.12  Saskatchewan  191,000  80,605  42.38  Alberta  178,000  77,703  43.11  B r i t i s h Columbia  181,000  90,976  50.47  P.E.I. Nova Scotia New Brunswick  Source: C P . Stacey, Arms, Men and Governments. The War P o l i c i e s of Canada 1939-1945, Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, 1970, p. 590.  158 The church d i d promote strongly the war savings p l a n , but l a r g e l y because i t stood to gain i n the long run.  And i t did'. The huge d e f i c i t  of the depression years was wiped out, l i f t i n g morale s t i l l higher f o r church members. Throughout the war the church pushed f o r r e a l i s t i c post-war planning, not only i n i t s own ranks but also w i t h the government.  There  was to be no unemployment and unrest such as followed the previous war. TheBBritish Columbia Conference passed a r e s o l u t i o n urging plans f o r 104 s o c i a l reconstruction and post-war r e h a b i l i t a t i o n as e a r l y as 1940 and repeated i t i n succeeding y e a r s . B y  the c l o s i n g years of the  war, d e f i n i t e suggestions concerned w i t h the d i s p o s a l of war goods, crown i n d u s t r i e s and property; the post-war c o n t r o l of p r i c e s , production, investment, employment, export trade and f o r e i g n exchange; and the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of returned veterans i n t o the regular employment stream were made t o the g o v e r n m e n t . C o n g r e g a t i o n s  made a s p e c i a l e f f o r t to  b e f r i e n d war b r i d e s , searched out jobs and housing f o r veterans and welcomed the new f a m i l i e s i n t o t h e i r couple clubs and youth groups.  In  return membership swelled, adding further to the sense of well-being i n the church. I f d o l l a r s and numerical strength determine the success o f a programme then the United Church i n i t s s o c i a l outreach during the Second World War had reason to congratulate i t s e l f on a job w e l l done.  Chapter 6 THE EVACUATION OF JAPANESE CANADIANS The war brought to a head the l a t e n t h o s t i l i t y of white B r i t i s h Columbia towards the Japanese i n the province.  The church had always  paid l i p - s e r v i c e to the i d e a l of brotherhood but now the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia was confronted with an explosive r a c i a l s i t u a t i o n on i t s own doorstep.  One m i n i s t e r wrote at the time, " I do hope that  our Church people can be measurably C h r i s t i a n .  This i s going to be a  t e s t anyway—as between impulse and passion and panic vs. a C h r i s t i a n discipline.  May we f o l l o w the Master'.""'"  Would the church come up to  i t s i d e a l s against the rest of s o c i e t y or r a t i o n a l i z e i t s behaviour go along w i t h the masses?  and  In the past the predecessors of the United  Church had e x h i b i t e d t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s on the r a c i a l question i n the 2 province  but during the three decades preceding World War I I , the United  Church was never c a l l e d to make a p u b l i c stand.  The t e s t was at hand.  With the advent of the h o s t i l i t i e s i n A s i a , many missionaries from both China and Japan were r e c a l l e d by the United Church to Canada and were l i v i n g i n B r i t i s h Columbia at the time war was declared with Japan.  The province a l s o had a large number of both o r i e n t a l and o c c i -  dental missionaries working with o r i e n t a l missions and congregations, e s p e c i a l l y i n Vancouver, V i c t o r i a and the lower mainland.  This nucleus  of missionaries provided both support and opposition f o r the Japanese i n Canada from very personal viewpoints, dependent upon whether they had 159  160 worked with Chinese or Japanese.  Those clergy i n o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s ,  and e s p e c i a l l y those on the Board of Home Missions, and a few laymen strongly supported the Japanese.  The rest of the clergy and the  majority of church members responded as the general p u b l i c d i d , e i t h e r with apathy or o u t r i g h t h o s t i l i t y . As e a r l y as 1891, when the l e g i s l a t u r e of B r i t i s h Columbia t r i e d to l i m i t Japanese immigration, h o s t i l i t y towards the Japanese was wide3 spread throughout the province.  I n Vancouver i n the summer of 1907 a  white mob, aroused by impassioned a n t i - o r i e n t a l speakers i n c l u d i n g two clergymen, t r i e d to destroy the o r i e n t a l sections of the c i t y but were turned back by the Japanese who r e s o l u t e l y stood t h e i r ground.  A  "Gentleman's Agreement" between Japan and Canada followed the r i o t whereupon the former v o l u n t a r i l y r e s t r i c t e d the numbers of immigrants to Canada.  In s p i t e of repeated r e s t r i c t i o n s however, the Japanese popula4  t i o n grew at an alarming r a t e ,  adding further cause f o r white h o s t i l i t y .  R e s t r i c t i o n s against the Japanese i n the f i s h i n g , lumbering and mining i n d u s t r i e s were l e v i e d as f a m i l i e s increased and improved t h e i r economic status i n the p r o v i n c e . W i t h the s c a r c i t y of jobs during the 1930's the white population turned on the Japanese as a scapegoat f o r the widespread unemployment.  6  By t h i s time an a r t i c u l a t e group of N i s e i , born and educated i n Canada and considering themselves Canadians, entered the job market and faced rank d i s c r i m i n a t i o n .  The New Canadian, a weekly newspaper s t a r t e d  i n 1938 l a r g e l y as the voice f o r the N i s e i , a r t i c u l a t e d the various problems, dreams and ambitions of the growing number of N i s e i , as d i d the  161  Table X I I I Immigration Population of B r i t i s h Columbia by Country of A l l e g i a n c e 1911 -20  1921 -30  1931 -40  82,070  71,958  10,825  3,510  8,634  Other B r i t i s h Commonwealth  1,017  862  237  276  14,033  United States  1,270  1,229  807  467  2,506  709  3,106  663  72  13,174  Asia  3,014  665  196  21  1,392  China  2,881  497  72  16  1,205  Japan  124  133  86  4  10  9  35  38  1  177  Canada  Europe  Others  Source: Census of Canada, 1951.  1941 -45  1946 -51  162 Canadian Japanese A s s o c i a t i o n . ^  As e a r l y as 1934, the C.C.F. added g the enfranchisement of the Japanese to i t s party platform, and the  N i s e i i n p a r t i c u l a r , through the Canadian Japanese A s s o c i a t i o n , the 9  New Canadian and "The Young People"  took up the c r y . Such demands  from a vocal and well-educated group increased the fears and h o s t i l i t y of the white population. Long before the Japanese attack on P e a r l Harbour the general p u b l i c i n B r i t i s h Columbia was s u f f i c i e n t l y upset about the war i n general, and i n p a r t i c u l a r , Ottawa's lack of concern f o r the defence of the west coast and i t s p e c u l i a r problems r e l a t e d to the Japanese, that i t would believe any rumours, myths or extreme suggestions that gave promise of a s o l u t i o n to the Japanese problem. ^ 1  War with Japan  gave B r i t i s h Columbia i t s opportunity. During the war, the Japanese community drew i t s friends mainly from the Student C h r i s t i a n Movement (S.C.M.), the C.C.F. and the United, Anglican and Roman Catholic Churches.  The United Church through i t s  predecessor, the Methodist Church, was the f i r s t to become involved with the Japanese i n B r i t i s h Columbia and d i r e c t e d i t s e f f o r t s towards the t o t a l a s s i m i l a t i o n of the Japanese i n t o the white community.  With about  f i v e thousand Japanese members, i t played the l a r g e s t r o l e of the three churches during the evacuation p e r i o d .  1 1  The Japanese C h r i s t i a n s began t h e i r own evangelism i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n the l a t e 1880's with the formation of a Japanese " C h r i s t i a n Endeavour" group i n Vancouver and then asked to j o i n the Methodist Church 12 of Canada.  Methodist missions were opened i n other areas of the province  163 wherever a large number of Japanese had gathered; some at the i n s i s t e n c e of the resident Japanese as i n V i c t o r i a , Cumberland, Steveston and New Westminster,  and others by the church mission board i n Ocean F a l l s , the  Fraser V a l l e y and Kelowna.  In a l l the missions, there were language  night schools, regular worship and prayer s e r v i c e s , kindergartens and l a t e r as a congregation developed, women's and youth's groups.  Some  were t r a d i t i o n a l church groups f o r church members; others were p r i m a r i l y f o r non-church members but a l l concentrated on h e l p i n g members become a s s i m i l a t e d Canadians.  I n a d d i t i o n , the Methodists s t a r t e d a h o s p i t a l  i n Steveston which was l a t e r taken over by the Japanese Fishermen's A s s o c i a t i o n , and i n V i c t o r i a , an O r i e n t a l Home f o r G i r l s which became 13 a haven f o r homeless Japanese g i r l s and women. The Japanese r e a d i l y adopted C h r i s t i a n i t y .  Shintoism e a s i l y  accommodated the holding of other r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s as w e l l , and many of the Japanese coming to Canada were nominal Buddhists only.  Since the  C h r i s t i a n church was, f o r the most p a r t , the only white group to help the new immigrants i n a strange land i n the e a r l y days, the Japanese were very favourably impressed with C h r i s t i a n i t y .  For many attending the  night language schools, the adoption of C h r i s t i a n i t y was only one more step i n the process of a s s i m i l a t i o n .  The kindergartens, as w e l l as the  night schools, played a strong r o l e i n a t t r a c t i n g adult converts through 14 their children,  and many of the c h i l d r e n attending kindergarten l a t e r  became church members even though t h e i r parents remained Buddhist. "' 1  Even those who remained Buddhist adopted C h r i s t i a n i n s t i t u t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s w i t h youth groups, Sunday Schools, and women's groups which aided i n the a s s i m i l a t i o n to Canadian ways.  164 Table XIV Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n of a l l A s i a t i c s Belonging to the United Church 1931  1941  B r i t i s h Columbia  5,813  Alberta  1,101  1951*  6,376  5,847  843  2,887  Saskatchewan  950  634  1,385  Manitoba  400  359  1,315  1,710  1,885  7,652  343  194  814  Ontario Quebec  * Although a l l A s i a t i c s are lumped together i n these f i g u r e s , i t can be assumed that most of the increase i n the 1951 figures i s due to Japanese United Church members moving east and to new converts to the United Church. Although there was a large number of Chinese moving i n t o Canada a f t e r 1945, very few would be connected with the United Church and Chinese missions i n Canada d i d not have a great upsurge i n converts during and a f t e r World War I I . Source: Census of Canada, 1931, 1941, 1951  Table XV Religious A f f i l i a t i o n of Chinese and Japanese i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931  Total Anglican Roman Catholic United Church Confucian and Buddhist Source: Census of Canada, 1931.  Chinese  Japanese  27,139  22,205  357  1,240  93  208  978  4,789  17,860  14,707  165 Because the Methodist Church was the f i r s t on the scene and had the l a r g e s t and most numerous missions, i t received the most converts. B r i t i s h Columbia's mild c l i m a t e , i t s proximity to Japan, and i t s need f o r cheap labour encouraged the Japanese to stay i n the province and put down roots.  As i n the case of most white ethnic missionvjwork, the  new Japanese converts gradually became independent and formed t h e i r own congregations.  I n one year during the 1920's, the Japanese attached to  the Powell Street Mission i n Vancouver c o l l e c t e d among themselves  $12,000  to help erect a gymnasium and s o c i a l centre, and i n the Fairview d i s t r i c t a very small group donated $2,000 towards a chapel and kindergarten b u i l d 16 mg.  During the 1930's, Japanese church membership grew extensively. In one year about one hundred adults were baptized i n t o the church and i n New Westminster Japanese membership rose 28% i n one y e a r . ^  This  growth was p a r t i a l l y due to the p o p u l a r i t y of the Rev. K. Shimizu, a 18 pastor born i n Japan but educated i n Canada,  who was a strong b e l i e v e r  i n a s s i m i l a t i o n and d i d a l l he could among the Japanese people to achieve t h i s goal.  U n t i l Shimizu took over, the Japanese United Church had  remained s t r o n g l y Methodist-oriented i n form and stayed quite aloof from 19 the Anglo-Saxon congregations and higher courts of the United Church. In a d d i t i o n to the n i g h t school, s o c i a l events, c h i l d r e n ' s , youth's, women's and men's groups connected with the Powell Street congregation of which he was the m i n i s t e r , Shimizu s e t up cottage meetings i n the Fairview and Marpole areas of Vancouver, and the former eventually b u i l t i t s own separate b u i l d i n g and congregation.  He himself was very a c t i v e  166 at the presbytery and conference l e v e l s of the church and  encouraged  h i s church groups to take part i n the predominantly white presbytery and conference gatherings. Shimizu was very much aware of the problems which the N i s e i faced with the older generation, the I s s e i , and with the white community. English services f o r the N i s e i were s t a r t e d and the "Shepherd's C a l l " i n E n g l i s h and Japanese was sent weekly to a l l members and adherents of the Powell Street church to keep them informed of church events and personal news, and to encourage ways towards further a s s i m i l a t i o n . Shimizu's Young People's Society published i t s own paper which stressed the N i s e i viewpoint: problems of misunderstanding with parents steeped i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese c u l t u r e and with the surrounding white community; l o y a l t y to Canada; and s o c i a l , economic, l e g a l , p o l i t i c a l , m a r i t a l and r e l i g i o u s problems. As a part of h i s educational programme f o r a s s i m i l a t i o n Shimizu stressed the shouldering of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y by h i s p a r i s h i o n e r s not only f o r other United Church Japanese but f o r a l l Japanese i n the community. During the 1930's, the Japanese congregation of Powell Street became s e l f - s u s t a i n i n g and organized /wider s o c i a l work with the establishment of a medical c l i n i c , c o l l e c t i o n of food and c l o t h i n g , and the p r o v i s i o n of jobs f o r t h e i r unemployed. Meanwhile, i n New Westminster and i n the Fraser V a l l e y , the Japanese missions were growing too.  There was l e s s ghetto l i v i n g and a  greater mixing of Japanese among t h e i r white neighbours.  Children mixed  20 at school and i n each other's homes, and adults j o i n e d the l o c a l '  167 co-operatives.  21  By 1941, the Fraser V a l l e y mission w i t h branches i n  s e v e r a l centres had become strong enough to b u i l d i t s own church at . M i s s i o n C i t y and have i t completely paid f o r . The general a t t i t u d e of the white congregations towards t h e i r Japanese brethern during t h i s pre-war period was mixed.  The majority  had no contact w i t h them and had no f e e l i n g , one way or the other, a l though many of the women involved i n W.M.S. work were sympathetic to the e f f o r t s of a s s i m i l a t i o n i n Canada as an extension of the more romantic overseas mission work i n Japan.  Despite the myth that Canada was a  mosaic of d i f f e r e n t races and c u l t u r e s working together, there was a general assumption, a r i s i n g out of the 19,th century imperialism and s o c i a l Darwinism and held by the church and s o c i e t y , that a l l would adopt Anglo-Saxon views on government, law, education, m o r a l i t y , h e a l t h , language and r e l i g i o n .  What remained f o r preservation by the various  ethnic groups was a s u p e r f i c i a l smattering of t h e i r f o l k a r t s to be d i s played on s p e c i a l days f o r entertainment of the Anglo-Saxon majority. A few church members of the white congregations were d e f i n i t e l y opposed to the presence of a l l o r i e n t a l s i n the province and wanted nothing less than deportation, and could probably arouse support from many i n the quiet majority.  An even smaller number, though not i n favour  of f u r t h e r immigration, were very sympathetic to the p l i g h t of the Japanese caught between the economic greed of the b i g i n d u s t r i a l i s t s and the h o s t i l i t y of the general population.  This small group worked hard  through the missions to help educate the Japanese i n Canadian customs and the E n g l i s h language, and to ease the problems of the N i s e i .  168 Very few of the Japanese j o i n e d white congregations and  those  who d i d were u s u a l l y l i v i n g i n an area where there were few Japanese. Some who d i d venture away from the Japanese congregations f e l t unwelcome 22 and l a t e r returned to t h e i r ethnic group. During the 1920's and the 1930's a few church members became aware of the i n j u s t i c e s being done to the Japanese and spoke out f o r them.  In  1925, some Anglican and United Church members managed to stop a l l school 23 segregation i n the Vancouver area, except for Steveston, and i n 1936 the O f f i c i a l Board of Knox United Church, Vancouver, drafted a r e s o l u t i o n f o r the presbytery concerning the need of the franchise f o r Japanese 24 Canadians.  On another occasion when the p r o v i n c i a l government refused  r e l i e f to the unemployed Japanese during the depression, the Rev. Andrew Roddan of F i r s t United Church through the i n t e r v e n t i o n of the  Hon.  Herbert Marler, the Canadian m i n i s t e r to Japan who was then v i s i t i n g B r i t i s h Columbia, obtained changes i n the government's p o l i c y and the Japanese received r e l i e f . ^ R a c i a l h o s t i l i t y had reached such a height by 1927 that at the annual meeting of the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference, a Committee on C h r i s t i a n i t y and Race Relations ontthe P a c i f i c Coast was appointed with the Rev. Hugh Dobson as chairman.  This committee f e l t i t could not speak f o r the  church as a whole but i t would examine the problem sanely and without h y s t e r i a , and o f f e r f a c t s to the church as a part of an educational programme. Eventually i t hoped the church body would be able to reach a u n i f i e d agreement.  Besides gathering facts from many s o u r c e s — u n i v e r s i t y  f a c u l t y , published materials and secular g r o u p s — f o r church members to  169 borrow, committee members spoke to service clubs, the church courts and congregations, and l e d discussion groups.  The committee continued  throughout the 1930's under the Board of Evangelism and S o c i a l Service w i t h various t i t l e s , and included among i t s members, not only persons working w i t h o r i e n t a l missions, but men l i k e Prof. C.W. Topping of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Stanley Brent of the Y.M.C.A., and leading ministers i n the conference l i k e the Revs. W.H. Smith, A.E. Whitehouse, Hugh M. Rae, Wm. Deans, Andrew Roddan and W.B. W i l l a n . In 1936, the conference urged the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments to grant the franchise to a l l persons born and r a i s e d i n Canada, and asked congregations to study i n t h e i r o f f i c i a l boards the whole question of r a c i a l r e l a t i o n s .  I t i s very doubtful i f the l a t t e r . i n s t r u c -  26 t i o n was c a r r i e d out.  Two years l a t e r , the conference wrote to the  Prime M i n i s t e r , the M i n i s t e r of J u s t i c e and the M i n i s t e r of I n t e r n a l A f f a i r s asking that a l l races be treated equally i n the issuance of f i s h 27 ing l i c e n c e s .  Although o f f i c i a l courts of the church through a few  concerned people were informed and alarmed about the i n j u s t i c e s towards the Japanese,aaridfldespitet'the years and extent of mission work among the Japanese, the bulk of the church membership, unconcerned and content with the status quo, ignored the e f f o r t s of the few to change the s i t u a t i o n . Educational attempts had f a i l e d so that when war broke out with Japan, there was no large body sympathetic towards the Japanese-Canadians i n their plight. P r i o r to P e a r l Harbour, but once war with Japan looked imminent, h o s t i l i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia against the Japanese increased to the point  170 where Ottawa was forced to appoint a s p e c i a l committee to study the 28 problem and suggest s o l u t i o n s or a c t i o n i f war d i d break out.  The  major recommendation of the report stressed the need to calm the white population since no subversive Japanese elements were found, and to do t h i s , a l l Japanese were r e - r e g i s t e r e d v o l u n t a r i l y and w i l l i n g l y .  I t was  decided not to d r a f t Japanese as s o l d i e r s and a Standing Committee on Orientals was appointed. Again A.W. Sparling and F.J. Mead of the o r i g i n a l committee served as d i d F.J. Hume, mayor of New Westminster, Prof. H.F. Angus of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia and L t . Col. M. Macintosh of the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a t u r e . Immediately a f t e r the attack on P e a r l Harbour, i n d i v i d u a l s and e s p e c i a l l y key p o l i t i c i a n s i n B r i t i s h Columbia took up the attack on 29 a l l Japanese i n Canada regardless of l o y a l t y or c i t i z e n s h i p .  Gradually  community organizations added t h e i r voices to the protest as d i d many of the p r o v i n c i a l newspapers.  Howard C. Green, Ian Mackenzie, Thomas  Reid, A.W. N e i l l i n the f e d e r a l parliament and Vancouver alderman Halford Wilson were among the most vocal p o l i t i c i a n s .  One white woman t o l d of  l i v i n g happily beside Japanese neighbours i n the Fraser V a l l e y u n t i l war broke out and suddenly a l l actions became food f o r s u s p i c i o n and the 30 Japanese were q u i c k l y o s t r a c i z e d .  On the advice of the Standing Com-  mittee, f i s h boats were impounded, some fortyi Japanese considered dangerous were interned and the Japanese language schools and newspapers were closed. These moves d i d nothing to calm the cry f o r evacuation. On January 14, 1942 the f e d e r a l government announced a p a r t i a l evacuation of the defence z o n e — a s t r i p about one hundred miles wide along  171 the c o a s t — o f a l l Japanese males, eighteen to f o r t y - f i v e years of age 31  who were c i t i z e n s of Japan.  Again t h i s d i d not calm the population  and on February 26, 1942 t o t a l evacuation of a l l Japanese, regardless 32 of c i t i z e n s h i p was ordered. The B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission was created to handle the evacuation and f i n d housing f o r approximately 33 16,000 bewildered people. Other provinces and communities i n the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia refused to take the evacuees.  The commission then turned to  the ghost mining towns of the Kootenay where the majority were sent to 34 l i v e i n deserted b u i l d i n g s or i n small n e w l y - b u i l t cabins.  Some moved  to s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g p r o j e c t s i n L i l l o o e t , Grand Forks, Bridge River and other points i n the province as w e l l as to other provinces.  The  govern-  ment also moved s i z e a b l e numbers to the sugar beet farms of southern A l b e r t a , Manitoba and southwestern Ontario.  Over two thousand men worked  on road camps i n B r i t i s h Columbia and northern Ontario, but many of the 35 married men gradually returned to be with f a m i l i e s i n the camps. Although many from the Vancouver area moved directly, to a camp, those from the o u t l y i n g area and up the coast were brought i n t o Hastings Park, Vancouver, where they were housed i n the c a t t l e barns u n t i l the camps were ready. During the evacuation p e r i o d , the United Church went along w i t h the government orders and concentrated i t s e f f o r t s on l o o k i n g a f t e r i t s Japanese members and m i n i s t e r s .  The church was caught unprepared by the  suddenness of the evacuation orders and i t s leaders had no time to think  172 out a p o s i t i o n .  Dealing with the p r a c t i c a l problems which the evacuation  e n t a i l e d took up what a v a i l a b l e time there was.  Even i f there had been  more time, however, the church's r e a c t i o n would have been the same.  The  leaders r e a l i z e d that i n t h i s h y s t e r i c a l p e r i o d , the church membership agreed w i t h the general p u b l i c about the dangerous presence of the Japanese and desired t h e i r removal from the coast.  The extent of m i l i t a r y  danger was unknown and the time was not opportune f o r reason and f u r t h e r c a r e f u l education i n an e f f o r t to change r a c i a l bias and eliminate fear. The church leaders took the only l i n e they considered open to them i n the emergency—help the Japanese as much as p o s s i b l e mentally, p h y s i c a l l y 36  and s p i r i t u a l l y u n t i l the time was r i p e f o r a more l a s t i n g s o l u t i o n . As e a r l y as September 1941 the church had r e a l i z e d that i t s Japanese members were i n a dangerous p o s i t i o n although the extent of the danger was never imagined.  The president of the conference,  the  Rev. Hugh Dobson, had w r i t t e n to a l l the Japanese clergy assuring them of the church's b r o t h e r l y love and e f f o r t s to keep the p u b l i c calm.  He  asked the Japanese to remain calm a l s o , and not allow t h e i r conduct to give r i s e to any a c t i o n which would give cause f o r persecution to those 37 who were prejudiced against them.  In t h i s same p e r i o d , Dobson and  others concerned about the r i s i n g r a c i a l tension v i s i t e d the Japanese consul, the other denominations' leaders and 'local p o l i t i c i a n s to gain assurances and make plans f o r the safety of Japanese congregations 38 those Japanese who were l o y a l to Canada.  The church considered  and men  l i k e Vancouver alderman Wilson trouble-makers and rabble-rousers who were using the Japanese issue f o r p o l i t i c a l gain and the leaders f e l t quiet  o  173 c o n s u l t a t i o n behind the scenes was preferable to p u b l i c confrontation, 39 i n order to keep the p u b l i c emotions c u r t a i l e d as much as p o s s i b l e . 40 In l a t e 1941, the S p e c i a l Committee on Japanese Work  was s e t  up by the B r i t i s h Columbia Conference and i t continued u n t i l 1946 to keep watch over the s i t u a t i o n .  I n March of 1942 i t presented to the  B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission a suggested plan f o r church p o l i c y . E a r l i e r i t had asked f o r a l i f t i n g of the curfew f o r the Japanese clergy 41 i n Vancouver, the  custodians to look a f t e r vacated Japanese property, and  opportunity to move Japanese of a p a r t i c u l a r f a i t h to the same camp.  The suggested plan included these e a r l i e r requests and added that f a m i l i e s should be kept together to encourage normal family l i f e ; that the  churches be permitted to set up night schools and clubs which would  promote further a s s i m i l a t i o n i n t o Canadian l i f e ; and that the church 42 missionaries be allowed to continue t h e i r C h r i s t i a n work as i n the past. Some from the S p e c i a l Committee on Japanese Work were also on the Advisory Committee Meeting of the Four C h r i s t i a n Churches working at Hastings Park.  This interdenominational committee established co-operation  i n kindergarten, boys' and g i r l s ' work i n the Park, and divided up respons i b i l i t y f o r educational work i n the i n t e r i o r camps and f o r providing clergy f o r the Japanese i n the i n t e r i o r .  The New Canadian was used by the 43  Advisory Committee as i t s medium to r e l a y information to the Japanese. The United Church S p e c i a l Committee decided p o l i c y , l a i d plans and backed the Superintendent of Home Missions, the Rev. W.P. Bunt, i n his  day-to-day decisions and work w i t h the Japanese.  As the Japanese  were moved i n t o the camps, he took over r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the vacated  174 church property, f o r the personal e f f e c t s of the clergy and church members stored i n the empty b u i l d i n g s , and f o r p l a c i n g and supervising the Japanese clergy i n the d i f f e r e n t camps.  The o r i g i n a l plan to have 44  a l l Japanese United Church people i n one camp was not c a r r i e d out although a large majority did get to Kaslo.  This was due l a r g e l y to  the e f f o r t s of the Rev. K. Shimizu who spent a great deal of time i n A p r i l of 1942 urging h i s Vancouver parishioners to r e g i s t e r 45 f o r that l o c a t i o n .  immediately  The United Church had members i n a l l the camps,  and as a r e s u l t , had missionaries working i n most of them although one of the other co-operating denominations might have the major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . In March 1942, Vancouver Presbytery, i n response to the evacuation orders, passed and sent to the press a r e s o l u t i o n i n d i c a t i n g not only the presbytery's support f o r the Japanese as a group but a l s o i t s w i l l i n g ness to co-operate w i t h the government i n c a r r y i n g out the orders.  The  p u b l i c renunciation of t h i s mild r e s o l u t i o n by the Rev. Chas. E. Batzold showed that at l e a s t one clergyman supported the p u b l i c i n i t s s t r i d e n t 46 c r i e s against the Japanese.  Later the same day, a more strongly worded  r e s o l u t i o n was passed condemning the r a c i a l cleavage which was being forced on the Canadian s o c i e t y and asked that Japanese-Canadian volunteers be allowed to e n l i s t .  This was sent to the m i n i s t e r of National Defence.  Even among the defenders of the Japanese though, there were some reservations about the l o y a l t y of the seven Japanese clergy. A l l the 47 clergy were I s s e i and of Japanese c i t i z e n s h i p ; some had d i f f i c u l t y understanding the N i s e i and t h e i r problems of a s s i m i l a t i o n and some had 48 mixed f e e l i n g s towards Canada and i t s i d e a l s . The Rev. George Dorey,  175 secretary of the Board of Home Missions i n Toronto, went so f a r as to w r i t e the B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission asking f o r n o t i f i c a t i o n 49 of any d i s l o y a l Japanese clergy.  In p l a c i n g the m i n i s t e r s i n the  camps, great care was taken by the Special Committee that the greatest number of N i s e i be served by the more a s s i m i l a t e d Japanese m i n i s t e r s and that the N i s e i be encouraged to j o i n white congregations wherever p o s s i b l e i n order to hasten t h e i r a s s i m i l a t i o n . The response of the Japanese congregations to the evacuation orders was mixed.  Although many expected some s o r t of d r a s t i c a c t i o n  by the government i n response to the r a c i a l h o s t i l i t y of the general p u b l i c , none expected t o t a l evacuation.  Those with Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p  and long roots i n Canada were shocked to lose a l l t h e i r r i g h t s and be treated the same as Japanese n a t i o n a l s .  Some became very b i t t e r and t r i e d  to f i g h t , but most accepted the orders with quiet r e s i g n a t i o n . The Japanese clergy and the white missionaries were a strong support f o r the church members, comforting them, i n t e r p r e t i n g the government's orders, looking a f t e r property matters, and helping the f a m i l i e s r e s e t t l e as best they could.  Many of the church f a m i l i e s were among the  b e t t e r a s s i m i l a t e d and moved east of the Rockies independently. t h i s was done so the younger members of the family could complete 50 education or f i n d jobs.  Often their  The Japanese congregations had been good supporters of the War Victory Bond campaign and continued t h e i r support even a f t e r the government started i t s r e s t r i c t i v e measures.  In January of 1942 those congre-  gations i n the lower mainland drafted a r e s o l u t i o n expressing t h e i r  176 p a t r i o t i c l o y a l t y and sent i t to the Standing Committee on O r i e n t a l s and to the prime m i n i s t e r .  As a sense of hopelessness pervaded the  Japanese communities, the church members were asked to increase t h e i r e f f o r t s to improve morale and p a t r i o t i s m among the other Japanese."^ Once the evacuation order was given, church members were urged to keep t h e i r f a i t h , and to remember the church would do a l l i t could to help them i n the camps and i n the east.  For many the comfort of the church  kept t h e i r morale up and as a group, they never had the intense b i t t e r ness and h o s t i l i t y which the Buddhists had from f e e l i n g t o t a l l y alone 52 and unwanted i n Canada. That there was some b i t t e r n e s s and a sense of b e t r a y a l e s p e c i a l l y among the n a t u r a l i z e d c i t i z e n s and N i s e i who considered themselves nothi n g but true Canadians cannot be denied.  These people f e l t the country  had l e t them down and betrayed i t s own i d e a l s as w e l l .  One Japanese  m i n i s t e r became so embittered he l e f t the church temporarily and another committed s u i c i d e a f t e r s u f f e r i n g a mental breakdown, which was a t t r i b u t e d 53 to the s t r a i n of the evacuation. Most white congregations ignored what was happening to the Japanese i n t h i s period unless they happened to be i n an area where some of the Japanese were r e - s e t t l i n g .  In Kaslo, the m i n i s t e r the Rev. H.J. Armitage,  i n i t i a l l y welcomed the Japanese and t h e i r m i n i s t e r , the Rev. K. Shimizu, opened h i s church b u i l d i n g f o r Japanese services and t r i e d to include the N i s e i i n h i s regular Sunday evening s e r v i c e s .  Unfortunately, f r i c t i o n  arose between Armitage and Shimizu over the i n c l u s i o n of N i s e i i n the regular Kaslo congregation's s e r v i c e s .  Armitage saw t h i s as a welcomed  177 opportunity f o r a s s i m i l a t i o n and at the same time f o r strengthening h i s small congregation, while Shimizu wanted to maintain complete  control  over h i s Japanese f l o c k during t h e i r temporary stay i n the town and postpone further a s s i m i l a t i o n u n t i l a f t e r the people s e t t l e d  permanently  54 i n the east.  A few whites l e f t the Kaslo church i n o p p o s i t i o n to the  Japanese presence"'"'' but the majority grew to appreciate these newcomers i n the community and shared women's meetings, teas and b a l l games.  Kaslo  was a very small town and the a r r i v a l of the Japanese gave a b i g boost 56 to the town's p r o s p e r i t y ,  p u t t i n g money i n t o l o c a l businessmen's pockets  i n c l u d i n g some United Church people. In Grand Forks where the mayor and many others opposed any Japanese f a m i l i e s i n the town,"""^ the m i n i s t e r , the Rev. Thos. Keyworth, d i d a l l he could to ease the s i t u a t i o n f o r the newcomers.  He found the  Japanese m i n i s t e r rooms on the edge of town, fought f o r educational 58 f a c i l i t i e s f o r the Japanese c h i l d r e n and smoothed r e l a t i o n s between the 59 Japanese and the l o c a l white farmers. Not a l l h i s p a r i s h i o n e r s followed 60 s u i t , but some did go out of t h e i r way to help too. A few white i n d i v i d u a l s from congregations i n towns that were evacuated also helped i n t h i s period of upheaval.  In Cumberland i n addi-  t i o n to other a i d , the m i n i s t e r looked a f t e r f i v e Japanese boys i n the 61 spring of 1942 u n t i l they f i n i s h e d t h e i r school year.  The m i n i s t e r i n  Ocean F a l l s was concerned over the Japanese m i n i s t e r ' s f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n while i n Hastings Park and looked a f t e r the disposal of the Japanese con62 gregation's belongings,  and i n Rosedale, the m i n i s t e r intervened and  gained more time f o r one of h i s Japanese p a r i s h i o n e r s to s e l l h i s property  178 and s e t t l e h i s a f f a i r s before moving east.  63  Several Anglo-Saxon church f a m i l i e s i n Vancouver took i n Japanese students who were allowed to stay i n the c i t y u n t i l the end of the school year and stored personal e f f e c t s u n t i l the owners knew where they were going t o s e t t l e .  This was not without some danger since at l e a s t one  family was reported to the p o l i c e and had t h e i r home searched and i n other cases neighbours watched a l l a c t i v i t y very c l o s e l y and s u s p i c i o u s l y . Among the R.C.M.P. o f f i c e r s who took the i n i t i a l r e g i s t r a t i o n , and who were responsible along with the B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission f o r moving the Japanese and maintaining order i n the camps, were United Church men who sympathized with the Japanese i n t h e i r s i t u a t i o n and t r i e d to be as h e l p f u l as p o s s i b l e . ^ A small group of i n d i v i d u a l s i n Vancouver concerned about c i v i l r i g h t s organized a Consultative Council of Cooperation i n Wartime Problems 66 of Canadian C i t i z e n s h i p i n March of 1942, and spearheading t h i s group 67 was a strong United Church lay man, Dr. Norman F. Black.  He was ably  supported by the Revs. Hugh Dobson and Hugh Rae; three returned missiona r i e s from Japan, the Revs. W.H. Howard Norman, W.R. McWilliams and Miss Helen Hurd; and s e v e r a l l a y people l i k e D.R. Poole, R.J. McMaster, V. Osterhout, Mrs. Mildred Fahrni and others.  Anglicans, B a p t i s t s and others  were a c t i v e i n the Council too but the majority were from the United Church and most had connections with the C.C.F., the S.C.M. or both.  The main  purpose of t h i s group was to gain j u s t i c e f o r the Canadian residents of Japanese o r i g i n , but the group was also concerned with the honour and i n t e r e s t s of Canada and of the C h r i s t i a n church.  179 In the autumn of 1942, the Vancouver Consultative Council drafted a pamphlet f o r p u b l i c d i s t r i b u t i o n which pointed out the i n j u s t i c e s to the Japanese and debunked the popular myths.  I t condemned the f e d e r a l  government's p o l i c y of allowing most Japanese immigrants to s e t t l e i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and suggested that only by a l l of Canada accepting r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and a i d i n r e l o c a t i n g these people throughout the on a permanent basis would the r a c i a l problem be solved.  country  The Board of  Evangelism and S o c i a l Service i n d i c a t e d i t s eagerness to p u b l i s h the pamphlet, f e e l i n g i t would have more e f f e c t i v e n e s s i n the east i f handled by a large eastern-based body l i k e the church.  The board then proceeded  to drag i t s feet d e l i b e r a t e l y i n the a c t u a l p u b l i c a t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n 68 to clergymen, p o l i t i c i a n s and other people i n i n f l u e n t i a l places. men  The  at the church headquarters i n Toronto decided that h o s t i l i t y towards  the Japanese i n the r e s t of Canada was  too high at that time to launch 69  a successful campaign f o r re-settlement.  The pamphlet was  published i n 1944 under the t i t l e A Challenge  eventually  to P a t r i o t i s m and Statesman-  ship by The C h r i s t i a n S o c i a l Council of Canada and d i s t r i b u t e d to a l l United Church m i n i s t e r s . The Vancouver Consultative Council also presented a "Memorandum to Vancouver C i t y Council" on September 9, 1942 which opposed a r e s o l u t i o n f o r the expulsion of the Japanese as contrary to the r i g h t s of Canadian citizenship.^  Throughout the war the Council continued i t s f i g h t f o r  the Japanese Canadians by needling the f e d e r a l government f o r a d e f i n i t e post-war p o l i c y , and by speaking out f o r the Japanese i n church groups and other p u b l i c gatherings.  When the h o s t i l e climate moderated at the  180 end of the war t h i s group was ready to lead the f i g h t against deportation along with s i m i l a r groups i n Winnipeg and Toronto. L i f e i n the evacuation camps had many unpleasant aspects and the United Church along with the Anglican and Roman C a t h o l i c Churches concentrated t h e i r e f f o r t s on making l i f e as palatable as p o s s i b l e . Despite the f a c t that the majority of Japanese were segregated from the rest of the Canadian people, the main aim was s t i l l to hasten t h e i r a s s i m i l a t i o n i n t o Canadian s o c i e t y . for  accomplishing t h i s .  Education was the primary t o o l  The general church membership had no part i n  and was l a r g e l y ignorant of t h i s work c a r r i e d on by the Woman's Missionary Society through i t s returned missionaries from Japan as w e l l as i t s home m i s s i o n a r i e s ; they l e d kindergartens i n the camps, organized youth r e c r e a t i o n a l programmes and taught the women the E n g l i s h language and Canadian household methods. The p r o v i n c i a l government refused to provide education f o r any of the Japanese c h i l d r e n i n the camps, s t a t i n g i t was the f e d e r a l government's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . consented  The B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission f i n a l l y  to set up an elementary  school system, and asked Miss Hide Hyodo,  a teacher from Steveston and a very dedicated United Church member, to s e l e c t the teachers from volunteer high school graduates, set up the schools i n the d i f f e r e n t camps, order the materials and supervise the curriculum.  E a r l i e r while Hastings Park was s t i l l i n operation Miss  Hyodo with the help of Dr. Norman Black had set up a teachers' t r a i n i n g school f o r high school graduates who could take over the teaching of the  181 elementary  school p u p i l s .  At the same time the church through Miss  Hyodo, Dr. Black and the Rev. Horace Burkholder, secretary of C h r i s t i a n Education f o r A l b e r t a and B r i t i s h Columbia f o r the United Church, set up a t r a i n i n g session f o r a l l youth leaders of the Japanese so that r e c r e a t i o n a l programmes i n the camps would have leadership to keep the young people a c t i v e and to continue t h e i r growth i n the  understanding  of Canadian ways. No one would take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the high school students, however, u n t i l the United Church through i t s W.M.S. and the Roman C a t h o l i c Church, set up schools.  The United Church operated schools i n Lemon Creek,  Tashme and New Denver-Rosebery, using m i s s i o n a r i e s , f r i e n d s of the Japanese and three United Church conscientious objectors who were released from 72 t h e i r camps f o r t h i s work.  The high schools were a success and many  of the p u p i l s , upon moving east went on to u n i v e r s i t y .  In June 1946  the  school i n New Denver was f i n a l l y ordered closed by the B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission because i t was so good parents refused to remove 73 t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n order to go east. In Grand Forks the school board i n s i s t e d upon payment of fees f o r the Japanese students, and many of the parents who had moved i n t o the area independently as farm labourers found the fees beyond t h e i r f i n a n c i a l means.  Both the l o c a l United Church m i n i s t e r and the church's S p e c i a l  Committee on Japanese Work fought with the B r i t i s h Columbia S e c u r i t y 7'74 Commission and w i t h Ottawa foraammorej j.ustrremedy.  T-TMspp-rbblem. was  f i n a l l y s e t t l e d with the parents and B r i t i s h Columbia Security Commission paying the Grand Forks school board f o r each elementary  school c h i l d  182 e n r o l l e d i n classes.  However, the parents had to pay the high school  fees themselves and, u n l i k e the whites who could pay monthly, the Japanese had to pay i n advance yearly. Throughout t h i s period, the Rev. W.P. Bunt, the home mission superintendent f o r B r i t i s h Columbia, made regular v i s i t s to the camps, boosting the morale of the Japanese clergy and looking a f t e r t h e i r many personal problems.  Three conferences f o r a l l the Japanese workers,  o r i e n t a l and white, were organized to give them a chance to compare work, to make plans f o r future arrangements as people moved out of the camps permanently or were switched to a d i f f e r e n t o n e , ^ and to provide f e l l o w s h i p , e s p e c i a l l y f o r the Japanese who were r e s t r i c t e d i n t h e i r t r a v e l and unable to attend conference and presbytery meetings. During the war years while the Japanese went about t h e i r business i n the camps the church q u i e t l y worked towards a j u s t and permanent s o l u t i o n and as the war neared i t s close the church became more and more vocal. The United Church was convinced that the resettlement of the Japanese i n the east was the best s o l u t i o n to the r a c i a l problem. The church hoped the move would hasten a s s i m i l a t i o n and reduce d i s c r i m i n a t i o n p a r t i a l l y caused by the heavy concentration of Japanese i n l o c a l i z e d areas of B r i t i s h Columbia.  As a member of the N a t i o n a l Inter-Church Advisory  76 Committee  the United Church endorsed the "Church Sponsored Placement  Plan f o r Japanese Canadian Families" which l o c a l clergymen i n eastern Canada were t o p u b l i c i z e i n t h e i r congregations.  The plan was an u t t e r f a i l u r e  and v i r t u a l l y no Japanese f a m i l i e s were p l a c e d . ^  The east was as much  183 against the hapless Japanese as B r i t i s h Columbia.  At the same time the  W.M.S. s t a r t e d a p r o j e c t t o b r i n g Japanese g i r l s east f o r domestic jobs. This plan f a i l e d too.  Only a few went since most f a m i l i e s were c l o s e l y 78  k n i t and reluctant to l e t t h e i r daughters leave home on t h e i r own. When the church continued to push f o r resettlement i n the east, the Rev. K. Shimizu was sent on two t r i p s to v i s i t those Japanese already s e t t l e d there.  He returned to the camps i n B r i t i s h Columbia with encourag-  i n g news and urged more f a m i l i e s to move. As sons, daughters or other f a m i l i e s became established and favourable word was sent back, resistance lessened and more moved, but the majority preferred the camp they knew to the unknown east where they would be on t h e i r own. In a d d i t i o n to personal hardship, the Japanese were deprived of the r i g h t to vote.  Those i n B r i t i s h Columbia had never had i t , but i n  June of 1944 the House of Commons passed B i l l 135 without debate amending the Dominion E l e c t i o n s Act of 1938 and removing the franchise from a l l Japanese-Canadians regardless o f which province they resided i n . The B r i t i s h Columbia Conference through Dobson, the Vancouver Consultative Council and the Inter-Church Advisory Committee a l l protested t h i s rank piece of discriminatory l e g i s l a t i o n and telegraphed  the prime m i n i s t e r  and the senate asking that the b i l l be withdrawn or not passed, but t o 79 no a v a i l .  One c r i t i c suggested i t did some good by drawing the 80  general  p u b l i c ' s a t t e n t i o n dramatically to the issue. Another burden on the Japanese was the uncertainty of t h e i r future and t h e i r l e g a l and economic status i n Canada.  The l i q u i d a t i o n o f t h e i r  property and personal assets hinted at permanent exclusion from B r i t i s h  184 Columbia; work contracts i n the other provinces were made on a yearly basis only, so i t was d i f f i c u l t to s e t t l e and a s s i m i l a t e with any sense of permanency there; and there were constant c a l l s f o r t h e i r deportation a f t e r the war. Concerned f o r the Japanese i n t h e i r s t a t e of i n s e c u r i t y and anxious that the government decide on a p l a u s i b l e s o l u t i o n q u i c k l y , the Vancouver Consultative Council i n May of 1944 under Dr. Black's guidance, wrote a long l e t t e r to the prime m i n i s t e r urging the adoption of a d e f i n i t e p o l i c y of resettlement i n the east by a l l law-abiding Japanese who wished to remain i n the country a f t e r the war. The l e t t e r strongly opposed deportation of a l l Japanese, a s o l u t i o n widely supported across the country and very popular i n B r i t i s h Columbia. On February 16, 1944 a Gallop P o l l i n d i c a t e d that 80% across Canada wanted a l l Japanese n a t i o n a l s deported and that 33% wanted Japanese 81 Canadians deported as w e l l . Columbia.  The suggestion probably emanated i n B r i t i s h  Among i t s e a r l i e s t exponents during the war was the Vancouver  C i t y Council i n September of 1942.  Throughout the war B r i t i s h Columbia  newspapers and p o l i t i c i a n s , i n c l u d i n g Howard Green and A.W. N e i l l , both 82 United Church men, kept the idea before the p u b l i c . The l e t t e r also i n d i c a t e d a fear that a return of the Japanese to the west coast would lead to c i v i l u p r i s i n g s . represented  Signatories of the l e t t e r  the major r e l i g i o u s denominations but again those of the United 83 Church were the most numerous. In the prime minister's reply of August 3, 1944, he s a i d that the p o l i c y to be announced the f o l l o w i n g day included 84 many of the suggestions given by the Consultative Council i n i t s l e t t e r .  185 Those d i s l o y a l to Canada or wanting to return to Japan were to be r e turned.  A l l others were to be encouraged to s e t t l e throughout Canada  w i t h a quota set f o r the number to be allowed to remain i n B r i t i s h Columbia s  Despite the church's work on behalf of the Japanese i n the camps, i t s defence of t h e i r f r a n c h i s e , i t s demands f o r a d e f i n i t e government p o l i c y of resettlement i n the east, and i t s promotional m a t e r i a l d i s t r i 85 buted to church members defending the Japanese Canadians,  there was  a strong element i n the church s t i l l vehemently opposed to the presence of the Japanese i n Canada.  At the meeting of General Council i n Septem-  ber 1944, a r e s o l u t i o n condemning the f e d e r a l government f o r i t s passing of B i l l 135 was vigourously debated on the f l o o r .  Opposition to the 86  r e s o l u t i o n was l e d by the Rev. F.H. Stevens of West Vancouver  and the  motion was narrowly defeated by fourteen votes. One returned missionary from China said " I have heard b i t t e r things s a i d i n China about the 87 Japanese, but never anything as b i t t e r as I have heard i n Canada."  The  Rev. Hugh Rae, who also attended the meeting from B r i t i s h Columbia placed the blame f o r the defeat of the motion upon the w i l d statements made by the Ottawa members of parliament from B r i t i s h Columbia l i k e Howard Green and A.W. N e i l l .  Eastern delegates to the Council, ignorant of the s i t u a -  t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia and unacquainted w i t h any Japanese personally, were e a s i l y swayed by the f i e r y accusations made by such men i n the d a i l y 88 press. Not a l l the blame can be l a i d on the shoulders of B r i t i s h Columbia' politicians.  The church was also g u i l t y .  Dobson i n e a r l y 1942 p r i v a t e l y  condemned Vancouver churchmen as being so " r e s e n t f u l against a l l Japanese  186 . . . one would never know that they had learned of C h r i s t . """^ Ralph Maybank, a member of parliament from Winnipeg and a member of the United Church, was probably correct when he wrote that . . . the church . . . i s doing a b e t t e r job of c r i t i c i z i n g agencies such as governments than i n developing p o s i t i v e p u l p i t leadership. Had the churchmen been a c t i n g otherwise a law l i k e the one under d i s c u s s i o n [ B i l l 135] would never have been passed. The clause complained of was there, i n d u b i t a b l y , by reason of B.C. opinion which e i t h e r has been formed or influenced by the church, or else the church has not influenced or formed i t . Such information as I have been able to get on the subject i s that preachers i n B r i t i s h Columbia have not been advocating f o r the Japs the same treatment as f o r the Germans.90 During t h i s whole period most United Church clergymen were s i l e n t on the treatment of the Japanese.  Some feared antagonizing t h e i r congre-  gations, and others shared t h e i r congregations' fear of the Japanese.  A  few purposely r e f r a i n e d from speaking out i n the sincere b e l i e f that s i l e n c e and time would lessen the anti-Japanese h y s t e r i a and i n the long run a i d the Japanese.  But Maybank's accusation s t i l l stands.  The minis-  ters even during the 1930's had done l i t t l e to educate t h e i r congregations on r a c i a l i n j u s t i c e s on t h e i r own doorstep. With the defeat of Japan imminent, United Church m i n i s t e r s and concerned laymen became braver and openly took up the cause of the Japanese Canadians.  Other church members were now open to l o g i c a l reasoning and  supported church leaders' stand f o r j u s t i c e . As the war drew to a c l o s e , demands f o r the implementation of the prime m i n i s t e r ' s announced p o l i c y of August 1944 grew.  F i n a l l y i n March  of 1945 the government asked a l l Japanese to i n d i c a t e t h e i r preference  187 for r e p a t r i a t i o n to Japan or settlement east of the Rockies. A l l Japanese over s i x t e e n years had to sign but many of the young adults along w i t h the younger c h i l d r e n abided by the d e c i s i o n of t h e i r fathers to return to Japan i n order not to break up the family u n i t . thousand indicated a d e s i r e to be r e p a t r i a t e d .  Over ten  Most C h r i s t i a n s , however,  91 elected to remain i n Canada. Once the war was over, many Japanese wanted to change t h e i r minds and remain i n Canada.  As many as seventy per cent i n the Tashme camp 92  indicated this desire.  Some had misunderstood  the terms when they  signed f o r r e p a t r i a t i o n ; others at the time preferred a v i c t o r i o u s Japan where they might be welcomed, to an unknown h o s t i l e eastern Canada; some N i s e i signed i n order to placate parents.  However, upon Japan's defeat,  Canada looked more a t t r a c t i v e and the N i s e i , ignorant of the Japanese language and customs, forced t h e i r parents to reconsider.  Such was the  case of one boy who l a t e r became a United Church m i n i s t e r . His family had signed to go to Japan, but when three of the older c h i l d r e n refused to leave Canada, the father changed h i s mind and asked to remain too 93 along w i t h h i s wife and the three youngest c h i l d r e n .  The United Church  through i t s camp missionaries and i t s moderator, the Rev. J.H. Arnup who v i s i t e d Tashme on a western tour, took up the Japanese cause.  The Japanese  became hopeful once the United Church supported them p u b l i c l y through 94 the press and with the prime m i n i s t e r . On October 5, 1945, B i l l 15 was introduced i n t o the House of Commons a u t h o r i z i n g deportation and revocation of the Canadian n a t i o n a l i t y of the Japanese Canadians.  Westminster Presbytery e a r l i e r had passed a  188 r e s o l u t i o n urging a l l i t s m i n i s t e r s and l a i t y to f i g h t f o r the r i g h t of the Japanese to change t h e i r minds and wrote to the prime m i n i s t e r to this effect.  V i c t o r i a W.M.S. P r e s b y t e r i a l , V i c t o r i a Presbytery and 95  Vancouver Presbytery a l l passed s i m i l a r r e s o l u t i o n s .  The Vancouver  Consultative Council under Dr. Black had w r i t t e n to King urging him to take C h r i s t i a n a c t i o n and not r e l y on the M.P.'s from B r i t i s h Columbia 96 as the c o l l e c t i v e voice of the province.  L e a f l e t s e n t i t l e d "From  C i t i z e n s to R e f u g e e s — I t ' s Happening Here" were d i s t r i b u t e d to the p u b l i c by the Council asking that the b i l l be defeated.  The campaign was  successful. P u b l i c pressure from church groups and i n d i v i d u a l s , C.C.F. members, various c i v i l l i b e r t y groups, the S.C.M. and the Vancouver Cons u l t a t i v e Council d i d r e s u l t i n the b i l l being withdrawn.  In l a t e  November, i t was announced that Japanese n a t i o n a l s were to be r e p a t r i a t e d only i f they had requested i t , that Canadian c i t i z e n s of Japanese ancestry could remain i n Canada i f they had requested c a n c e l l a t i o n before September 2, (the day of Japanese surrender), and that Canadian-born  of Japanese  ancestry would have t h e i r c a n c e l l a t i o n request reviewed even i f i t came i n a f t e r September 2.  In December, however, three o r d e r s - i n - c o u n c i l were 97 passed which again authorized deportation. 98 The Co-operative Committee on Japanese-Canadians  tested the  l e g a l i t y of these orders i n the Supreme Court where they were declared i n v a l i d i n s o f a r as they applied to the wives and c h i l d r e n of those who signed r e p a t r i a t i o n forms.  An appeal was then entered with the P r i v y  Council i n London i n respect to other groups to be deported.  In the  189 meanwhile deportation was postponed.  The Vancouver Consultative Council  continued i t s work of arousing the p u b l i c , as d i d the l o c a l S.C.M. group on The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia campus and the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  Dobson spoke f o r the United Church at a p u b l i c meeting  of the C i v i l L i b e r t i e s Union p r o t e s t i n g r e p a t r i a t i o n and R.J. McMaster, a Vancouver lawyer and United Church layman was retained by the Japanese 99 i n B r i t i s h Columbia to look a f t e r t h e i r i n t e r e s t s regarding r e p a t r i a t i o n . In the end only those wanting r e p a t r i a t i o n were sent to Japan and the .  .  ,  _  j  r e s t were dispersed throughout Canada.  100  Once i t was made c l e a r they could stay i n Canada permanently, buy property and set up businesses, Japanese f a m i l i e s were much more w i l l i n g to leave the camps and most moved east.  Some stayed permanently  i n towns l i k e Greenwood and Kaslo where the N i s e i i n p a r t i c u l a r were integrated i n t o the community and some gradually d r i f t e d back to the coast where they, too, slowly were accepted by the white community.  The  church appointed a W.M.S. worker to a i d Japanese returning to the coast i n f i n d i n g a church home i n the lower m a i n l a n d . ^ 1  1  The Japanese did not 102  f e e l e n t i r e l y welcomed, however, and h e s i t a t e d to j o i n white  churches.  Because of t h i s coolness, s e v e r a l young N i s e i attending The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia set up t h e i r own campus group, and l a t e r a church s o c i a l group.  Gradually the a t t i t u d e of the white churches changed and St.  Andrew's-Wesley opened i t s gymnasium and F i r s t United i t s camp and other 103 f a c i l i t i e s to the N i s e i church group i n Vancouver. Property settlements remained a sore point long a f t e r the war over.  was  On January 19, 1943, the government custodian of enemy property was  190 granted power to s e l l the Japanese c o a s t a l properties and c h a t t e l s . The f i s h i n g boats had p r e v i o u s l y been s o l d , the average p r i c e received being 5.8% above the suggested n e g o t i a t i n g p r i c e , 21.7% above the 104 appraised p r i c e and 22.5% below the Japanese asking p r i c e .  The  government appraised the r e a l estate property and then bought much of i t f o r r e s a l e to r e t u r n i n g veterans.  Chattels were s o l d at auction s a l e s .  Consent f o r sales was to be gained from the Japanese owners but many said they never gave l t ^ ^ and many more were very d i s s a t i s f i e d with the p r i c e s 106 they received. •  i  The United Church leaders immediately intervened i n Ottawa on behalf of the Japanese but to no a v a i l .  According to the Rev. James  Mutchmor, Prime M i n i s t e r King d e l i b e r a t e l y avoided United Church delegates, e s p e c i a l l y the Rev. George Dorey, a strong L i b e r a l who had been sent to complain about the property s e t t l e m e n t . I n 1947 Dorey was s t i l l push108 ing the government on i t s C h r i s t i a n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y towards the Japanese. By 1947 the Co-operative Committee f o r Japanese-Canadians had also taken up the struggle to see that the Japanese received a more j u s t property settlement.  Over 1,370 claims were f i l e d , 74.3% f o r properties  sold without permission, 18.4% f o r forced sales of property and 7.3% f o r 109 property s t i l l unaccounted f o r .  The committee c o l l e c t e d the claim  d e t a i l s and h i r e d R.J. McMaster to v e r i f y them l o c a l l y and prepare the b r i e f to present to J u s t i c e Henry B i r d of the Property Commission establ i s h e d by the f e d e r a l government.  McMaster worked night and day f o r  over a year at a f r a c t i o n of a normal lawyer's fee with no i n i t i a l , , <• ,. . .110 guarantee of any payment whatsoever to look a f t e r t h i s s i t u a t i o n .  191 Out of claims t o t a l l i n g $4,000,000 the Japanese got $1,222,929, most of i t going to Fraser V a l l e y farmers who f i n a l l y received about 80% of 111 t h e i r property's value. A f t e r the war the church stepped up i t s campaign f o r the enfranchisement of the Japanese and f o r the granting of f u l l c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s . The B r i t i s h Columbia Conference passed resolutions to t h i s e f f e c t i n 112 1946 and 1947,  and sent representatives who spoke at the p u b l i c hear-  ings held i n Vancouver by the B r i t i s h Columbia L e g i s l a t u r e Committee appointed to revise the E l e c t i o n Act i n 1946.  A l l four western confer-  ences also appealed to the f e d e r a l government f o r a repeal of the wartimes measures r e s t r i c t i n g the movement of Japanese Canadians across the country.  Gradually the church body s t a r t e d to support i t s leaders.  The dramatic i n c i d e n t of a Japanese Canadian t h e o l o g i c a l student and h i s parents who had to get p o l i c e permits i n order to attend the student's ordination s e r v i c e i n Vancouver made a b i g impact on many United Church people i n the lower mainland who f i n a l l y r e a l i z e d the inhumaneness of 113 the country's laws against the Japanese at l e a s t i n peace time. Among the unjiust laws were those l i m i t i n g the kinds of employment open to the Japanese.  Pre-war l e g i s l a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia had  debarred Japanese from s e v e r a l professions and i n d u s t r i e s i n c l u d i n g logging but the f e d e r a l government had intervened and allowed Japanese to work i n Kootenay logging companies during the wartime shortage of workers.  When the B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Lands and Forests d i s -  missed a l l Japanese from the logging camps of the i n t e r i o r of the province a f t e r the war, the church c r i e d out a n g r i l y against such i n j u s t i c e .  Church  192 leaders wrote to the premier, Byron Johnson, and Vancouver Presbytery protested as d i d l o c a l A.O.T.S. groups and the S.C.M. through i t s 114  secretary, the Rev. Frank Patterson of the United Church.  The  B.C.  l e g i s l a t u r e l i s t e n e d to the United Church as w e l l as to other r e l i g i o u s bodies and to c i v i l l i b e r t i e s groups and f i n a l l y rescinded a l l discrimatory r a c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n .  By 1948 the general p u b l i c i n B r i t i s h Columbia  had become supporters of the Japanese. The church leaders d i d a l l they could to help the Japanese, given the h y s t e r i a of the population i n B r i t i s h Columbia at that time, the p u b l i c opinion created i n eastern Canada by the M.P.'s from the province, the indecisiveness of the f e d e r a l government i n i t s f i n a l s o l u t i o n to the problem and the l a c k of u n i t y among the church m e m b e r s h i p . T h e New  Canadian made i t quite obvious that the United Church, along w i t h the  S.C.M., the C.C.F., the Vancouver Consultative Council and the Co-operative Committee f o r the Japanese-Canadians were the Japanese's strongest supporters. a i•Ad .  1  1  Of these the United Church provided the greatest v a r i e t y of  6  On the other hand, the general church membership had great cause to be ashamed of i t s a t t i t u d e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n the e a r l y days of the war. Those i n B r i t i s h Columbia made no e f f o r t to help the Japanese except i n a few personal cases and the majority went along with the p u b l i c panic or were t o t a l l y apathetic.  I t was a b i t t e r disappointment  to the church  leaders when the congregations i n the east refused to sponsor Japanese f a m i l i e s and very d i f f i c u l t to acknowledge men l i k e Howard Green,  A.W.  1117 NeillaaridHHUH. SSfeevensaasUUriiteMCGhurchnmembers. The B r i t i s h Columbia  193 Conference leaders d e l i b e r a t e l y kept discussion of the Japanese evacuat i o n o f f the agendas of presbytery and conference meetings i n the e a r l y war years i n order to avoid acrimonious and d i v i s i v e debate.  They f e l t  the church could help the Japanese more by working q u i e t l y behind the scenes a t that time than by p u b l i c debate i n church courts and they were probably c o r r e c t . As f o r the s m a l l group o f laymen who supported the Japanese throughout, the church owes them a great debt.  These people took t h e i r C h r i s t i a n  b e l i e f s s e r i o u s l y and were w i l l i n g to r i s k t h e i r own community p o s i t i o n s and s e c u r i t y i n order to see j u s t i c e done.  There was a d e f i n i t e l i n k  between the i n d i v i d u a l s i n the church a c t i v e f o r the Japanese cause, and other organizations also concerned l i k e the S.C.M., the F.O.R., the C.C.F. and the Vancouver Consultative Council.  I n many instances leadership  came from the samelsmall core who were a c t i v e i n the church as w e l l . The p r o f e s s i o n a l church workers most a c t i v e l y involved i n the struggle were mainly missionaries to the Japanese e i t h e r i n Canada or i n Japan, or men on the committees f o r Home Missions and Evangelism and S o c i a l Service.  They had been concerned w i t h c i v i l r i g h t s and the assimi-  l a t i o n of ethnic groups i n t o Canadian society f o r a long period before the war and became involved i n t h i s c r i s i s as a n a t u r a l outcome of t h e i r regular work. The church d i d e x c e l l e n t work i n the camps, and as a r e s u l t , gained the gratitude of many Japanese who became C h r i s t i a n and j o i n e d the church. One boy from a Buddhist home came i n touch with the church through i t s evening high school classes a t Tashme and today i s a United Church  194 118 minister.  H i s was not an i s o l a t e d case.  I t was generally agreed that  the Japanese United Church gained many new converts because of the educa119 t i o n a l , r e c r e a t i o n a l and r e l i g i o u s work done i n the camps. Once the Japanese were s e t t l e d i n t o the camps and the general panic subsided, the church was able to concentrate some of i t s e f f o r t s on widespread education of i t s l a i t y .  Gradually, members became aware  of the i n j u s t i c e s done to the Japanese i n the mass evacuation, the forced s a l e of property, and the l a c k of franchise and other c i v i l r i g h t s .  The  widely-spread rumours about the Japanese were d i s p e l l e d through the d i s t r i b u t i o n of church l i t e r a t u r e and e s p e c i a l l y through the speaking engagements of men l i k e the Rev. K. Shimizu.  For many church members i n  the east, he was the f i r s t Japanese with whom they had had any contact. The v i c t o r y of the a l l i e s i n the summer of 1945 eliminated much of the h y s t e r i a and fear f e l t by the Canadian people toward the Japanese i n t h e i r midst and brought saner a t t i t u d e s to the issue of deportation. Enough consciences of church members were then pricked that the church, when confronting the government with i t s unjust a c t i o n s , could speak with the power of votes behind i t and be l i s t e n e d to.  L e t t e r s from United  Church p r e s b y t e r i e s , congregations and i n d i v i d u a l s i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n d i c a t e d a view d i f f e r e n t from that espoused by the v o c a l anti-Japanese politicians.  F i n a l l y the f e d e r a l government responded with a d e f i n i t e  p o l i c y of d i s p e r s a l and a s s i m i l a t i o n , dropped i t s extensive deportation scheme, restored c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s and the f r a n c h i s e , and made some r e s t i t u t i o n of property l o s s e s . As resettlement took place on a permanent basis a f t e r the war, church leaders and members, wherever they could,  195 helped the Japanese become an i n t e g r a l part of Canadian society. The United Church d i d not l i v e up to i t s i d e a l s of brotherhood but through the work of a few i n d i v i d u a l s during the war and a l a s t minute campaign f o r j u s t i c e by many more, the church could hold up i t s head and take some c r e d i t f o r having given more p o s i t i v e leadership on the Japanese Canadian question than other elements i n Canadian society. The Japanese, however, d i d not become a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o the white congregations of the United Church, a goal the church had maintained since the days of the e a r l y Methodist missions.  The Japanese congrega-  tions a f t e r the war grew i n t o very t i g h t l i t t l e communities which have refused to disperse despite a s s i m i l a t i o n of members i n school, business and home l i f e .  The Japanese seem to p r e f e r the more intimate church l i f e  they know to the l a r g e r , l e s s personal congregations of the white community. The revived i n t e r e s t i n a n c e s t r a l c u l t u r e among the t h i r d and fourth generation Japanese Canadians has strengthened t h i s desire f o r t h e i r own worshipping community and new immigrants from Japan are s u f f i c i e n t i n number to replace those members who do leave the Japanese congregations to j o i n regular white ones.  The choice has been t h e i r own and the church  has respected the d e c i s i o n by g i v i n g help where needed i n order that the Japanese United Church members can maintain t h e i r independence.  CONCLUSION The a t t i t u d e s and a c t i v i t i e s of the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia during the depression and war years were v a r i e d , yet a pattern of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s common throughout the period i s evident. The church-at-large responded e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y and w e l l to t r a d i t i o n a l forms of a c t i v i t y .  Food and c l o t h i n g flowed f o r t h during  the depression and war; money, men and women supported the war e f f o r t at home and abroad; missionaries i n t e n s i f i e d t h e i r mission work i n the evacuation camps; many answered the c a l l f o r personal s a l v a t i o n ; and b r i e f s , p e t i t i o n s and l e c t u r e s never ceased.  Furthermore, the United  Church members provided much of the leadership and work force f o r emergency p r o j e c t s i n t h e i r l o c a l communities as part of t h e i r n a t u r a l C h r i s t i a n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and without d i r e c t pressure from church o f f i c i a l s . This t r a d i t i o n a l and f a m i l i a r type of response to c r i s e s was easy f o r the majority of members since i t did not threaten t h e i r s o c i a l status nor t h e i r personal s e c u r i t y .  Most church members r e j e c t e d r a d i c a l s o l u t i o n s  which would shake t h e i r status quo or court personal r i s k .  Socialism,  support f o r the persecuted Japanese Canadians and acceptance of the conscientious objectors were too unpopular and r a d i c a l f o r the average church member to t o l e r a t e , l e t alone espouse. United Church members formed a c r o s s - s e c t i o n of middle-class Canada, reasonably comfortable economically, wrapped i n s e l f - i n t e r e s t and ignorant or more frequently apathetic about events not touching t h e i r  196  197 personal l i v e s , content with the status quo and f e a r f u l of change.  Few  adults are able to r a d i c a l l y change t h e i r b e l i e f s or t h e i r behaviour l e t alone s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s  incongruent w i t h t h e i r b e l i e f s .  As a r e s u l t ,  during the depression we see church members modifying c r i s i s '  situations  w i t h m a t e r i a l handouts, r a t i o n a l i z i n g t h e i r s o c i a l p o s i t i o n through an emphasis on personal s a l v a t i o n i n the Oxford Group Movement and reducing the dissonance between world r e a l i t y and t h e i r b e l i e f s through study, lectures and p e t i t i o n s .  By doing something they eased t h e i r worry and  anxiety without encouraging any r e a l threat to t h e i r way of l i f e .  Dis-  cussion of change became fashionable and indeed, necessary i n order to preserve the o l d order.  As i n R.B. Bennett's New Deal, so i n the church,  i n Steven's Reconstruction party, i n the report C h r i s t i a n i z i n g the S o c i a l Order, and i n the Oxford Group Movement—all talked about change and a new s o c i a l order while i n r e a l i t y they t r i e d to prop up or r e s t o r e the old.  The o l d conservative side of the s o c i a l gospel with i t s emphasis  on moral issues and dependence upon i n d i v i d u a l C h r i s t i a n behaviour was s t i l l very much a l i v e , although dressed i n the more r a d i c a l language of the 1930's.  1  I t i s very d i f f i c u l t to determine without a great deal more study whether the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia was more or less f l e x i b l e i n i t s a t t i t u d e s to s o c i a l change than the church i n the rest of the country.  C e r t a i n l y i n the Japanese evacuation s i t u a t i o n , church members  west of the Rockies, w i t h o s t e n s i b l y more cause to be a f r a i d , d i d not react more vigorously than those i n eastern Canada.  As elsewhere i n the  country a considerable number of United Church members became a c t i v e i n  198 the C.C.F. party and helped i n spreading s o c i a l i s t thought throughout B r i t i s h Columbia.  Furthermore, members i n B r i t i s h Columbia w i l l i n g l y  accepted more r a d i c a l leadership from the clergy and reacted more p o s i t i v e l y to the s o c i a l i s t reports endorsed i n the church courts than 2 was the case i n other parts of Canada.  The clergy i n B r i t i s h Columbia  were exposed, on the whole,ito a^much wider v a r i e t y of s i t u a t i o n s than t h e i r eastern c o u n t e r p a r t s — I n d i a n c o a s t a l missions, logging camps, mining towns, a g r i c u l t u r a l areas, a r a p i d l y growing urban seaport, a large o r i e n t a l population and a v i s i b l y e x p l o i t a t i v e economy—and change was constantly i n the a i r .  To be e f f e c t i v e the ministers had to be  f l e x i b l e and adaptable to the needs of t h e i r varying pastorates.  Young  clergymen coming from elsewhere tended to be more adventuresome than 3 the average and were drawn to B r i t i s h Columbia by i t s f r o n t i e r .  I n the  promotion of peace, i n the push f o r economic changes of a longterm nature, i n the demand f o r a s o l u t i o n to the Japanese problem, the leading clergy of B r i t i s h Columbia were i n the vanguard n a t i o n a l l y . This leadership gave to the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia i t s l i b e r a l and at times, seemingly r a d i c a l p u b l i c image.  The d a i l y press  played up, through i t s headlines and d e t a i l e d a r t i c l e s , the a c t i v i t i e s of the r a d i c a l s and the s o c i a l i s t reports debated i n the church courts. In s o c i a l c r i s e s such as the dockers' s t r i k e on Ballantyne P i e r the United Church stood alone among the c i t y denominations as a champion of the strikers.  Regular church business was not considered "news" and there-  fore d i d not receive the same a t t e n t i o n .  The same d i s t o r t i o n was  i n e v i t a b l e i n t h i s t h e s i s simply because the a c t i v i s t s involved the church,  199 at l e a s t i n name, though frequently i n f a c t as w e l l , i n the wide v a r i e t y of new s o c i a l a c t i o n undertaken during the period under study. Church leadership came l a r g e l y from a small group of clergy and an even smaller group of laymen.  Most were a c t i v e on committees of  Evangelism and S o c i a l Service or Home Missions, and were much more l i b e r a l and broader i n t h e i r views than most church members.  They tended t o look  at the future as w e l l as the present, and the n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l scene as w e l l as the l o c a l or p r o v i n c i a l one. The leaders were divided i n t o two groups.  The more r a d i c a l group  included many who had studied under the Rev. Salem Bland, leader of the s o c i a l gospel movement i n Canada.  There was a d e f i n i t e l i n k between  4 these men and the C.C.F.,  and several of them ran f o r p u b l i c o f f i c e .  These same r a d i c a l s also had connections with the S.C.M., the F.C.S.O.,"' and l e s s frequently with the F.O.R.  Often c o n t r o v e r s i a l , these clergy  had trouble with t h e i r l o c a l congregations and were usually s e t t l e d by the conference settlement committee i n small r u r a l congregations rather than i n a large urban congregation.  These men drew up the p e t i t i o n s  and b r i e f s , l e d debates i n the church courts, worked personally with unemployed men and s t r i k e r s , and appeared before governments and i n the press on behalf of the downtrodden.  They were the spearhead, constantly  prodding the church and the p u b l i c i n t o a c t i o n and change. A second group was much more moderate, i f not i n i t s views, a t l e a s t i n i t s manner of presentation and operation.  These men were u s u a l l y  i n administrative p o s i t i o n s i n the church, the ministers of large c i t y congregations or from the u n i v e r s i t y , and had the respect of the church  200 as a whole and the general p u b l i c .  They often i n t e r p r e t e d the r a d i c a l s '  i d e a l s to the wider church membership and to the l e g i s l a t o r s , and designed the programmes to implement such i d e a l s through education and gradual change.  Some of these men  had studied under Bland as w e l l ,  but the majority had received t h e i r education e i t h e r i n B r i t i s h Columbia 6 or Ontario.  The other United Church clergy were w i l l i n g to support  these leaders i n passing b r i e f s i n church courts, promoting church programmes and c o l l e c t i n g m a t e r i a l , but few became a c t i v e l y involved outside the church.'' Although most of the leadership was  the same throughout the whole  period under s c r u t i n y , the various issues d i d b r i n g d i f f e r e n t men fore.  to the  Those most prominent during the 1930's i n the church courts  on  economic, s o c i a l and c i v i l r i g h t s questions became much l e s s obvious i n the 1940's although they l e d the debate w i t h i n the church on p a c i f i s m , and promoted a c t i o n on post-war r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and the c i v i l r i g h t s of the Japanese.  The missionaries to the Japanese were leaders on the  l a s t issue only and l a r g e l y i n a non-controversial  role.  In the church's  campaign f o r war bonds, leadership f e l l mainly on an older, more t r a d i t i o n a l l y - o r i e n t e d group of men.  The one person who  actively participated  i n every phase of the church's s o c i a l involvement was Dobson.  the Rev. Hugh  Without h i s i n s i g h t , concern, c r e d i b i l i t y and  organizational  s k i l l s , the church's influence would have been not only d i f f e r e n t but probably much l e s s . Leadership was  c r u c i a l during t h i s period.  l i k e any other trade or profession has three p a r t s .  The C h r i s t i a n m i n i s t r y , I t s bulk consists  201 of t o l e r a b l y competent and sometimes s k i l l f u l p r a c t i t i o n e r s .  Below  t h i s i s a small proportion of bumblers' and incompetents who are not so b l a t a n t l y inept as to be formally cast out.  The t h i r d part i s an even  smaller proportion of t r u l y g i f t e d men who  are the main source of  whatever greatness  Fortunately, the United Church  the c a l l i n g possesses.  had i t s share of the l a t t e r , i n the persons of Hugh Dobson f o r general guidance, i n s p i r a t i o n , t r u s t and statesmanship, of Andrew Roddan f o r charismatic appeal with the general p u b l i c , of Kasaburo Shimizu f o r h i s dreams and understanding  of the Japanese community and of Dr. Norman  Black f o r h i s highly-developed q u a l i t i e s of these men  C h r i s t i a n sense of j u s t i c e .  Despite  the  the church membership would only be l e d so f a r  so f a s t . Seldom were the leaders able to arouse l o c a l congregations  to  s o c i a l a c t i o n u n t i l society generally (of which they were a s i z e a b l e part) showed trends i n a p a r t i c u l a r d i r e c t i o n .  I t tobkvvictoryii'nll945-to  awaken the United Church people to the i n j u s t i c e s done to the Japanese Canadians.  One s o c i o l o g i s t of r e l i g i o n has s a i d that  The church cannot change basic secular i n s t i t u t i o n s ; i t [can] sponsor m o d i f i c a t i o n of them only when important groups have already moved i n that d i r e c t i o n . . . i t can have an i n d i r e c t influence on the d i s t r i b u t i o n of economic and p o l i t i c a l power . . . i t can . . . soften some of the harshness of the c o n f l i c t s i n [the c l a s s ] s i t u a t i o n . . . . I t can help to maintain some sense of a common i d e n t i t y . 8  C e r t a i n l y t h i s statement holds true f o r the United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  A l l the leaders could do was hasten and gently i n f l u e n c e the  d i r e c t i o n of the change through education, through g i v i n g r e s p e c t a b i l i t y to new ideas?? through promotion of C h r i s t i a n i d e a l s and through mediation  202 between warring f a c t i o n s . Throughout the years under d i s c u s s i o n , the question of the nature and extent of p o l i t i c a l involvement by the church constantly arose.  Most  church members believed the church should not a l i g n i t s e l f o f f i c i a l l y w i t h any one party but l i m i t i t s e l f to a r o l e of c r i t i c i n e t h i c a l matters.  P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s p e c i f i c p a r t i e s and i t s extent was to be  l e f t up to the i n d i v i d u a l church member i n h i s p r i v a t e l i f e , but m i n i s t e r s should remain aloof to avoid congregational dissension.  However, i f the  church or i t s clergy f e l t compelled to become involved i t should be with one of the "respectable" mainline p a r t i e s . f e l t otherwise.  The a c t i v i s t s i n the church  A t t r a c t e d to s o c i a l i s m as the p r a c t i c a l means to achieve  greater s o c i a l j u s t i c e they had no h e s i t a t i o n i n j o i n i n g the C.C.F., t h i n k i n g of i t l e s s as a p o l i t i c a l party than as a C h r i s t i a n s o c i a l 9  movement.  I n doing so they gave to the party not only a C h r i s t i a n aura  but also an a i r of r e s p e c t a b i l i t y and c r e d i b i l i t y i n the eyes of the middle-class.  This probably helped prevent the party from becoming one  composed only of members of the labouring class but i t created much tension w i t h i n the church.  This tension eased only as the C.C.F. became  l e s s r a d i c a l i n the p u b l i c eye and many of i t s platforms were adopted by governments.  Even so the majority of church members hold to the  t r a d i t i o n a l conservative view on p o l i t i c a l involvement.  Only when a  m i n i s t e r has widespread p o p u l a r i t y or when a p a r t i c u l a r party platform coincides with an e t h i c a l view held by the church majority i s d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y sanctioned.  This r a r e l y occurs.  Questions as to the r o l e of a church i n a secular s o c i e t y are p a r t i a l l y answered by t h i s study on the United Church's p o s i t i o n i n the  203 secular s o c i e t y of B r i t i s h Columbia.  B r i t i s h Columbia Conference enjoyed  fewer committed members i n r e l a t i o n to the t o t a l p r o v i n c i a l population and a much smaller f i n a n c i a l base than d i d the other United Church conferences.  Furthermore, i n a province such as B r i t i s h Columbia, the s o c i a l  problems were as great or greater than i n other parts of the country. Therefore, the church had to be much more s e l e c t i v e of the issues to which i t directed i t s attention.  I t had to think out i t s p o s i t i o n and mode of  attack very c a r e f u l l y i n order to make maximum use of l i m i t e d resources, as was done by church leaders i n the i n i t i a l stages of the Japanese evacuation. Church leaders r e a l i z e d that they could not achieve success i n s o c i a l issues on t h e i r own but had to work with governments and other organizations and even compromise aims i n order to achieve change. behind-the-scenes  The  work on behalf of conscientious o b j e c t o r s , the espousal  of c e r t a i n C.C.F. planks to e f f e c t economic change, the close r e l a t i o n ship with the Co-operative Committee f o r the Japanese Canadians and even the p e t i t i o n s to the government on a v a r i e t y of subjects acknowledged the church's dependence upon other agencies. The church acted as s o c i a l c r i t i c p o i n t i n g out i n j u s t i c e s hidden or ignored by s o c i e t y g e n e r a l l y , but once s o c i e t y undertook i t s responsib i l i t y , the church w i l l i n g l y l e t go and turned to new i s s u e s . To a l i m i t e d degree the church i n B r i t i s h Columbia d i d t h i s when i t fed the s t a r v i n g t r a n s i e n t s i n the e a r l y 1930's or when i t pushed f o r schooling for the c h i l d r e n i n the Japanese evacuation camps.  However, the i n s t i t u -  t i o n a l church, such as the United Church of Canada, because of i t s broad  204 i n c l u s i v e nature i s not w e l l s u i t e d to the r o l e of s o c i a l c r i t i c w i t h i n s o c i e t y , e s p e c i a l l y when dealing with r a d i c a l or c o n t r o v e r s i a l i s s u e s . As a r e s u l t only a small group w i t h i n the church f u l f i l l s t h i s prophetic r o l e , frequently without the backing of the church majority. An age-old problem w i t h i n the church has been the dichotomy between personal s a l v a t i o n and organic s o c i a l a c t i o n .  At a s u p e r f i c i a l glance  i t would appear that the tension t h i s creates d i v i d e s the church i n t o two s o l i d groups, the conservative majority favouring personal s a l v a t i o n and the r a d i c a l minority wanting organic s o c i a l reform. more complicated. gorized.  The t r u t h i s  I n d i v i d u a l church members cannot be so e a s i l y cate-  Many m i n i s t e r s , r a d i c a l i n t h e i r s o c i a l views, held conservative  and e v a n g e l i c a l t h e o l o g i c a l views.  The gospel was foremost i n t h e i r minds  while they engaged i n a c t i o n f o r j u s t i c e or a new s o c i a l order.  One  extreme example would be the Rev. Bryce Wallace who, while a pseudo member of the Communist party so that the l o c a l group could meet i n h i s church, wrote to Hugh Dobson asking that the Oxford Group v i s i t T r a i l because the adults i n h i s congregation needed a l l the s p i r i t u a l stimulus they could g e t . ^ 1  The same person could honestly be involved i n providing  band-aid help to hungry men, i n p r a i s i n g the Oxford Group Movement f o r saving l o s t s o u l s , and i n advocating s o c i a l i s m . Likewise, the United Church as aawhole i n i t s i n c l u s i v e n e s s had learned to l i v e w i t h the tension a r i s i n g between the demands of personal s a l v a t i o n and s o c i a l a c t i o n , caref u l l y balancing one against the other and keeping both a l i v e and responsive to the s o c i a l needs of the moment.  Both are necessary  to b u i l d any s o r t  of C h r i s t i a n community w i t h i n or outside the i n s t i t u t i o n a l church.  205 The charge has been made that the church i n emphasizing s o c i a l a c t i o n increased secularism i n s o c i e t y and thereby church i n f l u e n c e i n the long run.  organic  decreased  To the degree that those who heard  the r a d i c a l s ignored the gospel message and only accepted the part d e a l ing with s o c i a l a c t i o n , t h i s would be true.  But the same charge could  be made against the church conservatives i n t h e i r emphasis on personal salvation.  Many of t h e i r l i s t e n e r s heard only a message of personal  comfort, p r a i s i n g the status quo and using the church as a g l o r i f i e d s o c i a l club i n the community.  Secularism was encroaching upon the church's i n -  fluence from a l l d i r e c t i o n s i n s o c i e t y i n c l u d i n g from w i t h i n the church, and only those who continued to hear the word of God and govern t h e i r acts accordingly could speak f o r the church with i n t e g r i t y .  And only as  the church adjusted i t s mode of c r i t i c i s m or prophecy to s u i t a secular age would i t be heeded. The United Church i n B r i t i s h Columbia d i d have an influence on the s o c i a l l i f e of the province.  I t f a i l e d i n some of the challenges  which presented themselves but at the same time i t had no cause to hang i t s head i n constant shame. I t d i d what i t could, given the times and the nature of people who made up i t s constituency.  Above a l l else at  a time when successive c r i s e s made i t very easy to ignore p r i n c i p l e s of human decency, i t helped keep a l i v e i n the province a l i b e r a l and C h r i s t i a n t r a d i t i o n which emphasized the uniqueness and d i g n i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l .  1 1  Abbreviations B.C.C.A.  United Church B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Archives, Vancouver, B.C.  B. C.P.A.  B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Archives.  C. H.R.  Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review  U.B.C.  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia  U.C.A.  United Church Archives, Toronto, Ontario.  W.A.  Woman's A u x i l i a r y .  W.M.S.  Woman's Missionary Society.  206  FOOTNOTES—INTRODUCTION The f o l l o w i n g h i s t o r i a n s a l l s t r e s s the primary i n f l u e n c e of r e l i g i o n on Canadian nineteenth century s o c i e t y . John S. Moir, Church and State i n Canada West, Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1959; Wm. H. Elgee, The S o c i a l Teachings of the Canadian Churches, Toronto, Ryerson, 1964; Goldwin French, "The E v a n g e l i c a l Creed i n Canada," Laurence S. F a l l i s , J r . , "The Idea of Progress i n the Province of Canada: A Study i n the H i s t o r y of Ideas," S.F. Wise, "God's P e c u l i a r Peoples," W.L. Morton, " V i c t o r i a n Canada," a l l found i n W.L. Morton, ed., The S h i e l d of A c h i l l e s , Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 1968. A.M.C. Waterman i n "The Lord's Day Act i n a Secular Society: A H i s t o r i c a l Comment on the Canadian Lord's Day Act of 1906," Canadian Journal o f Theology, 1965, no. 2, disagrees and argues that Canadian s o c i e t y was so secular that no r e l i g i o u s l e g i s l a t i o n could be passed that would hurt the economy. C e r t a i n l y B r i t i s h Columbia would be c a l l e d a s e c u l a r province by Waterman's d e f i n i t i o n . X  2 Michel Despland, "The Process of S e c u l a r i z a t i o n , " P h i l i p Le Blanc and Arnold Edinborough, eds., One Church, Two Nations? Don M i l l s , Longsmans, 1968, pp. 120-21. See the e n t i r e a r t i c l e f o r a more d e t a i l e d discussion on s e c u l a r i z a t i o n and the r o l e of the church. 3 Walter E l l i s , "Some Aspects of R e l i g i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia P o l i t i c s , " M.A. t h e s i s , The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1959, p. 204; Bryce H. Wallace, "Survgyo<5f TTBdilIIiriduS.trMlCeeAti^ , ' pultpMl-iis.]5ed • manus c r i p t , ca. February 1933, Dobson papers. 4 I t was predominately Anglo-Saxon middle-class. See Table I , p. 4, " R e l i g i o u s Denominations C l a s s i f i e d by R a c i a l Origins i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1931." "* Peter Waite, "A Point of View," i n Johni S. Moir, ed. , Character and Circumstance, Toronto, Macmillan, 1970, pp. 225-34. , , ,  See Appendix 2 f o r the p o l i t y of the United Church f o r the period covered by t h i s paper.  207  FOOTNOTES—CHAPTER 1 For a good general comparison of denominational t r a d i t i o n s and theology, see Wilhelm N i e s e l , trans. David Lewis, Reformed Symbolics. A Comparison of C a t h o l i c i s m , Orthodoxy, and Protestantism, Edinburgh, O l i v e r and Boyd, 1962. Essays i n John Webster Grant, ed., The Churches and the Canadian Experience, Toronto, Ryerson, 1963 give a good o u t l i n e of the Congregational, Presbyterian and Methodist t r a d i t i o n s i n Canada. J. Warren Caldwell, "The U n i f i c a t i o n of Methodism i n Canada 1865-1884," The B u l l e t i n , Archives o f the United Church of Canada (hereafter c i t e d as U.C.A.), 1967 and W i l l i a m H. Magney, "The Methodist Church and the National Gospel 1884-1914," The B u l l e t i n , 1961 give f u r t h e r d e t a i l s on the Methodist h i s t o r y while J.T. M c N e i l l , The Presbyterian Church i n Canada 1875-1925, Toronto, General Board Presbyterian Church i n Canada, 1925 gives more d e t a i l on Presbyterianism. 2 G.N. Emergy, "Methodism on the Canadian P r a i r i e s , 1896 to 1914: the Dynamics of an I n s t i t u t i o n i n a New Environment," Ph.D. t h e s i s , The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970, pp. 42-45. This was truer of the Methodist Church than the Presbyterian. 3 M i n i s t e r s were moved every two to four years to d i f f e r e n t charges at the d i s c r e t i o n of a settlement committee. I n r u r a l areas, a m i n i s t e r might have several congregations, often miles apart, under h i s oversight. 4 In a secular society economic p r i n c i p l e s determine key l e g i s l a t i o n while i n a r e l i g i o u s l y oriented s o c i e t y , moral or r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s dominate. B r i t i s h Columbia has always been a secular society i n these terms. See A.M.C. Waterman, "The Lord's Day Act i n a Secular Society: A H i s t o r i c a l Comment on the Canadian Lord's Day Act of 1906," Canadian Journal of Theology, 1965, no. 2, p. 122 and S.D. C l a r k , The Developing Canadian Community, Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 2nd e d i t i o n , 1968, ch. V. Margaret A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A H i s t o r y , Toronto, Macmillan, 1958, ch. 12. B r i t i s h Columbia had 8,910 Chinese, 9.1% of i t s population i n 1891, while the province w i t h the next l a r g e s t Chinese population was Ontario w i t h 97 persons. Canada, Census, 1891, v o l . 4, pp. 390-91. I b i d . , 1921, v o l . 1. increased 119.68%. 392,480.  Between 1901 and 1911 the population  ^ Between 1881 and 1911 the population grew from 49,459 to Ibid. 208  209 g Rupert Davies, Methodism, London, Penquin, 1963. This dicotomy e x i s t s down to the present day w i t h i n the United Church of Canada. 9 The c o r r e c t name a f t e r 1906 was the Congregational Union of Canada. The l o c a l congregations were loosely bound together by a n a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e but never achieved the cohesiveness of the Methodists and Presbyterians. Because of the small membership however, the Congregationa l i s t s maintained a f e l l o w s h i p s i m i l a r to a very large family. FF.E?.. RunnaCflfs.. I t ' s God's Country. A review of the United Church and i t s Founding P a r t n e r s , the Congregational, Methodist and Presbyterian Churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia,[United Church B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Archives, (hereafter c i t e d as B.C.C.A.), 1974]; J.W. P i l t o n , "Negro S e t t l e ment i n B r i t i s h Columbia," M.A. t h e s i s , The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1951; John Wood, Memoir of Henry Wilkes, P.P., L.L.D., His L i f e and Times, Montreal, Grafton and Sons, 1887; and P.H. Reid, "Segregation i n B r i t i s h Columbia," The B u l l e t i n , 1963. H.H. Walsh, The C h r i s t i a n Church i n Canada, Toronto, Ryerson, 1956, p. 281 says that Clarke was sent by the Educational and Home Missionary Society of Montreal but none of the other sources agree with him. Walsh i s a l s o i n e r r o r i n a s s e r t i n g that Clarke went to Vancouver. Clarke had worked e x t e n s i v e l y among negroes i n the Windsor area of Canada West before coming west. Robin W. Winks, The Blacks i n Canada A H i s t o r y , Montreal, McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1971, p. 280. 1 1  12 Runnalls, op. c i t . , pp. 27-30. 13 See the f o l l o w i n g f o r a more complete p i c t u r e of the feud. P i l t o n , op. c i t . , pp. 178-180; Wood, op. c i t . , pp. 165-67; and Reid, op. c i t . , pp. 1-15. The l a t t e r i s the most thoroughddiscuss.ionoof the whole dispute. 14 Those wanting s t r i c t e r authority formed St. Andrew's Presbyt e r i a n Church. Harry Gregson, A H i s t o r y of V i c t o r i a 1842-1970, V i c t o r i a , Observer P u b l i s h i n g Co., 1970, p. 39. ^ John C. Walker, "The Early H i s t o r y of the P r e s b y t e r i a n Church i n Western Canada from the E a r l i e s t Times to the Year 1881," Ph.P. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Edinburgh, 1928, p. 208. 16 Runnalls, op. c i t . , pp. 36-42 and Jamieson's l e t t e r s to eastern Canadian church o f f i c i a l s , L e t t e r s from M i s s i o n a r i e s , 1858-1886, Presbyt e r i a n Church Home Missions, U.C.A. ^ L.E. Smith, "Nineteenth Century Canadian Preaching i n the Methodist, Presbyterian and Congregational Churches," Th.P. t h e s i s , V i c t o r i a U n i v e r s i t y , 1951, p. 121.  210 18  E.A. C h r i s t i e , "The O f f i c i a l A t t i t u d e s and Opinions of the Presbyterian Church i n Canada with respect to p u b l i c a f f a i r s and s o c i a l problems 1875-1925," M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1955; and Marion V. Royce, "The Contribution of the Methodist Church to S o c i a l Welfare i n Canada," M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1940 both emphasize t h i s point. 19 Caldwell, op. c i t . , and Magney, op. c i t . , go i n t o t h i s i n  detail. 20  C.W. Gordon, The L i f e of James Robertson, Toronto, Westminster Press, 1908, p. 261. 21 The p l o t of The Sky P i l o t was based on the experience of the Rev. Hugh R. Grant, a very popular Presbyterian m i n i s t e r i n the mining camps of the Kootenay and The Prospector had i t s s e t t i n g i n the Crowsnest Pass. 22 H. McKellar, Presbyterian Pioneer Missionaries i n Manitoba, Saskatchewan, A l b e r t a and B r i t i s h Columbia, Toronto, Murray Press, 1924, pp. 232-33. This book gives many e a r l y experiences of the pioneer missionaries i n the i n t e r i o r . 23 See the f o l l o w i n g f o r d e t a i l s on the mining boom and the r e s u l t a n t unrest among the workers. John Spencer Church, "Mining Companies i n the West, Kootenay and Boundary Regions of B r i t i s h Columbia 1890-1900— C a p i t a l Formation and F i n a n c i a l Operations," M.A. t h e s i s , The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1961; I.M.L. Bescoby, "Some S o c i a l Aspects of the American Mining Advance i n t o the Cariboo and Kootenay," M.A. t h e s i s , The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1935. In 1895 95% of the c a p i t a l and population was from the United States but by 1898, B r i t i s h and Canadian c a p i t a l had taken over. I b i d . , p. 43. A l l a n Donald Orr, "The Western Federation of Miners and the Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l Disputes i n 1903,with s p e c i a l reference to the Vancouver Island Coal Miners' S t r i k e , " M.A. t h e s i s , The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968. Much d e t a i l e d i n formation about the churches i n the Kootenay can be found i n E l s i e G. Turnbull, Church i n the Kootenays The Story of the United Church of Canada i n Kootenay Presbytery, T r a i l , T r a i l Times L t d . , 1965. 24 Gordon, op. c i t . , p. 316 and Presbyterian Church i n Canada, The Acts and Proceedings, General Assembly (hereafter c i t e d as G.A.M.), 1892, Appendix 1, p. XIV. 25 In greater Vancouver which included South Vancouver, North Vancouver and Point Grey, the population was 123,902. Census, 1911, pp. 148-49. Methodist Church of Canada, Year Book, 1900, 1913. I n 1900 there were f i v e Methodist Churches and by 1913 there were twenty-six as w e l l as s e v e r a l missions and i n s t i t u t i o n s . 2 6  211 27  E a r l y college calendars l i s t e d men from Glasgow, Aberdeen, Edinburgh, Lojidon, Cambridge, Chicago, C a l i f o r n i a as w e l l as from H a l i f a x , Montreal, Toronto and Winnipeg. Included were James Denney, and James M o f f a t t , leading B r i t i s h theologians. J.W. Grant, George Pidgeon, Toronto, Ryerson Press, 1962, p. 42. 28 Richard A l l e n , The S o c i a l Passion: R e l i g i o n and S o c i a l Reform i n Canada 1914-1928, Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1971, pp. 4-5. 29 The Report of a b r i e f i n v e s t i g a t i o n of s o c i a l conditions i n the city=which i n d i c a t e the need of an i n t e n s i v e s o c i a l survey the l i n e s of which are herein suggested, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia made by the Board of Temperance and Moral Reform of the Methodist Church and the Board of S o c i a l Service and Evangelism of the Presbyterian Church. 30 Minutes of Cooperation Committee of the P r e s b y t e r i a n , Congreg a t i o n a l and Methodist Churches of Vancouver, 1913, B.C.C.A. 31  Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l Disputes i n the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia issued by the Department of Labour, Ottawa, 1903. Orr, op. c i t . , p. 181. J.T. Saywell, i n "Labour and Socialism i n B r i t i s h Columbia: A Survey of H i s t o r i c a l Development Before 1903," B.C. H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly, July-October, 1951 says that Rowe changed h i s views when given a l u c r a t i v e seat on the commission and was a n t i s o c i a l i s t and anti-union. The report shows, however, that Rowe was not so much against s o c i a l i s m or the unions as against American unions i n Canada, and e s p e c i a l l y the Western Federation of Miners. He was i n favour of the Nanaimo unions organized along B r i t i s h labour l i n e s by Ralph Smith and Parker Williams. 32 A.J. Hiebert, " P r o h i b i t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia," M.A. t h e s i s , Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y , 1969 gives a d e t a i l e d account of p r o h i b i t i o n i n the province up to 1921. 33' Western Methodist Recorder, Nov. 1918. 34 A l l e n , op. c i t . , pp. 71-77. The same year the Presbyterian Board of Home Missions and S o c i a l Service echoed s i m i l a r sentiments a l though not so strongly. 35 A l l e n , op. c i t . , ch. 7, 8, and 9. 36 37 1919. 38  Western Methodist Recorder, July 1918. A l l e n , op. c i t . , p. 260 and Methodist B.C. Conference Minutes.  I b i d . , 1920, 1921 and Western Methodist Recorder, Nov. and Dec. 1918; Jan., Feb., March and A p r i l 1919.  FOOTNOTES—CHAPTER 2 Wm. Gregg, Short History of the Presbyterian Church i n the Dominion of Canada from the E a r l i e s t to the Present Time, Toronto, 1892; and J.T. M c N e i l l , The Presbyterian Church i n Canada 1875-1925, Toronto, General Board Presbyterian Church i n Canada, 1925, give d e t a i l e d accounts of the Presbyterian Church union i n 1875, but with l i t t l e a n a l y s i s . J . Warren Caldwell, "The U n i f i c a t i o n of Methodism i n Canada 1865-1884," The B u l l e t i n , 1967 gives the Methodist d e t a i l s as w e l l as an analysis of the causes f o r union and the a n t i c i p a t e d r e s u l t s . C.E. S i l c o x , Church Union i n Canada I t s Causes and Consequences, New York, I n s t i t u t e of S o c i a l and Religious Research, 1933 and H.H. Walsh, The C h r i s t i a n Church i n Canada, Toronto, Ryerson, 1956 cover the u n i f i c a t i o n s with much l e s s detail. 2 The Congregational Church a f t e r i t s union i n 1906 was s t i l l very small and much l e s s structured than the other two. 3 Men l i k e C.A. Birge, S.R. Parsons, A.E. Ames, Chester Massey, T. Eaton, Newton Rowell f o r the Methodists and Fred M o f f a t t , Hon. Robert MacKay, S i r Robert Falconer, James C r o i l , W.M. B i r k s , Hamilton Cassels and W.L.M. King f o r the Presbyterians gave the churches prestige i n society and power i n l e g i s l a t u r e s . 4 S i l c o x , op. c i t . , p. 91, and Richard A l l e n , The S o c i a l Passion; R e l i g i o n and S o c i a l Reform i n Canada 1914-1928, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1971, ch. 15. A l l e n , op. c i t . , p. 242 and F.E. Runnalls, I t ' s God's Country. A review of the United Church and i t s Founding P a r t n e r s j the Congregational, Methodist and Presbyterian Churches i n B r i t i s h Columbia, [United Church B r i t i s h Columbia Conference A r c h i v e s , 1 9 7 4 ] , pp.186, 208.. Cranbrook. E l s i e G. T u r n b u l l , Church i n the Kootenays. The Story of the United Church of Canada i n Kootenay Presbytery, T r a i l Times, 1965, p. 20. ^ Presbyterian Church i n Canada, The Acts and Proceedings, General Assembly, 1911, pp. 4-11 appendix, g See S i l c o x , op. c i t . f o r a complete analysis of the church union struggle and i t s immediate r e s u l t s . Q  Vancouver Robertson.Er.esbyte'riansChurchsfileTiBiJ.CC.G-.iA'.-'I: ^  Methodist B r i t i s h Columbia Conference Minutes, 1919, p. 850. 212  213 Wilson, "Report re C o - o p e r a t i o n — B r i t i s h Columbia," Church Union Papers, U.C.A. Wilson was the Presbyterian superintendent of home missions f o r most of B r i t i s h Columbia. 1 2  See Table I I , p. 33.  13 See Tables I I , p. 33, I I I and IV, p. 35, f o r s t a t i s t i c s of B r i t i s h Columbia. E.L. Morrow, Church Union i n Canada. I t s H i s t o r y , Motives, Doctrine and Government, Toronto, Thomas A l l e n , 1923 and Ephraim Scott, Church Union and the Presbyterian Church i n Canada, Montreal, John L o v e l l and Son, 1928 give the Presbyterian side f o r the non-concurrents. George C. Pidgeon, The United Church of Canada the Story of the Union, Toronto, Ryerson, 1950owrote from the point of view of a very a c t i v e Presbyterian u n i o n i s t who l e d the f i n a l struggle f o r union. Ernest Thomas, "Church Union i n Canada," American Journal of Theology, J u l y 1919, pp. 257-73, and S.D. Chownk The Story of Church Union i n Canada, Toronto, Ryerson, 1930 give the contemporary Methodist views. E.R. Schwarz, "Samuel Dwight Chown and Church Union i n Canada," The B u l l e t i n , 1961 o u t l i n e s Chown's c o n t r i b u t i o n and S i l c o x , op. c i t . , gives an h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l analysis while John W. Grant, The Canadian Experience of Church Union, London, Lutterworth Press, 1967 gives an h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y t i c a l account. 14 R.G. MacBeth, Organic Union or Federation Which? Church Union papers, U.C.A. ^ Interview with the Rev. F.E. Runnalls; "An Open L e t t e r to the Members and Adherents of the Presbyterian Church," Kew Beach Church, Toronto, October 24, 1924. 16 P r i n c i p a l W.H. Smith, "What Church Union w i l l mean to Vancouver," The New Outlook, June 10, 1925, p. 27. ^ The Revs. W.L. Clay, R.J. Douglas and E.G. Thompson were on committees of Home Missions and S o c i a l Service a f t e r these two boards had been merged i n 1915 f o r f i n a n c i a l reasons. They were not i n t e r e s t e d i n the S o c i a l Service side of the work though. In l a t e 1924 and early 1925 they obstructed summer f i e l d placement. Dr. J.H. Edmison to the Rev. J.F. M i l l a r , Jan. 28, 1925, Church Union papers, U.C.A. Some of the i n a c t i v e ministers came forward a f t e r church union to help f i l l the depleted ranks of Presbyterian ministers i n the pastorate. 18 See Appendix 1 f o r the l i s t and d e s c r i p t i o n of non-concurring ministers and congregations. I n V i c t o r i a , F i r s t Presbyterian Church voted f o r union. I t had always been the l i b e r a l congregation compared to St. Andrew's which broke away i n the 1860's over the question of s t r i c t e r church government. Harry Gregson, A H i s t o r y of V i c t o r i a 18421970, V i c t o r i a Observer, 1970, p. 39.  214 19  Presbyterian Non-concurrence box 1, Church Union papers, U.C.A.  20 The Rev. W.G. Wilson, V i c t o r i a to h i s brother the Rev. R.J. Wilson, Toronto, Dec. 19, 1924, Church Unionnpapers, U.C.A. 21 I b i d . ; the Rev. W.W. Peck to the Rev. J.H. Edmison, Dec. 26, 1924; the Rev. J.F. M i l l a r to the Rev. J.H. Edmison, Jan. 20, 1925; the Rev. W.H. Smith to the Rev. George Pidgeon, Dec. 23, 1924; Church Union papers, U.C.A. 22 Wilson to Wilson, op. c i t . 23 J.B. Clearihue to G.W. Mason, Jan. 16, 1925, Church Union papers, U.C.A. 24 See G.W. Mason, The L e g i s l a t i v e Struggles f o r Church Union, Toronto, Ryerson, 1956 f o r f u l l e r d e t a i l s . The b i l l made p r o v i s i o n f o r a commission of three to recommend to the next s i t t i n g of the l e g i s l a t u r e the d i s t r i b u t i o n of property between the a n t i and pro-unionists. The a n t i - u n i o n i s t s hated the b i l l , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r narrowly l o s i n g t h e i r amendment which gave the commission power to a c t , levy charges and c o l l e c t them. The u n i o n i s t s d i s l i k e d the b i l l with the appointed commission but f e l t that i t s power was s u f f i c i e n t l y weak as to be no threat. Wilson to Wilson, op. c i t . Upon request from the United and Presbyterian Churches, the commission was changed by the lieutenant-governor to ten persons, f i v e from each of the u n i o n i s t and a n t i - u n i o n i s t bodies. S i l c o x , op. c i t . , p. 359. A l l property matters were s e t t l e d by the commission except that of S t . Andrew's i n Nanaimo which went to the c i v i l court. 25 Vancouver, Mount Pleasant Presbyterian Church, Session Minutes. 26 Interview with the Rev. H.M. Rae. 27 Nanaimo f i l e , Church Union papers, B.C.C.A. 28 S i l c o x , op. c i t . , pp. 455-57. 29 More than 45 by 1928. Church Union i n Canada Two Years' Progress i n the United Church of Canada, 1928, p. 9. 30 See Table V, p. 41. Add to the figures representing United Church leanings, members of other denominations who do not have a representative of t h e i r church nearby and r e l y on the United Church as w e l l . A look at the marriage and b u r i a l records q u i c k l y shows how often members of other churches do t h i s . In 1928, 42% of marriages and 28% of b u r i a l s were conducted by United Church clergy. B r i t i s h Columbia Conference papers, S t a t i s t i c a l Report, 1928. 31 B e l l a B e l l a , Skidegate, Hartley Bay and many of the stops of the Thomas Crosby boat were i n t h i s category.  215 3 2  See Table I , p. 4.  33 Interview with the Rev. W.P. Bunt; the Rev. W.J. Knott to the Rev. James E n d i c o t t , March 26, 1914, Endicott and Arnup papers, U.C.A. 34 R. Macdonald, "Character and Role of Business Leadership i n Vancouver 1886-1914," unpublished manuscript and the many biographies i n E.O.S. S c h o l e f i e l d , B r i t i s h Columbia from the E a r l i e s t Times to the Present, Vancouver, S.J~ C l a r k e , [1914] , v o l s . 3 and 4.  FOOTNOTES—CHAPTER 3 L.M. Grayson and Michael B l i s s , eds., The Wretched of Canada, Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1971, p. i x . 1  Ibid.  2  3 H. B l a i r Neatby, The P o l i t i c s of Chaos, Toronto, Macmillan, 1972, chap. 1-3. The foregoing has been based on t h i s book to a large extent. 4 M.A. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A H i s t o r y , Toronto, Macmillan, 1958, ch. 15. This gives a more d e t a i l e d account of the decade i n the province. Sales of salmon, f o r example, dropped 70% i n one year and the p r i c e per case dropped 35%. Report of the Committee Appointed by the Government to Investigate the Finances of B r i t i s h Columbia, J u l y 12, 1932, V i c t o r i a , pp. 12-13, hereafter c a l l e d the Kidd Report. See 'the same pages f o r further examples of the percentage of B.C. products exported, the drop i n sales and p r i c e s of other products. Ormsby, op. c i t . , p. 446. ^ I b i d . , p. 443. 8 I b i d . , pp. 445-6. 9  [H.D. Twigg], Report of Select Committee of the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly on Unemployment" [ V i c t o r i a , 1932]. Both T. Tanner, "Microcosms of Misfortune: Canada's Unemployment Camps Administered by the Department of National Defense, 1933-1936," M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Western Ontario, 1965, and Marion E. Lane, "Unemployment During the Depression: The Problem of the Single Unemployed Transient i n B r i t i s h Columbia 19301938," graduating essay, The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1966 are good accounts of the r e l i e f camps. 10 Orsmby, op. c i t . , p. 445. 11 I b i d . , p. 446. 12 Kidd Report, p. 50. 13 Ormsby, op. c i t . , p. 446. 14 M.A. Ormsby, "T. D u f f e r i n P a t t u l l o . a n d the L i t t l e New Deal," C.H.R., December 1962. 216  217 ^ Alan Morley, Vancouver From M i l l t o w n to Metropolis, Vancouver, M i t c h e l l Press, 1961, p. 152. 1 6  I b i d . , p.  178.  ^ T. Bradshaw, Survey of F i n a n c i a l Conditions, Vancouver, B.C., March 7, 1935, (a s p e c i a l report on back taxes requested by Vancouver City Council). 18  This term i s l o o s e l y used, and frequently meant only a f a m i l i a r cheap h o t e l , flophouse or room. 19 Morley, op. c i t . , p. 178. 20 See Table V, p. 41, Many were not members as f a r as the church was concerned. 21 The information on Dobson i s based on a reading of h i s papers, press accounts, church minutes and papers, and interviews with the Revs. W.P. Bunt, H.P. Davidson, H.T. A l l e n , A.E. Whitehouse and F.E. Runnalls, Dr. C.W. Topping, Mrs. M. Brunette, and others. 22 He d i d become a member of League f o r S o c i a l Reconstruction along with s e v e r a l other ex-Methodist and United Church m i n i s t e r s . The League, l a r g e l y an i n t e l l e c t u a l body i n t e n t upon p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c a f f a i r s , favoured moderate s o c i a l i s m and helped d r a f t the Regina Manifesto f o r the C.C.F. party and, i n 1935, published S o c i a l Planning f o r Canada, an a n a l y s i s of contemporary economic and s o c i a l conditions i n Canada and a very d e t a i l e d b l u e p r i n t of moderate s o c i a l i s t s o l u t i o n s f o r the f u t u r e . See M i c h i e l Horn, The D i r t y T h i r t i e s Canadians i n the Great Depression, Copp C l a r k , 1972, pp. 407-9 f o r the t e x t of i t s manifesto and M i c h i e l Horn, "The League f o r S o c i a l Reconstruction: S o c i a l i s m and Nationalism i n Canada, 1931-1945," Ph.D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1969 f o r a more d e t a i l e d account of the League. His a r t i c l e "Frank U n d e r b i l l ' s Early Drafts of the Regina Manifesto 1933," C.H.R. December 1973, also gives more d e t a i l s . 23 The new church " r a d i c a l s " were the progressive remnant l e f t a f t e r the s o c i a l gospel movement s p l i t i n the 1920's along with a handf u l of younger r e c r u i t s to the cause. 24 United Church of Canada, Year Book, 1932, p. 166 and Andrew Roddan, The Church i n the C i t y , Vancouver, p. 34. 25 Roddan had been born and r a i s e d i n Scotland and had h i s f i r s t experience with mission work i n G i b r a l t e r among s o l d i e r s and s a i l o r s . Coming to Canada, he took h i s t h e o l o g i c a l t r a i n i n g i n Winnipeg at Manitoba College where, l i k e so many other future wave-makers, he studied under Salem Bland. A f t e r pastorates i n Winnipeg and Port Arthur he came to Vancouver i n 1929, a t t r a c t e d by the challenging downtown mission work among the s i n g l e men on s k i d row and the d e s t i t u t e f a m i l i e s surrounding F i r s t United Church.  218 26  Roddan, C h r i s t of the Wireless Ways, Vancouver, [Clarke and Stewart, 1932], p. 25. 27 Roddan, The Church i n A c t i o n , [Vancouver, 1939], pp.