UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

The socio-economic basis of support for the Buddhist Religious Institutions of Western India : circa… Preston, Laurence Wade 1975

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THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC BASIS OF SUPPORT FOR THE BUDDHIST RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS OF WESTERN INDIAt CIRCA 200 B.C. TO A.D. 200  by LAURENCE HADE PRESTON B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  i n the Department of Asian Studies We accept t h i s thesis as conforming t o the required  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1975  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s  thesis  an advanced degree at the L i b r a r y s h a l l I  further  of  this  written  the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h  make  it  freely available  for  the requirements  Columbia,  I agree  r e f e r e n c e and  representatives. thesis  It  is understood that  for financial  gain shall  permission.  Asian Studies  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h  Columbia  2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1WS  ^ophiihtor  2t  //W  copying or  for  that  study. thesis  purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department  Department of  Date  fulfilment of  agree that p e r m i s s i o n for e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s  for scholarly by h i s  in p a r t i a l  or  publication  not be allowed without my  ii Abstract This thesis is an analysis of the inscriptions, dating before the third century B.C., from the Buddhist cave excavations of Western India, The first chapter defines the inscriptions in terms of a corpus chronologically closely related, the period examined in general being that of the SatavShana dynasty.  The corpus is  also defined as being related in terms of language and alphabet. The purpose of the inscriptions is similar in that they are a l l donations to the Buddhist religious Institutions as represented by the cave excavations. These cave excavations, in their iconography, a l l belong to the Hinayana phase of Buddhism. The cave excavations and thus the corpus of inscriptions they contain are also related in terms of ther spatial distribution.  In the second chapter the spatial distribution  of the cave excavations is examined in terms of the traditional interior to coast routes in Western India. The cave excavations are.located close to Important ancient towns located on these routes. The spatial distribution of the cave excavations is the basis on which the subsequent analysis of the types of donors and donations recorded in the Inscriptions is undertaken. The third chapter analyzes the types of donations recorded in the Inscriptions, gifts for the excavation of the caves and endowments for their maintenance. Four groups of donors are established: royal and administrative, commercial and landed, Sangha and 'others'.  iii The fourth chapter is an examination of donations of endowments. These endowments are of two types, those of land and those of money. The distribution of these endowments is analyzed in terms of the spatial distribution of the cave excavations and related to the contemporary economic and political history of Western India. The analysis of donations and donors describes the general socio-economic basis of donations to the Buddhist religious institutions in the period under consideration. Certain sites, however, have relatively large numbers of certain types of donations and donors.  This i s explained in terms of the  established spatial distribution of the cave excavations. The distribution of endowments is particularly used to show the contemporary dynasties* efforts to control the upland centers and passes associated with the cave excavations. Royal donations were then made to the cave excavations, particularly for example at Nasik, as a factor of the SatavahanaKsatrapa conflict of the first to second centuries A.D. The control of the upland centers and thus the traditional routes to the coast then created conditions favourable for trade, particularly the international seaborne trade with the Roman Empire.  The numbers of commercial and landed donors and of  endowments of money at coastal Kanheri are seen as a factor of the re-establishment of Satavahana rule in Western India. The thesis concludes with an examination of the inscriptions in terms of the historical development of the donative process 7  in Buddhism. Particular emphasis is given to the specific  iv local political and economic information such inscriptions can yield, as here summarized, when an analysis as presented in this thesis is undertaken.  V  TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE.  INTRODUCTION  1  CHAPTER TWO.  THE CAVE SITES AND THEIR INSCRIPTIONS....... ,2k  CHAPTER THREE.  DONATIONS AND DONORS  51  CHAPTER FOUR.  DONATIONS OF ENDOWMENTS  86  CHAPTER FIVE.  CONCLUSIONS  105 U3  BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX A.  DONATIONS  118  APPENDIX B.  DONORS.  124  vi  LIST OF TABLES 1.  Inscriptions by Sites  39  2.  Donations by Sites  78  3.  Donors by Sites  78  k.  Endowments by Sites  100  5.  Donors of Endowments by Sites  100  vii  LIST OF MAPS  Legend  ^0  Map One.  Peninsular India  41  Map Two.  Nasik Region  42  Map Three.  Junnar - Nanaghat Region  43  Map Four.  Karle - Bor Ghat Region  Map Five.  Kuda - Mahad Region  45  Map Six.  Western India.  46  Road and R a i l Routes  ...44  1 CHAPTER ONE.  INTRODUCTION  The understanding of the means of support by which i n s t i t u t i o n s are established and maintained i s e s s e n t i a l f o r an understanding of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s of ancient India and the society i n which they functioned.  The means by which  a p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n , as represented by the remaining h i s t o r i c a l monuments of ancient India, was supported varied according to the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic conditions and organizations present i n i t s contemporary society. A study of the means by which a r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n was supported w i l l then illuminate those conditions and organizations present i n the society from which the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n came, i n addition t o the understanding of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n i t s e l f . Inscriptions provide the source material f o r such a study of the means of support f o r r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s i n ancient India.  Fortunately, there i s a large body of donative i n s c r i p t i o n s  found on the r e l i g i o u s monuments of ancient India.  In the absence  of any form of extensive, written records from ancient India, i n s c r i p t i o n s have provided one of the most important h i s t o r i c a l source materials.  With certain exceptions, i n s c r i p t i o n s were not  designed t o convey p o l i t i c a l information.  Any p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l  information these i n s c r i p t i o n s provide i s i n c i d e n t a l to the o r i g i n a l purposes of the i n s c r i p t i o n s .  This i s not to discount the important  h i s t o r i c a l information these i n s c r i p t i o n s may provide, when lacking other sources.  In t h i s study, however, attention  will  primarily be given t o the o r i g i n a l purpose of the i n s c r i p t i o n s from the cave excavations of Western India, c i r c a 200 B.C. to  2 A. D. 2001 the means o f support by which these r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s were e s t a b l i s h e d and maintained. The use of caves a r e l i g i o u s r e t r e a t s i s a very ancient one i n India.  Indeed, the use of n a t u r a l caverns by r e l i g i o u s a s c e t i c s  i s common i n I n d i a even today.  The f i r s t examples of caves which  are not, as seen today, of n a t u r a l formation are those caves found i n modern Bihar.  These caves, In the Barabar h i l l s , a t  B a j g i r and a t Sita-Marhi, are i n the ancient Magadha kingdom and date from the l a t e Mauryan period, the t h i r d and second c e n t u r i e s B. C.,. F i r s t appearing In t h i s ancient center of i m p e r i a l kingdoms, the t r a d i t i o n o f cave excavation re-appears throughout India a t l a t e r dates.1  The most numerous of excavated caves, however,  are t o be found i n Western India.  Cave excavation In Western  India f i r s t appears i n the second century B.C., being excavated f o r Buddhist monks.  The t r a d i t i o n of cave excavation continues  through the end of the f i r s t millenium A.D., w i t h many of the l a t e r caves being Hindu and J a i n excavations. The caves of Western India are excavated i n , An immense accumulation of v o l c a n i c rocks, p r i n c i p a l l y b a s a l t i c lavas, known as the •Deccan trap». This i s the most important g e o l o g i c a l / formation i n the Bombay Presidency [^present day Maharashtra] , covering almost e n t i r e l y the region included between the 16th and 22nd p a r a l l e l s of l a t i t u d e , together w i t h the g r e a t e r part of the Kathiawar peninsula and a large p o r t i o n of Cutch.2 Those cave s i t e s which w i l l be examined are p r i n c i p a l l y l o c a t e d i n the range of h i l l s , the Western Ghats, which form the western seaward edge of t h i s •Deccan t r a p ' g e o l o g i c a l formation.  These  Western Ghats a r e described as running, ...southward, p a r a l l e l t o the sea-coast f o r upwards of 1,000 m i l e s , w i t h a general e l e v a t i o n of about 1,800 f e e t  above the sea, though Individual peaks rise to more than double that height. The western declivity i s abrupt, and the low strip of land bordering the sea-shore i s seldom more than 4-0 miles in width. The Ghats do not often descend i n one sheer precipice, but, as i s usually the case with a trap formation, the descent i s broken by a succession of terraces. The landward slope i s gentle, also f a l l i n g i n terraces, the crest of the range being In many cases but slightly raised above the level of the central plateau of the Deccan.3 The narrow coastal strip also contains outeroping3 of the basaltic 'Deccan trap*; thus some of the cave excavations to be considered are found here.  This coastal strip, " . . . i s a  d i f f i c u l t country to travel In, f o r i n addition to rivers, creeks, and harbours, there are many isolated peaks and detached ranges of h i l l s . The nature of the Western Ghats being of a "succession of terraces", ihe many faces of hard basaltic rock of even strata make ideal locations for the excavation of caves.  Certainly, any  natural caverns i n these geological formations, In addition to the close availability of natural springs, must have provided an advantageous monsoon, varsa. retreat for the earliest wandering Buddhist monks i n Western India.  Over a period of time, natural  caverns would have been excavated and enlarged and new caves would be excavated where there was a suitable geological terrain and water source and where, as shall be seen later, suitable population centers and transportation routes lay nearby.  The initiation of  the excavation of caves must have begun soon after the introduction of Buddhism into Western India.  The f i r s t excavated caves date to  the later second century B.C., perhaps a century after the expansion of Buddhism throughout India initiated i n the Hauryan period,  k  particularly under the patronage of As"oka.5 That there would be century or more between the introduction of Buddhism Into Western India and the undertaking of the excavation of caves is not surprising.^ It would have taken a considerable period of time for wandering monks of a heterodox religion to become established and accepted in the contemporary Brahmanical society. The initiation of the excavation of caves, as the inscriptions will elucidate, implies that the Buddhist religion as an institution was already well established in the contemporary society of Western India. Buddhism is a monastic religion and as such, one of its initial requirements is some place of residence for the monks, particularly during the rainy season retreat. One of the prominent features of any Buddhist monastic institution, be i t a freestanding structure or an excavated cave, is a vlhara or monastic residence.  The vlhara  is a quadrangular building with lndvidual residence cells lining i t s sides, usually the Interior three sides in the cave excavations. The vlhara does undergo some architectural modifications throughout its history In India and in the cave excavations.  Most notably  these modifications are in terms of architectural elaboration, as for example in the addition of interior pillars.  Modification also  occurs in the elaboration of the original purpose of the vlhara. as for example in the addition of an image shrine in the rear wall. However, throughout its history and particularly in the cave excavations considered here, the vlhara retains its primary function as a living quarter. The other fundamental structure in any Buddhist monastic institution, be i t freestanding or excavated, is an object of  5 worship for both monks and laymen. The earliest object of worship in Buddhism is the stupa. This tumulus-like structure, whose origin and significance are obscure, continuesto be a prominent object of worship throughout the history of Buddhism. In later developments within Buddhism, the anthropomorphic representation of the Buddha also becomes an object of worship. However, in the phase of cave excavations to be studied, only the stupa is conceived of as an object of worship.  The stupa can be  a large freestanding structure as seen at Bharut, Sanchi or numerous other places throughout the Buddhist world. An example of such a large, freestanding stupa has recently been found in Western India, at Pauni near present day Nagpur.? In the cave excavations, undoubtably because of the medium of excavation, the stupa is usually conceived of as being enclosed in an apsidal, pillared hall, with an elaborate horseshoe shaped window. This complete structure is known as a caltya. the word itself implies the presence of a stupa. It should be emphasized that the structures seen excavated from the living rock in Western India are the same, albeit adapted to their particular medium of construction, as contemporary freestanding structures in brick and stone, found throughout the Indian subcontinent. The cave excavations also undergo the same general architectural development as their contemporary freestanding counterparts. The common origin for both the vlhara and caltya is said to be In wooden prototypes. 8 No such wooden prototypes are extant today, although supporting evidence for their existence can be found represented in the reliefs on the Bharut and Sanchi gateways. The Buddhist monastic Institutions, whether constructed in  6 wood, brick or stone ore excavated from the living rock are the same institutions.  The presence of well preserved excavated caves  should not, in their essential nature, be considered unique. Such monastic institutions have been found throughout the Indian subcontinent where archaeological excavations have been conducted. The cave excavations are unique only in that, because of the imperishable medium of their excavation, they have survived mostly intact.  The living rock has also preserved many of the inscriptions  of the monuments. This unique preservation provides a record of the means of support and maintenance of a series of Buddhist religious institutions related in terms of geography/and functioning in the same society in the same period. It has been previously stated that the excavation of caves in Western India began In the second century B.C. and continued through the first millennium A.D.  With such a long period of  excavation, how then will those particular monuments to be here considered be isolated? The most fundamental division of the excavations has already been mentioned. The cave excavations first divide themselves as to religious affiliation. Buddhist monuments will only be considered in this study. Furthermore, only those Buddhist cave excavations which date from the inception of cave excavation, that is the late second century B.C., to the third century A.D. will be considered. During this period, Buddhist monuments predominate. The Hindu and Jain excavations, together with some Buddhist excavations date to the period after the fourth century A.D.  a  This division of the cave excavations into two periods i s in no sense arbitrary.  Firstly, few, i f any, of the cave excavations  7 can be attributed to the fourth century A.D.  Little cave  excavation occured also during the third century A.D., although inscriptional evidence indicate! some activity during this century.9 This general division of the cave excavations and particularly those of Buddhist affiliation, into two phases is generally attributed to the internal theological division of Buddhism into the Hinayana and MahSySna persuasions.1° This division is maintained primarily on iconographic evidence found in the caves.  The earlier  caves contain l i t t l e use of the Buddha image nor do they contain any representations of Bodhisattvas which are peculiar to the Hahayana persuasion. This strict chronological divison of the caves, the earlier being HInayana,, the later being Mahayana, i s probably not absolutely accurate. No study has been attempted, for example, which analyzes the iconography of the later caves for evidence of the continuation of the Hinayana persuasion. The Buddha image in the later phase need not be solely attributed to the Hahayana persuasion, i t was certainly common to many forms of Buddhism at this time. The Chinese pilgrim, Hsian Tsang (early seventh century A.D.), also reported the continuation of the Hinayana persuasion in Western I n d i a . T h e analysis of the iconographical use of Bodhisattvas is the only way to determine the extent of the division of the later caves into the Hinayana and Mahayana persuasions. The earlier caves, to be studies here, do a l l appear to belong to the Hinayana persuasion. It should, however, be remembered that the Hahayana persuasion did originate in the first to second centuries A.D. either in North West India or the Andhra region, that i s during the period the earlier caves were being excavated. There does not appear any odiously Mahayana iconography, be i t of  8 Bodhisattvas or even the extensive use of Buddha images in the early caves in Western India. The caves excavated in Western India that axe to be studied here, then are defined as being excavated before the fourth century A.D. and judging from their iconography, prior to the introduction of the Mahayana persuasion to Western India.  In architectural  terms, a l l the caves display remarkable similarities. vihara and caltya forms predominate.  The basic  The vlhara has not undergone  any elaboration such as the addition of image shrines or interior pillars.  Within the period under consideration individual variations,  often in the nature of "experimentation", are found in particular caves. An example of such experimentations would be the use of a "blank" caltya window on the facade of caltya six In the Lenyadrl site at Junnar. Such individual variations do not alter the basic common architectural forms found in the caves. They do not appear to have any particular developmental or chronological significance.|2 There are however definite trends of architectural development in the caves here under consideration.  These architectural developments  are beyond the scope of this study. There exists one division of significance among the caves excavated before the fourth century A.D.  Here also an earlier and  a later phase of cave excavation is apparent. The earlier phase ends in the early decades of the first century B.C. and the later phase begins in the second half of the first century A.D.  This  interval is not large and does not appear to me significant in the study of the inscriptions.  I will, however, note this division  of the caves under consideration into earlier and later phases, when considering the inscriptions, i f i t appears that any meaningful  9 chronological developments or variation can be ascertained. This interval between phasis of cave excavation would appear to coincide with a period of political upheaval in Western  India.13  There does appear to exist a definite relationship between the political history of Western India and the excavation of the caves. The analysis of the inscriptions will elucidate the intimate relationship between the ruling dynasties and the Buddhist religious institutions.  In general terms, the caves were excavated during  the SStavShana-Ksatrapa period. However, this study is not in the nature of a chronological study. The inscriptions from the cave excavations will be considered as a whole and not in terms of any chronological development within the period under consideration. Therefore, for the purposes of this study, relative chronologies are considered adequate. The problem of S&tavahana-Ksatrapa chronology i s a vexed one and is closely related to the inscriptions to be considered.^ Most of the evidence for a precise dating of the SStavShanas and Ksatrapas is to be found in the inscriptions.  The problem i s essentially one  of the synchronism of regnal years contained in the inscriptions with the known dates of other contemporary rulers, particularly, for example, of the Mahaksatrapa Rudradaman. 15 The first phase of Satavahana rule covers the first half of the first century B.C.  Three rulers are known from this period.  The first and third, Simuka and Satakarni I, are known from the royal inscription from Nanaghat.16 The second ruler, Kanha (Krsna), is known from an early inscription from the Nasik caves.17 The provenance of these inscriptions must surely indicate that the Satavahana dynasty is of Western Indian origin. It has sometimes  10 been maintained that t h e i r o r i g i n a l homeland i s to be found i n the  Andhra d e l t a r e g i o n . ^  This view i s based on the a s c r i p t i o n  of the Satavahanas as Andhrabhrtya i n the Puranas.19  This l a t e r  Puranic l o r e most l i k e l y r e f e r s t o the l a t e r phases of Satavahana rule i n the Andhra d e l t a region. For  over a hundred years, that i s the l a t t e r h a l f of the f i r s t  century B.C. and the f i r s t h a l f of the f i r s t century A.D.,  historical  knowledge of Western India i s very obscure and must be based on Puranic accounts.  This i s the period of the incursion of nomadic  Saka peoples throughout Western and North Western India. the  Indeed  f i r s t personality that emerges again i n Western India i s that  of Nahapana, the Ksaharata Ksatrapa.  Nahapana belonged t o one l i n e  of such Ksatrapa r u l e r s , the other l i n e being of Castana and BudradSman, the Kardamakas, who belong to the second century A.D. The word ksatrapa i t s e l f implies the p o s i t i o n of a subject prince. The overlord power i n these examples probably being that of the Kusanas, the contemporary foreign dynasty which had recently been established i n North Western India.  Nahapana•s r u l e , perhaps  centered more to the north of the region under consideration, d i d extend over the area of the caves.  The i n s c r i p t i o n s of Nahapana's  son-in-law Usavadata (Sanskrit, Rsabhadatta), perhaps Nahapana's l o c a l l o r d , are to be found a t the caves a t Nasik20 a t Karfce * i n 2  t  addition to an i n s c r i p t i o n of the minister of Nahapana found a t the  caves a t Junnar.22 The Satavahana dynasty was restored i n the area of the caves  under consideration by Gautamiputra Satakarni, an event which must have occurred not long a f t e r A.D.  100.  An i n s c r i p t i o n from Nasik  in the time of Pulumavi, the successor to Gautamiputra, by B a l a s r i ,  11 the mother of Gautamlputra, r e f e r s to him as one who, ...humbled the pride and arrogance of the Ksatriyas... who destroyed the Sakas, Yavanas and Pahlavas... who e n t i r e l y destroyed the Khakharata (Ksaharata) race...him who restored the fame of the Satavahana race...23 The l a t e r Satavahanas, s t a r t i n g with Gautamlputra, are well known by t h e i r i n s c r i p t i o n s from the caves, p a r t i c u l a r l y from the Karle, Nasik and Kanheri caves.  The two dost important Satavahana r u l e r s  of the second century A.D. following Gautamlputra are Pulumavi and Yajnasrl Satakarni. * Following Pulumavi, the Satavahanas again 2i  came i n t o c o n f l i c t with the satrapal r u l e r s t o the north of t h e i r domains.  In t h i s case, these satraps were the Kardamaka l i n e of  Rudradaman. -5 2  Following Yajnasrl Satakarni ( i e , a f t e r the t h i r d  quarter of the second century A.D.), the Satavahana dynasty entered a period of decline.  The names of the l a t e r Satavahana r u l e r s are  known from l i t t l e else than Furanic sources and the occasional i n s c r i p t i o n s and coins. The t h i r d century A.D. appears to be a period of p o l i t i c a l confusion, s i m i l a r t o the period between the two phases of Satavahana r u l e ( f i r s t century B.C. t o f i r s t century A.D).  Two  r u l e r s of foreign Saka o r i g i n , from the period a f t e r Yajnasrl Satakarni, are known from the i n s c r i p t i o n s under consideration. These r u l e r s are the AbhTra Isvarasena known from an i n s c r i p t i o n from Nasik ^ and one Sakasena known from two i n s c r i p t i o n s from 2  Kanheri.27  Vidya Dehejia places these two r u l e r s In the reign of  Yajnasrl Satakarni on the basis of palaeographlc evidence. ^ I t 2  hardly seems l i k e l y that two other kings could be r u l i n g a t the same time and same places as Yajnasrl Satakarni. These two kings appear t o l i k e l y belong to the period a f t e r Yajnasrl Satakarni and  12 probably to the third century A.D. when the language of these inscriptions is considered. Both these two kings, Isvarasena and Sakasena, appear to be of Saka origin, similar to that of the Ksatrapa rulers.29 The name Sakasena would in itself indicate this.  It is also not beyond belief that these two rulers were  related or were of the same Xbhlra dynasty, as both are styled •MadharIputra|, The language and palaeography of the inscriptions thus also aid in defining the period under consideration. The inscriptions from the caves excavated in the third century A.D. and before share important similarities in their language and palaeography. This is not to say that no important changes occurred in alphabet and language over a period of over four centuries. Vidya Dehejia maintains that the palaeographic evidence of the inscriptions i s essential in determining the chronology of the caves.3° This is certainly true when lacking other evidence or any specific internal evidence from the inscriptions themselves.  It has also been maintained  that the language of the inscriptions can be analyzed historically.31 It is not the purpose of this study, however, to present a detailed account of the development of the alphabet and linguistic characteristics of the inscriptions under consideration.  It is enough to know the  general palaeographic and linguistic characteristics of the inscriptions here considered. This is particularly Important in the selection of inscriptions to be studied. It is possible, for example, that an inscription of a later period can be added to a continuously occupied site.  Those palaeographic and linguistic characteristics which  can generally identify an inscription as early or late within the  13 period under consideration, when lacking other evidence, are also of some Importance. The alphabet of the Inscriptions Is In a l l cases Brahml. Two phases of writing styles are apparent from the cave inscriptions. The former phase Is a continuation of Asokan Brahml In regional styles.32 The latter phase, according to Dani, dates in its fully developed state from after A.D. 50 when i t was introduced by the Sakas and spread from Mathura.33 This later phase of Brahml is characterized by two essential features. The first is the equalization of the verticals. letters.  The second is the use of serif-like heads on the  This was due to the reed pen, a,  ...broad or edged pen, the use of which i s notlcable clearly In the drawing of the verticals, which begin with a thick top and gradually thin downwards...3^ The change of the-one form of writing to another i s gradual, with the examples of the earlier form of writing, in many ways, anticipating the new phase of writing.  Such an inscription would therefore  be placed immediately prior to the f u l l acceptance of the new style of writing. 35 The division of the Brahml script used in the cave inscriptions is of great importance in the division of the caves and of the Satavahana dynasty into earlier and later phases. Lacking any internal evidence or outside synchronisms, palaeography has been particularly used to determine the dates of those caves whose inscriptions display use of the regional As'okan Brahml style. The dates of the early Satavahana rulers are also determined In like manner as these rulers are known only from inscriptions in this style.  The dates which Danl would place on these inscriptions are  14 from f i f t y t o a hundred years l a t e r than those that have been previously mentioned i n t h i s study.  He would therefore place the  early Satavahana phase i n the f i r s t h a l f of the f i r s t century A.D. 36 This chronology would considerably shorten the i n t e r v a l between the two phases of Satavahana r u l e and cave excavation, i f not make then contiguous.  The chronology Dani deduces f o r the Satavahana from  Gautamiputra agrees with the .chronology adopted i n t h i s study.37 Here however, palaeographic dating i s l i m i t e d by outside h i s t o r i c a l synchronisms.  This i s not so obviously the case with the e a r l i e r  inscriptions.  Dani assigns the completion of the introduction of the  reed pen t o a f t e r the f i r s t h a l f of the f i r s t century A.D. and therefore puts the early i n s c r i p t i o n s i n the period immediately proceeding t h i s , that i s , from 0 t o A.D. 50.  The arguments of  Vidya Dehejia that the introduction of the reed pen can be considerably pushed back i n time appears t o be l i k e l y .  Other h i s t o r i c a l arguments  would a l s o indicate the e a r l i e r datings previously maintained. 38 The language of the i n s c r i p t i o n s i s i n most cases P r a k r i t . This P r a k r i t i s that described as Maharastri by the l a t e r P r a k r i t grammarians.39  The P r a k r i t of the i n s c r i p t i o n s , however, i s i n the  formative stage when compared t o l a t e r l i t e r a r y P r a k r i t , f o r , . . . i t i s only i n SOME RESPECTS that the distinguishing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of l a t e r l i t e r a r y Prakrits are based on the tendential innovations introduced i n the e a r l i e r i n s c r l p t i o n a l Prakrits...the l i t e r a r y P r a k r i t s mark a d e f i n i t e l y l a t e r stage over the one reached a t the end o f i n s c r l p t i o n a l P r a k r i t s i n the development of the Middle Indo-Aryan languages.^ The P r a k r i t o f the i n s c r i p t i o n s does undergo a d e f i n i t e l i n g u i s t i c development.  I t i s , however, beyond the purpose of t h i s study t o  enter Into a d e t a i l e d account of the l i n g u i s t i c development of inscrlptional Prakrits.  15 There is one development, the Sanskritization of the inscriptional Prakrits, which is important when determining the inscriptions to be considered in this study. The inscriptions of the later phase of cave excavations, the so called 'Mahayana' phase, are in Sanskrit as are most inscriptions in India dating after the fifth century A.D, Inscriptions in pure Sanskrit have therefore been omitted from this study, except in certain exceptional cases where Internal evidence assigns them to an earlier date. Most of the Sanskrit inscriptions found in the caves can be assigned to the later period of cave excavation on internal evidence and by virtue of their locations. There i s , however, a body of inscriptions which Luders has described as being of 'mixed dialect*. That i s , whereas the inscriptions are Prakrit, considerable elements of Sanskrltic orthography and morphology can be seen. Most of the inscriptions are of a date late in the period under consideration, many appearing to date to the third century A.D.  An example of these inscriptions of 'mixed dialect' is  the Nasik inscription of the Abhira Isvarasena.^1 The genetive singular termination regularly used here is the Sanskritlc SYA in preference to the Prakrit SA, (ie, SlvadattabhlraputraSYA. the son of the Abhira Slvadatta, line 1).  The Prakrit orthography is  retained in the compound Bhlkhusaphasya. 'the community of monks' (line 8), In preference to the Sanskritlc Bhikkhusanghasva. Again here, however, the Sanskritlc genetive singular termination SYA is used. The inscriptions of 'mixed dialect' represent, in the caves of Western India, the increasing use of Sanskrit in inscriptional records throughout India from the end and immediately after the period under consideration. The scholarly interest in the inscriptions from the caves of  16 Western India dates to the early decades of the nineteenth century. The inscriptions attracted the attention of the great pioneer of India epigraphy, James Prinsep. After the pioneering work of scholars such as Stevenson and West, the f i r s t nearly comprehensive collection of the inscriptions and their translations appeared in a work by Bhagwanlal Indraji and James Burgess.**  2  enlarged by Burgess and G. Buhler in  I883  This work was revised and in volume four of, the  Archaeological Survey of Western India.^3 The next major works on the inscriptions are by E. Senart in the 1902-03 and 1905-06 numbers o f  Eplgraphia Indlca. where the Karle and Naslk inscriptions were  re-read and translated.^ The inscriptions were brought together by Luders and included in his l i s t of Brahml inscriptions.^ The readings recorded by Luders, his translation and bibliographic information, closes the initial stage of reading and translation of the inscriptions.  Thereafter, occasional Inscriptions are to be  found in Epigraphia Indiea and other publications as the inscriptions were found.^  i t should be noted that several inscriptions, particularly  from Kanheri, are yet to be found translated in any published source. Following the initial reading and translation of the inscriptions, scholarly interest focused on the historical and social information contained in the inscriptions.  In terms of historical information,  the inscriptions are, in addition to coins, the major, i f somewhat limited, source materials for the political history of the SatavahanaKsatrapa period. The political information contained in the Inscriptions is important because of its uniqueness, though as has been previously mentioned, the chronologies deduced from the inscriptions: are problematic.  This political information which  17 has been gleaned from Inscriptions, In addition to evidence from coins and occasional outside sources has been largely incorporated into the standard histories of ancient India and as sujh provides r  the essential historical framework for this study.^® The social data provided by the inscriptions has been largely used to provide a description of the contemporary ancient Indian society.  One of the first scholars to use the inscriptions to  this end, stated in 1919 that, The inscriptions which throw light on this history [the political history of the Deccan during the Satavahana period3 throw light on the religious, social and economic condition of Maharashtra.^9 On several occasions the specific social Information contained in the inscriptions has been incorporated into general expositions of the ancient society.5° Often i t has been used to confirm the existence, from a historical source, of persons, occupations and organizations known from the theoretical Sanskrit literature. The inscriptions have been used, for example, to confirm the existence of guild organizations.51  The inscriptions, together  with others from throughout India, have also had a prominent part in determining the spatial distribution of the schools of Hinayana Buddhism.52 While in recent years the significance of the data contained in the inscriptions for the understanding of the Buddhist religious institution has been noted, the relation has not, however, been meaningfuly developed.  The inscriptions have been used only for  an exposition of those people and organizations which supported the cave excavations. Certain obvious implications concerning the support and maintenance of the Buddhist religious institution  18 have been stated, but only In the most general manner.53 No attempt has yet been made to u t i l i z e a l l the i n s c r i p t i o n s from a c l o s e l y related set of s i t e s as those of the early cave excavations of Western India.  A l l available i n s c r i p t i o n s from  the early cave excavations w i l l be considered i n t h i s study. Further, no attempt has been made to analyze a c l e a r l y defined corpus of i n s c r i p t i o n s i n terms of the o r i g i n a l purpose of t h e i r record, the support and maintenance of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n represented by the s i t e s where the i n s c r i p t i o n s are found.  In  t h i s study, the types of donations recorded by the i n s c r i p t i o n s w i l l be i d e n t i f i e d and detailed a t each s i t e .  The types of donors  and t h e i r donations w i l l also be f u l l y considered.  No attempt  has hitherto been made t o distinguish between any general trends indicated by the i n s c r i p t i o n s over a l l the s i t e s and any s p e c i f i c developments a t a p a r t i c u l a r s i t e .  That i s , to d e t a i l the  differences,  as indicated by the i n s c r i p t i o n s , between s i t e s otherwise c l o s e l y related.  In t h i s study, special consideration w i l l be given t o  the types of donors and donations i n r e l a t i o n t o the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the s i t e s throughout Western India.  The s p e c i f i c  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p a r t i c u l a r s i t e s which a r i s e from t h i s  analysis  w i l l be examined i n r e l a t i o n t o the known contemporary economic and p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of Western India. The i n s c r i p t i o n s from the cave excavations of Western India are not a complete description of the contemporary society.  They  are, a t best, descriptive of c e r t a i n l i m i t e d elements o f that society.  I t i s the r e l a t i o n of these limited elements of society  to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n , i n the general context of the contemporary society, which w i l l be here considered. The  19 primary concern of t h i s study, however, w i l l he the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n , f o r i t i s i n f a c t what the corpus of i n s c r i p t i o n s describe.  20 1James Fergusson and James Burgess, The Cave Temples of India (London, 1880), chapters one to seven. This volume, the first of its kind on the subject, is s t i l l the fundamental work on the cave excavations. The Imperial Gazeteer of India. New Edition, vol. 8 (Oxford, 1908), pp. 272-273. 2  3 l b l d . . p. 270. 4  Ibld.. p. 268.  5Sukumar Dutt, Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India (London, 1962), pp. 114-117; for the expansion of Buddhism into Western India, see also pp. 118-125. ^Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, "Theravada Buddhism in Western India," Journal of the American Oriental Society vol. 92 (1972), pp. 230-233* where he cogently argues, from literary evidence, that Buddhism was introduced into Western India in a period before Asoka. Such an assertion would not change the thrust of the argument here. 7shantaram Balchandra Deo and Jagat Pati Joshl, Paunl Excavation (1969-70) (Nagpur, 1972). ^Percy Brown, Indian Architecture, vol. one (Bombay, 1971)» PP. 5-6, plates l,3f4. ^Excavations may have likely continued at Kanheri during the third and even the fourth centuries A.D. The chronology of Kanheri is obscure and no published authority yet exists on this important site. 1  l°See for example, Fergusson and Burgess, 0£. cit., p. 297. lisammuel Seal, trans., Si Yu Ki, Buddhist Records of the Western World (London. 1906). vol. 2, pp. 254, 257. Vidya Dehejia, Early Buddhist Rock Temples (London, 1972), PP. 75-76, H3t see also table 10, pp. 206-207. l2  1 3 l b l d . . pp. 21-22, 148} see also table 2, pp. 208-2Q9. The dating accepted in this study, except where noted, is as set forward in this most recent chronological study. l^For differing chronological Interpretations see for example, Dehejia, op., cit., pp. 1-30| G. Venket Rao, "The Pre-Satavahana and Satavahana Periods," Part 2 in G. Yazdanl, ed., The Early History of the Deccan (Oxford, I960), who argues for an early establishment of the Satavahana dynasty, 271 B.C., and an early beginning to the second phase of Satavahana rule (Gautamlputra, A.D. 62-86) based mainly on Puranic evidence. Compare with D.C. Sircar, "The Satavahanas and the Chedis,? chapter 13 in R.C. Majumdar, ed., The Age of  21 Imperial Unity (Bombay, i960), who argues f o r a l a t e r chronology, ( s t a r t of Satavahana r u l e , 30 B.C., Gautamiputra, A.D. 106-130). The chronology of Dehejia appears the most plausible, ( s t a r t of Satavahana r u l e , 120 B.C., Gautamiputra, A.D. 86-110).  I5see Dehejia, op,, c i t . , p. 26. 16James Burgess, "Report on the Elura CaJve Temples and the Brahmanlcal and Jaina Caves i n Western India," Archaeological Survey of Western India, volume 5 (London, 1883), PP. 59-74 by G. Buhler. See.also H. Luders, "A L i s t of Brahml I n s c r i p t i o n s , " appendix to Eplgraphla Indica. volume 10 (1909-1910), nos. 1112-1120. Hereafter referred to as 'Luders no.*. ^Luders no.  1144.  18G. Venket Rao, pj). c i t . , chapter 2. two views have been f u l l y summarized here.  The arguments f o r the  19Andhrabhrtya could mean either, those who are to be maintained or nourished in*Andhra or those who are to be maintained or nourished by the Andhras, i e , the servants or dependents of the Andhras. 20Luders nos.  1131-1135.  2lLuders nos.  1097» 1099.  22Luders no.  1174.  2 3 L u d e r s no. 1123» t r a n s l a t i o n by G. Buhler i n James Burgess, "Report on the Buddhist Cave Temples and t h e i r I n s c r i p t i o n s , " Archaeological Survey of Western India, volume 4 (London, I 8 8 3 ) , p. 109. For Gautamiputra see a l s o Luders nos. 1125, 1126 from Naslk. 2^For i n s c r i p t i o n s of Pulumavl or those dated i n h i s reign see Luders nos. 1100, 1106, Karlei 1122, 1123, 1124, 1147, Nasik. For Yajnasri Satakarni see Luders nos. 987, 1024, Kanherij 1146, Nasik. 25Rudrad3man states i n an i n s c r i p t i o n from Girnar that he twice defeated Satakarni, Lord of the Deccan, but d i d not destroy him on account of t h e i r "not too distant r e l a t i o n s h i p " . See F. Kielhorn, "Junagadh Rock Inscription of Rudradamanj the Year 72," Eplpraphla Indica. volume 8 (1905-06), pp. 36-49. The chronological problem here, of course, i s which Satavahana r u l e r i s meant by satakarni. One i n s c r i p t i o n from Kanheri, Luders no. 994, states that the queen of Vasifthiputra S i r l Satakarni (a short reigned successor to Pulumfwi) was the daughter of MahSksatrapa Ru..., undoubtably Rudradaman. I t i s very much tempting to equate t h i s Vasifthiputra S i r i Satakarni with the Satakarni of Rudradaman*s record from Girnar. This would make Vasisthlputra S i r i Satakarni's reign* f a l l around A.D. I 5 0 as  22 the year 72 of Rudradaman's Inscription is usually thought to belong to the Saka of A.D. 78. Dehejia ^argues that the Satakarni referred to by Rudradaman is Sivaskandha Satakarni another*short reigned Satavahana ruler who apparently followed VasisthTputra Siri Satakarni, see Dehejia, op. cit., pp. 26-27. Again,' such chronological problems do not materially affect this study. 6Luders no. 1137.  2  27Luders nos. 1001, 1002. 28Dehejia, op,, cit., p. 69, table 2, pp. 208-209. 29See D.C. Sircar, "The Deccan after the SStavahanas," chapter 14 in R.C. Majumdar, The Age of Imperial Unity (Bombay, 1951), PP. 221-223.  3°Dehejia, op_. cit.. pp. 32-33. 3lMadhukar Anant Mehendale, Historical Grammar of Inscrlptional Prakrits (Poona, 1948), p. 46. 32Ahmad Hasan Dani, Indian Palaeography (Oxford, 1963), PP. 50-51.  33lbld.. p. 51. 34lbld.. p. 52.  35lbld., p. 67, where Dani sees examples of imitation of the reed from Nanaghat. 36ibid.. pp. 65-68.  37lbid.. pp. 93-97. 38Dehejia, op_. cit., pp. 38-39. Particularly convincing is the example of the inscription from Bharut which, on internal evidence, is from the reign of the Sungas. Dani dates this inscription also in the first half of the first century A.D., whereas the Sungas are by common consensus thought to have ruled only to circa 70 B.C., see Dehejia, op., cit.. p. 36. ^Mehendale, op,, ci^t;. p. xxviii. ^Qlbid.. p. xxxv. ^Luders no. 1137. ^2James Burgess and Bhagwanlal Indrajl, Inscriptions from the Cave-Temples of Western India (Bombay, 1881). 43james Burgess, "Report on the Buddhist Cave Temples and their Inscriptions,"; Volume 5 of the Archaeological Survey of Western  23 India, f o r the i n s c r i p t i o n s from Kanheri. ^ E . Senart, "The Inscriptions i n the Caves a t Karle," Epigraphla Indlca volume ? (1902-03), pp. "The Inscriptions i n the Caves a t Nasik," Eplgraphia Indica volume 8 (1905-06),  47-74.  PP. 59-96.  45Luders, oj>. c i t . ^ S e e p a r t i c u l a r l y , f o r example, M.S. Vats, "Unpublished Votive Inscriptions i n the Chaitya Cave a t Karle," Eplgraphia Indlca volume 14 (1925-26), pp. 325-329. ^?The sense of these unread i n s c r i p t i o n s from Kanheri has been obtained from M. D i k s h i t , "The Origin and Development of the Buddhist Settlements of Western India," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Bombay,  1942).  ^8For the use of the i n s c r i p t i o n s f o r p o l i t i c a l history see f o r example, R.G. Bhandarkar, Early History of the Deccan (Bombay, 1895)i D.R. Bhandarkar, "Dekkan of the Satavahana Period, pt. 1," The Indian Antiquary volume 47 (1918), pp. 69-78; V. Smith, E a r l y History of India (Oxford. 1924); D.C. S i r c a r i n The Age of Imperial Unity; G. Venket Rao i n The E a r l y History of the Deccan; and Dehejia, op. c i t . The major work on coins of the period remains, E.J. Rapson, Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, the Western Ksatrapas. the Traikutaka Dynasty and the Bodhi Dynasty (London, 1908£ The major outside source with important references f o r p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y i s a c l a s s i c a l European mariners' guide, the Periplus Marls Erythraei i n R.C. Majumdar, C l a s s i c a l Accounts of India (Calcutta, I960), pp. 288-312. 49D .R. Bhandarkar, "Dekkan of the Satavahana Period, pt. 2," The Indian Antiquary volume 48 (1919), p. 77.  50See  f o r example Ibid.. G. Venket Rao, "Cultural Condition under the satavahanas," i n E a r l y History of the Deccan. pp. 131-147. Dipakranjan Das, Economic History of the Deccan (Delhi, 1969)  51R.C. Majumdar, Corporate L i f e i n Ancient India (Calcutta, 34-36.  1922), pp.  -^A. Bareau, Les Sectes Bouddhlques du P e t i t Vehicule (Paris,  1955), P. 36. 53see Dehejia, op., c i t . , pp. 135-447* B.G. Gokhale, oj>. c i t . pp. 235-236, where Gokhale presents a b r i e f , "...analysis of the  s o c i a l and economic composition of the donors mentioned i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s . . . " i n percentage terms. While t h i s analysis i s the f i r s t of i t s kind, Gokhale does not adequately define h i s corpus of i n s c r i p t i o n s . The r e s u l t s he presents.are sketchy and of l i m i t e d value. See also Romila Thapar, A History of India (Harmondsworth, 1966), pp. 110-112.  24 CHAPTER TWO.  THE CAVE SITES AND  THEIR INSCRIPTIONS  Inscriptions from sixteen s i t e s w i l l be considered i n t h i s study.  These sixteen s i t e s form s i x groups of cave excavations  of one or more s i t e s , based primarily on geographical considerations of the s i t e s ' locations.  From north to south these s i x groups  of cave excavations are: I.  The caves a t Pltalkhora and the early excavations at Ajanta, both located on the Deccan plateau i n the i n t e r i o r of present day  II. III. IV.  Maharashtra.  The caves near the town of Nasik. The caves surrounding the town of Junnar. The Kanheri caves on Salsette Island i n present day Bombay.  V.  The Karle caves and f i v e other s i t e s located i n the region of the Bor ghat (pass).  VI.  A southern group consisting of the caves a t Kuda and four other s i t e s located i n the coastal Konkan or across the nearby ghats.1  Map One (page 41) shows the location of these cave s i t e s i n the context of peninsular India.  Within these s i x groupings there  e x i s t several other cave excavations than the sixteen t o be here considered.  These excavations do not, however, contain any  published i n s c r i p t i o n s .  These excavations w i l l be noted i n the  context of the s i x established groups. The f i r s t group of cave excavations are located s i g n i f i c a n t l y more inland than the other cave s i t e s to be considered.  Both the  Ajanta and Pltalkhora caves are located i n the Indhyadri h i l l s which divide that part of the Deccan drained by the Krishna-Godavari  2  5  r i v e r system with that part drained by the T a p t i , that i s Khandesh. The caves are located close t o the modem day Bombay-Nasik-Calcutta railroad. The Ajanta caves, better known f o r t h e i r l a t e r , Mahayana excavations, a l s o contain some three excavations which can be a t t r i b u t e d to the early period under consideration.  Two caityas  and a small adjacent vlhara are t o be found a t Ajanta.  The less  w e l l known caves a t Pitalkhora are located about f i f t y miles t o the west of Ajanta.  There are t h i r t e e n caves excavated on e i t h e r side  of a ravine a t Pitalkhora, eight vlhSras.  The major s i t e contains one c a l t y a and  The recently discovered smaller s i t e a t Pitalkhora  contains four small caityas only.  The published i n s c r i p t i o n s from  Pitalkhora are found a t the f i r s t mentioned major s i t e .  One c a i t y a  2  i n the caves located on a h i l l outside of modern Aurangabad belongs to the period under consideration and should be Included i n t h i s f i r s t , i n t e r i o r group of caves.  The other caves a t Aurangabad  belong t o the l a t e r Mahayana phase of cave excavation.  No i n s c r i p t i o n s  have been discovered i n t h i s early c a i t y a a t Aurangabad. The Pitalkhora caves contain eleven published i n s c r i p t i o n s . 3 One of these i n s c r i p t i o n s , Luders no. 1190, i s very fragmentary but does contain meaningful information, i t mentions a r o y a l physician.  This i s understandable i n the context of the other  inscriptions.  The caves and i n s c r i p t i o n s a t Pitalkhora date to the  early phase o f the period under consideration, that i s the f i r s t century B.C.^ The early caves a t Ajanta contain f i v e published i n s c r i p t i o n s from the period under consideration,5 a l l provide some meaningul information.  The three i n c i s e d i n s c r i p t i o n s The two painted i n s c r i p t i o n s  26 at Ajanta are Luders no. 1199 and Dhavallkar no. 2. One of these Inscriptions, Luders no. 1199, is fragmentary and its sense is not clear.  These two painted inscriptions are the only two examples  in this study where inscriptions are not incised.  The fragments  of painting found in many sites to be considered would appear to indicate that such painted inscriptions might have been once much more prevalent throughout Western India than i s the case today. The inscriptions at Ajanta are early, being roughly contemporary with those from Pltalkhora. The Nasik caves are located five miles south south-west of the ancient city of the same name located on the Godavari river. Map Two (page 42) details the exact location of this site.  The caves  are located on the north-east face of a h i l l which rises prominently from the surrounding countryside. This h i l l i s located beside the modern Bombay road and not far from the main line of the Central Railway, Both these routes pass through passes of gentleiincline which lead to Bombay via Kalyan. The Nasik caves consist of one caltya and over twenty vlharas. The majority of the cave date to the period under consideration. There is, however, a cave which belongs to the later, Mahayana, phase of excavation. Some of the earlier vlharas were also modified in this later period with the addition of sculpture of Mahayana iconography. The excavation of the Nasik caves dates to the earliest phase of Satavahana rule as indicated by an inscription of Kanha (Krsna) found in the small vihara no. 19.6 The construction of the caltya appears to have been first started in the middle of the first century B.C. and to have been completed in the first half of the first century A.D.  Several large, regular quadrangular  27 viharas which date t o the l a t e r part of the f i r s t and to the second centuries A.D. are t o he found a t the Nasik caves.  These  viharas contain several of the most important i n s c r i p t i o n s of the Ksaharata Ksatrapas and of the Satavahanas.7 Twenty-eight published i n s c r i p t i o n s are t o be found a t the Nasik caves.  While some of these i n s c r i p t i o n s are fragmentary,  notably Luders nos. 1122, 1135,  1136 and 1143, a l l provide some  meaningful information. Two of the i n s c r i p t i o n s a t Nasik are of a mixed Sanskrit and P r a k r i t orthography, that which i s characterized by Luders as "mixed d i a l e c t " . 8  Both these i n s c r i p t i o n s , being  records of Usavadata, belong t o the period under consideration. One of these i n s c r i p t i o n s , Luders no. 1136, i s a fragmentary record concerned with donations t o Brahmans.  I t appears that t h i s i n s c r i p t i o n  i s a continuation of an i n s c r i p t i o n of Usavadata, Luders no. 1135. These two i n s c r i p t i o n s should therefore be taken together as one.9 The cave excavations a t Junnar are located a t s i x separate s i t e s surrounding the ancient town of Junnar.  One s i t e i s located on each  of the Tulja, Shivneri and Lenyadri h i l l s . on the Manmodi h i l l .  Three s i t e s are located  A seventh set of caves are located a t Nanaghat  some eighteen miles west of Junnar.1°  Map Three (page 43) d e t a i l s  the precise locations of these cave s i t e s .  The caves a t Nanaghat  take t h e i r name from the pass which connects the town of Junnar with c o a s t a l Kalyan.  A modern road traverses what i s a most ancient route.  The Nanaghat caves are located a t the edge of the pass, the 1000 f t . contour on Map Three indicating the steep escarpment.  The i n s c r i p t i o n s  from the Nanaghat caves are extremely important f o r the chronology of the early Satavahanas, as has been noted i n the previous chapter. The caves themselves are not of Buddhist excavation, therefore t h e i r  28 i n s c r i p t i o n s have been excluded from t h i s study. The Tulja group of caves, west of Junnar, consists of a single caitya, two vlharas and several i n d i v i d u a l c e l l s .  The  c a i t y a i s notable i n that i t i s c i r c u l a r , such caityas apparently being an early development i n Western India.  No i n s c r i p t i o n s are  extant from the T u l j a group of caves. Over t h i r t y separate excavations are to be found i n the Lenyadri caves, t o the north of Junnar.  This group of caves  includes two c a i t y a s . one of which has a b l i n d c a i t y a arch window. This feature, found three times a t Junnar, i s unique to the Junnar caves.  The Lenyadri caves a l s o contain one large quadrangular  vlhara and a number of smaller i r r e g u l a r vlharas. i n d i v i d u a l c e l l s and c i s t e r n s .  Six i n s c r i p t i o n s are known from the Lenyadri caves.H  This group of cave excavations belongs to the l a t e r part of the period under consideration, probably to the second century A.D. The Shlvaerl group of caves are located south-west of the town of Junnar.  Two caityas. four substantial vlharas and numerous  open h a l l s , i n d i v i d u a l c e l l s and c i s t e r n s to a t o t a l of ninety separate excavations are found a t t h i s s i t e . known from the Shivneri group of caves.12  Nine i n s c r i p t i o n s are  These caves are roughly  contemporary with the Lenyadri group. Three separate s i t e s are located on the Hanmodi h i l l , a mile south of the town of Junnar.  Proceeding from east to west, the f i r s t  s i t e encountered i s that known as the Bhima Shankar.  This s i t e  consists of an unfinished c a i t y a with a b l i n d caitya arch and some s i x vlharas.  Three i n s c r i p t i o n s are known from t h i s site.*3  One of  these i n s c r i p t i o n s , Luders no. 1174, Is of Ayama, minister to Nahapana.  29  This site then dates to before A.D. 100.  The second site on the  Hanmodi h i l l , the Amba/Ambika caves, consists of one unfinished caitya and six vlharas.  Fourteen inscriptions are known from this  site.!** Eleven of these inscriptions, Luders nos. 1158-1168, are found on the caitya. The Amba/Ambika site is again late in the period under consideration, dating to after A.D. 100.  The third  and most easterly site on the Hanmodi h i l l is that known as the Budh Lena. Here again is an unfinished caitya with a blind arch peculiar to Junnar. Some small irregular vlharas and individual cells are also to be found at this site. from this s i t e . ^  One inscription is known  The Budh Lena caves appear to be contemporary  with the Bhima Shankar caves on the same Hanmodi h i l l , that is dating to at least A.D.  100.  Out of the thirty-four inscriptions located at five of the six cave sites surrounding, thirty provide meaningful information. Three Inscriptions have not been read.16 These inscriptions are in clearly cut Brahml letters, but yield no clear sense upon reading.  One other inscription, Luders no. 1168, appears to  record various donations, but Is far too fragmentary to offer any details. The Kanheri caves are located in the interior of Salsette Island, present day Bombay, near to the modern suburb of Borivali. Over one hundred separate excavation are located on two adjacent hills.17 Kanheri, Sanskrit Krsnagiri, means black mountain (cf. Kanhasela, Sanskrit Krsnasaila of the inscriptions).18 Kanheri is the cave site which appears to have been longest occupied in Western India, with inscriptions dating past A.D.  1000.  The earliest caves, dating to the period under consideration, begin  30 a t the base of the main h i l l , surrounding the two caityas a t the s i t e , the largest of which i s an early excavation.  Many of  the- vlharas a t the s i t e containing e a r l y i n s c r i p t i o n s were a l t e r e d a t a l a t e r date with the addition of sculpture having Mahayana iconography.  Kanheri i s a l a t e s i t e i n the period under consideration  with most excavation dating to the second century A.D.  The c a i t y a  a t Kanheri, f o r example, dates to the l a t e second century A.D.,  as  i t contains an i n s c r i p t i o n dated i n the reign of Yajnasrl Satakarni.19 One other s i t e on Salsette i s l a n d , Kondvite, i s to be grouped with Kanheri.  This s i t e , consisting of one caitya and several  vlharas and i n d i v i d u a l c e l l s located eight miles south of Kanheri, i s an early excavation i n the period under consideration.  No early  i n s c r i p t i o n s are found a t Kondvite. Forty-three i n s c r i p t i o n s from Kanheri can be a t t r i b u t e d to the period under consideration.  The selection of the i n s c r i p t i o n s  to be used i n t h i s study i s a t times problematic.  Excavation a t  t h i s s i t e started l a t e i n the period under consideration and continued to a t l e a s t A.D. 600,  The d i v i s i o n between the early  phase and the l a t e r Mahayana phase of excavation i s not as d i s t i n c t as i n other s i t e s .  Further, no complete chronological study of  the caves and t h e i r i n s c r i p t i o n s has yet been published. Luders enumerates f i f t y - o n e i n s c r i p t i o n s from Kanheri. ^ 2  Of these  i n s c r i p t i o n s , nine can c l e a r l y be a t t r i b u t e d to the l a t e r Mahayana phase on the basis of t h e i r language, form and content and have been excluded from t h i s study.21 been included i n t h i s study.22  One unpublished i n s c r i p t i o n has s i x of the forty-three i n s c r i p t i o n s  are fragmentary and convey l i t t l e , i f any meaningful information.23  31 Nineteen of the Kanheri i n s c r i p t i o n s axe l i s t e d by Luders as not read.  The sense of these i n s c r i p t i o n s has been obtained.24  Ten  of these previously unread i n s c r i p t i o n s have been used i n t h i s study, whereas four are l a t e and f i v e are fragmentary. Six cave s i t e s are included i n the f i f t h group of cave excavations t o be considered i n t h i s study.  These s i x s i t e s are  a l l located close t o the modern day Bombay t o Foona railway which passes through the Bor ghat. locations of these s i x s i t e s .  Map Four (page 44) d e t a i l s the exact Four of the s i t e s i  Karle, Bhaja, Bedsa  and Selarvadi, are located on the upland side of the pass. sites;  Two  Kondane and Ambivale, are located on the seaward side of  the pass.  The thousand f o o t contour on Map Four represents the  steep escarpment of the Deccan plateau. The Karle caves are the most important of the s i x s i t e s here considered, as they are by f a r the most extensive of the excavations and contain the majority of the i n s c r i p t i o n s i n t h i s group.  The  Karle caves have one c a l t y a , an excavation often considered the most f u l l y developed rock-cut c a l t y a i n Western India.  At l e a s t  f i v e vlharas and several i n d i v i d u a l c e l l s are to be found a t Karle. Several unfinished vlh&ras and i n d i v i d u a l c e l l s are a l s o t o be found i n the h i l l s i n the v i c i n i t y of Karle. 2$  The Karle caves  appear t o be contemporary with l a t e r Nasik, much of Junnar and t o be somewhat e a r l i e r than Kanheri. l a t e f i r s t century A.D.  The caves then date from the  Inscriptions of Nahapana*s son-in-law  Usavadata and of the Satavahana Pulumavi are found a t Karle.26 The caves a t Bhaja are located on the side of a h i l l d i r e c t l y across the v a l l e y from Karle. and over f i f t e e n small vlharas.  This s i t e consists of one c a l t y a One small c i r c u l a r c a l t y a and an  3 2  unfinished vlhara have recently been discovered near Bhaja. 2 ?  The a r c h i t e c t u r a l evidence of the c a i t y a a t Bhaja would suggest that t h i s i s a very ancient s i t e , probably dating to a t l e a s t the e a r l y f i r s t century  B.C.  On the opposite side of the h i l l on which Bhaja i s situated and f a c i n g a v a l l e y adjoining to that one i n which Karle Bhaja are located are the Bedsa caves.  and  This s i t e consists of  small c a i t y a and one unique a p s i d a l vlhara.  one  On the basis of  a r c h i t e c t u r a l and palaeographic evidence, Bedsa belongs to the early phase of cave excavation  i n the period under consideration,  although i t i s somewhat l a t e r than Bhaja. The caves a t Selarvadi are located on a h i l l a t the places where the v a l l e y s i n which Karle and Bedsa are located meet.  One main  vlhara and some small Individual c e l l s are found a t t h i s s i t e . The Selarvadi caves are l a t e i n the period under consideration. The caves on the seaward side of the Bor ghat are located north-east of modern Karjat on the Bombay to Poena r a i l r o a d .  The  Kondane caves, f o u r miles from Karjat, c o n s i s t of a c a i t y a . three vlharas and a row  of nine i n d i v i d u a l c e l l s .  The a r c h i t e c t u r a l  evidence indicates that t h i s i s an e a r l y s i t e , contemporary with Bhaja.  A s i n g l e vlhara a t Amblvale i s located sixteen miles  east of Karjat.  north-  Palaeographic evidence would i n d i c a t e that t h i s s i t e  comes l a t e i n the period under consideration. The s i x s i t e s i n t h i s f i f t h group of cave excavations account f o r f i f t y - n i n e published i n s c r i p t i o n s . Karle contains the majority of these i n s c r i p t i o n s , thirty-seven i n  a l l . ^ 8  Bhaja account f o r eleven I n s c r i p t i o n s . 2 9 found a t B h a j a . 3 0  Two  The excavations a t  Three i n s c r i p t i o n s are  i n s c r i p t i o n s are found a t S e l a r v a d i . 3 1  The  33 Ambivale vlhara accounts f o r f i v e inscriptions.32  Two i n s c r i p t i o n s  remain a t Kondane, although here as a t Bhaja, the missing facade of the caltya may have contained more inscriptions.33  Ten of the  f i f t y - n i n e i n s c r i p t i o n s from t h i s group are fragmentary or do not provide any meaningful information,  these i n s c r i p t i o n s include  two from Karle, Luders no. 1086 and Vats no. 13, two from Bhaja, Deshpande nos. 2, 3 ° d one from Kondane. a  A l l f i v e i n s c r i p t i o n s from  the Ambivale vlhara do not provide any meaningful information.  They  perhaps record the s o l i t a r y names of devotees. The caves a t Kuda are the most important of the f i v e s i t e s included i n the s i x t h , southern group of excavations. The Kuda caves are located on the so c a l l e d Rajapuri creek, a t i d a l basin, some f o r t y - f i v e miles south of Bombay. the Kuda region.  Map Five (page 45) d e t a i l s  There are twenty-six excavations a t Kuda.  Five  of these excavations are caityas, one of which i s unfinished.  Twenty-  one vlhara excavations are included a t t h i s s i t e , i n addition to eleven c i s t e r n s .  The Kuda caves appear to be contemporary with  Karle, that i s , they date from the l a t e f i r s t century A.D. Two s i t e s are located near to the ancient town of Mahad situated on the S a v i t r i r i v e r on the seaward side of the passes which lead from the Deccan t o the coastal Konkan region surrounding Kuda.  These two s i t e s which might be considered one s i t e on the  model of Junnar are considered separately by most a u t h o r i t i e s .  The  main s i t e , known as Mahad, i s located north-west of the town of Mahad.  This i s an extensive s i t e consisting of three caityas and  twenty-five vlharas. many of which are unfinished.  The other s i t e  i s that known as Kol, located south-east of Mahad across the Savitri river.  Here there are two cave s i t e s consisting of i n d i v i d u a l  34 cells.  One s i t e i s located north-east of the v i l l a g e .  The other,  where the i n s c r i p t i o n s are found, i s located south-east of the same v i l l a g e .  These s i t e s around Mahad are roughly contemporary  with Kuda. Two other s i t e s , containing a very few i n s c r i p t i o n s , have been included i n t h i s southern group of excavations.  These two  s i t e s are somewhat distant from the Kuda-Mahad region and are the only two examples of excavations with i n s c r i p t i o n s from among the many cave s i t e s located throughout the southern Konkan and i n the adjacent h i l l s of the Deccan.  The s i t e of Nadsur i s located  north-east of Kuda i n the passes above the ancient seaport of Ghaul.  Here are twenty separate excavations.34  The other s i t e  i s the isolated excavations of Karadh, located near Satara on the upland passes which lead to Mahad and then to the Kuda region.35 Karadh i s an extensive s i t e with some s i x t y excavations including three caityas which are roughly contemporary with Kuda. The sixth group of excavations contains t h i r t y - f i v e i n s c r i p t i o n s to be considered i n t h i s study. inscriptions.36  Kuda contains twenty-six of these  Two of these i n s c r i p t i o n s are fragmentary and one  i n s c r i p t i o n has not been read} thus they have not been used.3?  Three  i n s c r i p t i o n s are found a t Mahad, one of which i s fragmentary.38  Kol  contains three inscriptions.39 Two i n s c r i p t i o n s are found a t Nadsur and a single i n s c r i p t i o n comes from Karadh.^  Thirty-one i n s c r i p t i o n s  from t h i s sixth group of excavations thus contain meaningful information and can be used i n t h i s study. The corpus of i n s c r i p t i o n s used i n t h i s study amounts to a t o t a l of 216 separate epigraphs. some meaningful information.  Of t h i s t o t a l , 190 or 88.0$ provide  Table One a t the end of the chapter  35 d e t a i l s the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the numbers of the i n s c r i p t i o n s considered and the percentage a c t u a l l y used from the i n d i v i d u a l s i t e s and the s i x established groupings of these s i t e s .  The percentage of the  i n s c r i p t i o n s used i n each of the s i x groups of s i t e s i s i n a l l cases above 80$, with an average of 89.9$ used.  This percentage compares  very favourably with the 88.0$ of the i n s c r i p t i o n s used out of a t o t a l o f 216 epigraphs.  These high percentages of useable i n s c r i p t i o n s  indicate that the corpus here considered provides a s t i l l complete record.  remarkably  While a s i g n i f i c a n t percentage of the remaining  i n s c r i p t i o n s from the cave excavations are available f o r a n a l y s i s , t h i s does not deny the p o s s i b i l i t y that some i n s c r i p t i o n s may have disappeared i n the past two millennia.  There probably would have  existed more painted i n s c r i p t i o n s and a l s o i n s c r i p t i o n s on parts of the excavations no longer remaining, as f o r example on the facades of Bhaja and Kondane.  There a l s o exists a very strong p o s s i b i l i t y that  more i n s c r i p t i o n s remain t o be discovered and read.  Nevertheless,  with the a v a i l a b l e data, i t i s considered that a large enough corpus exists to undertake an analysis of the donors and t h e i r donations recorded i n the inscriptionsfefrom the cave excavations of Western India. The majority of the i n s c r i p t i o n s , 168 or 77.8$ of the t o t a l corpus, or 84.8$ of the i n s c r i p t i o n s used, come from f i v e s i t e s , Nasik, Junnar, Kanheri, Karle and Kuda.  These f i v e s i t e s are among  the largest t o be considered i n t h i s study.  They are a l s o the s i t e s  which underwent the most intense a r c h i t e c t u r a l elaboration and development.  A subjective Impression of these s i t e s ' high degree  of development i n addition to t h e i r numbers of i n s c r i p t i o n s indicates the importance of these excavations f o r t h i s study.  An analysis of  36 the numerous i n s c r i p t i o n s from these f i v e s i t e s w i l l form an important part of the subsequent chapters.  At 'this point, however,  the geographical s i g n i f i c a n c e of these f i v e s i t e s with t h e i r associated s i t e s i n addition t o Ajanta and Pltalkhora should b e considered. The cave s i t e s are, b r i e f l y , located along s p e c i f i c l i n e s of communication between the i n t e r i o r of the Deccan and the c o a s t a l Konkan.  The c o a s t a l s i t e s Kanheri and Kuda can be s a i d i n each  case t o be a terminus of a p a r t i c u l a r l i n e of communication.  The  terminology adopted here, ' l i n e of communication*, i s deliberate -i Much has been made, p a r t i c u l a r l y by D.D. Kosambi, of the cave excavations* r e l a t i o n s h i p with 'trade routes*.^!  Trade routes are,  however, primarily l i n e s of communication, p a r t i c u l a r routes between two points or regions.* I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g , then, t o f i n d the caves and communication routes coincident, f o r they both took advantage of the topography.  In the one case, steep side h i l l s exposed t o  weathering and excavation and i n the other, the associated v a l l e y bottoms leading t r a v e l l e r s through the Western ghats.  The r e l a t i o n s h i p  between l i n e s of communication and the cave excavations becomes even more obvious when the importance of town an layman t o the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n i s considered, the d e t a i l s of which w i l l be seen from the i n s c r i p t i o n s .  »  The r e l a t i o n s h i p of the cave excavations to established l i n e s of communication can perhaps best be seen from a map of present day Western India (see Map Six, page 46).  The cave excavations are  located on l i n e s of communication which s t i l l lead from,the coast, the primary port being Bombay, t o the i n t e r i o r of the Deccan and from here t o north and north-east India and the eastern Andhra coast.  37 Nasik, i n addition to Pitalkhora and Ajanta are located on a route, today the main l i n e of the Central Railway, which leads from Bombay to north and north-east India.  In ancient times the coastal  terminus of t h i s route would have been the important ports of Kalyan and a l s o of Sopara, located north of present day Bombay.^2 The Kanheri caves, as w i l l be seen from the i n s c r i p t i o n s , had an important close r e l a t i o n s h i p with these ports.  The Junnar caves  are a l s o located on a route which leads from Kalyan through the Nanaghat pass.  A modern road traverses t h i s route, although i t has  not been suitable f o r the development of r a i l t r a f f i c .  Jn ancient  times t h i s route l e d to the i n t e r i o r of the Deccan, p a r t i c u l a r l y to Pratisthaha, modern day Paithan, located on the Godavari r i v e r and ancient c a p i t a l of the SStavShanas.  The Karle cave excavations  and i t s associated s i t e s are a l s o located on a route which leads to Kalyan.  This i s the modern day main r a i l and road route from Bombay  to the Hyderbad-Andhra region and a l s o t o Madras.  In ancient times  t h i s route along the Bhima r i v e r , joining the Godavari r i v e r , would have been the easiest route across peninsular India t o the eastern coast.  Map One of peninsular India d e t a i l s the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the  cave excavations t o t h i s trans-peninsular route.  The southern group  of cave s i t e s a l s o lead, from the western coast, through the passes, to the Deccan and from here t o the eastern coast, although i n t h i s case v i a the Krishna r i v e r v a l l e y .  In modern times, because of the  dominating position of Bombay, the region of the southern group of cave excavations has not been well developed i n terms of road and r a i l traffic.  The i n s c r i p t i o n s w i l l indicate that t h i s region was  s i m i l a r l y r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d i n ancient times. The cave excavations t o be considered i n t h i s study are,  38 therefore, c l o s e l y connected i n terms of geographical position and function.  The four s i t e s of Kanheri, Nasik, Junnar and Karle are  p a r t i c u l a r l y c l o s e l y related.  The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the cave excavations'  locations i n terms of trade w i l l be considered when analyzing the i n s c r i p t i o n s i n the subsequent chapters.  The s i t e s here considered,  then, d i r e c t l y r e f e r to a l i m i t e d geographical area, the c o a s t a l region from Kanheri to Kuda and the t r a d i t i o n a l routes from the i n t e r i o r to the coast.  TABLE 1. group I  site Pltalkhora Ajanta  Inscriptions by Sites no. of inscr. 11 5  group total  % of 216 inscr.  16  group total  no. used  7.4  11 4  group total  15  % used  group total  100 80  93.3  II  Nasik  28  13.0  28  100.0  III  Junnar  34  15.7  30  88.2  IV  Kanheri  43  19.9  37  86.0  V  Karle Bhaja Bedsa Selarvadl Kondane Ambivale  3? 11 . 3 2 2 5  Kuda Mahad Kol Nadsur Karadh  26 3  VI  17.6  27.8  60  12.0  3  2 1  35  94.6 81.8 100.0 100.0  35  16.2  9 3 2 1  23 2 3 2 1  50  50.0 0  35  66.7 100.0 100.0 100.0  83.3  88.5  88.6  4  40 Maps - Legend Railroads.... s  Roads Modem towns and c i t i e s  o  Cave s i t e s  %  Contours i n thousand foot i n t e r v a l s . Map One - 1:6,000,000 Maps Two, Three, Four Five - 1:253.440 Map Six - 1:1,000,000  47 *Fergusson and Burgess, op,, c i t . . pp. 168-169, where the cave excavations of Western India are s i m i l a r l y grouped. Fergusson and Burgess divide the s i x t h , southern group of caves into two groups of excavations, the coastal and i n t e r i o r . In t h i s study, these two groups are considered together f o r reasons which w i l l be l a t e r explained. Fergusson and Burgess further group Pltalkhora and Ajanta with Nasik. While these caves do bear some relationship, they w i l l be here considered separately, largely f o r geographic reasons as w i l l be detailed l a t e r . F 6 r Pltalkhora see M.N. Deshpande, "The Rock-Gut Caves of Pltalkhora i n the Deccan," Ancient India volume pp. Also, William Willets, "Excavation a t Pltalkhora," Oriental A r t volume number 2 pp. 2  15 (1959),  7,  (1961),  66-93.  59-65.  ^Luders nos. 1187-1193 and M.N, i n s c r i p t i o n s , pp. 76-82.  Deshpande, op,, c i t . . four  ^Thls and subsequent dating of the caves and t h e i r i n s c r i p t i o n s has been taken, i n terms of r e l a t i v e chronology, from Dehejia. ^Luders nos. 1197-1199 and M.K. Dhavalikar, "New Inscriptions from Ajanta," Ars O r l e n t a l l s volume 17 (1968), pp. 147-149, two new i n s c r i p t i o n s , one i n c i s e d , one painted. 6Luders no.  1144.  7see notes 20, 24, Chapter One. For Nasik see also, Jeanne L. Trabold, "A Chronology of Indian Sculpturei The Satavahana Chronology a t Nasik," Artlbus Asiae volume (1970), pp. 49-88.  32  8Luders nos. 1131,  1136.  9Senart,  Epigraphla Indica. volume 8, pp. 85-88, numbers them as 14a and 14b. but says, " . . . i t cannot even be decided i f these fragments (l4b| are connected with the preceeding epigraph (14a) or independent from i t . " lOsee Dehejia, op,, c i t . , pp. 179-182, a l s o Vidya Dehejia, "Early Buddhist Caves a t Junnar," Artlbus Asiae volume 31 (1969),  pp. 147-166. 11  L u d e r s nos. 1175-1180.  !2Luders nos. 1150-1155, 1181-1183. ^ L u d e r s nos. 1172-1174. l^Luders nos. 1158-1171. ^Luders no.  II56.  16Luders nos. 1159, 1160, 1161. l?For Kanheri see Ruth Wingfield Boosman, "Kanheri Caves,"  48 (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , The Claremont Graduate School, 1961). l l e , Luders no. 1011| Dikshlt, 0 £ . c i t . . p. 441$ 1013, 8  1024.  19Luders no. 98?, s i m i l a r l y Luders no, 1024 from cave 81. _Also the previously mentioned Luders no. 994 of the queen of Vasisthlputra Satakarni, daughter of Rudradaman, c i r c a A.D. 150. 20Luders nos. 985-1034. 2lThese i n s c r i p t i o n s are Luders nos. 984, 989, 990, 991, 992, 997, 1026, 1028, 1029. 22courtesy of Mrs. Marilyn Leese, M.A., Ph.D. candidate, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. The i n s c r i p t i o n reads, Kalianesa negamasa c h i t a . . . kiyasa puno vasuyatasa podhi deyadhamma I t refers to the g i f t of a water c i s t e r n by some merchant from Kalyan. The i n s c r i p t i o n i s located over a c i s t e r n a t cave 2. 23Luders nos. 1004, 1008, 1022, 1023, 1030,  1034.  **M. D l k s h i t , "The Origin and Development of the Buddhist Settlements of Western India," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Bombay, 1942). These i n s c r i p t i o n s are« Luders no. 997-excluded from t h i s study. 1003-gift of a cave, bathing c i s t e r n , by the wife of a merchant and householder, endowment to Ambika monastery near Kalyan. p. 436. 1008- fragmentary, not used. 1009-g i f t of cave, water c i s t e r n and clothes by the mother of a merchant, also endowment, p. 440. 1010-g i f t of cave by householder, son of a s e t h i . a l s o endowment, p. 441. 1011-g i f t of cave by upasaka. a s e t h i from Kalyan, endowment of 300 Karsapanas to Abalika (Ambika?) monastery near Kalyan, p. 441. 1015-gift of*cave, c i s t e r n by daughter of goldsmith, p. 442. 1017-gift of cave, p. 444. 1019-gift of cave, c i s t e r n by daughter of a householder, p. 446. 1022- fragmentary, not used. 1023-fragmentary, not used. 1025-gift of cave, c i s t e r n by nun, p. 451, 1026- excluded from t h i s study. 1027-g i f t of f i e l d (?) by merchant, p. 452. 1028- excluded from t h i s study. 1029-excluded from t h i s study. 1030- fragmentary, not used. 1031-gift of taloka ( s t r u c t u r a l part of cave?) by a householder, a seithi, p. 454. 1032-fragmentary, not used. 2  25Fergusson and Burgess, op_. c i t . , p. 242.  49  26Luders nos. 1099 and 1100, 1106. 2?M.N. Deshpande, "Important Epigraphlcal Records from the Caltya Cave, Bhaja," L a l l t Kala volume 6 (1959-60), p. 32.  28 Luders nos. 1086-1108, where Luders nos. 1101 and 1102 which r e f e r t o the g i f t of some sculpture by a monk are i d e n t i c a l and therefore have been considered as one i n s c r i p t i o n . Thirteen i n s c r i p t i o n s from Karle were published by Madho Sarup Vats, "Unpublished Votive Inscriptions i n the Chaitya Cave a t K a r l e , " Eplgraphla Indica»volume 18 (1925-26), pp. 325-329. One i n s c r i p t i o n has also been published by K.A, Nilakant Shastri and K. Gopalachari i n "Epigraphlcal Notes," Eplgraphla Indica volume 24 (1937-38), P. 282. D.D. Kosambi, "Dhenukakata." Journal of the A s i a t i c Society of Bombay volume 31 (1955), has re-edited and translated the i n s c r i p t i o n s from Karle, i n addition t o Selarvadl, Bhaja and Bedsa. Kosambi adds one apparently unpublished i n s c r i p t i o n from the Karle c a i t y a , no. 21, p. 65. 29Luders nos. 1078-1084. Three i n s c r i p t i o n s were discovered on the wooden r i b s of the Bhaja caltya by M.N. Deshpande, op. c i t . . pp.  30-32.  3°Luders nos. 1109-1111. 3lLuders no. 1121 andone i n s c r i p t i o n published by C.C. Das Gupta, "Selarwadl I n s c r i p t i o n , " Eplgraphla Indica volume 28 (1949-50), PP. 76-77. 3 Luders no. 1069 and see Moreshwar G. D i k s h i t , "Ambivale Cave I n s c r i p t i o n s , " Annals of the Bhandarkar O r i e n t a l I n s t i t u t e 2  volume 22 (1941), pp. 72-73.  ^ L u d e r s no. 10?1 and one a d d i t i o n a l i n s c r i p t i o n r e f e r r e d t o by M.G. D i k s h i t , "The Origin and Development of the Buddhist Settlements of Western India," p. 329, c i t e d by M.A. Mehendale, op., c i t . . p. 329, the i n s c r i p t i o n i s very fragmentary. ^Rev. J . E. Abbot, "Recently Discovered Buddhist Caves a t Nadsur and Nenavali i n the Bhor State, Bombay Presidency," Indian Antiquary volume 20 (1891), pp. 121-123. Several s i t e s are known from t h i s region other than these two described by Abbot. A d e t a i l e d survey of t h i s region has not been undertaken however, and no other i n s c r i p t i o n s than those from Nadsur have been published. For these reasons, the Nadsur i n s c r i p t i o n s have been grouped with Kuda, This lacuna i s unfortunate, p a r t i c u l a r l y because the ancient seaport of Chaul was o f some importance. 35several s i t e s are a l s o to be found i n t h i s region as f o r example near Wai t o the north of Karadh, see Fergusson and Burgess, op. c i t . , pp. 211-212. As i s the case with the Nadsur region, the excavations i n the Karadh region should most properly be a separate group. However, t h i s region has a l s o not been adequately surveyed and only a s i n g l e I n s c r i p t i o n from Karadh has been published.  50 For these reasons the Karadh i n s c r i p t i o n has been grouped with Kuda. 36Luders nos. 1037-1042, i045i|i 1048-1066. Luders nos. 1043, 1044, 1046, 1047 are i n Sanskrit and one of which (1047) r e f e r s d i r e c t l y t o the g i f t of a Buddha image. These four i n s c r i p t i o n s are l a t e , outside of the period under consideration and have therefore been excluded from t h i s study. ^ L u d e r s nos. 1052, 1059, fragmentary; 1057, not read. 3 Luders nos. 1072-1074; 1074, fragmentary. 8  39Luders nos. 1075-1077. ^OLuders nos. 1067-68, Nadsur; 1184, Karadh. ^Kosambi, op_. cit.'. pp. 51-52. ^2The importance of these places as ports i n ancient times can be seen from the Perlplus Maris Erythraei . 52.  51 CHAPTER THREE.  DONATIONS AND DONORS.  The i n s c r i p t i o n s from the cave excavations of Western India record, without exception, donations to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s a t which they are found.  Two d i s t i n c t major types  of donations can he i d e n t i f i e d among these i n s c r i p t i o n s . i n s c r i p t i o n s contain within them both types of donations.  Certain In t h i s  chapter, these two types of donations to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s w i l l be i d e n t i f i e d a t the s i t e s considered i n t h i s study In r e l a t i o n to the geographical framework d e t a i l e d i n the previous chapter.  In many of the i n s c r i p t i o n s , the occupation or  some form of t i t u l a r designation of the donors, i n addition to t h e i r personal names, are given and remain extant.  The occupational  and t i t u l a r designations w i l l be considered i n r e l a t i o n to the two types of donations within the context of the geographical framework of the s i t e s here considered. The majority of the i n s c r i p t i o n s here considered record a g i f t of some part of the r e l i g i o u s i n s i t u t i o n .  This g i f t can be  of an entire cave, be i t a vlhara or a c a i t y a . as f o r example, from Nasik, A cave [vlhara]}. the meritorious g i f t of the fisherman Mugudasa, and of h i s family.1 or from Kuda, The meritorious g i f t of a cave by the physician Somadeva, the son of the Mamaka-vejiya physician and worshipper, I s i r a k h i t a , and h i s (Somadeva's) sons Naga, I s i r a k h i t a , and Sivaghosa, and daughters I s i p a l l t a , Pusa, Dhamma and Sapa.2 The g i f t of part of the r e l i g i o u s i n s i t l t u t i o n need not, however, be of an entire cave, and i s often of part of a cave, f o r example, from Karle,  52 The g i f t of a p i l l a r by Sihadhaya, 4 Yavana from Dhenukakata.3 or from Nasik, Success I An inner c e l l , the meritorious g i f t of Daksamitra, wife of Dlnlka's son Rsabhadatta, and daughter of the Ksaharata ksatrapa Nahapana.4 The g i f t can a l s o be of some f u n c t i o n a l or a r t i s t i c addition to the cave s i t e , f o r example, from Nasik, Succesil A c i s t e r n (the g i f t ) of Vudhika, a writer of the Saka Damachika.5, and from Karle, The g i f t of a l i o n - p i l l a r by the Maharathi the son of Goti.°  Agnlmitranaka,  In short, any part of the cave excavations could have been a g i f t to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n , although not a l l parts are necessarily recorded as such by i n s c r i p t i o n . Those i n s c r i p t i o n s which p r i m a r i l y record g i f t s to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n , a r e , i n form, very s i m i l a r . are short, seldom exceeding two or three l i n e s . the donor's personal name i s mentioned.  They  Almost invariably,  Other information as to  the donor such as occupation, t i t u l a r designation and place of o r i g i n i s often added.  The designation of the g i f t , i f given, i s placed  variably i n the f i n a l or penultimate p o s i t i o n i n the i n s c r i p t i o n . In some cases, the designation of the g i f t i s not given and must be i n f e r r e d from the location of the i n s c r i p t i o n .  The g i f t to the  r e l i g i o u s i n s i t i t u t i o n i s most often described as a dana or deyadhamma. these words again being placed v a r i a b l y i n the f i n a l or penultimate position i n the Inscription.  These two words used  to describe the a c t of the donor i n h i s donation to the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n are e s s e n t i a l l y synonomous, though the use of one or the other words i s preferred a t p a r t i c u l a r s i t e s considered here.  53 Both words, dana and deyadhamma. mean a g i f t or donation, although dana i s a simple g i f t and deyadhamma implies the r e l i g i o u s duty of giving and as such i f often translated as 'meritorious g i f t * . The expression dana i s most often used, although not without exception, a t Karle, Ajanta and Pitalkhora,  I t also occurs a t  Junnar, Nasik, Bhaja and Bedsa, although a t these s i t e s , i n addition to Kanheri and Kuda, deyadhamma i s most often used.  The  exact s i g n i f i c a n c e , i f any, of t h i s regional v a r i a t i o n i n terminology i s not immediately c l e a r .  The r e s u l t s of the action o f the donor,  at l e a s t , i f not t h e i r exact intentions, appear to he the same. Occasional examples of other forms of designating donations of g i f t s to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i u t i o n s are also to be found among the i n s c r i p t i o n s here considered.  Several i n s c r i p t i o n s  use the causal past p a r t i c i p l e , k a r i t a ? , 'caused t o be made', and a few i n s c r i p t i o n s use the P r a k r i t i c forms of the causal past p a r t i c i p l e of the root STHA. 'has been established'.^  I t i s i n the  use of these expressions that the only evidence exists f o r the a c t u a l mechanics of the donations o f such g i f t s t o the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , i e , they were g i f t s whose execution was paid f o r . The very occasional use of the simple past p a r t i c i p l e , kata, 'made', i s also found i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s from the cave excavations.9  The  g i f t referred t o i n these cases was physically made by the donor. In these few cases, the donation i s l i k e l y one o f labour d i r e c t l y f o r the excavation of the cave, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r the addition of s c u l p t u r a l decoration. The apparent, r e l i g i o u s motive f o r donations t o the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s i s the a c q u i s i t i o n oflmerit (Sanskrit punya. puna of the i n s c r i p t i o n s ) , achieved through the a c t of g i v i n g .  54 The extensive use of the term deyadhamma implies t h i s a c q u i s i t i o n of merit.  i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s  In a few i n s c r i p t i o n s , the  object of the a c q u i s i t i o n of merit i s i n f a c t s p e c i f i c a l l y recorded, as f o r example from Kanheri, ...a cave and a water c i s t e r n f o r the acceptance of the ...Bhadrayanlyas. The merit founam] (gained) thereby ( s h a l l belong) to...and t o (my) mother Nandinika. Ore c e l l . . . ^ The use and importance of the term dana found i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s has continued i n contemporary Buddhism, f o r , There can be no doubt that the desire f o r merit i s the primary basis f o r the practice of dana. and t h e i r great concern with dana i s a true measure of the salience of merit i n the Burmese motivational system.H The terminology and i n t e r n a l evidence of the i n s c r i p t i o n s strongly suggests that the same basic motivational f a c t o r , the a c q u i s i t i o n of merit, was present i n ancient Indian Buddhism as represented by the cave excavations of Western India. ffhe majority of i n s c r i p t i o n s from the cave excavations record g i f t s t o the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n , conceived by t h e i r donors as r e l i g i o u s duty.  These i n s c r i p t i o n , on i n t e r n a l evidence  alone, y i e l d l i t t l e information as t o the f i n a n c i a l mechanics and economic consequences of the donations.  The information on the  donors i n these i n s c r i p t i o n s , however, i s important and w i l l be examined i n d e t a i l .  The presence o f these inscripti&ns  referring  to the donations of g i f t s and the information as to the donors of these g i f t s must be considered together with the second type of donation recorded i n the corpus of i n s c r i p t i o n s , the donations of endowments.  The two types of donations w i l l be examined i n r e l a t i o n  to the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the cave s i t e s previously established. Whereas donations of simple g i f t s t o the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n  55 were t o establish that i n s t i t u t i o n , by the excavation of the caves\ donations o f endowments were, i n purpose, intended f o r the sustaining and maintenance of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n .  The donations of  endowments a l s o undoubtably had, as t h e i r primary, r e l i g i o u s motive, the a c q u i s i t i o n of merit on the part of the donors.  As with the  donations of simple g i f t s , the Inscriptions recording donations o f endowments provide important information on t h e i r donors which w i l l a l s o be examined i n d e t a i l .  The donations of endowments, however,  contain a great amount more informations on the functioning and consequences of donations t o the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n i n the context of the contemporary society.  These endowments, then, are the most  s i g n i f i c a n t i n s c r i p t i o n s f o r the study of the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n i n the context of the contemporary society, and t h e i r detailed i n t e r n a l source materials w i l l be a subject of a detailed examination i n a separate chapter. The f i r s t and s i x t h groups of cave excavations contain i n s c r i p t i o n s which almost exclusively record donations of g i f t s to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n .  The single exception i s  from Mahad i n the Kuda group where one i n s c r i p t i o n records both a g i f t and an endowment.12  The major s i t e of Kuda i t s e l f records  only donations of g i f t s i n the period under consideration.  One  l a t e r i n s c r i p t i o n records an endowment which should be noted, however t h i s epigraph!3 i s obviously outside the period previously defined with regard to i t s language and the purpose of i t s endowment. The f i r s t and sixth group of cave excavations, the Pitalkhora-Ajanta and Kuda groups, are those s i t e s which are on the geographical extremities of the s i t e s considered i n t h i s study.  The P i t a l k h o r a -  Ajanta group i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y more inland, the Kuda group being  56 located i n the t r a d i t i o n a l l y i s o l a t e d Konkan. The r e l a t i v e l y few Inscriptions i n Group one, nine usable from Pitalkhora and four from Ajanta, a l l record donations of g i f t s . I**  -  Two i n s c r i p t i o n s from Pitalkhora are fragmentary and the exact nature of t h e i r donations i s uncertain.  However, the donors remain recorded. 15  Deshpande C, found on a loose boulder i n f r o n t of the caves, mentions a g u i l d , s e n i , Sanskrit srenL.  The other, Luders no. 1190, mentions  only a r o y a l physician, ra.1ave[ ja]. p  The nature of the donor here i s  understandable i n the context of the other donors who are  recorded  at Pitalkhora, those of r o y a l and administrative background.  Physicians,  veja, Sanskrit yaidya, are occasionally found among the donors to the cave excavations.16  A t Pitalkhora, however, i s found the only example  of a donor referred t o as a r o y a l physician. here i n question,..Magila  The r o y a l physician  and h i s family, account f o r f i v e of the  donations a t Pitalkhora.  These f i v e i n s c r i p t i o n s , o r 33.3$ of a l l  donations i n Group one, form the bulk of the donations i n t h i s group by the f i r s t type of donor encountered throughout the cave  excavations,  the donor of stated r o y a l or administrative b a c k g r o u n d . I t i s perhaps debatable whether a physician should be included i n the f i r s t d i v i s i o n of donors.  Physicians hereafter are included i n the  second d i v i s i o n of donors, that of the commercial and landed classes, as physicians are l i k e any other merchant, although they s e l l a service rather than a good.  The donor Magaila, however, i s p a r t i c u l a r t o  designate himself a r o y a l physician; therefore he must have had some close association with h i s contemporary r u l i n g dynasty. The donations of the family of Magila, the r o y a l physician, are a l s o included i n the d i v i s i o n of royal and administrative donors. The recording of donations by r e l a t i v e s of donors of a stated  57 occupation i s a common occurrence among the i n s c r i p t i o n s .  The  donations by female donors, wives, s i s t e r s , mothers etc. are of high frequency.  They donations by donors who state a p a r t i c u l a r  r e l a t i o n s h i p with some person, who i s l i k e l y the head o f the donor's family, are here included among the s o c i a l group of the person whose occupation or s o c i a l standing i s i d e n t i f i e d .  These donations  are seen as part of the c o l l e c t i v e enterprise of the family. Four i n s c r i p t i o n s or  26.7$ of a l l  donations i n Group one are  by members of the second d i v i s i o n o f donors, that of the commercial and landed classes.  One of these i n s c r i p t i o n s , the previously  mentioned Deshpande C, i s perhaps the donation of a g u i l d .  A  perfumer, gadhlka. Sanskrit gandhlka. from the Satavahana c a p i t a l of Paithan i s recorded a t Pltalkhora.18  The occupation of perfumer  i s recorded i n one other example a t Karle.19  One goldsmith, hlramakara.  Sanskrit hiranyakara. i s recorded a t Pltalkhora, Deshpande D, as having made the figure of a yaksa.  The occupation of goldsmith i s  one found three other times i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s , although by the synonomous term suvanakara. Sanskrit suvarnakara.20  At Ajanta, the  only donation recorded as coming from a commercial or landed donor i s that o f a merchant, Luders no. 1198. y a n i j a , Sanskrit v a n l j . P a l i vanij.ia.  "Merchant' here translates The use of t h i s term f o r  merchant occurs only three other times i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s . * 2  That  vanlja i s anything more than a general term f o r merchant, even with i t s l i m i t e d occurrence i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s , cannot be ascertained on the i n t e r n a l evidence of the epigraphs here considered. The much more common term f o r merchant to be often encountered a t other s i t e groups i s negama. A single i n s c r i p t i o n , Deshpande B, from the Pitalkhora-Ajanta  58 group records a donation by a member of the Buddhist Sangha or r e l i g i o u s brotherhood, bhlchunl. more properly i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s , bhikhuni. Sanskrit bhiksunl. P a l i bhikkhunl.  At a l l s i t e groups,  except Junnar, a small percentage of the donations made are by people who i d e n t i f y themselves as members of the Sangha> t h i s forms the t h i r d grouping of donors d e t a i l e d i n Appendix B and Table 3. f i r s t question here i s how members of a r e l i g i o u s brotherhood,  The  who  have apparently abandoned the world and with i t t h e i r material possessions are a % l e to make substantial donations to t h e i r own religious institutions.  There i s no evidence that these r e l i g i o u s  donors p h y s i c a l l y made t h e i r donations, the terminology i n a l l cases being that of a g i f t paid f o r .  Hie i n t e r n a l evidence of the i n s c r i p t i o n s  perhaps c l a r i f i e s the position of donors who i d e n t i f y themselves as members of the Sangha.  An epigraph from Kanheri states,  Success! By the female a s c e t i c Sapa, the daughter of the lay-worshipper and inhabitant of Dhenukaka-fca, Kulapiya Dhamanaka, (and) the p u p i l of the Thera, the reverend;Bodhika (she being associated) with her suster Ratlnlka and with the whole number of her r e l a t i o n s and connections, a cave and a water c i s t e r n have been excavated (as) a meritorious gift...22 This i n s c r i p t i o n implies that the f a m i l i e s made donations to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n through t h e i r members who were a l s o members of the Sangha.  These donations then, would record the apparent  r e l i g i o u s donor and not what could be termed the •economic donor'.. Nevertheless, as t h i s 'economic donor' i s never f u l l y recorded, as t h i s would negate the intention of a donation through a family Sangha member,  these donations  have been separately grouped.  Each s i t e group contains a number of donations, the occupation and s o c i a l position of whose donors i s e i t h e r missing or was recorded.  never  At the Pitalkhora-Ajanta group, f i v e i n s c r i p t i o n s of  59 33.3$ of a l l i n s c r i p t i o n s record such donations which have been grouped as 'others* i n Appendix B and Table 3. Four i n s c r i p t i o n s from Group one record the place of o r i g i n of the donors.  Three donors, one a perfumer, come from the ancient  Satavahana c a p i t a l of Paithah, Sanskrit Pratisthana.23 a t Pitalkhora comes from Dhenukaka^a.24  One donor  The exact location of t h i s  important ancient towrf i s unknown but i t appears to be located somewhere near to Karle.  Hence, i t w i l l be more f u l l y considered  when examining that s i t e .  The i n s c r i p t i o n s from the Pitalkhora-  Ajanta group do not, therefore, indicate any close geographical relationship between a town and the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n .  On the  contrary, on the a v a i l a b l e evidence, Ajanta and p a r t i c u l a r l y Pitalkhora appear to have been pilgrimage s i t e s , a t t r a c t i n g donors from a considerable distance. A l l donations recorded from s i t e group s i x , with a sole exception from Mahad, are of g i f t s .  Six i n s c r i p t i o n s , or  19.3$  of a l l donations In t h i s group are by r o y a l and administrative donors.  Five of these donations are from Kuda.  Four of these  records from Kuda r e f e r to a r o y a l personage c a l l e d a Mahabhoja.25 In addition, one extremely fragmentary i n s c r i p t i o n from Kuda, which has not been generally included i n t h i s study, makes some reference to a Mahabhoja.26  The t i t l e of Mahabho.ja appears t o be confined  to the Konkan i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s from the cave excavations of Western India,  The only other references to a Mahabho.ja are to  found i n i n s c r i p t i o n s from Kanheri i n the Konkan and from Bedsa. This i n s c r i p t i o n from Bedsa27 by the daughter of a Mahabho.ja. t  a Mamdavl and a Maharathini. the wife of a Maharathi. bears a strong r e l a t i o n to those from Kuda,  The apparent family name  60  Mamdava i s found i n three of the records from K u d a  28  i n addition  to a reference found i n the previously mentioned fragmentary epigraph.  This record from Bedsa a l s o tends to indicate an  equivalence i n rank between a Mahabho.ja and a Maharathl, Sanskrit Mahlrasthrin. a t i t l e found i n several other cave excavations, f o r the donor indicates she i s daughter of one and wife of the other.  The record from Kanheri i s likewise by a wife of a Maharathl.  daughter of a Maharaja and a Mahabhoji and a l s o s i s t e r of a Mah.abho.1a. These two t i t l e s would appear to designate a l o c a l l o r d , subject to the r u l i n g dynasty, but with a measure of l o c a l autonomy.  Three  of the r o y a l and administrative donors a t Kuda belong to a family i n the service of the Mahabho.ja Mamdava Khamdapalita.29  Nothing  f u r t h e r i s known of t h i s Mahabho.ja beyond these references.  One  i n s c r i p t i o n , Luders no. 1054, i s of the daughter of Mahabho.ja Sadakara Sudamsana.  Again, nothing f u r t h e r i s known of t h i s Mahabho.ja.  One donation from Kuda, Luders no. 1053» i s by the daughter of a r o y a l minister ra.jamaca. Sanskrit rajamatya. P a l i rajamacca.  The  t i t u l a r designation amatya i s a l s o found a t Nasik and a t Junnar.30 A s i n g l e donation from Mahad i s by a c e r t a i n Prince (kumara) Manaboa VhenupSlita, Luders no. 1072.  Nothing f u r t h e r i s known of t h i s  donor, the only r o y a l personage i n Group s i x who makes a d i r e c t donation to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n . Twelve i n s c r i p t i o n s or 38.7$ of a l l donations i n Group s i x are by donors of the commercial and landed classes.  These donors include  such merchants as a garland maker, malakara. an i r o n merchant, lohavaniya. and a physician.  Five of the donors are designated as,  or r e l a t i v e s of, a s e t h i . Sanskrit sresthln.  Sethi i s translated by  Luders as •banker', although t h i s t r a n s l a t i o n i s probably not  61 accurate.  In i t s p a r t i c u l a r sense, sethi i s the head of a g u i l d ,  or i n a general sense the word implies a r i c h merchant somewhat more than a simple shopkeeper or bazaar merchant.  The word i s  used i n t h i s general sense i n modern Indian languages.  Three  donations are by those who c a l l themselves sathavaha or by t h e i r relatives.  Sathavaha. Sanskrit sarthavaha. i s translated by Luders  as 'trader', although i t s common s p e c i f i c meaning i n Sanskrit i s that of a head of a caravan.  The word occurs only a t Kuda and not  enough i n t e r n a l evidence i s a v a i l a b l e to Identify i t s exact significance i n Western India i n the period under consideration. Four donors from the commercial and landed classes are i d e n t i f i e d as a householder, gahapati, Sanskrit grhapatl.31  This t i t l e , i n the  i n s c r i p t i o n s , implies somewhat more than a man who i s head of a household.  The gahapati was a man of considerable wealth or property.  On several occasions donors d e t a i l t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to some gahapati. A donor a t Kol, Luders no. 10?5, f o r example, who i d e n t i f i e s himself as a sethi adds that he i s the son of a gahapati.  There i s a strong  r e l a t i o n s h i p between gahapatls and merchants throughout the cave excavations.32  of the some fourteen times the t i t l e gahapati appears  i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s , ten times i t i s recorded i n connection with some type of merchant.  Those few times where a donor has been designated  only as a gahapati have therefore been included i n the d i v i s i o n of commercial and landed donors. Two donations from Kuda are by members of the Sangha, by nuns. The terminology here used i s pavayitlka. Luders no. 1041, pavaltika. Luders no. 1060,  and  Sanskrit p r a v r a j i t a . P a l i pabba.ilta.  •one who has gone f o r t h ' , synonomous with bhikhunl. Eleven i n s c r i p t i o n s , or  35•5% of a l l donations In Group s i x ,  62 do not d e t a i l the occupation or s o c i a l status of the donor. Four of these epigraphs are fragmentary. Only one i n s c r i p t i o n i n Group s i x states the place of o r i g i n of the donor.  This i s a donation by an iron merchant, Luders no. 1055*  from Karahakada, most l i k e l y modern day Karadh.  Kuda must have  been a place of pilgrimage f o r t h i s i r o n merchant, who must have had some resources to have made a donation a t t h i s coastal s i t e , p a r t i c u l a r l y when the cave excavations of Karadh l a y outside h i s home town. The donations to Group f i v e of the cave excavations, Karle and i t s associated s i t e s , are composed, i n the great majority, of simple g i f t s to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n .  Donations of endowments,  a l l a t Karle, account f o r a mere 8 . 6 $ of a l l donations a t Karle and f o r 6.0% of a l l donations i n Group f i v e .  Donations of g i f t s then  account f o r 91.4$ and 94.0$ of a l l donations a t Karle and a t Karle and i t s associated s i t e s , respectively. Six donations or 12.0$ of a l l donations a t Karle and i t s associated s i t e s are by r o y a l and administrative donors.  Three of  the donors are feudatory lords, Maharathls. one i s by a Maharathinl. wife of a Maharathl. the previously mentioned daughter of a Mahabho ja from Bedsa. 33 r  One of the r o y a l and administrative donors  at Karle i s Usavadata, son-in-law of the Ksaharata ksatrapa Nahapana, Luders no. 1099. Nahapana himself i s never recorded i n the as having made a donation to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s  inscriptions  institutions.  Usavadata never d i r e c t l y states that he i s even i n the service of Nahapana, only that he i s married to Dakhamita, daughter of Nahapana. While t h i s information i s enough to indicate the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of Usavadata and to therefore Include him i n the f i r s t grouping of donors,  6  3  i t would seen l i k e l y that Usavadata would have been the o f f i c e r to Nahapana i n h i s most southern conquests, the region of the cave excavations.  One donation a t Karle, Luders no. 1105, appears t o be  a d i r e c t donation by a r o y a l personage.  However, the i n i t i a l portion  of the i n s c r i p t i o n where the name of the king would have been placed i s fragmentary.  This epigraph i s very s i m i l a r i n form to three  Satavahana records from Nasik, one by Pulumavi and two by Gautamlputra.  34 Scholarly debate has been considerable as to which of these two kings was responsible f o r the Karle i n s c r i p t i o n .  The i n t e r n a l  evidence of the i n s c r i p t i o n i s , however, not strong enough to make a f i n a l decision.35 Ten i n s c r i p t i o n s , or 20.0$ of a l l donations i n Group f i v e , are by commercial and landed donors.  Included among these donors are  merchants such as a perfumer, gamdhlka. Luders no. 1090, and a carpenter, vadhaki. Sanskrit vardhakl. Luders no. 1092.  One donor, Luders no.  1091,  c a l l s h e r s e l f the mother of a householder, gahata. Sanskrit grhastha. a word which appears only once i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s .  This usage i s  perhaps s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from the use of gahapati. i n d i c a t i n g the simple householder i n the brahmanical sense rather than the l i k e l y more commercial sense of gahapati as seen i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s . 36  One  other t i t u l a r designation from an i n s c r i p t i o n from Selarvadi, Luders no. 1121, i s t r a n s l a t e d here as householder. kuduklya. Sanskrit kutumbln.  The word here used i s  This designation occurs once more i n an  i n s c r i p t i o n a t Nasik, Luders no. 1147, i n the more Sankritic form kutumbika.  The householder from Selarvadi i s a l s o c a l l e d a halakiya.  often translated as •ploughman', and which implies that t h i s kutumbln was head of an a g r i c u l t u r a l household, but c e r t a i n l y without the degree of wealth and commercial associations of a gahapati.37  64 Seven i n s c r i p t i o n s , a l l from Karle, or 14.0$ of a l l donations i n Group f i v e , are by members of the Sangha.  One donation i s by a  thera. Sanskrit sthavlra. l i t e r a l l y meaning 'elder', but In Buddhist usage synonomous with bhikkhu.  Thera i n i t s s t r i c t sectarian meaning  refers to the f i r s t great d i v i s i o n of Buddhism, i n opposition to the Mahasanphika. a t the second Buddhist council a t V a i s a l i .  Two donations  are by one Satimita from coastal Sopara who designates himself as a preacher, bhanaka. of the Dharmutarlyas. Sanskrit Dharmottariyas. Bhanaka r e f e r s to a person s k i l l e d i n the r e c i t a t i o n of c e r t a i n sections of the Buddhist scriptures who i s l i k e l y a p a r t i c u l a r l y s k i l l e d monk. The mention of p a r t i c u l a r schools of Hinayana Buddhism, such as the Dharmottariyas. i s found frequently i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s .  I t i s useful  i n determining the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of these schools i n ancient India.  The schools themselves, however, do not appear t o have made  a substantial difference i n either the nature of the donations or the composition of the donors a t the s i t e s here considered.39 Twenty-seven i n s c r i p t i o n s or 54.0$ of a l l donations i n Group f i v e are by donors of other designations.  This large percentage  i s accounted f o r by a type of donation and a group of donors p a r t i c u l a r l y common to t h i s group.  Four i n s c r i p t i o n s from Bhaja  do not i d e n t i f y donors and are simply labels i d e n t i f y i n g one of a series of votive stupas as being of some t h e r a . ^  The stupas i n  question are not the donations of the thera mentioned i n the i n s c r i p t i o n but are the g i f t of some unmentioned donor.  An i n s c r i p t i o n on a  s i m i l a r stupa a t Bedsa, Luders no. 1110, includes such information as t o the name of the donor who caused the stupa to be made.  This  s e r i e s of small votive stupas with i n s c r i p t i o n s mentioning only t o whom the donation i s dedicated i s peculiar to Bhaja.  65 Seven donors from Group f i v e i d e n t i f y themselves only as a Yavana. which i n t h i s ancient period i s taken to mean G r e e k . ^ Donations are also made by Yavanas a t Junnar and a t Nasik. ^2  The  question as t o the p a r t i c u l a r Greek association o f these donors, a l l of whom have Indian names, i s one which the available evidence i s not l i k e l y t o solve.  Whether they were Indianized Greeks,  Indian culture-Greeks, Indians who were also c i t i z e n s of Greek towns or j u s t foreigners from the West i s r e l a t i v e l y unimportant f o r t h i s study.^3  The donors who c a l l themselves Yavanas i n no case  give any other occupational t i t l e .  Presumably, Yavana was informative  enough i n the contemporary s o c i e t y . ^  The most common i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  i s that these Yavanas were a l s o merchants. 45  The seaborne trade with  Greeks from the eastern sections of the Roman Empire with the west coast o f India i s well known from works such as the Perlplus. tempting t o associate these Yavanas with t h i s trade.  It is  In t h i s connection,  however, i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t o note t h a t no notice of Yavanas i s found a t coastal Kanheri, i t i s found only a t the three inland s i t e s of Karle, Junnar and Nasik.  In any case, one would assume that such  presumed foreigners as Yavanas. whatever t h e i r exact o r i g i n , would have been drawn to Western India f o r the purposes of trade.  Such  i n t e r n a l evidence form the i n s c r i p t i o n s , however, wanting} therefore those donors who designate themselves as Yavanas have been grouped among "* others*. Dhenukakata i s given seventeen times i n Group f i v e as t h e place of o r i g i n of the donor. ^ Yavanas.  s i x of the donors from Dhenukakata are  Dhenukakata i s a l s o found recorded i n the previously  mentioned i n s c r i p t i o n from Pltalkhora and also a t Kanheri.^  8  I t was  obviously then a place of considerable importance, yet i t s exact  66 location has not been generally agreed upon.  I t has been i d e n t i f i e d  as a coastal c i t y because of i t s large population of Yavanas. Yet only one donor from Dhenukakata and no Yavanas are found a t Kanheri.^9 The substantial donations made by various types o f donors from Dhenukakata t o the Karle c a l t y a and a l s o a t Selarvadl would indicate a p a r t i c u l a r relationship between t h i s town and the s i t e s located i n the Indrayani v a l l e y , known as Maval.50  Certainly, the carpenter  from Dhenukakata who made the door t o the c a l t y a . Luders no. 1092, would not have t r a v e l l e d too.far t o undertake h i s meritorious task. The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n by D.D. Kosambi of Dhenukakata with the v i l l a g e of Devagad near to Karle appears then t o be plausible.51 Karle then would have been a s i t e that was primarily established and maintained by a nearby town.  Donors d i d , however, come from other towns and  v i l l a g e s a i f o r example the preacher Satimita who journeyed from coastal Sopara, to the north of present day Bombay,-52  Several places,  l i k e l y v i l l a g e s , remain unidentified.53 The three remaining s i t e groups, Nasik, Junnar and Kanheri, are characterized by a substantial number of donations of endowments. The endowments, however, never comprise a majority o f the i n s c r i p t i o n s a t any of the s i t e s .  Each s i t e contains a number of epigraphs which  record both the donation of a g i f t and a l s o an endowment.  This type  of dual donation has hitherto not been found i n the: i n s c r i p t i o n s , except f o r the single instance from Mahad.  These dual donations must  then be considered both with donations o f g i f t s f o r the establishment of the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n and perhaps more Importantly with the donation of endowments f o r the maintenance of the r e l i g i o u s institution.  When the dual donations are considered with the donation  of endowments, such endowments account f o r a t l e a s t 25$ of a l l  67 i n s c r i p t i o n s a t Nasik, Junnar and Kanheri.  These three s i t e s ,  then, contain i n s c r i p t i o n s which have the most detailed information on the maintenance of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n and, by consequence of the nature of the i n s c r i p t i o n s , the most s p e c i f i c information on the functioning and consequences of donations to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n i n the context of the contemporary society. Of the t h i r t y usable i n s c r i p t i o n s i n Group three, Junnar, twenty-one or  70.0$ are donations  institution.  Seven i n s c r i p t i o n s or  of g i f t s to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s  23.3$ record  donations of  endowments.  Two i n s c r i p t i o n s record both donations of g i f t s and  endowments.  Endowments then occur i n nine i n s c r i p t i o n s or 30.0$  of a l l donations a t Junnar. Only a single i n s c r i p t i o n a t Junnar records a donation by a royal o r administrative donor.  This i s the donation of a g i f t by  the r o y a l minister of Nahapana, Luders no. 1174.  I t should be  noted that extensive Satavahana records are found a t Nanaghat close to Junnar. institution.  These are not, however, donations to a Buddhist r e l i g i o u s The Satavahanas d i d not apparently have a d i r e c t  donative i n t e r e s t i n the cave s i t e s surrounding Junnar. Eight i n s c r i p t i o n s or  26.7$ of a l l  commercial and landed donors.  donations a t Junnar are by  Four of these donations are by those  who designate themselves s o l e l y as householders o r as a r e l a t i v e of a householder.-5^ 1153?  One of these donations by a householder, Luders no.  i s an i n s c r i p t i o n which has been variously translated.  Buhler  would make itidonatlon by Virasenaka, a chief, pamugha. Sanskrit pramukha. householder and upright merchant, dhammanigama.  Luders  here takes nlgama i n i t s more usual sense as a settlement and translates i t as "a pious hamlet".  Luders however makes the donation  68 by the nigama c a l l e d Virasenaka which i s "headed by householders". My interpretation, however, i s that the donation i s by the c h i e f householder c a l l e d Virasenaka of the *pious hamlet' or Buddhist f  town.55  One donation a t Junnar, Luders no. 1172,  negama, Sanskrit naigama.  i s by a merchant,  Negama means one coming from a town or  a market place, i e , a townsman or merchant.  That nigama can a l s o  mean an association of merchants, perhaps indicates that the negamas here recorded were members of urban g u i l d s , which might help i n distinguishing t h i s designation from that of y a n i j a previously mentioned.  The i n s c r i p t i o n s do not, however, o f f e r any i n t e r n a l  evidence to make such a d i s t i n c t i o n .  A negama i s not, f o r example,  simultaneously i d e n t i f i e d as a sethi or a member of a seni.  Negama  must, however, be a merchant with a p a r t i c u l a r association with a town.  One donation a t Junnar, the g i f t of a cave and a c i s t e r n ,  Luders no. 1180, dhamnikaseni.  i s made c o l l e c t i v e l y by a g u i l d of corndealers,  Sanskrit dhanya-. P a l i dhanfia-.  The a c t i v i t i e s of such  guilds are important i n considering donations of endowments; however donations by guilds themselves are rare.56 1177,  i s by a goldsmith from Kalyan.  One donation, Luders no.  From Kalyan a l s o i s a donor  who i d e n t i f i e s himself as a halranyaka. Sanskrit hiranyaka. Luders 1179»  which i s most commonly translated as 'treasurer'.  This donor  could be a treasurer of a g u i l d or some other commercial organization o r  hiranyaka could perhaps be a dealer i n gold as distinguished from  a maker of gold, a goldsmith, hiranyakara.57 Twenty-one i n s c r i p t i o n s or 70.0$ of a l l donations at Junnar are by donors who do not c l e a r l y i d e n t i f y themselves by occupation or s o c i a l position.  Junnar i s the s i t e which contains the largest per-  centage of donors, or donations without extant donors, that are  69 included i n the 'others* grouping.  Five of these donations are  fragmentary, four of which are donations of endowments whose donors are lacking or perhaps, unusually, were not recorded.5$ from Junnar designate themselves as Yavanas.59 no. 1162,  Three donors  One donor, Luders  c a l l s himself a Saka. which might associate him with the  Ksatrapa or Abhira dynasties.60  Several i n s c r i p t i o n s a t Junnar  are by donors who i d e n t i f y themselves only as an upasaka. a l a y worshipper, or by designations which appear to be perhaps family or caste group names.61 ©nly three donors a t Junnar record i d e n t i f i a b l e places of o r i g i n . Two donors, the goldsmith and •treasurer' previously mentioned, came up the Nanaghat from the important coastal town of Kalyan. donation, Luders no. 1169,  One  i s by two brothers who came from Bharukacha,  modern day Broach which was an important port a t the mouth of the Narmada r i v e r . Gata country.62  Two Yavanas may perhaps have come from some u n i d e n t i f i e d Most of the donors, however, must have come from  the town on the ancient s i t e of Junnar.  Perhaps the dhammanigama.  the Buddhist town, mentioned i n Luders no. 1153,  i s not s p e c i f i c a l l y  named because i t would have obviously referred to the town which the cave excavations surround. Of the twenty-eight usable i n s c r i p t i o n s found i n Group two, Nasik, twenty-five provide information as to the type of intended donation.  One i n s c r i p t i o n , Luders no. 1122,  consists of only a  f i r s t l i n e , giving the date i n the regnal years of Pulumavi.  The  intended donation i s thereafter missing as i s the name of the donor. On the model of Luders no. 1123,  t h i s may be a r o y a l i n s c r i p t i o n of  Queen B a l a s r i , however t h i s cannot be confirmed on the a v a i l a b l e evidence.  Two i n s c r i p t i o n s , Luders nos. 1135 and 1136,  which have  70 1135  been previously discussed as probably belonging together, no.  being definately a donation of Usavadata, are so fragmentary that the type of donation cannot be ascertained. or  Sixteen i n s c r i p t i o n s ,  64.0$ of the usable i n s c r i p t i o n s a t Nasik then are donations of  gifts.  Nine i n s c r i p t i o n s , or  donations of endowments.  36.0$ of the usable i n s c r i p t i o n s contain  Of these donations, of endowments, four  i n s c r i p t i o n s are of the dual nature, containing both donations of g i f t s and endowments.  One i n s c r i p t i o n , Luders no. 1130, while  apparently a dual donation, has been grouped as a donation of an ens dowment only.  This epigraph again records the donation of the same  cave, by the fisherman Mugudasa, previously recorded i n Luders no. 1129. Twelve i n s c r i p t i o n s o r  42.9$ of the donations a t Nasik are by  r o y a l and administrative donors.  This i s the highest percentage of  such donors found a t any of the s i t e groups.  Nasik was a s i t e o f  p a r t i c u l a r importance f o r the contemporary reigning dynasties, as can be seen from the four donations o f the Satavahanas and the f i v e of the Ksharata Ksatrapas here r e c o r d e d . ^  The p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s  between these two dynasties i n the context of t h e i r donative a c t i v i t i e s towards the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n i s of p a r t i c u l a r  importance  i n the donations of endowments to the Nasik cave excavations and w i l l be f u r t h e r examined i n the following chapter.  Two donations a t Nasik  are given by r o y a l o f f i c e r s o r t h e i r f a m i l i e s , one, Luders no. 1141, by the daughter and wife of ministers, amatya.  The other, Luders no.  1144, i s by an important minister t o the king a maJbiamata. Sanskrit mahamatra. P a l i mahamatta. — "1  1111111  -• •  The king i n question here was Krsna, the w • t  w  early Satavahana.  9  One donation:at Nasik, Luders no. 1146, i s by the  wife of a great general, mahasenapati. command of Yajnasrl Satakarni,  The general was under the  The presence of such a donation by the  71 family of an important m i l i t a r y personage would emphasize the importance of Nasik f o r the contemporary reigning dynasties. Seven i n s c r i p t i o n s or 25.0$ of a l l donations a t Nasik are by commercial and landed donors. negama.64  These donors include two merchants,  One donor, Luders no. 1147,  household, kutumbika.  i s the head of an a g r i c u l t u r a l  Two donors, who make three donations, i d e n t i f y  themselves as writers or scribes, lekhaka. or as members of t h e i r families.65  These writers have been included i n the d i v i s i o n of  commercial and landed donors rather than i n the d i v i s i o n of r o y a l and administrative donors as i n the case of the writer a t Kuda, Luders no. I037t because here such a royal a f f i l i a t i o n i s not d i r e c t l y stated.  One of the writers a t Nasik, Vudhika, responsible f o r two  donations, states that he i s the writer to a Saka. l i k e l y an important personage but without any of the usually stated r o y a l connections. These writers or scribes, then were l i k e l y professionals who sold a service rather than a good.  One donation was made by a fisherman,  dasaka. Sanskrit dasaka.66  While a fisherman i s a seemingly humble  occupation, the fisherman here considered must have been of some means to t r a v e l inland, h i s occupation implies a coastal place of o r i g i n although t h i s i s not so stated, and give a cave to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n a t Nasik.  Dasaka could also have ferryman or  mariner as secondary meanings. Eight i n s c r i p t i o n s or 28.6$ of a l l donations a t Nasik are by donors whose occupation and s o c i a l position i s either missing or not known.  Three of these donations are fragmentary, two of which,  however, may be of r o y a l donors.67  One donation, Luders no.  1140,  i s by the previously mentioned Yonaka. who because of h i s place of o r i g i n has the strongest Greek association of any donor to the cave  72 excavations, notwithstanding h i s very Indian name, Indragnidatta. One donation, i n the time of the Abhira dynasty, Luders no. 1137»  is  by a donor who i s the wife of a ganapaka. the exact meaning of which  i s uncertain.68 One donation, Luders no. 1142, i s a c o l l e c t i v e endowment by the v i l l a g e of Dhambika, "the Nasik people".  This i s the only example  i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s where a v i l l a g e has made such a c o l l e c t i v e donation.  One i s not c e r t a i n though, whether such a c o l l e c t i v e  donation was made by popular subscription or by administrative decision. The ancient town of Nasik would appear to be the most immediate place of o r i g i n of the donors. was a resident of t h i s town.  The Manama.ta previously mentioned The writer Vudhika records that he  i s an inhabitant of Dasapura, modem Mandsaur i n Madhya Pradesh. 69 The l o c a t i o n of Dhamtamiti, i e , Demetrius, home of the Yonaka Indragnidatta has been a matter of some speculation, the i n s c r i p t i o n i t s e l f stating only that i t i s i n the north,  otaraha.70  Of the thirty-seven usable i n s c r i p t i o n s from Group four, Kanheri, twenty-two or  59.5$ * e  institution.  Inscriptions which record endowments number f i f t e e n  or  40.5$ of  a  donations of g i f t s to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s  a l l donations.  Fourteen of these donations of endowments  are i n s c r i p t i o n s of the dual nature, recording both g i f t s and endowments.  The large number of such dual donations can in. part  b@ . t  explained by the p r a c t i s e , unique a t Kanheri, of recording donations of g i f t s and endowments to Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s other than Kanheri, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r those a t Kalyan, along with a donation to Kanheri. Such donations w i l l be examined when the close r e l a t i o n s h i p of Kanheri with the ancient port of Kalyan i s considered.  73  Only three i n s c r i p t i o n s a t Kanheri record the donations of r o y a l and administrative donors.  A l l three donations are made by  female donors, only one, Luders no. 994, being a member o f a contemporary reigning dynasty.  This donor i s the wife of Vasisthlputra  Satakarni and l i k e l y the daughter of Rudradaman.  The other r o y a l  donors include the wife of a Bho.ja. Luders no. 1013, a- l o c a l feudatory r u l e r , presumably close i n rank t o a Mahabho.ja.  A donation i s a l s o  made by a Maharathinl, Luders no. 1021, a wife of a Maharathl. Twenty-three i n s c r i p t i o n s a t Kanheri or 62.2$ of a l l donations are made by donors of thecommercial and landed classes.  Eight of  these donors designate themselves as negama. merchant, or t h e i r relatives.71  Five donors are 'treasurer-gold merchants' o r goldsmiths  or t h e i r relatives.72  Four donors are s e t h l s . bankers or guild leaders.73  I f indeed negama r e f e r s t o a merchant who i s a member o f a g u i l d and I f hiranyaka i s i n r e a l i t y a treasurer of a g u i l d rather than a gold merchant, then with the addition of s e t h i s . f i f t e e n of the commercial donors a t Kanheri would have g u i l d associations.  In any case, mercantile  donations a t Kanheri are the most numberous, both i n number and percentage terms, o f any s i t e here considered.  Three donations are  made by commercial donors not otherwise found among the i n s c r i p t i o n s . One, Luders no. 1 0 0 5 , i s by a manikara. Sanskrit manlkara. obviously a jeweller o r gem merchant.  One, Luders no. 1012, appears to be a  corporate g i f t of a cave by a community of sea traders or some other group involved with the sea, sagarapaloga. Sanskrit sagarapraloka.74 The other, Luders no. I032f i s the g i f t o f a blacksmith, kamara. Sanskrit karmara. Six i n s c r i p t i o n s or 16.2$ of a l l donations a t Kanheri are by member of the Sangha.  Five i n s c r i p t i o n s o r 1 3 . 5 $ of a l l donations  74 are fragmentary or do not record the occupation or s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of the donor. Eleven donors a t Kanheri record that they come from the nearby port of Kalyan.75  Kalyan then, had a p a r t i c u l a r l y close r e l a t i o n  i n donative a c t i v i t i e s with the r e l i g i o u s I n s t i t u t i o n established a t Kanheri.  This r e l a t i o n s h i p of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n with a  not too distant town i s the same as that seen a t Karle with Dhenukakata •  and with those l i k e l y existing between the towns of Junnar and Nasik and t h e i r associated cave s i t e s .  The p a r t i c u l a r l y close r e l a t i o n s h i p  of Kalyan with Kanheri i s emphasized by the recording of donations a t Kanheri to a c e r t a i n Ambalikavihara a t Kalyan.?6  Apart from t h i s  close r e l a t i o n s h i p with Kalyan, Kanheri a l s o drew pilgrim donors from throughout Western India. • Three donors come from the port of Sopara to the north and two from the port of Chaul to the south of Kanheri.77  Individual donors record t h e i r places of o r i g i n as Nasik  and Dhenukakata.78  One i n s c r i p t i o n , Luders no. 988,  i n addition to  recording donations to the Ambalikavihara a t Kalyan, records donations i n the d i s t r i c t , ahara. of Sopara and as f a r away as Paithan and i t s v i c i n i t y .  From t h i s information recorded i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s ,  i t becomes apparent that Kanheri was among the most important Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s i n Western India i n i t s time.  Not  only could i t a t t r a c t wealthy l o c a l donors, and donors from important, adjacent coastal towns, Kanheri could a l s o a t t r a c t inland donors and a l s o become a place to record various donations to Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s throughout Western India. The percentage of r o y a l and of mercantile donors a t the s i t e s here considered follow a consistent pattern regardless of the type of donation, g i f t or endowment.  That i s , the percentage of r o y a l  75 donors and of mercantile donors i s that same a t each s i t e , within broad l i m i t s , but with one s i t e having a s u b s t a n t i a l l y l a r g e r percentage of one group of donors.  Kanheri was  then,  l a r g e l y supported and maintained by commercial and landed donors with 62.2$ of a l l donations made by t h i s group.  The other f i v e  s i t e s were a l s o w e l l supported by commercial and landed donors, ranging from a low of 20$ of a l l donations a t Karle and i t s associated s i t e s to  38.7$ a t Kuda and i t s associated s i t e s .  I f Yavanas are  a l s o supposed to be merchants, then these percentages would increase, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the case of Karle, making the percentage of mercantile donors here 3k.Q%. In any case, i n the f i v e s i t e , excepting Kanheri, the average percentage of mercantile donors i s a t present than h a l f that of Kanheri.  28.0$, l e s s  The dominance of commercial and landed  donors a t Kanheri may be explained by the commercial a c t i v i t y o f the region of the s i t e , p a r t i c u l a r l y of Kalyan, a t the time of Kanheri's establishment, a f t e r A.D.  100*  This i s most l i k e l y i n part caused  by the contemporaneous development of the monsoon sea trade a t t h i s time.  The dominance of the Kanheri region i n t h i s trade i s a f a c t o r  of t h i s region's p o s i t i o n as the terminus of the l o c a l i n t e r i o r to coastal routes as d e t a i l e d i n the previous chapter.  I t may  be  noted here that Kanheri also contains the most donations by members of the-Sangha.  16.2$, a t l e a s t one of which from Dhenukaka-ta would  have been brought to Kanheri by the same routes which terminate i n t h i s region.  While Kanheri i s the s i t e most supported by mercantile  donors, f o r which p a r t i c u l a r causes can be suggested i f not confirmed, i t i s important to r e a l i z e the consistently high percentage of donations made by commercial and landed donor a t each s i t e . Nasik was the s i t e most supported by r o y a l and administrative  76 donors, 42.9$ of a l l donations.  Nasik was p a r t i c u l a r l y w i l l  supported by members of the contemporary three to s i x have a low of 3.3$  r u l i n g dynasties. Groups  a t Junnar to a high of 19.3$  at  Kuda of a l l donations made by r o y a l and administrative donors. Only a t Pitalkhora-Ajanta, with 33.3$ of a l l donations;, made by such donors, does the percentage approach that a t Nasik.  This perhaps i s  deceiving, f o r a t t h i s group few i n s c r i p t i o n s remain, t h i s high percentage being caused by the generosity of the family of one r o y a l physician a t Pitalkhora.  The r e l a t i v e l y high number, among Groups  three to s i x , of r o y a l donations a t Kuda can perhaps be explained by the geographical position of t h i s s i t e .  None of the donors a t Kuda  and i t s associated s i t e s belongs to one of the great contemporary dynasties, they are feudatories, Mahabhojas etc.  Kuda then was an  i s o l a t e d region, as i t i s even today, with numerous donations made by l o c a l merchants and feudatory lords.  At each s i t e , r o y a l and administrative  donors have some part i n the establishment and maintenance of the religious institution.  The average percentage of donation by such  donors being, excluding Nasik and Pitalkhora-Ajanta, 10.7$.  The  importance of Nasik f o r r o y a l donors appears to be l a r g e l y p o l i t i c a l as w i l l be seen i n an examination of endowments from that s i t e . The Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , as seen from t h e i r i n s c r i p t i o n s , were l a r g e l y supported by f i r s t l y the mercantile sections of society and then by the r u l i n g classes of the contemporary  society.  The  donations to c e r t a i n s i t e s are dominated by one or the other of these two groups of donors because of some p a r t i c u l a r circumstance of that site.  Members of the Sangha had some part i n supporting a l l s i t e s ,  but these donations have been considered apart because they appear to be representing other persons.  The large number of donations  77  where the donor i s stated by name only, where a t i t u l a r designation cannot be translated or where the i n s c r i p t i o n i s fragmentary a t some part, must make a l l numbers and percentages of groups o f donors necessarily tentative.  The a v a i l a b l e evidence, however, well  establishes the general nature of the types of donors, t h e i r donations and the composition of each a t the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s here considered.  TABLE 2.  Gift  Group IV no. %  Group V no. %  Group VI no. %  70.0  22  59.5  47  30  96.8  2  6.7  14  37.8  -  1  3.2  7  23.3  1  2.7  3  Group I I I no. %  Group I no. %  Group I I no. %  13  16  64.0  21  4  16.0  5  20.0  3  ////  Endowment  -  Others  2  G i f t and Endowment  Donations b y Sites  100.0  ////  TABLE 3.  Donors by Sites  Group I no. 3  Group I I no. %  -  -  Group I I I no. %  Group IV no. %  94.0  6.0  -  Group V no. %  -  Group VI no. %  Royal and Administrative Commercial and Landed  5  33.3  12  42.9  1  3.3  3  8.1  6  12.0  6  19.3  4  26.7  7  25.0  8  26.7  23  62.2  10  20.0  12  38.7  Sangha  1  6.7  1  3.6  -  6  16.2  7  14.0  2  6.5  Others -Yavana -others -fragmentary not given  33.3 5  1 4 3  70.0  28.6 3  13.5  54.0  7  35.5  13  3  14  7  5  2  6  4  79  ^Luders no. 1129.  2Luders no. 1048. 3Luders no. 1093. ^Luders no. 1132.  5Luders no. 1149. °Luders no. 1088. 7Luders no. 1123 k a r i t a deyadhama. 1131, 1147, Nasik; Vats no. 5, Karle; 1110 Bedsa.  1140, 1143,  1144,  Luders nos. 1 0 0 1 , 1006 p a t i t h a p l t a - 'established', Kanheri; 1087 p a r i n l t h a p i t a here implying completion, Karle, c f , Senart, Eplgraphla I n d i c a ^ 7 . p. 4 9 ; 1141 nithapapita again implying completion, Nasik, c f , Senart, Eplgraphla Indica 8 , p. 92. 8  ^Luders nos. 1067, Nadsur; I07lf. Kondane; 1092, 1104, Karle; Deshpande nos. A, D, Pltalkhora. l°Luders no. 1018. l l M e l f o r d E. Splro, Buddhism and Society (New York, 1970), p.  111.  l2Luders no. 1073. d e t a i l e d l i s t of the types of donations by s i t e group with the terminology used to describe the donation and a d e s c r i p t i o n of the donation i t s e l f w i l l be found i n Appendix A. A  13Luders  no.  1047.  l**The numbers of types of donations with t h e i r percentage of the respective s i t e group w i l l be found i n Table 2 .  at  15A d e t a i l e d l i s t of the donors by occupation and s o c i a l standing each s i t e w i l l be found i n Appendix B. 16EI v o l . 24, Karle; Luders no. 1048, Kuda.  I7lhe numbers and types of donors with ther percentage within t h e i r respective s i t e groups w i l l be found i n Table 3. l^Luders no. II87.  !9Luders no. 1090. 20mders no. 1177, Junnar; 9 8 6 , 1015, Kanheri. 2lLuders no. 9 8 7 , Kanheri; Vats nos. 3, 9, Karle. 22Luders no. 1 0 2 0 .  80  3Luders nos. 118?, 1188, Pltalkhoraj Dhavalikar no. 2, Ajanta.  2  24n shpande A. e  25in one case Mahabhoya. Luders no.  1054.  26Luders no, 1052. 2?Luders nos. 1021, Kanheri? 1111, Bedsa, again -bhoya i n preference to -bho.ja. Mamdavi reconstructed by Luders. 28Luders nos. 1037,  1045*  29Luders nos. 1037,  1045,  1049. 1049  by inference.  30mders nos. 1141, Nasik, raya- f o r ra.ja-t 1174, Junnar where i n i t s Sanskritic form [a.] miatya. Buhler restores [ajmatya. although a- i s more correct. Xuders records amatya. perhaps a typographical error. Kautilya discusses the appointment of ministers, amatya. i n r e l a t i o n to c o u n c i l l o r s , mantrin. to the king, Arthasastra. I, 8. R.P. Kangle, ed., (Bombay, i960), v o l . 1, pp. 9-10. 3lLuders nos. 1056,  1062, Kuda; 1073,  Mahad; 1075» Kol.  32Senart recognizes t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p , f o r , "...grhapati i s , i n the Buddhist language, s p e c i a l l y r e s t r i c t e d to people of v&rious castes, who are included i n the large class of Vaisyas." Epigraphia Indica 8, p. 75. 33Luders nos. 1088,  1100,  3 Xuders nos. 1124,  Pulumavi; 1125,  i)  Karle; 1079,  Bhaja; 1111,  1126,  Bedsa.  Gautamiputra.  35Buhler does not indicate a preference. Senart prefers Pulumavi and discusses t h i s epigraph f u l l y , Epigraphia Indica 7, pp. 65-71. Luders i n c l i n e s towards Gautamiputra. The mention of the order of the king being Issued from "the v i c t o r y camp" i n both the Karle i n s c r i p t i o n and Luders no. 1125 would i n c l i n e me to think that the Karle i n s c r i p t i o n i s of Gautamiputra. Senart recognizes this possibility. 36senart says that Gahata indicated a householder of brahmanical rather than vaisya o r i g i n . Epigraphia Indica 7, pp. 52*53. 37Luders no. 1084, Bhaja, i s the donation of Badha, wife of Halika, which may a l s o be an a g r i c u l t u r i s t , although not necessarily a householder, kutumblka. Halika may also be a personal name, Luders prefers t h i s sense. This epigraph has therefore been grouped i n the 'others* class of donors. 38Luders nos. 1094, 1095. I follow Senart and Luders that in 1095 the reading must be Nadlputa. rather than Nadipati. husband of Nadi, c f , Senart, Epigraphia Indica 7, p. 55. These two i n s c r i p t i o n s  81 are on the same p i l l a r and perhaps could be taken as the same donation, although 1095 a l s o r e f e r s to the g i f t of r e l i c s , the appropriate hole being found on the p i l l a r . 39Donations are also made to the Mahasanghlkas a t Karle, Luders nos. 1105, 1106, to the Gaitikas a t Nasik, Luders no. 1130 and possibly a t Junnar, Luders no. 1171, t o the Bhadrayaniyas at Kanheri, Luders nos. 987, 1018 and a t Nasik, Luders nos. 1123, 1124 and to the Dharmottariyas a t Junnar, Luders no. 1152. The Bhadrayaniyas and the Dharmottariyas apparently p o p u l a r i n Western India a t t h i s time, were d i v i s i o n s of the Vatslputrlya school noted f o r the much c r i t i c i z e d doctrine of the s e l f , pudgala. i e , Gandrakirti, Prasannapada Madhyamakavritti t r a d u l t par Jacques May (Paris, 1959), P . 162, note 502 f o r f u l l references. Cf, Bareau, Les Sectes. pp. 114-120, 127-129. The Mahasanghlkas were the more l i b e r a l schools of Hinayana Buddhism dating from the second council at V a i s a l i , f o r t h e i r doctrines see Bareau, op., c i t . . pp. 55-74. The Gaitikas were a d i v i s i o n of the Mahasanghlkas. Certain donors, p a r t i c u l a r l y r o y a l personages, had d i s t i n c t preferences i n the schools which were the recipients of t h e i r donations. The Satavahana donation, Luders no. 1105, of the endowment of the v i l l a g e of Karajaka i s made to the Mahasanghlkas. This same v i l l a g e had previously been donated to the Sangha of the four quarters, catudlsa bhikhusarigha. by Usavadata, Luders no. 1099, s i m i l a r l y nos. 1131, 1133 a t Nasik of Usavadata. Other donations to the Sangha of the four quarters includelLuders nos. 1137, 1139, Nasikj 1024, Kanheri. ^OLuders nos. 1080,  1081,  1082,  1083.  ^iLuders nos. 1093,  1096, Vats nos. 1, 4, 6, 7,  10.  ^ L u d e r s nos. 1154, I I 5 6 , 1182, Junnari 1140, Nasik i n the more P r a k r i t i c form Yonaka. It has been maintained that Yonaka indicates an o r i g i n from contemporary H e l l e n i s t i c Greek, see W. W, Tarn, The Greeks i n Bactria and India (Cambridge, 1951), pp. 416-418. Tarn believes that t h i s usage, the single example from the i n s c r i p t i o n s , i n addition t o the donor stating that he comes from Damtamiti, i e , Demetrius, indicates a more d i r e c t Greek o r i g i n . Yona. however, i s a standard P r a k r i t form of Yavana. i e , Asokan Rock E d i c t 13, and the s u f f i x -ka often indicates i n the Inscriptions l i t t l e more than a person, i e , bhanaka. hiranyaka etc. The single usage of the form Yonaka and the common usage of the Sanskritlc form Yavana i s i n i t s e l f anomolous. See also A. K. Naraln, The Indo-Greeks (Oxford.  1957), P P . 165-169.  ^ T a r n discusses f u l l y the question, pj>. c i t . , pp. 254-258, h i s conclusion being that they were Greeks by law, i e , c i t i z e n s o f some p o l l s , derives from Luders no. 1096, where the donor i s s t y l e d as Dhammayavana. Buhler, Senart and Luders a l l translate t h i s as, "of Dhamma, a Yavana," although Senart suggests that i t i s , "of a Yavana of the Law." i e , a Buddhist Yavana. t h i s appears to me a more l i k e l y resolution of the compound. It i s interesting to note the strong association of Western  82 India with such 'Greeks'. For example, i n the Ceylonese t r a d i t i o n the mission sent to Apaxantaka by Moggaliputta T i s s a i n the time of Asoka was a Yona Dhammarakkhita, see Mahavamsa. translated by Wilhelm_Geiger (London, 1964), ch. 12, 4-4, pp. 82} 34-36, p. 85. Also, Dipavamsa. edited and translated by B.C. Law, The Ceylon H i s t o r i c a l Journal volume 7» nos. 1-4, ch, 8, 7, text p. 60, trans, p. 186, where the form Yonaka i s used. For the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Aparantaka with the coastal regions of Western India see Luders no. 1013, Kanheri. Also, the viceroy of Asoka who completed the Sudarsana lake a t Girnar i s s a i d to be the Yavana king Tusaspha i n the Junagadh i n s c r i p t i o n of Rudradaman commemorating the restoration of t h i s lake, see Kielhorn, op_. c i t . , Luders no. 965. In addition, the coins of Nahapana have i n s c r i p t i o n s i n Greek l e t t e r s , on the obverse, t r a n s l i t e r a t i n g the P r a k r i t Brahml and Karosthi i n s c r i p t i o n s on the reverse, see H.R. Scott, "The Nasik (Jogaithembi) Hoard of Nahapana's Coins," Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal A s i a t i c Society volume 22 (19057» PP. 226-231. ^Kosambi, however, maintains that the donation of the physician, EI v o l . 24, i s by the Greek Milimda rather than Mitidasa, While not c a l l e d a Yavana. the'name Milimda would imply the Greek name Menander, as f o r example i n the P a l i text Milimdapanha. This reading i s based on the re-reading of t to 1, two l e t t e r s which could e a s i l y be confused i n Brahml. The'addition of the anusvara i s a l s o possible, i t being often added o r deleted i n the reading of the inscriptions,^because of the nature of the stone. This suggested reading would also have the advantage of placing the name and occupation of the donor i n the genetive case i n apposition, i e , Milimdasa ve.jasa. the form more common i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s , rather than i n a compound, i e , Mitidasa-vejasa. ^5see f o r example, Dehejia, Early Buddhist Rock Temples, p. Dehejia here a l s o maintains that the r o y a l physician Magila a t Pitalkhora, "seems to have been a yavana." without presenting evidence to t h i s e f f e c t .  143.  ^ L u d e r s nos. 1093, 1096, 1097, Vats nos. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, Kosambi, Karle; 1121, Selarvadi as Dhenukakada. ^ L u d e r s nos. 1093,  1096,  Vats nos. 4, 6, 7,  ^ Deshpande A, Pitalkhora} Luders no, 1020, 8  10. Kanheri.  ^ E . H . Johnston, "Two Notes on Ptolemy's Geography of India," Journal of the Royal A s i a t i c Society (1941), pp. 208-213, where Dhenukakata i s i d e n t i f i e d with the Dounga of Ptolemy. •5^Mamade and Mamala of Luders no. 1105,  Karle.  ^iKosambi, op_. c i t . , pp. 5 6 - 6 I .  52Luders nos. 1094,  1095.  53umekanakata, Vats no. 1, Gonekaka(ta), Vats no. 2, note the s i m i l a r i t y i n form to Dhenukakata.' Kosambi states that, "Vats read  83 Gonekaka-sa, but the l a s t s y l l a b l e i s t a or j a and the f i r s t two l e t t e r s are a l s o doubtful, so that t h i s donor was i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y from Dhenukakata, but unfortunate i n h i s choice of scribe and mason," op_. cit.', p. 66. Kata means curve, i e , slope of a h i l l . ^ L u d e r s nos. 1153, H 5 7 ,  H 7 0 ,  1 1 7 L  55Senart, however, commenting on t h i s with the expression dhammayavana i n Luders dhammanigama as, "a member of the g u i l d of Epigraphia Indica 7, P. 56. Nlgama i n the compound could mean a g u i l d of traders,  i n s c r i p t i o n i n connection no. 1096, Karle, takes Buddhist merchants." f i n a l position i n a  56others perhpas include Deshpande C, Pltalkhora; Vats no, 3, Karle,  57hiranyaka. Luders nos. 993, 996, 1033, Kanheri; 1177, Junnar. 58Luders nos. 1150,  g i f t ; 1163,  1165,  1166,  116?,  endowments.  59Luders nos. 1154, 1156, 1182. 60usavadata, f o r example, c a l l s himself a Saka. Luders no, 1135, Nasik;the donor_Visnudatta, Luders no. 1139, Nasik, recorded i n the time of the Abhira dynasty, i s the wife of a ganapaka. she c a l l s h e r s e l f a Sakanl and i s daughter of Agnivannan, a Saka.  6lsee p a r t i c u l a r l y Luders nos. 1151, Mudhaklya. G o l i k l y a ; 1152, 1155, Patibadhaka; II76, Nadaka. 62Luders nos, 1154, 1182, as translated by Buhler. Luders makes i t a personal rather than a geographical name. Buhler recognizes t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y i n 1182. Kosambi, op., c i t . , pp. 6566, commenting on Vats no. 1 from Karle takes gata as a separate word, Vats took i t as part of the personal name of the Yavana Vitasamgata. Kosambi then takes gata to mean 'departed, deceased', implying a posthumous g i f t . The consistent use of ghe genetive p l u r a l , although found to modify a genetive singular i n such a way i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s , would rather imply a country or a people. 1133,  ^ L u d e r s nos. 1123, 1124, 1125, H34, 1135, Ksatrapa.  1126,  Satavahana; 1131,  1132,  ^ L u d e r s nos. 1127, nyegama; 1139, nekama.  65Luders nos. II38, 1148, 1149. 66  L u d e r s no.  1129.  ^ L u d e r s nos. 1122 of B a l a s r l ? ; of  II36 of Usavadata i f continuation  11351 11^3.  68Buhler supposes i t to mean 'military o f f i c e r ' , op. c i t . . p. 104' Senart, Epigraphia Indica 8, p. 89, questions t h i s , with good reason,  and supposes i t to be ganaka. accountant or astrologer. Luders leaves t h i s word untranslated, D.C. S i r c a r , Indian Epigraphlcal Glossary (Delhi, 1966), p. 110, a l s o supposes i t to be the same as ganaka. which he translated as accountant. The addition of -pa- remains, however, unexplained. Whatever the exact meaning of t h i s t i t u l a r designation, the donor and her family had considerable means to be able to make a t l e a s t four substantial endowments a t Nasik. _As the i n s c r i p t i o n i s dated i n the regnaly years of the AbhTra Isvarasena and as theidonor Visnudatta, wife of the ganapaka Rebhila i s said to be the daughter of a Saka. one could suppose some r o y a l connection. This, however, i s not d i r e c t l y so stated. ^9 ee Parmanand Gupta. Geography i n Ancient Indian Inscriptions upto 650 A.D. (Delhi, 1963). p. 68. The l o c a t i o n of Mandsaur, close to Rajasthan and Udaipur, would be appropriate as the writer from Dasapura i s i n the service of a Saka. Dasapura i s a l s o mentioned i n an i n s c r i p t i o n of Usavadatay Luders no. 1131. S  7°Tarn, op, c i t . , p. 142, maintains Demetrius was i n Sind and founded by Demetrius of B a c t r i a i n the f i r s t h a l f of the second century B.C. E.H. Johnston. "Demetrius i n Sind?," Journal of the Royal A s i a t i c Society (1939). PP. 217-240, opposes t h i s view and places Demetrius i n the Punjab. Tarn r e i t e r a t e s h i s views, "Demetrius i n Sind," Journal of the Royal A s i a t i c Society (19^0), pp. 179-189, with a reply by Johnston, pp. 189-193. Senart, Epigraphia Indica 8, p. 91, following Buhler, takes i t to be Demetrius i n Archosia mentioned by Isidore of Charax i n Parthian Stations. ?lLuders nos. 995, 998, 1000,.1001, 1002 wife, 1009 mother, son, M. Leese. T  1024 996  72Luders nos. 986, 1015 son, 1033, hiranyaka.  daughter, suvarnakara;  993  wife,  73Luders n ° s « 1°°3 wife, 1010 son, 1011, 1031. 7^This t r a n s l a t i o n i s the suggestion of Buhler. Luders leaves t h i s compound untranslated, such a designation apparently not being attested to i n other examples. Loka can mean 'men* and p a r t i c u l a r l y a 'company or community* when used at the end of a compound i n p l u r a l to form c o l l e c t i v e s . Pra+loka i s not attested to, but pra often adds l i t t l e meaning apart from emphasis.  ?5Luders nos. 986, 998, 1000, 1024,  1032,  M. Leese.  1001,  1002,  1003,  1011,  1014,  L u d e r s nos. 988,_998, 1003, 1011. 998 does not s p e c i f i c a l l y mention the Ambalikavihara, but does record the donation to a vlhara i n Kalyan i n the Gamdharlkabhami. presumably, as Buhler suggests, the bhami. Sanskrit bhrami. ' c i r c l e , c i r c u l a r array of troops, l e , place, bazaar* of the Gandharas, l i k e l y the location of the Ambalikavihara. That there existed such a place of the Gandhara people i n Kalyan could possibly explain the ultimate o r i g i n of the 76  85 Yavanas recorded at other sites. 77Luders nos. 995, 1005, 1027, Sopara; 996, 1033, ? Luders nos. 985, Nasik; 1020, Dhenukakata. 8  Ghaul.  86 CHAPTER FOUR.  DONATIONS OF ENDOWMENTS.  Endowments to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s were made to sustain the monastic l i f e associated with the i n s t i t u t i o n s . A f t e r the establishment of the i n s t i t u t i o n s , means of support were i n s t i t u t e d to provide those things thought necessary to sustain the population of monks resident i n the caves, p a r t i c u l a r l y during the canonical rainy season retreat.  The Buddhist monkhood i s a t f i r s t  a c o l l e c t i o n of r e l i g i o u s a s c e t i c s , bhlksus. supported by the donations of i n d i v i d u a l households located i n the towns and v i l l a g e s close to the residences of the monks.  As such, the day-to-day donations of  the morning meal to a monk or the occasional g i f t of a monk's robe would go unrecorded i n i n s c r i p t i o n s meant to record s p e c i f i c and memorable meritorious acts.  These i n s c r i p t i o n s which record  endowments are the acts of the same sections of the l a y population which established the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n , when information i s available as to the occupation or s o c i a l position of the donors. The establishment of such large r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s implies, i n the early centuries of Buddhism here under consideration, a more cenobitic form o f Buddhist monasticism with a t l e a s t some monks l i k e l y resident i n the caves throughout the year.  Endowments then  represent a means of support developed by l a y donors to sustain those i n s t i t u t i o n s which they themselves had given permanence to through t h e i r donations of g i f t s . Two types of endowments to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s are evident from the i n s c r i p t i o n s , those of land and of money. These two types o f endowments w i l l be examined as to the f i n a n c i a l mechanisms, intended income and; p a r t i c u l a r purpose o f the endowments as recorded i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s .  The two types of endowments w i l l  8? be further considered i n r e l a t i o n to the established groups o f donors and to the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the s i t e s here considered. The types of endowments, t h e i r donors and t h e i r s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n w i l l then be considered i n r e l a t i o n to the known  contemporary  p o l i t i c a l and economic h i s t o r y of Western India. Endowments of land to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s are recorded i n nineteen Inscriptions.*  These endowments of land can  be further subdivided by the type of land endowed, either that of a f i e l d o r of a v i l l a g e .  Fourteen i n s c r i p t i o n s record endowments of  f i e l d s whereas only f i v e i n s c r i p t i o n s record endowments of v i l l a g e s .  2  Apart from a single i n s c r i p t i o n a t Mahad, Luders no. 1073t which while fragmentary, appears to mention the endowment of f i e l d s located below the caves, endowments of f i e l d s are found only a t Junnar, Kanheri and Nasik.  The endowments of v i l l a g e s are found  recorded only i n i n s c r i p t i o n s a t Nasik and Karle. Six i n s c r i p t i o n s a t Junnar record endowments of a t l e a s t thirteen d i f f e r e n t f i e l d s .  In a l l cases, these endowments are made  by donors whose occupation and s o c i a l position i s unknown.3  In a l l  cases a t Junnar, the f i e l d s endowed are stated as being of a certain measure, ranging from two to twenty nivartanas.^ The precise modern equivalent to t h i s ancient measure i s unknown, the measure apparently varying a t d i f f e r e n t times and places.5  At Junnar the types of f i e l d s  endowed, p a r t i c u l a r l y of various types of trees, are i n some cases specified.^  One i n s c r i p t i o n a t Junnar, Luders no. If67, describes  the intended nature of the endowment, i n the manner of a simple g i f t , as a deyadhamma. a meritorious g i f t .  This i s the only example i n the  i n s c r i p t i o n s where any type of endowment i s described i n t h i s manner. The f i n a n c i a l mechanisms of the endowments of f i e l d s are hinted a t  88 i n the Junnar i n s c r i p t i o n s .  In two cases, the income o f the f i e l d  endowed i s invested with the gana, i e , school, company, o f the Apara.jitas.?  In no cases a t Junnar i s the purpose of the endowments  of f i e l d s extant i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s . At Kanheri, three endowments of f i e l d s are made, a l l by merchants i n two cases from Kalyan and i n one case from Sopara. One of these i n s c r i p t i o n s , Luders no. 102?» the donation of the merchant from Sopara, while i t s reading i s tentative, does appear to record the endowment of a f i e l d .  One i n s c r i p t i o n , Luders no. 1000,  describes the endowment of a f i e l d as an akhayanlvi. Sanskrit aksayanivi. *a perpetual endowment.!.  This term, most commonly  used to describe endowments of money i s employed only three times i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s to describe endowments of land to the r e l i g i o u s institutions.9 The two complete i n s c r i p t i o n s a t Kanheri recording endowments of f i e l d s d e t a i l the precise purpose of the donations.  Both donations  were made to provide robes (clvarika) f o r the monks resident i n the caves where the i n s c r i p t i o n s were inscribed.  One i n s c r i p t i o n , Luders  no. 1000, designates that t h i s endowment i s to be given t o the monk who spends the rainy season r e t r e a t i n the cave.  The amounts  designated f o r robes are twelve karsapanas (kahapana o f the i n s c r i p t i o n s ) i n Luders no. 1000 and sixteen karsapanas i n luders no. 1024. The karsapana. the standard monetary u n i t i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s , i s a silver coin.l  u  In addition to the provision f o r robes, the monks  were granted one karsapana per m o n t h . T h i s  money was to be  d i s t r i b u t e d , " i n the season" as recorded i n Luders no. 1024 and, " i n the hot season" as recorded i n Luders no. 1000.^  A small amount  89 f o r s t r u c t u r a l r e p a i r s to the cave i s recorded i n Luders no. 1 0 0 0 . The purposes f o r which the endowments were intended, as recorded i n these two endowments of f i e l d s a t Kanheri, are those which are found, with minor v a r i a t i o n s , throughout the i n s c r i p t i o n s which record endowments.  Most often provision i s made f o r robes and  also f o r some small provision f o r monks, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r t h e i r rainy season r e t r e a t .  The keeping of t h i s rainy season retreat i n  a p a r t i c u l a r cave appears to have thus associated the monk with that cave and to have made him e l i g i b l e f o r the provisions of the endowments found inscribed at the cave. Four endowments of f i e l d s are recorded a t Nasik.  Three of  these endowments are by members of contemporary r u l i n g dynasties, two by Gautamiputra and one by Usavadata.  One i n s c r i p t i o n , Luders  no. 1 1 3 0 , which records the g i f t of a cave by the fisherman Mugudasa also records the endowment of a f i e l d f o r the inhabitants of the cave by Dhamanamdin, a l a y worshipper.  The establishment of the  cave and the donation of any endowment f o r sustaining the inhabitants of the cave appears to have been a j o i n t venture by these two l a y persons.  One i n s c r i p t i o n , Luders no. 1 1 3 1 » records that Usavadata  endowed a f i e l d bought f o r the substantial sum of four thousand karsapanas from a c e r t a i n Brahman.  The purpose of t h i s endowment  i s said to be f o r the provision of food (mukhahara).  In t h i s  endowment, presumably the product of the land endowed rather than the  revenue from the f i e l d or the i n t e r e s t from the invested revenue  of the f i e l d i s the actual income of the endowment.  In addition to  being a unique example i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s where t h i s i s so stated, the  type of income from t h i s endowment would tend to emphasize the  increasingly cenobitic l i f e associated with the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s  90 here considered. While the paying of monks a monthly stipend seen e a r l i e r may perhaps v i o l a t e the l e t t e r of the Buddhist monastic r u l e s , the supplying of presumably large quantities of food to the monks i s c e r t a i n l y a s i g n i f i c a n t departure from the  Vinaya.13  How general t h i s practice of monks receiving  food rather than obtaining i t through begging and among which sections of the monkhood t h i s occurred cannot, unfortunately, be determined from t h i s single example recorded i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s . The two remaining f i e l d s endowed upon the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n a t Nasik were donated by Gautamlputra.  One i n s c r i p t i o n ,  Luders no, 1125, records that a f i e l d of two hundred nivartanas. which had been "previously enjoyed" by Usavadata was donated i n the  eighteenth year of an unspecified era, though l i k e l y the  regnal era of Gautamlputra.  Gautamlputra as the recent conqueror  of Nasik and i t s environs and of Usavadata's brother-in-law Nahapana, must have thought i t judicious to endow an i n s t i t u t i o n , receiving the support of important sections of the contemporary society as d e t a i l e d i n the previous chapter, with a f i e l d which he s p e c i f i c a l l y records as previously being i n the possession of the family of h i s conquered r i v a l . the  Six years a f t e r t h i s endowment, i n  year twenty-four, Gautamlputra records, i n Luders no. 1126, that  another f i e l d of one hundred nivartanas was exchanged f o r h i s previously endowed f i e l d of two hundred nivartanas because the, " f i e l d i s not t i l l e d nor i s the v i l l a g e inhabited."  Apart from the f a c t that  t h i s f i e l d represents an endowment of only h a l f that of the previous, t h i s i n s c r i p t i o n would appear to indicate Gautamlputra*s continuation of h i s p o l i c y towards the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n a t Nasik i n s t i t u t e d a f t e r h i s conquest of Nahapana.  91 The two endowments of f i e l d s a t Nasik by Gautamlputra  include  the provision of immunities (parihara) which members o f the r u l i n g dynasty could make along with t h e i r endowments of land. immunities, Identical i n both cases, include:  These  apavesa. Sanskrit  apravesya. the freedom from the entry of r o y a l agentsj anomasa. Sanskrit anavamarsya. freedom from the troubles associated with the v i s i t of a royal agent; alonakhadaka. Sanskrit alavanakhataka. freedom from being dug f o r s a l t ; and arathasavlnaylka. Sanskrit arastrasamvinayaka. freedom from the administrative control to which the d i s t r i c t was s u b j e c t . ^ Similar immunities are provided by the Satavahanas i n endowments of v i l l a g e s recorded a t Nasik and Karle. 15 The endowments of v i l l a g e s to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s are recorded i n f i v e i n s c r i p t i o n s , three of which are found a t Karle and two found a t Nasik. by royal donors.  A l l these endowments of v i l l a g e s are made  While an i n d i v i d u a l could endow the r e l i g i o u s  i n s t i t u t i o n with a f i e l d or with money, the donation of entire v i l l a g e s was c e r t a i n l y the prerogative of members of the r u l i n g dynasty o r t h e i r officers.16  Similar endowments of v i l l a g e s t o  Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s can be seen throughout the h i s t o r y of Buddhism i n India.  Nalanda i n the seventh century A.D., f o r  example, i s said to be endowed by the reigning king with a hundred village.17 The v i l l a g e s given a t Nasik are both recorded i n i n s c r i p t i o n s found i n the same cave. Pulumavi.  Both endowments are from the time of  One i n s c r i p t i o n , Luders no. 1123, dated i n the year  thirteen i s an, endowment of a v i l l a g e by the queen mother B a l a s r i , the purpose of this endowment was f o r the embellishment (cltananimita) SI the cave.  The i n s c r i p t i o n records that the Satavahanas  renounced  92 a l l of t h e i r rights to the v i l l a g e (savajatabhoganlrathl).  These  r i g h t s , taxes etc., were presumably used to accomplish the embellishment of the cave.  This i n s c r i p t i o n would also tend to  emphasize the p o l i t i c a l importance of Satavahana endowments a t Nasik as seen previously i n Gautamiputra s endowment of a f i e l d . 1  I t i s i n t h i s i n s c r i p t i o n that B a l a s r i describes her l a t e son Gautamiputra i n a long series of adjectives unique i n the Inscriptions. Among other praises, Gautamiputra i s described as having destroyed the Sakas. Yavanas.-Pahlavas the  and KSaharatas and having restored  Satavahanas. The other endowment of a v i l l a g e a t Nasik, by Pulumavi i n the  year twenty-two, Luders no. 1124, i s inscribed the previous endowment.  immediately below  This endowment, described as being an  akhayanivi. records the exchange of v i l l a g e s .  The reasons f o r  t h i s exchange o f v i l l a g e s i n not stated, perhaps the v i l l a g e had become uninhabited as i s the case o f the v i l l a g e i n which the donated f i e l d i s located, recorded i n Luders no. 1126 also found a t Nasik.  This i n s c r i p t i o n implies the existence of a previous  endowment which i s not so recorded by an extant i n s c r i p t i o n .  The  strong p o s s i b i l i t y then exists that other donations of g i f t s and endowments were made to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s but, f o r whatever reasons, are not recorded by i n s c r i p t i o n s . v i l l a g e here donated i s given the usual immunities.  The new  The purpose to  which t h i s endowment i s intended i s f o r the care of the cave (patisamtharana). At Karle, the endowment of a v i l l a g e by the Maharathi Somadeva i n the year seven of Pulumavi, recorded i n Luders no. 1110, d e t a i l s the type of r o y a l r i g h t s surrendered to the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n ,  93 which are alluded to i n Luders no. 1123  a t Nasik.  The v i l l a g e i s  stated to be endowed together with i t s taxes and income.  The  technical terminology here employed f o r taxes i s kara and ukara. Sanskrit utkara. and f o r income deya and meya.  The exact s i g -  nigicance of these terms i s uncertain, but i t appears the former two r e f e r to taxes i n money while the l a t t e r two r e f e r to taxes i n kind from the product of the village.1® One i n s c r i p t i o n a t Karle, Luders no. 1099, records the endowment of the v i l l a g e of Karajika by Usavadata to the Sangha of the four quarters.  This same v i l l a g e , although spelled a t Karajaka, i s  recorded i n Luders no. 1105  as being endowed upon the Mahasanghikas.  This endowment, described as monk's land (bhikhuhalaij)'. i s a Satavahana donation, l i k e l y of Gautamlputra.  These two endowments are s i m i l a r  i n character to the endowment of a f i e l d previously i n the possession of Usavadata, as recorded a t Nasik, Luders no. 1125.  Here, however,  the v i l l a g e i n question i s endowed upon the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n twice, whereas the f i e l d donated a t Nasik i s stated by as merely being In the possession of Usavadata.  Gautamlputra  The only difference  between the two endowments of the v i l l a g e here recorded a t Karle i s the recipient of the endowment; Gautamlputra dedicated the v i l l a g e to the Mahasanghlkas rather than to the monks of the four quarters. The donative a c t i v i t i e s of r o y a l donors a t Karle i s l i m i t e d , these three endowments of v i l l a g e s being t h e i r only recorded donations. Nevertheless, i t i s apparent that a s i t u a t i o n s i m i l a r to that of Nasik, well supported by r o y a l donors, i s existant at Karle. Gautamlputra i s p a r t i c u l a r to l e g i t i m i z e an endowment of Usavadata and i n addition to distinguish h i s re-endowment from that o f Usavadata's o r i g i n a l endowment.  At Karle then, i t would appear  94 that endowments to the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s were again used by the Satavahanas to emphasize t h e i r reconquest of Western India. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that a l l the indications of the SatavahanaKsatrapa c o n f l i c t i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s should be found i n endowments recorded a t Nasik and Karle, located on the routes to the coast as they pass through the most strategic passes, close to two of the most important upland towns, Nasik and Dhenukakata.  A l l royal  endowments, i n f a c t , as can be seen from Table Five a t the end of the chapter, are to be found a t these two s i t e s .  The p o l i t i c a l  control of these areas along with the support of the important i n s t i t u t i o n s i n these areas, that i s the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s and t h e i r donors, appears from the i n s c r i p t i o n s to have been essential f o r any dynasty's control of Western India a t t h i s time.^-9 Endowments of money are recorded i n eleven i n s c r i p t i o n s found at Junnar, Nasik and Kanheri.  The usual form of these i n s c r i p t i o n s  i s to designate the endowment as an akhayanivi. a perpetual endowment, which i s c l o s e l y followed by the amount of the endowment expressed i n karsapanas.  20  Seven i n s c r i p t i o n s follow c l o s e l y t h i s form, but  while they are donations designated as an akhayanivi. amounts of money are e i t h e r not given o r are missing due to the fragmentary nature of the i n s c r i p t i o n . * 2  The term akhayanivl^is used i n  i n s c r i p t i o n s from Nasik and Kanheri which are not endowments of money.  22  This usage i s , however, very limited, with akhayanivi  moresoften r e f e r r i n g to endowments of money where enough information i s available to c l a s s i f y the endowments.  These seven endowments which  are designated as 'other akhayanivi' i n Table Four, while l i k e l y endowments of money, are grouped separately as a subdivision of endowments of money because the nature of the endowment cannot be  95 ascertained with absolute certainty. The amounts of the endowments of money are s p e c i f i e d i n eight inscriptions. 3 2  The endowments range from a low of one hundred  karsapanas endowed by a merchant a t Nasik, to a high of over three thousand f i v e hundred karsSpanas endowed by a ganapaka a l s o a t Nasik. Usavadata endows a t o t a l of three thousand karsapanas a t Nasik, recorded i n Luders no. 1133«  This substantial endowment, i n addition  to h i s endowment of a f i e l d bought f o r four thousand karsapanas. form the largest t o t a l endowment, where the value of the endowment can be determined by amounts recorded i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s .  The  generosity of Usavadata a t Nasik would then a l s o tend to emphasize the importance of t h i s region and i t s important r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n i n the Satavahana-Ksatrapa c o n f l i c t .  The Ksatrapas held Nasik f o r  probably l i t t l e more than h a l f a century and although followers of the Brahmanical r e l i g i o n , they made such substantial endowments a t Nasik.2^  Individual merchants, p a r t i c u l a r l y a t Kanheri, endowed  amounts i n the two to three hundred karsapana range.25  The value  of such endowments i n the contemporary society cannot be determined with any accuracy, however they must represent considerable amounts f o r such i n d i v i d u a l donors.  Three endowments o r i g i n a l l y recorded  amounts which are now missing due t o the fragmentary nature of the inscriptions. ^ 2  The a c t i v i t i e s of guilds are of p a r t i c u l a r importance i n the f i n a n c i a l mechanisms associated with endowments of money.  One  inscription,from Junnar, Luders no. 1165, while very fragmentary records endowments with the guilds of the bamboo workers (vasakara. Sanskrit vamsakara) and with the metalworkers (kasakara. Sanskrit kamsyakara).  While the amounts of money invested with these guilds  96 are not extant i n these i n s c r i p t i o n s , the returns from the investments are recorded as one and three quarters per cent monthly from the g u i l d of bamboo workers and one quarter perecent monthly with the g u i l d of the metalworkers.  Endowments of money are recorded as  being invested with g u i l d s i n two i n s c r i p t i o n s from Nasik.  One,  Luders no. 1137» records endowments of money invested i n four separate guilds.  The g u i l d s include the potters (kularika). the  o i l m i l l e r s ( t l l a p i s a k a ) and workers f a b r i c a t i n g hydraulic engines (odayamtrika). 7 2  The name of one of the guilds with which an  endowment of f i v e hundred karsapanas was invested i s missing due to the fragmentary nature of the i n s c r i p t i o n .  The return expected  from the investment of the endowments i n these g u i l d s i s not stated i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s .  Two weavers g u i l d s (kolikanlkaya) a t Nasik  were invested with endowments of one and two thousand karsapanas by Usavadata as recorded i n Luders no, 1133. bear i n t e r e s t  2 8  These amounts were t o  of three quarters of a per cent and one per cent  monthly respectively,29  This i n s c r i p t i o n a l s o states that only the  i n t e r e s t from the endowment i s to be paid and that the c a p i t a l i s not to be repaid by the g u i l d s .  An endowment of two hundred  karsapanas a t Kanheri, recorded i n Luders no. 1024, i s a l s o t o bear i n t e r e s t a t the rate of one per cent monthly.  I t i s not stated i n  t h i s i n s c r i p t i o n which g u i l d or other organization was to pay -this interest.  The purpose t o which the accrued i n t e r e s t from the  endowments i s intended i s f o r cloth money f o r the monks.  It i s  i n t e r e s t i n g t o see Interest paid by g u i l d s of weavers, on c a p i t a l which they need not repay, f o r the purchase of c l o t h . of money f o r c l o t h f o r monks? robes  The provision  i s the major purpose of donations  which are, or l i k e l y are, endowments of money when the purpose of the  97 endowment i s recorded i n the inscriptions.30 The majority of f i r m l y established and l i k e l y endowments of money are t o be found a t Kanheri, twelve as opposed t o s i x a t Nasik and Karle.  Kanheri a l s o has the most donations of money recorded  as being made by i n d i v i d u a l merchants.  Kanheri, i n f a c t , has by  f a r the most endowments of a l l kinds made by commercial donors. Endowments of any kind by r o y a l donors are, however, lacking a t Kanheri.  Endowments by r o y a l donors predominate a t Nasik and Karle.  This i s much the same type of trend as detected i n the general analysis of donors i n Chapter Three.  Such trends cannot be detected  a t Junnar because of the fragmentary nature of i t s i n s c r i p t i o n s . The presence of donations by r o y a l donors a t the upland s i t e s of Nasik and Karle appears t o have been, a t l e a s t i n part, a f a c t o r of the Satavahana-Ksatrapa c o n f l i c t as the i n s c r i p t i o n s themselves would tend t o indicate.  The types of donors and t h e i r endowments  a t Kanheri would also appear to have a r e l a t i o n with t h i s c o n f l i c t . F i r s t l y , i t should be remembered that Kanheri i s a l a t e r s i t e , dating t o a f t e r the Satavahana-Ksatrapa c o n f l i c t .  This would mean  that any p a r t i c u l a r developments a t Kanheri would have a r i s e n because of p o l i t i c a l and economic factors r e s u l t i n g from the re-establishment of Satavahana r u l e .  Fortunately a passage i n the Periplus Maris  Erythraei helps t o explain the s i t u a t i o n .  I t i s states that Kalyan was,  ...a c i t y which was r a i s e d t o the ranks of a regular mart i n the times of the elder Saraganus, but a f t e r Sandanes became i t s master i t s trade was put under the severest r e s t r i c t i o n s ; f o r i f Greek vessels even by accident enter i t s ports, a guard i s put on board and they are taken t o Barygaza.3i Saraganus i s Satakarni and Sandanes, presumably the younger Saraganus, i s supposed t o be Sundara Satakarni, a king mentioned i n the Furanas  98 not recorded by inscription who would date to the period of Satavahana decline.  The Periplus appears to date from the time  of Nahapana.32 This passage would then suggest that Kalyan was under the rule of a local Satavahana ruler but was being blockaded by the forces of Nahapana.33 The relation between Kanheri and Kalyan was close as the inscriptions indicate.  Kalyan, as was described i n Chapter Two,  occupies an important geographical position as a coastal terminus of the routes from the interior of Western India} the routes on which Nasik, Junnar and Karle are located.  The large number of  donations by commercial donors and the large number of endowments of money by these donors would then be a consequence of the control of the upland passes as indicated indicated i n the inscriptions from Nasik and Karle, and the resulting favourable conditions f o r international trade created at Ka3yan i n the f i r s t century A.D, with the re-establishment of Satavahana rule throughout Western India, The international trade may have had a part i n the inception of the excavation of much of Kanheri for the Periplus states that Kalyan was made a regular mart only i n the time of the elder Saraganus. Perhaps, this international trade was also responsible for the general improvement i n the economic conditions and increased economic activity throughout Western India i n the firsthand second centuries A.D, as reflected by the numbers of merchants who made donations at a l l the sites considered here.  This, however, cannot be directly  confirmed on the evidence of the inscriptions as would appear the case i n the specific example of Kanheri.  It i s known that international  trade to the western coast of India did increase i n the f i r s t century A.D, with the discovery and use of the monsoon winds. 34  99 The Periplus records the imports of t h i s coast as wine, metals, gold and s i l v e r specie and other luxury and f i n i s h e d goods. 35 The exports of t h i s coast included precious stones, spices and cloth, p a r t i c u l a r l y cotton.36 Endowments are a p a r t i c u l a r type of donation to the Buddhist religious institution.  As such, they form only a small part of the  donative a c t i v i t i e s associated with the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s here considered.  Endowments are donations made necessary by the  establishment of large r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s i n such permanent residences as represented by the cave excavations.  They are then,  a new, perhaps more formal, way f o r the l a y population to undertake t h e i r meritorious duty of the support of the monks resident In the caves.  Endowments do a l s o appear t o have been donated a t p a r t i c u l a r  s i t e s f o r p o l i t i c a l and economic reasons s p e c i f i c t o a s i t e .  The  interpretations presented here are tentative, endowments never being inscribed with a view t o record such p o l i t i c a l and economic developments.  Nevertheless, such an interpretation would seem  j u s t i f i e d on the basis of a l l sourdes available f o r the period under consideration.  too TABLE 4.  Endowments by Sites Karle  Mahad  -  1  -  3  -  2  6b  -  -  -  -  Nasik  Junnar  Field  4  6  Village  2  -  Money  Kanheri  Other akhayanivi  -  1  6c  Others  la  -  2C  notes:  a  -  Luders no. 1133 twice. bLuders no. 1024 twice. Luders no. 998 twice. c  TABLE 5. Nasik  Donors of Endowments by Sites Junnar  Kanheri  Karle  Mahad  -  3  -  8  -  1  4  3  -  -  Royal  6  Commercial  2  Sangha  -  -  Others  1  9  101 ^•Refer to Appendix A f o r detailed l i s t . Luders no. 998 from Kanheri records the endowment of a house i n Kalyan. This i s a type of land endowment, however being the single instance where a building i s endowed, t h i s endowment has been included i n the r e s i d u a l 'other* group. Luders no. 1010 a l s o from Kanheri has also been included here as not enough information i s available to c l a s s i f y t h i s endowment. Table 4 d e t a i l s the type of endowment by s i t e group. 2  ^Table 5 d e t a i l s the groups of donors of endowments by s i t e group. ^Luders nos. 1158, 15s 1162, 20, 9; H63, 26, 3; 1164, 2; 1166, 2; 1167, 4, 8, 12. Three measures are fragmentary and lacking. 5 ee D.C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphy (Delhi, I966), p. 409, where he quotes Sanskrit authorities to a r r i v e a t equivalents ranging from one-half to four and three-quarters acres per nivartana. S  6Luders nos. 1162, 1166, Karaftja, a medicinal tree; 1162, Banyan; 1164, Mango; II63, Jambu, Palmyra, SSla; following Luders. 7Luders nos. II58, II63. The significance of the t i t l e Apara.iita. the unconquered of the West, i s unknown. ^Luders no, 1162. The sense of t h i s and of the two preceeding i n s c r i p t i o n s i s that supplied by Luders. ^Luders nos. 998, Kanheri, akhayanivi data f o r building, 1000, Kanheri, akhayanivi dina f o r f i e l d ; 1124, akhayanivihetu twice f o r exchange of f i e l d s . l^The amounts designated f o r robes are expressed only i n terms of numbers. That the u n i t referred to are i n f a c t karsapanas i s by the implication of calculated i n t e r e s t rates found i n endowments of money, p a r t i c u l a r l y Luders no. 1133» Nasik. This i n s c r i p t i o n , i n a postscript r e f e r r i n g to a donation to the Brahmans records that t h i r t y - f i v e karsapanas equal one suvarna. thus implying that a karsapana was a ' s i l v e r coin. 11In these examples, one karsapana i s expressed i n terms of a padika. Sanskrit pratika. * The donation of one karsapana per month i n the hot season r e f e r s a l s o the the period of monastic r e t r e a t f o r Senart supposes, "that a t that time and i n that place the annual r e t r e a t began already i n Asadha, i e , s t i l l i n summer." Epigraphia Indica 8, p. 83. 2  13see Vinayapltaka. translated by T.W, Rhys David and Hermann Oldenburg (Oxford, 18817, Patimokkha. 38, "Whatsoever Bhikkhu s h a l l eat food, whether hard or s o f t , that has been put by - that i s a P a c i t t i y a (offense)." p. 40; Cullavagga. VII, 2, 5, where the a s c e t i c Devadatta i s brough food each morning by Prince Ajatasattu and i s  102 condemned by the Buddha. The c i t a t i o n s here given are from the Vinaya of the Theravadins and p a r t i c u l a r points may vary amongst the many schools previously seen to be represented i n the cave excavations, nevertheless the general monastic regulations are well illustrated. l^see S i r c a r , op,, c i t . . p. 390. 15Luders no. 1124, Nasik} 1105, Karle, fragmentary following payesa, l^Luders no. 1110 i s the donation of a Maharathl of Pulumavi; l?Hwui L i , The L i f e of Hluen Tsiang. translated by Samuel Beal (London, 1911), PP. 112-113. l^see Senart, Epigraphia Indlca 7, P. 62, where kara i s translated as "taxes, ordinary," ukara. "taxes extraordinary," deya. "income, f i x e d , " and meya. "income, proportional." S i m i l a r l y , S i r c a r , op_. c i t . . p. 390 translates kara as "tax," ukara as "minor tax?," deya as " p e r i o d i c a l o f f e r i n g to be offered theyking," and meya as "the king's share of grains." The provisions of deya and meya might imply the supplying of food to the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n a t Karle as i s recorded a t Nasik, Luders no. 1131. The purpose f o r which t h i s endowment a t Karle i s intended i s not, however, stated. The income of the product of the v i l l a g e could have been s o l d to provide robes f o r example, as recorded i n other endowments. 19The importance of these passes f o r the p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l of Western India may a l s o by way of comparison be seen from the series of Maratha fortresses throughout the Western ghats. Here a l s o , the presence of the contemporary dynasty was made very v i s i b l e , although i n t h i s case by the presence of m i l i t a r y f o r t i f i c a t i o n s common throughout India a t t h i s l a t e r date, see Surendra Nath Sen, The M i l i t a r y System of the Marathas (Bombay, 1958), pp. 79-95. L u d e r s nos. 1006, 1007, 1024, Kanheri; 1133, 1137, 1139, Nasik} 1152, Junnar} c l o s e l y follow t h i s form. Luders nos. 1003, 1011, 1018, Kanheri and II65, Junnar are grouped as endowments of money upon analysis of t h e i r contents. 20  ^ f o r example, Luders no. 1155, Junnar, fragmentary a f t e r akhayanivl; 988, Kanheri, donation of a g i f t together with a perpetual endowment, sa-akhayanivl.  22see note  9.  23Luders nos. 1003, 300; 1006, 200; 1011, 300; 1018, 1600 mentioned by Buhler as contained i n untranslated, fragmentary addition to t h i s i n s c r i p t i o n ; 1024, 200; 1137, 3,000; 1137, 3,500+; 1139, 100. ^ T h a t the Ksatrapas were Brahmanists i s obvious from Luders no. 1131, 1135, Nasik. The various donations of v i l l a g e s and cows etc. to the Brahmans i n addition of Usavadata's public works recorded In  103 the i n s c r i p t i o n s , although i n t e r e s t i n g i n themselves, have not been d i r e c t l y considered i n t h i s study of the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n . The Satavahanas were a l s o Brahmanists, see Luders no. 1123, Nasik. The r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n of the contemporary r u l i n g dynasties, stated i n donations t o Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s and inscribed on t h e i r walls, would also tend to indicate that these donations were i n some way matters of state p o l i c y .  25Luders nos. 1003, 1006, 1011, 1024. ^Luders nos. 1007, 1137, 1152. One i n s c r i p t i o n , Luders no. 1133, i n addition to an endowment of three thousand karsapanas by Usavadata, mentions the figure eight thousand i n connection withcocanut trees. Buhler takes t h i s as the price f o r the trees, although karsapanas are not mentioned. Senart and Luders take t h i s as the number 6f the trees donated. This interpretation would make t h i s a type of endowment of land. The question here i s whether mula r e f e r s to "value, c a p i t a l " of the trees (Buhler) or the stems of the trees (Senart). Because of the uncertainty of interpretation of t h i s i n s c r i p t i o n , t h i s endowment has been included i n the r e s i d u a l 'others* group i n Table 4. 2  ? K u l a r i k a i s l i k e l y Sanskrit, kulala; t l l a p i s a k a would be Sanskrit t a l l a - ; odayamtrika would be a derivative audayantrika from the Sanskrit udayayantra. The o- i n t h i s words i s read by Senart, as i s the term's t r a n s l a t i o n , see Senart Eplgraphia Indica 8, 2  pp. 88-89. 2 8  I n t e r e s t i s vadhl of the i n s c r i p t i o n s , Sanskrit vrddhi.  9lnterest  2  rates are expressed as f o r example, padike sate, one pratlka ( i e , karsapana) i n a hundred (karsapanasTT The c a l c u l a t i o n of i n t e r e s t rates monthly i s not d i r e c t l y expressed but can be understood by comparison to Luders no, 1165, Junnar. The interpretation of Buhler i n t h i s and the following example from Kanheri, Luders no. 1024, i s incorrect, see Senart, Eplgraphia Indica pp. 83-84.  8,  1006,  30Luders nos. 1007,  1009,  H33, U39,  1020,  1024,  Nasik; Kanheri.  1152,  Junnar; 998,  999, 100,3,  3lperiplus 52. 3 Periplus 41, For d e t a i l s of the revised reading of the t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n of Nahapana's name see J.A.B. Palmer, "Perlplus Maris Erythraeii The Indian Evidence as to the Date," C l a s s i c a l Quarterly (1947). p. 137. 2  33Periplus 51, a l s o indicates that Kalyan was blockaded when commodities from Paithan and Ter, "are c a r r i e d down on wagons to Barygaza (Broach) along roads of extreme d i f f i c u l t y . " The l i n e s of communication i n Western India, as analyzed i n Chapter Two, would indicate that Kalyan i s the natural seaport f o r these i n t e r i o r centers. The merchants must have had some good reason to make such a long journey on bad roads t o bring t h e i r goods to port.  104 3*»Periplus 39. 35Periplus 49,  f o r Broach's imports and exports.  36For the spice trade see J . Innes M i l l e r , The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1969), f o r pepper, pp. 80-86. For cotton seeoop., c i t . , pp. 136-137, 196 f o r i t s importance i n the Roman Empire a f t e r the f i r s t century A.D. The trade i n c l o t h , p a r t i c u l a r l y cotton, may have h a d a p a r t i c u l a r importance i n Western India, as may he indicated hy Usavadata's generous endowments invested i n weavers g u i l d s . These guilds could keep and use the c a p i t a l f o r t h e i r own purposes. Also, the purpose of t h i s and many other endowments was f o r the purchase of c l o t h f o r monk's robes. I t may be speculated that the encouragement of c l o t h production a t t h i s time was of some importance f o r the the economy of Western India, perhaps even a matter of state concern and policy. Some support i s given to t h i s suggestion by a s t o r y recorded i n a ninth century Chinese work, the ¥u Yang Tsa Ts'u by Tuan Ch'eng Shih, being a c o l l e c t i o n of anecdotes and s t o r i e s . I t i s recorded that Kaniska was enraged to f i n d the mark: of a hand on two pieces of f i n e cloth. Upon equiry, he found that such a mark was found on cloth sold i n the realm of king Satavahana. The story further records that t h i s i n s u l t to Kaniska was the cause of a punitive expedition to the Deccan mounted by him. This story i s recorded very l a t e and must be taken with some suspicion, yet i t must have some o r i g i n i n f a c t to be so s p e c i f i c . For the text and t r a n s l a t i o n of t h i s story, i n a d d i t i o n to i t s continuation i n the Arabic t r a d i t i o n , see Ed. Huber, "Etudes de Litterature Bouddhique," B u l l e t i n Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, volume 6 (1906), "Kaniska e t Satavahana," t  PP. 37-39.  105 CHAPTER FIVE.  CONCLUSIONS  This study has examined some of the e a r l i e s t sources f o r the s o c i a l and economic history of the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n . These sources, the i n s c r i p t i o n s from the cave excavations of Western India, describe i n some d e t a i l the methods of support of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n a t t h i s early period.  The general  conclusions concerning the types of donations and the method and purposes of the donations here described are i n many ways s i m i l a r to other ancient and contemporary examples which have been reported concerning the method of suport o f the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n . The broad outlines of the r e l i g i o u s basis of such donations, the a c q u i s i t i o n of merit, and of the s o c i a l and economic consequences of t h i s merit a c q u i s i t i o n through giving has only i n recent years been recognized as c r i t i c a l t o the understanding of Buddhist s o c i e t i e s . This awareness has p a r t i c u l a r l y developed i n studies of contemporary . Buddhist s o c i e t i e s i n S r i Lanka, South East A s i a and T i b e t .  2  Scant  attention, however, has been given to the h i s t o r i c a l development of the process and consequences of donations t o the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s institution.3 The i n s c r i p t i o n s here considered are important because they are chronologically  the f i r s t s p a t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d yet h i s t o r i c a l l y  connected corpus of data on donations t o the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n available f o r study.  This i s not to claim that the  i n s c r i p t i o n s here considered describe the o r i g i n of the donative process yet, I think, they are the only available s t a r t i n g point f o r the study of t h i s very important element of Buddhism,:  Indeed,  t h i s donative process l i k e l y evolved very early i n Buddhism and had i t s origins i n the general c u l t u r a l context of India, being not  106 s p e c i a l l y Buddhist a t a l l .  Any statements about the p a r t i c u l a r  o r i g i n of the donative process i n Buddhism must however remain mostly speculation due to the lack of substantive source materials. E a r l i e r epigraphlcal materials, such as e x i s t , from the stupas of Bharut, Sanchi and Pauni would indicate the presence of s i m i l a r donative processes as found i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s here considered. These e a r l i e r i n s c r i p t i o n s , however, are short with generally l i t t l e information as to the donations and donors. here designated as simple g i f t s .  They are a l l donations  These i n s c r i p t i o n s nevertheless  indicate an established system of donations i f not the elaboration of t h i s system seen through the donations of endowments from the cave excavations.  An analysis of the Sanchi i n s c r i p t i o n s , the  i n s c r i p t i o n s from Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda, i n addition to the i n s c r i p t i o n s considered i n t h i s study, would broaden the geographical d i s t r i b u t i o n of s i t e s dating to the period before the fourth century A.D.  With the r e l a t i v e chronological sequence of these s i t e s , some  development of the types of donations and the methods and  purposes  of these donations might perhaps be indicated i n t h i s early period. The source material i s a v a i l a b l e , I think, to d e t a i l the Indian origins of the elaborations of the donative process i n Buddhism, i f not the origins of the process i t s e l f . The basic forms of donations to the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n were then established i n India a t an early date with the d e t a i l s seen i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s here considered the most common seen l a t e r . The general outlines of the donative process then being established, the elaborations and adaptations of t h i s process i n l a t e r Buddhist s o c i e t i e s can be examined.  Such a society would be S r i Lanka i n the  Anuradhapura period which follows c l o s e l y chronologically the period  107 here considered and which has close s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s connections with peninsular India, p a r t i c u l a r l y with Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda.^ Other areas f o r such a study would include North India i n the Gupta and post Gupta periods, Burma i n the Pagan period and wherever a series of s i t e s and bodies of i n s c r i p t i o n s is., a v a i l a b l e .  Any analysis  undertaken, however, having f i r s t d e t a i l e d the l o c a l developments of the basic forms of donations must then examine such  epigraphlcal  evidence i n terms of the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l and economic developments of the area and society under consideration.  Within the general  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s common to a p a r t i c u l a r area and society, the types of donations, the process and purpose of these donations and the groups of donors w i l l vary even from s i t e t o s i t e .  Such variations  w i l l form, as i n t h i s study, an important element of the analysis of any corpus of i n s c r i p t i o n s . The i n s c r i p t i o n s from the cave excavations of Western India form a corpus of i n s c r i p t i o n s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d i n form and purpose. The types of donations and the groups of donors have been c l o s e l y detailed.  The general donative process, having been established  on  the basis of the i n s c r l p t i o n a l evidence, has been r e l a t e d t o the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the s i t e s here considered.  The d i s t r i b u t i o n  of the types of donations andgroups of donors has shown the p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e of i n d i v i d u a l s i t e s .  P a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of  i n d i v i d u a l s i t e s a r e of s p e c i a l importance when considered together with the known contemporary p o l i t i c a l and economic h i s t o r y o f Western India, The i n s c r i p t i o n s here considered r e v e a l the importance of donations by merchants f o r the support of the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s Institution.  A substantial percentage of donations a t each s i t e  108 are by such mercantile donors.  The s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the  cave excavations, p a r t i c u l a r l y the relationships between coastal Kanheri and the upland s i t e s of Nasik, Junnar and Karle, emphasizes the importance of mercantile donors.  Thesmerchants of the towns of  Nasik, Junnar, Dhenukakata and Kalyan, by virtue of the favourable commercial locations of t h e i r towns, had; economic surpluses which could be donated to l o c a l cave excavations.  The r e l a t i o n between  town and cave excavation i s very important f o r as D.D,  Kosambi  has remarked, "Trade was large only i n the aggregate, i t s density noticeably important only a t a few emporia,"5  This r e l a t i o n s h i p  between town and cave excavation i s apparent from the i n s c r i p t i o n s a t a l l major s i t e s except Kuda.  The geographical position of Kuda  as a coastal terminus f o r a southern route through the Western Ghats, as indicated by the l o c a t i o n of s i t e s such as Mahad, would indicate some r e l a t i o n s h i p with some coastal town, such as the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Kanheri and Kalyan.  The importance of Kalyan as a port and  a center of i n t e r n a t i o n a l trade i s r e f l e c t e d i n donations made a t Kanheri.  The number of endowments of money made a t Kanheri would  well indicate the economic surplus created i n Western India by t h i s i n t e r n a t i o n a l seaborne trade, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the re-establishment of Satavahana r u l e i n the second century A.D. Royal donors a l s o had an important part i n the support of the Buddhist r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n .  This r o y a l support i s , however,  more important a t p a r t i c u l a r s i t e s such as Nasik and to a l e s s e r degree Karle,  The analysis of donations of endowments i n terms of  the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the s i t e s has indicated the reasons f o r the degree of r o y a l support a t i n d i v i d u a l s i t e s .  I t has been  suggested from an analysis of these r o y a l endowments that the r u l i n g  109 dynasties i n e f f e c t used t h e i r donations to secure the support of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n and thus i t s lay, p a r t i c u l a r l y mercantile, supporters.  These r o y a l donations were a f a c t o r  of  the dynasties' e f f o r t s to gain e f f e c t i v e control over those trade emporia, such as Nasik, which are located a t c r i t i c a l locations on the passes which lead from the upland i n t e r i o r regions of Deccan to the coastal Konkan,  the  The changing p o l i t i c a l conditions i n  Western India, the Satavahana-Ksatrapa c o n f l i c t , was  what gave  impetus to the donations by r o y a l donors. Trade which created the economic surplus necessary f o r the support of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s by mercantile donors was that which the r o y a l dynasties endeavoured to control by  also  their  occupation of the important trade emporia associated with the cave excavations.  The control of the trade emporia and  the routes between  these emporia then engendered further support f o r the institutions.  religious  The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the r u l i n g dynasty and  the  r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n , being mutually b e n e f i c i a l , would emphasize the p o l i t i c a l importance of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s i n Western India a t t h i s time.  The r u l i n g dynasties were not by persuasion  Buddhist yet support f o r the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s was  i n some way  a matter of state p o l i c y necessary f o r the control of the most important centers of Western India, those located on the passes through the Western Ghats.  The support of Buddhism by the r u l i n g  dynasty would become e s s e n t i a l f o r the existence of the r e l i g i o n a t l a t e r times i n India and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n S r i Lanka and Asian Buddhist s o c i e t i e s .  i n South East  The i d e n t i t y between r e l i g i o n and  state  becomes complete i n Tibet.  In the area and time considered here  Buddhism was  a state r e l i g i o n .  not In any way  The  inscriptions,  110 perhaps i n t e n t i o n a l l y ,  indicate the r u l i n g dynasties* concern  f o r t h e i r Brahmanical subjects.  Yet, I think, i t i s through the  economic support of the r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n by the donative process here analyzed, caused by whatever p a r t i c u l a r circumstances, that the o r i g i n f o r the close r e l a t i o n s h i p  between r e l i g i o n and  state i n l a t e r Buddhist s o c i e t i e s i s to be found. The i n s c r i p t i o n s r e v e a l the general donative process throughout the cave excavations of Western India.  P a r t i c u l a r attention has been  given to the causes and consequences of t h i s donative process i n the c l o s e l y related s i t e s of Kanheri, Nasik, Junnar and Karle.  Such  developments as the r o y a l donations-atvNasik and the r e s u l t i n g mercantile donations a t Kanheri have, by the nature of the evidence from the i n s c r i p t i o n s , become the focus of t h i s study.  The southern  s i t e s of Kuda etc. and the i n t e r i o r s i t e s of Ajanta and Pitalkhora, while seen from t h e i r i n s c r i p t i o n s to be part of the general donative process, have not entered i n t o such a d e t a i l e d examination of the causes and consequences of these donations.  The nature of the  i n s c r i p t i o n s a t these s i t e s , being almost exclusively precludes t h i s type of analysis.  simple g i f t s ,  These southern and i n t e r i o r groups  of cave excavations then, while part of the general trends seen throughout Western India, are separate regions with most l i k e l y d i f f e r e n t s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l and economic factors present.  This has  been suggested when the donors a t these s i t e s have been examined. The r o y a l donors a t the southern s i t e s , f o r example, would the autonomous nature of t h i s region.  indicate  Further research, p a r t i c u l a r l y  on the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of s i t e s with i n s c r i p t i o n s and -those without, p a r t i c u l a r l y small excavations, i s c e r t a i n l y desirable f o r these southern and i n t e r i o r cave excavations.  Ill  The question as t o why the economic surplus generated "by trade was use i n part by merchants, as:indeed by a l l donors as they are a l l part of a society enjoying favourable economic conditions, to so l a v i s h l y support Buddhism must be seen as part of the r e l i g i o n . The a c q u i s i t i o n of merit through the a c t of giving was then as i t i s today the e s s e n t i a l r e l i g i o u s a c t of the lay person i n Buddhism, Religious giving on a l l l e v e l s , from the giving of alms to the establishment of a monastery, i s the most important s o c i a l contact between the lay person and monk.  The work of the anthropologist  i n contemporary Buddhist s o c i e t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y Burma and Thailand, has made t h i s abundantly c l e a r .  The percentage of income, even by  the poorest v i l l a g e r , spent on r e l i g i o u s g i v i n g i s very high.6 The question i s rather, why were the donors and p a r t i c u l a r l y merchants supporters of Buddhism,  The i n s c r i p t i o n s themselves provide no  answers and any suggestions must be speculation.  Buddhism was the  r e l i g i o n that merchants, newly prosperous but r e l a t i v e l y low on the t r a d i t i o n a l Indian r i t u a l scale, could a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n . The a c q u i s i t i o n of merit through the a c t of g i v i n g was something the merchants and other donors could not only p a r t i c i p a t e i n , but as inhabitants of these developing centers of trade, were uniquely able to do.  Buddhism and the excavation of the caves was then an expression  of the donors* a c t u a l wealth and power i n the ancient society of Western India.  112 Isee Melford E. Spiro, "Buddhism and Economic Action i n Burma," American Anthropologist volume 68 (I966), pp. H63-H73. Spiro, Buddhism and Society 7l970). pp. 103-111, 453-568. s e e Andre Bareau, La Vie e t L'Organisation des Gommunautes Bouddhlques Modernes de Ceylah "(Pondichery, 1957), PP. 73-76. Spiro, Buddhism and Society. Robert J . M i l l e r , "Buddhist Monastic Economy1 The J i s a Mechanism," Comparative Studies i n Society and History volume 3 (I96O-6I), pp. 427-438, f o r Tibetan Buddhism. 2  3Andre Bareau, "Indian and Ancient Chinese Buddhism« Institutions Analogous to the J i s a , " Comparative Studies i n Society and History volume 3 (1960-61), pp. 443-451, surveys the sources f o r such a study, including the i n s c r i p t i o n s considered here. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Bareau undertook t h i s survey as h i s t o r i c a l confirmation of M i l l e r ' s observations of Tibetan Buddhism. ^see Walpola Rahula, History of Buddhism i n Ceylon (Colombo, 1956), pp. 141 f f . f o r donations. 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"Excavations a t Pltalkhora," O r i e n t a l A r t , volume 7, no. 2 (1961), pp. 59-65. Yazdani, G.,' ed. The Early History of the Deccan. 2 volumes. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 196*0.  118 APPENDIX A.  DONATIONS.  Group I A.  Pltalkhora - 1.  Luders no. or other designation  1187 1188 1189 1191 1192 1193 Deshpande A Deshpande B Deshpande D 2.  terminology  g i f t of  dana dana dana dana dana dana kata dana kata  pillar pillar cave cave cave sculpture pillar sculpture  Others  1190 Deshpande G B.  Gifts  fragmentary fragmentary  Ajanta - 1.  Gifts  1197 1198 Dhavalikar no. 1 Dhavalikar no. 2  dana deyadhama dana dana  cave door cave wall ceiling ?  deyadhama deyadhama deyadhama deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhamma karita nithapapita dana karita karita deyadharmma karita -  cave, c e l l s cave cave cell cell cave cave, c i s t e r n s caitya entrance vedika r a i l , sculpture cave cave completion of cave cave cave, c i s t e r n cistern  Group I I A. 1127 1128 1129 1132 H34 H38 1140 1141 1142 1143 1144 1145 1146 1147 1148 1149  Nasik - 1.  Gifts  119 2.  G i f t s and Endowments  Luders no. or other designation  terminology a. g i f t s b. endowments  1123  a  a. g i f t of b. endowment o f  « k a r i t a deyadhama a. cave b. dadati b. v i l l a g e  1131  a. k a r i t a b. data  a, cave, c i s t e r n b. f i e l d  1133  a. b. aksayanivi  a. cave b. money  1139  a. deyadhamma  a, cave  b. akhayanivi  b. money  akhayanivi data dadama data _ aksayanivi  villages field field field money  3.  Endowments  1124 1125 1126 1130 1137 4. Others 1122 1135 1136  nothing beyond date fragmentary fragmentary  Group I I I A. 1150 1151 1153 1154 H56 1157 1169 1170 1171 1172 1173 1174 1175 1176 1177 1178 1179 1180  Junnar - 1,  Gifts deyadhama deyadhama deyadhamma deyadhama deyadhama deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhama deyadhama deyadhama deyadhama deyadhama deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhama deyadhama  cistern reception room caitya cisterns h a l l front cave cave cave ? cave ? cave ? cistern hall cave cistern cistern caitya caitya cave, c i s t e r n  120 1181 1182 1183 2.  dana deyadhama dana  cave ? refectory caitya  G i f t s and Endowments  1152  a. deyadhama b. akhayanivi  a, c i s t e r n , cave b. money  1155  a, deyadhama b. akhayanivl  a, cave, c i s t e r n b. money ?  deyadhama  field field fields field money fields fields  3.  Endowments  1158 1162 1163 1164 1165 1166 1167 Group IV A.  Kanheri - 1.  M. Leese  985 986 987 993 994 995 996 1001 1002 1005 1012 1013 1014  1015 1017 1019 1021 1025 1031 1032 1033  2.  988  Gifts deyadhama deyadhama deyadhamma patithapita deyadhamma deyadharma deyadhama deyadhamma patithapita patithapita deyadhama deyadhama deyadhama deyadhama deyadhama ? n/a n/a deyadhama n/a deyadhamma deyadhama n/a  cistern seat cistern caitya stupa cistern cistern cistern cave cave cave cave cave, c i s t e r n cave, c i s t e r n cave, c i s t e r n cave cave, c i s t e r n cave cave, c i s t e r n taloka ? path path  G i f t s and Endowments a. deyadhama b. akhayanivi  a. various g i f t s a t Sopara Kalyan, Paithan b. money ?  121 998  a. deyadhama b. akhayanivi  a. cave, c i s t e r n , benches b. moneyt?  999  a. deyadhama b. akhayanivi  a. cave b. money ?  loop  a. deyadhamma b. akhayanivi  a. cave, c i s t e r n b. f i e l d  1003  a. b.  n/a n/a  a. cave, c i s t e r n b. money  1006  a. deyadhama b. akhayanivi  a. cave, c i s t e r n b. money  100?  a. deyadhama b. akhayanivi  a. cave, c i s t e r n , h a l l b. money  1009  a. b.  n/a n/a  a. cave, c i s t e r n b. money ?  1010  a. b.  n/a n/a  a. cave ? b.  1011  a. b.  n/a n/a  a. cave ? b. money  1016  a. deyadhama b. akhayanivi  a. cave, c i s t e r n b. money ?  1018  a. deyyadhamrmma — • b.  a. cave, c i s t e r n b. money  1020  a. deyadhama akhayanivi  a. cave, c i s t e r n b. money ?  1024  a. deyadhama b. akhayanivi  a. cave, h a l l b. money, f i e l d  V  3.  -  Endowment  1027  n/a  field  Group V A.  Karle - 1.  1087 1088  1089 1090 1091 1092 1093 1094  Gifts parinithapita dana dana dana dana kata dSna dana  cave lion-pillar vedika r a i l , sculpture cave door pillar door pillar pillar  122 dana  1095 1096 1097 1098 1101/2  1103  1104 1106 1107 1108 Vats no. i Vats no. 2 Vats no. 3 Vats no. 4 Vats no. 5 Vats no. 6 Vats no. 7 Vats no. 8 Vats no, 9 Vats no, 10 Vats no, 11 Vats no. 12 EI v o l . 24 Kosambi 2.  1100  1105 Bhaja - 1,  1079  1080 1081 1082 1083 1084 1085 Deshpande no, 1  dana deyadhama -  cell cistern stflpa stupa stupa stupa cell ? stupa wooden r i b ?  . dana prasada  Selarvadi - 1.  Gifts deyadhamma deyadhama  Kondane - 1.  Bedsa - 1.  1109  cave caitya  Gifts  1071 E.  village village village  --  1121 EI v o l 28 D.  data data dadama Gifts  1078  G.  deyadhama dSna dSha deyadhama deyadhama deyadhama dana deyadhama dana dana karita dana dana dana dana dana dana dana dana  pillar pillar pillar cave ? sculpture vedika r a i l vedika r a i l hall cave, c i s t e r n cave ? pillar pillar pillar pillar pillar pillar pillar pillar pillar pillar pillar pillar pillar pillar  Endowment  1099  B.  dSna -  kata  sculpture  dana  cave ?  Gifts  123 1110  karita  stupa  1111  deyadhama  cistern  deyadhamma deyadhama deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhama deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhamma deyadhamma  cave cave cistern cave cave, c i s t e r n cave ? cave cave cistern caitya cave cave cave cave bathing tank caitya, c e l l cave cistern cave cave cistern cave cave  Group VI A. Kuda - 1. 1037 1038 1039 1040 1041 1042 1045 1048 1049 1050 1051 1053 1054 1055 1056 1058 1060 1061 1062 1063 1064 1065 1066 B.  Gifts  Nadsur - 1.  Gifts  1067  kata  cave ?  1068  -  cave ?  G.  Mahad - 1.  Gifts  1072 2.  deyadhamma G i f t s and Endowments  1073  D.  cave, c a i t y a , c e l l s  K o l - 1.  a, deyadhamma  a. cave, c a i t y a  b.  b. f i e l d  -  Gifts  1075 1076  deyadhama deyadhama  cave cave  1077  deyadhama  cave  E. 1184  Karadh - 1.  Gifts deyadhama  cave  124 APPENDIX B.  DONORS.  Group I - Pitalkhora and Ajanta A.  Royal and Administrative  Luders no, or other designation  1189 1190 1191 1192 1193 B.  Deshpande C Deshpande D  1198  r o y a l physician (rajaveja) r o y a l physician r o y a l physician daughter of r o y a l physician son of r o y a l physician  Magila  perfumer (gadhika) g u i l d (seni) goldsmith (hiramakara) merchant (vanija)  Magila Magila Data Dataka  Mitadeva Kanhadasa Ghanamadada  Others sons of Saghaka Kanha Katahadi Kanhaka Dhamadeva  Deshpande A  1197 Dhavalikar no, 1 Dhavalikar no. 2 Group I I - Nasik  1123 1124 1125 1126 1131 1132 1133 1134 1135  Palthan  nun (bhichuni)  1188  A.  place of o r i g i n  Sangha  Deshpande B D.  name  Commercial and Landed  1187  C.  title  Royal and Administrative Balasri Pulumavi Gautamlputra Gautamlputra Usavadata daughter of Nahapana Dakhamitra wife of Usavadata Usavadata daughter of Dakhamitra Nahapana Usavadata  Paithan Dhenukakata  Paithan  125 1141  daughter of, wife of r o y a l minister (rayamaca) Bhatapalika o f f i c e r (mahSmata) Samana Nasik wife of great general (mahSsenapati) VSsu  1144 1146 B.  Commercial and Landed  1127 1129 1138  merchant (nyegama) fisherman (dasaka) son of w r i t e r (lekhaka) merchant (nekama)  1139 1147 1148 1149 C.  householder (kutumbika) writer (lekhaka) writer  Dhanama Vudhika Vudhika  nun (pavayita)  TapasinI  fragmentary Balasri ? lay worshipper (upasaka) Dhamanamdin fragmentary Usavadata ? wife of ganapaka Vlsnudata" Yonaka Idrignidata the v i l l a g e of Dhambika, the Nasika people fragmentary female l a y worshipper (upasika) Mamma  1136 1137 1140 1142 1143 1145 Group I I I - Junnar  1174 B. 1153  1157 1170  :  Others  1122 1130  A.  Dasapura . Dasapura  Sangha  1128 D.  Vira Mugudasa Ramamnaka (son of Sivamita Ramanaka (son of Velidata)  Royal and Administrative minister (amatya) to Nahapana  Ayama  Commercial and Landed chief householder (gahapatipamugha) upright merchant ? (dhammanigama) sons of...a householder householder  Virasenaka Slvadasa  Dhamtamiti  126 1171  grandson of a householder Nandanaka merchant (negama) goldsmith (suvanakara) Saghaka treasurer (hairanyaka) Sulasadata g u i l d of corn dealers (dhamnikaseni)  -  1172 1177 1179 1180 G.  Sangha  D.  Others  1150 1151  fragmentary Mudhakiya ? Golikiya ? Patibadhaka ? Yavana Patibadhaka Yavana • Saka l a y worshipper fragmentary vahata fragmentary fragmentary fragmentary  1152 1154 1155 1156 1158 1162 1163 1164 1165 1166 1167 1169 1173 1175 1176  1181 1182 1183  Kalyan Kalyan  Malla Anada G i r i b h u t i Sakhuyaru Irila Gata (country) ? Giribhuti Camda Palapa Aduthuma  -  Vaceduka  the brotherst Budharakhita Budhamita Bharukacha Sivabhuti Sivabhuti  son of upasaka wife of Torika, the Nadaka Lachinika son and grandson of Snanda upasaka son of upasaka Isipalita Yavana Gita Isipalita son of upasaka  1178  -  (Broach)  Gata (country) ?  Group IV - Kanheri A,  994  Royal and Administrative queen of Vasisthiputra Sa"takarrii daughter of R u • bhoigi (bhojiki) Aparantika Kalyan wife of bhoja Damila Mahara-^hini (wife of MahSrathi) s i s t e r of Mahabhoja) Nagamulanika i#  1013 1021  (Konkan),  127 B.  Commercial and Landed  M. Leese 986 187 993 995 996 998 1000 1001 1002 1003 1005 1009 1010 1011 1012 1015 1019 1024 1027 1031 1032 1033 C.  Sangha  999 1006  monk (pavajita) nun ( j ^ v a i t i k a ) theri nun (bhikhuni) monk (pavajita) nun (pavaitika) nun  1014 1016 1020 1025 D. 985 988 1007 1017 1018  merchant (negama) Kalyan goldsmith (suvanakora) Samidata Kalyan merchants (vanijaka) Sajasena Gajamita -wife of treasurer (heranika) Sivapalitanika merchant (negama) Samika Sopara son of treasurer (heranika) Sulasadata Chemula (Chaul) merchant (negama) Dhama,,, Kalyan merchant (negama) Isipala Kalyan merchant (negama) householder Kalyan wife of 1001 Kalyan wife of banker ( s e t h i ) , householder Lavmaka Kalyan jeweller (manikara) NagapSlita Sopara mother of merchant (negama) Lopa householder, son of banker (sethi) ...mita banker (sethi) Kalyan sagarapalogana (commuity o f sea traders) ? daughter of goldsmith (suvanakara) Samadevi daughter ? of householder son of merchant (negama) Aparaenu Kalyan merchant Hundapala Sopara banker (se^hi) householder Punaka ? blacksmith (kamara) Nada Kalyan treasurer (heranaka) Rohanimita Chemula (Chaul)  Anada PonakiasanI Damila ' Kalyan .,.mitranaRa Sapa Dhenukakata Gha...?  Others fragmentary fragmentary fragmentary  Nakanaka  Nasik  Kanha Pavayamala ?  128 Group  V A.  Karle,  Bhaja,  Royal and  Selarvadl,  Kondane,  Bedsa  Administrative  1088  Maharathl  1099 1100 1105  Maharathl  Agnlmijbranaka Usavadata Somadeva Gautamiputra ?  Bhaja  1079  Maharathl  Vinhudata  Maharathini daughter of Mahabhoya  Samadinika  Bedsa  1111  B.  Commercial and  1087 1090 1091 1092 Vats  no.  3  Vats  no,  9  Vats EI  no.  vol.  12  24  Landed banker (sethi) Bhutapala perfumer (gamdhika) Simhadata mother of householder (gahata) Bhayila carpenter (vadhaki) Samila community of t r a d e r s (vaniya-gama) son of trader (vaniya) relation  Isalaka  Dhenukakata Dhenukakata Dhenukakata  of  householder physician (veja)  Dhamdavaya Mitidasa ?  wife  (kuduhika),  Dhenukata Dhenukakata  Selarvadl  1121  of  householder  ploughman  (halakiya)  Siagutanika  Dhenukakada  Bedsa  1109 C.  son  of  banker  (sethi)  Pusanaka  Sangha  1089 1094  e l d e r , monk ( t h e r a ) preacher (bhanaka)  Imdadeva Satimita  1095  preacher nun (bhikhuni) monk ( b h i k h u ) nun (bhikhuni) monk ( p a v a i t a )  Satimita Sopara Asadhamita Bhadasama Kodi Budharakhita  Yavana  Sihadhaya  1098  1101/2  1104 1108 D.  1093 1096 1097 1103  Sopara  Others  Yavana Mitadevanaka fragmentary  Dhenukakata Dhenukakata Dhenukakata  129  1106 1107 Vats no. Vats no. Vats no. Vats no. Vats no. Vats no. Vats no. Vats no. Vats no. Kosambi  1 2 4 5 6 7 8 10 11  lay worshipper female d i s c i p l e (atevasini) Yavana lay worshipper Yavana  -  Yavana Yavana  -  Yavana wife of... wife of Utaramati  Harapharana  Vitasamgata Dhamula Dhamadhaya Rohamita Culayakha Sihadhaya Somilanaka Yasavadhana Manamata Draghamita  -  Umekanakata Gonekaka Dhenukakata Dhenukakata Dhenukakata Dhenukakata Dhenukakata Dhenukakata Dhenukakata Dhenukakata t  Bhaja 1078 1080 1081 1082 1083 1084  Naya ? donor not given donor not given donor not given donor not given wife of Halika (agriculturist) 1 fragmentary 1085 Deshpande no. 1 Selarvadl EI v o l . 28 Kondane 1071 Bedsa 1110  daughters of nun Ipavaltikaya)  Nadasava  -  Badha  -  Dhamabhaga  -  Budha Sagha  -  -  Balaka  -  Asalamita  Group VI - Kuda, Nadsur, Mahad, K o l , Karadh A.  Royal and Administrative  1054  writer to Mahabhoja Sivabhuti servant to Sivama (younger Mahabhoja brother of Sivabhuti) chief of Mamdavas ? son of Sivama Kumara daughter of r o y a l minister (rajamaca) Goyamma daughter of MahSbhoya Vijayanika  Mahad 1072  prince (kumara)  1037  1045 1049 1053  B. 1048 1051  Kanaboa Vhenupalita  Commercial and Landed physician (veja) garland maker (malakara)  Somadeva Sivapirita  130  1055  iron merchant (lohavaniyiya) banker (sethi) householder garland maker trader (sathavaha) householder banker (se^hi) banker wife of trader (sathavaha) son of trader (sathavaha)  1056 1061 1062 1063 1064 1065 1066 Mahad  1073  Mahika  Karahakada (Karadh)'  Vasula Mugudasa Naga Vasulanaka Vasulanaka Sivadata Asalamita  wife of banker (sethi) householder ' Vadasiri  Kol  1075  C.  banker (sethi) son of householder  Sagharakhita  nun (pavayitika) nun (pavaitika)  Padumanika Sapila  Sangha  1041 1060 D.  Others  1038  1039 1040 1042  1050  1058  fragmentary fragmentary fragmentary fragmentary wife of Brahman lay worshipper adhagacaka ?  Nadsur 1067 1068 Kol 1076  Ramadata Godata various names  daughter of lay worshipper  1077  Sivadata  Karadh 1184  Sanghamitara  

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