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Territory, territoriality and cultural change in an indigenous society : Old Crow, Yukon Territory McSkimming, Robert James 1975

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TERRITORY, TERRITORIALITY, AND CULTURAL CHANGE IN AN INDIGENOUS SOCIETY: OLD CROW, YUKON TERRITORY by ROBERT JAMES McSKIMMING B.Ed., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Geography We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1975 In presenting th i s thesis in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary shal l make it f ree ly ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thes is for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of th is thes is for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permission. Depa rtment The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date i i ABSTRACT The purpose of the r e s e a r c h i s to examine the impact of c u l t u r a l , economic, and environmental f a c t o r s on t e r r i t o r y and t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n Old Crow, Yukon T e r r i t o r y . I t i n v e s t i g a t e s both the s o c i a l and s p a t i a l changes i n the s o c i e t y . An h i s t o r i c a l s ketch provides the circumstances which l e d K u t c h i n Indians of the n o r t h e r n Yukon to e v e n t u a l l y a t t a c h themselves to t r a d i n g p o s t s . The changing nature of resource-use p a t t e r n s and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between •land-use' t e r r i t o r y and 'perceived' t e r r i t o r y i s compared. The t h e s i s framework, then, i s to present an e v o l u t i o n of t e r r i t o r y and t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n an i s o l a t e d indigenous s o c i e t y . The t e r r i t o r y of Old Crow i s d e f i n e d as t h a t which r e f l e c t s n a t i v e use and p e r c e p t i o n . T e r r i t o r i a l i t y , on the other hand, i s the behaviour of dominating, c o n t r o l l i n g , and defending a s p e c i f i c space. Through use of the e c o l o g i c a l approach the r e l a t i o n s h i p between occupied t e r r i t o r y and the group's image of i t s t e r r i t o r y i s e x p l o r e d . At the same time the present c o n d i t i o n s of Old Crow's used and p e r c e i v e d t e r r i t o r y i s compared with past use and past expressions of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . The u l t i m a t e purpose of t h i s work i s to shed l i g h t on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between man and the environment wi t h which he i s i n t i m a t e l y f a m i l i a r . L i t t l e i s known i l l o f the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t e r r i t o r i a l i t y on human behaviour and even l e s s i s known about the e f f e c t o f t e r r i t o r i a l change on t h a t behaviour. The t h e s i s shows that t e r r i t o r y cannot be separated from the behaviour of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y ; the community's t e r r i t o r y i s t h a t space which a l l members c o u l d i d e n t i f y as b e l o n g i n g t o them. The group, e s s e n t i a l t o geographic study, i s shown to be h e l d together by common value s toward the c o n t r o l and use of t h e i r t e r r i t o r y and i n d i v i d u a l view-p o i n t s c o u l d not be secured. The r e s e a r c h supports the t h e s i s t h at through c u l t u r a l , s o c i a l , and economic change the s p a t i a l extent o f l a n d used d i m i n i s h e d and t h a t t h e r e was a comparable drop i n the s p a t i a l extent of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . Furthermore, there has been an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of lan d use i n the 'core' o f the t e r r i t o r y which has been p a r a l l e l l e d by an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n i n the expressions of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . However, although the t o t a l extent o f the land i s not used, i t does not suggest t h a t the people do not view the land as belo n g i n g to them. The l a n d and i t s resources as p e r c e i v e d by the people o f Old Crow are shown to be the only known and permanent commodities. Not only can the l a n d provide a l i v e l i h o o d , but i t i s shown to be pa r t o f the people - a base f o r i d e n t i t y . In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s i t i s the l a n d i t s e l f now under a t t a c k which i n t e n s i f i e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Old Crow people and t h e i r l a n d . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 1. The Study: I t s Purpose and Scope 1 (a) The Land-Settlement Dichotomy 2 (b) The K u t c h i n People k 2. L o c a t i o n and S e t t i n g of the Study Area 8 (a) P h y s i c a l Geography 8 (b) The People of Old Crow 10 3. M e t h o d o l o g i c a l Context 12 (a) The E c o l o g i c a l Approach 12 ( i ) human ecology 12 ( i i ) ecology i n A r c t i c s t u d i e s 16 ( i i i ) e c o l o g i c a l approach i n the present study 18 (b) T e r r i t o r y and T e r r i t o r i a l i t y 19 (c) The Problem 22 ( i ) the hypothesis 22 ( i i ) data and sample s i z e 2 3 ( i i i ) procedures and measurements 2k CHAPTER I I PEOPLE AND PLACE: OLD CROW'S HISTORIC DEVELOPMENT 2? A. TRADITIONAL MATERIAL AND SOCIAL CULTURE 27 1. Seasonal Movement and L o c a t i o n 27 2. Hunting and F i s h i n g 30 3. Dress, S h e l t e r and T r a v e l 32 k. S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n 3k B. EARLY POST-CONTACT CULTURE 3k 1. Contact H i s t o r y 35 (a) Fur Traders 35 (b) M i s s i o n a r i e s 41 (c) Gold Seekers and Whalers k2 (d) The Government k$ 2. Changes i n the Way of L i f e k5 (a) Seasonal Movement and L o c a t i o n k"? (b) Hunting, F i s h i n g , and Trappi n g kB (c) Dress, S h e l t e r , and T r a v e l 50 (d) S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n 52 3. The Establishment of Old Crow 5k V Page CHAPTER I I I OLD CROW TERRITORY 58 A. THE OLD CROW LAND 58 1. U t i l i z a t i o n of the Old Crow Land 58 2. Change i n Land-Use P a t t e r n 6 l 3. Ownership and the I n t e n s i t y of the Use of the Old Crow Land . 70 (a) Ownership 70 (b) I n t e n s i t y of Land Use 81 ( i ) t r a p p i n g 81 ( i i ) h unting 89 ( i i i ) r a t t i n g 93 ( i v ) f i s h i n g 96 4. Summary 96 B. THE OLD CROW ECONOMY 99 1. The Community Based Economy 100 2. Land Based Economy 105 (a) Cash f o r Land A c t i v i t i e s 105 (b) D i r e c t Consumption from Land A c t i v i t i e s 108 3. Summary and Conclusions 113 CHAPTER IV TERRITORIALITY 115 1. T e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n the Past 116 2. Present Day Claims 122 3. The P e r c e p t i o n of a T e r r i t o r y 126 (a) Core Area 130 (b) Home T e r r i t o r y 130 4. T e r r i t o r i a l Commitment 134 5. The Old Crow Claim 142 CHAPTER V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 144 1. Land-Use 144 2. P e r c e i v e d T e r r i t o r y 146 3. Economic R e a l i t i e s 147 4. T e r r i t o r y and T e r r i t o r i a l i t y 149 REFERENCES * 151 APPENDIX I OLD CROW FACT AND OPINION QUESTIONNAIRE 165 APPENDIX I I ENDPAPERS I83 v i LIST OF FIGURES Page 1.1 Athapaskans i n Northwest America 5 1.2 Old Crow Region 9 2.1 K u t c h i n T e r r i t o r y i n the Northern Yukon 28 2.2 Contact H i s t o r y and the T r i b e s i n Northwest America ' J6 2.3 Caribou M i g r a t i o n Routes 56 3.1 T r a p p i n g Centre L o c a t i o n s 60 3.2 Old Crow Land Use, Long Ago 63 3.3 Old Crow Land Use, i 9 6 0 64 3.4 Crow F l a t s Muskrat T r a p p i n g S e c t o r s 6? 3.5 Old Crow Land Use, 1973 69 3.6 Crow F l a t s Muskrat T r a p p i n g Camps ( i 9 6 0 and 1961) 72 3.7 Crow F l a t s Muskrat T r a p p i n g Camps, 1973 78 3.8 Country Food P r o d u c t i o n : Old Crow Hunter/Trapper Family i n 1973 109 4.1 K u t c h i n I n t e r T r i b a l T e r r i t o r i a l i t y 117 4.2 Land Claim T e r r i t o r y and Group Trapp i n g Area 124 4.3 Image of Old Crow T e r r i t o r y ' s Core 129 4.4 Older People's Image of Old Crow T e r r i t o r y 131 4.5 Younger People's Image of Old Crow T e r r i t o r y 132 v i i 4.6 Category Frequency of Sc a l e P o i n t s For Each L o c a t i o n 4.7 C o r r e l a t i o n and Reg r e s s i o n of Defense I n t e n s i t y and A c c e s s i b l e D i s t a n c e from Old Crow 4.8 Old Crow A t t i t u d e Toward P i p e l i n e Q u e s t i o n n a i r e Map Loucheux Map of the Old Crow Country Old Crow, 196 3 Old Crow, 1973 Page 136 138 140 I69 •e-r cm r En&pap-er n-> f ocket v i l l LIST OF TABLES Page . 3.1 R a t t i n g Camps and R a t t i n g S e c t o r s , Old Crow F l a t s , 196O-6I 73 3.2 Muskrat Tra p p i n g A s s o c i a t i o n s Long Ago, I960, 1973 77 3.3 R e l a t i o n s h i p Between Muskrat Trappers and Owner of R a t t i n g S e c t o r s , 1973 79 3.4 P r o d u c t i v i t y of Winter T r a p l i n e s In Old Crow by M i l e of L i n e Length and Per Trapper 83 3.5 Old Crow Fur Returns, 1938-1973 87 3.6 Hunt P r o d u c t i v i t y and Land Use I n t e n s i t y 90 3.7 Old Crow Game Returns, 1963-1973 92 3.8 Muskrat Camp P r o d u c t i v i t y 94 3.9 Fur Returns f o r Muskrats " 95 3.10 Old Crow F i s h e r i e s , 1967-1973 97 3.11 Length of Time i n Wage Employment, Old Crow, 1972-73 100 3.12 Employment O p p o r t u n i t i e s 101 3.13 Wage Income D i s t r i b u t i o n , Old Crow, 1972-73 102 3.14 A f f i n i t y to Old Crow by Residents 104 3.15 Fur Income, 1967-73 106 3.16 F a m i l i e s w i t h Income From Land A c t i v i t i e s , Old Crow, 1972-73 107 3.17 Land-Based Income as a Per Centage of T o t a l Income, Old Crow, 1972-73 108 ix Page 3.18 Family Requirements and Consumption of Country Food, 1 9 7 3 1 1 0 4 . 1 Pre-Contact and E a r l y Contact T e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n Northwest North America 1 1 9 4 . 2 A. Defense Response Values 1 3 5 B. Defense I n d i c i e s and A c c e s s i b l e D i s t a n c e from Old Crow t o the Sample L o c a t i o n s 1 3 6 1 1 . 1 Loucheux Place Name Map, Name and Number Key 1 8 4 1 1 . 2 B u i l d i n g Code Key f o r Old Crow ( 1 9 7 3 ) 1 9 6 1 1 . 3 B u i l d i n g Code Key f o r Old Crow ( 1 9 6 3 ) 2 0 0 X ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The f i e l d p o r t i o n of t h i s r e s e a r c h was c a r r i e d out i n the summer of 1 9 7 3 » under the a u s p i c e s of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development. F e d e r a l and t e r r i t o r i a l agencies were extremely h e l p f u l i n my search f o r d a t a . In Old Crow the people were f r i e n d l y and open, enduring what must have seemed c e a s e l e s s i n q u i r y . Thanks go t o the f o l l o w i n g , who, from time t o time a s s i s t e d i n the r e s e a r c h : C h a r l i e A b e l , Johnny A b e l , Martha Benjamin, Ben C h a r l i e , C h a r l i e Peter C h a r l i e , Helen C h a r l i e , S h i r l e y F r o s t , John Kendl, P e t e r L o r d , N e i l McDonald, George Moses, G r a f t o n N J o o t l i , and Moses T i z y a . S p e c i a l mention i s made of R a n d a l l C h a r l i e , Glenna F r o s t , and Norma K a s s i , who made v a l u a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the r e s e a r c h team. My s t a y i n Old Crow would not have been as rewarding without the company of Bob and C l a r e Sharp, Ed and Mary I s s a c s , Herta R i c h t e r , and Rev. John Watts, who are a l l knowledgeable of the problems i n n o r t h e r n s o c i e t y . I came t o r e l y on Bob Sharp and Mary I s s a c s as major c r i t i c s of the r e s e a r c h . x i At U.B.C. more than g r a t i t u d e i s owing t o my a d v i s o r , Dr. John Stager, and t o my reader, Dr. David Ley, f o r t h e i r endless p a t i e n c e . Dr. Stager's e x p e r t i s e i n the n o r t h proved i n v a l u a b l e t o the framework of the r e s e a r c h , while Dr. Ley's guidance w i t h c e r t a i n techniques i n b e h a v i o u r a l geography added much to the t h e s i s . Mary C.orbett t o i l e d over the computer work, and my w i f e , A l l e n a , a c t u a l l y made the confused mass of notes l e g i b l e . Robert J . McSkimming March, 1975 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Old Crow, a r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d I ndian v i l l a g e i n the n o r t h e r n Yukon T e r r i t o r y , e x i s t s i n a c o n d i t i o n of r a p i d c u l t u r a l change. T r a d i t i o n a l settlement p a t t e r n s of s m a l l , nomadic groups have changed to a sedentary community l i f e . The band u n i t s t i l l e x i s t s ; however, economic and c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s have a l t e r e d the p e r c e p t i o n and occupance of the l a n d and the use of r e s o u r c e s . Subsistence a c t i v i t i e s are now r e s t r i c t e d t o a resource h i n t e r l a n d near Old Crow, r a t h e r than the wider expanse of the Porcupine drainage b a s i n . Movement of people i n t o Old Crow has c r e a t e d s o c i a l p r e s s u r e s , causing changes i n the community which are p a r a l l e l e d by changes on the l a n d . 1. The Study: I t s Purpose and Scope T h i s study examines both the s o c i a l and s p a t i a l changes i n Old Crow's s o c i e t y . The t h e s i s d e s c r i b e s h i s t o r i c a l and economic circumstances which l e d K u t c h i n Indians of the n o r t h e r n Yukon t o a t t a c h themselves f i r s t t e n t a t i v e l y , and then more permanently, to t r a d i n g p o s t s . The changing nature of resource-use p a t t e r n s and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the •land-use' t e r r i t o r y and ' p e r c e i v e d ' t e r r i t o r y i s compared. 2 Many settlements i n the n o r t h do not have an economic "base broad enough t o absorb a l a r g e number of r e s i d e n t s (Usher, 1970: x i x ; W o l f o r t h , 1971: 1). Trapping has d e c l i n e d as an o c c u p a t i o n , although w i t h n o t h i n g t o f i l l the v o i d , t r a p p i n g , e s p e c i a l l y f o r muskrat, s t i l l engages many of the people (Tanner, 1966: 12). In Old Crow, w i n t e r t r a p p i n g and r a t t i n g d e c l i n e d to an extreme low i n 1969-70, but has been s t e a d i l y i n c r e a s i n g s i n c e . Recently many short-term o p p o r t u n i t i e s have a r i s e n t o take the p l a c e of t r a p p i n g ; however, over the long term, Old Crow seems d e s t i n e d t o a mixed settlement and l a n d economy. (a) The Land-Settlement Dichotomy Honigmann and Honigmann gave the l a b e l 'dual a l l e g i a n c e ' f o r an a d a p t i v e process t o changing economic c o n d i t i o n s i n a community. The c o n d i t i o n d e s c r i b e d r e s i s t a n c e to changes. "Where some f a m i l i e s have chosen c a r e e r s i n town, others remain p r i m a r i l y f i x e d i n hunting and t r a p p i n g c a r e e e r s . Others seem undecided, or unable to keep a Job i n town, s h i f t back and f o r t h . " (Honigmann and Honigmann, 1965: 77) W o l f o r t h expresses t h i s as a s c a l e where the bush d w e l l e r i s at one end and the town d w e l l e r i s a t the other (1970: x i x ) . 3 Such people s h i f t back and f o r t h because the jobs a re seasonal i n n a t u r e . Cohen (1962) observed that people d e l i b e r t a t e l y sought out seasonal or part - t i m e jobs i n order t o r e t u r n t o land a c t i v i t i e s (1962: ?6). Chance (1965) a l s o d e s c r i b e d the du a l a l l e g i a n c e of Eskimos on B a r t e r I s l a n d , A l a s k a . He s t a t e d t h a t acceptance of c e r t a i n white t r a i t s means a s h i f t i n t h e i r s e l f i d e n t i t y (1965: 375). V a l l e e (1962: 133) d e s c r i b e d t h i s 'dual a l l e g i a n c e 1 not only i n terms of l i v e l i h o o d but a l s o i n terms of a new s o c i a l c l a s s system where people who have accepted some white t r a i t s are h e l d i n high esteem. Smith (1967), E r v i n ( 1 9 6 8 ) , Mailhot ( 1 9 6 8 ) , and Lubart ( 1 9 6 9 ) have a l s o observed the same c o n d i t i o n s i n the Mackenzie D e l t a . These s t u d i e s suggest a p o l a r i z a t i o n between bush and settlement i n the n o r t h . Old Crow does not escape t h i s c o n d i t i o n ; i n f a c t , i t i s i n a c r i t i c a l p o s i t i o n . To 1970 there had been a steady d e c l i n e of t r a p p i n g , although few f u l l - t i m e employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s were a v a i l a b l e . < In the near f u t u r e t h e r e i s a pro p o s a l f o r an o i l p i p e l i n e c l o s e 1 t o Old Crow. There i s a l s o the q u e s t i o n of Land Claims to be s e t t l e d , as w e l l as growing pr e s s u r e f o r o i l e x p l o r a t i o n Land Claims: N e g o t i a t i o n s f o r the t i t l e of c e r t a i n crown l a n d or la n d l e a s e d from the crown to be set a s i d e f o r c o n t r o l and management by the l o c a l indigenous p o p u l a t i o n . 4 i n the r e g i o n . The problem i s to a s s e s s past c o n d i t i o n s which have a f f e c t e d the people of Old Crow, and determine the impact of these c o n d i t i o n s on the economy of the community. (b) The K u t c h i n People Many s t u d i e s have r e c o n s t r u c t e d the t r a d i t i o n a l ethno-graphy of the K u t c h i n I n d i a n s . The c l a s s i c i s Osgood's (1936b) done i n the summer of 1932. The r e s e a r c h d e a l t w i t h the d i s t r i b u t i o n of K u t c h i n bands (1936a) and the s i m i l a r i t i e s among them (193*0. U n f o r t u n a t e l y he l i m i t e d h i s r e s e a r c h by not t r a v e l l i n g e x t e n s i v e l y through the K u t c h i n country and r e l y i n g on two primary informants. Osgood a l s o c i t e d o b s e r v a t i o n s made by e a r l y f u r t r a d e r s (e.g. H a r d i s t y , 1866; Jones, 1866) and m i s s i o n a r i e s (e.g. K i r k b y , 1864). Other r e s e a r c h has been s p e c i f i c a l l y on i n d i v i d u a l K u t c h i n bands, both s u p p o r t i n g and querying many of Osgood's f i n d i n g s . For example, th e r e seemed t o be l e s s g e o g r a p h i c a l i s o l a t i o n than Osgood thought, with numerous examples of i n t e r - t r i b a l commerce and warfare i n s t u d i e s by S l o b o d l n (I960, 1962) among the T a t l i t K u t c h i n , and Leechman (1954) among the Vunta K u t c h i n (see F i g . # 1.1). B a l i k c i (I963) working i n Old Crow c r i t i c i z e s Osgood's r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of 5 in NORTHWEST AMERICA (After M cClellan, 1964) G u l f O f A I a s k a FIGURE 1.1 6 the s o c i a l c l a n system, while McKennan ( 1 9 6 5 ) » i n N a t s i t country, d i s a g r e e s w i t h Osgood's a s s e r t i o n t h a t a l l K u t c h i n l o c a t e d t h e i r summer r e s i d e n c e s f o r f i s h i n g purposes. The v a r i o u s groups of Indian people i n these ethno-g r a p h i e s were c a l l e d " t r i b e s " , "community", or "bands". 2 Welsh (1970) adds the term " r e g i o n a l band" which d e s c r i b e d the s o c i a l cohesiveness among smal l hunting groups i n a p a r t i c u l a r r e source r e g i o n and d i s t i n c t from the s m a l l , socio-economic, h i g h l y mobile hunting bands. The l i t e r a t u r e on K u t c h i n Indians has focussed p r i m a r i l y on white c o n t a c t and s o c i a l change. However, no one has gone beyond u s i n g the resource r e g i o n as a convenient c l a s s i f i c a t i o n f o r p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l groups. Osgood's s t u d i e s ( 1 9 3 6 a , 1936b) were t r u l y a taxonomy of Athapaskan groups: " ... each t r i b e i s a t t a c h e d t o a s e c t i o n of country f o r which some r i v e r i s the p r i n c i p a l a r t e r y " ( 1 9 3 6 b : 1 3 ) • S l o b o d i n ( 1 9 6 2 ) , B a l i k c i ( 1 9 6 3 ) , and McKennan (1965) have a l l d i s c u s s e d i n tremendous d e t a i l m a t e r i a l and s o c i a l -c u l t u r a l changes, while Leechman (195*0 c o n c e n t r a t e d mostly on contemporary m a t e r i a l change. S l o b o d i n a l s o d e s c r i b e d 2 T h i s concept was adopted from June Helm, " B i l a t e r a l i t y i n the S o c l o - t e r r i t o r i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n of the A r c t i c Drainage Dene" Ethnology ( 4 : 4 ) , 1 9 6 4 , pp. 3 6 I - 3 8 5 , i n her attempt t o d e s c r i b e the r e l a t i o n s h i p of members i n s m a l l hunting groups w i t h members of other hunting groups, and the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the l a r g e r t e r r i t o r i a l groups w i t h other t e r r i t o r i a l groups. 7 s e a s o n a l movement w i t h r e s p e c t to warfare (i960) and a n a l y z e d the e f f e c t s of the K l o n d i k e Gold Rush i n h i s study on T a t l i t K u t c h i n (1963). Other s t u d i e s have been d i r e c t e d toward s o c i a l problems. Honigmann (1965) and B a l i k c i (1968) d e s c r i b e d s o c i a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n i n c e r t a i n n o r t h e r n communities, i n c l u d i n g Old Crow. T h i s d i s i n t e g r a t i o n was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by d i s t r u s t f u l c o m p e t i t i o n , envy and e v i l thoughts t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s have f o r one another. M a r s h a l l (1970) g i v e s an example of t h i s c o n d i t i o n by d e s c r i b i n g the s o c i a l e f f e c t s from a s e r i e s of environmental changes. Research a l s o has occurred i n the f i e l d s of archaeology ( I r v i n g , 1968), p a l a e o n t o l o g y ( H a r r i n g t o n , 1971)* and pre-h i s t o r y m i g r a t i o n ( H a l l , 1969) w i t h i n the Old Crow r e g i o n . H a l l put forward the t h e s i s t h a t K u t c h i n were " d i s t i n c t l y mountain, not r i v e r i n e , people" (19&9: 328), but I r v i n g (1968j 19) and H a r r i n g t o n (1971: 59) have shown t h a t f o r a t l e a s t a part of the year people u t i l i z e d r i v e r v a l l e y s i n p r e - h i s t o r y times. There are three contemporary s t u d i e s of Old Crow (Welsh, 1970; Naysmith, 1971; B i s s e t and Meldrum, 1973). Naysmith's study (1971) c e n t r e s on the problems of a h u n t i n g - t r a p p i n g economy and f u t u r e wage employment f o r the v i l l a g e . B i s s e t and Meldrum (1973) assume t r a p p i n g and hunting w i l l become e x t i n c t i n t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n of 8 t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n i n O l d C r o w . B o t h s t u d i e s w e r e u n d e r t a k e n t o p r e d i c t t h e e c o n o m i c f u t u r e o f O l d C r o w . W e l s h (1970), w i t h a n h i s t o r i c a l v i e w , d e s c r i b e s t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n c h a n g i n g s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s a n d t h e n a t u r e o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . I t i s e v i d e n t t h a t n o n e o f t h e s t u d i e s h a v e a t t e m p t e d t o t o t a l l y i n t e g r a t e m a n a n d t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . T o t h i s p o i n t t h e a n a l y s i s o f p r e s e n t c o n d i t i o n s i n O l d C r o w h a s f a l l e n s h o r t . I t i s t h e i n t e n t o f t h i s t h e s i s t o a d d t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n m a n a n d h i s e n v i r o n m e n t . 2. L o c a t i o n a n d S e t t i n g o f t h e S t u d y A r e a ( a . ) P h y s i c a l G e o g r a p h y ( O l d C r o w , Y . T . : 67° 35* N , 139° 45' W ) T h e s t u d y a r e a i n c l u d e s t h e r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d d r a i n a g e b a s i n o f t h e P o r c u p i n e R i v e r i n t h e n o r t h e r n Y u k o n . I n t h i s l a n d l a r g e r i v e r s , s t r e a m s a n d n u m e r o u s l a k e s a b o u n d . T h e P o r c u p i n e R i v e r c r o s s e s t h i s a r e a i n a g e n e r a l l y w e s t w a r d d i r e c t i o n , o r i g i n a t i n g i n t h e O g i l v i e M o u n t a i n s , f i r s t f l o w i n g n o r t h , t h e n m e a n d e r i n g s l o w l y t h r o u g h a b r o a d f l a t p l a i n b e f o r e s w i n g i n g w e s t t h r o u g h t h e P o r c u p i n e P l a t e a u . T h e P o r c u p i n e R i v e r , O l d C r o w R i v e r , a n d a l l t h e i r t r i b u t a r i e s h a v e v a l l e y s w e l l b e l o w t h e g e n e r a l l e v e l o f t h e l a k e - c o v e r e d p l a t e a u . A m o s t s i g n i f i c a n t a r e a o f l a k e s i s l o c a t e d f i f t y 9 F IGURE 1.2 10 miles n o r t h of the Porcupine R i v e r , a broad b a s i n known as Old Crow F l a t s . The " F l a t s " abound i n w i l d l i f e t h a t have always p l a y e d a c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n i n the d i f f e r e n t K u t c h i n annual c y c l e s . Two other areas of heavy ponding occur immediately south of the Old Crow v i l l a g e , and i n the n o r t h e r n p o r t i o n of the Eagle P l a i n . E l e v a t e d areas e x i s t between the l a k e s and have a t h i c k cover of peat with dwarf b i r c h and s c a t t e r e d stunted spruce. For the remainder of the drainage a r e a the s o i l i s s i l t and c l a y of g l a c i o - l a c u s t r i n e o r i g i n . The po l y g o n a l network of r i d g e s i n the low l y i n g areas of the r e g i o n suggest an abundance of segregated i c e i n the form of i c e wedges and ground i c e . The Porcupine drainage'area i s u n d e r l a i n by continuous permafrost l o c a t e d w i t h i n two f e e t of the ground s u r f a c e (Naysmith, 1971: 20). When the i n s u l a t i n g s u r f a c e l a y e r of peat i s d i s t u r b e d the permafrost melts t o depths of s e v e r a l f e e t with a great d e a l of subsidence o c c u r r i n g . G u l l i e s d r a i n i n g from the b a s i n s u r f a c e r a p i d l y i n c i s e themselves and on a number of occasions e n t i r e l a k e s b o r d e r i n g the main stream have been d r a i n e d . (b) The People of Old Crow Three K u t c h i n ' r e g i o n a l bands' are represented i n Old 11 Crow. K u t c h i n , or " d w e l l e r s " , are a d i s t i n c t i v e group of Northern Athapaskans (see P i g . # 1 . 1 ) . The people who o r i g i n a l l y i n h a b i t e d the Crow F l a t s were termed Vunta, meaning 'among the l a k e s ' . The Tukkuth K u t c h i n , who a t one time l i v e d i n the headwaters of the Porcupine R i v e r , were known as 'dwellers among the rocks a t the top of the creek'. The N a t s i t i n h a b i t e d the Upper Chandalar R i v e r and were 'dwellers above the timber'. The people of Old Crow no l o n g e r r e l a t e t o t h e i r o r i g i n a l t r i b e s and t r i b a l t e r r i t o r y . T h e i r home and l i f e i s i n Old Crow, brought t o g e t h e r by the "melting pot" (Osgood, 1936: 14) of the t r a d i n g post ( H a r r i n g t o n , 1 9 6 I 1 5 ) . Old Crow i s l o c a t e d on the n o r t h bank of the Porcupine R i v e r , a m i l e west of i t s j u n c t i o n w i t h the Old Crow R i v e r . Old Crow has maintained a remoteness, being a c c e s s i b l e only by a i r or water. In the summer of 1973 the n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n of Old Crow was one hundred and e i g h t y - t h r e e , predominantly 4 s t a t u s Indians and a small m i n o r i t y who are non-status . There was a white p o p u l a t i o n of e i g h t e e n . T h i s study focusses on those people i n the community who regard i t as a permanent J ' Q u a r r e l e r s ' and 'Loucheux' were o r i g i n a l l y used by e a r l y e x p l o r e r s and 'Loucheux* i s s t i l l used as the name of the K u t c h i n language. 4 Status and non-status I n d i a n s : Status Indians are those who a r e r e g i s t e r e d ( l e g a l l y ) as an Indian w i t h h i s name appearing on a band l i s t . He has a b o r i g i n a l or t r e a t y r i g h t s and can have r e s i d e n c e on a r e s e r v e or crown l a n d . Non-status Indians are those t h a t g i v e up the r i g h t , or Indian women who marry non-Indians, and a l l t h e i r descendants. 12 home; i t excludes the white people because none are permanent r e s i d e n t s . 3. M e t h o d o l o g i c a l Context (a) The E c o l o g i c a l Approach The present study employs an e c o l o g i c a l approach t o changes i n the s o c i a l and s p a t i a l arrangement of groups. We are i n t e r e s t e d , t h e r e f o r e , i n the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s of men, who behave i n space and who express s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and p e r c e p t i o n , and the encompassing environment ( B r o o k f I e l d , 1964: 284, 286). Ecology i s both an approach and a d i s t i n c t i v e f i e l d of study. The d i f f e r e n c e l i e s i n the major concern of the r e s e a r c h e r — whether one i s i n t e r e s t e d i n the t o t a l e c o l o g i c a l balance i n an ecosystem, or a p o p u l a t i o n ' s p l a c e i n a p a r t i c u l a r web of l i f e . ( i ) human ecology Barrows was f i r s t to suggest the importance of •hiuman ecology' t o geggraphy, i n 1923. His p l e a was a r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t the process ideas of Davis, and a g a i n s t Semple, who p r o f e s s e d R a t z e l ' s thoughts concerning the i n f l u e n c e of the p h y s i c a l environment on mankind. 13 Barrows (1923) put forward human ecology as the o r g a n i z i n g concept i n geography (p. 8) which he c o n s i d e r e d t o be r e g i o n a l geography. In otherwords, he suggested t h a t geography and human ecology were one and the same t h i n g (p. 3)• Those who f o l l o w e d Barrow's l e a d separated man and the environment by e i t h e r c o n s i d e r i n g the p h y s i c a l a s p e c t s of the environment alone (e.g. Wedel,.. 1961) , or man's e f f e c t s upon i t (e.g. Thompson, 196l). These s t u d i e s e s t a b l i s h e d the'man-land view' of human ecology (see Eyre and Jones, 1966). T h i s p o i n t of view has been e s p e c i a l l y f r u i t f u l i n s t u d i e s which are concerned with groups dependent upon the l a n d , p a r t i c u l a r l y indigenous groups i n t i m a t e l y l i n k e d w i t h the immediate environment. T h i s work has been common among a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s (e.g. Leacock, 195^; Murphy and Stewart, 1956) and geographers (e.g. H e i d e n r e i c h , 1963; Poote and Will i a m s o n , I966; B r o o k f i e l d , 1968). Downs (1970) s t a t e d t h a t a l l man-land r e l a t i o n s h i p s are e s s e n t i a l l y e c o l o g i c a l (p. 68) while M i k e s e l l (1967) c o n s i d e r e d the common border between geography and anthropology t o be the man-land view of 'human ecology', which he termed ' c u l t u r a l ecology'. The concept of c u l t u r a l ecology was o r i g i n a l l y l a b e l l e d by the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t J u l i a n Steward (195*0. He f e l t t h a t the e c o l o g i c a l approach c o u l d be used t o e x p l a i n the adjustment of c u l t u r a l f e a t u r e s "which are In-most c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s and economic arrangements" (195^ -s 36). He was most i n t e r e s t e d i n how p a r t i c u l a r v a r i a b l e s f u n c t i o n e d together (Vayda and Rappaport, 1968: 485). C a r l Sauer s i m i l a r l y s t a t e d t h a t t o understand human a s s o c i a t i o n s we must examine the development of land-use p r a c t i c e s , a sequence of events, w i t h r e s p e c t t o the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n (1941: 360). B r o o k f i e l d (1964: 286) added t h a t the i n n e r workings of c u l t u r e and the reasons f o r human behaviour must a l s o be i n c l u d e d t o understand the processes of land and resource e x p l o i t a t i o n p a t t e r n s . M i k e s e l l i n c l u d e d e m p i r i c a l f a c t o r s of landscape and l i v e l i h o o d , as w e l l as the i n v i s i b l e s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l b a s i s f o r these p a t t e r n s (1967: 628-629). An a l t e r n a t i v e view of 'human ecology' i s the ' s p a t i a l view' t h a t o r i g i n a t e d i n the Chicago s c h o o l of s o c i o l o g y i n the 1920's. I t d e f i n e d 'human ecology' a s : " ... a study of the s p a t i a l and temporal r e l a t i o n s of human beings as a f f e c t e d by the s e l e c t i v e , d i s t r i b u t i v e , and accommodation f o r c e s of the environment." (McKenzie, 1924: 18) Park (1936) d e a l t w i t h man's place i n the web of l i f e ; the balance of nature; the concepts of co m p e t i t i o n , dominance, s u c c e s s i o n , and symbiosis; and b i o l o g i c a l economics. F a r i s (I967) s t a t e d , i n r e t r o s p e c t , t h a t the method of the human e c o l o g i s t was to i s o l a t e the symbiotic elements i n human 15 l i f e (p. 46). McKenzie (1924: 18) f e l t that i n order t o understand the s p a t i a l behaviour of people, human ecology was a necessary p e r s p e c t i v e t o discover the s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p among populations and t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n s . Modern views of the s o c i a l e c o l o g i c a l school have dropped the idea that the community i s a b i o l o g i c a l organism and s p a t i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s not n e c e s s a r i l y viewed i n a symbiotic s t a t e (e.g. Rowland, 1972; or Peuker and Rase, 1971). A t h i r d a l t e r n a t i v e view of 'human ecology' i s the modelling (Stoddart, I967), or systems view (Morgan and Moss, 1965). This view has been expressed o f t e n i n terms of socio-economic v a r i a b l e s (e.g. Schnore, 196l; or Naysmith, 1971). The o b j e c t i v e of t h i s view i s t o provide a p r e c i s e q u a n t i t a t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n , or p r e d i c t i o n , or r e l a t i o n s h i p s between resources and t h e i r u t i l i z a t i o n . F a c t o r i a l ecology (e.g. Black, 1973)1 based upon m u l t i v a r i a t e f a c t o r a n a l y s i s , could e a s i l y be drawn methodologically i n t o t h i s systems view. Within the l i t e r a t u r e there i s c o n f l i c t about the use of the e c o l o g i c a l approach. One argument i s d i r e c t e d towards whether the i n t e r a c t i o n between man and the environment should be viewed f u n c t i o n a l l y , i n an i s o l a t e d p e r i o d of time, .or h i s t o r i c a l l y . The second argument a r i s e s over the dualism of man and the environment by separating r a t h e r than i n t e g r a t i n g the e f f e c t s on each other. The c o n f l i c t remains; we must r e a l i z e that the environment, 16 c u l t u r a l development, and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n cannot be separated. ( i i ) ecology i n A r c t i c s t u d i e s In the A r c t i c and s u b - A r c t i c one cannot separate the indigenous people from t h e i r environment. They were a t the top of the food c h a i n s u b s i s t i n g t o t a l l y on r e s o u r c e s the environment o f f e r e d . Much of the e a r l y work documenting the s u b s i s t e n c e and m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e s , remarked on p a r t i c u l a r a d a p t a t i o n s t o environment (e.g. Jones, 1866; and Murray, 1 9 1 0 ) . Others drew a t t e n t i o n t o the r e l a t i v e congruence of c u l t u r a l areas and n a t u r a l areas (e.g. Stefansson, 1913; and Osgood, 1 9 3 ^ ) . R e c e n t l y , w i t h economic expansion, and i n d u s t r i a l development, a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of s t u d i e s has i n c r e a s e d our understanding. P o s s i b l y the most profound study was P r o j e c t C h a r i o t , which i n c l u d e d work i n human geography ( S a a r i o and K e s s e l , 1966; and Foote and W i l l i a m s o n , I 9 6 6 ) as an i n t e g r a l p a r t of a study on planned e c o l o g i c a l change. In Canada, the Department of 5 Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development (I.A.N.D.) i n i t i a t e d s t u d i e s i n the l a t e 1 9 5 0 's f o r r e g i o n a l economic development programmes (e.g. Tanner, 1 9 6 6 ) . 5 Formerly Northern A f f a i r s and N a t i o n a l Resources (N.A.N.R.). 17 S t u d i e s now tend t o focus on the ecology and economy of s m a l l v i l l a g e s (e.g. M a r s h a l l , 1970; and Usher, 1970) and the behaviour w i t h i n these v i l l a g e s (Welsh, 1970) and t e r r i t o r i e s (Sonnenfeld, 1 9 6 7 ) . These s t u d i e s have p r o v i d e d i n f o r m a t i o n on the economic trends of communities (Arbess, I 9 6 7 ) ; the p o t e n t i a l of resource development f o r p a r t i c u l a r r e g i o n s ( H i l l , 1967; Naysmith, 1 9 7 1 ) ; and the s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g demographic s t u d i e s , w i t h i n c e r t a i n communities (Honigmann and Honigmann, 1 9 6 5 ; Smith, 1 9 7 1 ) . The s t u d i e s have been st r o n g i n d e s c r i p t i o n and have p r o v i d e d a wealth of r e f e r e n c e i n f o r m a t i o n . However, wi t h few exceptions (Usher, 1971) the s t u d i e s have not pro v i d e d adequate a l t e r n a t i v e s i n s o l v i n g socio-economic d e p r e s s i o n i n the communities. Most s t u d i e s o r i g i n a t e from a c e n t r a l problem t h a t i s evident over the A r c t i c : settlement l i f e has not s a t i s f i e d the needs of sedentary people. Land a c t i v i t i e s , the c e n t r e of economic and s o c i a l l i f e w i t h i n the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n s , have been d e c l i n i n g . Old Crow i s no ex c e p t i o n and although there has been a marked i n c r e a s e i n l a n d a c t i v i t i e s s i n c e 1 9 7 0 , we must be c a u t i o u s i n p r e d i c t i n g t h i s t r e n d f o r the f u t u r e . 18 ( i i i ) e c o l o g i c a l approach i n the present study The t h e s i s i s i n t e r e s t e d i n the s p a t i a l change of resource u t i l i z a t i o n over time by the indigenous people of Old Crow. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the study examines how changes i n i n t e r a c t i o n between environmental and socio-economic c o n d i t i o n s a f f e c t the s p a t i a l and s o c i a l behaviour of people i n the r e g i o n . Thus, the present approach takes the man-land view of human, or c u l t u r a l , ecology. I t i s concerned with the nature of the resources themselves, the s p a t i a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s i n the u t i l i z a t i o n of the r e s o u r c e s , the e f f e c t s of these on s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s of the community, and the consequent changes i n these c o n d i t i o n s t h a t a f f e c t the nature of r e s o u r c e s . Many s t u d i e s ( B r o o k f i e l d , 1964; Vayda and Rappaport, 1968; Kaplan and Manners, 1972) used the term ' e f f e c t i v e environment', r a t h e r than 'environment'. B r o o k f i e l d d e f i n e d t h i s concept as "the l a n d as r e s o u r c e s " (1964: 287), while Vayda and Rappaport d e s c r i b e d i t as "the c o g n i t i v e environment" (1968: 490). More r e c e n t l y , Kaplan and Manners used the concept as t h a t environment which i s " c o n c e p t u a l i z e d , u t i l i z e d , and m o d i f i e d by man" (1972: 79). T h i s present study encompasses man and the environment r a t h e r than s e p a r a t i n g them, and avoids the f u n c t i o n a l -h i s t o r i c a l argument. Although the primary g o a l i s to understand the s p a t i a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s of resource u t i l i z a t i o n as i t changed over time, we must a l s o i n c l u d e the p a r a l l e l 19 changes i n the s o c i a l structure. A l l these socio-economic variables are a product of culture and culture change, and are manifested i n northern communities such as Old Crow. As the values of an invading culture become dominant, the view of resources changes. I t w i l l be shown that even land becomes a resource and therefore the areal extent of that land I t s e l f becomes a c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . (b) T e r r i t o r y and T e r r i t o r i a l i t y One theme of the thesis i s to examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the physical land use around Old Crow and the community's s p a t i a l image of i t s t e r r i t o r y . The concept 'effective environment' i s important here but cannot be e a s i l y defined s p a t i a l l y . Yet i t i s i n t h i s environment that a l l human a c t i v i t y occurs and a l l behaviour i s e l i c i t e d ; i t engulfs a l l of a group's a c t i v i t i e s - they l i v e i n i t , shape i t , and are products of i t . This i s most evident i n an indigenous society where the group's l i v e l i h o o d i s dependent on the physical environment. The concept of t e r r i t o r y may be u s e f u l l y employed here to give the 'effective environment' s p a t i a l bounds. In addition, i t represents an area that i s behavlourally important to the perceiver. T e r r i t o r i a l i t y should also be introduced to d i s t i n g u i s h between the idea of s p a t i a l extent and the i n t e n s i t y of commitment by individuals and a community 20 to this territory. In summary, territory is an assigned area determined by the c r i t e r i a used, while t e r r i t o r i a l i t y comprises the behaviour and cognitive processes of dominating, controlling, and belonging to a specific space. These concepts are important for the understanding of human behaviour. In an experimental situation It was shown that i f th© designed environment was changed, Individual behaviour also changed (Stea, 1 9 6 9 ) . One's territory is both learned and instinctual (Lymann and Scott, 1 9 6 ? : 236) and i f the territory were to be encroached upon, some reaction would result that expressed t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . Bragdon (1967) decided that a deep attachment to the land provided a sense of identity for the people who obtained their livelihood from i t . The loss of this identity was described by Bourne (1955) during the urban invasion of small self-supporting rural parishes near London in late 1 9 t h century England; l i f e became meaningless as social conditions altered and people could not adapt. Happaport's study (1968) in New Guinea indicated the attachment primitive people have for their land through a symbolic r i t u a l of defending their territory. Boal ( I 9 6 9 ) has shown that the image of a territory based on religious identity in Belfast affects spatial behaviour. The obvious importance for spatial behaviour has turned the attention of some geographers to the study of 21 human t e r r i t o r i a l i t y (e.g. Doherty, 1 9 6 9 ; % l e s , 1 9 7 0 ; SosJa, 1.97.1.; Porteous, 1 9 7 1 ) . Philip Wagner ( I 9 6 0 ) viewed the p o l i t i c a l divisioning of the world as a dominating behaviour, expressed in terms of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . However, like many writers on human t e r r i t o r i a l i t y (Hall, 1 9 6 6 ; Ardrey, 1 9 6 6 ) , Wagner's main concern was in presenting an organizational model of human t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . Other than these taxonomies, until recently, l i t t l e has been known about the implications of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y on human behaviour and even less is known about the effect of t e r r i t o r i a l change on that behaviour. Territory is not separate from t e r r i t o r i a l i t y ~ the assigned area of a particular group is that space which a l l members of the group identify as belonging to them. To this end, one may ask what w i l l happen to feelings of identity and commitment i f there Is a change in the area of jurisdiction; Is t e r r i t o r i a l i t y an integral element of social-cultural identity, or more simply a fear of losing the resources of the effective environment? The ultimate purpose is to shed light on the relationship between man and his environment and provide for a continuation of meaningful integration in a society of ever increasing complexity. 22 (c) The Problem By u s i n g t h e t e r r i t o r i a l c oncept as t h e v e h i c l e i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g man's i n t e g r a t i o n w i t h h i s environment, we l o o k s p e c i f i c a l l y a t how man behaves i n space. These a r e major i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r f u t u r e development o f t h e s e t t l e m e n t , n o t o n l y i n terms o f economic e x p a n s i o n , b u t a l s o i n terms o f m i g r a t i o n a l streams o f young p e o p l e , and t h e i n f o r m a t i o n f l o w s t h a t e x i s t from one g e n e r a t i o n t o t h e n e x t . P e t e r G o u ld (1966) has shown t h a t p e o p l e ' s a c t i o n s i n a p a r t i c u l a r p l a c e a r e r e l a t e d t o t h e p e r c e p t i o n o f t h a t p l a c e and d i f f e r e n t i a l e v a l u a t i o n s t h e y p l a c e on d i f f e r e n t p o r t i o n s o f i t . I t i s e s s e n t i a l t o f o c u s on t h e group s i n c e t h e group i s h e l d t o g e t h e r by common v a l u e s toward t h e c o n t r o l and use o f t h e i r p o r t i o n o f space. W h i l e a p o r t i o n o f t h e group's v i e w p o i n t i s q u i t e p a r t i c u l a r t o each i n d i v i d u a l , a n o t h e r p a r t i s s h a r e d , w h i c h a l l o w s t h e members t o o p e r a t e as a u n i t . ( i ) t h e h y p o t h e s i s What i s t h e s p a t i a l consequence o f sooio-economic change? T h i s t h e s i s examines t h e impact o f c u l t u r a l , 23 economic, and environmental changes on the s p a t i a l behaviour of a r e l a t i v e l y isolated indigenous society. With new values introduced by c u l t u r a l and economic factors, i n conjunction with c e r t a i n a l t e r a t i o n s i n the 'effective environment', changes are created i n the s p a t i a l behaviour of the people, with p a r a l l e l changes i n the t e r r i t o r i a l image possessed by them. ( i i ) data and sample size The population f o r the current study was determined by the number of adults, that i s people over 17 years of age, who resided i n Old Crow. The age of 17 was used as the lower boundary f o r the population because people any younger were attending school, dependent on parents, and had no say i n community p o l i t i c s . With the exception of family allowance, those younger than 17 had l i t t l e d i r e c t economic impact on the community. The sampling procedures followed a combination of nonprobability methods ( S e l l l t z , et a l , 1959« 516). With a constant inflow and outflow of people there was no guarantee that the t o t a l population could be interviewed within the time constraints. Thus, the aim was to obtain a sample of at least 66%, The necessity of such a large sample portion was considered 24 c r i t i c a l "because of the s m a l l p o p u l a t i o n s i z e . Quota sampling was used to guarantee t h a t a l l d i v e r s e elements w i t h i n the p o p u l a t i o n were taken i n t o account. The f i n a l sample s i z e , 77 people, or 74$ of the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n , was s u f f i c i e n t f o r our needs. ( i i i ) procedures and measurements Q u a n t i t a t i v e data were obtained through i n t e r v i e w i n g and a v a i l a b l e s t a t i s t i c a l r e c o r d s . The data were used to p o r t r a y the c u r r e n t socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Old Crow people and provide i n f o r m a t i o n on t h e i r a t t i t u d e toward t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . Interviews l a s t i n g from one to t h r e e hours were secured from a l a r g e sample of r e s i d e n t s i n the community. I n d i v i d u a l s of the community had been h i r e d and t r a i n e d t o t h i s end because i t was f e l t t h a t o l d e r people would be more r e l a x e d and w i l l i n g t o share t h e i r experience w i t h some of the young people i n town, r a t h e r than with s t r a n g e r s . A v a i l a b l e s t a t i s t i c a l r e c o r d s , other documents, and p u b l i s h e d sources served t o supplement the i n t e r v i e w d a t a . The nature of the data d i c t a t e d the need f o r i n t e r v i e w i n g . I t i s t h i s method t h a t i s most e f f e c t i v e f o r g a t h e r i n g i n f o r m a t i concerning i n d i v i d u a l s who are d i f f i c u l t to observe. Wherever 25 possible, the interview information was cross-checked by available records or by verbal confirmation with another member of the v i l l a g e . This was necessary to validate the accuracy of the informants, especially when r e c a l l i n g past events from memory. By v a l i d a t i n g the data through these techniques, r e l i a b i l i t y was also provided among Individual interviewers and each interview. The concept of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n Old Crow may be measured i n numerous ways. One method was by mapping movement, showing the areas of intensive use. This took the form of nodes and paths to create a network over the region. Another method located the s i t e and amount of game acquired by individuals i n the town. The procedures provided the precise l o c a t i o n and in t e n s i t y of use f o r d i f f e r e n t locations and the extent of physical land use. The image of the community's t e r r i t o r y was obtained through cognitive mapping (Downs, 1970s 6 7 )• Foote and Williamson (1966) used cognitive mapping to i d e n t i f y the extent of s p a t i a l knowledge that the people of Cape Thompson, Alaskai had of t h e i r region. They assumed that the responses were not necessarily expressions of 6 See Appendix I for questionnaire. 26 t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , but rather were only f i x i n g features that people f e l t important i n t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . This method measures interpreted t e r r i t o r y rather than t e r r i t o r y used. T e r r i t o r i a l i t y , the process of occupying, claiming, defending, and i d e n t i f y i n g with an area, can be measured by the i n t e n s i t y of a person's reaction to a threat on what i s considered his t e r r i t o r y . A threat was presented to our Informants i n the form of a p i p e l i n e , pumping stations and construction "camps and they responded either p o s i t i v e l y or negatively toward them. Another idea f a l l s into the question of how much the land, i t s e l f , r e a l l y means to the people, not only i n terms of possession but i n terms of how much the people are part of the land. This may be determined i n d i r e c t l y by measuring the attitude people have toward other economic opportunities that are not land related. In summary, we have measured not only the development and current status of socio-economic conditions i n Old Crow, but also the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the environment and people of Old Crow through use and perception. 27 CHAPTER II PEOPLE AND PLACE: OLD CROW'S HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT With the opening of a trading post i n 1 9 1 2 , Old Crow became an established settlement ( B a l l k c i , 1 9 6 3 : 3 5 ) • Old Crow's development, from the beginning, was d i r e c t l y 7 related to influences from 'outside' . As a re s u l t of white contact, t r a d i t i o n a l material and s o c i a l culture, seasonal movements, and locations changed considerably. A. TRADITIONAL MATERIAL AND SOCIAL CULTURE 1 . Seasonal Movement and Location The Kutchin were primarily a hunting people whose quest for food depended la r g e l y on the seasonal migration of the caribou. Fishing was a secondary, summer a c t i v i t y . Despite the r e l a t i v e abundance and variety of foodstuffs, game was migratory and the quest f o r food hard and uncertain. 7 The people of Old Crow responded i n a variety of ways to what i s meant by 'outside'. The term i s r e l a t i v e . Residents of Whltehorse, Inuvik, and Yellowknife r e f e r to 'outside' as any l o c a t i o n i n southern Canada. Residents of Old Crow re f e r to the same d e f i n i t i o n but also include statements such as outside v i l l a g e l i m i t s , or more generally, places outside the Porcupine River drainage area. FIGURE 2.1 29 Thus, Kutchin l i f e was f l e x i b l e , s h i f t i n g with the changes i n season, and adjusting to many environmental v a r i a t i o n s . Spring, p r i o r to break-up, was the time of movements for the Kutchin. After being dispersed throughout the forests a l l winter, they began to congregate along major r i v e r a r t e r i e s to await break-up and the annual northern migration of caribou. The spring hunt was described i n the following manner: "When the caribou entered the water, men would paddle a canoe ri g h t up on the animal's back and l e t i t rest there. At f i r s t the caribou would s t r i k e but with i t s forefeet to r i d i t s e l f of the canoe but would then content i t s e l f with merely swimming fa s t e r . Through fear, the herd of caribou would spread a l i t t l e , making a path for the one bearing the canoe, and the man armed with a spear with a caribou a n t l e r point would stab the animals on each side of him." (Leechman, 195^: 6) Prom the spring hunt Tukkuth and Vunta s h i f t e d into the smaller tributary streams and lake areas along the Porcupine. Here f i s h traps were constructed and moose and waterfowl were hunted. Other Kutchin were found i n the tundra area during spring and summer with a few going into the r i v e r valleys to f i s h and hunt moose. Summer was the time to renew old acquaintances, trade, and prepare for the next winter. The hunting season began earnestly i n f a l l , when the caribou herds started t h e i r southern migration. From the summer f i s h camp locations people scattered along the h i l l s 30 above the trees to attend c o r r a l s . Everyone took part: "As soon as the herd approached, boys, men and women t r i e d to run behind the caribou, Imitating the cry of the wolf, and attempting to drive the herd toward the opening of the surround." ( B a l i k c i , 1 9 6 3 : 15-16) Immediately a f t e r the hunt the animals were butchered and cached by drying or freezing. People engaged i n the hunt at each surround then prepared for the winter by forming a large "meat camp", which stayed together u n t i l the game was depleted. The people then divided into small groups and dispersed throughout the wintering grounds of the caribou u n t i l spring once again a r r i v e d . 2 . Hunting and Fishing Fishing and hunting were.basically communal e f f o r t s although individuals might f i s h and hunt alone. Driving caribou into enclosures, or surrounds, was the p r i n c i p a l hunting method used i n the f a l l . Osgood described the surround as: "Posts about four feet high are set i n the ground to form an enclosure roughly c i r c u l a r i n form. Between these posts, poles and brush prevent the caribou from escaping except through narrow openings about eight feet apart i n which snares are set. One side of the surround i s open and from t h i s entrance stretch out two l i n e s of posts ever widening l i k e the mouth of a funnel ... caribou which have entered the trap w i l l be a f r a i d to run any other d i r e c t i o n except that which leads to the snare-set enclosure." (Osgood, 1936: 25) 31 Surrounds were owned by a single person, usually an experienced hunter of the group, who directed i t s construction and use. The owner of the surround took charge of the game captured and d i s t r i b u t e d the meat (Osgood, 1936: 115; Welsh, 1 9 7 0 : 2 2 ) . The eldest son normally Inherited ownership of a surround, but a more capable brother could supersede him i n that r i g h t (Osgood, 1936: 1 3 5 ) . In winter the people followed the migrating herds into the forested lower slopes, capturing:them by encirclement. As the frightened animals attempted to escape the r i n g of bowmen, they were k i l l e d . Other times a surround of snares was crudely and hurriedly constructed i n the fo r e s t . Other animals were hunted on an ind i v i d u a l basis. Moose were captured by ambush and snares placed around lakes favoured by them. During the winter moose had to be run down (Osgood, 1 9 3 6 : 2 6 ; McKennan, 1965: 3 2 ) . Mountain sheep were hunted, p a r t i c u l a r l y by the Tukkuth and Natsit, by climbing to the leeward above the sheep so that the animals could not escape upwards (Osgood, 1936: 3 6 ) . Bears hunted during the winter were pulled from t h e i r dens and clubbed. Smaller game such as rabbit, groundhog, s q u i r r e l , and ptarmigan were snared as well during the winter. P i t f a l l s were set for wolverine, porcupine and lynx. Salmon f i r s t appeared i n early July along the Yukon and Porcupine Rivers. Fish traps were located only on 32 small tributary streams, where the water was shallow enough to permit building weirs across them. Salmon going upstream to spawn would s t r i k e the V-shaped weir and follow i t from one bank to another, eventually entering a willow pole trap which was positioned below one end (Osgood, 1936: 13)-Like the caribou surround, there was ownership of a f i s h i n g l o cation, which the eldest son could i n h e r i t . The rig h t to the f i s h i n g s i t e s was held from one year to the next, but i f the 'owner' did not occupy the s i t e for a season i t could be taken over and retained by another. It was the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the 'owner' to arrange and dir e c t the construction of the wier, and to keep close vigilance for schools of f i s h and f l u c t u a t i o n i n water l e v e l . 3. Dress. Shelter and Travel In summer, garments were made of caribou skin, tanned without the h a i r . Shirts were cut a few inches above the knee and trousers were connected i n one piece to footwear which had soles from the necksin of caribou and a second layer of moose skin. Winter dress for the most part duplicated that of summer except that the hair was l e f t on the skin and i t was turned Inward. Hoods.were not part of the garment. 33 McKennan (1965) and Osgood (1936) mentioned several types of Kutchin dwellings i n pre-contact time: skin-covered dome lodges, teepees, moss covered houses, and lean-tos. The moss-house was constructed soon a f t e r the ground was frozen and occupied u n t i l mid-winter. The semi-permanent skin-covered dwellings were made of t h i n spruce or willow poles that were bent and dried. For added i n s u l a t i o n during the winter, snow was heaped over the structure. During the summer the semi-permanent structure was preferred for i t s lightness. These were ca r r i e d to the caribou hunting range i n the l a t e summer. Teepees and lean-tos were of a temporary nature, used p a r t i c u l a r l y when on the t r a i l . Summer transportation varied immensely among the Kutchin. The bi r c h bark canoe and moose skin boat were the most Important water c r a f t . On the other hand, those who hunted primarily i n the f o o t h i l l s used narrow pointed r a f t s for crossing r i v e r s . Although birch was indigenous to the Crow River area, there was a s c a r c i t y of good canoe size trees. Canoes were obtained from people downstream i n the Yukon Fla t s (Leechman, 1954: 2 6 ) . "Snowshoes, sleds and dog packs were used i n land t r a v e l " ( B a l i k c i , 1 9 6 3 : 2 1 ) . Sleds, pulled by the women, and occasionally by men, were small and narrow with both ends curved upwards. The low carrying capacity of the sleds dictated the need for packing dogs. 3k k. S o c i a l Organization In pre-contact time two m a t r i l i n e a l clans existed which were s o c i a l units cutting across a l l . t r i b a l groups. The clans were exogamous, termed Crow and Wolf. Exogamy was not rigorously observed, so a t h i r d category c l a s s i f i e d the children of endogamous marriages. Children of a middle clan woman a f f i l i a t e d with the clan of t h e i r grandmother. It was the clan system that provided a strong s o c i a l u nit, increased cohesion within the t r i b e and provided peaceful r e l a t i o n s between d i f f e r e n t t r i b e s . The clan system provided a framework for the exercise of a chieftan-ship system ( B a l i k c i , 1963: 2 7 ) . There were f i v e classes of c h i e f s : economic chi e f s , owners of caribou surrounds and f i s h traps; war ch i e f s , the leaders of war a c t i v i t i e s ; clan chiefs whose concern was the s o c i a l organization of the clan; Shamen or s p i r i t u a l leaders; and t r i b a l c h i e f s . Shamen challenged the power of other chiefs and may have been the most i n f l u e n t i a l of a l l . B?. EARLY POST-CONTACT. CULTURE The agents of c u l t u r a l change were motivated by d i f f e r e n t causes at various times. There were those whose task i t was to f i n d a sea route to the P a c i f i c . Others, 35 such as fur traders and gold miners, were interested only i n e xploiting the riches of the north. The discovery of new land and people opened the way for missionaries. The Government also made a strong commitment to develop the North, to a l l e v i a t e s o c i a l and economic problems and protect Canadian soverlgnty. In some way each has l e f t i t s mark on the land and the people. 1. Contact History (a) Pur Traders The fur trader had the most profound influence on the t r a d i t i o n a l Kutchin way of l i f e . B a l i k c i stated that the f i r s t imported items were iron spears of Russian o r i g i n ( B a l i k c i , 1963s 3 *0 . The spears were obtained through t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e r - t r i b a l trade ventures downriver. The f i r s t Russians, Bering and Chirikof ( 1 7 4 1 ) , were followed by fur traders who spread along the coast i n pursuit of valued sea otter p e l t s . By 1784 the Russian-American Company had established i t s headquarters at Kodiak, and many traders were known to be l i v i n g at the head of Cook Inlet i n 1794 (McClellan, 1964: 5). The headquarters moved in 1801 to Sitka, i n the heart of T l l n g l t t e r r i t o r y ( i b i d ) . Figure 2.2 shows the l o c a t i o n of the early contact fur trading posts. 36 FIGURE 2.2 37 The Russians also penetrated from the west, up the Yukon River, St. Michael was established on the coast in 1833 while Nulato was built on the Yukon River, 50 miles downstream from i t s confluence with the Koyukuk River, in I838. In this region the Tanana Indians operated as middlemen between Europeans and native people farther up river. Middlemen attempted to exert as much control as possible over their monopoly by: sealing off the country and establishing blockades "which successfully prevented whites from entering the area, or. Athabaskans from leaving i t " (McClellan, 1964: 5). Direct access to Kutchin country was accomplished from the east, even though for a great length of time exploration and trading were restricted to the, Mackenzie drainage system. Sir Alexander Mackenzie was probably the f i r s t to come into direct contact with the Kutchin in 1789 (Osgood, 1936: 47). He called the people "Quarrelers" (Mackenzie, 1801: 7 2 ) , "the people who avoid the arrows of their enemies, by keeping a look out on both sides" (Franklin, 1828: 24). A permanent trading establishment opened in 1805 at Ft. Good Hope on the Mackenzie River but was not conveniently located for a large volume of trade. In 1826 Franklin learned that none of the Peel River inhabitants actually traded at Ft. Good Hope (Franklin, 1828: 182) because i t 38 was too far from their traditional hunting territory (Wolforth, 1970: 5 3 ) . Consequently, a major effort was made to establish a fur trading post closer to Western Kutchin. Also, the establishment ofawestern post was necessary to check Russian trade. Richardson observed M ... the goods which the Mountain Indians exchange with the Esquimaux at Herschel Island are very unlike those issued by the Hudson's Bay Company Post, I conclude they obtain them from the Russians" (Franklin, 1828: 180). Peel's River, later Ft. McPherson, was constructed in 1840. The fort was unsuccessful at f i r s t as the location was north of the Kutchin customary: hunting and fishing grounds, and south of the areas used by Eskimos. The fort, located on the Peel River about 35 miles upstream from the river mouth, was situated in the dangerous neutral territory between Kutchin and Eskimo (Slobodin, 1962: 18). Kutchin of the Peel River headwaters were not interested in Ft. McPherson because many of the commodities offered in trade were not of immediate need for the people (Wolforth, 1970* 62) and they were part of "that hinterland of fur trappers to which the Pacific coastal tribes had access" (Slobodin, 1963: 2 5 ). Tukkuth Kutchin of the Porcupine River frequented the fort more often than the Peel River people. As the Tlingit and Tanana operated as middlemen from the Pacific, the Tukkuth and Vunta operated from the Mackenzie. 39 I t i s evident that the l a t t e r were vigorous i n protecting t h e i r position, from Richardson's account of "Mountain Indians", who attempted to v i o l e n t l y overtake his trading and exploring party, i n 1826 ( i n Franklin, 1828: 179). He stated that these people had been trading at Hersehel Island and a f t e r r e a l i z i n g the threat of the Europeans "resolved on coming down i n a body to destroy us" ( i b i d ) . These mountain people were probably Vunta, as trading with Hersehel Eskimos was not uncommon among them (Osgood, 1936: 45; Leechman, 1954: 2 6 ) . The f i r s t d i r e c t European contact i n the t e r r i t o r y came with the establishment of Ft. Yukon i n 1847 (Osgood, 1936: 17). It i s understandable that the natives c o n t r o l l i n g trade were h o s t i l e towards the post because i t destroyed the monopolistic conditions they held. The Kutcha Kutchin, i n whose t e r r i t o r y Ft. Yukon was located, were t o t a l l y dependent on the other t r i b e s (Kirkby, 1864: 418). 8 La Pierre House was opened i n 1846, on the B e l l River. It was the trans-shipment point for Ft. Yukon supplies. Goods being sent to Ft. Yukon from Ft. McPherson were shipped to La Pierre House and floated downriver. Furs from Ft. Yukon were shipped back to La Pierre House on the return run i n the summer, stored over the winter at La P i e r r e House, then forwarded to Ft. McPherson a f t e r break-up. g Also Lapierre House or Lapierre's House. 1 40 As a t r a d i n g c e n t r e La P i e r r e was r e l a t i v e l y i n a c t i v e , d e a l i n g only i n guns, ammunition, t e a , tobacco, and a few i r o n t o o l s , but no f o o d s t u f f s ( B a l i k c i , 1 9 6 3 : 3 5 ) . The Nakotcho K u t c h i n (Mackenzie F l a t s ) , Tukkuth (Upper P o r c u p i n e ) , and T a t l i t ( P e e l R i v e r ) became i n c r e a s i n g l y dependent on F t . McPherson while the Vunta (Old Crow), T r a n j i k ( B l a c k R i v e r ) , Kutcha (Yukon F l a t s ) , Tennuth ( B i r c h Creek), and N a t s l t (Chandalar) became dependent on F t . Yukon. In I867 the United S t a t e s purchased A l a s k a and the Hudson's Bay Company abandoned F t . Yukon s i n c e i t had been " d e l i b e r a t e l y b u i l t i n Alaska; i n order to counter R u s s i a n t r a d e r s working up the Yukon from S t . M i c h a e l " ( M c C l e l l a n , 1964: 5 ) . The Hudson's Bay Company moved i t s post u p r i v e r from F t . Yukon to Howling Dog i n 1867» and then t o Old Ramparts (I869). When the Alaska-Yukon boundary was surveyed i n 1889 the Company post was s t i l l i n American t e r r i t o r y , so moved once a g a i n , to New Ramparts, on the Canadian s i d e of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l boundary. The Hudson's Bay Company c l o s e d the New Ramparts post i n 1894, f o u r years a f t e r s h u t t i n g La P i e r r e House (Leechman, 195^* 2 6 ) . . Dan Cadzow, a p r i v a t e f u r t r a d e r , re-opened the New Ramparts post i n 1904 ( H a r r i n g t o n , 1 9 6 l : 5 )• Again the post a t t r a c t e d K u t c h i n t r a d e , as w e l l as some Eskimo t r a d e 41 ( B a l i k c i , 1963s 3 5 ) . Major f u r s traded were marten, mink and l y n x . Although Cadzow f i r s t i n t r o d u c e d s t e e l t r a p s f o r r a t t i n g i n 1 9 0 6 , i t was not an i n t e n s i v e a c t i v i t y a t t h a t time. (b) M i s s i o n a r i e s K u t c h i n took t o C h r i s t i a n i t y q u i t e r e a d i l y a c c o r d i n g t o K i r k b y ( 1 8 6 4 ) : "Before I l e f t ... (they) a l l e a r n e s t l y sought f o r pardon and grace. Oh, what a goodly s i g h t to see t h a t vast number on bended knees, worshipping t h i s God of t h e i r s a l v a t i o n , and l e a r n i n g t o s y l l a b l e the name of J e s u s . " ( K i r k b y , 1 8 6 4 : 419) In the n o r t h m i s s i o n a r i e s depended on the t r a d e r s ' t r a n s p o r t a t i o n networks, the t r a d e r s ' a b i l i t y to a c q u i r e the n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e , and the t r a d e r s ' posts which a c t e d as c e n t r e s f o r the n a t i v e people. The t r a d e r s and m i s s i o n a r i e s b a r e l y t o l e r a t e d each other. M i s s i o n a r i e s accused t r a d e r s of e x p l o i t i n g human beings ( c i t e d by D a i l e y , 1969) w h i l e t r a d e r s regarded m i s s i o n a r i e s as a d i s t r a c t i o n from t r a p p i n g ( c i t e d by E l l i s , 1 9 6 4 ) . Archdeacon Robert McDonald made h i s headquarters a t S t . Matthew's M i s s i o n , F t . McPherson, i n 1868. He e s t a b l i s h e d a m i s s i o n a t F t . Yukon, which moved up r i v e r t o New Ramparts House wit h the t r a d i n g p o s t . McDonald t r a v e l l e d throughout the Yukon and Porcupine systems, from the Mackenzie Delta to Ft. Yukon and Ft. Selkirk. It cannot be overlooked that McDonald was part Cree and soon a f t e r his a r r i v a l , he married a Peel River woman which enhanced his influence i n the area. He became a master of the Tukkuth and T a t l i t Loucheux d i a l e c t s and guided several selected men, generally economic or clan leaders, from each band to become catechists (Slobodin, 1962: 26). He also translated the Common Book of  Brayer i n I885 and the complete Bible i n I898. The Roman Catholic missionaries came into Kutchin country two. years e a r l i e r than the Anglicans but did not seem to have the same e f f e c t . Fr. G o l l l e r arrived at Ft. McPherson i n the summers of i860 and 1861 but did not stay on either occasion. Ft. McPherson was such a strong Anglican outpost for such noted missionaries as Bompas, Stringer, and McDonald that Catholics could not succeed i n Kutchin t e r r i t o r y . (c) Gold Seekers and Whalers The slow t r i c k l e of prospectors i n the 1890's was the f i r s t breach of the T l i n g i t blockade (McClellan, 1964: 6). Kutchin who inhabited the Ogilvie and Richardson Mountains heard about the Gold Rush from trade partners to the south and from parties of gold seekers who mistakenly sought an easy route to the gold f i e l d s by crossing the 43 divide from the Peel River system (Slobodin, 1963s 2 6 ) . The major route followed the Peel River to the Ogilvie Mountains and down to the Stewart and Yukon r i v e r s . A secondary route, longer i n distance b u t easier to t r a v e l was up the Rat River, crossing the divide at Summit Lake, and down the B e l l and Porcupine Rivers to the Yukon River. The prospectors progressed, by scow, up the r i v e r s u n t i l rapids impeded t h e i r Journey. The scows then were broken up and the prospectors waited u n t i l freeze-up to cross the mountains. Hardships were intense and prospectors were completely dependent on t h e i r Kutchin guides. Many of the Tukkuth and T a t l i t began to trade at Dawson City and for two decades t h e i r l i v e s were oriented toward the Yukon (Slobodin, 1963s 2 9 ) . The main items of trade were game and f i n e f u r s , which could be sold f o r much higher prices at the gold f i e l d s than at Ft. McPherson. This was es p e c i a l l y true In the winter when the demand for warm clothing and fresh meat was at i t s zenith. In summer, instead of f i s h i n g and trading at Ft. McPherson, employment could be had i n Dawson City (Slobodin, 1963s 2 9 ) . Vunta and Natsit traded with whalers at Hersehel and Barter Islands, using the old winter routes along the F i r t h and Blow Rivers. The whalers were I n i t i a l l y not interested i n trading with people of the region but as more whalers wintered on the coast they became dependent on native hunters for meat. Word of new, exotic trade 44 goods reached the Kutchin from Eskimo traders with whom they did business along the F i r t h River and at Ft. McPherson. By 1889 Kutchin people were known to be trading with whalers at Barter Island (Stockton, 1890s 186), and at Hersehel Island i n I896. Kutchin people preferred to trade with the whalers because commodities offered were cheaper and of greater var i e t y than those of the fur traders. The whalers were supplied with meat and driftwood i n return for tr;ade goods. These were primarily winter transactions, which reduced the amount of furs available for summer trading at the Hudson's Bay posts. Due to the dra s t i c reduction of indigenous trade the posts at New Ramparts and La Pierre House were closed. Consequently the people, being dependent on c e r t a i n white goods, had no other choice but to trade with whalers and gold rushers, or make the long hard t r i p to Ft. McPherson. Cadzow's re-opening of New Ramparts coincided with the dramatic f a l l i n price of baleen and the Vunta and Natslt again focussed on the trading posts. S t i l l l a t e r , i n 1918, the Tukkuth and T a t l i t were lured back to trading at Ft. McPherson with a r i s e i n the price of muskrat pelts (Slobodin, 1963: 29). 45 (d) The Government "Both the Gold Rush i n the Yukon and the whaling boom alo n g the A r c t i c Coast r e s u l t e d i n the appearance of the Royal Northwest Mounted P o l i c e .... In the Yukon the major concern had been t o prevent the lawlessness a s s o c i a t e d with Gold Rush towns i n A l a s k a spreading t o Canadian t e r r i t o r y . In the Beaufort Sea a r e a s , and elsewhere i n the A r c t i c , i t was to c o n f i r m Canadian r i g h t s t o the areas t h a t might otherwise be d i s p u t e d . " ( W o l f o r t h , 1970: 118-119) The p o l i c e were the only r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the government i n e a r l y c o n t a c t times. A post was e s t a b l i s h e d a t New Ramparts i n the l a t e 1890's, and a t H e r s c h e l I s l a n d i n 1903. The o f f i c e r s i n charge were o f t e n c a l l e d upon t o support those i n need and p r o t e c t them a g a i n s t commercial e x p l o i t a t i o n , although t h e r e was no p o l i c y toward the s o c i a l development of the n a t i v e people. The t o t a l e f f e c t of white c o n t a c t was t h a t the K u t c h i n people became o r i e n t e d and dependent on the i n s t i t u t i o n s of white s e t t l e m e n t . 2 . Changes i n the Way of L i f e Although a l l K u t c h i n s t i l l l i v e d on the l a n d a t the t u r n of the century, they d i d so w i t h imported equipment, 46 clothing and foodstuffs. A r i s e i n fur prices drew people to the trading post. Trapping became the central a c t i v i t y , changing r e s i d e n t i a l patterns and seasonal movement and also re-organizing the s o c i a l structure. Populations of Kutchin tribes were reduced by white introduced disease. The Tennuth of Birch Creek and Kutcha of Yukon Flats were completely annihilated (Osgood, 1 9 3 6 : 14-15). The Tukkuth and T a t l i t were decimated by measles contracted at Dawson City and spread to Ft. McPherson (Wolforth, 1 9 7 0 : 112; Wlesh, 1 9 7 0 : 24 - 2 5 ) . A b l i g h t i n g smallpox epidemic occurred at New Ramparts i n 1911 (Leechman, 195^: 1 3 ) . Natsit began to trade at Ft. Yukon, as well as reside at the post when i t was moved to Howling Dog, Old Ramparts, and New Ramparts. The smallpox epidemic was the catalyst for the entire community to once again move, sixfcy-five miles upriver to "Fish Trap Place" ( i b i d ) . It was not u n t i l the Tukkuth returned from Dawson City that they began to re-orient themselves, trading at Fish Trap Place rather than taking the long trek over the Richardson Mountains to Ft. McPherson. Tukkuth gradually merged with the Vunta and Natsit and began t r a v e l l i n g with them to the trading post. Later, t h i s condition was changed by the establishment of a trading post at Whitestone V i l l a g e , but when the post closed the Tukkuth went back to Fish Trap Place. 47 (a) Seasonal Movement and L o c a t i o n White c o n t a c t completely d i s r u p t e d seasonal hunting and f i s h i n g p a t t e r n s . In t r a d i t i o n a l times, summer t r a v e l was r e s e r v e d f o r a b o r i g i n a l t r a d i n g and r a i d i n g ( S l o b o d i n , 19^2: 59)* and i n p o s t - c o n t a c t times a t r i p t o the t r a d i n g post was i n c l u d e d (Welsh, 1970: 23). Posts were l o c a t e d on main r i v e r s so the people became centred on these a r t e r i e s . By 1908 " t r a d i n g had become an e s t a b l i s h e d a c t i v i t y , and s u p p l i e s had to be p e r i o d i c a l l y purchased a t the s t o r e i n exchange f o r f u r s " ( B a l i k c l , I963: 57). Since c o n t a c t there have been major changes i n the annual c y c l e of m i g r a t i o n . The t r a d i t i o n a l surrounds were sl o w l y abandoned i n favour of the major autumn hunt a t r i v e r c r o s s i n g s . More e f f i c i e n t i n d i v i d u a l methods supplanted the c o o p e r a t i v e methods. The r i f l e a llowed f o r more animals to be k i l l e d . Instead of m i g r a t i n g i n t o the f o r e s t s a f t e r the c a r i b o u the people d i s p e r s e d t o t r a p p i n g camps along the r i v e r (see Chapter I I I ) . M o b i l i t y i n c r e a s e d and t r a d i n g i n t e n s i f i e d , becoming a year round o c c u p a t i o n w i t h major e f f o r t s d i r e c t e d t o i t r a t h e r than t o s u b s i s t e n c e h u n t i n g . The s e a s o n a l i t y and l o c a t i o n of a l l K u t c h i n a c t i v i t i e s were permanently changed a f t e r white c o n t a c t . Summer i n -g a t h e r i n g s were r e l a t e d to the t r a d i n g post r a t h e r than 48 t r a d i t i o n a l f i s h trap locations. In addition there was a new time for t r i b a l gathering, at Christmas, which was dependent on the people 's mobility. Hunting s h i f t e d from the tundra to r i v e r crossings and winter a c t i v i t i e s were focussed on trapping rather than hunting. L a s t l y , transport a t i o n was completely re-oriented for greater speed and mobility, with terminals located at white trading e s t a b l i s h -ments and camps established on major waterways (Welsh, 1970s 23). Gradually a l l t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s were taken over by these new patterns. (b) Hunting, Fishing and Trapping The r i f l e and net gradually replaced the caribou surround and the f i s h trap. More game and f i s h could be captured with fewer people involved. There was no longer a need for cooperative organization and people became i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c i n t h e i r outlook. During the trapping season a l l types of game were shot along the t r a i l for food. Numerous caches would be set up with an abundant amount of food so that people could concentrate on trapping. When a hunt was necessary, a trapper would scout, without toboggan, u n t i l a herd was found. He took his k i l l , then returned for a dog team. If the herd was large, he returned to n o t i f y other trappers i n the area. 4-9 November marked the beginning of the mink season i n Old Crow F l a t s w i t h the t r a p p e r b r e a k i n g t r a i l and s e t t i n g t r a p s near lakes i n h a b i t e d by the animals. I d e a l l y , t r a p s were checked r e g u l a r l y because wolverines would d e s t r o y c a t c h e s . With the e x c e p t i o n of p e r i o d i c hunting i n t e r r u p t i o n s , t h i s p a t t e r n continued u n t i l Christmas. A f t e r Christmas marten were trapped from a s e r i e s of t r a p p i n g s e t t l e m e n t s a l o n g the Porcupine R i v e r (see Chapter I I I ) . I n i t i a l l y t r a p p i n g was a marginal a c t i v i t y t h a t r e s u l t e d i n t r a p p e r s s h i f t i n g e x t e n s i v e l y w i t h i n a r e g i o n . There was no ownership of t r a p p i n g areas or t r a p l i n e s . Two c o n d i t i o n s changed the s i t u a t i o n t o one of more permanent •ownership'. F i r s t l y , t here was the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t t r a p l i n e s would have to i n c r e a s e i n l e n g t h and a more systematic check on t r a p s was r e q u i r e d f o r g r e a t e r p r o d u c t i v i t y . Secondly, numerous white t r a p p e r s such as S c h u l t z , Johnson, F r o s t , L o r d , and Cody began to e x p l o i t i n d i v i d u a l areas w i t h a number of d i f f e r e n t l i n e s . Over a p e r i o d of time these t r a p p e r s i n f l u e n c e d the indigenous people i n the ways of ownership. "Systematic r a t t i n g w i t h i n the framework of f u r trade among the Vunta K u t c h i n d i d not s t a r t u n t i l the b e g i n n i n g of World War I " ( B a l i k c l , 1963: 41). R a t t i n g occurred on innumerable l a k e s i n Old Crow F l a t s . In December bef o r e heavy snow covered the r a t houses, t r a p p e r s proceeded to stake the houses. In March and A p r i l , a f t e r marten and 50 mink t r a p p i n g , r a t t i n g began i n earnest w i t h each person p l a c i n g unbaited s t e e l t r a p s i n s i d e the houses he had staked. By the end of A p r i l i t was no longer necessary t o put the t r a p s i n the houses but r a t h e r they were p l a c e d j u s t i n f r o n t of the r a t holes on the f l a t i c e . A f t e r break-up the r a t s were shot i n the water. The net r e s u l t was t h a t people began t o l i v e an i s o l a t e d bush e x i s t e n c e . During a hunt people would not c o l l a b o r a t e or share; they became simply a group of autonomous hunters who b e n e f i t t e d from a p a r t i c u l a r game c o n c e n t r a t i o n . (c) Dress, S h e l t e r and T r a v e l T r a d i t i o n a l c l o t h i n g was one of the f i r s t a s p e c t s of K u t c h i n m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e t o disappear a f t e r white c o n t a c t . A l l c l o t h i n g was abundantly decorated w i t h beads, purchased from the Hudson's Bay pos t . Imported c o l o u r e d woollen s h i r t s r e p l a c e d c a r i b o u s k i n s h i r t s , and l o c a l l y t a i l o r e d parkas from b l a n k e t s were p r e f e r r e d over the o l d garments. B a l i k c i concluded t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l c l o t h i n g continued t o be used by the tr a p p e r s but was te n d i n g toward e x t i n c t i o n (1963: 46). The f u r trade i n t r o d u c e d canvas t e n t s w i t h t i n stoves t o r e p l a c e the s k i n houses. At the t u r n of the century, l o g cabins were common. With the wint e r nomadic system v i r t u a l l y n o n - e x i s t a n t , t r a p p e r s no l o n g e r needed semi-permanent 51 d w e l l i n g s . People b u i l t l o g cabins on t h e i r t r a p l i n e s which p r o v i d e d b e t t e r p r o t e c t i o n from.winter elements as d i d the uncomfortable sod or s k i n houses. Breaking t r a i l , s e t t i n g t r a p s , and c o n s t a n t l y checking them r e q u i r e d t h a t the t r a p p e r be away from the c a b i n f o r a number of days a t which time he used the canvas t e n t , probably the same t e n t used f o r the summer gatherings a t the t r a d i n g post, as w e l l as the same d w e l l i n g used d u r i n g s p r i n g r a t t i n g . There was s u b s t a n t i a l change i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , due t o i n c r e a s e d m o b i l i t y and h e a v i e r l o a d s . The toboggan was i n t r o d u c e d to c a r r y heavy loads of f u r s from t r a p l i n e s t o t r a d i n g p o s t s , as w e l l as f o r h a u l i n g meat. Dogs were used to p u l l the s l e d and ensure the t r a p p e r c o n s i d e r a b l e m o b i l i t y and speed. " ... a team of seven dogs can e a s i l y p u l l a l o a d of three c a r i b o u " ( B a l i k c i , 1 9 6 3 : 46), and f r e q u e n t l y more than e i g h t dogs were harnessed t o g e t h e r . With l a r g e teams, more dog food was r e q u i r e d . T h i s was accomplished through more e f f i c i e n t methods of h unting and f i s h i n g . Dog teams reached t h e i r maximum s i z e i n the 1 9 4 0 's and 1 9 5 0 's. Imported canvas s u b s t i t u t e d f o r moose s k i n and b i r c h bark i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of water c r a f t . The white t r a p p e r s i n t r o d u c e d a long narrow f l a t - b o t t o m e d boat made of plywood, used f o r t r a n s p o r t i n g people, game and f u r s . I t was t h i s boat t h a t drove the r a f t and moose s k i n boat i n t o e x t i n c t i o n . E v e n t u a l l y these c r a f t s were equipped w i t h outboard motors 52 to f a c i l i t a t e even greater mobility. The canvas canoe, very small, l i g h t and manoeuverable, i s s t i l l used f o r shooting muskrat and for f i s h i n g . (d) S o c i a l Organization Increasing dependency on white goods l e d naturally to greater involvement with fur trading. The native people became t i e d to the "superordinate p o s i t i o n " ( B a l i k c i , 1963* 48) of the trading post which controlled t h e i r economic po s i t i o n and alte r e d t h e i r s o c i a l organization. White contact on Kutchin society destroyed t r a d i t i o n a l leadership forms. Also, many Kutchin people believe that missionary a c t i v i t y played an important r o l e i n bringing Eskimo-Kutchin h o s t i l i t i e s to a close. To be sure, the traders made attempts to resolve h o s t i l i t i e s and ,in that way could a s s i s t i n promoting the serious business of trapping and trading. This peace ended the r o l e of the war chief and eliminated many of the reasons for clan existance. With the s i g n i f i c a n t reduction i n clan functions, clan "chieftanship i t s e l f quickly became an i n s t i t u t e of bygone days" ( B a l i k c i , 1963s ^8). In addition, the functions of the economic leader followed the caribou surrounds and f i s h traps into extinction. 53 The role of t r i b a l chief changed to that of a trading c h i e f . The Hudson's Bay Company often dealt with t r i b a l chiefs rather than with each trapper. The role of chief, however, was not that of a general t r i b a l 'wise man', but rather a puppet of the Company, acting as middleman and promoter f o r the fur trade. There was a gradual erosion of the t r i b a l chief's trade role with the Company as more individuals traded at the post. A f t e r the post at New Ramparts closed i n 1894, the trading chief disappeared. Shamen continued to be active for a much longer time and undercurrents of the Shamenism can s t i l l be f e l t today. Even though the Kutchin took to C h r i s t i a n i t y quite r e a d i l y , the Shamen did not lose power. In some cases Shamen were trained as catechists, establishing church power among the people. Leadership systems broke down and the s t e e l trap, r i f l e , and f i s h net made collaborative economic patterns obsolete. The functions of the clan system disintegrated and the basic socio-economic unit became the family, which was t i e d to the c r e d i t of the trading post. These agents of contact directed socio-economically well-organized nomadic hunters to l i v i n g i n a small nodal centre. 54 3 . The Establishment of Old Crow Old Crow was a f o c a l point f o r Vunta Kutchin bands long before the a r r i v a l of white men, although i t was the i n t r o -duction of white i n s t i t u t i o n s that eventually led to the formation of a community. Old Crow, formerly known as Pish Trap Place, was an informal gathering spot where i n t e r - t r i b a l feasting and trading took place. In post-contact time, the gathering was more formal, the purpose being to organize trading parties that would t r a v e l down r i v e r to Ft. Yukon. Fish Trap Place, located at the confluence of the major trans-portation routes i n the region, was the most convenient location for a l l groups to congregate. After the departure of the trading party, remaining band members t r a v e l l e d up the Crow River and dispersed throughout the Crow Flats to f i s h . The function of Fish Trap Place did not change u n t i l an increased number of people accompanied the trading parties on the shorter hauls to Ramparts House. This was encouraged by missionaries who had established themselves at the trading post loca t i o n . New Ramparts House was the economic and administrative centre of the region. P r i o r to Cadzow opening his trading post i n 1904, Kutchin people had been trading at Hersehel Island, Dawson City, and Ft. McPherson. After the new 55 t r a d i n g post opened at New Ramparts t r a d i n g a g a i n f o c u s s e d a t a c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n w i t h i n the K u t c h i n t e r r i t o r y . New Ramparts was p o o r l y l o c a t e d . I t was adequate f o r f i s h i n g but f i s h t r a p l o c a t i o n s were l i m i t e d i n number and were on the other s i d e of the r i v e r . Trapping and hunting areas were not e a s i l y , a c c e s s i b l e from New Ramparts House and l o c a t i o n on the i n t e r n a t i o n a l boundary l i n e a p p a r e n t l y prevented the e x p l o i t a t i o n of f u r s p e c i e s to the west. P h y s i c a l amenities were few, and the l o c a t i o n s u s c e p t i b l e to heavy snow d r i f t i n g . The f l a t l a n d area was minimal and b i s e c t e d by a d.eep r a v i n e . However, Ramparts House was the t r a d i n g post c e n t r e f o r N a t s i t , Tukkuth and Vunta. As l o n g as t r a p p i n g was a way of l i f e , f a m i l i e s would r e s i d e there f o r a short time. E v e n t u a l l y the post moved to Old Crow and a g a i n the people f o l l o w e d . Old Crow developed as a c e n t r a l p l a c e i n K u t c h i n t e r r i t o r y as people began t o s t a y l o n g e r , which e l i m i n a t e d some of the i s o l a t i o n and boredom a t the t r a p p i n g camps. There was e a s i e r access t o f i s h i n g , t r a p p i n g , and hunting areas from Old Crow. In a d d i t i o n , the narrow west channel of Old Crow R i v e r was w e l l s u i t e d f o r c o n s t r u c t i n g f i s h t r a p s . An added bonus to the Old Crow s i t e was i t s nearness to migratory routes of barren-ground c a r i b o u (see F i g u r e # 2.3). Old Crow was i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d by the c o n d i t i o n s of an 56 FIGURE 2.3 57 external society. These e x t e r n a l i t i e s included outside goods that influenced a change i n the way of l i f e . Once t h i s new way of l i f e was established s o c i a l amenities and strange laws were administered to e f f e c t i v e l y hold the people i n the community. Besides the mission, Old Crow's a t t r a c t i o n for white men was purely economic. Trade goods, conveniently a v a i l a b l e , helped to corner the market on t h i s r e l a t i v e l y large concentration of trappers and t i e d the native people to the community. Government people sh i f t e d the emphasis from trade and commerce to administration. The imposition of external roles dramatically a l t e r e d the Old Crow way of l i f e . The settlement pattern changed i n character, from one that was f l e x i b l e and mobile to one that was stationary for a large part of the year. Seasonality of subsistence l i v i n g changed and the focus of the people turned inward. 58 • CHAPTER I I I OLD CROW TERRITORY The e f f e c t of c u l t u r a l change can be i l l u s t r a t e d i n the people's r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r l a n d . There are s h i f t s i n land-use as w e l l as i n the people's a t t i t u d e toward t h e i r l a n d . Each has r a m i f i c a t i o n s i n the present day. Chapter I I I d e s c r i b e s the a l t e r e d p a t t e r n s of la n d use and p o i n t s out the impact of a l t e r n a t i v e p u r s u i t s of l i v e l i h o o d on the t r a d i t i o n a l land-based way of l i f e i n Old Crow. Chapter IV i s r e s e r v e d f o r the study of the community's commitment to t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . A. THE OLD CROW LAND 1. U t i l i z a t i o n of the Old Crow Land With the K u t c h i n people f i r m l y entrenched i n the f u r t r a d e , the p o p u l a t i o n became d i s t r i b u t e d i n a s e r i e s of sma l l settlements a l o n g the Porcupine R i v e r , from Ramparts House t o Whitestone V i l l a g e (see F i g u r e # 3.1). Each l o c a t i o n was a t r a p p i n g camp c o n s i s t i n g of one or more f a m i l i e s , each occupying a l o g c a b i n , where they r e s i d e d f o r a good p a r t of the year. Co-operative meat camps were e l i m i n a t e d and l a r g e r f i s h camps disappeared with i n d i v i d u a l fishermen r e - l o c a t i n g near t h e i r t r a p p i n g camps. The 59 l o c a t i o n of t r a p l i n e s v a r i e d from year to year, so t h a t ownership of an a r e a was i d e n t i f i e d by the occupation of an I n d i v i d u a l ' s t r a p s . At times p a r t n e r s shared a t r a p l i n e and e i t h e r d i v i d e d the c a t c h or kept what was caught i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e t r a p s . Once ownership f o r a season was e s t a b l i s h e d , i t was u s u a l l y r e s p e c t e d . Ownership was e s t a b l i s h e d through i n f o r m a l c o n v e r s a t i o n . Trappers would u s u a l l y mention t h e i r intended l i n e s before l e a v i n g , and k i n would convey the i n f o r m a t i o n to the r e s t of the camp. At times t r a p p e r s l e f t without i n d i c a t i n g t h e i r intended l i n e s , however, i f they were f i r s t t o break the t r a i l and c l e a r the l i n e then the t r a p l i n e was t h e i r s . I f over a number of years a t r a p p e r r e p e t i t i v e l y used the same t r a p l i n e , he was c o n s i d e r e d the permanent "owner". The main t r a i l s , a l though p u b l i c p r o p e r t y , c o u l d be trapped p r i v a t e l y . Again the g e n e r a l r u l e , the f i r s t t o break t r a i l had the t r a p p i n g r i g h t s t o i t , a p p l i e d . Most t r a p s were set a l o n g branch t r a i l s , each t a k i n g a one day round t r i p t o check. Others c o u l d t r a p a l o n g the main t r a i l only a f t e r p e r m i s s i o n was obtained. A t r a p p e r c o u l d t r a v e l f a s t e r , cover a longer t r a p l i n e , and h a u l more f u r s i f he was a l o n e . By h i t c h i n g more dogs to the s l e d and l e a v i n g the f a m i l y a t camp, the t r a p p e r c o u l d t r a v e l l i g h t l y and s p e e d i l y . T h i s r e s u l t e d i n the t r a p p e r being away from camp f o r a l a r g e p a r t of the time. FIGURE 3.1 61 Muskrat trapping added to the changing seasonal cycle and settlement pattern. During the spring, about a month p r i o r to break-up to immediately following break-up, the people spent t h e i r time r a t t i n g on Crow Plats. This was a family operation because the number of pelts skinned was too large for an Individual trapper. Each camp was r e l a t i v e l y close to another, allowing for more s o c i a l i z a t i o n . The r a t t i n g areas were i n surrounding lakes, unlike the winter trap l i n e s that extended many miles from the camp. The fur trade obviously influenced a l l Kutchin a c t i v i t i e s . Families began to stand as independent economic units i n a l l subsistence a c t i v i t i e s ; the co-operative regional band no longer existed and partnerships were not l a s t i n g forms of economic integration. 2. Change i n Land-Use Pattern Since the r i s e i n fur prices a f t e r 1906, emphasis on land-use shifted from hunting to trapping. I n i t i a l l y , the d i s t r i b u t i o n of people did not dramatically a l t e r from early contact time u n t i l people desired more of the l i f e s t y l e based on fur trading. Thus, parts of the Old Crow land became spe c i a l i z e d with a c t i v i t y during c e r t a i n parts of the year. For example, hunting locations were influenced by the l o c a t i o n of settlements along the Porcupine River. This can be seen i n Figure #3.2, where hunting locations 62 are found a l o n g the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n l i n e s and conc e n t r a t e d around t r a p p i n g s e t t l e m e n t s . Other hunting l o c a t i o n s are connected with muskrat t r a p p i n g camps i n Crow F l a t s , and a l o n g w i n t e r t r a p l i n e s . F i s h i n g l o c a t i o n s , on the other hand, p e r f e c t l y c o r r e l a t e with t r a p p i n g s e t t l e m e n t s . O c c a s i o n a l l y modern meat camps were e s t a b l i s h e d along the main w i n t e r t r a i l s , t r a i l s t h a t d i d not e x i s t i n pre-co n t a c t time (see end papers, Loucheux Map). More o f t e n , however, groups of t r a p p e r s r e t u r n i n g from Whitestone or Johnson V i l l a g e would b r i n g meat i n t o Old Crow or cache i t a l o n g the t r a i l . F i g u r e # 3 . 2 shows the l o c a t i o n s of l a n d use s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n the " 1 9 3 0's - 40's. Trapping was a h i g h l y remmunerative a c t i v i t y which i s r e f l e c t e d i n e x t e n s i v e l a n d coverage of the t r a p l i n e p a t t e r n r a d i a t i n g from t r a p p i n g s e t t l e m e n t s . By i 9 6 0 the Old Crow economy was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a slow decrease i n t r a p p i n g and an i n c r e a s e i n v a r i o u s govern-ment a c t i v i t i e s which p r o v i d e d income. T h i s i s r e f l e c t e d i n F i g u r e # 3«3 where a reduced t e r r i t o r i a l range shows a l s o i n t e n s i f i e d r e s o u r c e e x p l o i t a t i o n a l o n g the Porcupine R i v e r . By i 9 6 0 many of the t r a p l i n e s were reduced i n s i z e and the t o t a l f u r c a t c h was di m i n i s h e d . F u l l time t r a p p i n g was b e i n g n e g l e c t e d by a l a r g e p a r t of the p o p u l a t i o n and by 1961 only one person r e s i d e d o u t s i d e Old Crow a t Salmon Cache ( B a l i k c i , 1 9 6 3 : 6 1 ) . Rumour had i t t h a t t h i s person chose permanent bush r e s i d e n c e so t h a t he c o u l d set a brew pot with r e l a t i v e OLD CROW LAND USE, LONG AGO O L D C R O W L A N D 65 9 freedom from the watchful eye of the R.C.M.P. Most trappers commuted to t h e i r trap l i n e s from Old Crow i n i 9 6 0 . The trapper set camp for a month or two of intensive trapping and then returned to Old Crow. No longer did the family reside at the trapping settlements nor were there groups of trappers based at any camps. Summer residence also s h i f t e d from the trapping settlements to Old Crow. With this s h i f t , fewer f i s h i n g s i t e s were located along the Porcupine River. Most were at Old Crow, where the dogs were usually kept (see Figure # 3 . 3 ) . Less a c t i v i t y was based from winter trapping camps because families no longer occupied them. Hunting,occurred mostly during the f a l l while some occurred along the trap l i n e and i n Crow Flats during the r a t t i n g season. Neverthe-l e s s , the extent of used land diminished (Figure # 3 . 3 ) due to the fact that Old Crow had become a s i t e of permanent residence. The government also applied pressure.for the development of permanent trapping sectors i n Crow Fla t s (see Figure # 3 « 4 ) . This had the effect of reducing the disputes over c e r t a i n muskrat "pushups" but also reduced the r a t t i n g t e r r i t o r y . U n t i l 1966 i t was i l l e g a l for a native Canadian to make 'home brew' or consume alcohol. 66 A f t e r the s c h o o l was e s t a b l i s h e d , many f a m i l i e s cut the amount of time they spent on the P l a t s r a t t i n g . In a d d i t i o n , some people were much more conscious of the " s o c i a l c e n t r e " of Old Crow and chose t o spend l e s s time away from the v i l l a g e . These c o n d i t i o n s had the e f f e c t of r e d u c i n g the number of r a t t i n g camps and the amount of a r e a used on the F l a t s . In I960, f a c t o r s f o r l o c a t i n g permanently a t Old Crow r e s u l t e d from i n t e r - r e l a t e d s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s . To b e g i n w i t h there was a l i m i t e d amount of work a v a i l a b l e i n the community: a h a l f dozen temporary maintenance jobs w i t h d i f f e r e n t government i n s t i t u t i o n s , house and s c h o o l c o n s t r u c t i o n w i t h I n d i a n A f f a i r s ; and most i m p o r t a n t l y , wood c u t t i n g f o r domestic s a l e . T h i s l a t t e r a c t i v i t y p a r t i c u l a r l y d e t r a c t e d from t r a p p i n g because i t occurred d u r i n g the w i n t e r . Many p r e f e r r e d wood c u t t i n g to t r a p p i n g because the work was e a s i e r , the d i s t a n c e to t r a v e l was s h o r t e r , and a man c o u l d be w i t h h i s f a m i l y l o n g e r . Immediate payment was c o n s i d e r e d a great economic b e n e f i t t o the l o g g e r , because i t i n c r e a s e d h i s p r e s t i g e i n the community. In a d d i t i o n , the government c o n t r i b u t e d a generous r e l i e f system t h a t encouraged people t o stay i n Old Crow, and s h i f t e d the economic power from the male head of household. L a s t l y , B a l i k c i ( 1 9 6 3 : 70) and Welsh ( 1 9 7 0 : 2 5 , 27) have suggested t h a t the establishment of the F e d e r a l Day School i n 1950 had the most profound impact 67 ^ oh ABEL ;«&jtsJOHN K E N D I . A ' AOSES/* J * CHARLIE -2>i CROW FLATS MUSKRAT TRAPPING SECTORS 1 **°<J> A ^ E N F R O S T Va>. 1 0 2 0 mi let F I G U R E 3.4 68 on settlement i n Old Crow. B a l i k c i commented that the people saw the advantage of education of t h e i r children, thus abandoning winter trapping. R e a l i s t i c a l l y , people were forced to send t h e i r children to school or the law could take the children away to a r e s i d e n t i a l school. In any case, the government had a strong impact on permanent settlement at Old Crow. At present the e f f e c t of schooling i s dramatically evident. Pew of the young people know how to trap and few people i n the community now set a trap l i n e . In the winter of 1972-73 s i x trap l i n e s were established with lengths of a two-day, round t r i p duration. A l l the l i n e s were checked on sporadic weekends. The Old Crow land was almost empty during the winter of 1972-73. Hunting was recorded only once along the trap l i n e . A l l other hunting occurred i n the summer and f a l l along the Porcupine River or on Crow Mountain (see Figure # 3.5)• Trapping settlements did not exist; the f o c a l point f o r a l l trap l i n e s was Old Crow. There has been a s i g n i f i c a n t drop i n the muskrat harvest since i 9 6 0 (see Table #3.6). The reduction i s attributed to a combination of c u l t u r a l and economic changes. F i r s t l y , more people have jobs and therefore less time i s spent r a t t i n g as i t occurs during the school year. Families cannot attend to t h e i r r a t t i n g camps. In the past, children were given time off school so they could help with spring r a t t i n g , but t h i s OLD CROW LAND 70 was discontinued i n the spring of 1973. This has increased the i s o l a t i o n of bush l i f e , reduced catches, and r e s t r i c t e d the period of stay i n the bush. Lastly, many ,now think r a t t i n g i s a source of pocket money, and a short holiday. To t h i s end many b r i e f partnerships are formed immediately following break-up, but only for the purpose of shooting r a t s , rather than the more d i f f i c u l t trapping of them. 3. Ownership and Intensity i n the Use of the Old Crow Land (a) Ownership Kutchin developed i n d i v i d u a l trapping t e r r i t o r i e s i n response to the fur trade. Similar to the Montagnais of Quebec (Leacock, 1964), Kutchin trap l i n e s were used I n i t i a l l y by who ever f i r s t cleared them, and through r e p e t i t i v e use, l i n e s were eventually regarded as 'private'. Unlike the Montagnais, private Kutchin hunting preserves d i d not develop, however, the meat captured was considered the private property of the trap or surround owner. The introduction of registered muskrat trapping areas (see Figure # 3.4) i n the mid 1950's di d not a l t e r "ownership" conditions i n Crow F l a t s . Ratting camps s h i f t e d from year to year,, even a f t e r the sectors were registered. F l e x i b i l i t y i n r a t t i n g patterns were maintained. People not only 71 switched from t h e i r own sector into public sectors, but also ratted i n other 'private' sectors. Figure # 3.6 exemplifies t h i s s p a t i a l s h i f t from i960 to 1961 while Table # 3.1 provides more d e t a i l on the relat i o n s h i p involved i n the s h i f t . On Figure # 3«6 the muskrat trapping camps are plotted and numbered for the i960 and 1961 seasons. The numbers on the map correspond to the camp numbers l i s t e d i n Table # 3.1* Trappers located at each camp are also recorded i n an attempt to understand the relationship between trappers and sector 'owners'. A note on any relat i o n s h i p between trapper and 'owner' i s provided to complete the analysis. The move by each trapper from i960 to 1961 i s graphically i l l u s t r a t e d on the map (Figure # 3.6) by a l i n e connecting the i960 and 1961 camps. F I G U R E 3.6 T a b l e # 3 . 1 R a t t i n g C a m p s a n d R a t t i n g S e c t o r s , O l d C r o w F l a t s , 1 9 6 0 - 6 1 S e c t o r T r a p p e d I n C a m p N o . T r a p p e r s 1 9 6 0 1 9 6 1 R e l a t i o n s h i p ( a ) M a r y K a s s i ( b ) R o w e n a L o r d ( c ) M a r y N e t r o J o h n M o s e s M a r y K a s s i o w n ( a ) o w n ( b ) u n k n o w n ( c ) u n k n o w n P a u l B e n K a s s i N o r e l a t i o n s h i p J o h n M o s e s j o i n e d h i s s o n - i n - l a w L a z a r u s C h a r l i e i n 1 9 6 1 . N e i t h e r a r e r e l a t e d t o P a u l B e n K a s s i . V-0 J o h n R . T i z y a J o a n n e N j o o t l i N e i l M c D o n a l d ( a ) J o h n J . K a y ( b ) f o u r T h o m a s B r o s . o w n o w n o p e n a r e a o p e n a r e a o w n E f f i e L i n k l a t e r ( a ) u n k n o w n ( b ) o w n & o p e n a r e a E f f i e i s N e i l * s d a u g h t e r . N o r e l a t i o n s h i p . I n 1 9 6 1 T h o m a s B r o s , r e t u r n e d t o t h e i r o w n a r e a , e x c e p t C h a r l i e , w h o r a t t e d j u s t o u t s i d e t h e i r a r e a . c o n t i n u e d Table # 3.1 continued Camp No. Trappers Sector Trapped In 1960 1961 R e l a t i o n s h i p Andrew T i z y a P e t e r T i z y a (a) C l a r e F r o s t (b) Don F r o s t D o l l y J o s i e 10 John Kendi 11 P e t e r Lord 12 (a) C h a r l i e Abel (b) Robert Bruce C P . C h a r l i e Moses T i z y a C P . C h a r l i e Moses T i z y a own P e t e r Lord A l b e r t Abel P e t e r Lord A l b e r t Abel own Joe Kay Robert Bruce J.R. T i z y a J . N j o o t l i open area (a) d i d not t r a p (b) J.R. T i z y a J . N j o o t l i unknown open area open area (a) open area (b) open area Andrew i s Moses' son and c o u s i n of J.R. T i z y a . P e t e r i s Moses 1 son. Don's mother d i d n ' t t r a p i n 1961 so he j o i n e d Joanne N j o o t l i h i s mother-in-law. D o l l y i s A l b e r t ' s s i s t e r . No r e l a t i o n s h i p . Ratted w i t h brothers-in-law A l b e r t and C h a r l i e . (a) No r e l a t i o n s h i p . (b) Joe Kay i s Robert's f a t h e r - i n -law. continued Table # 3.1 continued Camp No, Trappers Sector Trapped In 1960 1961 R e l a t i o n s h i p 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 A l b e r t Abel Abraham P e t e r Joe Kay open area open area (a) C P . C h a r l i e open area (b) Lazarus C h a r l i e Jack F r o s t P a ul Ben K a s s i Steven F r o s t P e t e r Moses Pet e r C h a r l i e P h i l i p Joseph own unknown Lazarus C h a r l i e John Moses own unknown open area open area (a) J.R. T i z y a J . N j o o t l i (b) Paul Ben K a s s i own open area Lazarus C h a r l i e John Moses own John Kendi See #11. Joe Kay was Abe Pe t e r ' s g r a n d f a t h e r . (a) C P . C h a r l i e i s second c o u s i n t o J.R. T i z y a . (b) See # 2. (data o b t a i n e d second hand from Don F r o s t ) No r e l a t i o n s h i p . Old P e t e r i s b r o t h e r t o John Moses. (evidence suggest t h a t he and h i s w i f e every year r a t here alone) No r e l a t i o n s h i p . Source: 1960 f i e l d data 1961 B a l i k c i (1963: 2, 86, 88) 76 It i s obvious that many of these s h i f t s involved a r e l a t i o n s h i p through the family. However there were occasions where friendship was the l i n k i n g bond and other occasions where r a t t i n g expertise was the c r i t e r i o n . Of the twenty r a t t i n g sets reporting i n i 9 6 0 and 1 9 6 1 , s i x remained at t h e i r same camp and seven s h i f t e d within the same v i c i n i t y as the previous year's camp. Of s p e c i a l note i s the fact that 'co-owners' ,of some sectors did not rat together i n one of the years, nor did they necessarily rat i n t h e i r own sectors. It i s evident that other r a t t i n g partnerships were established but were not always renewed. The number of people r a t t i n g diminished by f i v e from i 9 6 0 to 1 9 6 1 . In 1973 r a t t i n g associations disintegrated to the point where numerous people merely shared camps (see Table # 3 . 3 ) . Table # 3 . 2 points out that even the family, the basic s o c i a l and economic unit, had broken down. In many cases there has been a complete breakdown i n kinship t i e s between trapper and owner of a sector. This occurred eleven times i n 1973f by f a r the highest frequency. Six cases r e f l e c t e d the blood relationships of parents and children. There were two trapping camps i n the public area which did not require a r e l a t i o n s h i p , and three occurrences of old partner r e l a t i o n s h i p s . In a l l , however, the most intere s t i n g arrangement was three uncle-nephew relationships and two grandfather-grandson relationships, which suggests T a b l e # 3 . 2 M u s k r a t T r a p p i n g A s s o c i a t i o n s L o n g A g o , 1 9 6 0 , 1 9 7 3 L o n g A g o * 1 9 6 0 1 9 7 3 N u m b e r o f f a m i l y u n i t s r a t t i n g 1 4 9 6 ^ F a m i l y u n i t s a s a p e r c e n t a g e 6 0 . 8 % 5 0 . 0 % 1 5 . 8 % o f t o t a l r a t t i n g u n i t s A p p r o x . a v e r a g e n u m b e r o f 1 0 5 8 0 4 2 d a y s e a c h u n i t r a t t e d * L o n g A g o : t h e t i m e w h e n a n o l d e r p e r s o n , o v e r 4 0 y e a r s o f a g e , w a s a y o u n g m a n o f a b o u t 2 0 y e a r s . S o u r c e : f i e l d d a t a ft 3b O *tO0l 53< r o a r 14 '8 ff 1<# o Do o 0 0 3 ? w 7Q >0 ) \s9 5& V2> 4 •ft ° 02 CROW FLATS MUSKRAT TRAPPING CAMPS, 1973 1 0 SOURCE: FIELD DATA 0 , 0 D K.y LOCATION J OF CAMPS ™ HFI« to IEXI fOW NUMUt KEY. 9^o FIGURE 3.7 79 Table # 3 . 3 Relationship Between Muskrat Trappers and Owner of Ratting Sectors, 1973 Camp Number and Trapper •Owner* of Sector Trapped  Relationship 1. Mary Kassi (with family) 2 . Jimmy Li n k l a t e r 3 . Joel Peter, B i l l y Bruce 4. Randall Charlie, Ronnie Linklater own Mary Kassi Peter Charlie none Randall i s Peter Charlie's grandson; others are unrelated. 5 . Wille & Irwin Li n k l a t e r 6 . N e i l McDonald 7 . Issac & Jerome Thomas 8. John Tizya 9 . Dick Nukon 1 0 . Joanne Njootli(with family) 1 1 . Grafton & Stanley N j o o t l i 1 2 . C P . Charlie (with family) 1 3 . John Joseph Kay 14. Andrew and Peter Tizya 1 5 . Roger Kay and George Moses 1 6 . Peter, David, Lawrence Lord 1 7 . John Abel (with family) E f f i e Linklater (no longer l i v i n g i n Old Crow) N e i l McDonald Peter Moses (deceased) Joanne N j o o t l i Andrew Tizya C P . Charlie Charlie Abel Peter Lord and Albert Abel E f f i e * s sons. Thomas Bros, are not related to N e l l . none Joanne's sons. C P . Charlie and Andrew Tizya are brothers-in-law. Brothers-in-law. Charlie i s Roger's great uncle. Peter i s father of David and Lawrence, while Albert i s John's uncle. 80 Table # 3 . 3 continued Camp Number and Trapper •Owner* of Sector Relationship Trapped  18. Florence Netro Joe Kay (deceased) Joe Kay was 19. Abraham Peter and Robert Bruce Abraham's grandfather. 20. Robert Bruce J r . and John Kendi none Peter Josle 21. Robert Bruce Stephen Frost none 22. John Joe Kay (with family) 2 3 . Albert Abel and Peter Lord Albert and Wilfred Josie Charlie are 24. Charlie Abel Peter fs brothers-in- law. 2 5 . John Kendi and Public Area Donald Frost 2 6 . D o l l i e Josie (with family) 2 ? . Pharas Thomas Sources f i e l d data that a weak exogamous clan system may s t i l l p e r s i s t i n Old Crow. The clan system was supposedly destroyed by the imposition of white economic and s o c i a l order. However, the old s o c i a l order may s t i l l exist i n a weak form among some community members. Most importantly, the number of people r a t t i n g i n 1973 was forty-two, an Increase of about ten from i 9 6 0 . The number of camps also increased from 20 to 2 7 . In contrast, however, the amount of time spent r a t t i n g i n 1973 was s i g n i f i -cantly shorter than i n i 9 6 0 . 81 'Ownership' of trap l i n e s and r a t t i n g sectors seemed to be an addit i o n a l factor i n the increased i n d i v i d u a l i t y of land a c t i v i t i e s and resultant shorter durations for land a c t i v i t i e s . It also contributed to intensive i n d i v i d u a l use of the land near Old Crow, as well as Crow F l a t s , and a neglect for the broader t e r r i t o r y . (b) Intensity of Land Use The d i s t r i b u t i o n of land use a c t i v i t i e s provides information on the s p a t i a l v a r i a t i o n over time, but i t does not indicate the int e n s i t y of u t i l i z a t i o n within those patterns. The s p a t i a l pattern of land use has alter e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y but to understand more c l e a r l y the effe c t of that s h i f t , land use intensity must be established. This may include the number of people who use the land or the amount of time spent on the land; the amount of game captured throughout the region; or the productivity of an area. Land use in t e n s i t y , therefore, i s r e a l l y an i n d i r e c t measure of the value individuals place on t h e i r t e r r i t o r y because in t e n s i t y depends on each individual's need to use the land. ( i ) Trapping The most accurate measure of the intensity of land use 82 for trap l i n e s i s the actual number of l i n e s , t h e i r length, and the trappers' duration on the l i n e . Productivity of the trap l i n e i s an indicator of land use i n t e n s i t y along a trap l i n e and the length indicates the commitment a trapper has to the land. More e f f o r t i s required i n a longer l i n e and more time must be spent away from camp or town. The following table attempts to show a trend i n the intensity of trap l i n e use from 'Long Ago', when the older people were young, to the present. The number of trap l i n e s recorded represent a l l the trap l i n e s reported by the inform-ants but the data on productivity per l i n e i s derived from only those l i n e s reporting use. The reason i s that r e l i a b i l i t y of the respondants• memories f a i l e d i n some cases. Also, i n the case of 'Long Ago', the productivity data may be not t r u l y comparable to other years because the method of s p e c i a l i z e d trapping changed. In the past, instead of establishing one l i n e , two or three l i n e s were set i n t e r r i t o r i e s known to be productive i n s p e c i f i c fur types. The trapper would then divide time between these l i n e s , with less frequent trap checks. This i s r e f l e c t e d i n the low productivity per trap l i n e recorded i n Table # 3.4. Data presented i n Table #3.4 shows a major decline i n the number of trap l i n e s , t h e i r length, number of trappers, and t o t a l catch. On closer analysis i t i s evident that the decline i n catch per trapper has not been as dramatic. In Table # 3.4 P r o d u c t i v i t y o f Winter T r a p l i n e s In Old Crow by M i l e o f Line Length and Per Trapper Long Ago Number of t r a p l i n e s 34 Average le n g t h of l i n e 57 Sample s i z e * 26 Number of tr a p p e r s as a percentage of Old Crow A d u l t P o p u l a t i o n 73.9% Catch Catch/Mile Catch/Trapper marten 344 6.0 15.6 mink 116 • 2.0 5.3 weasel 381 6.7 17.3 lynx 60 1.1 •2.7 fox 80 1.4 3.6 beaver 24 0.4 1.1 wo l v e r i n e 16 0.3 0.7 wolf 9 0.2 0.4 cont i n u e d Table # 3.4 continued 1960 Number of t r a p l i n e s 21 Average l e n g t h of l i n e 50 m i l e s Sample s i z e 32 Number of t r a p p e r s as a percentage o f Old Crow A d u l t P o p u l a t i o n 63.2% Catch Catch/Mile Catch/Trapper marten 319 6.4 13.9 mink 262 5.2 11.4 weasel 225 4.5 9.8 lynx 48 1.0 2.1 fox 43 0.9 1.9 beaver 25 0.5 1.1 wolve r i n e 36 0.7 1.6 wolf 4 0.1 0.2 continued Table # 3.4 continued 197 3 Number of t r a p l i n e s 6 Average l e n g t h of l i n e 30 m i l e s Sample s i z e 77 Number of tr a p p e r s as a percentage of Old Crow A d u l t P o p u l a t i o n 10.7% Catch Catch/Mile Catch/Trapper marten 103 3.4 14.7 mink 47 1.6 6.7 weasel 9 0.3 1.3 lyn x 19 0.6 2.7 fox 4 0.1 0.6 beaver 10 0.3 1.4 wolve r i n e 0 -wolf 0 -Source: f i e l d data * Sample s i z e i s from respondants only and may be m i s l e a d i n g because a number of t r a p p e r s "long ago" and 1960 are no longer around. 86 c e r t a i n cases productivity per trapper "between i 9 6 0 and 1973 has increased s l i g h t l y , r e f l e c t i n g the change i n pelt prices, i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , reduction i n trap l i n e lengths, or an improved system of trap checks. In general, greater mobility and shortened trap l i n e s has caused th i s increase. Marten has always been the most important winter fur while wolverine, fox and wolf are captured i n the same traps. A c o n f l i c t of Interest arises between marten and mink trapping, with the former more popular because the price i s higher. Also there i s always a chance of catching other fur on a marten l i n e . Thus there i s a tendency among the small number of trappers to s p e c i a l i z e i n marten. Trapping s p e c i a l i z a t i o n has a l t e r e d considerably over the time period of the data. 'Long Ago* data r e f l e c t s a s p e c i a l -i z a t i o n Influenced by group hunting and trapping t e r r i t o r i e s that persisted at the turn of the century. However, Table # 3 . 4 shows that by 1973 the major winter trapping e f f o r t was aimed at marten. Table # 3 - 5 supports t h i s finding by showing a general decline i n winter trapping catches and that marten have taken up a substantial amount of the catch. The fur takes have tended to decline through numerous fluctuations although marten declines have not been as marked and lynx have not shown a decline. Also evident from Table # 3.5 i s the c y c l i c a l population of fur species Table # 3.5 Old Crow Fur Returns 1938-1973 1938 -39 1939 -40 1940 _ 4 1 1941 -42 1942 -43 1943 -4 4 1944 -45 1945 -46 1946 -47 1947 -48 marten 97 97 234 272 199 205 183 113 132 200 mink 21 54 83 173 65 68 123 176 70 117 beaver 21 5 36 146 94 . 40 50 - 2 -lynx fox o t t e r weasel wo l v e r i n e wolf s q u i r r e l 1957 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 -58 -61 -62 -63 -64 -65 -66 marten 218 110 4 475 248 142 84 mink 5 247 19 165 70 14 18 beaver 47 48 26 13 37 19 45 lynx 2 4 17 17 19 fox 15 22 2 3 o t t e r 0 0 0 0 weasel 159 138 38 10 wolv e r i n e 0 0 1 1 wolf 0 1 0 0 s q u i r r e l 31 7 0 4 continued Table # 3.5 continued 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 -67 -68 -69 -70 -71 -72 -73 marten 34 104 98 13 33 76 103 mink 4 8 29 4 25 23 47 beaver 98 47 13 11 13 12 10 lynx 12 3 11 1 26 24 19 fox 4 1 2 0 0 3 3 o t t e r 1 1 0 0 0 3 0 weasel 46 49 30 20 3 17 10 w o l v e r i n e 0 0 0 1 0 2 0 wolf 2 2 1 0 1 4 0 s q u i r r e l 0 2 7 19 0 0 0 Source: B a l i k c i , 1963: 93 Naysmith, 1971: 21 General Hunting Licences f i e l d d a t a. 89 although the extreme low catches of 1969-70 and 1970-71 were responses to job opportunities i n the community. C y c l i c a l trends must be taken into account and do not necessarily mean less intensive use of the land. Although the s p a t i a l extent of trapping has declined along with the number of trappers, trap l i n e s , and the in t e n s i t y of use for each u t i l i z e d trapping parcel, productivity per trapper has not been reduced proportionately, es p e c i a l l y i n the species that account for most of the catch. This suggests that land use for trapping i s s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y intensive. ( i i ) Hunting The i n t e n s i t y of hunting i n the Old Crow land has a si m i l a r pattern. There has been a general decline i n the s p a t i a l extent of the hunting t e r r i t o r y and seasonality of hunting has s h i f t e d i n response to the altered winter trapping patterns, but the productivity per hunting area has not declined. In the winter of 1972-73 there was only one reported case of hunting off the main transportation network. Table # 3.6 i n conjunction with the land use maps presented previously provides the Information. Productivity f o r Table # 3.6 i s derived from those Informants that provided data on the quantities that were taken i n a given Table # 3.6 Hunt P r o d u c t i v i t y and Land Use I n t e n s i t y Sample s i z e * Number of hunters as a percentage of O l d Crow A d u l t P o p u l a t i o n T o t a l Catch Reported: c a r i b o u moose r a b b i t b i r d s bears P r o d u c t i v i t y per hunter: c a r i b o u moose r a b b i t s b i r d s bears Long Ago 26 95.4% 1960 32 497 160 515 147 unknown 16. 5, 17 4 65.5% 512 32 432 335 2 18.9 1.2 16.0 32.7 0 1973 77 66% 751 22 202 342 1 18.2 .6 4.4 8.1 0 Source: f i e l d data * Sample c o n s i s t s o f respondants o n l y , t h e r e f o r e terms of t o t a l number of hunters f o r "long ago may be m i s l e a d i n g ' and "I960". 91 hunt. A l l hunts, whether data was provided or not, are located on Figures # 3 . 2 , # 3 . 3 and # 3 . 5 . Although the t o t a l numbers vary and p a r t i a l l y are subject to the method of data gathering, the productivity section of Table # 3,6 i s a f a i r indicator of the aggregate hunting pattern. The differences i n caribou values between 'Long Ago' and the other columns represents the s h i f t from communal meat camps during the trapping season to year round i n d i v i d u a l hunting. The decline i n moose hunting shows the s h i f t from l i v i n g i n dispersed settlements throughout the hunting t e r r i t o r y to one large community i n Old Crow, infamous f o r lack of moose i n the immediate area. The decline of hunting other species i s due to the great amount of e f f o r t required and small return i n hunting these animals (see Table # 3*7)« The attitude that the caribou i s the l i f e - l i n e for Old Crow i s by no means exaggerated. Unlike trapping, the number of hunters has not declined, but has been r e l a t i v e l y stable over recent years. In the past, most winter hunting took place along the trap l i n e , a very rare occurrence at present. The f a l l hunt, both i n the past and now, i s the most important hunt. However the people now have greater mobility and more e f f i c i e n t means to capture larger game reserves and use more powerful r i v e r c r a f t to t h e i r advantage i n transportation. Although the same number of people make larger catches the amount of time spent on the land i s less because each i n d i v i d u a l has a s p e c i f i c intent, Table # 3.7 Old Crow, Game Returns 1963-73 1963 1964 1965* 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 -64 -65 -66 -67 -68 -69 -70 _71 -72 -73 c a r i b o u 706 769 •mm 592 590 557 478 503 573 751 moose 10 7 - 22 17 24 18 11 26 22 bear 1 1 - 4 3 1 5 1 2 0 geese 15 3 - 4 11 25 5 0 12 ) ducks 155 110 - 28 77 50 16 20 44 ) 342 ptarmigan 196 12 - 15 10 27 50 100 43 ) r a b b i t s - - - - — — — — — 202 * incomplete data Source: 1963-64 to 1971-72 - General Hunting L i c e n c e s , Game Branch, Whitehorse, Y.T. 1972-73 - f i e l d data 9 3 to hunt caribou. With s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , the land i s continually viewed with a high intensity of use. ( i i i ) Ratting Contrary to the diminished s p a t i a l extent of hunting and trapping, the area for r a t t i n g has been r e l a t i v e l y constant. This i s due to the special habitat required by muskrats, the loca t i o n and size of that habitat. Since 1917* Crow Flats has been used for the spring muskrat harvest. Ratting camps may be on the old f i s h camp s i t e s of the post-contact era. It i s evident from the three land use maps (Figures # 3.2, # 3»3» # 3*5) that the d i s t r i b u t i o n of r a t t i n g camps has not a l t e r e d , even though s p e c i f i c locations have changed. This i s also evident i n Figures # 3*6 and # 3*7 which more preci s e l y locate the muskrat camps i n I 9 6 0 , 1961, and 1973* Table #3.8 provides the data on muskrat productivity. The productivity per camp and per muskrat trapper i s derived only from informants that were able to provide quantitative data. The muskrat harvest Is down per person r a t t i n g . The most s t r i k i n g s t a t i s t i c however i s the tremendous increase i n the number of r a t t i n g camps. The land i t s e l f i s being used more while productivity i s de c l i n i n g . This trend i s not s i m i l a r to trapping, which has a declining number of Table # 3.8 Muskrat Camps P r o d u c t i v i t y Long Ago 1960 1973 Number of camps 19 20 27 Number o f people r a t t i n g as a percentage of T o t a l O l d Crow A d u l t P o p u l a t i o n * 86.9% 56.6% 69.2% Muskrat Harvest: T o t a l 10,210 8,950 13,725 Per camp 537 448 521 Per muskrat t r a p p e r 486 389 320 Source: f i e l d data * Sample s i z e c o n s i s t s of respondants o n l y , t h e r e f o r e may be m i s l e a d i n g f o r "long ago" and "1960". Table # 3.9 Fur Returns f o r Muskrats Year Amount Year Amount Year Amount 1938-39 30,084 1957-58 36,311 1967-68 11,273 1939-40 19,688 1968-69 9,461 1940-41 13,858 1969-70 753 1941-42 11,120 1960-61 21,017 1970-71 5,225 1942-43 10,965 1961-62 12,361 1971-72 9,798 1943-44 15,137 1962-63 17,411 1972-73 13,725 1944-45 15,920 1963-64 14,000 1945-46 22,405 1964-65 7,860 1946-47 18,940 1965-66 9 ,688 1947-48 14,946 1966-67 13,324 Source: B a l i k c i , 1963: 93 Naysmith, 1971: 21 General Hunting L i c e n c e s F i e l d data 96 trappers but a steady fur return; or to hunting which i s seeing a steady number of hunters and a steady return of caribou. The number of people r a t t i n g has increased causing the productivity per person to drop. The muskrat catch has been f l u c t u a t i n g , on a downward trend, but recently an increase has been noted (see Table # 3 » 9 ) . When comparing Table # 3 . 9 with Table # 3 .5 i t i s evident that the muskrat harvest accounts for a substantial portion of the t o t a l fur return. (iv) Pishing Fishing i s a much less intensive endeavour. Table # 3.10 compares the catches f o r the l a s t few years. Like trapping and hunting, a c y c l i c a l trend i s noted with a s l i g h t l y declining catch. Twenty-two fishermen took f i s h i n 1973 on a less than intensive basis. They went a f t e r the salmon run i n August and l e f t t h e i r nets i n for only a short period. 4. Summary There i s a decline i n the t o t a l number of trappers and a steady drop in the productivity of muskrats. Hunting i s d i f f e r e n t , for with long range r i f l e s , caribou are easy to catch. The land s t i l l i s being used as intensively as i n the Table # 3.10 Old Crow F i s h e r i e s , 1967-1973 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 Type Chinook 43 38 27 8 - 81 13 Chum 11,768 10,000 3,377 620 10,000 4,570 5,780 Coho - 261 34 - - 25 -W h i t e f i s h 1,124 2,550 734 195 - 650 870 Other* 2,001 2,431 657 368 3,000 4,100 4,232 T o t a l 14,936 15,300 4,829 1,191 13,000 9,425 10,895 * Others: g r a y l i n g , sucker, j a c k f i s h , hump w h i t e f i s h , l o s c h , inconnu. Sources: 1967 - 1970 - B i s s e t and Meldrum, 1973: 37. 1971 - :i972 - Steigenberger, e t a l , 1973: 42. 1973 - f i e l d data. 98 past, but not for the varied harvest of resources the land can provide. No one any longer occupies himself with the routine patience required to patrol a trap l i n e , or accepts the i s o l a t i o n of trapping. Now, t r i p s into the bush are frequent, but short, to meet immediate needs only, r e s u l t i n g i n the new pattern of land use. Resources from the land do not meet the t o t a l community needs. The following section w i l l show the extent to which the land f i l l s the people's requirements, and uncover other sources that provide f o r the necessities of l i f e . . The section also explores the 'dual economy* of Old Crow. In t h i s way we can precisely measure the status of the economy i n an ecological way. 99 B. THE OLD CROW ECONOMY The s p a t i a l change i n land use i s r e f l e c t e d i n the s o c i a l and economic changes that have occurred i n Old Crow. The purpose here i s to present the economic conditions as they now exist and examine the r e l a t i v e importance of the land and community as the base for the people's economic existence. Cash for fine furs, woodcutting, and handicraft can be added to other cash inflows such as wages, pensions, allowances, and government assistance to make up an aggregate income. The gross community cash income for 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 was $ 3 1 5 , 0 0 0 with the average family income as follows: Wages 4 , 5 8 0 . 0 0 (67%) Allowances, Pensions, etc. 7 2 0 . 0 0 (11$) Other: Trapping 1 , 0 9 0 . 0 0 (16$) ( 9%) I 2$) Woodcutting 3 1 0 . 0 0 Handicraft 1 2 0 . 0 0 #6,820.00 Source: f i e l d data. 100: It i s evident that the residents of Old Crow derive t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d from a mixed community-based and land-based economy. 1. Community Based Economy In the twelve months p r i o r to the f i e l d season there were f i f t y - t h r e e wage earners i n Old Crow, of which seventeen were employed f u l l - t i m e and the others for various time lengths. This i s shown in Table # 3 . 1 1 . Table # 3 ,11 Length of Time i n Wage Employment, Old Crow, 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 Weeks of Work 10 10-17 19-25 2 5 - 3 1 32-38 39-45 46-52 Total No. of People 11 8 11 3 2 1 17 53 Source: f i e l d data Permanent jobs have been associated with the government while o i l d r i l l i n g s have attracted people for short periods. Lately many research groups have provided opportunities for temporary employment. Table # 3.12 suggests that there has been an increase i n wage employment, although t h i s trend must be viewed cautiously. Some of the f u l l - t i m e jobs require only 101 Table #3.12 Employment Opportunities 1961 1973 f u l l part f u l l part Type Janitor time time time time 2 0 6 0 Guides or helpers 0 4 0 7 Trader or co-operative 0 1-2 2 3 Labourer: 10 Indian A f f a i r s 0 5-10 0 Yukon Gov't 0 0 1 1 O i l Companies 0 0 0 19 D.O.T. 0 0 0 2 Fisheries 0 0 0 1 Renewable Resources Ltd. 0 0 0 7 Forestry 0 0 0 1 Special Constable 1 0 1 0 Equipment Operator 0 1 , & Truck Driver 0 0 4 Teacher Assistant 0 0 1 0 Weather Observer 0 0 0 3 Post Office Clerk 0 0 1 0 Band Secretary 0 0 1 0 A i r l i n e Agent 0 0 1 0 Domestic 0 0 0 2 News Reporter 0 0 1 1 Forest F i r e Observer 0 0 1 0 ~3~ 10-16 17 ~ 6 l Note: number of people involved: Source: B a l i k c i , 1963: 96 Canada Manpower Study, 1971, updated by f i e l d data, 1973. 196l - unknown 1973 - 53 (17 people employed f u l l time; 40) people employed part time, with many having more than one job) 102 a few hours a week, while others have u n c e r t a i n d u r a t i o n s . Wage income made up about 60% of the t o t a l income f o r Old Crow i n 1973. Steady employment accounted f o r about t w o - t h i r d s of t h a t . Table # 3.13 shows the wage d i s t r i b u t i o n f o r the community. Tabl e #3.13 Wage Income D i s t r i b u t i o n , Old Crow 1972-73 Income Range No. of People #10,000 1 7,500-10,000 8 15,000-7,499 3 #3,000-4,999 17 12,000-2,999 9 11,000-1,999 9 #1,000 6__ 53 Source: f i e l d data 77% of the Old Crow people had l e s s than a $5,000 wage income, yet employment i s the most important source of cash Income i n Old Crow. Steady employment, however, i s r e s t r i c t e d t o those jobs with d i f f e r e n t government o r g a n i z a t i o n s , l i m i t i n g the number of people t h a t can be steady employees. The only a l t e r n a t i v e s l e f t are the short term jobs a l r e a d y mentioned, or employment o u t s i d e the v i l l a g e . Most Old Crow people have chosen the f i r s t 103 alternative, a typical choice in small, isolated northern communities. Evidently Old Crow has not the necessary economic base to absorb the labour force that is looking more and more toward wage employment. When wage income is combined with a l l other forms of cash income, families are pushed into a higher range. However, i t remains that 48$ of Old Crow has less than $5»000 total income. There is a general feeling in Old Crow that fewer jobs w i l l be available in Old Crow in the future. Yet, i t also seems that employment opportunities are levelling off. Stager (m ds 94) has shown that there is a tendency toward more temporary employment in the village. Some people have worked away from Old Crow, only to return. The government has encouraged and financially assisted residents to seek employment elsewhere, but many have preferred to remain at home. Table § 3.14 shows the percentage number of people who would not seek work outside Old Crow. It shows that more of the younger people are willing to go. 104 Table #3.1*+ A f f i n i t y to Old Crow by Residents Would Leave Would Stay Total Age % % N = 77 Male: 40 yrs. 5 19 24 30-40 yrs. 6 1 7 17-29 yrs 14 _9_ Total 25 29 Female: 8 40 yrs. 3 18 21 30-40 yrs. 0 6 6 17-29 yrs. 10 _2 1 Total 13 33 Totals: J8 62 100 Source: f i e l d data If the trend to "urbanize" pe r s i s t s i n Old Crow, an economic base must be found to support the population. Presently, none i s evident; resource development would provide temporary employment only, not unlike present conditions. Bisset and Meldrum ( 1 9 7 3 : 7*0 report that l o c a l dependence on renewable resources w i l l remain. It is to t h i s idea that the following section i s presented -to determine the extent of present conditions of land a c t i v i t i e s and to evaluate t h e i r potential i n the future of Old Crow. 105 2 . Land Based Economy There i s a need to e s t a b l i s h the l e v e l of importance t h a t the products of la n d a c t i v i t i e s have on Old Crow l i v i n g standards. Cash i s p a i d d i r e c t l y f o r f i n e f u r s , woodcutting, and h a n d i c r a f t s and can e a s i l y be compared to other c o n s t i t u e n t s of the aggregate income. The r o l e of country food can a l s o be estimated i n the domestic food budget, (a) Cash f o r Land A c t i v i t i e s Woodcutting i s a r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e e n t e r p r i s e from year to year, and accounts f o r about $ 1 3 , 0 0 0 of the gross community income. Twenty-six people went woodcutting f o r v a r i o u s l e n g t h s of time i n 1973 which i s t y p i c a l of other y e a r s . H a n d i c r a f t s , on the other hand, seem t o be a growing e n t e r p r i s e . They accounted f o r around $5»000 of the gross community income, d i s t r i b u t e d among f o u r t e e n women i n t e n d i f f e r e n t f a m i l i e s . L a s t l y , t r a p p i n g and r a t t i n g , a h i g h l y f l u c t u a t i n g e n t e r p r i s e , saw 1973 as a good year f o r f u r p r i c e s . Table # 3 .15 shows the dramatic i n c r e a s e i n f u r income f o r 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 . Table # 3.15 Fur Income, 1967-1973 1967 -68 1968 -69 1969 -70 1970 -71 1971 -72 1972 -73 muskrat $7,440. 18 9,934. 05 737. 94 6,740. 25 16,460 .64 34,312. 50 marten 1,027. 52 896. 70 133. 51 325. 05 790 .40 1,236. 00 mink 128. 64 512. 14 59. 96 283. 50 373 .52 470. 00 beaver 591. 73 177. 97 142. 12 137. 80 190 .56 450. 00 lynx 59, 82 309. 10 22. 50 440. 70 643 .20 2,090. 00 fox 6. 82 25. 80 0 0 41 .25 180. 00 o t t e r 17. 37 0 0 0 77 .64 0 weasel 27. 44 16. 50 9. 00 1. 35 7 .31 15. 00 wolverine 0 0 45. 89 0 111 .12 0 wolf 42. 62 28. 68 0 34. 18 178 .00 0 s q u i r r e l . 74 2. 59 5. 32 0 0 0 $9,342.88 11,903.53 1,156.24 7,962.83 18,873.64 38,753.50 Source: d e r i v e d from average f u r p r i c e s r e p o r t e d i n S t a t i s t i c s Canada, catalogue 23: 207. 10? With the exception of 196-9-70 muskrat pelts have been making an increasingly greater percentage of the t o t a l fur income; 79% i n 1967-68 to 88$ i n 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 . The upward trend i n income i s deceptive, however. Table # 3.16 shows that cash for land-based a c t i v i t i e s accounts for less than #2,000 for 75% of the families who engage i n those a c t i v i t i e s . Table # 3.16 Families with Income From Land A c t i v i t i e s , Old Crow 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 Income Range No. of Families $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 1 # 7 , 5 0 0 - 1 0 , 0 0 0 0 # 5 , 0 0 0 - 7 , 4 9 9 0 # 3 , 0 0 0 - 4 , 9 9 9 3 # 2 , 0 0 0 - 2 , 9 9 9 3 # 1 , 0 0 0 - 1 , 9 9 9 10 #1-1 ,000 9 0 11 unknown 4 Total 41 Source: f i e l d data In combining the analysis of Table # 3 .16 with Table # 3 . 1 7 , we see that four families (12 people) r e l i e d on land-based a c t i v i t i e s for more than 5 0 $ of t h e i r t o t a l family cash income. One of these families had a land-derived income of over # 1 0 , 0 0 0 , while the remaining three family incomes were l e s s than # 4 , 0 0 0 . It i s also evident 108 that over three-quarters of the community r e l y on the land for less than 20$ of t h e i r income. Table # 3 . 1 7 Land-Based Income as a Percentage of Total Income, Old Crow 1972-73 Percentage Range No. of Families 1 71-80 1 61-70 0 51-60 2 41-50 o 31-40 -2 21-30 3 11-20 8 1-10 9 0 11 unknown 4. Total 41 Source: f i e l d data (b) Direct Consumption from Land A c t i v i t i e s In assessing f i s h and game f o r a production consumption analysis, a l l catches were converted to weight. S i m i l a r l y , a l l family food requirements were converted to weight. By doing t h i s i t i s assumed that country food i s preferred and people w i l l eat mostly meat when i t i s a v a i l a b l e . 1 0 9 Country Food Production: Old Crow Hunter/Trapper Family in 1973 lb. 1500 13504-12001 1050 900 750 600 450 birds I y* J A muskrats rabbits moose caribou 'A • fish consumption / (Source: f i e l d d a t a ) Feb Mar Apr May Jun Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec FIGURE 3.8 Table # 3.18 Family Requirements and Consumption of Country Food 1973 pamily Persons Estimated l b s . Estimated l b s . of meat & f i s h Consumed food Subsii Jo. Per Family of meat and consumed as % of C l a s s f i s h r e q u i r e d r e q u i r e d food per f a m i l y f i s h meat muskrats T o t a l 1 1 1,825 625 625 34.2% II 2 1 1,825 480 1,345 120 1,945 100 I 3 4 4,740 20 40 60 1.2 IV 4 11 8,580 690 5,120 90 6,525 76.0 I 5 5 5,840 15 780 140 935 16.0 IV 6 8 9,490 935 8,555 520 10,010 100 I 7 9 8,760 1,340 1,340 15.3 IV 8 2 2,375 400 125 150 675 28.4 I I I 9 7 8,945 750 2,925 3,675 41.0 I I 10 5 7,850 615 7,220 15 7,850 100 I 11 8 8,205 85 2,010 2,095 25.5 I I I 12 9 7,490 105 1,840 160 2,105 • 28.1 I I I 13 6 8,945 2,570 160 2,730 30.5 I I I 14 7 7,665 105 3,200 250 3,555 46.4 I I I 15 5 9,125 625 8,340 200 9,165 100 I 16 4 4,745 490 4,165 480 5,495 100 I 17 3 4,200 350 2,560 120 3,030 72.1 II 18 9 11,315 825 8,770 230 9,825 86.8 I 19 8 9,490 130 5,635 300 6,065 63.9 II 20 4 7,300 20 3,560 360 3,940 53.9 I I 21 8 6,945 510 4,040 75 4,625 66.6 II continued Table # 3.18 continued Family No. Persons Per Family Estimated l b s . of meat and f i s h r e q u i r e d Estimated l b s . o f meat & f i s h consumed Consumed food as % of r e q u i r e d food Subsistence C l a s s per f a m i l y f i s h meat muskrats T o t a l 22 3 4,200 1,250 1,250 28.8 I I I 23 1 1,825 30 1,095 120 1,245 68.2 II 24 2 3,650 125 2,455 70 2,650 72.6 I I 25 4 7,300 6,265 75 8,990 100 I 26 2 3,650 375 3,000 120 3,495 95.7 I 27 2 3,650 425 2,830 180 3,435 94.1 I 28 5 7,845 0 0 0 0 0 29 12 11,680 unknown 30 1 1,825 0 0 0 0 0 31 7 6,390 unknown 32 2 3,650 50 2,030 40 2,120 58.1 II 33 2 2,920 0 0 0 0 0 34 2 2,000 0 0 0 0 0 35 1 1,800 0 0 0 0 0 36 1 1,000 0 0 0 0 0 -37 1 1,100 0 0 0 0 0 38 6 8,200 unknown 39 3 4,200 unknown 40 1 1,825 unknown 41 1 1,100 0 0 0 0 0 183 225,465 106,805 55.29% H Source: f i e l d data 112 The two most Important components of the food supply, caribou and salmon, are available on a pronounced seasonal basis. This i s r e f l e c t e d i n Figure #3.8 where country food production shows a seasonal peak. The graph also shows an estimated consumption l e v e l with the rate calculated on the basis of surplus carry-over. By February the surplus runs out and the importance of muskrat meat becomes very evident i n May and June. In March and A p r i l people required a "grub stake" from the co-op. It must be concluded that muskrats as a source of food, as well as a source of p e l t s , attracted people to Crow F l a t s . This research made an attempt to c l a s s i f y the people of Old Crow by t h e i r rate of country food consumption. Usher (1971: II; 73) provided guidance for developing a family food budget - consumption was calculated at a rate of 5 lbs./adult and 1.5-2 l b . / c h i l d per day through the year ( i b i d ) . Table # 3.18 l i s t s each Old Crow family, t h e i r amount of food required, estimated amount of country food consumed, and the consumed as a percentage of required. A c l a s s i f i c a t i o n into "subsistence l e v e l s " was made on a quartile basis with "Class I" containing those with 75$ of th e i r dietary needs supplied by country food. The percentage declined to 25$ for "Class IV". Table # 3.18 shows that 55$ of the food needs i n Old Crow are supplied by the land. There are 10 families with 113 f i f t y - o n e people ( 2 8 $ of Old Crow) i n "Subsistence Class I"; 9 familes, or 37 people (20$) in "Class I I " ; 6 families containing 35 people (19$) i n "Class I I I " ; and 3 families or 18 people (10$) i n "Class IV". This means that 77$ of the people i n Old Crow r e l y to some extent on food from the land and that 48$ of the t o t a l population have at least half t h e i r food needs met by the land. 3. Summary and Conclusion With modern views toward employment, the monetary return from land based a c t i v i t i e s i s secondary. Greater e f f o r t and the uncertain returns of a bush existence move people to town employment. Yet, Old Crow i s not completely caught; up i n reaching f o r the new material world. This i s evidenced by the fact that country food supplies the community with over half i t s requirements; f a t t i n g i s gaining i n popularity; and autumn hunting t r i p s are s t i l l annual excursions. The land i s s t i l l strong i n terms of the people's l i v e l i h o o d . The people no longer exploit the entire Porcupine drainage area but have focussed t h e i r attention to the land that i s within easy commuting distance of Old Crow. Hunting and trapping are s t i l l c a r r i e d on, but on a small s p a t i a l scale. The muskrat harvesting t e r r i t o r y has not been 114 reduced and more people are engaging i n the a c t i v i t y . People s t i l l see land a c t i v i t i e s as a necessary function i n every day subsistence, while the view of land has taken symbolic meaning. The land, by i t s e l f , i s a product of t h e i r heritage; a f u l f i l l i n g of the need fo r psychological escape as well as being the object for c u l t u r a l expressions of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . 115 CHAPTER IV TERRITORIALITY There has always been concern among K u t c h i n f o r t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . T r a d i t i o n a l ethnographies, such as Osgood's ( 1 9 3 6 b ) , d e l i m i t t e r r i t o r i e s on the b a s i s of occupance. T h i s assumes t h a t through repeated use of r e s o u r c e s i n an a r e a over time, a group w i l l f e e l they belong to t h a t l a n d a r e a . Chapter I I I examined K u t c h i n t e r r i t o r y i n the l i g h t of land-use and c u l t u r a l change. Occupance, however, i s not an e x p r e s s i o n of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . T e r r i t o r i a l i t y i s the a c t of c l a i m i n g and defending a t e r r i t o r y and i s d i r e c t e d a t another group. T h i s chapter w i l l focus on the a g g r e s s i v e or d e f e n s i v e a c t i o n s of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y t h a t o c c u r r e d i n the p a s t , the expressions of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y through the p e r c e p t i o n of Old Crow people, and the commitment people have toward t h e i r l a n d . The f o l l o w i n g quote e x e m p l i f i e s the p o s s e s s i v e f e e l i n g Old Crow people now have f o r t h e i r l a n d : "You can't cut t r e e s around 300 square m i l e s of Old Crow ... but ... I suppose ... you can take l o g s out of the r i v e r because they aren't on the land. " 1 0 10 P e r s o n a l c o n v e r s a t i o n : J u l y 2 3 , 1973* 116 T h i s e x p r e s s i o n claims c o n t r o l over land-use, i n f e r s the o u t r i g h t ownership of the l a n d , but suggests c o n f u s i o n over c o n t r o l of the r i v e r t h a t flows through the a r e a . In the past the concept of ownership was unknown. There was, however, a sense of p o s s e s s i o n and c o n t r o l over a p a r t i c u l a r hunting t e r r i t o r y . A c t s of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y took the form of r a i d i n g as w e l l as t r a d i n g on t e r r i t o r i a l p e r i p h e r i e s . C o n f l i c t s a r o s e because people were unsure of " o u t s i d e r s ' " i n t e n t i o n s . I n t e r t r i b a l exchange occ u r r e d on n e u t r a l ground where both p a r t i e s f e l t e q u a l l y secure. These r e l a t i o n s h i p s become evident i n the f o l l o w i n g examples of recorded a c t i o n i n the p a s t . 1. T e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n the Past H a l l (1969) has suggested t h a t K u t c h i n , a f t e r being d r i v e n out of the f o o t h i l l s of the Brooks Range i n A l a s k a , d i d not e s t a b l i s h a hunting t e r r i t o r y u n t i l they s e t t l e d a l o n g the Chandalar, Porcupine and P e e l R i v e r s . I t i s i n f e r r e d t h a t when the K u t c h i n a r r i v e d a t these l o c a t i o n s they were r e q u i r e d to c l a i m a hunting t e r r i t o r y a g a i n s t others i n the a r e a . The l a s t settlement was as recent as I850 ( H a l l , 1969: 321), s u g g e s t i n g t h a t c o n f l i c t s a r i s i n g from t e r r i t o r i a l i t y were s t i l l a p a r t of the n a t i v e s ' l i v e s a f t e r white c o n t a c t . 117 FIGURE 4.1 118 R a i d i n g and t r a d i n g were warm weather a c t i v i t i e s because people were h i g h l y d i s p e r s e d d u r i n g w i n t e r . • R a i d i n g was s w i f t , u t i l i z i n g the element of s u r p r i s e , and r e t r e a t was r a p i d t o a v o i d r e t a l i a t i o n . Trade was c a r r i e d on with c a u t i o n . In F i g u r e #4.1 t wenty-six l o c a t i o n s where two groups have encountered each other i n c o n f l i c t or t r a d e are recorded. Table #4.1 e x p l a i n s i n d e t a i l the happenings a t the l o c a t i o n s mapped i n F i g u r e # 4.1. Of the twenty-one c o n f l i c t l o c a t i o n s , only s i x are not s i t u a t e d a l o n g t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries. H a l f the c o n f l i c t s r ecorded r e l a t e t o a wide no-man's-land between the undisputed t e r r i t o r i e s of Nakotcho K u t c h i n and Eskimos. Other cases of c o n f l i c t o ccurred deep w i t h i n each other's t e r r i t o r y u s u a l l y i n r e t a l i a t i o n f o r c o n f l i c t s on n e u t r a l ground. However, warfare was not e x c l u s i v e l y Kutchin-Eskimo c o n f l i c t ; t h i r d p a r t i e s were c i t e d a t three d i f f e r e n t l o c a t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n , f o u r of the f i v e t r a d i n g l o c a t i o n s are s i t u a t e d p e r i p h e r a l l y . The motive f o r such t e r r i t o r i a l behaviour was e s s e n t i a l l y economic. One group would unexpectedly come upon another, and t h i n k i n g these ' o u t s i d e r s ' were p i l l a g i n g the t e r r i t o r y , would s t r i k e s w i f t l y . Revenge o f t e n f o l l o w e d , o c c u r r i n g deep'in the o p p o s i t i o n ' s t e r r i t o r y . T a b l e # 4 . 1 P r e - C o n t a c t a n d E a r l y C o n t a c t T e r r i t o r i a l i t y I n N o r t h w e s t N o r t h A m e r i c a A . M a p p e d C o n f l i c t L o c a t i o n s : M a p N o , 1 2 , 3 5 - 1 1 1 2 N o t e s p r e - c o n t a c t s k i r m i s h e s d e e p i n E s k i m o t e r r i t o r y i n r e t a l i a t i o n o f o t h e r c o n f l i c t s . p r e - c o n t a c t s k i r m i s h e s d e e p i n E s k i m o t e r r i t o r y i n r e t a l i a t i o n o f o t h e r c o n f l i c t s . a t t i m e s E s k i m o s a l s o p e n e t r a t e d d e e p i n t o K u t c h i n t e r r i t o r y t o r e t a l i a t e . c o n f l i c t s w i t h i n a w i d e n o - m a n ' s l a n d . A n y g r o u p f o u n d w i t h i n t h e n o - m a n ' s l a n d w a s c o n s i d e r e d a t h r e a t t o t h e o t h e r g r o u p . a c t o f d e f e n s e a g a i n s t a n e a s t e r n t r i b e w h o h a d b e e n o u t e x p l o r i n g f o r e c o n o m i c g a i n . S o u r c e S l o b o d i n , 1 9 6 0 : 8 5 S l o b o d i n , 1 9 6 0 : 8 3 S l o b o d i n , 1 9 6 0 : 8 5 S l o b o d i n , 1 9 6 0 : 8 9 S l o b o d i n , 1 9 6 0 : 7 7 MD c o n t i n u e d T a b l e # 4 . 1 c o n t i n u e d M a p N o . 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 , 1 8 1 9 , 2 0 N o t e s c o n f l i c t a r i s i n g b e c a u s e T u t c h o n e f e l t K u t c h i n w e r e e n c r o a c h i n g o n t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . E s k i m o s k i d n a p p e d a n d k i l l e d K u t c h i n b o y s a f t e r t r a d i n g e x p e d i t i o n . A n a c t o f r e t a l i a t i o n . K u t c h i n d e f e n d i n g t h e i r m i d d l e m a n p o s i t i o n a g a i n s t w h i t e s w h o a t t e m p t e d t o b y - p a s s t h e m . c o u n t e r - r e t a l i a t i o n t o k i d n a p p i n g ( # 1 4 ) ; K u t c h i n a n n i l a t e d a n E s k i m o v i l l a g e a t S h i n g l e P o i n t . p r e - c o n t a c t s k i r m i s h e s a l o n g d r a i n a g e d i v i d e n e a r a c o m m o n c a r i b o u h u n t i n g a r e a . e a r l y K u t c h i n / E s k i m o c o n f l i c t s o f B r o o k s R a n g e t h a t f o r c e d K u t c h i n m i g r a t i o n e a s t w a r d . S o u r c e S l o b o d i n , 1 9 6 0 : 8 6 B a l i k c i , 1 9 6 3 : 3 2 F r a n k l i n , 1 8 2 8 : 1 4 B a l i k c i , 1 9 6 3 : 3 2 M c K e n n a n , 1 9 6 5 : 6 8 - 6 9 H a l l , 1 9 6 9 : 3 2 1 (—1 o c o n t i n u e d Table # 4.1 continued Map No. 21 Notes Tanana, e x p r e s s i n g f e a r of i n v a s i o n , surrounded Kutchin while Archdeacon McDonald was preaching, but no f i g h t developed. B. Mapped Trade L o c a t i o n s 1 4 5 p o s t - c o n t a c t trade with whites dur i n g g o l d r u s h . unusual w i n t e r aggregation of Tutchone and K u t c h i n f o r hunting and t r a d i n g . K u t c hin trade with downriver Athapaskans. trade between two Kutchin bands. Eskimo/Kutchin trade d u r i n g pre and p o s t - c o n t a c t p e r i o d s . Source B a l i k c i , 1963: 32 S l o b o d i n , 1962: 31 S l o b o d i n , 1962: 32 McKennan, 1965: 25 Leechman, 1954: 26 McKennan, 1965: 25 H 122 P r e s t i g e a l s o c h a r a c t e r i z e d the economic motive of warfare. Often i f a group f e l t cheated i n trade they r e t a l i a t e d t o g a i n f a c e , but not u s u a l l y t o g a i n m a t e r i a l l y ( S l o b o d i n , I960: 87; H a l l , 1969: 87). Thus p r e s t i g e was a l s o a motive i n i t s e l f . K u t c h i n were aware of t h e i r t e r r i t o r y b a s i c a l l y f o r economic reasons. P r e s t i g e and revenge, although p o s s i b l e motives i n themselves, were g e n e r a l l y by-products of economic-based h o s t i l i t i e s . True aggession accompanied p r e s t i g e and revenge. Consequently, m a t e r i a l g a i n was not an i s s u e . Today, n a t i v e people argue from the same p o i n t of view - t h a t t e r r i t o r i a l claims are merely a d e f e n s i v e measure i n r e t a i n i n g what they a l r e a d y possess. 2. Present-day Claims Present-day lan d c l a i m s , a c c o r d i n g t o the f o l l o w i n g quote, are motivated by c u l t u r a l s u r v i v a l . "Without l a n d I n d i a n people have no s o u l -no l i f e - no i d e n t i t y - no purpose. C o n t r o l of our own lan d i s necessary f o r our c u l t u r a l and economic s u r v i v a l . " (Y.N.B., 1973: ID 123 The quote suggests that the land has become a symbol, representing a heritage that people can i d e n t i f y with and take pride i n . This does not eliminate the economic motive, but a c t u a l l y complements i t . It w i l l be shown that although the reasons given for land claims are c u l t u r a l , deep economic insec u r i t y i s the major contributor. Land claims by native people i s an important unresolved issue i n the Yukon. In the Old Crow region much of the land has o i l lease p o t e n t i a l . Native groups are concerned about the land surface by t i t l e as well as sub-surface mineral r i g h t s , water r i g h t s , and timber r i g h t s . F i e l d data i n t h i s research, presented i n Chapter I I I , has also shown the value of the land as a food and income source. F i n a l l y , the land i s viewed as a refuge from town (Usher, 1973: 6). There are two s p a t i a l scales of land claims from the Old Crow Band - the t o t a l Porcupine River drainage area and the region of Crow Fla t s (see Figure # 4.2). The Old Crow Band Council presented claim to the Porcupine Drainage by c i t i n g precedence i n using the land for t r a d i t i o n a l hunting and trapping purposes (Y.N.B., 1973: 29). The Yukon Native Brotherhood, on behalf of the Old Crow Band, suggested a formula for j o i n t management of the area. Two representatives, from the Federal W i l d l i f e Service and the Yukon T e r r i t o r i a l Government, would be 124 FIGURE 4.2 125 appointed t o a board by the Old Crow C o u n c i l . In a d d i t i o n t o t h i s c o n t r o l the Band C o u n c i l would have complete freedom t o r e - l o c a t e the v i l l a g e , i f necessary, and have e x c l u s i v e timber r i g h t s t o two areas - a t the mouths of Driftwood R i v e r and David Lord Creek. The Old Crow Band a l s o has claimed c l e a r t i t l e "to the a r e a c a l l e d Crow F l a t s " (Y.N.B., 1 9 7 3 : 1 2 ) . A major problem immediately a r i s e s i n the d e f i n i t i o n of Crow F l a t s : t h a t a r e a of present occupation; the t o t a l a r e a of f l a t topography and l a k e s ; or, the t o t a l drainage a r e a i n c l u d i n g the streams d r a i n i n g i n t o the f l a t a r e a . The l a s t i d e a was adopted f o r m a l l y i n a Band Meeting on J u l y 2 3 , 1973* i n response t o a F e d e r a l Government query on whether t o grant an o i l e x p l o r a t i o n permit i n the F l a t s . However, i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t no d e f i n i t i v e statement has been made concerning l a n d c l a i m s . Both l a n d c l a i m areas have been r e s e r v e d s i n c e the mid 1 9 5 0 's as the Old Crow r e g i s t e r e d group t r a p p i n g a r e a (see F i g u r e # 4 . 2 ) . Although these areas have not been used e x t e n s i v e l y f o r many yea r s , the people of Old Crow f e e l t h a t when o u t s i d e employment f a i l s them, they c o u l d r e t u r n t o a l u c r a t i v e hunting and t r a p p i n g economy. Crow F l a t s e s p e c i a l l y has been l a b e l l e d "the bank" - something to which the people can t u r n i n time of need. 126 T e c h n i c a l l y , without complete t i t l e f o r the Porcupine B a s i n c l a i m , i t may be impossible t o manage the r e s o u r c e u t i l i z a t i o n of the a r e a . With complete t i t l e t o Crow F l a t s a c o n f l i c t immediately a r i s e s over s c a l e of c o n t r o l between the l a r g e r t e r r i t o r y and the s m a l l e r , more i n t e n s i v e t e r r i t o r y . In a d d i t i o n , t e r r i t o r i a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l boundaries a c t u a l l y r e s t r i c t both c l a i m s . Ethnographies t h a t review past K u t c h i n l i f e p r o v i d e t e r r i t o r i e s t h a t do not n e c e s s a r i l y conform t o the Porcupine B a s i n c l a i m a r e a . These anomalies i n t e r r i t o r y have been r e c o g n i z e d and accepted. However, the type of c l a i m s must be c l a r i f i e d to i n c l u d e s p e c i f i c powers before there can be c o n s i s t e n t development toward a j u s t s e t t l e m e n t . 3 . The P e r c e p t i o n of a T e r r i t o r y A t e r r i t o r y i s not simply the p i e c e of ground defended and c o n t r o l l e d , i t i s a l s o the zone with which one i d e n t i f i e s . P e r c e p t i o n i s an e x p r e s s i o n of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y because as a person i d e n t i f i e s w i t h an a r e a , he i s , a t l e a s t i n h i s own mind, c l a i m i n g i t . T h e r e f o r e l o c a t i o n s i d e n t i f i e d w i t h i n the t e r r i t o r y become s i g n i f i c a n t and become i n d i c a t o r s of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . 127 In the following discussion an attempt i s made to delimit the s p a t i a l perception of the Old Crow territory-held by members of the community. The knowledge of t h e i r t e r r i t o r y i s based p a r t i a l l y on past experience and h i s t o r y , or reputation, of I d e n t i f i a b l e s i t e s within i t , as well as the people's attitudes toward those s i t e s . This paper provides data on the nature of the perceived t e r r i t o r y of Old Crow, gauges the information flow between generations, and may explain the two-scale land claims presented i n the l a s t section. The procedure i n obtaining the perceived t e r r i t o r y of Old Crow was through the compilation of an Indian language, Loucheux, place name map. Two groups, one of 'older people' and one of 'younger people*, were Invited 11 to p a r t i c i p a t e i n producing the Loucheux map . By c a r e f u l s e l e c t i o n , the members of these groups f a i r l y represented the community. The mapping a c t i v i t y was generally unsupervised. Instructions given were to i d e n t i f y and provide names for the most important locations i n the Old Crow lands. 11 Older people were those over 40 years of age; younger people ranged from 17 years to 29 years of age. 128 There was no communication between the two groups. P a r t i c i p a n t s were g i v e n a l a r g e sketch map of the Porcupine Drainage p a t t e r n . One hundred and s i x t y -e i g h t l o c a t i o n s were i d e n t i f i e d - one hundred and twenty-two by the younger group, one hundred and t h i r t y by the o l d e r group, w i t h a t o t a l of e i g h t y -f o u r d u p l i c a t i o n s . Both groups l i s t e d l o c a t i o n s i n rank of importance and i t was f e l t t h a t the f i r s t day's work, g i v i n g t w e n t y - f i v e of the best known l o c a t i o n s , was most v a l i d i n e x p r e s s i n g a t e r r i t o r i a l c o r e . Consequently, the l a s t l o c a t i o n s mentioned were the l e a s t important i n the p e r c e p t i o n of Old Crow t e r r i t o r y . There i s no r i g h t or wrong answer t o t h i s e x e r c i s e because i t i s impossible t o o b t a i n a reasonably o b j e c t i v e d e l i m i t a t i o n of K u t c h i n t e r r i t o r y . I t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o evaluate s h i f t s i n people's p e r c e p t i o n due to h i s t o r i c a l changes i n l a n d use and se t t l e m e n t . However, each group's map can be used f o r a comparison, the v a r i a b l e being age. S h i f t s i n p e r c e p t i o n between generations can then be s t u d i e d . Two terms, core a r e a and home t e r r i t o r y , may be adopted here t o d e s c r i b e two d i s t i n c t s c a l e s of p e r c e p t i o n h e l d by Old Crow people. The core a r e a d e f i n e s the zone to which people immediately i d e n t i f y . Home t e r r i t o r y d e s c r i b e s the range of t e r r i t o r y t h a t people f e e l i s p a r t of Old Crow. 129 FIGURE 4.3 130 (a) Core Area According to both groups the most Important feature of the Crow lands is a small tributary of the Old Crow River, Schaeffer Creek. This stream drains the southern portion of Crow Plats and Is the main artery to over half the muskrat trapping sectors in the Plats. The core area is identified as Crow Flats with Schaeffer Creek as Its focus (see Figure # 4.3)• The delimitation of the core area by the two groups suggests inconsistent information flow between generations. The land area of the core was reduced 59.8 per cent in passage from the older to the younger generation. The decrease in area reflects a reduction in the number of stream arteries and an increase in the number of lakes identified. On the other hand, within the core fifty-two per cent of the locations, a l l lakes, were commonly identified. Also, very significant is the fact that neither group included the community site of Old Crow in the core area. (b) Home Territory The influence of the Porcupine River was the major factor in identifying the home territory of Old Crow. The older group established 90 locations outside the core 131 132 FIGURE 4.5 133 while the younger group provided 71 (Figure # 4 . 4 , Figure # 4 . 5 ) . The younger group's image of t h e i r home t e r r i t o r y i s s l i g h t l y smaller i n area than the older group's. Where young people considered the least important locations to be on the periphery of the t e r r i t o r i a l image, older people scattered the le a s t important locations throughout the t e r r i t o r y . Sites of lesser importance recorded by older people were not mentioned by the younger group. Two remarkable pieces of evidence which contribute to the differences between the two maps are the i n c l u s i o n of hunting and trapping t r a i l s , and the l o c a t i o n of caribou surrounds by the older group. In comparison, the younger-people's image does not show caribou surrounds, and hunting t r a i l s are much shorter. Also of special mention i s the large number of points located north of Crow Flats i n the f o o t h i l l s of the B r i t i s h Mountains that are mentioned by the older group. This confirms that the older people were much more oriented to hunting caribou i n the f o o t h i l l s , s i m i l a r to pre-contact generations. It can be concluded that the t o t a l t e r r i t o r i a l perception has diminished between generations but the image of the core has i n t e n s i f i e d . It i s noteworthy that i t i s the land, Crow Fl a t s , that i s i d e n t i f i e d as the core, not the community of Old Crow. In terms of ranking order, 134 however, the community i s taking on more importance. The younger people are s t i l l aware of the vast expanse of Old Crow t e r r i t o r y and t h e i r image, although s l i g h t l y reduced, i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y large. The greatest s h i f t has occurred i n the core region of the t e r r i t o r y , with minor s h i f t s on the periphery. This may not be too surprising, i n view of recent land claims and o i l exploration i n the Crow Flats region. 4 . T e r r i t o r i a l Commitment The preceding section has provided data on the s p a t i a l extent of Old Crow t e r r i t o r y . To measure the i n t e n s i t y of the people's commitment to defend t h e i r land, a hypothetical invasion, i n terms of a pipeline and external control of the pipeline, was posed to the Old Crow residents. Defense responses were obtained for locations within the Porcupine Drainage system as well as two locations on the A r c t i c Coast (see Figure # 4 . 8 ) . The s i t e s chosen represented both construction camps and pumping stations that would be necessary i f a pipeline were constructed. It was found that no perceptual difference among the Old Crow people occurred between the 135 t h r e a t o f a p u m p i n g s t a t i o n o r t h e t h r e a t o f a c o n s t r u c t i o n c a m p , b y t h e m s e l v e s . H o w e v e r , w h e n a c t u a l l o c a t i o n s w e r e a d d e d , s o m e b e c a m e m o r e t h r e a t e n i n g t h a n o t h e r s . T h e i n t e n s i t y o f c o m m i t m e n t w a s o b t a i n e d f r o m a d e f e n s e i n d e x . T h i s w a s a c c o m p l i s h e d b y a s k i n g t h e O l d C r o w r e s i d e n t s t o r e s p o n d , o n a f i v e p o i n t s c a l e , t h e i r f e e l i n g s t o w a r d p i p e l i n e d e v e l o p m e n t a t t h e s e l e c t e d l o c a t i o n s . E a c h c a t e g o r y o n t h e s c a l e w a s g i v e n a v a l u e , t h e f r e q u e n c y w a s t a b u l a t e d a n d t h e a v e r a g e r e s p o n s e p e r l o c a t i o n w a s c a l c u l a t e d . T h e c a t e g o r y v a l u e s r a n g e d f r o m - 2 ( s t r o n g l y u n a c c e p t a b l e ) t o +2 ( s t r o n g l y a c c e p t a b l e ) r a t h e r t h a n t h e u s u a l +1 t o +5. T h e r e f o r e , a c c e p t i n g a p r o p o s e d s i t e w a s c l e a r l y o p p o s e d t o n o t a c c e p t i n g i t . T h e f o l l o w i n g t a b l e a n d f i g u r e s u m m a r i z e t h e p r o c e d u r e : T a b l e # 4 . 2 A . D e f e n s e R e s p o n s e V a l u e s C a t e g o r y V a l u e a . s t r o n g a c c e p t a n c e b . a c c e p t a n c e c . n e u t r a l d . u n a c c e p t a b l e e . s t r o n g u n a c c e p t a n c e +2 +1 0 -1 - 2 N = 77 136 Table #4.2 continued B. Defense I n d i c e s and A c c e s s i b l e  D i s t a n c e from Old Crow f o r the  Sample L o c a t i o n s L o c a t i o n 1 2 3 4 5 6 Route A Route B 7 (Old Crow) A c c e s s i b l e D i s t a n c e * (miles) 23 54 28 152 58 12 0 ** Defense Index -1.22 -1.10 -1.25 -1.03 -1.01 -1.43 -1.49 .27 .16 * A c c e s s i b l e d i s t a n c e was measured i n mi l e s a c c o r d i n g t o the e a s i e s t and q u i c k e s t r i v e r and/or overland route t o the p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n . ** The a c c e s s i b l e d i s t a n c e t o these l o c a t i o n s cannot be measured a c c u r a t e l y . The l o c a t i o n s , i n f a c t , t o the people of Old Crow have become i n a c c e s s i b l e . F i g u r e #4.6 Category Frequency of Scale P o i n t s For Each L o c a t i o n Frequency +2 (acceptable) Source: f i e l d d ata L o c a t i o n Route A (Old Crow) 6 ( n e u t r a l ) -2 (unacceptable) 137 The people were a l s o asked to respond t o the a l t e r n a t i v e p i p e l i n e r o u t e s . The defense index d e r i v e d f o r these routes c o u l d be l o c a t e d anywhere al o n g the l i n e s , however, f o r c a r t o g r a p h i c convenience, they were f i x e d a t p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t l o c a t i o n s (see Fi g u r e # 4.8). The n o r t h e r n route was f i x e d where the p i p e l i n e c r o s s e s the F i r t h R i v e r , the only remaining major A r c t i c d r a i n i n g r i v e r t h a t has any meaning t o the Old Crow people. The southern route was p l a c e d a t the townsite of Old Crow because many respondants expressed concern over how the p i p e l i n e would r u i n Old Crow. F i g u r e #4.6 p o r t r a y s the e f f e c t of the frequency of responses on the defense index. The curves f o r l o c a t i o n 7 and rou t e B are h i g h l y skewed on the p o s i t i v e s i d e w h i l e the remainder a r e skewed on the n e g a t i v e s i d e . The skewness i s r e f l e c t e d i n the defense i n d i c e s l i s t e d i n T able # 4.2 B where the i n t e n s i t y index ranges from + .27 t o -1.49 and the s t r o n g e s t defense responses provide the lowest index. The comparison a l s o shows th a t a l o c a t i o n which possesses the s t r o n g e s t e x p r e s s i o n of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y has a mode of the s t r o n g e s t defense category. The data from Table #4.2 B i n i t s raw form presents a n o n - l i n e a r f u n c t i o n i n a c o r r e l a t i o n and r e g r e s s i o n 138 a n a l y s i s . Even i n the untransformed state the c o r r e l a t i o n i s s i g n i f i c a n t at the .05 l e v e l with r = .77. However, when the data i s logarithmically transformed the strength of the c o r r e l a t i o n was increased and the regression equation took a l i n e a r form. Figure #4.7 Correlation and Regression of Defense Intensity and Accessible Distance from Old Crow r = .88 y = .19 +• .08x .10-* (log) 0 [ (log) accessible distance from Old Crow The regression function (Figure # 4.7) shows a strong c o r r e l a t i o n (.88) between defense Intensity, which drops off rap i d l y , and accessible distance. However, distance i s not the only variable determining the strength of 139 t e r r i t o r i a l i t y f o r most l o c a t i o n s , the r ~ value i s 0.77 so t h a t 23 per cent of the s p a t i a l p a t t e r n may be e x p l a i n e d by other v a r i a b l e s . L o c a t i o n 6 i s the g r e a t e s t d e v i a n t from the l i n e of l e a s t squares because i t i s i n the immediate hu n t i n g range of Old Crow and i n the f a l l of 1973 was a r i v e r c r o s s i n g l o c a t i o n f o r c a r i b o u . L o c a t i o n 3 i s near the Crow F l a t s Drainage D i v i d e and there i s a very r e a l f e a r w i t h i n the community t h a t a p i p e l i n e would d e s t r o y the muskrat p o p u l a t i o n of the F l a t s ; thus a h i g h e r defense index. L o c a t i o n 4, the o l d s i t e of La P i e r r e House, has r e c e n t l y been i n Old Crow news with r e f e r e n c e to h i s t o r i c a l and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l work by the government. Many people of Old Crow have l e a r n e d about t h e i r own h i s t o r y , as w e l l as the n a t u r a l h i s t o r y of the Porcupine Drainage; and from t h i s work a h i g h e r defense i n t e n s i t y r e s u l t e d than was expected because the people i d e n t i f i e d with the l o c a t i o n . L o c a t i o n 5 had no focus i n the people's mind, e s p e c i a l l y i n r e l a t i o n t o the other l o c a t i o n s , r e s u l t i n g i n the lowest defense index. F i g u r e #4.8 c a r t o g r a p h i c a l l y r e p r e s e n t s the defense i n d i c e s of Table #4.2 B. The numbers are l o c a t i o n numbers only, while the width of the l i n e between Old Crow and each l o c a t i o n p o r t r a y the i n t e n s i t y of t e r r i t o r -i a l i t y a t each l o c a t i o n . These i n t e n s i t y l i n e s r a d i a t e from the l o c a t i o n with the s t r o n g e s t defense index. 140 Source: f i e l d da t a FIGURE 4.8 141 Included on the map i s the l o c a t i o n of an e x i s t i n g base. There seemed t o be no o p p o s i t i o n t o t h i s camp and because i t a l r e a d y e x i s t e d was excluded from the study. Undoubtedly, Old Crow i s the ce n t r e of the defense t e r r i t o r y , having the g r e a t e s t index (see Table # 4 . 2 B). I t i s a l s o evident that the c o a s t a l l o c a t i o n s are not par t of the Old Crow defendable t e r r i t o r y , i n view of the low defense i n d i c e s (see Table # 4 . 2 B). I t i s impossible t o provide a c c u r a t e boundaries f o r the defendable t e r r i t o r y of Old Crow; there a r e not enough l o c a t i o n s throughout the area t o give a b a s i s f o r e x t r a -p o l a t i o n . Although i n t e n s i t y i s a f u n c t i o n of d i s t a n c e , the f u n c t i o n i s not a s t r a i g h t l i n e d i s t a n c e , but r a t h e r , a c c e s s i b l e d i s t a n c e . I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o measure the a c c e s s i b i l i t y of many l o c a t i o n s and, of course, a c c e s s -i b i l i t y changes from w i n t e r t o summer. However, t h i s s e c t i o n has e s t a b l i s h e d the commitment h e l d by Old Crow r e s i d e n t s to v a r i o u s p a r t s of t h e i r l a n d . Old Crow people do t h i n k as a community; they view the land c o l l e c t i v e l y and e x h i b i t a s o l i d f r o n t i n the defense of t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . 142 5. The Old Crow Claim Two s c a l e s , the t e r r i t o r i a l e x p r e s s i o n encompassing the Porcupine Drainage B a s i n and the h i g h l y i n t e n s i f i e d r e g i o n of Crow F l a t s , have emerged as the major s p a t i a l concerns i n Old Crow t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . The e x e r c i s e i n d i c a t e s t h a t the expressions of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y have s h i f t e d from p e r i p h e r a l l o c a t i o n s (see Fig u r e #4.1) to a core a r e a . The p e r c e p t i o n study has shown t h a t the core i s t a k i n g on more importance s i n c e the number of l o c a t i o n s i d e n t i f i e d w i t h i n the r e g i o n i n c r e a s e d between g e n e r a t i o n s . T h i s suggests an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of t e r r i t o r i a l awareness and e x p l a i n s the much s t r o n g e r c l a i m on Crow F l a t s , than f o r the Porcupine Drainage B a s i n , i n Old Crow's b i d f o r A b o r i g i n a l Land R i g h t s . T h i s i s f u r t h e r supported by the a n a l y s i s of defendable space, where the defense of the core was h i g h l y i n t e n s i f i e d w h i l e the defense index dropped o f f r a p i d l y w i t h d i s t a n c e . T h i s chapter has a l s o shown a s h i f t i n a t t i t u d e as w e l l as motives toward c l a i m i n g t e r r i t o r y . I t was shown t h a t past expressions were motivated by economic c o n d i t i o n s -one group would v i e f o r the same food r e s o u r c e s as another i n a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n . These groups were i n t e r e s t e d irv p o s s e s s i n g t h a t l a n d only f o r the time t h a t they r e q u i r e d t o gather the r e s o u r c e s . P o s s e s s i o n now means a c t u a l 143 ownership and control through l e g a l t i t l e of the t e r r i t o r y . The reasons provided have been both c u l t u r a l and economic. To an extent the view of land, i t s e l f , has s h i f t e d to a symbol of c u l t u r a l heritage. The people are also r e a l i s t i c i n knowing that labour employment cannot l a s t and that they w i l l be assured land resources when i n need only through a strong claim. 144 CHAPTER V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION The foregoing chapters have attempted to describe the changing s p a t i a l pattern of settlement and resource use as well as examine the attitude Old Crow people hold toward t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . Mainly through interviewing, facts and opinions were obtained on various economic a c t i v i t i e s and c u l t u r a l conditions. These data provided the basis for estimating the community's adap t a b i l i t y to new s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l conditions, the economic condition within the community, and the relationship between the people of Old Crow and t h e i r land. In concluding t h i s discussion we must ask whether the conditions l a i d out i n the introduction have been met. We must examine the rela t i o n s h i p between the 'land-use' t e r r i t o r y and the 'perceived' t e r r i t o r y . In the context of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p a note should be added on the economic r e a l i t i e s e x i s t i n g i n Old Crow. 1. Land-Use The contact history of the Kutchin people i s nearing 150 years but changes i n the way of l i f e i n Old Crow have occurred recently. The research has shown a shrinking 145 l a n d a r e a used f o r t r a d i t i o n a l resource h a r v e s t i n g , yet almost h a l f the people s t i l l get a l a r g e p o r t i o n of t h e i r food from the l a n d . S p r i n g r a t t i n g and autumn hunting remain annual events, while f i s h i n g and w i n t e r t r a p p i n g are on the d e c l i n e . The d i m i n i s h i n g s p a t i a l extent of land-use took the form of a convergence onto Old Crow from a s e r i e s of d i s p e r s e d t r a p p i n g s e t t l e m e n t s . T h i s move c r e a t e d s o c i a l i z a t i o n t h a t had been l o s t s i n c e the c o - o p e r a t i v e bands of p r e - c o n t a c t days. Permanent r e s i d e n c e a t Old Crow was punctuated by r a p i d t r i p s t o t r a p l i n e s and speedy r e t u r n s to the settlement. The more r e c e n t phase of t h i s convergence has been one of i n t e n s e c o n c e n t r a t i o n i n the v i l l a g e . With an u n r e l i a b l e f u r market, the cost of equipment, and e x t r a e f f o r t r e q u i r e d , w i n t e r t r a p p i n g has become l e s s a t t r a c t i v e than wage employment. Consequently, few t r a p p e r s were a c t i v e i n Old Crow d u r i n g the w i n t e r of 1972-73. However, i n Chapter I I I i t was shown t h a t the break from the o l d way of l i f e i s not complete. What has emerged i n t h i s a n a l y s i s i s that l a n d a c t i v i t i e s are now viewed d i f f e r e n t l y . Seventy-seven per cent of the Old Crow p o p u l a t i o n r e l y on country food, but only 18. people (nine per cent) have a l l t h e i r food requirements s u p p l i e d by t h i s means. Only one f a m i l y out 146 of f i f t y t o t a l r e l i e s on trapping f o r the t o t a l income. Obviously, land a c t i v i t i e s are not a necessity but they are viewed as important functions i n t h e i r way of l i f e . This trend i s , i n part, symbolic. They go p a r t i a l l y because of the need fo r food, but they also go back to an older, simpler, yet varied way of l i f e . People can be t h e i r own boss and span the gap of c u l t u r a l change i n t h e i r own experiences. The land i s a refuge from town, a good place to be. 2. Perceived T e r r i t o r y It has been shown that t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n the form of land claims i s a dominant factor i n the future of Old Crow. The study indicates that over time the people's awareness of t h e i r t e r r i t o r y has s h i f t e d from the periphery to a core. The strengthening community consensus against outsiders probably contributes to t h i s attitude of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . Perception of the Old Crow t e r r i t o r y i s no longer the s p a t i a l perception derived from long standing occupance of the land. T e r r i t o r i a l i t y must be related to present conditions where the people have a tenuous hold on land that has questionable ownership. Without Crow Fla t s Old Crow would have never existed. It l i n k s the present with the past and the future; i t i d e n t i f i e s an old, rewarding way of l i f e ; and i t s resources assure future 147 economic s t a b i l i t y . Land use meets the immediate needs, while the expression of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y reveals the long term desire for security from ultimate domination. 3. Economic R e a l i t i e s It i s clear from t h i s study that a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c feature of Old Crow economy i s the dichotomy between land-based and town-based a c t i v i t i e s . F i f t y - f i v e per cent of a l l food requirements i n the community are met by land a c t i v i t i e s , but only ten per cent of the cash income i s derived from t h i s source. Obviously, intensive trapping has disappeared, allowing for more time i n the v i l l a g e and increased opportunity for wage employment. For example, four of the best trappers and hunters i n Old Crow have steady employment. Each s t i l l manages to shoot some caribou, a l l engage i n muskrat trapping, and one s t i l l i s a part time winter trapper. Old Crow i s caught i n modernization and the dilemma of breaking off with the land i s upon the people. The t r a n s i t i o n need not be p a i n f u l . Although the fur resources cannot maintain the whole economy, i t has been shown that a number of people can be employed at a good standard of l i v i n g . In Old Crow thi s trend i s occurring; the land a c t i v i t i e s are increasing i n response to the questionable 148 d u r a t i o n of wage employment. The wage economy i s one of boom and bust. The number of f u l l time jobs has reached i t s peak and many of the pa r t time jobs r e s u l t from s h o r t , t e r m i n a l p r o j e c t s . In the f o r s e e a b l e f u t u r e the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a gas p i p e l i n e w i l l a t t r a c t people seeking wage employment. The bulk of employment w i l l be f o r two wi n t e r s and two summers w i t h a few permanent jobs a f t e r c o n s t r u c t i o n . The i n i t i a l impact w i l l be a l a r g e Inflow of cash t o the community which lea d s t o the danger of f r e e spending. T h i s w i l l take the form of accumulating m a t e r i a l items, i n c r e a s e d a i r t r a v e l , and undoubtedly a g r e a t e r consumption of a l c o h o l . Many a c t i v i t i e s proposed by the Old Crow Band to the Commissioner on land claims are i n some way l a n d r e l a t e d . T h i s , coupled w i t h the f a c t t h a t a l a r g e r number of people went w i n t e r t r a p p i n g i n 1973-74 than i n 1972-73* and t h a t a more s e r i o u s e f f o r t was observed i n 1974 r a t t i n g , suggests t h a t a dual economy Is s t a b i l i z i n g i n Old Crow. T h i s i d e a was u n d e r l i n e d d u r i n g the f i e l d i n v e s t i g a t i o n , when respondents expressed p r e f e r e n c e t o work s e a s o n a l l y r a t h e r than permanently i n a p i p e l i n e r e l a t e d job. Granted t h a t these jobs would be away from the community, yet when i t i s r e a l i z e d t h a t only f i f t y - t w o per cent of the people expressed i n t e r e s t i n working a t a l l , the emergence and s t a b i l i z a t i o n of a dual economy appears the more l i k e l y . 149 4 . T e r r i t o r y and T e r r i t o r i a l i t y The r e s e a r c h has shown t h a t through time, c u l t u r a l and economic changes have a l t e r e d the c o n d i t i o n s of, and r e l a t i o n s h i p between, l a n d use and t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . The s p a t i a l extent of l a n d use has been reduced s i g n i f i c a n t l y , w h i l e the s u b j e c t i v e t e r r i t o r y has s h i f t e d from a d i s p e r s e d to' a n o d al f o c u s . With t h i s c o n c l u s i o n we can accept the h y p o t h e s i s t h a t a r e d u c t i o n i n t e r r i t o r i a l l a n d use i s p a r a l l e l l e d by a d i m i n i s h e d s p a t i a l extent i n t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . I t i s a l s o evident from the data t h a t t e r r i t o r i a l i t y has i n t e n s i f i e d w i t h i n the s h r i n k i n g a r e a . Thus the acceptance of the hypothesis i s t e n t a t i v e because though the l a n d i s not used, i t does not suggest t h a t the people do not view the l a n d as b e l o n g i n g t o them. I t may mean- t h a t any one i n the community has f r e e use of the l a n d as needed. The people of Old Crow g e n e r a l l y agree t h a t hunting, f i s h i n g , and t r a p p i n g w i l l be a d v e r s e l y a f f e c t e d by i n c r e a s e d wage employment. They have a l s o expressed concern t h a t h i g h wages w i l l change the c h a r a c t e r of t h e i r c u l t u r e so t h a t l e s s i n t e r e s t w i l l be shown f o r t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . The f u t u r e i s most u n c e r t a i n and the people of Old Crow are anxious. The pace i n Old Crow has been a c c e l e r a t i n g . The people are i n t i m i d a t e d by an unknown p i c t u r e of i n t e n s e a c t i v i t y and a f e a r t h a t l o c a l government w i l l be e l i m i n a t e d . from p l a n n i n g events. 150 The land and i t s resources as perceived by the people of Old Crow are the only known and permanent commodities. Not only can t h i s land provide a l i v e l i h o o d , but the land has also been shown to be part of the people. In the f i n a l analysis It i s the land I t s e l f now under attack which i n t e n s i f i e s the s o l i d a r i t y of the native northerners. 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Peuker, T. and W. Rase Richardson, S i r John 1851 Rowland, D. 1972 "A F a c t o r i a l Ecology of Greater Vancouver". In Leigh, R. (ed.) Contemporary Geography; Western  Viewpoint. Tantalus, Vancouver. PP. 81-96. " T e r r i t o r i a l i t y - Urban Design Implications of the Human Use of Space". In Leigh, R. (ed.) Contemporary Geography; Western Viewpoint. Tantalus, Vancouver, pp. 41-54. "Indian Land Surrenders i n Southern Canada". Canadian Geographer. (XVIIs 1.) pp. 3 6 - 5 2 . Pigs for the Ancestors. Yale University Press. New Haven. "Indian Adaptation to the Forest-Grassland Boundary of Manitoba and Saskatchewan, 1650-1821: Some Implications for Inter-Regional Migration." Canadian Geographer. (XVIs 2) pp. 103-118. A r c t i c Searching Expedition. London. "Process of Maori Urbanization." New  Zealand Geographer. (28sl). pp. 1-22, i6o Saario, D.J, and B. Kessel 1966 "Human Ecological Investigations at Kivalina" in Wlllmovsky, N. and J. 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Polar  Notes (V) June. pp. 24-35. = The Mackenzie Delta; Domestic Economy  of the Native People. Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. Northern Science Research Group. Mackenzie Delta Research Project (MDRP 3), 161 Smith, D.G. 1971 Soja, Edward W. 1971 Sonnenfeld, J, 1967 Stager, J.K. 1962 n.d. Stea, David 1969 "The Implications of Pluralism for Social Change Programmesin a.Canadian Arctic Community.M Anthropologlca. N.S. (XII: 1-2) pp. 193-214. The P o l i t i c a l Organization of Space. American Association of Geographers. Commission on College Geography. Resource Paper #8. "Environmental Perception and Adaptation Level i n t h e Arctic" in Lowenthal, D. (ed) Environmental Perception and  Behaviour. University of Chicago, Department of Geography. Research Paper #109. PP. 42-59. "Fur Trading Posts in the Mackenzie Region up to 1 8 5 0 " Occasional Papers  in Geography. Canadian Association of Geographers. B.C. Division, pp. 37-46. Old Crow. Y.T. and the Proposed Arctic  Gas Pipeline. Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (In press). "Space, Territory and Human Movement" in Kasparson, R.E. and J.V. Minghi (eds) The Structure of P o l i t i c a l Geography, pp. 223-227. Chicago, Aldine Publication Co. Stefansson, V. 1913 My Life With the Eskimos. Company, New York. MacMillan Steigenberger, L.W., G.J. Birch,P.G. Bruce and R.A. Robertson 1973 Reviewed Considerations of Pipeline  Development in the Northern Yukon Relative to the Freshwater Fisheries  Resources. Department of Environment, Northern Operations Branch. December. 162 Stockton, Charles 1890 Steward, J u l i a n H. 1954 Stoddart, David 196? Tanner, A. 1966 "The A r c t i c Cruise of USS Thetis in the Summer and Autumn of 1889" National Geographic Magazine (11:2). pp. 171-198. Theory of Cultural Change. University of I l l i n o i s Press, Urbana. "Organism and Ecosystem as Geographical Models" i n Chorley, R. and C. Raggett (eds) Integrated Models i n Geography. Methuen, London, pp. 5H-548. Trappers. Hunters and Fishermen:  W i l d l i f e U t i l i z a t i o n i n the Yukon. Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources. Yukon Research Project (YRP5). Theodorson, George A. (ed) 1961 Studies i n Human Ecology. Row, New York. Harper-Thompson, L. 1961 Time Magazine 1974 Usher,.P.J. 1970 1971 "The Relations of Man, Animals and Plants i n an Island Community." in Theodorson, G. (ed) Studies i n Human Ecology. Harper-Row, New York. pp. 462-470. "Return to the Land." Time Magazine. March, p. 10. The Bankslanders: Ecology and Economy  of a Frontier Trapping Community. Unpublished Ph.D. th e s i s . Department of Geography, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. The Bankslanders: Ecology and Economy  of a Frontier Trapping Community. Department of Indian A f f a i r s and' Northern Development. Northern Science Research Group. 3 v o l . 7 1 - 1 , 7 1 - 2 , 7 1 - 3 . 1 6 3 Usher, P.J. 1 9 7 3 The Significance of Land to the  Northern Native. Unpublished dr a f t . National Convention of the Canadian Society of Exploration Geophysicists. Calgary, Alberta. A p r i l . Vallee, F. 1 9 6 2 Kabloona And the Eskimo i n the  Central Keewatln. Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources. Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre. (NCRC 6 2 - 2 ) . Vayda, A. and R. Rappaport 1 9 6 8 "Ecology, Cultural and Non-Cultural" i n C l i f f t o n , J . (ed) Introduction to  Cultural Anthropology. Houghton M i f f i n Co., Boston, pp. 4 7 7 - 4 9 7 . Wagner, P. and M. Mikesell (eds) 1 9 6 2 Wagner, P. 1 9 6 9 Wedel, W.R. 1 9 6 1 Welsh, Ann 1 9 7 0 Wolforth, J . 1 9 7 0 Readings i n Cultural Geography. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. "Rank and T e r r i t o r y " i n Kasparson, R.E. and J.V. Mlnghi (eds) The  Structure of P o l i t i c a l Geography. Chicago, Aldine Publication Co. PP. 8 9 - 9 3 . "Some Aspects of Human Ecology i n the Central P l a i n s " reprint i n Theodorson, G. (ed) Studies i n Human  Ecology. Harper-Row, New York, pp. 451-461. "Community Pattern.and Settlement Pattern i n the Development of Old Crow V i H a g e , Yukon T e r r i t o r y " . Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology. ( 2 : 1 ) pp. 1 7 - 3 0 . Dual Allegiance i n the Mackenzie Delta. Unpublished Ph.D. T h e s i s , Department of Geography, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. 164 The Evolution and Economy of the  Delta Community. Department of Indian and Northern Development. (MDRP 11) Northern Co-ordination, and Research Centre. Mackenzie Delta Research Project. Yukon Native Brotherhood 1973 Report for the Commission on Indian Claims and the Government  of Canada. Whitehorse Star, Whitehorse. Yukon T e r r i t o r i a l Government Trapping Areas and Camp Sites i n  the Old Crow F l a t s . Y.T. Yukon T e r r i t o r i a l Government, W i l d l i f e Service, Game Branch, Whitehorse. Wolforth, J . 1971 165 APPENDIX I OLD CROW FACT AND OPINION QUESTIONNAIRE 166 APPENDIX I OLD CROW FACT AND OPINION QUESTIONNAIRE T h i s q u e s t i o n n a i r e was designed t o e l i c i t f a c t s about people's a c t i v i t i e s and g e n e r a l l i f e i n Old Crow. F u r t h e r , the q u e s t i o n n a i r e was used t o determine the community's o p i n i o n about a n a t u r a l gas p i p e l i n e t h a t c o u l d be c o n s t r u c t e d near Old Crow. The q u e s t i o n n a i r e was d i v i d e d i n t o three p a r t s - A c t i v i t y Survey, Opinion Survey and Main Q u e s t i o n n a i r e . The sample p o p u l a t i o n were asked a l l q u e s t i o n s . People responded t o the Main Que s t i o n n a i r e once f o r each time p e r i o d 1973» I 9 6 0 and •Long Ago' 1. The sample was d i v i d e d i n t o three groups a c c o r d i n g t o age, that i s , younger, middle and o l d e r . The younger responded to 1973 only, middle t o 1973 and I 9 6 0 , and o l d e r t o a l l s e c t i o n s . 'Long Ago' r e p r e s e n t s the time when an o l d e r person, over 40 years, was a young person. I t i s u n r e a l i s t i c to ask people to remember c e r t a i n dates i n the d i s t a n t past, however, people do remember c e r t a i n f a c t s p e r t a i n i n g to a year when something important o c c u r r e d . The responses of t h i s time p e r i o d f a i r l y r e p r e s e n t the formative years of Old Crow, when th e r e were only minor changes from year to year. The lower bound of t h i s time p e r i o d i s 1 9 2 6 , the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g of Old Crow, and the upper bound Is 1 9 5 3 , the e s t a b l i s h i n g of a group t r a p p i n g a r e a , r a t t i n g s e c t o r s i n Crow F l a t s , and a p u b l i c day s c h o o l . 1 6 7 PART Aj^ A c t i v i t y Survey The primary purpose of t h i s survey was to update the Canada Manpower Survey of 1971. We asked the respondents what they were doing each month for the l a s t two years, for whom they were working, and the locat i o n . The categories were: A c t i v i t y (a) None (b) Trapping, Hunting (c) Woodcutting (d) Housekeeping (e) School (f) Labour (g) Tradesman (h) Equipment Operator ( i ) Other Employer (a) None (b) Self (c) O i l Company (d) Government (e) Other Location (a) Old Crow (b) 25 mile radius of Old Crow (c) Crow Plats (d) Porcupine Basin (e) Yukon or N.W.T. (f) Outside (g) Unstated PART B: Opinion Survey The interviewer read the following three paragraphs to the respondent and then asked him a l l questions, c i r c l i n g the respondent's answer. "The following questions a s k your opinion on many things about natural gas pipe l i n e s . I would l i k e you to t e l l me whether you strongly agree or strongly disagree, or f e e l somewhat i n between for each of the following questions. I would then l i k e to hear how you f e e l about a gas pipeline that would pump natural gas. A natural gas pipeline b u i l t i n the northern part of the Yukon would be buried. To operate i t would need a pumping station every 50 miles which they say would employ between 4 to 8 men. The Yukon part of the pipeline would be maintained from some large maintenance camp which they say w i l l employ 168 between 20 and JO men. The building of the natural gas pipeline w i l l need about 1,000 men for the northern part. Building t h i s part would take about one year. Work would be done only i n the winter. A l l the things about thig pipeline have not yet been decided. The exact lo c a t i o n of the pipeline has not yet been decided. We have been asked to get your opinions on the two possible routes shown on the map. Since no decisions have been d e f i n i t e l y made, your opinions are valuable to help the Government decide." 1. How would you f e e l about a pipeline being b u i l t here? (point to route A on the map) Very Good OK Don't Care No Defintely Not 2. How would you f e e l about a pipeline being b u i l t here? (point to route B on the map) Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 3. How do you f e e l about a pipeline being b u i l t at a l l ? Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 4. How would you f e e l about a pumping sta t i o n being b u i l t here? (point to #1 on map) Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 5. How would you f e e l about a pumping station being b u i l t here? (point to #2 on map) Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 6. How would you f e e l about a pumping station being b u i l t here? (point to #3 on map) Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 7. How would you f e e l about' them putting a construction camp here? (point to #4 on map) Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 8. How would you f e e l about them putting a construction camp here? (point to #5 on map) Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 9. How would you f e e l about them putting a construction camp here? (point to #6 on map) Very Good - OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 169 i?o 10. How would you f e e l about them putting a construction camp here? (Point to #7 on map) Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 11. How would you f e e l about them putting the maintenance camp for operating the pipeline i n Old Crow? Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 12. How would you l i k e a permanent job on the pipeline (10 days on and 5 days off)? Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 13. How would you l i k e a seasonal job on pipeline construction ( a l l winter)? Very Much OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 14. How would you f e e l about taking s p e c i a l t r a i n i n g outside for work on the pipeline? Very W i l l i n g OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 15. How do you f e e l about working 10 days on and 5 days off? Very W i l l i n g OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 16. How do you f e e l about working 20 days on and 10 days off? Very W i l l i n g OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 17. Would you be w i l l i n g to work on a pipeline away from home and family for 2 weeks? D e f i n i t e l y Yes Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 18. Would you be w i l l i n g to work on a pipeline away from home and family for 2 months? De f i n i t e l y Yes Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 19. Do you think a pipeline w i l l change the way i n which the family works together? D e f i n i t e l y Yes Don't Know No D e f i n i t e l y Not 20. Would you move your family away from Old Crow to work on the pipeline? D e f i n i t e l y Yes Don't Know No D e f i n i t e l y Not 21. If a pipeline was b u i l t , how much time would women spend with t h e i r families? Much More More Unsure Same Less Much Less 22. If a pipeline was b u i l t , how much time would men spend with t h e i r families? Much More More Unsure Same Less Much Less 171 2 3 . I f a pipeline was built, do you think young adults would move out of Old Crow? Much More More Don't Know No D e f i n i t e l y Not 24. I f a pipeline was b u i l t , would i t change the way people drink i n Old Crow? Much More More Same Unsure Less Much More 2 5 . How would you f e e l about twenty families from outside moving into Old Crow? Very Good OK Don't Know No D e f i n i t e l y Not 2 6 . How would you f e e l about f i v e families from outside moving into Old Crow? Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 2 7 . How do you think outsiders would change the way the community runs Its a f f a i r s ? No Change L i t t l e Change Moderate Large Complete Change Change Change 2 8 . How do you think outsiders would change dances i n Old Crow? No Change L i t t l e Change Moderate Large Complete Change Change Change 2 9 . How do you f e e l about more t o u r i s t s coming to Old Crow? Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 30. How would you l i k e 1000 men working on the pipeline to l i v e near Old Crow? Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 3 1 . How would you l i k e 100 men working on the pipeline to l i v e near Old Crow? Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 3 2 . How would you l i k e Old Crow to be the base for about 30 men operating the pipeline? Very Good OK Don't Care No D e f i n i t e l y Not 3 3 . How many other kinds of jobs do you think w i l l be created i n Old Crow as a r e s u l t of the pipeline? Many More More Don't Know Less Much Less 34. Do you think people would order more goods from outside? Much More More Same Unsure Less Much Less 35* I f a pipeline was b u i l t how much do you think people would depend upon the land for food and money from furs? Much More More Same Unsure Less Much Less 1?2 36. I f a pipeline was b u i l t , how much money would people In Old Crow have compared to day?; Much More More Same Unsure Less Much Less 37. I f a pipeline was b u i l t how d i f f i c u l t would i t be to get st u f f i n from the outside? Much Easier Easier Same Unsure Harder Much Harder 38. Do you think people w i l l go to trap and hunt more often by plane i f a pipeline i s b u i l t ? Much More More Same Unsure Less Much Less 39. W i l l people use boats as a way of t r a v e l l i n g a f t e r the pipeline comes? Much More More Same Unsure Less Much Less 40. W i l l people use dog teams as a way of t r a v e l l i n g a f t e r a pipeline comes? Much More More Same Unsure Less Much Less 4 1 . Do you think the people of Old Crow w i l l be t r a v e l l i n g to the outside more i f a pipeline comes? Much More More Same Unsure Less Much Less 42. I f a pipeline i s b u i l t along route A do you think as many caribou w i l l cross the r i v e r where they used to? Many More More Same Unsure Less Much Lass 43 . I f a pipeline i s b u i l t , how much hunting do you think the people w i l l do? Much More More Same Unsure Less Much Less 44. I f a pipeline goes in do you think there w i l l be as many rats as there i s now? Many More More Same Unsure Less Much Less 45 . I f a pipeline goes i n how often do you think people w i l l hunt and trap rats? More Often Often Same Unsure Less Much Less 46 . How much do you think people w i l l f i s h i f a pipeline i s b u i l t ? Much More More Same Unsure Less Much Less 47 . I f the pipeline was b u i l t do you think that hunting and trapping would be seen as a good occupation by the people? D e f i n i t e l y Yes Don't Know No D e f i n i t e l y Not 48 . W i l l you t e l l me how you f e e l about the pipeline? Why? 173 PART C; Main Questionnaire The interviewer read the following paragraph to the respondent and then asked the questions, f i l l i n g i n the blanks. "We are asking questions of Old Crows how i s i t now, was about twelve years ago, and was long ago. The facts you give us w i l l show how Old Crow has been changing. Knowing about these changes w i l l help t e l l us what sort of good things and bad things would come to Old Crow with the building of the pi p e l i n e . We would l i k e to get facts from you t h i s time and we would l i k e to speak with you l a t e r to get your opinions on the kinds of changes you describe." Hunt ing s 1. What animals did you hunt i n the past one year, and how were they used? Question Caribou Moose Rabbit Muskrat Birds Other animal hunted use: food clothing dog food other 2 . What months of the year did you hunt each kind of animal? (Write down the number of animals i n each month and tota l ) Caribou Moose Rabbit Muskrat Birds Other Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun J u l Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec Total 174 3. How did you hunt each p a r t i c u l a r animal t h i s past year? Caribou Moose Rabbit Muskrat Birds Other 4. How d i d you keep the meat and who did the work? Caribou Moose Rabbit Muskrat Birds Other 5. How d i d you t r a v e l to hunt? Caribou Moose Rabbit Muskrat Birds Other 6. Did you go hunting: Alone Family Someone Else And Who Shared the Meat Caribou Moose Rabbit Muskrat Birds Other 7. On the map mark the places where you hunted: 1 . Caribou and the route you tr a v e l l e d there. 2. The same for moose, rabbits, muskrats and bi r d s . Trapping: 1 . What type of animals did you trap over t h i s past one year? Muskrat _ _ Marten Mink Lynx Beaver Weasel Other (write). 175 2.. What months did you trap each animal and how many did you get i n each month? Muskrat Marten Mink Lynx Beaver Weasel Other Jan-Feb Mar-Apr May-Jun Jul-Aug Sep-Oct Nov-Dec Total 3. How did you trap each type of animal (Use back of Page) Muskrat Marten Mink Lynx Beaver Weasel Other 4. How did you prepare each type of pelt and who did the work? Muskrat Marten Mink Lynx Beaver Weasel Other 5. Did you trap: Alone Family Someone Else Who Shared i n the Catch Muskrat Marten Mink Lynx Beaver Weasel Other 1 7 6 6. How did you s e l l your furs? To whom? When? Where? Muskrat Marten Mink Lynx Beaver Weasel Other 7. Did your family use any fur? How much? What kind? Muskrat Marten Mink Lynx Beaver Weasel Other 8 . Did you get a grubstake? From whom? 9. a) Mark on the map the places that you catch each type of animal (muskrat, marten, mink, lynx, beaver, weasel, etc.) b) Mark your trapping camps. c) Mark the routes that you go to your trapping camps. Fishing: 1 . What type of f i s h did you catch t h i s past year? What were they used for? Dog Salmon King Salmon Grayling Hump Whitefish Dog Food Food Other continued L i t t l e Whitefish Jackfish Losche Sucker Coni Other Dog Food Food Other 17? 2. What time of year did you f i s h for each? How long were you out? How long does i t take to take f i s h from the net? Dog King Gray- Hump L i t t l e Jack-Salmon Salmon l i n g Whitefish Whitefish f i s h Losche Sucker Coni Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun J u l Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec 3. Are there any d i f f e r e n t ways of catching d i f f e r e n t f i s h ? Explain. 4. How much of each type of f i s h did you get over the past one year? Dog King Gray- Hump L i t t l e Jack-Salmon Salmon l i n g Whitefish Whitefish f i s h Losche Sucker Coni # 5. How did you keep a l l the fis h ? Who did i t ? 6. Who did you go f i s h i n g with l a s t year? Did your family go? Who shared the catch? Who? Family? Who Shared? 7. a) Mark on the map the place that you catch each type of f i s h . b) If you have a f i s h camp mark that on the map. c) Mark the route that you use to get to your camp and/or net(s). Wage A c t i v i t i e s t 1. You were asked about the things you have done over the past two years. Have you taken any jobs since then? Job Where When 178 2. How have you gotten most of the jobs you have had? Do you go looking, do people ask you, or what? Look Get Asked Notes 3. Have many jobs been going around t h i s year? Is i t hard to get a job even i f you r e a l l y want one? Jobs around: Lots To get: Hard Not Many Sometimes Hard Easy 4. Have you had any special job training? I f so, where, when and what kind? Type Where When 5. When you look around for a Job what kind do you want? How long should i t go on? How do you f e e l about s h i f t work? Type Length S h i f t Work 6. Would you work outside? Have you worked outside i n the south? How long, where, when? Outside work: would you: Yes No have you: Yes No Where What When How Long Family L i f e : 1. Is Loucheux spoken i n the home regularly? Among whom? Does anyone understand Loucheux but not answer i n i t ? Loucheux spoken: regularly sometimes none Among: older people parents & older people parents parents & children older people & children children a l l of them Notes: 2. Why do young people leave home? 3. Who t e l l s the children what to do? What i s the influence of school and other outside groups? 4. How much of the day do young/older children spend working at home? Playing at home? Working Playing Younger children hours hours Older childr e n hours hours 179 5. Does your whole family go into the bush for hunting and trapping? Does each person have a special Job to do i n the bush? Family i n bush: always sometimes never Occasion for whole family, i f not always? 6. How much of your day i s spent at home? What would you do at home most days? What sort of jobs do a l l members of the family do at home? Portion of day at home: Your job: Others: (who) (Job) toboggan dog whip harnesses snow shoes rat canoe rabbit blanket caribou boat canvas scow log cabin dog packs making babiche tanning hides sewing boats beading drying meat making bone grease making pemican Do you know how to make: Did you make Y e s No over the past year: Yes No Social A c t i v i t i e s : A. Local Government Meetings: 1. Do you go to band meetings? always sometimes never How often are they held? weekly monthly every two weeks seldom 1 8 0 2. Do you speak your piece at band meetings? 3. Do you go to other meetings such as the men's club, school committee, co-op di r e c t o r s , or any other groups? 4. Does the band council have much influence i n Old Crow? Do people do what the band council t e l l s them to do? 5. Do the same people attend a l l these meetings? 6. Do most people agree with what happens and i s said at band meetings? 7. If you disagree with what i s said, what do you do? 8 . Do you t a l k among friends and r e l a t i v e s about what you w i l l say or f e e l about things before you go to a band meeting? 9. How do the people of Old Crow deal with the government? B. Recreation: 1. Do you go to the dances held i n Old Crow? 2. What kind of dances are done? 3. About how many people go to the dances? 4. How often do they have dances? 5. How much drinking i s there done before and during dances now days? What does drinking do to the dances? 6. Do you go to the movies? a l o t sometimes r a r e l y Do you go with the family? always sometimes never 7. What sort of things do you do when you want to take i t easy or have a good time? How often do you do these things? Who does them with you? 8. What kinds of sports or games do you l i k e ? Do you play or watch? C. Social Gatherings: 1. How many people go to church regularly? Have the services changed? I f so, how? 181 2 . When things are done for the community do people help w i l l i n g l y ? 3. Do you expect pay for working on community a c t i v i t i e s ? Yes No 4. Do people help everyone or just friends and r e l a t i v e s ? Everyone Friends and Relatives 5 . When you run into people i n the street do you say nothing, just h e l l o , or t a l k about something? Nothing Hello Talk about something 6. Describe how a community feast works today? Who does the work? Who goes? When does i t take place? Community Economics; 1. What people at home bring i n money or goods? (name, relationship) 2. What part of the money coming into the home comes from wages? (give f r a c t i o n of whole amount) 3. What part of the money coming into the house comes from trapping? 4. What part of your household supplies d i d you buy at the Co-op? 5 . How much did you buy outside and what kind of things did you buy? How easy i s i t to buy things outside of Old Crow? How do you do i t ? 6. How often do you use catalogues to shop? What sort of things do you buy from the catalogue? 7. What type of assistance do you get from the government to help meet the cost of l i v i n g i n Old Crow? 8. Have you taken advantage of government housing programmes? How? 9. What sort of major items have you bought over the l a s t couple of years? 10. Show on the map where you got your own firewood and t e l l how you got i t to Old Crow. 1 8 2 Personal Movement^ 1. Have you been outside i n the l a s t two years? Where When How Long How did you get there? 2 . Have you t r a v e l l e d i n the Old Crow land i n the l a s t two years, besides where you went hunting, f i s h i n g , and trapping? Can you put i t on the map? Where When How Long How did you get there? 3. How much of the Old Crow country have you seen? Can you put i t a l l on the map? (Have we missed any t r a i l s or camps that you have ever used?) **#**THE SAME QUESTIONS WERE ASKED FOR ALL THREE TIME PERIODS**** 183 APPENDIX II ENDPAPER 184 APPENDIX II COMMENT ON ENDPAPERS A by-product of the research i s two maps of the Old Crow town s i t e (1963 and 1973). In the discussion on the possible need to relocate the v i l l a g e , reference i s made to the 1973 plan showing the r e s t r i c t e d space on which the v i l l a g e i s situated. The 1963 m a P i s included for comparison which reveals the extent of r i v e r bank erosion. Grainge (1972:3) has given the rate of erosion at about 10 feet per year for the past twenty years. The 1963 map also shows the l o t l i n e s In Old Crow which provide reasons for the d i s t r i b u t i o n and density of buildings i n the v i l l a g e . A Loucheux place name map i s also, i n a sense, a by-product of the research. In the analysis of the group's t e r r i t o r i a l image (p. 126) people were asked to name the loca t i o n i n t h e i r land that they perceived as most important. In the analysis, the locations are most important. Reproduced here are the names for those locations: Table II. 1 Loucheux Place Name Map Name and Number Key NO. Name (Translation) Map Name A. Settlements, Camps, Lookouts 1. Vuttzui Thit C h l l (Caribou sleeps there) Caribou Bar 2. The Tou Kwat Ta Nei (Broke through the bank) The Toh Na Goo Ta Nei (River broke through) Goose Camp 185 No. Name (Translation) 3. Ghoo Tsui Nul Kut (Next to the water) T h l i i T l u i Thui (Point where two r i v e r s meet) 4. Thou Kut (Top of limestone) 5. The Tou Kwat Ta Nei (Broke through the bank) The Toh Na Goo Ta Nei (River broke through) 6. Choo Da Zyaah (Noisy water) Choo Da Zyaah (Water making loud noise) 7. T s h i i T s i Kyee (By the salmon cache) T s h i l T s i Kyee (Salmon by the house) 8. Kyaa Tsik (Channel creek) John Vut Hun Go NJik Che (A cabin along Johnson River) 9. Tinjee Zyoo Traa (Indian cache) 10. Tshi Tul N j i i k Zzeh (Whitestone Village) Tshi Ta Njik Zzeh 11. Tshi Tee (Under rock) 12. Nyi I L i (Fish spawning) 13. The Ton Nut Kwat Ta Nei (Broke through the bank) 14. Zzeh Kwut Tsui ( L i t t l e house) Zzeh Kwut t s u i (Small log cabin) 15. Too V i i Kyoa (Water b o i l i n g strong beneath b l u f f ) Map Name Old Crow Caribou Lookout Goose Camp Red B l u f f Salmon Cache Johnson Creek V i l l a g e Whitestone V i l l a g e Fish Hole (on F i r t h River) Fish Hole (on Babbage River) Goose Camp Laplerre House Blue Bluf f 186 B. Mountains and H i l l s No. Name (Translation) 1 6 . Chit Ctou Duk (Top of the nest) Tzun eh Lhei (Rat caught i n snare) 1 7 . Tun Chyoo L i Dhat (Raking i n mountain) Khui T t e l Vut Kug 1 8 . Chit Tsho Uut Thul (Head skin fence) 1 9 . Tshi T s l V i T t r i i 2 0 . T s i i V i Sooh (Knotted tree h i l l ) T s i i VI Choh (Knot h i l l ) 2 1 . S h i i Dhat Tsui ( L i t t l e bear mountain) 2 2 . Din Ni Zyoo (Torn off part of the mountain) 2 3 . Chun Chul (Nose t r a i l mountain Chun Chul (Big nose mountain) 24. T s i i eh Dee (Fire place and camping grounds) 2 5 . Chit Chechii (Hawk head) Chit Che C h i l (Rock mountain) 2 6 . Tyoo Dhat (Blue mountain) Too Dhat (Double mountain) 2 7 . Kwut Kun Choh (Big f i r e one time) 28. Jug Dhat (Berry mountain) 2 9 . Tshua Dhat (Braided hair mountain) Tshua Njik Dhat 3 0 . Chit Tze (Ear mountain) Chit Tze (Shape of an ear) Map Name Rat H i l l Husky Mountain Barren Mountain F l i n t Mountain Timber H i l l Ammerman Mountain Potato Mountain King Edward Mountain King Edward Ridge Schaeffer Mountain Blue Mountain Burnt H i l l Blueberry Mountain Crow Mountain Ear Mountain 187 No. Name (Translation) 3 1 . Dhat Chyaa Tshua Dhat (Caribou skin mountain) 3 2 . Noo Dhat (No mountain) Noh Dhat (Bare ground mountain) 3 3 . Dhat Chit To Kwou (Round h i l l ) T s i i t tee (Stove pipe) 34. Thun Nut Tha E i (Lone mountain) Thun Nut Tha E i (Mountain a l l by oneself) 3 5 . Dhat Kwut Toh (Winter t r a i l goes over the mountain) 3 6 . Kwe Ko Kyoo (Copy that guy) 3 7 . Zhoo T r i n Choh (White mountain) Zhoo T r i n Choh (Big snow d r i f t on i t ) 3 8 . Chit T r i i (Heart mountain) Chit T r i Dhat 3 9 . Kwut Kun Choh (Big burn) Kon Kun Tul 40. Tshl Chaun S i i Vun Dhat (Gr i z z l y bear cave) Map Name Second Mountain No Mountain Round Mountain Lone Mountain Portage Mountain Old Paul Mountain White Snow Mountain Heart Mountain Burnt H i l l Bear Cave Mountain Dewdney Mountain 41. Chin Nee T s i Dhat (Jagged rock mountain) 42. Nut Dhat Nie (Long mountain crossing the r i v e r ) 4 3 . Va A l T l i i (Caribou running away to the h i l l s ) Va E l T i l l Choh (Tie her up i n big knots) O i l Camp Mountain 4 4 . Chyoo Gwoo (Egg) 4 5 . Tloo Kuk (Stack of hay) 188 No. Name (Translation) 46. Njoo Choh (Big timber h i l l ) 47. V i Rzui Dhat (Cut bank mountain 48. Nut Tshi T z i i C. Rivers and Creeks 49. Chyoo te Njik (Porcupine q u i l l r i ver) Kwuk Kuk Tsut T z l t Hun Gig (Porcupine by the riv e r ) Map Name Cody H i l l Sharp Mountain Porcupine River Tshaa Njik (Long hair r i v e r ) Tshau Njik (Deep water around the shore) Crow River 5 0 . 5 1 . Tsleh Tee Njik (Cover up each other creek) 5 2 . 5 3 . 5 4 . 5 5 . 5 6 . 5 7 . 5 8 . 5 9 . 6 0 . S t i i Dee Njik (Fire place creek) Netei (Braided man r i v e r ) Netei (Braided man riv e r ) Maggie Vut Vun Ge Joo Chon Njik (Small creek beside Maggie Lake) King Edward Creek Schaeffer Creek Wild Creek Kwut Took Tra Tei Njik (Over divide creek) Soo S i t Chi L i (You made me happy creek) Surprise Creek Din Nl Zyoo Njik (Torn off part of the mountain creek) Pedades Ko Njik De Nen Shoo (Round h i l l that looks l i k e a potato) Ki Koo (Birch bark f i s h trap) Domas Vut Thul Njik (Thomas caribou fence creek) Domas Ko Njik Choo Tsun Koo (Stunk water) Tun Chyoo Ki Njik (Rake i t i n creek) T s i i Vi Sioh Njik (Knotted tree) K l i V i i Choh Njik (Timber creek) Potato Creek Fish Trap Creek Thomas Creek Fish Trap Creek Timber Creek 189 No. Name (Translation) 6 1 . Ni L i Kuk T y i Vut Hun (Top of the meat) Ne Koo Rzui (Black fox) 6 2 . Hlui Kou Njik 6 3 . A t t r i i Njik (Bark creek) Chit Tel T l i i 64. Chin Nel T l u i (Junction creek) Vun Toh Koo Tsui Ko Njik 6 5 . Rsi Nja Njik (Blue f i s h r i v e r ) Rsi Nja Njik (Blue f i s h i n riv e r ) 6 6 . Chit Tze Njik (Bar creek) V i t t z u l Kon Njik (Caribou bar creek) 6 7 . Hun Kwut Rzui (Black earth) 6 8 . Te Tsik Kwut Tsui ( L i t t l e creek) 6 9 . Tesik Good Tsui 7 0 . T l i i Ye Njik (Opposite flow creek) T l i i Ye Njik (Burned ground creek) 7 1 . Ttroo Choh Njik (Big wooded creek) Ttroo Choh Njik (Big trees near r i v e r ) 7 2 . Vun Tut Kwut Chin Te Tsik (People that stay among the lakes) Vun Tut Kwut Chin Ko Njik (Crow Flat people camp s i t e on creek) 7 3 . Jug Chun Njik (Under Berry Creek) Ko Njik Vut Dik Tug Kolie (Lots of berries on the shore) 7 4 . Shei Ve Njik (Gray gravel river) Choo Ta Shan Njik (Noisy waters) 7 5 . Chi T a l i L u i Tsui Koh Hun 7 6 . Choo Kooli Kon Hun Map Name Blackfox Creek Dog Creek Johnson Creek Junction Creek Blueflsh River Caribou Bar Creek Big Joe Creek David Lord Creek Driftwood River Rat Indian Creek Berry Creek B e l l River L i t t l e B e l l River Waters River 190 No. 77. 78. 79. 8 0 . 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. Name ( T r a n s l a t i o n ) Tzun K o o l i Hun (Muskrat creek) Map Name Rat R i v e r La Shute Kwin N j i k (La Shute Pass Creek) La Shute Pass Creek Rock R i v e r T s h i Te Tuk (Between the rocks) T s h i Choh Hun ( B i g rock r i v e r ) C h i t Z i n N J i k ( E a g l e r i v e r ) C h i t Z h i n Nok On K y i i Ko N j i k ( C a r v i n g creek) Nut Cha L e i T s i k (Water f a l l s creek) C h i t Che C h i i Ko N j i k ( B i g Stone creek) Chyoo Gwoo N j i k (Egg creek) T s i i Zuk Ni L u i (Water running under Porcupine q u i l l r i v e r ) T s i i V i i Z i t Ko N j i k (Creek running through pine t r e e s ) E l l e n T t s i i Vut T i T s i k (Gum up E l l e n ' s creek) Kwuk Kun Choh N j i k ( B i g burn wood creek) Kwuk Kun Choh N j i k (Burned a t one time) V i R z u i N j i k (Black bank r i v e r ) Ve Cuk Poh N j i k (Cut bank on shoreof creek) Eagle R i v e r Nukon R i v e r S c h a e f f e r Creek Johnson Creek Pine Creek E l l e n ' s Creek Burnt H i l l Creek Cody Creek Shee N j i k (Where the dog salmon spawn) Thloog K o o l i De Khet ( P i s h spawning place) F i s h i n g Branch R i v e r Chin Ne T s i N j i k (Jagged rock r i v e r ) La Ra Kun n i t T y l (Man l o o k i n g f o r money) Miner R i v e r K e l H i N j i k Vut Hun (Willow man r i v e r ) T s h i T u l N j i k (Stone arrowhead creek) T s h i Ta Kw Ko Hun (White rock r i v e r ) T r i t T r i Khui N j i k (Paddle down w i t h canoe) T s h i Ve N j i k (Grey rock r i v e r ) Trou T s h i N j i k ( O t t e r t a i l creek) Bear Cave R i v e r Whitestone R i v e r Canoe R i v e r 191 No. Name (Translation) 9 5 . T i n J i k Kei Njik (Moose willow creek) 9 6 . Chyoo Njik Hih Kikh Shoo Old F i r t h Vut Vun 9 7 . V l t Tsuk Tshik Kon Jun (Caribou hide tread water) 9 8 . Ah Tru i Kon Hun (Strong wind ri v e r ) D. Lakes 9 9 . Maggie Vlv Vun (Maggie's Lake) 1 0 0 . Zilma Vut Vun (Zelma's Lake) Vut Zilma Viv Vun Choh (Zelma's Big Lake) 1 0 1 . Chattri (Lake with high banks a l l around i t ) Chun Chui Tee Vun (Lake below big mountain Map Name F i r t h River Babbage River Blow r i v e r peaks) 1 0 2 . Chul K i l Kwin te ( f i s h hooking place a l l around) 1 0 3 . Maggie Vut Vun Ke Soo Vun Tha E i (Lake next to Maggie's Lake) 104. Da Koo Vut Vun (The ptarmigan's lake) 1 0 5 . Vun Tun (Frozen lake) Vun Tun (Frozen lake) 1 0 6 . Soo Ko L i V Un (We are now happy lake) 1 0 7 . Rufus Netro Vut Vun (Wolverine - Rufus Lake) 1 0 8 . E l i z a Ben Vut Vun ( E l i z a Ben's Lake) 1 0 9 . Vut Kug Te Ni Thi Nl (Drowned lake) Vut Kuk Te Ne The Ni (Somebody around there) 1 1 0 . Ney Khul Vun (Frogs i n the lake) 111 . T s i i V i i Z l t (Lake i n the green trees) 112 . Stephen Vut Vun (Stephen's lake) King Edward Lake Fish Hook Lake Old Chief's Lake Ptarmigan Lake Frozen Lake Happy Lake Rufus Lake E l i z a Ben Lake Drown Lake Frog Lake 192 No. 1 1 3 . 114. 1 1 5 . 1 1 6 . 117 . 1 1 8 . 119 . 1 2 0 . 1 2 1 . 1 2 2 . 1 2 3 . 124. 1 2 5 . 1 2 6 . 1 2 7 . 128. 1 2 9 . 1 3 0 . 1 3 1 . 1 3 2 . Name (Translation) Map Name Chit Tloo (An important lake) Chin Nei T l u i Koo (Junction f i s h trap) Adt l Tro Panyoo Vut Vun (Cautious man's lake) Tut Chun T t r i i Vun (Wooden canoe lake) Own J i t T r i c k Vut Tse (White lady's hat) Chi Shoo Vun (White f i s h lake) T s h i i Choh Vun (White f i s h lake) Netro Vut Vun (Wolverine's lake) Netro Vut Vun (Wolverine's lake) Chit Troo Ndi (Tern a l l around the lake) Vuna Tsui Tsui Ku Vun (Small lake) Joe Kykavikachik Vut Vun (Joe's -carry arrow - lake) Kei Tluk Z i t (Willow lake) Kei Tluk (Bushy willow lake) Te Tshid (Burning under ground) Te Tshid (Burning ground a f t e r the f i r e was put out) Shei Tsoo Ndi (Swallows a l l around) Vut Thoo Chya Kooli (Lots of branches on lake) Koo Dei Vun (Lake at mouth of f i s h trap lake) Te Lui Koo (Whirling water) Vut Ta Tzul T r u l Dei (Shoot the loon with a bow and arrow) Chin Ne Kui Vun (Eskimo Lake) Shei Z i t (In the gravel) Tsoog Vut Vun Peter Moses Vut Vun Bonnet Lake Whitefish Lake Wolvemlne • s Lake Tern Lake Joe Kay Lake Willow Lake David Lord Lake Marten Lake Chief Peter Moses Lake 193 No. Name (Translation) 133. Te T s h i i (Nothing but dry willows on shore) 134. Isaac Vut Vun (Isaac's lake) Isaac Vut Vun (Isaac's lake) 135. Tun Chyo L i (Rake i t i n the lake) 136. Mun Njoo Win Ni L i (Line the island on the lake) 1 3 7 . Te Tie Enjoo (Timber bay) Te Tie Njoo (Grass around the lake) 1 3 8 . K y i i Z i t (In the birches) Khyii Z i t (Deep i n the timber) 1 3 9 . C h i i Shoo (Big white f i s h lake) c h i l Shoo (Big fish) 140. R s i l Z i t Kwut Choh (Pup lake) 141. Domas Vut Vun (Thomas lake) 142. Kei Te T i l l (Frozen to death i n the willows) Khi Te T e i i (Willows and swamp around the lake) 143. Kwi Hel Chya (Torn up lake) Kwi H i l Chyoa (Torn up lake) 144. Esou Vut Vun (Esau's lake) 1 4 5 . Harry Vut Vun (Harry's Lake) 146. Enoch Vu Vun (Enuk's lake) Enoch V u t V Un (Enuk's lake) 147. Chief Peter Moses Vu Vun (Chief Peter Moses Lake) Khyii Z i t Vun Kejyoo (Lake beside the lake that i s deep i n the timber) 148. P h i l l i p Tsui Vut Vun ( L i t t l e P h i l l i p ' s lake) P h i l l i p Tsui Vut Vun (Small P h i l l i p ' s lake) 149. Vut Kug Njoo (There i s an island on i t ) Map Name P h i l l i p Lake Isaac Lake Grassy Lake Schaeffer Lake Whitefish Lake 1'homas Lake Willow Lake Enoch Lake L i t t l e P h i l l i p Lake 194 No. Name(Translation) 1 5 0 . Vun T s i i k a (Narrow lake) Vut Ve Njoo (A long shore around i t ) 1 5 1 . Ta A l Sha (Fish on the shore) E l T i n Vun (Jackfish i n the lake) 1 5 2 . T s i V i Z i t (Inside the timbers) Netei Kww Tik Tsui ( L i t t l e lake above Schaeffer Creek) 1 5 3 . William Vu Vun (William's lake) William Linklater V u t Vun (William was born on t h i s lake) Map Name Jackfish Lake L i t t l e Timber Lake fhe Toh Na Kwut Tanes Thatoh Na Kut Ta Nl 1 5 * . 1 5 5 . 1 5 6 . 157 . Chulvi Vun (Ducks close to the shore) 1 5 8 . Cut-off Lake Kei Tluk Z i t (Inside of the willows) Kei Tluk (Thick willows around the lake) Willow Lake John Charlie Vut Vun (John Charlie's lake) Tsha Njik Kwut Tuk Vun Choh John Charlie Lake C h i l V i i Vun (Widgin's Lake) Annie Lake Horseshoe Lake Tack Lake Cadzow Lake Chit Ve Vut Vun (Hawk's lake) H l e l i Choh Vut Kui 1 5 9 . Goo Sue Tsui Vun (Small n a i l lake) 1 6 0 . Tshi Da Tsik (Red rock) Cadzow Vut V Un (Cadzow's lake) 1 6 1 . Lydla v u t Vun (Lydia's lake) 1 6 2 . Ballaam Vut Vun (Ballaam's lake) 1 6 3 . Vut Nut Tuleh (Water around the Island) Vun Nut '^hul eh (Water around the ground) Flooded Island Lake Chi Hi L i Vun (Fish running lake) Chi Hi Shoa Vun (Big white f i s h i n lake) Whitefish Lake 1 6 4 . 1 6 5 . 1 6 6 . Chi H i L i I s i k (Fish running lake) Da Tsui Vun (The loon's lake) T e i t Tuk vun (Lake among ...) Summit Lake 195 No. Name (Translation) Map Name E. T r a i l s 167. Tel Kwin Njik (Main t r a i l to Crow Flats) 168. Hihy Tye Vut Cue Na Tra T r i Nut Tra Rzi (Winter t r a i l we hunt on) 196 Table 11..2 Building Code Key-Description 1. Old Community H a l l 2 . New Centennial H a l l 3 . Band Office 4. Metal Sided Storage Sheds 5 . Joe Netro*s Old Store 6. Church 7 . Nursing Station 8. Chief Zzeh G i t t l i t School 9. Teacherage 1 0 . Ice House and Freezer 11. School Shed 1 2 . Log Building 1 3 . Old Post Office 14. T e r r i t o r i a l Garage 1 5 . Shed 1 6 . Sheds 1 7 . Office 18. Shed 19. T r a i l e r 2 0 . Log House 21. Log House 22. Cook House For Old Crow (1973) Owner Date B u i l t N.A. 1935 N.A. 1966 N.A. 1966 1945 1912 Roman Catholic 1954 Y.T.G. 1962 Y.T.G. 1969 Y.T.G. 1969 School 1969 School I 9 6 0 N e i l McDonald 1926 (Vacant) 1926 Y.T.G. 1970 Canadian W i l d l i f e Service 1971 Water Resources 1970 Northward Aviation 1973 Yukon E l e c t r i c 1963 School 1959 Robert Bruce 1971 Robert Bruce J r . 1932 Roman Catholic Church 1951 197 2 3. Ski Lodge 24. Old Shack 2 5 . Log House 2 6 . Log House 27. Log House 28. Log House 29. Log House 30. Anglican Church Rectory 31. Church 32. Proposed Site of New Ski Lodge 33. Palace (Old Anglican Church) 34. R.C.M.P. 35* Log House 36. Log House 37. Log House 38. Log House 39. Log House 40. Log House 41. Log House 42. Log House 43. Log House 44. Log House 45. Log House N.A. I960 Co-op (Vacant) 1930 Peter Lord I967 Clara Frost 1970 Stephen Frost 1967 Donald Frost 1957 Peter Benjamin 1972 Church of England 1926 Anglican 1956 (Leased) 1926 Government of Canada 1964 Martha Charlie 1926 Joanne N j o o t l i 1970 Myra Kay 1963 Al f r e d Charlie 1970 Peter Charlie 1970 E l i z a Ben Kassi 1970 Lazarus Charlie 1971 Mary Netro 1962 John Kendi 1970 Peter Tizya 1970 Abraham Peter 1963 198 46. Log House Mary Kassl 1964 47. Log House John Ross Tiyza 48. Log House Peter Nukon 1945 49. Log House P h i l i p Joseph 1966 5 0 . Log House Annie Fredson 1932 5 1 . Log House Rowena Lord 1971 5 2 . Log House Moses Tizya 1970 53. Shed (Forestry) Y.T.G. 1972 54. Log House Lydia Thomas 1938 55. Forestry Office Y.T.G. 1972 56. Log House John Abel 1972 57. Log House Charlie Abel 1971 58. Log House Joseph Kay 1969 59. Log House Sarah Abel 1962 6 0 . Log House Myra Moses 1972 61. Log House John Joe Kay 1971 62. Log House Dick Nukon 1971 63. Log House Johnny Moses 1972 64. Log House Charlie Thomas 1971 65. Log House Mary Thomas 1971 66. Log House Dolly Josie 1970 67. Log House Kenneth Nukon 195* 68. Log House Amos Josie Edith Josie 1959 69. Log House Charlie Peter Charlie 1964 199 7 0 . W o r k S h o p 7 1 . S t o r e 7 2 . , L o g H o u s e 7 3 . L o g H o u s e 7 4 . L o g H o u s e O l d C r o w C o - o p 1970 O l d C r o w C o - o p 1970 A n d r e w T i z y a 1963 B i l l S m i t h 1965 F r e d d i e F r o s t 1973 200 Table I I . 3 Building Code Key fo r Old Crow (1963) Description 1. Log Shaok 2 . Log House 3 . Log House 4. Ski Lodge 5. Log House 6. Cache 7 . House 8. Log House 9 . Cache 1 0 . Log House 1 1 . Log Shack 1 2 . Log House 1 3 . .Log Cache 14. Log Cabin 1 5 . Log Post Office & Residence 1 6 . Log R.C.M.P. Liv i n g Quarters 1 7 . New R.C.M.P. Livi n g Quarters 18. R.C.M.P. Ice House 1 9 . R.C.M.P. Privy 2 0 . R.C.M.P. Warehouse 2 1 . R.C.M.P. P.O.L. 22. Log House 2 3 . Log House 24. Log Warehouse Owner Mrs. Linklater Sam 01sen P h i l i p Dicquermare Peter Lord Peter Lord Mrs. Frost Mrs. Frost Steven Frost Donald Frost Donald Frost Date B u i l t Martha Charlie John Tizya Joe Netro 201 25. Log Cache 26. Log House 27. Log Cache 28. Log House 29. Log House 30. Log House •31. Log Cache 32. Log Cache 33« Log House 34. Log House 35. Log House 36. Log Cache 37. Log House 38. Log Cache 39. Log Garage 40. Log Fish House 41. Log Cache 42. Log House 43. Log House 44. Log Cache 45. Log House 46. Store 47. Log Warehouse 48. Metal Sheet Structure 49. Yukon E l e c t r i c Power 50. School Complex 51• Log Warehouse Log Ice House Caterp. House Palatiner Quarters A l f r e d Charlie A l f r e d Charlie E l i z a Ben Kassi E l i z a Ben Kassi Vacant Peter Tizya Peter Tizya John Kendi John Kendi Joe Netro L i t t l e Joe Joe Netro P h i l i p Joseph P h i l i p Joseph E l i z a Steamboat E l i z a Kwatlati E l i z a Kwatlati Annie Fredson Joe Netro Joe Netro Joe Netro 202 5 2 . Nursing Station 5 3 . Old Catholic Church New Catholic Church 5 4 . Anglican Church Rectory 5 5 . Anglican Church 5 6 . Old Anglican Church (The 5 7 . H.C.M.P. Barracks 58. Log House 5 9 . Log House 6 0 . Log House 6 1 . Log House 6 2 . LPS House 6 3 . Community H a l l 6 4 . Log House 6 5 . Log House 6 6 . Log House 6 7 . Log House 6 8 . Log House 6 9 . Log House 7 0 . Log House 7 1 . Log Cache 7 2 . Log House 7 3 . Anglican Church Storehouse 7 4 . Log House 75* Log House 7 6 . Store House 7 7 . Log House 7 8 . Log House Palace) Big Joe Kay Joanne N j o o t l i Charlie Peter Charlie Lazarus Charlie Peter Charlie Dick Nukon Charlie Thomas Charlie Thomas Robert Bruce John Joe Kay N e i l Macponald Sarah Ballem N e i l MacDonaId J u l i a MacDonald E f f i e Linklater Peter Moses Peter Moses Charlie Abel Sarah Abel 79. Log House 80. Log House 81. Netro Store 82. Store 83. Warehouse 84. Store 8 5 . F i r e Equipment Cache 20 3 Kenneth Nukon Edith Josie Harry Halley Harry Halley Peter Moses 

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