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The Copa : an introduction and commentary Gruenewald, Frances J. 1975

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THE COPA:  AN INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY  by FRANCES J . GRUENEWALD B.A., University o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1972  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  i n the Department of Classics  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1975  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s  thesis  in p a r t i a l  f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r  an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h the L i b r a r y s h a l l I  make i t  freely available  f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n  for  Columbia,  I agree  r e f e r e n c e and  f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s  that  study. thesis  f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department o r by h i s of  this  representatives. thesis  It  is understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l  written permission.  Department of The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Vancouver 8, Canada  Date A l f J L  3L<\ /<?7S. t  Columbia  not be allowed without my  ABSTRACT  The purpose of t h i s thesis i s two-fold: f i r s t l y , to make a general study of the Copa with a view to determining, as f a r as i s p o s s i b l e , i t s authorship and date, and,secondly, to attempt a d e t a i l e d exegesis of i t s contents.  The f i r s t Chapter contains an i n t r o d u c t i o n to the MSS  tradi-  t i o n of the Appendix V e r g i l i a n a , and a b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n of the statements of Donatus and Servius concerning V e r g i l i a n authorship of the poems. Chapter 2 the question of the authorship of the Copa i s considered.  In The  views of various s c h o l a r s , who use as tests of a u t h e n t i c i t y studies of content and s t y l e , vocabulary, metre and p a r a l l e l passages, are discussed. P a r t i c u l a r worth i s assigned the evidence afforded by the h i s t o r i c a l r e ferences to the Copa.  The Chapter concludes that there i s a strong case  for V e r g i l i a n authorship. Chapter 3.  A p o s s i b l e date f o r the Copa i s the subject of  Although there are varying opinions on t h i s problem, i t i s  found that c e r t a i n features of metre (the apparent avoidance of the d i s s y l l a b i c pentameter ending, f o r example), vocabulary (such as the use of diminutives and the present p a r t i c i p l e ) and the use made of l i t e r a r y sources tend to i n d i c a t e a "pre-Eclogue" date f o r the poem, that i s , a date around 47 B.C.  Chapter 4 contains a d i s c u s s i o n of V e r g i l ' s study of E p i -  curean philosophy under S i r o at Naples.  The p o s s i b i l i t y that the Copa was  w r i t t e n under the i n f l u e n c e o f Epicureanism i s suggested; i t appears that the poet manipulates various aspects o f the philosophy f o r humorous purposes.  In the Commentary, emphasis i s concentrated on t e x t u a l and l e x i c a l  problems.  There follow  three short appendices and a b i b l i o g r a p h y .  iii  CONTENTS Page I.  THE APPENDIX VERGILIANA  1  II.  AUTHORSHIP  7  III.  DATE  kO  IV.  EPICUREANISM IN THE COPA  6 0  TEXT  6 5  COMMENTARY  6 8  APPENDICES:  A note on Epicureanism The etymology o f vitrum Roman dice  BIBLIOGRAPHY  143 ...... 146 148 150  ABBREVIATIONS  AC  L'Antiquite  AJPh  American Journal of Philology  CJ  The C l a s s i c a l Journal  CPH  C l a s s i c a l Philology  CR  C l a s s i c a l Review  CQ  Classical  Dictionnaire des Antiquites  C. Daremberg and E. Saglio, Dictionnaire  Classique  Quarterly  des Antiquites Grecques et Romaines. Tomes 1-5,  Graz 1962-63.  HLB  Harvard Library B u l l e t i n  HSCP  Harvard Studies i n C l a s s i c a l Philology  PhQ  Philological  RhM  Rheinisches Museum  RPh  Revue de Philologie  SB AW  Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen  Quarterly  Akademie der Wissenschaften TAPA  Transactions  and Proceedings of the  American P h i l o l o g i c a l Association  V ACKNOWLEDGMENT  I would like to express my gratitude to Mr. A.A. Barrett for his help and encouragement i n the preparation of this thesis.  I would also like to  thank the members of the Department, i n particular Mr. H. Edinger, Mr. G.N. Sandy, Mrs. E.A. Bongie and Miss S.M.L. Darcus.  In addition, I wish to thank  Mr. M.F. McGregor for his help and guidance through the years.  CHAPTER I THE APPENDIX VERGILIANA  It has become customary to refer c o l l e c t i v e l y to a group o f poems, which have been handed down as the youthful works of V e r g i l , as the Appendix Vergiliana, a t i t l e f i r s t assigned to the c o l l e c t i o n i n the 1573 edition of Joseph Scaliger."'"  The authenticity of these poems has been the subject of 2  controversy f o r centuries.  Donatus, o f the fourth century A.D., i s the  f i r s t ancient author to treat them as a c o l l e c t i o n ; i n his L i f e of Vergil he states that they belong to the poet's early l i t e r a r y "career": deinde Catalepton et Priapea et Epigrammata et Diras, item Cirim et Culicem cum esset anriorum XVI.  3  Servius, also writing i n the fourth century, and pro4  bably basing his work on Donatus, works to V e r g i l .  attributes a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t l i s t of  Without comment he includes the Aetna i n h i s l i s t , and  adds the Cop a, not mentioned i n Donatus' account.*' certainty Servius expresses  One should note the un-  whether the number o f the minor poems i s  seven or eight: s c r i p s i t etiam septem sive octo libros hos.  Some c r i t i c s  believe that he i s alluding to some dispute over the authorship of the Aetna and the Copa, while others think that Servius' uncertainty concerns the Epigrammata.  E.K. Rand's theory i s that Donatus actually intended to  describe a c o l l e c t i o n of s i x minor poems: Culex, C i r i s , Copa, Aetna, Dirae and Catalepton, and that one should take et Priapea et Epigrammata to refer not to separate poems but to two subsections of the Catalepton. E.K. Rand further believes that such a c o l l e c t i o n of s i x minor poems  7 might have existed i n Suetonius' time, the f i r s t century A.D.  The theory  that Donatus based his L i f e of V e r g i l on a lost version by Suetonius has long been argued.  I f this theory i s correct, and i f the t r a d i t i o n  2 9 assigning the poems of the Appendix to V e r g i l does go back to Suetonius, we would then have a firmer h i s t o r i c a l base f o r V e r g i l i a n a u t h o r s h i p . ^ Whether or not the Suetonian t r a d i t i o n concerning the Appendix i s correct, certain of the poems, at any rate, the Culex, the Copa and some o f the Catalepton, are mentioned 12 Statius  as V e r g i l i a n by other ancient authors.  Lucan,^  13 and Martial  make reference to the Culex, Q u i n t i l i a n mentions  14 Catalepton I I , and Charisius, a contemporary  of Donatus, attributes the Copa  15 to  Vergil. The t r a d i t i o n of the manuscripts, where the poems are grouped together  under Vergil's name, cannot, by i t s e l f , be taken as proof of a u t h e n t i c i t y . ^ F. Vollmer believes that there existed a very early V e r g i l i a n codex, which contained the Eclogues, Georgics and Aeneid, preceded by the s i x minor poems 17 noted above. As time went on, however, other poems, probably not the work of V e r g i l , were added to the manuscript because i n t h e i r subject matter they 18 happened to resemble the V e r g i l i a n poems.  The Moretum, f o r instance, was  s i m i l a r i n parts to the Georgics i n i t s portrayal of rural l i f e ; the Elegia i n Maecenatem seemed to be a suitable addition to the V e r g i l i a n corpus, 19 since i t honoured Vergil's patron.  I f this i s the case, i t would not be  u n l i k e l y that, as time passed, scribes forgot the circumstances surrounding the addition of each of these non-Vergilian poems, and Vergil's name was assigned to them a l l .  Thus, the f i r s t manuscript we have i n which these po-  ems are treated as a c o l l e c t i o n , the catalogue of the l i b r a r y at Murbach, dated to 850 A.D., l i s t s Dire, C i r i s , C u l i c i s , Catalapeion, Ethne, Priapeia, 20 Copa, Moretum and Mecenas under Vergil's name.  In spite of the fact that  the minor poems do stand together i n certain of the manuscripts, one cannot,  3 on that basis, claim V e r g i l i a n authorship f o r them with any degree of certainty.  In view of t h i s , one should perhaps examine the question of  authenticity through the information supplied by Suetonius, Donatus and Servius, and set aside the evidence of the l a t e r There i s also the question why,  manuscripts.  i f the minor poems are authentic, the  transmission of the manuscripts containing them has been so d i f f e r e n t from that of the corpus of V e r g i l ' s main works.  E. C l i f t attempts to account  for this by suggesting that, whereas V e r g i l s Eclogues, Georgics and 1  Aeneid  were kept at the main state l i b r a r y at Rome, the Palatine l i b r a r y , during the Augustan period, h i s lesser works, the works of his youth, were r e l e gated to the l i b r a r y of the Porticus Octaviae, which Augustus established 21 i n 23 B.C.  A p a r a l l e l might possibly be seen i n the fact that the poems  written by Caesar i n his youth were not permitted to rest i n the Palatine 22 l i b r a r y , because they were considered unworthy of him.  Perhaps Vergil's  i n s t r u c t i o n to destroy a l l of h i s works which he himself had not perfected and published could have had something to do with the separate of the minor poems.  transmission  Because of the poet's wishes, i t i s possible that the  minor poems were not published by Varius and Tucca along with the major works; perhaps they became the property of Vergil's associates, and for a considerable period were known only by them.  "The doubtful elements i n the  transmission of the V e r g i l i a n corpus can thus be explained on the grounds of deferred publication and the p a r t i a l fulfilment of the author's  personal  wishes i n regard to the poems, without recourse of the assumption of d e l i berate  falsification."  2 3  Although Donatus viewed the minor poems as V e r g i l i a n , many l a t e r schol a r s , and i n p a r t i c u l a r the scholars of the nineteenth century, did not.  4 In that period, the poems were examined i n a purely aesthetic l i g h t ; i f they did not seem to be i n keeping with the s t y l e of Vergil's "mature" poetry, they were rejected.  Modern scholars, unlike t h e i r nineteenth-cen-  tury predecessors, are usually more w i l l i n g to take ancient h i s t o r i c a l e v i dence into account.  Indeed, there i s a growing b e l i e f that, owing to the  strong h i s t o r i c a l and manuscript t r a d i t i o n assigning the poems to V e r g i l , a vigorous attempt should be made to prove, as f a r as i s possible, V e r g i l i a n authorship.  Less approbation i s now  given those c r i t i c s who  deny that the  Appendix i s V e r g i l i a n simply because the s t y l e and content of the poems do not seem to s u i t Vergil's l a t e r poetry.  Scholars now  tend to believe that  other, much more detailed examinations of the poems must be made, using d i f ferent c r i t e r i a from those of "good taste" and "appropriateness" i n order to determine  authenticity.  5 Notes P u b l i i V e r g i l i i Maronis Appendix cum Supplemento Multorum Antehac Numquam Excussorum Poematium Veterum Poetarum (Lyons 1573) . 'Donatus, L i f e of Vergil  19, f o r example, mentions that there i s doubt con-  cerning the authenticity of the Aetna: s c r i p s i t etiam de qua ambigitur Aetna. 'Donatus, 17. See H.R. Upson, "Medieval Lives of V e r g i l , " CPh 38 (1943) 103-11.  L  'Servius, L i f e of Vergil  14-15.  E.K. Rand i n "Young V i r g i l ' s Poetry,"  HSCP 30 (1919) 106, believes t h a t , i f Servius used Donatus, i t i s probable that the Copa was o r i g i n a l l y contained i n Donatus* l i s t , but that i t l a t e r dropped out through s c r i b a l error. 'See Rand, 110 and n . l . Rand, 108. 'H. Nettleship, Ancient Lives of Vergil  (Oxford 1879).  ' M . Geer, "Non-Suetonian Passages i n the L i f e of Vergil formerly ascribed to Donatus,"  TAPA 57 (1926) 107-115, believes, on the basis of Suetonian  s t y l e , that the evidence concerning the Appendix does not originate with Suetonius, and thus i s suspect.  However, the p o s s i b i l i t y that the passage  may not be Suetonian i n style, does not d e f i n i t e l y prove that Donatus i s not basing his remarks on information taken from Suetonius. ^Suetonius was l i b r a r i a n and secretary to the Emperor Hadrian. He i s generally regarded as an accurate h i s t o r i a n mation.  who does not fabricate i n f o r -  ^Lucan, quoted by Suetonius, L i f e o f Lucan 1-2. 12 Statius, Silvae 2.7, 70-74. 1 3  M a r t i a l , Epigrams 8.56. 19-20; 14.185.  14 Q u i n t i l i a n 8.3.28. ^Charisius  1.15.  "^These MSS date to the ninth, tenth, eleventh 1 7  and twelfth centuries.  " D i e Kleineren Gedichte V e r g i l s , " SBAW (1907) 335-74.  18 It i s possible to be dogmatic concerning the non-Vergilian authorship o f certain of these poems; the Elegia i n Maecenatem, f o r example, was written a f t e r the death of Maecenas and could not have been composed by V e r g i l 19 Rand, 111. on See M. Manitius,  "Philologisches aus Alten Bibliothekskatlogen,"  (1892) 27-28. 21 Latin Pseudepigrapha (Baltimore 22 Suetonius, L i f e of J u l i u s 56. 2 3  C l i f t , 128.  1945) 123-128.  RhM 47  7 CHAPTER II AUTHORSHIP  Although the Copa was accepted as V e r g i l i a n before the eighteenth century by such c r i t i c s as Joseph Scaliger, i n the course of more recent study and investigation i t s authenticity has been called into question. Most scholars have been unwilling to assign the poem to any p a r t i c u l a r poet; by studying certain elements o f vocabulary, style and content i n the Copa that appear to resemble elements present i n the work of other poets, they f i n d they must be s a t i s f i e d with o f f e r i n g us a choice among a number of possible authors.  Only a few scholars have f e l t s u f f i c i e n t l y  confident to attribute the Copa d e f i n i t e l y to V e r g i l .  I f t h e i r confidence  i s firmly based on accurate and detailed study, t h e i r b e l i e f i n the authent i c i t y of the Copa should receive considerable attention.  As we s h a l l see,  the evidence they o f f e r i n favour of V e r g i l i a n authorship i s most persuasive.  When studying the poem, scholars use b a s i c a l l y the same methods o f  investigation.  The poem i s examined f o r i t s tone and s t y l e , and f o r i t s  vocabulary, metre and imitative elements.  And f i n a l l y , the external c r i -  t e r i a , the h i s t o r i c a l references to the poem, must be c a r e f u l l y studied, for they are perhaps the most s i g n i f i c a n t test o f authenticity that can be applied to the poem. Many scholars have argued that the Copa i s t o t a l l y unlike anything written  by V e r g i l , and f o r this reason i s undoubtedly not his work.  For i n -  stance, i t i s said that the Copa was written by someone who appreciated, and was able to characterize, a sensual woman, and i t has been claimed that t h i s would not f a l l within Vergil's sphere o f interest.''  This i s a f o o l i s h  8 argument, since we do not know-what Vergil's attitude toward women might have been when he was young.  In any case, as I.E. Drabkin points out, the  dramatic character of the Copa must not be overlooked; the content of the 2 poem need not necessarily express the attitude of the poet.  In addition,  we should remember that i f the Copa i s indeed a work of Vergil's youth, i t would not be l i k e l y to exhibit the same " q u a l i t i e s of seriousness" as the later poetry.  3  Another objection raised against V e r g i l i a n authorship of the Copa i s that V e r g i l would not have frequented the tabernae, and c e r t a i n l y would not 4  have written about them, because of t h e i r poor reputation.  This i s hardly  a compelling objections, f o r the Copa need not represent an actual experience i n the poet's l i f e .  On the other hand, there i s undeniably much rea-  l i s t i c d e t a i l i n the poem.  This q u a l i t y has impressed G. McCracken: "The  poem i s a r e a l i s t i c description of something which the poet knew deeply, though the subject i s not one which drew forth from him much subtlety.... If o r i g i n a l i t y be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Vergil's touch, then the poem may well be h i s ; but he i s not c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y an innovator."*'  In any case, a  taberna was designed to be a resting place f o r t r a v e l l e r s , and as such would be v i s i t e d by a l l types of people.  Moreover, as Drabkin says, i t would cer-  t a i n l y "not be required that one partake of a l l the inducements." "It may  He adds,  further be said that i t i s not impossible f o r one to v i s i t such a  taberna and even go so f a r as to compose a jeu d e s p r i t thereon without sa1  c r i f i c i n g one's chances of being throughout  l i f e a man of the highest moral  standards."^ S t i l l another attitude held by those who do not consider the Copa to be V e r g i l i a n has been expressed by J.W.  Mackail: " I t i s the work of a real poet,  9 but the touch and handling are totally unlike Vergil's."  F. Plessis,  also, speaks of "l'alne virgilienne qui manque le plus a ce recueil com8 posite,"  and similarly, J. Hubaux states "on ne trouve guere non plus  dans cette elegie l a melancholie en demi-teinte que Virgile a repandue 9 dans toute son oeuvre."  In rebuttal we may argue, however, that, i f the  Copa is indeed a work of Vergil's youth, i t is not at a l l strange that i t should exhibit qualities not found in the Eclogues, Geofgics and Aeneid. The development of technique and style requires experimentation; the Copa may well be such an experiment. Many have pointed to the apparent Epicurean philosophy expressed in the Copa, and have said that this also i s non-Vergilian. This opinion is held, for example, by R.E.H. Westendorp Boerma: "Especially the joyous strain of the poem, the frivolous character, the jovial way of looking at l i f e , culminating in the last lines: "Enjoy to-day, to-morrow might be too late", is quite unlike Vergil."""^  Drabkin, on the other hand, sees the philosophy of  the Copa as simply an expression of a mood holding the poet momentarily in its grip, and maintains that we should not attempt to connect the poem too closely with Vergil's Epicurean studies, or with a possible reaction against those studies.''''" We must be careful, however, in our use of the philosophy of the poem as evidence either for or against authenticity; ironically, i t is precisely the Epicurean atmosphere of the poem in which E. C l i f t sees the likelihood of i t s Vergilian authorship: "The light pastoral Epicurean hu12  mour i s suitable to an early work of Vergil." .The attempt to establish the literary genre of the Copa has also caused difficulty for those who consider the problem of the poem's authenticity. "It represents a confluence of literary tendencies i n i t s form and a  10 confluence of emotional interests i n the mind of the poet."  13  The many-  elements present i n the poem, the pastoral, e r o t i c , Priapean, epigrammatic and mimetic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , have led some to think that the Copa could not possibly be the work of V e r g i l .  This i s claimed on the grounds that the  combination of these elements i s clumsy, and would have been avoided by V e r g i l , who,  i n each of h i s poems, confines himself to a single genre.  As  has already been mentioned, however, the poem, i f a product of Vergil's youth, could possibly be experimental, and further, as Drabkin points out, these elements are often found together i n sophisticated poetry, such as 14 the Roman elegy. Therefore, we cannot claim that the Copa i s non-Vergilian on the basis of these "aesthetic" considerations of i t s content and form.  I f cogent e v i -  dence of authenticity can be found i n studies of vocabulary, metre and p a r a l l e l passages, then the poet's rather d i f f e r e n t "touch and handling" w i l l not prove to be insurmountable obstacles. The s t a t i s t i c a l approach to the problem of authenticity i s an innovation of the twentieth century.  Modern scholars have subjected the vocabu-  lary and metre of the Copa to rigorous examination, and have compared the poem's l e x i c a l and metrical usages with those employed by other poets, i n an attempt to decide upon V e r g i l i a n or non-Vergilian authorship.  Although  such studies do have a certain value i f properly applied, s t a t i s t i c s , as A. Ellegard has pointed out, are not v a l i d unless they are applied under cert a i n set conditions.'''*'  F i r s t of a l l , the text i n question must be of s u f f i -  cient length i n order to determine that i t does indeed exhibit d e f i n i t e s t y l i s t i c characteristics.  Ellegard believes that a length of at least  10,000 words i s necessary.  Obviously, then, the Copa f a l l s f a r below this  11 required number of words.  Secondly, he shows, i t i s necessary to keep i n  mind t h a t , i f a poet changes his genre of poetry, he w i l l also necessarily change h i s s t y l e of writing.  We w i l l see that i t i s most d i f f i c u l t to com-  pare the Copa with another work, since i t contains pastoral, epigrammatic, mimetic and dramatic elements. sage of time.  And t h i r d l y , s t y l e w i l l change with the pas-  Some have claimed that the Copa was written by Vergil during  16 his  early "career"  and we cannot discount this theory simply on the grounds  that the poem i s unlike Vergil's l a t e r works, the Eclogues, Georgics and Aeneid.  We see that the Copa, on Ellegard's terms, cannot adequately meet  s t a t i s t i c a l tests.  However, as mentioned above, this fact has not preven-  ted such tests from being made. I.E.  Drabkin has made a very careful and detailed study o f the vocabu-  lary i n the Copa, i n which he has made separate analyses of diminutives, words borrowed from the Greek, unusual words and words i n unusual senses,  17 and the non-Vergilian element.  The Copa contains s i x diminutives (only one  of them, asellus, i s found i n Vergil's acknowledged works), and Drabkin, i n his  f i r s t section, finds that the poem, i n i t s use of unusual and new dimi-  18 nutives, i s under Catullan influence.  In h i s section concerning words  borrowed from the Greek, Drabkin finds that the language of the Copa i s s t r i k i n g l y marked by Greek words which have been d i r e c t l y transmitted into Latin.  There are twenty-three such words i n t h i r t y - e i g h t lines of verse  (crotalo, calamos, topia, kalybae, cyathi and castaneae, f o r example), making  a rate of sixty-one words&?<*tc/i one hundred verses.  No known author seems  to approach this proportion i n h i s work. Catullus does not use many words of this type; his rate i s ten words'ioe&dihundred verses.  V e r g i l uses  12 fourteen to eacK hundred verses, Propertius twelvetoecch hundred verses and Ovid uses even l e s s .  Thus, no decisions can be made aboot authorship of the  Copa on this basis. In h i s discussion of unusual words Drabkin again finds evidence that aids the dating of the Copa, but, while l i m i t i n g the range of possible authors, s t i l l leaves the question open.  The poem seems to be close to Catul-  lus and the Eclogues i n the number of new words i t uses, but i n the unusual use  of these words the poem appears to be much more influenced by Catullus  than i t i s by the "mature" V e r g i l . The f i r s t part of Drabkin's analysis of the non-Vergilian element i n the Copa i s directed to showing that, simply on the basis of the occurrence of "non-Vergilian words" i n the poem, there i s i n s u f f i c i e n t evidence to say that "the vocabulary of the Copa i s less c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  of Vergil than i t 19  i s of any other known author of the period under consideration."  There  are t h i r t y non-Vergilian words i n the poem.  non-  There are t h i r t y - e i g h t  20 Propertian, t h i r t y - f o u r non-Horatian and sixty-four non-Catullan words. These s t a t i s t i c s show the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of claiming that i n point of vocabulary  the poem i s more Propertian, Catullan or Horatian than V e r g i l i a n .  In  the second part of his discussion, Drabkin examines the non-Vergilian element i n the poem i n order to determine: "(1) which of the words i n that element V e r g i l had no opportunity of using i n his major works, by reason of the ideas these words express,  or what words there are f o r which, though he  might have done so, V e r g i l does not introduce synonyms, and  (2) which of the  words are traceable to the Catullan and neoteric style of composition, are p e c u l i a r to the f a m i l i a r or vulgar s t y l e and as such would be  or  unsuited,  i n general, to the tone of the major works, but would quite f i t the studied carelessness and c o l l o q u i a l banter of the Copa."  Drabkin then makes a  13 detailed survey of the words that f a l l into these two classes.  His conclu-  sion i s that "merely on the basis of the d i c t i o n employed V e r g i l cannot be summarily  21 excluded as the author of the Copa."  Drabkin's careful examination of vocabulary leads him, i t appears, to 22 a more reasonable conclusion than that reached by H.R.  Fairclough.  The  l a t t e r , basing his opinion s o l e l y on his l i s t s of words i n the Appendix V e r g i l i a n a that do not occur i n Vergil's major works, finds that the nonV e r g i l i a n element i s so great that not one line of the Appendix could have been written by V e r g i l .  Concerning the Copa Fairclough writes "I admit that  i t i s not unworthy of V e r g i l , but when I find i n i t s 38 verses as many as 29 words foreign to Vergil as we'know him, I become convinced that we must 23 look elsewhere f o r the author."  Fairclough l a t e r suggests that the au-  thor of the Copa i s Ovid, since he finds i n the poem that many of the nonV e r g i l i a n words are Ovidian.  However, F.W.  Shipley, i n h i s discussion of  the authenticity of the Culex, shows the danger involved i n this type of reasoning. ^ 2  He makes a study of the vocabulary peculiar to each of Vergil's  acknowledged works, the Eclogues, Georgics and Aeneid, and then, determining the proportion of those words which are found i n Ovid also, offers the f o l lowing r e s u l t s : Eclogues 66.9%, Georgics 58.9% and Aeneid 80.3%.  The very  high percentage of words peculiar to the Aeneid that are also used by Ovid reveals the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of making a decision on authorship on the basis o f word usage alone.  The f a l l i b i l i t y of Fairclough's l i n e of reasoning i s  evident. Drabkin's next section of s t a t i s t i c a l examination, "Syntax and Style," should be postponed to our discussion of the date of the Copa, since his findings reveal more about the possible time of composition of the poem than  14 they do about i t s authorship.  He considers that the extensive use of the  present p a r t i c i p l e i n the poem tends to indicate a pre-Augustan date.  Pos-  - s i b l y a l l we can learn about the author from an enquiry into the syntax and s t y l e of the Copa i s that he had "a f l a i r f o r the unusual and the o r i g i n a l . " When Drabkin discusses the metre of the Copa, he finds that the penta-  26 meter close and the frequency of e l i s i o n i n the pentameter the only s i g n i f i c a n t metrical features i n the poem.  are b a s i c a l l y  It seems that we can  27 gain no concrete evidence concerning the author from the study of metre. In certain of i t s metrical characteristics the Copa resembles Propertius; for example, frequent e l i s i o n i n the pentameter i s found i n Propertius 4.8, and, also, the position of adjectives and substantives i n the Copa i s simil a r to t h e i r positioning i n Propertius. resembles Lygdamus.  In i t s use o f the caesura the poem  A l l the hexameters i n the Copa have a penthemimeral  caesura, and Lygdamus, s i m i l a r l y , has only two out of 145 hexameters without a masculine caesura i n the t h i r d foot.  In many other features the Copa  shows a s i m i l a r i t y with Catullan technique.  Some examples of t h i s are the  high percentage of lines that begin with a d a c t y l , the non-dissyllabic pentameter close and the frequency of e l i s i o n i n the pentameter. Another method used by scholars i n t h e i r attempt to resolve the problem of authorship i s the examination of closely related passages.  Sections of  the Copa that appear to resemble i n t h e i r style and d i c t i o n passages i n the acknowledged works o f V e r g i l and other Augustan poets have been c a r e f u l l y studied i n an e f f o r t to determine whether they provided the i n s p i r a t i o n f o r those acknowledged works, or vice-versa.  I f the Copa could be proven to  have drawn on the accepted works of V e r g i l , then i t could not be claimed that V e r g i l was i t s author.  However, i f the works of V e r g i l could be shown  to have drawn on the Copa, i t i s not at a l l impossible that Vergil could  15 have written the poem, since i t i s reasonable that he might draw upon his own work. D.L.  Drew has made two studies of the s i m i l a r i t i e s e x i s t i n g between the  Copa and certain acknowledged works of V e r g i l and Propertius, i n order to 28 determine whether or not the Copa could be the e a r l i e r work.  In his f i r s t  a r t i c l e , Drew shows that V e r g i l ' s second Eclogue contains extensive imitations o f Theocritus 11, and makes some use also o f the other Theocritean poems,  p a r t i c u l a r l y Theocritus 7.  He then proceeds  to consider some of the  resemblances between Eclogue 2 and the Copa, i n order to discover whether 29 Eclogue 2  imitates the Copa, or whether the Copa imitates Eclogue 2.  It i s l i k e l y , he states, since the Copa i s s i m i l a r to Eclogue 2 Eclogue 2 follows Theocritus 7 and. 11., that the Copa and 11 d i r e c t l y , and i s e n t i r e l y independent  only where  imitates Theocritus 7  of Eclogue 2.  Drew provides  a comprehensive l i s t of the s i m i l a r i t i e s between the Copa and Theocritus 7 30 and 11 ; 4  although certain o f the resemblances may be due to the fact that  the themes of the poems  and the descriptions of r u r a l attractions are simi-  l a r , and are necessarily expressed i n s i m i l a r terms, some resemblances are so s t r i k i n g that d i r e c t imitation of Theocritus 7 and 11 by Copa's author cannot be denied.  Consider, f o r example, how  Copa 18-19:  Sunt autumnali cerea pruna die Castaneaeque nuces et suave rubentia mala compare with Theocritus 7.143-144, 146: 7ravT'coa6ev  oxvat  Oepeoq  p,ev nap  noaai,  op7ta,K£c; p p a E - i X o t a i  u-aAa 7 t t o v o c ; ,  axrSs  o'oTtcupac;.  7tapa 7tXeupaiai 6 e HarafipiQovrec,  pxtAa  epa£e,  Copa 7, 11, 13, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23: sunt ... est ... sunt ... sunt ... sunt ... est ... sunt ... est with Theocritus 11.45-47:  16  ev-ri  ...  evri  eaxx  ...  ...  ear'...  eariv,  Copa 12, 27-28: Et strepitans rauco murmure rivus aquae Nunc cantu crebro rumpunt arbusta cicadae Nunc vepris i n gelida sede l a c e r t a l a t e t , with Theocritus 7.136-139: a i y e i po i  Nupcpav Ii; rot  6e  TcreXeai  avrpoio  7rori  TETriye?  re*-to  b' kyyvQev  uScop  tepov  KeXapu£e.  nare18op,evov  cJHiapaTc, opo&ap/vi'o'i v ateaAuovec;  AaAaYeuvrec; exov  novov  and Copa 29-30: Si sapis, aestivo recubans nunc prolue v i t r o Seu v i s c r y s t a l l i ferre novos calices with Theocritus 7.65-66, 69-70: T O V 7TTeXeartHOv o T v o v ano  Hparrjpoc, acpu^ai 6e  nap  7tupi  wai  TtTopLai yaAaKODC, ptepvap-evo^  auraTaiv  KexXipevoq,  HuAi'-Kecrai  Huapov  nai  kc,  TIC, E V 7tupt cppu{;e?. 'AYectvanroq  rpuya  x ^ ^ 2  0  epei'6a>v.  These comparisons are compelling evidence of the Copa's d i r e c t dependence upon the Theocritean poems. Theocritus 7, Copa 15-26  We see that, i n general, Copa 5-14  resembles  Theocritus 11, and Copa 27-32 Theocritus 7.  This  c a r e f u l , paragraphic imitation of Theocritus tends to d i s p e l any notion that the author of the Copa i s following Theocritus through Eclogue 2; further, when we consider, as Drew does (76-77), the order of imitation of Theocritus 7 and 11 i n Eclogue 2, we see that the p o s s i b i l i t y i s extremely remote. There i s less imitation of Theocritus 7 i n Eclogue 2 than i n the Copa, and  the s i m i l a r i t i e s between Eclogue 2 and Theocritus 7 are not set i n paragraphs as they are i n the Copa, but rather are scattered throughout the poem.  " I t would thus be an incredible chance i f Copa, imitating Eel. I I .  and not Theoc. VII, d i r e c t , managed to come closer to the sequence of lines i n Theoc. VII. than did Eel.  II."  3 1  As additional evidence of direct imitation of Theocritus by the author of the Copa Drew cites examples i n the poem of reproduction of Greek words by close Latin equivalents: Copa 19 mala = Theoc. 7.144 \xaka = Theoc. 7.70 HUXlKeffcri .  , Copa 30 calices  Especially notable, Drew f e e l s , i s the s i m i l a r i t y  between Copa 25: Hue Calybita veni: lassus iam sudat asellus, and Theocritus 11.42:  aXX'  ayinevoo  "where sudat reproduces  rroO' a\xe n a i e^eTc, ou6ev  -q Ou6ev  vowels and consonants, reproduces  eXacraov  , and ase11-, by transposing the same cXaaa-  .  Moreover, i n order to  1 , 3 2  strengthen his case that the Copa i s d i r e c t l y based on Theocritus 7 and 11, and i s independent o f Eclogue 2, Drew studies the general s i m i l a r i t i e s between the Copa, the Eclogues and the Georgics.  He finds that the only resemblances  between the Copa, the Eclogues and the Georgics are found i n passages where  33 the Eclogues and Georgics imitate Theocritus 7 and 11.  " I f we could maintain  that Copa imitates V i r g i l , " he claims "then we must suppose that the author of Copa, i n imitating poems which range at large over the whole body of Theoc r i t u s , Bion and Moschus, happened to select from those V i r g i l i a n poems only lines which imitated Theoc. VII. and XI. To suppose that i s to push c r e d i b i l i t y 34 to c r e d u l i t y . "  F i n a l l y , Drew compares the p a r a l l e l passages of the Copa  and the Eclogues from the viewpoint of t h e i r adherence to t h e i r Theocritean source, and finds that, i n general, the Copa follows the Greek more carefully.  For example, he compares Copa 27-28  18 Nunc cantii crebrb rumpunt arbusta  cicadae  Nunc vepris i n gelida sede l a c e r t a latet with Eclogue 2. 8-9,  12-13  Nunc etiam pecudes umbras et f r i g o r a  captant  Nunc v i r i d i s etiam occultant spineta lacertos At mecum raucis, tua duiii v e s t i g i a lustro Sole sub ardenti resonant arbusta c i c a d i s . These passages both combine Theocritus and Drew analyses  7.22  and Theocritus 7.138-139,  t h e i r resemblance to Theocritus i n the following way:  "In  ver. 28 Copa follows the form of Theocritus closer than does E e l . II.9, f o r 'lacerta l a t e t ' corresponds exactly to'crctupoc; H d Q e u S e t , whereas 'occultant 1  spineta lacertos' s l i g h t l y a l t e r s the form. ev a i u a a i a t a t \ 'Viridis  1  whereas V i r g i l ' s  i s V i r g i l ' s own  Copa's 'in sede' corresponds to  'spineta' i s subject of  'occultant'.  addition, whereas 'gelida' i s (as l i k e l y as  an echo of crxiapaTc;' f Theoc. VII.138. 0  not)  Copa, as Theocritus does, gives the 35  adjective to the r e p t i l e ' s shelter, V i r g i l to the r e p t i l e i t s e l f . " The bearing on the question of p r i o r i t y and authorship of Drew's conclusion that the Copa follows Theocritus more closely than do the Eclogues i s 36 considered i n his second a r t i c l e . "where two poets who  Drew f i r s t notes the general rule that  consciously imitate a t h i r d poet depart from that poet  (in the immediate context where they imitate him)  i n an i d e n t i c a l manner,  there we have a prima f a c i e case to show that one of the two p l a g i a r i z i n g 37 poets i s imitating the other."  This p r i n c i p l e i s straightforward enough;  however, the problem of deciding which of the two pieces of poetry i n quest i o n i s the e a r l i e r i s indeed a d i f f i c u l t one, and i s often impossible solve.  to  A decision on p r i o r i t y i s p a r t i c u l a r l y hard, also, when the possi-  b i l i t y e x i s t s , as i t does here, that both poems have been written by the  19  same author.  And f i n a l l y , as Drabkin remarks, "the interchange of ideas  among poets of the period with which we are dealing was so free that i t i s  38 often only by convention that a work can be ascribed to a single poet." If determining only the authorship of a poem i s such a problem, how much more arduous must i t be to solve the question of p r i o r i t y .  Nevertheless,  various approaches to the problem have been developed, and i t appears that Drew's approach, which we w i l l look at shortly, i s perhaps more v a l i d than  39 others.  F. Skutsch  40 and F. Leo  , f o r example, considering the question  of p r i o r i t y between the C i r i s and Vergil's accepted works, believe that the best guide i s the appropriateness of given expressions to the context of the work, on the assumption  that a work containing i l l - f i t t i n g expressions  and phrases i s probably a poor copy of a more c a r e f u l l y composed work. However, this method of t e s t i n g p r i o r i t y i s not a r e l i a b l e one.  What i s  there to prevent one poet, when imitating an expression found i n the work of  a predecessor, from being able to f i t that expression more neatly into  the context of his own poem?  The fact that one work i s based on another  does not imply that i t w i l l be necessarily less s k i l l f u l than the work i t imitates. Drew's claim f o r the p r i o r i t y of the Copa over the Eclogues i s based largely on the d i f f e r e n t use made i n each of the Theocritean source.  He  shows that Theoc. VII. i s the primary source f o r Copa: Theoc. VII. i s a comparatively i n s i g n i f i c a n t source f o r Eclogues I I . i i _ . Theoc. VII. i s only employed by Eclogues I I . where Theoc. VII. i s employed by Copa, and  41 the reverse does not hold true."  That the author of the Copa imitated  the Eclogues i s u n l i k e l y , since i t would be most unusual that he would choose from the Eclogues,which have elements of i n s p i r a t i o n taken from the  20 whole realm of Greek pastoral poetry, only those phrases and lines which are  based on Theocritus 7 and 11.  And further, with reference to f i d e l i t y  to the Greek source, Drew expresses the b e l i e f that, when two poems are obviously related to one source, i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y the e a r l i e r of the two poems w i l l be more f a i t h f u l to that source.  However, as Drabkin comments,  t h i s test o f p r i o r i t y , while valuable to a point, i s not without i t s dangers. "The method i s p a r t i c u l a r l y hazardous i n our case, since, as Drew admits, (11,38), V e r g i l and the author o f the Copa each came to resemble Theocritus by d i r e c t use of Theocritus and not merely through the medium of the other. In f a c t , i f the l a t e r of the two works imitates Theocritus d i r e c t l y , what, i t might be asked, would prevent i t s author from seeking, or even from being constrained, by reason of lack of o r i g i n a l i t y , to produce a closer imitation? 42 Yet normally Drew's method ought to be h e l p f u l . "  Leaving the question of 43  the p r i o r i t y of the Copa to be "a study i n p r o b a b i l i t i e s , "  Drew turns his  attention to authorship, and the l i g h t that can be shed on the problem by the study of p a r a l l e l passages.  He argues t h a t , i f i t i s accepted that the  Copa imitates Theocritus 7 d i r e c t l y , and that either the Copa imitates Eclogue 2 or Eclogue 2 imitates the Copa, then, f i r s t l y , i t would be most unusual, i f Eclogue 2 i s p r i o r , that the author of the Copa "should have been able to catch up the s l i g h t hints of Theoc. VII.62-64 and 144-146 given by Eclogues 11.47-49 and 51-53  (not obviously at f i r s t sight following  Theocritus VII.), and have thus been led to use t h e i r support i n his own 44 imitation of Theocritus":  secondly, he says, i f the Copa i s the p r i o r poem,  " i t argues f a m i l i a r i t y with the practice of Copa's author on the part o f V i r g i l that he should have (in Eclogues 11.48) been attracted to Theoc. VII. 62, the direct source of Copa's corresponding l i n e s , though V i r g i l had at  the same time i n mind Eel. I l l . 2 3 . "**  J  Drabkin agrees with Drew that, i n  general, the Copa seems to predate the Eclogues, and,if this i s i n fact the case, then "there i s raised immediately a strong presumption of V e r g i l i a n authorship, even i f no great f a i t h i s reposed in the t r a d i t i o n of the 46 Appendix."  Further, the method used i n the Copa of adapting material from  Theocritus appears to be very s i m i l a r to that used i n the Eclogues: " I t was i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y V i r g i l who set the fashion of that s t y l e the f i r s t , and i f Copa i s to be dated before Propertius, the r i v a l s must have got very 47 speedily to work i f V i r g i l was not the author."  Indeed, the Copa and the  Eclogues have several compositional features i n common.  For instance, just  as V e r g i l often combines two passages from Theocritus into one, so does the Copa's author.  Copa 11 Est et vappa, cado nuper defusa picato appears to  combine Theocritus 7.65 and 7.147  T O V 7TTeAeaTiKOV  oivov  T e r p a e v e c ; 6e niQcxtv dneXvero  a,7to Kparnpoq nparoq  acpu^oo  aXeicpap .  In addition, Drew believes, the way i n which the Copa's author has re48 produced the sound of Greek words by Latin words different i n meaning is a 49 t y p i c a l V e r g i l i a n mannerism.  Another feature of composition shared by the  Copa and the Eclogues i s t h e i r use of a combination of sources, of Theocritus and the Epigrammatists, Meleager i n p a r t i c u l a r .  J . Hubaux, studying the i n -  fluence of Meleager on Vergil's E c l o g u e s h a s shown convincingly that Eclogue 2, which imitates Theocritus 11 extensively, i s also inspired by such epigrams as AP 12.127, 7.196, 12.84, 5-6, 5.147  and 12.117.  51  The Copa's author, simi-  l a r l y , while basing much of h i s work d i r e c t l y on Theocritus, appears also to 52 example, AP_ 7.223, a sepulchral epigram by T h y i l l u s : have made use of several of the epigrams of the Greek Anthology. Consider, f o r  'Hi n p o T a A o i c ;  opxTicrrpiq  'Apt'crriov,  rx\ K u B e X n 7 t A o K a u . o u c ; pTtyai rj Aarrcp n e p o e v T i  cpopoup,evri,  eiSuT'dnpTyrou x ev8a6'u7ro oOneri  q  f\ T p i c ;  OUK£T  7Tavvuxi'ocjav T e p T t o p e v r i  uavi'ai,  TO 7rpiv  peya x  a t  'p  arecpavcov av©eo"t  ecpe^rjc;  nuXtnaq,  7TTeXeaiq d v a 7 r a u £ T a i ,  nai  HCOUOI  nevnac;  kmoraxievr],  IAO7TOTETV  e  f\ nepi  ' e parri,  Kaiacvroic;.  e T e  *  HE?©'  tepa  Qpt'c;  Kpu7TTopevT).  Various features of this epigram are found also i n the Copa: the castanet dancer, love, wine and music.  Implied also i n this epigram i s the philoso-  phy we f i n d expressed i n Copa 35-38:  Enjoy l i f e while you can; garlands of  flowers w i l l p r o f i t you nothing when you are dead.  As well as this simi-  l a r i t y i n theme, we f i n d that the language used i n the epigram has some resemblance to the language of the Copa. 7Tia'Tau £VT) J  For instance, the phrase  can be compared with docta mbvere (Copa 2).  pTtyai  Also of note i s an  epigram by Automedon, AP_ 5.129, which praises an Asian dancing g i r l ; 5 3 TT\V  QL7TO  rriq  crxwcccrtv aiveco, rac;  oux  'Aai^c,  e l ; a.na\(x>v  vavuu.evnv  o n  naQa i ' v e T a i ,  a7raXac3  navxa  anaK(x>c,  co6e  nai  aXA'oTi  nai  T p i ' B a H O V Ttepi  oi6e,  nai  ou  Y X C O T T t'^e i , TO  rr\v  bpxT\Gtpiba,  cpeuyei  Kvi'^et,  aneXoc],  ovuxcov,  co6e  paXXei  xepas*  6pxTiaaa6ai  pun'Saq.  7tE p i X a p i B a v e i *  II; q t 6 o u xr\v  ouS'ort  7racr0aAov  yripakeac,  KanoTe'xvotc;  fjv  b'kixxpityxi  Kopuvnv d v a y e i .  The Copa appears to echo certain of the words and phrases of this epigram 54 also.  These two epigrams are by no means the only ones which may be  23  compared with the Copa; Drabkin (67, 68, 69 n. 141) has compiled an extensive l i s t of other epigrams which resemble the Copa's theme, construction and d i c t i o n .  AP 5.72 by Palladas of Alexandria, f o r example, i s an exhorta-  t i o n very much l i k e that i n the Copa, 37-38,  "Enjoy wine and love; no  one  knows what tomorrow w i l l bring": TOUTO  Pi'oq,  Tour'auTo*  rpucpri Bi'oc,.  £u)?jc; dv0pa)n:oic, oAiYoc, X P ° apri  x°P°i'»  anpepov  cfTecpavoi* re  koQka. naQcx)'  TO  v 0  ?«  epper'avTai •  apn  Auaioq,  cpiAav©eeq, yap  aupiov  aprt OU6EVI  In general, however, the epigrams that Drabkin l i s t s cited as sure examples of passages which may Copa or have imitated i t .  Y c^HEq» u v  OTJAOV.  (n. 141) cannot be  either have influenced the  Their s i m i l a r i t y with the Copa i s more probably  due to the fact that they treat the same, well-known themes.  If i t i s , i n  f a c t , true that the author of the Copa has based his poem on certain of the epigrams (AP 7.223 and 5.129  as discussed, f o r example) as well as on Theo-  c r i t u s , then his technique of combining these two sources i s undeniably l i k e the technique used by V e r g i l i n the Eclogues. Basing t h e i r studies of p a r a l l e l passages on the techniques used by V e r g i l and the Copa's author i n adapting the Theocritean source, and i n combining Theocritus with certain of the epigrams of the Greek Anthology, Drew and Drabkin reach s u b s t a n t i a l l y the same conclusions. They agree that i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , as f a r as the test of f i d e l i t y to source i s r e l i a b l e , the Copa was  composed before the Eclogues;  further, on the basis of the Theo-  critean imitations i n the poem, the occasional use of V e r g i l i a n "mannerisms/ and the technique of using the epigrams side by side with the Greek pastoral  1  24  as i n s p i r a t i o n , they agree that the Copa has been composed i n a s t y l e that is quite V e r g i l i a n . In addition to the p a r a l l e l s  between the Copa and Vergil's Eclogues,  there are also s i m i l a r i t i e s between the Copa and certain of the elegies o f Propertius.  Drew, i n h i s examination o f these resemblances, states: "Proper-  tius appears to have known of the Copa and to have imitated i t , to judge by 55 the number and nature of Copa echoes present i n h i s works."  To support  his b e l i e f , Drew has compiled a l i s t of a l l the notable s i m i l a r i t i e s between the Copa and the poems of Propertius of " i m i t a t i o n " of the Copa present  (40-41).  He finds a great deal  i n Propertius 4.8; Drabkin, on the other  hand, who also makes a study o f this question, states that few o f the resemblances can be claimed to prove an imitative relationship between the Copa and Propertius.  He says, more p a r t i c u l a r l y , that a l l the imitations that  Drew claims exist between the Copa and Propertius 4.8 should be eliminated from the l i s t , since they r e s u l t because the s e t t i n g of both poems i s a taberna, ^ and also, that, i f there were any true imitations between the two 3  works, i t would be impossible  to determine which i s the e a r l i e r .  There are,  however, two passages i n Propertius that both c r i t i c s agree deserve special attention, f o r they are rather s i m i l a r to several lines o f the Copa. f i r s t i s Propertius 3.13. 29-30: nunc violas tondere manu, nunc mixta referre l i l i a virgineos l u c i d a per calathos which i s s i m i l a r to Copa 15-16: et quae virgine.o_libata Achelois ab amne l i l i a vimineis a t t u l i t i n c a l a t h i s .  The  25  Drew believes that Propertius, thinking of Theocritus  11 and Eclogue 2,  would quite n a t u r a l l y have turned also to the Copa, " e s p e c i a l l y i f Copa 57 was written by V i r g i l . "  The Copa has virgineo...amne, followed by  lilia  vimineis a t t u l i t i i i calathis and Propertius, says Drew, wrote virgineos calathos instead of viminebs calathos, either because he did not remember the Copa's words p r e c i s e l y , or because he wished to surprise the  reader.  Drabkin, however, contends that the word virgineos i n Propertius can be much more e a s i l y explained: "Verses 29-30 r e f e r to the bringing of flowers by the young men  to the maidens i n the days before money spoiled the serene  relations of lovers.  The epithet virgineos i s , then, equivalent to  virginum  and the reference i s to the baskets of the maidens i . e . the baskets which the maidens had given to the young men  to f i l l with flowers. 58  use of the adjective that i s t y p i c a l of Propertius."  This i s a  Drabkin concludes  that, i n view of t h i s , there i s no basis f o r assuming Propertian imitation of the Copa i n this instance.  The second passage i n Propertius that Drew  and Drabkin study i s 4.2.13-16: prima mihi v a r i a t liyentibus uva racemis et coma l a c t e n t i spicea fruge_tumet. Hie dulces cerasos, h i e autumnalia pruna cernis et aestivo mora rubere die, as i t compares with Copa 18-22: Sunt autumnali cerea pruna die Castaneaeque nuces et suave rubentia mala, est hie munda Ceres, est Amor, est Bromius Sunt et mora cruenta et l e n t i s uva racemis, et pendet iunco caeruleus  cucumis.  26  The two c r i t i c s agree here that these two passages do stand i n an "imitative r e l a t i o n s h i p , " and,on the basis of f i d e l i t y to source, that the Copa i s the e a r l i e r piece.  " I t i s Propertius who i s the imitator of Copa since he re-  tains some and not a l l o f the Theocritean features i n Copa and alters 59 others."  Drabkin believes, i n f a c t , that this i s the only instance i n  which actual imitation of the Copa by Propertius can be claimed.  "Of a l l  the Propertian resemblances i n the Copa only those i n 4.2 can with any confidence be ascribed to i m i t a t i o n , and i n that case the evidence i s f o r the 60  p r i o r i t y of the Copa."  That the Copa has sunt...est...est...est...sunt,  which p a r a l l e l s the Theocritean evri  .. evri  .. sari...  ear!, .eariv,  while  Propertius changes this to hie...hie, and that Propertius writes pruna, which i s present also i n the Copa and the Theocritean source, but adds cerasos, are two  reasons that led Drew and Drabkin to conclude that Propertius imi-  tated the Copa here. Before the studies just discussed were undertaken, other scholars, T. B i r t and F. Keppler, f o r example, were most impressed by the resemblance of certain features of the Copa to the work of Propertius; i n the epigrammatic and mimetic q u a l i t y of the poem, i n i t s metrical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the positioning of adjectives and substantives, these c r i t i c s saw a strong l i k e l i h o o d of Propertian authorship, and claimed that the Copa was more l i k e the work of Propertius than i t was l i k e V e r g i l ' s . Modern c r i t i c i s m , i n countering this theory, has made the observation that this resemblance of s t y l e and tone between the work of Propertius and the Copa i s due simply to the fact that the Copa's author and Propertius were both influenced by Catullus and the Alexandrians.^  Further, i n view of what we have seen of  the Copa's resemblance to Vergil's Eclogues i n i t s diction and use of source,  27 i t would seem much more r e l i a b l e at this point to assign the poem to V e r g i l than to Propertius. It i s i n the external c r i t e r i a , the h i s t o r i c a l references to the Copa, that we may perhaps f i n d the most useful indications o f the poem's authenticity.  The Copa i s attributed to V e r g i l i n the account of Servius, but  62 i t i s omitted from Donatus' l i s t .  Thus i t i s much more d i f f i c u l t to  attempt to establish the authenticity of the poem on the basis of these two biographical sources than i t i s to do so f o r the other poems convention-  63 a l l y attributed to Vergil's youth, which are attested i n both sources. Some c r i t i c s , such as R.E.H. Westendorp Boerma, use the absence of the poem from Donatus' l i s t as evidence that i t i s non-Vergilian: "I agree with Professor Btichner that the Copa cannot be V i r g i l ' s ; the t i t l e i s not included in Donatus' l i s t and i t i s therefore reasonable to suppose that the poem was inserted into the App. Verg. tion i t . " ^  between Suetonius and Servius who does men-  This opinion i s shared by others, A. Rostagni f o r example.*'  3  On the other hand, scholars l i k e E.K. Rand, on the grounds that Donatus i s the d i r e c t source o f Servius, have undertaken to prove that the inclusion of  the Copa i n Servius' l i s t makes i t l i k e l y that i t was also o r i g i n a l l y  present i n Donatus.  Noting that E. Baehrens was w i l l i n g to supply et copam  66 between cirim and et culicem i n Donatus' l i s t ,  Rand agrees that, i n such  a p o s i t i o n , "with s i m i l a r s y l l a b l e s both preceding and following, the words might e a s i l y have f a l l e n out i n the archetype from which a l l our manuscripts  67 are of  proved to have descended."  He notes that, i n s i m i l a r fashion, M, one  the Y manuscripts, l e f t out et diras item cirim.  Rand  Also o f importance,  believes, i s the fact that a l l the other manuscripts of the Y group,  E, R, A, B, and P, have cirimus instead o f cirim. He suggests that this resulted when a scribe, having mistakenly omitted et cbpam from the archetypal  28  manuscript, l a t e r wrote the words into the margin and added a sign r e f e r r i n g to them above the m o f cirim.  The scribe of Y might have misunder-  stood this reference sign and believed i t to be the compendium f o r "us," and thus would have written out the word cirimus, which remains i n a l l the 68 manuscripts derived from h i s . Servius' statement s c r i p s i t etiam septem sive octo libros hos, may have 69 some bearing on the question.  That some consider the remark to r e f e r to 70  the disputed authorship of the Copa or the Aetna has already been mentioned. However, as Drabkin claims, the remark probably does not r e f e r to the Copa because the phrase septem sive octo libros hos does not mean 'seven or eight of  the following l i b r i ' , but rather 'the seven or eight following l i b r i ' .  It i s most l i k e l y that the phrase i s simply an expression of uncertainty about 71 exactly how many l i b r i are included i n the works that are named.  Ser-  vius may have thought that the t i t l e s Epigrammata and Catalepton belonged 72 to  the same poem,  or else that, as well as the Culex, C i r i s , Aetna, Cata-  lepton, Epigrammata and Priapea, there was a seventh book, made up of the 73 Dirae, Copa and Moretum. If Servius did include the Copa i n his l i s t because i t was o r i g i n a l l y also included i n Donatus' account, as Baehrens and Rand maintain, then the Copa would be e n t i t l e d to share, with the other poems mentioned by Donatus, 74 i n the r e l i a b i l i t y of the Suetonian t r a d i t i o n .  As f a r as the Copa i s con-  cerned, i n any case, proof of authenticity need not rest with Donatus and Servius alone.  We have already seen that the Copa i s ascribed to V e r g i l 75 in the Murbach Catalogue c. 850. I t i s also included, along with the other poems of the Appendix, under Vergil's name, i n a l l the important manuscripts 76 of the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries. These, admittedly, because  29  of their late date, are probably in no way conclusive evidence.  There i s ,  however, earlier evidence than the manuscript tradition, a passage in the work of a fourth-century grammarian, Charisius, which may be of some importance in the question of the authenticity of the Copa.  It is found in  Book I, Chapter 15, "De Extreiiiitatibus Nominum et Diversis Quaestionibus: "0 l i t t e r a termiriantur tarn masculina quam femiriina, sed o correpta nominativo, circumducta verb genitivo, veluti Cato Catonis, Cicero Ciceronis, Nero Neronis, Iuno Iunonis, regio regionis; communia cupo cuponis, fullo fullonis; quamvis Vergilius librum suum Cupam inscripserit item correpta o nominativo, mutata 77 in i genetivo, ordo ordinis, cardo cardinis...."  It should be noted that  there has been some debate concerning the clause quamvis...inscripserit; i t i s thought by some to be a later interpolation,  78  since  (1) the discussion concerns nouns ending in o, and thus the clause is not entirely pertinent (2) Priscian, a sixth-century grammarian, discusses similar material but makes no reference to -copa or cupa,6.17:  "Et sciendum, quod qiiinque  inveniuntur in o terminantia, quae faciunt in a feiiiinina: 'leo leaena' vel 'lea', 'draco dracaena', 'leno lena', 'caupo caupona quod significat tarn 1  ipsam tabernam quam mulierem. Lucilius in III: Cauporia hie tamen una Syra. 'strabo' etiam 'straba' facit...."  79  (3) If Charisius knew of cupa cupae, there would have been no reason for him to call cupo cuponis common gender.^ Drabkin believes that the clause may stand as Charisius', however, since these objections are not strong enough to compel us to accept that the clause is a later addition. He emphasizes the danger of arguing from  30  Priscian's s i l e n c e .  While allowing that the mention of the alternative  form to cupo i s possibly not as relevant i n the passage from Charisius as 81 i s lea i n Priscian's comment, he says that i t i s "not out of place." F i n a l l y , just because we have no certain cases where cupo, caupo or copo is  feminine, Drabkin declares that this does not j u s t i f y a b e l i e f that  Charisius did not possess evidence which allowed him to c a l l cupo cuponis of common gender. solution.  This p a r t i c u l a r issue, however, must remain without a  It may well be true t h a t , i f Charisius did write the sentence, he  may have remarked on the Cupa, which he obviously believed to be V e r g i l ' s , simply because he was  aware of i t from his general reading and believed i t 82 pertained to his discussion. The problem of C h a r i s i u s yet important one, Suetonius.  1  sources for this passage i s a  complicated,  for there i s the p o s s i b i l i t y that they are e a r l i e r than  K. Barwick, for instance, believes that Charisius I. 15 i s de-  rived from three sources, Pansa, Palaemon (second century A.D.)  and Caper  (second century A.D.); Charisius 63.8-30 ( K e i l ) , which contains the passage with which we are concerned, was who  drawn d i r e c t l y , he conjectures, from Caper,  i n turn possibly based his work on L i b r i Dubii Sermonis, a l o s t work of 83  Pliny the Elder.  H. K e i l , on the other hand, believes that the source of 84  the chapter i s J u l i u s Romanus, who  also used the Elder Pliny as his source.  Too much, however, should not be made of these suggestions, which are r e a l l y l i t t l e more than conjectures. Apart from the reference to the Copa that we f i n d i n Charisius, Nemesian, a pastoral poet writing at the end of the t h i r d century, quotes l i n e 31 of the Copa (hie age pampinea fessus requiesce sub umbra) almost verbatim i n his Eclogue 4.46:  hie age pampinea mecum requiesce sub umbra. Nemesian's  31  source i s primarily V e r g i l , and i t i s therefore reasonable to suppose that 85 he quoted from the Copa because he believed i t to be V e r g i l i a n . i s , f i n a l l y , some late evidence concerning the Copa.  There  In the ninth-century  prosodic dictionary of Micon, Copa 17 i s c i t e d as V e r g i l ' s ,  and i n var-  ious collections of Vergilian proverbs of the thirteenth and fourteenth cen87 turies.. Copa 37-38 are quoted.  Because of the late date of these c o l l e c -  tions, however, they are probably of l i t t l e worth i n determining the authorship of the Copa. Studies of the authenticity of the Copa, based on the consideration of the poem's style and content, on the examination of i t s vocabulary and metre and on the evaluation of p a r a l l e l passages and the poet's use of sources, have revealed strong indications of V e r g i l i a n authorship.  These indications  are strengthened by the evidence of the manuscripts and by the statements of Servius and Charisius that the Copa i s the work o f V e r g i l .  32 Notes * T. B i r t , f o r instance, i n Jugendverse und Heimatpoesie  Vergils  (Leipzig  1910) 10, says "Die Copa war das Werk eines erstklassigen Dichters, aber eines Frauenliebhabers.  Den Ton n a t u r l i c h - f r i s c h e r erotischer S i n n l i c h -  k e i t i n der Lust am Weibe, wie er i n der Copa e r k l i n g t , kennt V e r g i l i n der Tat sonst nirgends." He gives Eclogues 6.26 and Aeneid 4.51-34 as examples o f two passages where Vergil evinces the same a b i l i t y f o r e r o t i c characterization. The Copa (New York 1930) 70. See, f o r example, H. Weuster, De Auctore et Locis Aliquot Copae, Quae Vulgo D i c i t u r , Vergilianae (Munster 1875) 8-9: "Quis est i g i t u r , qui a r b i t r e t u r hominem tam magni purique animi toto, ut d i c i t u r , pectore summa colorum venustate depinxisse cauponas quae i l l o quidem tempore non frequentabantur n i s i a perditissimo quoque?" "The O r i g i n a l i t y o f the Copa," CJ 28 (1933) 125. Drabkin, 71. " V i r g i l and V i r g i l i a n i s m , " CR 22 (1908) 65. La Poesie Latine (Paris 1909) 268. Le Realisme dans les Bucoliques de V i r g i l e (Universite de Liege 1927) 121. "On Dating the Copa ," Mnemosyne 11 (1958) 332. 'Drabkin, 71. E.K. Rand (HSCP 30[1919J178) has a d i f f e r e n t opinion: "Copa i s an Epicurean document of a sort, though not, l i k e the sixth Eclogue as allegorized by Servius, a text of Epicurean dogma.  Epicurean philosophy,  33 as i t s founder preached i t , stands nearer to monasticism than to riotous pleasure.  Perhaps, indeed, the poem marks Virgil's reaction from Epi-  curean science, when, offensus materia, he turned again to the sheer joy of living and of art." 1 2  13  C l i f t , 124 n. 7.  Rand, 177-178.  "^See Drabkin, 37 n. 85, for a survey of the various elements to be found in Roman elegiac poetry. 15  A Statistical Method for Determining Authorship: The Junius Letters 17691772 (Gothenburg 1962).  ^Rand, for example. 17  Drabkin, 5-24.  18 Catullus used many diminutives and also invented some. See Drabkin, 5 n.14 19 Drabkin, 16. 20 See Drabkin, 15 nn. 42, 43 and 44, for lists of these words. 21  22  Drabkin, 17.  "The poems of the Appendix Vergiliana,"  TAPA 53 (1922) 5-34.  23 Fairclough, 26. 24 "Ovidian Vocabulary and the Culex Question," TAPA 57 (1926) 261-74. 25  Drabkin, 35.  26 Both of which he believes indicate Catullan influence, or, at least, a date for the poem earlier than Propertius II and Tibullus I.  34 7 W.G.D. Butcher, however, in "The Caesura in Vergil, and i t s Bearing on the Authenticity of the Pseudo-Vergiliana,"CQ 8 (1914) 128, having examined Vergil's use of the caesura and applied the results to the Appendix, states that "The caesurae are exactly what we should expect from Vergil at a period just before the Eclogues." "The Copa I," CQ 17 (1923) 73-81 and "The Copa II," CQ 19 (1925) 37-42.  8  As examples of this resemblance we may compare Copa 15-19: et quae virgineo libata Achelois ab amne l i l i a vimineis attulit in calathis. sunt et caseoli, quos iuncea fiscina siccat, sunt autumnali cerea pruna die, castaneaeque nuces et suave rubentia mala, with Eclogue 2.45-46: t i b i l i l i a plenis/ ecce ferunt Nymphae calathis, t i b i Candida Nais, and Eclogue 2.51-53: Ipse ego cana legam tenera lanugine mala castaneasque nuces, mea quas Amaryllis amabat; addam cerea pruna. There are several minor resemblances also; note, for instance, Copa 25: hue Calybita veni: lassus iarii siidat asellus and Eclogue 2.45: hue ades, o formose puer: t i b i l i l i a plenis; compare also Copa 13-14, 15, 35: croceo violae de flore corollae/sertaque purpurea lutea mixta rosa, ... libata ... bene olentia serta with Eclogue 2.47-50: violas ... carpens ... bene olehtis ••• luteola. We may note that Drew does concede the possibility that both the author of the Copa and the author of Eclogue 2 are following some translation of  35  Theocritus, but.he shows that this i s unlikely, since we know that Vergil, in many other passages in the Eclogues, directly imitates Theocritus' Greek by the use of Graeco-Latin puns and by metrical reproductions.  Fur-  ther, the supposed translation would have been a rather unusual combination of l i t e r a l imitation and free interpretation of the Theocritean. poems, with the occasional use of features not present in the Greek, such as the phrase castaneaeque riuces of Copa 19 and Eclogue 2.52. 30  Drew, 75-76.  31  Drew, 77.  32 Drew, loc. c i t . 33  Drew, 78.  ^Drew, loc. c i t .  3  35  Drew, 79.  36  CQ 19 (1925) 37-42.  ^Drew, 37.  3  Drabkin, 48. 39 Aus Vergils Fruhzeit (Leipzig 1906). 40 "Vergil und die C i r i s , " Hermes 37 (1902) 14-55. 41 Drew, 38. 42 Drabkin, 50. 43 Drew, 38. 44 Drew, 39.  36  ^Drew, loc. c i t . 46 Drabkin, 58. 47 Drew, 39. 48  See above, Chapter 2 , 1 7 .  49 Drew cites Aulus Gellius 13.27 as support for his idea that Vergil customarily used the trick of reproducing Greek sounds with Latin words (Drew, 40).  Drabkin does not agree that Gellius* comment provides much  reliable evidence.  He mentions the possibility that the Copa's reproduc-  tion of the sounds of certain portions of Theocritus' Greek i s acciden-  50  tal (Drabkin, 61 n. 131). " V i r g i l e et Meleagre de Gadara," Le Miisee Beige 25 (1921) 149-163.  ^See Drabkin, 59, for a more complete l i s t of features common to Eclogue 2 and the epigrams. 52 Thyillus, as Drabkin notes (60), i s probably referred to by Cicero, Ad Atticum, around 61 B.C. Thus the epigram might quite possibly have been written before the Copa, and could have been a source of inspiration for it. 53 Automedon's precise date i s uncertain. Drabkin believes that the epigram very possibly was familiar to the Copa's author. 54 * * For example, lasciva may be an echo of viaHOTexvo t c, oxi)V&Ol v,and crispum of £^ anaXatv  KIVUU,£VT]V  55  "The Copa II," 40.  56  Drabkin, 63.  ovuxcov.  37  37  Drew, 41.  58 Drabkin, 65-66. 59 Drew, 40. ^°Drabkin, 66. ^Keppler, in Ueber Copa (Leipzig 1908), ultimately rejects Propertian authorship of the Copa on the grounds that a poet of any social standing would not write a poem which concerns a dancing g i r l and her tavern of ill-repute.  He assigns the work instead to Cynthia, since Propertius  says that the g i r l possesses some poetic s k i l l (see, for example, 1.2. 27-30); he further suggests the possibility that Propertius might have helped Cynthia with the Copa's composition, hence the poem's resemblance to parts of Propertius' work. While Keppler's theory is undeniably delightful, i t i s , however, most improbable. 62 Donatus, Life of Vergil 17: deinde Catalepton et Priapea et Epigrammata et Diras, item Cirim et Culicem. 63 These are the Catalepton, Priapea, Epigrammata, Dirae, Ciris and Culex. The Aetna is included in Servius' l i s t : Donatus mentions i t in his account, but says that there i s doubt concerning i t s authorship. 64 R.E.H. Westendorp Boerma, 332. 65  A.  Rostagni, Virgilio Minore (Rome 1933) 26-27.  66 E. Baehrens, Poetae Latini Miriores, II (Leipzig 1880) 4. Rand, 109. ^Rand, lqc^. c i t . 67  38  6 9  L i f e of Vergil 14.  70 See above, Chapter 1,1. 71 Drabkin, 76. 72 This is maintained by Rand. 73 Drabkin, 77. 74 Discussed above.  See Chapter 1,2.  75 See Chapter 1, loc. c i t . The following are the manuscripts used by Vollmer, Poetae Latini Minores (Leipzig 1910), when compiling his text for the Appendix: S, F, L (which is composed of W B e A T) and m (one of the two components of M) . 77  H. Keil, Grammatici Latini (Hildesheim 1961) I, 63.8.  78 See C.G. Heyne, Vergilius Maro (Leipzig 1800) and K.D. Ilgen, Animadversiones Philologicae et Criticae in Carmen Virgiliarium quod Copa Iriscribitur (Pforta 1820) 5, 17. 7 9  K e i l , II, 209.6.  ^See Ilgen, 17. Drabkin, 79. 82  Drabkin, 80.  83 "Remmius Palaemon und Die Romische Ars Grammatica," Philolbgus 15 (1922) 132, 192.  39  Keil, I, Praefatio, XLVIII. 'See Drabkin, 78 n. 172. See Rand, 174. See F. Vollmer, SJBAW (1907) 349 n. 6 and "P. Vergilii Maronis Iuvenalis Ludi Libellus," SBAW (1908) 18-20.  40 CHAPTER III DATE Scholars have long debated the question of the Copa's date.  In 1890  F. Bucheler stated that the work clearly imitated Propertius, Book 4, and therefore was to be dated shortly after 16-15  B.C. j his theory was accep1  2 3 4 5 ted by K. Mras, U. von Wilamowitz Moellendorff, F. Leo and J. Hubaux. G. Curcio saw in the colloquial language of the poem a certain resemblance to Horace's Satires, and placed i t around 30 B.C.^  C. Morelli, in 1912,  expressed the view that the Copa was written shortly after Tibullus 1.3, 7 thus about 28 B.C. D.L. Drew, as we have seen, undertook to place the Copa before the date of the Eclogues, that is,before 42 B.C.  , and in this he  9 was followed by I.E. Drabkin.  Karl Buchner, basing his views on the lan-  guage and style of the Copa, and claiming, as we shall see, that certain of the Copa's lines, namely those that appear to evince Propertian imitation, have been interpolated, placed the date of composition between Catullus and Vergil. ^* 1  His theory has recently been questioned by R.E.H.  Westendorp Boerma, who has returned to the opinion stated previously by Bucheler, that the Copa was written after Vergil and Propertius, around 16 B.C.  11  It thus appears that the dating of the Copa, in view of the lack of any concrete historical assertion as to the time of i t s composition, must remain a study in probabilities.  One method used in the attempt to assign a date  has been the study of parallel passages.  We have already encountered some  of the difficulties involved in this approach in our review of the question of authorship; that this method of investigation is to a large extent  41  subjective will become a l l the more apparent here.  Drew, as we have seen,  bases his theory that the Copa is to be dated before Vergil's Eclogues on 12 what he calls "fidelity to source";  on examining the use made of the  principal source, Theocritus, by the Copa's author, and comparing this to the  use made of Theocritus by Vergil, particularly in Eclogue 2, Drew  finds that, on the whole, the Copa follows the Greek model more closely than does Eclogue 2. l i e r work.  This, Drew contends, is evidence that the Copa is the ear-  Drabkin has made a careful study of the evidence presented by  Drew, and, while offering only a few minor objections to Drew's arguments, 13 in the main eagerly accepts his conclusions as to date.  We may note,  however, that the same material can be used to support opposite conclusions. To illustrate this, we may compare the opinions of Drew and Westendorp Boerma on Copa 15-19 and Eclogue 2, 45-50.  Drew cites these two passages as one  of the major examples of Eclogue 2's dependence upon and imitation of the Copa.  His view is based, as we have seen, on the belief that Copa 15-19  follows the source, Theocritus 11, far more closely than does Eclogue 2.45-50, and that the Copa, accordingly, is the earlier piece, available for imita14 tion by Vergil.  However, when Westendorp Boerma studies the similarities  between these two passages, he looks not so much at the precise words used in each, or their possible relation to the precise words of the source, but rather at the content of each passage and the over-all s t y l e .  13  He finds  that the Nymphs and Naiads who bring fruit and flowers f i t very well into the pastoral atmosphere of Eclogue 2; on the other hand, he says, "how does a nymph Achelois gathering l i l i e s from the riverside f i t into the Copa, where the same flowers and fruit are sometimes l i t e r a l l y named? We should not  42  forget that a dancing gipsy i s talking here to a shabby and tired traveller  on his donkey before a smoke-grimed inn.  It is clear that for these  grandiloquent and therefore slightly misplaced lines of the Copa, the beautiful scene of the 2nd Eclogue was the source of inspiration." ^ 1  The  Copa should not, then, in the opinion of Westendorp Boerma, be dated before the Eclogues.  Similarly, he does not agree with Drew and Drabkin that the  resemblances between the Copa and the work of Propertius are the result of 17 imitation by Propertius.  He believes that the exact opposite i s true: the  Copa's author depended considerably upon Propertius.  He compares, for ex-  ample, Propertius 4.8.37 (Lygdamus ad cyathos, vitrique aestiva supellex) with Copa 29 (aestivo...nunc prolue vitro): "I think von Wilamowitz was quite right in saying that only a reader of Prop. IV,8,37 could understand 18 the strange expression in Copa 29,"  and Propertius 3.13.30: l i l i a  virgineos liicida per calathos with Copa 16: l i l i a vimineis attulit in calathis .  As we have noted already, this latter example of resemblance is one 19  which Drew believes particularly reveals Propertian imitation of the Copa. Although I do not agree with certain points of Westendorp Boerma's judgement (I do not think, for instance, that Copa 15-19 are "grandiloquent and misplaced" lines) what this discussion makes clear, I believe, i s that the use of parallel passages as a means of dating is hazardous, in that i t is subject to the viewpoint of the scholar using this method.  Indeed, Copa  18-19 and 21-22, which are strikingly similar to Propertius 4.2.13-16, have been the cause of particularly vehement disagreement among scholars. Drew 20 cites these passages as an instance of Propertian imitation of the Copa, and Drabkin, as we have noted, believes that this is the only place where we can claim Propertian dependence upon the Copa with any degree of certainty.  43 Westendorp Boerma, on the other hand, feels again that the reverse is true: "these parallels can only be explained in a satisfactory way, i f we assume that the poet of the Copa had a vivid admiration for Propertius' elegies." * He i s led to conclude that the Copa was written after 16 B.C. on the basis of the very  same lines that Drew and Drabkin use to prove that the Copa  was earlier than Propertius. K. Biichner, wishing to place the Copa in the period between Catullus and Vergil's Eclogues, has advanced the theory that the d i f f i c u l t lines 18, 19, 21 and 22 of the Copa (which, as we have seen, have been taken to indicate imitation of Propertius by Copa's author) have been inserted into the poem by an interpolator, who "mit bereitliegenden Formeln der Vergil und Properz an dieser dazu einladenden Stelle munter 23 weiter gedichtet hat."  Among Buchner's reasons for theorizing interpola-  tion in the Copa are the following: ^ 2  (a) The lines in question contain a contradiction: on a summer day (Copa 5 aestivo...pulvere, Copa 29 aestivo...vitro) f a l l - f r u i t s l i e in view, plums, chestnuts (Copa 18 and 19),  grapes and cucumbers (Copa 21 and 22).  And then, in Copa 21, along with the autumn grapes come summer mulberries. I would oppose Buchner's reasoning here on the grounds that, in an unusual and fanciful poem such as the Copa, there is positively no reason why a poet should make in his work only such statements as are scientifically correct.  The g i r l i s speaking in a rhetorical fashion; i t is not remarkable  that, in her desire to present a totally alluring picture of the taberna, she should mention autumn fruits along with those of summer. (b) If Copa 18-19 and 21-22 are removed, the line of thought becomes much smoother; the cheeses mentioned in Copa 17 go more naturally together with the bread (Ceres, Copa 20), and the gods (Ceres Amor, Brbmius and  44 Priapus [tuguri custos]) stand together in a group.  Further, the possi-  ble awkwardness of the series of nouns mentioned in Copa 18, 19, 21 and 22 would be removed. Here again I do not agree with Biichner.  To remove Copa 18-19 and 21-22  does not appear to me to clarify the line of thought: simplifying the poem's construction by grouping similar elements together is not necessarily an improvement. 18-22  It is true that the piling up of the names of fruits in Copa  is perhaps not the most s k i l l f u l compositional technique that could  be used here; but this might be explained, possibly, i f the poem were indeed 25 the work of a young and inexperienced poet. (c) The caesuras throughout the poem are quite regular; the poet uses the penthemimeral caesura plus hephthemimeral caesura or bucolic diaeresis. However, Copa 19 has the penthemimeral caesura plus a trochaic caesura in the fourth foot. This exception is due, Biichner feels, to the fact that this line has been interpolated.  This argument is also not particularly convincing; the  caesuras i n the Copa's hexameters are not so p r e c i s e l y regular that l i n e 19  26 stands out as remarkable (see Copa 15 and 21, for instance).  One should,  therefore, be wary of using the theory of interpolation as a means of removing a d i f f i c u l t passage from a poem.  It appears to be the easy way out.  We ought, rather, to try as earnestly as possible to deal with the poem as i t stands, to make sense, i f possible, out of inaccuracies, before we resort to emendation and to theories of later insertion of lines and phrases. It seems that the study of parallel passages cannot provide us with any conclusive evidence for dating the poem. The other elements of internal  45  evidence, vocabulary, style and metre, with one or two exceptions, shed l i t t l e light on the problem.  As has already been noted i n Chapter 2,  Drabkin makes a thorough review of the language and style of the poem. In his  study of vocabulary, he expresses with more than a l i t t l e  confidence  his belief that the Copa should be dated to the period following Catullus, but before the Eclogues.  He claims, for instance, that the six diminutives  found in the poem reveal Catullan influence; two of them, Surisca and caseoli, occur nowhere else, and i t i s known that Catullus was a "coiner" of diminutives. ing  By making up new words, the Copa's author is perhaps try-  to imitate Catullan style.  As Drabkin rightly admits, however, the  period of "Catullan influence" on Latin poetry cannot be precisely dated. Nevertheless, the period would most likely be close to the floruit of Catullus, since there is no indication that he established a late school, or was used as a "text book," as was Vergil.  Thus, I feel that here the  poem exhibits a characteristic that places i t much nearer to the time of Vergil's youth than to the time of, for instance, Propertius.  Drabkin  agrees, stating, on the grounds that the coinage and use of unusual diminutives "were generally avoided in the subsequent period," that the Copa should hence be placed "before Vergilian influence, i.e. before the date 27 of the Eclogues."  It is true that there would be nothing to prevent the  Copa's author, should he have been writing after Vergil's time, from disregarding the prevalent style and trying his hand at the "coinage" of words, but to accept that this was the case here i s to make an assumption for which we have no basis.  46  The unusual words found in the Copa provide only slight evidence for dating.  Drabkin feels that they too indicate an early date for the poem  since they reflect, as do the diminutives, the style current at the time of Catullus: "In view of these facts there is a fair probability that the writer of the Copa was governed by practices in vogue at the time of Catullus and the ve cure pot,rather than by those which f i r s t made themselves felt not long before the appearance of the Eclogues, became firmer under Vergilian influence, and reached their height under Tibullan influence, continuing throughout the period we are studying, i.e. through the Ovidian period.  In  saying that this indication of Catullan or neoteric influence is a fair bit of evidence for dating the Copa before the Eclogues, I rely again on the relative improbability of an Augustan poet's composing in the spirit of an 28 earlier date."  Drabkin is here trying to support his view that Vergil  composed the Copa at an early age, under the influence of Catullus, before he had perfected his own style.  We should note here, however, that since,  as is generally acknowledged, Vergil was considerably influenced by the work of Catullus, i t is not impossible that he would make use of certain Catullan 29 s t y l i s t i c features at a date after the composition of the Eclogues. When he considers the syntax and style of the Copa, Drabkin is compelled to admit at the outset that here again these offer no sure evidence for dating.  He says, however, that in the style are one or two indications that 30  tend to support a pre-Augustan date.  He notes f i r s t the frequent use of  the nominative present participle; the hexameter poets writing before the Augustan period, Lucretius and Catullus, for example, tended to use the present participle more often than the poets of the Augustan period.  And  further, as Rand also points out, the use of participles and adjectives in  47  combination to describe one noun (Copa 1-4, for example, where Surisca, redimita, docta, ebria, and excutiens a l l refer to copa) i s more charac31 t e r i s t i c of Lucretius and Catullus than i t i s of the Augustan poets. Secondly, Drabkin discusses what he calls the remarkable character of Copa 7: "an enumeration f i l l i n g the line, with asyndeton (if we view topia et kalybae as one idea in the series), i s certainly far more frequent in the writers from Plautus to Lucretius and Catullus than in Augustan poetry, and i t is in particular a favorite of Lucretius.  ...In the Augustan Age 32  this device seems to have been avoided, as unpoetic, I suppose."  As  he admits, however, this i s only a small piece of evidence for a "preEclogue" date. Because of the shortness of the Copa, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to draw any definite conclusions on dating on the basis of i t s metrical characteristics. Never33 theless, Drabkin offers several possible criteria for dating.  One of  these, which I feel is particularly important, i s the pentameter ending. The Copa's author, in his apparent indifference to the dissyllabic ending of the pentameter, does not appear to use the metrical technique adopted 34 and developed by Propertius as early as his f i r s t book.  "As a matter of  probability, the nature of the pentameter close found in the Copa points to Catullan influence on metric, at any rate to a date before the publication of Propertius II and Tibullus I, i.e. before 26 B.C.  There i s greater  probability of this than that a poet of the admitted ability of the author of the Copa should lag behind in the matter of a metrical development of 35 this sort."  I agree that i t does not seem likely that a poet writing  after Propertius would abandon a more s k i l l f u l compositional technique for an earlier, less competent one.  48  The number of elisions in the pentameter also puts the Copa nearer to the time of Catullus than of Propertius, Drabkin claims.  In the Copa's  nineteen pentameters are nine instances of elision; further, Copa 8 and 26 have two elisions each.  The poems of Catullus have many instances of such  36 multiple elision; and Ovid.  this feature i s much less common in Propertius, Tibullus  The frequency of elision in the hexameter (in the Copa's nine-  teen hexameters there are seven elisions) i s also more indicative of Catullan influence than i t is of the other elegiac poets.  However, the Copa i s too  short a poem to make such evidence of any real worth, says Drabkin. The best he can say of the metrical evidence is that i t tends to confirm the pre-Eclogue date for the Copa that was suggested to him by his study of the poem's vocabulary.  I believe, however, that the matter of the scarcity of  the dissyllabic pentameter ending in the poem is much more important than Drabkin feels i t to be.  It affords us a noteworthy indication of the early  (i.e. i n the period of Catullan influence) date of the poem. Those who wish to attribute the Copa to Vergil have taken considerable interest i n the question when Vergil could have composed the poem.  If we  believe the information offered by Vergil's biographers, Donatus and Servius, i t seems that Vergil was writing the poems now contained in the Appendix at an early age, before he undertook the composition of the Eclogues: poeticam puer adhuc auspicatus i n Ballistam...distichon fecit... deinde Catalepton et Priapea et Epigrammata et Diras, item Cirim et Culicem cum esset annorum XVI... mox cum res Romanas incohasset offensus materia ad 37 Bucolica transiit. In attempting to place the Copa among Vergil's early work on the basis of the accounts of Donatus and Servius, we are, of course, 38 faced with the problem we have considered in Chapter 2: why is the Copa  49 missing from Donatus* account, and can i t be attributed to Vergil purely on the grounds that Servius adds i t to his l i s t of the poet's early works?  If  we can accept the theory of such scholars as Rand, that the words et copam originally stood between cirim and et culicem in Donatus' account, then we may also accept that the poem was written by Vergil around the age of sixteen.  Although some scholars maintain that the phrase cum esset arinorum  XVI refers only to the writing of the Culex, since i t directly follows et culicem, this is not necessarily the case.  Rather, the temporal clause cum  ...XVI modifies the main verb fecit, which is to be taken not only with culicem, but also with a l l the other nouns of the sentence, from catalepton to culicem.  Further, the reference to age sixteen does not need to be  precise; i t could simply indicate the age at which the second stage of Vergil's work began.  On the basis of biographical evidence, the writing of  the Copa could have occurred any time between Vergil's sixteenth and twentyeighth year, when he i s reported by Probus to have begun the Eclogues. 39 Donatus tells us that Vergil, having received the toga v i r i l i s ,  stayed for  a time in Milan and inde paulo post transiit i n urbem. We do not know how long the poet remained at Milan; nevertheless, he was probably in Rome by the age of sixteen.  His f i r s t years there were occupied by the learning  of rhetoric; presumably, engrossed in serious and demanding study, he would not have undertaken the composition of the Copa during this early period. In any case, i f we wish to adhere to the theory that the Copa was written before the Eclogues, we could place i t between 54 and 42 B.C.  However, as  Drabkin notes, i t would perhaps be more reasonable to put the terminus at 46 or 45 B.C. instead of 42 B.C.; Vergil would presumably have been engaged in the writing of the Eclogues by 42 B.C., and,since they show greater  50  s t y l i s t i c development and s k i l l than does the Copa, i t i s most unlikely that the Copa would have been written at the same time. Some have thought that the tone and setting of the Copa strongly suggest that i t was written by Vergil at Naples, during the time when he studied Epicurean philosophy under Siro, the period lasting approximately from 40 48 B.C. until the time of Siro's death i n 42 B.C.  N. DeWitt, for example,  places the poem i n 45 B.C. and accompanies this conjecture with a most romanticized account of Vergil's situation and psychological mood: "It i s not  d i f f i c u l t to find the place of the Copa i n the poet's career.  It be-  longs to the period when he was living i n cultured leisure following the teaching of Epicurus. to ashes.  The worldly hopes he set his heart upon have turned  Selfish ambitions have now become a part of the past. On his  shoulders rests the load of no burdensome responsibility.... The Copa f a l l s in the f i r s t year of the author's residence i n Campania, and must have been written before the Ides of March. He was never so tranquil i n mind, never so carefree afterwards.... When the Copa came from his hand he was not yet a marked man.... He was coming and going as he pleased, s t r o l l i n g unheeded  41 through quaint streets and quiet countrysides..."  DeWitt cites Copa 13-16  Sunt etiam croceo violae de flore corollae sertaque purpurea lutea mixta rosa, et quae virgineo libata Achelois ab amne l i l i a vimineis attulit i n calathis, as evidence that the poem belongs to this idealized picture of Vergil's l i f e in Naples: "Down the valley to the east and the south of Naples flowed the river Sebethus, much revered by the ancient Neapolitans, who adopted for the  symbol of their coinage the figure of a bull with a human head, probably  51  the river god, whether the Achelous or the Sebethus makes no difference to us.  A daughter of the river god, the nymph Sebethis, became by Telon of  Capri the mother of Oebalus, the f i r s t king of Naples.... The river, therefore, of the Copa from whose virgin waters the maiden has plucked the white l i l i e s , will be the Sebethus, and the whole myth is suggested to us i n the 42 name that Virgil gives to the maiden, Achelois."  DeWitt has certainly  gone to great pains to establish Naples as the setting of the Copa; while his  description of Vergil's l i f e there i s extravagant, the basic idea may  well be sound. The Copa has been assigned to other periods of Vergil's literary career: T. Frank places i t s composition between the Eclogues and the Georgics: "The years that followed the publication of the Eclogues seem to have been a season of reading, traveling, observing and brooding... . The Rome of his own day was too feverish, i t soon drove him back to his garden v i l l a near Naples .... During these few years Vergil seems to have written but l i t t l e . We have, however, a strange-, poem of thirty-eight lines, the Copa, ... which 43 should perhaps be assigned to this period."  Such attempts to place the  Copa i n Vergil's career are f u l l of interest, and the theory that the Copa was composed at Naples appears to have some value when we consider the poem's setting and tone.  It is true, nonetheless, that scholars are guessing  when they place the work at one period of Vergil's l i f e or another; indeed, even i f they feel certain that the poem is Vergil's, they must surely be aware, i f only biographical considerations are taken into account, that Vergil could quite reasonably have written the poem at any period in his life.  But when the style of the poem is considered, a style which i s not  in a l l respects s k i l l f u l , i f Vergil i s indeed the author, i t would appear  52  more likely that he wrote the Copa before the Eclogues rather than after. R. Radford has attempted to bring the date of the Copa down to the time of Ovid, to approximately 16 B.C.  Ovid wrote the poems of the Vergilian  Appendix, Radford claims, at a time when his father's disapproval of his literary activity forced him to disguise his work through anonymity and 44 the use of pseudonyms.  Drabkin disagrees strongly with this: "Various  considerations of internal evidence point to the conclusion that the whole Appendix, i f Ovid is the author, does not come in the natural course of the poet's development, but is a deliberate forgery, an attempt to pass the work off as Vergil's. Features connected with the publication of the poems and certain elements of the poems themselves make this, however, a very 45 uninviting hypothesis."  In fact, as we have seen, the style of the Copa,  and i t s metrical technique in particular, differ markedly from that of the later elegiac poets, Propertius, Tibullus and Ovid, and seem to be much closer to the technique of Catullus.  This is a point that Drabkin stresses  in his objection to Radford's hypothesis: "If this Ovidian authorship is true, Ovid wrote the poem in a style far different from that which he had by that time developed as his normal style.  Regardless of the date of pub-  lication of the f i r s t edition of the Amores, we may assert that the composition of that work was begun long before 16 B.C.  Even i f we take Radford's  own selection (11.169) of fourteen elegies that best reveal the work of the f i r s t version of the Amores, we find the dissyllabic pentameter close fully operative, we find a marked difference in the matter of elision, particularly in the pentameter, and we find the percentage of dactylic beginnings (though one should not stress this feature in so short a poem as the Copa)  53  materially greater in the fourteen elegies.than in the Copa, to mention a 46 few of the metrical aspects of the poems."  Radford, in his rebuttal, at-  tributes Drabkin's attitude and comments to a general neglect of Ovid:^  7  "It is to this general neglect of the poet that we largely ascribe the singular indifference to Ovid and ignorance of Ovid which appears through48 out Drabkin's thesis."  In general Radford repeats arguments he has pre-  sented previously; he makes a few other comments, however; "his [Drabkin's] whole position i s overthrown by a single important word-form in Copa (vs. 15) which he has failed to observe: "et quae virgineo libata Achelois ab amne." For Vergil, who uses the regular amni five times, has the new form amne only once near the close of his l i f e (Aen. xi.457), and then within the verse, i.e. from metrical necessity.  (This i s the f i r s t occurrence of amne  in extant Latin poetry, and belongs to about 20 B.C.).  To use the new form  without metrical necessity, i.e., at the close of the verse, is the height of modernity and of the Ovidian style (Met. xi.51:  xiii.801; Trist. i i i . 1 0 .  49 27)."  We should note here, however, that Aeneid 11 was not necessarily  composed at the end of Vergil's career.  Radford mentions also the resem-  blance between Copa 17-19 and Ovid, Meta. 13.812 and 814-19,^ and states that this also is evidence in favour of Ovidian authorship.  As we have  noted, however, dependence upon parallel passages for dating is hazardous. It would seem, then, that,in spite of the many hypotheses that have been offered regarding the Copa's date, the problem remains without a definite solution.  If Drew and Drabkin are correct on the issue of the resemblances  between the Copa and Eclogue 2, then this would be valuable evidence i n favour of a date for the Copa before 42 B.C.  Further, when i t comes to the  54  consideration of Vergil's career, and of a possible place for the Copa in i t , we have evidence that tends to support a pre-Eclogue date for the poem. In addition, the metrical characteristics of the Copa, particularly the nondissyllabic pentameter endings, are strong indications of a date around the period of Catullan influence.  With this date, of course, comes the  possibility that the Copa was indeed written by the young Vergil.  55 Notes. 1  "Coniectanea," RhM 45 (1890) 323-324.  2 "Die Copa Sprachlich und Metrisch Untersuch," Wiener Studien 23 (1901) 252268. 3 Helleriistische Dichtung i n der Zeit des Kallimachos (Berlin 1924). 4 Culex: Carmen Vergilio Ascripturn (Berlin 1891). Le Realisme dans les Bucoliques de Virgile.  3  ^Poeti Latini Minori, II (Catania 1905). "Note Sulla Copa,"  7  Studi Italiani di Filologia Classica 19 (1912) 228-236.  g See above, Chapter 2, 1 5 - 2 1 . 9  See Chapter 2, 2 1 - 2 6 .  10  P. Vergilius Maro, Per Dichter der Romer (Stuttgart 1955) 135-143.  Mnemosyne 11 (1958) 331-338.  11  12  "The Copa I," 73-81 and "The Copa II," 37-42.  13  Drabkin, 47-69.  14  "The Copa I," 73-81.  Westendorp Boerma, 337.  13  "^Westendorp Boerma, loc. c i t . 17 Westendorp Boerma, 334-335. 18 Westendorp Boerma, 335. 19See Chapter 2, 2 4 - 2 5 .  56 20  "The Copa II," 40-42 .  21 See Chapter 2, 2 5 - 2 6 and Drabkin, 64-66. 22 Westendorp Boerma, 336, 23 Buchner, 140. 24  Buchner, 138-140.  25 Westendorp Boerma (332) rejects the theory that the poet was young because of what he calls the metrical and technical s k i l l of the poem: "And i f i t had been written by Vergil in his student-years, we should certainly have expected a strong influence of Catullus in language, in metrical peculiarities, in s p i r i t , but nothing of the kind is present here.  No, I think  every one must feel certain now that the Copa is neither the work of the younger nor that of the later Vergil." I believe that he is incorrect here.  As we have seen in our discus-  sion of authorship, where Drabkin's views on the statistical approach to the problem of authenticity are considered, and as we w i l l see later in this chapter, there is a great deal in the vocabulary and meter of the Copa that betrays Catullan influence.  See. also. Drabkin, 5-47.  Westendorp Boerma thinks that a more reasonable explanation would be that the poem was written in conscious imitation of Propertius: "they [the elegies of Propertius] s t i l l rang in his ears, when he wrote his poem and i t is no wonder at a l l that he inserted fragments and expressions, not 26  a l l of them felicitous, but even that i s typical for an imitator." We may note here that there are some examples of the same use of caesuras in Propertius as in Copa 19.  Consider, for instance, Propertius 4.1.3,19,  25,91,121,139. This evidence alone, however, is too slight to justify  57 a claim for Propertian authorship. 27  Drabkin, 6.  TO Drabkin, 13. 29 For Catullan influence on Vergil see R.E.H. Westendorp Boerma, "Vergil's Debt to Catullus," Acta Classica 1 (1958) 51-63. 30  Drabkin, 24-35.  31  Rand, 121-122.  32  Drabkin, 29.  33  Drabkin, 35-47.  34 Of the nineteen pentameters of the Copa, only eight have a dissyllabic ending.  For statistics on Propertius' use of the dissyllabic pentameter  ending, see H.E. Butler and E.A. Barber, The Elegies of Propertius, xv35  xvi. Drabkin, 37-38.  36  See Drabkin, 39.  37 Donatus, Life of Vergil 17-19. 38  See above, Chapter 2, 27-28.  39 Donatus (Life of Vergil 6) says that Vergil received the toga v i r i l i s at the age of seventeen: Initia aetatis Cremonae egit usque ad virilem togam, quam XVII anno natali suo accepit. It is necessary to emend the figure XVII to XV, however, since Donatus also tells us that this happened during the consulship of Pompey and Crassus, 55 B.C., when Vergil was fifteen years old: iisdem i l l i s cdnsulibus iterum dubbus, quibus  58 erat natus.  Further, fifteen was the customary age for one to receive  the toga v i r i l i s . 40 H.W. Prescott, The Development of Virgil's Art (Chicago  1927) 65-66,  for example, dates the poem to approximately 45 B.C. 41 Virgil's Bibgraphia Litteraria (Toronto 1923) 69-70. 42  DeWitt, 68.  43 Vergil (New York 1922) 154. 44 Radford has published several articles on this subject: "The Juvenile Works of Ovid and the Spondaic Period of his Metrical Art," TAPA 51 (1920) 146-171: "The Priapea and the Vergilian Appendix," TAPA 52 (1921) 148177: 'The Language of the Pseudo-Vergilian Catalepton with Especial Reference to i t s Ovidian Characteristics," TAPA 54 (1923) 168-186: "Tibullus and Ovid," AJPh 44 (1923) 1-26, 230-259, 293-318; "The Ovidian Authorship of the Lygdamus Elegies," TAPA 57 (1926) 149-180: "Ovid's Carmina Furtiva," PhQ 7 (1928) 45-59. 45 Drabkin, 85-86. 46  Drabkin, 87.  47  CPh 26 (1931) 211-24.  48  Radford, 213.  49 Radford, loc. c i t . 0 v i d , Meta. 13,812-820:  50  sunt poma gravantia ramos, sunt auro similes longis in vitibus uvae,  sunt et purpureae: t i b i et has servamus et i l l a s . ipsa tuis manibus s i l v e s t r i nata sub umbra moilia fraga leges, ipsa autumnalia corna prunaque non solum nigro liventia suco, verum etiam generosa novasque imitantia ceras. nec t i b i castaneae me coniuge, nec t i b i deerunt arbutei fetus: omnis t i b i serviet arbor.  60 CHAPTER IV EPICUREANISM IN THE COPA It seems certain that for a period of his youth self to the study of Epicurean philosophy.  Vergil devoted him-  There are various pieces of  evidence to show that, having arrived in Rome in approximately 52 B.C. to study rhetoric, he left the city around 48 or 47 B.C. to pursue Epicurean studies in Naples under the guidance of the philosopher Siro.  That  Siro was indeed associated with the Epicurean school in Naples is attested by a fragment of a papyrus dealing with Epicureanism found in Herculaneum: e6]oH£t  6* £7r[aveXesTv] p.eO'  [^p,ETepo]v Si'pcuva  [n]ai  qpt ]Aoaocpouq EVEpyfTio'at  TT|V  r\]xZv eiq [7rspt  oukka]Xiaq  [xr\v N e a ] 7 r o A i v Ttpoc;  autjov  EHET  TOV  6;aITI-][aiV nai  'HpKXfave'cui T E cruxvo ] T E [pov  7 r a p E v 6 l a T p T ^ a i ]. " 2 It is thought that Siro was well known in Rome between 50 and 45 B.C. There are several references to Siro in Cicero: in Academica 2.106 ten in 45 B.C.,  (writ-  but set in 60 B.C.) : f a l s i autemcomprehendi n i h i l potest,  et omnia meminit Siron Epicuri dogmata, in De Finibus 2.119 (also written in 45 B.C.,  but set in 50 B.C.): "habeo," inquit Torquatus, "ad quos ista  referam, et quamquam aliquid ipse poteram, tamen invenire malo paratiores," "familiares nostros, credo, Sironem dicis et Philodemum, cum optimos viros turn homines doctissimos," and in Epistulae ad Familiares 6.11.2 (dated to 45 B.C.): Vestorius, noster familiaris, ad me scripsit te mihi maximas gratias agere.  Haec praedicatio tua mihi valde grata est eaque te uti fa-  c i l e patior, cum apud alios turn mehercule apud Sironem, nostrum amicum.  61  That Vergil did study Epicureanism at Naples i s attested i n the Vitae, The vita of Probus tells us that he spent considerable time studying the philosophy, as did his friends Tucca, Varius and Quintilius: vixit pluribus annis liberali in otio, secutus Epicuri sectam, insigni concordia et familiaritate usus Quintili, Tuccae et Vari, and in the vita of Servius we read nam et Cremonae et Mediolani et Neapoli studuit. (We may note also Donatus Auctus., Vita V e r g i l i i : audivit a Sirorte praecepta Epicuri, cuius doctrinae socium habuit Varium.)  Additional support i s provided by Servius  on Eclogue 6.13: nam vult exequi sectam Epicuream, quam didicerant tarn Vergilius quam Varus docente Sirone, and on Aeneid 6.264: ex maiore autem parte Sironem, i d est magistrum suum Epicureum sequitur.  Two poems of the  Catalepton, which are generally accepted as authentic, afford important evidence for Vergil's association with Siro.  The f i r s t , Catalepton 5, which  4 has been dated to approximately 47 B.C.,  marks the period when Vergil gives  up the study of rhetoric and sets out to pursue philosophy under Siro: Nos ad beatos vela mittimus portus magni petentes docta dicta Sironis, vitamque ab omni vindicabimus cura.*' In the second poem, Catalepton 8, written probably around 42 or 41  B.C.,  Vergil has received possession of Siro's v i l l a , after the philosopher's death, and plans to use i t as a refuge for himself and his parents.^ The light-hearted Epicurean tone of the Copa makes i t tempting to suppose that the poem was written by Vergil sometime during his study of philosophy at Naples.  Mention will be made in the Commentary of various elements  in the poem that strengthen the notion that i t s setting is Naples: we may  62  note, for example, the presence of the Syrian copa (many Greek and Eastern peoples lived in the city), the reference to the nymph Achelois, daughter of Achelous, who was also the father of Parthenope, a goddess worshipped in Naples, the mention of fine crystal cups which may well have been imported into nearby Puteoli (which was the main port for the trade from Alexandria) . We may further suppose that,if the taberna described in the poem were located, not in the peaceful countryside, but rather i n a bustling city like Naples, the shade and seclusion of the tavern garden would be a l l the more appealing to passers-by. If we may accept that the Copa i s the work of Vergil; written by him under the influence of his Epicurean studies, the next step is for us to consider the use made of Epicureanism in his poem. What we have in the Copa appears to be a rather superficial and light-hearted treatment of the Epicurean doctrine concerning pleasure.  We see that the individual pleasures  recommended to the traveller are, in themselves, innocent enough: the guest is told to enter the tavern garden and rest there in the shade, secluded from the turmoil of the world outside (we may compare here Lucretius 2.2931: cum tamen inter se prostrati in gramine molli propter aquae rivum sub ramis arboris altae non magnis opibus iucunde corpora curant), he is invited to partake of refreshment, to enjoy music, and to occupy himself with simple entertainment, a game of dice.  Nowhere in the poem,  however, is there a suggestion of moderation or temperance in the enjoyment of these pleasures: there is rather, an atmosphere of over-indulgent luxuriousness, emphasized by the many delights and attractions described by the  63  hostess in philosophical terms.  It might seem that Vergil i s here reflec-  ting not the teachings of Epicurus, but rather the hedonistic philosophy of Aristippus, the "carpe diem" idea. The exclamation pereat qui crastina curat (37) does not seem entirely in keeping with Epicurean teaching, which calls for a certain amount of planning in regard to the future; man must carefully choose some pleasures and avoid others, with thought aboi/t which w i l l aid him the most i n his search for the desired ccTapa.c;ia.  According  to Epicurus, man should not fling caution to the winds and indulge himself according to his every whim. Further, the presentation of Death as a threatening character, who warns that man should live to the f u l l before i t is too late, is also rather contrary to Epicurean thought, which holds that Death is not to be feared, and that man should not conduct his l i f e under pressure from the fear of dying. It is important to recognize that the Copa i s not a didactic poem. Vergil is here using Epicurean notions in a way that is unparalleled in earl i e r Latin literature, but thatavi11 be continued by Horace.  The ideas  are taken from the context of serious philosophical debate and are used to create a pleasing  and through i t s incongruity, humorous }  effect.  The doc-  trines taught by the learned Siro are here manipulated, and put into the mouth of the copa lasciva: their intention is not to recommend moral rectitude, but rather the enjoyment of the physical pleasures of the taberna.  64 Notes 1  2 Vol. Here. 312, I 4,5 - 13 . This fragment was deciphered by W. Cronert, Kolotes und Menedemus (1906) 125. For discussion^see also R.E.H. Westendorp Boerma, P. Vergili Maronis Libellus qui iriscribitur Catalepton (Groningen 1949) 100, T. Birt, 17, E.K. Rand, 145 and T. Frank, "Virgil's Apprenticeship II," CPh 15 (1920) 107.  2  See Birt, 17.  3 See E. Diehl, Die Vitae Vergilianae und ihre arttiken Quellen (Bonn 1911) 79. 4 See Westendorp Boerma, 101-102, for a discussion of date; he dates the 5  poem slightly later, to 45 B.C. Catalepton 5, 8-10.  ^For a discussion of this poem, see Westendorp Boerma, 153-165.  65 CODICES (From E.J. Kenney, Appendix Vergiliana [Oxford 1966] 79)  G  =  Fragmentum Graeciense 1814, saec. ix  M  =  consensus codicum mn: m = Monacensis 305, saec. x i - x i i n = Monacensis 18059, saec. xi  S  =  Stabulensis, nunc Parisinus 17177, saec. x  F  =  Fiechtianus, nunc Mellicensis cim. 2, saec. x  L  =  Iuvenalis Ludi qui dicitur libellus deperditus, cuius tamen imaginem reddunt quinque codices ab eo deducti: W = Trevirensis 1086, saec. ix-x B = Bembinus, nunc Vaticanus 3252, saec. ix-x E = Parisinus 8093, saec. x A = Parisinus 7927, saec. x-xi T = Parisinus 8069, saec. xi  Q  =  consensus codicum MSFL  G  =  codicum saec. x i i - x i i i exaratorum vel unus vel aliquot  =  codicum saec. xv exaratorum vel unus vel aliquot  66  COPA (Readings that differ from E.J. Kenney's text are in i t a l i c s ) Copa Surisca, caput Graeca redimita mitella, crispum sub crotalo docta movere latus, ebria fumosa saltat lasciva taberna ad cubitum raucos excutiens calamos. quid iuvat aestivo defessum pulvere abesse  5  quam potius bibulo decubuisse toro? sunt topia et kalybae, cyathi, rosa, tibia, chordae, et t r i c l i a umbrosis frigida harundinibus. en et Maenalio quae garrit dulce sub antro rustica pastoris fistula more sonat.  10  est et vappa cado nuper defusa picato, et  strepitans  rauco murmure rivus aquae,  sunt etiam croceo violae de flore corollae, sertaque purpurea lutea mixta rosa, et quae virgineo libata Achelois ab amne  15  l i l i a vimineis attulit in calathis. sunt et caseoli, quos iuncea fiscina siccat, 1-14ft= M(=mn)SFL(=WBEAT) Servius: cupa Charisius nonnulli  15-17ft= M(=mn)SL(=WBEAT) Titulus: copa ftG,  1 surisca G: furisca M: suirisca SL: Syrisca edd.  graia 0 3 fumosa G (fu[)M: famosa SFL 5 abesse ft: abisse Ilgen  7 topia'. GSWBEm: tropia n_:  opia F: copia AT: obba Heinsius chalybes M:  calibes SE: kalibes FBT: kalybae Reicheribach: calybae Scaliger: kelebes E l l i s : calices c, t r i a c l i a SL:  8 t r i c l i a Leo ex iriscriptioriibus: triclya M: t r i c [ G:  triadia F umbrosis M:  umbris SFL 10 more MA: in ore SFL 11  defusa ft: diffusa 6 12 et strepitans ft G: est crepitans c, : est trepitans W: est trepidans Heinsius 13 etiam croceo Q: et cecropio c,  67  sunt autumnali cerea pruna die castaneaeque nuces et suave rubentia mala, est hie munda Ceres, est Amor, est Bromius.  20  sunt et mora cruenta et lentis uva racemis, et pendet iunco caeruleus cucumis. est tuguri custos armatus falce saligna, sed non et vasto est inguine t e r r i b i l i s . huo calybita veni, lassus iam sudat  Ssellus;  25  parce i l l i , Vestae delicium est asinus. nunc cantu crebro rumpunt arbusta cicadae, nunc varia in gelida sede lacerta latet. s i sapis, aestivo recubans nunc prolue vitro, seu vis crystalli ferre novos calices. hie  30  age pampinea fessus requiesce sub umbra et gravidum roseq necte caput strophic,  formosum tenerae decerpens ora puellae. a pereat cui sunt prisca supercilia'. quid cineri ingrato servas bene olentia serta? anne coronato v i s lapide ista  35  tegi?  pone merum et talos; pereat qui crastina curat. Mors aurem vellens 'vivite* a i t , 'venio'. 18-38 ti = M(=mn)SL(=WBEAT) 18 autumnali.. .die ti: autumnalis deae<^ 24 et ti: ex Ilgen 25 hue MW: huic SL chalybita M: calibita SL: Cybelista S i l l i g : capalista Schenkl lassus MSAT: Vbssius: vestraeti:nostrum ~0  calibina W:  fessus 0 26 Vestae I_.  : vestrum ? dilicium SL: deliciae M  28  varia in M: vero in S: vere in L: verna in Heinsius: veprum Haupt: vepris in E l l i s 29 nunc ti : te 0 , Scaliger 30 c r i s t a l l i M: cristallo 0  31 hie S: hec M: hia L  33 formosum ti: formosus 0  et tenerae, formosa interea Clausen: per morsum E l l i s Ilgen: olla, urna E l l i s  cristalle SL:  37 talos L: tallos M: alios S  : formosa  36 ista ti: ossa  68 COMMENTARY 1  Copa Surisca caput Graeca redimita mitella . copa:  This unusual noun is the feminine counterpart of the masculine copo  which is i t s e l f a variant, vernacular form of the noun caupo.  The spelling  copo is found occasionally in antiquity, in Cicero, Pro Cluentio 163, for example: Atque etiam, ut nobis renuntiatur, hominem multorum hospitum, Ambivium quendam, coponem de via Eatina, subornatis, qui a Cluentio servisque eius in taberna sua manus adlatas esse dicat; i t occurs also in Martial 13.11: haec ego coponi, non t i b i , dona dedi.  The use of copa instead of caupona or caupo  to denote a female tavern keeper i s very rare.  (We may note that caupona  used as the feminine correspondent of caupo, to indicate a female tavern keeper, is also rare; caupona with this meaning occurs only in Lucilius 128, and three times in Apuleius, in Metamorphoses 1.7, 1.8, and 1.21.  Caupona i s more regu-  larly used to designate the place where the caupo works, that i s , his tavern or inn.  For the use of caupo to denote a woman, see T. Kleberg, Hotels, Restaur-  ants et Cabarets darts l'Antiquite Romaine [Uppsala 1957] 3 n. 7.)  The only  certain instance of the occurrence of the nounc copa is in our poem. There are two other passages where the word possibly i s used, but in each case a textual problem is involved: Suetonius, Nero 27: ... dispositae per litora et ripas deversoriae taberrtae parabantur insigries ganeae et matronarum institorio copas imitantium atque hinc inde hortaritium ut appelleret (copas here i s the reading taken by the editor, Maximilian Ihm; some of the leading manuscripts have locopas or iocopas), and Pliny, Nat. Hist. 34.90: Simon canem et sagittarium facit, Stratonicus caelator i l l e philosbphos, copas uterque (where copas is an emendation, the reading of the manuscripts being scopas).  Thus,  since there  is some doubt concerning the reading of copa in each of these passages, our  69  poem affords the only certain instance of the use of the word. Interpretations of the word copa vary, as is particularly evident in various translations that have been made of the poem. To J. Lindsay (Latin Poetry i n Verse Translation, ed. L.R. Lind [Boston 1957] 59), the copa is a "dancing-girl"; E.H. Blakeney (The Copa and the Moretum, Two Poems Attributed to V i r g i l [Winchester 1933] 7) describes her as a crotalistria, a "female  Castanet  dancer."  To W.C. Firebaugh (The Inns of Greece and Rome  [Chicago 1923] 142) she i s a "cabaret dancer"; others, I.E. Drabkin, for example, refer to her simply as the "hostess".  Lewis and Short define copa as  "a female tavern-keeper and castanet-dancer, who exhibited her arts in her ale-house"; the New Oxford Latin Dictionary describes the copa as "a woman who provides entertainment in taverns, a dancing g i r l . "  Since the occurrence  of the word in our poem i s the one certain instance of i t s use, we should not be surprised by this diversity of definition, which results from differing opinions concerning what is actually happening in the poem, what type of character the poem describes, and what her precise occupation i s .  To seek a  more accurate definition we may start by comparing the noun with i t s masculine counterpart, caupo, a word used more widely, and whose meaning can therefore be determined.  Caupo may be related to the Greek  KQ.7tT)Xo^  (see A.  Ernout, Dictionnaire Etymologique de l a Langue Latine [Paris 1951] 107), but the two words are not s t r i c t l y parallel.  KaTrnXo^  a  meaning a "retail  dealer, petty tradesman," rarely has the meaning of "tavern keeper," whereas caupo almost always means this.  In the Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum, caupo  is variously defined as tabernarius (CGL II, 572,4), tabernarius in taberna (V,355,23), negociator qui vinum veridit (V,547,25), qui vinum cum aqua miscet (V,350,11), pessimum, qui de vino aquam facit (V,564,35).  Most derivatives of  70  caupo, caupbriarius, cauponicula, cauporiius, caupbnium, cauponula,  caupuncula  and copa, for instance, seem, in general, to share the sense of caupo, that of inn or tavern keeper.  See T. Kleberg, 3-5, for a discussion of caupohor,  cauponatus and cauponaticius, whose meanings differ, in some respects, from the sense of the root word. Use of the word caupo in Latin literature shows that the term originally designated someone (usually male) who acts as the host of an establishment where travellers can be lodged, and where i t is possible also to obtain food and wine.  (See T. Kleberg, 5-6, for the pejorative sense that attached i t s e l f  to caupo and caupona in later Latin literature [Isid. Prig. 10.58, for example]. The derivatives of caupo are too rarely used for any such determination to be made concerning them).  The feminine copa, then, which we may assume basically  parallels the sense of caupo, denotes a "hostess," someone responsible for welcoming travellers, and providing food and drink for clients of her establishment. For other mentions of women employed in taverns, we may note, for example, in addition to Lucilius 128 (caupona hie tameri una Syra), several Pompeian inscriptions: CIL IV, 1679 (where reference is made to a g i r l of Greek origin named Hedone), CIL IV, 7862-7864, CIL IV, 7866 and'CIL IV, 7873.  We  may note that the women who work in the tabernae apparently do not enjoy good reputations.  They are often looked upon as lascivious and morally corrupt,  and i t is even deemed necessary at times to draft special laws to deal with them, particularly as concerns adultery (see T. Kleberg, 81-82). The general public attitude seems to be that a l l women connected with taverns are l i t t l e more than prostitutes; many of course are. services.  Quite a few taverns provide such  (Note, in this regard, Catullus 37.1, 11-14:  71  Salax taberna vosque contubernales, ... puella nam mi, quae meo sinu fugit, amata tantum quantum amabitur nulla, pro qua mihi sunt magna bella pugnata, consedit i s t i c . See also Horace, Epistles 1.14.21, and CIL_ IV, 26890 It is quite likely that the Syrian copa is in fact a courtesan, and that the taberna operates also as a lupanar (see Copa 23-;24, 33).  The fashion in  which the copa is presented in the opening lines seems, indeed, a good indication of her profession.  That she may well be a courtesan is also evident i f  we compare her description with a very similar, but rather more explicit, description of another dancing g i r l , i n Priapea 27, an epigram of unknown date and authorship, written probably in imitation of the Copa.(Concerning i t s date, see C. Morelli, 228ff, who suggests dating Priapea 27 to the time of Ovid, because of the similarity between line four of the epigram and Ovid, Ars Amatoria 1.538, and line five and Ovid, Ex Ponto 4.539.  But note also V. Buchheit/'Stu-  di en zum Corpus Priapeorum," Zetemata 28 [Munich 1962] 108-123, who states that,because of the apparent dependence of the carmina Priapea on Martial, the poems should be dated to the period following Martial [the terminus post quem for the poems he thus places at 100 A.D.].)  Particularly noteworthy i s the  similarity between Copa 2 and the second line of the epigram: Deliciae populi, magno notissima Circo Quintia, vibratas docta movere nates, Cymbala cum crotalis, pruriginis arma, Priapo Ponit et adducta tympana pulsa manu, Pro quibus, ut semper placeat spectantibus, orat Tentaque ad exemplum s i t sua turba dei.  72  Surisca: an unusual diminutive adjective, taken from the Greek. This feminine form is not found elsewhere, but the masculine occurs in Terence, Adelphoe 763, Martial 5.70.2 and Ausonius, Epigrammata 87.1.  In these passa-  ges the adjective is used as a proper noun: F. Leo claims that here, also, Surisca is the copa's name, which would of course reflect her nationality. The fact that the poet calls the copa "Surisca" adds some intriguing connotations to the poem. Eastern peoples are regarded by the Romans as ideally suited to slavery.  (Concerning this, note Cicero, De Provinciis Con-  sul aribus 10.5: Iam vero publicanos miseros tradidit in servitutem Iudaeis et Syris, nationibus natis servituti, Livy 35.49.8: Suros omnes esse, haud paulo mancipiorum melius propter s e r v i l i a ingenia quam militum genus, and Livy 36.17.5: hie Syri et Asiatici Graeci sunt, vilissima genera hominum et servituti nata.  For discussion of this Roman prejudice, see A.N. Sherwin-  White, Racial Prejudice in Imperial Rome [Cambridge 1967], i n particular, 7276.)  Syrians are thought to be effeminate, luxury-loving, debauched and cun-  ning; i t is believed that their prime concern i s to indulge their wanton desires. TO \xoi  (See Dio, 78.6.1a: TT)C; Eupt'aq, o9ev 7tpoe; yrifpoq rjv,  Travoupyov  ; Julian, Against the Galileans 116A:  . . . Ti'q c u r i a T O U KeATOuc; \xev e i v a i  epaaeTc;,  . . . drroXep-ouq  Herodian 2.10.7; 3.11.8; 4.8.7.)  6e nai  TpucpnAouq  AeyedQca  yap  nai ITepp,avouc; Supouc,.  Note also  In Juvenal, we find the Syrians depicted as  a despicable people, particularly hateful since, in the poet's opinion, they resemble the Greeks in character, and thus they too are responsible for the way in which Roman l i f e i s being "poisoned" by Greek influences. 125.)  (See Satire 3.122-  The Greek and Syrian l i b e r t i n i are felt to be corrupting and degrading  Roman society: note, in particular, Satire 3.62-66:  iam pridem Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes, et linguam et mores et cum tibicine chordas obliquas nec non gentilia tympana secum vexit et ad circum iussas prostare puellas: ite quibus grata est picta lupa barbara mitra! Note also Satire 3.73-77: ingenium velox, audacia perdita, sermo promptus et Isaeo torrentior. ede, quid ilium esse putes? quern vis hominem secum attulit ad nos: grammaticus rhetor geometres pictor aliptes augur schoenobates medicus magus ... In Satire 8.158-162, we find mentioned a tavern keeper, a Syrophoenix, who is portrayed as a fawning flatterer, offensively drenched in perfume: sed cum pervigiles placet instaurare popinas obvius adsiduo Syrophoenix unctus amomo currit, Idymaeae Syrophoenix incola portae, hospitis adfectu dominum regemque salutat, et cum venali Cyane succincta lagona. A  Accompanying this scornful attitude, however, is a certain admiration  for a quality of oriental fascination and mystery that peoples from the East are believed to possess. Oriental women, particularly, are thought to have a great power of influence and seduction, and their beauty is characterized as wanton yet most appealing. The word "Syrian" alone invokes an atmosphere of luxuriance: see, for example, Catullus 6,8 (Syrio fragrans olivo), Horace, Odes 2.7.7-8 (cbrbnatus riitentis/Malobathro Syrio capillos), Propertius 2.13.30  74  (cum dabitur Syrio muriere plerius onyx) and Tibullus 3.4.28, for mention of exotic Syrian ointments and perfumes imported for the luxury-loving. Although i t is true that the Romans often express contempt for the Syrian and his ways, the poet's use of the word Surisca here is not necessarily totally pejorative.  There are, of course, attached to the word a l l the connota-  tions already discussed; here, however, the use of the word appears to bring with i t primarily simply the poet's recognition of a certain character-type. He emphasizes not the slavish and degraded qualities of that character, but rather the exotic, luxurious and wanton qualities.  The hostess' characteris-  tics are such as would appeal to passers-by; she is wanton and seductive i n deed, and who would be better able to entice clients into the taberna?  The  poet, then, appears to intend us to be hypnotized by her appearance and by her actions,  in the same way that, within the poem, the copa desires to enchant  the weary passers-by into accepting her hospitality. poem, W.C.  In his version of the  Firebaugh (142) captures this spirit to a certain extent: A Grecian head-band binding her hair, The wine-flushed Syrian siren sways To the t i t i l l a t i n g clack of her castanets, In the spell of the dance that Passion begets Of smouldering Desire that seethes to flare In the smoke of her tavern: sinuously fair She sings her appealing lay:  The picture Firebaugh later paints of the copa (or of the type of woman he feels the copa resembles) i s truly remarkable, i f only in so far as i t shows how profoundly he has been influenced by her exotic and wanton qualities (148):  75 "She is a past mistress in the art of the cordax, and at last, as a tremulous shiver, an erotic t i c , runs through the length of that slim lithe figure, as the yellowish eyes open slowly, voluptuously, the lambent flame in their depths scorches the onlookers, as the nostrils twitch, and a crooning sigh comes throbbing from a bosom charged with a l l the passions of a l l the ages, as this descendant of Semiramis, this cousin of Artemisia and Rhodope, this Roxena with vigor and s k i l l enough to exhaust a dozen Alexanders, this human leopardess as impersonal as a sphinx stands mute before her audience... ." mitella: diminutive of mitra, from the Greek "turban," or "cap."  pirpa  , a "headband,"  This rare word appears f i r s t in the Copa (the conjecture  that the word mitella is used by Cicero in Pro Rabirio Postumo 27 is now generally disregarded). and  Mitella occurs also in Apuleius, Metamorphoses 7.8,  8.27,  in Celsus 8.10.3 (although in the latter i t bears the meaning "arm-bandage").  The noun mitra is used with greater frequency, and is found f i r s t in Afranius, frag. 37 (Ribbeck, Comicorum Romanorum Fragmenta 3 [Leipzig 1898]). The nouns mitella and mitra denote an eastern headdress, worn originally by Syrians, Phrygians, Lydians and Persians, and thence introduced into Greece and Rome. The oriental origin of the mitra is emphasized in Latin literature; for example, the headdress is described as Sidonian (Propertius 2.29.15), Lydian (Propertius 3.17.30) and Tyrian (Seneca, Oedipus 418). be fashioned into various styles.  The mitra can  Note, for instance, Servius on Aeneid  4.216: Maconia menturn mitra crinemque madcntem: "Maeonia mitra. Lydia: nam utebantur et Phryges et Lydi mitra, hoc est incurvo pileb, de quo pendebat etiam buccarum tegimen." The mitra here, then, is a type of close-fitting cap, with sides that extend down over the cheeks; cords fastened to the sides  76  serve to secure the cap.  (See Propertius 2.29.15-16: quae cum Sidoniae noc-  turna ligamina mitrae/ sblverit.)  In addition to the cap,style(pileolus in-  curvatus), there is a second variety of mitra.  As we see from representations  of this headdress (on vase-paintings, for example; see Dictionnaire des Antiquites 1956, figs. 5098, 5099, 5100), i t can be fashioned in various ways. Usually, a wide band of wool or other material is wound about the head, a number of times, creating a cap-like effect.  To the rounded ends of the band  of material cords or ribbons are attached in order to secure the mitra; these ribbons are either tied in a knot against the head, or tied beneath the chin of the wearer. Different colours and decoration make the headgear ornate (see Ovid, Metamorphoses 14.654 and Juvenal 3.66 for reference to the "picta mitra"). For additional illustration of mitrae see E.B. Abrahams, Greek Dress (London 1908) f i g . 45. Although the oriental mitra was adopted by the Greeks, from the Homeric period on, both by men and by women (for detail see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, 1955), and was often shown in connection with certain of their gods and goddesses (particularly with Dionysus, who is often depicted wearing the headdress [see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, figs. 700, 712, 2181, 5097], as are his followers [Dictionnaire des Antiquites, figs. 1429, 1982, 1983]), such was not the case in Rome. As noted (see "Surisca" above), Romans disliked oriental influences, and to them the mitra was something worn only by women (see Catullus 64,63,68, Propertius 2.29.15, Apuleius, Metamorphoses 7.8), and in particular by women of low reputation, by courtesans  (and also by effeminate and degenerate men).  For Roman distaste for the oriental headdress see Cicero, De Haruspicum Reponsis Oratio 44.17-19: P. Clodius a crocota, a mitra, a muliebribus  soleis,  purpureisque fasciolis, a strophio, a psaltrio, a flagitio, a stupro, est factus  77  repente popularis, Vergil, Aeneid 4,215-217: et nunc i l l e Paris, cum semiviro comitatu,/ Maeonia mentum mitra crinemque maderitem/subnixus,  Juvenal  3.66:  ite quibus grata est picta lupa barbara mitra! and Apuleius, Metamorphoses 8.27: Die sequenti variis cbloribus iridusiati et deformiter quisque formati, facie caenoso pigmento delita et oculis obunctis graphice prodeunt, mitellis et crocotis et carbasinis et bombycinis i n i e c t i .  In addition, see Servius on Aeneid  4.216: "sane quibus effemiriatib cfimirii dabatur, etiam mitra eis adscribebatur: multa enim lectio mitras proprie meretricum esse docet."  Note also Servius  on Aeneid 9.616. Thus, the poet's description of the Syrian copa as adorned with a mitra adds to the tone of oriental extravagance and wantonnesspresent in the opening lines of the poem, and helps to complete the picture of the Eastern seductress. 2  crispum sub crbtalo dbcta ihovere latus. crispum latus:  the most common meanings of the adjective crispus are  "curly," "wavy," "wrinkled."  The word is generally used to describe hair that  is f u l l of curls (see Plautus, Truculentus 287, Pliny, Nat. Hist. 22.62) or men who have curly hair (Plautus, Captivi 648, Petronius, Satyricon 97).  Crispus  is also regularly used (in the sense of "wrinkled," or "curled") to describe the foliage of trees (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 12.67, 15.127), the grain of timber (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 16.63), the leaves of plants (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 19.80, Columella 11.3.34), the shape of shells (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 9.103), and the markings of marble (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 36.55). Crispus in Copa 2 i s used of a quivering, undulating motion (cf. vibrans, coruscus), a much less common meaning; i t appears only once before i t s occurrence here, in fragment 243 of Pacuvius (ed. E.H. Warmington, Remains of Old Latin, v. 2, 254):  linguae bisulcae actu crispo fulgere. In later Latin  78 literature crispus is similarly used to indicate a quivering motion: see, for example, Juvenal 6.382: crispo numerantur pectine chordae, Ausonius, Mosella 194-195: tota riatant crispis iuga motibus et tremit absens/pampinus, Mosella 253-254: crispoque tremori/ vibrantis saetae nutans consentit harundo. Even more unusual than the use made of the adjective in the above examples i s the application of crispus to the noun latus; the sense of the phrase is most nearly captured in Priapea 27.2:  Quintia, vibratas docta movere nates.  We may note that although crispus in the sense of "undulating" i s not used by Vergil in his acknowledged works, he does make use of the unusual verb crispo as a transitive verb meaning "to shake."  See Aeneid 1.313, 12.165.  sub crotalo: crotalum, a "castanet" (from the Greek -..KpOTciXov), originally an Egyptian instrument, used in the celebration of the festival of the goddess Bast (see Herodotus 2.60). "Sub"crdtalo here means "to the tune of" or "to the accompaniment of" the castanet; compare a use made of U7ro , for example: HO>p,a£Eiv U7r' auXou  (see Drabkin, 11).  Note, as a parallel for the use of  the singular crotalum,  Fronto, Ad Marcum Antonirium de Oratibriibus 10 (Loeb ed. ,  v. 2,110) : quin ad modum crotali aut cymbali pedem porieret. Crotala were used in the dances of the orgiastic cults of Dionysus and Cybele (see Pindar, frag. 79.5-11, Euripides, Helen 1308).  Thence they came to  be widely used i n light entertainment, as i s evident from their depiction in art.  (See, for example, G. Prudhommeau, La Danse Grecque Antique, passim, and  Dictionnaire des Antiquites,  Tome 1, 1571-1572, figures 2073-2078.)  These  representations give us a good idea of the actual appearance of the instrument, and also indicate the movements used in playing them.  In literature, crotala  are mentioned usually in connection with "wanton" dancing: see AP 5.175.7-8 (Meleager) for instance:  79  eppe, yvvai  nayaoive  Ttn.KTic; n a i  • nctAe? ere yap  HpOTaXcuv  x  e  1  ^ cpiX6*Koop,o^  7raTayoc;.  potUTtnc;  Also, see P. Scipio apud Macrobius, Saturnalia 3.14.6 and Apuleius, Metamorphoses 8.24;  in addition, note Priapea 27.1-4:  Deliciae populi, magno notissima Circo Quintia, vibratas docta movere nates, Cymbala cum crotalis, pruriginis arma, Priapo Ponit et adducta tympana pulsa manu. Crotala are made from clay, wood or brass; Eustathius, in his Commentaries on Homer's Iliad and Odyssey, re Iliad 11.160, so describes them: CHeuoq r i el; oCTpaKOU  TUXOV  fj !;u\ou fj x&^X°v  o ev x P°'* £  Kpatoup,evov OopuBeT . They are not always carefully fashioned; upon occasion two shells, or two pieces of broken pottery will suffice.  In their  simplest form, they are made from the stalks of reeds; a number of stalks are held together in the  hand,  and a rattling noise results  when  they are shaken  against each other; note the Scholium to Aristophanes, Clouds 260: 'ibicnq  nporaXov lucre  r\x ^ } £  e"  v  rpavoc; ouv  6 ax*-£o\ievoc; xaXap.oc; nat aurov 6ovoi'r|  ecrn, c p n e t ,  nai rnv  TCUC;  cpojvnv  x P<3*> e  kixirribe^,  KaTatfxeua£op,£voc; naQanep  61r\pQp(x>]ievo<;,  HPOTOV  a7COTEAa5v.  Ha0a7tep ra xporaAa.  The reeds may be cemented together at one end, but this is not necessarily a l ways  the case.  For crotala of this type see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome  1, 1571, figure 2073, a terra cotta figurine of a dancer shaking the reeds in her hands. Crotala are not always so simply constructed, however. Another, more complex type (see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 1, 1572, figure 2074) is  made  80  by splitting reeds in two for half their length; then, at this middle point, the section of reed that has been removed is rejoined to the main section by means of a peg.  The loose section of reed is thus able to move freely on the  peg and hit against the main stem, creating a knocking sound.  S t i l l another  sort of crotalum is that formed by joining two stems of equal length into a handle at one end; discs, often of stone, are attached to the two stems at the other end, and,when the instrument is shaken, the discs bang together loudly (see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 1, figure 2075).  The force of this  noise can be increased by hollowing out these discs, or by adding a projecting rim to the ends of the stems (Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 1, Figure 2076). Other crotala(similar to modern castanets) are made from two wooden shells, with concave interiors, held together by a strap that is placed around the wrist (see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 1, figure 2077).  Occasionally  this type is given long handles, and a number are joined together on a ring, where they clink when shaken (Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 1, figure 2078). These crotala are also made of clay or brass. liBrass crotala made by Vulcan, according to the legend told by Apollodorus (2.5.6), were given by Athena to Hercules; the hero used these to chase the birds from the Stymphalian lake. Music of other instruments, the flute or cithara for example, generally accompanies the playing of the crotala.  This is the case in the Copa: the  hostess dances, shaking her crotala, and she is accompanied by the music of the flute (4). 3 ebria fumosa saltat lasciva taberna . fumosa taberna: The Romans used several terms to refer to their "hotel" and "restaurant" establishments; i t is principally through archaeological  81  evidence that we are able to determine the varying significance of these terms, and hence to arrive at as close a definition as possible of what the tabernae actually were. Since a great deal of archaeological evidence has, of course, been lost (occasionally a l l that remains to indicate a hotel or tavern i s an inscription) i t i s d i f f i c u l t to draw precise distinctions between certain of the terms.  The principal names applied to hotel and restaurant  establishments are caupona, hospitium, deversorium, stabulum, popina and taberna. T. Kleberg, Hotels, Restaurants et Cabarets dans 1'Antiquite Romaine (Uppsala 1957) 27 suggests that these terms can be separated into two categories, those that refer to establishments where i t is possible to obtain lodging as well as food and wine (caupona, hospitium, deversorium and stabulum), and those that refer to "restaurants," places where i t is possible to get only food  and wine, or possibly only wine.  popina and taberna.  In this latter category we should place  Confusion often results among these various terms because  they are loosely used by modern scholars; the word taberna is sometimes used, for example, as a translation for our word "inn," when, s t r i c t l y speaking, the two are not equal, since tabernae do not provide lodging.  The term caupona is  also not easy to classify, since i t is used as a general term of reference to various types of hotels and restaurants.  Because of the pejorative sense the  word acquired (compare the pejorative significance that attached i t s e l f to 0 caupo;see Copa 1, above) i t was gradually replaced by the terms hospitium and taberna. (See Kleberg, 27-28.).  The principal distinction between popina and  taberna, and the other hotel terms, hospitium, deversorium and stabulum, i s , then, that the popinae and tabernae do not provide over-night accommodation for their clients.  Hospitia, deversoria and stabula offer a l l the services  of hotels as we know them. Hospitium and deversorium are largely parallel  82  terms; stabulum differs only in that i t indicates a hotel or inn that i s also equipped with a stable, where travellers can leave their horses to be fed and rested, or where they can obtain fresh mounts.  The terms popina and taberna  indicate two rather different types of establishment.  The popina i s a "res-  taurant-style" place, where i t is possible to get a f u l l meal and wine. Many popinae also allow customers to buy food, and take i t home, without having to stay and eat on the premises. Of the "hotel" and "restaurant" terms, taberna is perhaps the most d i f f i cult one to define. The word is derived from trabs, "beam" or "timber" (see A. Walde, Lateinisches Etymologisches Worterbuch, 2, 639), and hence i t s o r i ginal and basic meaning is "hut," "cottage," "booth" or "shop," a l l plain buildings, made of timber planks, and very simply constructed.  For detailed  study and illustration of this original meaning of taberna see Dictionnaire des Antiquites Tome 5, 8-11.  The word, standing on i t s own, maintained i t s basic  meaning of "hut" or "shop" down to at least the f i r s t century A.D.  (see Kleberg,  20-22); see,for example, Cicero, Pro Clueritio, 63.178: instructam ei continuo et ornatam Larini mediciriae exerceridae causa tabemam dedit, Horace, Odes 1.4.13: pallida Mors aequo puisat pede pauperum tabernas, and Martial, 1.117. 10-11: contra Caesaris est forum taberna,/scriptis postibus hiric et iride totis.  Con-  currently, however, these authors and others occasionally use taberna to refer to a restaurant-style establishment.  In order to avoid confusion concerning  the significance intended in the use of the word, writers often give precise definition to i t by adding an explanatory adjective; thus, a bookshop, for i n stance, is termed a taberna libraria (see Cicero, Philippic 2.9.21), a bankinghouse is a taberna argentaria; an inn providing food and lodging i s often described as a taberna deversoria (a term used as early as Plautus, Menaechmi 435).  83  We should note that the word taberna is occasionally used on i t s own as a translation of  7rav60KeTov  (see CGL III, 306,55) to indicate an hospitium; this  sense, however, is more usually rendered as taberna deversoria or taberna meritoria.  A wine shop or tavern is termed a taberna vineria. Cretaria,  unguentaria, meritoria and cauponia are other adjectives often applied to taberna.  The meaning of the word taberna i t s e l f , used without a descriptive adjec-  tive, underwent a gradual change, and came to indicate exclusively a wine shop or cabaret (at a time that Kleberg [21] fixes as late as the fourth century A.D.). This meaning of taberna i s reflected in the CGL, where the word appears as a translation for Ha7TT]X.eTov  , "tavern" (see CGL II, 338,35; III, 306,  49; III, 525,32), and is otherwise defined as a co[m]ponula, " l i t t l e tavern," cauponium (see CGL IV, 396,11), and by the phrase ubi vinum emitur (see CGL V, 396,30). Archaeological evidence, particularly that provided by excavations carried out at Pompeii, has given us considerable information concerning tabernae in ancient times; i t is a most valuable supplement to the rather scanty and casual references contained in our literary sources.  When we come to examine remains  of hotel and restaurant establishments uncovered in Pompeii, i t is relatively easy to distinguish the hospitia and stabula, for instance, from the popinae and tabernae; i t is further possible, although more d i f f i c u l t because rigid distinctions did not always exist in the actual building of the establishments, to distinguish popinae from tabernae.  We may note, apart from the evidence af-  forded by archaeological study of popinae and tabernae, the distinction between these two suggested in Horace, Epistles 1.14.21-26: fornix t i b i et uncta popina incutiunt urbis desiderium, video, et quod  84  angulus iste feret piper et tus ocius uva, nec vicina subest vinum praebere taberna quae possit t i b i , nec meretrix tibicina, cuius ad strepitum salias terrae gravis. Kleberg presents detailed descriptions and lists of the various hospitia (see 31-34), stabula (35-36), popinae and tabernae (see 36-44) that have been uncovered at Pompeii.  He also presents considerable information on hotel and  restaurant establishments in Herculaneum, Ostia, Rome and Italy in general (see 44-48, 53-70). We will here confine ourselves to a brief look at certain examples taken from Pompeii; they are amply illustrative of the type of establishment we are concerned with in the Copa, a taberna in a l l probability situated in southern Italy.  A consideration of certain examples of each type will  aid us in our definition of taberna. A well-preserved example of a hotel is the hospitium S i t t i i , located on the Vico del Lupanare (see Kleberg, 31-33; note also the plan of the establishment, 32).  The hotel consists principally of an outer room, facing onto the  street, with a counter (similar, as we shall see, to the service counters in tabernae) accessible from the street, a large inner dining room (triclinium), and a kitchen area; these rooms are connected by a passageway to a corridor and doorway that also open onto the street, and to other rooms that serve to lodge over-night guests.  An upper floor also provides accommodation for travellers.  A hotel which has hitherto been called the hospitium Hermetis (on the Strada Stabiana) Kleberg reclassifies as a stabulum, because of the presence of a stable connected with the main building (see the building plan, 35). general, i t resembles the hospitium S i t t i i .  Behind the ante-chamber, which  contains a cooking-hearth, are two large dining-rooms; a passageway between  In •  85  these two rooms leads to the rear, where is located the large stable (essentially  the only differentiating element between the terms hospitium and  stabuium).  There are several bedrooms along the passageway, and the entire  upper floor is devoted to the accommodation of over-night guests. The establishments which serve as popinae, "restaurants," and tabernae "taverns," are distinguishable from the hotels, f i r s t , by the absence of bedrooms for over-night accommodation, and secondly, by the invariable presence of large counters, facing the street, with adjacent hearths, for the service of wine and food. from tabernae;  As mentioned, i t is often d i f f i c u l t to distinguish popinae  there are, nevertheless, certain establishments that appear to  f i t neatly into each category.  One of these, a popina (for detail see Kleberg,  36), has a small hearth for warming drinks just inside the entrance, a small adjoining room on one side to accommodate the porter (bstiarius) and nearby a large kitchen. Three rooms surround the central hall (atrium); two of these are dining rooms, and the third room, to judge from the nature of the paintings contained in i t , was possibly used for prostitution.  Small rooms at the back  of the building were perhaps occupied by the owner of the restaurant. (For the plan of this popina see E. Presuhn, Pompej.i, 2 [Leipzig 1882]  6.)  One of the best preserved tabernae in Pompeii is that which has been named the taberna Asellinae; i t is located on the Strada dell'Abbondanza.  In  the opening that faces the street is a stone-work counter into which are f i t ted four large clay urns (see Kleberg, 152, figure 2).  A small oven stands  at one end of the counter, and at the other end are remains of shelves (originally wooden) that held wine cups. along the inside wall of the counter.  Several wine amphoras have been found Traces of walls indicate that a drink-  ing room lay back of the front counter; in the north-west corner of the building  86  are remains of a few steps that led probably to the upper floor, the location of the owner's apartment.  A s t i l l larger type of taberna, located on the  Strada di Nola, i s also described i n detail by Kleberg, 38-39. Various hotels and taverns excavated at Pompeii are the subject of two articles by W. Jashemski; these are of particular interest in relation to the Copa. Her f i r s t study is entitled "A Pompeian Copa," (CJ 59 [1963] 337-349); here, the author describes a number of establishments, and gives particular emphasis to their gardens, which were important features of almost every hotel, restaurant and tavern in Pompeii, since outdoor eating and drinking were extremely popular.  This,naturally, is of interest to us, since the Syrian copa  spends .considerable time describing the garden of her taberna, offering i t as an enticement to passers-by.  Jashemski refers to the copa's tavern as a sta-  buium (344), on the basis of Copa 25-26 (where the hostess suggests that the traveller dismount and rest his donkey); this is not necessarily the case, however.  The emphasis in Copa 25-26 i s not on bringing the donkey to stable, but  rather on persuading the traveller to enter the tavern garden and to partake of refreshment.  And, of course, in Copa 3 we have direct reference to the  establishment as fumosa taberna. One of the hotels described by Jashemski i s that of A. Cossius Libanus (339-343).  The appearance of the hotel's garden, as the author describes i t  (341-342), we may imagine to be similar to that of the garden described in the Copa: "The garden, which could be seen through the large picture window of the tablinium [see 341, figure 6], beckoned invitingly to the customer the moment he stood before the street counter or entered the house.  Even the low-growing  flowers were clearly visible, for the level of the garden was three steps higher than the floor of the house. ... The garden was not large; the back part  87  was less than twenty by seventy feet, the north portion s t i l l smaller. Such a garden had l i t t l e room for trees or even large shrubs [the tavern garden in the Copa i s apparently larger than the one described here; in Copa 18-19 there is the suggestion that the garden contains trees producing fruit and nuts], but boxes along the edges of the garden were planted with flowers, and on the . back wall a painted garden seemed to extend the actual size of the garden. [This painting no longer exists, but we know what i t was like from a drawing made of i t at the time of excavation.  See 341-342, figures 6, 7 and 8.] ...  In the painted garden three fountains splashed merrily and behind a fence grew dense trees and shrubs. trees.  Birds drank from the fountains and flew amid the  The garden appeared to be viewed through the columns of a portico, sug-  gesting a continuation of the portico, on the opposite side.  Between the  painted columns were painted garlands, no doubt reminiscent of the actual garlands that were hung between the columns of the portico on festive occasions. [Compare Copa 13-14.] Birds flying through the sky at times came to rest on a garland.  The Pompeians were very fond of birds, and they were an important  part of every garden." Masonry t r i c l i n i a were set i n the garden for guests who wished to recline while drinking; cushions were placed on these for comfort, and a vine- covered t r e l l i s provided shade.  (We may compare Copa 6, 7-8, and  31-32: hie age pampinea fessus requiesce sub umbra et gravidum roseo necte caput strophio.) Jashemski's second article, "The Caupona of Euxinus at Pompeii,"  (Archaeology  20 [1967] 36-44) i s of interest also, particularly for i t s description and illustration of the service counter at the front of the building, a prominent feature of taberrtae (see 37; note also figures 2, 3 and 4), and for the infor-  88  mation i t presents on the inn's garden (42-43) and vineyard (40-42). To judge from the locations of popinae and tabernae in Pompeii (for det a i l see Kleberg, 49-52), i t is immediately apparent, and not particularly surprising, that such establishments were placed, for example, near hotels in the commercial centre of the city, near the city gates (to attract weary travellers as they arrived in the city), near theatres and amphitheatres, and near baths.  On the other hand, i f we may again judge by what we find at  Pompeii, tabernae were not located i n the areas surrounding temples and o f f i cial buildings, nor in the aristocratic sections of the city with their fashionable private houses.  The lower classes, i t seems, made the greatest use of  the hospitia, popinae and tabernae: "c'est d'abord et presque exclusivement pour la population simple et pauvre que des locaux de ce genre avaient de • 1'importance, et certainement une grande importance.  En ce qui concerne Pom-  pei, i l est fort vraisemblable que les conditions miserables d'habitation de cette couche de la population (leurs petites chambres louees ne leur donnaient guere l a possibilite d'avoir un fourneau pour chauffer l'eau et preparer l a nourriture) l'ont obligee a recourir dans une large mesure a ces establissements publics" (Kleberg, 53).  Hospitia, for example, were indispensable to  those travellers who, unlike the rich, were unable to bring along on their journeys slaves, tents and bountiful supplies of food and wine.  (For this  practice among the rich see L. Friedlander, Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms  10  [Stuttgart 1964] 345-346.)  Thus, the general bad reputation  of tabernae was due, in part, to the fact that they tended to be frequented by the lower classes.  Further, many of the establishments were brothels (see,  for example, CIL IX, 2689).  Tabernae and popinae were generally characterized  as smoky, smelly, greasy and noisy; for passages expressing this attitude,  89  note, for example, in addition to Copa 3 (fumosa taberna), Horace, Satires 2.4.62: quaecumque immundis fervent allata popinis, Epistles 1.14.21: fornix t i b i et uncta popina, Ausonius, Mosella 124: fervet fumosis olido nidore popinis. Sidonius Apollinaris' description of the inside of a "tavern-restaurant," although written late (fifth century A.D.), might well be taken as characteristic of what in earlier times many considered such a place to be like:  Epistles ne, s i destituor domo negata, maerens ad madidas earn tabernas et claudens geminas subinde nares propter fumificas gemam culinas, qua serpylliferis olet catinis bucas per geminas ruber botellus ollarum aut nebulae vapore iuncto fumant cum crepitantibus patellis. hie cum festa dies ciere ravos cantus coeperit et voluptuosam scurrarum querimoniam crepare, tunc, tunc carmina digniora vobis vinosi hospitis excitus Camena plus i l l i s ego barbarus susurrem.  Formerly not a l l editors and critics of the Copa agreed that the adjective in line 3 was fumosa, the reading found in MS M.  Such critics as R. E l l i s  (Appendix Vergiliana [Oxford 1907]) supported the alternate reading (famosa, indicating, perhaps, the tavern's reputation for having a seductive hostess, or for being a well-known brothel).  Now, however, editors tend to accept  90  fumosa, on the basis of the Graz fragment, which preserves ebria fum i n line 3.  This adjective f i t s neatly as a commonplace description of a taberna. For further information on tabernae see L. Friedlander, 343-359. See  also T. Kleberg's Bibliography, i x - x i , and his illustrations, 151-163, figures 1-21. 4  ad cubitum raucos excutiens calamos. This i s a d i f f i c u l t line.  At f i r s t glance, i t seems tempting to accept  the translation that is most usually given (by H.R. Fairclough in the Loeb edition, for example):  "Shaking against her elbow her noisy reeds."  There  i s , however, a problem with this translation: i s the reference to raucos calamos in fact to an instrument that can be "shaken" against the elbow?  If this i s  the case, then we must imagine calamos to indicate the type of instrument a l ready mentioned in Copa 2; calamos would then equal crotala an instrument which %  yields up a sound when i t is shaken, or, possibly, when i t i s banged against part of the body.  We must also determine i f the verb excutere i s regularly  used to describe the action involved i n playing an instrument such as the crotala. calamus:  from the Greek  HaAau.oc;  , l i t e r a l l y , "reed" or "cane." See  Pauly-.-Wissowa X 2, 1538-43 for the basic sense of the word, and for i t s various extended meanings. No passage can be cited to justify the claim that calamus can be used interchangeably with the word crotala;  there i s nothing  to justify an explanation of Copa 4 such as i s given by E.H. Blakeney, The Copa and the Moreturn (Winchester 1933) 7, who i s following the interpretation of Heyne-Wagner, Publius Vergiljus Maro, 4, 288 (Leipzig 1832); see Drabkin  96, n. 214: "she grasps the reeds in the middle, making the lower ends strike against her elbow."  Indeed, even i f crotala could be taken to equal calami,  there i s no evidence to show that the crotala were ever  played by being  banged against the arm or elbow. Wherever we find calami mentioned i n a musical context, i t appears that the intention of the writer i s to describe an instrument that i s played, not by shaking or banging, but rather by blowing, that i s , the description is of a pipe or flute.  See, for example, Vergil,  Eclogue 5.2: tucalamos inflare levls, ego dicere versus, Eclogue 2.32-34: Pan primum calamos cera coniungere pluris/ i n s t i t u i t , Pan curat ovis oviumque magistros,/ nec te paeniteat calamo trivisse labellum, Lucretius 5.1382-3: et zephyri, cava per calamorum, s i b i l a primum/ agrestis docuere cavas inflare cicutas, Catullus 63.22: tibicen ubi canit Phryx curvo grave calamo, and Lucretius 4.586-589: Pan/ pinea semiferi capitis velamina quassans/ unco saepe labrb calamos percurrit hiantis,/ fistula silvestrem ne cesset fundere musam. See also Vergil, Eclogue 5.48, Eclogue 1.10, and Propertius 3.17.34. In these passages calamus i s clearly used i n reference to fistula (see below, Copa 10); no examples can be found where calamus would indicate crotala. Study of the use made of the verb excutere yields no concrete answer to the question :- whether the verb regularly governs objects such as calamos. No examples of excutere used with a musical instrument are found.  (Vergil,  Georgics 4.64, provides an instance of the use of quatere with an instrument, however.) . The fact that i t i s possible to cite several examples of excutere used with parts of the body (Ovid, Metamorphoses 4.492, 5,596, Quintilian 11.3. 71, for instance) may indicate that i t would be more natural here to construe excutiens with cuMtum,rather than with raucbs calamos.  92  Thus, a more f i t t i n g translation for the line might be "shaking her elbow to the tune of the noisy reeds" ("reeds" being a reference to a flute), where excutiens governs cubiturn, and ad i s taken with raucos calamos (a suggestion f i r s t made by F. Leo). This gives better sense to the line.  There  is a similar expression in Propertius 4.1.24: pastor et ad calamos exta litabat bvis,  "to the sound of the reed pipes the shepherd made sacrifice  with the entrails of sheep." Ad_ can be given the meaning "to the tune of." See T.L.L. 527, 15-40.  "Shaking her elbow to the tune of the noisy reeds" is  grammatically possible, and yet i t creates i n the Latin a somewhat strained word-order.  The preposition ad becomes separated from the accusative i t i s  supposed to govern by another accusative noun . Stylistically this is undesirable.  (As A. Ernout [RPh. 1931, 363] notes: "l'auteur du poeme ecrit un  style a l a fois trop simple et trop aise pour imposer a. son lecteur le soin de separer ad de son appartenant naturel cubitum.").  Nevertheless, i t i s  possible to find passages where the preposition is similarly separated from the noun i t governs.  Note the examples cited by A.E. Housman, M. Manilii  Astronomicon Liber Primus (Cambridge 1937) 23: see, for instance, Vergil, Aeneid 2.278-9: vulneraque i l i a gerens, quae circum plurima muros/ accepit patrios, Propertius 3.4.18: et subter captos arma sedere duces. We are left with a d i f f i c u l t choice between two interpretations, one that violates the sense of the line, and attempts, unjustifiably, to make calamus equal crotala, and the other that necessitates awkwardness in word order. The best alternative is perhaps to retain the correct sense of calamus, and translate "to the tune of the noisy pipes."  93  Another possible interpretation for the line involves taking cubitus in the sense of "couch" or "bed" (a meaning given the word by, for instance, Pliny, Nat. Hist. 24.59), and translating "beckoning with her hollow-sounding flute toward the couch."  The hostess here, then, gestures with her flute in  indication of the pleasure that awaits the traveller, should he choose to enter the taberna. 5-6  quid iuvat aestivo defessum pulvere abesse quam pdtius bibulo decubuisse toro? abesse ... decubuisse:  Abesse used with the ablative is common; moreover,  abesse followed by the perfect infinitive decubuisse presents no serious problem.  It appears that decubuisse has, in effect, a present force; the idea of  having the guest remain on the couch to recline is stressed more than his motion of taking a seat. We may note that i t is possible to find, particularly in the work of the elegiac poets, many comparable passages where the present infinitive i s used along with the perfect infinitive.  For detailed discussion of this usage see  A.A. Howard, "On the Use of the Perfect Infinitive in Latin with the Force of the Present," HSCP 1 (1890) 111-138. He notes that the elegiac poets were often compelled to use the present and perfect infinitives without any distinction intended between the two, because of the need to avoid metrical problems (see 120, 129).  He further remarks, "As the a r t i f i c i a l character of the pen-  tameter admitted no substitutions in the last half of the verse, and required an iambic word at the end, there was developed a strong tendency in Latin to make the last half of the verse consist of two words, one pentasyllable and the other disyllabic." (120) Decubuisse toro conforms to this metrical technique.  94  Howard gives various examples of passages (where iuvat is used) that have a construction similar to Copa 5-6: Ovid, Heroides 4.87-88: quid iuvat incinctae studia exercere Diariae,/ et Veneri numeros eripuisse suos? Tibullus 1.1.45-46: quam iuvat immites ventos audire cubantem/ et dominam tenero detinuisse sinu,  1.1.73-74: nunc levis est tractanda Venus, dum frangere postes/  non pudet et rixas conseruisse iuvat.  For additional examples, see 129-130.  Accordingly, i t is not necessary to substitute abisse (K. Ilgen, M. Haupt, E.J. Kenney) for abesse (the consensus). For further discussion of the question see Drabkin, 32-33. bibulo toro:  Torus has, upon occasion, been assigned not the usual mean-  ing of "couch," "bench" or "bed," but has been taken rather as a reference to a grassy area; the grass i s described as bibulus supposedly because of the moisture i t receives, perhaps from the stream mentioned in Copa 12.  See H.R.  Fairclough, for example, who translates "recline on the thirsty couch of grass"; he cites as a comparable expression Vergil, Aeneid 5.388: viridante toro consederat herbae.  There are other similar passages which may be cited; see,  for example, Ovid, Metamorphoses 10.556: dat torum caespes, Fasti 1.402: gramine vestitis accubuere toris.  In each of these passages torus clearly refers to a  grassy spot, since in each instance the meaning is made precise by a word that indicates grass, herba, caespes and gramen. Copa 6, however, contains no such explanatory word, and hence the line is not s t r i c t l y comparable with the examples cited.  It appears more reasonable to assign to torus i t s expected mean-  ing, "couch."  The presence of benches in tavern gardens was quite customary  (for evidence see W.F. Jashemski, CJ 59 [1963] 346); thus, i t is to be expected that the hostess mentions the torus in her effort to entice weary travellers to stop  and rest.  In the setting of a kalyba (Copa 7), protected from the  95  heat and dust of the road, the guest is invited to recline on a couch and enjoy a drink. If, then, torus is interpreted simply as "couch,", we may apply a more figurative meaning to bibulus. An obvious way for the couch to be "wet" is for i t to have been frequently sprinkled with wine from the cup of the reclining guest.  See F. Leo, 115, who thus interprets: bibulo: qui vino con-  spergi soleat.  For a similar expression compare Ovid, Ars Amatoria 1.233:  vinaque cum bibulas sparsere Cupidiriis alas. Bibulus may more convincingly be viewed as a transferred epithet, a description properly belonging to the thirsty drinker, but artfully applied i n stead to the couch.  (See, for example, J. Scaliger, Publii Vergilii Maronis  Appendix cum Supplemerito Multorum Antehac Numquam Excussorum Poematium Veterum Poetarum [Lyons 1573] : bibulo: in quo multurn biberetur.)  For bibulus as a  transferred epithet see also Drabkin, 98 n.223. It is more appealing to view bibulus torus as a "drinking-couch" than a moist area of grass. (Drabkin agrees, noting somewhat  humorously,"if torus  refers to grass, the hostess is inviting the traveller to a most uncomfortable seat."p82).  This view also presents an image more in keeping with the picture  we find i n Copa 29-30, where we may well imagine the guest reCubans bibulo toro in the garden bower. 7.  sunt topia et kalybae, cyathi, rosa, t i b i a , chordae , This enumeration of elements may appear somewhat unpoetic, and yet in the  framework of the poem i t is not out of place.  The hostess i s here introducing  the guest to the taberna; as advertisement for the inn, she attempts to mention as many as possible of the attractions to be found there.  The simple listing  of elements (with no accompanying description of each object) seems to have  96  been popular with early writers; see the examples cited by Drabkin (29), who quotes from Plautus, Ennius, Lucretius and Catullus.  The device is infre-  quently used in literature of the Augustan period, but occasionally employed in later poetry: note Martial 1.115.3, 5; Juvenal 1.85, 3.76-77. We may note that verse-length asyndeta can be found also in certain of the epigrams of the Greek Anthology: y,upa, Kira  compare AP 9.409.3:  6e 6et7cvc5v  ;  T|  TteuHai,  KCDU-OI,  arecpavoi,  note also AP 6.29.3-4, 11.6.2.  topia et kalybae (a hapax legomenon several emendations for these unusual words.  ):  Scholars have proposed  Of l i t t l e likelihood i s the con-  jecture of N. Heinsius, P. V i r g i l i i Maronis Opera (Amsterdam 1671), who reads, instead of topia et kalybae, bbba et calices.  We should note that obba bears  l i t t l e resemblance in form to any of the MSS readings, and calices i s the reading offered by a few late and unreliable MSS.  For kalybae,  R. E l l i s , in  "Further Notes on the Cifis and Other Poems of the Appendix Vergiliana," AJPh 8 (1887) 406-407, prefers to read kelebes, from the Greek "cups" or "jars."  KEAEBCU  ,  He argues that kelebes, "cups," is a more suitable word to  find together with the preceding noun, which he reads as scaphia, "drinking bowls."  Scaphia, E l l i s states, is the word "lurking under" thephia, a variant  reading found i n a Vatican codex of the thirteenth century for topia, the reading of the better MSS, G, S, B, E, W, m. Topia, in E l l i s ' opinion, is "out of place" in the line: "As a combination, paintings of ornamental garden scenes ( i f this is the meaning of topia) accord rather oddly with cups and drinking vessels (407)." Of the various suggestions, that of von Reichenbach (1884) (who is f o l lowed by Vollmer, Fairclough and Drabkin), kalybae from the Greek appears most likely.  naAuBat  If this is the correct reading, i t would certainly accord  97  very well with topia: "there are ornamental gardens (topia) and bowers (kalybae)."  For further explanation of kalybae see below, Copa 25, for  calybita. cyathi:  The word i s most commonly used to indicate a ladle (a small  round bowl with a long handle attached) with which one could transfer wine from the crater to the drinking-cups (cf. simpulum, trulla). occasionally used to indicate a unit of measure.  It is also  TLL (4.1581-82) unjusti-  fiably claims that the cyathus can also refer to a vasculum pbtorium. The ladle was usually made of bronze, but sometimes of ivory or precious metal: for illustration see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 1, 1676-1677, figures 2236, 2237, 2238, 2239. tibia:  ctuXoc;  , a "pipe" (although the translation "flute" is often  used, this is imprecise, since the flute contains.- no vibrating reeds in the mouthpiece).  The tibia  is a type of wind instrument (possibly of Phrygian  or Lydian origin), similar to the modem oboe or clarinet. For a f u l l description see Dictionnaire des 'Antiquites, Tome 5, 300-332. the fistula ( auptyc;  ) in that the stem  two pliable vibrator reeds  sound.  in turn cause  is cylindrical, and  ds pierced at intervals with holes.  One or  are placed in the mouthpiece (see Dictionnaire des  Antiquites, Tome .5, 306-307); these quiver and they  from  is open at the end rather than closed.  (For fistula, see below, Copa 10.) . The stem of the pipe made from reed, wood or ivory; i t  It differs  :  when air  is forced against them,  the column of air in the pipe to vibrate, producing  Different notes result  when the holes in the stem , are covered or  uncovered by the fingers of the player.  98  To obtain melody and drone, the tibiae The tone of one pipe can  are most often played i n pairs.  be made to differ from that of the other: the sound  produced by each depends on the number of holes pierced in the stem (in the early  form of the tibia there  are generally not more than three or four  holes), their spacing and the length of the pipe. In later times the ctuAoi  became most elaborate, and many varieties  were made. See Dictibhriaire des Antiquites, Tome 5, 309-313; for representations of the instrument, figures 6943 (Silenus with a double  auAocj  ) 6945, 5  6946, 6948, 6951, 6952, 6958 chordae:  l i t e r a l l y , "catgut" or "sinew," but here a general reference to  stringed instruments (the cithara or lyre, for example).  See TLL 3.1018. For  similar usage, compare Lucretius 4.584: chordarumque sonbs f i e r i dulcisque querellas,  4.981: et citharae liquidum carmen chordasque loquentis, Horace,  Odes 4.9.4: verba loquor sbcianda chordis. 8 et t r i c l i a umbrosis frigida harundinibus:  "and an arbour, cooled by shade-  giving rushes." t r i c l i a : an unusual word, with the general sense of "bower" or "arbour." It appears elsewhere in this form in inscriptions: see CIL VI, 15593, CIL VI, 29394, CIL VI, 29958. Two other variants of the word, t r i c l a and triclea, are also rare, and similarly appear only in inscriptions before the Mediaeval period. (For t r i c l a see CELVI, 4305, for triclea, CIL VI, 29959.)  These three words  are contracted forms of the more common noun t r i c h i l a , which occurs in Caesar, De Bellb C i v i l i 3.96 A: in castris Pompoi videre l i c u i t trichilas structas, and Columella, De Re Rustica 10.378: turn modo dependens t r i c h i l i s , 10.394: at qui sub t r i c h i l a manantem repit ad undam.  (See also CIL VI, 10237.)  99 For the meaning of t r i c l i a compare "kalyba" and "pergula."  G. Lafaye  (Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 5, 439) suggests that whereas the pergula is a walkway, shaded over by vines for the protection of those who  stroll  along i t , the t r i c h i l a (triclia) is a smaller, tent-like structure, fashioned to give shade to those seated within.  It is made from screens of woven rushes  (umbrosis harundinibus), or from wooden lattice-work, sheltered by climbing plants or vines.  Inside are placed benches and a table.  umbrosis harundinibus:  "shade-giving reeds or rushes."  Compare Vergil,  Aeneid 8.34: et criries umbrosa tegebat harundo. 9-10  En et Maenalio quae garrit dulce sub aritro rustica pastoris fistula more sonat. The image of Copa 9-10  (and the vocabulary with which i t is presented)  is not unique in ancient literature.  It is derived, in great part, from the  pastoral poetry of Theocritus, Moschus and Bion; i t is found also in the Eclogues of Vergil.  The lines do not appear entirely at home i n the description  of the enticements to be found in the taberna.  Lines 1-4 have presented the  copa, and the music to which she dances; line 5 begins her appeal to the passers-by.  Lines 9-10 seem to transport us momentarily outside the taberna, and  carry us to the countryside, which is f i l l e d with the soft music of the shepherd's pipe.  The mood created by the copa's description of her inn is thus broken,  and a different mood temporarily, and somewhat awkwardly, takes hold of us. Nevertheless, the couplet is rather cleverly composed, since i t is able, by means of only a few words, to conjure up for us a well-known scene in the pastoral world, the shepherd seated in a shady grotto, alleviating his melancholy by the gentle music of his flute.  100  Maenalib sub aritro: Arcadia, the land which provides the setting for much pastoral poetry, contains mountains known as the Maenalian range. The Maenalian grotto is the favourite haunt of the god Pan, inventor of the cTUpiyc;  . Allusion to Maenalus is found in Theocritus (see 1.123-130), in  Vergil's Eclogue 8.21-24; incipe Maenalios mecum, mea t i b i a , versus. Maenalus argutumque nemus pinosque loquentis semper habet, semper pastorum i l l e audit amores, Panaque, qui primus calamos non passus inertis, and Georgic 1.17-18: Pan, ovium custos, tua s i t i b i Maenala curae, adsis, o Tegeaee, favens. garrit:  "chatters," "prattles."  The use of this verb here to describe  the sound made by the shepherd's pipe i s imaginative and most effective. "And see how the pipe sweetly prattles i n the Maenalian grotto." The verb garrire does not regularly appear i n Augustan poetry; in addition to i t s occurrence here, i t is used in Augustan poetry only twice elsewhere:  Horace, Satires 1.9.  13 and 2.6.77. Garrulus, the adjective formed from the verb, is twice applied by Tibullus to musical instruments: 2.5.30: garrula silvestri fistula sacra deo and 3.4.38: pendebat laeva garrula parte lyra. rustica fistula: "pipe", "tube," "reed" or "cane." The word has many connotations; i t s central meaning i s "water-pipe."  For this, see Dictionnaire  des Antiquite's, Tome 2, 1146-1149. From this basic sense of the word other meanings are derived.  For these see Lewis and Short, 754. As a musical i n -  strument, fistula is the name given to a pipe or flute made from reeds, such as is described in Tibullus 2.5.30-32:  101  garrula s i l v e s t r i fistula sacra deo fistula cui semper decrescit harundinis ordo nam calamus cera iungitur usque minor. Fistula is the equivalent of the Greek aupiyc;  , the "reed pipe" that is  said to have been invented by Pan: see Ovid, Metamorphoses 1.689ff; in particular, note 705-712: Panaque cum prensam sibi iam Syringa putaret, corpore pro nymphae calamos tenuisse palustres, dumque i b i suspirat, motos in harundine ventos effecisse sonum tenuem similemque querenti. arte nova vocisque deum dulcedine captum "hoc mihi concilium tecum" dixisse "manebit," atque i t a disparibus calamis conpagine cerae interse iunctis nomen tenuisse puellae. See also Vergil, Eclogue 2.32-33: Pan primus calamos cera coniungere pluris i n s t i t u i t , Pan curat ovis oviumque magistros. In addition, note Servius on Vergil, Eclogue 2.32-33, and Lucretius 4.586-589. As well as Pan, other divinities or demi-gods are mentioned in connection with the C u p i y ^  , notably Hermes (Ovid, Metamorphoses 1.683-4, 714; the god l u l l s  Argus to sleep by the music of the pipes), Apollo (Ovid, Metamorphoses 2.681-2: onusque fuit baculum silvestre sinistrae/ alterius dispar septenis fistula cannis), the Cyclops Polyphemus (Ovid, Metamorphoses 13.784: sumptaque harundinibus  con-  pacta est fistula centum), the Graces (Plutarch, De Musica 14: ...  ev  Tfj dpicrrepqc x a p i r a q ,  e'xoucav  TCDV  rrjq  U.OUO-IHT}<;  opyavoov EK<IOTT[V  TI  6e  102  r\ p e v ydp Xupav n p a r e T , r\ be auXouq, f\ b'  E V p-ecrap npoayteip,e'vnv  e'xet T $ CTopari erupt Y Y ) « a  There are two general types of wind instruments, those termed fistulae (  o*uptYY 3  ) and those termed tibiae ( auXot  E(  ).  For a description  of the tibiae see above, Copa 7; see also Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 5, 300-332. A description of the fistula i s given by Pollux (second century A.D.) i n h i s Onomasticon (ed. E . Bethe, Teubner, 1900) IV, 69: TJ \xev ouv 0upiY^ KaXap,u)v auvOnnn XtVcp nai nnp$ auv6e6eTaa, ff Y ' auToax ' e  olo<  i>  p-mpov UTroXnYovTeq naxa  u,ev  TO.  auXot nokXoi,  eic; T O V eXaxicfTov ano  crTop-aTa  TODV  auXoav aniacaxxevoi,  U7r' aXXiiXoiq 6 i ' dvtcroTnTa T O cx^ct  EHacfToc; ucp' enaor^  UCPECTTTIKOTEC;,  TOU  Hard  IIEYI'CTTOU,  en 6e OaTepou p,epou<j d>q opvtOoc; n-TepUYi  npoaeoixevai.  Reeds, each one slightly longer than the one preceding, are placed side by side and joined by means of wax and thread.  At the "mouth" o f the instru-  ment, the reeds are open and positioned level to each other; here the player places h i s lips, and blows, not directly into the pipe, but rather at an angle against the sides o f the reeds.  Their outer casings are thus  made to vibrate, and they i n turn vibrate the columns of a i r inside, producing a sound.  At the bottom end, the reeds are plugged with wax (Aris-  totle, Problemata 19.23),  See Dictionnaire des Antiquite's, Tome 4, 1596,  figure 6702, for illustration o f various types o f fistulae." i s preferred for making the fistula i s the Greek  The reed that  0uptYY*'ctc;  , a reed  103 that is very hollow, containing hardly any pulp or fibre (see Theophrastus, The Natural History of Plants  , 4.2.10). Occasionally, instead of reeds,  stalks of hemlock are used for the pipe (see Lucretius 5.1382^3).  Since  the fistula i s made from reed, i t i s often referred to by such names as calamus (Copa 4, Ovid, Metamorphoses 1.711), arundo (Vergil, Eclogue 6.8), canna (Ovid, Metamorphoses 11.171).  In addition to the wax used to hold  the reeds together, some type of flax or reed fibre is also bound around the reeds, sometimes only one or two strands are used, sometimes more. Occasionally the instrument is covered in a linen casing, with only the ends of the reeds left sticking out (see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, figure 6702).  The number of reeds used in a pipe varies; most frequently seven or  eight are used.  (See, for example, Vergil, Eclogue 2.37-38, Ovid, Metamor-  phoses 13.784, Polyphemus has a pipe of one hundred reeds*)  For further  detail, and for a description of the more elaborate fistulae made of ivory and brass, see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 4, 1597-1600. The shepherd's flute, and i t s sweet music, are conventions in pastoral poetry.  The flute appears in the poems of Theocritus, in 1.1-3, for ex-  ample : *A6u  TI  TO  tyiOupiaym  nai d  TTI'TUC;  TaTq n'aYaTo'i xxekiaberai,  a iron  a i 7 t o X e Tiyva  abv  be  cupiabec; • p,£Ta Ilava T O Seurepov aOXov  nai T U ditoiaxi.  In Theocritus 1.128-130 the shepherd Daphnis bequeaths his pipe to his patron god Pan: evQ*, oivai;,  xai rdvbe  en HTipa) avpiyya r\ yap  xaAav  cpe'peu 7ranToTo peAiVrvouv 7rept  eyouv urr' eparroc; ecj  xe^Aoc; sXiHTav*  "AI6OCJ  eXnopai TI6rj.  104 In Vergil's Eclogues the flute provides shepherds with the means either to alleviate or augment the pain brought to them by unhappy love affairs (Eclogue 2.1-5; 10.50-54); i t gives idle rustics the opportunity to speed the passage of long hours: shepherds spend considerable time challenging each other to friendly contests at pipe-playing and singing (Eclogue  3.21-  22, 52-59; 5.1-15; 7.18-20). With the flute, shepherds are able to honour Pan, and charm the Muses into granting favours and inspiration (Eclogue 1.1-2; 6.8; 10.70-74). more: There are here two possible readings to describe the manner in which the flute is played: more, found in M, and in ore, given by S, F and L.  In ore (which is accepted in the editions of H.R.  Fairclough and R.  Giomini, for example) gives the reader a perhaps too specific impression of the actual presence of a shepherd on the scene: "the pastoral pipe sounds in the shepherd's mouth." The alternate reading more is to be preferred, since i t contributes to the pastoral atmosphere by making general reference to the rustic sound of the pipe: "the pastoral pipe sounds in the rustic fashion of the shepherd."  Scholars have suggested various emendations for  the word: note, for example, ab ore (E. Baehrens): "the pastoral pipe sounds from the mouth of the shepherd" (this differs l i t t l e from in ore), and molle (G. Wakefield): "the shepherd's rustic pipe sounds forth i t s soft tones."  11  est et vappa cado nuper defusa picato. vappa: a colloquial word, which means, l i t e r a l l y , f l a t or insipid  wine. Note Pliny's description (Nat. Hist. 14.125): Vitium musto, quibusdam in locis, iterum sponte fervere: qua calamitate, cum deferbuit, deperit  105  sapor, vappaeque accipit nomen, probrosum etiam hominum, cum degeneravit animus.  See also C. Seltman, Wine in the Ancient World (London 1957) 152:  vappa is here described as improperly preserved wine that has turned to vinegar.  When the wine is exposed to air, the acidity disappears, leaving  a tasteless, insipid liquid.  Vappa, meaning flat wine, is used by Horace  (Satires 2.3.145-144: 1.5.16, for example) and by Martial (12.48.14). (As the above passage from Pliny shows, vappa may also be used figuratively, to indicate worthless men.  The word with this sense is found, for instance,  in Horace, Satires 1.1.104: vappam iubeo ac nebulonem. Catullus 28.4-5: satisne cum isto/vappa frigoraque et famem tulistis? and Priapea 14: nos vappae sumus, et pusilla c u l t i / ruris numina.) cado nuper defusa picato:  there is obvious humour here: since the  wine is already tasteless, i t matters l i t t l e that i t has just been poured from the jar. 12  et strepitans rauco murmure rivus aquae:  "and a water-stream sounding  noisily with a hoarse murmur." Et strepitans is the consensus of the MSS.  Strepito is used only once  in Vergil (Georgics 1.413: corvi inter se in f o l i i s strepitant), but not to describe the sound of water.  Certain editors (E.J. Kenney, for example)  prefer est crepitans, the reading of some late and inferior MSS: "there i s a water-stream chattering with a hoarse murmur." This affords a striking reminiscence of the sound produced by the castanets (Copa 2), since crepito is used to describe a rattling, clattering sound.  (The phrase rauco murmure  recalls the hoarse sound of the flute [Copa 4: raucos excutiens calamos].) We may note that crepito is used to describe the sound of water in Vergil,  106  Aeneid 11.299: vicinaeque fremunt ripae crepitantibus undis.  Here in Copa  12 i t may seem more appropriate than strepito (which evokes a harsher, more unpleasant sound) to describe the chattering sound of a running stream. Nevertheless, strepitans is the reading of the better MSS  (including the  Graz fragment), and is not totally inappropriate. 13-16  sunt etiam croceo violae de flore corollae sertaque purpurea lutea mixta rosa et quae virgineo libata Achelois ab amne l i l i a vimineis attulit in calathis. The rustic, as he reclines in the shade of a tree, conventionally  looks out upon a serene and luxuriant landscape.  Beautiful and delicately  coloured flowers are a traditional part of the i d y l l i c pastoral scene.  (We  may note, for example, Lucretius 2.31-33: non magnis opibus iucunde corpora curant, praesertim cum tempestas adridet et anni tempora conspergunt viridantis floribus herbas, and Culex 87-88: i l l e colit lucos, i l l i Panchaia tura floribus agrestes herbae variantibus addunt.) The listing of flowers in lines 13-16 serves to enhance the pastoral mood created by the preceding lines; the poet has there attempted to present a complete picture of the rustic scene by appealing to our senses: we have heard the sweet melody of the shepherd's pipe, the murmur of the stream, we have felt the coolness of the shade i n the grotto and tasted the refreshing wine.  The poet now adds the visual image of the coloured flowers. The pastoral atmosphere that the hostess creates by her description  is enchanting, and i t erases, for the moment, the setting of the taberna.  107  The enticement is doubtless great for the traveller, since no particular exertion is required of him.  A l l the gifts of nature have been assembled  for him, and there is also present a certain alluring element of phantasy, for the l i l i e s have been brought by a water nymph. 13  sunt etiam croceo violae de-.f lore corollae: l i t e r a l l y "there are, also,  garlands made from the yellow blossoms of the violet." croceus: this adjective may designate a golden-yellow,  orange-yellow  or red-orange colour, and i t is variously used, to describe flowers, hair or the colours of the dawn, for instance.  For discussion and examples of the  use of the adjective see J. Andre', Les Termes de Couleur dans l a Langue Latine (Paris 1949) 153-155. On the ground- that this line should parallel Copa 14, and name .."two types of flowers instead of one, F. Leo suggests et cum croceo rather than the MSS reading etiam croceo: "there are chaplets of violets mixed with yellow flowers." E. Courtney ("Notes on the Appendix Vergiliana," Phoenix [1967] 48-49) agrees with Leo that the line should be emended to refer to two types of flowers.  He suggests that i t is perhaps appropriate to take croceus not  simply as a colour-term, but rather as a reference to the flower crocus; this will then give a colour-contrast between the "yellow" crocus and the violets (which are likely to be dark in colour; cf. Vergil, Eclogue 10.39: et nigrae violae sunt et vaccinia nigra. Vergil, Georgics 4.275: violae sublucet purpura nigrae), a contrast similar to that in the following line, where the yellow of the blossoms in the garland i s set against the dark-red of the roses.  In his emendation Courtney does not follow Leo.  He retains  108  etiam (because of the variety i t offers from the beginnings of lines 9 [en et], 17 and 21 [sunt et]), and instead suggests emending the line to read sunt etiam croceo violares flore corollae:  "-s_ was lost before _-,  violare easily became violae, and de was interpolated for metre." This suggestion is possible; Courtney admits, however, that i t does present a problem: the adjective violaris is attested only in an inscription, CIL. 6.10234.15. Emendation is not really necessary here; we should not expect the poet at every opportunity to balance one element with another.  Balance  appears to be given the two lines through the idea of the garlands: corollae is placed at the end of line 13, and serta at the beginning of the next line.  Indeed, since there is a striking colour-contrast in line 14  (purpurea placed beside lutea, in the centre of the line), i t is almost more appealing to have a softer image of colour (that of yellow violets) in the preceding line. Even as the line stands, i t i s possible that there i s s t i l l , as in line 14, a sort of dual colour image. While the basic description remains that of garlands made from yellow violets, there is also an implied colourcontrast underlying the words croceo and violae.  To us, as Courtney notes,  "croceo" may suggest the crocus flower, and the colour we perhaps most usually associate with i t is yellow (although the flower can also be white or purple).  Similarly, we tend to view the violet as purple.  Thus, the effect  of contrasting colour that Courtney wishes to emphasize may be conveyed to us, without recourse to emendation. 14  sertaque purpurea lutea mixta rosa. purpurea rosa: purpureus does not simply suggest the colour "purple" ;  109  according to the circumstance of i t s use, the adjective may indicate various nuances of colour.  There are several Latin words for "purple"; purpura  murex, ostrum, conchylium;  these terms originally designated various types  of shell-fish from which the purple dye could be extracted.  The shade of  the dye naturally varies with the substance from which i t is derived, and hence various shades are produced; purple with a predominately red tone (purpureus rubor), violet-purple (amethystimus, hyacinthinus, violaceus; this colour may be further divided, according to nuance, into black-violet, l i l a c - v i o l e t , or pink-violet; for examples see Andre, 95-96) or brown-purple (purpurea fusca).  Purpureus, then, may quite naturally reflect any of these  varying colour nuances; the Roman's understanding of the precise colour suggested by the adjective should depend upon the context in which i t appears. Also of importance in connection with the term purpureus is the sheen or shimmer radiated by various tones of the colour.  Thus, words such as  fulgere (Vergil, Aeneid 9.614: fulgenti murice), effulgere (Aeneid 5.133: effulgent ostroque decora), perlucidus (Martial 12.38.3), nitere (Ovid, Metamorphoses 10.211), radiare (Apuleius, Florida 3.11) and splendidus (Ovid, Metamorphoses 8.8) are often associated with purple. The phrase purpurea rosa doubtless emphasizes the red rather than the violet or brown tone of the purple: "dark-red" roses; this seems to be a favourite epithet for this flower (note also Culex 299: et rosa purpureum crescent pudibunda ruborem, Horace, Odes 5.15.15: flos purpureus rosae). luteus:  a derivative of lutum, the name for a plant whose juice could  be used to produce various shades of yellow (note Vergil, Eclogue 4.44: croceo mutabit vellera luto).  iam  Luteus can indicate, as can purpureus, various  shades of colour; these are principally two: "orange-yellow" and "pure  110 yellow."  There are several different tones of "orange"; these usually in-  volve red (see the examples cited by Andre, 152).  The "pure yellow" sig-  nificance of luteus appears more frequently, and often indicates a pale yellow (see, for example, Horace, Epodes 10.16, Ovid, Metamorphoses 15.351). For a f u l l discussion of the adjective see Andre', 151-153.  Luteus is often  applied to flowers; note, for example, in addition to Copa 14, Columella 9.4.4, Priapea 85.12, Catullus 61.188, Pliny 21.27, 131. The contrast here between purpurea and lutea is striking. contrast is a favourite device of Latin writers.  Colour-  See Andre, 346-350, for  a detailed survey of the many passages where colour contrast appears. Note Vergil, Eclogue 4.43-44 for the contrast of "yellow" and "purple": ipse sed in pratis aries iam suave rubenti murice, iam croceo mutabit vellera luto. For passages describing contrasting shades of flowers note also Vergil, Aeneid 12.68-69, Propertius 1.20.38, Ovid, Metamorphoses 3.509. 15-16  et quae virgineo libata Achelois ab amne l i l i a vimineis attulit in calathis. Compare Vergil, Eclogue 2.45-46: hue ades, o formose puer: t i b i l i l i a plenis ecce ferunt Nymphae calathis, t i b i Candida Nais,  Propertius 3.13.29-30: nunc violas tondere manu, nunc mixta referre l i l i a virgineos lucida per calathos and Propertius 4.425: saepe tulit blandis argentea l i l i a Nymphis.  Ill The similarity of the passages from Vergil and Propertius to lines 15 and 16 has led some critics to suppose that the Copa was written in imitation of those poets.  For a discussion of the problem see above, Chapter 2, 24-26 .  virgineo ab amne: a possible interpretation for this phrase i s "from the stream where the Nymphs (virgines) dwell."  More probably, however, as  Drew suggests ("Copa II," 41), virgineo here equals  axTipaTOc;  : "from  the pure stream." Achelois: water-nymph. Parthenope.  "daughter of Achelous"; here, a general reference to a  Achelous was the father of the Sirens, Ligeia, Leucosia and Parthenope was worshipped in Naples, and gave her name to the  city, upon her burial there.  See Silius Italicus 12.33-34:  Sirenum dedit una suum, memorabile, nomen Parthenope muris Acheloias. Hence, we may have here a subtle reference to the location of the poem. 17.  sunt et caseoli, quos iuncea fiscina siccat. This i s a pastoral line; cheese-making is a popular rustic occupation.  The line is notable for its repetition of "s" and "c" sounds.  Their harsh  sound serves to emphasize the sudden return to reality here; the reader has been captivated by the mythical image in the preceding lines of the nymph gathering l i l i e s , and now the scene reverts abruptly to the taberna. That the cheeses are hung, s t i l l in the process of drying, in the place where the guests congregate, may well indicate that the taberna is a simple, rather unsophisticated establishment. caseolus: tle cheese."  a hapax legomenon,  diminutive of caseus, meaning "a l i t -  112 fiscina: described)  derivative of fiscus, a small basket, generally (as here  made from rushes (iuncea fiscina), but formed also upon occa-  sion from twigs or broom (cf. f i s c e l l a , calathus).  For a fuller description  see Dictionnaire des Antiquite's, Tome 2, 1141-1142. The baskets are used for various purposes, to hold grain, for example, or fruit or wine (for the latter purpose they are coated in pitch; see Columella, De Re Rustica  12.18).  Fiscinae are also employed in the process of cheese-making, as here mentioned. In this regard see Homer Odyssey 9.246-247: auTiKa 6* qp.io'u p,ev ©petyac; AeunoTo YaAaxTOc; ev TaXapoicriv du.n0au.evoc; Hare'ennev,  nkenroic,  Tibullus 2.3.15-16: tunc f i s c e l l a levi detexta est vimine iunci, raraque per nexus est via facta sero, Ovid, Fasti 4.769-770: ubera plena premam, referat mihi caseus aera, dentque viam liquido vimina rara sero. For a detailed discussion of the process of cheese-making see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 1, 931-933.  In this process the wicker baskets are  used to contain curdled milk (various techniques are used to accomplish this, the addition of vinegar or pepper, for example; see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 1, 932); the weave of the wicker containers allows the whey (serum) to run off, draining the curdled milk, which hence solidifies and dries, forming cheese. Note that Copa 17 is quoted by Mico (ninth century) and attributed by him to Vergil.  See above, Chapter 2,3t.  113 18  sunt autumnali cerea prima die. The reference here to an autumn fruit in a summer setting should  cause no difficulty.  The hostess is attempting to entice the traveller into  her inn by overwhelming him with a description of the abundance of delicious fruits available there.  She quite naturally exaggerates, and mentions au-  tumn, as well as summer, fruits.  This reference to the fruits of one sea-  son along with those of another season i s a not uncommon literary conceit: see also, for example, Propertius 4.2.15-16: hie dulces cerasos, hie autumnalia pruna cernis et aestivo mora rubere die. (Theocritus 11.56-59 contains an amusing parody of this type of conceit: the Cyclops tells Galatea that he is unable to bring her snowdrops and poppies together, because one grows i n winter and the other in summer: a i \ir\  TO  axo\%a  Aflcj, ecpepov be  TOI  r\  Hpi'va AeuKa  f| pxtHcov' drraAav epuOpd 7tAaTaYcovi' e'xotcrav. aXKa  ra  ajar'  OUH  p,ev  av  Qepeoq, TOI  ra  be  yivexai  Taura cpepeiv a\ia  ev  xetP^vi,  eSuvaenv.)  navr'  It is possible, however, that the poet's reference to autumn fruit here may be simply due to the influence of Theocritus 7.143: navr'  cDo'Sev ©e'peoc; \xaka  niovo^,  oxybe  b'  O7roopacj.  On the resemblance of Copa 18 to Propertius 4.2.15 (and on K. Biichner's theory of interpolation) see above, Chapter 3, 42-44. cerea pruna: MT  )P 3 oc  "waxen" or "wax-coloured" plums (cereus, from the Greek  , p run urn from  7rpoupwov  ).  This phrase appears also in Vergil,  Eclogue 2.53: addam cerea pruna: honos erit huic quoque pomo. For the "waxcoloured" or "yellow" plums compare Ovid, Metamorphoses 13.817-18:  114  prunaque non soluran nigro liventla suco verum etiam generosa novasque imitantia ceras. Note also Columella 10.404: Armeniisque et cereolis prunisque Damasci. 19  castaneaeque nuces et suave rubentia mala. castaneae nuces: "chestnuts, ' usually designated by the noun castaneae 1  alone: see, for example, Vergil, Eclogue 1.81: castaneae molles et pressi copia lactis, and Eclogue 7.53: stant et iuniperi et castaneae hirsutae. The phrase castaneae nuces also appears in Vergil, in Eclogue 2.52: castaneasque nuces, mea quas Amaryllis amabat. Note, in addition, Ovid, Ars Amatoria 2.267-268: Adferat aut uvas, aut quas Amaryllis amabat At nunc castaneas non amat i l i a nuces. suave rubentia mala: "sweetly blushing apples." Apples are often described as red: note, for instance, Horace, Satires 2.8.31: me docuit melimela rubere, Tibullus 3.4.34: et autumno Candida mala rubent.  In the  Copa, the phrase has perhaps been suggested to the poet by Theocritus 7.117: 2> P X L X O i o * i v "Epoarecj EpeuOop-evoiCTiv 6p,oToi. For similar wording, compare Vergil, Eclogue 3.63: suave rubens hyacinthus, Vergil, Eclogue 4.43-44: suave rubenti/murice, Priapea 5.13-14: suave olentia mala/uva pampinea rubens educata sub umbra. 20  est hie munda Ceres, est Amor, est Bromius. This is a grave and pompous line, spoken by the hostess perhaps to  elevate the tone of her appeal to the traveller: the effect of her grandiloquence i s t\humo;rous, and doubtless intentionally so.  115  munda Ceres:  If "Ceres" is here a reference to the goddess herself,  munda may then have i t s customary meaning, "elegant" or "neat"; "elegant (elegantly robed) Ceres" (a phrase perhaps inspired, as Drabkin [22] sugEunenkqi  gests, by a somewhat similar expression in Theocritus 7.32: AapxxTepi  , "to fair-robed Demeter").  If, however, we take "Ceres" as  a reference to "bread" or "corn-meal," the adjective may also be quite appropriate: "purified" or "fine" (i.e. not coarse) corn-meal.  As regards  this interpretation, note particularly Moretum 42-43: subsidit sincera foraminibusque liquatur/ emundata Ceres.  See also Columella 1.23: quod et  celeriter frumenta deteruntur, non cedente solo pulsibus ungularum tribularumque, et eadem eventilata mundiora sunt lapillisque carent et glaebulis. est Amor:  a reference to the erotic pleasures already hinted at  in lines 2 and 3, and to be alluded to again in lines 23, 24 and 33. 21  sunt et mora cruenta et lentis uva racemis. mora cruenta: "blood-red" mulberries, a very bright colour image.  For "red" mulberries compare Vergil, Eclogue 6.22: sanguineis frontem moris et tempora pingit, Propertius 4.2.15-16: hie autumnalia pruna/ cernis et aestivo mora rubere die.  (Note that in Ovid, Metamorphoses 4.89-90, the  mulberries are not red, but white: arbor i b i niveis uberrima pomis/ ardua morus erat.)  In Vergil, Georgics 1.506, the adjective cruentus is applied  to the berries of the myrtle tree: et lauri bacas oleamque cruentaque myrta. lentis uva racemis: racemus: "stalk" or "cluster."  Thus, a possible  translation here i s "grapes (hang) in heavy clusters" (compare Propertius 4.2.13: prima mihi variat liventibus uva racemis,  Vergil, Georgics 2.60:  fert uva racemos). More probable, however, is "grapes (hang) from motionless (or pliant) stalks."  116 lentis:  possibly, "pliant" or "flexible": "grapes hang from pliant  stalks" (compare Vergil, Eclogue 3.38: lenta quibus torno f a c i l i superaddita vitis,  Eclogue 9.42: lentae texunt umbracula vites, Georgics 1.265: atque  Amerina parant lentae retinacula v i t i ) .  Also possible is "sluggish," "im-  movable" or "motionless": "grapes (hang) from motionless stalks" (compare Vergil, Eclogue 10.40: mecum inter salices lenta sub vite iaceret).  With  the sense "motionless," lentus alludes to an idea that is of central importance i n the pastoral world.  The "lentus racemus" reflects the peace and  relaxation,the "otium" that is sought by a l l rustics.  In Vergil's f i r s t  Eclogue, for example, Tityrus enjoys otium (Eclogue 1.6: deus nobis haec otia fecit),  and he i s hence described as "lentus": Tityre, tu patulae recubans sub tegmine fagi, (1) ...tu  Tityre, lentus in umbra. (4)  23-24 est tuguri custos, armatus falce saligna sed non et vasto est inguine t e r r i b i l i s . Reference here i s to a statue of Priapus, a f e r t i l i t y god, who was adopted as a guardian deity of gardens.  He is a comic, scarecrow figure,  who appears as a grotesque, l i t t l e man with huge genitals.  The humorous  aspect of Priapus appears in these lines: he is "non t e r r i b i l i s , " in spite of the fact that he is "armed" with a willow pruning-hook and enormous phallus. (Note Priapea 56.4: quae me terribilem facit videri.) Priapus and the phallus emphasize the sexual overtones of the Copa's behaviour. Statues of Priapus placed in gardens were made usually of wood (see Columella 10.31-34, Horace, Satires 1.8.1-3), but a Priapean statue of stone has been found in the garden of an inn at Pompeii.  (For this, see W.  Jashemski, CJ 59 [1963] 347, and Archaeology 20 [1967] 43.)  117 tuguri custos: "guardian of the hut," a rather humorous reference to the taberna: tugurium, "hut" or "cottage," usually refers to a very humble sort of dwelling. With lines 23 and 24 compare Vergil, Georgics 4.110-111: et custos furum atque avium cum falce saligna Hellespontiaci servet tutela Priapi. 25-26 hue calybita veni: lassus iam sudat asellus: parce i l l i : Vestae delicium est asinus. This couplet contains several problems relating to text and interpretation.  For example, there are two equally well attested readings possible  for the f i r s t word of line 25, hue: "come here," or huic: "come to him" i.e. Priapo, Copa 23: "tuguri custos" (c> perhaps, also, "come to this person, to r  me" i.e. to the hostess).  The reading hue appears to be more fitting in the  hostess' instruction to the traveller; i t does not make as much sense to have the hostess ask the traveller to come to the statue of Priapus, since there is really nothing remarkable in i t s presence in the tavern garden.  It would  also be of no particular benefit to the tired donkey to v i s i t Priapus' statue.  Further, huic meaning "to this person, to me" does not afford as close  a connection with the rest of the line as does hue: i f the traveller brings his donkey to the tavern (hue) i t may rest there; i t is of no further assistance to the donkey that his owner approach the hostess.  Huic has found fa-  vour with certain c r i t i c s , however, such as F. Leo, who reads "huic i.e. Priapo, tuguri custodi, invitanti non terrenti, ut  KaAu8irr)c,  veni."  His interpretation has been accepted by E.J. Kenney, who also reads huic, and changes the punctuation at the end of the preceding line (Copa 24) in the attempt to connect the phrase huic calybita veni more closely to the  118  preceding description of Priapus.  (With hue veni compare Vergil, Eclogue  2.45: hue ades, o formose puer.) For veni, the reading of the MSS, some critics have suggested venit. K. Ilgen reads huic Idaea [Cybele] venit, and i n line 26 parcit ei (the MSS reading is parce), and interprets "even i f Cybele comes, leading the timorous beast, Priapus spares i t . " J. S i l l i g proposes "huic Cybelista [priest of Cybele] venit,"  and suggests that lassus iam sudat asellus/ parce i l l i ,  nostrum delicium est asinus should be placed, in quotation marks, as the priest's prayer to Priapus that the god spare the ass.  These interpretations,  however, merely serve to destroy the effect of the hostess' exhortation to the traveller, which, beginning here with hue veni, continues through prolue (29), hie age (31), requiesce (31), necte (32), and culminates in her warning about approaching death. There has been some discussion as to whether lassus or fessus should be read in Copa 25. Lassus appears to be preferable, since i t i s the reading found in the better MSS.  (We may note that MS B omits the adjective  lassus, and shows instead salsus, written above iam; salsus might possibly conceal lassus.) Theocritus 11.42  A clue which favours the reading lassus may be present in ctXX' dcpi'Heuao  KOQ'  dp,e, nctt e^Ei'c; o u 6 e v  eXaacov , i f we can accept that Copa 25 is a play on this line from Theocritus.  See the previous discussion, Chapter 2, 1?. In Copa 26, inferior MSS preserve vestri, nostri, nostrum and vestrum.  Vestrum has found favour with some scholars (see Forcellini's Lexicon, 290 and also Drabkin, 99) who interpret calybita as "priest of Cybele" (for detail see below), and hence vestrum as "belonging to you, priest, and your fellow G a l l i , " since these priests supposedly rode asses on their travels.  119  (See Apuleius, Metamorphoses 8.26 - 9.10.)  As noted above, J. S i l l i g pre-  fers to read nostrum delicium est asinus, since he proposes that the words are spoken by the priest of Cybele to the god Priapus.  The best MSS, how-  ever, read vestrae, of which l i t t l e sense can be made. I. Voss has emended this reading to Vestae.  His suggestion appears most likely, and has been  widely accepted; i t i s not d i f f i c u l t to explain the corruption of Vestae to vestrae.  Hence the line i s taken to refer to the story of Vesta's rescue  from Priapus by the ass's braying.  For this myth see Ovid, Fasti 6.321-348:  Vesta, having enjoyed the festivities at a banquet given by Cybele, lay down to sleep. The lustful Priapus saw the goddess lying asleep and decided to approach her.  Just as he was about to f a l l upon her, an ass, left by Silenus  beside the banks of a near-by stream, uttered a loud bray. Priapus was forced to flee.  Vesta awoke, and  Note also Propertius 4.1.21 Vesta coronatis  pauper gaudebat asellis. Delicium (26) is the reading of MSS S L. MS M reads deliciae. Apart from i t s appearance in Copa 26,the form  delicium occurs in Seneca, Epistles  12.3: pupulus etiam delicium meum factum est, Phaedrus 4.1.8-9: rogati (Galli) mox a quodam, delicio suo (asino)/ quidnam fecissent, Martial 1.7.1, 7.50.2, 13.98.1, Tertullian, Ausonius and Lucifer.  It is found also in certain i n -  scriptions: see I.C. Orellius, Inscriptionum Latinarum Amplissima Collectio, (Zurich 1828), 680, 1724, 2679ff, 4394 and 4958, The word belongs to the vernacular; Vergil uses the more literary deliciae (see, inter alia, Eclogue 2.2, 9.22; note also use of deliciae by Catullus, in 2.1, for example).  Since  there are no examples of the ^singular neuter use of the word in Republican times, i t s use in the Copa (if we are to date the poem to around 50 B.C.) is most unusual.  (This perhaps accounts for the appearance of the more usual  120  deliciae in MS M.)  Drabkin's explanations  (20) for this "early" use of  delicium are rather weak: he suggests that i t was "either a novelty fostered by neoteric influence," or that the word was possibly used side by side with deliciae.  This latter possibility is doubtful; delicium is generally con-  sidered to be a word developed late (i.e. in post-Republican times) to replace deliciae. (See Lewis and Short).  The poet was possibly obliged to use  delicium here for metrical purposes, to avoid the plural sunt required by deliciae. Discussion of Copa 25-26 has centered particularly on the unusual word calybita (25), a hapax legomenomin Latin literature.  The manuscripts  present many variant forms and alternatives: chalybita (M), calibita (S B E A T), calibina (W) and calibida, alibida, albida, halbida, alybia and alibulla (readings of inferior MSS). are compounded.  Hence, the difficulties of interpreting the word  Editors generally accept the reading of M, chalybita: see  R. E l l i s , R. Giomini, E.J. Kenney, I.E. Drabkin and H.R. Calybita is derived from the Greek  HaAuBtrnc;  Fairclough. , a word which also  occurs only once, in Strabo 7.5.12: Becrcroi 6e oiKep ro 7rXeov T O U opouc; veuovrat T O U Aip,ou,  nai U7TO r a w Ano"Ta>v Ancrrai  HaAufuTai r i v e c ; nai  AurcpoBioi.  The basic meaning of the Greek word is "hut-dweller" or "cabin").  TtpocraYopeuovTai,  (from HaAuBn  , "hut"  This sense does not throw much light on the meaning of calybita  in Copa 25: we must consider extended meanings. There are basically two ways in which the phrase hue calybita veni has been interpreted.  The f i r s t involves allowing for a close connection between  kalybae in Copa 7 (another hapax legomenon, from the Greek HaAuBn  ) and  121  calybita in line 25.  Whatever sense is found to be applicable to kalybae  is then extended to calybita, as the person concerned, in some way, with a "kalyba."  Kalybae in Copa 7 is not particularly easy to define; we might  assume that the word should share the basic meaning of the Greek noun from which i t is derived,  HaXuBr)  . Copa 7, however, contains an enumeration  of several of the attractions to be found in the taberna: hence, i t is senseless to apply the basic meaning "huts" or "cabins" to kalybae. the basic sense of HaXuBn 1.133, 2.52.)  see, for example, Herodotus 6.16,  (For  Thucydides  However, as we see from other passages where HCtXuBn  is  used by Greek writers, meanings other than "hut" or "cabin" have been assigned to the noun. Unfortunately, the evidence is scanty. HaXuBr) naXuBac;  appears to refer to lattice work screens: neptBCIXXOVTEC;  7tepi Taq  Forcellind's Lexicon defines  HaXuBn  In Athenaeus 517F cue; be ret 7roXXa  nXi'vac,, a i nen\ey\\eva.\ a  s : "Calyba ae f.  EICUV  HaXuBn  5  EH  paB6cuv  pergula  est, tugurium, attegiae, quales in meritoriis tabernis f i e r i solent, in quibus ganeones ad potandum sedent."  This is an interesting definition: a possible  meaning for pergula here is "vine-arbour" (see, for example, Pliny 14.1,3 and Columella 4.21,11.2): further, although the "attegiae," which the editors assert provide spots in taverns where men may s i t and drink, can be l i t e r a l l y defined as "tents," the word may also signify covered-over, protected shelters, i.e. arbour-like structures.  It is possible, then, that in their definition  the editors, perhaps taking a clue from Athenaeus, may have in mind a latticework bower (lattice-work screens, perhaps, covered in climbing shrubs) set up in the tavern garden to provide shade and seclusion. If we wish to preserve, to some degree, the apparent basic meaning of kalyba, a small enclosed dwelling, i t is perhaps possible to define the word (as does Drabkin, 19) as "a small, private compartment," a room added on to  122  the main tavern structure. This interpretation is not nearly as appealing as that of "arbour" or "bower," nor does i t f i t as well into Copa 7.  The  presence and position of topia in the line strongly favour defining kalybae as "secluded garden bowers." Thus, when we come to consider the word calybita in Copa 25, we may take i t to be the name applied, with intended humour and obvious word-play, to anyone wont to spend long hours drinking in tavern bowers. With this meaning for calybita, an interpretation for hue calybita veni was  suggested  very early by K. Ilgen: huc veni, ut calybitae agas partes, ut in calyba :  recubans tuo indulgeas genio."  F. Leo follows this, and interprets Priapo,  tuguri custodi, invitanti non terrenti, ut  kaAuBiTnc;  veni : "so come,  bower-dweller, to Priapus, the guardian," (Leo cites Tibullus 1.7.53 as a parallel expression: sic venias hodierne Geni ). • Although apparently popular, a second interpretation of the phrase offered by scholars is based on very tenuous evidence. we find the following statements:  "Quia vero  In Forcellini's Lexicon  KaAuBn  Graece aliam quoque  habet significationem, nempe cellam, vel thalamum aliquando notat; et in veteri Graeco epigrammate ponitur pro cubiculo, seu thalamo, in quo sunt signa, et pulvinaria, Deorum et praesertim Cybeles; hinc calybitam affirmat idem Salmasius significare Galium Matris Deum sacerdotum, quasi dicas cubicularium, in i l l i s versibus eiusdem Copae." The writer gives no clear indication here of what prompted him to connect the word  HaXuBn  to Cybele, apart from a  reference to the conjecture of Salmasius (Claude de Saumaise, 1588-1653) that calybita in Copa 25 should be taken to indicate "Galium Matris Deum sacerdotum."  Although these scholars make no mention of the passage, their interpre-  123  tation may possibly be based on a line from AP_ 7.222, a sepulchral epigram written by Philodemus: n HaXuBn nai 6OU7TOC; evenpeTxev, (arcuviuXi'ri, Mrprrip fjv kyikr\ae This is the only passage we have where  n cpiXoxaI'YU-COV QeaJv).  HaXuBn  appears to be connected,  in some way, to the worship of Cybele. Purely in the effort to make sense of the word in i t s context in this epigram, editors have suggested various definitions for i t .  F. Dubner, in his edition Epigrammatum Anthologia Pala-  tina (Paris 1864) vol. 1, 444, thus interprets the word: " H a X u 3 f |  in  Cybeles sacris est aedicula deae exstructa circa quam sacerdotes et ministrae, 0aXapiT)7ToXoi 6oU7rq>  , Cybeles magno tympanorum et crotalorum cum strepitu,  , saltabant; cuius aediculae simulacrum circumductum fuisse ab i i s  qui Magnae Deae causa stipem colligebant, notum est." Dubner cites no evidence to support his view that the word HaXuBr)  was used in reference to the  aedicula of Cybele; as mentioned, his definition stems from his desire to make sense of the word in i t s context. A 1960 text of the Greek Anthology, edited by P. Waltz (Paris), contains this statement concerning the epigram in question (152): "Le sens de 1'ensemble est done: une debauchee mais une debauchee que son temperament de courtisane entrainait vers les orgies religieuses du culte de Bacchus et de celui de Cybele (la HaXuBn  dont i l est question au  v. 3 etant une chapelle consacree a la Mere des Dieux)." In spite of attempted explanations such as those offered by Dubner and Waltz, the meaning of AP_ 7.222.3 is obscure and puzzling to editors.  See  A.S.F. Gow and D.L. Page, The Greek Anthology: the Garland of Philip and Some Contemporary Epigrams. (Cambridge, U. Press, 1968) 397-398: of  Soup-oc,  [read by W.R.  "The vindication  Paton in the Loeb edition of the Greek Anthology,  124  vol. 2, 126, and by F. Dlibner, cited above, as tant to alter  HaAuBn  Sourrocj  ] makes us reluc-  which may have had a suitable meaning now unknown.  Jacobs [C.F.W. Jacobs, Anthologia Graeca, 13 vols. (Leipzig 1794-1813)] renders aedicula deae exstructa, but we know no evidence for shrines or other abodes of the Great Mother which might be called 'huts' or 'cottages'; ... Luck [Philol. 100, 271ff]takes (or  6a.Aau.oc;  )  :  HaAuBn  "hier bedeutet HaAuBn  to be equivalent to  6aAap,T)  offenbar den Naiskos, die  Kapelle der Gottermutter", but there is no evidence for this use of naAupn and there is no reason why  6aAau,n  (or  ©aAapoc;  ) should not have been  written i f this had been meant; none of the references cited by Luck ibid, n. 3 has any bearing on the word HaAuBn  HaAuBn  . in the present context the  might be the meeting place of the 6oup,oc;  cptA07raiyu-auv  aroju-uAiT)  ."  , the centre of their  Hence, in view of the obscurity of the  line, we are on very shaky ground i f we attempt to use this passage from the epigram as evidence for translating calybita i n Copa 25 as "priest of Cybele." Some critics have asserted (see Drabkin, 100, for example) that the interpretation "priest of Cybele" is particularly apt, in that i t fits well with lassus iam sudat asellus.  They cite, as justification, the priests'  custom of loading their belongings on to the backs of asses.  This interpre-  tation was offered very early on, again apparently by Salmasius (see Forcellini's Lexicon, 290): "Constat enim etiam ex Phaedro 1.3 fab. u l t . solitos fuisse Gallos circumducere, quaestus causa, asinum baiulantem sarcinas. Ita quidem Salmas." The passage from Phaedrus to which reference is made (4.1.4-6) is: as follows: Galli Cybebes circum in quaestus ducere asinum solebant baiulantem sarcinas.  125 Is cum labore et plagis esset mortuus. (For a similar theme note  Apuleius, Metamorphoses 8.28.) While this reason-  ing is acceptable, i t is not necessary.  The phrase lassus iam sudat asellus  has just as much point i f the calybita is simply a traveller, rather than a priest.  The purpose behind the hostess' statement is to persuade the man to  enter the tavern (to rest in the kalyba) thus allowing his donkey to rest, since i t is exhausted from a long journey (and not necessarily from being laden down). I.E. Drabkin strongly favours the translation "priest of Cybele" (100-101); he states that the hostess addresses the traveller as Calybita with the intention of being witty: "Not that the traveller was a priest of Cybele, but the hostess, seeing a person travelling at so unseasonable a time, refers to him, with fine humor, as belonging to the Dindymenae dominae vaga pecora (Cat. 63.13)." Drabkin's arguments are not particularly convincing.  Firstly,  he draws support from AP_ 7.222.3-4, which, as we have noted above, provides no reliable evidence.  He says, further, that without the translation "priest  of Cybele," the reference to Vesta in 26 is "rather pointless": "If Calybita can in some way denote a priest of Cybele ... the reason why Vesta's gratitude to the ass should interest the traveller may perhaps become clearer. Vesta was,in a sense, the equivalent of the Greek Rhea, who was to become identified with Cybele.  'Ecrria  , daughter of  Indeed, in some forms of the  myth Cybele is identified with Hestia (Vesta)." (101).  In his reasoning here,  Drabkin appears to overlook the poet's right to abandon strict consistency; the poet, after a l l , is not concerned with provoking the interest of the f i c tional traveller in his poem, but rather with stimulating the reader's imagination.  (Hence the foolishness of Drabkin's remarks (100]: "Why should  126 Vesta's attitude toward the ass be used as a means of persuading the traveller to allow the animal to rest?  To be sure, Priapus ... figures in the  story of Vesta and the ass, but there i s in that circumstance no added appeal to the traveller.")  The mention of Vesta here is simply an allusion to a  well-known myth, which comes to the poet's mind when he considers the word "asellus," and when he looks back to his description, in the preceding couplet, of Priapus, who also figures in the story of Vesta and the ass. Surely this i s justification enough for a reference to Vesta, and there is no need to create the tenuous series of correspondences suggested by Drabkin, where Vesta is connected with Cybele, who i s in turn a r t i f i c i a l l y linked to the word calybita.  (Indeed, i t is not likely that these complex correspondences  would be immediately apparent to either the traveller or the reader.) Various emendations have been suggested for calybita. J. Scaliger, for example, proposes to read asivehida (from asinivehida) instead of calybita, "he who is carried on an ass," the reference being to Silenus. K. Ilgen proposes Idaea, for Cybele. the Greek "capalista," likely  KuBeAicrnq  For calybita  J. S i l l i g conjectures Cybelista, from  , a priest of Cybele.  K. Schenkl suggests  "donkey-driver," a word he has invented. However, since a  interpretation can be found for calybita,  these emendations, while  ingenious, are unnecessary. 27  nunc cantu crebro rumpunt arbusta cicadae. Compare Vergil, Eclogue 2.13: sole sub ardenti resonant arbusta cicadis,  Georgics 3.328: et cantu querulae rumpent arbusta cicadae and Culex 153: argutis et cuncta fremunt ardore cicadis. In this, and the following,line the poet uses conventional motifs (i.e. the cicadas and the lizard) to indicate the heat of noon.  Compare the  127 mid-day scene in Vergil, Eclogue 2.8-13. Mention at this point in the poem of the s h r i l l sound of the cicadas is appropriate: nature seems to reflect the mounting excitement evident in the hostess' appeal to the traveller, and, in a sense, the cicadas join in the hostess' invitation, by adding their voice to hers. The tuneful cicada is quite at home in the pastoral world; i t s song reflects and complements the music produced by the rustics.  As T.G. Rosen-  meyer remarks (The Green Cabinet[Berkeley 1969] 134-135) "the cicada is above a l l an emblem of nature at her musical best, a pinpointing of the quiet harmony into which man must allow himself to lapse." The alliteration of the hard "c_" sound is notable in this line; i t effectively suggests the s h r i l l , repetitive sound of the cicadas' song. 28  nunc varia in gelida sede lacerta latet. This line may well have been inspired by Theocritus 7.22:  nai  aaupoq ev aipxtcfiaTai naGeuSei  avina  6n  , as may also a similar  line from Vergil: Eclogue 2.9: nunc virides etiam occultant spineta lacertos. Varia (the reading of M) appears most likely, and is favoured by editors: "now  the spotted lizard lurks in her cool retreat" (Fairclough).  Other MSS readings are vere (L) and vero (S), and, in addition, scholars have conjectured veprum (Haupt), verpris (Ellis) (similar suggestions, perhaps i n spired by spineta in Eclogue 2.9):  "the lizard lurks in the cool retreat of  a thorn-bush," verna (Heinsius) and viridis (Burman). In both Theocritus and Vergil, the lizard's retreat i s specifically described: in Theocritus, the lizard lies inside a wall ( ev a i u a c l a T a t in Vergil, inside a thorn-hedge (spineta lacertos occultant). In Copa 28, however, description of the hiding-place is more general.  The lizard lies  ),  128  hidden "in a cool spot": in gelida sede clearly suggests the coolness that the guest may enjoy inside the taberna (cf. t r i c l i a umbrosis frigida harundinibus [8]). 29  s i sapis, aestivo recubans nunc prolue vitro. aestivo vitro:  The earliest appearances of the word vitrum in Latin  literature are i n Lucretius, De Rerum Natura 4.145ff, 4.993, and in Cicero, Pro Rabirio Postumo 14.40; in spite of the relatively late appearance of the word, we may suppose that the Romans were quite familiar with the substance in earlier times.  The f i r s t uses of the word in Latin literature appear to  correspond to the sudden increase i n the importance of glass manufacture i n Italy. (For detail on this, see below.) Vitrum is used either with reference to the substance glass (see, for example, Lucretius 4.145, Cicero, Pro Rabirio Postumo 14.40, Pliny, Nat. Hist. 1.36, 5.75, 12.115, 29.51, 31.110, 36.62, 191, 192, Seneca, Quaestiones Naturales 1.7.1, Tacitus, Historiae 5.7) or to designate various glass objects (see Propertius 4.8.37, Pliny, Nat. Hist. 35.46, 36.83, 98, 197, Seneca, Epistles 86.6, Martial 9.59.13).  (For additional examples of the above uses see M.L.  Trowbridge, "Philological Studies in Ancient Glass," U. of Illinois Studies in Language and Literature 13 [1930]64, notes 9 and 10.)  Vitrum i s also em-  ployed in the same way as our word "glass"; that i s , the noun i s used on i t s own (without any mention of a particular type of vessel), simply to indicate a "drinking-glass."  This i s the usage we find in Copa 29: for other examples,  see Pliny, Nat. Hist. 9.66, 31.40, Seneca, Quaestiones Naturales 1.6.5, Martial 1.37.2, 3.55.2. For the various derivatives of the noun vitrum and their uses, see Trowbridge, 65-78.  129 The phrase aestivo vitro is difficult to interpret; there has been question concerning what precisely the adjective aestivus means when applied to a drinking-glass.  H.R. Fairclough suggests, in his edition of the Copa,  that a "summer drinking-glass" is "one of unusual size."  F. Volkl, in his  discussion of the problem (Spiel und Parodie in Drei Kleinen Gedichten [Munich 1968]  100), makes reference to Athenaeus 230d, which might perhaps be taken  as evidence for a custom in antiquity of having two different sets of tableware, one for use in winter, the other for use in summer: \ir\  TODV  xei\iepiv(av  dpYupajparoov f\\uv  7tapa©flc;, aXXa  "7rctT £ T p o p . 8 i x * i 0 n  TCUV  Oepivcuv."  We may suppose that these two sets each contain vessels made from various types of material, pottery, metal, glass, etc.  Volkl feels that the phrase  aestivo vitro is quite ambiguous in relation to this idea of two sets of table-ware.  As the phrase stands, i t may mean one of two things: i t may indi-  cate that cups of glass are used only in summer, or i t may refer to "summer" glass as opposed to "winter" glass, i.e. the summer glass which is part of the summer set of table-ware is a special type of glass, ideally suited for use in summer.  The f i r s t possibility is unacceptable, Volkl feels, butthe  second, while most likely, is not clearly expressed by the phrase aestivo vitro.  Because of this, Volkl accepts the opinion expressed previously by  Wilamowitz Moellendorff (313). that aestivo vitro, i s , in fact, understandable only  when compared with a very similar phrase found in Propertius 4.8.37:  vitrique aestiva supellex, where the poet directly mentions a "summer service" of table-ware.  (See H.E. Butler and E.A. Barber, The Elegies of Pro-  pertius [Oxford 1933] 368.)  In Propertius the wording is perhaps more pre-  cise than in Copa 29, since the poet refers to "summer ware" (while supellex is omitted in Copa 29), and further qualifies i t by use of the genitive vitri,  "summer-time ware of glass."  The fact that aestivo vitro i s  130 seemingly less precise than the phrase in Propertius provides evidence, Vdlkl claims, that the Copa's author imitated Propertius.  However, although  i t may be true that to name the type of ware and qualify i t with a genitive gives a more precise expression, i t is not in fact so unusual, as noted above, to omit mention of the object concerned and instead use vitrum on its own to refer to the glass vessel.  And since the Copa's poet i s speaking of  a glass that belongs to the "summer collection," i t is natural for him simply to apply the adjective aestivus to i t .  It is also possible fas Biichner,  139, suggests) that the phrase may express an idea that i s quite ordinary and well-known, and that aestivo vitro is "clear" without any reference being made to a set of table-ware.  It is d i f f i c u l t , in any case, for us to deter-  mine with certainty what might or might not be ambiguous to a Roman reader. We may note that the reference here to a glass from the special summer collection serves to accentuate the tone of extravagance and luxury that pervades the poem. The mention of glasses here and i n the following line (30) need not be regarded as evidence against a Republican  ' • • date for the poem. It  is possible that the reference here is to imported glass-ware.  Numerous ex-  amples of fine glass-ware of the Alexandrian type, for example  (dated to the  f i r s t century A.D.,  and probably produced in. local glass-houses by immigrant  workers, in imitation of Hellenistic luxury glasses), have been found in southern Italy (see G. Weiss, The Book of Glass [New York 1971] 27) and around Rome. It thus appears that the Romans admired this luxury glass, and i t i s quite likely that some was imported, perhaps for use in rich private houses and reputable tabernae, prior to local manufacture in the f i r s t century (see Strabo 16.2.25).  A.D.  We may note that although the invention of glass blow-  ing by the Syrians gave great impetus to the manufacture of glass in Italy at  131 the beginning of the f i r s t century A.D., the technique was in fact discovered rather earlier, at a time not precisely determined, but around 60-50 B.C. Thus, here again i t is reasonable to suppose that,following the discovery of the new technique, quantities of blown glass-ware were imported into Italy by the Syrians, who were active in the glass trade (see Pliny, Nat. Hist. 26.193-194: trade increased after the annexation of Syria in 64 B.C.).  There  is the final possibility (although i t i s perhaps not too likely) that the glasses mentioned were made locally.  By A.D. 14 at Puteoli  there was a  well-established glass-house, whose workers were Alexandrians.  Indeed, Cam-  pania was an important region for glassmaking, due to the presence there of the Volturnus River, which was well known for the excellent glassmaking sands i t provided.  During the f i r s t century A.D. and following, renowned glass-  houses were located on the Campanian coast, between Cumae and Liternum.  Be-  cause of the presence of the fine sands, glass-ware may possibly have been produced in', the region i n pre-Imperial times. 30  seu vis crystalli ferre novos calices. The word crystallum has been transliterated from the Greek Kpua'TaAAoc;^ , which originally denoted "ice"  (see Homer, Iliad 22.152,  Odyssey 14.477, Herodotus 4.28), but came later, because of the resemblance between the two substances, to signify "rock crystal" (see Strabo 15.67, for example).  In Greek literature, crystal is frequently associated with  glass; note, in this regard, Hesychius' definition of crystal as "a kind of glass," " n.5).  HpucfTaAAoc; • et6oc; ueXXou  " (see M.L. Trowbridge, 54 n.4,  There is no sure evidence, however, to show that writers confuse the  two, using the word for crystal when they are, in fact, speaking of glass. There are only a few passages where this is likely: Diodorus, AP_ 9.776, .  132 Lebnidas of Alexandria, AP 6.329, and Claudian, AP_ 9.753, for instance. Reasons for suspecting that  xpuCTTaAAOc;  in these passages means glass  are given by Trowbridge, 54-55. The usage in Latin literature is somewhat the same; the word is used occasionally to mean "ice" (in Priapea 63.6 and Seneca, Quaestiones Naturales 3.25.12, for instance), but more often to denote "rock crystal."  Crystallum  with the latter significance appears to be synonymous with vitrum in certain passages; the similar appearance of cut-glass and crystal makes i t easy to confuse the two materials.  Because the manufacture of crystal vessels was  apparently both difficult and expensive, and consequently only small quantities were produced (see Pliny's discussion of the origin and use of crystal, 37.9,10), certain scholars have been led to suppose that the word crystallum is quite often used where the reference is actually to glass. this M.L.  Concerning  Trowbridge, for example, states (53, n . l ) : "in view of the extreme  scarcity of actual rock-crystal among ancient remains, as compared with glass, i t appears almost certain that crystallum must frequently mean nothing more than glass, but i t is difficult to prove this for any particular passage. ...The fact that some of the objects could be made easily in glass while i t would be well-nigh impossible to make them in crystal, and that some of the vessels are brought from Egypt, the greatest glass manufacturing center, makes i t seem a l l the more probable that crystallum was used for glass and crystallina for objects made of glass."  For passages where crystallum might indi-  cate glass, see Propertius 4.3.52: crystallusque meas ornet aquosa manus, Martial 8.77.5: Candida nigrescant vetulo crystalla Falerno, 9.22.7: nec labris n i s i magna meis crystalla terantur. bridge 81 and 81, n.17.) this category (81, n.17).  (For further examples see Trow-  We may note that Trowbridge includes Copa 30 in While i t is possible that the reference here is  133 to vessels of glass, as she suspects, this appears less likely when we note the contrast obviously intended between aestivo vitro in line 29 and crystali i ... novos calices in line 30: the guest may choose to drink either from a vessel made of glass (29), or from one made of the rarer crystal (30). The hostess i s thus attempting further to entice the traveller into her tavern by presenting her finest, and probably imported, drinking-ware.  She can of-  fer not only glass, which i t s e l f would be something of a luxury ware at this time, but also delicate crystal.  The adjective "novus" (novos calices) sug-  gests that these cups are the latest arrivals, they are "brand newy" and of the most modern style.  The verb ferre emphasizes not so much the action of  bringing the cups to the guest, but rather that of holding them in the hand: the guest is invited to pick up the crystal cups and admire them. That the hostess purposely includes reference to the crystal cups in her speech makes i t apparent that they are a point of some pride for her.  The taberna appears,  in general, to be rather unsophisticated, and the fact that i t possesses rare crystal and glass cups would indeed seem worthy of mention. 31  hie age pampinea fessus requiesce sub umbra. Compare Vergil, Eclogue 7.10: et s i quid cessare potes, requiesce sub  umbra, and Eclogue 7.58: Liber pampineas invidit collibus umbras. Note that this line is quoted almost verbatim by Nemesian, Eclogue 4.46:  hie age  pampinea mecum requiesce sub umbra. See above, Chapter 2, 30-31• This line contains what might be termed the ultimate pastoral invitation: the traveller is invited to recline in the shade and enjoy otium.  The  impression of pastoral simplicity that the line evokes is emphasized by the fact that i t is preceded and followed by verses containing references to certain "sophisticated" attractions provided by the taberna: rare crystal and  134  glass cups (29-30) , garlands to deckthe head of the guest as he drinks (32), and the kisses of a girl (33). 32  et gravidum roseo necte caput strophio. gravidum caput: a head "heavy" with fatigue.  The traveller is trou-  bled by the problems that beset the world outside; i f he chooses to enter the taberna, the pleasures he finds there will dispel his worries. strophium: from the Greek  CTpocpiov  . The usual meaning of the  noun is "band" or "breast band," a wide belt worn by women to support the i  breasts (cf. fascia pectoralis). vincta papillas;  Note Catullus 64.65: tereti strophio  also, Cicero, de Haruspicum Responsis 21.44. Here in line  32, however, strophium designates a "head-band," "chaplet" or "wreath" (cf. corona), a less common meaning for the noun (and one that occurs f i r s t in the Copa).  (For later examples of the use of the noun with the sense "chaplet,"  see, for example, Pliny 21.2, Tertullian, De Corona Militis 15.) The chaplet is here made from rose-blossoms (a flower popular for this use; for rosariae coronae see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 1, 1521). 33 formosum tenerae decerpens ora puellae. Formosum, the reading of the better MSS, is the neuter of the adjective formosus used adverbially; Theocritus 3.3: TtTUp 7T£CpiAT]U.£V£  provides a possible comparison.  neuter of formosus occurs only here.  ep,iv  TO  HCIAOV  This adverbial use of the  Formosum makes reasonable sense in the  line i f translated "prettily" or "neatly": "prettily taking kisses from the lips of a tender maiden." This meaning, however, is perhaps more applicable to the adverb belle than i t is to formosum, which should properly have a more restricted sense, that of "beautifully" (a sense not particularly appropriate in the line).  135  Various emendations have been suggested for formosum. Of these the best is perhaps that proposed by W.V.  Clausen, formosa et tenerae, where  formosa is an appropriate description for the girl's lips and is also palaeographically sound. intereaj  (Note also Clausen's alternate suggestion, formosa  Other emendations are Candida formosae (Bembo, ninth century):  "snatching kisses from the glowing lips of a lovely maiden" (see H. Waddell discussion in Mediaeval Latin Lyrics [London 1938] 283), and per morsum, an ingenious conjecture by R. E l l i s (AJPh.8 [1887] 407), that suggests, better than does formosum, the sensual pleasures awaiting the traveller in the taberna: "snatching, by a bite, the lips of a tender maiden." The phrase decerpens ora is expressive, since decerpo is used to des cribe  the action of plucking flowers or gathering fruit.  Note, for exampl  Propertius 1.20.39-40: quae modo decerpens tenero pueriliter ungui proposito florem praetulit officio, and Ovid, Fasti 5.255: protinus haerentem decerpsi pollice florem. 35-38: quid cineri ingrato servas bene olentia serta? anne coronato vis lapide ista tegi? pone merum et talos: pereat qui crastina curat: Mors aurem vellens 'vivite' a i t , 'venio'. With cineri ingrato compare Vergil, Aeneid 6.212-213: Nec minus interea Misenum in litore Teucri flebant, et cineri ingrato suprema ferebant. For bene olentia see Vergil, Eclogue 2.48: narcissum et florem iungit bene olentis anethi,  and for aurem vel lens see Eclogue 6.3-4:  cum canerem reges et proelia, Cynthius aurem  136 v e l l i t et admonuit. The custom referred to in lines 35 and 36 concerns the decoration of the bier and grave of the dead with flowers and garlands; the family places flowers around the body when i t i s laid out on the bier for viewing, and later, during the funeral procession, friends throw flowers and garlands on to the coffin.  (For this see, for example, Dionysius of Halicarnassus 11.39.6,  Pliny Nat. Hist. 21.7; for detail concerning the custom, see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 2, 1389-92.).. It has been suggested (see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, 1389) that the intention behind this custom is to make man aware, as he watches the delicate blooms adorning the body quickly fading, of the transient nature of l i f e . Hist. 21.1:  This concept appears, for example, in Pliny Nat.  In hortis seri et coronamenta iussit Cato, inenarrabili florum  maxime subtilitate ... flores vero odoresque in diem gignit, magna, ut palam est, admonitione hominum, quae spectatissime floreant celerrime marcescere. After burial, the family and closest friends of the deceased place flowers (particularly roses and violets) on the grave.  (See J.M.C. Toynbee, Death  and Burial in the Roman World [London 1971] 62-63.)  The importance of such  offerings is evident in many funeral inscriptions (some of these are listed by Toynbee, 295 n. 253, 254). Number 31 of the Epitaphs of Ausonius is of interest to us in this connection (and we may note the similarity between its f i r s t line and Copa 35): Sparge mero cineres bene olentis et unguine nardi, hospes, et adde rosis balsama puniceis. perpetuum mihi ver agit inlacrimabilis urna et commutavi saecula, non obii. nulla mihi veteris perierunt gaudia vitae,  137  seu meminisse putes omnia, sive n i h i l . (For garlands laid on tombs, see also Propertius 3.16.23-24}  As a mark  of honour, i t is often customary to crown the head of the deceased with chaplets; these are made of metal (gold, for example), of myrtle, laurel or flowers (roses, l i l i e s , violets, hyacinths). Antiquites,  (For this see Dictionnaire des  Tome 1, 1526: also, J.M.C. Toynbee, 44.)  There has been considerable debate concerning the meaning of Copa 36 (anne coronato vis lapide ista tegi?).  Apart from the various interpreta-  tions applied to the line (see below), several emendations have been suggested for the words ista and tegi. For ista M. Haupt suggests ipse; E.J. Kenney, following CD. Ilgen, replaces ista with ossa. R. E l l i s proposes to substitute o l l a or urna for ista: "or would you wish to be an urn (of ashes) covered with a garlanded tombstone?" (see AJPh 8 [1887] 407).  J . Scaliger and  C. Wernsdorf, accepting that ista refers to serta (Copa 35), substitute legi for tegi: "wouldst have them culled at the crowning of thy tomb?" And finally, F. Leo proposes that teri replace tegi: "ego dubito num poeta ante v. 38 mortem ipsi quem invitat instantem innuat." A l l these emendations are unnecessary, however, since ista and tegi are the readings of the best MSS (M S F L), and further, because good sense can be made of them. The interpretation for line 36 suggested by Drabkin (102) is reasonable.  It appears likely that here the poet has in mind the various burial cus-  toms that relate to flowers: i t is further quite possible that he has intentionally created the intricacy that results from interpreting the line "or do you wish these garlands to be covered by a wreathed tombstone?" where ista refers to serta i n line 35.  The thought in mind is that the flowers and gar-  lands that have decked the bier have gone into the grave with the coffin;  138  these flowers, now buried, are in turn adorned by other flowers, placed on top of the grave site (coronato lapide) . This interpretation places great emphasis on the garlands, and seemingly correctly so, not only because in line 35 the copa particularly stresses the foolishness of letting the flowers (that i s , the joy and beauty in life) go to waste, but also because the emphasis on garlands here adds continuity to the poem, by linking this c l i mactic section to what has gone before.  The ironic contrast > between the  garlands previously mentioned (the corollae of line 13, the serta of line 14 and the rosea strophia of line 32) and those referred to here is immediately evident.  (Drabkin [103] makes the additional comment that i t might also be  possible to find in the meaning of tegi "the idea ... that the tombstone towers over or casts its shadow over the grave upon which the flowers l i e . " This qualification is not really necessary, however, since the idea that the flowers strewn over the coffin are later buried with i t is not a particularly unusual one.)  We may note that A. Salvatore is also in favour of interpre-  ting ista as a reference to serta: " nam_cum lapis sepujchralis turn etiam lectus funebris floribus et coronis obtegebatur, quas deinde in sepulchrum coniciebant vel comburebant." Another possible interpretation, although i t is one that puts a strain on grammatical construction, has been suggested by F. Biicheler ("Coniectanea," RhM 45 [1890] 324).  He takes ista to be an accusative with coronato, and  compares the construction with one used by Vergil, Aeneid 2.510-511: inutile ferrum/ cingitur. Thus, he interprets, an vis tegi lapide coronato ista, that i s , an vis lapide tegi eumque lapidem coronari i s t i s sertis. It is possible to find various examples of this Greek-style construction, that i s , the passive used semi-reflexively with an accusative; note, for example, in  139  addition to the passage cited by Bucheler, Vergil, Aeneid 7.640: loricam induitur, Eclogue 3.106: flores inscripti nomina regum, Horace, Satires 1.6.74: laevo suspensi loculos tabulamque lacerto.  In Copa 36, however, the use of  corono with ista i s not actually semi-reflexive (the stone  does not crown  ...itself with garlands) and, in any case, the construction i s awkward with a demonstrative.  Further, the word order of the line as we have i t does not  lend i t s e l f particularly easily to Bucheler's interpretation. An interpretation that has found l i t t l e favour with critics is that of F. Vollmer ("Coniectanea," RhM 55 [1900] 527).  He believes that line 36  ought to contain a more "dramatic" statement than that which results from translating ista as "garlands," since i t is the hostess' last appeal to the traveller.  Thus he states "copa cum versum 36 pronuntiat, nudat papillas et  monstrat nimis cunctabundo ista, qualia nolit i l l e lapide tegi licet coronato ... nec sine ludo posuit poeta verba ea quae legimus, nam coronato sane vult puella sua membra tegi et premi, at non lapide, sed conviva amatore."  Drabkin  objects (103) that this interpretation gives a meaning to ista that is dependent upon a gesture on the part of the hostess, and that, thus, the meaning Vollmer wishes to assign to ista is an impossible one for the reader to determine.  The poet could not reasonably expect the reader to divine such a  meaning, when no other indication of i t exists at this point. If Vollmer's interpretation i s indeed the intended meaning, the poet might perhaps have expressed i t more directly.  At this point in the poem the hostess, philoso-  phizing, is presenting her strongest arguments in order to persuade the man to stop wasting his l i f e .  The plane of her argument is now philosophical and  not personal, and i t might be argued that she would hardly be likely to break this mood by suddenly baring her breasts. Indeed, i f she did so, her action  140 would be not so much dramatic as comic.  We might wonder i f i t i s likely that  the man would totally ignore the hostess' gesture, and c a l l , instead, for wine and dice.  Further, should we suppose that the hostess, having made the  gesture, would continue with her philosophical appeal?  We might perhaps also  object that such an interpretation destroys the close connection that otherwise exists between lines 35 and 36, as i t does the progression of thought which moves from the personal to the philosophical.  Nevertheless, i f Vollmer's  interpretation were correct, i t would certainly create a humorous scene. The suggestion of H.B. Fairclough, who translates the line "wouldst have those limbs covered with a crowned tombstone?",should be rejected because i t too calls for the hostess to indicate the meaning by the movement of her hands.  C. Morelli's suggestion that ista refers to a l l the tavern pleasures  mentioned previously, music, wine, fruit, flowers, i s a possible one.  It too,  however, destroys the close connection between 35 and 36 that results from having ista refer to serta, and, s t r i c t l y speaking, i t does not make quite so much sense to ask "do you wish to see those pleasures covered over by a wreathed tombstone?" It adds to the dramatic quality of the poem to attribute (as does Vollmer) the words spoken in Copa 37 (pone merum et talos, pereat qui crastina curat) to the guest who has entered the taberna.  Persuaded by the hostess'  compelling invitation, and struck by her warning (lines 35-36), the guest opts for pleasurable self-indulgence. pone talos!  He wishes to have some fun at a game of dice,  This is not a sign of any particular degeneracy; dice games were  very popular among the Romans, and provided a pleasing pastime. De Senectute 16.58, Suetonius, Augustus 71.)  (See Cicero,  Tabernae often serve as loca-  tions for such games. In Pompeii, for instance, i s a tavern known as the  141 taberna lusoria Aleariorum (see Kleberg 118 for the location of this taberna). Two pictures taken from the wall of an establishment in Pompeii known as the tavern of Salvius show customers playing dice, then arguing, and finally being thrown out by the tavern keeper.  See Kleberg 162, figures 19-20.  See  also his figure 15 (159) for a picture of dice players, taken from another taberna in Pompeii. Lines 35-38 of the Copa could be easily detached from the poem to create a self-contained epigram, written in a lightly philosophical vein. They express a well-known concept, "enjoy l i f e to the f u l l , for Death approaches quickly," a theme which the poet possibly adapted from some epigrammatic source (certain of the epigrams of Leonidas of Tarentum, for example, contain this theme; see AP_ 7.452, for instance).  It is also possible that the poet  may have been influenced by certain lines from the Anacreontea; many selections  express the "carpe diem" philosophy. Note, for example, 8.5-15: e\ioi  peXei  p.upoio'iv  HCtTaBpexeiv ep,oi ps'Xe i  U7rT)vr]v, po&oicuv  KCtTaaTEcpE i v  Kapnva •  TO  anpepov  TO  & ' a u p i o v T i ' q oi6sv;  0)c;  OUV  ET  U-EAEI  £U6ta  nai  7uve n a i  nai  anevbe  \XT)  voucocj,  AEyn  ae  p,ot,  CTTIV,  HUBEUE  T $ Auat'cp, f]v  p,T)6e  TICJ  eAOn  TTIVEIV.  See also 32.11-18, and 45. The theme presented in Copa 35-38 is a popular one; i t is treated  142  in several epigrams (of a later date than the Copa )contained in the Greek -  Anthology.  We have mentioned, for example, the epigram by Palladas of  Alexandria (AP_5.72; see above, Chapter 2,23)-  Another epigram by the same  writer (AP 10.81) is quite similar: "Q TT)C; Bpaxet'ac; q6ov?]c; rr\^ T O U Bt'ou* rr|v o^u-rriTct T O U X P °  v o u  TrevOifcaTe.  ilp-eTq Ka6e^op,Ecr6a nai HOipcup,e©a, p,ox©ouvTeq f) TpucpcuvTet; • 6 be Tpe'xei HaQ* r\\i(x>Y TUW  xpovo^  TCIACCin(x>pa>v  """PE'XEI,  Bporoov,  cpepaav EKCt0TOu T $ Bi'q> xaTaarpocpriv. (See also AP_ 11.62, a third epigram by Palladas on the same theme.)  An  epigram by Strato (AP 11.19) is also of interest, for its treatment of the theme i s rather similar to that of the Copa: Kcu  7 U ' E vuv  nioiieQ',  K C U spa, AaiaoxpaTEc, • ou yap  obb'  aiEi  7taiai  ec,  aiei  bvveoaoxieOa*  nai aTEtpavoicj nscpaXaq 7tuKaacDp,£ea, nai pupiccupEv duTouq, 7tpiv rup,Boicj Taura vuv  EV  EU-OI  7UET0D P , E ' © U  TO  CPE'PEIV  nkeov  ETE'POUC,.  oarea  Tap,a.  VEnpa O E AEunaAtcov aura KaraKAuoaTOO. In addition to these examples, the theme appears often elsewhere; see, for instance, AP 11.8, Euripides, Alcestis 782-790, Seneca, De Brevitate Vitae 8.5, 9.1, Horace, Odes 1.4.9-20, 1.11.6-8, 2.3.13-16.  143 APPENDIX I A Note on Epicureanism Epicurean philosophy maintains that the chief goal of man ought to be to obtain  arapaf;ia  for the mind, and thence  a.7rovia  for the body.  This man might accomplish i f he is able to understand the true nature of the gods and of death, and i f he i s able to comprehend the meaning of pleasure and pain.  The gods, Epicurus teaches, enjoy  arctpallet  and do not  attempt to interfere with that of others; hence, they are not to be feared. Death i s also without terror, since i t is simply the dissolution of the atoms of the body, a process which brings loss of sensation.  Perfect plea-  sure exists i f pain has been completely eliminated; once this state is achieved, no additional pleasures can increase man's happiness.  Pleasure i s  an instinct innate in man, but he ought not to pursue i t to excess and without restraint; in order to live pleasantly, man must also live prudently, honourably and justly.  A l l pleasures in themselves are good, and yet man  must act with moderation and reason, avoiding those pleasures which may result in pain, or those which are achieved only through painful action.  Sim-  p l i c i t y aids man to create a healthy body and a peaceful mind; a simple diet is preferable to a rich one:  01  re  A I T O I  x  U A  °  l  io*T|v 7 T 0 A U T E A £ I  Siai'rn rr\v n6ovriv S7ricpe'pouatv, OTav a7tav T O aAyouv evbeiav  e^aipeeft*  nai p,a£a K C U u6ojp TT\Y avtpoTaTriv  n&ovrjv, e7rei6av evSe'oav rxc, aura  ouv  npoaeveyKr\rai.  ev TaTc, ci7tXaTcj nai ou TtoXuTeXe'cri  auu.7tAr]pa)TiKOV  ...  TO  nar' dnobibataiv auveQi^eiv  SicuTaic, nai vyieiac,  kori  (Epicurus, Epistula ad  Menoeceum, 131). Pleasure is found not through indulgence of the senses, but through logic and reasoning:  "OTav  OUV  Keycxixiev f\bovr)V re'Xoq  144  U 7 t a p x e i v , o u xaq  TODV  dcurraiv i^Sovdc; xai rdq ev ct7roAauaei  Keip,e'vac,  Xeyopev, ajq Ttveq dyvoouvTec; nai o u x 6p,oXoyouvTec; f| xaxcug exSexopevot vop.i't.oua't v, dxxd tyvxr\v'  ou  yap  TO  7COT01  nai'scov xai yuvaixayv Tpa7te£a,  TOV  r\bvv  ptyre aXyeiv  xard o"aou.a  \IT\XB  xat xcopoi cruve i'povTecj obb' obb'  tx^u^v  xapdxxeoQai  xaxa  a7roXauaeic;  xai T S V aXXcuv, oaa cpe'pei rroXuTeXrjc;  yevvct Btov, aXXa vrjcpcuv Xoytau-oc; ...  (Epicurus, Epistula ad Menoeceum, 132).  We note here Epicurus' awareness  that his notion of pleasure may perhaps be misinterpreted, and that men are likely incorrectly to suppose that he, by advocating the pursuit of pleasure, is  sanctioning the gratification of sensual desires in the excess. It is this supposed ambiguity in the Epicurean concept of pleasure  to which Cicero objects (note De Finibus 2. 4-15). for using the word ri&ovrj  He criticizes Epicurus  to describe pleasure (which Epicurus sees as the  simple absence of pain, a static state of being), since the word (which is translated in Latin as voluptas) ordinarily indicates to most men an enjoyable sensation caused by the agreeable stimulation of the senses, a kinetic, or active state of being.  He criticizes Epicurus for speaking in abstruse  terms, and for ignoring accepted terminology (see De Finibus 2.15-16). Cicero claims that since Epicurus actually recognizes the two sorts of pleasure,  the kinetic and the static, he should not call them by the same name  ( r]oovr)  ) ; he should either confine the term "pleasure" to the state of  painlessness, or else he should confine i t to kinetic pleasure, the type of pleasure advocated by Aristippus (the founder of the School of Cyrene, who  145 believes, as does Epicurus, that pleasure is the only good, but holds, further, the hedonistic attitude that logically man should pursue each pleasure as i t is presented, and enjoy i t to the f u l l ) : Quam s i explicavisset, non tarn haesitaret; aut enim earn voluptatem tueretur quam Aristippus, id est qua sensus dulciter ac iucunde movetur, quam etaim pecudes s i loqui possent appellarent voluptatem; aut, ...hoc non dolere solum voluptatis nomine appellaret, i l l u d Aristippeum contemneret; aut, s i utrumque probaret, ut probat, coniungeret uteretur.  doloris vacuitatem cum voluptate et duobus ultimis  (de Finibus 2.18; note also De Finibus 2.35-56).  Cicero understands the Epicurean idea of pleasure well, and yet he stubbornly insists that i t is ambiguous; he does not believe that the state of painlessness is in fact pleasure, but thinks, rather, that i t is a neutral state in between pain and pleasure.  He further questions Epicurus' be-  l i e f that reason and moderation can be applied to the pursuit of pleasure: Unum nescio, quomodo possit, s i luxuriosus s i t , finitas cupiditates habere (De Finibus 2.22) . Thus, since he disagrees with Epicurus' philosophy, he tends to over-emphasize the role of kinetic pleasure in Epicurean doctrine, while he disputes and dismisses the role of the more important, static, perfect pleasure which is absence of pain.  146 APPENDIX II The etymology of vitrum The derivation of vitrum, "glass," is uncertain; a detailed survey of the various arguments related to the problem has been compiled by Mary L. Trowbridge, "Philological Studies in Ancient Glass," U. of Illinois Studies in Language and Literature 13 (1930) 59-62. Here we will look briefly at a few of the more intriguing suggestions. In Origines 16.16  Isidorus states that the material was called vitrum  because of i t s transparency to the sight: vitrum dictum quod visui perspicuitate transluceat ... in vitro vero quilibet liquor vel species qualis est interius t l i s exterius declaratur, et quodammodo clausus patet.  Vitrum,  thus, was thought by Isidorus to be derived from videre,"to see."  Certain  a  etymologists followed this idea, and added that the word doubtless came originally  through *viditum, ~ and .",*viditrum. Valpy, for example  (An  Etymological Dictionary of the Latin Language ]1828] 514) wrote: "Al. from video, viditum, whence viditrum (as Aratum, Aratrum; Ruturn, Rutrum) then vitrum.  As being seen through or transparent."  Later scholars accepted  videre as the source of vitrum, but suggested that the word was formed by adding the suffix of agency, "trum,"  to the verb root "vid" (see Regnaud,  "Elements de Gram. Comp. du Grec. et Lat. 2 [1896] 267).  The "d" of the  root was dropped, forming,.rather than vidtrum, the word vitrum, which was defined as something transparent, that enabled one to look through.  Such  was the explanation of F.B. Bopp (Vergleichende Grammatik 3, [1861] 197): "Vitrum Glas, gleichsam Werkzeug das Sehens, oder sehen Machendes, hat das d_ der Wurzel verloren. Man sollte vis-trum erwarten, nach Analogie von rastrum, rostrum, claustrum, castrum." This derivation has been rejected by Morin-Jean, Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 5, 934, and by A. Walde,  147  Lateinisches Etymologisches Worterbuch (1965) 805, who suggests instead that vitrum possibly originated in the North. Scholars have speculated on various other derivations for the word. Some have attempted to link vitrum with virere, "to be green," possibly because vitreus, an adjective derived from vitrum, is often used by ancient writers to describe something with a greenish colour. to describe the sea:  (It is frequently used  note, for example, Vergil, Aeneid 7.759: vitrea unda,  and Horace 4.2.3: vitreo ponto  [although here the adjective may also refer  to the sheen of the water].)  This alternate derivation i s one mentioned by  Valpy, (514): "Or from vireo  to be green; whence viritum, viritrum, vitrum."  Connections have been conjectured between vitrum and the Greek  u6cup  ,  "water" (see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 5, 934), and between vitrum, meaning glass, and vitrum meaning "woad" (see A. Zimmermann, Etymologisches Worterbuch der lateinischen Sprachen[1915] s.v. vitrum ), A.F. Fick, Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen, I, ed. 3 (1874) 219, suggested a connection between vitrum and the Sanskrit vithura, which means a fragile or breakable object.  See Trowbridge, 62 n. 20.  148  APPENDIX III Roman Dice There are two types of dice, the t a l i and the tesserae; games played with t a l i require the use of four, whereas games with tesserae use only three.  Tesserae  are cubical, and marked, as are our dice, on a l l six sides  with figures from one to six. Tali are rather different in shape.  They are  rectangular, with four long sides (two broad faces and two narrow faces), and they are rounded at either end.  Since i t is impossible for the t a l i to land  on either end, only the four faces are given values.  Actual numbers are not  engraved on the faces, but the values are easily determined because each face differs slightly from i t s counterpart.  The broad upper face is slightly con-  vex, and has a value of three (ternio); the other broad face is concave, and is valued at four (quaternio).  One of the narrow, side faces is worth one  point (unio), and the other, which is lightly hollowed out, is given a value of six (senio). Such are the basic values assigned to the faces of the t a l i , but we do not know precisely what other values may be assigned to them in the various throws required by the different games in which t a l i are used.  We do know,  of course, that some throws are considered better than others.  The highest  throw, termed the jactus Venereus or basilicus (see Cicero, De Divinatione 1.13.23; Propertius 4.8.45-46) occurs when the four different faces turn up, the one, three, four and six (when tesserae are used, the Venus throw is three sixes); although this only gives a total of fourteen points, i t s occurrence is obviously so rare that i t is deemed a more valuable throw, than, say, two sixes, a three and a four, a total of nineteen points.  The lowest throw,  known as the jactus damnosus or pessimus, the canis or vulturius, occurs when  149 the four faces with a value of one turn up. Propertius 4.8.45-46.) are  (See Ovid, Tristia 2.472ff;  Before each throw onto the gaming board the t a l i  placed in a tower-shaped box (the f r i t i l l u s , turris or turricula) and  shaken.  (See Martial 14.1.3; Juvenal 14.5.). nke l a r o B o A i V b a  t a l i is known as  One type of game played with  , where, in order to win, a player  has to obtain the highest total in points (see Pollux, Onomasticon 9.117). It appears that dice games are generally played for stakes; a sum of money is placed in the centre of the gaming area and added to after each throw by the players who obtain the lowest scores. Augustus, 71.)  (See, for example, Suetonius,  The stakes are not always money; players often gamble for  jewels, articles of clothing and the like (see Plautus, Curculio, 354ff.). Tali are made usually from the bones of small animals; other materials are sometimes used, however, such as clay, ivory  (see Propertius 2.24.13;  Martial 14.14^ mother-of-pearl, bronze, lead, or even precious stones. Numerous examples of t a l i are preserved today; for these see Dictionnaire des Antiquites, Tome 5, 30-31; also figures 6738-6742. 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