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The Greek community of Vancouver : social organization and adaptation Lambrou, Yianna 1974

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THE GREEK COMMUNITY OF VANCOUVER: SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND ADAPTATION by YIANNA LAMBROU B.A.(Hon.), University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December, 1974 In presenting th i s thes is in par t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree ly ava i lab le for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thesis for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of this thes is fo r f inanc ia l gain shal l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of A n f h r n p n l n p y a n r f S n r - i n l n g y The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date December 6, 1974 ABSTRACT This thesis i s an ethnographic account of the s o c i a l organization of the Vancouver Greek community with a focus on some ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n s . The Church, the voluntary associations and the Greek language school are examined i n order to determine t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e and r o l e i n the process of adaptation. The s o c i a l orga-n i z a t i o n of the Vancouver Greek community i s viewed within the context of overseas Greek settlements. A h i s t o r i c a l account of early Greek immigration to the United States, Montreal and Toronto i s given, i n order to provide a h i s t o r i c a l background to the i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The methodology i s i n t e r - d i s c i p l i n a r y combining h i s t o r i c a l , anthropological and s o c i o l o g i c a l techniques. The analysis i s based on, (1) p a r t i c i p a n t observation and interviews of leaders and members of the community; (2) primary h i s t o r i c a l data on the Greeks i n Vancouver including Greek newspapers, Church and voluntary associations p e r i o d i c a l s ; and (3) published and unpublished materials on the Greeks i n Canada, the United States and A u s t r a l i a . I t was found that i n the Vancouver Greek community the Church acts not only as a n a t i o n a l i s t i c , i n t e g r a t i v e and culture-preserving i n s t i t u t i o n , but also as the o f f i c i a l community government. The impor- • tant r o l e that the Church plays i n the Vancouver Greek community i s shown to be common to other overseas Greek communities such as those of Montreal and Toronto. The voluntary associations were found to act as important adaptive mechanisms through which the leadership of the i i i community arises. The Greek language school ensures to a certain degree the continuation and preservation of the Greek language and culture. The three ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n s that were examined, were found to perform a dual r o l e as both culture-sustaining agents and as aids to adaptation. i v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe a sincere debt of gratitude to the members of the Greek community I interviewed whose fri e n d l y and kind cooperation made th i s study possible. I wish to thank the members of my graduate committee. I am grateful to my chairman, Dr. Graham Johnson, for his suggestion to study the Greek community, and especially for his assistance through-out a l l stages of the work. Dr. Tissa Fernando offered constant encouragement and guidance. His friendship and reassurance at d i f f i -j cult times were greatly appreciated. I am grateful to Dr. Blanca Muratorio for her e d i t o r i a l advice and help i n solving a number of problems i n e a r l i e r drafts of the thesis. Her suggestions and d i f f e r -ent theoretical perspective were most enlightening. I am most grateful to a special f r i e n d , Dr. Martha Foschi, for her encouragement, her understanding, and continuous optimism. My husband, I l l i m a r Altosaar, deserves a very special mention. His u n f a i l i n g support and complete f a i t h i n my endeavour sustained me, and inspired me. Even though committed to completing his own grad-uate degree, he nevertheless helped by offering his invaluable c r i t i c i s m and advice. He i s my very special "Greek", and i n truth t h i s study could not have been done without him. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements v CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Scope and Objectives Existing Research and Literature Theoretical Issues Research Methods I I HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE H i s t o r i c a l Background 30 Introduction 30 Greek Pioneers 30 Early Greek Migration to America 3 3 Motives for Migration: Situation i n Greece 3 3 Early Immigrant Characteristics and Occupations 3 5 Opposition and Discrimination 39 Institutions 40 Immigration P o l i c i e s : American and Canadian 44 Greek Immigrants i n Canada and Vancouver 48 Early Greeks i n Canada 48 The Montreal Community 51 Early History 51 Voluntary Associations 53 The Toronto Community 55 The Vancouver Community 57 Early Greeks 57 Early Occupations 57 Community L i f e 61 Social L i f e 64 The World War I I Period 66 The Post World War I I Period 67 The New Church 68 Residential Segregation 69 The Modern-Day Kefenion 70 Characteristics of Immigrants 73 S t r a t i f i c a t i o n 78 Notes 83 r 1 4 20 v i CHAPTER I I I THE CHURCH 84 History of the Greek Orthodox Church 84 Dist i n c t i o n Between Community and Kinotis 89 The Community and Kinotis i n Vancouver 92 Kinotis 92 Kinotis Leadership 9 3 Finances: The Church and the Archdiocese 9 4 Centralization of Power 9 5 The Church and Its A c t i v i t i e s i n Vancouver 9 3 Language 9 9 Liturgy' 1 0 l Byzantine Music: P s a l t i s I Q I Religious Celebrations 102 Easter 102 St. Basil's Day 104 March 25, Annunciation of Theotokos 105 Namedays 108 Baptisms 109 Notes 112 IV VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS 113 Voluntary Associations i n Vancouver 114 Welfare Association: The Greek Orthodox Ladies 119 Filoptohos Sisterhood Fraternal Association: A.H.E.P.A. 121 Locali t y or Landsmannschaften Associations 127 Leisure Association: The Greek Olympics Soccer Team 131 V THE GREEK LANGUAGE SCHOOL 135 Church Involvement 136 The Greek Language Schools i n Vancouver 138 A c t i v i t i e s 146 VI CONCLUSIONS 150 APPENDIX A Questions 155 APPENDIX B Letter to Informants not reached by telephone 162 APPENDIX C Questions to Greek language School Children 163 APPENDIX D Archdiocese Letter 164 APPENDIX E Proclamation 167 BIBLIOGRAPHY 169 v i i LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE I Early Immigration to America 1881-1940 36 I I Population of Greek Origin i n Canada 49 I I I Population of Greek Origin i n B r i t i s h Columbia 50 IV Greek Voluntary Associations i n Vancouver 115 V Greek Language Schools i n Vancouver 142 v i i i This study is dedicated to my parents, Smaroula and Kostas, who had the courage to leave their homeland and by coming to Canada made a l l this possible. i x CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Scope and Objectives This work i s an ethnographic account of the Greek community of Vancouver. I t i s a presentation of the history of the community with a focus on i t s major i n s t i t u t i o n s : the Church, the voluntary associations, and the Greek-language school. The characteristics and functions of these ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n s are examined i n order to show their role i n the adaptation process of migrant Greeks i n Canadian society. Greek immigrants abroad have developed a community organi-zation that i s common to overseas Greek communities. One aspect of thi s thesis i s concerned with discovering the fundamental h i s t o r i c a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l aspects that the organization of the Vancouver • Greek community shares with other overseas Greek settlements. Immigrants (or migrants) w i l l be defined as any ethnic Greeks born outside of Canada, who are permanently l i v i n g i n Canada. The d e f i n i t i o n i s extended to include second-generation descendants of the o r i g i n a l migrant Greeks. Existing Research and Literature F i f t y years ago there were f i f t y Greek families i n Vancouver. The Greek community assumed i t s present character after World War I I when a large number of new immigrants entered into the community. In 1 1971 according to the Canada Census there were more than 6,500 Greeks i n B r i t i s h Columbia. At present, no ethnographic study of the Greek community i n Vancouver e x i s t s . The Greeks have formed a d i s t i n c t ethnic group i n Vancouver since the 1920's, yet they have been l i t t l e studied. This thesis attempts to f i l l the gap i n part. The s o c i a l organization of the Greek community has not been examined i n any d e t a i l yet there are three studies that give some reference to Greeks i n B.C. Walhouse (1961) provided a brief geogra-phical sketch of the community as one of the several minorities i n urban Vancouver. Norris (1972), writing for the B r i t i s h Columbia Centennial presented an outline of Greek settlement i n B.C. Grant (1972) drew attention to the food habits and shopping patterns of the Greek immigrants i n Vancouver. In the context of Canada, there are a few more studies. Vlassis (1953) described the composition of the Greek communities across the provinces with an emphasis on s p e c i f i c people and s o c i a l events. The few so c i o l o g i c a l studies on Greeks that do exist were a l l carried out i n the eastern part of Canada. Richmond (1964; 1965; 1967a 1967b; 1972) conducted ethnic surveys i n Toronto but without a spe-c i f i c description of Greek s o c i a l organization. The community i s r e l a -t i v e l y small and i s therefore included i n the "others" category. Other recent studies (Chimbos 1971, 1972; Nagata 1969, 1970; Alexiade, 1962) described the s o c i a l adaptation of Greeks i n the Lakehead area and i n 3 Toronto. The Report of the Royal Commission on the Contribution of  the Other Ethnic Groups (1969) offered some general comments on the characteristics of the Greek communities i n Canada. Porter (1965) included Greeks i n the "other" category. This v i r t u a l l y completes the l i s t of available l i t e r a t u r e on the s o c i a l organization of Greeks in Canada. The existing l i t e r a t u r e i s indeed small, and covers an area outside the focus of t h i s research. Greeks i n the United States have been studied more extensively. Saloutos' (1964) c l a s s i c on the Greeks i n the United States encompasses i n scholarly and fascinating fashion more than 150 years of Greek-American h i s t o r i c a l and community development. His comprehensive work offers great insight i n the nature of overseas Greek settlement and early s o c i a l organization. Saloutos (1973) also examines the Greek Orthodox Church and i t s determined ef f o r t s to r e s i s t assimilation, especially i n the early period of Greek migration. Theodoratus' (1971) ethnography of the Tacoma, Washington community i n the P a c i f i c Coast i s helpful since i t shares many characteristics with the Vancouver Greek s o c i a l organization and history. The works of Chimbos(1963), Vlachos (1964), and Tavuchis (1968), give further insight i n the s o c i a l adjustment, assimilation, and kinship patterns of Greek communities across U.S. c i t i e s l i k e Missoula, Montana, New York, and Anderson, Indiana. Treudley (1946), explores the formal organizations and "the americanization" process of Greeks i n Boston. Her analysis of the "functions of autonomous organizations" was the f i r s t of i t s kind on Greek immigrants. She presents a framework for the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of 4 Greek voluntary associations which i s s t i l l v a l i d , though i t does not consider the complexity and c o n f l i c t found i n present-day urban Greek communities. Stycos (1965) studied the community cohesion of the Greeks i n Bridgetown, New York. He found an unusual amount of psychological and structural unity between Greeks which i s uncharacteristic of other l a t e r studies. Cultural change was studied among three genera-tions of Greeks i n San Antonio, Texas (Lauquier, 1961). A recent study by Humphrey and Louis (1973) explores the assimilation and voting behavior of Greek-Americans. Lastly, Cutsumbis* (1970) b i b l i o g r a p h i -c a l guide to materials i n the U.S. from 1890-1968, incorporates a variety of sources of published and unpublished works on the Greeks. Outside the North American continent Greeks have been mainly studied i n Aus t r a l i a (Price, 1960) where they form d i s t i n c t , sizeable communities. Theoretical Issues To understand the nature of the Greek s o c i a l organization abroad i t i s necessary to examine f i r s t the issues of r u r a l to urban migration, and the effects of migration i n a theoretical context, before applying them to the Greek sit u a t i o n i n Vancouver. The majority of Greek migrants come from the r u r a l areas of Greece. However, most Canadians l i v e i n urban communities and earn their l i v i n g mostly i n non-farming occupations. The change from r u r a l to urban l i f e affects the s o c i a l structure, behavior and values of mi-grants (Porter, 1970: 134). 5 In a r u r a l community, kinship plays a very important role as an economic, r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l i z i n g agent (Moore, 1963: 337). Weber and Parsons define a " t r a d i t i o n a l " society as one where values are a s c r i p t i v e and p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c (Hoselitz, 1963: 14). The rules of behavior are set and predictable. I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n brings a complex system of new norms, and structural d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l spheres such as the family and work (Hauser, 1963: 210). A complex d i v i s i o n of labour and s k i l l s demands s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and mobility. The family becomes separate from work (Goode, 1963: 242). Thus, migrants move to the c i t i e s i n search of better economic conditions. C i t i e s are regarded as having the best to offer i n health, education and em-ployment (Matos Mar, 1962: 171). But migrants often overestimate the economic advantages and arrive unprepared for the competition, and demands of urban l i f e (Moore, 1963: 334). Peasants or farmers are considered unskilled so they receive low wages, and face the danger of unemployment (Porter, 1970: 140). Some sociologists believe that the family disintegrates as a result of urban pressures (Wirth, Redfield, Davis, Loome, Burgess, and Locke quoted i n Key, 1961: 49-56; Blumberg and B e l l , 1959). Other s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s view the family i n the urban context as an important agent for primary r e l a t i o n s , companionship and support (Key, 1961; Litwak, 1960; Tavuchis, 1968; Kluckhohn, 1958). The findings of Matos Mar (1962) and Key (1961) support the hypothesis that the family does not disintegrate i n the t r a n s i t i o n from r u r a l to urban 6 l i f e . Instead i t continues to remain a source of security, by s a t i s -fying primary contacts and needs. Migrants have tr a d i t i o n s and views which often come i n con-f l i c t with the new values. They can result i n mental, s o c i a l , and economic maladjustments (Matos Mar, 1962: 175). Heiss (1969: 422) believes that a necessary pre-migration t r a i t i s the a b i l i t y to learn a new culture. The right personality he f e e l s , faces less mental prob-lems with the d i f f i c u l t i e s of migration. The overwhelming majority of Greek migrants i s of r u r a l t r a d i t i o n a l background coming mainly from Peloponesus, Macedonia, and the islands (Nagata, 1969: 49). Greece i s s t i l l an a g r i c u l t u r a l country with 50% of the population i n a g r i c u l t u r a l occupations ( F r i e d l , 1962: 19). Family relations are patr i a r c h a l , and the father i s supreme (Lauquier, 1961: 229). The woman's status i s low, especially i n the v i l l a g e setting. She i s expected to obey and uphold a l l decisions made. F i r s t she i s under the tutelage of her father, and then of her husband and sons. In the r u r a l setting, the primary interaction groups with which l i e f i r s t allegiances, are the nuclear family and the k i n -ship network (Saloutos, 1964: 311). Greece i s a poor, dry country which cannot support i t s popu-l a t i o n . V i l l a g e r s often l i v e i n intolerable poverty trying to squeeze a meager l i v i n g from the parched land (Chimbos, 1963: 24). This i s the main reason they move to the c i t i e s or emigrate. Richmond (1967'a: 32) found that 80% of Mediterranean immigrants stated economic motives as the primary reason for migrating. Goldlust and Richmond (1974) i n 7 a recent study found that one-third of t h e i r sample of 128 Greek immi-grants came from a v i l l a g e or farm. More than half of them were spon-sored immigrants. This explains the i r lower education and lack of s k i l l s since they did not go through the normal immigration selection procedures. Only one immigrant i n four had come independently. Three out of four immigrants i n t h e i r sample, stated primarily economic rea-sons for migrating. P o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s motives are usually secondary, and are only cited by the small minority (2%-3%) of profes-sionals and i n t e l l e c t u a l s who migrate from Athens (Parai, 1969: 59; Nagata, 1969: 49). Ninety-seven per cent of Greek immigrants to Canada are from the r u r a l or working class. They are considered unskilled or semi-s k i l l e d (Nagata, 1969: 49). Treudley (1949: 45), Chimbos (1963: 38), and Theodoratus (1971: 4), i n the i r research of Greek immigrants i n America, found that i n a l l cases the f i r s t generation i s unskilled or semiskilled. Nagata (1969: 62) found that the Greek immigrants i n Toronto had very limited knowledge of English, and without s p e c i f i c job s k i l l s became employed as factory workers, dry cleaners, waiters, cooks, and floor sweepers. Without English, the Greeks had to work for other Greeks and t h i s resulted i n heavy exploitation. As a result of long exhausting hours, family interaction was minimal. Women worked even i f they had children, often the baby-s i t t i n g being done by the father. This changed the t r a d i t i o n a l family roles and created personality c o n f l i c t s , especially i n the men. Yet 8 most of the studies on the Greek family abroad have found that i t re-mains a uniting agent providing needed reassurance in the alien urban environment (Treudley, 1949; Stycos, 1965; Tavuchis, 1968). A considerable amount of research has been carried out re-garding the process of migration, and the ensuing social changes in the migrant. There are diverse definitions of the major processes. Some emphasize either economic or social and psychological aspects. Assimilation, acculturation, integration, and adaptation are often used interchangeably to signify the same issue. But they are defined differently and can have a variety of subtle meanings. Johnston (1963: 295-298) sees assimilation as two-fold: 1) external, where the migrant's exterior qualities become less dis-tinguishable from the indigeneous population, and 2) subjective, where the migrant identifies with the host culture, considers i t proper, and is willing to identify with i t . Parsons distinguished social from cultural assimilation. Social assimilation emphasizes the process of adaptation to the receiv-ing society's system of interaction between individuals and c o l l e c t i -v i t i e s . Cultural assimilation involves adopting the content and pat-terns of values, ideas, and other symbolic systems that are essential in the "shaping of human behavior and the artifacts produced through behavior." The need for social integration may i n i t i a l l y be greater than the need for cultural integration. The immigrant's previous p r i -mary groups are destroyed, and his individuality and self-image are 1 9 threatened i f he does not re-establish his position within the new s o c i a l system. Cultural assimilation i s impeded i f the migrant has not f i r s t secured himself i n some type of new s o c i a l system. I t i s at t h i s point that the ethnic community plays an important role i n the adjustment period of the immigrant. O'Flannery (1961: 195-206) tested this two-aspect model with Puerto Ricans i n New York and found that these processes are independent to a degree. Sengstock (1969: 18-31) studied the Chaldean I r a q i group i n Detroit, employing Parsons' two-type assimilation model. She determined two further aspects of c u l t u r a l assimilation: 1) con-cerned with external aspects (food, language, and r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l s ) , and 2) dealing with the "value system" (ideals, symbols). Her findings show that long after the Chaldean immigrants had adopted many of the new society's "external" aspects, they s t i l l retained a great number of thei r migrant values, and i d e n t i f i e d strongly with the ethnic group. She concludes that s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l assimilation occur at different rates with s o c i a l assimilation being much slower. Park and Burgess (1921: 735) view assimilation as a: "Process of interpenetration and fusion i n which persons and groups acquire the memories, sentiments, and attitudes of other persons or groups, and by sharing t h e i r experience and history are incorporated i n a common c u l t u r a l l i f e . " Young (1949: 615) has a similar conception of assimilation as: "...the fusion of two or more groups into one group; the interpenetration of divergent habits, ideas, and s o c i a l re-lationships into a common unity. Complete assimilation of 10 two ethnic groups may be said to have been accomplished when c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i o n s , including d i s t i n c t i o n i n s o c i a l status, based upon ethnic or physiognomic ancestry cease to e x i s t . " Eisenstadt (1953: 169) sees "absorption" as a gradual process consisting of three stages: "a)', r e d e f i n i t i o n of old established roles...so as to make them compatible with the alternative roles of the new society, b) acquisition of new roles which have been, as i t were, relinquished during the process of migration and which are necessary prerequisites for p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the new society, c) ...evolution of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the new society and i t s common, shared values and goals." But he propounds that no concrete index of assimilation - acquisition of language, customs - can serve as a universal c r i t e r i o n of adaptation. Instead the s o c i a l setting, and the importance i t attaches to accultur-ation influences greatly the r e l a t i v e significance of each index. Duncan and Lieberson (1959: 364-374) define absorption as the entry into the productive a c t i v i t y of the host society. Assimilation i s seen as integration i n the s o c i a l structure i n terms of socio-economic equality. The socio-economic status i s considered as an index of immi-grant adjustment. Acculturation i s another term they apply to "the adop-tion of l o c a l customs and the relinquishing of i d e n t i f i a b l e d i s t i n c t ethnic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s " (Duncan and Leiberson, 1959). The above d e f i n i t i o n s imply a one-way process. Assimilation, "besides i t s misleading b i o l o g i c a l connotation, too often implies a one-way street in group r e l a t i o n s " (Bernard, 1967: 23). More important, these d e f i n i t i o n s imply the v i r t u a l subordination and disappearance of one culture over another. They suggest that the new migrant i s remoulded, 11 reshaped, and stripped of a l l his natural g i f t s and former ideas. He i s made into a "Canadianized" or "Americanized" product. It i s forgotten that this new way of being (which he has to adopt) was indeed forged and shaped by the immigrant forefathers and their interaction with each other. The term integration appears to be a better one i n that i t implies " c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n within a framework of s o c i a l unity" (Bernard, 1967: 24). In most instances the integration of immigrants i n the host society produces some change i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure. Accord-ing to Eisenstadt, "The evolution of a new i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure i s a long-term process, which cannot immediately ob l i t e r a t e the d i s t i n c t e n t i t i e s of different immigrant groups but - at most - trans-forms and incorporates them within the new structure." (1953: 168) Both parts, the migrant and the receiving society are affected by t h e i r interaction with each other, becoming complementary but i n d i v i d u a l . S i m i l a r l y , Valee et a l . (1957: 541) see the process as one in which a number of ethnic groups become increasingly similar to one another. This i s balanced by continuous and simultaneous d i f f e r e n t i a -tion in various areas i n which the ethnic groups maintain and develop thei r o r i g i n a l c u l t u r a l expression. This aspect i s of utmost importance in the development of a dynamic culture. This type of d e f i n i t i o n implies contact, equality of exchange and change. Immigration, adaptation, and l a t e r integration i s a process that happens to both parties: the migrant 12 and the host society. It i s i n t h i s sense that the terms integration and adaptation w i l l be used i n the analysis of the s o c i a l organization of the Greek group i n Vancouver. Migration i s a shattering event for an individual. "Migra-tion i s one of the most obvious instances of complete disorganization of the individual's role system" (Bar Yosef, 1968: 28). There are sev-e r a l studies that deal with the psychological impact i t has on the psyche of a person, and others that discuss the effects of migration on his s o c i a l organization. The individual's role system disintegrates and his previous s o c i a l identity i s l o s t when he migrates. Eisenstadt says: "The process of migration entails not only a shrinkage i n the number of roles and groups i n which the immigrant i s active but also, and perhaps p r i n c i p a l l y , some degree of 'desocialization', of shrinkage and transformation of his whole image and set of values." (1954: 506) There are gaps i n information, proper behavior, expectations, and gaps even i n time perspective (Bar Yosef, 1968: 28). There i s distress and anxiety because of "incomprehension or misunderstanding of new values" ( F i t z p a t r i c k , 1965: 44). The older migrants i n pa r t i c u l a r f i n d t h e i r treasured way of l i f e and values threatened. This may lead to ethno-centrism or to fear and hatred of the host culture. Isolation and a l i e n -ation can result ( F i t z p a t r i c k , 1965; Bar Yosef, 1968). Eisenstadt (1953: 180) found an inherent amount of s o c i a l tension i n the process of adaptation: a) there may be c u l t u r a l incompatability between the immigrant group and the society's formal i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure which 13 may give rise to instability and personal disorganization; b) i t may be impossible for the immigrant to realize his level of aspiration either because of (a), or because of discrimination on the part of the absorbing society. These tensions may give rise to aggressive feelings and negative attitudes towards the new country. In extreme cases the tensions may result in suicide, severe depression or aggres-sion. Dutch settlers in Vancouver found their previous ideas about l i f e and work did not f i t in a Canadian environment (Cavelaars, 1967: 38-45). Migrants to the barriadas of Lima were faced with the hostile and unknown world of bureaucracy. They were scorned and r i d i -culed because of their "underdeveloped peasant mentality" (Matos Mar, 1962: 174). Greeks in Boston had to undergo a "personality con-version" in order to be accepted (Treudley, 1949: 45). Estonian refugees in Sweden suffered from general deterioration in their social standards, and from a much lower level of aspiration (Dahlstr^m, 1965: 103). Because refugees leave their homeland involuntarily the i n i t i a l shock can be greater than that faced by immigrants. After that i t appears that many of the problems faced are similar to those of migrants. The majority of migrants are.not familiar with the language of the host country. This along with lack of specific s k i l l s and ex-perience can result in discrimination in the labour market (Cavelaars, 1967: 38-45; Dahlstr«5m, 1962: 98-108). Migrants usually find them-selves in "niche" occupations where they complement rather than compete with members of the host society (Inglis, 1962: 267). 14 How does the migrant deal with these problems? On the psy-chological l e v e l i t appears that personality changes and r e s o c i a l i z a -t i o n are necessary. Resocialization, according to Bar Yosef i s , "the tendency to re-establish the role-set, to rebuild the connection between the s e l f image and the role-images, and to achieve a r e a l and acceptable s o c i a l status." (1968: 42) I f some degree of successful adjustment does not occur, then the migrant will. b e a marginal man unable to f i t i n either culture. The process of adaptation involves dissolution of old patterns and the rebuilding of new ones. Three interrelated s o c i a l spheres aid the immigrant i n coping with the effects of migration. By evolving through them he adapts to his new l i f e . They are: a) r e s i d e n t i a l segregation, b) ethnic community l i f e , and c) ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n s . Extensive research shows that individuals with similar c u l -t u r a l origins tend to become r e s i d e n t i a l l y segregated (Lieberson, 1961: 52-57; Jones, F.L.,1967: 412-423; Richmond, 1972: 3). In the f i r s t stages of s e t t l i n g i n a new country, most migrants tend to prefer r e s i -d ential proximity with other ethnic members since i t f a c i l i t a t e s i n t e r -action and helps to ease the c u l t u r a l shock (Jones, F.L., 1967: 413). It allows people with similar values to maintain the i r group norms, to preserve a sense of ethnic i d e n t i t y , and to f e e l secure i n a f a m i l i a r s o c i a l network (Richmond, 1972: 4). The effects of r e s i d e n t i a l concen-t r a t i o n or integration, intermarriage and occupational mobility have been studied. I t has been shown that r e s i d e n t i a l dispersion i s a neces-15 sary prerequisite for ethnic integration and mobility (Duncan, and Lieberson, 1959: 364-374; Lieberson, 1961: 57; Jones, F.L., 1967: 412-423). In several studies the Greek group has been characterized as more r e s i d e n t i a l l y concentrated than other ethnic groups, except per-haps the I t a l i a n s (Benyei, 1960; Jones, F.L., 1967; I n g l i s , 1972). There i s general consensus that the more concentrated groups are also the most recently arrived. As length of residence increases so does ethnic dispersion (Ianni, 1957: 65-72). Before discussing the role of the ethnic community, we must examine what are the c r i t e r i a that define the Greeks as a d i s t i n c t ethnic group. The aggregate of Greeks i n Vancouver, i s an ethnic group because i t s members 'share a s o c i a l organization whose c r i t i c a l character-i s t i c i s s e l f - a s c r i p t i o n and ascription by others" (Barth, 1969: 13). Greeks use ethnic i d e n t i t y as determined by o r i g i n and background, to categorize themselves and others for the purposes of interaction. There i s a continuing dichotomization between members and outsiders (Barth, 1969: 15). Indeed a l l non-Greeks are referred to as "foreigners" (xenoi). The Greek group maintains i t s boundary as a c u l t u r a l u n i t , in interaction with non-Greeks. There are i m p l i c i t marked differences in behavior which become apparent i n s o c i a l contact with persons of d i f -ferent cultures (Barth, 1969: 15-16). The ethnic community may have s o c i a l , rather than s t r i c t l y t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries although i n the case of the Greek community of Vancouver the s o c i a l community has a small t e r r i t o r i a l nucleus i n K i t -silano. In his discussion of ethnic groups, Barth (1969: 15) states 16 "the boundaries to which we must give our attention are of course s o c i a l boundaries, though they may have t e r r i t o r i a l counterparts." The formation of these s o c i a l boundaries en t a i l s the existence of common socio-psychological referents and of common sets of interrelated i n -s t i t u t i o n s (Straaton, 1974: 19). Crissman after Maclver defines com-munity "an area of common l i f e based on common interests which can de-termine a c t i v i t y , " and which "has ethnicity as well as l o c a l i t y as i t s basis" (Crissman, 1967: 188). Belonging to a community, sharing i t s customs, and culture provides a feeling of s o l i d a r i t y and conscious awareness of a "d e f i n i t e set of roles to f u l f i l l i n the group" ( F i t z -patrick, 1966: 5-16). This function of the ethnic community i s par-t i c u l a r l y important to the migrant i n the early post-migration stages. According to F i t z p a t r i c k , a community can be i d e n t i f i e d either physically by a set of geographical boundaries, or psychologically by mutually recognizable symbols such as language and customs (1966: 5-16). In the anthropological sense a community i s a c u l t u r a l group with a set of interrelated i n s t i t u t i o n s , i n a geographical setting with a part i c u l a r set of relationships with the larger society. The li n k s with the larger community are occupation, education, and p o l i t i c a l action (Arensberd and Kimball, i n F i t z p a t r i c k , 1966). The concentration of Greek residents i n Vancouver i s an ethnic community. The Greeks form a c u l t u r a l l y d i s t i n c t ethnic group with a s p e c i f i c geographical nucleus i n K i t s i l a n o . The group shares a common set of values, common c u l t u r a l forms and i n s t i t u t i o n s which 17 regulate the a c t i v i t i e s of the group. The Greek community has a def-i n i t e educational and p o l i t i c a l relationship with the wider society. The community "has a membership which i d e n t i f i e s i t s e l f and i s iden-t i f i e d by others" as constituting a category "distinguishable from other categories of the same order" (Barth, 1969: 11). It i s possible for an immigrant to become "interpersonally integrated with the 'native' community, within his ethnic community or with a group of immigrants from another community" (Breton, and Pinard, 1960: 465-477). This i s possible i f no ethnic organizations exist to attract the allegiance of the immigrant. According to Breton (1964: 193) the notion of " i n s t i t u t i o n a l completeness" i s more important i n a ttracting the immigrant than merely the idea of community. I n s t i -t u t i o n a l completeness or s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y i s measured by the number of available ethnic services (such as churches, newspapers, organizations and schools) within the s o c i a l boundaries of the ethnic group. Some communities l i k e the I t a l i a n i n Toronto and the Chinese i n Vancouver are r e l a t i v e l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y . Most l i f e services and necessities can be provided within the ethnic community. The Greek community of Vancouver has a r e l a t i v e l y high degree of i n s t i t u -t i o n a l completeness. There exist formal organizations l i k e the church, voluntary associations, schools, and newspapers which successfully keep the s o c i a l relations of the immigrants within the ethnic community. I n s t i t u t i o n a l completeness of an ethnic group can be seen as a con-structive reaction to the disintegrating process of migration (Breton and Pinard, 1960: 145-177). 18 Institutions that f l o u r i s h with migration are the ethnic voluntary associations. They act as a buffer to the c u l t u r a l shock by emphasizing and c u l t i v a t i n g the tr a d i t i o n s and customs of the home country while simultaneously acting as stepping stones to the native culture. They lessen the personality stress of the individual by pro-viding a fam i l i a r frame of reference for interaction. They offer neces-sary peer-group association especially i n the early stages. The v o l -untary associations do not usually engage i n formal economic or p o l i -t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s but provide f i r s t of a l l entertainment and informal contact. These are important functions for immigrants who because of language d i f f i c u l t i e s remain outside the main c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l a c t i -v i t i e s of the society (Bar Yosef, 1968: 42). Their deeper significance i s that they f u l f i l l the role of mediator between the native and the migrant community. Some sociologists propose that ethnic associations hinder the integration of migrants (Zubrycki, 1956; Borrie, 1959; Grygier and Spencer, 1966). Johnston (1966) tested this hypothesis with Polish immigrants i n Australia and found that no s i g n i f i c a n t differences existed i n the rate of integration. Most l i k e l y those that are not f u l l y integrated may j o i n while others more involved i n the native com-munity may not. Bar Yosef cautions that there i s the danger of " s o c i a l self-segregation" which may result i n a distorted and h o s t i l e image of the society, and even prejudice towards other immigrant groups, i f the migrant remains secluded i n the ethnic community and associations. 19 Usually through the voluntary associations r i s e s the leader-ship of the ethnic community (Treudley, 1949: 44-53). " I t seems that voluntary associations with t h e i r s o p h i s t i -cated leadership, versed i n the ways of the new s o c i a l struc-ture, can be c r i t i c a l i n the r e s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the adult members of the migrant f a m i l i e s . " (Johnson, 1975). The majority of Greek voluntary associations have as basis of membership the region of o r i g i n i n Greece (Stycos, 1965: 253-258). For others, Greek na t i o n a l i t y i s enough. There are also mutual-aid so c i e t i e s , charitable groups, and youth-oriented organizations. The Church i s a unifying ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y so for Greek communities abroad ( I n g l i s , 1972; Nagata, 1969). The Greek Orthodox Church has always been considered important because of i t s h i s t o r i c role as a unifying and culture-sustaining agent during the Turkish Occupation: "During a l l the long years of Ottoman subjection, the Greeks, no matter how scattered or oppressed by t h e i r Moslem conquer-ors, clung with tenacity and fervor not less than that of the Hebrews to the i r own history, r e l i g i o n , language, and learn-ing....Even under Ottoman domination, every l i t t l e Greek community i n Asia Minor, Thrace, Macedonia, the Aegean I s -lands, or the Greek peninsula had i t s Orthodox Church, pre-sided over by a priest whose p a t r i o t i c ardor for the "Great Idea" of Greek unity under a free government has f i n a l l y t r i -umphed i n the independent united Greece of today." (Mears, 1929 quoted i n Warner, 1945: 158) Another writer refers to the n a t i o n a l i s t i c aspects of the Church: "Church and race being i d e n t i f i e d , the Greek Church has be-come the symbol of n a t i o n a l i t y i n the estimation of the Greek people. The threads of r e l i g i o n and n a t i o n a l i t y are so woven that i t becomes d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible, to separate them. The one cannot be touched without affecting the other. Many r e l i g i o u s observances, customs, f e s t i v a l s , usages are rather national a f f a i r s . " (Xenides, 1922 quoted i n Warner, 1945: 158) 20 Abroad the Church continues to be closely i d e n t i f i e d with Greek nation-alism. I t continues to exert i t s influence even though to a lesser degree. The head of the North American Greek Orthodox Church i s the Archbishop whose headquarters are i n New York. The Archdiocese admin-i s t e r s i n conjunction with the elected parish councils the Greek Orthodox communities of North and South America. The majority of studies (Treudley, 1949; Chimbos, 1963; Stycos, 1965; I n g l i s , 1972) have found that the Church i s a major c u l t u r a l l y cohesive force i n Greek communities abroad. But i t s strength and effectiveness can vary (Nagata, 1969). Greek immigrants abroad are faced with the problem of main-taining the Greek language and c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n , and passing i t on to their children. It i s considered "a sacred duty" for parents to teach thei r children the "language of Homer and Plato". After the establish-ment of a church, the Greek language school i s also organized to teach young children the language of thei r forefathers (Saloutos, 1964: 73-74). Research Methods There exist no studies of the s o c i a l organization of the Greek community. The objective of the present study i s to f i l l the ethnogra-phic void i n part by using the t r a d i t i o n a l methods of anthropology. Ethnic groups i n Canadian society have been able to preserve their d i s t i n c t i o n s over time. The Canadian values and system of govern-ment support the continuing existence of ethnic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n (Report of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, 1969). The dominant French and English "charter groups" have received a considerable 21 amount of attention (Porter, 1965). Yet the knowledge of p a r t i c u l a r ethnic groups i s limited ( E l l i o t t , 1971a; 1971b). An important aspect of t h i s thesis i s to contribute to the knowledge of Canadian ethnic groups by focusing on the Greeks, and th e i r nature of adaptation i n Canadian society. The presentation of the l i t e r a t u r e , and the discussion of some theoretical issues has emphasized certain problems that w i l l be examined i n the context of the Greek community of Vancouver. The re-search explores the s o c i a l organization of the Greeks i n Vancouver. Given the lack of knowledge i t i s not possible to do any kind of s o c i o l o g i c a l survey research, without prior fieldwork i n the t r a d i -t i o n a l anthropological sense which involves participant observation and interviews from key informants. Such an approach allows the exposure of an o v e r a l l ethnographic picture, which w i l l draw attention to spe-c i f i c issues for further research. When I entered the f i e l d I considered examining the entire scope of community organization but soon realized that the task was immense given the time l i m i t a t i o n , lack of assistants and funds. Then i t became a question of narrowing the f i e l d of research down to the most important ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n s and issues. I confined my research to the i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the public domain. Thus, the family i s not examined even though i t plays an important role i n the ethnic community. The ways i n which Greek immigrants cope with the d i s l o c a t i n g effects of migration are reflected i n the i n s t i t u t i o n s that develop. 22 From my f i r s t informal contacts, i t became evident that the Church i s by far the most culture-sustaining i n s t i t u t i o n mainly because of i t s dual role as a focus of r e l i g i o u s and n a t i o n a l i s t i c feelings. The Church provides community cohesion and leadership i n the overseas communities. The voluntary associations and the Greek-language school aid the immi-grants i n adapting, while simultaneously maintaining the c u l t u r a l heritage and t r a d i t i o n s . Some other important issues for examination are the motives for migration, the characteristics of Greek migrants after World War I I , and the changes i n the community structure after the i n f l u x of new immigrants. I wanted to explore whether the i n s t i t u t i o n a l and h i s t o r i c a l development of the Vancouver Greek community paralleled that of other overseas Greek settlements. To determine the nature of overseas com-munity structure, I followed the pattern of Greek migration to America since i t was to the United States that Greeks came f i r s t and formed communities. The h i s t o r i c a l perspective of the Vancouver Greek community provided the necessary background for the analysis of the ethnic i n s t i -tutions. This study i s the result of fieldwork carried out i n the Greek community of Vancouver from December 1973, to June 1974. It i s frequently assumed that research i s easier i f done by a member of the c u l t u r a l group under study. While the advantages are well 23 known, the complexities and disadvantages of thdsmethod are seldom d i s -cussed. The issue of gaining entrance i n the community was a delicate one. Understandably there i s no language barr i e r . Even though the researcher i s Greek by b i r t h , the fact remains that I had been only marginally involved i n the a f f a i r s of the Greek community. Before my entry i n the community as a fieldworker, I had had the opportunity to interact only marginally with fellow Greeks. I had occasionally used the ethnic services such as food stores, restaurants, or occasionally v i s i t e d the church without ever being a paying member. Excluding the rights of b i r t h , I had l i t t l e tangible a f f i l i a t i o n with the community. Having been absent from most ethnic expressions of the community, I was e f f e c t i v e l y a stranger. Thus i t was necessary to enter the a c t i -v i t i e s and slowly become v i s i b l y recognized as a fellow Greek. This was not too d i f f i c u l t to achieve, but problems of a different nature arose. Being unaware of the issues important to my fellow Greeks, I was suddenly thrown into an arena of previously unknown problems which demanded my passionate support or rejection. I was i d e n t i f i e d as a possible r e c r u i t to several positions. I always made an effort to stand apart from the divisions or c o n f l i c t of the community, avoiding to pledge my support to any of the l o c a l discords. The ambivalence of my position was sometimes questioned, especially by individuals who wanted to continue or develop further the rapport we had established i n the interview si t u a t i o n . The ethnographer's supposed o b j e c t i v i t y was sometimes d i f f i c u l t to maintain, especially when I became aware 24 of informants deliberately spreading false rumours or misconstruing events for my benefit. A great aid to research was the fact that my informants and I shared a common ethnic background. This meant that we were "playing the same game" (Barth, 1969: 15), and could assume a l o t of i m p l i c i t understanding about common values, interests, and behavior. Often, I was as interesting to my informants as they were to me. There was usually f i r s t an exchange of personal information before we proceeded to the more formal aspects of the interview. This mutual exchange established a balance of low of information which appeared to f a c i l i -tate my subsequent questioning. The fact that I was working i n my own society as well as i n the ethnic community to which I ascribe, allowed me to draw on my own background of experience as a basis of knowledge. This was especially helpful i n setting up the structured interviews, and formulating the questionnaire (Vidich, 1971: 246). There was greater p o s s i b i l i t y for successful communication because I was dealing i n the same language and symbolic system as my respondents. "Several studies have indicated that a greater range of i n -tensity and attitude are more l i k e l y to be expressed when the interviewer i s closer to the class and ethnic position of the respondent." (Goode, 1952: 188) An interesting issue was my i d e n t i t y as a female. I specu-l a t e that i n the Greek male-dominated society my v i s i b i l i t y as a woman may have influenced the nature and results of my research. But I can-not determine to what degree. Except for very few instances, I was always treated "as a woman" by informants of both sexes. There was no 25 overt prejudice, but I f e l t the existence of a subtle negative a t t i -tude towards my unusual r o l e of both a woman and a s c i e n t i f i c researcher. On occasions views about women were expressed by men i n my presence. I was not surprised to see that women are thought of i n the t r a d i t i o n a l manner as subservient, of a lesser i n t e l l i g e n c e , and th e i r position as being d e f i n i t e l y i n the home. Most of the women ( f i r s t generation, newly arrived) gave the appearance of accepting t h i s r o l e to a lesser or greater degree, but I did not have the opportunity to explore t h i s deeply. The position of women i n Greek immigrant society remains a most interesting area for future study. There was a l o t of explanation necessary to establish the exact nature of my status as a graduate student and a fieldworker. Even the most sophisticated informants had trouble accepting the non-commer-c i a l purpose of my research. In order to gain the i r confidence I learned to explain simply and coherently the educational purpose of the study. But even then Sociology was confused with Social Work which often resulted i n my being asked to 'do something for my fellow Greeks', or to publicize the needs of the community. I t was d i f f i c u l t to explain that I personally had no power, and the data was for my own personal use rather than for the purposes of p u b l i c i t y . The greatest part of the data was collected mainly through personal interviews and participant observation at meetings and s o c i a l gatherings. My f i r s t contacts were made through the editor of the Hellenic Echo newspaper, and the p r i e s t , who are known, controversial 26 personages i n the community. I t was quite coincidental I l a t e r found out, that they are representatives of the two-faction c o n f l i c t that divides the immigrant community. They both gave me l i s t s of people x (which overlapped a l i t t l e ) that would be helpful and informative. Through the church secretary I obtained the l i s t of the eleven asso-ciat i o n s . Friends and acquaintances also introduced me to other pos-si b l e helpful individuals. I contacted most of my informants by telephone and those I could not reach I sent l e t t e r s explaining my research (see Appendix B). I interviewed formally a t o t a l of 35 members of the community: the two leaders of the church council, the priest and the eleven p r e s i -dents of the voluntary associations, the two independent Greek-language school teachers, the two editors of the newspapers, the organizers of the two radio programs, two pioneer women of the community, three business people, f i v e U.B.C. students, and f i v e workers (three men and two women). I obtained permission to be a regular observer at the b i -weekly meetings of the parish council which take place at the Greek church. I asked to examine the minutes of the council meetings for the past ten years but was refused permission. There was fear of pub-l i c i t y , and breach of confidence. For two weeks, I attended d a i l y one of the Greek language schools for a l l grades, and interviewed the two teachers. The twenty students of the highest grade class answered a questionnaire (see Appendix C) regarding their feelings about the language school. 27 A l l the back issues of the three-year old bi-weekly Greek language newspaper, the Hellenic Echo, were examined. The paper pub-lis h e s a page of l o c a l news which I read every two weeks. I established a set of f i l e s on the events of the community. The ethnic press was of great assistance because of i t s function as a catalyst of opinion, c o n f l i c t , and events. Other documents consulted were the Regulations and Uniform Parish By-Laws of the Greek Archdiocese, the constitutions of the v o l -untary associations,and two books published on the Biennial Ecclesias-t i c a l Congresses of 1962 and 1970. The Greek Orthodox Archdiocese Handbook was also consulted, as were various Church pamphlets on r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s . The history of the comm.unity was reconstructed mainly from testimonies. The B r i t i s h Columbia Archives i n V i c t o r i a were examined, but contained no information except for some recent newspaper clippings. The interviews were carried out according to a predefined set of questions (see Appendix A). The questions were to be used as a guideline for interviewing, and not for rigorous s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. The data were analyzed by simple mathematical procedures. The orientation of the interview questions, was not to c o l l e c t s p e c i f i c data on personal experiences but to determine how the Greek immigrants f e l t about the i n s t i t u t i o n s of the ethnic community. Other data were collected which dealt with the personal feelings and general impressions of the informants. Though t h i s material was important i t 28 was minimal i n quantity. It was not included since more ethnographic research i s necessary. Nevertheless, t h i s background information pro-vided a general first-hand knowledge of salient issues i n the community. The interviews took place usually i n the home of the i n f o r -mants i n the evenings, and ranged from three to four hours. Almost a l l informants were eager and pleased to help. Rapport was estab-lished quickly which allowed for freer conversation on a wide range of topics affecting the community and l i f e away from Greece. From these spontaneous discussions I was able to achieve a very r e a l i s t i c picture, as well as get a deep basic feeling of the Greek immigrant experience. Often both wife and husband were present as well as some of the c h i l -dren. This allowed me to t a l k with both and see th e i r sometimes d i f -ferent perception of events. At s o c i a l events, restaurants and cafes, I had many oppor-t u n i t i e s to discuss with women and men relevant issues of my research on an informal basis. On such occasions I was a complete participant. I kept a f i e l d diary where' I noted such informal discussions. At formal interviews, I asked permission to use a tape recor-der and did so i f there were no objections. Some of my informants were afraid that I would use the material for p u b l i c i t y purposes, and re-fused to allow the interview to be taped. I personally found that the spontaneity and freedom of expression was best achieved i f the tape recorder was not used, and instead I simply noted some c r u c i a l facts. Upon leaving, I immediately wrote down i n Greek what had transpired, as well as completed the set of questions. The taped information was transcribed i n Greek and l a t e r translated i n English, as were the answers to the set of questions. I found that the interview s i t u a -t i o n i n the f a m i l i a r setting of the informant's home allowed a free and continual interaction to occur with l i t t l e i n h i b i t i o n . I was able not only to get answers to my questions, but also to discuss openly and candidly general issues and ideas which gave me a better understanding and an all-round picture of the Greek community i n Vancouver. CHAPTER I I HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Introduction The h i s t o r i c a l perspective which follows places the Vancouver Greek community i n chronological and h i s t o r i c a l context. The society of Greeks i n Vancouver i s not an isolated, fragmented unit. I t shares h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l t i e s with other settlements of overseas Greeks. The basic s o c i a l organization of the Vancouver Greek community is r e f l e c t i v e of the type of community structure found abroad. Histor-i c a l l y , the United States was the primary focus of Greek immigration. Therefore, to determine the development and basic features of Greek community structure, i t i s necessary to examine f i r s t the pattern of Greek migration and settlement i n the U.S. In Canada, the same organ-i z a t i o n a l features are found i n both the Greek communities of Toronto and Montreal. In Vancouver, the Greek community i s r e l a t i v e l y smaller and more recent. Nevertheless, i t shares a similar organizational pattern with other overseas Greek communities. GREEK PIONEERS Aside from the semi-legendary voyage of Juan de Fuca (Ioannis Fokas) to the P a c i f i c Northwest, few Greeks came to North America before 30 31 the 1880's. Juan de Fuca, whose name bear the s t r a i t s separating the State of Washington from Vancouver Island, was supposedly a Greek navigator, the f i r s t to s a i l i n the s t r a i t s i n 1592. His r e a l name was Apostolos Valerianos. He was born i n Cephalonia i n the Ionian Sea, and was i n the service of the Spanish Navy for forty years. De Fuca's discovery of the s t r a i t s i s only documented by Michael Lok, an Englishman whom he happened to meet i n one of his travels i n Europe. The v a l i d i t y , discovery of the s t r a i t s and existence of Juan de Fuca i s disputed (Vlassis, 1953: 79-84). Two hundred and f i f t y - n i n e years after de Fuca's discovery the f i r s t Greek to come to Canada (of whom there i s a record) was George Nicholas Kapiotis. He arrived i n V i c t o r i a , B.C., i n 1851. He was an adventurer who had fought i n the Crimean War. He came to North America during the C a l i f o r n i a gold rush, and took part i n the Fraser and Caribou gold rush. In V i c t o r i a , he was married to the daughter of the Songhees t r i b e chief by a Russian Bishop according to Greek Orthodox dogma. Kapiotis died i n 1916 at the age of ninety-three. A great grandchild of Kapiotis and the daughter of the Indian chief, George Athans, i s a medical doctor and a Canadian springboard champion, having represented Canada i n the 1936 Olympic Games in Germany (Vlassis, 1953: 84). Another Greek pioneer was John Nicholas Stevens, born on the-island of Syros. His family owned a f l e e t of trading ships. Stevens was a s a i l o r . After many seafaring adventures a l l over the world, i n 1878 he deserted ship at Vancouver, then known as Hastings. Along with 32 another s a i l o r he worked i n New Westminster for a winter cutting wood. He soon gave i t up, worked on the Canadian P a c i f i c Railroad, and f i n a l l y started f i s h i n g salmon. That occupation proved to be most appropriate to his background and upbringing. By 1895, he and eleven other f i s h e r -men had b u i l t t h e i r own cannery. Stevens (a naturalized Canadian) remained i n the fi s h i n g industry working sometimes with f i f t y other Greek fishermen. Most men were bachelors from Skopelos. The group of Greeks retained t h e i r customs: at Easter they dyed eggs, and always danced their own regional dances as well as sang t h e i r own folksongs. They f e l t close to th e i r homeland: i n 1912 many returned to Greece to fight i n the Greek-Turkish War. Stevens l i v e d by the Fraser River for s i x t y years, and died there i n 1938 (Vlassis, 1953: 85-91). The early Greek pioneers that arrived i n d i v i d u a l l y and spor-a d i c a l l y were usually s a i l o r s or fortune seekers with l i t t l e intention of s e t t l i n g permanently. Some remained, becoming part of the immigrant pioneering groups that settled i n Canada. F u l l scale migration to Canada did not begin u n t i l after 1911. The U.S.A. was the f i r s t and foremost place Greek immigrants dreamed of and aspired to reach. Their motives for emigration and the problems they faced on a r r i v a l i n the U.S., p a r a l l e l closely those encountered by Greek immigrants to Canada. The community structure and i n s t i t u t i o n s that developed i n the U.S. are reflected i n the Greek-Canadian communities. Therefore, understanding the nature of the Greek-33 American sit u a t i o n w i l l allow better assessment of the character of the Greek ethnic minority i n Canada. EARLY GREEK MIGRATION TO AMERICA American missionaries (under the American Board of Commis-sioners for Foreign Missions), i n the 1820's and 1830's, encouraged Greek youths to come to the U.S. for educational purposes. They were to return to Greece and contribute to i t s general betterment. These early Greeks - educated and trained - were unrepresentative of the large numbers who arrived l a t e r . The true massive migration began when the Greeks of Peloponesus, the islands, and the Turkish dominated areas started a r r i v i n g i n the late 19th and early 20th centuries. These can be called the "Greek Pilgrim Fathers" (Saloutos, 1964: 22). An e s t i -mated three-quarters of the male population between eighteen and t h i r t y -f i v e years old emigrated from Sparta to the U.S. This exodus l e f t be-hind v i l l a g e s of old people, women and children. By chain migration entire families emigrated forming enclaves abroad composed of r e l a t i v e s or friends from the same area (Price, 1960: 93). Motives for Migration: Situation i n Greece At the end of the 19th century Greece was a sparsely inhabited country with a population of two and a half m i l l i o n people. I t was a nation of v i l l a g e s : i n 1879, f i f t y years after the War of Independence eighty-two per cent of the population l i v e d i n communities of less than 5,000 inhabitants. As la t e as 1928, the r u r a l class comprised s i x t y -34 seven per cent of the t o t a l population (Saloutos, 1964: 8). A g r i c u l -ture was of a primitive kind, and the large c i t i e s were few. The depressed state of the economy encouraged many to seek better fortunes elsewhere. Reports from America gave glowing accounts of a land where employment was ample and salaries were high. Young men started emigrat-ing mainly because of the lack of opportunity at home, and the i n a b i l i t y to l i v e above subsistence l e v e l . The 1890's saw the f a i l u r e of the current trade crop and greater numbers of young able bodied men l e f t . The unhealthy state of the economy, and the natural disasters (earth-quakes, floods) that b e f e l l Greece brought deprivation and hunger, thus forcing entire male populations to emigrate (Saloutos, 1964: 30). The dowry system was another reason which obligated not only men but also women to emigrate. A dowry i n the form of money, land or property was a necessary obligation to the groom upon his marriage. The father and brothers were required by s o c i a l custom to provide t h e i r marriageable females with a t t r a c t i v e dowries i n order to secure a husband for them. If a family had many daughters, the burden of providing dowries for each one often brought the family to f i n a n c i a l ruin. D u t i f u l brothers could not marry themselves i f t h e i r s i s t e r s had not been previously assured of a dowry and a prospective husband. For some families dowries proved impossible to provide unless one or two sons emigrated to work, and send money for the dowry ( F r i e d l , 1962: 64-70). Before immigration to America' began, young brothers went to the other parts of the Ottoman Empire i n Asia Minor or Egypt. 35 When the Turkish Constitution of 1908 required m i l i t a r y service from a l l i t s male inhabitants, many young men sought to escape conscription by going elsewhere, even coming to North America. Some women who be-cause of circumstances were unable to secure a dowry and marry, l e f t Greece seeking a mate and f i n a n c i a l s t a b i l i t y . Their numbers though were not great (Saloutos, 1963: 33). The unrestricted emigration went unstopped. Without any governmental control whole t e r r i t o r i e s were deprived of the young male population as priests and schoolteachers were the only adult males l e f t (Vlassis, 1953: 92). Hundreds of Greek ocean l i n e r s leaving from Patras or Piraeus transported entire v i l l a g e populations. From 1820 to 1880, there were only 398 immigrants from Greece i n the U.S. After 1900, masses of migrants arrived not only from Greece but from Asia Minor as wel l . Table I shows the increase during the peak periods. (Adapted from Maxa^ o^ p-A. } 1 9 4 7 , cited by Theodoratus, 1971: 3.) Early Immigrant Characteristics and Occupations The r u r a l economy of Greece, the poverty and lack of oppor-tunity for a better l i f e provided the motives for migration. The main reason was economic, and because of this the early immigrants came to stay only for a short time. They were characterized by a sojourner mentality. Their sole intention was to make a fortune and return home. Ties to th e i r homeland were not severed, but strengthened by contribu-tions and aid to th e i r native v i l l a g e s . "Greek immigrants gained the TABLE I EARLY IMMIGRATION TO AMERICA 1881-1940 YEAR TOTAL FROM GREECE TOTAL INCL. ASIA MINOR 1824-1880 398 401 1881-1890 2,308 1891-1900 15,979 1901-1910 167,519 173,513 1911-1920 184,201 196,119 1921-1930 51,084 91,369 1931-1940 9,119 TOTAL 1881-1940 430,210 488,410 36 37 reputation quite early of sending more money home per capita than the immigrants of any other n a t i o n a l i t y " (Saloutos, 1964: 43). In contrast to e a r l i e r immigrants of other n a t i o n a l i t i e s (German, I r i s h ) , Greeks had no knowledge of English and no s p e c i f i c s k i l l s . They did not seek a g r i c u l t u r a l employment because they had come to America to escape the b i t t e r experiences of crop f a i l u r e s , unstable yearly y i e l d s , and poverty. They congregated primarily i n the eastern U.S. c i t i e s . Their lack of s k i l l s and language required them to do menial tasks which were more readily found i n c i t i e s . The ear l i e s t migrants worked i n street trades s e l l i n g cigars, flowers, and candies. It was noted that the majority of Greek street vendors were small " c a p i t a l i s t s " saving most of th e i r salary to send back to their r e l a t i v e s (Saloutos, 1964: 46). Later on they moved to the West working on rail r o a d s , lumber m i l l s , and sawmills (Theodoratus, 1971: 4). Greeks worked also as bootblacks, waiters and clerks. Some ambitious and lucky ones became small shopkeepers managing "grocery stores, coffeeshops, barbershops, clothing stores, bakeries, carpentry stores, cleaning and pressing shops, laundries, print shops, meat mar-kets and brokerage firms" (Saloutos, 1964: 47). As they gained c o n f i -dence i n the economic sphere they began to compete with the I r i s h , Americans and Germans i n business: hotels, confectioneries, and flower shops. They soon abandoned street vending to the I t a l i a n s , Syrians and other l a t e r a r r i v i n g immigrant groups. 38 A l l immigrant groups faced hardships and exploitation, and the Greeks were not an exception. The padrone (boss) system was known to the I t a l i a n s as well as other ethnic groups. With the Greeks i t was confined to the shoeshining trade, and to the peddling of f r u i t s , vegetables and flowers. A crafty, enterpreneurial Greek with his own business imported young boys from Greece and then exploited th e i r ser-vices to the maximum. Youths were easy to find since parents needed the earning capacity of t h e i r children. Families encouraged their sons to emigrate since the padrone offered some help i n transporta-tion costs, accomodation on a r r i v a l , and then a job. Parents appreci-ated the money sent back as i t was often enough to help the entire family. Upon a r r i v a l the boys were indentured for varying lengths of time. Part of t h e i r wages and a l l t i p s were kept by the padrone, but they s t i l l managed to send some home. They worked long hours (eighteen to twenty hours daily) with l i t t l e nourishment, as meals consisted often only of bread, olives and cheese. Rigid control was maintained over t h e i r hours and free time, thus closely l i m i t i n g t h e i r opportun-i t i e s to learn English or seek a new job. More often than not they were too exhausted to be rebellious or t r y to learn about thei r r i g h t s . Many young boys thought that without th e i r employers they surely would have starved to death because of t h e i r lack of English and experience. They looked to t h e i r bosses for protection and shelter, very often not r e a l i z i n g that they were exploited. Padrones came to be known as somatoempore (flesh peddlers) (Saloutos, 1964: 54). 39 A similar type of exploitation was carried out in the r a i l -road construction work: contracts were not honored and employment was unreliable. The property of workers was mortgaged and often failed to be returned. The highly dangerous work l e f t many crippled or i n -jured without any compensation (Saloutos, 1964: 57). The peddling trades experienced also the effects of the pad-rone system. Young boys were similarly exploited, living above stables, eating poorly and working long hours. Public concern and outcry in the media brought attention to these a c t i v i t i e s . Both the governments of Greece and the U.S. warned immigrants of the risks. Penalties were applied and laws were passed prohibiting the "flesh peddling". But i t was a d i f f i c u l t situation to eradicate. Many new arrivals had no one to turn to, either relative or friend, in time of need. In seeking employment or other services, they naturally turned to someone who appeared as though he was familiar with the ways of the new country. Being uninformed, they trusted more a fellow Greek (even though.he exploited them), than a foreign, im-personal agency (Saloutos, 1964: 55). Opposition and Discrimination Greek immigrants were facing not only the hardships of an alien environment but also open prejudice and discrimination. Older immigrant groups feared competition in areas which they had previously monopolized, particularly in jobs. There was opposition from organized labour, vehemently protesting the hiring of Greeks who were not American 40 c i t i z e n s . Greeks were scorned by union members for accepting lower wages or unwittingly strike-breaking. The public was warned that these "foreigners" had come to America only to make money and return to t h e i r homeland. They were mostly accused of disregarding the laws and customs of the country. There were strong feelings of resentment: the Ku Klux Klan i n the South was generating public opposition against them (Saloutos, 1964: 63). Greek shopkeepers were harassed and often forced out of business. The most publicized violent attack against Greek immigrants occurred in South Omaha, Nebraska i n 1909, i n reaction to the k i l l i n g of a policeman by a Greek. A r i o t broke out to avenge his death, and to get r i d of those "undesirable Greeks". It resulted i n the destruction of Greek property and the driving of 1,200 Greeks from the c i t y (Saloutos, 1964: 67). They were beginning to r e a l i z e that th e i r stay i n America was not going to be easy, and some measures had to be taken to protect themselves, especially since they could not foresee an immediate return to Greece. In the early 1900's, most Greeks s t i l l oriented themselves towards the homeland. They were greatly concerned with continuing and preserving th e i r Greek heritage. The i n s t i t u t i o n s that existed at that time were testimony to that b e l i e f . I nstitutions In t h i s immigrant society (ninety per cent male), certain i n s t i t u t i o n s developed to deal with the sudden loss of fam i l i a r l i f e patterns. They helped the lonely immigrant to find companionship and 41 r e l i e f from his d a i l y struggles. A carry-over i n s t i t u t i o n from Greece was the kafenion (coffee-house), a purely male i n s t i t u t i o n i n which women were not welcome. In America, the kafenion was a sanctuary: a place to relax, s o c i a l i z e , and keep i n touch with events i n the patrida (homeland). Coffeehouses carried such Greek names as: Acropolis, Messinia, Arcadia, and Parthenon. They served coffee, Greek food and pastries. Men talked, read Greek newspapers and played cards. They relaxed i n a fam i l i a r environment (Theodoratus, 1971: 16). As immi-grant numbers increased coffeehouses began to cater to groups from particular areas of Greece: a kafenion for Spartans, or Cretans was frequented only by those originating from that area. The men kept i n touch with events i n Greece: p o l i t i c s were discussed with great pas-sion. Coffeehouses became recognized as enclaves of supporters of either Venizelos or the King at a time when p o l i t i c a l feelings were high (Theodoratus, 1971:17). Men dancing, and bouzouki music were not uncommon. Sometimes even karagiozi (shadow theatre), and fl o o r shows were to be found i n large c i t y coffehouses (Saloutos, 1964: 80). The early kafenion provided diversion and entertainment i n a fam i l i a r atmosphere for the men who worked long hours at depressing or menial jobs. But as immigrant l i f e became less harsh and family l i f e increased, the coffeehouses began to loose t h e i r appeal. As Greek immigrants be-gan to adapt to American l i f e they acquired some knowledge of English, and made friendships outside the closed Greek group. Soon other forms of recreation were found as immigrants joined non-Greek associations, and became more involved i n community a f f a i r s . 42 Another i n s t i t u t i o n that developed early was the mutual-aid society. One existed usually i n every community. They cut across regional barriers providing help i n times of need. They paid for fun-erals for those that had no one to look after them. They cared for the poor, the sick and those needing food and shelter. But they soon went out of existence because of corruption and internal s t r i f e (Saloutos, 1964: 77). A type of i n s t i t u t i o n that was quite prevalent was the regional society. I t was formed by members of a certain area i n Greece for the purposes of sending aid to the native v i l l a g e or town. Greeks often emigrated en masse, resulting i n entire Greek populations of American towns sending help especially to one area such as Crete, Marmara, or Nisyro (Theodoratus, 1971: 14). Later on i n the 1920's and 1930's as numbers increased these regional societies became nat-ional i n scope: for example, the Pan-Cretan Brotherhood, the Pan-Epirotan Society and the Pan-Arcadian Society. A national association that was founded i n 1922 to combat antagonistic attitudes was the Order of AHEPA: American Hellenic Educational Progressive Association. It was the f i r s t national association to t r y to counteract the unfavorable sentiments against Greeks by organizing an association that promoted understanding and assimilation to the new homeland. It aimed to unite the Hellenes, educate them i n the laws of America, and generally change antagonism to a sense of good-w i l l (Chebithes, 1935: 27). 43 The Church was an i n s t i t u t i o n of great importance. U n t i l a church had been b u i l t a community was not permanent. In theory, the church unified a l l Greeks by bringing them under the Orthodox dogma. But very often there were struggles for power as different groups i n the community t r i e d to get control of the church since i t also meant control of the community (see chapter on church). Once immigrants became permanent residents, one of thei r primary purposes was to build a church. The building of the church s i g n i f i e d the beginning of the organized community (Theodoratus, 1971: 2). The oldest Greek community i n North America i s i n New Orleans: i t s church was b u i l t i n 1866. Next was New York, b u i l t i n 1891, and Chicago i n 1898. In Canada the oldest organized community i s that of Montreal as i t s church was b u i l t i n 1910 (Greek Orthodox Yearbook, 1958: 150). Priests came from the Holy Synod of Greece. If a community had no church building i t s members attended other Orthodox churches. The establishment of the North and South America Archdiocese i n 1920, i n New York (see chapter on church) brought a l l churches under i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n . The above i n s t i t u t i o n s - the kafenion, the mutual aid soc-i e t y , the regional society and the church - helped the immigrant after his a r r i v a l , during the adjustment period: a time of c r i s i s and d i s -location. The various functions that the i n s t i t u t i o n s performed, at home would have been dealt with by the kin group and by the wider s o c i a l group of the closely knit v i l l a g e . 44 The h i s t o r i c a l background of Greek migration to America shows the situation and events that were faced not only by the Greeks but by most ethnic groups upon a r r i v a l . Greeks coming from a poor r u r a l society had to adjust to an a l i e n urban environment, without knowledge of English or s k i l l s . They worked at menial jobs, faced exploitation and discrimination, but managed to survive and keep t h e i r customs through the various i n s t i t u -tions that arose to deal with the disruptive effects of migration. The immigration p o l i c i e s at the time are of great importance since they directed and shaped the nature and flow of incoming immi-grants. The imposition of quotas d r a s t i c a l l y cut immigration to the U.S., making Canada a good second choice for immigrants. The p o l i c i e s of both the U.S. and Canada w i l l be examined prior to discussing the beginnings of the Greek communities i n Montreal and Toronto. Immigration P o l i c i e s ; American and Canadian Immigration to the U.S. was unrestricted u n t i l the l a t t e r part of the 19th century. Up to the 1880's labour shortage had at t r a c -ted many B r i t i s h , Dutch, German and Scandinavian immigrants. Except for a b i l l passed i n 1819 to regulate the transatlantic transportation of immigrants, no other r e s t r i c t i o n s had been legi s l a t e d (Lasker, 1944: 32). By 1882 waves of immigration had brought more than a m i l l i o n and a half people i n the space of t h i r t y years. The greatest i n f l u x was from Southern and Eastern Europe changing the nature of American society and creating s o c i a l and economic problems. In 1882 further laws were 45 passed excluding the Chinese and other "undesirable alien elements" such as imbeciles and criminals. But these preliminary restrictions did not succeed in controlling the great volumes of "new immigrant groups" from Southern and Eastern Europe which comprised up to three-quarters of the total immigration volume in the early 1900's (Lasker, 1944: 32-34). Further laws were passed in 1886, 1904, 1906 r e s t r i c t -ing alien labour, Japanese and Chinese immigrants as well as barring further "undesirables". It was not until 1917 that Congress passed an act using literacy as a test of admission, as well as raising the existing head tax. To curtail immigration and encourage preferred immigrants (from Northern Europe) the 1921 Act of Congress imposed quotas on entering aliens. The restrictive legislation of the 1920's brought an end to the great flood of post war immigration: "The gates were closed in response to fears that immigra-tion was a menace to the whole social order. Restriction came in response to outcries that nearly half of the white inhabitants of the country were descended from foreign stock, that among the foreign-born the birth rate was higher, and that newcomers were introducing differences of outlook and culture which were seriously modifying the basic Anglo-Saxon heritage and patterns of American l i f e . " (McKenna, 1969: 436) By selectivity and quotas the rate of immigration was checked so that very soon America was not receiving immigrants indiscriminately. America was not to continue being the "dumping ground of Europe" (Lasker, 1944: 40). At the time when America began imposing restrictions, Canada became aggressive and put forth great efforts to secure immigrants 46 (Woodsorth, 1909: 165). Previous to 1896 Canadian immigration p o l i c y was nonexistent ("Verax", 1944: 4). Canada started to a t t r a c t European immigrants a f t e r America began c l o s i n g i t s doors. With i t s a c t i v e propaganda, and i t s few r e s t r i c t i o n s ( i . e . , Canada accepted immigrants i f jobs awaited them, whereas the U.S. a l i e n labor law barred anyone with ready employment) (Coats, 1926: 181), great volumes of immigrants came i n a short time. In 1906 immigration to the U.S. was about 1.4% of the population. Canada's immigration i n 1908 was four per cent of the population (Woodsworth, 1902: 166). The Report of the Royal Commission on B i l i n g u a l i s m and B i - c u l t u r a l i s m (1969) c i t e s c e r t a i n other factors which along with Ameri-can r e s t r i c t i v e p o l i c i e s brought mass migration to Canada: "...the Yukon gold rush, the completion of the f i r s t con-t i n e n t a l railway and the b u i l d i n g of other l i n e s , the c l o s -ing of the American f r o n t i e r , new developments i n dry land farming, and the Canadian government's f i r s t concentrated p o l i c y to promote immigration a l l combined to a t t r a c t more than three m i l l i o n immigrants to Canada between 1896 and 1914." (Book IV: 22) At the beginning of the 20th century Canada s t i l l had mostly an a g r i c u l t u r a l economy. Its raw materials were i n great demand. Min-e r a l and coal resources were l a r g e l y untapped. There were great land areas unsettled (Coats, 1926: 178-180). A g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , and farm laborers were greatly needed. Canada's society i n the early 1900's was mainly Anglo-Saxon i n character. Great emphasis was placed i n r e c r u i t i n g immigrants who would assimilate quickly into the Canadian (Anglo-Saxon) mold. Before 47 World War I immigration was mainly from B r i t a i n and Northern Europe. But soon, according to Coats, "an unwelcome change showed i t s e l f i n the quality of... immigration since by 1914 i t had come to include an admix-ture of races lacking the pioneer s p i r i t . . . o n which (the progress of Canada) depends." (1926: 184) Canadians reacted with alarm. Discriminatory measures were adopted in an effort to stop the non-British tide of immigrants. One immed-iate result was the t o t a l exclusion of the Chinese (McKenna, 1969: 439). Non-British immigrants were "aliens " who had to assimilate otherwise they were "useless" (Coats, 1926: 187). If the i n f l u x from Southern and Eastern Europe surpassed that from B r i t a i n , i n the words of one r e s t r i c t i o n i s t , "...the r a c i a l composition of Canada...would have been completely adulterated." (McKenna, 1969: 439) Canada r e s t r i c t e d immigration but without adopting a quota system. The Canadian government established a l i s t of "preferred" and "non-preferred" countries from which to select immigrants. It v i r -t u a l l y excluded the Chinese, and severely limited the number of other Asians (Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, 1969, Book IV: 25). Only much l a t e r and very slowly did Canada begin to adopt non-discriminatory p o l i c i e s , but s t i l l retaining "preferences" and by subtle bureaucratic ways barring "undesirables" (Corbett, 1957: 46). It was as late as 1967 that a l l discrimination was dropped with the establishment of open Chinese and Asian immigration according to the newly established point system (Hawkins, 1974: 141-163). 48 It i s recognized that the growth of Canada has greatly de-pended on immigration. But Canada i s selective. I t has always sought to admit immigrants who w i l l assimilate e a s i l y , while simultaneously making i t very d i f f i c u l t for those who need to migrate. Quotas were not imposed but l e g i s l a t i o n e f f e c t i v e l y accomplished that. During the 1920's the "non-preferred" immigration c l a s s i f i c a t i o n included the Southern and Southeastern Europeans who needed to migrate because of bad economic and s o c i a l conditions. Canadian immigration policy re-mains u t i l i t a r i a n , always regulating the immigrant flow according to Canada's economic needs and interests (Kalbach, 1971: 67-69). 2. GREEK IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA AND VANCOUVER Early Greeks i n Canada Most of the Greek pioneers i n Canada arrived i n the late 1880's and 1890's. The f i r s t were s a i l o r s who had sailed up the Pac-i f i c Coast, or the St. Lawrence River, and then deserted ship. There was no considerable immigration u n t i l after World War I when there were 5,740 Greeks across Canada. (See Tables I I and I I I for Greek immigration to Canada and B.C. between 1900-1971.) Greek migration to Canada, "was l i t t l e more than an eddy of the great flood which poured i n the U.S. i n the forty years preceding the i n s t i t u t i o n of the quota regulations." (Gibbon, 1938: 330). TABLE I I POPULATION OF GREEK ORIGIN IN CANADA 1871 39 1881 1901 291 1911 3,220 1921 5,740 1931 9,444 1941 11,692 1951 13,966 1961 56,475 1971 127,475 Census of Canada, 1871-1971 Population by Ethnic Origin and Mother Tongue. 49 TABLE I I I POPULATION OF GREEK ORIGIN IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 1901 96 1911 810 1921 703 1931 977 1941 1,115 1951 1,494 1961 3,124 1971 6,615 Census of Canada, 1901-1971. Population by Ethnic Groups and Sex, for Provinces and Territories, 50 51 Greeks settled i n a l l provinces across Canada but p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the eastern c i t i e s of Toronto and Montreal. Only a small proportion of these s e t t l e r s were s k i l l e d work-men, the majority being labourers with very l i t t l e money: $28-$70 per capita (Woodsworth, 1909: 183). As had happened i n America, they were often "defrauded and deceived by fake employment bureaus usually run by th e i r own countrymen." (Woodsworth, 1909: 122) The padrone system existed even i n Canada, exploiting youths by bringing them over and controlling t h e i r earnings (Woodsworth, 1909: 138). THE MONTREAL COMMUNITY Early History Many of the Greek s a i l o r s who had deserted ship, settled down i n Quebec, married French-Canadian women, and often a l l traces of them were l o s t . Documented evidence of Greeks actually s e t t l i n g i n Montreal before the 1880's i s scarce. The oldest recorded Montreal Greek i s A.G. Zervoudackis who established a confectionery company i n 1876. He came from Crete and his family was from Spetse. Most of the early Greek s e t t l e r s to Montreal came i n the late 1880's. By 1900 their numbers had risen to 300, most of whom were Laconians, Arcadians and Macedonians (Vlassis, 1953: 137). In 1906 there were about a thousand Greeks i n Montreal, enough for the community to be organized formally. They requested a 52 priest from the Holy Synod i n Greece. Father Agathodoros Papageorgo-poulos arrived i n 1906, and became the s p i r i t u a l leader of the community (Athenagoras, 1961: 7). There was no Greek Orthodox church at the time so u n t i l 1910 services were held i n the St. James Anglican Church. Enagh money was collected by 1910 to build "The Annunciation Greek Orthodox Church" on St. Lawrence Boulevard. Dissent and c o n f l i c t s p l i t the community with the result that i n 1925 a new church was purchased and named 'The Holy T r i n i t y ' Greek Orthodox Church. Simultaneously two schools were formed, and philan-thropic services were duplicated. Voluntary associations s p l i t , d i v i d -ing the community i n two factions (Athenagoras, 1961: 8). The d i v i -sion lasted for s i x years. But the Greek community was too small to support two separate i n s t i t u t i o n a l spheres: two churches, two schools, and several voluntary associations. Thus, i n 1931 both factions united again, retaining the 'Holy T r i n i t y ' church. In the same year, Arch-bishop Athenagoras, Head of the Greek Orthodox Church i n North and South America o f f i c i a t e d i n blessing the union of the two churches (Vlassis, 1953: 144). Montreal was the f i r s t community to establish a Greek la n -guage school i n 1910. Working closely with the church i n 1925 i t became a f u l l - t i m e day school. Courses are s t i l l taught i n both English and Greek, and the school i s recognized by the Protestant School Board. Greek students can enter d i r e c t l y into the High School system after completing the i r Greek school. After the s p l i t i n the 53 community was healed i n 1931, both schools were united under the t i t l e : "Socrates Daily Parochial School" (Athenagoras, 1961: 8). Presently most of the children who attend classes came from Greece with th e i r parents and know the Greek language quite w e l l . Their intention i s to learn English and be transferred to public schools. Thus the purpose of the school i s reversedI Voluntary Associations Ahepa was introduced to Montreal i n 1930. This American-based Lodge was organized i n order to promote lo y a l t y to the new home-land, allegiance to her constitution, and laws. The American-Hellenic-Educational-Progressive-Association known as the Order of Ahepa, has three other a u x i l i a r i e s for women, g i r l s and boys: The Daughters of Penelope, the Maids of Athena, and the Sons of Pericles (see chapter on Voluntary Associations). The "Mount Royal" chapter i s s t i l l active with many philanthropic and s o c i a l events. Two women's charitable organizations were founded early i n the existence of the community. They remained divided because of the s p l i t , and did not reunite u n t i l 1950 (Vlassis, 1953: 147). Later, associations based on r e g i o n a l i t y were formed: 1) The Laconian Brotherhood, i n 1936; 2) The Cretan Brotherhood, i n 1912; 3) the 'Voyatskikon Club' of Western Macedonia, i n 1916; 4) the Pan-Macedonian Association; and 5) The Canadian Womens Aid Society of Naxos, i n 1934. The aims of these associations are: to unite a l l persons across Canada coming from that s p e c i f i c area, to f i n a n c i a l l y 54 or morally aid needy members, and to assist t h e i r members i n becoming Canadian c i t i z e n s . They perpetuate the retention of the Greek language, heritage and r e l i g i o n , while simultaneously encouraging adaptation to the new homeland (Vlassis, 1953: 152). Montreal has many active associations for the Greek-Canadian youth. There i s the Holy T r i n i t y Youth Club founded i n 1945 to promote better understanding of the Greek Orthodox dogma. Later on i t joined GOYA, (Greek Orthodox Youth of America) and i t s a c t i v i t i e s became diver-s i f i e d : there i s a basketball team, a bowling league,a drama society, and a music appreciation committee. The youth stays closely i n touch with the church and community a c t i v i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the early beginnings of the community. It becomes increasingly d i f f i c u l t to keep the young people within the ethnic context. They are better adapted within the Canadian culture. Therefore they have l i t t l e need for the supportive functions of the ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n s . The Montreal Greek community has been acti v e l y involved through the years not only i n l o c a l a f f a i r s , but i n issues v i t a l to Greeks across Canada and the U.S. For example, Montreal has been quite outspoken about the role of the North and South America Archdiocese i n the a f f a i r s of the Canadian communities (see chapter on church). Montreal i s per-ceived as "The Mother of Hellenism" i n Canada. Montreal Greeks are considered as farsighted, independent and as the leaders of the Hellenic 1 communities i n Canada. 55 Montreal had the largest population of Greeks u n t i l the early 1960's. Toronto now receives the greater number. This has occurred because of the recent internal p o l i t i c a l developments i n French Canada: the r i s e of the P a r t i Quebecois, and i t s desire to create an independent Quebec. Many Greeks l e f t because of the violence and i n s t a b i l i t y of the l a t e 1960's and early 1970's. The implementation of B i l l 22 which i n s t i t u t e s French as the language to be chosen for the education of non-English speaking immigrant children, discourages many Greeks from set-t l i n g i n Montreal. New a r r i v a l s prefer that the i r children learn Eng-l i s h ; that i s why many more s e t t l e i n Toronto. They f e e l that i n English-speaking North America their children w i l l have better opportun-i t i e s i f they learn English. THE TORONTO COMMUNITY After Montreal, Toronto i s the oldest Greek community i n Canada. It was organized formally as the "St. George Greek Orthodox Community of Ontario" i n 1909 (Athenagoras, 1961: 17). The few Greeks that were there i n the early 1900's had no place of worship u n t i l 1910 when a small building was turned into a church. It was paid by c o l l e c -tions amongst the Greeks i n Ontario. Later on a bigger church costing $37,000 was purchased i n 1937. The community grew and the i n f l u x of new immigrants made new demands on the community. In 1921, a d a i l y school, "Athena", was established teaching both English and Greek. Later on i t was changed to an afternoon school which s t i l l operates. Montreal remains the only c i t y with a f u l l - t i m e day school (Athenagoras, 1961: 8). 56 The Filoptohos Sisterhood (see chapter on voluntary associa-tions) began in'1921. Its a c t i v i t i e s are philanthropic and s o c i a l . Lately i t works closely with a committee taking care of new a r r i v a l s from Greece. The men's Ahepa chapter - "Lord Byron" - was the f i r s t one to be organized i n Canada i n 1928. The women's a u x i l i a r y (Daughters of Penelope), as well as that for young g i r l s and boys (Maids of Athena, and Sons of Pericles) have active chapters since the l a t e 1930's (Vlassis, 1953: 189). The regional associations that have arisen through the years have been t r a d i t i o n a l l y oriented towards the homeland. They appear and disappear frequently. After World War I I and especially within the la s t f i f t e e n years Toronto has seen a greater number of immigrants a r r i v i n g than ever before. Thirty per cent of Greek immigrants to Canada s e t t l e even-t u a l l y i n Toronto (Nagata, 1969: 49). Community l i f e i s composed of small informal s o c i a l units that usually remain isolated and fragmen-ted. Nagata found that only very few of the recently arrived immigrants participated i n the voluntary associations. The l a t t e r tended to be monopolized by a few families who were prominent i n the s o c i a l domain. Few newcomers had any voice i n the administration of the Hellenic Com-munity (Nagata, 1969: 53). THE VANCOUVER COMMUNITY Early Greeks Excluding the s a i l o r s who arrived i n Vancouver sporadically before the 1890's, Greek immigrants began to s e t t l e i n B.C. i n the early 1900's. Before that, the distance and lack of i n d u s t r i a l jobs did not attract many. They usually d r i f t e d to Vancouver from the other eas-tern c i t i e s , having heard of the opportunities i n f i s h i n g , and of Van-couver's balmy climate. When industry began to develop, there was a demand for labourers, and many Greeks came. Many of them came from the islands of Greece. The majority were from the poor areas of the Peloponnesus (Laconia, Arcadia), and Sterea Hellas (northwest of Athens). There was also a small number of Greeks from Asia Minor. The sit u a t i o n i n Greece at the turn of the century has been described: there were crop f a i l u r e s , natural disasters, and the economy was unstable. The major motive for migration was eco-nomic . Early Occupations L i t t l e i s known about these early Greeks and t h e i r f i r s t ex-periences i n B.C. Some of the Greek peasants had attempted to start up farms i n the P r a i r i e s , but the Canadian farming methods proved to be a t o t a l l y unfamiliar and harrowing experience. Greek peasants at home, worked the land i n large kin groups within small geographical areas close to the v i l l a g e or town. Farming i n Canada involved working 57 58 miles apart from other neighbours with usually only the family as the working unit. Greek peasants had not previously encountered such a type of s o i l , or the sophisticated methods of sowing and harvesting. Se l l i n g the produce involved complex business methods, whereas at home business transactions were crude and of a personal nature including c r e d i t , and one's word of honour. Such methods were not practised i n Canada. Some Greek pioneer families t r i e d farming i n Saskatchewan for a few years, before giving i t up for the r e l a t i v e l y easier l i f e i n urban Vancouver. Other Greeks d r i f t e d off from the P a c i f i c Northwest after the Gold Rush there was over. Many Greek s a i l o r s chanced to find themselves labouring jobs i n V i c t o r i a and Vancouver. Salmon fi s h i n g proved to be an attraction for Greek islanders. Those unable to f i s h d i r e c t l y , opened "Oyster Bars" where they catered to th e i r fellow Greeks'. The major s k i l l of the early Greeks i n Vancouver was their a b i l i t y to work the land. Upon ar r i v i n g they discovered that they had no marketable s k i l l s . Without knowledge of English they had l i t t l e choice but to work in menial jobs. Some worked as labourers on the waterfront or i n sawmills, and on the railraods. They were characterized by an enterprising and independent s p i r i t . They aspired to start t h e i r own jobs, and saved money for that purpose. As soon as they had enough c a p i t a l , they invested i t by buying a stand or a cart for s e l l i n g f r u i t s , or flowers i n the streets. They shined shoes. They were milk vendors who went around neighbourhoods on 59 horse-drawn carriages s e l l i n g milk, yoghurt and cream. By saving small amounts of c a p i t a l they expanded as small merchants. Instead of s e l l i n g f r u i t s i n the streets, they bought licences to set up s t a l l s or sold the i r goods from a small store. At that time the town of Vancouver ex-tended only a few miles away from Burrard I n l e t . Most Greek businesses were close to the water i n the area from Cordova and Hastings to Gran-v i l l e and Georgia (Vancouver City Directory, 1910: 1342). Small gorcery stores and f r u i t markets proved to be the early business endeavours of the Vancouver Greeks, before the Chinese immigrants took over that eco-nomic sphere. Greek-owned stores soon expanded from s e l l i n g only f r u i t to other items as w e l l , p a r t i c u l a r l y Greek s p e c i a l t i e s : p ^ K 0 L (smoked f i s h ) , xa>£a (halva), and loukoumia J X O V K O U U A O . (Turkish delight sweets). Importing companies were soon established i n order to bring over Greek goods. At that time they were mainly consumed by the Greeks themselves. It was only l a t e r when Canadian attitudes became tolerant enough to accept and appreciate the foods of other n a t i o n a l i t i e s , that Greek food specialty stores began to cater to non-Greeks as w e l l . "When Greek meets Greek he opens a restaurant" (Gibbon, 1938: 332). In Vancouver small coffee shops were started by Greek famil i e s , or by brother partnerships. The three most prominent types of business for Greeks were: restaurants, cafes, and confectioneries. Most oyster shops, shoe shining establishments, and the l i k e were i n the area that i s now Gastown: on Alexander Street, C a r a l l Street, Water and Pender Streets. Papamanolis, i n his Brief History of Canada and Greek Canadian 60 Guide (1922: 433-458) presents prominent Greeks and their occupations across Canadian c i t i e s . He documents that the Vancouver Greek pioneers came between 1900 and 1910 and the majority worked i n food trades: cafes, restaurants and confectioneries. Some restaurants were combined with confectioneries or bak-eries, as for example the "National Cafe and Bakery" on Hastings Avenue. Confectioneries, or candy shops, were very popular at the time. They specialized i n producing the favorite sweets such as loukoumathes and pastais. It was a so c i a l event to go to a confectionery and spend some time sippping thick Turkish coffee and eating a sweet, since a l l confec-tioneries had tables and service for t h e i r customers. "Scott's Cafe" on Granville Avenue was such a popular family place. At the time most Greeks l i v e d i n the East End around Commercial Drive, so their s o c i a l and public l i f e centered around the stores and confectioneries they frequented. Papamanolis mentions twenty-four privately owned Greek stores i n Vancouver. Out of the twenty-four sixteen are restaurants and con-fectioneries. The rest are: two f i s h and oyster companies, a choco-lat e shop, a bakery, a shoe store, a coffee and tea company, a t a x i service, and a department store. It becomes evident that f i r s t Greeks start small but they soon climb quickly. "...catering to the minor wants of the public admits of being started on the curb with l i t t l e c a p i t a l and no exper-ience. Once his foot on the f i r s t step, the saving and commercial Greek climbs. From curb to stand, from stand to store, from l i t t l e store to big store, to the chain of stores, to branch stores i n other c i t i e s - such are the stages i n his upward paths." (Report made for Massachusetts Board of Immi-gration, quoted i n Gibbon, 1938: 332) 61 Community L i f e Before 1910 there was l i t t l e community feeling as the mostly male population came from different areas i n Greece and had l i t t l e i n common with each other except the i r being Greek. The biggest group in Vancouver came from Peloponnesus, and v i l l a g e s from A t t i c a . As soon as the men made some money they sponsored their r e l a t i v e s and friends by sending encouraging l e t t e r s and remittances. Men sent for t h e i r wives and children. Others asked their families at home to send them a suitable bride. But p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the years before the community was f o r -mally organized, the Vancouver Greek society was male. Men l i v e d together i n small rooming houses to save money i n order to start up a business or get a home for the a r r i v i n g family. The men worked i n small shops or stands a l l day. They had no organized s o c i a l l i f e -except for a kafenion which was started i n 1906, by a Greek from V i l i a (60 km from Athens). It was the only place where the men could relax, drink coffee and t a l k . But i t was short-lived probably due to lack of business. After i t s closing one or two others were started but with no success. Papamanolis refers i n passing to the existence of a "Hellenic P a t r i o t i c Association" without giving any further d e t a i l s . I was not able to find any other information about i t , neither regard-ing i t s membership, nor i t s purposes or demise (see chapter on volun-tary associations). In 1910 there were f i f t e e n families in Vancouver. Once the women and children began a r r i v i n g , the family took over as the most 62 important s o c i a l unit i n the community. Entertainment and l e i s u r e time were f i l l e d with v i s i t s and close contact between families. Social p a r t i c i p a t i o n consisted of informal interaction, of a non-organized nature between individuals. It was much l a t e r , after the Hellenic Community was organized, that people began to interact s o c i a l l y within a prescribed, formal setting. During the period from 1900 to 1920, there was no church or place of worship. By the 1920's the number of families had increased to f i f t y . Their r e l i g i o u s and s p i r i t u a l needs were f u l f i l l e d by the Russian Orthodox Church. The Russian Orthodox priest from Seattle, Father Andriotis (a Greek by b i r t h ) , v i s i t e d the Greek communities i n Washington and B.C. i r r e g u l a r l y for services such as baptisms (Theodoratus, 1971: 19). Sometimes marriages were performed i n Seattle where there was a Greek Orthodox church and priest since 1918. This was the usual pattern for communities that did not have thei r own church. On November 19, 1927, the Hellenic Community of B.C. was i n -corporated as a Society under the Societies Act. Its name was the "St. George Greek Orthodox Hellenic Community". For the next three years plans were made to bui l d a church for the growing number of Greek residents. On New Year's Eve i n 1929 a Greek Orthodox priest came from the U.S. to celebrate Mass at the St. James Anglican church. On that evening he fervently spoke to the small Greek parish of celebrat-ing the next Easter i n the i r own church. There were many who doubted his dream, since at that time not even the land to bu i l d a church 63 existed. But when Palm Sunday of 1930 came, every Greek for hundreds of miles around came to celebrate Mass i n his own "Home" as the Greek Orthodox church was called. The small building was on 7th Avenue and Vine. It had a basement where for the f i r s t time the Greek immigrants could gather. The $20,000 cost of the church was paid mainly through personal donations, benefit dances and a loan which the Greek community undertook. The Ladies' A u x i l i a r y , founded i n 1929 devoted a l l i t s eff o r t s to ass i s t i n g the community by c o l l e c t i n g money through bazaars and dances. Another early organization - the AHEPA - supported f i n -a n c i a l l y the e f f o r t . By 1936, the church belonged e n t i r e l y to the Greek community. Once the church was b u i l t , i t signalled the beginning of a closer community l i f e . I t unified Vancouver Greeks, gave them a place to meet, worship, and teach the i r children about the Greek Orthodox r e l i g i o n , and the Greek language. A Sunday School was established. The f i r s t p r i e s t , Rev. Ambrosios Mandilaris, taught the Sunday School and gave Greek lessons to the children. It was not u n t i l the early 1950's that a teacher was hired to teach the growing numbers of young children. In 1930, the "Gladstone" chapter of AHEPA (American Hellenic Educational Progressive Association), was established with Tom Stamatis as i t s president (Vlassis, 1953: 216). Two years l a t e r , i n 1932, a chapter of the "Maids of Athena" was started for young g i r l s . The Ahepa's women's a u x i l i a r y did not get organized u n t i l 1948. In the 64 1930's and 1940's these associations played an important role f i r s t l y , by r a i s i n g money for the needs of the community, and secondly because th e i r s o c i a l events (dances, pic n i c s , and bazaars) were an important part of community l i f e . They created a feeling of involvement and unity. Regional associations did not come to existence u n t i l the 1960's mainly because the groups were too small. The Ladies' A u x i l i a r y became the Filoptohos Society i n 1942, thus jo i n i n g the national Sisterhood that existed i n the States and Canada (see chapter on voluntary association) (Vlassis, 1953: 215). For the f i r s t years of the community, the Ladies' A u x i l i a r y helped greatly the church by providing philanthropic services to the needy, as well as contributing regularly to i t s coffers. Social L i f e In the years before World War I I , the community became es-tablished. The Greek residents began to see themselves as more or less permanently settled. The church symbolized unity, bringing a l l groups under the aegis of Greek Orthodoxy. The k i n o t i s (community adminis-t r a t i v e group) represented a l l Greeks. The community l i f e was varied, and personal, with v i s i t s and small gatherings as the main form of entertainment. Namedays were celebrated f e s t i v e l y at home, with friends v i s i t i n g one after another the homes of thei r celebrating acquaintances. Food, and Greek sweets were abundant. At the time very few occasions 65 were celebrated outside the home: hotels and catering services were not used as they are now for weddings and baptisms. The main s o c i a l l i f e consisted of v i s i t i n g friends and r e l a t i v e s . Before Greek films started being shown i n Vancouver, the early Greek residents did not go to foreign films mainly because they could not understand English. They preferred to remain with their friends and t a l k (kouventa) rather than seek outside entertainment. In those years, Greeks enjoyed informal picnics, and dances, where they could roast lambs outdoors, drink retsina and t a l k with their friends. These events were usually organized by the k i n o t i s (church council) -? the focus of s o c i a l l i f e . The young unmarried people were encouraged to participate i n these events with the hope of meeting a suitable spouse. Dating pat-terns were very s t r i c t : young g i r l s were not allowed to date unless the young man had serious intentions, that i s , marriage. In the early years of the community, there were few exogamous marriages. But as Greeks became more involved i n the Canadian community l i f e , as they studied or worked with Canadians, there arose more opportunities for mixed marriages. The Greek Orthodox church at the time was completely against marriages of Greek Orthodoxs with non-Orthodoxs. It retained that position u n t i l the l a t e 1960's when under growing pressure to change with the times, i t permitted mixed marriages as long as the children were baptised i n the Greek Orthodox f a i t h (Saloutos, 1973: 395-407). 66 According to Chimbos, ninety-five per cent of Greeks he i n t e r -viewed i n Lakehead, Ontario, objected to their children's inter-ethnic marriages mainly due to their desire to maintain the culture and r e l i -gion (Chimbos, 1971: 5-17). Gordon (1964: 60-93) emphasized that when r e l i g i o n was combined with n a t i o n a l i t y there were usually strong ten-dencies to maintain the cohesion of the group against pressures to assimilate ( i . e . , exogamous marriages). The World War I I Period In 1941, there were approximately 600 Greeks i n Vancouver, 1,115 i n B.C. and 11,692 i n Canada (see Tables I and I I ) . The war stopped the emigration flow from Greece, except for a few women and children who joined the i r r e l a t i v e s under special circumstances. The War years saw many young Greek men serving i n the Cana-dian Armed Forces. The o r i g i n a l Greek s e t t l e r s were far too old to go i n the service, but the young men born here did so. The community centered a l l i t s e f f o r t s i n the War r e l i e f , cooperating with the Red Cross and sending clothing to the homeland. The women of the Fi l o p t o -hos spent their time i n r e l i e f - o r i e n t e d occupations. Many of the women who had never worked before, got jobs outside the home to replace the earning capacity of their husbands who were i n the service. The closed nature of those war years further united the community. Sheltered in the r e l a t i v e safety of Canada they spent the war quietly without internal disturbances. 67 Greece's heroic role during the I t a l i a n invasion and r e s i s -tance against the Nazis, had repercussions across the Greek communi-t i e s abroad. Greeks i n Vancouver f e l t proud of their homeland and their Hellenic heritage. It was a rare time of pride and s a t i s f a c t i o n for the Greek immigrants abroad who had faced opposition and discrim-ination i n the past. The Greek-Canadian men serving i n the Army brought additional honour and prestige. The position of Greeks i n Canadian society was greatly enhanced. Vancouver Greeks were r e a l i z i n g t h e i r dual allegiance to Canada and Greece. They were coming to terms with the i r past and present. The Post World War I I Period After World War I I ended, Greece underwent internal p o l i t i -c a l s t r i f e as c i v i l war erupted between the Monarchists and the Nat-ional Liberation Front, which wanted to oust the monarchy (Saloutos, 1964: 354). Immigration was minimal during this time, changing very l i t t l e the character of the Vancouver community. But the next decade (1951-1961) proved to be the most deci-sive one since the number of Greeks i n Canada more than t r i p l e d , bring-ing a different type of immigrant, with different background and a t t i -tudes. In the years from 1961 to 1971, new a r r i v a l s more than doubled the existing Greek population i n Canada, bringing the t o t a l to 127,475. Within twenty years, Canada had received more than 100,000 people of Greek o r i g i n . B r i t i s h Columbia's population grew si x times: from 1,115 i n 1941 to 6,615 i n 1971 (see Tables I I and I I I ) . 68 Compared to the r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y and slow rate of change of the pre-war years, the new i n f l u x altered greatly the character of the Greek community. There were new problems: c o n f l i c t of ideas, outlooks, and methods of accomplishing things. The community became involved i n issues created by the large numbers: for example, the need for a bigger church, the expansion to four language schools, and the changing relationship with the non-Greek society. There was d i v e r s i t y of interests, occupations and l e i s u r e time a c t i v i t i e s . In the 1960's the regional voluntary associations blossomed, att r a c t i n g support away from the church. The older associa-tions such as the Filoptohos, and the Ahepa family, began losing t h e i r numbers as older members died, and few newcomers joined. The New Church The small church on 7th Avenue and Vine which had served the community since i t s early beginnings, proved to be inadequate with the i n f l u x of new immigrants. Also, the growing prestige of the com-munity demanded an appropriately bigger building, to s u i t the growing aspirations. The church was not b u i l t u n t i l 1970, even though the decision to begin plans for a new and bigger church was made i n 1963, by the governing body of the community - the Hellenic K i n o t i s . The / land was chosen i n the well-established area of Kerrisdale, away from K i t s i l a n o where a great number of Greeks l i v e d . The new h a l f - m i l l i o n d o l l a r church was b u i l t by a l o t of cajoling and pressure to get donations and new memberships. I t was 69 not u n t i l 1970 that enough money had been collected to begin building. The old church was sold as well as two houses belonging to the Fi l o p t o -hos. Most voluntary associations organized benefit dances for the support of the new church. Donations were accepted from indi v i d u a l members of the community. But there were several misunderstandings and outright accusations about the c o l l e c t i o n of the money and how i t was being spent. A community center i s to be b u i l t when enough money has been collected. But i t i s s t i l l i n the planning stages. Residential Segregation During the early years, the majority of Greek residents l i v e d i n the East End area of Vancouver, where housing was inexpensive. They were few i n number and at that time did not form a recognized enclave i n the c i t y as the Chinese and Japanese did. Their businesses were situated close to the waterfront (Vancouver City Directory, 1910: 1342). After the church was b u i l t i n 1930, a few families moved closer to the church since most s o c i a l events centered around i t . The community did not become recognized as r e s i d e n t i a l l y segregated u n t i l the l a t e 1950's and early 1960's when Greek-owned stores and restaurants started to appear i n K i t s i l a n o - the area where the church was situated. New immigrants seeking fa m i l i a r surroundings congre-gated around the church and stores, slowly attracting friends and r e l a -t i v e s . By 1961, twenty-one per cent of Greeks i n Vancouver were con-centrated i n the Ki t s i l a n o area (Grant, 1972: 127). 70 " I t i s apparent that with the development of Greek food stores along the major business thoroughfare of K i t s i l a n o on West Broadway, the main centre for the expanding Greek community over the l a s t decade (1961-1971) i s focused on th i s part of the c i t y . " (Grant, 1972: 128) The K i t s i l a n o area continues to attract new a r r i v a l s who are seeking security i n a f a m i l i a r s o c i a l network. The services (trans-l a t i o n s , employment advice, companionship) that are found there help to ease the c u l t u r a l shock (Jones, 1967: 412-423). Recent Greek a r r i v a l s appear to go through a period of two to f i v e years where they remain i n r e s i d e n t i a l proximity with other Greeks before they disperse within the c i t y . Residential dispersion i s a necessary prerequisite for the general adaptation and s o c i a l mobility i n the non-Greek society (Lieberson, 1961: 52-57). The second generation which i s more adapted and more s o c i a l l y mobile, i s to be found dispersed a l l over the c i t y . The correlation between r e s i d e n t i a l segregation and recency of a r r i v a l , was also observed by Stephanides with the Greeks of Detroit (1971: 115-128). The Modern-Day Kafenion In the K i t s i l a n o area, and p a r t i c u l a r l y on West Broadway Avenue there are some Greek-owned restaurants (serving Greek food and pizza, or Canadian food), which cater to Greeks and non-Greeks a l i k e . They are usually family-run enterprises. Their decor reminds one of Greece as everywhere there are Greek posters, and popular Greek music i s played loudly. These Greek restaurants (one open 24 hours), per-form the function of the kafenion of the early days. In a l l of them, 71 there are a few tables i m p l i c i t l y reserved for Greek customers: par-t i c u l a r l y men, and sometimes women accompanied by their husbands. It i s interesting to note that whenever a Greek known to the owner enters, he i s greeted by name and then seated at the table reserved for Greek patrons and friends. When others arrive they are usually seated toge-ther. The owner serves them coffee (often on the house) and chats with them i f he/she i s not busy. They usually discuss the lat e s t p o l i t i c a l events i n Greece, and have passionate arguments over the ad-vantages and disadvantages of l i f e i n Canada. They read Greek newspapers and play the la t e s t Greek music i n the juke-box. Some stay longer than two hours just drinking coffee - especially the unemployed ones. They sometimes eat, promising to pay l a t e r . Newly arrived immigrants receive information from the owner regarding jobs with Greek employers, or directions on how to get a job through the Manpower o f f i c e s . Transla-tions of documents are done right there by Greeks who speak English. Lately there has appeared a b i l l i a r d h a l l frequented mainly by young, newly arrived Greeks. I t i s a t o t a l l y male enclave, run by a Greek man and his family. There are refreshments and hamburgers for the players. The b i l l i a r d h a l l appeared two years ago (1972) on West Broadway Avenue, attracting the young unemployed Greek men who previously chatted and drank coffee i n the restaurants. On West Broadway Avenue there are other Greek-owned businesses besides restaurants: bakeries, t r a v e l agencies, photographers' studio, shoe stores, and f i s h stores. In a l l the above places Greeks drop by to 72 have a chat with the owner even i f no purchase i s made. At some places where they are better known they w i l l go right through to the back of the store (for example, a bakery) and spend some time t a l k i n g , eating pastries that are always offered, and discussing business. The type of person most often engaged in such a past-time i s the young, recently arrived unemployed male, with minimal knowledge of English, and few s k i l l s . The informal v i s i t s i n stores and restaurants often serve to carry out r e c i p r o c a l , informal transactions of loans, or business deals. The economics of the Greek community are often carried out on t h i s informal l e v e l where money i s exchanged without formal contracts or interest. Repayment i s often not i n the same form, but can be r e c i -procated l a t e r by a personal favor, or help at a time of need. Prominent leaders of the community (the p r i e s t , the k i n o t i s president), often drop by the place of business to speak personally with the owner rather than telephone him or her regarding a special message or request. Greeks prefer carrying out business transactions informally, on neutral, public ground such as restaurants or stores. This type of s o c i a l interaction could be interpreted accord-ing to Weber, as tradition-oriented, the kind one would find more often i n a f o l k rather than urban culture. Greek immigrants continue such t r a d i t i o n a l practices even i n Vancouver, a modern, i n d u s t r i a l society. Even though these t r a d i t i o n a l behaviour patterns may come i n c o n f l i c t 73 with those of the outside society, they are maintained mainly because they offer s t a b i l i t y i n the face of great change and dislocation (Hoselitz, 1963: 11-31). The h i s t o r i c a l development of the community shows how i t grew from a small congregation of a few men to a complex, dynamic society with various specialized i n s t i t u t i o n s . The nature of the community was shaped by the post-war immi-grants who came i n great numbers. The characteristics of the three groups which comprise the Greek community are presented i n the next section. A discussion on the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of the community follows, based on preliminary observations. Characteristics of Immigrants The Greek community i s comprised of three different groups: 1) the older group that came before 1948; 2) the recent group that 2 arrived after 1948; and 3) the second generation. Let us examine each group separately. The f i r s t group consists of people of older age who arrived i n Vancouver before 1948. Their average age i s close to s i x t y years old, but there are a few older ones. They are considered the pioneers of the community. Upon a r r i v a l they had ID s k i l l s other than farming. They usually spoke no English and l a t e r learned just enough to carry out the i r business. They came from the r u r a l areas of Greece and had minimal formal education, p a r t i c u l a r l y the women. The majority are self-employed and quite successful economically. 74 They are t r a d i t i o n a l l y oriented, holding many of the Greek values as unquestionable truth. They are conservative and c r i t i c a l of modern patterns such as r a c i a l equality and mixed marriages. They often look on the rapid change of events and values with baffled be-wilderment and insecurity. They prefer to withdraw i n the past often using i t as a shining and proper example of behaviour. They speak Greek at home, read Greek and English newspapers. They are moderately interested i n non-Greek a f f a i r s and are Canadian c i t i z e n s . It was t h e i r pioneering s p i r i t which had established the community, therefore they are of an independent nature p a r t i c u l a r l y with regards to occupation. They own the i r own homes (or have owned several i n the past) and their children have usually gone to university or are working at some s k i l l e d position. They support the church and k i n o t i s strongly by the i r involve-ment and generous contributions. They disapprove of the c r i t i c i s m and attacks on the priest and the church. They f e e l c r i t i c a l of the younger immigrants for dividing the community. The second group which i s the largest, consists of younger Greeks who arrived after 1948. For example: i n the years between 1956 and 1963 the greatest number of a r r i v a l s i n Canada ranged i n age 3 between 20 and 29 years, the next group was between 30 and 34 years. In the late 1950's, the largest occupational categories admitted were 4 domestics, labourers and farm labourers. There was a decrease of 75 unskilled admissions In the 1960's, as more s k i l l e d immigrants such as 5 t a i l o r s , e l e c t r i c i a n s , typesetters and seamstresses were admitted. The majority came from v i l l a g e s but there was also a greater number of urban dwellers. In the l a t e 1960's and 1970's more educated and better trained people arrived than ever before. The majority of recently arrived immigrants who come from r u r a l areas usually speak no English (or very l i t t l e ) and work i n unskilled or semi-skilled occupations. Very often they are sponsored by r e l a t i v e s , and i n the beginning stay with them u n t i l employment i s found. If not married on a r r i v a l they soon marry someone from here, or someone sent over from Greece. They have l i t t l e s o c i a l interaction outside the Greek community, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the f i r s t years. They do not become formal members of voluntary associations. Their s o c i a l interaction i s limited to informal friendship patterns and extensive kin group t i e s . They l i s t e n to Greek radio programs, and read Greek newspapers and magazines. They often attend Greek movies that are shown every two weeks i n K i t s i l a n o , at the Hollywood Theatre on West Broadway Avenue. Most of them came to Canada with the purpose of staying tem-po r a r i l y , saving money, and returning to Greece as soon as possible. Others come solely for educating the i r children, planning to return after the completion of the i r studies. But they soon put roots by purchasing a home close to friends and r e l a t i v e s , and enjoying comforts they did not have at home. After f i v e years they usually become Canadian 76 citizens because a foreign passport is desirable. When they v i s i t Greece they realize that they have adapted to the Canadian l i f e style that 6 cannot be found at home. Few return to stay permanently. This second group of recently arrived immigrants exhibits traits of regionalism. Amongst themselves they identify each other as Cretan, Epirotan or Athenian. They rarely c a l l themselves "Cana-dian". That term is used only with reference to one's passport, and very rarely to one's identity. A resident of Vancouver for twenty years or more, said: "A Greek I was born, and a Greek I shall die." They share this strong ethnic identity with the older immigrant group. One can determine a Greek's measure of adaptation merely by examining what he calls himself: a "Greek" is relatively unadapted and identifies himself strongly with the homeland, having come here as an adult (15 years and over). a "Greek-Canadian" probably came here as a child and feels some identification with his past, but also an allegiance to Canada. - a "Canadian of Greek origin" is usually the second generation person who is assimilated within the Anglo-Saxon framework and 7 feels l i t t l e ethnic identification with his heritage. First generation Greeks change l i t t l e their values and norms particularly in the subjective domain. They may adapt in exterior ways 8 to some degree but they retain most of their earlier socialized values. 77 A measure of adaptation i s l i n g u i s t i c proficiency. They may learn English, often well enough to get along with English-speaking 9 friends, but at home they continue to speak Greek. The children are expected to do so also, with the resu l t that when they begin t h e i r schooling they do so without any knowledge of English, but i t i s soon learned. Included i n t h i s post-1948 group of immigrants i s also a num-ber of people who l e f t Greece for p o l i t i c a l rather than economic rea-sons. They are better educated, have professional s k i l l s and come from urban areas. Their number i s small p a r t i c u l a r l y i n B.C. which does not receive so many Greeks as do the eastern provinces. This type of immigrant quickly moves into a high occupational status and income, outside the Greek community. They involve themselves minimally i n the 10 ethnic l i f e , and have wide s o c i a l networks with non-Greeks. There i s also a small number of Greek students who come for graduate studies, and then promptly return to Greece. The t h i r d group consists of the second generation. They are the children of the older immigrants, and the offspring of immigrants who came after 1948. They id e n t i f y the least with the ethnic system of values. They are the best educated group of a l l three. They have had maximum contact with the Canadian society throughout their l i f e and as a result participate l i t t l e i n the ethnic community. Even though they attended Greek language school as children, they speak mostly English at home. Their s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Greek community i s 78 mainly through the national associations such as Ahepa and i t s a u x i l i a r -ies which stress allegiance to Canada more than Greece. The second generation Greeks do not l i v e i n the area of Vancouver where the majority of immigrants l i v e , but prefer to disperse a l l over, the c i t y and the suburbs. Their income i s higher than the majority of Greeks since many are professionals and work for Canadian f irms. This group did not seem to attach the same degree of impor-tance i n the area of Greece from which t h e i r parents came. Some had not v i s i t e d Greece and knew l i t t l e of thei r r e l a t i v e s there. There tended to be more mixed marriages i n this group. There was no emphasis on marrying within the group, p a r t i c u l a r l y since very few spoke Greek. The second generation i s well adapted i n the Canadian com-munity. But there i s need for further and closer study of t h i s group. S t r a t i f i c a t i o n The following remarks regarding the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of the Greek community are based on first-hand observation. No structured interviews or questionnaires were used to obtain the data. Rather they are the result of informal discussions and participant observation with-i n the community. Being a member of the community myself, enabled me to discern the subtle and i n t u i t i v e d i v i s i o n s that exist i n the Greek society. 79 The observations that follow are based on my own interpre-tation of the existing relationships. I t i s acknowledged and under-stood that the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of the community i s much more complex and more integrated than the following categories describe. The observa-tions are primarily an outline of the complex s t r a t i f i c a t i o n structure. I have chosen to include these preliminary premises (even though not empirically tested), because they are representative of the feelings of Greek community members. The i m p l i c i t assumptions made by the Greeks themselves regarding the classes of the community, play an important role i n understanding the problems of: 1) leadership; 2) i n -st i t u t i o n s monopolized by certain groups; and 3) inter-group c o n f l i c t . The community i s not r i g i d l y s t r a t i f i e d i n a manner that allows no inter-mobility. The vague classes are not closed. There are no s o c i a l rules preventing the inter-mixing of classes. The class sys-tem i s not r i g i d l y enforced or c l e a r l y sanctioned. There i s a l o t of inter-generational mobility and a great degree of integrated a c t i v i t y between the different groups. Nevertheless, the members of the Greek community recognize certain groups as apart, or as s t r a t i f i e d according to certain c r i t e r i a . The individuals i n these groups are placed i n an informal h i e r a r c h i c a l framework on the basis of prestige derived from wealth, occupation, or education. The f i r s t group with a high prestigious position consists of a small number of pioneers who established the community. The second group includes the entrepreneurial and professional people. 80 The t h i r d group i s the working class, comprised by the greater number of newly arrived immigrants. The group of older pioneer Greeks has a special position i n the community structure. Small i n number (200-300 people), the pioneer group has prestige mainly because i t i s part of history. The majority of these immigrants are now independently wealthy, l i v i n g i n prestigious r e s i d e n t i a l areas. They are past their prime active age where they can contribute f u l l y i n the s o c i a l and administrative arenas of the community. Their views and opinions are sometimes sought but mainly as a gesture of appreciation. Their status arises from t h e i r previous contributions: the fact that "they b u i l t the community and the church." They are the "elders", occupying a special position because of their age, and past contributions. The pioneer Greeks disapprove of the "destructive" tendencies of the recent immigrants who want to separate the church from the secu-l a r aspects of the community. For them the church has always s i g n i f i e d community. They come i n c o n f l i c t with the recent immigrants but they have l i t t l e amount of r e a l power to influence the course of events. They are "leaders" only out of respect and recognition. The second category comprises the entrepreneurial and profes-sional people. Together they constitute the leadership of the community. The entrepreneurial group i s composed mainly of merchants who are self-employed. They have average education and usually just an adequate command of English. They arrived at their present occupational 81 status through progressive stages at various menial jobs. They have their own homes, and one or two cars. This class i s the nouveau-riche e l i t e of the community. From t h i s merchant group are recruited the members of the k i n o t i s council, and the various church and school committees. Ascribing to a l a i s s e z - f a i r e attitude, they are i n t o l e r -ant of the church's involvement i n the secular aspect of community organization. They view the church's role as an encroachment and a hindrance to the development of the community. In t h i s aspect, they are i n c o n f l i c t with the older pioneer group which considers the church and community as inseparable. This class monopolizes most forms of leadership. They p a r t i -cipate more than any other group i n formal i n s t i t u t i o n s l i k e the k i n o t i s , and the voluntary associations. Because of t h e i r active involvement, they influence and shape the action of the ethnic community. The professionals and second generation Greeks are also i n -cluded i n this second category. They are r e l a t i v e l y wealthy and have a higher education than the above business group. They usually remain outside the realm of the ethnic community, pa r t i c i p a t i n g only margi-n a l l y i n i t s a c t i v i t i e s . In the past, some qu a l i f i e d lawyers and a r c h i -tects worked with the ethnic community. But because of c o n f l i c t they l e f t i n disillusionment. The number of well educated individuals who do not remain with the group i s increasing. It i s postulated that they leave because of c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t . Professionals have ideological differences that c o n f l i c t with the conservative and t r a d i t i o n a l thinking 82 of the majority of Greeks - most of whom are recent a r r i v a l s . (Fur-ther examination of this professional group would be useful i n order to examine f u l l y i t s characteristics and motives for withdrawal from the group). The professional category enjoys higher prestige i n the wider community than the merchant group. This i s mainly because of thei r education - a c r i t e r i o n considered as more important than wealth or business success. The t h i r d category i s the working class. It constitutes the largest part of the community, comprising mostly recently-arrived immi-grants. The characteristics of t h i s group were described previously. They are r e l a t i v e l y poor, have low status occupations, and are uns k i l l e d . They participate very l i t t l e i n formal s o c i a l interactions, preferring the closed family and kin group associations. They are minimally i n -volved i n the a f f a i r s of the community, and even less so i n the non-Greek society. They are the least adapted of a l l three groups. Having examined the h i s t o r i c a l development and character of the community, we can now analyze i n closer d e t a i l the major ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n s : the church, the voluntary associations and the Greek-language school. 83 Notes 1. This i s due to Montreal's opposition to the Archdiocese's continued eff o r t s at cen t r a l i z a t i o n . 2. C l a s s i f i c a t i o n after Stephanides, 1971: 122. 3. Canada, Department of Citizenship and Immigration S t a t i s t i c s 1946-1963. Immigrants by Ethnic Origin, Age Group and Sex 1956-1963. 4. . Immigrants by Ethnic Origin and Intended Occupation 1956-1963. 5. . Immigrants by Ethnic Origin and Intended Occupation 1959-1963. 6. For a d i s t i n c t i v e typology of immigrants and mode of adaptation, see J. Goldlust and A.H. Richmond, A Multivariate Model of Immigrant Adaptation, International Migration Review, Vol. 8 (26) Summer, 1974. 7. Term "Greek of Canadian Origin" after Stephanides, 1971: 124. 8. Terms "subjective and exterior domain" after Nagata, 1969: 45. 9. For a study of c u l t u r a l change among three generations of Greeks, see Helen Capanidou Lauquier, Cultural Change Among Three Generations of Greeks, American Catholic Sociological Review, Vol. 3, F a l l , 1961, pp. 223-232. 10. Goldlust and Richmond c a l l t h i s type: immigrant with "average or higher education, short residence". CHAPTER I I I THE CHURCH HISTORY OF THE GREEK ORTHODOX CHURCH In order to understand the important role of the Church i n the ethnic community, i t i s necessary to examine i t s h i s t o r i c a l roots and i t s relationship to the Greek consciousness. Ninety-four per cent of Greeks i n Greece are Orthodox. I t i s a r e a l i t y that the Orthodox Church i s a prominent element of every-day l i f e as much now, as i t was hundreds of years ago. S p i r i t u a l l y i t can be said that Greece i s the Orthodox Church (Etteldorf, 1963: i x ) . It i s taken for granted that one cannot be a Greek without at the same time being a member of the Orthodox church. The close relationship between citizenship and Orthodoxy was cemented during the 400 years of Turkish occupation (1453-1829). The fact that the Greek nation was able to survive almost 400 years of Turkish dominance i s readily attributed by Greeks to the sustaining power of the Orthodox Church. There were other factors involved such as the help of the fr i e n d l y Western powers, and the stubborn nationalism of the Greek character, but by far the p r i n c i p a l cause was the Orthodox Church (Etteldorf, 1963: 43-44). Under Turkish domination the Patriarch of Constantinople was granted by Mohammed I I not only e c c l e s i a s t i c a l , but also c i v i l authority over his people (Etteldorf, 1903: 45). The Church was the only non-Turkish c i v i c authority to remain i n Greece. 84 85 It became i d e n t i f i e d with the survival of the Greek nation. To be an Orthodox Christian was to be a Greek. The Greek consciousness was kept a l i v e by the schools that the Church fostered, educating the occu-pied nation i n i t s r i c h c u l t u r a l heritage (Etteldorf, 1903: 47). Pop-ular b e l i e f " i s that during the 1821 War of Independence the Church 1 played a prominent ro l e . There are c o n f l i c t i n g views about t h i s , but the fact remains that the Greek people closely i d e n t i f y the Church with nationalism. Once independence was achieved the Orthodox Church i n Greece repudiated the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Patriarch of Constantinople thus becoming the autocephalous Church of Greece i n 1850 (Constantelos, 1967: 56). In the new nation the Church retained i t s autonomy with Jesus Christ as i t s head, and the King as i t s administrative r u l e r . Thus nationalism and Orthodoxy had fused i n the Church of Greece, f u r -ther cementing the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Orthodoxy and Greekness. The State has some authority i n Church matters, and i n turn the Church i s linked with the p o l i t i c a l ideologies of the State ( E t t e l -dorf, 1963: 52-53). The m i l i t a r y regime which ruled Greece for seven years (1967-1974) had posters i n buses and public places proclaiming: "To be a Greek i s to be a Christian," and "Let us buil d a Greece for Greek Christians." 2 Since Byzantine times, Romiosini and Orthodoxy have been closely linked to each other, together formulating the Greek s p i r i t and consciousness. The Greek Orthodox Church has f i v e administrative j u r i s d i c -tions: 1) the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople (Istanbul); 86 2) the Patriarchate of Antioch; 3) the Patriarchate of Jerusalem; 4) the (autocephalous) Church of Greece; and 5) the (autocephalous) Church of Cyprus. The Orthodox membership of 2.5 m i l l i o n of North and South America was under the j u r s i d i c t i o n of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Istanbul u n t i l 1908 when i t was transferred to the Holy Synod of the Church of Greece (Constantelos, 1967: 51). It was so u n t i l 1918 to the detriment of the communities abroad which had no central organiza-tion or authorized leader (Greek Orthodox Yearbook, 1960: 107). The h i s t o r i c a l development of the Orthodox Church i n America i s relevant i n understanding the present day character and problems of the Church i n Vancouver. After 1880 the heavy flow of Greek immigrants to the U.S. began and steadily increased so that by 1910 there were 180,000 Greeks (Saloutos, 1964: 45). (In Canada, by 1910 there were only 3,200 Greeks (Canada, Department of Mines and Resources, Immigra-tion Branch, 1937-1942).) For more than t h i r t y years the communities and churches functioned without a central authority. World War I and internal p o l i t i c a l events i n Greece influenced and shaped the Greek communities abroad. Clergy and parishes were s p l i t v i o l e n t l y between the Loyalist and Venizelist factions (Iakovos, 1972: 10). For years personal b e l i e f s tore communities apart as Greek immi-grants took sides. The Church i t s e l f was divided as i t s members sup-ported either the King or Venizelos and their particular p o l i t i c a l ideo-logies for the future of Greece (Saloutos, 1964: 138-145). Having been i n the New World only a few years and planning to return soon, Greek-Americans found i t d i f f i c u l t to remain uninvolved. They divided 87 themselves Into r i v a l factions and t r i e d to influence the foreign policy of the U.S. towards Greece (Saloutos, 1964: 159). The Church i n the Americas continued to remain disorganized and without an appointed head u n t i l 1918. The Holy Synod of Greece then passed a resolution of i t s intention to establish the "Archdio-cese of America" returning the New World Churches to the Ecumenical Patriarchate i n Istanbul (Saloutos, 1964: 241). The Church was under-going internal s t r i f e since i t s own fortunes lay with the r i v a l p o l i -t i c a l factions. Each succeeding change i n the p o l i t i c a l winds of Greece brought further chaos abroad as each bishop t r i e d to establish his own hegemony (Saloutos, 1973: 395-307). In 1922, Alexander was named Archbishop of the newly formed Archdiocese of North and South America. But the Church i n the U.S. had been reduced to such a weak state by f a c t i o n a l s t r i f e as to be un-able to offer any strong or meaningful leadership. The c i v i l war with-in the Church continued u n t i l intervention by Damaskinos, the Metropol-itan of Corinth. He arrived i n the U.S. as Patriarchal Exarch i n 1930 (Saloutos, 1964: 299). He faced long opposition but managed to bring order to the distraught communities. F i n a l l y Athenagoras I, the Metro-politan of Corfu, was named Archbishop on the recommendation of Damaskinos. His administration which began in 1931 brought some s t a b i l i t y and maturity to the warring factions abroad (Hellenic Echo, 15 July 1972). Athena-goras made i t clear i n his numerous travels that the administrative system of the Greek Orthodox Church was going to be employed without 88 question (Greek Orthodox Yearbook, 1958: 18). He sought a national cooperation between clergy and l a i t y i n running the a f f a i r s of the com-munities. There was resistance, but f i n a l l y i n 1931 i n New York the Fourth Congress of Laity and Clergy met to tackle the numerous pro-blems. "The Church was again reaffirmed i n her role as the natural mother and protector of the Greek people abroad" (Saloutos, 1964: 304-305). The Greek language school came under the aegis of the Arch-diocese which realized i t s important role as a culture-sustaining i n -s t i t u t i o n . There was to be a special orientation and organization of the schools to r e f l e c t the r e a l i t y of Greek l i f e abroad (Saloutos, 1964: 306). The organization of the Archdiocese i t s e l f was changed. I t assumed t o t a l j u r i s d i c t i o n of a l l the churches of North and South Amer-ic a . The Archbishop assumed t o t a l control by appointing his own bishops and being responsible only to the Patriarchate (Saloutos, 1964: 307). In community matters the only change was i n the role of the clergy. "The l o c a l Administration, the election of o f f i c e r s , and f i n a n c i a l a f f a i r s were l e f t i n the hands of the constituent bodies. But i n matters s p i r i t u a l and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l such as the appointment and discharge of p r i e s t s , j u r i s d i c t i o n belonged exclusively to the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l administration." (Saloutos, 1964: 306) The internal Church war and s t r i f e seemed to subdue as the Church assumed an aggressive role i n community a f f a i r s . Its role was to become increasingly aggressive and even authoritarian as i t assumed 89 unprecedented powers i n the person of the Archbishop by becoming cen-t r a l i z e d at the expense of the bishops, parish priests and the l a i t y (Saloutos, 1964: 371). DISTINCTION BETWEEN COMMUNITY AND KINOTIS The h i s t o r i c a l development of Greek communities abroad follows a pattern. Whenever there are enough Greeks i n a c i t y , they found a parish or k i n o t i s which comes under the administration of the Greek Orthodox Church. The relationship between the kin o t i s and the church i s a very important feature of the s o c i a l organization of Greek communities abroad. For th i s reason I present i t s nature and function as i t i s interpreted by the Orthodox Church. The significance of the terms k i n o t i s and community as they are used i n the context of the Vancouver Greek community i s also explained. According to the o f f i c i a l Greek Orthodox Church d e f i n i t i o n , the parish i s "...the body of communicants of the Greek Orthodox Faith i n a given l o c a l i t y , organized for the support and maintenance of a parish church and a f f i l i a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s " (Regulations and Uni- form Parish By-Laws, 1959: 9). The communicant i s a baptized Greek Orthodox who i s s t i l l i n communion with the church. A parish i s made up of individuals who are united by l i n g u i s t i c , r e l i g i o u s and ethnic t i e s . The group supports a single church and participates i n "a series of socio-religious relationships sanctioned by the Orthodox Church" (Theodoratus, 1971: 31). 90 In the Orthodox interpretation, a communicant is not neces-sarily a member of the parish, and the parish is different from the community of people i t represents. That is why there are two usages of the word "community" in the Greek language. One usage refers to a l l members of a group of people, l i v -ing in a certain location and sharing a common identity, cultural, social and psychological bonds (after Mclver 1949: 8). A second and more limiting usage equates the community with the parish. The found-ing of a community abroad has more often than not meant the founding of a parish under the direction of a priest and the diocese. In this sense, the main function of a community is the building and maintenance of a church. Thus the officers of a church are also the officers of the community. Therefore, a distinction is necessary as to the usage of the word community in this thesis. In the Greek language, the word for community is kinotis. This term is used by Greeks for both meanings of community since both can be distinguished intuitively by the spe-c i f i c nuance of the word. The word kinotis ideally designated any group of Greeks at home or abroad. Now i t has come to narrowly desig-nate that small group of communicants who are dues-paying members of the parish. In Vancouver, members of the kinotis, are synonymously members of the parish of St. George's Greek Orthodox Church of Vancouver. It is confusing, especially since i t is a particularly Greek concept whereby a l l members of a Greek settlement, and the congregation of i t s church are both referred to by the same work, kinotis. To avoid confu-sion, kinotis shall be used in a very restrictive sense. 91 I s h a l l use the word community to refer to a l l Greek r e s i -dents of Vancouver, whether they are members of the parish or not. The word k i n o t i s s h a l l be used to refer to the o f f i c i a l , administrative church structure, (that i s , the parish council), and to the parish membership. This raises an important question about membership. A Greek Orthodox member of the Greek community i s not necessarily a member of the parish. A member of the parish i s a person over twenty years of age who has paid the yearly membership dues to both the parish and the Archdiocese. The Regulations and Uniform Parish By-Laws (1959: 27) explain t h i s further: " A l l persons, irrespective of place of b i r t h , who are of Greek descent, have attained the age of twenty years, accept and adhere to the f a i t h , canons, laws, dogmas, d i s c i p l i n e , worship, r i t u a l , decision, usages and the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l authority of the Greek Archdiocese of North and South Amer-i c a , and who agree to abide by the provisions of the by-laws of t h i s parish and regularly pay the i r membership dues, s h a l l be members thereof. Any Christian married to a Greek Orth-odox i n the Greek Orthodox Church and baptized i n the same or unmarried joining the Greek Orthodox Church, s h a l l be e l i g i b l e for membership i n this parish. No Greek Orthodox, married or single, can be a member of a Community of the Greek Archdiocese i f he does not pay both the dues of the Community and the Dekadollarion of the Arch-diocese, which i s and always w i l l be considered as inseparable from the dues of the Community. Excepted from t h i s rule are those who can be proved to be completely impoverished." It i s clear that a community member i s not necessarily a parish - or k i n o t i s - member. He only becomes one after paying the yearly dues of $55.00. Only k i n o t i s members have a voice i n the govern-ment of the parish. A member of the Greek community i s excluded from 92 t h e g o v e r n m e n t o f t h e p a r i s h u n t i l h e h a s p a i d h i s d u e s a n d h a s t h u s b e c o m e a k i n o t i s member. H i s t o r i c a l l y , t h e k i n o t i s p r o v i d e d f o r t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a c h u r c h a n d a s c h o o l i n G r e e k c o m m u n i t i e s a b r o a d . The c h u r c h e s came u n d e r t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t h e E c u m e n i c a l P a t r i a r c h a t e o f I s t a n b u l w h i c h a s s i g n e d t o t h e m t h e i r p r i e s t s ( G r e e k O r t h o d o x Y e a r b o o k , 1 9 6 0 : 1 0 7 ) . The k i n o t i s was h e a d e d b y a b o a r d o f d i r e c t o r s who a d m i n i s t e r e d t h e f u n d s , h i r e d t h e p r i e s t s , t e a c h e r s and s t a f f . The d u e s - p a y i n g members e l e c t e d t h e c o u n c i l a n d h a d a s a y i n i t s a f f a i r s ( S a l o u t o s , 1 9 6 4 : 7 6 - 7 7 ) . The k i n o t i s " l o o k e d a f t e r t h e w e l f a r e o f t h e e n t i r e G r e e k c o l o n y , b u t i t s a c t i v i t i e s c e n t e r e d p r i m a r i l y o n t h e C h u r c h " ( S a l o u t o s , 1 9 6 4 : 1 8 ) . THE COMMUNITY AND KINOTIS I N VANCOUVER K i n o t i s The h i s t o r y o f t h e s e t t l e m e n t o f t h e f i r s t g r o u p o f G r e e k i m m i g r a n t s i n V a n c o u v e r was d e s c r i b e d i n C h a p t e r I I . I n 1927 t h e y o r g a n i z e d t h e m s e l v e s - a p p r o x i m a t e l y 3 0 f a m i l i e s - u n d e r t h e S o c i e t i e s A c t o f B . C . a s t h e H e l l e n i c C o m m u n i t y o f V a n c o u v e r . T h r e e y e a r s l a t e r , t h e S t . G e o r g e O r t h o d o x C h u r c h was b u i l t . A f f i l i a t i o n w i t h t h e A r c h -d i o c e s e b e c a m e i m m e d i a t e w i t h t h e f o u n d i n g o f t h e c h u r c h ( E n c y c l o p e d i a  C a n a d i a n a , V o l . 5 : 3 3 - 3 4 ) . I n V a n c o u v e r t h e number o f G r e e k r e s i d e n t s i s a p p r o x i m a t e l y 6 , 5 0 0 p e o p l e ( C a n a d a C e n s u s , 1971 # 9 2 - 7 2 3 ) . Of t h e 8 0 0 k i n o t i s m e m b e r s , o n l y 200 a r e a c t i v e . O n l y members o f t h e k i n o t i s c a n a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i -93 pate i n elections and general assemblies of the community. The $55 yearly dues support the Church, the Archdiocese, and the a c t i v i t i e s of the k i n o t i s . Only i n theory i s the kin o t i s a true representative of the community at large. The ki n o t i s members of the congregation alone elect a group (usually of independent merchants) to form the kin o t i s council for one year. These 15 men and the priest have considerable power since they alone can direct the o f f i c i a l p o l i c i e s of the parish. Kinotis Leadership The council acts as the o f f i c i a l representative and mediator with the host community. It i s interesting to note that the non-Greek community regards t h i s small e l i t e group as a representative of a l l Greeks, but the Greeks themselves see i t only as "a group of well-off immigrants who represent only the i r own interests". This p a r a l l e l s Straaton's observations of the Chinese community i n Vancouver. The Chinese Benevolent Association corresponds to the kin o t i s i n the Greek community. When the Chinese Benevolent Association (C.B.A.) was f i r s t organized i t was controlled by a few wealthy businessmen. It aimed to transcend a l l factions and represent a l l Chinese. But i t has since lost i t s appeal and many Chinese do not recognize i t s right to represent them. As with the Greek ki n o t i s council, the C.B.A. i s regarded by the non-Chinese as a representative of a l l Chinese, but the Chinese themselves regard i t "as a representative of only certain fac-tions within the community, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Kuomintang" (Straaton, 1974: 94). 94 The f i f t e e n members of the ki n o t i s council have been almost always male. In the past there have been two women i n the council but they were both two of the e a r l i e s t s e t t l e r s , and both i n thei r seven-t i e s . Presently, the age of the f i f t e e n men ranges between 38-51 years old. A l l are i n business: ten restauranteurs, two storeowners, two contractors, and one f u r r i e r . Their length of residence i n Canada varies from twelve to twenty years. They are much wealthier, more successful and well known throughout the Greek community. Being f i r s t generation immigrants they have l i t t l e more formal education than the working Greek: with few exceptions the i r English i s not fluent. There are no second generation council members (but there have been a 3 few i n the past). Finances: the Church and the Archdiocese The k i n o t i s i s f i n a n c i a l l y responsible for the church, i t s pr i e s t , s t a f f , general upkeep and mortgage payments. It i s also res-ponsible for the Greek language schools and teachers, as wel l as for the Sunday School. The building cost of the new church (half a m i l -l i o n dollars) i s s t i l l being paid through contributions and the members' dues. Thirteen do l l a r s out of the yearly f i f t y - f i v e goes to the Archdiocese i n New York which supports the St. B a s i l Academy for teachers i n New York, the Holy Cross Orthodox Theological School i n Brookline, Massachusetts, and the other f i n a n c i a l obligations of the Archdiocese. 95 In return the communities get a p r i e s t , teachers, books, and s p i r i t u a l guidance. A l l necessary documentation regarding baptisms, marriages, and deaths i s done by the Archdiocese. Previously these functions were performed by the Patriarchate, and then by the Church of Greece. Many people become members of the church-kinotis because they need some r e l i g i o u s service performed such as marriage or baptism. After that most do not keep t h e i r membership. Up to 1942 the Archdiocese was supported mainly through v o l -untary contributions which often were minimal. In 1943 i t inaugurated a compulsory $1.00 contribution per capita which was further increased to $10 (Dekadollarion) i n 1950 (Greek Orthodox Yearbook, 1958: 18). Some wealthier communities are now paying up to $13 head tax. These increases brought opposition as parishes refused to c o l l e c t the tax, and the number of members i n good standing steadily decreased (Saloutos, 1964: 372). The Canadian communities especially, object to the i r con-tributions going to the U.S. Centralization of Power Further and greater d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n exists - constantly ex-pressed i n the Greek media - with the Archdiocese's continued central-i z a t i o n and determination to assume power over lay matters. On paper, the laymen have a great say i n administrative i f not e c c l e s i a s t i c a l matters. In r e a l i t y , congresses are priest-directed, with the Church 4 having i t s own ways of circumventing the l a i t y and i t s authority. 96 The 17th Biennial Clergy-Laity Congress i n 1964 adopted the Uniform Parish Bylaws which gave the church hierarchy undisputed con-t r o l over i t s parishes (Saloutos, 1964: 372). The leadership of the parish was assigned to the p r i e s t , along with the council. Many par-ishes refused to r a t i f y the by-laws. Vancouver did, and now the com-munity i s constantly i n turmoil over i t s lack of power i n dealing with the Archdiocese. Even the k i n o t i s members do not f u l l y understand the exact meaning of the constitution a r t i c l e s and by-laws. At k i n o t i s meetings they argue and question constantly where the authority of the l a i t y stops and the authority of the Church begins. Because the priest i s both r e l i g i o u s and secular leader, he i s constantly c r i t i c i z e d . The people object to his dual role. An e d i t o r i a l i n the Hellenic Echo (1 October 1973) objected: "Don't you think that the time has passed when priests and the Holy Archdiocese of North and South America involved themselves i n a f f a i r s that were not i n accordance to thei r r e l i g i o u s duties? The only thing we want from you i s advice and guidance and not orders." The k i n o t i s i s unable to change any of the parish by-laws even regarding the simplest matter without the approval of the Arch-bishop. Communications are often slow and chaotic (Saloutos, 1964: 370). To the ethnic press i t appears incomprehensible that at t h i s stage of h i s t o r i c a l development, a dynamic, urban community i s s t i l l administered by the Church. The community resents being subjected to t h i s kind of authoritarian leadership, especially when the Archdiocese 5 seems reluctant to be f l e x i b l e with the special needs of each community. 97 It becomes evident that the k i n o t i s i s the administrative organ of the Church. The community's attempts for self-determination are thwarted. I t i s f e l t by many that there i s no strong leadership to counteract the Archdiocese and the clergy. The priest i s c r i t i c i s e d because of his involvement i n lay a f f a i r s . A l l the informants be-lieved that the role of the priest should be confined to the r e l i g i o u s sphere. The ambiguous nature of the c l e r g y - l a i t y leadership, allows personal c o n f l i c t s , and ambitious arguments over the proper share of authority. The k i n o t i s council i s racked by personality c o n f l i c t s which diminish i t s effectiveness (Hellenic Echo, 1 July 1974). The greatest part of the community remains outside the kino-t i s . The general assemblies which take place twice a year i n v i t e a l l Greeks to participate: " I f you are a Greek, and love your homeland, and your ances-tors, come to the general assembly to hear the problems that the k i n o t i s i s facing, to voice your opinion, and to decide the future of the Greek k i n o t i s and school." (Hellenic Echo 15 February 1972) Out of a population of 6,500 and an active membership of 200 people, only 60-70 attend. I would speculate that most Greeks do not become k i n o t i s members because they are more concerned with f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r primary needs of l i f e , than occupying themselves with the a f f a i r s of the kino-t i s . The majority are recently arrived immigrants. They have lower education and thus low income occupations, with long hours which allow l i t t l e free time. In some families both parents work, often on d i f -98 ferent s h i f t s and on weekends. They tend to participate more as the length of residence increases and as they achieve a more comfortable standard of l i v i n g . They do not participate because they f e e l disoriented i n a new environment and a l i e n culture. They are uncertain about the nat-ure of behavioural patterns, and of the "proper" ways of interacting. They prefer to interact within a secure narrow network of friendships and kin patterns than i n formally structured i n s t i t u t i o n s . They view the k i n o t i s as monopolized by the wealthier and older immigrants, allowing l i t t l e room for newcomers. They are not familiar with the fund-collecting aspects of the k i n o t i s or church, because i n Greece the Church i s a public i n s t i t u t i o n supported by the State. Furthermore, they object to the fact that a quarter of the dues goes to the Archdiocese in the U.S. The majority become members only out of necessity - when they need a r e l i g i o u s service. THE CHURCH AND ITS ACTIVITIES IN VANCOUVER The Greek Orthodox Church i s distinguished by certain charac-t e r i s t i c s which are s p e c i f i c a l l y Greek. The Greek language, and the Byzantine t r a d i t i o n of Liturgy and music are three of the more salient aspects. The r e l i g i o u s celebrations as practiced today have roots i n the e a r l i e s t beginnings of C h r i s t i a n i t y and Byzantium. A most enduring quality of the Greek Orthodox Church i s her strong t i e with the t r a d i -99 tion and r i t u a l of the past. The external administrative sphere of the Greek Orthodox Church i n North America has changed since i t s early beginnings i n the 20th century. But the Church has retained i t s subjective and emotional aspects, continuing i t s h i s t o r i c a l role as a sustaining and s p i r i t u a l l y supportive i n s t i t u t i o n . Some of the religious celebrations are described below with the understanding that not a l l are included. There are other events (such as weddings, and funerals) which are important features of s o c i a l and church l i f e but are omitted because they were not observed ade-quately, or closely enough to allow satisfactory analysis. The following a c t i v i t i e s are presented i n order to give a more expansive understanding of the function and role of the church i n the ethnic community. Regardless of the administrative c o n f l i c t s that exist between the church (kinotis) council and the community, the church continues to thrive as a culture preserving i n s t i t u t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y among the f i r s t generation immigrants. The language, r i t u a l s and traditions of the church l i n k the community not only with the Greece of the present but also of the past. Language Language i s the most important ethnic characteristics, of the Greek Orthodox Church. According to the majority of Greeks, i f the Church discontinued i t s use of Greek i n the religious services, i t would cease being Greek. The language used i n the l i t u r g i e s and ser-vices i s New Testament Greek which i s very close to Katharevousa - the formal modern Greek. The spoken and written language of the people i s 100 demotlkl. The two vari e t i e s of Greek are very d i s s i m i l a r . L i t u r g i -c a l Greek i s considered beautiful even i f most of i t i s not understood. H i s t o r i c a l l y , the Church has opposed the use of English i n i t s r eligious services. But with time i t became essential to bow to necessity and accept the use of English i f the Church was to survive. In some parishes, the use of Greek alone alienated many, and aided i n the dissolutionof the Greek community. In 1970, the 20th Biennial Clergy and Laity Congress approved the substitution of Greek i n the l i t u r g y . There were outcries that the North and South America Arch-diocese was showing "separatist tendencies", and was "de-hellenizing" the Church i n the New World (Saloutos, 1973: 405). But according to Reverend Patrinacos, this resolution was not to be construed as an enforced substitution of Greek i n the religious r i t u a l s , but rather as an open choice to communities (Patrinacos, 1970: 4-6). In Vancouver, Greek continues to be used i n a l l religious services except for the Reading of the New Testmanet which i s read i n both Greek and English. The priest reads i t i n Greek f i r s t , and then a young a l t a r boy reads i t i n English. The sermon i s f i r s t delivered in Greek and then a b r i e f version i s given i n English. The former pri e s t spoke English w e l l enough to be able to do so f l u e n t l y . Other Greek-educated priests have had d i f f i c u l t y i n delivering sermons i n English, thus r e s t r i c t e d themselves to a short address i n English after a lengthy sermon i n Greek. Very few Greeks advocate the t o t a l use of English. The majority of Vancouver Greeks have arrived recently. They consider as 101 unthinkable the substitution of Greek i n the services. The younger generation prefers a moreeextensive use of English, but they are out-numbered. Liturgy The Orthodox l i t u r g i e s were written by early Byzantine Greeks and have been followed for centuries. The Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom i s the most important one i n use today. Theodoratus (1971: 46) quotes from a recent o f f i c i a l edition of this l i t u r g y : "The long l i f e of the Byzantine State, a realm that was Christian and Hellenic at the same time,has saved the L i t -urgy and was saved by i t . For f i f t e e n centuries we, as a Church, have worshipped through this Liturgy, and this wor-ship has preserved our conscience, our language, our ide a l s , and our very souls. I t constitutes the greatest contribu-tion to the whole world." The continuous use of such old l i t u r g i e s i s a source of pride to Orthodox Greeks who f e e l that their church alone has kept i n -tact the e a r l i e s t Christian t r a d i t i o n s . Byzantine Music: P s a l t i s Byzantine sacred music i s so ancient that notes on the scales of old manuscripts have s t i l l not been deciphered. "Many hymns, especially those since the fourteenth century, s t i l l bear the names of their o r i g i n a l composers" (Etteldorf, 1963: 199). The Greek interpre-tation of Byzantine sacred music i s rendered i n nasal tones by a p s a l t i s . A p s a l t i s i s the chanter who sings, or reads the e p i s t l e during l i t u r g y . The p s a l t i s corresponds to the choir of non-Greek churches with the only difference being that his chanting i s part of 102 the l i t u r g y and cannot be altered ore replaced. The chants are t r a d i -t i o n a l hymns and responses which are prescribed s p e c i f i c a l l y for each l i t u r g y or religious service. The only changes occur i n the st y l e or interpretation of each p a r t i c u l a r p s a l t i s . P s a l t i s are always men. Boys are trained at a young age to sing i n the proper s t y l e . The p s a l t i s i n Vancouver has been singing i n the church for more than f i f t e e n years. He i s sometimes accompanied by other men and boys with good voices. The Filoptohos Ladies attempted a few times i n the past to organize a choir but they did not succeed. Chanting i s considered old-fashioned by some who would l i k e to have choirs as the other churches do. But to most Greeks chanting i s an inte g r a l part of the church service. To a l t e r or exclude i t would result i n a loss of ancient, honored Byzantine t r a d i t i o n s . Religious Celebrations •A> Easter Easter i s the most important religious event of the Greek Orthodox Church. "Holy Week and the ceremonies of Lent which precede i t are the most important part of the yearly r i t u a l calendar" (Theo-doratus, 1971: 47). My observations of the Vancouver church and com-munity during Easter Week p a r a l l e l very closely those of the Tacoma, Washington community as described by Theodoratus: "During this -time (Holy Week and Lent); there are evening as we l l as daily services. Attendance i s at f i r s t meager but as Lent continues, attendance grows. During Holy Week even the evening services are w e l l attended. The services on the eves of Great (Good) Friday, Saturday and Easter are 103 the most Important services of the Greek Church. On these occasions there i s not even standing room i n the church. I t i s during this period that a l l individuals f e e l the closest bond to the church. A l l clubs and s o c i a l groups actively work and cooperate to make the services and cele-brations a success. Money i s collected and donated for the decorations; a l l contribute flowers and try to get everyone to attend." (1971: 47) Great Friday culminates the events of the Holy Week, as the most important part of the Passion of Christ comes to an end. On the evening of Great Thursday, the c r u c i f i x i o n i s re-enacted as the Cross i s carried around inside the church while a l i t a n y i s sung. On Great Friday, the Epitaphios (bier of Christ) i s decorated by the women during the day with flowers. When ready, i t i s placed i n front of the a l t a r and u n t i l the evening, people come to pay their respects; they cross themselves, bow, kneel, and crawl under the Epitaphios twice cross-wise. In the evening there i s the l i t u r g y of Great Friday, during which the Epitaphios i s carried outside, around the church on the men's shoulders. The entire congregation follows, holding candles and sing-ing l i t a n i e s s p e c i f i c to the events of the Cr u c i f i x i o n and b u r i a l of Christ. The music and mood i s very religious and grave compared to the jubilance of the next day when the Resurrection i s celebrated. The Easter Services are from Saturday evening at 11:00 p.m. to 1:30 a.m. on Sunday. I t i s the one time that the church i s absolutely f u l l and people are outside on the lawn and sidewalks l i s t e n i n g to the l i t u r g y through the loudspeakers. Exactly at midnight, the pri e s t sings Christos Anesti (Christ has risen). Everyone joins i n the joyous sing-ing, each holding a lighted candle. The l i t u r g y continues, but many 104 people go home with the i r lighted candles. Friends greet each other with the Easter salutation Christos Anesti to which the response i s Alithos Anesti ( t r u l y he has risen). Some people bring red-dyed Eas-ter eggs to church to knock with others' eggs. The people return home to celebrate the Resurrection by usually eating mayiritsa, and red-dyed eggs. Mayiritsa i s a t r a d i t i o n a l Easter soup with regional variations, made of t r i p e , l i v e r , herbs, and avgolemono (egg-lemon) sauce. On Easter Sunday, the Vancouver Greeks either roast lambs i n their own back yards, or get together with a group of families for the day. Some voluntary associations organize Easter Sunday pic n i c s . The attendance is f a i r , but Greeks prefer smaller gatherings p a r t i c u l a r l y with family members and re l a t i v e s . B.. St. Basil's Day Another important church celebration i s St. B a s i l ' s , cele-brated on New Year's Day. In Greece, i t i s he who bears the g i f t s and gives them out on St. Basil's Day (New Year's Day) rather than Christ-mas. In Canada, he has been a l l but replaced by Santa Claus. The church and the Filoptohos Ladies organize a St. Basil's Day cutting of. the v a s i l o p i t a (Basil's cake). St. B a s i l i s considered the patron and protector of orphans so sometimes v a s i l o p i t a events are organized to c o l l e c t money for the support of orphanages i n Greece or i n New York (St..Basil's Orphanage). On St. Ba s i l ' s Day, after the l i t u r g y there i s usually a church party where a v a s i l o p i t a i s cut and the pieces given out. 105 Ordinarily every home has i t s own cutting of the v a s i l o p i t a also. The pieces are cut i n descending order of importance: one for Christ, one for the home, then one for the father, mother, and c h i l -dren, or whatever one wants to cut for. In the cake there i s a coin and the person who finds i t i s supposed to have a lucky year. The recipes for v a s i l o p i t a vary regionally, as does the time i t i s cut (at lunch or dinner), and the carols that are sung. Since 1972, v a s i l o p i t a cuttings have been organized by a young woman for the children of the community. Outside the Greek lan-guage school there have been few events directed toward young children. Their p a r t i c i p a t i o n at the v a s i l o p i t a party has been a welcome event for the community, especially since on such occasions they can learn t r a d i t i o n a l songs and games. C. March 25, Annunciation of Theotokos The Annunciation of the Vi r g i n Mary - Theotokos - on March 25th, i s of great importance because i t i s also Greek Independence Day. In Vancouver i t i s one of the greatest annual celebrations because i t combines both the religious and secular aspects of the community. The devotion to the T-Theotokos i n the Orthodox Church i s unique. For Greek Orthodoxs, she combines godly, maternal and v i r g i -nal q u a l i t i e s i n a redemptive role that brings her very close to God as wellr'as man (Etteldorf, 1963: 118-137). The Greeks' devotion to her i s reflected i n their churches, the i r l i t u r g y , and th e i r art. They honor her i n a l l possible ways, and especially on her day, the 25th of 106 March. There i s a l i t u r g y on that day, and the sermon e x t o l l s the virtues and godliness of the Theotokos (Mother of the Redeemer). The national day of Greek Independence i s commemorated cere-moniously with t r a d i t i o n a l r i t u a l , and ethnic celebrations. In 1974, a special event added greater significance to this day. The Mayor of the City of Vancouver proclaimed March 25, 1974, to be "Greek Day". (See the text of the proclamation i n Appendix E.) On the same day for the past two years twelve Greek flags have been raised outside City H a l l , i n further recognition of Greek Independence Day. These events brought pride and s e l f - s a t i s f a c t i o n to the Greek community, because they were interpreted as a "recognition of the great contributions made to the c i t y of Vancouver by i t s Greek community" (Hellenic View, 25 March, 1974) . The Greek language schools celebrate f e s t i v e l y Greek Indepen-dence Day. The ki n o t i s and the independent schools celebrate separately but following the same format. The General Gordon independent school holds i t s National Fete i n the auditorium of the school, whereas the kin o t i s schools celebrate i n the church h a l l . The children prepare at least a month i n advance t h e i r Greek p a t r i o t i c poems, songs and dances. In 1974, the independent school held i t s celebration i n the auditorium which was decorated with small Greek flags , and posters of the War of Independence heroes. The program began with speeches by the teachers and secretary of the Greek school which emphasized the "resurrection of the Nation i n 1821", and the holiness of the Theotokos. 107 The Canadian and Greek anthems were sung as w e l l as a special hymn, Akathistos Hymnos, to the Theotokos. Then the children dressed i n the national colors (blue and white)_ recited t h e i r poems praising the beauty of Greece, and the heroism of the Greek Revolution. The poems were interspersed with Greek p a t r i o t i c songs. The program ended with folk dancing. The children wore national costumes (the boys - evzones, the g i r l s - amalia) and danced to recorded music. The parents and friends who f i l l e d the h a l l applauded often, encouraging out loud t h e i r children,sometimes even getting up and r e c i t -ing t h e i r poem with them. The teachers asked the audience not to c r i -t i c i z e or laugh at the children's sometimes poor Greek, saying that they were a l l putting i n a great e f f o r t . At the end of the program coffee and doughnuts were served i n the school cafeteria to the children and t h e i r guests. On the same evening, a si m i l a r type of program was presented i n the church h a l l by the ki n o t i s school children. At th i s celebration, more community leaders were present, including the Greek consul, who gave a lengthy p a t r i o t i c speech. The children recited poems and pre-sented a short h i s t o r i c a l play and danced. A commemorative wreath was placed on the monument of the Unknown Soldier i n remembrance of the f a l l e n heroes of the Greek Revo-l u t i o n of 1821. Representatives of the voluntary associations, the children of both schools, and the president of the k i n o t i s , as w e l l as many members of the community took part i n the ceremony. 108 In celebration of Greek Independence Day, the ki n o t i s holds a dance for the entire community. In the past, i t has been held at the Commodore Cabaret one of the oldest Greek establishments. In 1974 i t was held at the Bayshore Inn, a far more prestigious place than the Commodore. The program includes several speeches by leaders of the Greek and Canadian community. T-They speak of the heroes, and of the events of the Greek Revolution. They e x t o l l the contributions of Greece and Greek immigrants to Canada and the world. The young children of the schools dance, dressed i n the national costumes. Greek poems are re-cited by the older children. When they f i n i s h they shout z i t o e i Hellas (long l i v e Greece), and z i t o e i e l e f t h e r i a (long l i v e freedom). The> audience responds excitedly i n the same manner. The celebration of Greek Independence Day exemplifies the strong t i e s that the Vancouver community feels with the h i s t o r i c past of Greece. The h i s t o r i c a l aspect of the day, coupled with i t s r e l i -gious significance make the 25th of March, an important landmark of the year. D, Namedays Every day of the calendar year i s dedicated to a saint. Ex-cept for second-generation children, few Greeks celebrate the i r b i r t h -days. Instead, a person celebrates on the day of his name saint. Thus a person named Constantine, celebrates on St. Constantine's Day, Gregory on St. Gregory's Day, and the l i k e . There i s a measure of 109 a f f i n i t y between people of the same name who might otherwise have l i t -tle in common. Sometimes parties are given, but most often the celebrating person receives friends during the day, who come by to wish him chronia polla (many years). No invitations are sent. Any one can drop by at the home of his friend on his nameday. There are cakes, sweets and drinks for the well-wishers. Liturgies are held for the more important saints and this is especially so for St. George, whose name bears the church in Vancouver. A special liturgy is held on the eve of St. George's Day, and next morning there is another service. People baptized with the name of George try to attend, but many others come also because they want to receive St. George's blessing. He is considered the patron of the Vancouver Greek community because the church is named after him. After the liturgy, the Filoptohos Ladies organize a benefit luncheon or tea to collect money for the church. To be baptized in the Orthodox Church one has to be named after a saint. Also, only one name is given, most often the name of a grandparent. But this is changing, especially away from Greece. In-creasingly more children are given two names: one after a grandparent and a Greek saint, and another common Canadian name. E. Baptisms The godparent takes on the spiritual responsibility of the child he baptizes. The relationship between child and godparent is a 110 special and intimate one. The godparent, according to the Church, i s responsible for the proper s p i r i t u a l and Christian development of the c h i l d . The godparent i s expected to teach the c h i l d the proper Orthodox thought. But i n r e a l i t y , the godparent i s rarely i n a position to f u l f i l l the role. In everyday terms, he i s more of a friend, and a bearer of g i f t s , than a s p i r i t u a l teacher of the Orthodox dogma. The godparent-child relationship i s supposed to be an i n t i -mate one, maintained through l i f e . I f anything should happen to the parents, the c h i l d can always turn to his godparent, and expect to get help. I t i s considered a "Christian blessing" to baptize several children. I t also creates wide s o c i a l networks, since i t unites two families through the koumparos relationship. But often the cost of the baptism i s great and poorer families cannot afford the expense and continuous r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . In small communities i n Greece, baptisms are occasions i n which the entire v i l l a g e i s i n v i t e d to participate. This i s not the case i n urban, i n d u s t r i a l i z e d communities such as Athens or Vancouver. There was l i t t l e opportunity to d i r e c t l y observe baptisms in Vancouver, because they are closed events. They are celebrated on a much smaller scale here. The guests are kinsmen, friends of the godparent, and of the child's family. After the baptism i n the church, the godparent organizes a s o c i a l event (such as dinner or a dance) i n a restaurant. The event i s according to his status and wealth. He i s I l l expected to pay for the church service, the celebration, and for the clothes of the newly baptized child. A wealthy and prestigious god-parent brings status to the family of the baptized child. Godparents are sometimes chosen with that in mind. Usually though they are rela-tives or close friends. Baptisms are reported in the Greek press, since they are part of the Greek social l i f e of Vancouver. Throughout i t s past the Greek Orthodox Church has been closely associated with nationalism. Away from the homeland i t acts as a defense mechanism against assimilation and against loss of cul-tural identity. In the past i t stressed more it s ethnic national iden-t i t y , than i t s religious features. In the late 1960's i t began to accept the fact that " i t was unable to resist the forces of assimila-tion and preserve the Greek national identity as she once thought" (Saloutos, 1973: 407). The Church chose to survive by catering to the immediate needs of the immigrants rather than i d e a l i s t i c a l l y as-piring to resist the forces of change. The presentation of the church and i t s religious celebra-tions shows the direct link that exists between the present-day. church in Vancouver, the Byzantine past, and the Orthodox Church of Greece. The Church acts as a preserver of Greek culture, by perpet-uating and strengthening the institutional ties of the Vancouver Greek community with Greece. 112 Notes 1. For further information see, Papadopoulos, T.H., Studies and Docu- ments r e l a t i n g to the History of the Greek Church and People under  Turkish Domination. Wetteren, Belgium, 1952. 2. Name f i r s t given to Greeks i n 3rd century A.D. Romeoi: tRoman c i t i z e n s . Term i s s t i l l used by Greeks to s i g n i f y Greekness or the Greek people. 3. In contrast to Nagata (1969) who found the k i n o t i s i n Toronto to be composed only of second and th i r d generation Greeks. 4. Personal communication from member who attended the Clergy-Laity Congress. 5. The Vancouver k i n o t i s asked a two-year absolution of submitting the head tax since a l l funds were needed to pay off the new church. I t was granted, but the tax was requested (with threats) before the two-year period was up (Hellenic Echo, 1 January 1974) . CHAPTER IV VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS The majority of Greek immigrants come from the r u r a l areas of Greece (see Chapter I I on characteristics of immigrants). The geo-graphical nature of Greece fosters localism by i t s mountainous, and i s -land topography. Loyalty i s f i r s t given to the area of Greece where one comes from and then to Hellas as a whole. This localism has been greatly manifested i n the associations that Greeks form abroad. They exhibited a mania i n the U.S. for forming topika somatia or l o c a l socie-t i e s which oriented towards the motherland and s p e c i f i c a l l y towards the native areas. About one hundred such associations were i n the U.S. as early as 1907 and i n New York alone there were t h i r t y (Saloutos, 1964: 75). Associations of this kind are not found i n Greece. They are a reaction to the effects of migration and to the loss of a recog-nized behavior system (Bar Yosef, 1968: 27-45). For the early immigrants voluntary associations performed many functions to ease the t r a n s i t i o n a l shock: mutual aid, employment o f f i c e , and recreation. For the immigrant who could not speak English, and consequently could not f u l l y p a r t i c i p a t e in the a f f a i r s of the host community, the associations offered an oppor-tunity to organize, be elected and carry on debates i n the passionate oratory known to Greeks (Saloutos, 1964: 76). * I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d groups i n which membership i s attained by j o i n i n g (after Johnson, 1971: 6). 113 114 These early associations were only marginally interested i n prompting integration into the new society. Greeks migrated and s t i l l do,with a sojourner mentality to stay abroad only as long as absolutely necessary. Their main purpose was to amass enough money and return to a comfortable l i f e at home (Straaton, 1974: 43). Therefore these asso-ciations-were oriented towards Greece and th e i r s p i r i t u a l allegiance was shown by constant contributions to the native v i l l a g e . The Pan-h e l l e n i c Union - founded i n New York i n 1907 - sought to maintain the s p i r i t of Hellenism as w e l l as take care of the temporary needs of the immigrants before they returned home (Saloutos, 1964: 98 and 246). I t was only l a t e r when Greeks realized that they could not make that fortune as quickly as they thought, that they began to con-sider th e i r stay as permanent and considered adapting to the new society. I t was this attitude and this desire to integrate that prompted the founding of AHEPA (American Hellenic Educational Progres-sive Association). I t was formed i n 1922 i n Atlanta, Georgia, as a reaction to the anti-foreign discrimination that Greeks were facing after World War I (Chebithes, 1935: 26-27). I t soon became a nationwide organization. In Vancouver the f i r s t men's Ahepa chapter was founded i n 1930 (see Table IV). Voluntary Associations i n Vancouver Since the e a r l i e s t beginnings of the Vancouver Greek commun-i t y there was a voluntary association. Before the Hellenic Kinotis was founded i n 1927, there existed a voluntary association to which be-TABLE IV GREEK VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS IN VANCOUVER Date Founded Greek Orientation Universalis t i c N a t i o n a l i s t i c Community P a r t i c u l a r i s t i c c Welfare Fraternal L o c a l i t y (Landsmanns chaf ten) Leisure Name Hellenic P a t r i o t i c Association Hellenic Community of Vancouver-St. George Greek OrthbddxcChurch Ladies Auxi l i a r y of the Hellenic Community - became a chapter of: The Greek OrtinodoxiLadiesoEilLopfeer-tohos Sisterhood The Order of A.H.E.P.A. (Glad-stone Chapter) Maids of Athena (Ariadne Chapter) Sons of Pe r i c l e s ^ (Lion's Gate Cht.) Daughters of Penelope (Poseidon Chapter) Island of Crete Society of B.C. Cretans' Organization Messinian Brotherhood of B.C. Epirotan Society Northern Greece and Macedonian Society Thessalian Society The Greek Olympics Soccer Club In Vancouver Population ,b 1917 1297 1929 1942 1930 1932 1935 1948 1960 1970 19 71 19 73 1974 1974 1970 150 800 1,400 3,120 5,500 Continued TABLE IV - Continued a. Approximate number at time of founding. b. Date of founding and demise unknown. c. Presently inactive, disbanded four times. d. Presently inactive. 117 longed the f i r s t Greek male s e t t l e r s : the Hellenic P a t r i o t i c Associa-tion (Paramanolis, 1922: 433-452). I t i s not known how i t began but i t was already i n existence i n 1911. Most Greek men belonged to i t at least u n t i l other nationwide associations l i k e Ahepa established chapters i n Vancouver. I t i s not known whether the Hellenic P a t r i o -t i c Association was dissolved or collapsed because of disuse. After the k i n o t i s and church were established most a c t i v i t i e s centered around the church. Presently i n Vancouver there exists one u n i v e r s a l i s t i c asso-ci a t i o n and fourteen p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c ones. According to Topley (1967: 56), u n i v e r s a l i s t i c associations are open to a l l : "...that i s to say, they tend towards universalism i n mem-bership. As main q u a l i f i c a t i o n s for entry they stress common reli g i o u s interests i n r e l i g i o u s matters and b e l i e f i n a p a r t i c u l a r ideology....As secondary interests they pursue philanthropic and c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . " In this category f a l l s the Hellenic Community of Vancouver which i s open to a l l Greeks, and i n the past the Hellenic P a t r i o t i c Association. P a r t i c u l a r i s t i c associations base membership exclusively on personal i d e n t i t y , such as the region from which one originated. These are the Landsmannschaften or Fellow-Countrymens Associations which are the most numerous i n Vancouver (see Table IV). Straaton (1974: 55) noted that i n the Chinese community of Vancouver, the Chinese Benevolent Association (with u n i v e r s a l i s t i c c r i t e r i a of membership) formed f i r s t , and p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c ones formed l a t e r . 118 In his study of voluntary associations in Singapore, Freedman (1967: 47-48) pointed out that: "...the associations which in a small-scale and relatively undeveloped settlement express social, economic and p o l i t i -cal links in an undifferentiated form tend, as the scale and complexity of the society increase, to separate into a net-work of associations which are comparatively specialized in their functions and the kinds of solidarity they express." This is evident in the developmentn of the Greek community in Vancouver. At the early stages when the immigrant settlement was small, the Hellenic Community (kinotis) performed many functions. It was the representative body of the Greeks, i t looked after the welfare and philanthropic functions of the community, as well as organized the social and cultural activities of the settlement. But as the Greek population grew, and the society became more complex, special-ized associations flourished, focusing on specific functions. Table IV shows that a l l locality associations were organized after 1960 when the number of Greeks in Vancouver had increased greatly. The special-ized associations that arose later, divided the solidarity previously given to the Hellenic Community, by assuming many of i t s previous func-tions . The Hellenic Community (kinotis) attempts to include and represent a l l Greeks. Its universal character is due to i t s close association with the church as has been discussed. It attempts to transcend a l l factions by welcoming a l l Orthodox Greeks to become mem-bers. Its universal role has been minimized so that in reality i t represents only i t s small membership (see Chapter III for further de-tails) . 119 Welfare Association: The Greek Orthodox Ladies Filoptohos Sisterhood One of the oldest associations i s the Greek Orthodox Ladies Filoptohos Sisterhood previously the Women's Au x i l i a r y which was founded i n 1929. I t s name denotes i t s function, f i l o - ( f r i e n d ) , ptohos - (poor), frienddof ffcheepoor because i t s main function i s welfare; (even though a l l associations are to some extent mutual-aid). I t i s an association with a l o t of prestige, exclusively for women. Filoptohos a u x i l i a r i e s have always been associated with the Church i n Greece and are known as " r i c h ladies volunteer welfare organizations". The Filoptohos was started i n the U.S., as were a l l nation-wide associations. The Society was founded by the Archbishop of America Athenagoras i n 1931 to assist the church and the needy of the commun-i t y . U n t i l 1944 i t operated under the Archdiocese and a l l i t s by-laws. By 1944 i t hadrdeveloped to the stage of owning property and opening philanthropic i n s t i t u t i o n s , so i t became a corporation i n the state of New York (Filoptohos By-laws: 50). There are 423 active chapters i n the U.S. and Canada with a membership of more than 35,000 women. The Archbishop i s i t s executive president (Greek Orthodox Yearbook, 1970: 113) . The Filoptohos women across the U.S. and Canada helped finan-c i a l l y and morally i n the founding of the Theological School - the Academy of St. B a s i l - i n New York, i n 1937. During World War I I , the Filoptohos women played an important part i n the Greek War Rel i e f by sending thousands of packages of clothing, blankets, medicine, and surgical equipment for the hospitals. The Vancouver chapter p a r t i c i -pated also, with a l l women helping in the war e f f o r t . 120 The society continues to support needy g i r l s and orphans in Greece. Through the various s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s , the Filoptohos co l l e c t s money to finance the i n s t i t u t i o n s of the Archdiocese i n North America. The Women's Aux i l i a r y i n Vancouver operated as such between 1929 and 1942, when i t became a chapter of the Filoptohos ( V l a s s i s , 1953: 215). Its aim i s to have a l l Greek Orthodox women of the community as i t s members. Presently i n Vancouver there are eighty active members paying the f i v e dollars yearly head-tax. The twelve member council of the Filoptohos i s made up of upper middle class women. Many women have been members for t h i r t y years. Some charter members s t i l l p articipate. The age ranges between 35-70 years old, with many second generation women. English i s used intermittently with Greek. The objectives of the Filoptohos i n Vancouver are primarily philanthropic and secondarily educational. I t contributes towards building and maintaining orphanages and educational i n s t i t u t i o n s i n Greece and abroad. I t s funds are collected through regular annual events: the cutting of the V a s i l o p i t a (Basil's cake), bazaars, fashion shows, Strawberry cake tea, dances and picn i c s . The Filoptohos c o n t r i -butes to the building fund of the new church and helps the old and needy of the community. The Filoptohos i s a t r a d i t i o n a l association with l i t t l e youth p a r t i c i p a t i o n . An exception i s the sponsoring of the "Filoptohos Dancers" made up of young people (children of the women members), who 121 have achieved recognition as an excellent folk dance group p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n national competitions. The Filoptohos i s an a u x i l i a r y of the Church. Consequently, i t s a c t i v i t i e s are closely incorporated with those of the Church. I t s existence i s defined primarily through i t s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and coopera-tion with the Church, and therefore the k i n o t i s . BBecause of the t r a -d i t i o n a l orientation of the Church, i t s a u x i l i a r y also attracts a con-servative membership. The characteristics of the Filoptohos members are not representative of the Greek female population of Vancouver. The Filoptohos attracts women mainly from the f i r s t and second strata of the ethnic structure (see Chapter I I ) . Working class women have arrived recently from Greece where the Filoptohos i s considered an association for upper class women. Furthermore, the working class women are usually occupied with more immediate l i f e tasks to have any leisure time for a c t i v i t i e s such as those sponsored by the Filoptohos: teas, bazaars, and parties. The Filoptohos has always catered to women of a more a f f l u -ent economic l e v e l , and i n Vancouver i t continues to do so. The great part of the Greek female population, (working class, f i r s t generation immigrants) remains outside the i n s t i t u t i o n a l realm of the community. Fraternal Association: A.H.E.P.A. (American Hellenic Educational Pro- Gressive Association) The Order of Ahepa had i t s beginnings i n Atlanta, Georgia, in 1922. The association was organized by eight Greek-American men for 122 self-protection against the n a t i v i s t opposition at the time. The-Rlu Klux Klan was active i n Georgia, and a wave of h o s t i l i t y had developed against Greek businessmen (see Chapter I I ) . The founding fathers of Ahepa wanted to organize a peaceful, democratic association i n order to promote better relations with the American community. "Th'eyy also believed that such an organization had to be secret and comprised of a select group of in d i v i d u a l s , whose purpose would be to unite the i r fellow countrymen, " i n c u l -cate i n them an aggressive national conscience", educate themselves i n the principles of Americanism and aid them to adapt themselves i n the s o c i a l and commercial climate of this country." (Saloutos, 1964: 248) The aims of i t s founders were to create a p a t r i o t i c organization that was national i n scope, nonpartisan i n p o l i t i c s , and non-sectarian i n r e l i g i o n (Lebet f 1972: 148). Ahepa aimed to promote the ideals of Hellenism, democracy, c i t i z e n s h i p , and education. I t wanted to unite a l l Greeks by instructing them with an (American) national conscience as w e l l as by educating them i n the ways of the government, business and s o c i a l l i f e (Chebithes, 1935: 26-27). America was home for the Greek immigrants and they were determined to be i t s l o y a l c i t i z e n s par-t i c i p a t i n g actively i n i t s l i f e a c t i v i t i e s . This was the f i r s t asso-c i a t i o n to aim towards adaptation and t o t a l assimilation within the non-Greek community. English became the o f f i c i a l language of the association and Ahepa made great ef f o r t s to Americanize by de-emphasizing the purely Greek aspects of i t s membership. Ahepa remains a secret association pat-terned after the Masons. 123 Ahepa began as exclusively male-oriented for men over twenty-one who were Greek or of Greek descent and who were not necessarily Greek Orthodox. I t was the f i r s t Greek-American voluntary association that did not make Orthodoxy a prerequisite for membership, but only asked that a person believe i n the d i v i n i t y of Jesus and the existence of God (Saloutos, 1973: 398). In i t s early a c t i v i t i e s i t was accused of being anti-Chucch and anti-Greek. But as i t grew and expanded i t softened i t s approach thus attracting more members. Presently across the U.S. and Canada i t has 60,000 members with 7,000 i n Canada (Hellenic Echo, 15 June 1972). Ahepa was introduced i n Canada i n 1928 when the f i r s t chap-ter - "The Lord Byron" - was established i n Toronto. Soon after that, chapters were organized across Canadian c i t i e s such as Winnipeg, Saska-toon, Calgary, Regina and Moose Jaw. The Vancouver Chapter - "Glad-stone" - was established i n 1930. In Canada the Ahepa chapters are divided i n two d i s t r i c t s , the "Beaver" D i s t r i c t No. 23 East of the Great Lakes, and the "Royal Canadian" D i s t r i c t No. 24, west of the Lakes with the exception of "Gladstone" of Vancouver and "Victory" of V i c t o r i a which are a f f i l i a t e d with D i s t r i c t No. 22 of the North P a c i f i c States of the U.S. (Vlassis, 1953: 99-102). Each d i s t r i c t i s governed by a D i s t r i c t Governor who i s elected by the delegates at the annual convention of each d i s t r i c t . The Ahepa "Gladstone" chapter of Vancouver has presently seventy-f i v e members i n good standing. The enrollment fee i s $35.00, and aft e r -wards $25.00 yearly. 124 The Order of Ahepa has three a u x i l i a r i e s which were founded to respond to the needs of the women and the young people. They are "The Daughters of Penelope" for senior women, "The Maids of Athena" for junior women, and "The Sons of Pe r i c l e s " for junior men. In 1929 i n San Francisco, C a l i f o r n i a , the "Daughters of Penelope" was created by female relatives of Ahepans. I t became Ahepa's senior women's au x i l i a r y i n 1934. Its ideals and constitution are the same. I t i s secret, non-partisan, non-sectarian with an emphasis on adapting to the new homeland (Constitution of Daughters of Penelope: 7-9). The Daughters of Penelope increased from 97 chapters i n 1946 to 331 i n 1972 throughout Canada and the U.S. (Lebet, 1972: 550). The Vancouver chapter, "Poseidon",of the Daughters of Penelope continued actively since May 27, 1948, when i t was founded by seventeen women, eight of whom are s t i l l active members. The association was seen primarily as a way of par t i c i p a t i n g with the Ahepans by co-hosting s o c i a l events and sharing membership i n the lodge. The "Poseidon" chapter of the Daughters of Penelope has eighty-two members i n Vancouver. They pay $10.00 to register and $7.00 a year after that. The two other fraternal associations, the Maids of Athena and the Sons of Pericles are presently both inactive i n Vancouver. In 1932 the Maids of Athena, "Ariadne" chapter, was organized i n Vancouver for young g i r l s between fourteen and twenty-one years old. The constitution i s again patterned after the o r i g i n a l men's lodge. The Vancouver chapter 125 of the Maids has been intermittently i n existence. I t has been d i s -banded four times. The Sons of P e r i c l e s , "Lion's Gate", began i n 1935, i n Vancouver and aims to attract young boys of the ages 14-21. The two youth-oriented associations of Ahepa have l i t t l e support i n Vancouver. They are presently both inactive. Their membership i s mainly composed of children whose parents are members of Ahepa or the Daughters of Penelope. The majority of young people i n Vancouver remain unfamiliar and unconcerned with t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . The Ahepa family i s concerned mainly with philanthropic and s o c i a l endeavours. Throughout i t s long history i t has helped Greece by r e l i e f funds i n times of needs, by building colleges, hospitals, and vocational schools (Hellenic Echo, 15 June 1972). I t organizes student t r i p s to Greece, and supports the scholastic efforts of children who learn Greek. S o c i a l l y , the Ahepa and the Daughters organize dances, picnics and teas for the purpose of c o l l e c t i n g money for the k i n o t i s or their philanthropic works. Ahepa and i t s a u x i l i a r i e s work commonly on l o c a l or national a c t i v i t i e s . The Ahepa family i s directed towards migrants who intend to l i v e abroad, and have adapted to thei r new home. S t i l l , i t maintains extensive t i e s with the motherland: by i t s support and by i t s attach-ment to the best of Hellenic traditions i t accepts i t s heritage while placing i t s future i n the new land. The Hellenic traditions are those of c l a s s i c a l Greece. Ahepa stresses the learning and culture of ancient Greece while neglecting Byzantine and modern Greece. I t accentuates 126 and extols the virtues of the Hellenic ancestors, the arts and sciences of the Golden Age of P e r i c l e s . Ahepa's emphasis on ancient c l a s s i c a l Greece comes i n contrast to that of the Church which represents and up-holds the Byzantine c u l t u r a l traditions (Theodoratus, 1971: 210-211). As a voluntary association, Ahepa does not concentrate on Greece l i k e the p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c fellow countrymen's associations do. Instead i t devotes i t s e l f to the present community by active involvement i n c i v i c a f f a i r s . This type of voluntary association - the only one of i t s type i n Vancouver - i s not of the sojourner mentality. Ahepa and i t s a u x i l i a r i e s are d e f i n i t e l y middle-class. Ahepa i s an organ for upward mobility for established business people, men with p o l i t i c a l aspirations, and unemployed bourgeois women. I t s empha-si s on assimilation into Canadian society attracts mainly individuals who want "to make i t " , or who are seeking prestige or recognition as leaders. "Membership...in Ahepa i s a testimonial to one's s o l i d worth and achievement" (Treudley, 1949: 57). Rising i n the ethnic structure and becoming Canadian are considered almost synonymous. Newly arrived immigrants look upon the Ahepa family with wary distance. Its vows to secrecy, i t s acceptance of c i t i z e n s (or those intending to become soon), and i t s emphasis on non-Greek aspects seems suspect to them. They prefer the f a m i l i a r i t y and security of the l o c a l associations which s t i l l remind them of home, and their desire to return some day. 127 Locality or Landsmarmschaften Associations Landsmannschaften or Fellow Countrymens Associations are the most prevalent type found i n Greek communities abroad. They are formed by a group of immigrants sharing a p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c t i e such as common area of o r i g i n i n Greece. As the landsmannschaften exist i n Vancouver now, they represent a l l areas of Greece except for A t t l k i i and some i s -lands . Thee oldest voluntary association based on l o c a l i t y was or-ganized by Greeks from Crete i n 1960. Due to personality c o n f l i c t s over leadership the group s p l i t i n two i n 1970 forming the "Island of Crete Society of B.C." and the "Cretans' Organization". Presently the "Island of Crete" i s a member of the PanCretan Association of America which was founded i n New York i n 1919. The founding of the above associations signalled the beginning of an active decade, as new associations emerged with great frequency. Within the past four years (1970-1974) f i v e regional groups formed l o c a l i t y associations. For example, the "Northern Greece and Macedonian Society" and the "Thessalian Society" were founded i n the early months of 1974 when the fieldwork was being carried out. The Messinian association was formed i n 1971, and i s the next oldest after the two Cretann s o c i e t i e s . The constitutional aims of a l l the regional associations are patterned after the Messinians' and the two Cretans' groups. Their objectives are multi-fold. They aim to promote better relations with other fellow countrymen i n Canada. To accomplish t h i s , 128 they hold national Congresses in various parts of Canada every year, as well as attend those organized by fellow countrymen in the U.S. They want to promote better relations with fellow Canadians and Canadian institutions. Their objective is also to organize social and cultural events for the benefit of their members. Also, to aid any needy member of the association or of the community, as well as assist the church in every possible way (Constitution of Messinian Association, 1971: 1). One of the associations' greatest endeavours is to help the native area or village. Monetary contributions are sent usually with a request: i.e., to build a heroes' monument, support an orphan, or con-tribute towards the new school (Hellenic Echo, 1 October 1973) . It is for the purpose of collecting money towards these efforts that the dances and picnics are held. International associations such as the Pan Cretan contribute thousands of dollars to build hospitals and vocational schools in Crete. A l l the associations also assist the kinotis and contribute to i t s coffers. They use the f a c i l i t i e s of the church h a l l and in return donate to its building fund. The actual association membership is limited, except for the Island of Crete Association which has sixty members. The usual number is small: ten to fifteen people, usually the original founding members. To join a locality association, one must have been born in that particu-lar area or have lived there for five years, or be married to a person from that area. The dues vary from $5.00 - $10.00 yearly. 129 I t i s only at open a c t i v i t i e s such as dances that non-members attend, usually 500-600 people. The speeches by the president and guests of the Canadian community stress primarily the t i e s with the homeland and secondarily with Canada. The glorious h i s t o r i c past of Greece i s recalled as pa r t i c u l a r events are celebrated - each association com-memorating h i s t o r i c events of that area. "Dances for Greeks abroad serve to keep Hellenism. The pat-r i o t i c l o c a l associations help Greeks by increasing the pres-t i g e , and respect shown to them, thei r language, c i v i l i z a -t i o n , and history. Without the associations i t would be harder to keep and propagate our own b e l i e f s and customs against those of other minorities." (Hellenic Echo, 15 Feb-ruary 1974) The l o c a l association operates " l i k e a defence mechanism against the impersonality of a new s o c i a l m i l i e u " (Johnson, 1972: 135). It i s a t r a d i t i o n a l type concerned mainly with preserving and continuing the Hellenic heritage. Such associations are not concerned with promot-ing assimilation. Instead they emphasize the homeland and the past. They are committed to Greece and i t s issues. They attract mainly the type of immigrant who i s only marginally involved i n the Canadian com-munity. Immigrants with a sojourner mentality i d e n t i f y closest with t h i s type of association (Straaton, 1974: 86). Immigrants who emigrate as adults wish to retain t h e i r language and culture as long as possible. For them the l o c a l associations provide a familiar and secure milieu. Their personalities and values are appreciated and accepted, thus easing the shock of t r a n s i t i o n (Treudley, 1949: 49). 130 In Vancouver the number of people who actually j o i n i s mini-mal. Most people participate only at the open events. It i s in t e r e s t -ing to note that Greek immigrants (especially newly arrived) do not even consider the p o s s i b i l i t y of j o i n i n g . To them the voluntary asso-ciations exist because of the organizing efforts of a few individuals. Membership i s unnecessary since a l l events are open to a l l , including non-members. Events are actually organized for a l l , especially with the l o c a l i t y associations. To carry out i t s programs, a voluntary association needs the (financial) support of non-members, and can never rely on merely ten or f i f t e e n individuals. The success of an association depends on i t s a b i l i t y to organize successful events; ( i . e . , how many people attend i t s events) not i t s actual membership. It i s at these s o c i a l events that the need to be i n a fam i l i a r environment, amongst Greek-speaking friends, i s s a t i s f i e d . One should examine who attends the functions, not i f one i s a paying member. There-fore, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s open membership i n the Greek community. The people who do not attend these functions are usually those involved i n the Canadian community. The youth does not attend as much, and neither does the thi r d generation. The feeling of belong-ing to the Greek community i s fostered by pa r t i c i p a t i n g i n i t s open so c i a l events, such as dances, teas, pic n i c s , and films. The open, informal, non-bureaucratic, participatory membership i s t r u l y the only important membership i n the community, not the paid membership i n the kinoti s or associations. Therefore, non-participation i n formal organ-131 izations does not necessarily mean lack of s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n (Johnson, 1971: 16). Voluntary associations serve many of the needs such as f r a -t e r n i t y , economic help, and s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y that at home would have been met by a wider kin group. They also have s o c i a l functions which, besides offering entertainment, also reinforce the t i e s with the home-land while simultaneously recognizing the increasingly important r e l a -tionship with Canada. The speeches given at these s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s by both Greek and Canadian members of the Vancouver community empha-size t h i s dyadic aspect of the Greek community. Leisure Association: The Greek Olympics Soccer Team The soccer club i s the only Greek a t h l e t i c association i n Vancouver. The Olympics team was founded i n 1970 by a small group of businessmen who are also soccer enthusiasts. It aims to attract young men by providing the opportunity to participate i n soccer - a very popular sport i n Greece. Youths i n Greece begin at a very early age to occupy a great part of their l e i s u r e time i n soccer play a c t i v i t i e s . The sport was used as an antidote and a release during the seven years of the m i l i -tary regime. The m i l i t a r y government at the time encouraged soccer greatly. I t exploited i t s popularity among the youth by supporting escapism i n soccer a c t i v i t i e s . By chanelling the youth's energy into * The Greek Olympics Soccer Team was suspended from playing i n the 1974 season for d i s c i p l i n a r y reasons. 132 soccer i t was aiming to di s t r a c t them from p o l i t i c a l awareness and involvement. In the l a s t years of the regime (1970-1974) soccer had become nationally a cry of hysteria, assuming u n r e a l i s t i c proportions of importance in Greek l i f e . For Greek residents i n Vancouver soccer plays a less impor-tant r o l e . Newly arrived male immigrants are the ones most concerned with i t . Imported soccer newspapers such as Omada (Team), and Goal, are read avidly by soccer fans. The soccer scores of Greek and Euro-pean teams are given regularly i n the Greek radio programs. The Greek Olympics soccer club has presently f i f t y members including the players. The soccer association attracts mainly newly arrived working class men, since they are most familiar with the game having been previously involved i n i t i n Greece. There are s i x to eight native-born Greek Canadian participants. Soccer, as a participant or observer a c t i v i t y , i s popular mainly among the f i r s t generation men. It i s estimated that at games where the Greek team competes, 80 out of 200 fans for example, are Greek. Soccer a c t i v i t y i s r e l a t i v e l y new i n B.C. and Canada. There i s not enough public support yet to organize and sustain high calibre teams. The Greek team needs the support of the community i n f i n a n c i a l and human terms. Requests for help have been publicized i n the Greek press appealing to the c u l t u r a l identity of each Greek to support "h i s " team: 133 "For every Greek there i s only one team that represents the azure (and) white Greek f l a g , the team "GREEK OLYMPICS." The Greeks of Vancouver have one church, one k i n o t i s , one soccer team, the team of the "GREEK OLYMPICS." (Translation of letter.by Soccer Club President to the Hellenic Echo, 15 July 1973) The Greek soccer team i s associated with Greek nationalism. Accordingly, to support the team i s not only to be involved i n an a t h l e t i c , male i n s t i t u t i o n , but also to support the Greek culture, church, and t r a d i t i o n . The soccer association i s the only Greek l e i s u r e organiza-t i o n , and i t i s exclusively for men. Presently, the women of the Greek community have not organized a formal association for l e i s u r e time a c t i v i t i e s . Because of their upbringing and position i n Greek society, women participate mainly i n informal interaction groups of r e l a t i v e s and friends at home, rather i n formal associations ( l i k e the Filoptohos, and the Daughters) which are open to them. The women's interaction network functions primarily i n the non-public domain. Voluntary associations i n Vancouver have limited formal mem-bership. Social p a r t i c i p a t i o n consists of par t i c i p a t i n g i n the open s o c i a l events organized by the various associations. The greater part of Greek residents i n Vancouver are working class, recently arrived immigrants. They participate very l i t t l e f o r -mally. They interact mostly i n informal groups such as r e l a t i v e s , friends and neighbors. 134 Greeks with residence longer than fifteen years participate more. They are a relatively more affluent group with considerably more leisure time for such a c t i v i t i e s . Through participation in the voluntary associations, individuals arise to form the leadership of the ethnic community. The voluntary associations provide the social l i f e and enter-tainment of the ethnic community. In social events Greeks can inter-act with fellow compatriots on a mutually understood basis of behavior, in a familiar setting. Thus the cultural shock is eased. The voluntary associations strengthen the ties with Greece since a l l of them orient to some degree towards the homeland. This is especially so with the Fellow Countrymen's associations. Volun-tary associations act as a buffer to the cultural shock by emphasizing the traditions and customs of Greece. Simultaneously they familiarize the immigrants with the native culture and help them to assume their role in i t . CHAPTER V THE GREEK LANGUAGE SCHOOL An i n s t i t u t i o n of great importance i s the Greek language school. Greeks are f i e r c e l y proud of their ethnic heritage and t r a d i -tions. Under the Turkish Occupation of 400 years, Greek was forbidden to be taught i n order to hasten the loss of f o l k l o r e and ora l t r a d i -tions. The language survived mainly because of the "Secret School" which operated at night i n churches and monasteries for four centur-ies. The teachers were priests and monks who at the time were the most l i t e r a t e members of the society. Because of h i s t o r i c a l circumstances, the Church assumed an important role i n education. Abroad, i t proved to be the only i n s t i -tution with enough tenacity to organize and sustain, through the edu-cational system, the Greek language and Orthodox f a i t h . Away from the homeland, the perpetuation of the Greek lan-guage has always been a major concern with Greeks. The immigrant with a family i s faced with a double problem: he wants to learn English himself, but he also wants his children to have some appreciation of Greek, the language "that gave l i g h t to the world" (Saloutos, 1964: 71). The Greek language coupled with the c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n , i s the heritage that every Greek wants to pass on to his children. It i s considered a "sacred duty" to teach one's children the language of th e i r forefathers. 135 136 Greeks are haunted with the fear that their children w i l l reach adulthood in ignorance of their native tongue. This fear is greater i f the children are born in Canada rather than i f they come here a few years old. Parents are afraid of losing the only means of com-munication they may have with their children, so they continue to speak Greek at home. By the time the children are of school age, they have acquired at least a rudimentary basis of spoken Greek. When the children enter the Canadian school system they learn English as well. Church Involvement As Greek communities were established abroad,.the Church, as a rule, accepted the responsibility of offering instruction in the Greek language. After the establishment of a church, the ethnic school made its appearance also, usually with the priest as the f i r s t teacher. "A protesting minority objected to the church's assumption of a teaching role. Education in Greece...was a public not an ecclesiastical responsibility. Church-controlled schools, the complaints went, bred ignorance, s t i f l e d s c i e n t i f i c i n -quiry, and fostered intolerance. But the community churches seized the educational reins and kept a tight hold on them. The churches, despite their endless feuds and shortsighted objectives, fostered whatever semblance of Greek education there was. No other agency proved capable of maintaining this sustained effort." (Saloutos, 1964: 73) The Greek Orthodox Archdiocese s t i l l considers the Greek language school the most important means of maintaining psychological ties with Greece, and perpetuating a strong ethnic identity (Theodor-atus, 1971: 79). For this purpose i t has a "Department of Education 137 and Greek Letters" which deals with providing educational guidelines, school books, and teachers. Theodoratus analyzed a l e t t e r about the Greek school from the Department of Education of the Archdiocese which was sent to Greek-American communities i n 1959. (See Appendix D for the complete text of the l e t t e r in Greek and English.) Similar l e t t e r s are sent regu-l a r l y to a l l Greek Orthodox parishes. The functions of the school that Theodoratus describes are equally applicable to Vancouver and to other communities abroad. He determines three functions regarding the role of the Greek school i n the community. F i r s t , the school maintains community s o l i d a r i t y . By guid-ing the c h i l d through the ethnic "age-graded" a c t i v i t i e s i t ensures that as a future adult, he or she w i l l participate a c t i v e l y i n the community thus assuring the continuing existence of the church and k i n o t i s . Second, the Greek school upholds the morality of Greek Orth-odox children. Juvenile delinquency can be avoided by associating with other "good" Greek Orthodox children. By learning Greek, a c h i l d i s a good Orthodox and therefore a good c i t i z e n of his new homeland. Third, the school aids i n preserving a strong sense of iden-t i t y and psychological union with Greece. The Greek language becomes a sacred cause: "the Hellenic consciousness, the Greek language, and the Greek Orthodox Faith" comprise an i n d i v i s i b l e t r i n i t y . The school i s the only place where the c h i l d can acquire a l l three. 138 Further i n the l e t t e r parents are exhorted that i n order to i n s t i l l p a t r i o t i c feelings i n thei r children they must send them to the Greek language school. Otherwise they w i l l be doing an i n j u s t i c e , not to themselves, but to t h e i r children. They w i l l be deprived of the c u l t u r a l and psychological benefits of a Greek Orthodox education as given i n the Greek language school. The Archdiocese p e r i o d i c a l l y sends similar l e t t e r s to the Greek Orthodox communities i n Canada and the U.S. reminding them of their r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as "Christian Orthodoxs". The Vancouver priest uses these l e t t e r s as basis for his weekly sermons. He rarely neglects to encourage parents to send their children to the Greek school and Sunday School. He stresses that Greek Orthodoxy and the Greek language are two most c r u c i a l "treasures" which must be passed on to the c h i l -dren. The Archdiocese supports the St. Basil's Academy i n New York which trains teachers for the Greek schools abroad. Their t r a i n -ing i s s p e c i f i c a l l y oriented for teaching Greek immigrant children bro ught up i n two cultures. The books and materials issued by the Archdiocese and used for teaching i n k i n o t i s schools, are s p e c i f i c a l l y adapted for Greek children away from Greece. Graduates of the Academy teach i n Greek communities i n North and South America. The Greek Language Schools i n Vancouver The St. George Greek Orthodox Church was established i n Van-couver i n 1930. The Greek school was started soon after. The number 139 of children was small at the time so the f i r s t priests taught the after-noon Greek language classes, and gave religious instruction in the Sunday School. In the early years of the community, the various priests assumed the teaching responsibilities of the school. Inter-mittently teachers were hired but few held the post longer than a year. This was due either to conflict with the kinotis council, or disagreement with kinotis members. Therefore, the priest remained the only reliable person to keep up the school during periods between teachers. It was not un t i l 1956 that the Vancouver kinotis school was formally organized apart from the Sunday school and a teacher was hired. The present teacher has been teaching in the kinotis school since 1962. She was educated in Greece, in contrast to the majority of Greek community teachers who study at the St. Basil's Academy. The kinotis supports the Greek language school. It hires and pays the teachers, i t provides for necessities such as books, as well as pays the rent, e l e c t r i c i t y and the like. Kinotis members can enroll their children by paying four dollars monthly. The decision to build the new church away from the Greek residential area l e f t a lot of people dissatisfied. Many objected that the area (Kerrisdale) was chosen in order to satisfy the wealthier segments of the Greek population who perhaps fel t awkward with the un-pretentious, small church in Kitsilano - a less prestigious d i s t r i c t . Regardless of the negative reactions, the church was built at 4500 Arbutus 140 Street i n Kerrisdale. Many parents objected that the distance was too great for the i r children who attended the Greek language school in the church h a l l . There were threats of breaking apart the community by organizing new schools not under ki n o t i s j u r i s d i c t i o n . There was a l o t of bitterness. In the ethnic press, the c o n f l i c t assumed wider proportions as individuals were accused of "pursuing t h e i r own egoti-s t i c a l i nterests", and using the issue of the "church being far away" as an excuse for s p l i t t i n g the community by creating independent schools. The Hellenic Echo admonished Greeks to forget the c o n f l i c t and instead concentrate on building the community: "For better or worse the church was b u i l t elsewhere. Shall we tear i t down now, i n order to s a t i s f y personal ambitions?" (1 July 1971) In 1971 the c o n f l i c t resulted i n the formation of an indepen-dent Greek language school using the f a c i l i t i e s of General Gordon Ele-mentary School (of the Vancouver School Board) i n K i t s i l a n o , and sup-ported t o t a l l y by parents' funds. Soon after.that, two other schools were organized. One i s privately owned i n East Vancouver. In 1973 another Greek school was established at Bayview Elementary School ( i n Ki t s i l a n o ) under kinot i s auspices. Presently there are approximately 400 pupils i n a l l four schools. The two k i n o t i s schools have 180 children. At General Gordon * After completion of the fieldwork, Athena Greek College was estab-lished, i n July 1974, by the teacher of the East Vancouver School. It i s not considered i n the ethnographic description and analysis, but included i n Table V. 141 school there are 170 children, and approximately 50 children go to the Greek school i n East Vancouver (see Table V). Every school year i n September a l l four schools advertise in the ethnic press the r e g i s t r a t i o n hours, and the date Greek lessons start at the various locations. The General Gordon school offers i n -struction for children s i x years old and over. A l l schools have age-graded classes according to the Greek system. The children are sep-arated i n two groups according to t h e i r age and class l e v e l . F i r s t , second and t h i r d grade are taught together on Mondays and Wednesdays. Fourth, f i f t h and s i x t h grade attend on Tuesdays and Thursdays. F r i -days are used alternately for each group. Classes are held i n the afternoon from 3:30 p.m. to 5:30 p.m. I attended the Greek language school at General Gordon d a i l y for two weeks as well as followed some of the Greek lessons given at the church school. Their format and content i s very s i m i l a r , except for the learning materials used. The k i n o t i s schools use the books supplied by the Archdiocese whereas the independent schools use texts from the Greek Ministry of Education. The texts from the Archdiocese have been written by Greeks and are intended to be used for Greek children abroad. As would be ex-pected much of the material i s about Greece but there i s also an effort to blend some of the customs of the new land. For example, the books describe a t r a d i t i o n a l Greek Easter, but they also explain the impor-tance of Thanksgiving and Rememberance Day which are not known i n Greece. TABLE V GREEK LANGUAGE SCHOOLS IN VANCOUVER Sponsor Kinotis Independent (Organized by Parents) Independent (Private Enterprise) Kinotis Independent (Private Enterprise) Date Started 1930 1971 1973 1973 1974 Location of Classes  Church H a l l - 4500 Arbutus St., Kerrisdale General Gordon Elementary School - Vancouver School Board - 2896 W. 6th Ave., Kit s i l a n o Private Home - 1962 Charles St. - East Vancouver Bayview Elementary School Vancouver School Board -2251 Collingwood Ave. Kit s i l a n o Athena Greek College^ 2289 W. Broadway, K i t s i -lano Number of Students Grades 1-3 406 47 90 70 80 Total Total 117 170 38 63 22 410 Teachers 1 2 a. The governing body of the community, under the administration of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese. b. Established i n July 1974, after completion of fieldwork. No other information available 143 The texts that are imported d i r e c t l y from Greece, are exactly those that children use i n Greece. Sometimes the Greek-Canadian c h i l -dren are confused about words or ideas that are t y p i c a l l y Greek. The teacher i s then asked to explain or translate these concepts into a more fam i l i a r frame of reference. In t h i s sense, the Archdiocese books are more relevant for Greek children i n Canada. A l l the texts emphasize the c u l t u r a l and psychological t i e s with Greece. In the readings, love, duty and respect for the patrida (homeland) are stressed. The stories written especially for the Greek children abroad, encourage them to attend the Greek school regularly and to learn "the language of t h e i r forefathers". Poems about Greece are memorized, and recited at the programs of national celebrations. Children are taught that Greece, the homeland (patrida) i s the most beautiful country i n the world. No other country, no matter how lovely, can approach i t i n i t s beauty. A good Greek c h i l d should always love and think of his homeland. Stories i n s t i l l into the c h i l d a p a t r i o t i c pride i n the history and c u l t u r a l achievements of Greece. Pride i n the child's Greek ethnic i d e n t i t y i s i n s t i l l e d early as i t i s constantly stressed that the language and culture of Ancient Greece "gave l i g h t to the world". Teachers sometimes, for example, show the Greek phi l o l o g i c roots of English words - to the amazement of the children. It i s constantly emphasized that Greece gave c i v i l i z a t i o n and democracy to the world. 144 In the f i r s t and second grade the amount of material dealing s p e c i f i c a l l y with Greece i s r e l a t i v e l y low. But progressively the amount increases so that i n the f i f t h and s i x t h grade the books are en t i r e l y devoted to Greece and to Greek c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s . In a l l schools the curriculum includes reading from the text, writing out paragraphs, s p e l l i n g , and grammar. Older children are also taught r e l i g i o u s studies, according to the Greek Orthodox Dogma. F i f t h grade children study the Old Testament, and s i x t h grade pupils study the New Testament: the l i f e of Jesus, the Saints, and the organ-i z a t i o n of the Greek Orthodox Church. The older grades also take History (Ancient, Byzantine and Modern). The present teachers of the kinot i s East Vancouver and General Gordon schools were born and educated i n Greece. They speak excellent Greek, and f a i r English. I t i s the opposite with the children. The teachers always address them i n Greek, but u n f a i l i n g l y the children answer i n English. The children refuse to speak i n Greek unless the teacher demands that they do so. Nevertheless, they read and write Greek. Amongst themselves they speak i n English. Only some older children who arrived here old enough to s t i l l remember Greece choose to speak i n the native tongue. I distributed a questionnaire to the twenty six t h grade (General Gordon) children (see Appendix C) asking t h e i r views about the Greek school. The majority (52%) attended not out of free choice but because thei r parents enrolled them. They did not l i k e coming to the 145 language school. Most (80%) had English speaking friends since the majority were born i n Canada. Almost a l l (93%) children thought that t h e o r e t i c a l l y i t was a good idea to learn Greek. But most considered i t a tiresome d a i l y necessity. They generally f e l t that learning another language was very desirable, especially i f they wanted to v i s i t Greece. The children r e a l i z e the importance of learning Greek since i t represents the only means of appreciating th e i r c u l t u r a l heritage. They are i n s t i l l e d with a love of things Greek and with a desire to v i s i t Greece. But the afternoon schedule of the Greek school comes i n c o n f l i c t with t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . After English school classes they want to play l i k e the other Canadian children do. They are unable to do so, and this influences th e i r attitudes toward the school. They are resentful and some attempt to avoid attending Greek school. Attendance does not necessarily guarantee learning. Many do not prepare t h e i r homework and i f they do come, they misbehave so that others cannot study. The children refuse to study or speak Greek because they do not want to f e e l that they are "foreigners" or "immigrants" in r e l a t i o n to their peers. Speaking Greek sets them apart at a time of the i r l i v e s when they want so much to belong. The children prefer to speak English because i t symbolizes the i r membership i n the Canadian society. 146 A c t i v l t i e s The Greek language school students participate i n several community events during the year: Christmas, Greek Independence Day (Annunciation of Theotokos: see Chapter on Church), and their gradua-tion program at the end of the school year. The children spend several weeks i n advance preparing for these occasions. They memorize poems or selections from the i r textbooks or give a short play about some h i s t o r i c or re l i g i o u s event. The most important celebrations are Greek Independence Day and the Greek school graduation which parents and com-munity members attend i n f u l l force. The k i n o t i s school committee ad-vertised the school program thus: "Today Sunday 24 March at 7:00 p.m. w i l l take place the school celebration of the two ki n o t i s Greek schools i n remembrance of 25 March 1821, i n the H a l l at 2114 W. 4th Ave. You are a l l .requested to honor by your presence t h i s h i s t o r i c day. (The children) w i l l r e c i t e poems, perform p a t r i o t i c s k i t s , sing p a t r i o t i c songs, and dance Greek national dances. Come to take pride i n , and applaud our future heirs. From the School Committee" The poems the children r e c i t e are usually emotional praises to Greece, her beauty, and her people. Children sometimes dress i n Greek costumes for the plays and dances. At Christmas, programs of poems and songs, concentrate around rel i g i o u s themes. Santa Claus makes his appearance also, d i s t r i b u t i n g g i f t s to the children. The k i n o t i s and independent schools celebrate separately these events. Programs are organized apart and at different locations in celebration of the same event, on the same day. The only occasions 147 at which a l l school children meet i s when they celebrate Mass as a group, or when the entire community takes part i n a particular event, such as the placing of the commemorative wreath, on Greek Independence Day, at the Monument of the Unknown Soldier. The presence of separate schools has created a r i f t i n the community. It i s a recognized d i v i s i o n which the children themselves f e e l . In the ethnic press the c o n f l i c t i s attributed to some " b e l i g -erent, aggressive" individuals who have "consciously succeeded i n d i -viding the parish i n two opposing groups: the law-abiding forces versus the extremists" (Hellenic Echo, 1 November 1972). Reporting the Christmas celebration of the Greek schools, the Hellenic View ques-tioned the wisdom and policy of some leaders to divide or ignore groups of children because they attend this or that school: "The children of General Gordon are not children? Are they not also learning Greek? Were th e i r parents not born i n GREECE? Why t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n ? (To do so) i s criminal: For what reasons? Even though we a l l seek the progress of the community, and work towards that goal, the germ of d i v i s i o n continues to multiply." (December 15, 1973) The Hellenic Echo f e l t i t a duty to make the following dec-l a r a t i o n to the organizers of the k i n o t i s schools, and the General Gor-don school: " I t i s sad to allow the r a i s i n g of e g o t i s t i c a l flags i n front of our children without caring. It i s sad to germinate weeds of p a r t i t i o n i n the innocent hearts of our children. We are ashamed for those whose suspect, narrow-minded interests do not allow them to see the l i g h t and the truth for the devel-opment, progress, and grandeur of the Greek parish i n one united, undivided ethnic e n t i t y . " ( A p r i l 1, 1974) 148 The above expressed views generally represent the sentiments of the Greek residents i n Vancouver. The recent separation of the schools has divided the members of the community to some extent. The older immigrants i n particular f e e l regret and sadness over the unprecedented s p l i t i n the community i n s t i -tutions. As a preliminary observation, the d i v i s i o n of the schools could be interpreted as representative of the f a c t i o n a l s p l i t i n the community, but further research i s needed to v e r i f y t h i s . The Greek language school i s important as a culture-preserving i n s t i t u t i o n . Second generation children benefit by learning about Greece and the language of th e i r parents. But i t i s questionable whether they w i l l r etain their native tongue as adults, and i f they w i l l pass i t on to t h e i r children. The Greek language school i s perhaps more b e n e f i c i a l for the conscience of the parents who fear th e i r children losing Greek' and then being unable to communicate with them. In families I v i s i t e d , the children responded mostly i n English to t h e i r parents who continued to speak Greek. I did notice that the parents attached greater impor-tance to scholastic performance i n the English language school, whereas the Greek school was looked upon as less c r u c i a l . Most parents want thei r children to learn Greek. They ensure that the opportunity i s given to them. But parents also recognize with a measure of f a t a l i t y that as adults, t h e i r children w i l l most l i k e l y not speak or write Greek f l u e n t l y . 149 In Vancouver, the Greek community i s r e l a t i v e l y recent with only a small group of second and t h i r d generation i n d i v i d u a l s . Thus the question remains, as to what extent the Greek language w i l l be r e -tained by the succeeding generations of Greek-Canadian residents. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS This study has attempted an ethnographic description of the Greek community i n Vancouver. The s o c i a l organization of the commun-i t y was examined, with a special focus on the ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n s . The history, and community l i f e of the Greek ethnic group were d i s -cussed i n the Canadian context. The research also aimed to discover the function of the community structure i n the adaptation process. The s o c i a l organization of the community was examined i n r e l a t i o n to other overseas Greek communities. The fundamental s i m i l a r i t i e s i n the h i s t o r i c a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l development of Greek communities abroad are discussed below with special reference to Canada and the United States. Greek immigrants to Canada and the U.S. were motivated mainly by economic reasons, especially i n the beginning of the twentieth century. They were unskilled and spoke no English, which resulted i n slow adaptation i n the host society. Greeks were exploited and d i s -criminated against l i k e other migrant groups, sometimes by th e i r own countrymen. But with the motivation for hard work and the charac-t e r i s t i c independence of early migrants the Greeks established them-selves as peddlars, bootblacks, and l a t e r as small merchants. Living i n an a l i e n environment they sought the companionship of fellow Greeks i n the coffeehouse. The kafenion became the s o c i a l 150 151 center of the ninety per cent male society. In th i s familiar milieu they shared memories of the homeland, and the new experiences of immi-grant l i f e . As soon as they established themselves, they sent f i n a n c i a l support to re l a t i v e s at home, often encouraging them to emigrate also. To aid the native v i l l a g e or area, topika somatia (regional societies) were formed. In the early years of Greek immigrant settlement i n the U.S. almost a l l voluntary associations were oriented towards the homeland, since immigrants expected to return soon. The only excep-tion was A.H.E.P.A. (American-Hellenic-Educational-Progressive-Associa-tion) which was founded with the purpose of encouraging adaptation and acceptance i n the native society. The Church proved to be the strongest culture-sustaining i n s t i t u t i o n . I t became the administrative and rel i g i o u s head of the Greek communities i n the U.S. and Canada at a time when a cohesive and unifying agent was greatly needed. Sometimes against great odds, the Church zealously t r i e d to maintain unchanged the Greek language, r e l i g i o n , and c u l t u r a l values. Tra d i t i o n a l l y i t was against assimila-t i o n , but slowly i t recognized that a measure of adaptation was essen-t i a l i f the Greek Orthodox Church was to survive away from Greece. The U.S. imposed immigration quotas, and the flow of Greeks decreased considerably. In contrast, Canada's open immigration p o l i c i e s began to attract greater numbers of Greek immigrants than before. But the volume of early Greek a r r i v a l s to Canada was minimal compared to the previous flood which had poured i n the U.S. 152 In Canada, the development of Greek communities followed the same pattern as that established i n the Greek settlements of the U.S. Greeks concentrated mainly i n the urban centers: Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver. The communities organized themselves i n the same manner. F i r s t , they b u i l t a church, and thus came under the j u r -i s d i c t i o n of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese. Then Greek-language schools were formed. As the number of new a r r i v a l s increased a mul-titude of voluntary associations appeared, performing the p a r t i c u l a r -i s t i c functions previously f u l f i l l e d by the Church. The ethnographic description and analysis of the s o c i a l organization of the Greek community of Vancouver shows that the commun-i t y ' s development p a r a l l e l s that of other overseas Greek settlements. After World War I I , the i n f l u x of new immigrants rapidly increased the size of the Vancouver Greek community, and changed i t s character. A host of new i n s t i t u t i o n s developed to meet the needs of post-war immigrants. Nevertheless, the Vancouver Greek community i s r e l a t i v e l y small compared to Montreal and Toronto. Thus, i t i s s t i l l centralized around one church, whereas other older communities have more than one. Also the number of second and t h i r d generation Greeks i s r e l a t i v e l y limited i n contrast to other Greek-Canadian communities. As a result the extent of intergroup c o n f l i c t i s comparatively minimal i n nature. In Vancouver, and i n other Greek overseas communities, the function of the Church, the Greek-language school, and the voluntary associations are shaped by the problems i m p l i c i t i n migration. The 153 ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n s perform a dual role. They preserve the c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y of the group, while simultaneously a s s i s t i n g i n the adapta-tion process. The Church unites the Vancouver Greeks psychologically be-cause i t embodies the ethics and ideals they believe i n . The Church also contributes to the i n t e g r i t y of the ethnic community by bringing the immigrants together by the re l i g i o u s r i t u a l s and s o c i a l functions i t sponsors. The Church and the Greek-language school are par excellence the two culture-preserving i n s t i t u t i o n s . They promote the retention of the Orthodox r e l i g i o n , and the Greek language - the two most salient aspects of Hellenism. Greeks i n Vancouver consider the two issues as inseparable. Loss of either one implies the disappearance of Greek iden t i t y . But to continue functioning as viable i n s t i t u t i o n s abroad, both the Church and the Greek school have modified the i r approach according to the new environment. The Church has recognized the need to moderate i t s strongly n a t i o n a l i s t i c attitude. It accepts that the Greek identity and culture cannot remain unaltered or unaffected by the native c u l t u r a l values. Efforts are made to incorporate non-Greek aspects i n the functions and ideology of the Church: for example the use of both English and Greek in the services, and the attitude towards intermarriages. The adaptative effort i s also evident i n the content of the books that the Greek Orthodox Church uses i n i t s Greek-language schools. 154 Children are taught to love and honor Greece, but they also learn of the Canadian customs and l i f e styles. The voluntary associations deal with the immediate needs of the newly-arrived immigrants. They function as familiar settings in which the effects caused by migration and dislocation can be stab-i l i z e d . The regional associations keep alive and strengthen the ties with Greece, while encouraging the gradual integration in Canadian l i f e . Voluntary associations that orient mainly towards the new homeland, also acknowledge their Greek heritage and culture. The Greek social organization maintains the integrity of the community and f a c i l i t a t e s the transition of i t s members from Greek nationalist immigrants, to patriotic Canadian citizens. APPENDIX A QUESTIONS Background Information 1. When did you come to Canada? To Vancouver? 2. Did you come d i r e c t l y to Vancouver or to the eastern part of Canada? 3. Where were you born? Your parents? 4. How big was the town or v i l l a g e of your birth? 5. Were you l i v i n g i n the same place u n t i l the time of your emigration? 6. What were the economic conditions l i k e ? 7. How many years of school did you have i n Greece? In Canada? 8. Did you speak English or French before coming to Canada? 9. Why did you leave Greece? For what reasons? 10. What occupational t r a i n i n g did you have prior to your migration? 11. Are you able to s t i l l practice i t here? 12. I f not, what are you doing? 13. Are you working for a Greek employer or not? 14. If yes, why? If not, why? 15. If self-employed what made you decide to start your own business? 16. Do you find an improvement i n your l i f e style? In what ways? 17. Did you know anything about Canada before leaving Greece? What expectations did you have about your new l i f e ? 18. Did you come on your own i n i t i a t i v e or through a r e l a t i v e here? 155 156 Adpatation 19. Would you l i k e to return to Greece permanently? 20. How long did you plan on staying i n Canada? 21. What do you l i k e about Canada? 22. Is there anything about Greece which you miss and do not find here? 23. Do you have many friends here? Outside your family? 24. Are your close friends Greeks or Canadians? 25. For recreation do you stay with your family at home or go out with friends? Greeks or Canadians? 26. What languge do you speak at home? 27. What language do you use with your children? 28. Do your children go to Greek school? 29. Do you go to Greek movies? Often? or Do you prefer non-Greek movies? 30. I f you go to Greek movies, why? Because of the language or because you l i k e them? 31. Do you read Greek newspapers? Magazines? 32. If so, why do you l i v e i n the Greek d i s t r i c t ? 33. Are your friends l i v i n g close to your home? 34. If not l i v i n g i n Greek d i s t r i c t , why not? 35. Do you cook or eat Greek food? 36. Do you buy "ethnic" foods from the Greek stores? How often? 37. Do you follow p o l i t i c s i n Greece? 38. Do you follow soccer? 39. Do you follow p o l i t i c s i n Canada? 40. Are you, or do you want to become a Canadian ci t i z e n ? 41. Have ym ever voted i n a past election? Federal? Provincial? Or Local? 42. As a Greek i n Canada do you f e e l you have an obligation towards Greece only or to both Canada and Greece? Voluntary Associations 43. Do you participate i n Greek organizations outside the kinotis? 44. Which one(s)? 45. How often are meetings held? 46. Do you a c t i v e l y participate i n the decision making process? 47. Do you pay fees? How much? 48. Do you l i k e what the club does? Would you offer any suggestion as to how i t could be improved? 49. Have you ever held office? 50. I f so, how did you conceive your position as leader? What were the obligations? 51. For what reasons did you j o i n that pa r t i c u l a r club? 52. Did you make any friends through the club? Have you continued such friendships? 53. Do you go to the dances, picn i c s , bazaars? Why? Do you enjoy yourself? 54. Have you joined any non-Greek clubs? 55. I f so, for what reasons? Additional questions to ask of voluntary association leaders. 56. What are the objects of the club? 158 57. Date of founding? 58. How many members? 59. What are their characteristics? a. Wealth b. Occupation c. Education d. Migrant Status (how long i n Canada) e. Average age f. Position i n Greek community 60. How i s the president of a club chosen? 61. How i s the Hellenic Kinotis elected? For how long? 62. How do you f e e l about the present leadership? The Church General h i s t o r i c a l questions. 63. What year was the f i r s t church b u i l t ? 64. How many active community members contributed to i t s construction? 65. What group of people formed the f i r s t congregation? Their occupations? 66. What were the reasons for the decision to build a new church? 67. How was the new church on Arbutus financed? 68. The location of the church has created some c o n f l i c t . What are the issues involved? 69. How do you f e e l about the location of the church? 70. Has the location of the new church influenced attendance and member-ship? Questions to ask of informants regarding the i r conception of the church, i t s usefulness, i t s role and function i n the community. 71. Is Mass a necessary form of worship for you? 72. How often do you attend? 159 7 3 . How do y o u v i e w t h e r o l e o f t h e p r i e s t ? A s a c o m m u n i t y l e a d e r , o r a s a s p i r i t u a l l e a d e r ? 7 4 . Do y o u p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e c e l e b r a t i o n o f : E a s t e r ? A n n u n c i a t i o n o f T h e o t o k o s ? S t . G e o r g e ' s ? 7 5 . Do y o u c e l e b r a t e n a m e d a y s ? 7 6 . Do y o u c u t a v a s i l o p i t a ? 7 7 . How do y o u f e e l a b o u t a y i a s m o ( b l e s s i n g o f s t o r e s , h o u s e s ) ? 7 8 . Do y o u t h i n k t h e M a s s s h o u l d b e i n G r e e k o r i n E n g l i s h ? 7 9 . How d o y o u f e e l a b o u t t h e R e a d i n g o f t h e New T e s t a m e n t i n b o t h E n g l i s h a n d G r e e k ? 8 0 . I f y o u do n o t a t t e n d M a s s , why n o t ? 8 1 . What do y o u s e e t h e r o l e o f t h e c h u r c h a s b e i n g i n t h e G r e e k c o m -m u n i t y , i f a n y ? 8 2 . A r e y o u a f u l l c o n t r i b u t i n g member? 8 3 . Where w e r e y o u m a r r i e d ? B a p t i z e d ? I n a G r e e k C h u r c h ? How a b o u t y o u r c h i l d r e n ? 8 4 . Do y o u t e a c h t h r i s k e f t i k a ( r e l i g i o n ) t o y o u r c h i l d r e n ? 8 5 . A r e y o u a c t i v e i n k i n o t i s a f f a i r s ? 8 6 . Do y o u a t t e n d t h e g e n e r a l m e e t i n g s o f t h e k i n o t i s i n t h e c h u r c h h a l l ? 8 7 . Do y o u know how t h e money c o l l e c t e d f r o m y e a r l y s u b s c r i p t i o n s i s u s e d ? 8 8 . Do y o u a p p r o v e o f t h e way i t i s s p e n t ? 8 9 . I f n o t , w h a t a r e some o f y o u r i d e a s , a s t o how i t s h o u l d b e s p e n t ? 9 0 . How do y o u f e e l a b o u t t h e r o l e o f t h e A r c h d i o c e s e i n t h e s e c u l a r a f f a i r s o f t h e c o m m u n i t y ? 160 Greek Language School General questions about the Greek school. 91. As a parent, how do you f e e l about the Greek school? 92. If not a parent, do you think that the Greek school serves a use-f u l purpose? 93. Is i t necessary for you and your children to continue speaking Greek? If not why? 94. Why do you send your children to Greek school? 95. How do you f e e l about the separation of the schools? Questions to ask of Greek school teachers. 96. Why do the children come to Greek school? " 98. How do you view their progress, or desire to learn Greek? 99. Do you make i t mandatory to speak Greek i n class? 100. In what language do the children communicate among themselves? 101. What i s their attitude towards the ethnic celebrations? 102. Do you think that Greek w i l l survive amongst the second generation Greek children, i n view of the fact that they speak mostly English? Ethnic Media - Radio 103. What i s the purpose of the show? 104. What material do you use? On what c r i t e r i a i s the choice made? 105. What aspects are emphasized? Music, News, P o l i t i c s , Ethnic events? 106. Do you have any p o l i t i c a l commentary on Greek news? 107. Are there any Canadian news included? 161 108. Do you advertise events of the k i n o t i s , and the voluntary associa-tions? 109. Do you receive any comments or suggestions from your listeners? 110. Do you have any ideas as to the type of Greeks listening? 111. What need i f any, does the program f u l f i l l ? 112. Do you view the Greek community as benefiting from i t ? 113. How many shows weekly? 114. Are there songs, or news from s p e c i f i c areas of Greece? Any spe-c i a l choice? 162 APPENDIX B LETTER TO INFORMANTS NOT REACHED BY TELEPHONE To whom It may concern: I would l i k e to introduce myself and my work. I am a graduate student i n Sociology at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. I am preparing an o r i g i n a l thesis i n order to receive the Master of Arts Degree i n Sociology. My thesis deals with the s o c i a l organiza-t i o n of the Hellenic Community. Its purpose i s to discover the changes that take place i n the l i f e of Greek immigrants when they come to Canada. My work i s e n t i r e l y independent, and i t s only a f f i l i a t i o n i s with the Department of Sociology at U.B.C. I t s aim i s completely educational. The success of the study depends on your help and coopera-tio n . That i s why I am asking to be allowed to attend - as an observer - the . A l l information w i l l be confidential and anonymous. This w i l l give a better all-round view and an under-standing of our community i n the preparation of the thesis. I am e n t i r e l y at your disposal to meet you any time, whenever i s convenient to you. I r e a l l y appreciate your help. I am looking forward to meeting you. Sincerely yours, Y. Lambrou 163 APPENDIX C QUESTIONS TO GREEK LANGUAGE SCHOOL CHILDREN 1. Write down grade i n Greek school and English school. 2. Where were you born? Greece or Canada. 3. If born i n Greece how long here? 4. Why do you come to the Greek school? 5. Do you l i k e to come? 6. What language do you speak at home? 7. Are most of your friends Greek or Canadian? 8. Do you think i t i s a good idea or bad idea to learn Greek? Give reasons for your choice. 9. (Only for the 6th Grade Greek school children) Do you want to s t i l l learn more Greek? 164 APPENDIX D FOR THE HAPPINESS OF ALL GREEK ORTHODOX FAMILIES M O T H E R S I 1. Send your children to the Greek Orthodox Kindergartens and the Greek Orthodox Schools. 2. Only i n the Greek School can your children, from a young age make close friendships with other Orthodox children. 3. Only i n the Greek School w i l l your children be protected from bad company that may lead to juvenile delinquency. 4. Only the Greek School can keep our children within the frame of Greek Orthodoxy, and lead them from the school desk to the Church Choir, to the Greek Orthodox Youth AND to the Community or the Ladies Philoptohos Society. 5. The Greek Language should be considered as a sacred cause. The Hellenic consciousness, the Greek Language and the Greek Orthodox Faith comprise an i n d i v i s i b l e t r i a d . Only the Greek School can give a l l three together to our children. 6. Large Communities were dissolved, when they stopped teaching the Greek Language to th e i r children. 7. Thousands of American School children are taught a foreign language i n thousands of American Public Schools. Why should not our c h i l -dren be taught Greek? 165 Only the Greek School can develop i n our children love and admira-ti o n for Greece, which i s loved and admired and respected generally by a l l Americans and a l l mankind. ONLY GREEK LANGUAGE REMINDS YOUR CHILDREN THAT THEY BELONG TO THE GREEK ORTHODOX CHURCH. (DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION-GREEK ARCHDIOCESE) hone: TRafalgar 9-2060 166 E A AHNIKH APXIElllIKOilH AM EPIKHZ BOPEIOY K AI NOTIOY A1EY8YNI1I flAIAElAI - EAAHNIKQN TPAMMATQN GREEK ARCHDIOCESE OF NORTH & SOUTH AMERICA D E P A R T M E N T O F E D U C A T I O N & G R E E K L E T T E R S 10 E. 79th STREET, NEW YORK 21, N. Y. AIA THN E Y T Y X I A N OAQN TQN EAAHNIKQN OP0OAOSAN O I K O r E N E I Q N J V J H T £ ? £ : £ / 1 . E x e C X a x e x d not 16 i d oag e t g x d ' E W r j v t u d 'Op-&66oCa N r ) n l a y u y z Z a KaC x d ' E X X r ) v i n d ' O p $ 6 6 o £ a E x o X e i a . 2 . M6vov r) | E \ \ T)viHf) rXftaara kv$v\iCC,z\, e£g x d n a i & i d aag o x i avf\Hovv e l g xf)v 'EX\T)VLHf)v 'Op-&66o^ov ' E n n \ r \ a C a v . 3. M6vov e t c x6 'EXXrjviK6v ' Op '&66o£ov E x o X e T o v x& n o a 6 i d aag •&<£ npocpu-Xaj^ovv an6 uaneV. auvavaaxpocpeg , noO 66r|YoT3v e t g n a i 6 i H d eyHArjiaa-• * a , 4 . M5vov e t g x 6 'EXXrjviH<5v E x o X e T o v x d n a i 6 i d aag fymopovv vd n d v o u v ' dri6 ( i i u p d axev£g yvwpi\iCe.<; \i£ aXXa n a i 6 i d ' 'Op&66o£a. 5 . M 6 v o v x6 ' E X X r | V i x 6 v E x o X e T o v f u m o p e i v d ' KpaxfiaT) x d n a i 6 t d n ag e t g x6 n X a t ' a t o v xr]g ' E X X r j v i H r j g ' O p ^ o t c ; i ^ g N S x d cp£prj &116 xd •OpavCa e t g x f jv Xopa)6Cav, e t g xf jv E X X r i v i n f i v ' Op-&66o£ov Ne6xr|xa naC e t g xf^v Koiv<5xr)xa TI xf}v <51 X6nxu>xo v 'A6eX<p6xr)xa. *H ' E X X r i v i n f ) r x f t a a a npinei vd #ewpr|xai vmo '-fteaig t e p d . cpuXexunf] a u v e C 6 r | a i g , ' E X X r j v i x f ) y?>.(jjaaa naC ' EXXrjv iv i f j 'Op-&o6o£Ca dnoxe-Xouv p,Cav d x & p i a x o v x p t d 6 a . . M6vov x<5 ' E X X I - ) V I H 6 V E x o X e T o v ^ n o -p e t vd |iexa6(iaT) e t g x d n a i 6 t d |iag a u x d xd xp.Ca ptaCO . 7. M e y d X a t K o t v 6 x T ] x e g 6LeXi3#r)aav , o x a v e y x a x e X e i c ^ a v xf]v 6 i 6 a a n a -X C a v xr^g ' EXXT]vix.f}g 7\d)aar)g e t g x& n a i 6 t d xu)v. 8. X i X i d 6 e g *AnepiKav6nai&eg 6 i 6 d a K O V x a i of)\xepo\r nCav £ £ V T ] V y X S a a a v e t g xi»Xid6ag ' A ( j . ep tHav tHCv ArnaoxiviCov E x o X e C w v . A i a x C vd ni*) 6 i 6 a x $ o'Ov x d n a i 6 i d ^ag x f jv 'EXXr}\>wf\\) ; 9. M 6 v o v x 6 'EXXr)Viw6v E x o X e T o v fymopeT vd naXXie^yf)ar\ e l g x S n a i , -' 6L6; n.ag x ^ v d y d n r i v x aC x 6 v ^ a u f i a a i i 6 v 6 t d xf|v < E \ \ d 6 a , x f | v 6noC-a v a ^ p o v x a i naC d y a ^ o ^ v K a ^ -&auiJ,dCo\JV 6 \ o t o t ' A ^ i e p u n a v o C uaC Y E V L H O S S\og 6 H6a|j,og. 6 . ITP0EE2ATE I NA MH AAIKHEETE TA IIAIAIA / (Tpaipetov IIai6eCag ' I . 'Apxtentanon^g 'ApieptH^g ) 167 APPENDIX E PROCLAMATION The Greek nation was established nearly four thousand years ago; and In the course of history the Greek nation has made numerous contributions to the progress of the human race, including the development of the alphabet, the introduction of democracy and the furthering of c i v i l i -zation through establishment of a communicating bridge between East and West; and Beginning with the discovery of the Juan de Fuca St r a i t s by Ioannis Focas, the Greek, people of Vancouver have assisted i n the development and progress of t h i s City through the contributions of architects, restauranteurs, doctors, engineers, teachers and businessmen; and Following 400 years of Turkish occupation of Greece, on March 25th, 1821 the banner of l i b e r a t i o n was raised and Greek warriors began t h e i r four-year struggle for freedom, having chosen that special day because of i t s relig i o u s significance to a l l Christians as the Day of the Annunciation to the Blessed Mother of God of the b i r t h of Jesus, bringing s p i r i t u a l freedom and observing i t s p a r a l l e l i n the announcement of freedom for the Greek nation; and 168 WHEREAS: The Greeks of Vancouver are celebrating the 153rd anniversary of their independence on this March 25th, 1974; NOW THEREFORE, I, Arthur P h i l l i p s , Mayor of the City of Vancouver DO HEREBY PROCLAIM March 25th, 1974 to be "GREEK DAY", 169 BIBLIOGRAPHY Alexiade, H. 1962 A Comparative Study of Behavior of Children of Greek Immi- grant Parents and Those of Canadian-Born Parents. 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