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Residential segregation of elite groups in Vancouver, British Columbia Cooper, Marion Gibb Struthers 1971

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RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION OF ELITE GROUPS IN VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA by MARION GIBB STRUTHERS COOPER M.A., University of St. Andrews, 1969 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Geography We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Jul y , 1971 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be al1 owed w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of Geography The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l umbia V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada D a t e 14th J u l y , 1971 ABSTRACT The concern of t h i s study i s with r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n . I t i s contended that while consideration of economic and broad s o c i a l v a r i a b l e s w i l l explain general patterns of segregation, f i n e r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n e x i s t s which can only be revealed when d e t a i l e d household c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are taken into account. The hypothesis under examination i s that the s o c i a l character of an i n d i v i d u a l or household has a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the choice of r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , people with s i m i l a r s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s grouping to-gether i n the same r e s i d e n t i a l area. The hypothesis was tested i n two upper income areas of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia - Shaughnessy and B r i t i s h Properties - the expectation being that two d i s t i n c t groups might emerge, representing an o l d e l i t e group and a new upper c l a s s . Such a d i s t i n c t i o n was sought i n terms of three main variables -mobility, family t i e s and s o c i a l background. A f t e r interviewing t h i r t y households i n each area i t was found that two d i s t i n c t groups d i d emerge, the Shaughnessy group d i s p l a y i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a t t r i b u t a b l e to the o l d upper class - s t a b i l i t y , strong family t i e s and a presti g e s o c i a l background common to a l l the members - while the B r i t i s h Properties residents were highly mobile, had weak family t i e s and var i e d s o c i a l backgrounds la c k i n g the prestige elements present i n the other group, such c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s being t y p i c a l of a new e l i t e . These d i s t i n c t social groups are shown to be spatially segregated with households of similar characteristics occupying the same residential area. CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION CHAPTER TWO REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON RESIDENTIAL LOCATION I Economic Approach II S o c i a l Approach CHAPTER THREE DATA COLLECTION I Sample Areas II Interview Schedule III Sampling Procedure IV Interviewing CHAPTER FOUR ANALYSIS I M o b i l i t y 1) R e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y 2) S o c i a l m o b i l i t y II Family Ties 1) Proximity to r e l a t i v e s 2) Contact with r e l a t i v e s I I I S o c i a l Background 1) Ethnic o r i g i n s 2) Re l ig ious a f f i l i a t i o n 3) C u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s 4) Schools 5) Assoc ia t ions 6) Fr iendships J CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION ^ BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX INTERVIEW SCHEDULE LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Table 2 Table 3 Table 4 Table 5 Table 6 Table 7 Table 8 Table 9 Table 10 Table 11 Table 12 Table 13 Percentage of households and years spent i n present home Percentage of household heads and number of years o f employment i n present job Percentage of household heads i n profess ions and management whose fa thers ' occupations are of lower status Percentage o f households with r e l a t i v e s i n own area Percentage of households having s o c i a l contact with r e l a t i v e s Percentage of households having business contact with r e l a t i v e s Percentage o f households having a s soc i a t ion contact with r e l a t i v e s Percentage of res idents born i n Vancouver Percentage of res idents brought up i n Vancouver Percentage o f res idents with B r i t i s h o r i g i n s Percentage o f households with r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n Percentage of households with strong c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t s Percentage of households with parents and c h i l d r e n at p r i v a t e schools Table 14 Percentage of households with membership i n clubs Table 15 Percentage of households with membership i n a s soc ia t ions Table 16 Percentage of households and f r i endsh ip o r i g i n s LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Locat ion of high status areas i n Vancouver Fo l lowing Page 30 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I should f i r s t l i k e to thank my adv i se r , Dr. Walter G. Hardwick, for h i s advice and pa t ience . Thanks are a l so due to Dr. James Claus and Dr. Karen Claus for t h e i r h e l p , p a r t i c u l a r l y with the interv iew schedule. The study was i n pa r t funded under a Centra l Mortgage and Housing Corporat ion grant for the study of urban l o c a t i o n dec i s ions o f s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t groups. F i n a l l y , acknowledgement must be made of the res idents of Shaughnessy and B r i t i s h Propert ie s who made the task o f in terv iewing an enjoyable one by responding so w i l l i n g l y . CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION In the urban area the amount of land devoted to r e s i d e n t i a l use i s greater than for any other a c t i v i t y , so that the r e s i d e n t i a l area i s an important, i n t e g r a l par t of urban s t ructure and further i n v e s t i -gat ion of t h i s one aspect w i l l increase our o v e r a l l understanding of the whole. Much work has been done i n t r y i n g to expla in the l o c a t i o n o f d i f f e r e n t r e s i d e n t i a l areas w i t h i n the urban area i n terms of environmental factors and the r e l a t i v e l o c a t i o n o f other land uses and f a c i l i t i e s i n the c i t y . The nature of the housing stock o f a c i t y and the d i f f e r e n t uses to which i t has been put through time has a l so been of i n t e r e s t . The aim of such inves t i ga t ions has been an attempt to reach an understanding o f the processes at work i n the urban area which' are instrumental i n shaping r e s i d e n t i a l areas. I t i s hoped that from greater awareness of these processes , theor ies w i l l emerge which can u s e f u l l y be employed i n formulating p o l i c i e s to be aimed at a l l e v i -a t ing urban problems. Recent emphasis has been on c rea t ing for the c i t y ' s popula t ion healthy and a t t r a c t i v e urban environments, and i t seems necessary that i f new r e s i d e n t i a l areas are to be planned, as much information as pos s ib le should be obtained from the housing con-sumer about h i s needs and preferences . For those i n t e r e s t e d i n the r e s i d e n t i a l area , the ul t imate aim must be to understand the process by which a home i s s e l ec ted by a household, the motives and factors which inf luence the f i n a l choice . To do t h i s , i t i s e s s e n t i a l to have more information than i s provided by aggregate data as from census m a t e r i a l . What i s i n fact needed i s data which w i l l incorporate the i n d i v i d u a l ' s behaviour. Only i n t h i s way can the household's wants and preferences be understood and know-ledge of these i s v i t a l for e f f e c t i v e planning of r e s i d e n t i a l areas to be implemented. In a d d i t i o n to having an awareness o f the type o f housing which i s needed, i t i s de s i rab le to t r y to d i scover people ' s ideas about r e s i d e n t i a l areas , and take these in to account when p lanning . I t might, for example, be a mistake to create communities for mixed s o c i a l groups i f the i n d i c a t i o n s are that segregation of groups with d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s p r e f e r r e d . While s o c i o l o g i s t s are concerned with such questions as s o c i a l i s -a t ion patterns i n the c i t y and psycholog i s t s with the i s o l a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l i n the urban context , and a r c h i t e c t s with the design of the urban environment, the urban geographer contr ibutes to the research on c i t y problems by i n v e s t i g a t i n g the i n t e r n a l s t ructure o f the urban area, which re fe r s to "the l o c a t i o n , arrangement and i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s be-tween s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l elements i n the c i t y " . (Bourne, 1971, p . 4) Part of t h i s urban s t ructure i s the r e s i d e n t i a l area , and the geographer has been i n t e r e s t e d i n two main aspects : f i r s t , the p h y s i c a l form of the area , tak ing account of the type of houses, t h e i r age, s t y l e , f a b r i c and so on, and secondly, the l o c a t i o n of the area with respect to the whole c i t y i n terms o f s o c i a l composit ion, a c c e s s i b i l i t y to f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s , e t c . These can be seen to correspond with the two general areas of cons idera t ion which might be examined by a household s e l e c t i n g a home, for not only the features of the house i t s e l f , but the nature of the r e s i d e n t i a l area is- important. In t h i s study the concern i s with the wider imp l i ca t ions o f the r e s i d e n t i a l area and not with the house types . The three c l a s s i c models de sc r ib ing land use patterns i n the c i t y and emphasising c o n c e n t r i c , s e c t o r a l and mul t ip l e n u c l e i forms of s p a t i a l s t ruc ture are w e l l known and i t i s from these that most of the urban geographer's work has evolved. Burgess (1928) i n h i s d e s c r i p t i v e model of urban land use based h i s work on the idea o f d i f f e r e n t i a l land values i n a c i t y and i d e n t i f i e d f i v e zones which lay i n concentr ic r ings around a core . These f ive zones of segregation were the c e n t r a l business d i s -t r i c t , the t r a n s i t i o n zone, the zone of independent workingmen's homes, the zone of be t t e r residences and the commuter zone. The model empha-s i s e d the importance of a c c e s s i b i l i t y i n producing these pa t te rns , sug-ges t ing that when a l o c a t i o n i n the c i t y i s being chosen, the buyer i s paying for ease of access to the centre , the nearer to the centre the l o c a t i o n , the l e s s the costs o f t ranspor ta t ion and the higher the land va lue . The sector model, o r i g i n a l l y suggested by the land economist Hurd (1903) and l a t e r e laborated by Hoyt (1939), was again concerned with a c c e s s i b i l i t y and attempted to expla in urban s t ructure i n terms of d i f f e r e n t i a l rent s . Hoyt 's model describes the pa t tern of land uses as a s e r i e s of sectors extending out from the c e n t r a l core represent ing the c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t . The d e s c r i p t i v e work o f Harr i s and Ullman (1945), however, suggests, unl ike the two previous models, that there i s no one bas i c pa t tern of e c o l o g i c a l s t ructure common to many c i t i e s and that urban land uses, instead of concentrat ing around a s ing le centre , develop around a ser ie s of centres or n u c l e i i n a c e l l -l i k e way. In each of these models the s t ress has been on the ro le s of r e n t , l and values and a c c e s s i b i l i t y i n exp la in ing the patterns o f land use i n the urban area , i n c l u d i n g the r e s i d e n t i a l use of l a n d , but i t can a lso be noted that i n each case d i s t i n c t i o n i s made between types of r e s i d e n t i a l areas which can be i d e n t i f i e d according to t h e i r soc io-economic composit ion. In each of these models, r e s i d e n t i a l areas are descr ibed i n terms of t h e i r socio-economic s ta tus . In h i s concentr ic zone model, Burgess i s genera l ly suggesting that socio-economic status var ie s d i r e c t l y with distance from the centre , be t te r c la s s residences being found toward the per iphery , the zone of workingmen's homes close to the centre . Hoyt describes how r e s i d e n t i a l areas of r e l a t i v e uniform s o c i a l status o r i g i n a t e i n sectors near the c i t y centre and then move out toward the per iphery i n the same sector as growth takes p l ace . He notes that fashionable r e s i d e n t i a l areas migrate along t ranspor ta t ion routes and higher ground, the sectors between being f i l l e d by lower c la s s res idences . Harr i s and Ullman too descr ibe d i s t i n c t h igh c l a s s , medium c la s s and lower c la s s r e s i d e n t i a l c e l l s i n t h e i r model of urban s t r u c t u r e . The importance o f socio-economic composition of an area was emphasised with the development o f the concept of f i l t e r i n g which evolved from Hoyt ' s sector theory. This concept was d i r e c t l y con-cerned with the change i n the socio-economic status of an area over t ime, as fashionable r e s i d e n t i a l areas moved out from the core to new areas and the homes which were l e f t behind were occupied f i r s t by middle c l a s s and eventua l ly by lower c lass groups. Thus, even i f only i m p l i c i t l y or at a very general l e v e l , these models are making note o f the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n the c i t y and are i n d i c a t i n g the existence of seg-rega t ion along socio-economic l i n e s and i t i s c l e a r that socio-economic composition i s a fundamental par t of the understanding o f r e s i d e n t i a l areas. Further i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o t h i s aspect should increase under-standing not only of the r e s i d e n t i a l area i t s e l f but of the r e s i d e n t i a l area as par t of the urban s t ruc ture . Fol lowing on from these bas ic models, l a t e r studies have attempted to expla in the l o c a t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l areas i n the c i t y i n economic terms, s t r e s s i n g again the importance of land va lues , rent and a c c e s s i b i l i t y . These were seen as being the most important factors i n the l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n and i n fact the f i n a l l o c a t i o n was thought to be determined by the a b i l i t y of the household, v i a i t s income, to cover the land costs and costs o f t r anspor ta t ion at any one l o c a t i o n . This bas ic explan-a t ion of the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l areas i s s t i l l r e l evant , but i t should be emphasised that the p i c t u r e which i t presents i s a very general one and does not take account o f many factors which could al low f i n e r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n to be made. These factors c e r t a i n l y l ay down the broad l i m i t s to the household's range o f cho ice , but i t i s c l e a r that the household could probably f i n d severa l areas which are equa l ly s a t i s f y i n g and su i t ab le for i t s needs i f viewed only i n these terms. I n t u i t i v e l y i t i s evident that there are many other factors which a f fec t the l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n and d i f f e r e n t i a t e those areas which are uniformly appealing from a pure ly economic standpoint . One such fac tor i s the s o c i a l composition of the r e s i d e n t i a l area. The important ro le o f the character of the r e s i d e n t i a l area i n s e l e c t i o n of housing i s i n c r e a s i n g l y being recognised. Gruen wri tes that the two categories of s a t i s f y i n g a t t r i b u t e s of the product occupied by housing consumers are " p h y s i c a l q u a l i t y and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n " . D i f -f e r e n t i a t i o n re fers to " l o c a t i o n a l l y determined a t t r i b u t e s that separate the market in to s o c i a l areas" and Gruen ind ica te s the importance of t h i s by i n d i c a t i n g that dwel l ing uni t s of i d e n t i c a l q u a l i t y w i l l have a u n i -form p r i c e wi th in a s o c i a l area , but t h i s p r i c e may vary among d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l areas , and also that the value of dwel l ing un i t s can change as i t s s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s change. Since the nature o f the s o c i a l com-p o s i t i o n o f the area a f fec t s the value of the house, i t i s c l e a r that t h i s i s a major f ac tor taken in to account when the consumer i s buying a house. Thus while the p h y s i c a l form o f an area i s an important par t o f i t s study, i t s s o c i a l composition might be even more important, t h i s aspect perhaps o v e r r i d i n g the importance o f p h y s i c a l form when the res-i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n choice i s being made. The eventual aim must be to determine jus t how important t h i s f ac tor i s , i . e . how large a par t i t p lays i n the l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n . I t i s not always p o s s i b l e , because of r e s t r a i n t s of time and f inance , to inves t iga te d i r e c t l y what the major factors have been when a l o c a t i o n dec i s i on i s being made and what are the household's p r e f e r -ences for l i v i n g space. It i s instead of ten necessary to use data which i s e a s i l y obtainable and to i n f e r the household's behaviour from the r e s i d e n t i a l patterns e x i s t i n g i n the urban area , for the urban l and-scape r e f l e c t s countless dec i s ions made by the various d e c i s i o n making groups i n the c i t y - i n d i v i d u a l s , companies, l o c a l government, e t c . Inves t iga t ion of r e s i d e n t i a l patterns should thus lead to some i n d i -ca t ion of the motives behind the dec i s ions . I t has already been i n d i c a t e d that d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l areas can be o u t l i n e d i n economic terms - land values and t ranspor ta t ion cos t s . Closer examination and cons idera t ion of other factors reveals that fur ther d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s p o s s i b l e . From di scuss ions of s t a tus , the concept of the r e s i d e n t i a l area as a symbol of s o c i a l p o s i t i o n has emerged and i t has been noted that the r e s i d e n t i a l address has s i g n i f i -cance and can give apparent p r e s t i g e . As i n d i v i d u a l s move up the s o c i a l s c a l e , and p a r t i c u l a r l y when they reach the' u p p e r s s t r a t a , they f e e l i t necessary that they should move in to a r e s i d e n t i a l area which b e f i t s t h e i r new s ta tus . This i s u sua l ly an area where people o f s i m i l a r s o c i a l s tatus are to be found. Thus i t i s found that " l i k e seeks l i k e " and people d i sp l ay a preference for l i v i n g near others as much l i k e themselves as p o s s i b l e , r e s u l t i n g i n the development of what Packard (1969) c a l l s "one-layer communities", whose res idents show uniform s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The s o c i a l groupings of the urban area as they are expressed s p a t i a l l y have been the subject of much i n v e s t i g a t i o n . As has already been suggested, ava i l ab l e data i s o f ten a problem, but i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of segregated groups along the l i n e s of c e r t a i n socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the popula t ion has been achieved. D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s probably most immediately evident along ethnic l i n e s , e thnic m i n o r i t i e s i n North American c i t i e s often having t h e i r own d i s t i n c t r e s i d e n t i a l areas , the most obvious example o f t h i s perhaps being the segregation of the black populat ion i n t o ghettoes. People ' s des i re to associate with others s i m i l a r to themselves i s r e f l e c t e d i n the segregation of households by income or occupation s ta tus , people o f s i m i l a r status c l u s t e r i n g together i n the same neighbourhood. Along these l i n e s , there fore , d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l areas i s pos s ib le and the d i v i s i o n s which are achieved are f i n e r than those reached by examining only economic f a c t o r s , although the patterns i d e n t i f i e d i n t h i s way would be expected to f i t i n t o the broad ou t l ine s set i n i t i a l l y by the economic cons idera t ions . One way to t e s t t h i s would be to i d e n t i f y areas of s i m i l a r economic value and see whether or not they can be s o c i a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . The next quest ion to be asked i s whether s o c i a l areas can only be def ined i n broad terms and along very general l i n e s or i s i t po s s ib le to i d e n t i f y r e s i d e n t i a l l y segregated s o c i a l groups on the bas i s of d e t a i l e d ana lys i s of the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the res idents? Has t h i s not been done because the ava i l ab l e data i s too imprecise to al low such d i v i s i o n s to appear, or do people c l u s t e r with others who show broad s i m i l a r i t i e s only and do not seek out those i n d i v i d u a l s who resemble them i n many d e t a i l e d ways? I t might therefore be i n t e r e s t i n g to d i scover jus t how a l i k e people are w i t h i n r e s i d e n t i a l areas and to see whether or not fur ther d i v i d i n g l i n e s can be drawn between areas which possess gross economic s i m i l a r i t i e s and which, us ing aggregate socio-economic data , would be considered uniform. I t may, for example, appear that between areas o f s i m i l a r income or s i m i l a r occupation s ta tus , d i f ferences can be observed i n terms of other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the populat ions . So far i t has been suggested that economic factors such as land va lues , e tc . may produce an i n i t i a l d i v i s i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l areas , that fur ther d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s pos s ib le when socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are taken in to account and that s t i l l further d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n might become apparent i f more d e t a i l e d knowledge were ava i l ab l e about the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the populat ions of r e s i d e n t i a l areas. I f i n fact i t can be shown that segregation i s apparent when d e t a i l e d examination i s made of the s o c i a l character of households, then more prec i s e po inter s as to what a p a r t i c u l a r household i s seeking when choosing i t s r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n w i l l have been found. I t would then be ea s i e r to estimate the extent of the inf luence of the s o c i a l character of neighbours on the f i n a l cho ice . The hypothesis which i s te s ted i n t h i s study i s that people of s i m i l a r s o c i a l character group together i n the same r e s i d e n t i a l area , and i t i s inves t iga ted through the examination of the s o c i a l charac-t e r i s t i c s of households i n two r e s i d e n t i a l areas. The study was c a r r i e d out i n Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, where two areas o f apparently uniform income and occupation status and s i m i l a r value of housing were s e l e c t e d , with a view to demonstrating that despite t h e i r apparent economic and s o c i a l un i fo rmi ty , d i f ferences could i n fact be i d e n t i f i e d . Since i t has been shown that the c l u s t e r i n g of s o c i a l groups i s more pronounced at the extreme upper and lower l e v e l s of the s o c i a l s c a l e , i t seemed reasonable to s e l ec t comparable areas which would f i t in to one of these two c la s ses . The areas chosen were upper income r e s i d e n t i a l ones, s e lec ted because they were e a s i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e . In a d d i t i o n , i t was f e l t that the res idents o f the upper income areas might be considered to be aware of current urban problems and sympathetic to research aimed at s o l v i n g them and so more w i l l i n g to respond to in terv iews . Chapter Two i s devoted to a c r i t i c a l review of se lec ted l i t e r a t u r e on r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , showing the l i m i t a t i o n s of previous work and i n d i c a t i n g how t h i s study cons t i tu te s an improvement on i t . Chapter Three i s concerned with the c o l l e c t i o n of the data , g i v i n g the general character of the sample areas , showing how the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s on which d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was a n t i c i p a t e d were determined and o u t l i n i n g the s e t t i n g up of the interv iew schedule. The ana lys i s of the data i s presented i n Chapter Four, while i n the f i f t h chapter conclusions are drawn. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON RESIDENTIAL LOCATION In t h i s chapter a s e l e c t i v e review of l i t e r a t u r e w i l l be given to i l l u s t r a t e the factors which have been considered as having s i g -n i f i c a n c e i n the quest ion of r e s i d e n t i a l segregat ion. There have been two main approaches - an economic approach, t ak ing account o f such factors as income, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , r e n t , land va lues , and a s o c i a l approach, examining the r o l e o f , for example, occupat ion, educat ion, and family t i e s . I Economic Approach The proponents of the economic approach base t h e i r ideas on economic theory , s t r e s s ing the importance of land values or dens i ty of land use and the ro le s o f rent and a c c e s s i b i l i t y i n the r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n . Park and Burgess (1925) for example, considered that land va lues , the r e s u l t of a b idd ing process by the p o t e n t i a l users , were the c h i e f determining factors i n land use segregation and determined which areas would be used for r e s i d e n t i a l purposes. Hawley (1950) wri tes t h a t : " F a m i l i a l un i t s are d i s t r i b u t e d with reference to land va lues , the l o c a t i o n of other types of un i t s and the time and cost of t r anspor ta t ion to centers of a c t i v i t y . . . . The inf luences of these three factors are combined i n a s ing le measure, namely, r e n t a l value for r e s i d e n t i a l use . " (Hawley, 1950, p . 280.) Haig too , a land economist w r i t i n g i n the 1920's , emphasises the importance of a c c e s s i b i l i t y i n the r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n , suggesting that the i n d i v i d u a l buys a c c e s s i b i l i t y ra ther as he would buy consumer goods, such as food or c l o t h i n g , and cont inuing t h i s l i n e of reasoning to po in t out the consequently i n e v i t a b l e comple-mentari ty between rent and t ranspor ta t ion cost s . The land economists, while attempting to create a theory o f urban land use, fo l lowing the model suggested by Von Thunen, nevertheless pa id l i t t l e s p e c i f i c a t t e n t i o n to r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n . Attempts to f i l l t h i s gap have been made by l a t e r wr i te r s who continue to use the economic approach. Berry , Simmons and Tennant (1963) give a b r i e f but c l e a r o u t l i n e o f the ideas behind the economic approach to urban land use, s t a t i n g that urban s i t e s can be regarded as o f f e r i n g two goods - land and l o c a t i o n - and u t i l i t y from a s i t e i s der ived by each urban a c t i v i t y . " U t i l i t y may be t r ans l a t ed in to a b i l i t y to pay for that s i t e . The most de s i rab le property of urban s i t e s i s c e n t r a l i t y . . . The l e s s c e n t r a l the l o c a t i o n , the greater are the t ransport inputs incurred and the lower the net r e t u r n s . " (Berry, Simmons and Tennant, 1963, pp.391 - 392.) Alonso (1960, 1964) develops a se r ie s of ' b i d p r i c e curves ' which represent a set of combinations of land p r i c e s and distance among which the i n d i v i d u a l i s i n d i f f e r e n t , t h i s concept being s i m i l a r to the economists' ind i f f e rence curve mapping except that A lonso ' s curves represent not ind i f f e rence between combinations o f q u a n t i t i e s o f two goods, but the ind i f f e rence paths between the p r i c e of one good (land) and q u a n t i t i e s of another good (distance from the centre o f a c i t y ) . In a d d i t i o n , ind i f f e rence curves r e f e r only to t a s t e , while b i d rent functions include both budget and preference cons idera t ions . "The b i d rent curve of the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be such t h a t , for any given curve, the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be equal ly s a t i s f i e d at every l o c a t i o n at the p r i c e set by the curve. Along any b i d rent curve the p r i c e the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l b i d for land w i l l decrease with distance from the centre at a rate ju s t s u f f i c i e n t to produce an income e f fec t which w i l l balance to h i s s a t i s f a c t i o n the i n -creased costs of commuting and the bother of a long t r i p " . (Alonso, 1960, p. 154.) Alonso shows that i t i s pos s ib le to construct b i d p r i c e curves for bus iness , a g r i c u l t u r e and r e s i d e n t i a l land uses, the c r i t e r i o n of s a t i s -f a c t i o n for the former two being p r o f i t s , while the household's s a t i s -f a c t i o n comes i n the form of o p t i o n a l l o c a t i o n to minimise transport co s t s : "A consumer, given h i s income and h i s pa t tern of t a s t e s , w i l l seek to balance the costs and bother of commuting against the advantages of cheaper land with increa s ing distance from the centre o f the c i t y . . . " (Alonso, 1960, p. 154.) Having obtained the appropriate b i d rent curves , i t i s then pos s ib le to see which areas of land w i l l be used for which land use, for the steeper curves w i l l occupy more c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n s , where rents are h igher . In prepara t ion of th i s model, Alonso makes severa l assumptions, that he i s dea l ing with a featureless p l a i n on which a l l land i s o f the same q u a l i t y ; that the buyers and s e l l e r s have per fec t knowledge and that there are no l e g a l or s o c i a l r e s t r a i n t s , that businesses are seeking to maximise p r o f i t s and households to .maximise s a t i s f a c t i o n from t h e i r family budget which i s f i xed and that the l a n d l o r d w i l l rent to the highest b idder . A l l o f these are u n r e a l i s t i c assumptions far removed from the workings of the market p l a c e , so that the Alonso model, while p r o v i d i n g us perhaps with a very general o u t l i n e of r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n theory , does not serve to give an accurate account o f the l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n , with many exceptions to i t s laws and f a i l i n g to exp la in many o f the r e s i d e n t i a l patterns which e x i s t . S t i l l working from an economic po int of view, but more d i r e c t l y concerned with r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n perhaps than Alonso , Thompson (1965) emphasises the importance o f income along with a c c e s s i b i l i t y i n the l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n . He po int s out that the i n d i v i d u a l or family has a wide array of pos s ib le r e s i d e n t i a l s i t e s from which they can choose and they must consider the cost of various factors at each s i t e i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r income: "Conceptua l ly , the household begins from the ob jec t ive base of a set of p r i c e r e l a t i v e s which apply to each o f the var ious goods and serv ices at each of the many r e s i d e n t i a l s i t e s (e.g. the r e l a t i v e cost of t r a v e l to downtown and back, land values and rent s , the r e l a t i v e a c c e s s i b i l i t y of open space and outdoor r ec rea t ion and other l i v i n g cost d i f f e r e n t i a l s at the var ious r e s i d e n t i a l s i te s ) and from the ob jec t ive base o f h i s given money income. The householder then proceeds to s e l e c t from those s i t e s he can a f f o r d , that s i t e at which he r e a l i s e s the greatest s a t i s f a c t i o n . . . " (Thompson, 1965, p . 97.) Taking t h i s l i n e o f argument a l i t t l e fur ther , i t can be seen that l a y i n g s t res s on the importance of income i n the l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n leads to the p o s i t i o n where households with s i m i l a r incomes would be expected to occupy s i m i l a r r e s i d e n t i a l s i t e s and perhaps be grouped i n the same r e s i d e n t i a l area , as Thompson himsel f s t a te s : " I f a metropol i tan area i s d i v i d e d in to many small p o l i t i c a l e n t i t i e s , then the d i s t r i b u t i o n of income w i t h i n each o f these usua l ly small areas w i l l tend to be qui te e q u a l . " and: "People are i n c l i n e d to group t h e i r residences by income." (Thompson, 1965, p . 116.) Muth (1961, 1969) a l so stresses the r o l e o f income i n the l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n , but he too adheres to the school of thought which places the main emphasis on distance and a c c e s s i b i l i t y : "For any pa t tern o f r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n to be an e q u i l i b r i u m one for each consumer at h i s optimal l o c a t i o n the saving i n housing costs from a small change i n distance must exac t ly equal the change i n t ransport c o s t s . " (Muth, 1961, p . 208.) The distance d e t e r m i n i s t i c approach i s fol lowed too by some wr i t e r s (Kain, 1962, 1969; Wingo, 1961; Wo1forth, 1965) through an examination of the journey to work i n r e l a t i o n to the r e s i d e n t i a l area chosen, Wingo s t a t i n g tha t : "The c r u c i a l l o c a t i o n a l determinant of household l o c a t i o n i s i t s employment l inkage with the place o f work of the head of the household . " (Wingo, 1961, p . 197.) As far as Kain i s concerned, the costs of t ransport for the household t r a v e l l i n g to po int s other than the place o f work or t r a v e l l i n g w i t h i n the r e s i d e n t i a l area , i . e . for shopping or r e c r e a t i o n a l purposes, for example, are small and may be ignored , i n contras t to the costs of the journey to work which form a s i g n i f i c a n t par t of the household's out lay . So important i s t h i s d i s t ance , that Wingo considers the worker to rece ive a wage which i s made up of two components, "a pure payment for labor s e r v i c e s , the other a premium based on the cost to the marginal worker of overcoming the s p a t i a l separat ion of home and workplace . " (Wingo, 1961, p. 200.) A change i n r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n thus may have a considerable e f f ec t on the household budget, through the changing costs of the journey-to-work, so that " l oca t ions i n the urban region become d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by the extent to which they can y i e l d a saving i n t ransport c o s t s . " (Wingo, 1961, p . 198.) In cons iderat ions o f distance as the important fac tor i n r e s i -d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , the assumptions are made that rent decreases with distance from the cent re , whi le t r anspor ta t ion costs increase as we move toward the per iphery of the c i t y , so that the household's s a t i s -f a c t i o n i s maximised where the combined out lay for rents and t rans-p o r t a t i o n costs are at a minimum. Knowing the s i t e s which minimise rent and transport costs and, i n a d d i t i o n , the household's requ i red expenditure for each quant i ty o f r e s i d e n t i a l space, then we have " a l l the information we must have to enable us to obta in a unique l o c a t i o n a l s o l u t i o n for each household . " (Kain, 1962, p . 143.) K a i n ' s var i ab le s are l o c a t i o n a l rents at each s i t e and t ranspor ta t ion costs per m i l e , from which a t h i r d va r i ab le - p r i c e o f r e s i d e n t i a l space - i s obta ined, incomes, preferences for r e s i d e n t i a l space and preferences for a l l other goods and s e r v i c e s . Journey-to-work costs are thus considered to be a very important explanatory va r i ab le i n many models of r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n . It i s sometimes expressed i n the form of "spacious l i v i n g versus easy access" (Hoover and Vernon, 1959) lower r e s i d e n t i a l dens i ty being regarded as a super ior and des i rab le good, suggesting that higher income workers should l i v e f a r ther from t h e i r workplace than lower income workers. I t i s apparent, there fore , that there has been a considerable amount of work done, fo l lowing an economic approach and based on economic theory, us ing such concepts as ind i f f e rence paths and s a t i s f a c t i o n and u t i l i t y theory. The consumer or householder i s considered as t r y i n g to maximise h i s s a t i s f a c t i o n from h i s income i n the purchase of dwel l ing space, the costs to be taken in to account being the rent o f the dwel l ing space and the t r anspor ta t ion costs to h i s place of work, and p o s s i b l y a l so to other areas w i t h i n the c i t y . These i n the opinion of the wr i t e r s adopting t h i s approach, are the important factors i n the r e s i -d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n . The main problem with t h i s body of l i t e r a -ture which concerns i t s e l f with r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , as indeed i s the problem with the economic theory on which i t i s based, i s that i t s assumptions are so far removed from a c t u a l i t y , that i t can do l i t t l e more than po in t to general patterns i n the landscape. I t considers man as a p e r f e c t l y r a t i o n a l human be ing , who, when making a purchase, o r , as i n t h i s case, when choosing a dwel l ing space, consc ious ly attempts to maximise the u t i l i t y of the good or maximise h i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . We know from our own experience that t h i s i s not i n fact the case, and that goods are not purchased with any such conscious s a t i s f a c t i o n or u t i l i t y maximising aim i n mind. The theory thus does not al low for " p e c u l i a r i t i e s i n human behaviour" (Johnston, 1966) which are import-ant i n exp la in ing the choice of a good. A theory based s o l e l y on economic theory w i l l not , there fore , be able to expla in i n d e t a i l the r e s i d e n t i a l patterns which are found i n the landscape, nor w i l l i t be able to draw any f i n e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between d i f f e r e n t r e s i d e n t i a l areas. " I t i s apparent that the economic model o f c l a s s i c a l economis t s . . . must be discarded i n favour of models which consider s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s . " (Form, 1954, p. 317.) II S o c i a l Approach While models which concern themselves l a r g e l y with economic factors can lay down the broad pat tern of r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n w i t h i n the urban area, never the les s , these general patterns can be r e f i n e d by reference to s o c i a l cons iderat ions w i t h i n the areas , which serve to d i s t i n g u i s h one area from the next. The economic approach as we have c a l l e d i t , then, might u s e f u l l y be considered as l ead ing to the f i r s t stage o f d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l areas , while the approach which takes account of s o c i a l f a c t o r s , r e s u l t s i n a higher degree o f d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . In t h i s s e c t i o n , there fore , we s h a l l be concerned with the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l approach, as i t i s termed by Johnston (1966) or a socio-economic approach as i t appears i n other works (e.g. Shevky and B e l l , 1955; Duncan, 1955; Robson, 1966; Wheeler, 1968.) One of the f i r s t protagonis t s of the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l approach to land uses i n the urban context was F i r e y (1945, 1968) who advocated the importance o f sentiment and symbolism i n the understanding of the pa t t e rns , i l l u s t r a t i n g h i s work from the s i t u a t i o n i n Boston. He b e l i e v e d that space could have a cost imposing character and a s e n t i -mental or symbolic va lue , and i n the Beacon H i l l r e s i d e n t i a l area o f the c i t y i t was the a e s t h e t i c , h i s t o r i c a l and f a m i l i a l sentiments which took precedence over the cost factors i n exp la in ing the s p a t i a l pa t te rns . Jones (1958) too , working i n B e l f a s t , s tressed the s i g n i f i -cance of c u l t u r a l factors i n exp la in ing land use pat terns . R e s i d e n t i a l segregation s tud ie s , emphasising s o c i a l f a c t o r s , are to be found mainly i n s o c i o l o g i c a l works ra ther than geographical ones. S o c i o l o g i s t s have attempted to exp la in t h i s segregation from the po in t of view that i n d i v i d u a l s i n a soc ie ty can be grouped according to severa l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , e .g . race , r e l i g i o n , socio-economic s ta tus , e t c . "Place and nature of work, income, r a c i a l and e thnic charac-t e r i s t i c s , s o c i a l s t a tus , custom, h a b i t , taste preference and pre judice are among the s i g n i f i c a n t factors i n accordance with which the urban populat ion i s se lec ted and d i s t r i b u t e d in to more or less d i s t i n c t se t t lements . " (Wirth, 1964, p .74 . ) S o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n a group i s seen to be greater than that among groups, so t h a t : "On the bas i s of t h i s evidence i t i s reasonable to assume that i n d i v i d u a l s p re fe r to i n t e r a c t with others who are s o c i a l l y s i m i l a r to themselves . . . The r e s u l t i s a p a r t i a l , but r e l a t i v e l y s t ab le , separat ion o f the major subgroups that comprise the c i t y . " (Anderson, 1962, p. 168.) It i s apparent, there fore , that to understand the r e s i d e n t i a l patterns i n a c i t y , we must pay a t t en t ion to the s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of the soc i e ty . Lack of adequate data has been the major d i f f i c u l t y i n the studies o f r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n which take account o f socio-economic charac-t e r i s t i c s . "Ana lys i s of r e s i d e n t i a l segregation i s b e d e v i l l e d by lack of ava i l ab l e data . One i s forced to use ind ices which approximate to the v a r i a b l e under cons idera t ion - i n t h i s case s o c i a l c l a s s . " (Robson, 1966. p . 120.) This being the case, s o c i o l o g i s t s have been forced to use whatever i n f o r -mation was r e a d i l y ava i l ab l e to them, of ten i n the form of census data , to i n d i c a t e s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a l s i n the soc ie ty with which they are dea l ing . In many E n g l i s h studies of r e s i d e n t i a l segregation (e.g. Robson, 1966) rateable values were used, mainly because they were e a s i l y ava i l ab l e to the s o c i o l o g i s t s . They purported to cor re l a t e s o c i a l c l a s s , income and rateable va lue , i n d i c a t i n g the high pres t ige areas and occu-pat ion groups, but d i f f i c u l t i e s arose i n that the propor t ion of income spent on housing was not constant from one c las s to another; rateable values f a i l e d to show di f ferences i n l i f e s t y l e s ; i n a rooming house area rateable values f a i l e d to give any i n d i c a t i o n of s o c i a l c l a s s ; i n a d d i t i o n , households have d i f f e r e n t proport ions of earners and non-earners , which serves to upset the c o r r e l a t i o n between rateable values and income and therefore with c l a s s . Nevertheless , t h i s measure was widely used, s ince i t was an e a s i l y obtainable index. Di scuss ion o f r e s i d e n t i a l areas have a l so been made, which place emphasis on occupat ion, de sc r ib ing the r e s i d e n t i a l areas i n terms o f occupat ional s ta tus . (Duncan and Duncan, 1955; Wheeler, 1968.) The Duncans' study i s perhaps the most notable of these. In i t they c a l -culate an index of d i s s i m i l a r i t y which i s used to measure the a rea l d i s -t r i b u t i o n s of occupation groups, by c a l c u l a t i n g for each group the per-centage o f a l l workers i n that group l i v i n g i n each area u n i t . The d i s -s i m i l a r i t y between the groups i s then taken to be equiva lent to h a l f the sum of the d i f ferences between the d i s t r i b u t i o n s taken area by area . The study, which i s concerned not only with s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , but a l so with s p a t i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , f inds a c lose r e l a t i o n s h i p between s p a t i a l and s o c i a l d is tances i n Chicago and concludes that " r e s i d e n t i a l segregation i s greater for groups with c l e a r l y def ined status than for those with ambiguous s t a t u s . " Wheeler, i n a study of the general occupat ional s t ructure of r e s i d e n t i a l areas i n P i t t s b u r g h , corroborates the f indings o f the Duncans' study. Kain (1962) too , was concerned with the occupat ional status o f workers, h i s f indings i n D e t r o i t showing that highest income workers l i v e i n the outer areas of the c i t y , f a r thes t from t h e i r workplace, while the lowest income workers l i v e nearest to t h e i r place of work. Fur ther , i n some studies of r e s i d e n t i a l segregat ion, s o c i o l o g i s t s have used severa l va r i ab le s to give some i n d i c a t i o n o f the status of people with which they are dea l ing . L a z e r i v i t z (1960), for example, i n a study of v a r i a t i o n s i n r e s i d e n t i a l b e l t s " o f Chicago, uses severa l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the family head - educat ion, occupat ion, family income, family l i q u i d assets , monthly r e n t a l or value of the dwel l ing u n i t , age of the family head and the family l i f e c y c l e . Using more than one c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , i t i s pos s ib le to have a more p rec i s e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of groups than when only one factor i s used. This type of approach resembles the concept of s o c i a l area ana lys i s which has been widely used as a framework by s o c i o l o g i s t s to analyse the socio-economic s t ructure of r e s i d e n t i a l areas. F i r s t used by Shevky and B e l l (1955), t h i s method i s designed to provide a systematic c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of r e s i -d e n t i a l areas i n large c i t i e s us ing census data , which i s r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e , and the census t r a c t as the bas ic un i t of study. Each d i s -t r i c t i s given a score , which i s der ived from a combination o f i n d i c e s , intended to show degrees of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among the d i s t r i c t s ' popula t ions . The d i s t r i c t s which are found to have s i m i l a r scores are grouped i n t o what are c a l l e d s o c i a l areas. The var i ab le s used have been der ived from census data , and are f i t t e d i n t o a conceptual framework which Shevky and B e l l r e l a t e to changes i n soc ie ty through time, the main trend which they see being the change from a r u r a l to an urban s o c i e t y , which they termed ' i n c r e a s i n g s c a l e ' . The constructs which represent the trends a r e : -s o c i a l rank or economic s ta tus , which i s der ived from measures of occupat ion, education and rent ; urbani sa t ion or family s ta tus , der ived from measures of f e r t i l i t y , percentage o f women i n the labour fo rce , s ing le family dwel l ing u n i t s ; segregation or ethnic status which i s measured from place of n a t i v i t y or c i t i z e n s h i p , i n d i c a t i n g the proport ions of e thnic groups i n a c i t y . The three constructs which are used are seen as representat ive o f the change t ak ing place i n soc ie ty or o f increa s ing s c a l e , which i s def ined as an order ing of groups according to occupat ion, an inc rea s ing propor t ion of the populat ion being invo lved i n c l e r i c a l and management occupations ra ther than i n manual ones; by a dec l ine i n family l i f e , brought about by urban i s a t ion , which has i t s e l f been the r e s u l t of the development from primary to secondary and then to t e r t i a r y indus t ry ; and by a c l u s t e r -i n g of e thnic groups, which i s i n d i c a t i v e of increa s ing complexity of soc ie ty and the r e s u l t i n g inc rea s ing s p a t i a l segregat ion. S o c i a l area ana lys i s has been c r i t i c i s e d mainly on i t s r a t i o n a l e . I s , i n f a c t , i t s t h e o r e t i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n va l id ? Hawley and Duncan (1957) have questioned the j u s t i f i c a t i o n , but a l a t e r study showed that the ind ices had general a p p l i c a b i l i t y and could be app l ied to severa l c i t i e s (Van A r d s o l , C a m i l l e r i and Schmid, 1958.) The study, however, showed tha t , while the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g feature o f the Shevky-Bel l method was that i t combined ind ice s i n a p a r t i c u l a r way, equal ly good r e s u l t s were achieved without combining census t r a c t measures in to the severa l constructs . Further work, t e s t i n g the "changing soc i e ty " aspect of the Shevky-Bell theory , confirms the s o c i a l rank and urbani sa t ion cons t ruct s , but disputes that o f segregat ion. (Udry, 1964.) Udry reaches these conclusions a f ter an examination of trends i n the United States between 1850 and 1960 and f inds that the model i s p a r t i a l l y supported up to 1940. He asserts that the r e a l quest ion which Shevky and B e l l are asking i s "What w i l l be the axes of funct iona l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f sub-areas of a soc i e ty? " which i s not l o g i c a l l y based on a theory of the development o f i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y , i . e . a theory of increa s ing s c a l e : "I suggest that we consider these two separate but co-ordinated t h e o r i e s : one a theory of increa s ing s c a l e ; the o ther , using the same axes and v a r i a b l e s , but not deducible from the f i r s t , a theory of sub-area d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . " (Udry, 1964, p . 408.) Aga in , there i s the suggestion that a t h e o r e t i c a l base i s not necessary, but what i s required i s a f ac tor ana lys i s o f census t r a c t data , from which a typology can be der ived , and i n t h i s way, c r i t i c i s m s such as those of Hawley and Duncan be met. B e l l and Moskos (1964), however, were not s a t i s f i e d that Udry had demonstrated c o n c l u s i v e l y that the two theor ies were not one, and emphasise that Shevky i s cons ider ing long term trends and not short term f l u c t u a t i o n s , which Udry had s tudied . I t i s genera l ly agreed, however, that the theory i s too vague and should be e laborated . As the method has been app l ied ( B e l l , 1955; Anderson & Egeland, 1961; Herbert & F i e l d i n g , 1967) the construct o f s o c i a l rank has come to be as soc ia ted with s e c t o r a l patterns o f r e s i d e n t i a l land use and urbani sa t ion with concentr ic pa t te rns , as for example i n the Anderson and Egeland study, which reports a s t a t i s t i c a l comparison o f the con-c e n t r i c zone and sector hypotheses of urban r e s i d e n t i a l s t r u c t u r e , where r e s i d e n t i a l s t ructure i s measured by the pres t ige value ( soc ia l rank) and urbani sa t ion ind ice s of Shevky and B e l l . (Anderson & Egeland, 1961.) The conclusions of the report were that urbani sa t ion var ie s c o n c e n t r i c a l l y by distance from the centre , while s o c i a l rank var ie s s e c t o r a l l y , with very l i t t l e distance v a r i a t i o n . I t has already been suggested that i t i s poss ib le to make use of census data through component a n a l y s i s , without a t h e o r e t i c a l ba s i s . This process has been o u t l i n e d by Herbert (1967, 1968) i n an a r t i c l e concerning "d iagnost ic va r i ab le s i n the ana lys i s of urban s t r u c t u r e , " where he suggests that component ana lys i s attempts to achieve o b j e c t i v e l y and s t a t i s t i c a l l y what s o c i a l area ana lys i s does deduct ive ly . This method was app l ied by Nicholson and Yeates (1969) to socio-economic data of Winnipeg, i s o l a t i n g out a number of components or factors which could be thought of as producing most of the v a r i a t i o n . The conclusions to t h i s study report f indings which genera l ly support the existence of s o c i a l area ana lys i s dimensions as v i a b l e forms of socio-economic v a r i a t i o n i n Winnipeg, one component being s i m i l a r to s o c i a l rank, another to urbani sa t ion and severa l others taken together , resembling the segregation construct . Murdie (1969) app l i ed a fac tor a n a l y t i c model to census data for Metropol i tan Toronto to determine the dimensions o f socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and attempted too to o u t l i n e the changes which took place i n the c i t y between 1951 and 1961. The popu-l a t i o n was found to be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by family s ta tus , economic status and zones of recent growth and a r e l a t i v e l y s table e c o l o g i c a l s t ructure was found to have ex i s t ed . Some of the c r i t i c i s m s of s o c i a l area ana lys i s have been d i scussed , but as far as our i n t e r e s t s are concerned, the disadvantage of the Shevky-Bel l model, as wi th other s tudies which have used socio-economic data , of ten der ived from census m a t e r i a l , i s the degree of p r e c i s i o n which i t gives and thus the degree of area d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n which i t makes p o s s i b l e . The s tudies taking account of s o c i a l factors can be thought of as an improvement on the economic approach, for they take account o f more inf luences which are invo lved i n the l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n , and they al low greater d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n - they al low more p r e c i s i o n than those using gross economic f ac tor s . Even i n these s tud ie s , however, the data used i s crude so that the r e s u l t s obtained are not as prec i se as they would be i f d e t a i l e d information were a v a i l a b l e . The " p e c u l i a r i t i e s of human behaviour" are s t i l l not being taken in to account, although more than merely economic factors are being viewed. It i s apparent that there i s more invo lved i n exp la in ing r e s i d e n t i a l patterns than can be done through an examination of economic and broad s o c i a l v a r i a b l e s . From t h i s s e l e c t i v e review of the l i t e r a t u r e , severa l po int s emerge. The f i r s t i s that economic factors can be thought of as a bas ic inf luence determining the r e s i d e n t i a l land use patterns i n the urban area and can be seen as c o n t r o l l i n g and c o n d i t i o n i n g the general s t ructure of r e s i d e n t i a l pa t terns . Although these fac tors cannot be ignored , understanding of r e s i d e n t i a l segregation based only on these must n e c e s s a r i l y be o f a broad and general nature. Only the broad d i f f e r e n t i a l s between r e s i d e n t i a l areas emerge. In a d d i t i o n to these , however, are s o c i a l factors which serve to expla in to a greater degree these d i f f e r e n t i a l s . These factors are a l so mani-fested i n the landscape and might be thought o f as being superimposed on the bas ic g r i d o f economic in f luences . Studies taking account of s o c i a l factors should thus be able to achieve a greater degree of under-standing of area d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n than those us ing only economic f ac tor s . The s o c i a l approach could be thought o f as a second stage of depth i n the a n a l y s i s . A n a l y t i c a l s tudies which attempt to take account of s o c i a l or soc io-economic factors have been hindered by lack of a v a i l a b l e data and have been forced to use ind ice s approximating to s o c i a l c l a s s o r s ta tus . The r e s u l t s , once more, there fore , could only be o f a broad or general nature. Some t h i r d stage o f depth should therefore be found. S o c i o l o g i s t s have for many years been concerned with s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of soc ie ty and have attempted to f i n d methods of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g among s o c i a l groups. Although most of these s tudies have been c a r r i e d out i n urban areas , there has been no i n t e r e s t i n the s p a t i a l aspects o f s o c i a l groupings and r e s i d e n t i a l segregation has not been the concern o f the s o c i o l o g i s t . I t i s the suggestion o f t h i s study that greater p r e c i s i o n i n d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between r e s i d e n t i a l areas w i l l be achieved by examining the nature of the household i t s e l f . By cons ider ing the i n d i v i d u a l s that make up the s o c i e t y , greater understanding o f r e s i d e n t i a l segre-gat ion should r e s u l t . The hypothesis which thus emerges and i s t e s ted i n the study i s that the s o c i a l character of an i n d i v i d u a l or household has a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f ec t i n the choice of r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , people with s i m i l a r s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s grouping together i n the same r e s i -d e n t i a l area. By t ak ing inves t i ga t ions down to t h i s smal ler s c a l e , i t i s hoped to present a more d e t a i l e d p i c t u r e than has h i t h e r t o been the case. Correspondence w i l l be sought between s o c i a l character and r e s i -d e n t i a l area. CHAPTER THREE DATA COLLECTION I Sample Areas I t was decided to conduct the study i n two upper income r e s i d e n t i a l areas of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. In neither of these areas were economic factors such as rent, land values, incomes f e l t to be i n a deterministic land s e l e c t i o n p o s i t i o n , so that the e f f e c t of the i n d i -vidual's s o c i a l character could be seen. B e l l ' s (1965) study, using 1961 census data, showed that there were f i v e census d i s t r i c t s of the c i t y i n which 60 per cent or more of the population were employed i n the p r o f e s s i o n a l and managerial occupations. These were the U n i v e r s i t y Endowment Lands, west Shaughnessy, the d i s t r i c t i n c l u d i n g east Shaughnessy, B r i t i s h Properties and Oakridge. Of these areas, a l l but the University Endowment Lands had an average income of over $9,000 and had the highest income averages for Vancouver. In addition, these areas, with the exception of that i n c l u d i n g east Shaughnessy, had the highest education l e v e l s , with 25 per cent or more of the population having attended u n i v e r s i t y . I t should be noted that the figures for east Shaughnessy are misleading since i t l i e s within a census d i s t r i c t which also includes an area of lower s o c i a l status. Selection had therefore to be made from these areas. I t was f e l t that the U n i v e r s i t y Endowment Lands was unsuitable for study purposes since i t i s a s p e c i a l area of the c i t y with a biased population, oriented over 25 per cent with university education Figure 1: Location of high status areas in Vancouver towards the u n i v e r s i t y . Oakridge i s part of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway land grant which was l a r g e l y developed only i n the 1960's so that the area s t i l l lacks s t a b i l i t y . I t was therefore r e j e c t e d , too. The two areas thus se lec ted for study were Shaughnessy and B r i t i s h Proper t i e s . (Figure 1.) Shaughnessy, the o lder of the two areas and l y i n g on the main peninsula of the c i t y , was opened up by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company i n 1910 as a r e s i d e n t i a l area for upper income f ami l i e s at a time when the t r a d i t i o n a l upper c la s s r e s i d e n t i a l area of the c i t y -the West End - was becoming overcrowded. From the ear ly 1920's , Shaughnessy had been protected by an act of the P r o v i n c i a l Leg i s l a ture as a s ing le family r e s i d e n t i a l area and has been sh ie lded from the establishment of commercial enterpr i ses and from the convers ion of property to uses other than s ing le family dwel l ings . An exception to t h i s was the grant ing o f permiss ion for the conversion of severa l large houses to nurs ing homes during the l a s t war and these have been allowed to continue opera t ing . Despite the p r o t e c t i o n , however, some conversion has taken place and a number o f revenue houses operate i l l e g a l l y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the o lder par t o f the area. B r i t i s h Propert ies i s a newer r e s i d e n t i a l area. Begun i n the 1930's by the Guinness Company, most o f the development has been s ince 1945 and extensions to the area are s t i l l being opened up, the most recent of these - Chartwel l - having been s t a r ted i n 1965. (The Chartwel l area was ignored i n t h i s study because o f i t s newness and therefore lack of e s tab l i shed pa t terns . ) Lying on the north shore o f the Burrard I n l e t , between three hundred and twelve hundred f ee t , the area commands a magnificent view of the c i t y . In both areas a break has been made from the uniform g r i d pat tern of s t reet s which dominates Vancouver, t h i s having been replaced by curved avenues, boulevards and crescents , many of which are t r e e - l i n e d . In B r i t i s h Propert ies many of the houses are b u i l t around a g o l f course. The average s i ze o f l o t s i n both areas i s h a l f an acre , and the general impression i s one of spaciousness with homes set i n surrounding gardens. In both areas houses range i n p r i c e from about $40,000 to $200,000, the upper and lower l i m i t s for B r i t i s h Propert ies being a l i t t l e higher than those for Shaughnessy. Of a l l the r e s i d e n t i a l areas i n the c i t y ( B r i t i s h Proper t ie s i s par t of the m u n i c i p a l i t y of West Vancouver), Shaughnessy has been shown, us ing 1961 census data , (Mayhew, 1967) to have the highest percentage o f owner occupied homes and the highest mean family income. In a d d i t i o n i t has the highest percentage o f persons i n the labour force i n the profess ions or i n management, i . e . i t had the highest occupation s ta tus . According to Peucker's (1971) f i n d i n g s , both the Shaughnessy and B r i t i s h Propert ie s areas are high income ones. Shaughnessy i s i n the unique p o s i t i o n of l y i n g c lose to the c i t y centre and of being crossed by some of the c i t y ' s main routes and yet i t has maintained i t s p o s i t i o n as a good r e s i d e n t i a l area and u n t i l very r e c e n t l y has enjoyed p r o t e c t i o n and p r i v i l e g e s . B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , on the other hand, l i e s apart from the c i t y and i s d i s t i n c t too from nearby r e s i d e n t i a l areas , t h i s being emphasised by a s ing le entrance to the area , across which i s a s ign proc la iming the name ' B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s ' . Both Shaughnessy and B r i t i s h Propert ies have been s p e c i f i c a l l y created as r e s i d e n t i a l areas which would a t t r a c t the upper s t r a t a o f Vancouver soc ie ty and both have come to be recognised as pres t ige r e s i -d e n t i a l areas and to be occupied by the groups for whom they were e s t ab l i shed . Although each area contains the upper c la s s groups o f Vancouver, nevertheless i t was a n t i c i p a t e d that between the areas d i s -t i n c t d i f ferences i n the s o c i a l character o f i n d i v i d u a l s might be found. Peucker 's work, for example, ind ica te s that the B r i t i s h Propert ie s area has the highest m o b i l i t y for the greater Vancouver area while Shaughnessy i s found to be one of the most s table areas o f the reg ion . Since Shaughnessy i s an e a r l i e r development than B r i t i s h Propert ie s and has kept i t s s ta tus , i t i s reasonable to suppose that i t might s t i l l be occupied by the o l d e l i t e of the c i t y while entrants to the upper c lass group look for homes i n the newer area. Indicat ions of such a d i s -t i n c t i o n w i l l be sought. II Interview Schedule A sca le which would al low measurement of the s o c i a l character of se lec ted f ami l i e s i n each area had to be constructed. Information was to be c o l l e c t e d by in terv iewing and an interview schedule was drawn up. Having decided to examine two upper income areas the aim o f the schedule was to obta in such information as might make i t pos s ib le to d i s t i n g u i s h , f i r s t , households belonging to upper s t ra ta from those of lower s t r a t a , but more important ly , to d i s t i n g u i s h d i s t i n c t groups w i t h i n the upper c lasses themselves. At t h i s stage s o c i o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e was consulted for means of d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g s o c i a l groups. The l i t e r a t u r e concerned with status c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n expresses d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n at the way i n which s o c i o l o g i s t s , u n t i l the e a r l y 1950's, approached the problem of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . The approach was thought to be inadequate for u n t i l then, the v e r t i c a l s t ructure of human groups had been seen i n terms o f a s ing le h i e r a r c h y , i n which each member occupied a s ing le p o s i t i o n . Since the 1950's, however, there has been a move toward the idea that the s t ructure o f human groups involves the coexistence of a number o f p a r a l l e l , v e r t i c a l h i e r a r c h i e s , which are co r re l a t ed i n some way, one with another. From t h i s stand-p o i n t , then, the status of an i n d i v i d u a l or o f a family becomes a se r ie s o f p o s i t i o n s i n a se r ie s of r e l a t e d v e r t i c a l h i e r a r c h i e s and the quest ion i s then r a i s ed as to how these p o s i t i o n s are i n t e r r e l a t e d . T h e o r e t i c a l l y i t becomes pos s ib le to think of a n o n - v e r t i c a l dimension to family or i n d i v i d u a l status - a consistency dimension. (Lenski , 1954.) This means that i n d i v i d u a l s are compared with respect to the degree of con-sistency of t h e i r p o s i t i o n s i n the several v e r t i c a l h i e r a r c h i e s , i . e . t h e i r status consistency or c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n i s the degree to which an i n d i v i d u a l ' s rank p o s i t i o n s are at a comparable l e v e l . The p o t e n t i a l f o r c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n would be expected to be strong at each extreme of the system and weaker i n the intermediate stages, which can be explained by the f a c t that there i s usually s u f f i c i e n t power at the top of each system to monopolise the equivalent s t r a t a i n other ranks. (Landecker, 1960.) In the middle s t r a t a , however, the goal of upward mobility works against the desire to strengthen one's present p o s i t i o n , while at the lower extreme, there i s i n s u f f i c i e n t power to move up i n any system. Empirical findings have given support to t h i s i n that c o r r e l a t i o n s between income and education have been highest at the extremes of occupation and, s i m i l a r l y , between occupation and education at the extremes of income. Much of the work which has been done using t h i s concept has been concerned with the s o c i a l consequences of c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n . Inquiries have been made into emotional stress and interpersonal s t r a i n r e s u l t i n g from weak c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n (Lenski, 1956; Jackson, 1962) while the e f f e c t s of weak c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n on p a r t i c i p a t i o n (Lenski, 1956; Hodge and Treiman, 1968) and preference f o r change i n power d i s t r i b u t i o n (Goffman, 1957) have also been examined. The rank systems or h i e r -archies normally employed i n studies are occupation, income, education and r a c i a l / e t h n i c descent. The idea of status c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n thus suggested that i t i s pos-s i b l e to measure an i n d i v i d u a l ' s p o s i t i o n i n society by taking into account several of h i s s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and since four variables can give a greater degree of accuracy than one, i t could be assumed that the more variables under examination, the more accurate w i l l be the r e s u l t i n g status p o s i t i o n and thus the greater w i l l be the degree of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among the i n d i v i d u a l s . Thus to construct a scale to measure the s o c i a l character or the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l , which might l a t e r be r e l a t e d to h i s choice of r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , more variables i n addition to the four already suggested had to be determined and included to achieve as accurate a measure as p o s s i b l e . S o c i o l o g i s t s have approached the problem of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n from many viewpoints, a fact which has been indicated by Lasswell (1965), who points out that: "at l e a s t f i v e kinds of variables are found i n the current l i t e r a t u r e as determinants of s o c i a l class or s o c i a l s t r a t i -f i c a t i o n . M i c r o - c u l t u r a l t r a i t s , power r e l a t i o n s h i p s , s o c i a l cohesion, symbolic representation and a t t r i b u t e categories are a l l i n current use as both independent and dependent variables i n s o c i o l o g i c a l studies." (Lasswell, 1965, p. 277.) Coleman (1965) outlines a paradigm for studying s o c i a l s t r a t a g i v i n g s i x p ossible perspectives, along with the type of category studied and the research device used. The perspectives are: c u l t u r a l , p r e s t i g e , a s s o c i a t i o n a l , influence/power, demography and s o c i a l psychology. Kahl and Davis (1955) write that while income i s often used as an i n d i c a t i o n of socio-economic status, i t i s a poor measure of status, for they contend that the core o f status i s c u l t u r a l l y def ined and involves a group shared s ty le of l i f e . Income i s a necessary, but not a s u f f i c i e n t cond i t ion o f s t a tus , as can be seen i n the var ious ways i n which d i f f e r e n t groups d i s t r i b u t e t h e i r incomes, r e f l e c t i n g t h e i r d i f f e r e n t values . Oeser and Hammond (1954) i n a study of s o c i a l c l a s s i n A u s t r a l i a suggest the v a r i a b l e s : manners, family c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , s o c i a l l i v i n g , family l i v i n g , pat terns of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , educat ion-a l and other personal q u a l i t i e s , ambitions and b e l i e f s , as pos s ib le i n d i c a t o r s o f s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . In the United States , Warner, Meeker and E e l l s (1949) developed an ob jec t ive 'Index of Status Charac-t e r i s t i c s ' that was made up o f ra t ings on s i x i tems: occupat ion , amount and source o f income, house type , r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , amount of edu-c a t i o n , which was l a t e r s i m p l i f i e d to a three item index using occu-p a t i o n , income source and r e n t a l value of house, by Hatt (1950). For the purpose o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between the d i f f e r e n t groups of the upper c l a s se s , i t was from some o f the d e s c r i p t i v e s o c i o l o g i c a l works that most help was der ived . C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of e l i t e groups. S o c i o l o g i s t s have descr ibed the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g features o f the upper c l a s se s , p o i n t i n g out the character-i s t i c s which d i s t i n g u i s h them from the lower s t r a t a of s o c i e t y , and further d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between the ' o l d ' and the 'new' upper c l a s se s , ( M i l l s , 1956) a l though, i n the s tudies of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , d i f -f e r e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s used are u sua l ly l i m i t e d to one or more of the v a r i a b l e s : occupation, ceducation, income and e t h n i c i t y . High incomes, whether as a r e s u l t of i n h e r i t e d wealth or derived from a successful career, are features of the upper classes ( M i l l s , 1956; Porter, 1965) as i s high occupational status, Porter reporting that i n Canada the career patterns of the e l i t e groups are i n the t e c h n i c a l and administrative system of production, the l e g a l system and i n high finance. The d i v i s i o n of the e l i t e into 'old' and 'new1 upper class was made by M i l l s , who speaks of the former achieving status by family lineage, the l a t t e r by wealth. He ref e r s to the culture and p o s i t i o n of the o l d upper c l a s s , where prestige i s inherent i n t h e i r way of l i f e , while the new e l i t e i s s o c i a l l y mobile and s t r i v i n g continuously f o r prestige and recognition by the established group. The d i s t i n g u i s h i n g features which are discussed i n the studies of s o c i a l class and e l i t e groups can be summarised under three general headings. The f i r s t of these i s s o c i a l mobility, which represents the f a c t of the o l d upper class i n h e r i t i n g prestige while the new upper clas s s t r i v e to achieve status. The o l d upper c l a s s , r e l y i n g on family lineage, i n h e r i t a recognised high status, and thus e x h i b i t s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y , while the new upper class display upward mobility. ( M i l l s , 1956; Porter, 1965.) Soc i a l mobility can be considered as being of two types - inter-generational mob il it y and intra-generational mobility, the former i n v o l v i n g a comparison of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s occupation with that of h i s father, the l a t t e r concerning the i n d i v i d u a l ' s career pa t te rn . (Jackson & Crocket t , 1964; L i p s e t & Zet terberg , 1956; Rogoff, 1953.) Occupation i s u sua l ly taken as the index of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , for i t i s re levant to a l l s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and there i s c lose correspondence between occupation and other c r i t e r i a of c l a s s , such as p r e s t i g e , income, s t y l e of l i f e , power. (Chinoy, 1955; L i p s e t & Bendix, 1952, 1959; Centers , 1948.) These are problems invo lved i n the measurement of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y through these concepts , e s p e c i a l l y when the i n d i v i d u a l under cons idera t ion i s young, for i t i s impossible to t race a career p a t t e r n , and h i s status i s not proper ly e s t a b l i s h e d , so that comparison with h i s f a ther ' s status i s made d i f f i c u l t . (Yasuda, 1964.) Nevertheless , occupation serves as a convenient index, along with some idea o f family background, for s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . Another area discussed by s o c i o l o g i s t s i n d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between the o l d and the new upper c l a s s , i s that o f k insh ip l i n k s . In the case of the former, k in sh ip l i n k s are very s t rong , for having had a common s o c i a l background and upbr ing ing , i n v o l v i n g attendance at s i m i l a r schools and membership o f the same c lubs , s trong t i e s are e s t ab l i shed . They have r e l a t i v e s and f r iends i n common; t i e s with the family are very important and are r e f l e c t e d i n r e s i d e n t i a l proximity to r e l a t i v e s and i n contacts with them s o c i a l l y , i n business and through a s soc i a t ions . ( M i l l s , 1956; Por te r , 1965.) Kinship t i e s , on the other hand, are unim-portant to the new upper c l a s s , as would be expected i n a group which i s upwardly mobile , for the members are t r y i n g to leave behind t h e i r former c la s s and status and achieve the l e v e l of a higher stratum. (Crysdale, 1968; Parsons, 1943; Por te r , 1965.) Holl ingshead (1949) showed that i n American soc ie ty there i s a c lose a s soc i a t ion between c la s s and k insh ip s t ructures and that i n a s t r a t i f i e d soc ie ty such as the American one, we f i n d the f ami l i e s of m a r i t a l partners belonging to s i m i l a r s t r a t a i n the s o c i a l s t ruc ture . I t i s suggested by Brown (1965) that k i n s h i p t i e s should perhaps become le s s important i n a competit ive soc ie ty which i s g rea t ly concerned with achievement f o r : "The modern competit ive product ion system makes i t important to have the best q u a l i f i e d person i n each job; i t i s bad business to pre fe r the le s s q u a l i f i e d man because he i s your nephew or to pass over the super ior app l i cant because he i s a Negro." (Brown, 1965, p . 106.) There i s no i n d i c a t i o n , however, i n studies of the e l i t e groups that family connections i n business are l e s sen ing . A t h i r d group of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g factors can be p laced under the heading o f ' s o c i a l background 1 . This i s considered to inc lude such features as school s , c l u b , e t h n i c i t y , r e l i g i o n , e t c . (Porter , 1965.) The o l d upper c lass have schools and col leges i n common, these i n s t i -tu t ions forming the background for i n i t i a t i n g and strengthening f r iendships and l o y a l t i e s . Its members belong to the same c lubs , membership of which i s through i n t r o d u c t i o n by one or more e x i s t i n g members, so that the status of the club might be preserved.- In a d d i t i o n , the i n d i v i d u a l must be recognised as a member o f the group, before he i s accepted to the c lub . The o l d upper c la s s are reported to be ac t ive patrons o f the a r t s . (Boskoff, 1962; M i l l s , 1956; Por te r , 1965.) They are descr ibed as t ak ing no par t i n p o l i t i c a l l i f e , but w i l l d i r e c t t h e i r energies to char i t ab le organisat ions and welfare a c t i v i t i e s , although i t has been suggested by Hol l ingshead (1949) that t h e i r i n t e r e s t may be only a pecuniary one, l e av ing ac t ive p a r t i c i p a t i o n to the lower s o c i a l groups, whose i n t e r e s t s tend to be i n socio-economic a s soc ia t ions such as Rotary. In a d d i t i o n , the o l d upper c la s s are reported to share a common r e l i g i o n , the e l i t e groups i n Canada usua l ly being members o f the Angl ican Church. (Porter , 1965.) Throughout a l l the d i scuss ions the emphasis i s seen to be on the fact that the o l d upper c la s s have a d i s t i n c t and uniform s o c i a l back-ground manifested i n t h e i r pres t ige schools and c lubs , while the s o c i a l backgrounds of the new upper c lasses are very v a r i e d and they f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to a t t a i n membership i n the pres t ige a s soc ia t ions . CONCEPTUAL PARADIGM High occupation status Strong k i n s h i p l i n k s High income S t a b i l i t y Homogeneous s o c i a l background R e s i d e n t i a l area Weak k i n s h i p l i n k s Upward m o b i l i t y Var ied s o c i a l background R e s i d e n t i a l area Urban Structure The var i ab le s are i n d i c a t e d as fo l lows : proximity to r e l a t i v e s contact with r e l a t i v e s s o c i a l l y i n business through a s soc ia t ions family t i e s s o c i a l : f a ther ' s occupation against i n d i v i d u a l ' s occupation career pa t tern r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y schools c lubs / a s soc i a t ions c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s r e l i g i o n s o c i a l background ethnic a f f i l i a t i o n ) f r iendships ) With these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c features i n mind, the interview schedule was constructed. (Appendix). Questions were der ived to e l i c i t i n f o r -mation showing whether or not the household possessed each of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n d i c a t e d . In some cases the information could be obtained from one or two simple quest ions . For example, a household's r e l i g i o n could be ascerta ined by asking 'Do you attend church? 1 and 'Which church do you attend?' With other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , severa l questions had to be asked. For example, i t was f e l t that i n Vancouver the major c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s revolve around the Vancouver Symphony Orchestra and the Playhouse. In a d d i t i o n , three performances of opera and three of b a l l e t are given each year i n the Queen E l i z a b e t h Theatre. Thus, to d i scover whether or not a household takes part i n c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , questions were asked about attendance at these funct ions . Furthermore, season t i c k e t s are a v a i l a b l e for regular attenders o f the Symphony and the Playhouse and so the household was asked i f they had these. Information on how many of these a c t i v i t i e s the household has attended over a c e r t a i n p e r i o d was a lso obtained. Thus, the r e s u l t i s a s e r i e s o f questions o f d i f f e r e n t orders for each a c t i v i t y , he lp ing to determine the degree of the household's i n t e r e s t . Aga in , to determine whether or not a household has contact with r e l a t i v e s , the quest ion f i r s t had to be asked, 'Do you have r e l a t i v e s i n Vancouver?' Subsequently i t was asked how often v i s i t s were exchanged wi th r e l a t i v e s . I t was f e l t a l so that regular telephone c a l l s to r e l a -t i v e s would ind ica te a wish to maintain s o c i a l connections for those people who f i n d themselves too busy for frequent v i s i t s . Contact i n business or through as soc ia t ions was revealed by asking whether pre sent ly or i n the past any r e l a t i v e s had been employed by the company with which the head of the household i s employed or whether any r e l a t i v e i s invo lved with a s soc ia t ions of which i n d i v i d u a l s i n the household are members. As an i n d i c a t o r of the degree of i n t e r e s t and p a r t i c i p a t i o n which the household has i n as soc ia t ions or s o c i e t i e s o f which i t i s a member, questions were put as to whether or not any of the family had served on a committee for any a s soc i a t ion . S i m i l a r questions concerning r e l a t i v e s of the household were a l so inc luded . The s t a b i l i t y or m o b i l i t y of r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n l e d to questions about the number o f houses i n which the husband and wife had l i v e d dur ing t h e i r upbringing and i n which the present household had l i v e d . The household was a lso asked whether i t regarded i t s present home as a permanent one. As far as occupations are concerned, the head of the household was asked to give h i s occupation and that o f h i s f a ther , so that the two occupations might be compared. In a d d i t i o n , the household head was asked for the nature of h i s f i r s t employment and the number o f jobs he had had i n the course of h i s career as i n d i c a t o r s o f how v a r i e d h i s career had been. When an interview schedule had been constructed , e ight interviews were conducted with households l i v i n g i n the sample areas who had agreed to be interviewed so that the quest ionnaire might be te s ted . The information c o l l e c t e d at t h i s stage was not used i n the subsequent survey. Fol lowing on these i n i t i a l in terv iews , some a l t e r a t i o n s were made i n the schedule, e l i m i n a t i n g ambiguit ies i n questions which had not p rev ious ly been detected and changing the order o f questions to make for a smoother in terv iew. With these f i n a l adjustments, the schedule was completed."'" 1. For ea s i e r in terv iewing the order of questions was changed. III Sampling Procedure P r i o r to the ac tua l s e l e c t i o n o f the samples, maps were obtained showing every l o t i n each area and those l o t s which were occupied by b u i l d i n g s which were not s ing le family dwell ings ( i . e . s chool s , nurs ing homes, e t c . ) were e l imina ted . This was found to be only necessary i n Shaughnessy where the o lder large homes lend themselves to convers ion. It was known that i n Shaughnessy some houses have been i l l e g a l l y d i v i d e d i n t o s u i t e s , but because of t h e i r i l l e g a l nature no l i s t i n g o f these houses i s a v a i l a b l e . I t proved impossible to i d e n t i f y these houses by observat ion and so i t was decided to proceed with the sampling and r e j e c t any houses which turned out to be other than s i n g l e family dwel l ings , although i t was r e a l i s e d that t h i s l i m i t e d the v a l i d i t y of the sample. In the event, the sample which emerged cons i s ted s o l e l y o f s i n g l e family dwel l ings . The quest ion of block sampling was cons idered, but while a useful technique i n par t s o f the c i t y where the g r i d pat tern i s dominant i t was f e l t to be unsui table i n t h i s instance because of the i r r e g u l a r shape and s i z e of the b locks i n both Shaughnessy and B r i t i s h Proper t i e s . In a d d i t i o n , the v a r i e t y of l o t s i zes leads to d i f f e r i n g dens i t i e s of houses, e s p e c i a l l y i n Shaughnessy where there i s a marked d i f ference i n dens i ty between the north and the south of the area. The fo l lowing method was thus thought to be more su i t ab le for the areas under cons idera t ion . Known n o n - r e s i d e n t i a l property having been excluded, a number was assigned to each remaining l o t and using random number t a b l e s , a sample o f houses was se lec ted from each area . Forty homes i n each area were s e l ec ted , only the f i r s t t h i r t y o f these being requi red for interview purposes, the remaining ten serving as a reserve l i s t i n the event of a r e fu sa l from one or more of the f i r s t t h i r t y . Using the Vancouver C i t y D i r e c t o r y , the owners of the se lec ted homes were determined and then contacted and asked to agree to an interv iew. In ne i ther area were a l l o f the t h i r t y o r i g i n a l l y chosen f i n a l l y i n t e r -viewed. E ight householders , f i ve i n Shaughnessy and three i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , refused to be interv iewed, while another i n B r i t i s h Propert ies was l i v i n g i n Europe during the interview p e r i o d . Subst i tutes for these householders were taken from the f i r s t names on the reserve l i s t s . In a d d i t i o n , i n three cases i n B r i t i s h Propert ies the occupants o f the houses were no longer as s p e c i f i e d i n the D i r e c t o r y . In one of these cases i t proved pos s ib le to f i n d out who i s l i v i n g i n the house now; i n the other two cases these homes were discarded and the householders of the next two homes on the l i s t contacted ins tead . At the end o f the in terv iewing per iod responses had been obtained from s i x t y households. In every case the household head's income was over $10,000 and i n most cases over $20,000. Heads of households' occupations belonged i n almost every case to the profess ions and to the upper echelons of management. In each case the household owned or was i n the process of buying the house i n which i t l i v e d ; there were no cases of households rent ing t h e i r homes. There were no instances of non-family households. In a l l but two cases there were c h i l d r e n i n the f ami ly , and i n most cases at l e a s t some c h i l d r e n s t i l l l i v e d at home. IV Interviewing Interviews were conducted by the w r i t e r i n most cases with the wife of the household. Exceptions to t h i s occurred when the householder was a widower or when the wife refused to be interviewed, as was the case i n three homes i n B r i t i s h Propert ies and two i n Shaughnessy. In four-teen cases the interview was conducted with both husband and wife present , e i t h e r because the wife had requested that her husband be present or because the husband had expressed i n t e r e s t i n the study. The interview was u sua l ly conducted i n the household's home, except on three occasions when the husband was interviewed i n h i s o f f i c e . Information was c o l l e c t e d for both husband and wi fe , although i t was f e l t to be adequate to have one answer for the other . Only on a few occasions d i d d i f f i c u l t y a r i se with t h i s arrangement - when wives had d i f f i c u l t y answering questions about t h e i r husbands' incomes or the occupations of t h e i r f a ther s - in- law. In almost every case the subjects responded r e a d i l y to the quest ions . On the whole i t was f e l t that the wives responded more r e a d i l y to the in te rv iew, e l abora t ing t h e i r responses and showing a w i l l i n g n e s s to t a l k , while the husbands tended to more concise and confine themselves to more prec i se r e p l i e s . In f ive instances no response was obtained for the quest ion about incomes - two i n Shaughnessy and three i n B r i t i s h Propert ie s - and i n three cases - a l l i n B r i t i s h Propert ie s - no response was given to the quest ion concerning the i n d i v i d u a l ' s father occupat ion. CHAPTER FOUR ANALYSIS The information c o l l e c t e d was coded by the w r i t e r . Although i t was understood that t h i s procedure i s not e n t i r e l y s a t i s f a c t o r y and could r e s u l t i n in t roduc ing b i a s , f i n a n c i a l cons t ra int s made i t necessary. In a d d i t i o n , the interview schedule was so set up that much of the information could be coded as the responses were g iven , and only a few of the questions were open ones, thus l i m i t i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of in t roduc ing b i a s . Univar ia te frequency tables and un ivar i a te t o t a l percentage tables were c a l c u l a t e d for each group. Some of the responses were combined to form one v a r i a b l e , and s i m i l a r tables were obta ined. Chi-square values were computed to t e s t the n u l l hypotheses that the samples could have been drawn from the same popula t ion . A l l d i f ferences are s i g n i f i c a n t at the 0.1 per cent l e v e l unless otherwise i n d i c a t e d . Some i n i t i a l comments can be made about the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the two samples of households. Of the Shaughnessy group 43 per cent , and of the B r i t i s h Propert ie s group 37 per cent had incomes o f between $20,000 and $30,000, while 84 per cent of the Shaughnessy group and 77 per cent of the B r i t i s h Propert ies group had incomes of under $20,000. F ive households - three i n Shaughnessy and two i n B r i t i s h Propert ies -gave no response to t h i s quest ion and those households not already accounted for had incomes of between $10,000 and $20,000. These f igures give conf irmation that the two groups under examination are upper income groups. Neither group was found to be uniform i n i t s l i f e stage. In each group households with young c h i l d r e n and households with the husband r e t i r e d were found. The major i ty of households had c h i l d r e n of high school age. In 63 per cent of the Shaughnessy households and 70 per cent of the B r i t i s h Propert ie s households the age of the o ldes t c h i l d was over f i f t e e n years and i n Shaughnessy 33 per cent and B r i t i s h Propert ie s 27 per cent of the households no longer had any c h i l d r e n l i v i n g at home. From these i n d i c a t o r s there appeared to be no s i g n i f i -cant d i f ference i n the l i f e stages of the two groups. The two groups w i l l now be examined on the bas i s of the character-i s t i c s p rev ious ly o u t l i n e d . I M o b i l i t y Both the degree of r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y of the two groups and a l so the degree o f s o c i a l m o b i l i t y are of i n t e r e s t . 1) R e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y This has been considered i n two p a r t s : a) the m o b i l i t y of the husband and the wife during t h e i r upbr inging ; b) the m o b i l i t y of the present household. a) In Shaughnessy a l l the husbands interviewed and 90 per cent o f the wives had been brought up i n two houses or l e s s , (77 per cent of the husbands and 67 per cent of the wives had been brought up i n one house) while i n B r i t i s h Properties 77 per cent of the husbands and 87 per cent of the wives had l i v e d i n four houses or more during t h e i r upbringing. One of the B r i t i s h Properties husbands had l i v e d i n eleven houses, and two i n fourteen, while one of the wives had l i v e d i n seventeen houses. In these figures alone, i t i s cl e a r that there i s a background of mobility which i s not present i n the other group. b) Table 1 shows the r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y of the Shaughnessy households compared with those of the B r i t i s h Properties. Again there appears to be greater mobility i n B r i t i s h Properties. Table 1 Percentage of households and years spent i n present home 0-5 6-10 11-15 16-20 20+ B r i t i s h Properties 53 17 23 7 0 Shaughnessy 13 23 17 17 30 The l i f e stage of the households could have some bearing on the length of time which a household has spent i n i t s present home, but as already indicated, the two groups appear to be s i m i l a r i n terms of l i f e stage. D i f f i c u l t i e s i n comparing the two sets of figures do a r i s e , however, from the f a c t that much of the development i n B r i t i s h Properties has taken place since the l a s t war and there has hardly been time f o r many people to have l i v e d there for much more than twenty years. Never-t h e l e s s , i f t h i s were a s table area, i t might be reasonable to expect that a large propor t ion of households would have occupied t h e i r present homes for around f i f t e e n years and the fact that 50 per cent of the households have been i n t h e i r homes for f i ve years or l e s s suggests a f a i r degree of m o b i l i t y i n the group. This i s supported to some extent by the households' a t t i tude towards t h e i r homes. A l l the Shaughnessy res idents regarded t h e i r present home as a permanent one (at l e a s t u n t i l t h e i r c h i l d r e n have l e f t home, although only four households f e l t that even then they might consider moving), while only 27 per cent of the B r i t i s h Propert ies households thought of t h e i r present house as a permanent home. Of the Shaughnessy households, 73 per cent had l i v e d i n at l e a s t one other house (other than rented accommodation) and t h i s was the case for 90 per cent of the B r i t i s h Propert ies households. The r e s i d e n t i a l backgrounds of the two groups, however, d i f f e r e d . Of the Shaughnessy households whose present house was not t h e i r f i r s t re s idence , more than h a l f had l i v e d i n another house i n Shaughnessy and almost a l l the others i n another part of Vancouver (excluding Shaughnessy and B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s ) ; two households had l i v e d outs ide North America. Of the B r i t i s h Propert ies group 28 households had l i v e d outs ide B r i t i s h Columbia, i . e . i n other parts of Canada, i n the United States , or outs ide North America. There a l so appeared to be a considerable amount of movement w i t h i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , t h i r t e e n households having l i v e d i n other homes i n the area and, of these, seven households had l i v e d i n at l e a s t four homes i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , one having l i v e d i n as many as n ine . (The interv iew schedule d i d not set out to obta in t h i s information and so i t i s a v a i l a b l e for only these seven households.) 2) S o c i a l m o b i l i t y a) Career pa t tern Some idea of the household head's career pa t tern i n terms of i t s v a r i e t y or s t a b i l i t y was obtained. Of the Shaughnessy group, 10 per cent , and 37 per cent of the B r i t i s h Propert ies group were found to have changed the nature of t h e i r occupations dur ing t h e i r careers . (The d i f ference i s s i g n i f i c a n t at the 5 per cent l e v e l . ) In Shaughnessy 67 per cent and i n B r i t i s h Propert ie s 17 per cent of the household heads began t h e i r careers with the company with which they are pre sent ly employed, while none of the Shaughnessy household heads and 67 per cent of those i n B r i t i s h Propert ies had been employed with more than four companies or i n more than four p o s i t i o n s i f p r o f e s s i o n a l . Table 2 Percentage of household heads and number of years i n present job of employment 0-5 6-10 11-15 16-20 20+ B r i t i s h Propert ies 43 23 3 7 23 Shaughnessy 7 3 13 27 50 Table 2 shows the r e l a t i v e lengths of time for which the household heads i n the two groups had been employed i n t h e i r present jobs . The d i f ference i n s t a b i l i t y i s qu i te marked, with a greater degree o f s t a b i l i t y i n Shaughnessy, 77 per cent of those interviewed having been employed i n t h e i r present job for s ixteen years or more compared with 30 per cent i n B r i t i s h Proper t i e s . The age of the household head could a f fec t the length of time spent i n a p a r t i c u l a r job and number of occupations or jobs which he has had - the o lder he i s the more time he has had to t r y severa l occupations and change h i s jobs f requent ly . The interview schedule d i d not ask for the ages of the respondents, but from the observations of the interv iewer and the information obtained about the l i f e stage o f the households, both i n d i c a t e d that ne i ther group contains a large propor t ion of e i t h e r o l d or young heads of households. There appeared to be no marked d i f ference i n ages between the groups which might help to account for the d i f ference between them i n s t a b i l i t y o f career p a t t e r n . b) Occupation of father v . occupation of son In t h i s sec t ion any upward move i n occupation status from the f i r s t to the second generation i s inve s t i ga ted . In Shaughnessy a l l the household heads and i n B r i t i s h Propert ies a l l but two were i n the two occupation groups of p r o f e s s i o n a l and management, the breakdown of t h i s being about 50 per cent p r o f e s s i o n a l and 50 per cent management i n both areas. (The l a rges t occupation group i n Shaughnessy was lawyers and i n B r i t i s h Propert ies engineers . ) This being the case, the percentage o f household heads for each group whose occupations were i n the profess ions or management and whose fa thers ' occupations were o f lower status was obtained. (Table 3.) Of the B r i t i s h Propert ies group, three households f a i l e d to respond to the quest ion about the f a ther ' s occupation and i n two other cases the occupation of the household head was of lower s tatus than Table 3 Percentage o f household heads i n profess ions and management whose f a ther s ' occupations are of lower status B r i t i s h Propert ies 43 Shaughnessy 7 p r o f e s s i o n a l and management l e v e l s . In the remaining 40 per cent of the households the occupation of the household head and of the father were o f s i m i l a r s ta tus . Table 3 ind ica te s that the d i f ferences i n s o c i a l m o b i l i t y as ind ica ted by occupation status i s nevertheless s t r i k i n g , the Shaughnessy group showing greater s t a b i l i t y than B r i t i s h Proper t i e s . From the foregoing statements, i t can be seen that there i s s t a b i l i t y i n the Shaughnessy area which i s l a ck ing i n B r i t i s h Proper t i e s , where the soc ie ty appears to be a mobile one, both i n terms o f t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n and s o c i a l m o b i l i t y as measured by changes i n occupation s ta tus . S t a b i l i t y would be associated with the o l d e l i t e , while m o b i l i t y i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the new upper c l a s s . II Family Ties The f i r s t set of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were grouped under the heading of family t i e s and i t was a n t i c i p a t e d that the res idents of Shaughnessy would d i sp l ay stronger family t i e s than the res idents o f B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s . Family t i e s are i n d i c a t e d by : 1) proximity to r e l a t i v e s 2) contact with r e l a t i v e s a) s o c i a l l y b) i n business c) through a s soc ia t ions . 1) Proximity to r e l a t i v e s The quest ion of whether a household had r e l a t i v e s i n Vancouver was f i r s t examined. In Shaughnessy i t was found that 76 per cent of the husbands and 80 per cent of the wives have r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g i n Vancouver. In B r i t i s h Propert ies the corresponding f igures were 30 per cent of husbands and 27 per cent o f wives. A household was def ined as having proximity to r e l a t i v e s i f e i t h e r the husband or the wi fe , or both , had r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g i n t h e i r own r e s i d e n t i a l area ( i . e . Shaughnessy or B r i t i s h Proper t i e s . ) Table 4 shows the r e s u l t s . Percentage o f households with r e l a t i v e s i n own area B r i t i s h Propert ies 7 Shaughnessy 93 Contact with r e l a t i v e s S o c i a l contact The household was def ined as having s o c i a l contact with r e l a t i v e s i f they exchanged v i s i t s with r e l a t i v e s at l ea s t once a week, or i f they telephoned r e l a t i v e s at l ea s t twice a week. I f contact was le s s frequent then they were regarded as having l i t t l e s o c i a l connection with t h e i r r e l a t i v e s . Table 5 b) Percentage of households having s o c i a l contact with r e l a t i v e s B r i t i s h Propert ies 7 Shaughnessy 93 Business contact The household was considered to have contact through business with r e l a t i v e s i f the f irm with which the household head i s employed i s or has been a family company and at l ea s t one other member of h i s f ami ly , or of h i s w i f e ' s f ami ly , has been employed or i s p re sent ly employed i n that bus iness . Table 6 shows the r e s u l t s . c) Percentage of households having business contact with r e l a t i v e s B r i t i s h Properties 7 Shaughnessy 70 Association contact The household was regarded as having contact with r e l a t i v e s through associations i f e i t h e r the husband or the wife has one or more r e l a t i v e s who have been members or are presently members of clubs or associations of which e i t h e r the husband or the wife are members. (Table 7.) Associations were considered to include business a s s o c i -ations, c u l t u r a l or welfare s o c i e t i e s and s o c i a l clubs. The i n t e r e s t was not at t h i s stage i n the kind of association, but i n whether any family connections existed through membership i n the same association. Table 7 Percentage of housholds having association contact with r e l a t i v e s B r i t i s h Properties 0 Shaughnessy 90 In each case, possession of the required c h a r a c t e r i s t i c - i . e . r e l a t i v e s i n t h e i r own r e s i d e n t i a l area, r e l a t i v e s members of the same associations - by e i t h e r the husband or the wife has been considered s u f f i c i e n t to allow possession of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c by the household. This was necessary to cover the cases of households where e i t h e r the husband or the wife has come from outside Vancouver, the other par tner belonging to Vancouver, and has adopted the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the family in to which he or she has married - becoming members o f clubs and as soc ia t ions o f which in-laws are members and perhaps enter ing a family bus iness . From Tables 4 to 7 i t i s evident that proximity to r e l a t i v e s i s greater i n the Shaughnessy sample than i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , while contact with r e l a t i v e s s o c i a l l y , i n business and through a s soc i a t ions , i s a l so greater i n Shaughnessy. With these as i n d i c a t o r s , i t can be concluded that family t i e s i n Shaughnessy are stronger than i n B r i t i s h Proper t i e s . At t h i s stage i t might be useful to o u t l i n e some other facts which emerge from the data c o l l e c t e d and which can be seen to have some bear ing on the above r e s u l t s . Table 8 Percentage o f res idents Vancouver * born i n husbands wives B r i t i s h Propert ies 17 10 Shaughnessy 60 67 Dif ference i s s i g n i f i c a n t at the 1 per cent l e v e l . Percentage up of residents i n Vancouver brought husbands wives B r i t i s h Properties 7 20 Shaughnessy 67 83 From Tables 8 and 9 i t i s c l e a r that a large proportion of r e s i -dents i n Shaughnessy belong to Vancouver e i t h e r by b i r t h or by upbringing and, i n f a c t , 67 per cent of the husbands interviewed (in Shaughnessy) and 63 per cent of the wives were a c t u a l l y brought up i n Shaughnessy. By far the larger proportion of B r i t i s h Properties residents, however, have come from outside Vancouver, 30 per cent of both husbands and wives having been brought up i n other parts of Canada ( i . e . outside B r i t i s h Columbia) and 50 per cent of the husbands and 40 per cent of the wives outside Canada. We are therefore dealing with two groups, one of which has a predominantly Vancouver background, the other a more varied r e s i -d e n t i a l background, and i t would be natural to expect that the former group would have more r e l a t i v e s i n Vancouver and perhaps i n t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l area than the l a t t e r . This being the case, however, i t should also be pointed out that mere proximity to r e l a t i v e s does not necessar i l y imply contact with them and i t i s noteworthy that a large proportion of the Shaughnessy sample claim to have s o c i a l , business and asso c i a t i o n contact with t h e i r family. I I I S o c i a l Background The aspects of s o c i a l background which were of concern i n t h i s study were e thnic o r i g i n s , r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n , c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , school s , membership i n a s soc ia t ions and f r i endsh ip s . I t was a n t i c i p a t e d that the Shaughnessy households would be of predominantly B r i t i s h o r i g i n , would attend the Angl ican church, would take an ac t ive part i n c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , would rece ive t h e i r education at p r i v a t e schools and would have membership i n a s soc ia t ions ranging from pre s t i ge clubs to c u l t u r a l s o c i e t i e s and c h a r i t y organi sa t ions . The B r i t i s h Propert ies group, on the other hand, was expected to lack these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . I t was expected that there might be some p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , the r e s u l t of the new upper c la s s i m i t a t i n g the o l d ; membership i n some as soc ia t ions was expected, but not i n the pre s t i ge clubs nor to any extent i n c u l t u r a l or c h a r i t y s o c i e t i e s ; some i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c a l a s soc ia t ions was considered as p o s s i b l e . 1) Ethnic o r i g i n s The B r i t i s h Propert ies households were found to be le s s s t rongly Canadian than those of Shaughnessy, where 60 per cent of the husbands and 70 per cent of the wives were at l e a s t the t h i r d generation of t h e i r family to l i v e i n Canada. The corresponding f igures for B r i t i s h Propert ie s were 3 per cent and 10 per cent . Percentage of res idents with B r i t i s h o r i g i n s * husbands wives B r i t i s h Propert ies 47 37 Shaughnessy 83 83 *Di f ference i s s i g n i f i c a n t at the 1 per cent l e v e l . From Table 10 i t i s evident that apart from being more s t rongly Canadian, the Shaughnessy sample has a much greater propor t ion of i n d i v i d u a l s with a B r i t i s h background. 2) Re l ig ious a f f i l i a t i o n Seventy-seven per cent of Shaughnessy households claimed to have some r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n and 63 per cent s a id that they had attended church i n the previous month, while i n B r i t i s h Propert ies only 37 per cent claimed r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n and 30 per cent had attended church i n the previous month. Table 11 Percentage o f households r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n with * Angl ican United Other B r i t i s h Propert ies 3 13 20 Shaughnessy 27 40 10 *Di f ferences s i g n i f i c a n t at the 5 per cent l e v e l . The representat ion of the Angl ican church i n ne i ther sample i s very h i g h , although i t i s h igher i n Shaughnessy than i n B r i t i s h Propert ies (Table 11.) The major i ty of churchgoers i n Shaughnessy attend the United church which i s the main church of Canada. I t appears from these r e s u l t s that r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n i s not serving as a useful d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . 3) C u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s To determine the degree of p a r t i c i p a t i o n which a household had i n c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , i t s responses to three questions were examined -whether i t had season t i c k e t s for the Symphony, or for the Playhouse, and how often i t attended the b a l l e t or opera. For t h i s l a s t a c t i v i t y i t was f e l t that attendance at three performances or more i n the year , i . e . h a l f the pos s ib le attendances, would cons t i tu te a reasonable i n t e r e s t . I t was f e l t that a household with keen i n t e r e s t i n the c i t y ' s c u l t u r a l l i f e would p a r t i c i p a t e i n a l l three a c t i v i t i e s . Table 12 shows the percentage of households i n the two groups with a s trong c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t . Table 12 Percentage of households with strong c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t s B r i t i s h Propert ie s 0 Shaughnessy 67 'S t rong ' c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t was def ined as being possess ion of Symphony season t i c k e t s and Playhouse season t i c k e t s p lus attendance at at l e a s t h a l f the operas and b a l l e t s given each year . Table 12 shows that no household i n B r i t i s h Propert ies f u l f i l l e d these condi t ions while a reasonably large propor t ion of the Shaughnessy households d i d . Further i n v e s t i g a t i o n showed that 87 per cent of the Shaughnessy households f u l f i l l e d two out of the three condi t ions while none of the B r i t i s h Propert ie s households d i d . In B r i t i s h Proper t i e s , i n f a c t , only one household had season t i c k e t s for the Symphony, while two had season t i c k e t s for the Playhouse and two attended h a l f the b a l l e t or opera performances. The three households with season t i c k e t s were the only ones to c la im any i n t e r e s t i n the Symphony and i n the Playhouse, i . e . only these three households claimed to attend the Symphony and the Playhouse, with or without season t i c k e t s . Thi s means that twenty-f ive out of t h i r t y households interviewed s ta ted that they had no i n t e r e s t i n the c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s of the c i t y ; they d i d not c la im an i n t e r e s t only to i n d i c a t e l a t e r that i t was a s u p e r f i c i a l one, but seemed content to admit to lack of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . There i s , o f course, no way of determining whether or not accurate responses were obtained from each group - i t was not pos s ib le to f i n d out whether those households which had season t i c k e t s a c t u a l l y made use of them. The w r i t e r has no reason to be l i eve that f a l se information was being g iven , but even i f t h i s were the case, i t i s s t i l l i n t e r e s t i n g to note that one group was unconcerned at expressing an almost t o t a l lack of i n t e r e s t i n c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , while the other was eager to give the impression of being c u l t u r a l l y i n v o l v e d . 4) Schools The i n t e r e s t here was i n determining whether or not p r i v a t e schools had been attended f i r s t by the parents and secondly by the c h i l d r e n o f the household. The r e s u l t s are i n Table 13. Table 13 Percentage o f households w i t h : Parents at C h i l d r e n at p r i v a t e schools p r i v a t e schools B r i t i s h Propert ies 3 13 Shaughnessy 80 87 I f e i t h e r o f the parents had been educated i n a p r i v a t e s choo l , they were considered to have attended p r i v a t e schools . I f any c h i l d i n the family was at tending or had attended a p r i v a t e s choo l , then the household was considered to have had c h i l d r e n educated at p r iva te schools . It was, however, unusual for only one c h i l d i n a family to be at a p r i v a t e s choo l , while the re s t of the family was at s tate schools . In only two cases d i d t h i s occur . I t was not unusual , however, to f i n d that one or more c h i l d r e n i n the family had attended both p u b l i c and p r i v a t e schools , and perhaps a l so more than one type o f p r i v a t e school during t h e i r educat ion. As far as the parents were concerned, the p r i v a t e schools attended were only i n Vancouver i f the i n d i v i d u a l had been brought up here. On the whole, the c h i l d r e n ' s p r i v a t e schools were i n Vancouver. Exceptions to t h i s were seven households i n Shaughnessy and one i n B r i t i s h Propert ies who had c h i l d r e n at boarding schools on Vancouver Is land and f i v e f ami l i e s i n Shaughnessy and one i n B r i t i s h Propert ies who had had c h i l d r e n at p r i v a t e schools i n Europe. Table 13 shows that p r i v a t e schools are considerably more popular with the Shaughnessy households than with those o f B r i t i s h Proper t i e s . 5) Assoc ia t ions F i r s t , membership i n s o c i a l and pre s t i ge clubs and second, member-ship i n a l l other a s soc ia t ions w i l l be examined. a) Membership i n three pres t ige clubs i n the c i t y were considered (Table 14.) Table 14 Percentage o f households membership i n clubs with Vancouver Club Terminal C i t y Club * Vancouver Tennis Club B r i t i s h Propert ies 3 0 0 Shaughnessy 67 20 50 *Di f ference i s s i g n i f i c a n t at the 5 per cent l e v e l . B r i t i s h Propert ies membership can be seen to be n e g l i g i b l e while Shaughnessy representat ion i s qu i te h i g h . The further observat ion can be made that B r i t i s h Proper t ie s member-ship i n any s o c i a l / s p o r t s clubs was found to be very low. F ive f ami l i e s were members of the Capilano Gol f Club and one a member of the West Van-couver Yacht Club. The highest membership was i n the Hol lyburn Country C lub , i n which eleven households claimed membership. In Shaughnessy, on the other hand, i n add i t ion to the clubs already mentioned i n Table 14, eighteen f ami l i e s were members of the Shaughnessy Gol f Club and nine of the Royal Vancouver Yacht Club. In a d d i t i o n , ten f ami l i e s i n each group claimed membership i n clubs not already discussed. It should be noted too that no households i n Shaughnessy had membership i n clubs s i m i l a r to the H o l l y -burn Country Club . Membership i n the Arbutus Club was expected, but was not found. b) Membership i n four types o f a s soc i a t ion were examined. As with s o c i a l c lubs , membership was found to be greater among the Shaughnessy group (Table 15. Table 15 Percentage o f households with memberships i n a s soc ia t ions P o l i t i c a l * C u l t u r a l Business Char i ty B r i t i s h Propert ie s 0 7 7 10 Shaughnessy 13 83 83 60 *No s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e rence . Households were inc luded i n Table 15 i f they had membership i n one or more o f the types o f a s soc ia t ions descr ibed . With both groups almost every household with membership i n a s soc i -at ions had a lso had representat ion on committees for one o f these a s soc i a t ions , so that t h e i r i n t e r e s t appeared to be f a i r l y a c t i v e . The c u l t u r a l a s soc ia t ions which appeared most often were the Symphony Society and the A r t G a l l e r y ; the business a s soc ia t ions inc luded the Board of Trade and pro fe s s iona l s o c i e t i e s ; c h a r i t y a s soc ia t ions were represented mainly by groups working i n conjunct ion with h o s p i t a l s , or organisa t ions whose purpose i s to r a i s e funds for c h a r i t i e s . P o l i t i c a l a s soc ia t ions inc luded c i v i c , p r o v i n c i a l and federa l p o l i t i c s . I t appears therefore that there i s a notable d i f ference between the two groups i n terms of membership i n clubs and a s soc i a t ions , the Shaughnessy group showing considerable i n t e r e s t , the other a c l e a r lack of i n t e r e s t . Several reasons were given during the interviews by a number of B r i t i s h Propert ie s res idents for lack of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . F ive households s ta ted that pre sent ly they were unable to a f fo rd the sub-s c r i p t i o n s to some of the c lubs ; seven gave lack of time as an excuse. In a d d i t i o n , eleven households ind ica ted that t h e i r s o c i a l l i f e revolved around p a r t i e s which were frequent i n the area , so that they had no need of c lubs , e t c . , and e ight s tated that they had no membership i n clubs or a s soc ia t ions s ince they d i d not expect to be i n Vancouver for more than a few years , further strengthening the impression of a mobile soc i e ty . 6) Fr iendships In both areas, most households had at l ea s t one c lose f r i e n d l i v i n g i n t h e i r own area (93 per cent i n Shaughnessy and 87 per cent i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s ) , but the o r i g i n of f r iendships d i f f e r e d between the two groups (Table 16.) Table 16 Percentage of households and f r i endsh ip o r i g i n s school p a r t i e s B r i t i s h Propert ies 3 57 Shaughnessy 90 0 To Table 16 i t can be added that o f the Shaughnessy households, 87 per cent s tated that over 50 per cent of the people with whom they exchanged v i s i t s were school f r i e n d s , while the corresponding f igure for B r i t i s h Propert ies was 3 per cent . I t can be seen, there fore , that un l ike B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , school f r iendships are maintained among Shaughnessy res idents while p a r t i e s , important in B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , were not mentioned as a source of f r i endsh ip i n Shaughnessy. Consider ing the previous f indings that the Shaughnessy area contains a large number o f Vancouver people and, i n f a c t , a large number of people who were brought up i n Shaughnessy, while B r i t i s h Propert ies appears to have few Vancouver i tes , these f r i endsh ip patterns are perhaps not too s u r p r i s i n g . I t i s nevertheless i n t e r e s t i n g to note that i n Shaughnessy the school f r iendships have been maintained and t h i s would be expected i f , as has already been suggested, the households form a s o c i a l l y s table group. One must, however, be wary of concluding that lack of school f r i endships i n the B r i t i s h Propert ies group i s due to a s o c i a l l y mobile group of house-holds when so many o f the i n d i v i d u a l s interviewed are now l i v i n g w e l l outs ide t h e i r school areas. On the other hand, of the eleven people interviewed i n B r i t i s h Propert ies who had been brought up i n Vancouver, none i n d i c a t e d that school f r iendships had been maintained and lack of continuance of these would be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of an upwardly mobile s o c i e t y , which, as a lready i n d i c a t e d , appears to be what i s found i n B r i t i s h Proper t i e s . To the maintenance of school f r i e n d s h i p s , i t can be added that 56 per cent o f the Shaughnessy households s ta ted that over f i f t y per cent of the people with whom they exchanged v i s i t s are members o f t h e i r clubs and a s soc i a t ions . The corresponding f igure for B r i t i s h Propert ies was 10 per cent . This i s another c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of o l d e l i t e groups which i s possessed by the Shaughnessy group, clubs and as soc ia t ions often ac t ing as veh ic le s through which f r iendships can be maintained. The Shaughnessy group i s thus seen to f i t to a considerable extent the requirements o f a p re s t i ge s o c i a l background as i n d i c a t e d by the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s d iscussed. The Shaughnessy res idents are of predomi-nant ly B r i t i s h o r i g i n ; they are represented i n p r i v a t e schools - both the parents and the c h i l d r e n ; they take an ac t ive par t i n c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s and have membership i n pres t ige clubs and c u l t u r a l and c h a r i t y a s soc i a t ions ; school f r iendships have been maintained. The type of r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n , while being represented as expected, was f e l t to be an unsa t i s fac tory means of d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between the groups s ince a large number of households i n each area had no r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n of any k i n d . The B r i t i s h Propert ies households lack these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The i r s o c i a l backgrounds are more v a r i e d and i f they share a common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i t must be that they possess t h i s v a r i e t y of background. Conclus ions . It i s c l e a r from the foregoing d i scus s ion that the two groups can be c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d . M o b i l i t y - both r e s i d e n t i a l and s o c i a l - was found to be greater i n B r i t i s h Propert ies than i n Shaughnessy. Since proximity to r e l a t i v e s and contact with them i s greater i n Shaughnessy than i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , i t can be concluded that family t i e s are stronger i n the former group. In a d d i t i o n , Shaughnessy households possess the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n d i c a t i v e of a p re s t i ge s o c i a l background. The concern of t h i s study has been with two e l i t e groups i n the c i t y , one of which i t was a n t i c i p a t e d would d i sp l ay o l d upper c la s s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and the o ther , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t y p i c a l of the new upper c l a s s . Shaughnessy households have been seen to possess o l d upper c la s s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . I t was expected, however, that the new upper c l a s s , while not possess ing the pres t ige of the other group, would be a s p i r i n g to achieve t h i s pres t ige and so would to some extent imi ta te them by having membership i n some clubs and a s soc i a t ions , even i f these d i d not have the same s ta tus , and by tak ing at l e a s t a s u p e r f i c i a l , i f not an ac t ive i n t e r e s t i n the c i t y ' s c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . As a lready suggested, however, t h i s was not found to be the case. The B r i t i s h Propert ie s group d i d not appear to be t r y i n g to emulate t h e i r Shaughnessy counter-parts by p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a s soc ia t ions or c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . The c l e a r impression emerged that they have very l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n these a c t i v i t i e s . The d i f ferences between the groups a re , however, c l e a r . The general p i c t u r e which emerges i s o f an o l d e l i t e group, with a pre-dominantly Vancouver background, with c lose family t i e s , s o c i a l and r e s i d e n t i a l s t a b i l i t y , representat ion i n pre s t i ge i n s t i t u t i o n s and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a c t i v i t i e s o f the c i t y . On the other hand, there ex i s t s an e l i t e group with a high degree of r e s i d e n t i a l and s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , with few Vancouver connections and l i t t l e contact with family and v i r t u a l l y no i n t e r e s t i n c i t y a c t i v i t i e s or representat ion i n pres t ige i n s t i t u t i o n s . I t has been shown too that households o f s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are grouped together i n the same r e s i d e n t i a l area and the impression i s given that there i s l i t t l e contact between the two areas. Only two B r i t i s h Propert ies households have f r iends or r e l a t i v e s i n Shaughnessy, while no Shaughnessy households t a lked o f f r iends i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , and of the e ight Shaughnessy f ami l i e s with r e l a t i v e s i n B r i t i s h Proper t i e s , s i x added that the r e l a t i v e - often a son or a daughter - only l i v e d there because no su i t ab le home had yet been found i n Shaughnessy. I f given a free choice of l o c a t i o n i n the Vancouver area , a l l the Shaughnessy households would e l e c t to remain i n Shaughnessy. Many reasons were g iven , but the most frequent one was that the area has a d i g n i t y not found i n any other par t of the Vancouver area. When asked why they would not choose to l i v e i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , fourteen f ami l i e s r e p l i e d that they d i d not l i k e the s t y l e o f l i f e there . A l l but f i v e of the B r i t i s h Propert ie s f ami l ie s would remain i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , the main reason given being the view and, found almost as f requent ly , that the area i s a good one for c h i l d r e n , s ince there are many pro-fe s s iona l people with homes there . I t was i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the other f ive f ami l i e s would pre fe r to l i v e i n Shaughnessy and that i n each case e i t h e r the husband or the wife had been brought up i n Vancouver. Each emphasised the d i g n i t y and elegance of the Shaughnessy area , and four i n d i c a t e d that i t had always been a "good r e s i d e n t i a l a rea" . These few remarks suggest that at l e a s t some households i n the two areas are conscious of some d i s t i n c t i o n between the two groups or between the two areas. Whether or not they have a r t i c u l a t e d these d i f ferences or used them as a bas i s for l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n s , i t i s impossible to say. The study d i d not set out to examine t h i s and the informat ion obtained i s scant , but i t seems pos s ib le that to t r y to obta in informat ion of t h i s k i n d might prove valuable i n determining what a f fect s the choice o f r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n . CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION This study has shown that to achieve f i n e r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f r e s i -d e n t i a l areas i n c i t i e s than has h i t h e r t o been p o s s i b l e , cons idera t ion must be given to the d e t a i l e d s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the i n d i v i d u a l households ra ther than to broad economic and s o c i a l f a c to r s . The hypothesis that households of s i m i l a r s o c i a l characters would be found c lu s te red together was shown to be v a l i d when tested i n two upper income r e s i d e n t i a l areas of high occupation s ta tus . I t has been demonstrated that w i t h i n these upper income areas, two d i s t i n c t s o c i a l groups can be i d e n t i f i e d on the bas i s of m o b i l i t y , family t i e s and s o c i a l background, using the i n d i c a t o r s which were out-l i n e d i n Chapter Three. One group was found to be of a predominantly Vancouver background with a marked i n t e r e s t i n c i t y a c t i v i t i e s and showing the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a t t r i b u t a b l e to an o l d e l i t e group -s t a b i l i t y , s trong family t i e s and a pres t ige s o c i a l background, through which t h e i r f r i e n d s h i p s , l o y a l t i e s and common i n t e r e s t s have been strengthened. The other group, while f a i l i n g to show c e r t a i n charac-t e r i s t i c s which had been expected, such as membership i n clubs and a s soc ia t ions even i f these lacked p r e s t i g e , could nevertheless be c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d . With very few Vancouver connections and apparently very l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n c i t y a c t i v i t i e s , they d i sp layed the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a new e l i t e group - high m o b i l i t y and weak family t i e s , while t h e i r backgrounds were very v a r i e d and lacked the pres t ige elements present i n the other group. The existence of d i s t i n c t s o c i a l groups has thus been demonstrated. In a d d i t i o n , however, i t has been shown that the households of s i m i l a r s o c i a l character are found grouped together i n the same r e s i d e n t i a l area. The two groups have been shown to be r e s i d e n t i a l l y segregated and i n the o lder e s t ab l i shed area are found the fami l ie s whose s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are those of an o l d e l i t e group, while the newer area i s peopled by households possess ing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which resemble those o f the new upper c l a s s . I t appears too from the ava i l ab le information that there i s l i t t l e contact between the two areas, very few households i n e i t h e r group having f r iends or r e l a t i o n s i n the other area . In t h i s study i t has merely been demonstrated that segregation ex i s t s and that i t ex i s t s along the l i n e s of the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of households. No statements have been made as to whether people con-s c i o u s l y segregate themselves i n t h i s way, but , i f as o r i g i n a l l y suggested, the urban landscape can be viewed as being the product o f dec i s ions made by many i n d i v i d u a l s and fur ther , the pat terns o f the landscape can be i n t e r p r e t e d to give an i n d i c a t i o n of people ' s behaviour, then i t might be considered that the s o c i a l d i v i s i o n s observed are the r e s u l t s o f dec i s ions made by households who have taken account of the s o c i a l makeup o f the area in to which i t proposes to move. I t would be the subject of fur ther i n v e s t i g a t i o n to d i scover how important the s o c i a l composition of t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l area i s to the household, perhaps by examining t h e i r a t t i tudes both to t h e i r own and to other r e s i d e n t i a l areas. Within the l i m i t s of the present study only some general impressions of the household's a t t i tudes to the two areas emerged. Responses to the quest ion of where the household would choose to l i v e i n the c i t y i f given a free cho ice , as w e l l as reasons for t h i s choice and other remarks made during some of the in terv iews , suggest that at l e a s t some households of the o lder e s tab l i shed area are f u l l y aware of the status of t h e i r area and a l l households would pre fer to l i v e there ra ther than i n any other area of the c i t y , while a few households o f the newer area, a l l with Vancouver backgrounds and so presumably with some knowledge of the nature o f the r e s i d e n t i a l areas of the c i t y , expressed a preference for the o lder area. The informat ion which we have, while far from being conc lu s ive , can nevertheless be regarded as a po in te r suggesting that i n v e s t i g a t i o n in to people ' s awareness of the pres t ige attached to r e s i d e n t i a l areas and the importance which t h i s holds for them might prove to be va luab le . The immediate r e s u l t of t h i s study has been to show that r e s i d e n t i a l segregation ex i s t s along s o c i a l l i n e s among upper income groups i n the c i t y . The wider impl i ca t ions are to suggest that further i n v e s t i g a t i o n of segregation i n the urban area be undertaken at the smal les t pos s ib le scale to determine the d i f f e r e n t c r i t e r i a i n terms of which groups have been d i v i d e d . The next step might be to t r y to i d e n t i f y d i v i s i o n s among lower income groups, s ince c l u s t e r i n g i s c l e a r l y evident at that end of the s o c i a l s c a l e . I t i s p o s s i b l e , however, that d i f f i c u l t i e s might be encountered i n persuading such households to agree to i n t e r -views and the in terv iewing technique or use o f a quest ionnaire i s a necessary par t of the i n v e s t i g a t i o n s ince aggregate data f a i l s to give the required d e t a i l . While middle c l a s s groups have f a i l e d to show the same degree of c l u s t e r i n g i n terms of occupation s ta tus , i t i s pos s ib le that by t h i s method o f cons ider ing d e t a i l e d s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , patterns of segregation might emerge. In each case i t i s necessary f i r s t to have an idea of the broad o u t l i n e of s o c i a l pat terns i n the urban area before i n v e s t i g a t i o n of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which d i s t i n g u i s h apparently s i m i l a r groups i s made. This study has been concerned with s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , but i t i s a lready known that segregation ex i s t s along l i n e s other than those ind ica ted here. The e thnic background of households i s a bas i s o f segregation which i s w e l l recognised, while l i f e - s t y l e s , age and c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s have a l l been noted as being o f importance. I t i s suggested, there fore , that an attempt should be made to i d e n t i f y a l l pos s ib le c r i t e r i a for r e s i d e n t i a l segregat ion, and i t i s emphasised that inves t i ga t ions should be c a r r i e d out at the smal lest scale p o s s i b l e . When a l l such factors have been recognised and documented, understanding of the household's preference i n choosing a r e s i d e n t i a l area and hence the r e s i d e n t i a l s t ructure o f the c i t y should be much greater . Knowledge of the segregation process and i t s operat ion i n the c i t y i s thus increased . I f information i s ava i l ab l e about the s o c i a l character o f a household ..and. t h i s i s compared with the s o c i a l patterns o f a c i t y , then i t should be pos s ib le to forecast that household's choice of l o c a t i o n w i t h i n the urban area . Thus d e t a i l e d knowledge of the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the populat ion of a c i t y should a s s i s t i n es t imat ing the housing needs of that c i t y . A f i n a l word should perhaps be s a id about the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f segregat ion for p lanning . D i s t i n c t patterns o f segregation have been shown to e x i s t and from these we have i n t e r p r e t e d the i n d i v i d u a l ' s preference for l i v i n g i n proximity to households who share c e r t a i n s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , i n t h i s case, households who possess a s i m i l a r s o c i a l character i n terms o f s trength o f family t i e s , s o c i a l m o b i l i t y and s o c i a l background. From t h i s i t can be deduced that for such upper income groups as were interv iewed, unless the s o c i a l makeup of households i n t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l area i s s i m i l a r to t h e i r own, then the household w i l l not be e n t i r e l y s a t i s f i e d with i t s home and may be d i s -s a t i s f i e d to the po in t o f moving to a new l o c a t i o n i n another r e s i d e n t i a l area . Many examples of such a s i t u a t i o n have been noted and t h i s i s often most evident with respect to the s o c i a l m o b i l i t y f a c t o r , a house-hold showing strong upward m o b i l i t y f e e l i n g uncomfortable and out o f p lace i n an area where f ami l i e s are s o c i a l l y s table i n a p o s i t i o n e i t h e r below or above i t s current p o s i t i o n on the s o c i a l s c a l e . most content i n an area where the households are s t rongly mobile . There might be some impl i ca t ions for the f i e l d of p u b l i c housing. When moving households from one l o c a t i o n to another i t i s e s s e n t i a l that the i n d i v i d u a l ' s preference for l i v i n g among s i m i l a r people be taken i n t o account. Where a p o l i c y for a s s i s t i n g low income groups with housing involves p r o v i d i n g f i n a n c i a l a i d , then l e a v i n g them to s e l e c t t h e i r own l o c a t i o n , t h i s problem does not a r i s e . I f , on the other hand, a s p a t i a l dimension i s put on t h i s ass i s tance by g i v i n g f i n a n c i a l a i d , but a l so d i r e c t i n g the household to a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n to take advantage of such a s s i s tance , then d i f f i c u l t i e s might occur . Such a move i s only l i k e l y to be success ful i f the s o c i a l environment i n t o which the household i s moved i s compatible with i t s own s o c i a l character and i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y s i m i l a r to the one which i t has l e f t . I f the household f inds i t s e l f i n an area whose res idents are d i s s i m i l a r from i t , then di scontent i s l i k e l y to a r i s e , perhaps even r e s u l t i n g i n a move out of the area. This would suggest then, that i n the area o f p u b l i c hous ing , i t i s i n s u f f i c i e n t merely to i d e n t i f y low income groups and locate them i n any area at a l l , for neglect of s p e c i f i c character-i s t i c s of these households could l ead to them being misplaced with respect to other households i n an area and f i n d i n g themselves i n an a l i e n s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l environment. I t i s e s s e n t i a l that low income groups be examined so that the l i n e s o f segregation w i t h i n the groups are c l e a r and the features on which segregation i s based are ev ident . In t h i s way there w i l l be greater awareness o f what households are seeking i n t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l areas. When d i s t i n g u i s h i n g features have been i d e n t i f i e d , every e f f o r t should be made to take account of these when r e l o c a t i n g groups o f households. When a household i s d i r e c t e d to a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n , both the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l background of the household and the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l makeup of the area in to which i t i s moving should be examined to ensure that the two are compatible. An attempt should be made to avoid c u t t i n g across the known dominant s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as m o b i l i t y , family t i e s and c u l t u r a l t i e s , which might pave the way for d i scontent . The existence of segregation has been demonstrated and the e f f ec t of the s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l areas on the household's choice has been o u t l i n e d along with i t s impl i ca t ions for the p lanning of new housing developments. I t i s understood that when a r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n dec i s i on i s being made, the s o c i a l makeup of the area i s far from being the only cons idera t ion . Features of the home i t s e l f , i t s type and s t y l e , the layout of i t s i n t e r i o r and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of i t s s i t e , as w e l l as serv ices and f a c i l i t i e s ava i l ab l e i n the area , are a l l o f import-ance. Nevertheless , i t i s hoped that understanding of the search process which operates when r e s i d e n t i a l loca t ions are being se lec ted has been increased by t h i s examination of segregation pa t te rns , which show the undoubtedly strong inf luence o f the s o c i a l composition of an area on the r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n . BIBLIOGRAPHY Alonso , W. A Theory o f the Urban Land Market. P . P . R . S . A . , 1960, 6, 49-157. Alonso , W. Locat ion and Land Use: Toward a General Theory of Land Rent. Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1964. Anderson, T . R . S o c i a l and Economic Factors A f f e c t i n g the Locat ion of R e s i d e n t i a l Neighbourhoods. P . P . R . S . A . , 1962, 9, 161-170. Anderson, T . R . , & Egeland, J . S p a t i a l Aspects of S o c i a l Area A n a l y s i s . American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1961, 26, 392-399. B e l l , L . Metropol i tan Vancouver: An Overview fo r S o c i a l Planners . Vancouver: Research Department, Community Chest and Counci l s o f the Greater Vancouver Area , 1965. B e l l , W. Economic, Family and Ethnic Status : An E m p i r i c a l Test . American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1955, 20, 45-52. B e l l , W. , & Moskos, C . C . A comment on Udry ' s " Increas ing Scale and S p a t i a l D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n " . S o c i a l Forces , 1964, 42, 414-417. Berry , B . J . L . , Simmons, J . W . , & Tennant, R . J . "Urban Populat ion D e n s i t i e s : Structure and Change." Geog. Rev. , 1963, 53, 389-405. Boskoff , A. The Sociology o f Urban Regions. New York: Meredith Pub l i sh ing Company, 1962. Bourne, L . S . In terna l Structure o f the C i t y . Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press , Toronto, 1971. Brown, R. S o c i a l Psychology. New York: The Free Press , 1965. Burgess, E.W. " R e s i d e n t i a l Segregation i n American C i t i e s " . Ann. American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l Sc ience , 1928, 140, 105-115. Centers , R. "Occupational M o b i l i t y of Urban Occupational S t r a t a " . American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1948, 13, 197-203. Chinoy, E . " S o c i a l M o b i l i t y Trends i n the United States" . American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1955, 20, 180-186. Coleman, J . A . "A Paradigm for the Study of S o c i a l S t r a t a " . Sociology and S o c i a l Research, 1965, 50, 338-350. Crysda le , S. Family and Kinship i n Riverdale i n Mann, W.E. Canada: A S o c i o l o g i c a l P r o f i l e , 1968, Toronto: Copp C l a r k . Duncan, O . D . , & Duncan, B. " R e s i d e n t i a l D i s t r i b u t i o n and Occupational S t r a t i f i c a t i o n " . American Journal of Soc io logy, 1955, 60, 493-503. , Duncan, O.D. Review o f Shevky and B e l l : S o c i a l Area A n a l y s i s , American Journal o f Soc io logy , 1955, 61, 84-85. Edwards, A . M . "Socio-Economic Groups of the United Sta tes " . Journal of the American s t a t i s t i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , 1917, 15, 643-661. F i r e y , W. Land Use i n Centra l Boston. New York: Harvard S o c i o l o g i c a l S tudies , 1968, i v . F i r e y , W. "Sentiment and Symbolism as E c o l o g i c a l V a r i a b l e s " . American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1945, 10, 140-148. Form, W.H. it The Place of Soci a l Structure i n the Determination of Land Use: Some Implications f or the Theory of Urban Ecology". S o c i a l Forces, 1954, 32, 317-323. Goffman, I.W. Status Consistency and Preference f or Change i n Power D i s t r i b u t i o n II American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1957, 22, 275-281. Gruen, C. Quality Differences Versus D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n Urban Housing. Arthur D. L i t t l e Inc., San Francisco. Haig, R.M. "Toward an Understanding of the Metropolis". Quarterly Journal of Economics, 1926, 40, 421-423. Harris, CD. , & Ullman, E.L. "The Nature of C i t i e s " . Ann. American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Soci a l Science, 1945, 242, 7-17. Hatt, P.K. "Occupation and So c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n " . American Journal of Sociology, 1950, 55, 533-543. Hawley, A.H. Human Ecology. New York: Ronald Press, 1950. Hawley, A., & Duncan, O.D. "Soc i a l Area An a l y s i s : A C r i t i c a l Appraisal". Land Economics, 1957, 33, 337-345. Herbert, D.T. " P r i n c i p a l Components Analysis and B r i t i s h Studies Herbert D.T., & F i e l d i n g , G.T. "Soc i a l Area Analysis: A B r i t i s h Study". Urban Studies, 1967, 4, 41-60. Hodge, R.W., & Treiman, D.J. "Soc i a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n and So c i a l Status". American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1968, 33, 722-740. of Urban S o c i a l Structure Professional Geographer, 1968, 20, 280. Hollingshead, A.B. "Selected C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Class i n a Middle Western Community". American S o c i o l o g i c a l  Review, 1947, 12, 385-395. Hollingshead, A.B. "Class and Kinship i n Middle Western Community". American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1949, 14, 469-475. Hoover, E.M., & Vernon, R. Anatomy of a Metropolis. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1959. Hoyt, H. The Patterns of Movement of Residential Rental Neighbour-hoods, i n Mayer, E.M., & Kohn, C.F. Readings i n Urban  Geography. University of Chicago Press, 1955. Hurd, R.M. P r i n c i p l e s of C i t y Land Values. New York: The Record and Guide, 1903. Jackson, E.F. "Status Consistency and Symptons of Stress". American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1962, 27, 469-480. Jackson, E.F., & Crockett, H.J. "Occupational M o b i l i t y i n the United States". American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1964, 29, 5-15. Johnston, R.J. "The Location of High Status Residential Areas". Geografiska Annaler, 1966, 48(B), 23-35. Jones, E. "The Delimitation of Some Urban Landscape Features i n B e l f a s t " . Scottish Geographical Magazine, 1958, 74, 150-162. Kahl, J.A., & Davis, J.A. "A Comparison of Indexes of Socio-Economic Status". American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1955, 20, 317-325. Kain, J.F. "The Journey-to-Work as a Determinant of Residential Neighbourhoods". PPRSA, 1962, 9, 161-170. Landecker, W.S. "Class C r y s t a l l i s a t i o n and i t s Urban P a t t e r n " . S o c i a l Research, 1960, 27, 308-320. Landecker, W.S. "Class Boundaries" . American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1960, 25, 868-877. La s swe l l , T . E . " S o c i a l Class and S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n : Pre face" . Sociology and S o c i a l Research, 1965, 50, 277-279. L a z e r i v i t z , B. "Metropol i tan Community R e s i d e n t i a l B e l t s " . American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1960, 25, 245-252. L e n s k i , G . E . "Status C r y s t a l l i z a t i o n : A N o n - v e r t i c a l Dimension of S o c i a l Status" . American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1954, 19, 405-413. L e n s k i , G . E . " S o c i a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Status C r y s t a l l i z a t i o n " . American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1956, 21, 458-464. L i p s e t , S . M . , & Bendix, R. S o c i a l M o b i l i t y i n I n d u s t r i a l Soc ie ty . Berkeley : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press , 1959. L i p s e t , S . M . , & Bendix, R. " S o c i a l M o b i l i t y and Occupational Career Pa t te rns " . American Journal of Soc io logy , 1952, 57, 366-374 L i p s e t , S . M . , & Zet terberg , H . L . "A Theory of S o c i a l M o b i l i t y " . In te rna t iona l S o c i o l o g i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , Transact ions of the T h i r d World Congress of Soc io logy, London, 1956, i i i . Mayhew, B.W. A Regional At l a s of Vancouver. Vancouver: United Community Service of the Greater Vancouver Area , Research Department, 1967. Michel son , W. Man and His Urban Environment: A S o c i o l o g i c a l Approach Reading, Mass: Addison-Wesley Pub l i sh ing C o . , 1970. M i l l s , C.W. The Power E l i t e . New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1956. Murdie , R.A. F a c t o r i a l Ecology and Metropol i tan Toronto 1951 - 1961. U n i v e r i s t y o f Chicago Research Paper, 1969, 116. Muth, R .F . "The S p a t i a l Structure of the Housing Market" . P . P . R . S . A . 1961, 7, 207-220. Muth, R . F . C i t i e s and Housing. Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press , 1969. N icho l son , T . G . , & Yeates , M.H. The E c o l o g i c a l & S p a t i a l Structure o f the Socio-Economic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f Winnipeg, 1961. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 1969, 6, 162-1 Oeser, O . A . , & Hammond, S.B. (eds.) S o c i a l Structure and Per sona l i ty i n a C i t y . New York: Macmil lan, 1954. Packard, V. The Status Seekers. David McKay C o . , I n c . , 1959. Park, R . E . , & Burgess, E.W. (eds.) The C i t y . Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago Press , 1925. Parsons, T . "The Kinship System of the Contemporary United States" . American Anthropo log i s t , 1943, 45, 22-38. Peucker, T . K . , & Rase, W.D. An Urban Ecology of Vancouver. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Western D i v i s i o n of the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Geographers, March 1971. P o r t e r , J . The V e r t i c a l Mosaic. U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press , Robson, B .T . "An E c o l o g i c a l Ana lys i s o f the Evo lu t ion of R e s i d e n t i a l Areas i n Sunderland". Urban Studies , 1966, 3, 120-142. Rogoff, N. Recent Trends i n Occupational M o b i l i t y . Glencoe, The Free Press , 1953. Shevky, E . , & B e l l , W. S o c i a l Area A n a l y s i s . Stanford, C a l i f o r n i a , 1955. Thompson, W.R. A Preface to Urban Economics. Ba l t imore : John Hopkins Press , 1965. Udry, J .R . Increas ing Scale & S p a t i a l D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n : New Tests o f  Two Theories from Shevky S B e l l . S o c i a l Forces , 1964, 42, 403-413. Useem, J . , Tangent, P . , & Useem, R. " S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n a P r a i r i e Town". American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1942, 7, 331-342. Van A r d s o l , M . D . , C a m i l l e r i , S . F . , & Schmid, C . F . "The Genera l i ty of Urban S o c i a l Area Indexes". American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1958, 23, 277-284. Warner, W . L . , Meeker, M . , & E e l l s , K. S o c i a l Class i n America: A Manual for Procedure for the Measurement o f S o c i a l Status. Chicago: S o c i a l Science Research Assoc ia te s , 1949. Wingo, L. Transportat ion and Urban Land. Washington, D .C . : Resources for the Future , I n c . , 1961. W i r t h , L . On C i t i e s and S o c i a l L i f e , (ed. A . J . Reiss) U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press , 1964. Wolforth , J .R . R e s i d e n t i a l Locat ion and the Place of Work. Vancouver: Tantalus Press , 1965. Yasuda, S. "A Methodological Inquiry i n t o S o c i a l M o b i l i t y " . American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1964, 29, 16-23. APPENDIX RESIDENTIAL INTERVIEW SCHEDULE h . = husband w. = wife 100 KINSHIP LINKS 110 Family 111 How many c h i l d r e n do you have? 112 How o l d are your chi ldren? 113 How many of your c h i l d r e n l i v e at home? 114 For how many years have you l i v e d i n t h i s house? 115 Were you born i n Vancouver? h . y e s . . . n o . . . w. y e s . . . n o . . . 116 Where d i d you l i v e while you were growing up? h w 120 Proximity to r e l a t i v e s 121 Do you have r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g i n Vancouver? h . y e s . . . n o . w. y e s . . . n o . 122 Do you have r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g i n your r e s i d e n t i a l area? h . y e s . . . n o . w. y e s . . . n o . 123 Give the exact r e l a t i o n s h i p of r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g i n your r e s i d e n t i a l area and the number of each. h w 130 Links with r e l a t i v e s s o c i a l l y 131 Do you have s o c i a l contact with your r e l a t i v e s i n Vancouver? 132 How often do you exchange v i s i t s with r e l a t i v e s i n Vancouver? 133 How often do you contact your r e l a t i v e s by telephone? 140 Links with r e l a t i v e s through business 141 Have any members of your family been employed or are any present ly employed by the company with which you work? 142 What i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p and the p o s i t i o n i n the firm? 150 Links with r e l a t i v e s through as soc ia t ions 151 Have e i t h e r of your parents been members, or are they c u r r e n t l y members o f any a s soc ia t ions o f which you are a member? h . y e s . . . n o w. y e s . . . n o 152 Have any other of your r e l a t i v e s been members? h . y e s . . . n o w. y e s . . . n o 153 Give the r e l a t i o n s h i p and the a s soc i a t ion i n v o l v e d . 154 Have any o f your r e l a t i v e s served on committees for these as soc ia t ions? h . y e s . . . n o w. y e s . . . no 155 Have e i t h e r of your parents been members or are they c u r r e n t l y members o f the s o c i a l clubs to which you belong? h . y e s . . . n o . . . w. y e s . . . n o . . . 156 Are any other r e l a t i v e s members of your s o c i a l clubs? h . y e s . . . n o . . . w. y e s . . . n o . . . 200 SOCIAL MOBILITY 210 I n d i v i d u a l ' s f a ther ' s occupation 211 What is/was your f a ther ' s occupation? 212 I f p r o f e s s i o n a l , i s the company with which he is/was employed a family business? 220 I n d i v i d u a l ' s occupation 221 What i s your occupation? 222 What i s your gross income? 223 I f i n bus iness , i s the company with which you are employed a family business? 224 What i s the scope of your company? 228 Where i s the head o f f i c e of your company? 240 Career pa t tern of the i n d i v i d u a l 241 What was the nature o f your f i r s t employment? 242 Did you begin your career with your present company o r , i f p r o f e s s i o n a l , i n your present pos i t ion? 243 I f no, with how many companies or i n how many p o s i t i o n s have you been employed? 244 For how many years have you been i n your present job? \ 250 Occupation of householder ' s wife 251 Is your wife working at present? 252 What i s her occupation? 253 Has she worked continuously s ince you were married? 300 SOCIAL BACKGROUND 310 Ethnic A f f i l i a t i o n 311 To which generation of your family to l i v e i n Canada do you belong? h w 312 In which country d i d your family or ig ina te? h w 313 Would you say that you are a Vancouverite? h . y e s . . . n o w. y e s . . . no 314 Were your parents born i n Vancouver? h . y e s . . . n o w. y e s . . . n o 320 Re l ig ious a f f i l i a t i o n 321 Do you attend church? 322 Which church do you attend? 323 How often have you attended church i n the l a s t month? 324 Do you take par t i n church a c t i v i t i e s ? 325 In which p a r t i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s do you take part? 326 Do you serve on any church o rgan i s a t iona l a c t i v i t i e s ? 330 R e s i d e n t i a l background 331 In how many houses d i d your family l i v e during your upbringing? 332 Is t h i s your f i r s t residence as a family unit? 333 I f not , where have you as a family l i v e d before? 334 Do you regard t h i s house as a permanent home? 335 I f you had a completely free cho ice , i n which area of Vancouver would you l i k e to l i v e ? 336 Why would you l i k e to l i v e i n that area? w. 340 Education 342 What i s the highest degree you have completed: High Schoo l . . Bachelors Masters Doctoral Pro fe s s iona l . 344 Which schools do /d id your c h i l d r e n attend? 343 Give the names o f the school s , u n i v e r s i t i e s and co l leges which you attended. h w 350 C u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s 351 Would you say that you take par t i n the c u l t u r a l l i f e of the c i t y ? 352 Do you attend the Vancouver Symphony? 353 Do you have season t i c k e t s ? 354 How many Symphony concerts have you attended i n the l a s t month? 356 How often do you go to the b a l l e t or opera? 357 Do you attend the Playhouse? 358 Do you have season t i c k e t s ? 360 Assoc ia t ions 361 Of which s o c i e t i e s o r a s soc ia t ions are you a member? h w 362 Do you p lay an ac t ive par t i n these assoc iat ions? 363 Are you c u r r e n t l y or have you been i n the past a member of committee for any o f these assoc iat ions? 371 Are you a member o f any p o l i t i c a l a s soc iat ions? h w 372 Do you take an ac t ive part i n t h i s ? 373 Have you been i n the past or are you c u r r e n t l y serv ing on a committee for the p o l i t i c a l a s soc ia t ion? 381 Of which s o c i a l clubs are you a member? h w 386 For how many years have you been a member o f these clubs? 383 Do you take an ac t ive par t i n these s o c i a l clubs? 390 Fr iendships 391 Where do your three c lo se s t f r iends l i v e ? 392 How d i d you get to know your c lo se s t f r iends? 393 What propor t ion of the people with whom you exchange v i s i t s are members of your clubs and assoc iat ions? 394 What propor t ion of the people with whom you exchange v i s i t s are school fr iends? 395 What propor t ion of the people with whom you exchange v i s i t s are neighbours? 

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