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Residential segregation of elite groups in Vancouver, British Columbia Cooper, Marion Gibb Struthers 1971

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RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION OF ELITE GROUPS IN VANCOUVER,  BRITISH COLUMBIA by  MARION GIBB STRUTHERS COOPER M.A.,  University  o f S t . Andrews, 1969  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  i n t h e Department of Geography  We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming required  t o the  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA J u l y , 1971  In p r e s e n t i n g an  this  thesis  advanced degree at  the  Library  I further for  shall  agree  scholarly  by  his  of  this  written  the  University  of  that permission  p u r p o s e s may  for  be  available  granted  gain  Geography  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a  July,  Columbia  1971  for  for extensive  permission.  14th  British  by  the  It i s understood  financial  D e p a r t m e n t of  D a t e  f u l f i l m e n t of  make i t f r e e l y  representatives. thesis  in p a r t i a l  shall  requirements  Columbia,  Head o f my  be  I agree  r e f e r e n c e and copying of  that  not  the  that  study.  this  thesis  Department  copying or  for  or  publication  al1 owed w i t h o u t  my  ABSTRACT  The  concern o f t h i s study i s w i t h r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n .  i s contended t h a t w h i l e c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f economic and b r o a d v a r i a b l e s w i l l explain general  patterns  o f segregation,  It social  finer  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n e x i s t s which can o n l y be r e v e a l e d when d e t a i l e d household c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are taken i n t o account. under examination i s t h a t t h e s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r  The h y p o t h e s i s  o f an i n d i v i d u a l o r  h o u s e h o l d has a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the c h o i c e  of residential  l o c a t i o n , people with s i m i l a r s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s grouping t o g e t h e r i n t h e same r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a .  The h y p o t h e s i s was t e s t e d i n  two  upper income areas o f Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia - Shaughnessy  and  B r i t i s h Properties  - the expectation  groups might emerge, r e p r e s e n t i n g class.  being  t h a t two d i s t i n c t  an o l d e l i t e group and a new upper  Such a d i s t i n c t i o n was sought i n terms o f three main v a r i a b l e s -  m o b i l i t y , f a m i l y t i e s and s o c i a l background. households i n each area  After interviewing  thirty  i t was found t h a t two d i s t i n c t groups d i d emerge,  the Shaughnessy group d i s p l a y i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the o l d upper c l a s s - s t a b i l i t y , s t r o n g  f a m i l y t i e s and a p r e s t i g e  background common t o a l l the members - w h i l e the B r i t i s h  Properties  r e s i d e n t s were h i g h l y m o b i l e , had weak f a m i l y t i e s and v a r i e d backgrounds l a c k i n g the p r e s t i g e elements p r e s e n t such c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s b e i n g  t y p i c a l o f a new e l i t e .  i n the other These  social  social group,  distinct  s o c i a l groups are shown to be s p a t i a l l y segregated with households of s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s occupying the same r e s i d e n t i a l area.  CHAPTER ONE  INTRODUCTION  CHAPTER TWO  REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON RESIDENTIAL LOCATION  CHAPTER THREE  I  Economic Approach  II  S o c i a l Approach  DATA COLLECTION I  CHAPTER FOUR  Sample Areas  II I n t e r v i e w Schedule I I I Sampling Procedure IV Interviewing ANALYSIS I  II  III  Mobility 1) R e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y 2) S o c i a l m o b i l i t y Family Ties 1) P r o x i m i t y to r e l a t i v e s 2) Contact w i t h r e l a t i v e s S o c i a l Background 1) Ethnic origins 2) R e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n 3) Cultural activities 4) Schools 5) Associations 6)  CHAPTER FIVE  Friendships  CONCLUSION  BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX  INTERVIEW SCHEDULE  ^  J  LIST OF TABLES  Table 1  Percentage o f households and y e a r s p r e s e n t home  Table 2  Percentage o f household heads and number o f y e a r s o f employment i n p r e s e n t job  Table 3  Percentage o f household heads i n p r o f e s s i o n s and management whose f a t h e r s ' o c c u p a t i o n s are o f lower s t a t u s  Table 4  Percentage o f households w i t h r e l a t i v e s own a r e a  Table 5  Percentage o f households h a v i n g s o c i a l with r e l a t i v e s  Table 6  Percentage o f households h a v i n g b u s i n e s s with r e l a t i v e s  Table 7  Percentage o f households h a v i n g a s s o c i a t i o n contact with r e l a t i v e s  Table 8  Percentage o f r e s i d e n t s born i n Vancouver  Table 9  Percentage o f r e s i d e n t s brought up i n Vancouver  T a b l e 10  Percentage o f r e s i d e n t s w i t h B r i t i s h o r i g i n s  Table  Percentage o f households w i t h r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n  11  spent i n  in  contact  contact  Table 12  Percentage o f households w i t h s t r o n g interests  T a b l e 13  Percentage o f households w i t h p a r e n t s c h i l d r e n at p r i v a t e schools  Table 14  Percentage o f households w i t h membership i n c l u b s  cultural  and  T a b l e 15  Percentage o f households w i t h membership in associations  T a b l e 16  Percentage o f households and f r i e n d s h i p origins  LIST OF FIGURES  Figure 1  L o c a t i o n o f h i g h s t a t u s areas i n Vancouver  F o l l o w i n g Page 30  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  I should f i r s t for  l i k e to thank my a d v i s e r ,  h i s a d v i c e and p a t i e n c e .  D r . W a l t e r G. Hardwick,  Thanks are a l s o due t o D r . James Claus  and D r . Karen C l a u s f o r t h e i r h e l p , p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h the i n t e r v i e w schedule. The study was i n p a r t C o r p o r a t i o n grant interest  funded under a C e n t r a l Mortgage and Housing  f o r the study o f urban l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n s o f  specific  groups.  Finally,  acknowledgement must be made o f the r e s i d e n t s  of  Shaughnessy  and B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s who made the t a s k o f i n t e r v i e w i n g an e n j o y a b l e by r e s p o n d i n g so  willingly.  one  CHAPTER ONE  INTRODUCTION  In the urban a r e a the amount o f l a n d devoted to r e s i d e n t i a l is  g r e a t e r than f o r any o t h e r a c t i v i t y ,  is  an i m p o r t a n t ,  i n t e g r a l p a r t o f urban s t r u c t u r e  g a t i o n o f t h i s one a s p e c t w i l l the whole. of  different  increase  and f u r t h e r  facilities  i n the c i t y .  and the d i f f e r e n t been o f i n t e r e s t .  investi-  location  r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s w i t h i n the urban area i n terms and the r e l a t i v e  area  our o v e r a l l u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f  Much work has been done i n t r y i n g to e x p l a i n the  environmental factors and  so t h a t the r e s i d e n t i a l  use  of  l o c a t i o n o f o t h e r l a n d uses  The nature o f the h o u s i n g stock o f a c i t y  uses t o which i t has been put through time has The aim o f such i n v e s t i g a t i o n s  has been an  also  attempt  t o r e a c h an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the p r o c e s s e s a t work i n the urban a r e a which' are i n s t r u m e n t a l i n shaping r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s . from g r e a t e r awareness o f these p r o c e s s e s , can  theories  u s e f u l l y be employed i n f o r m u l a t i n g p o l i c i e s  a t i n g urban problems. city's  Recent emphasis  i f new r e s i d e n t i a l  much i n f o r m a t i o n as p o s s i b l e sumer about h i s needs and For  those i n t e r e s t e d  will  is  hoped t h a t  emerge which  t o be aimed a t  has been on c r e a t i n g  p o p u l a t i o n h e a l t h y and a t t r a c t i v e  seems n e c e s s a r y t h a t  It  for  allevithe  urban e n v i r o n m e n t s , and  it  areas are t o be p l a n n e d ,  as  s h o u l d be o b t a i n e d from the h o u s i n g con-  preferences. i n the r e s i d e n t i a l  area,  the u l t i m a t e  must be to understand the p r o c e s s by which a home i s  aim  s e l e c t e d by a  household,  the motives and f a c t o r s  To do t h i s ,  it  is  essential  by aggregate d a t a as data which w i l l  which i n f l u e n c e the f i n a l  to have more i n f o r m a t i o n than i s p r o v i d e d  from census m a t e r i a l .  What i s  i n fact  i n c o r p o r a t e the i n d i v i d u a l ' s b e h a v i o u r .  way can the h o u s e h o l d ' s wants and p r e f e r e n c e s ledge o f these i s v i t a l f o r e f f e c t i v e t o be implemented. h o u s i n g which i s  choice.  needed  is  Only i n t h i s  be understood and know-  planning of r e s i d e n t i a l  areas  In a d d i t i o n to h a v i n g an awareness o f the type o f  needed, i t i s d e s i r a b l e  to t r y to discover  people's  i d e a s about r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s , and take these i n t o account when p l a n n i n g . I t m i g h t , f o r example, be a mistake s o c i a l groups different  i f the i n d i c a t i o n s are  social characteristics  While s o c i o l o g i s t s ation patterns individual  to c r e a t e communities f o r mixed  is  that segregation  o f groups  preferred.  are concerned w i t h such q u e s t i o n s  i n the c i t y and p s y c h o l o g i s t s  i n the urban c o n t e x t ,  with  as  socialis-  w i t h the i s o l a t i o n o f  the  and a r c h i t e c t s w i t h the d e s i g n o f  the  urban e n v i r o n m e n t , the urban geographer  c o n t r i b u t e s to the r e s e a r c h on  c i t y problems by i n v e s t i g a t i n g the i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e o f the urban which r e f e r s  t o "the l o c a t i o n , arrangement and i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s  tween s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l elements P a r t o f t h i s urban s t r u c t u r e has been i n t e r e s t e d the a r e a ,  is  i n the c i t y " .  (Bourne, 1971, p .  the r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a ,  i n two main a s p e c t s :  first,  t a k i n g account o f the type o f houses,  and the  area, be4)  geographer  the p h y s i c a l form o f t h e i r age,  style,  and so o n , and s e c o n d l y , the l o c a t i o n o f the a r e a w i t h r e s p e c t  to  fabric the  whole c i t y i n terms o f s o c i a l c o m p o s i t i o n , a c c e s s i b i l i t y and s e r v i c e s ,  etc.  to  facilities  These can be seen to c o r r e s p o n d w i t h the two g e n e r a l  areas o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n which might be examined by a h o u s e h o l d s e l e c t i n g a home, f o r not o n l y the f e a t u r e s o f the house i t s e l f , the r e s i d e n t i a l area is- i m p o r t a n t .  In t h i s  but the nature o f  study the concern i s  with  the w i d e r i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a and not w i t h the house types. The t h r e e c l a s s i c  models d e s c r i b i n g l a n d use p a t t e r n s  and emphasising c o n c e n t r i c , s e c t o r a l structure  are w e l l known and i t  geographer's  work has e v o l v e d .  is  and m u l t i p l e n u c l e i  i n the c i t y  forms o f  spatial  from these t h a t most o f the urban  Burgess  (1928) i n h i s d e s c r i p t i v e model  o f urban l a n d use based h i s work on the i d e a o f d i f f e r e n t i a l l a n d v a l u e s i n a c i t y and i d e n t i f i e d f i v e zones which l a y i n c o n c e n t r i c r i n g s around a core. trict,  These f i v e zones o f s e g r e g a t i o n  dis-  the t r a n s i t i o n zone, the zone o f independent workingmen's homes,  the zone o f b e t t e r r e s i d e n c e s sised  and the commuter zone.  the importance o f a c c e s s i b i l i t y  gesting  t h a t when a l o c a t i o n i n the c i t y i s  location, value.  The model empha-  i n p r o d u c i n g these p a t t e r n s ,  p a y i n g f o r ease o f a c c e s s t o the c e n t r e ,  Hurd  were the c e n t r a l b u s i n e s s  sug-  b e i n g c h o s e n , the buyer  the n e a r e r t o the c e n t r e  the l e s s the c o s t s o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n  the  and the h i g h e r the l a n d  The s e c t o r model, o r i g i n a l l y suggested by the l a n d economist  (1903) and l a t e r e l a b o r a t e d by Hoyt  with a c c e s s i b i l i t y  is  (1939), was a g a i n concerned  and attempted t o e x p l a i n urban s t r u c t u r e  i n terms  of d i f f e r e n t i a l rents. as  H o y t ' s model d e s c r i b e s  the p a t t e r n o f l a n d uses  a s e r i e s o f s e c t o r s e x t e n d i n g out from the c e n t r a l core  the c e n t r a l b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t . Ullman  representing  The d e s c r i p t i v e work o f H a r r i s and  (1945), however, s u g g e s t s , u n l i k e the two p r e v i o u s models,  there i s  no one b a s i c p a t t e r n o f e c o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e  cities  and t h a t urban l a n d u s e s ,  single  centre,  that  common to many  i n s t e a d o f c o n c e n t r a t i n g around a  develop around a s e r i e s o f c e n t r e s  or n u c l e i  in a  cell-  l i k e way. In each o f these models the s t r e s s has been on the r o l e s land values  and a c c e s s i b i l i t y  i n the urban a r e a ,  i n e x p l a i n i n g the p a t t e r n s  of  rent,  o f l a n d use  i n c l u d i n g the r e s i d e n t i a l use o f l a n d , but i t  can  a l s o be noted t h a t i n each case d i s t i n c t i o n i s made between types r e s i d e n t i a l areas which can be i d e n t i f i e d a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r economic c o m p o s i t i o n .  varies  socio-  In each o f these models, r e s i d e n t i a l areas  d e s c r i b e d i n terms o f t h e i r s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s t a t u s . zone model, Burgess i s  of  are  In h i s c o n c e n t r i c  g e n e r a l l y suggesting that socio-economic status  d i r e c t l y with distance  from the c e n t r e , b e t t e r  class  residences  b e i n g found toward the p e r i p h e r y , the zone o f workingmen's homes  close  t o the c e n t r e .  uniform  social  Hoyt d e s c r i b e s  status originate  how r e s i d e n t i a l areas o f r e l a t i v e  i n s e c t o r s near the c i t y c e n t r e and then move  out toward the p e r i p h e r y i n the same s e c t o r notes routes  that  fashionable  as  growth takes p l a c e .  r e s i d e n t i a l areas migrate a l o n g  He  transportation  and h i g h e r ground, the s e c t o r s between b e i n g f i l l e d by lower  class residences.  H a r r i s and Ullman too d e s c r i b e  medium c l a s s and lower c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l c e l l s structure.  d i s t i n c t high  class,  i n t h e i r model o f urban  The importance o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c o m p o s i t i o n o f an a r e a  was emphasised w i t h the development o f the concept o f f i l t e r i n g which e v o l v e d from H o y t ' s s e c t o r  theory.  T h i s concept was d i r e c t l y c o n -  cerned w i t h the change i n the s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s t a t u s o f an a r e a o v e r time,  as  fashionable  r e s i d e n t i a l areas moved out from the core to new  a r e a s and the homes which were l e f t  b e h i n d were o c c u p i e d f i r s t  middle c l a s s and e v e n t u a l l y by lower c l a s s  by  groups.  Thus, even i f o n l y i m p l i c i t l y o r a t a v e r y g e n e r a l l e v e l , models are making note o f the s p a t i a l characteristics  i n the c i t y and are  d i s t r i b u t i o n of  composition i s areas.  socio-economic  i n d i c a t i n g the e x i s t e n c e  r e g a t i o n a l o n g s o c i o - e c o n o m i c l i n e s and i t  is  c l e a r that  a fundamental p a r t o f the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f  of  a r e a as p a r t o f the urban  seg-  socio-economic residential  Further i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o t h i s aspect should increase  s t a n d i n g not o n l y o f the r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a i t s e l f  these  but o f the  under-  residential  structure.  F o l l o w i n g on from these b a s i c  models, l a t e r  s t u d i e s have  attempted  t o e x p l a i n the l o c a t i o n o f r e s i d e n t i a l areas i n the c i t y i n economic terms,  stressing  a g a i n the importance o f l a n d v a l u e s ,  r e n t and  These were seen as b e i n g the most important f a c t o r s d e c i s i o n and i n f a c t  the f i n a l  accessibility.  i n the l o c a t i o n  l o c a t i o n was thought t o be determined by  the a b i l i t y o f the h o u s e h o l d , v i a i t s  income, t o c o v e r the l a n d c o s t s  and c o s t s o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n  at any one l o c a t i o n .  a t i o n o f the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n but i t  s h o u l d be emphasised  very g e n e r a l  of r e s i d e n t i a l  to be made.  These f a c t o r s  equally satisfying  and s u i t a b l e f o r i t s  Intuitively i t  is  is  evident that  the s o c i a l  that  c o m p o s i t i o n o f the r e s i d e n t i a l  ferentiation  refers  are to  the market i n t o s o c i a l  are  factors  those areas which One such  area.  o f the r e s i d e n t i a l  i n c r e a s i n g l y being recognised.  the two c a t e g o r i e s o f s a t i s f y i n g  lay is  areas which  from a p u r e l y economic s t a n d p o i n t .  of housing i s  by housing consumers  certainly  t h e r e are many o t h e r  The important r o l e o f the c h a r a c t e r selection  a  needs i f viewed o n l y i n these  the l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n and d i f f e r e n t i a t e  are u n i f o r m l y a p p e a l i n g factor  relevant,  range o f c h o i c e , but i t  the household c o u l d p r o b a b l y f i n d s e v e r a l  which a f f e c t  still  one and does not take account o f many f a c t o r s which c o u l d  down the broad l i m i t s t o the h o u s e h o l d ' s  terms.  areas i s  explan-  t h a t the p i c t u r e which i t p r e s e n t s i s  allow f i n e r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  c l e a r that  This basic  area i n  Gruen w r i t e s  a t t r i b u t e s o f the p r o d u c t  occupied  " p h y s i c a l q u a l i t y and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n " .  " l o c a t i o n a l l y determined a t t r i b u t e s t h a t a r e a s " and Gruen i n d i c a t e s  Difseparate  the importance o f  this  by i n d i c a t i n g t h a t d w e l l i n g u n i t s o f i d e n t i c a l q u a l i t y w i l l have a u n i form p r i c e w i t h i n a s o c i a l social its  a r e a , but t h i s p r i c e may v a r y among  different  a r e a s , and a l s o t h a t the v a l u e o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s can change  social  characteristics  change.  p o s i t i o n o f the area a f f e c t s  as  Since the nature o f the s o c i a l com-  the v a l u e o f the house,  it  is  clear  that  this  is  a major f a c t o r  a house. of i t s  Thus w h i l e the p h y s i c a l form o f an a r e a i s  study,  a s p e c t perhaps idential  taken i n t o account when the consumer i s b u y i n g  its  s o c i a l c o m p o s i t i o n might be even more i m p o r t a n t ,  this  o v e r r i d i n g the importance o f p h y s i c a l form when the  res-  l o c a t i o n c h o i c e i s b e i n g made.  determine j u s t how important t h i s plays  factor  The e v e n t u a l aim must be t o is,  i.e.  how l a r g e  i s not always p o s s i b l e ,  finance,  to i n v e s t i g a t e  because o f r e s t r a i n t s  it  ences  f o r l i v i n g space.  e a s i l y obtainable  r e s i d e n t i a l patterns scape r e f l e c t s groups  It  is  have been when  the h o u s e h o l d ' s  i n s t e a d o f t e n neces s ary  e x i s t i n g i n the urban a r e a ,  countless  to use d a t a which  f o r the urban l a n d -  d e c i s i o n s made by the v a r i o u s d e c i s i o n making  of r e s i d e n t i a l patterns  c a t i o n o f the motives b e h i n d the  l o c a l government,  s h o u l d thus l e a d t o some  etc. indi-  decisions.  I t has a l r e a d y been i n d i c a t e d t h a t d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f areas can be o u t l i n e d i n economic terms - l a n d v a l u e s costs.  prefer-  and to i n f e r the h o u s e h o l d ' s b e h a v i o u r from the  i n the c i t y - i n d i v i d u a l s , companies,  Investigation  o f time and  d i r e c t l y what the major f a c t o r s  a l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n i s b e i n g made and what are  that  a part  i n the l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n . It  is  an i m p o r t a n t p a r t  residential  and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n  C l o s e r examination and c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f o t h e r f a c t o r s  further d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s possible.  From d i s c u s s i o n s  of  reveals status,  the concept o f the r e s i d e n t i a l area as a symbol o f s o c i a l p o s i t i o n has emerged and i t has been noted t h a t the r e s i d e n t i a l address has  signifi-  cance and can g i v e apparent p r e s t i g e . social feel  scale,  As i n d i v i d u a l s move up the  and p a r t i c u l a r l y when they reach the' u p p e r s s t r a t a ,  i t n e c e s s a r y t h a t they s h o u l d move i n t o a r e s i d e n t i a l  befits  t h e i r new s t a t u s .  similar social  s t a t u s are  seeks l i k e " and people  show u n i f o r m s o c i a l urban area as  Thus i t  a preference  as p o s s i b l e ,  (1969) c a l l s  "one-layer  characteristics.  is  found t h a t  f o r l i v i n g near  resulting  of "like  others  i n the development  c o m m u n i t i e s " , whose  of  the  have been the s u b j e c t o f  As has a l r e a d y been s u g g e s t e d , a v a i l a b l e  data  o f t e n a p r o b l e m , b u t i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f segregated groups a l o n g lines  o f c e r t a i n socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  has been a c h i e v e d .  immediately  residential  a r e a s , the most  example o f t h i s perhaps b e i n g the s e g r e g a t i o n o f the b l a c k  themselves  is  People's reflected  the  e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s i n North American c i t i e s  o f t e n h a v i n g t h e i r own d i s t i n c t  into ghettoes.  desire to associate with others  obvious population  similar  i n the s e g r e g a t i o n o f households  same neighbourhood.  Along these l i n e s ,  residential  p o s s i b l e and the d i v i s i o n s which are  are  therefore,  to  by income o r  o c c u p a t i o n s t a t u s , people o f s i m i l a r s t a t u s c l u s t e r i n g t o g e t h e r  areas i s  is  o f the p o p u l a t i o n  D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s p r o b a b l y most  evident along ethnic l i n e s ,  of  residents  The s o c i a l groupings  they are expressed s p a t i a l l y  much i n v e s t i g a t i o n .  a r e a which  u s u a l l y an area where p e o p l e  to be found.  display  as much l i k e themselves what Packard  This i s  they  i n the  differentiation  f i n e r than those reached by examining o n l y economic  achieved  factors,  of  a l t h o u g h the p a t t e r n s  i d e n t i f i e d i n t h i s way would be expected t o  i n t o the b r o a d o u t l i n e s  set  i n i t i a l l y by the economic  fit  considerations.  One way t o t e s t t h i s would be t o i d e n t i f y areas o f s i m i l a r economic v a l u e and see whether o r n o t they can be s o c i a l l y  differentiated.  The next q u e s t i o n to be asked i s whether s o c i a l areas can o n l y be d e f i n e d i n broad terms and a l o n g very g e n e r a l l i n e s o r i s  it  possible  t o i d e n t i f y r e s i d e n t i a l l y s e g r e g a t e d s o c i a l groups on the b a s i s o f detailed analysis  o f the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  t h i s not been done because the a v a i l a b l e such d i v i s i o n s t o appear, similarities  data i s  Has  too i m p r e c i s e to a l l o w  o r do people c l u s t e r w i t h o t h e r s who show broad  o n l y and do not seek out those  i n many d e t a i l e d ways?  o f the r e s i d e n t s ?  i n d i v i d u a l s who resemble them  I t might t h e r e f o r e be i n t e r e s t i n g t o d i s c o v e r  j u s t how a l i k e people are w i t h i n r e s i d e n t i a l areas and t o see whether o r not f u r t h e r d i v i d i n g l i n e s can be drawn between areas which p o s s e s s g r o s s economic s i m i l a r i t i e s data,  and w h i c h , u s i n g aggregate s o c i o - e c o n o m i c  would be c o n s i d e r e d u n i f o r m .  I t may, f o r example,  appear  between areas o f s i m i l a r income o r s i m i l a r o c c u p a t i o n s t a t u s , can be observed i n terms o f o t h e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s So f a r values,  etc.  o f the  i t has been suggested t h a t economic f a c t o r s may produce an i n i t i a l  further d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s possible  differences  populations. such as  land  d i v i s i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l areas, when s o c i o - e c o n o m i c  are taken i n t o account and t h a t s t i l l become apparent  that  characteristics  f u r t h e r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n might  i f more d e t a i l e d knowledge were a v a i l a b l e  that  about  the  social characteristics in fact  o f the p o p u l a t i o n s o f r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s .  i t can be shown t h a t s e g r e g a t i o n  is  apparent when d e t a i l e d  examination i s made o f the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r o f h o u s e h o l d s , precise pointers choosing i t s  as  to what a p a r t i c u l a r household i s  residential location w i l l  then more  s e e k i n g when  have been found.  I t would  then be e a s i e r to e s t i m a t e the e x t e n t o f the i n f l u e n c e o f the c h a r a c t e r o f neighbours on the f i n a l The h y p o t h e s i s which i s  is  teristics  tested in this  study i s  t h a t people o f  i n the same r e s i d e n t i a l  i n v e s t i g a t e d through the examination o f the s o c i a l o f households  social  choice.  s i m i l a r s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r group t o g e t h e r and i t  If  i n two r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s .  area,  charac-  The study was c a r r i e d  out i n Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, where two areas o f  apparently  u n i f o r m income and o c c u p a t i o n s t a t u s and s i m i l a r v a l u e o f housing were s e l e c t e d ,  w i t h a view to d e m o n s t r a t i n g t h a t d e s p i t e  economic and s o c i a l u n i f o r m i t y , d i f f e r e n c e s  could i n fact  their  be i d e n t i f i e d .  Since i t has been shown t h a t the c l u s t e r i n g o f s o c i a l groups pronounced at the extreme upper and lower l e v e l s it  seemed reasonable  to s e l e c t  one o f these two c l a s s e s . ones,  that  the r e s i d e n t s  i s more  o f the s o c i a l  comparable areas which would f i t  scale, into  The areas chosen were upper income r e s i d e n t i a l  s e l e c t e d because they were e a s i l y  was f e l t  apparent  identifiable.  In a d d i t i o n ,  it  o f the upper income areas might be c o n s i d e r e d  to be aware o f c u r r e n t urban problems and sympathetic t o r e s e a r c h aimed at s o l v i n g them and so more w i l l i n g to respond t o  interviews.  Chapter Two i s  devoted t o a c r i t i c a l review o f s e l e c t e d  literature  on r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , showing the l i m i t a t i o n s o f p r e v i o u s work and i n d i c a t i n g how t h i s study c o n s t i t u t e s Three i s  an improvement on i t .  concerned w i t h the c o l l e c t i o n o f the d a t a ,  c h a r a c t e r o f the sample a r e a s ,  Chapter  g i v i n g the g e n e r a l  showing how the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  on which  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was a n t i c i p a t e d were determined and o u t l i n i n g the up o f the i n t e r v i e w s c h e d u l e .  The a n a l y s i s  Chapter F o u r , w h i l e i n the f i f t h  setting  o f the data i s p r e s e n t e d  c h a p t e r c o n c l u s i o n s are drawn.  in  REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON RESIDENTIAL LOCATION  In t h i s c h a p t e r a s e l e c t i v e to i l l u s t r a t e nificance  the f a c t o r s  which have been c o n s i d e r e d as h a v i n g s i g -  i n the q u e s t i o n o f r e s i d e n t i a l s e g r e g a t i o n .  been two main approaches such f a c t o r s  I  There have  - an economic approach, t a k i n g account o f  as income, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ,  a p p r o a c h , examining the r o l e o f , and f a m i l y  review o f l i t e r a t u r e w i l l be g i v e n  rent,  f o r example,  land values, occupation,  and a s o c i a l education,  ties.  Economic Approach The proponents o f the economic approach base t h e i r i d e a s on  economic t h e o r y , s t r e s s i n g  the importance o f l a n d v a l u e s  o f l a n d use and the r o l e s o f r e n t and a c c e s s i b i l i t y location decision. land values,  Park and Burgess  the r e s u l t  or density  i n the  (1925) f o r example,  residential  considered  o f a b i d d i n g p r o c e s s by the p o t e n t i a l  were the c h i e f d e t e r m i n i n g f a c t o r s  i n l a n d use s e g r e g a t i o n  which areas would be used f o r r e s i d e n t i a l p u r p o s e s .  users,  and determined  Hawley (1950)  that: " F a m i l i a l u n i t s are d i s t r i b u t e d w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o l a n d v a l u e s , the l o c a t i o n o f o t h e r types o f u n i t s and the time and c o s t o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n t o c e n t e r s o f a c t i v i t y . . . . The i n f l u e n c e s o f these t h r e e f a c t o r s are combined i n a s i n g l e measure, namely, r e n t a l value f o r r e s i d e n t i a l u s e . " (Hawley, 1950, p . 280.) Haig t o o ,  that  a l a n d economist w r i t i n g i n the 1 9 2 0 ' s , emphasises the  writes  importance o f a c c e s s i b i l i t y  i n the r e s i d e n t i a l  location decision,  s u g g e s t i n g t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l buys a c c e s s i b i l i t y buy consumer goods, such as  r a t h e r as he would  food o r c l o t h i n g , and c o n t i n u i n g t h i s  l i n e o f r e a s o n i n g t o p o i n t o u t the consequently i n e v i t a b l e  comple-  m e n t a r i t y between r e n t and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n  economists,  costs.  The l a n d  w h i l e a t t e m p t i n g t o c r e a t e a t h e o r y o f urban l a n d u s e , model suggested by Von Thunen, n e v e r t h e l e s s a t t e n t i o n to r e s i d e n t i a l  location.  f o l l o w i n g the  paid l i t t l e  Attempts t o f i l l  this  specific gap have  been made by l a t e r w r i t e r s who c o n t i n u e to use the economic approach. Berry,  Simmons and Tennant (1963) g i v e a b r i e f but c l e a r  o f the i d e a s b e h i n d the economic approach to urban l a n d u s e ,  outline stating  t h a t urban s i t e s can be regarded as o f f e r i n g two goods - l a n d and l o c a t i o n - and u t i l i t y from a s i t e i s  d e r i v e d by each urban a c t i v i t y .  " U t i l i t y may be t r a n s l a t e d i n t o a b i l i t y to pay f o r t h a t s i t e . The most d e s i r a b l e p r o p e r t y o f urban s i t e s i s c e n t r a l i t y . . . The l e s s c e n t r a l the l o c a t i o n , the g r e a t e r are the t r a n s p o r t i n p u t s i n c u r r e d and the lower the net r e t u r n s . " (Berry, Simmons and Tennant, 1963, pp.391 - 392.) Alonso represent  (1960, 1964)  a set  represent  a series of  o f combinations o f l a n d p r i c e s  the i n d i v i d u a l i s economists'  develops  indifferent,  indifference  ' b i d p r i c e curves' and d i s t a n c e  among which  t h i s concept b e i n g s i m i l a r t o  curve mapping except t h a t A l o n s o ' s  not i n d i f f e r e n c e between combinations o f q u a n t i t i e s  the curves o f two  goods, b u t the i n d i f f e r e n c e paths between the p r i c e o f one good and q u a n t i t i e s  o f another good  which  (land)  ( d i s t a n c e from the c e n t r e o f a c i t y ) .  In a d d i t i o n , functions  indifference  curves  i n c l u d e b o t h budget  refer  only to t a s t e , while b i d rent  and p r e f e r e n c e  considerations.  "The b i d r e n t curve o f the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be such t h a t , f o r any g i v e n c u r v e , the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be e q u a l l y s a t i s f i e d at every l o c a t i o n at the p r i c e s e t by the c u r v e . Along any b i d r e n t curve the p r i c e the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l b i d f o r l a n d w i l l decrease w i t h d i s t a n c e from the c e n t r e a t a r a t e j u s t s u f f i c i e n t t o produce an income e f f e c t which w i l l balance to h i s s a t i s f a c t i o n the i n c r e a s e d c o s t s o f commuting and the b o t h e r o f a l o n g t r i p " . ( A l o n s o , 1960, p . 154.) Alonso shows t h a t business,  it  i s p o s s i b l e to c o n s t r u c t  agriculture  and r e s i d e n t i a l  b i d p r i c e curves  for  l a n d u s e s , the c r i t e r i o n o f  faction  f o r the former two b e i n g p r o f i t s ,  w h i l e the h o u s e h o l d ' s  faction  comes i n the form o f o p t i o n a l l o c a t i o n t o minimise  satis-  satis-  transport  costs: "A consumer, g i v e n h i s income and h i s p a t t e r n o f t a s t e s , w i l l seek to balance the c o s t s and b o t h e r o f commuting a g a i n s t the advantages o f cheaper l a n d w i t h i n c r e a s i n g d i s t a n c e from the c e n t r e o f the c i t y . . . " (Alonso, 1960, p . 154.) Having o b t a i n e d the a p p r o p r i a t e  b i d rent curves,  it  is  then p o s s i b l e  to see which areas o f l a n d w i l l be used f o r which l a n d u s e , curves w i l l  occupy more c e n t r a l  preparation  of t h i s  is  locations,  f o r the  where r e n t s are h i g h e r .  model, Alonso makes s e v e r a l  steeper In  assumptions, t h a t he  d e a l i n g w i t h a f e a t u r e l e s s p l a i n on which a l l l a n d i s o f the same  quality; there  t h a t the buyers  are no l e g a l  t o maximise p r o f i t s  and s e l l e r s have p e r f e c t  or s o c i a l  restraints,  and households  f a m i l y budget which i s  knowledge and t h a t  t h a t b u s i n e s s e s are  to .maximise s a t i s f a c t i o n  f i x e d and t h a t the l a n d l o r d w i l l  seeking from t h e i r  rent to  the  highest  bidder.  A l l o f these are u n r e a l i s t i c  from the workings o f the market p l a c e ,  assumptions f a r  removed  so t h a t the Alonso model, w h i l e  p r o v i d i n g us perhaps w i t h a v e r y g e n e r a l o u t l i n e o f r e s i d e n t i a l theory,  does not serve to g i v e an a c c u r a t e account o f the  d e c i s i o n , w i t h many e x c e p t i o n s  to i t s  o f the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s which  location  location  laws and f a i l i n g t o e x p l a i n many  exist.  S t i l l working from an economic p o i n t o f v i e w , but more d i r e c t l y concerned w i t h r e s i d e n t i a l  l o c a t i o n perhaps than A l o n s o , Thompson  (1965) emphasises the importance o f income a l o n g w i t h i n the l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n .  He p o i n t s out t h a t  has a wide a r r a y o f p o s s i b l e r e s i d e n t i a l choose  sites  accessibility  the i n d i v i d u a l o r  family  from which they can  and they must c o n s i d e r the c o s t o f v a r i o u s  f a c t o r s a t each  site  i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e i r income: " C o n c e p t u a l l y , the household b e g i n s from the o b j e c t i v e base o f a s e t o f p r i c e r e l a t i v e s which apply t o each o f the v a r i o u s goods and s e r v i c e s a t each o f the many r e s i d e n t i a l s i t e s ( e . g . the r e l a t i v e c o s t of t r a v e l t o downtown and b a c k , l a n d v a l u e s and r e n t s , the r e l a t i v e a c c e s s i b i l i t y o f open space and outdoor r e c r e a t i o n and o t h e r l i v i n g c o s t d i f f e r e n t i a l s a t the v a r i o u s r e s i d e n t i a l s i t e s ) and from the o b j e c t i v e base o f h i s g i v e n money income. The householder then proceeds to s e l e c t from those s i t e s he can a f f o r d , t h a t s i t e at which he r e a l i s e s the g r e a t e s t s a t i s f a c t i o n . . . " (Thompson, 1965, p . 97.) Taking t h i s  l i n e o f argument a l i t t l e  further,  i t can be seen  l a y i n g s t r e s s on the importance o f income i n the l o c a t i o n  that  decision  l e a d s t o the p o s i t i o n where households  w i t h s i m i l a r incomes would be  expected  s i t e s and perhaps be  to occupy s i m i l a r r e s i d e n t i a l  grouped  i n the same r e s i d e n t i a l  a r e a , as  Thompson h i m s e l f  states:  " I f a m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a i s d i v i d e d i n t o many s m a l l p o l i t i c a l e n t i t i e s , then the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f income w i t h i n each o f these u s u a l l y s m a l l areas w i l l t e n d t o be q u i t e e q u a l . " and: "People are i n c l i n e d t o group t h e i r r e s i d e n c e s by i n c o m e . " (Thompson, 1965, p . 116.) Muth  (1961, 1969)  a l s o s t r e s s e s the r o l e o f income i n the  location  d e c i s i o n , but he too adheres t o the s c h o o l o f thought which p l a c e s the main emphasis on d i s t a n c e and  accessibility:  " F o r any p a t t e r n o f r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n t o be an e q u i l i b r i u m one f o r each consumer a t h i s o p t i m a l l o c a t i o n the s a v i n g i n h o u s i n g c o s t s from a s m a l l change i n d i s t a n c e must e x a c t l y e q u a l the change i n t r a n s p o r t c o s t s . " (Muth, 1961, p . 208.) The d i s t a n c e d e t e r m i n i s t i c (Kain,  1962,  1969;  approach i s  Wingo, 1961;  f o l l o w e d too by some w r i t e r s  Wo1forth,  1965)  through an examination  o f the journey t o work i n r e l a t i o n t o the r e s i d e n t i a l Wingo s t a t i n g  area  chosen,  that:  "The c r u c i a l l o c a t i o n a l determinant o f household l o c a t i o n i s i t s employment l i n k a g e w i t h the p l a c e o f work o f the head o f the h o u s e h o l d . " (Wingo, 1961, p . 197.) As f a r  as  Kain i s  c o n c e r n e d , the c o s t s o f t r a n s p o r t  t r a v e l l i n g t o p o i n t s o t h e r than the p l a c e the r e s i d e n t i a l example,  area,  i.e.  i n contrast  journey t o work which form a s i g n i f i c a n t this  o f work o r t r a v e l l i n g w i t h i n  f o r shopping o r r e c r e a t i o n a l  are s m a l l and may be i g n o r e d ,  So i m p o r t a n t i s  f o r the household  distance,  part  purposes,  t o the c o s t s o f  o f the h o u s e h o l d ' s  t h a t Wingo c o n s i d e r s  for  the worker t o  the  outlay.  r e c e i v e a wage which i s made up o f two components, labor services,  for  the o t h e r a premium based on the c o s t t o the m a r g i n a l  worker o f overcoming the s p a t i a l (Wingo, 1961, p .  " a pure payment  200.)  a considerable effect  s e p a r a t i o n o f home and w o r k p l a c e . "  A change i n r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n thus may have on the h o u s e h o l d budget,  c o s t s o f the j o u r n e y - t o - w o r k , so t h a t  through the changing  "locations  i n the urban r e g i o n  become d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by the e x t e n t to which they can y i e l d a s a v i n g i n transport  costs."  (Wingo, 1961, p .  In c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f d i s t a n c e d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , the assumptions distance  as  198.) the i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r  in resi-  are made t h a t r e n t d e c r e a s e s w i t h  from the c e n t r e , w h i l e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o s t s i n c r e a s e  as we  move toward the p e r i p h e r y o f the c i t y , so t h a t the h o u s e h o l d ' s faction is  maximised where the combined o u t l a y f o r r e n t s  p o r t a t i o n c o s t s are a t a minimum. r e n t and t r a n s p o r t  satis-  and t r a n s -  Knowing the s i t e s which minimise  c o s t s and, i n a d d i t i o n , the h o u s e h o l d ' s  required  e x p e n d i t u r e f o r each q u a n t i t y o f r e s i d e n t i a l s p a c e , then we have  "all  the i n f o r m a t i o n we must have t o enable us t o o b t a i n a unique l o c a t i o n a l s o l u t i o n f o r each h o u s e h o l d . " are l o c a t i o n a l r e n t s  ( K a i n , 1962, p .  143.)  o t h e r goods and  variables  a t each s i t e and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o s t s p e r m i l e ,  from which a t h i r d v a r i a b l e - p r i c e o f r e s i d e n t i a l incomes, p r e f e r e n c e s  Kain's  space - i s  f o r r e s i d e n t i a l space and p r e f e r e n c e s  for  obtained, all  services.  Journey-to-work c o s t s are thus c o n s i d e r e d t o be a v e r y important  explanatory sometimes  variable  i n many models o f r e s i d e n t i a l  It  is  expressed i n the form o f " s p a c i o u s l i v i n g v e r s u s easy a c c e s s "  (Hoover and V e r n o n , 1959) s u p e r i o r and d e s i r a b l e should l i v e f a r t h e r It  location.  is  lower r e s i d e n t i a l  d e n s i t y b e i n g regarded as  a  good, s u g g e s t i n g t h a t h i g h e r income workers  from t h e i r workplace than lower income workers.  apparent,  therefore,  t h a t t h e r e has been a  considerable  amount o f work done, f o l l o w i n g an economic approach and based on economic theory,  u s i n g such concepts  utility  theory.  as  i n d i f f e r e n c e paths and s a t i s f a c t i o n  The consumer o r householder i s  maximise h i s s a t i s f a c t i o n  c o n s i d e r e d as  and  t r y i n g to  from h i s income i n the purchase o f d w e l l i n g  s p a c e , the c o s t s t o be taken i n t o account b e i n g the r e n t o f the d w e l l i n g space and the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n  c o s t s t o h i s p l a c e o f work, and p o s s i b l y  a l s o t o o t h e r areas w i t h i n the c i t y . writers  adopting t h i s  approach,  dential  location decision.  t u r e which concerns i t s e l f  These i n the o p i n i o n o f  are the important f a c t o r s  with r e s i d e n t i a l  l o c a t i o n , as i s based, i s  are so f a r removed from a c t u a l i t y ,  that i t  more than p o i n t t o g e n e r a l p a t t e r n s i n the l a n d s c a p e . man as  a perfectly  or,  in this  as  i n the  The main problem w i t h t h i s body o f  problem w i t h the economic t h e o r y on which i t assumptions  the  litera-  indeed i s that  can do It  resi-  the  its little  considers  r a t i o n a l human b e i n g , who, when making a p u r c h a s e ,  c a s e , when c h o o s i n g a d w e l l i n g s p a c e , c o n s c i o u s l y  t o maximise the u t i l i t y o f the good o r maximise h i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . know from our own e x p e r i e n c e  that this  is  not i n f a c t  the c a s e ,  attempts We and  t h a t goods are not purchased w i t h any such c o n s c i o u s u t i l i t y maximising aim i n mind. "peculiarities  The t h e o r y thus  i n human b e h a v i o u r "  (Johnston,  ant i n e x p l a i n i n g the c h o i c e o f a good. economic t h e o r y w i l l n o t ,  therefore,  r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s which are  satisfaction  does not a l l o w  1966)  which are  for  import-  A t h e o r y based s o l e l y on  be a b l e t o e x p l a i n i n d e t a i l  found i n the l a n d s c a p e ,  a b l e to draw any f i n e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  or  nor w i l l  between d i f f e r e n t  the  it  be  residential  areas. " I t i s apparent t h a t the economic model o f c l a s s i c a l must be d i s c a r d e d i n favour o f models which c o n s i d e r realities." (Form, 1954, p . 317.)  II  S o c i a l Approach While models which concern themselves  can l a y down the b r o a d p a t t e r n area,  nevertheless,  to s o c i a l  considerations  t h e n , might u s e f u l l y differentiation  In t h i s  section,  approach, it  as  it  l o c a t i o n w i t h i n the  be c o n s i d e r e d as  it,  stage o f  a r e a s , w h i l e the approach which takes differentiation.  we s h a l l be concerned w i t h the  termed by Johnston  appears i n o t h e r works  urban  distinguish  l e a d i n g to the f i r s t  r e s u l t s i n a h i g h e r degree o f  therefore,  factors  reference  The economic approach as we have c a l l e d  factors,  is  of r e s i d e n t i a l  w i t h i n the a r e a s , which serve to  of r e s i d e n t i a l  account o f s o c i a l  l a r g e l y w i t h economic  these g e n e r a l p a t t e r n s can be r e f i n e d by  one a r e a from the n e x t .  as  economists... social  (e.g.  socio-cultural  (1966) o r a s o c i o - e c o n o m i c  Shevky and B e l l ,  1955;  Duncan,  approach 1955;  Robson, 1966;  Wheeler, 1968.)  One o f the f i r s t  p r o t a g o n i s t s o f the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l approach  l a n d uses i n the urban c o n t e x t was F i r e y  (1945, 1968)  who advocated  the importance o f sentiment and symbolism i n the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f patterns,  i l l u s t r a t i n g h i s work from the s i t u a t i o n  believed that  and i n the Beacon H i l l  the c i t y i t was the a e s t h e t i c ,  Jones  cance o f c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s  i n e x p l a i n i n g l a n d use  Residential segregation studies,  senti-  area o f  sentiments  i n e x p l a i n i n g the  (1958) t o o , working i n B e l f a s t ,  s t r e s s e d the  spatial signifi-  patterns.  emphasising s o c i a l  factors,  to be found m a i n l y i n s o c i o l o g i c a l works r a t h e r than g e o g r a p h i c a l Sociologists  have attempted t o e x p l a i n t h i s  the  He  and a  residential  h i s t o r i c a l and f a m i l i a l  which took precedence o v e r the c o s t f a c t o r s patterns.  i n Boston.  space c o u l d have a c o s t imposing c h a r a c t e r  mental o r symbolic v a l u e ,  to  are ones.  s e g r e g a t i o n from the p o i n t  o f view t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s i n a s o c i e t y can be grouped a c c o r d i n g to several  characteristics,  e.g.  race,  r e l i g i o n , socio-economic s t a t u s ,  etc.  " P l a c e and nature o f work, income, r a c i a l and e t h n i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , s o c i a l s t a t u s , custom, h a b i t , t a s t e p r e f e r e n c e and p r e j u d i c e are among the s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s i n accordance w i t h which the urban p o p u l a t i o n i s s e l e c t e d and d i s t r i b u t e d i n t o more o r l e s s d i s t i n c t s e t t l e m e n t s . " (Wirth, 1964, p . 7 4 . ) S o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n a group i s groups,  so  seen to be g r e a t e r than t h a t among  that:  "On the b a s i s o f t h i s evidence i t i s r e a s o n a b l e to assume t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s p r e f e r to i n t e r a c t w i t h o t h e r s who are s o c i a l l y s i m i l a r t o t h e m s e l v e s . . . The r e s u l t i s a p a r t i a l , but r e l a t i v e l y  s t a b l e , s e p a r a t i o n o f the major subgroups the c i t y . " (Anderson, 1962, p . 168.) It  is  apparent,  therefore,  that  comprise  t h a t t o understand the r e s i d e n t i a l  patterns  i n a c i t y , we must pay a t t e n t i o n t o the s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n  of  the  society. Lack o f adequate data has been the major d i f f i c u l t y i n the of residential  l o c a t i o n which take account o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c  studies  charac-  teristics. " A n a l y s i s o f r e s i d e n t i a l s e g r e g a t i o n i s b e d e v i l l e d by l a c k o f available data. One i s f o r c e d to use i n d i c e s which approximate t o the v a r i a b l e under c o n s i d e r a t i o n - i n t h i s case s o c i a l c l a s s . " (Robson, 1966. p . 120.) T h i s b e i n g the c a s e ,  sociologists  mation was r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e  t o them, o f t e n i n the form o f census  to i n d i c a t e s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a l s dealing. Robson,  have been f o r c e d t o use whatever i n f o r -  i n the s o c i e t y w i t h which they  In many E n g l i s h s t u d i e s o f r e s i d e n t i a l s e g r e g a t i o n 1966)  available  rateable  income and r a t e a b l e p a t i o n groups,  value,  They p u r p o r t e d t o c o r r e l a t e  class,  arose i n t h a t the p r o p o r t i o n o f income from one c l a s s t o a n o t h e r ;  values  in l i f e  f a i l e d t o show d i f f e r e n c e s  styles;  rateable  i n a rooming house  f a i l e d t o g i v e any i n d i c a t i o n o f s o c i a l c l a s s ;  a d d i t i o n , households have d i f f e r e n t p r o p o r t i o n s o f e a r n e r s earners,  easily  i n d i c a t i n g the h i g h p r e s t i g e areas and o c c u -  but d i f f i c u l t i e s  values  (e.g.  social  spent on h o u s i n g was not c o n s t a n t  area r a t e a b l e  are  v a l u e s were u s e d , m a i n l y because t h e y were  t o the s o c i o l o g i s t s .  data,  in  and non-  which s e r v e s t o upset the c o r r e l a t i o n between r a t e a b l e  values  and income and t h e r e f o r e w i t h c l a s s . widely used,  s i n c e i t was an e a s i l y  Discussion of residential emphasis  culate  obtainable  areas have a l s o been made, which  areas i n terms  the most n o t a b l e o f t h e s e .  an index o f d i s s i m i l a r i t y which i s  t r i b u t i o n s of occupation groups, centage o f a l l workers i n t h a t s i m i l a r i t y between the groups sum o f the d i f f e r e n c e s  spatial  place  (Duncan and Duncan, 1955; Wheeler, 1968.)  study i s perhaps  s t u d y , which i s  t h i s measure was  index.  on o c c u p a t i o n , d e s c r i b i n g the r e s i d e n t i a l  occupational status. Duncans'  Nevertheless,  used t o measure the a r e a l  The d i s -  then taken t o be e q u i v a l e n t to h a l f  between the d i s t r i b u t i o n s  finds  dis-  by c a l c u l a t i n g f o r each group the p e r -  concerned not o n l y w i t h s o c i a l  stratification,  The  In i t they c a l -  group l i v i n g i n each a r e a u n i t . is  of  taken a r e a by a r e a .  stratification,  "residential  The  but a l s o w i t h  a c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p between s p a t i a l  d i s t a n c e s i n Chicago and concludes t h a t  the  and s o c i a l  segregation i s  greater  f o r groups w i t h c l e a r l y d e f i n e d s t a t u s than f o r those w i t h ambiguous Wheeler, i n a study o f the g e n e r a l o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e areas i n P i t t s b u r g h ,  corroborates  of  residential  the f i n d i n g s o f the Duncans' s t u d y .  (1962) t o o , was concerned w i t h the o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s o f w o r k e r s , findings  i n D e t r o i t showing t h a t h i g h e s t  areas o f the c i t y ,  farthest  variables  his  income workers l i v e i n the  outer  o f work.  i n some s t u d i e s o f r e s i d e n t i a l  have used s e v e r a l  Kain  from t h e i r w o r k p l a c e , w h i l e the lowest income  workers l i v e n e a r e s t to t h e i r p l a c e Further,  status."  segregation,  sociologists  to g i v e some i n d i c a t i o n o f the s t a t u s o f  people w i t h which they are d e a l i n g . i n a study o f v a r i a t i o n s characteristics  Lazerivitz  in residential  belts"of  o f the f a m i l y head - e d u c a t i o n ,  (1960), f o r  example,  C h i c a g o , uses occupation,  several  family  income, f a m i l y l i q u i d a s s e t s , monthly r e n t a l o r value o f the d w e l l i n g unit,  age o f the f a m i l y head and the  one c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , of  resembles the concept o f s o c i a l  is  used.  of r e s i d e n t i a l  t h i s method i s  designed  is  u s i n g census d a t a , which i s as  which i s  The d i s t r i c t s  grouped i n t o what are  differentiation  called social  areas.  fitted  the t r e n d s  social  'increasing  resi-  Each d i s -  among the  indices,  districts'  found t o have s i m i l a r s c o r e s The v a r i a b l e s  i n t o a conceptual  main t r e n d which they see b e i n g the change which they termed  of  d e r i v e d from a combination o f  which Shevky and B e l l r e l a t e t o changes i n s o c i e t y  represent  (1955),  readily  the b a s i c u n i t o f s t u d y .  which are  d e r i v e d from census d a t a , and are  society,  socio-economic  F i r s t used by Shevky and B e l l  i n t e n d e d t o show degrees o f s o c i a l populations.  approach  to provide a systematic c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  and the census t r a c t  given a score,  differentiation  a r e a a n a l y s i s which has been w i d e l y  areas.  d e n t i a l areas i n l a r g e c i t i e s available,  U s i n g more than  T h i s type o f  a framework by s o c i o l o g i s t s to a n a l y s e the  structure  trict  cycle.  i t i s p o s s i b l e to have a more p r e c i s e  groups than when o n l y one f a c t o r  used as  family l i f e  are  used have been framework  through t i m e ,  the  from a r u r a l to an urban  scale'.  The c o n s t r u c t s  which  are:-  rank o r economic s t a t u s , which i s  d e r i v e d from measures o f  occupation,  e d u c a t i o n and r e n t ;  urbanisation or family status,  d e r i v e d from measures o f  percentage o f women i n the l a b o u r f o r c e , dwelling  single  fertility,  family  units;  s e g r e g a t i o n o r e t h n i c s t a t u s which i s measured from p l a c e  of  n a t i v i t y o r c i t i z e n s h i p , i n d i c a t i n g the p r o p o r t i o n s o f e t h n i c groups  in a city.  The t h r e e c o n s t r u c t s change t a k i n g p l a c e  which are used are seen as  representative  i n s o c i e t y o r o f i n c r e a s i n g s c a l e , which i s  as an o r d e r i n g o f groups  r a t h e r than i n manual ones;  been the r e s u l t  from p r i m a r y t o secondary and then t o t e r t i a r y  society  which i s  Is,  in fact,  its  o f the  industry;  justification  (1957) have q u e s t i o n e d the j u s t i f i c a t i o n ,  and by a  (Van A r d s o l ,  showed t h a t , was t h a t  cluster-  segregation.  valid?  rationale.  Hawley and Duncan  but a l a t e r  study showed t h a t  the i n d i c e s had g e n e r a l a p p l i c a b i l i t y and c o u l d be a p p l i e d t o cities  about  development  has been c r i t i c i s e d mainly on i t s  theoretical  occupations  i n d i c a t i v e of i n c r e a s i n g complexity of  and the r e s u l t i n g i n c r e a s i n g s p a t i a l  S o c i a l area analysis  defined  by a d e c l i n e i n f a m i l y l i f e , brought  which has i t s e l f  i n g o f e t h n i c groups,  the  a c c o r d i n g t o o c c u p a t i o n , an i n c r e a s i n g p r o p o r t i o n  o f the p o p u l a t i o n b e i n g i n v o l v e d i n c l e r i c a l and management  by u r b a n i s a t i o n ,  of  C a m i l l e r i and Schmid, 1958.)  The s t u d y ,  several however,  w h i l e the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e o f the S h e v k y - B e l l method  i t combined i n d i c e s  i n a p a r t i c u l a r way, e q u a l l y good r e s u l t s  were a c h i e v e d w i t h o u t combining census t r a c t measures i n t o the constructs.  F u r t h e r work, t e s t i n g  the " c h a n g i n g s o c i e t y "  S h e v k y - B e l l t h e o r y , confirms the s o c i a l but d i s p u t e s t h a t o f s e g r e g a t i o n . conclusions  after  an examination o f t r e n d s  1850 and 1960 and f i n d s 1940.  that  aspect of  rank and u r b a n i s a t i o n  (Udry, 1964.)  several  constructs,  Udry reaches these  i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s between  the model i s p a r t i a l l y supported up t o  He a s s e r t s t h a t the r e a l q u e s t i o n which Shevky and B e l l  asking i s  "What w i l l be the axes o f f u n c t i o n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  sub-areas o f a s o c i e t y ? "  the  which i s  are of  not l o g i c a l l y based on a t h e o r y o f  the development o f i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y ,  i.e.  a theory of  increasing  scale: " I suggest t h a t we c o n s i d e r t h e s e two s e p a r a t e but c o - o r d i n a t e d theories: one a t h e o r y o f i n c r e a s i n g s c a l e ; the o t h e r , u s i n g the same axes and v a r i a b l e s , but not d e d u c i b l e from the f i r s t , a t h e o r y o f sub-area d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . " (Udry, 1964, p . 408.) Again, there b u t what i s  is  the s u g g e s t i o n t h a t a t h e o r e t i c a l base i s  required i s  a factor  analysis  o f census t r a c t  not n e c e s s a r y , data,  which a t y p o l o g y can be d e r i v e d , and i n t h i s way, c r i t i c i s m s those o f Hawley and Duncan be met. were not s a t i s f i e d theories  Bell  t h a t Udry had demonstrated  were not one, and emphasise t h a t  term t r e n d s  and Moskos  and not s h o r t term f l u c t u a t i o n s ,  It  is  g e n e r a l l y agreed,  be  elaborated.  such  as  (1964), however,  conclusively that  Shevky i s  from  the two  considering long  which Udry had s t u d i e d .  however, t h a t the t h e o r y i s  too vague and s h o u l d  As the method has been a p p l i e d 1961;  H e r b e r t & F i e l d i n g , 1967)  to be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h s e c t o r a l  ( B e l l , 1955;  the c o n s t r u c t o f s o c i a l patterns of r e s i d e n t i a l  urbanisation with concentric patterns, and Egeland s t u d y ,  which r e p o r t s  rank)  structure  as  o f urban r e s i d e n t i a l  sectorally,  i s measured by the p r e s t i g e v a l u e  distance  census d a t a through component a n a l y s i s ,  i t is  what s o c i a l  (1967, 1968)  i n the a n a l y s i s  where he suggests t h a t component a n a l y s i s and s t a t i s t i c a l l y  possible  varies  to make use  without a t h e o r e t i c a l  T h i s p r o c e s s has been o u t l i n e d by H e r b e r t variables  rank  varies  variation.  I t has a l r e a d y been suggested t h a t  concerning "diagnostic  (social  (Anderson & E g e l a n d ,  from the c e n t r e , w h i l e s o c i a l  w i t h very l i t t l e  con-  structure,  The c o n c l u s i o n s o f the r e p o r t were t h a t u r b a n i s a t i o n  c o n c e n t r i c a l l y by d i s t a n c e  come  l a n d use and  comparison o f the  and u r b a n i s a t i o n i n d i c e s o f Shevky and B e l l .  1961.)  rank has  f o r example i n the Anderson  a statistical  c e n t r i c zone and s e c t o r hypotheses where r e s i d e n t i a l  Anderson & E g e l a n d ,  o f urban  does d e d u c t i v e l y . (1969) t o  basis. article  structure,"  attempts t o a c h i e v e  area a n a l y s i s  method was a p p l i e d by N i c h o l s o n and Yeates  i n an  objectively This  socio-economic  d a t a o f Winnipeg, i s o l a t i n g out a number o f components o r f a c t o r s c o u l d be thought o f as p r o d u c i n g most o f the v a r i a t i o n . to t h i s social  study r e p o r t area a n a l y s i s  f i n d i n g s which g e n e r a l l y dimensions as v i a b l e  of  which  The c o n c l u s i o n s  support the e x i s t e n c e  forms o f  socio-economic  v a r i a t i o n i n Winnipeg, one component b e i n g s i m i l a r to s o c i a l  rank,  of  another t o u r b a n i s a t i o n and s e v e r a l the s e g r e g a t i o n c o n s t r u c t .  Murdie  others  taken t o g e t h e r ,  resembling  (1969) a p p l i e d a f a c t o r  analytic  model to census d a t a f o r M e t r o p o l i t a n Toronto to determine the o f socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n changes which took p l a c e  and attempted too t o o u t l i n e the  i n the c i t y between 1951 and 1961.  l a t i o n was found t o be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d  by f a m i l y s t a t u s ,  The popu-  economic s t a t u s  and zones o f r e c e n t growth and a r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e e c o l o g i c a l was found t o have  have been  f a r as our i n t e r e s t s are c o n c e r n e d , the d i s a d v a n t a g e o f  S h e v k y - B e l l model, as w i t h o t h e r s t u d i e s which have used d a t a , o f t e n d e r i v e d from census m a t e r i a l , which i t makes  structure  existed.  Some o f the c r i t i c i s m s o f s o c i a l a r e a a n a l y s i s but as  dimensions  is  discussed, the  socio-economic  the degree o f p r e c i s i o n  g i v e s and thus the degree o f area d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n which  it  possible. The s t u d i e s t a k i n g account o f s o c i a l  an improvement on the economic a p p r o a c h ,  factors  can be thought o f  as  f o r they take account o f more  i n f l u e n c e s which are i n v o l v e d i n the l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n , and they a l l o w greater d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n g r o s s economic f a c t o r s . is  - they a l l o w more p r e c i s i o n than those u s i n g Even i n these s t u d i e s , however, the d a t a  crude so t h a t the r e s u l t s o b t a i n e d are not as p r e c i s e  be i f d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n were a v a i l a b l e . b e h a v i o u r " are  merely economic f a c t o r s are b e i n g viewed.  as they would  The " p e c u l i a r i t i e s  s t i l l not b e i n g taken i n t o a c c o u n t , It  is  used  o f human  a l t h o u g h more than  apparent  that there  is  more i n v o l v e d i n e x p l a i n i n g r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s  than can be done  through an e x a m i n a t i o n o f economic and broad s o c i a l From t h i s s e l e c t i v e emerge.  The f i r s t  a basic  is  review o f the l i t e r a t u r e ,  t h a t economic f a c t o r s  variables. several  can be thought o f  i n f l u e n c e d e t e r m i n i n g the r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d use  i n the urban a r e a and can be seen as the g e n e r a l factors  structure  points as  patterns  c o n t r o l l i n g and c o n d i t i o n i n g  of r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s .  Although these  cannot be i g n o r e d , u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f r e s i d e n t i a l  segregation  based o n l y on these must n e c e s s a r i l y be o f a broad and g e n e r a l Only the broad d i f f e r e n t i a l s a d d i t i o n to t h e s e , to a greater fested  social  however, are s o c i a l f a c t o r s  degree t h e s e d i f f e r e n t i a l s .  i n the landscape  on the b a s i c  between r e s i d e n t i a l areas emerge.  factors  These f a c t o r s  Studies  are a l s o manisuperimposed  t a k i n g account o f  s h o u l d thus be a b l e to a c h i e v e a g r e a t e r  degree o f under-  s t a n d i n g o f area d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n than those u s i n g o n l y economic The s o c i a l approach c o u l d be thought o f as the  In  which serve to e x p l a i n  and might be thought o f as b e i n g  g r i d o f economic i n f l u e n c e s .  nature.  factors.  a second stage o f depth i n  analysis. Analytical  economic f a c t o r s  s t u d i e s which attempt t o take account o f s o c i a l o r have been h i n d e r e d by l a c k o f a v a i l a b l e  socio-  d a t a and have  been f o r c e d to use i n d i c e s a p p r o x i m a t i n g t o s o c i a l c l a s s o r s t a t u s . results,  once more, t h e r e f o r e ,  c o u l d o n l y be o f a broad o r  general  nature.  Some t h i r d stage o f depth s h o u l d t h e r e f o r e be found.  The  Sociologists of  have f o r many years been concerned w i t h  stratification  s o c i e t y and have attempted t o f i n d methods o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g among  s o c i a l groups.  A l t h o u g h most o f these s t u d i e s have been c a r r i e d out i n  urban a r e a s , t h e r e has been no i n t e r e s t groupings  and r e s i d e n t i a l s e g r e g a t i o n  i n the s p a t i a l  aspects of  has not been the concern o f  social the  sociologist. It  is  the s u g g e s t i o n  o f t h i s study t h a t g r e a t e r  precision in  d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between r e s i d e n t i a l areas w i l l be a c h i e v e d by examining the nature o f the h o u s e h o l d i t s e l f . t h a t make up the s o c i e t y , gation should r e s u l t . i n the study i s  greater  understanding o f r e s i d e n t i a l  The h y p o t h e s i s which thus emerges and i s  down t o t h i s  smaller scale,  it  a more d e t a i l e d p i c t u r e than has h i t h e r t o been the  Correspondence w i l l area.  g r o u p i n g t o g e t h e r i n the same r e s i -  By t a k i n g i n v e s t i g a t i o n s  i s hoped t o p r e s e n t  dential  tested  i n the c h o i c e o f r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , people  with s i m i l a r s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  case.  segre-  t h a t the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r o f an i n d i v i d u a l o r h o u s e h o l d  has a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t  d e n t i a l area.  By c o n s i d e r i n g the i n d i v i d u a l s  be sought between s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r and r e s i -  CHAPTER THREE  DATA COLLECTION  I  Sample Areas I t was  decided  t o conduct the study  areas o f Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia.  i n two  upper income r e s i d e n t i a l  In n e i t h e r of these  economic f a c t o r s such as r e n t , l a n d v a l u e s , incomes f e l t  areas were  t o be  in a  d e t e r m i n i s t i c l a n d s e l e c t i o n p o s i t i o n , so t h a t the e f f e c t o f the v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r c o u l d be Bell's  (1965) study,  indi-  seen.  u s i n g 1961  census d a t a , showed t h a t t h e r e were  f i v e census d i s t r i c t s of the c i t y i n which 60 p e r cent o r more o f p o p u l a t i o n were employed i n the p r o f e s s i o n a l and m a n a g e r i a l  the  occupations.  These were the U n i v e r s i t y Endowment Lands, west Shaughnessy, the  district  i n c l u d i n g e a s t Shaughnessy, B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s and Oakridge.  these  a r e a s , a l l but the U n i v e r s i t y Endowment Lands had o v e r $9,000 and had a d d i t i o n , these Shaughnessy, had  Of  an average income o f  the h i g h e s t income averages f o r Vancouver.  In  a r e a s , w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of t h a t i n c l u d i n g e a s t the h i g h e s t e d u c a t i o n  o f the p o p u l a t i o n h a v i n g  attended  l e v e l s , with  university.  the f i g u r e s f o r e a s t Shaughnessy are m i s l e a d i n g  25 p e r cent o r more  I t s h o u l d be noted t h a t since i t l i e s within a  census d i s t r i c t which a l s o i n c l u d e s an a r e a o f lower s o c i a l s t a t u s . S e l e c t i o n had  t h e r e f o r e to be made from these a r e a s .  the U n i v e r s i t y Endowment Lands was it  I t was  felt  that  u n s u i t a b l e f o r study purposes s i n c e  i s a s p e c i a l a r e a o f the c i t y w i t h  a biased population, oriented  over 25 per cent with u n i v e r s i t y education  Figure 1:  Location of high status areas i n Vancouver  towards  the u n i v e r s i t y .  Oakridge i s p a r t o f the Canadian  Pacific  Railway l a n d g r a n t which was l a r g e l y developed o n l y i n the 1960's that  the a r e a s t i l l  The two areas thus Properties.  lacks  stability.  selected  (Figure  I t was t h e r e f o r e  rejected,  so too.  f o r study were Shaughnessy and B r i t i s h  1.)  Shaughnessy, the o l d e r o f the two areas and l y i n g on the main p e n i n s u l a o f the c i t y , was opened up by the Canadian P a c i f i c Company i n 1910 as  a residential  a r e a f o r upper income f a m i l i e s  time when the t r a d i t i o n a l upper c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l the West End - was becoming overcrowded.  at  a  a r e a o f the c i t y  -  From the e a r l y  1920's,  Shaughnessy had been p r o t e c t e d by an a c t o f the P r o v i n c i a l as  a single  family r e s i d e n t i a l  establishment  Railway  area and has been s h i e l d e d  Legislature from the  o f commercial e n t e r p r i s e s and from the c o n v e r s i o n o f  p r o p e r t y t o uses o t h e r than s i n g l e  family dwellings.  An e x c e p t i o n  t o t h i s was the g r a n t i n g o f p e r m i s s i o n f o r the c o n v e r s i o n o f  several  l a r g e houses t o n u r s i n g homes d u r i n g the l a s t war and these have been allowed to continue o p e r a t i n g . c o n v e r s i o n has illegally,  taken p l a c e  particularly  B r i t i s h Properties  Despite  the p r o t e c t i o n , however, some  and a number o f revenue houses operate  i n the o l d e r p a r t o f the is  a newer r e s i d e n t i a l  area.  area.  Begun i n the  1930's by the Guinness Company, most o f the development has been 1945 and e x t e n s i o n s t o the a r e a are  s t i l l b e i n g opened up, the  r e c e n t o f these - C h a r t w e l l - h a v i n g been s t a r t e d i n 1965.  since  most  (The  C h a r t w e l l a r e a was i g n o r e d i n t h i s therefore  lack of established  the B u r r a r d I n l e t ,  study because o f i t s  patterns.)  newness and  L y i n g on the n o r t h shore  between three hundred and twelve hundred f e e t ,  area commands a m a g n i f i c e n t  view o f the  the  city.  In b o t h areas a break has been made from the u n i f o r m g r i d  pattern  o f s t r e e t s which dominates  Vancouver, t h i s h a v i n g been r e p l a c e d by  curved avenues, b o u l e v a r d s  and c r e s c e n t s , many o f which a r e  In B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  impression i s  i n both areas i s  the upper and lower l i m i t s  general  i n s u r r o u n d i n g gardens.  from about  for B r i t i s h Properties  and the  course.  $40,000 t o  $200,000,  being a l i t t l e  higher  Shaughnessy.  Of a l l the r e s i d e n t i a l part  h a l f an a c r e ,  one o f s p a c i o u s n e s s w i t h homes s e t  In b o t h areas houses range i n p r i c e  than those f o r  tree-lined.  many o f the houses are b u i l t around a g o l f  The average s i z e o f l o t s  of  areas i n the c i t y  (British Properties  is  o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y o f West V a n c o u v e r ) , Shaughnessy has been shown,  u s i n g 1961 census d a t a ,  (Mayhew, 1967)  t o have the h i g h e s t  percentage  o f owner o c c u p i e d homes and the h i g h e s t mean f a m i l y income.  In a d d i t i o n  i t has  i n the  the h i g h e s t percentage o f p e r s o n s i n the l a b o u r f o r c e  p r o f e s s i o n s o r i n management, According to Peucker's B r i t i s h Properties Shaughnessy i s centre  i.e.  i t had the h i g h e s t  (1971) f i n d i n g s ,  occupation  status.  b o t h the Shaughnessy and  areas are h i g h income ones. i n the unique p o s i t i o n o f l y i n g c l o s e t o the  and o f b e i n g c r o s s e d by some o f the c i t y ' s  city  main r o u t e s and y e t  i t has m a i n t a i n e d i t s  p o s i t i o n as a good r e s i d e n t i a l area and u n t i l  r e c e n t l y has e n j o y e d p r o t e c t i o n and p r i v i l e g e s . the o t h e r hand, l i e s  B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , on  a p a r t from the c i t y and i s  d i s t i n c t too from nearby  r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s , t h i s b e i n g emphasised by a s i n g l e e n t r a n c e t o area,  a c r o s s which i s Both Shaughnessy  c r e a t e d as  a s i g n p r o c l a i m i n g the name ' B r i t i s h and B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s have been  r e s i d e n t i a l areas which would a t t r a c t  the  Properties'.  specifically  the upper s t r a t a o f  Vancouver s o c i e t y and b o t h have come t o be r e c o g n i s e d as p r e s t i g e d e n t i a l areas and t o be o c c u p i e d by the groups established.  tinct  differences  indicates  t h a t the B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s Vancouver a r e a w h i l e  found t o be one o f the most s t a b l e areas o f the r e g i o n .  kept i t s  is  it  is  reasonable  group l o o k f o r homes i n the newer a r e a . t i n c t i o n w i l l be  II  Shaughnessy  and has  t o suppose t h a t i t might s t i l l  o c c u p i e d by the o l d e l i t e o f the c i t y w h i l e e n t r a n t s  area  Since  an e a r l i e r development than B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  status,  dis-  i n the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r o f i n d i v i d u a l s might be found.  has the h i g h e s t m o b i l i t y f o r the g r e a t e r  Shaughnessy  of  i t was a n t i c i p a t e d t h a t between the areas  P e u c k e r ' s work, f o r example,  is  resi-  f o r whom they were  Although each a r e a c o n t a i n s the upper c l a s s groups  Vancouver, n e v e r t h e l e s s  very  be  t o the upper c l a s s  I n d i c a t i o n s o f such a d i s -  sought.  I n t e r v i e w Schedule A s c a l e which would a l l o w measurement o f the s o c i a l  character  of  selected  families  i n each a r e a had t o be c o n s t r u c t e d .  I n f o r m a t i o n was  t o be c o l l e c t e d by i n t e r v i e w i n g and an i n t e r v i e w schedule was drawn up. Having d e c i d e d to examine two upper income areas the aim o f the was to o b t a i n such i n f o r m a t i o n as might make i t p o s s i b l e first,  households b e l o n g i n g t o upper s t r a t a  to  schedule  distinguish,  from those o f lower s t r a t a ,  but more i m p o r t a n t l y , t o d i s t i n g u i s h d i s t i n c t groups w i t h i n the c l a s s e s themselves.  At this  f o r means o f d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g The l i t e r a t u r e dissatisfaction  stage s o c i o l o g i c a l social  literature  at the way i n which s o c i o l o g i s t s ,  thought to be inadequate  stratification.  for u n t i l  consulted  groups.  concerned w i t h s t a t u s c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n  approached the problem o f s o c i a l  was  upper  expresses  u n t i l the e a r l y  1950's,  The approach was  t h e n , the v e r t i c a l s t r u c t u r e  of  human groups had been seen i n terms o f a s i n g l e h i e r a r c h y , i n which each member o c c u p i e d a s i n g l e p o s i t i o n .  Since the 1950's, however,  t h e r e has been a move toward the i d e a t h a t the s t r u c t u r e i n v o l v e s the c o e x i s t e n c e which are c o r r e l a t e d point,  vertical  i n some way, one w i t h a n o t h e r .  hierarchies,  From t h i s  stand-  t h e n , the s t a t u s o f an i n d i v i d u a l o r o f a f a m i l y becomes  of positions is  o f a number o f p a r a l l e l ,  o f human groups  i n a s e r i e s o f r e l a t e d v e r t i c a l h i e r a r c h i e s and the  then r a i s e d as t o how these p o s i t i o n s  i t becomes p o s s i b l e  are i n t e r r e l a t e d .  question  Theoretically  t o t h i n k o f a n o n - v e r t i c a l dimension t o f a m i l y o r  i n d i v i d u a l status - a consistency dimension. means t h a t  a series  ( L e n s k i , 1954.)  This  i n d i v i d u a l s are compared w i t h r e s p e c t t o the degree o f con-  s i s t e n c y o f t h e i r p o s i t i o n s i n the s e v e r a l v e r t i c a l  hierarchies,  i . e . t h e i r s t a t u s c o n s i s t e n c y o r c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n i s the degree t o which an i n d i v i d u a l ' s rank p o s i t i o n s a r e a t a comparable  level.  The p o t e n t i a l f o r c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n would be e x p e c t e d t o be s t r o n g a t each extreme o f the system and weaker i n t h e i n t e r m e d i a t e s t a g e s , which can be e x p l a i n e d by t h e f a c t t h a t t h e r e i s u s u a l l y s u f f i c i e n t power a t the t o p o f each system t o monopolise t h e e q u i v a l e n t s t r a t a i n o t h e r ranks. however,  (Landecker, 1960.)  In t h e middle s t r a t a ,  the g o a l o f upward m o b i l i t y works a g a i n s t the d e s i r e t o  s t r e n g t h e n one's p r e s e n t p o s i t i o n , w h i l e a t t h e lower extreme, t h e r e i s i n s u f f i c i e n t power t o move up i n any system.  Empirical  f i n d i n g s have  g i v e n s u p p o r t t o t h i s i n t h a t c o r r e l a t i o n s between income and e d u c a t i o n have been h i g h e s t a t the extremes o f o c c u p a t i o n and, s i m i l a r l y ,  between  o c c u p a t i o n and e d u c a t i o n a t t h e extremes o f income. Much o f the work which has been done u s i n g t h i s c o n c e p t has been concerned w i t h t h e s o c i a l consequences o f c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n .  Inquiries  have been made i n t o emotional s t r e s s and i n t e r p e r s o n a l s t r a i n from weak c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n  ( L e n s k i , 1956;  J a c k s o n , 1962)  e f f e c t s o f weak c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n on p a r t i c i p a t i o n and Treiman, 1968) (Goffman, 1957)  resulting  w h i l e the  ( L e n s k i , 1956;  Hodge  and p r e f e r e n c e f o r change i n power d i s t r i b u t i o n  have a l s o been examined.  The rank systems o r h i e r -  a r c h i e s n o r m a l l y employed i n s t u d i e s a r e o c c u p a t i o n , income, e d u c a t i o n and r a c i a l / e t h n i c  descent.  The  i d e a o f s t a t u s c r y s t a l l i s a t i o n thus suggested t h a t i t i s pos-  s i b l e to measure an i n d i v i d u a l ' s p o s i t i o n i n s o c i e t y by t a k i n g i n t o account s e v e r a l o f h i s s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and can g i v e a g r e a t e r degree o f a c c u r a c y  than one,  since four variables  i t c o u l d be  assumed  t h a t the more v a r i a b l e s under examination, the more a c c u r a t e the r e s u l t i n g s t a t u s p o s i t i o n and thus the g r e a t e r w i l l be o f d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among the i n d i v i d u a l s . to measure the  i n c l u d e d t o achieve  from many v i e w p o i n t s , p o i n t s out  degree  Thus to c o n s t r u c t a s c a l e  f o u r a l r e a d y suggested had  as a c c u r a t e  individual,  t o be  determined  a measure as p o s s i b l e .  S o c i o l o g i s t s have approached the problem o f s o c i a l  who  be  r e l a t e d to h i s c h o i c e o f r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , more  v a r i a b l e s i n a d d i t i o n t o the and  the  s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r o r the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n o f the  which might l a t e r be  will  differentiation  a f a c t which has been i n d i c a t e d by L a s s w e l l  (1965),  that:  "at l e a s t f i v e k i n d s of v a r i a b l e s are found i n the c u r r e n t l i t e r a t u r e as d e t e r m i n a n t s o f s o c i a l c l a s s o r s o c i a l s t r a t i fication. M i c r o - c u l t u r a l t r a i t s , power r e l a t i o n s h i p s , s o c i a l c o h e s i o n , symbolic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and a t t r i b u t e c a t e g o r i e s are a l l i n c u r r e n t use as both independent and dependent variables i n sociological studies." ( L a s s w e l l , 1965, p. 277.) Coleman  (1965) o u t l i n e s a paradigm f o r s t u d y i n g  social strata giving  s i x p o s s i b l e p e r s p e c t i v e s , a l o n g w i t h the type o f category the r e s e a r c h d e v i c e  used.  The p e r s p e c t i v e s  Davis  (1955) w r i t e t h a t w h i l e  and  are: c u l t u r a l , p r e s t i g e ,  a s s o c i a t i o n a l , i n f l u e n c e / p o w e r , demography and Kahl and  studied  s o c i a l psychology.  income i s o f t e n used as  an i n d i c a t i o n o f socio-economic s t a t u s , i t i s a poor measure o f s t a t u s ,  f o r they contend t h a t the core o f s t a t u s i s i n v o l v e s a group shared s t y l e o f l i f e . not a s u f f i c i e n t  condition of status,  ways i n which d i f f e r e n t their different  Income i s  living,  family l i v i n g , patterns  a l and o t h e r p e r s o n a l q u a l i t i e s ,  teristics'  of s o c i a l  t h a t was made up o f r a t i n g s  c a t i o n , which was l a t e r  various  reflecting  family  on s i x  relationships, as  education-  possible Warner,  'Index o f S t a t u s Characitems:  o c c u p a t i o n , amount  r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n , amount o f edu-  s i m p l i f i e d t o a t h r e e i t e m index u s i n g o c c u -  income source and r e n t a l value o f house, by Hatt  (1950).  For the purpose o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between the d i f f e r e n t the upper c l a s s e s ,  social  characteristics,  In the U n i t e d S t a t e s ,  (1949) developed an o b j e c t i v e  and source o f income, house t y p e ,  pation,  manners,  a m b i t i o n s and b e l i e f s ,  indicators of social differentiation. Meeker and E e l l s  t h e i r incomes,  but  Oeser and Hammond (1954) i n a study o f  c l a s s i n A u s t r a l i a suggest the v a r i a b l e s : social  a necessary,  as can be seen i n the  groups d i s t r i b u t e  values.  c u l t u r a l l y d e f i n e d and  i t was from some o f the d e s c r i p t i v e  groups  of  sociological  works t h a t most h e l p was d e r i v e d . Characteristics  of e l i t e  groups.  Sociologists  have d e s c r i b e d the  d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e s o f the upper c l a s s e s , p o i n t i n g o u t the istics  character-  which d i s t i n g u i s h them from the lower s t r a t a o f s o c i e t y ,  further  d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between the  (Mills,  1956)  ferential  ' o l d ' and the  'new' upper  classes,  a l t h o u g h , i n the s t u d i e s o f s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ,  characteristics  and  dif-  used are u s u a l l y l i m i t e d t o one o r more o f  the v a r i a b l e s : o c c u p a t i o n , e d u c a t i o n , income and e t h n i c i t y .  High  c  incomes, whether  as a r e s u l t o f i n h e r i t e d w e a l t h o r d e r i v e d  successful career, Porter,  are features  o f the upper c l a s s e s  1965) as i s h i g h o c c u p a t i o n a l  Canada the c a r e e r p a t t e r n s and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e finance.  status, Porter  The d i v i s i o n o f the e l i t e i n t o  reporting that i n  ' o l d ' and  'new  1  upper c l a s s  s t a t u s by  i s inherent  i n t h e i r way  of  s o c i a l c l a s s and e l i t e groups can be summarised  i n the studies o f  under t h r e e  general  The f i r s t o f these i s s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , which r e p r e s e n t s  f a c t o f the o l d upper c l a s s i n h e r i t i n g p r e s t i g e w h i l e the new c l a s s s t r i v e to achieve status. i n h e r i t a recognised  s t a b i l i t y , w h i l e the new Porter,  1965.)  high  s t a t u s , and thus e x h i b i t  family  social  upper c l a s s d i s p l a y upward m o b i l i t y .  S o c i a l m o b i l i t y can be c o n s i d e r e d  the  upper  The o l d upper c l a s s , r e l y i n g on  (Mills,  as b e i n g o f two  types - i n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y and i n t r a - g e n e r a t i o n a l the  for  group.  The d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e s which a r e d i s c u s s e d  1956;  life,  e l i t e i s s o c i a l l y mobile and s t r i v i n g c o n t i n u o u s l y  p r e s t i g e and r e c o g n i t i o n by the e s t a b l i s h e d  lineage,  family  He r e f e r s t o the c u l t u r e and p o s i t i o n o f  the o l d upper c l a s s , where p r e s t i g e  headings.  1956;  the l e g a l system and i n h i g h  speaks o f the former a c h i e v i n g  l i n e a g e , the l a t t e r by w e a l t h .  w h i l e t h e new  (Mills,  o f t h e e l i t e groups are i n t h e t e c h n i c a l  system o f p r o d u c t i o n ,  was made by M i l l s , who  from a  mobility,  former i n v o l v i n g a comparison o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s o c c u p a t i o n w i t h  t h a t o f h i s f a t h e r , the l a t t e r c o n c e r n i n g the i n d i v i d u a l ' s  career  pattern. 1953.) for i t  (Jackson & C r o c k e t t , 1964; L i p s e t & Z e t t e r b e r g , Occupation i s  is  u s u a l l y taken as  relevant to a l l s o c i a l  1956; Rogoff,  the i n d e x o f s o c i a l m o b i l i t y ,  stratification  and t h e r e  is  close  correspondence between o c c u p a t i o n and o t h e r c r i t e r i a o f c l a s s , as p r e s t i g e ,  income, s t y l e  of l i f e ,  B e n d i x , 1952, 1959; C e n t e r s ,  1948.)  power.  (Chinoy, 1955; L i p s e t &  These are problems i n v o l v e d i n  the measurement o f s o c i a l m o b i l i t y through these c o n c e p t s , when the i n d i v i d u a l under c o n s i d e r a t i o n i s young, f o r i t to trace a career p a t t e r n , so t h a t  comparison w i t h h i s  1964.)  Nevertheless,  w i t h some i d e a o f  and h i s s t a t u s i s father's  not p r o p e r l y  impossible established,  s t a t u s i s made d i f f i c u l t .  by s o c i o l o g i s t s  (Yasuda, along  is  in differentiating  that of kinship l i n k s .  o f the former, k i n s h i p l i n k s are very s t r o n g ,  and membership o f the same c l u b s ,  They have r e l a t i v e s  and f r i e n d s  very important and are r e f l e c t e d  1965.)  at  s t r o n g t i e s are  similar established.  i n r e s i d e n t i a l proximity to  are  relatives  i n b u s i n e s s and through a s s o c i a t i o n s .  Kinship t i e s ,  p o r t a n t t o the new upper c l a s s ,  In the case  i n common; t i e s w i t h the f a m i l y  w i t h them s o c i a l l y ,  1956; P o r t e r ,  between  f o r h a v i n g had a common  s o c i a l background and u p b r i n g i n g , i n v o l v i n g attendance  (Mills,  is  f a m i l y background, f o r s o c i a l m o b i l i t y .  the o l d and the new upper c l a s s ,  and i n c o n t a c t s  especially  o c c u p a t i o n s e r v e s as a c o n v e n i e n t i n d e x ,  Another area d i s c u s s e d  schools  such  on the o t h e r h a n d , are  as would be expected  unim-  i n a group which  upwardly m o b i l e , f o r the members are t r y i n g t o l e a v e b e h i n d t h e i r  is  former  c l a s s and s t a t u s and a c h i e v e the l e v e l o f a h i g h e r s t r a t u m . 1968;  Parsons,  1943;  Porter,  American s o c i e t y t h e r e i s structures  and t h a t  is  greatly  a close association society  of m a r i t a l partners  structure.  t i e s s h o u l d perhaps  H o l l i n g s h e a d (1949) showed t h a t  in a stratified  we f i n d the f a m i l i e s i n the s o c i a l  1965.)  It  is  (Crysdale,  between c l a s s and k i n s h i p  such as  the American one,  b e l o n g i n g to s i m i l a r  suggested by Brown  strata  (1965) t h a t k i n s h i p  become l e s s i m p o r t a n t i n a c o m p e t i t i v e s o c i e t y  concerned w i t h achievement  in  which  for:  "The modern c o m p e t i t i v e p r o d u c t i o n system makes i t important to have the b e s t q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n i n each j o b ; i t i s bad b u s i n e s s t o p r e f e r the l e s s q u a l i f i e d man because he i s your nephew o r t o pass o v e r the s u p e r i o r a p p l i c a n t because he i s a Negro." (Brown, 1965, p . 106.) There i s  no i n d i c a t i o n , however, i n s t u d i e s o f the e l i t e  f a m i l y c o n n e c t i o n s i n b u s i n e s s are  f e a t u r e s as  ' s o c i a l background1. schools,  tutions  c o n s i d e r e d t o i n c l u d e such  and c o l l e g e s  and l o y a l t i e s .  membership o f which i s  Its  (Porter,  strengthening  members b e l o n g t o the same c l u b s ,  through i n t r o d u c t i o n by one o r more  so t h a t the s t a t u s o f the c l u b might be preserved.-  the i n d i v i d u a l must be r e c o g n i s e d as a c c e p t e d t o the c l u b .  1965.)  i n common, t h e s e i n s t i -  forming the background f o r i n i t i a t i n g and  friendships  members,  This i s  can be p l a c e d under the  club, ethnicity, r e l i g i o n , etc.  The o l d upper c l a s s have s c h o o l s  that  lessening.  A t h i r d group o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f a c t o r s heading o f  groups  existing In a d d i t i o n ,  a member o f the g r o u p , before he  is  The o l d upper c l a s s are r e p o r t e d t o be a c t i v e p a t r o n s (Boskoff,  1962; M i l l s ,  t a k i n g no p a r t charitable  1956; P o r t e r ,  in p o l i t i c a l l i f e ,  o r g a n i s a t i o n s and w e l f a r e  suggested by H o l l i n g s h e a d  (1949) t h a t  They are d e s c r i b e d  1965.)  but w i l l  a l t h o u g h i t has  their interest  the e l i t e (Porter,  t o the lower s o c i a l  been  groups,  such as  Rotary.  r e p o r t e d t o share a common r e l i g i o n ,  groups i n Canada u s u a l l y b e i n g members o f the A n g l i c a n Church. 1965.)  Throughout a l l the d i s c u s s i o n s the emphasis i s f a c t t h a t the o l d upper c l a s s have a d i s t i n c t ground m a n i f e s t e d backgrounds difficult  to  may be o n l y a  whose i n t e r e s t s tend t o be i n s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a s s o c i a t i o n s In a d d i t i o n , the o l d upper c l a s s are  arts.  as  d i r e c t t h e i r energies  activities,  p e c u n i a r y one, l e a v i n g a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n  o f the  i n t h e i r p r e s t i g e schools  seen t o be on the  and u n i f o r m s o c i a l  and c l u b s ,  w h i l e the  backsocial  o f the new upper c l a s s e s are very v a r i e d and they f i n d  t o a t t a i n membership i n the p r e s t i g e  it  associations.  CONCEPTUAL PARADIGM High o c c u p a t i o n  status  High income Strong k i n s h i p links  Weak k i n s h i p links  Stability  Upward m o b i l i t y  Homogeneous social background  Varied social background Residential area  Residential area Urban  Structure  The v a r i a b l e s  are i n d i c a t e d as  proximity to r e l a t i v e s contact with r e l a t i v e s  follows:  socially i n business through a s s o c i a t i o n s  family  social:  f a t h e r ' s occupation against i n d i v i d u a l ' s occupation career pattern residential  mobility  schools clubs/associations cultural activities religion ethnic a f f i l i a t i o n friendships  social background ) )  With these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c was c o n s t r u c t e d .  ties  f e a t u r e s i n mind, the i n t e r v i e w  (Appendix). Questions  schedule  were d e r i v e d t o e l i c i t  mation showing whether o r not the household p o s s e s s e d each o f characteristics  indicated.  r e l i g i o n c o u l d be a s c e r t a i n e d 'Which church do you a t t e n d ? ' had t o be asked.  the  In some cases the i n f o r m a t i o n c o u l d be  o b t a i n e d from one o r two simple q u e s t i o n s .  questions  infor-  by a s k i n g  F o r example,  a  household's  'Do you a t t e n d c h u r c h ? 1  With o t h e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ,  F o r example,  i t was f e l t  that  and  several i n Vancouver  the major c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s  r e v o l v e around the Vancouver Symphony  O r c h e s t r a and the P l a y h o u s e .  In a d d i t i o n , t h r e e performances  and  three of b a l l e t  Furthermore,  opera  are g i v e n each y e a r i n the Queen E l i z a b e t h T h e a t r e .  Thus, t o d i s c o v e r whether o r not a household takes p a r t activities,  of  questions  were asked about attendance  season t i c k e t s  are a v a i l a b l e  in cultural  at these  functions.  for regular attenders of  the  Symphony and the Playhouse and so the household was asked i f they had these.  I n f o r m a t i o n on how many o f these a c t i v i t i e s  a t t e n d e d over a c e r t a i n p e r i o d was a l s o o b t a i n e d . a s e r i e s o f questions  of different  orders  t o determine the degree o f the h o u s e h o l d ' s  the household has Thus, the r e s u l t  is  f o r each a c t i v i t y , h e l p i n g interest.  A g a i n , t o determine whether o r not a household has c o n t a c t w i t h relatives,  the q u e s t i o n f i r s t  i n Vancouver?'  had to be a s k e d ,  'Do you have  Subsequently i t was asked how o f t e n v i s i t s  with r e l a t i v e s .  relatives were exchanged  I t was f e l t a l s o t h a t r e g u l a r telephone c a l l s  t i v e s would i n d i c a t e a wish t o m a i n t a i n s o c i a l c o n n e c t i o n s f o r people who f i n d themselves  too busy f o r frequent v i s i t s .  to  rela-  those  Contact i n  b u s i n e s s o r through a s s o c i a t i o n s was r e v e a l e d by a s k i n g whether p r e s e n t l y o r i n the p a s t any r e l a t i v e s  had been employed by the company w i t h which  the head o f the h o u s e h o l d i s  employed o r whether any r e l a t i v e  is  involved  w i t h a s s o c i a t i o n s o f which i n d i v i d u a l s i n the household are members. As an i n d i c a t o r o f the degree o f i n t e r e s t the h o u s e h o l d has questions  i n associations or s o c i e t i e s  were put as  and p a r t i c i p a t i o n which o f which i t  is  a member,  to whether o r n o t any o f the f a m i l y had served on  a committee f o r any a s s o c i a t i o n .  S i m i l a r questions  concerning r e l a t i v e s  o f the household were a l s o i n c l u d e d . The s t a b i l i t y o r m o b i l i t y o f r e s i d e n t i a l  l o c a t i o n l e d to  questions  about the number o f houses i n which the husband and w i f e had l i v e d d u r i n g t h e i r u p b r i n g i n g and i n which the p r e s e n t h o u s e h o l d had l i v e d .  The h o u s e h o l d was a l s o asked whether i t regarded  its  present  home as  a permanent one. As f a r as o c c u p a t i o n s  are c o n c e r n e d , the head o f the h o u s e h o l d  was asked t o g i v e h i s o c c u p a t i o n and t h a t o f h i s two o c c u p a t i o n s  might be compared.  was asked f o r the nature o f h i s  father,  so t h a t  the  In a d d i t i o n , the h o u s e h o l d head  first  he had had i n the course o f h i s c a r e e r  employment and the number o f as  jobs  i n d i c a t o r s o f how v a r i e d h i s  c a r e e r had been. When an i n t e r v i e w schedule had been c o n s t r u c t e d , were conducted w i t h households agreed  to be i n t e r v i e w e d so t h a t the q u e s t i o n n a i r e  1.  tested. subsequent  some a l t e r a t i o n s  i n questions  With these f i n a l  adjustments,  the  completed."'"  F o r e a s i e r i n t e r v i e w i n g the o r d e r o f q u e s t i o n s  was  were  which had  and changing the o r d e r o f q u e s t i o n s  make f o r a smoother i n t e r v i e w . schedule was  interviews,  eliminating ambiguities  not p r e v i o u s l y been d e t e c t e d  might be  stage was not used i n the  F o l l o w i n g on these i n i t i a l  made i n the s c h e d u l e ,  interviews  l i v i n g i n the sample areas who had  The i n f o r m a t i o n c o l l e c t e d at t h i s survey.  eight  changed.  to  III  Sampling Procedure P r i o r t o the a c t u a l  s e l e c t i o n o f the samples, maps were o b t a i n e d  showing every l o t i n each a r e a and those l o t s which were o c c u p i e d by b u i l d i n g s which were not s i n g l e homes, e t c . )  were e l i m i n a t e d .  family dwellings  (i.e.  schools,  nursing  T h i s was found t o be o n l y n e c e s s a r y  Shaughnessy where the o l d e r l a r g e homes l e n d themselves I t was known t h a t i n Shaughnessy  in  to conversion.  some houses have been i l l e g a l l y  d i v i d e d i n t o s u i t e s , but because o f t h e i r i l l e g a l n a t u r e no l i s t i n g o f these houses i s  available.  I t p r o v e d i m p o s s i b l e t o i d e n t i f y these  houses by o b s e r v a t i o n and so i t was d e c i d e d t o p r o c e e d w i t h the sampling and r e j e c t  any houses which t u r n e d out t o be o t h e r than s i n g l e  dwellings,  a l t h o u g h i t was r e a l i s e d t h a t t h i s  the sample. of single  In the e v e n t ,  family  l i m i t e d the v a l i d i t y o f  the sample which emerged c o n s i s t e d  solely  family dwellings.  The q u e s t i o n o f b l o c k sampling was c o n s i d e r e d , but w h i l e a t e c h n i q u e i n p a r t s o f the c i t y where the g r i d p a t t e r n i s was f e l t  t o be u n s u i t a b l e i n t h i s  shape and s i z e  i n s t a n c e because o f the  o f the b l o c k s i n both Shaughnessy  useful  dominant i t irregular  and B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s .  In a d d i t i o n , the v a r i e t y o f l o t s i z e s l e a d s t o d i f f e r i n g d e n s i t i e s houses,  especially  i n Shaughnessy where t h e r e i s  a marked d i f f e r e n c e  i n d e n s i t y between the n o r t h and the south o f the a r e a . method was thus thought to be more s u i t a b l e consideration.  of  The f o l l o w i n g  f o r the areas under  Known n o n - r e s i d e n t i a l p r o p e r t y h a v i n g been e x c l u d e d , a number was assigned  t o each r e m a i n i n g l o t and u s i n g random number t a b l e s ,  o f houses was s e l e c t e d  from each a r e a .  a sample  F o r t y homes i n each area were  selected,  o n l y the f i r s t  t h i r t y o f these b e i n g r e q u i r e d f o r i n t e r v i e w  purposes,  the r e m a i n i n g t e n s e r v i n g as a r e s e r v e  a refusal  from one o r more o f the f i r s t  list  i n the event o f  thirty.  U s i n g the Vancouver C i t y D i r e c t o r y , the owners o f the s e l e c t e d homes were determined and then c o n t a c t e d and asked to agree to an i n t e r v i e w . In n e i t h e r area were a l l o f the t h i r t y o r i g i n a l l y chosen f i n a l l y viewed.  Eight householders,  Properties, was l i v i n g  refused  f i v e i n Shaughnessy  and t h r e e i n B r i t i s h  t o be i n t e r v i e w e d , w h i l e another i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  i n Europe d u r i n g the i n t e r v i e w p e r i o d .  h o u s e h o l d e r s were taken from the f i r s t addition,  inter-  Substitutes  names on the r e s e r v e  f o r these  lists.  i n t h r e e cases i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s the occupants o f  houses were no l o n g e r as  specified  i n the D i r e c t o r y .  cases i t proved p o s s i b l e  to f i n d out who i s  In one o f  In  the these  l i v i n g i n the house now; i n  the o t h e r two cases these homes were d i s c a r d e d and the h o u s e h o l d e r s the next two homes on the l i s t  contacted instead.  A t the end o f  i n t e r v i e w i n g p e r i o d responses had been o b t a i n e d from s i x t y  of  the  households.  In every case the household h e a d ' s income was over $10,000 and i n most cases over $20,000.  Heads o f households' o c c u p a t i o n s belonged i n  almost every case to the p r o f e s s i o n s management.  and to the upper e c h e l o n s o f  In each case the household owned o r was i n the p r o c e s s o f  b u y i n g the house i n which i t r e n t i n g t h e i r homes.  lived;  t h e r e were no cases o f  There were no i n s t a n c e s  households  of non-family households.  In a l l but two cases t h e r e were c h i l d r e n i n the f a m i l y , and i n most cases at l e a s t some c h i l d r e n s t i l l  IV  l i v e d at home.  Interviewing I n t e r v i e w s were conducted by the w r i t e r i n most cases w i t h the w i f e  o f the h o u s e h o l d .  E x c e p t i o n s to t h i s o c c u r r e d when the h o u s e h o l d e r was  a widower o r when the w i f e r e f u s e d  to be i n t e r v i e w e d , as was the  i n t h r e e homes i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s and two i n Shaughnessy.  case  In f o u r -  teen cases the i n t e r v i e w was conducted w i t h both husband and w i f e  present,  e i t h e r because the wife had r e q u e s t e d t h a t h e r husband be p r e s e n t  or  because the husband had expressed i n t e r e s t  i n the s t u d y .  The i n t e r v i e w  was u s u a l l y conducted i n the h o u s e h o l d ' s home, except on t h r e e when the husband was i n t e r v i e w e d i n h i s  office.  I n f o r m a t i o n was c o l l e c t e d f o r b o t h husband and w i f e , was f e l t  to be adequate t o have one answer f o r the o t h e r .  few o c c a s i o n s  although  it  Only on a  d i d d i f f i c u l t y a r i s e w i t h t h i s arrangement - when wives  had d i f f i c u l t y answering q u e s t i o n s occupations of t h e i r  about t h e i r husbands'  incomes o r the  fathers-in-law.  In almost every case the s u b j e c t s responded r e a d i l y to the On the whole i t was f e l t interview,  occasions  questions.  t h a t the wives responded more r e a d i l y to  the  e l a b o r a t i n g t h e i r responses and showing a w i l l i n g n e s s to  talk,  w h i l e the husbands tended t o more c o n c i s e and c o n f i n e themselves more p r e c i s e  replies.  In f i v e i n s t a n c e s  no response was o b t a i n e d  the q u e s t i o n about incomes - two i n Shaughnessy Properties  for  and t h r e e i n B r i t i s h  - and i n t h r e e cases - a l l i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s - no  response was g i v e n to the q u e s t i o n c o n c e r n i n g the i n d i v i d u a l ' s occupation.  to  father  CHAPTER FOUR  ANALYSIS  The i n f o r m a t i o n c o l l e c t e d was coded by the w r i t e r . was understood t h a t t h i s procedure i s could r e s u l t necessary.  i n introducing bias,  Although  not e n t i r e l y s a t i s f a c t o r y  financial constraints  made  In a d d i t i o n , the i n t e r v i e w schedule was so set  much o f the i n f o r m a t i o n c o u l d be coded as and o n l y a few o f the q u e s t i o n s  it  and  it  up t h a t  the responses were g i v e n ,  were open o n e s ,  thus l i m i t i n g  the  p o s s i b i l i t y of introducing bias. U n i v a r i a t e frequency t a b l e s and u n i v a r i a t e t o t a l percentage were c a l c u l a t e d f o r each group. form one v a r i a b l e ,  Some o f the responses were combined to  and s i m i l a r t a b l e s were o b t a i n e d .  were computed t o t e s t the n u l l hypotheses been drawn from the same p o p u l a t i o n . a t the 0.1 p e r c e n t l e v e l u n l e s s Some i n i t i a l  of  Chi-square  values  t h a t the samples c o u l d have  A l l differences  are  significant  otherwise i n d i c a t e d .  comments can be made about the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  two samples o f h o u s e h o l d s .  tables  Of the Shaughnessy  of  group 43 p e r c e n t ,  the  and  the B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s group 37 p e r cent had incomes o f between  $20,000 and $30,000, w h i l e 84 p e r cent o f the Shaughnessy p e r cent o f the B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  group and 77  group had incomes o f under $20,000.  F i v e households - t h r e e i n Shaughnessy  and two i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  gave no response t o t h i s q u e s t i o n and those households not  already  accounted f o r had incomes o f between $10,000 and $20,000.  These  -  figures  g i v e c o n f i r m a t i o n t h a t the two groups under examination are upper income groups. N e i t h e r group was found t o be u n i f o r m i n i t s  life  stage.  In each  group households w i t h young c h i l d r e n and households w i t h the husband r e t i r e d were found. s c h o o l age.  The m a j o r i t y o f households had c h i l d r e n o f h i g h  In 63 p e r cent o f the Shaughnessy households  and 70 p e r  cent o f the B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s households the age o f the o l d e s t was o v e r f i f t e e n Properties  years  and i n Shaughnessy  33 p e r cent and B r i t i s h  27 p e r cent o f the households no l o n g e r had any c h i l d r e n  l i v i n g at home. cant d i f f e r e n c e  From these i n d i c a t o r s t h e r e appeared to be no s i g n i f i i n the l i f e  s t a g e s o f the two groups.  The two groups w i l l now be examined on the b a s i s o f the istics  I  character-  previously outlined.  Mobility Both the degree o f r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y o f the two groups  the degree o f s o c i a l m o b i l i t y are o f 1)  child  and a l s o  interest.  Residential mobility T h i s has been c o n s i d e r e d i n two p a r t s :  a)  the m o b i l i t y o f the husband and the w i f e d u r i n g t h e i r u p b r i n g i n g ;  b)  the m o b i l i t y o f the p r e s e n t h o u s e h o l d .  a)  In Shaughnessy  a l l the husbands  i n t e r v i e w e d and 90 p e r c e n t o f  wives had been brought up i n two houses o r l e s s ,  (77 p e r c e n t o f  the  the  husbands and 67 p e r cent o f the wives had been brought up i n one house) w h i l e i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s 77 p e r cent o f the husbands and 87 p e r cent of  t h e wives had l i v e d i n f o u r houses o r more d u r i n g t h e i r  upbringing.  One o f t h e B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s husbands had l i v e d i n e l e v e n houses, and two  i n f o u r t e e n , w h i l e one o f the wives had l i v e d i n seventeen In t h e s e  houses.  f i g u r e s a l o n e , i t i s c l e a r t h a t t h e r e i s a background o f  m o b i l i t y which i s n o t p r e s e n t i n the o t h e r group. b)  Table 1 shows the r e l a t i v e  s t a b i l i t y o f t h e Shaughnessy households  compared w i t h those o f the B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s .  Again t h e r e appears t o  be g r e a t e r m o b i l i t y i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s . Table 1 Percentage  o f households and years spent  i n p r e s e n t home  0-5  6-10  B r i t i s h Properties  53  17  23  Shaughnessy  13  23  17  The  life  11-15  16-20 7 17  20+ 0 30  stage o f t h e households c o u l d have some b e a r i n g on t h e  l e n g t h o f time which a household  has spent i n i t s p r e s e n t home, but as  a l r e a d y i n d i c a t e d , the two groups appear t o be s i m i l a r i n terms o f l i f e stage.  D i f f i c u l t i e s i n comparing the two s e t s o f f i g u r e s do a r i s e ,  however, from the f a c t has  t h a t much o f t h e development i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  taken p l a c e s i n c e the l a s t war and t h e r e has h a r d l y been time f o r  many p e o p l e  t o have l i v e d t h e r e f o r much more than twenty y e a r s .  Never-  theless,  i f t h i s were a s t a b l e a r e a ,  i t might be r e a s o n a b l e  to  expect  t h a t a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f households would have o c c u p i e d t h e i r  present  homes f o r around f i f t e e n years  the  and the f a c t  that  50 p e r c e n t o f  households have been i n t h e i r homes f o r f i v e years a fair  degree o f m o b i l i t y i n the group.  e x t e n t by the h o u s e h o l d s ' Shaughnessy (at  residents  attitude  felt  suggests  supported to some  towards t h e i r homes.  A l l the  r e g a r d e d t h e i r p r e s e n t home as a permanent one  l e a s t u n t i l t h e i r c h i l d r e n have l e f t  households  This is  or l e s s  home, a l t h o u g h o n l y  four  t h a t even then they might c o n s i d e r m o v i n g ) , w h i l e  o n l y 27 p e r cent o f the B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s households thought o f t h e i r p r e s e n t house as  a permanent home.  Of the Shaughnessy h o u s e h o l d s , one o t h e r house  73 p e r cent had l i v e d i n at  (other than r e n t e d accommodation) and t h i s was the case  f o r 90 p e r cent o f the B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s h o u s e h o l d s . backgrounds  of the two g r o u p s ,  households whose p r e s e n t  however, d i f f e r e d .  house was not t h e i r f i r s t  h a l f had l i v e d i n another house i n Shaughnessy others  The r e s i d e n t i a l  Of the  Shaughnessy  residence,  and almost a l l  i n another p a r t o f Vancouver ( e x c l u d i n g Shaughnessy  Properties);  least  more than the  and B r i t i s h  two households had l i v e d o u t s i d e North A m e r i c a .  Of the  B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s group 28 households had l i v e d o u t s i d e B r i t i s h Columbia, i.e.  i n o t h e r p a r t s o f Canada, i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s , o r o u t s i d e  America.  North  There a l s o appeared t o be a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount o f movement  within B r i t i s h Properties,  t h i r t e e n households h a v i n g l i v e d i n o t h e r  homes i n the a r e a and, o f t h e s e ,  seven households had l i v e d i n at  f o u r homes i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s ,  one h a v i n g l i v e d i n as many as n i n e .  (The i n t e r v i e w schedule d i d n o t s e t so i t  is  available  2)  Social mobility  a)  Career p a t t e r n  least  out t o o b t a i n t h i s  f o r o n l y these seven  i n f o r m a t i o n and  households.)  Some i d e a o f the household h e a d ' s c a r e e r p a t t e r n i n terms o f  its  v a r i e t y o r s t a b i l i t y was o b t a i n e d . Of the Shaughnessy B r i t i s h Properties  g r o u p , 10 p e r c e n t , and 37 p e r c e n t o f  group were found t o have changed the n a t u r e o f t h e i r  occupations during t h e i r careers. the 5 p e r cent l e v e l . ) Properties  the  (The d i f f e r e n c e  In Shaughnessy  is  significant  at  67 p e r c e n t and i n B r i t i s h  17 p e r cent o f the h o u s e h o l d heads began t h e i r c a r e e r s w i t h  the company w i t h which they are p r e s e n t l y employed, w h i l e none o f Shaughnessy  household heads and 67 p e r cent o f those  the  i n B r i t i s h Properties  had been employed w i t h more than four companies o r i n more than four positions  if  professional.  Table 2 Percentage  o f household heads and number o f i n p r e s e n t job 0-5  British  Properties  Shaughnessy  years o f employment  6-10  11-15  16-20  43  23  3  7  23  7  3  13  27  50  20+  T a b l e 2 shows the r e l a t i v e  l e n g t h s of time f o r which the h o u s e h o l d  heads i n the two groups had been employed i n t h e i r p r e s e n t difference  in stability  i s q u i t e marked, w i t h a g r e a t e r  s t a b i l i t y i n Shaughnessy,  jobs.  The  degree o f  77 p e r cent o f those i n t e r v i e w e d h a v i n g  been employed i n t h e i r p r e s e n t  job f o r s i x t e e n y e a r s o r more compared  w i t h 30 p e r cent i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s . The age o f the household head c o u l d a f f e c t spent  the l e n g t h o f time  i n a p a r t i c u l a r job and number o f o c c u p a t i o n s o r jobs which he  has had - the o l d e r he i s  the more time he has had t o t r y  several  o c c u p a t i o n s and change h i s jobs f r e q u e n t l y .  The i n t e r v i e w schedule  d i d n o t ask  but from the  f o r the ages o f the r e s p o n d e n t s ,  observations  o f the i n t e r v i e w e r and the i n f o r m a t i o n o b t a i n e d about the l i f e  stage  o f the h o u s e h o l d s , b o t h i n d i c a t e d t h a t n e i t h e r group c o n t a i n s a p r o p o r t i o n o f e i t h e r o l d o r young heads o f h o u s e h o l d s . t o be no marked d i f f e r e n c e  large  There appeared  i n ages between the groups which might h e l p  to account f o r the d i f f e r e n c e between them i n s t a b i l i t y o f  career  pattern. b)  Occupation of father v. occupation of In t h i s  son  s e c t i o n any upward move i n o c c u p a t i o n s t a t u s from the  t o the second g e n e r a t i o n i s In Shaughnessy  investigated.  a l l the household heads and i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  a l l but two were i n the two o c c u p a t i o n groups o f p r o f e s s i o n a l management,  first  the breakdown o f t h i s b e i n g about 50 p e r cent  and  professional  and 50 p e r cent management i n b o t h a r e a s .  (The l a r g e s t o c c u p a t i o n  group i n Shaughnessy was lawyers and i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s T h i s b e i n g the c a s e , the percentage  o f h o u s e h o l d heads f o r each group  whose o c c u p a t i o n s were i n the p r o f e s s i o n s fathers'  o r management and whose  o c c u p a t i o n s were o f lower s t a t u s was o b t a i n e d .  Of the B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  engineers.)  group, t h r e e households  respond t o the q u e s t i o n about the f a t h e r ' s  (Table failed  3.)  to  o c c u p a t i o n and i n two o t h e r  cases the o c c u p a t i o n o f the household head was o f lower s t a t u s than Table 3 Percentage o f household heads i n p r o f e s s i o n s and management whose f a t h e r s ' o c c u p a t i o n s are o f lower s t a t u s B r i t i s h Properties  43  Shaughnessy  professional  7  and management l e v e l s .  In the r e m a i n i n g 40 p e r cent o f  the households the o c c u p a t i o n o f the household head and o f the were o f s i m i l a r s t a t u s . s o c i a l m o b i l i t y as striking, British  Table 3 i n d i c a t e s  t h a t the d i f f e r e n c e s  i n d i c a t e d by o c c u p a t i o n s t a t u s i s  the Shaughnessy  father  group showing g r e a t e r  in  nevertheless  stability  than  Properties.  From the f o r e g o i n g s t a t e m e n t s , i t can be seen t h a t t h e r e s t a b i l i t y i n the Shaughnessy  area which i s  is  lacking in B r i t i s h Properties,  where the s o c i e t y appears t o be a mobile one, b o t h i n terms o f t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n and s o c i a l m o b i l i t y as measured by changes  in  occupation status.  S t a b i l i t y would be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the o l d  while m o b i l i t y i s  a characteristic  o f the new upper  elite,  class.  II Family Ties The f i r s t  set  of distinguishing characteristics  were grouped under  the h e a d i n g o f f a m i l y t i e s and i t was a n t i c i p a t e d t h a t the  residents  of  residents  Shaughnessy  of B r i t i s h  would d i s p l a y s t r o n g e r  f a m i l y t i e s than the  Properties.  F a m i l y t i e s are i n d i c a t e d b y :  1)  1)  p r o x i m i t y to  2)  contact with r e l a t i v e s  Proximity to  relatives a)  socially  b)  i n business  c)  through a s s o c i a t i o n s .  relatives  The q u e s t i o n of whether a household had r e l a t i v e s first  examined.  husbands  In Shaughnessy  husbands  i t was found t h a t 76 p e r c e n t o f  and 80 p e r cent o f the wives have r e l a t i v e s  In B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  i n Vancouver was  the c o r r e s p o n d i n g f i g u r e s  l i v i n g i n Vancouver.  were 30 p e r cent o f  and 27 p e r cent o f w i v e s .  A household was d e f i n e d as h a v i n g p r o x i m i t y to r e l a t i v e s the husband o r the w i f e , o r b o t h , had r e l a t i v e s r e s i d e n t i a l area shows the  the  (i.e.  results.  Shaughnessy  if  either  l i v i n g i n t h e i r own  or B r i t i s h Properties.)  Table 4  Percentage o f households w i t h r e l a t i v e s i n own area British  Properties  7  Shaughnessy  Contact with Social  93  relatives  contact  The household was d e f i n e d as h a v i n g s o c i a l c o n t a c t w i t h if  they exchanged v i s i t s  with r e l a t i v e s  they t e l e p h o n e d r e l a t i v e s  at  a t l e a s t once a week, o r i f  l e a s t t w i c e a week.  f r e q u e n t then they were regarded as h a v i n g l i t t l e with t h e i r  relatives  If  c o n t a c t was  less  s o c i a l connection  relatives.  Table 5 Percentage o f households h a v i n g s o c i a l contact with r e l a t i v e s British  Properties  7  Shaughnessy  b)  Business  93  contact  The household was c o n s i d e r e d t o have c o n t a c t through b u s i n e s s with r e l a t i v e s is  i f the f i r m w i t h which the household head i s  employed  o r has been a f a m i l y company and at l e a s t one o t h e r member o f  family,  or of h i s w i f e ' s  f a m i l y , has been employed o r i s  employed i n t h a t b u s i n e s s .  Table 6 shows the  results.  his  presently  Percentage o f households h a v i n g business contact with r e l a t i v e s B r i t i s h Properties  7  Shaughnessy  c)  Association The  70  contact  household was regarded  as h a v i n g c o n t a c t w i t h  relatives  through a s s o c i a t i o n s i f e i t h e r the husband o r t h e w i f e has one o r more r e l a t i v e s who have been members o r a r e p r e s e n t l y members o f c l u b s o r a s s o c i a t i o n s o f which e i t h e r the husband o r the w i f e a r e members. (Table 7.)  A s s o c i a t i o n s were c o n s i d e r e d t o i n c l u d e b u s i n e s s a s s o c i -  ations, c u l t u r a l o r welfare  s o c i e t i e s and s o c i a l c l u b s .  The i n t e r e s t  was n o t a t t h i s stage i n t h e k i n d o f a s s o c i a t i o n , b u t i n whether any family connections  e x i s t e d through membership i n t h e same a s s o c i a t i o n .  Table 7 Percentage o f housholds h a v i n g association contact with r e l a t i v e s B r i t i s h Properties Shaughnessy  0 90  In each case, p o s s e s s i o n o f the r e q u i r e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c - i . e . r e l a t i v e s i n t h e i r own r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a , r e l a t i v e s members o f the same a s s o c i a t i o n s - by e i t h e r t h e husband o r t h e w i f e has been  considered  s u f f i c i e n t t o a l l o w p o s s e s s i o n o f the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c by the household.  T h i s was n e c e s s a r y  t o cover the cases o f households where e i t h e r the  husband o r the w i f e has come from o u t s i d e Vancouver, the o t h e r p a r t n e r b e l o n g i n g t o Vancouver, and has adopted t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the f a m i l y i n t o which he o r she has m a r r i e d - becoming members o f c l u b s and a s s o c i a t i o n s a family  o f which i n - l a w s are members and perhaps e n t e r i n g  business.  From T a b l e s 4 t o 7 i t greater  also  evident that proximity to r e l a t i v e s  i n the Shaughnessy sample than i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s ,  contact with r e l a t i v e s is  is  greater  concluded that  s o c i a l l y , i n business  i n Shaughnessy. family t i e s  and through  is  while  associations,  With these as i n d i c a t o r s , i t can be  i n Shaughnessy are s t r o n g e r than i n B r i t i s h  Properties. A t t h i s stage i t might be u s e f u l t o o u t l i n e some o t h e r f a c t s  which  emerge from the data c o l l e c t e d and which can be seen to have some b e a r i n g on the above  results.  Table 8 Percentage o f r e s i d e n t s born i n Vancouver * husbands wives British  Properties  Shaughnessy  Difference  is  17  10  60  67  s i g n i f i c a n t a t the 1 p e r c e n t  level.  Percentage o f r e s i d e n t s brought up i n Vancouver  British  Properties  Shaughnessy  husbands  wives  7  20  67  83  From T a b l e s 8 and 9 i t i s c l e a r t h a t a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f r e s i dents i n Shaughnessy b e l o n g to Vancouver e i t h e r by b i r t h o r by u p b r i n g i n g and, i n f a c t , 67 p e r cent o f the husbands i n t e r v i e w e d  ( i n Shaughnessy)  and 63 p e r c e n t o f the wives were a c t u a l l y brought up i n Shaughnessy. By f a r the l a r g e r p r o p o r t i o n o f B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s r e s i d e n t s , however, have come from o u t s i d e Vancouver, 30 p e r c e n t o f both husbands and wives h a v i n g been brought up i n o t h e r p a r t s o f Canada  (i.e. outside  British  Columbia) and 50 p e r cent o f the husbands and 40 p e r cent o f the wives o u t s i d e Canada.  We are t h e r e f o r e d e a l i n g w i t h two groups, one o f which  has a p r e d o m i n a n t l y Vancouver background, the o t h e r a more v a r i e d  resi-  d e n t i a l background, and i t would be n a t u r a l t o expect t h a t the former group would have more r e l a t i v e s i n Vancouver and perhaps i n t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a than the l a t t e r .  T h i s b e i n g the c a s e , however, i t  s h o u l d a l s o be p o i n t e d out t h a t mere p r o x i m i t y t o r e l a t i v e s does not n e c e s s a r i l y imply c o n t a c t w i t h them and i t i s noteworthy t h a t a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f the Shaughnessy sample c l a i m t o have s o c i a l , b u s i n e s s and a s s o c i a t i o n contact with t h e i r  family.  III  S o c i a l Background The a s p e c t s o f s o c i a l background which were o f concern i n t h i s  study were e t h n i c o r i g i n s , schools,  religious  affiliation,  cultural  membership i n a s s o c i a t i o n s and f r i e n d s h i p s .  activities,  I t was  anticipated  t h a t the Shaughnessy households would be o f p r e d o m i n a n t l y B r i t i s h origin,  would a t t e n d the A n g l i c a n c h u r c h , would take an a c t i v e p a r t  cultural activities,  would r e c e i v e t h e i r e d u c a t i o n a t p r i v a t e  schools  would have membership i n a s s o c i a t i o n s r a n g i n g from p r e s t i g e c l u b s cultural  societies  and c h a r i t y o r g a n i s a t i o n s .  in and  to  The B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  g r o u p , on the o t h e r h a n d , was expected t o l a c k these  characteristics.  I t was expected t h a t t h e r e might be some p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c u l t u r a l activities,  the r e s u l t o f the new upper c l a s s i m i t a t i n g the o l d ;  membership i n some a s s o c i a t i o n s was e x p e c t e d , c l u b s nor t o any e x t e n t  i n c u l t u r a l or c h a r i t y s o c i e t i e s ;  i n p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s was c o n s i d e r e d as 1)  Ethnic  but not i n the p r e s t i g e some  interest  possible.  origins  The B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s households were found t o be l e s s Canadian than those o f Shaughnessy,  where 60 p e r cent o f the  strongly husbands  and 70 p e r c e n t o f the wives were at l e a s t the t h i r d g e n e r a t i o n o f t h e i r f a m i l y t o l i v e i n Canada.  The c o r r e s p o n d i n g f i g u r e s  were 3 p e r cent and 10 p e r  cent.  for B r i t i s h Properties  Percentage o f r e s i d e n t s British origins *  British  husbands  wives  47  37  83  83  Properties  Shaughnessy  *Difference  is  significant  From Table 10 i t  is  C a n a d i a n , the Shaughnessy  with  a t the 1 p e r cent l e v e l .  e v i d e n t t h a t a p a r t from b e i n g more s t r o n g l y sample has a much g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n o f  i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a B r i t i s h background. 2)  Religious  affiliation  Seventy-seven p e r c e n t o f Shaughnessy households some r e l i g i o u s  c l a i m e d t o have  a f f i l i a t i o n and 63 p e r cent s a i d t h a t they had attended  church i n the p r e v i o u s month, w h i l e i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s o n l y 37 p e r c e n t c l a i m e d r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n and 30 p e r cent had a t t e n d e d i n the p r e v i o u s month. Table  11 Percentage o f households w i t h religious a f f i l i a t i o n *  British  Properties  Shaughnessy  *Differences  significant  Anglican  United  Other  3  13  20  27  40  10  at the 5 p e r cent l e v e l .  church  The r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the A n g l i c a n church i n n e i t h e r sample i s high,  a l t h o u g h i t i s h i g h e r i n Shaughnessy  (Table 11.)  these r e s u l t s  the main church o f Canada.  that religious  differentiating 3)  than i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  The m a j o r i t y o f churchgoers i n Shaughnessy  U n i t e d church which i s  Cultural  very  It  attend  the  appears from  a f f i l i a t i o n i s n o t s e r v i n g as  a  useful  characteristic.  activities  To determine the degree o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n which a h o u s e h o l d had i n cultural activities,  its  responses t o three q u e s t i o n s  whether i t had season t i c k e t s  f o r the Symphony, o r f o r the P l a y h o u s e ,  and how o f t e n i t a t t e n d e d the b a l l e t i t was f e l t i.e.  t h a t attendance  h a l f the p o s s i b l e  interest. cultural  I t was f e l t  or opera.  For t h i s l a s t  at t h r e e performances  attendances,  o f households  activity  o r more i n the  would c o n s t i t u t e  a  i n a l l three a c t i v i t i e s .  year,  reasonable  t h a t a h o u s e h o l d w i t h keen i n t e r e s t  l i f e would p a r t i c i p a t e  the percentage  were examined -  i n the  city's  T a b l e 12 shows  i n the two groups w i t h a s t r o n g c u l t u r a l  interest. T a b l e 12 Percentage o f households w i t h strong c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t s British  Properties  Shaughnessy  'Strong'  0 67  c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t was d e f i n e d as b e i n g p o s s e s s i o n o f Symphony  season t i c k e t s half  and Playhouse season t i c k e t s p l u s attendance  the operas and b a l l e t s  g i v e n each y e a r .  household i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s reasonably  fulfilled  these c o n d i t i o n s w h i l e a  l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f the Shaughnessy households  fulfilled  did. Shaughnessy  two out o f the t h r e e c o n d i t i o n s w h i l e none o f  B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s households d i d . one household had season t i c k e t s tickets  In B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s ,  the  i n fact,  only  f o r the Symphony, w h i l e two had season  f o r the Playhouse and two attended h a l f the b a l l e t  performances.  least  T a b l e 12 shows t h a t no  F u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n showed t h a t 87 p e r cent o f the households  at at  o r opera  The t h r e e households w i t h season t i c k e t s were the o n l y  ones t o c l a i m any i n t e r e s t o n l y these t h r e e households  i n the Symphony and i n the P l a y h o u s e ,  c l a i m e d to a t t e n d the Symphony and the  P l a y h o u s e , w i t h o r w i t h o u t season t i c k e t s .  T h i s means t h a t  twenty-five  out o f t h i r t y households i n t e r v i e w e d s t a t e d t h a t they had no i n the c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s  i.e.  o f the c i t y ; they d i d not c l a i m an  interest interest  o n l y to i n d i c a t e l a t e r t h a t i t was a s u p e r f i c i a l o n e , but seemed content t o admit t o l a c k o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  There i s ,  d e t e r m i n i n g whether o r n o t a c c u r a t e  responses were o b t a i n e d from each  group - i t was not p o s s i b l e had season t i c k e t s  o f course,  no way o f  to f i n d out whether those households  a c t u a l l y made use o f them.  which  The w r i t e r has no reason  to b e l i e v e t h a t f a l s e i n f o r m a t i o n was b e i n g g i v e n , but even i f t h i s were the c a s e ,  it  at e x p r e s s i n g  is  still  i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t one group was unconcerned  an almost t o t a l  lack of i n t e r e s t  in cultural  activities,  w h i l e the o t h e r was eager t o g i v e the i m p r e s s i o n o f b e i n g c u l t u r a l l y involved.  4)  Schools The i n t e r e s t  here was i n d e t e r m i n i n g whether o r not p r i v a t e  had been a t t e n d e d f i r s t the h o u s e h o l d .  schools  by the p a r e n t s and s e c o n d l y by the c h i l d r e n o f  The r e s u l t s are i n T a b l e 13.  T a b l e 13 Percentage o f households Parents private British  Properties  Shaughnessy  at schools  with:  C h i l d r e n at p r i v a t e schools  3  13  80  87  I f e i t h e r o f the p a r e n t s had been educated i n a p r i v a t e they were c o n s i d e r e d t o have a t t e n d e d p r i v a t e  schools.  i n the f a m i l y was a t t e n d i n g o r had a t t e n d e d a p r i v a t e  If  any c h i l d  s c h o o l , then the  household was c o n s i d e r e d t o have had c h i l d r e n educated a t schools.  private  I t was, however, unusual f o r o n l y one c h i l d i n a f a m i l y to  be a t a p r i v a t e s c h o o l , w h i l e the r e s t o f the f a m i l y was a t schools.  school,  In o n l y two cases d i d t h i s o c c u r .  state  I t was not u n u s u a l , however,  t o f i n d t h a t one o r more c h i l d r e n i n the f a m i l y had a t t e n d e d b o t h p u b l i c and p r i v a t e  schools,  and perhaps  a l s o more than one type o f  private  school during t h e i r education. As f a r as  the p a r e n t s were c o n c e r n e d , the p r i v a t e s c h o o l s  attended  were o n l y i n Vancouver i f the i n d i v i d u a l had been brought up h e r e . the w h o l e , the c h i l d r e n ' s p r i v a t e s c h o o l s were i n Vancouver.  On  Exceptions  t o t h i s were seven households  i n Shaughnessy  and one i n B r i t i s h  P r o p e r t i e s who had c h i l d r e n at b o a r d i n g s c h o o l s on Vancouver I s l a n d and f i v e  families  i n Shaughnessy  had had c h i l d r e n at p r i v a t e  and one i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s who  schools  i n Europe.  Table 13 shows t h a t p r i v a t e s c h o o l s are c o n s i d e r a b l y more p o p u l a r w i t h the Shaughnessy households than w i t h those o f B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s . 5)  Associations First,  membership i n s o c i a l and p r e s t i g e c l u b s and s e c o n d , member-  s h i p i n a l l o t h e r a s s o c i a t i o n s w i l l be examined. a)  Membership i n t h r e e p r e s t i g e c l u b s i n the c i t y were c o n s i d e r e d  (Table  14.)  T a b l e 14 Percentage o f households w i t h membership i n c l u b s Vancouver Club  British  Properties  Shaughnessy  *Difference  is  Terminal Club  City *  Vancouver Tennis Club  3  0  0  67  20  50  s i g n i f i c a n t a t the 5 p e r cent l e v e l .  B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s membership can be seen t o be n e g l i g i b l e w h i l e Shaughnessy  representation  is quite  high.  The f u r t h e r o b s e r v a t i o n can be made t h a t B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s members h i p i n any s o c i a l / s p o r t s  c l u b s was found t o be very low.  Five  families  were members o f the C a p i l a n o G o l f Club and one a member o f the West Vancouver Yacht C l u b .  The h i g h e s t membership was i n the H o l l y b u r n Country C l u b ,  i n which e l e v e n households c l a i m e d membership.  In Shaughnessy,  on the  o t h e r h a n d , i n a d d i t i o n t o the c l u b s a l r e a d y mentioned i n T a b l e 14, e i g h t e e n f a m i l i e s were members o f the Shaughnessy the Royal Vancouver Yacht C l u b .  G o l f Club and n i n e o f  In a d d i t i o n , t e n f a m i l i e s  c l a i m e d membership i n c l u b s not a l r e a d y d i s c u s s e d .  It  s h o u l d be noted too  t h a t no households i n Shaughnessy had membership i n c l u b s burn Country C l u b .  i n each group  s i m i l a r t o the  Membership i n the Arbutus Club was e x p e c t e d ,  Holly-  but was n o t  found. b)  Membership i n four types o f a s s o c i a t i o n  c l u b s , membership was found t o be g r e a t e r  were examined.  As w i t h  among the Shaughnessy  social  group  (Table  T a b l e 15 Percentage o f households w i t h memberships i n a s s o c i a t i o n s  British  Political*  Cultural  Business  0  7  7  10  13  83  83  60  Properties  Shaughnessy *No s i g n i f i c a n t  Charity  difference.  Households were i n c l u d e d i n T a b l e 15 i f they had membership i n one o r more o f the types o f a s s o c i a t i o n s With b o t h groups  described.  almost every h o u s e h o l d w i t h membership i n  a t i o n s had a l s o had r e p r e s e n t a t i o n on committees associations,  so t h a t t h e i r i n t e r e s t  f o r one o f  appeared t o be f a i r l y  associ-  these active.  The c u l t u r a l a s s o c i a t i o n s which appeared most o f t e n were the Symphony S o c i e t y and the A r t G a l l e r y ; the b u s i n e s s a s s o c i a t i o n s i n c l u d e d the Board o f Trade and p r o f e s s i o n a l  societies;  c h a r i t y a s s o c i a t i o n s were  15.  r e p r e s e n t e d mainly by groups working i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h or organisations Political It  whose purpose  associations  t o r a i s e funds  that there i s  charities.  a notable difference  politics. between  i n terms o f membership i n c l u b s and a s s o c i a t i o n s ,  Shaughnessy group showing c o n s i d e r a b l e of i n t e r e s t .  for  i n c l u d e d c i v i c , p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l  appears t h e r e f o r e  the two groups  is  hospitals,  interest,  the o t h e r a c l e a r  residents  for lack of p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  households s t a t e d t h a t p r e s e n t l y they were unable t o a f f o r d the t o some o f the c l u b s ;  In a d d i t i o n , e l e v e n households around p a r t i e s of  clubs,  lack  S e v e r a l reasons were g i v e n d u r i n g the i n t e r v i e w s by a  number o f B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  scriptions  the  seven gave l a c k o f time as  subexcuse.  indicated that t h e i r s o c i a l l i f e  which were f r e q u e n t i n the a r e a ,  etc.,  an  Five  revolved  so t h a t they had no need  and e i g h t s t a t e d t h a t they had no membership i n c l u b s o r  a s s o c i a t i o n s s i n c e they d i d not expect to be i n Vancouver f o r more than a few y e a r s , 6)  f u r t h e r s t r e n g t h e n i n g the i m p r e s s i o n o f a mobile  society.  Friendships In b o t h a r e a s , most households had at l e a s t one c l o s e  i n t h e i r own a r e a Properties), groups  (Table  (93 p e r c e n t i n Shaughnessy  but the o r i g i n o f f r i e n d s h i p s  friend living  and 87 p e r c e n t i n B r i t i s h  d i f f e r e d between the two  16.)  T a b l e 16 Percentage o f households and friendship origins school British  Properties  Shaughnessy  parties  3  57  90  0  To Table 16 i t  can be added t h a t o f the Shaughnessy h o u s e h o l d s ,  87 p e r  cent s t a t e d t h a t over 50 p e r c e n t o f the p e o p l e w i t h whom they exchanged visits  were s c h o o l f r i e n d s ,  P r o p e r t i e s was 3 p e r It  can be s e e n ,  friendships  w h i l e the c o r r e s p o n d i n g f i g u r e  cent. therefore,  that unlike B r i t i s h Properties,  are m a i n t a i n e d among Shaughnessy  residents  while  important i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s , were not mentioned as f r i e n d s h i p i n Shaughnessy. Shaughnessy fact,  friendship patterns  a source  of the  Shaughnessy,  appears t o have few V a n c o u v e r i t e s , these  are perhaps not too s u r p r i s i n g .  i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t i n Shaughnessy  It  B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s group i s  nevertheless have  as has a l r e a d y been  form a s o c i a l l y s t a b l e group.  however, be wary o f c o n c l u d i n g t h a t  is  the s c h o o l f r i e n d s h i p s  been m a i n t a i n e d and t h i s would be expected i f , s u g g e s t e d , the households  parties,  number o f Vancouver people and, i n  number o f p e o p l e who were brought up i n  while B r i t i s h Properties  school  C o n s i d e r i n g the p r e v i o u s f i n d i n g s t h a t  area contains a large  a large  for B r i t i s h  One must,  lack of school friendships  due to a s o c i a l l y mobile group o f  i n the house-  h o l d s when so many o f the i n d i v i d u a l s i n t e r v i e w e d are now l i v i n g outside t h e i r school areas.  well  On the o t h e r hand, o f the e l e v e n people  i n t e r v i e w e d i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s who had been brought up i n Vancouver, none i n d i c a t e d t h a t s c h o o l f r i e n d s h i p s had been m a i n t a i n e d and l a c k o f c o n t i n u a n c e o f these would be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c society,  w h i c h , as  o f an upwardly mobile  a l r e a d y i n d i c a t e d , appears t o be what i s  found i n  British  Properties.  To the maintenance o f s c h o o l f r i e n d s h i p s ,  it  can be added t h a t  56  p e r c e n t o f the Shaughnessy households s t a t e d t h a t over f i f t y p e r cent o f the people w i t h whom they exchanged v i s i t s c l u b s and a s s o c i a t i o n s . was 10 p e r c e n t .  are members o f t h e i r  The c o r r e s p o n d i n g f i g u r e  This i s  another c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  which i s p o s s e s s e d by the Shaughnessy  for B r i t i s h Properties of o l d e l i t e  group, c l u b s and a s s o c i a t i o n s  o f t e n a c t i n g as v e h i c l e s through which f r i e n d s h i p s The Shaughnessy  group i s  groups  thus seen t o f i t  can be m a i n t a i n e d .  to a c o n s i d e r a b l e  extent  the requirements o f a p r e s t i g e s o c i a l background as i n d i c a t e d by the characteristics  discussed.  nantly B r i t i s h o r i g i n ; the p a r e n t s activities  residents  are o f p r e d o m i -  they are r e p r e s e n t e d i n p r i v a t e s c h o o l s  and the c h i l d r e n ;  - both  they take an a c t i v e p a r t i n c u l t u r a l  and have membership i n p r e s t i g e c l u b s and c u l t u r a l and  charity associations; of r e l i g i o u s  s c h o o l f r i e n d s h i p s have been m a i n t a i n e d .  The type  a f f i l i a t i o n , w h i l e b e i n g r e p r e s e n t e d as e x p e c t e d , was  t o be an u n s a t i s f a c t o r y since a large affiliation  The Shaughnessy  means o f d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between the  groups  number o f households i n each a r e a had no r e l i g i o u s  o f any k i n d .  characteristics.  The B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s households l a c k t h e s e  T h e i r s o c i a l backgrounds  share a common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f background.  felt  are more v a r i e d and i f  i t must be t h a t they p o s s e s s t h i s  they  variety  Conclusions. It  is  clear  from the f o r e g o i n g d i s c u s s i o n t h a t the two groups  can be c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d . M o b i l i t y - b o t h r e s i d e n t i a l and s o c i a l in B r i t i s h Properties  than i n Shaughnessy.  and c o n t a c t w i t h them i s g r e a t e r it  can be c o n c l u d e d t h a t  addition,  - was found to be Since p r o x i m i t y t o  i n Shaughnessy  f a m i l y t i e s are  greater relatives  than i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s ,  stronger  i n the former group.  Shaughnessy households p o s s e s s the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  In  i n d i c a t i v e of  a p r e s t i g e s o c i a l background. The concern o f t h i s city,  groups  i n the  one o f which i t was a n t i c i p a t e d would d i s p l a y o l d upper  characteristics class.  study has been w i t h two e l i t e  and the o t h e r , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  class  t y p i c a l o f the new upper  Shaughnessy households have been seen to p o s s e s s o l d upper  characteristics.  I t was e x p e c t e d ,  however, t h a t the new upper  w h i l e not p o s s e s s i n g the p r e s t i g e o f the o t h e r g r o u p , would be  class  class, aspiring  t o a c h i e v e t h i s p r e s t i g e and so would to some e x t e n t i m i t a t e them by h a v i n g membership i n some c l u b s and a s s o c i a t i o n s , have the same s t a t u s , active  interest  even i f these d i d n o t  and by t a k i n g at l e a s t a s u p e r f i c i a l ,  i n the c i t y ' s  cultural activities.  however, t h i s was not found t o be the c a s e .  i f not an  As a l r e a d y  suggested,  The B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  group d i d n o t appear t o be t r y i n g t o emulate t h e i r Shaughnessy p a r t s by p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a s s o c i a t i o n s o r c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . c l e a r i m p r e s s i o n emerged t h a t they have very l i t t l e i n t e r e s t  counterThe  i n these  activities. The d i f f e r e n c e s  between the groups a r e ,  however, c l e a r .  g e n e r a l p i c t u r e which emerges i s o f an o l d e l i t e dominantly Vancouver background, w i t h c l o s e residential  stability,  representation  participation in activities e x i s t s an e l i t e  The  group, w i t h a p r e -  family t i e s ,  s o c i a l and  i n p r e s t i g e i n s t i t u t i o n s and  o f the c i t y .  On the o t h e r h a n d ,  there  group w i t h a h i g h degree o f r e s i d e n t i a l and s o c i a l  m o b i l i t y , w i t h few Vancouver c o n n e c t i o n s and l i t t l e c o n t a c t w i t h f a m i l y and v i r t u a l l y no i n t e r e s t in prestige  in city activities  or  institutions.  I t has been shown too t h a t households o f s i m i l a r are grouped t o g e t h e r is  representation  characteristics  i n the same r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a and the  given that there i s  impression  l i t t l e c o n t a c t between the two a r e a s .  B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s households have f r i e n d s o r r e l a t i v e s w h i l e no Shaughnessy households t a l k e d o f f r i e n d s and o f the e i g h t Shaughnessy  in  Only two Shaughnessy,  in B r i t i s h Properties,  families with r e l a t i v e s  i n B r i t i s h Properties,  s i x added t h a t the r e l a t i v e - o f t e n a son o r a daughter - o n l y l i v e d because no s u i t a b l e free  home had y e t been found i n Shaughnessy.  c h o i c e o f l o c a t i o n i n the Vancouver a r e a ,  a l l the  households would e l e c t to remain i n Shaughnessy.  If  there  given a  Shaughnessy  Many reasons were  g i v e n , but the most frequent one was t h a t the a r e a has a d i g n i t y not found i n any o t h e r p a r t o f the Vancouver a r e a .  When asked why they  would not choose t o l i v e i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s ,  fourteen  families  r e p l i e d t h a t they d i d not l i k e the s t y l e o f l i f e o f the B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s  there.  A l l but  f a m i l i e s would remain i n B r i t i s h P r o p e r t i e s ,  the main reason g i v e n b e i n g the view and, found almost as t h a t the a r e a i s fessional  a good one f o r c h i l d r e n ,  p e o p l e w i t h homes t h e r e .  the o t h e r f i v e  five  frequently,  s i n c e t h e r e are many p r o -  I t was i n t e r e s t i n g to note  f a m i l i e s would p r e f e r to l i v e i n Shaughnessy  that  and t h a t  i n each case e i t h e r the husband o r the w i f e had been brought up i n Vancouver. area,  Each emphasised the d i g n i t y and elegance  o f the  Shaughnessy  and f o u r i n d i c a t e d t h a t i t had always been a "good r e s i d e n t i a l  area". These few remarks suggest t h a t a t l e a s t some households i n the two areas are c o n s c i o u s o f some d i s t i n c t i o n between the two groups o r between the two a r e a s . used them as  Whether o r not they have a r t i c u l a t e d t h e s e d i f f e r e n c e s  a basis for location decisions,  The study d i d not set is  scant,  but i t  out t o examine t h i s  seems p o s s i b l e  it  is  impossible to  and the i n f o r m a t i o n o b t a i n e d  t h a t to t r y t o o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n o f  t h i s k i n d might prove v a l u a b l e i n d e t e r m i n i n g what a f f e c t s of residential location.  say.  the c h o i c e  or  CHAPTER FIVE  CONCLUSION  T h i s study has shown t h a t t o a c h i e v e f i n e r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f d e n t i a l areas i n c i t i e s  than has h i t h e r t o been p o s s i b l e ,  must be g i v e n t o the d e t a i l e d s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s households  r a t h e r than t o broad economic and s o c i a l  consideration  o f the  individual  factors.  h y p o t h e s i s t h a t households o f s i m i l a r s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r s  resi-  The  would be found  c l u s t e r e d t o g e t h e r was shown t o be v a l i d when t e s t e d i n two upper income r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s o f h i g h o c c u p a t i o n s t a t u s . I t has been demonstrated t h a t w i t h i n these upper income a r e a s , two d i s t i n c t s o c i a l groups  can be i d e n t i f i e d on the b a s i s o f m o b i l i t y ,  f a m i l y t i e s and s o c i a l background, u s i n g the i n d i c a t o r s which were o u t l i n e d i n Chapter T h r e e .  One group was found t o be o f a p r e d o m i n a n t l y  Vancouver background w i t h a marked i n t e r e s t showing the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s stability,  and  t o an o l d e l i t e group -  s t r o n g f a m i l y t i e s and a p r e s t i g e s o c i a l background, through  which t h e i r f r i e n d s h i p s , strengthened. teristics  attributable  in city activities  loyalties  and common i n t e r e s t s  have been  The o t h e r group, w h i l e f a i l i n g to show c e r t a i n  which had been e x p e c t e d ,  charac-  such as membership i n c l u b s and  a s s o c i a t i o n s even i f these l a c k e d p r e s t i g e ,  could nevertheless  be c l e a r l y  distinguished.  With very few Vancouver c o n n e c t i o n s and a p p a r e n t l y very  little  in city activities,  interest  o f a new e l i t e  they d i s p l a y e d the  characteristics  group - h i g h m o b i l i t y and weak f a m i l y t i e s ,  while t h e i r  backgrounds were very v a r i e d and l a c k e d the p r e s t i g e elements  present  i n the o t h e r group. The e x i s t e n c e  o f d i s t i n c t s o c i a l groups has thus been  demonstrated.  In a d d i t i o n , however, i t has been shown t h a t the households o f s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r are area.  found grouped t o g e t h e r  i n the same r e s i d e n t i a l  The two groups have been shown to be r e s i d e n t i a l l y  and i n the o l d e r e s t a b l i s h e d characteristics  a r e a are  that there i s  i n the o t h e r  study i t has merely been demonstrated t h a t i t e x i s t s a l o n g the l i n e s o f the s o c i a l  of households.  No statements have been made as  s c i o u s l y segregate themselves s u g g e s t e d , the urban landscape  i n t h i s way, b u t ,  information  area. segregation characteristics  t o whether people  con-  i f as o r i g i n a l l y  can be viewed as b e i n g the p r o d u c t o f  d e c i s i o n s made by many i n d i v i d u a l s and f u r t h e r ,  the p a t t e r n s  of  can be i n t e r p r e t e d to g i v e an i n d i c a t i o n o f p e o p l e ' s  the behaviour,  then i t might be c o n s i d e r e d t h a t the s o c i a l d i v i s i o n s o b s e r v e d are results  those  l i t t l e c o n t a c t between the two a r e a s , very few households  e x i s t s and t h a t  landscape  area  which resemble  I t appears too from the a v a i l a b l e  i n e i t h e r group h a v i n g f r i e n d s o r r e l a t i o n s In t h i s  social  g r o u p , w h i l e the newer  i s p e o p l e d by households p o s s e s s i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the new upper c l a s s .  segregated  found the f a m i l i e s whose  are those o f an o l d e l i t e  similar  o f d e c i s i o n s made by households who have taken account o f  s o c i a l makeup o f the a r e a i n t o which i t proposes  t o move.  the the  I t would be  the s u b j e c t o f f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n to d i s c o v e r how i m p o r t a n t the  social  composition of t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l  area i s  t o the h o u s e h o l d , perhaps  examining t h e i r a t t i t u d e s b o t h to t h e i r own and to o t h e r areas.  W i t h i n the l i m i t s o f the p r e s e n t  impressions  o f the h o u s e h o l d ' s  residential  study o n l y some g e n e r a l  a t t i t u d e s t o the two areas  emerged.  Responses t o the q u e s t i o n o f where the h o u s e h o l d would choose to i n the c i t y i f  g i v e n a free  c h o i c e , as w e l l as  reasons f o r t h i s  and o t h e r remarks made d u r i n g some o f the i n t e r v i e w s , l e a s t some households  o f the o l d e r e s t a b l i s h e d  live choice  suggest t h a t  a r e a are  fully  the s t a t u s o f t h e i r a r e a and a l l households would p r e f e r  a l l w i t h Vancouver backgrounds  some knowledge o f the nature o f the r e s i d e n t i a l expressed a preference have, w h i l e f a r  f o r the o l d e r a r e a .  to l i v e  there  p r e s t i g e attached  to r e s i d e n t i a l  segregation e x i s t s along s o c i a l  city,  The i n f o r m a t i o n which we  into people's  be regarded  awareness o f  study has been t o show t h a t  further  this  i n the  investigation  o f s e g r e g a t i o n i n the urban area be undertaken at the s m a l l e s t  been d i v i d e d .  the  residential  l i n e s among upper income groups  The wider i m p l i c a t i o n s are t o suggest t h a t  s c a l e to determine the d i f f e r e n t  as  valuable.  The immediate r e s u l t o f t h i s  city.  areas o f the  areas and the importance which  h o l d s f o r them might prove t o be  of  and so presumably w i t h  from b e i n g c o n c l u s i v e , can n e v e r t h e l e s s  a p o i n t e r suggesting that i n v e s t i g a t i o n  at  aware o f  r a t h e r than i n any o t h e r a r e a o f the c i t y , w h i l e a few households the newer a r e a ,  by  possible  c r i t e r i a i n terms o f which groups  The next s t e p might be to t r y to i d e n t i f y  divisions  have  among lower income groups, end o f the s o c i a l  scale.  since c l u s t e r i n g i s It  is possible,  might be encountered i n p e r s u a d i n g  c l e a r l y e v i d e n t at  however, t h a t  such households  that  difficulties  to agree t o  inter-  views and the i n t e r v i e w i n g technique o r use o f a q u e s t i o n n a i r e  is  a  n e c e s s a r y p a r t o f the i n v e s t i g a t i o n  to  give  the r e q u i r e d d e t a i l .  s i n c e aggregate d a t a f a i l s  While middle c l a s s groups have f a i l e d t o show the  same degree o f c l u s t e r i n g i n terms o f o c c u p a t i o n s t a t u s , t h a t by t h i s method o f c o n s i d e r i n g d e t a i l e d s o c i a l p a t t e r n s o f s e g r e g a t i o n might emerge. first  possible  characteristics,  In each case i t  investigation of characteristics  a p p a r e n t l y s i m i l a r groups characteristics,  i s made.  is  necessary  but i t  is  households  is  life-styles,  a l r e a d y known t h a t s e g r e g a t i o n  age and c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s It  is  emphasised  that  smallest scale possible.  t h a t an attempt  as should  segregation,  s h o u l d be c a r r i e d out at  the  When a l l such f a c t o r s have been r e c o g n i s e d and  documented, u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the h o u s e h o l d ' s a r e a and hence the r e s i d e n t i a l  be much g r e a t e r .  while  have a l l been noted  c r i t e r i a for r e s i d e n t i a l  investigations  exists  The e t h n i c background o f  suggested, t h e r e f o r e ,  be made t o i d e n t i f y a l l p o s s i b l e  residential  distinguish  a b a s i s o f s e g r e g a t i o n which i s w e l l r e c o g n i s e d ,  being o f importance.  is  which  T h i s study has been concerned w i t h  a l o n g l i n e s o t h e r than those i n d i c a t e d h e r e .  and i t  is  to have an i d e a o f the broad o u t l i n e o f s o c i a l p a t t e r n s i n the  urban a r e a b e f o r e  social  it  preference  structure  i n choosing a  o f the c i t y s h o u l d  Knowledge o f the s e g r e g a t i o n p r o c e s s and i t s city is  thus  character  increased.  If  information i s  o f a household ..and. t h i s  o f a c i t y , then i t  is  available  about the  s h o u l d be p o s s i b l e t o f o r e c a s t t h a t  characteristics  a s s i s t in estimating  i n the  compared w i t h the s o c i a l  c h o i c e o f l o c a t i o n w i t h i n the urban a r e a . o f the s o c i a l  operation  patterns  household's  Thus d e t a i l e d  knowledge  o f the p o p u l a t i o n o f a c i t y  the h o u s i n g needs o f t h a t  social  should  city.  A f i n a l word s h o u l d perhaps be s a i d about the i m p l i c a t i o n s segregation for planning.  D i s t i n c t p a t t e r n s o f s e g r e g a t i o n have been  shown t o e x i s t and from these we have i n t e r p r e t e d the preference  f o r l i v i n g i n p r o x i m i t y to households  similar characteristics, social  character  in this  individual's  who share  From t h i s  it  in their residential  can be deduced t h a t  household w i l l  area i s  for  such  makeup o f  s i m i l a r t o t h e i r own, then the  n o t be e n t i r e l y s a t i s f i e d w i t h i t s  home and may be  s a t i s f i e d t o the p o i n t o f moving t o a new l o c a t i o n i n another area.  Many examples o f such a s i t u a t i o n have been n o t e d and t h i s  h o l d showing s t r o n g upward m o b i l i t y f e e l i n g uncomfortable i n an a r e a where f a m i l i e s  e i t h e r below o r above i t s  are  socially  is  a house-  and out o f  stable i n a position  c u r r e n t p o s i t i o n on the s o c i a l  dis-  residential  o f t e n most e v i d e n t w i t h r e s p e c t t o the s o c i a l m o b i l i t y f a c t o r ,  place  similar  social mobility  upper income groups as were i n t e r v i e w e d , u n l e s s the s o c i a l households  certain  c a s e , households who p o s s e s s a  i n terms o f s t r e n g t h o f f a m i l y t i e s ,  and s o c i a l background.  of  scale.  most c o n t e n t i n an a r e a where the households There might be some i m p l i c a t i o n s When moving households  strongly  o t h e r hand, a s p a t i a l  then l e a v i n g them t o  dimension i s put on t h i s  to take advantage o f such a s s i s t a n c e ,  itself  then d i s c o n t e n t  a move out of the a r e a . public housing,  it  is  is  the s o c i a l  compatible w i t h i t s  environment own s o c i a l  insufficient  r e s p e c t t o o t h e r households alien social  and the  dissimilar in  i n the a r e a o f  merely t o i d e n t i f y low income groups for neglect  of s p e c i f i c  character-  c o u l d l e a d t o them b e i n g m i s p l a c e d w i t h i n an area and f i n d i n g themselves  o r c u l t u r a l environment.  groups be examined so t h a t  left.  l i k e l y t o a r i s e , perhaps even r e s u l t i n g  T h i s would suggest t h e n , t h a t  o f these households  are c l e a r  might o c c u r .  i n an area whose r e s i d e n t s are  and l o c a t e them i n any a r e a a t a l l , istics  if  location  and i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y s i m i l a r t o the one which i t has  the household f i n d s  from i t ,  on the  a s s i s t a n c e by g i v i n g  then d i f f i c u l t i e s  o n l y l i k e l y t o be s u c c e s s f u l  i n t o which the household i s moved i s  If  If,  a i d , but a l s o d i r e c t i n g the household t o a p a r t i c u l a r  Such a move i s  be  Where a p o l i c y f o r a s s i s t i n g low income groups  s e l e c t t h e i r own l o c a t i o n , t h i s problem does not a r i s e .  character  essential  f o r l i v i n g among s i m i l a r people  with housing involves p r o v i d i n g f i n a n c i a l a i d ,  financial  mobile.  f o r the f i e l d o f p u b l i c h o u s i n g .  from one l o c a t i o n t o another i t i s  t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p r e f e r e n c e taken i n t o a c c o u n t .  are  It  is  essential that  i n an  low income  the l i n e s o f s e g r e g a t i o n w i t h i n the  f e a t u r e s on which s e g r e g a t i o n i s based are  groups  evident.  In t h i s way t h e r e w i l l be g r e a t e r awareness o f what households seeking i n t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l  areas.  been i d e n t i f i e d , every e f f o r t  are  When d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e s  s h o u l d be made t o take account o f  when r e l o c a t i n g groups o f h o u s e h o l d s .  When a household i s  have  these  directed to  a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n , both the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l background o f household and the s o c i a l  and c u l t u r a l makeup o f the a r e a i n t o which  i s moving s h o u l d be examined t o ensure t h a t the two are attempt  compatible.  s h o u l d be made to a v o i d c u t t i n g a c r o s s the known dominant  or c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  of the s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f r e s i d e n t i a l c h o i c e has been o u t l i n e d a l o n g w i t h i t s It  is  areas on the  from b e i n g the o n l y c o n s i d e r a t i o n .  w e l l as ance.  the l a y o u t o f i t s  services  it  understood t h a t when a  residential  Features  o f the home i t s e l f ,  available  i n the a r e a , are  locations  undoubtedly s t r o n g i n f l u e n c e o f the s o c i a l location decision.  far its  type  site,  as  a l l of import-  are b e i n g s e l e c t e d has  i n c r e a s e d by t h i s examination o f s e g r e g a t i o n p a t t e r n s ,  the r e s i d e n t i a l  of i t s  i s hoped t h a t u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the s e a r c h  which o p e r a t e s when r e s i d e n t i a l  effect  i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the p l a n n i n g  i n t e r i o r and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  and f a c i l i t i e s  Nevertheless,  social  household's  l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n i s b e i n g made, the s o c i a l makeup o f the a r e a i s  and s t y l e ,  An  discontent.  o f s e g r e g a t i o n has been demonstrated and the  o f new h o u s i n g developments.  it  such as m o b i l i t y , f a m i l y t i e s and c u l t u r a l  t i e s , which might pave the way f o r The e x i s t e n c e  the  process been  which show the  c o m p o s i t i o n o f an a r e a on  BIBLIOGRAPHY  A l o n s o , W.  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"Selected C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Class i n a  M i d d l e Western Community". Review,  American  Sociological  1947, 12, 385-395.  H o l l i n g s h e a d , A.B.  " C l a s s and K i n s h i p i n M i d d l e Western  Community".  American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1949, 14, 469-475. Hoover, E.M.,  & Vernon, R.  Mass: Hoyt, H.  Anatomy o f a M e t r o p o l i s .  Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ,  Cambridge,  1959.  The P a t t e r n s o f Movement o f R e s i d e n t i a l R e n t a l Neighbourhoods, i n Mayer, E.M., Geography.  Hurd, R.M.  & Kohn, C.F.  U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago P r e s s ,  P r i n c i p l e s o f C i t y Land V a l u e s . Guide,  J a c k s o n , E.F.  New  1955.  York:  The Record and  1903.  " S t a t u s C o n s i s t e n c y and Symptons o f S t r e s s " .  S o c i o l o g i c a l Review,  1962,  J a c k s o n , E.F., & C r o c k e t t , H.J. States". J o h n s t o n , R.J.  Readings i n Urban  American  27, 469-480.  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" S o c i a l C l a s s and S o c i a l  Sociology Lazerivitz,  B.  and S o c i a l R e s e a r c h ,  Stratification: 1965,  50,  Preface".  277-279.  " M e t r o p o l i t a n Community R e s i d e n t i a l B e l t s " . Review, 1960,  25,  "Status C r y s t a l l i z a t i o n :  Social  Review,  868-877.  Sociological Lenski, G.E.  Urban P a t t e r n " .  Status".  American  245-252. A N o n - v e r t i c a l Dimension o f  American S o c i o l o g i c a l  Review, 1954,  19,  405-413. Lenski,  G.E.  "Social  P a r t i c i p a t i o n and S t a t u s C r y s t a l l i z a t i o n " .  American S o c i o l o g i c a l Lipset,  S . M . , & B e n d i x , R. Berkeley:  Lipset,  Lipset,  21,  458-464.  Social Mobility i n Industrial  U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s ,  S . M . , & B e n d i x , R. Patterns".  Review, 1956,  " S o c i a l M o b i l i t y and O c c u p a t i o n a l Career  S . M . , & Zetterberg,  H.L.  1952,  "A Theory o f S o c i a l  Sociological Association,  o f the T h i r d World Congress o f S o c i o l o g y , Mayhew, B.W.  1959.  American J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y ,  International  Society.  A R e g i o n a l A t l a s o f Vancouver.  57,  Mobility".  Transactions London, 1956,  Vancouver:  M i c h e l s o n , W.  iii.  United  Community S e r v i c e o f the G r e a t e r Vancouver A r e a , Department,  366-374  Research  1967.  Man and H i s Urban Environment:  R e a d i n g , Mass:  A S o c i o l o g i c a l Approach  Addison-Wesley P u b l i s h i n g C o . ,  1970.  Mills,  C.W.  The Power E l i t e .  Press, Murdie,  R.A.  New Y o r k :  1956.  Factorial  E c o l o g y and M e t r o p o l i t a n Toronto 1951 -  U n i v e r i s t y o f Chicago Research Muth, R . F .  "The S p a t i a l 1961,  Muth, R . F .  7,  Structure  Paper,  of the Housing M a r k e t " .  Chicago:  U n i v e r s i t y of  The E c o l o g i c a l & S p a t i a l  the Socio-Economic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s Canadian Review o f S o c i o l o g y O . A . , & Hammond, S . B . in a City. Packard, V. Park,  (eds.)  New Y o r k :  The S t a t u s S e e k e r s .  o f Chicago P r e s s ,  T . K . , & Rase, W.D.  and A n t h r o p o l o g y , 1969,  Social  of  o f W i n n i p e g , 1961.  Structure  and  David McKay C o . , I n c . , The C i t y .  Chicago:  1943,  45,  6,  162-1  Personality  1959. University  22-38.  An Urban E c o l o g y of Vancouver.  Paper  a t the Annual Meeting o f the Western D i v i s i o n  o f the Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n o f Geographers, J.  Structure  "The K i n s h i p System o f the Contemporary U n i t e d S t a t e s " .  presented  Porter,  Chicago  1925.  American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t , Peucker,  P.P.R.S.A.  M a c m i l l a n , 1954.  R . E . , & B u r g e s s , E.W. (eds.)  Parsons, T.  116.  1969.  Nicholson, T . G . , & Yeates, M.H.  Oeser,  1969,  1961.  207-220.  C i t i e s and H o u s i n g . Press,  Oxford U n i v e r s i t y  The V e r t i c a l M o s a i c .  March  1971.  U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto P r e s s ,  Robson, B . T .  "An E c o l o g i c a l A n a l y s i s o f the E v o l u t i o n o f  Areas i n S u n d e r l a n d " . Rogoff,  N.  Urban S t u d i e s , 1966,  Recent Trends i n O c c u p a t i o n a l M o b i l i t y . Free P r e s s ,  Shevky, E . , & B e l l ,  3,  Residential 120-142.  G l e n c o e , The  1953.  W.  S o c i a l Area A n a l y s i s .  Stanford,  California,  1955. Thompson, W.R. Press, Udry, J . R .  A Preface  t o Urban Economics.  Baltimore:  John Hopkins  1965.  Increasing Two T h e o r i e s  Scale & S p a t i a l  Differentiation:  from Shevky S B e l l .  Social  New T e s t s o f  Forces,  1964,  42,  403-413. Useem, J . ,  Tangent, Town".  P.,  & Useem, R.  "Stratification  American S o c i o l o g i c a l  Van A r d s o l , M . D . , C a m i l l e r i , S . F . ,  Review, 1942,  & Schmid, C . F .  o f Urban S o c i a l Area I n d e x e s " . 1958,  23,  Manual f o r Procedure  Wingo, L .  Social  Transportation f o r the F u t u r e ,  Wirth,  L.  On C i t i e s  7,  Prairie 331-342.  "The G e n e r a l i t y  American S o c i o l o g i c a l  Review,  277-284.  Warner, W . L . , Meeker, M . , & E e l l s ,  Chicago:  in a  K.  Social  f o r the Measurement o f S o c i a l  Science  Research A s s o c i a t e s ,  and Urban Land. Inc.,  A  Status.  1949.  Washington, D . C . :  Resources  1961.  and S o c i a l L i f e ,  o f Chicago P r e s s ,  Class i n America:  1964.  (ed.  A . J . Reiss)  University  Wolforth,  J.R.  R e s i d e n t i a l L o c a t i o n and the P l a c e o f Work.  Vancouver: Yasuda,  S.  Tantalus Press,  1965.  "A Methodological Inquiry i n t o S o c i a l American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1964,  29,  Mobility". 16-23.  APPENDIX  RESIDENTIAL INTERVIEW SCHEDULE  h.  = husband  w. = w i f e 100  KINSHIP LINKS  110  Family  111  How many c h i l d r e n do you have?  112  How o l d are y o u r c h i l d r e n ?  113  How many o f your c h i l d r e n l i v e a t home?  114  F o r how many y e a r s have you l i v e d i n t h i s  115  Were you b o r n i n Vancouver?  116  house?  Where d i d you l i v e w h i l e you were growing up?  h.  yes...no...  w.  yes...no...  h w  120  Proximity to  121  Do you have r e l a t i v e s  122  relatives  Do you have r e l a t i v e s  l i v i n g i n Vancouver?  yes...no.  w.  yes...no.  h.  yes...no.  w.  yes...no.  l i v i n g i n your r e s i d e n t i a l  area?  123  h.  Give the e x a c t r e l a t i o n s h i p o f r e l a t i v e s  living  i n your r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a and the number o f e a c h .  h w  130  Links with r e l a t i v e s  socially  131  Do you have s o c i a l c o n t a c t w i t h your  relatives  i n Vancouver? 132  How o f t e n do you exchange v i s i t s w i t h  relatives  i n Vancouver? 133  How o f t e n do you c o n t a c t your r e l a t i v e s by telephone?  140  Links with r e l a t i v e s  141  Have any members o f your f a m i l y been employed o r  through b u s i n e s s are  any p r e s e n t l y employed by the company w i t h which you work? 142  What i s  the r e l a t i o n s h i p and the p o s i t i o n i n the f i r m ?  150  Links with r e l a t i v e s  151  Have e i t h e r o f your p a r e n t s been members, o r are they  through  associations  c u r r e n t l y members o f any a s s o c i a t i o n s  o f which you  are a member?  152  Have any o t h e r o f your r e l a t i v e s been members?  153  Give the r e l a t i o n s h i p and the a s s o c i a t i o n  154  Have any o f your r e l a t i v e s f o r these a s s o c i a t i o n s ?  h.  yes...no  w.  yes...no  h.  yes...no  w.  yes...no  h.  yes...no  involved.  s e r v e d on committees  w. y e s . . . no  155  Have e i t h e r o f your p a r e n t s  been members o r  they c u r r e n t l y members o f the s o c i a l c l u b s  are to  which you belong?  156  Are any o t h e r r e l a t i v e s  200  SOCIAL MOBILITY  210  Individual's father's  211  What i s / w a s your f a t h e r ' s  212  If professional,  occupation occupation?  the company w i t h which he i s / w a s  employed a f a m i l y b u s i n e s s ?  220  I n d i v i d u a l ' s occupation  221  What i s  your o c c u p a t i o n ?  222  What i s  your g r o s s income?  223  If  i n business,  is  the company w i t h which you are  employed a f a m i l y b u s i n e s s ? 224  What i s  228  Where i s  240  C a r e e r p a t t e r n o f the  yes...no...  w.  yes...no...  h.  yes...no...  w.  yes...no...  members of your s o c i a l  clubs?  is  h.  the scope o f your company? the head o f f i c e  o f your company?  individual  241  What was the n a t u r e o f your f i r s t  242  D i d you b e g i n your c a r e e r w i t h your p r e s e n t company or,  243  i f professional,  employment?  i n your p r e s e n t  position?  I f n o , w i t h how many companies o r i n how many p o s i t i o n s have you been employed?  244  F o r how many years have you been i n your p r e s e n t  job?  \ 250  Occupation of householder's wife  251  Is your w i f e working a t  252  What i s h e r o c c u p a t i o n ?  253  Has she worked c o n t i n u o u s l y s i n c e you were married?  300  SOCIAL BACKGROUND  310  Ethnic  311  To which g e n e r a t i o n o f your f a m i l y t o l i v e i n  present?  Affiliation  Canada do you belong?  h w  312  In which c o u n t r y d i d your f a m i l y o r i g i n a t e ?  h w  313  Would you say t h a t you are a V a n c o u v e r i t e ?  h.  yes...no  w. y e s . . . no 314  Were your p a r e n t s born i n Vancouver?  h.  yes...no  w.  yes...no  320  Religious  affiliation  321  Do you a t t e n d church?  322  Which c h u r c h do you attend?  323  How o f t e n have you a t t e n d e d church i n the l a s t month?  324  Do you take p a r t i n church  325  In which p a r t i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s  326  Do you serve on any c h u r c h o r g a n i s a t i o n a l  330  R e s i d e n t i a l background  331  In how many houses d i d your f a m i l y l i v e d u r i n g your  activities? do you take p a r t ? activities?  upbringing? w. 332  Is  t h i s your f i r s t  residence  333  If  n o t , where have you as  334  Do you r e g a r d t h i s house as  335  I f you had a c o m p l e t e l y f r e e  as  a family  a family l i v e d  unit? before?  a permanent home? c h o i c e , i n which  area o f Vancouver would you l i k e t o 336  Why would you l i k e t o l i v e i n t h a t  340  Education  342  What i s  live? area?  the h i g h e s t degree you have completed:  High S c h o o l . . Bachelors Masters Doctoral Professional.  344  Which s c h o o l s d o / d i d your c h i l d r e n  343  Give the names o f the s c h o o l s ,  attend?  u n i v e r s i t i e s and  c o l l e g e s which you a t t e n d e d .  h w  350  Cultural  351  Would you say t h a t you take p a r t life  activities  o f the  i n the c u l t u r a l  city?  352  Do you a t t e n d the Vancouver Symphony?  353  Do you have season  354  How many Symphony c o n c e r t s have you attended i n  tickets?  the l a s t month? 356  How o f t e n do you go t o the b a l l e t o r opera?  357  Do you a t t e n d the Playhouse?  358  Do you have season  360  Associations  361  Of which s o c i e t i e s  tickets?  or associations  are you a member?  h w  362  Do you p l a y an a c t i v e p a r t  i n these  363  Are you c u r r e n t l y o r have you been i n the p a s t a member o f committee f o r any o f these  371  Are you a member o f any p o l i t i c a l  associations?  associations?  associations?  h w  372  Do you take an a c t i v e p a r t i n t h i s ?  373  Have you been i n the p a s t o r are you c u r r e n t l y s e r v i n g on a committee f o r the p o l i t i c a l  381  association?  Of which s o c i a l c l u b s are you a member?  h w  386  F o r how many years have you been a member o f  these  clubs? 383  Do you t a k e an a c t i v e p a r t i n these s o c i a l  390  Friendships  391  Where do your t h r e e c l o s e s t  392  How d i d you get to know your c l o s e s t  393  What p r o p o r t i o n o f the p e o p l e w i t h whom you exchange visits  394  are members o f your c l u b s and  live? friends?  associations?  What p r o p o r t i o n o f the p e o p l e w i t h whom you exchange visits  395  friends  clubs?  are s c h o o l  friends?  What p r o p o r t i o n o f the p e o p l e w i t h whom you exchange visits  are neighbours?  

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