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Resource towns in British Columbia : a study of the physical environment of Gold River and Golden Sammarco, Sebastiano Riccardo 1971

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RESOURCE TOWNS IN BRITISH COLUMBIAi A STUDY OP THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT OP GOLD RIVER AND GOLDEN by SEBASTIANO RICCARDO SAMMARCO Dottore l n Arc h i t e t t u r a , University of Palermo, 1 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER IN ARCHITECTURE i n the Department of The School of Architecture We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 19?1 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced deg ree a t t he U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r ee t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r ag ree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y pu rpo se s may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f the School of Architecture The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co l umb i a Vancouve r 8, Canada Date S eP t' 3 0 , 1971 1 ABSTRACT The Problem Over the l a s t few decades B r i t i s h Columbia has experienced an unprecedented wave of economic growth which has resulted i n the creation of new towns such as Gold River, Houston, Hudson's Hope, Mackenzie, i n the planned expansion of Port Hardy and Port McNeil, and i n the rearrangement of other communities. The forest industry, by use of a sustained y i e l d management system, has set examples of a stable town-building a c t i v i t y . I t i s the intention of t h i s thesis to investigate the physical environment of two B r i t i s h Columbia forest-based towns, and i n p a r t i c u l a r the v i s u a l , three-dimensional design r e s u l t i n g from resource development. The subject matter appears to be of Interest, at t h i s moment l n time, because of an aoqulred consciousness, by many, that the b u i l d i n g of a new town i s more than a p r a c t i c a l method f o r providing a labour pool to the parent industry, indeed a technique f o r channell-ing and d i r e c t i n g urban growth i n a regional context. Method of Approach The study attempts to examine the resources of forest-based towns. The method adopted consists of drawing p a r a l l e l s between Gold River and Golden, selected as sample communities. These are considered representative of the p r o v i n c i a l trendi creation of new towns, and reorganization i i of old towns. The study i s based on Information gathered through d i r e c t contact with the inhabitants. A questionnaire worked out by the U.B.C. Department of Community and Regional Plan-ning f o r a student project during the year 1968 was used, and the f a c t u a l information was gathered as background material f o r a discussion on the town-forms as observed. Four areas a r t i c u l a t e the study1 a) h i s t o r i c a l , b) f a c t u a l , c) s t r u c t u r a l , and d) v i s u a l a n a l y s i s . Town forms are discussed i n r e l a t i o n to four primary elements which de-r i v e from a combination of a personal bias and of Kevin Lynch*s way of looking at c i t i e s . These elements aret Nodes, Routes, D i s t r i c t s and Prime Volumes. They are f i r s t separately com-p i l e d and then brought together l n comparison. An appraisal involving R. Anaheim's category of order, Homogeneity, Coordin-ation, Hierarchy and Accident, summarizes the observations. The method used r e l i e s on subjective perception and d e s c r i p t i o n of what can be Sailed a " c o l l e c t i v e image" of re-source towns. The Findings The h i s t o r i c a l analysis shows that both government and private enterprise have determined the present state of resource development and the physical form of the towns. The resource community shows c l e a r signs of evolution, e s p e c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n the development of a planning a t t i t u d e . The stages of t h i s evolution are to be seen i n the gradual changes I i i of the resource town from tent-camp to the present planned instant-town. The analysis shows that the basic needs of community l i f e , work, housing, and s o c i a l f a c i l i t i e s have not only been catered f o r , but are yet evolving. The main body of the t h e s i s , consisting of the s t r u c t u r a l and v i s u a l analysis of the town, looks at the three-dimensional r e a l i t y of the environ-ments, and from t h i s i t i s shown that the evolved towns possess many vi r t u e s which i f understood could provide guidance i n the b u i l d i n g of new towns. The findings suggest that future implementations should consider the following as necessary premises to a more f u l f i l l i n g town l i f e t 1. The success of a new town must be c l o s e l y assoc-iated with the harmonious i n t e r r e l a t i o n between the natural and the man-made forms, between the land and the b u i l d i n g s . 2. Since growth of towns can only be predicted over r e l a t i v e l y short time spans, the practice of c l e a r i n g land should be r e s t r i c t e d to phases of development. 3. The removal of natural features such as trees and land forms should be controlled by the c i t i z e n s . *K Zoning regulations should be released with the objective of creating greater mixtures of uses, as incentive to s o c i a l needs. 5. The " g r i d i r o n , " as an open geometric pattern, can provide f o r q u a l i t a t i v e growth. The orthogonal scheme should be more cl o s e l y investigated before being discarded as old and i v obsolete town design. Older towns, which mirror the needs and are an aesthetic expression of the community, provide an opportunity f o r developing from "within" a concept f o r new towns. The plea coming from many sources and urging experimentation and development of a Canadian model must focus i t s v a l i d i t y on the need f o r i d e n t i t y . Guidelines which take into consideration l o c a l heritage can be Instrumental i n the creation of a Canadian new town concept. V TABLE OP CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i LIST OP FIGURES v i i LIST OP MAPS i x LIST OP TABLES r i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS r i l CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 A. Area of Investigation B. Scope of the Study C. Purpose of the Study D. Methodology and Outline E. The Bias II SELECTION OP SAMPLE COMMUNITIES l6 A. Basis f o r Choice B. Choice of Communities III HISTORICAL ANALYSIS 27 A. History of Resource Towns B Re ou ce Town  with Additive Planning C. Resource Towns with Wholistic Planning D. Resource Towns with Comprehensive Planning E. Government P o l i c i e s F. Natural D i s t r i b u t i o n of Resources G. H i s t o r i c a l Background of Gold River H. H i s t o r i c a l Background of Golden IV FACTUAL ANALYSISi THE INSTANT TOWN 59 A. Location and Resource B. Population C. Climate D. Soc i a l Outline E. Physical Elements V. FACTUAL ANALYSIS i THE EVOLVED TOWN 90 A. Location and Resources B. Population v i Page C. Climate D. So c i a l Outline E. Physical Elements VI STRUCTURAL AND VISUAL ANALYSIS OF THE TOWNS. . 119 A. Town Form B. Framework f o r Analysis C. Perception D. The F i e l d of Towns E. Nodes F. Dominance and Transition of Nodes G. The Town Centers H. Secondary Nodes I. Routes J . Continuity and Sequence of Routes K. D i s t r i c t s L. Homogeneity of D i s t r i c t s M. Prime Volumes N. S p a t i a l Prominence of Prime Volumes VII SUMMARY 211 A. Summary of Findings B. Recommendations BIBLIOGRAPHY 231 APPENDIX 235 v i i LIST OP FIGURES Figure Page Gold River A l t A 2 People 65 A3, Ajj, Town and Te r r i t o r y 1*K) A 5a» A 5 b Town and Te r r i t o r y 1^ 1 A^, Ay The Town Approached 1^4 A Q , A Q , A±Q The Town Center 1^ 8 All» ^12' ^13 T h e T o w n C e n t e r I1*? A1*M A l 5 » 4^.6 T h e T o w n Center 150 A 1 7 » A 1 8 » A 1 9 Secondary Nodes 157 A 2 Q Roads 166 A 2 l Roads 167 A 2 2 * A 23» A 2 ^ Roads l68 A 2 5 * A 26 Roads 169 A 27» A 2 8 Roads 170 A 2 0 Roads 1 7 1 A 30» A 3 l * A 3 2 Residential D i s t r i c t s 187 A33, A ^ Residential D i s t r i c t s 1 8 8 A 35* A 3 6 Multi-dwelling D i s t r i c t s 190 A 37* A 3 8 D i s t r i c t s 1 9 1 A^ Q, A ^ Q D i s t r i c t s 193 A j ^ Urban D i s t r i c t . 19^ •^2* % 3 Urban D i s t r i c t s 195 Ajjip Aij>5» Prime Volumes 207 Golden B- People 95 v i l i Figure Page B>2, B-j, B 4 , Town and T e r r i t o r y 1^ 0 B 5 a » B5b T o w n a n d T e r r i t o r y ikl B^ The Town Approached 1^ 4 B^ t Bg, B^ The Town Center 15** B10» B l l T h e T o w n G e n t e r • Bl2» B13* B1*J- Secondary Nodes 159 B l 5 * B l 6 Secondary Nodes l6l B 17' B l 8 * B l 9 R o a d s 175 B20» B 2 l * B22 Roads 176 B23» B2k Roads 177 B25» B26» B27 Residential D i s t r i c t s 197 B28» B29* B30 Residential D i s t r i c t s 198 B 3 l ' B32» B33 Residential and In d u s t r i a l D i s t r i c t s 199 B3V B35» B36 Service and River D i s t r i c t s . . . . 200 B37' B38* B39» P r i m e V o l t e s 2°9 B 4 0 i x LIST OP MAPS Map Page I Pulp and Paper M i l l s i n B.C 20 II Vancouver Island . . . . . . . . . . 23 III East Kootenay Area 2** IV Gold River - Phases of Development . . . . . . . **1 V Plan of Golden 1885 ^5 VI Plan of Golden 189^ ^9 VII Golden - Phases of Development 55 VIII Gold River Area 82 IX Gold River - Towns!te 83 X Gold River - Road System 8^  XI Gold River - Housing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 XII Gold River - Community F a c i l i t i e s 86 XIII Gold River - Open Land 87 XIV Gold River - Tree Land . . . 88 XV Golden Area i l l XVI Golden - Townslte 112 XVII Golden - Road System . . . . . . . . . 113 XVIII Golden - Housing 11^ XIX Golden - Community F a c i l i t i e s 115 XX Golden - Open Land I l 6 XXI Golden - Tree Land 117 XXII Gold River - F i e l d of Town 131 XXIII Golden - F i e l d of Town 132 XXIV Gold River - Nodes 136 XXV Golden - Nodes 137 Map Page XXVI Gold Elver - Town Center 146 XXVII Golden - Town Center . 152 XXVIII Gold River - Routes 162 XXIX Golden - Routes 16^ XXX Gold River - D i s t r i c t s 183 XXXI Golden - D i s t r i c t s 18** XXXII Gold River - Prime Volumes 203 XXXIII Golden - Prime Volumes 20^ x i LIST OF TABLES Table Page I Incorporated Single-Enterprise Communities Based on Forestry 19 II Gold River Population Growth 63 III Golden Population Growth 9^ x i i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express sincere thanks to Prof. Henry-Elder and Mr. Bruno Freschl f o r t h e i r close assistance and t h e i r always valuable comments. I am also g r a t e f u l to Prof. Wolfgang Gerson f o r having supported and directed the study through i t s i n i t i a l stages. I am sincerely g r a t e f u l to the people of Gold Elv e r and Golden f o r t h e i r warm welcome and help f u l attitude which has contributed to my appreciation of the Canadian town* I would also l i k e to thank Mrs. Gay D i l l f o r help-ing me correct the f i n a l d r a fts and Maria, my wife, f o r having "financed" t h i s study. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A. Area of Investigation Economic expansion l n B r i t i s h Columbia has had, during the 1960*8, unprecedented growth. I t appears predictable, ac-cording to estimates by the P r o v i n c i a l Bureau of Economics and S t a t i s t i c s , that Although there has been a marked i n -crease i n new manufacturing f a c i l i t i e s i n other ind u s t r i e s , the f o r e s t industries w i l l remain i n the forefront f o r many years on the strength of recently completed and planned expansion programmes. The pulp and paper sector i s growing at the f a s t e s t rate, but plywood, lumber and other f o r e s t -products industries are also experiencing rapid growth.1 The whole f o r e s t Industry i s therefore geared to pro-duce the phenomenon of 'urbanization*, whioh brings about changes i n a pre-existing environment because of an Increase i n popu-l a t i o n , a desire f o r order, and a need f o r a space and forms to express a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y the culture of a place at a c e r t a i n point i n time. The increase i n urban population has had the e f f e c t of developing, i n p a r t i c u l a r , the smaller communities i n the Province. As stated by Ira M. Robinson, "... despite i t s rapid population growth, B.C. remains e s s e n t i a l l y a province of small 2 communities." This statement, combined with the above statement concerning I n d u s t r i a l development, indicates that a great propor-t i o n of those who experience l i f e i n the smaller resource-2 oriented centers decide to s e t t l e there and cope with problems of i s o l a t i o n * lack of d i v e r s i t y and population turn-over that t r a d i t i o n a l l y have affected single enterprise communities l n B r i t i s h Columbia. When one considers the vast gamut of developing small communities within the p r o v i n c i a l spectrum, the "instant'* and the "evolved" are at opposite ends of the scale. The terminology i l l u s t r a t e s c l e a r l y the d i f f e r e n t processes of change involved. In the instant community there i s an accelerated b u i l d i n g process to provide accommodation f o r a working pool, usually l n the w i l -derness i i n the evolved community there i s a gradual accumulation of community structures which service a greater area than the town i t s e l f . "Instant Towns" are created e x p l i c i t l y f o r the purpose of providing the best possible condition f o r a balanced family l i f e . The instant community i s remarkable l n many ways, the technological achievements being paramountly evident. The d i s -play of forces, capable of bringing about r a d i c a l change l n the pre-existing, natural environment of s e t t i n g up houses and f a c i l -i t i e s , of arranging necessary communication l i n k s , roads, t e l e -phone system, t e l e v i s i o n network, i s quite impressive, e s p e c i a l l y where implementation i s accomplished within one or two years time. On the other hand, there seems to be the impression that planned communities f a i l to s a t i s f y basic s o c i a l needs. At a ce r t a i n point i n time, the c i t i z e n s of these communities recover from the i n i t i a l shock of being placed i n a strange, t o t a l l y new world.^ Prom the s t a r t , the peer group's philosophy i s expressed 3 by a sort of challenging slogani "We have got to make our town something s p e c i a l . " As a d i r e c t r e s u l t of providing the l a t e s t i n modem accommodation and f a c i l i t i e s (new houses, underground engineering, schools among the f i n e s t i n the Province, large commercial centers, wide paved roads) considered i n r e l a t i o n s h i p to the smallness of the towns, economic over-extension appears to be a major issue* The r e l a t i v e homogeneity of the man-made environment, deriving from factors such as age, grouping of s i m i l a r s t r u c t -ures, r e p e t i t i o n of standard construction, w i l l eventually lead some to attempt " s u b j e c t i v i s a t i o n " of t h e i r surroundings* In many cases these e f f o r t s are a d i r e c t infringement of the muni-c i p a l by-laws established p r i o r to the i n f l u x of people by an interim town-clerk, on planner's s p e o i f i c a t i o n s , to protect the town from l e s s than standard construction* Because of the pos-i t i o n of the community i n a wilderness, the nature and expect-ations of the people, and the s o c i a l stratum, the high-class image appears f a l s e and a r t i f i c i a l l y set."* The i d e a l community could be defined, on s o c i o l o g i c a l grounds, as "... an association of ind i v i d u a l s and fam i l i e s that, out of i n c l i n a t i o n , habit, custom, and mutual i n t e r e s t , act l n concert as a u n i t i n meeting t h e i r common n e e d s . T h e "Evolved Town" expresses t h i s conception of association i n a cl o s e r way, or so i t would appear from a review of community history i n B r i t i s h Columbia. For the 19th century pioneers, the settlement i n the new region meant the chance f o r a fre s h s t a r t with the promise of a better future, e s p e c i a l l y f o r his c h i l d r e n . The 4 settlements of t h i s era are impressive i n t h e i r s p i r i t of c o l -laboration and the hopefulness and creativeness of t h e i r people* P o l i t i c a l and economic influences have stimulated growth where the demand by the people has been met by the pos-s i b i l i t i e s of the t e r r i t o r y . The large number of "ghost commun-i t i e s " and "shadow communities" t e s t i f y , on the other hand, an improper management of human resources and the constant insecur-i t y of the developing centers. Aesthetic considerations are r a r e l y , i f ever, a part of the process i n that they were not e x p l i c i t l y stated as an objective of implementation. P h y s i c a l l y , the evolved town embodies structures expressing the various stages of development i n a continuum of h i s t o r i c a l accumulation, exercising seldom a conscious deterministic scheme* Because of the procedural differences i n the planning process, the two e n t i t l e s are referred to as "Planned Community" and "Unplanned Community," the tendency being to i d e n t i f y planned environment with the design e f f o r t of a few, s k i l l e d i n d i v i d u a l s , operating within s p e c i f i e d objectives and methodst and unplanned, as that taking place through the composite action of the whole of the inhabitants over a long period of time. The instant and evolved towns thus e x i s t as the product of two d i f f e r e n t and opposed "planning processes." The f i r s t expresses planning ast ••• a method of r a t i o n a l decision-making where the means and ends are analysed and evaluated i n order to achieve the best re-s u l t s possible by the minimum cost and the maximum e f f i c i e n c y * ? while the l a t t e r , although not excluding o f f i c i a l planning, 5 includes decisions and action by ind i v i d u a l s and private groups. As Robert Walker puts l t t Planning ••• has a much broader conno-t a t i o n i f thought i n terms of human needs. Thus i t w i l l be c l e a r that planning i s not r e s t r i c t e d to governmental a c t i o n . Pract- i c a l l y everyone "plans. " 8 Applied to physical development, planning has been explained as "... a way of making better decisions about the structure of the c i t y . I t can be defined as guidance of the 9 amount, rate, nature and qual i t y of urban change." Two Implic-ations emerge from the above d e f i n i t i o n s i - Town planning involves "educated choices" regarding the use and development of land, considered the medium of a l l human a c t i v i t y * - Town form i s the r e s u l t of the cumulative e f f e c t of the work of many i n d i v i d u a l designers. As a r c h i t e c t s are responsible f o r the formal q u a l i t i e s of the environment, they must take Interest i n the product of those town-form a c t i v i t i e s which are presently shaping the Canadian environment, evolution of the old, creation of new towns. B. Scope of the Study Scope of the study i s to examine f i r s t the o v e r a l l  conditions from which resource towns originate, and then to  focus attention on the physical environment of sample B r i t i s h  communities. The area of investi g a t i o n c a l l s f o r extensive study. 6 The range of the problem of physical development l n conjunction with a harmonious balance of technical, socio-economic, and physical factors i n resource areas, would demand survey and assessment of conditions by way of a large and representative sample. This study i s an appraisal of the physical form of two communities, each t y p i c a l of e x i s t i n g Instant and evolved con-d i t i o n s i n the province of B r i t i s h Columbia. C, Purpose of the Study The intention behind the study i s to gain knowledge and understanding of the physical phenomenon c a l l e d "resource town." Because of the l i m i t a t i o n of sample communities, gener-a l i z e d conclusions are not possible, f o r indeed the number and the v a r i e t y i n typology i s great. To the extent that the com-munities chosen as samples may be considered t y p i c a l , an attempt can be made to extract basic objectives i n the b u i l d i n g of future new towns. But above a l l , t h i s presentation i s a "case study" on two forms and a source of information f o r further Investigation i n the subject area of resource towns* D. Methodology and Outline of the Study The study i s based on reference material a v a i l a b l e and on personal observation. I t i s not intended as " s c i e n t i f i c research," and doesn't claim d e f i n i t e evaluations between i n -stant and evolved proceduresi i t i s to be considered as a "phenomenological" approach to the search f o r the v i s u a l 7 s i g n i f i c a n c e of these communities. There are four phases structuring the studyi a) h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s, as a background to present state conditions, motivations and means, b) f a c t u a l analysis , a quantitative account of " l o c a l i t y " as determined by climate, topography, people and physical structures, c) s t r u c t u r a l analysis, the s o r t i n g of the s t r u c t -ures in t o the determinates of form, whereby the v a r i e t y of physical elements surveyed establishes primary pattern r e l a t i o n s h i p s , d) v i s u a l analysis, a synthesis of the three-dimensional design, involving the aesthetic character of the towns• Restated i n further d e t a i l are the above c r i t e r i a . a) The study has h i s t o r i c a l character since I t pro-poses the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of what has been done, rather than what could be done. I t focuses on processes which are by no means peculiar to our age, as Indeed a l l through time c i t i e s have been b u i l t by compelling need or as need develops. The h i s t o r i c account deals f i r s t with resource towns l n general, then with conditions i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and i n the end with a b r i e f note on the development of the two sample com-munities . b) Town environment i s our f i e l d of i n v e s t i g a t i o n , the structures supporting communal l i v i n g being c e n t r a l to our i n -t e r e s t . 9 Towns are places where people come together, the degree of t h i s togetherness depending on a number of Influences. How-ever, by bringing people together, the p o t e n t i a l of a single i n -d i v i d u a l compounds i t s e l f , and f a c i l i t i e s such as l i b r a r i e s , schools, p l a y f i e l d s become possible, being dependent, f o r a large part, on sheer number. I t i s n ' t only the s i z e of population which affeots the number of community f a c i l i t i e s t one must also consider l o c a l i t y , resources, climate, people and opportunities f o r people. c) A l l architecture depends on the external spaces i t generates. These spaces acquire d i f f e r e n t dimensions according to one's p a r t i c u l a r and personal conception, so that I t would appear Impossible to speak of objective v i s u a l q u a l i t y . Never-theless, one may assume a " c o l l e c t i v e image" r e s u l t i n g from the same basic perceptual and kinesthetic functioning, so that e s s e n t i a l parts of one's i n d i v i d u a l conception overlap and i n -tegrate that of others. The c o l l e c t i v e image r e s u l t s i n the tendency to structure town environment toward group goals and objectives, so that ultimately there i s a general, recognizable pattern of image f a c t o r s . In the case of a Canadian resource settlement, the structure may be that reported by ACRE Research! ... i n most cases they are dispersed, two dimensional arrangements of unpaved roads and unserviced l o t s , with single-family houses, and a main s t r e e t c o n s i s t i n g of a few stores and public b u i l d i n g s . Because of the l i m i t e d l i f e of the resources to which they are r e -l a t e d , many towns exhi b i t a sense of great 10 lmpermanen.ee In t h e i r physical layout, q u a l i t y of construction and the attitudes of the population* Many resource s e t t l e -ments have l i t t l e socio-economic r e l a t i o n -ship to t h e i r region* Most towns are smaller than 10,000 population, and cannot support an extensive program of services and f a c i l i t i e s . To overcome a number of these problems, some corporations now pro-vide subsidized housing and company-sponsored f a c i l i t i e s . 1 0 The study s h a l l attempt to e s t a b l i s h what are the elements that form the " c o l l e c t i v e image" of resource towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The information gathered through the survey of the two sample communities may be synthesized, by considering sim-i l a r uses, i n t o primary s t r u c t u r a l components* These can be thought of as the s k e l e t a l elements whose p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n -ship determine the manner l n which the towns are constructed, and generate a system by which aesthetio refinements can be read. These elements are a physical f a c t which can be said to e x i s t Independently of.any given observer at any given time. d) I f one investigates the r e s u l t s of communal l i v i n g from the point of view of v i s u a l impact, i t becomes evident that by bringing buildings together " v i s u a l pleasure" i s released, pleasure no one b u i l d i n g alone could provide. When buildings are gathered i n one l o c a l i t y an immediate r e l a t i o n s h i p a r i s e s between the buildings, t h e i r s i z e , colour and form, and the spa-ces generated has a q u a l i t y which has p a r t i c u l a r human s i g n i f i -cance. Ultimately, excitement and drama may a r i s e where t h i s s i g n i f i c a n c e goes beyond the s a t i s f a c t i o n of primary needs such as s h e l t e r , privacy, and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . 11 The f a c t u a l analysis Is structured so to consider the physical elements by categories of s i t e , road pattern* housing, commercial, r e c r e a t i o n a l , I n s t i t u t i o n a l , i n d u s t r i a l and others. The intention i s to extract s i m i l a r i t i e s and to derive, by com-parison, differences between organisms. The s t r u c t u r a l a r -rangement i s recorded by techniques of mapping, photography, and 11 verbal d e s c r i p t i o n drawn upon surveying of the towns. The survey stage preceeds the active involvement which consists i n in t e r p r e t i n g the forms of towns by accounting f o r the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the i n d i v i d u a l elements and by considering these elements as determining wholes of greater v i s u a l breadth. The frame of mind generating the inv e s t i g a t i o n could be c a l l e d "sensuous," the intention being to look at towns as pieces of three-dimensional design. In the words of Kevin Lynch, "The creation of the environmental image i s a two-way process between observer and 12 observed." The image of a given r e a l i t y may therefore vary s i g n i f i c a n t l y between observers, each being conditioned by his int e r p r e t a t i o n and organisation of the outer r e a l i t y . Ideally, the observer should enter the f i e l d of study without preconceptions, should see things anew, reconsider t h e i r meaning and then reformulate mattert r e v i v i n g structures would thus be possible, since the context would be continuously r e -newed. However t h i s would imply being, between one formulation and the next, passive receptors of outside stimulations. The l i n k between behaviour and form appears as a two-way process where behaviour i s inherently embodied l n the form of things as 1 2 desires, motivations and other f e e l i n g s , on one handj on the other, form, once b u i l t , a f f e c t s the way of l i f e and, consequent-l y , perception. In t h i s l i g h t , preconceptions are mere expect-ations b u i l t inside man through outside constant stimulation and through."... inborn d i s p o s i t i o n to expect recurrent patterns, or to be more exact, he (man) i s always asking the environment 13 questions." ^ Therefore, every study of community form has im-p l i c a t i o n s of a comparative nature, comparative to a l l other forms of community one has previously experienced. E. The Bias A planned and Instant community i s assumed to be a b e t t e r structured community. Having a small decision-making group i n charge of planning and implementation i s thought to assure the community of high q u a l i t y r e s u l t s . The s k i l l s of s p e c i a l i z e d professionals who are given adequate time to plan, plus the use of the l a t e s t technologies a v a i l a b l e would hope-f u l l y determine a v i a b l e plan and a successful physical environ-ment, much i n the same way as designing a b u i l d i n g . On the other hand, the natural process appears to be the r i g h t way f o r the harmonious growth of a structure. The old c i t y presented, to the medieval dweller, the " s t r u c t u r a l " char-a c t e r i s t i c s of a work of a r t , and i n t h i s sense i t i s possible to state that the old c i t y was b e a u t i f u l . I t was f i r s t of a l l the r e s u l t of the collaboration, at various l e v e l s of conscious-ness, of a l l the people that governed, worked, designed, l i v e d , and c r i t i c i z e d the c i t y , during a long period of time, often 13 centuries. The basis f o r understanding and communicating the ideas of the c i t y were the components of "f l r m i t a s , u t l l i t a s and venustas," technique, function and form, one point on which arch-i t e c t u r a l t h e o r i s t s have some sort of concensus. The c o r r e l a t i o n between culture and c i t y was f u l l and complete, because the idea of the organism was present and i n -s t i n c t i v e i n a l l , so that every transformation and every addition would be spontaneously controlled by every c i t i z e n . In f a c t the most humble operation had a t r a d i t i o n a l way of being ca r r i e d out, born out of time, so slowly as to be f u l l y understood and "spon-taneously" repeated. Furthermore, the old c i t y had a r c h i t e c t u r a l structure, a tangible r e l a t i o n s h i p between physical elements. The buildings d i d not pretend, by themselves, to be a complete e n t i t y , but each depended upon the other, and they could not be what they were without t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with the others. When we consider older c i t i e s we invari a b l y f i n d c e r t a i n relationships and elements that constitute the essence of t h e i r designi - the frame to the whole, a precise l i m i t to the de-sign. This frame can be i m p l i c i t i n the se l e c t i o n of a s i t e having strong topographical features, or made e x p l i c i t by the precise man-made contrast between town and country, ultimately by the presence of the medieval town wallsj and within t h i s frame - the f o c a l elements, nodes and landmarks of the whole, which are together the In s t i t u t i o n s revealed and the s o c i a l 14 structure made v i s i b l e * Churches, castles and palaces represent the "positive volumes" emerging from - the texture, a rather homogeneous layer of a c t i v i t -i e s integrating commercial and i n d u s t r i a l enterprises of family si z e within the continuum of r e s i d e n t i a l b u i l t - u p , and i n re-spect to which - the s p a t i a l voids of s treets, squares and courtyards are the "negative volumes" acting as counterpart and comment to the emergent volumes. Between these elements existed a hierarchy of values, the compositional strength of the e n t i t y , based on the contrast among dimensions, p o s i t i o n , and q u a l i t y . Towns are the r e s u l t of two motifs, the s o c i o l o g i c a l and the a e s t h e t i c As stated by Zucher, ... to one who believes i n the primacy of Ideas, there seems to be no doubt that the growing concept of man i n r e l a t i o n to his environment and the awareness of the human scale gave stronger impetus to the shaping of space within the town than the merely sooio-functional need.l^ I t i s an assumption of the present thesis that one can discover the same impetus shaping the form of resource towns i n general, and of evolved towns i n p a r t i c u l a r . 15 FOOTNOTES *The Government of the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, B r i t i s h Columbia Facts and S t a t i s t i c s 1970. V i c t o r i a i Bureau of Economics and S t a t i s t i c s , 1970, p. 53• 2 Ira M. Robinson, "Planning f o r Small Communities i n B r i t -i s h Columbia," Community Planning Review. V o l . 5, No. 1, (March, 1955). P. 12. ^Kathy Hassard, "Utopia No Instant Town," The Vancouver Sun. (March 9. 1967). P» **3. Pat Carney, " A l l the Best and Uncertain-ty , " The Vancouver Sun, (June 3» 19^7), P» 32j Neale Adams, "What Happened to Instant Town," The Vancouver Sun. (July 7» 1970), p. 6. ^"A City i n the Making," B r i t i s h Columbia Business Journal. (August-September, 1969), P» 35» M^. Beatty, et a l . . "Projects Gold River, S o c i a l Implica-tions of a Planned Community," unpublished student project, Department of Community and Regional Planning, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1969. p. 52. ^A.E. Morgan, The Small Community. New York! Harper & Brothers, 19^2, p. 20. ^N. Lozovsky, "Goals and Their R e a l i z a t i o n i n Planning and Building an Instant Towni Gold River," unpublished Master's Thesis, Department of Architecture, University of B.C., 1970, p. 18. 8 R. Walker, The Planning Function l n Urban Government. Chicago! University of Chicago Press, 1951. P« 108. %.B. M i t c h e l l , Metropolitan Planning f o r Land Use and  Transportat1on. Wash! U.S. Gov. P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1961, p. 10. 1 0ACRE Research and Planning Ltd., Mid Canada Development  Corridor ... a Concept. Lakehead Univ., 1969, p. 16. 1 1Survey ^Questionnaire adopted! see M. Beatty, op. c i t . 1 2K. Lynch, The Image of a C i t y . Cambridge 1 The M.I.T. Press, i 9 6 0 , p. 131. 1 ^ G , Jenks and G. Baird (eds.), Meaning l n Architecture. Londoni The Cresset Press, 1969* p. 18. •"•Paul Zucher, Town and Square. New Yorki Columbia Univ. Press, 1959. P« 19« 16 CHAPTER II SELECTION OF SAMPLE COMMUNITIES A. Basis f o r Choice The small community i s a l o g i c a l e n t i t y f o r obser-vation! i t presents i t s e l f as an i n t e g r a l structure, v i s u a l l y comprehensible. As R. Redfield puts i t s "The small community i s another of those p r e v a i l i n g and conspicuous forms i n which humanity obviously comes to our n o t i c e . " 1 One turns to the observation of the smaller organisms f o r a number of reasonst 1) - because they may be Investigated within reasonable l i m i t s of time and energy, 2) - because, even though s t r u c t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t from bigger centers, town structure has equal need f o r both s o c i a l and v i s u a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n . The small community has therefore become a recognized u n i t of subject matter. In the Canadian context, resource com-munities are a most relevant topic, c o n s t i t u t i n g the l i n k be-tween the metropolitan areas and the vast hinterland. These communities generally have common problems stemming from such factors as s i z e , I s o l a t i o n , single resource, l a i s s e z - f a i r e 2 planning attitude and lack of reference to t h e i r region. Where one considers " l o c a l i t y " factors (climate and topography), Im-pinging on the communities, these would tend to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the physical outcome, while the factors l n common such as r e -source and s i z e , would hypothetically b r i n g out r e l a t i v e s i m i l -a r i t i e s . 17 In view of the above, the c r i t e r i a f o r s e l e c t i n g , among the many forest-based communities i n B r i t i s h Columbia, two representative towns, one instant, one evolved, i s based on considerations of ( l ) s i z e , (2) distance from ma.jor centers, (3) economic environment, (4) decision-making structure, and (5) regional s i g n i f i c a n c e . (1) S i z e . A s o c i o - c u l t u r a l difference i s inherent i n the sheer number of people contributing to community. While the ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s of community, namely those q u a l i t i e s which lead people to act i n common f o r common ends, are not l i m i t e d to groups of c e r t a i n s i z e - the family, the c i t y , the nation could be termed "communities'' - there are groups within a range of size l n which e f f o r t s and in t e r e s t s f i n d f u l l e s t and best adapt-at i o n to human capacity f o r intimate co-operation. Such commun-i t i e s range from a few dozen to a few hundred, or at most a few 3 thousand persons. Pertaining to quantity, size sets the l i m i t of the development, as proportional implementation of public f a c i l i t -i e s , while on qu a l i t y size has l e s s bearing, as the mores may derive from a la r g e r c u l t u r a l context. This study w i l l deal with two centers of B r i t i s h Columbia, within the population range of two to three thousand inhabitants. (2) Distance from other centers. Since our study deals with s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t groups, considerations of r e l a t i v e I s o l a t i o n , meaning actual time needed f o r contacts with other centers, i s e s s e n t i a l , as the p o s s i b i l i t y to reach and be reached by others would have considerable Influence on the 18 quantity and qua l i t y of communal l i f e . While t e l e v i s i o n , radio and other means of communication may serve to lessen the f e e l i n g of i s o l a t i o n , there i s no substitute f o r personal i n t e r a c t i o n . The factor of i s o l a t i o n , a generally r e l a t i v e term, Is pointed out as an i n t e n s i f i e r of c i t i z e n ' s c r i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s . Much of t h i s f e e l i n g may stem from the i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y of the town or from the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of a temporary "escape from i t a l l . " Therefore, the study s h a l l deal with communities of com-parable i s o l a t i o n . (3) Economic environment. The quantity and type of economic a c t i v i t i e s , serve to stimulate l o c a l expressiveness. The two communities s h a l l be dependent on b i g investment and major single employer, which i s the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c p r o v i n c i a l pattern within the fo r e s t industry. (^) Dec1s1on-making strueture. By taking Into con-si d e r a t i o n only those communities with an o f f i c i a l body of rep-resentation, we s h a l l be l i m i t i n g our invest i g a t i o n to those that have equal opportunity f o r implementation of f a c i l i t i e s through borrowing power, planning commissions, and council a c t i o n . The two communities w i l l therefore be Incorporated groups. (5) Regional s i g n i f i c a n c e . The two communities w i l l be chosen with regard to future regional expansion, meaning that t h e i r r o l e s have boundaries going beyond those s p e c i f i c to the industry. 19 Incorporated Single-Enterprise Communities based on Forestry Sourcet 1966 Census Municipality Status A c t i v i t y Population Asheroft v i l l a g e sawmill-log. 1.154 Castelgar town pulpm i l l 3,^64* Creston H sawmill 2,961* Golden it sawmill-log. 2,590 Gold River d i s t r i c t p ulpmill 2,100 Houston v i l l a g e n 699 L l l l o o e t n sawmill 1.389* Lumby M n 879 Mackenzie d i s t r i c t p ulpmill 111 Port Alberni c i t y N 18,538* Port A l i c e d i s t r i c t M 1.383 Port McNeil v i l l a g e logging 437 Powell River d i s t r i c t p u l p m i l l 12,578 Prince Rupert c i t y 11 14,677 Quesnel town N •* 5.725 * New incorporation or boundary changes since 1966 Census. '* Change i n boundaries since June 1, 1961. TABLE I PULP AND PAPCK MILLS IN BRIT1SU COLUMBIA - \S<& UL ojHritATie!* WNt>rK <=<=»>«•. TIMBCE. LID. MACKENZIE! ALEXANDRA WMSrl PULP LTD. peiwct aEoesc iiorERtownrJEwrAL PULP CO. LTD. pe i * ; r c"-e«-&E aEEATKe P E A C E t)f jotK CACIBOO PULP * FAPER. LTD t -I-RATONiF-K, CANADA CBC j Dt>. PORT ALICE _ P O R T A ^ » « ; A-bH<-;ec*T PULP + PAPO"-. up A-bUCEpFT PL'LP *t> PAP6t-;,i--. KAMtOOf-b F O e C S T PROPXTS LTt>! C O L O E K J - iEANO fOBK'6 \YM. Mli-kAW 6L3E!>rL I UMITES HABMAC PACIFIC UXC'N.5 "J" \ LTD C Z e a T B R O C K Fre.EST I^D 1Tb | •SKboKUMCKUCK CANADIAN F-?C£ST pcoy-'-TS «&• POUT MCVLOO Poats»r PCODLim. LTD. MAC NlLLAtJ 6L0f6£L. A M M K I » tUAMD wc-oerejE'b LTO ELKO MAC WILLAW Bioroti; UrtiTtb B.IK-NWi'i' MAP I 21 B. Choice of Communities The two environments to investigate s h a l l then bet - small (with population "between 2 - 3,000), - i s o l a t e d ( r e l a t i v e l y d istant from major centers), - forest-based, single-enterprise, - incorporated, - r e g i o n a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . A review of p r o v i n c i a l centers (Table I, Map I) r e -veals that the towns of Gold River and Golden are c l o s e s t to the set s p e c i f i c a t i o n s . In f a c t i Gold River has at present (1970) a population estimated around 2,100. This Instant com-munity Is forecast to have a population of 5,000 by 1980. The town, located on Vancouver Island, i s f i f t y - f o u r miles west of Campbell River and ninety-six miles north of Nanalmo. Within a smaller radius, i t functions as a service center f o r the company-towns of Tahsls and Zeballos, northward (Map I I ) . The community provides l i v i n g accommodation f o r the employees of the single industry, the Tahsls Company Ltd. Pulp M i l l , which provides the basic occupation and brings the essen-t i a l revenue to the municipality. Other p o t e n t i a l a c t i v i t i e s are seen i n the t o u r i s t and f i s h i n g industry, presently i n an embryonic stage. Gold River was incorporated i n 1965 as a d i s t r i c t municipality under Section 10A of the Municipal Act of B.C., what i s generally c a l l e d "Instant Town L e g i s l a t i o n . " The l o c a l government consists of an elected c o u n c i l , a mayor and six 22 aldermeni i t has therefore the structure of a s e l f governing administrative body, deriving i t s revenue from taxation on property• The community functions as a stopping place f o r those who t r a v e l north on the west coast of the i s l a n d . The opening of the Kelsey Bay - Port Hardy Highway, proposed several times i n the past, and now i n study, would strengthen the p o s i t i o n of Gold River as a service center f o r the c e n t r a l region of Van-couver Island. Golden, i n the East-Kootenay Region (Map I I I ) , has a population (1966 Census) of 2,590, a f o r t y - f i v e percent Increase above the 1961 f i g u r e s . The surge r e s u l t s equally from the change i n boundaries and from the more e f f e c t i v e i n d u s t r i a l i z -a t i o n of the resource. The nearest centers are Revelstoke, ninety-two miles west, Banff, eighty-six miles east, and Kimberly, one hundred and forty-eight miles southward! i t s p o s i t i o n on the Trans-Canada Highway contributes, however, greatly i n lessening i t s i s o l a t i o n from other centers. The town has evolved gradually, from a stopping and trading post, to the present r o l e of service center f o r the East Kootenay Region. Basic employment i s found l n the saw-mill and logging a c t i v i t i e s , which, under the recent management of the Kicking Horse Forest Products Ltd., are expanding through amalgamations and f u l l u t i l i z a t i o n . Golden has p a r a l l e l e d i t s growth by a regular increase i n o f f i c i a l representation. From an unincorporated community, VANCOUVER I41ANP- HAP II 25 i t has moved st e a d i l y to v i l l a g e municipality i n 1957 and to town status i n 1969* The municipality has council represent-ati o n through a mayor and f i v e aldermen. Golden i s s t r a t e g i c a l l y located on a transcontinental and on a regional route to the souths i t i s therefore an im-portant stopping point on road and r a i l r o a d transportation. Furthermore, i t s service r o l e i s backed up by the t o u r i s t flow going to the nearby Glacier National and Yoho National Parks, p a r t i c u l a r l y noticeable during the summer season. FOOTNOTES AR. Hedfield, The Small Community, Chicagoi University of Chicago Press, i960, p. 1. 2ACRE Research and Planning Ltd., Mid Canada Development  Corridor ... a Concept. Lakehead University, 1969, p. 16. ^A.E. Morgan, The Small Community. New Yorki Harper & Brothers, 19^2, p. 29. N.H. Paulson, Municipal Clerk-Treasurer of the Town of Gold River, interviewed i n Gold River, Dec. 1970. 27 CHAPTER III HISTORICAL ANALYSIS Resource towns are an e s s e n t i a l form of urban s e t t l e -ment i n Canada, since t h e i r functioning i s v i t a l to the national economy and t h e i r presence permeates the Canadian landscape. Because Canada i s one of the world's leading develop-ers of natural resources, temporary and permanent resource towns have been established, throughout history, on or near the s i t e s of resource development. O r i g i n a l l y most of these were located along the southern margin of Canada, so that e x i s t i n g resource towns are within a two hundred mile s t r i p from the i n t e r n a t i o n a l border. More recently, the survey and exploration techniques have developed concurrently with advances i n transportation and i n d u s t r i a l technology. This has lead to the establishment of resource towns i n the wilderness, i n the remoter areas of Canada. The function of resource towns, old and new, i s to produce, and often process, resouroes such as ores or metals, logs or timber products, f i s h or f i s h products, water or e l e c -t r i c power f o r the Canadian and the world market. In f a c t most of these towns are dependent on one of these a c t i v i t i e s f o r t h e i r existence, as well as t h e i r sustenance. Robinson i d e n t i -f i e s three classes of resource towns, which e s s e n t i a l l y repres-ent three stages i n t h e i r development i n Canada. 1 The f i r s t to appear were tent-camps. which mostly were comprised of a cook-house, bunk-houses and tents, and were abandoned when the resource was exhausted. 28 The second type was the "company town" i n which the parent company owned and co n t r o l l e d everything, including the land, stores, houses, services and jobs* Even i n the case of long term development, l i t t l e planning-time and e f f o r t was de-voted to the creation of these organisms, which were intended as mere accommodation and had most of the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the "tent-town" type. Planned new towns were the t h i r d class of resource 2 towns to appear i n Canada, and, as suggested by Robinson, a number of reasons dictated t h e i r implementation. One of the most important was the tremendous f i n a n c i a l investment required to develop the s p e c i f i c resource. In f a c t , with the introduc-t i o n of more advanced technology l n the harvesting and process-ing of the raw material, the complexity and costs involved i n -creased greatly, and consequently developers saw the need to e s t a b l i s h more orderly procedures. Furthermore, the advances i n technology demanded s k i l l e d labour, which was to become a permanent asset i n order to have a r e l i a b l e working pool. Therefore, not only was i t necessary to a t t r a c t , but to hold, precious man-power i n great demand i n northern resource areas. Consequently, planners and developers f e l t that i f work force and production was to achieve and maintain a high standard, both i n quantity and q u a l i t y , i t was necessary to provide the r e -source towns with the f a c i l i t i e s and services that are conducive to modern l i v i n g . I f men are to remain, i t i s e s s e n t i a l that wives and childr e n accompany them and be happy with the environ-ment provided. Furthermore, these towns have become more widely 29 accepted by corporations because of t h e i r showpiece valuei therefore the l e g i s l a t i o n implementing t h e i r construction has met l i t t l e resistance. A. History of Resource Towns Even a summary excursion of the h i s t o r y of the Canadian resource towns reveals the d i v e r s i t y of conditions under which these were developed. Resource oriented communities began to appear as early as the l6th century, when English, French, and Portugese f i s h e r -men established temporary and seasonal centers on the coast of Newfoundland. Tadoussac, i n Quebec, was the f i r s t permanent settlement founded i n 1599 as a French trading post and guard house.^ By the 1800's trading posts were spread throughout the , entire present day Canada, each post being established under pioneer conditions i n the often harsh wilderness. Physical and cl i m a t i c conditions, under which resource towns were developed, vary considerably due to the va r i e t y of the l o c a t i o n throughout the continent. I t seems evident that the form and i n t e r n a l pattern of the resource towns i s deter-mined by s o c i a l factors to a greater degree, concurrently with , physical and c l i m a t i c r e s t r a i n t s . The recognition of the need f o r wise and orderly urban development, has widened the scope of town planning. Although a l l towns are i n some way planned - since i n a general sense the standard procedures of subdividing the s i t e l n l o t s and streets i s a planning a c t i v i t y i n a very simple form - the degree of 30 planning varies considerably. With reference to the amount of town planning involved, resource towns may be c l a s s i f i e d with "additive planning," " h o l i s t i c planning" and "comprehensive planning." B. Resource Towns with Additive Planning Nearly a l l urban settlements have some prearrangement of design f o r streets and l o t s , i n most cases a model to which s e t t l e r s r e f e r . P r i o r to 1919, the streets l a i d out by engineers and surveyors generally formed a g r i d or rectangular pattern conform-ing to the suggestions of the Manual of Instructions to Dominion  Land Surveyors. The widespread use of these patterns can be explained by h i s t o r i c a l reasons and by the f a c i l i t y with which land could be surveyed. In many cases the gr i d was l a i d over unsuitable land and the subdivision into s i m i l a r l o t s did not provide f o r d i f f e r e n t land uses. Later additions to the o r i g i n a l s i t e were brought about by simple extension of the gr i d pattern, so that these towns have followed the s i m i l a r process of most c i t y growth, by "agglutination," as expressed by Geddes Smltht Agglutination sometimes has unfortunate r e s u l t s . I t produces, f o r instance, such words as the Mohawk term f o r stove-polishi Deyeknonhs ede hr1hadasterasterahetakwa. That may be natural, but i t looks absurd. Agglutination works much the same way i n the growth of c i t i e s . One subdivision i s added to another, usually at r i g h t angles, and you have a suburb. One straight l i n e i s added to another, usually at r i g h t angles, and you have a stre e t system.5 Thus the term "additive planning" defines t h i s class 31 of underplanned resource towns. Some exceptions to t h i s type of implementation were ca r r i e d out p r i o r to 1919» as i s evident i n communities i n the coastal areas of B r i t i s h Columbia, such as Ocean F a l l s and Powell River, and Grand F a l l s l n Newfoundland. As stated by Taylor, t h i s l a t t e r community was "... a welcome change from the •checker-board* adopted i n almost every North American town, the roads curve around the h i l l i n response to the contours."^ Along the same l i n e s , the I n s t i t u t e of Local Government com-mented on the B r i t i s h Columbia communities by s t a t i n g that "... these towns are outstanding l n the emphasis placed on the pro-v i s i o n s of open green spaces, as parks and playgrounds, large-s i z e r e s i d e n t i a l l o t s , and extensive landscaping."^ A d i s t i n c t i v e feature was the design of the town and the plant as related u n i t s , contiguous but separated by water-ways or by small green areas. A l l of these towns were e n t i r e l y planned and developed without government Involvement, s o l e l y under the Incentive of private i n d u s t r i a l corporations. C. Resource Towns with H o l i s t i c Planning The development of a h o l i s t i c approach to town design was a d i r e c t outcome of the co-operation of Thomas Adams, a d i s c i p l e of Howard's Garden City school of thought, with the Com-o mission of Conservation, i n 1913• This man, having served as Secretary of the F i r s t Garden City Company, having been an Inspector of the Local Government Board which administered the Housing and Town Act, and having also been l n private practice 32 as a planning consultant, was highly q u a l i f i e d to make suggest-ions on town forms* P a r t i c u l a r l y important were the repercussions of a o book by Adams, Rural Planning and Development, i n which new de-sign concepts were introduced to the Canadian developers. The gr i d pattern was contended on grounds that i t was necessary to Introduce curves i n the l i n e a r system, to add a pleasurable feature to the towni "Some regard has to be paid to beauty, to the preservation of trees and to a r c h i t e c t u r a l e f f e c t and, ... , r e l i e f to t r a f f i c i s not inconsistent with r e l i e f to the eye." 1 0 B e l i e v i n g also that the ooncept of t o t a l planned town involved public ownership of the land, Adams was convinced that since private firms were successful i n having t h i s control, i t should also be possible f o r the government to have successful c o n t r o l . The f i r s t resource town to apply Adam's theories was Temiskaming, a pulp and paper community, developed i n 1919 by Riordon Pulp and Paper Company, which decided "... that the com-pleted town should be a model i n d u s t r i a l community which would 12 a t t r a c t and hold the best class of men." Consultants to the developer were the Commission of Conservation and Adams. The plan took i n t o consideration many factors such as convenience of access to the various parts, economical and hygienical elements, thus achieving a c e r t a i n degree of h o l i s t i c planning. Kapuskasing, another pulp and paper community b u i l t i n 1921 by the Spruce F a l l s Company Ltd. under a Joint agreement with the Ontario Government, shows the complete embodiment of h o l i s t i c theories. The adopted plant 33 zoned the town Into a temporary business area, a permanent business seotlon, an i n -d u s t r i a l area, a r e s i d e n t i a l area, and a municipal and urban zone l i m i t of unsubdiv-lded land surrounding the town-site proper which would make i t d i f f i c u l t f o r houses of undesirable type to be erected i n the immed-ia t e v i c i n i t y of the town.l k The d i s t i n c t i v e properties of t h i s phase of designing towns weret the provisions of zoning of land use, the attention given to areas of future expansion, and the implementation of a green-belt to act as a buffer to absorb expansion while t r y i n g to prevent fringe development. D. Resource Towns with Comprehensive Planning After World War I I , resource a c t i v i t i e s had a major boom period, and many towns were developed on old and new p r i n -c i p l e s . Robinson has l i s t e d 50 resource towns which were b u i l t between 19 k 5 and 1 9 5 8 i 1 ^ among these the most important were Kltimat and Kemano, i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Grayton Valley i n Alberta, Uranium C i t y l n Saskatchewan, Langley In Manitoba, E l l i o t Lake and Manltouwadge i n Ontario, S o h e f f e r v i l l e and Chivougama i n Quebec. The planning and development of Kltimat represented the most notable venture not only f o r i t s s i z e , but also f o r the care and extent of economic and s o c i a l planning embodied l n the physical design. A l l these new towns were implemented on the basis of greater r e s p o n s i b i l i t y assumed by the P r o v i n c i a l Governments, which set out sp e c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n to deal with the i n i t i a l stag-ing. Amendments were made to the Quebec, Ontario and Manitoba 34 Municipal Acts, while Alberta passed a comprehensive New Town A o t i 1 ^ B r i t i s h Columbia also enacted s p e c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n i n order to incorporate Kltimat as the Corporation of the D i s t r i c t of Kltimat. I t appears that a l l these towns have a s i m i l a r form, that of suburban development. While the theories underlying t h e i r development and design were originated i n other countries, and therefore were pertinent to d i f f e r e n t conditions, a Canadian model f a i l e d to evolve. These towns have been c r i t i c i z e d f o r not having a higher density to meet the severity of the climate and the topography c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of most northern resource areas. C r i t i c s have argued that elements more appropriate to the Canadian north are needed, and that the greatest l o s s i n the construction of resource towns has been the f o r f e i t e d chance to 17 experiment. ' E. Government P o l i c i e s If one considers the extent of government commitment with respect to resource forest-based communities, one would l i k e l y conclude that i t has influenced t h e i r development through fo r e s t t e n u r i a l p o l i c i e s . Obvious reasons f o r t h i s involvement 18 aret - investment, i n the name of the people, by the prov-i n c i a l government, - changes taking place i n the industry are i n part a d i r e c t r e s u l t of government policy-making, - the f o r e s t industry i s the most Important economic 35 a c t i v i t y i n the province, - the forest industry, unlike other extracting indus-t r i e s , provides a base f o r permanent communities. Before 1871, a l l land was considered to belong to the Crown, and a Colonial Administration supervised the d i s t r i b u t i o n of a l l land r i g h t s . A f t e r Confederation, t h i s became a govern-ment function, and, as t h i s authority grew aware of the potent-i a l s of f o r e s t management f o r determining settlement patterns, a step-by-step process of decision-making took place l n order to assure f o r e s t r y a more stable economic r o l e . "Permanent A l i e n -ations" gave way to "Temporary Alienations," and "Leases" and "Licenses" were dropped i n favour of "Timber Sales," which pro-, vided greater income to the government. Momentous i n creating a stable community l i f e was the establishment of "Tree Farm Licenses," operated on a sustained y i e l d base of balanced annual growth and annual cut. In order to provide incentive to operate on a sustained y i e l d base, the government increased the holdings of the private licensee with s u f f i c i e n t adjacent Crown Land to compensate f o r the necessary reduction In out and the higher cost of operation f o r r e f o r e s t -ation, s i l v i c u l t u r e , and f i r e c o n t r o l . In 1965» the government, by amendments to the Munic-i p a l Act, fostered development of la r g e r areas by e s t a b l i s h i n g "Regional D i s t r i c t s , " with the purpose 6t providing services to areas l a r g e r than the single m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . "Regional Dis-t r i c t s , " "Regional Hospital D i s t r i c t s , " "School D i s t r i c t s " and "General Improvement D i s t r i c t s " are the foundations of government 36 action and commitment* The most purposeful and d i r e c t t o o l of town implement-at i o n has been the "Instant Town L e g i s l a t i o n , " s p e c i f i c a l l y en-acted to provide l o c a l government and community representation from the beginning of the development, r e s u l t i n g i n the break-up i n the pattern of the stagnant "company town." P. Natural D i s t r i b u t i o n of the Resources The province has an area of approximately 2Jk m i l l i o n acres, of which s i x t y per cent i s c l a s s i f i e d as forest land, broadly designated as the Coastal Area and the I n t e r i o r Area. The Coastal Area, which runs north-west to south-east and intercepts most of the humid winds from the P a c i f i c , i s com-prised of Vancouver Island and the coastal zone up to the summit of the Coast Mountains. This area has the most valuable timber stand. The I n t e r i o r Area i s the c e n t r a l and eastward part of B r i t i s h Columbia, where the climate i s more continental and pre-r c l p i t a t i o n s are greatly reducedi thus one finds here a thinner f o r e s t of smaller trees. On the coast, the p r i n c i p a l species are Douglas F i r and Western Larch, while i n the i n t e r i o r Engleman, Spruce, Yellow Pine and Western Larch are more common. The trend has been i n both areas towards cen t r a l i z e d operations, although i n d i f f e r e n t proportions. To summarize the phenomenal - The small operator, a t r a d i t i o n a l figure i n the I n t e r i o r Region was the one to s u f f e r most during the depression 37 so that i n the majority of cases he was forced to s e l l to the bigger, more successful competitors, - The more i r r e g u l a r t e r r a i n and the lar g e r timber on the coast required heavier equipment than that used l n the In-t e r i o r . This meant an i n i t i a l c a p i t a l Investment beyond the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of single entrepreneurs, - The technological improvement involving multiple use and f u l l u t i l i z a t i o n of lumber has meant that smaller operations have become increasingly uneconomical. As a r e s u l t of these factors, l n 196l, seven large firms accounted f o r over nin e t y - f i v e per cent of the t o t a l annual cut i n the coastal region, while i n the i n t e r i o r the same amount was cut by twenty-five hundred sawmills of small inde-pendent operators. P a r a l l e l i n g the ex p l o i t a t i o n of the resource, develop-ment patterns have been d i s t i n c t l y d i f f e r e n t l n the two regions. The coast region has c a l l e d f o r major investments i n housing, communication and services, due to the single s p e c i a l i z e d econ-omic base. The i n t e r i o r , although on a l e s s conspicuous scale, and l n spite of Its les s abundant resource, has had a progres-sive accumulation of community structures. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , t h i s has meant instant communities of one-industry type being b u i l t on the coastal d i s t r i c t by private i n t e r e s t groups, and the establishment of group settlements i n the i n t e r i o r region, with a v a r i e t y of economic p o t e n t i a l , ranging from outpost to minor i n d u s t r i a l centers. , G. H i s t o r i c a l Background of Gold River The region, known as the Nootka Sound Region, Is the birthplace of B r i t i s h Columbia's hist o r y . F i r s t the Spaniards, and l a t e r the English, established trading r e l a t i o n s with the Nootka t r i b e s . The commercial goods sought were otter hides, which at one time became so important as to induce Spain to claim i t s r i g h t s to the coast, leading to the Nootka Convention i n 1795. As a d i r e c t outcome of the 1938 gold rush, an unpre-cedented Influx of people established the f i r s t center of some Importance and s t a b i l i t y at Zeballos. Here logging a c t i v i t y began around the turn of the century, but i t was 1938 before i t became s t a b i l i z e d around a sawmill which gave the area a steady operational base, l a t e r expanded by the construction of a modern m i l l at Tahsls, i n 1952. The merging, i n equal partnership, of the East A s i a t i c Company Ltd., of which the Tahsis Company Ltd. i s a subsidiary, with the Canadian International Paper Company, opened a new eras i t was decided to expand operations by b u i l d i n g a pulp-mill on the mouth of the Gold River. Work on the plant began immedi-ately and i t therefore became urgent to provide adequate accom-modation f o r the Logging D i v i s i o n operators and the pulp-mill operators, shortly to follow. The best possible s i t e was found at the junction of the Herber and the Gold River, formerly the campground of an Inland t r i b e t r a d i t i o n a l l y l n c o n f l i c t with the Yuquot Indians of the coast, competing f o r the r i c h f i s h i n g grounds at the 39 mouth of the r i v e r . By the second h a l f of the 19th century the two groups united at Friendly Cove, where they s e t t l e d i n the l a t e 1890's.19 The Tahsls Company, recognizing that "... no modern large scale business can be successful without a l o y a l , compet-20 ent and happy work force ..." rejected from the s t a r t the solution of a closed community, mainly because past experiences had demonstrated that the term "company town" had acquired un-desirable connotations. In order f o r Gold River to e s t a b l i s h the image of an independent municipality, the developer and the government agreed that no p r o f i t would be derived from the sale of land, and that no property was to be owned by them within the municipality. Under the terms of t h i s agreement, the Tahsis Company was to bei ... responsible f o r surveying and c l e a r i n g of the land, planning and subdividing streets and l o t s , construction and paving of streets, Including curbs, construction of a complete storm sewer system, i n s t a l l a t i o n of street l i g h t i n g and underground cables f o r e l e c t r i c -i t y , telephone and t e l e v i s i o n , and the dedi-cation of a l l parklands designed by the town's designers.21 The area marked as section "A" on Map IV was cleared i n February of 1965, and the f i r s t houses to be completed and occupied were the 45 detached single-family u n i t s on Dogwood Crescent. Construction continued on section "B" and thereafter l n section "C," section "D," and so on, following a schedule dictated by the need to accommodate people of d i f f e r e n t s k i l l s as the demand for t h e i r function arose (Table I I ) . The logging personnel and t h e i r f amilies were the f i r s t to a r r i v e i n Gold River, since they were being relocated from the pulp-mill s i t e . They occupied therefore the only houses a v a i l a b l e , those i n section "A"t to date t h i s area i s yet i d e n t i f i e d with the loggers, as many of them s t i l l l i v e there. The second labour force to be c a l l e d into Gold River were the technicians and the management personnel, who occupied the second stage of housing a v a i l a b l e , i n section "B" and "C." Last to a r r i v e were the operational personnel and the service people. P a r a l l e l i n g the construction of homes, the town centre and other community buildings followed a s i m i l a r time sequence development, determined by pressing necessity. The two schools and the shopping centre were the ones f i r s t to take shape, then came the hotel and the public safety b u i l d i n g , the church and l a s t the i c e arena. The phenomenon of d i s t r i b u t i o n of inhabitants by occu-pation has l o s t , thanks to the high I n i t i a l turnover, much of i t s q u a l i t y of s o c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . I t has been s i x years since the c l e a r i n g of the s i t e i since then the major task has been to achieve e f f e c t i v e inde-pendence of the municipality from the Tahsis Company. In spite of i t s independent status, the town has leaned on the company fo r medical and r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . In turn, an interim c o u n c i l , appointed by the company, for several years a f t e r i n -corporation, cast many doubts on the self-determining c a p a b i l -i t i e s of the newly created town. Since December 1968 the council has passed from the stage of appointed body to that of 42 a democratically elected representation. However, the presence of a single major employer continues to cast a "company town" shadow on t h i s community. H. H i s t o r i c a l Background of Golden Before the a r r i v a l of s e t t l e r s and traders, the area at the junction of the Columbia and Kicking Horse Rivers was the hunting and f i s h i n g ground of two small t r i b e s , the Shuswaps and the Stoneys. This land was so a t t r a c t i v e to the Indians that they c a l l e d i t "Yoho," meaning, " i t Is wonderful." The abundance of game made these lands p a r t i c u l a r l y sought a f t e r by various other Indian groups, so that eventually the two smaller t r i b e s united against the powerful Kootenay Tribe. The a l l i a n c e gave way to a period of undisturbed peace, up t i l l the white man's penetration, at which time the Indians moved to the east, i n Alberta, and s e t t l e d at Morley. Slnoe the beginning of the nineteenth century the "Kicking Horse P l a t s , " as the land was I n i t i a l l y c a l l e d , saw the passing of explorers and missionaries who were the f i r s t to con-tri b u t e to the general knowledge and opening of the region. John P a l l i s e r had the exceptional task of exploring the large b e l t of land along the Columbia River i n order to locate s u i t -able passages f o r a r a i l - l i n e across the Rocky Mountains. Other pioneers of the d i s t r i c t were missionaries suoh as Father Coccola and Rev. Thayer. With the coming of Confeder-ation, settlement of the land was aided by the surveying of the country i n qu a d r i l a t e r a l townships of s i x square miles each, 43 c a l l e d "sections," further subdivided into "quarter sections" of 160 acres each. The scheme succeeded i n i t s objective of secur-ing accurate measurement and rapid pre-emption of land f o r rapid 22 settlement. As the r a i l - l i n e advanced, s e t t l e r s would penetrate the t e r r i t o r y l y i n g ahead, occupy t h e i r sections and wait f o r the crews to push through the d i f f i c u l t t e r r a i n . The matrix of t h i s pioneering society was formed by the challenging conditions imposed by the natural environment. S p e c i f i c a l l y , as observed by P.J. Turner, while a l l people who i d e n t i f y themselves with a l i n e a r concept of progress have ex-panded at the expenses of other developing populations, the North American has been at the expense of the natural, spontane-23 ous environment. J The f r o n t i e r , quite t y p i c a l l y , has set a condition of f l u i d i t y of s o c i a l l i f e , a process of "perennial r e b i r t h " of society. This was almost a pathological case along the "Railway B e l t , " a s t r i p of land, twenty miles on each side of the G.P.R. track, where towns followed a cycle of b i r t h and decline as the railway, t h e i r reason f o r existence, moved f u r -ther west. Two such communities were Donald and P a l l i s a r , both bom out of r a i l r o a d construction. They continued as small lumber centers, but within a generation faded away. Because of i t s p o s i t i o n on the junction of two r i v e r s , one of which i s nav-igable, the abundance of natural resouroes, and the f e r t i l e a l l u v i a l p l a i n , Golden has slowly but surely grown from a v i l l a g e to a town. The f i r s t b u i l d i n g , erected i n the Kicking Horse F l a t s was a b u i l d i n g used as headquarters f o r explorations of the region. The house, which gave the area the name "The Cache," was s t i l l standing years l a t e r when r a i l construction crews established a camp at the junction, on the north shore of the Kicking Horse. A date f o r the establishment of the town could be set around 1884-, at which time a number of structures, more or les s temporary, were gathered around the surveyed trans-portation l i n e , i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of the r a i l r o a d . Among those of more permanent nature - a l l other structures being tent-type accommodations - were two stores, a saloon and two hotels. By the following year construction crews had ar r i v e d , the land had been surveyed and the townsite subdivided i n t o ten blocks, following rules generally applied throughout the R a i l -way Belt» The streets and avenues of a townsite usually cross each other at r i g h t angles. The d i r e c t i o n of the streets and avenues i s made to conform to the natural features of the ground, the avenues following what i s expected to be the d i r e c t i o n of the main t r a f f i c . No st r e e t or avenue i s l e s s than 66 f e e t . (Main streets or avenues may be 99 feet.) Lots are usually made 66 f t . x 99 f t . or 50 f t . x 150 f t . When l o t s are l a i d out le s s than 66 feet a lane not les s than 20 feet wide must be made at the rear of the lots.2k The layout (Map V) was i n r i g i d obedience to the norms. Two fa c t o r s , however, had to be acknowledged by the surveyor, thus causing v a r i a t i o n i n the usual square configuration. F i r s t , the land-use was established p r i o r to the p a r c e l l i n g of the s i t e , tr7. J i " * " * ***. * * ' 8 | J * * * * " ' S i a 5 4 « S _ III lil h i H W I "III ' I IWFH ' WW*'. .** •»  jM.rf*l « .« ,« • — 3LCOND 5 | ^  * '*"**'-[ J * • * * i . y \ * < 3 L > \ \ -• ... * t ^ • • A r s • • »• J -4 *2 • ^ y f f — I — . — 1 7 T O W N o r G O L D E N B R I T I S H COLUMBIA 1885 ,Sc€Uc ZOO Ft** - / Inch. • I -rr— '.— Ottawa R A M Win 168? MAP V ^J»»>«<<-»f and second, the physical boundaries such as the r i v e r , had to be considered. The town was given t h i s abstract scheme into which buildings could be f i t t e d without predetermination, as i n t e r -changeable as the pieces on a chessboard. In e f f e c t , form developed from influences inside and outside the community. I n i t i a t i o n , and subsequent development, of r a i l r o a d communities was dependent on C.F.H. decisions. An example of such a commun-i t y i s the nearby Donald, which ... was b u i l t with a l l the brusqueness and extravagance which characterized the growth of the r a i l r o a d . The town, i t was decided, would be the d i v i d l o n a l head-quarters of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railwayj but soon i t became a l i v e l y business and governmental centre as wel l , f o r i t was one of the few population centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia's spacious hinterland. Soon the town grew t i l l i t contained, probably, a thousand souls. Alas, another of the depressions which had been se i z i n g the country from time to time impelled the Canadian P a c i f i c manage-ment to tighten i t s b e l t In the early 1890's. The d i v i s i o n a l headquarters of the r a i l r o a d was transferred to F i e l d , B.C. and most of Donald vanished as quickly as I t had appeared. Household belongings, homes, stores, and even the Oddfellows• H a l l were loaded on f l a t c a r s and c a r r i e d o f f . Some people Journeyed to F i e l d , many, to Revelstoke, and a number to Vancouver. And a few moved several miles south to a sprawling, brawling community c a l l e d Golden.25 Directives to a pattern of development was given by the l o c a l entrepreneurs, e s p e c i a l l y by those who had i n t e r e s t i n the function of the town as a business centeri Golden's wily hotel keepers soon created a measure of order and neatness out of 4 7 obvious disorder and slovenliness. There were four hotelsi the Kootenay, the Queen's, the Columbia, and, on the opposite side of the Kicking Horse, the Russel. The managers of these b r i g h t l y painted estab-lishments prudently faced them toward the r a i l r o a d tracks, and the backs, replete with saloons, toward the residents of Golden. In t h i s way the hotelmen were able to lur e the respectable c l i e n t e l e from the tr a i n s while i n no way discouraging the patronage of the l o c a l boys from main street.26 Indeed, hotels were the la r g e s t structures i n the new born community, and had various functions. The Columbia Hotel, f o r example, along with i t s f i f t y rooms, had a public h a l l which provided space f o r community events such as church meet-ings and seasonal dances. Performances by t r a v e l l i n g groups would also be given herei hotels were therefore s o c i a l f o c a l points within the community, a sort of community center. The functional use of t h i s land was reinforced shortly a f t e r by smaller commercial buildings such as a t a i l o r shop, a barber shop, a p r i n t i n g shop, and a F i r e H a l l , to c i t e those which established residence on the s i t e f o r many years. The hotels, by being v i s u a l f o c a l points i n the landscape, con-tributed greatly i n est a b l i s h i n g the town as the commercial and recrea t i o n a l core of the area. In November 1885, the f i r s t passenger t r a i n saw the construction crews leave Golden and move to the west, consign-ing the town's future to i t s c i t i z e n s t the days of Golden as "... a wild place ... as are a l l construction towns, peopled with r i f f - r a f f ... a l l sorts of men and women such as follow i n 27 the wake of a railway," were over. A ' r . S E C O N D " E D I T I O N ( C O R R E C T E D ) . P L A N O F P A R T O F T H E T O W N O F G O L D E N . Being a Subdivision of part of Sec. 12, Tp, 2,7, R. 22, W. of 5th Mer. ~ : • P R O \ r I N ( i : O F iBEITISTI C O l l j M B I . Scale: 200 feet to an inch. NOTE Bearings are astronomical and are expressed in degrees and minutes Distances are m feet and tenths. . Wooden posts planted are shown thus •' Iron posts planted are shown thus..:.,-..,. , .... .0 Numbers of blocks are in Roman Figures thus . Numbers of town lots are in Arabic Figures thus . -,3 Bearings are referred to the astronomical meridian thrbugh the north-east corner of Section 11. Compiled from official, (turrets by B. J. Jephson, D.L.S . 1st August, T. //. Plunkett, D.L.S 27th May, 1894. 1908 \ ; Department of the Interior, <Mmw±.81$f> -fipcep Approved andConfirmed. •••:-') 48 I n i t i a l housing was provided by various means, the most Ingenious being that derived from the use of r a i l t i e s and sod roofs. Common to a l l pioneering s o c i e t i e s i n the new con-tinent, the norm type shelter was provided by the one or two-room l o g cabin, averaging 16 by 18 feet i n s i z e , according to the dimensions of the ava i l a b l e trees. The very poorest cabins are reported to have been without openings other than a door which was swung outward so to allow f o r more inside space. The cabin f l o o r was f i n i s h e d with whatever material was a v a i l a b l e , planks, stones, or the beaten earthj a f i r e p l a c e was an i n t e g r a l part of the structure since i t gave warmth and a place to cook. This type of housing evolved because of various reasonst the abundance of lumber, i t s s u i t a b i l i t y to the c l i -matic conditions, and the mobility of the Inhabitants. I t pro-vided a safe and durable shelter that any man could b u i l d i n a matter of days, with few tools and a minimum of s k i l l . The l o g cabin, i n i t s e s s e n t i a l form an outgrowth of necessity, prac-t i c a l and simple, mingled with the commercial establishments i n the town of Golden and spread toward the southern plains i n l a t e r years, when a subdivision of t h i s area was compiled i n 1894 (Map VI). The new subdivision consisted of 24 blocks l a i d on the featureless t e r r a i n as the obvious extension of the former patterns streets of 66 feet and lanes of 20 feet form a harsh nondescriptive checkerboard, with l o t s of 50 by 130 f t . being the basic land use u n i t s . The pattern i s an almost perfect ex-ample of grid-planning, a geometrical cartesian conception. 50 Over and above considerations of use, i t was a solution to the r a p i d l y expanding center, and a hasty but secure sign of the equality and unity of a l l i t s c i t i z e n s . The resources of the town were promising, but not a l l were f u l f i l l e d . The influence of various a c t i v i t i e s , which lasted only a few years, had minor e f f e c t s on the ultimate form of the town, since structures were h a s t i l y put up and h a s t i l y taken down, upon necessity. They had, however, a greater s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e , since a l l contributed to the establishment of Golden as a center of some continuity. Mining, f o r example, commenced i n 1883 by way of i s o l a t e d fortune-seekers. Many claims were recorded at the Golden Mining D i v i s i o n , even though few ever advanced beyond the prospecting stage. The town d i d not give up Its hope of becom-ing a mining center u n t i l the long and f r u i t l e s s operations came to an end i n 1905 with the dismantelling of two smelter plants, one i n Golden, the other a mile north of Golden, neither of which had ever received ore worth processing. As a r e s u l t of the mining operations, a large parcel of land west of the Kicking Horse channel was given by the Prov-i n c i a l Government to the smelters' developers as an Incentive to I n d u s t r i a l implementation. Lumbering, along with small farming, was the basis f o r a stable community development. The r a i l r o a d d i r e c t l y brought Golden into being and i n d i r e c t l y stimulated southward expansion, by opening a market f o r the production of r a i l t i e s . The " L i t t l e M i l l , " b u i l t i n 1886 was located near 51 Golden and operated u n t i l 1888, at which time a bigger m i l l , c a l l e d consequently the "Big M i l l , " was established as the most modern sawmill i n the Kootenay area. I t consisted of two sheds, a boarding house f o r workers, a m i l l store, a warehouse and an o f f i c e b u i l d i n g . I t was located on the Columbia River, south of the town, and u t i l i z e d logs cut l n the bush by private loggers during winter and sent down the Columbia i n spring time. The m i l l s i t e had also been a steamboat landing since 1886, when the advantages to be gained by est a b l i s h i n g a r i v e r transportation f a c i l i t y to the south were recognized by l o c a l entrepreneurs. Goods coming from the east would go as f a r as Jennings, i n Montana, passing through Golden, and, l n order to f a c i l i t a t e shipments, a tram l i n e was b u i l t i n 1891 between the C.P.R. s t a t i o n and the Columbia landing. Steamboating was of paramount importance i n e s t a b l i s h -ing the town as a trade and service center, and, while l a s t i n g only 28 years, i t contributed to the settlement of the southern area along the two sides of the over-flow channel. Both the m i l l and the steamboat landing became an es s e n t i a l a c t i v i t y node with which the town i d e n t i f i e d i n many wayst The steamboat landing Is, during the summer season, an important point ... The Columbia River Company's sawmill and o f f i c e s are located at t h i s landing, and much of Golden*s prosperity i s due to the business which passes over t h i s landing.28 On summer evenings, moonlight excursions by r i v e r boat were popular. The old North Star pushed a scow ahead of her on which was a platform f o r dancing. Occasionally these excursions went as f a r as Spilllma-!-cheen.29 52 At the turn of the 20th century, the town had devel-oped a scale of s o c i a l classes as the r e s u l t of d i f f e r e n t oppor-t u n i t i e s i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l , commercial and i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v -i t i e s . S o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n became embodied i n the physical r e a l i t y of the r e s i d e n t i a l structures, since not everyone was able to make the t r a n s i t i o n from the one or two room cabin to the more sophisticated frame house, which the m i l l and a sash-and-door factory made te c h n i c a l l y possible. The community was dependent on these small Industries f o r some of t h e i r u t i l i t i e s ! ... when the m i l l shut down for the night the e l e c t r i c i t y was switched over to homes i n the community f o r use of the residents. But there was no e l e c t r i c i t y during the day u n t i l the boss* wife bought an e l e c t r i c a l washer. Then there was e l e c t r i c i t y on Mon-days. When she f i n a l l y got an e l e c t r i c ironer, the community was supplied with power on Tuesdays also.30 The mining company, interested i n p u b l i c i z i n g claims of valuable operations, started two newspapers i n 1890. With the fading out of t h i s industry, "The Golden Era" became "The Golden Star," the town's o f f i c i a l newspaper to t h i s date. The natural geographic character of the area was sub-s t a n t i a l l y modified, a f t e r the "Great Floods" of 1894. The channel between the two r i v e r s was considered a p e r i o d i c a l threat and an impediment to the l o g i c a l extension of the road system that would enable the town to incorporate i n an orderly manner those fringes which had developed since construction days. The t r a i l southward was on t h i s side of the overflow, and, because of the s t r i c t drinking regulations enforced along 53 the railway l i n e , i t gained a number of establishments c a l l e d " l i q u o r houses," where whisky could be bought i n spite of the law. A l i v e r y stable, some homes and a slaughter-house, near the old cemetary, were l a t e r a c q u i s i t i o n s . The channel was f i l l e d and the road pattern that resulted took into consider-ation the shape of the channel. The wide c i v i c area r e s u l t i n g from t h i s operation gives l o c a l character to the abstract g r i d concept. Assisted by p r o v i n c i a l a i d , the community b u i l t a General Hospital i n 1903. financed j o i n t l y by the Province, i n the form of a grant, and by the population of the area, as t h e i r share i n order to obtain the grant. Other community f a c i l i t i e s were made available on the same basis of cooperative action. The Public School Act, f o r example, made education possible on the p o l i c y of government s a l a r i e s augmented by monthly fees paid by the p u p i l s . The request of a teacher had to be s a t i s f i e d by a minimum number of ten pupils, so that i t was customary that every c h i l d old enough to express himself would be enrolled. However, i n 1908, school population was large enough to prompt the construction of the f i r s t Lady Gray School, a four room b u i l d i n g erected i n the center of the established r e s i d e n t i a l area. This f a c i l i t y was used i n t e n s i v e l y , with further addit-ions, u n t i l 195^, when the present school took i t s place on the same s i t e . Churches were e s s e n t i a l to the establishment of a community because they provided not only s p i r i t u a l guidance, but also community leadership; the only other i n s t i t u t i o n s which 54 met r e g u l a r l y were the Golden Volunteer F i r e Department and the l o c a l Board of Trade, established i n 1903* By 1912, Golden had acquired much of i t s present s t r u c t u r a l configuration, although at random and t h i n l y d i s t r i b -uted throughout. The commercial zone north of the Kicking Horse appeared established, the wooden bridge ( b u i l t many years before by the Queen Hotel's proprietor) had been replaced with a s t e e l structure, Tenth Avenue was d e c i s i v e l y shaping into a secondary commercial s t r i p , r e s i d e n t i a l structures had l n many sections a c l e a r r u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with the land, and the industry was already part of the urban form. The importance of the i n d u s t r i a l s i t e on the Columbia River was c u r t a i l e d i n 1915 by the construction of the Kootenay Central Railway which at f i r s t determined the r e l o c a t i o n of the tram-line but ultimately ended f r e i g h t i n g by any other means« steamboating was discontinued and the landing f e l l i nto o b l i v i o n . A f i n i s h i n g stroke was given to t h i s node by the 1927 f i r e which completely destroyed the m i l l . Only 25 years l a t e r was Golden able to e s t a b l i s h a permanent m i l l on the s i t e of the present one. The years between 1927 and 1952 were very d i f f i c u l t , since the only business was brought i n by highway construetioni the Big Bend Highway kept the town going from 1929 to 1940, along with minor lumber and commercial a c t i v i t i e s . At t h i s time 25 f t . z 120 f t . residen-t i a l l o t s were on sale f o r the in c r e d i b l y low price of |5»00 each. In 1952 the Columbia River Lumber Company, by re-opening the m i l l , gave the town a boost i n population which had dropped 56 very r a p i d l y since 1920. Consequently expansion of the town area i n the 1950's was mainly due to the increase i n r e s i d e n t i a l f a c i l i t i e s , which by now were spreading to the east side of the K.C.R. l i n e . A remaining part of the land owned by the smelter company was sold to the Golden Lumber Company during the mid 1960's and developed as a housing section f o r company employees (Map VII). Thus a standard planning concept, based on the con-ventional pre-arrangement of streets and l o t s according to gen-e r a l surveying procedures, became a subst a n t i a l l y concrete and i d e n t i f i a b l e organism through a long period of evolution, where need and opportunity were the basic elements l n a process of community cooperation. 57 FOOTNOTES *I.M. Robinson, New In d u s t r i a l Towns on Canada's Resource  Frontier, Chicagoi University of Chicago Press, 1962, p. 4. I.M. Robinson, op. c i t . . pp. 4 - 6 . ^G. Taylor, Urban Geography. Londont Methuen, 1949, p. 252. Thomas Adams, Rural Planning and Development, Ottawat Commission on Conservation, 1917, PP. 63-65. ^Geddes Smith, "Planning f o r Permanency," The Survey. V o l . 59, No. 6 (Dec. 15, 1927). P. 381. ^G. Taylor, op. o l t . . p. 237. ^Queen's University, The In s t i t u t e of Local Government, Single Enterprise Communities l n Canada. Kingston1 Queen's University, 1953. P. 75. Q A.H. Armstrong, "Thomas Adams and the Commission on Con-servation," Plan Canada. V o l . I, No. I, 1959. PP. 14 -32. Q yT. Adams, op. c i t . . p..281. 1 Q I b l d . . p. 100. 1 1 I b l d . . p. 171. 1 2 A.K. Grimmer, "The Development and Operation of a Company-Owned Resource Town," The Engineering Journal. V o l . 17 (May, 1934), p. 219. *^T. Adams, op. c i t . , p. 66. ^Queen's University, O P . c i t . . p. 84. 1 *5 •'I.M. Robinson, O P . c i t . . p. 2. *^I.M. Robinson, op. o l t . , p. l44t and N. Pearson, "New Towns i n Alberta," Town and Country Planning. Vol. 34, No. 10 (1966), PP. 473-77. 1^N. Pearson, " E l l i o t Lakei The Best Planned Mining Town," The Canadian Ar c h i t e c t (Nov., 1958), pp. 5 4 - 6 l : A. Roberts, "Design f o r the North," The Canadian Ar c h i t e c t (Nov., 1956), pp. 20-22. ^ J . F . Gilmour, "The Forest Industry as a Determinant of Settlement i n B r i t i s h Columbia," unpublished Master's Thesis, Dept. of Community and Regional Planning, University of B r i t i s h 58 Columbia, 1955, P« l 4 . Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. Wash., D.C.i United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1951. PP. 1-15. 2 0 " I n d u s t r y Builds Kitimati F i r s t Complete New Town i n North America," A r c h i t e c t u r a l Forum. Vol . 101, No. 1 (July, 1954). P. 132. 2 lThe Municipality of Gold River, " D i s t r i c t of Gold River, General Information," (mimeograph), May 1969. 22 T. Adams, op. c i t . . p. 52. 2 ^ F . J . Turner, The Frontier i n American History, New Yorki Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1962, pp. 1-38. 24 , T. Adams, O P . o l t . . p. 63. 2^Golden Centennial Committee, Golden Memories, p. 67. 2 6 I b i d . , P. 88. 2 7 I b l d . , P. 28. 2 8 I b i d . , P. 17. 2 9 I b i d . , P. 60. 3°lbid., p. 15. 5 9 CHAPTER IV FACTUAL ANALYSIS. THE INSTANT TOWN A. Location and Resources Gold River Is located on the west coast of Vancouver Island about s i x t y miles from Campbell River, the nearest center of some Importance. The well-paved highway, recently completed, runs through scenic countryside e s p e c i a l l y i n the Upper Campbell Lake and i n the Strathcona P r o v i n c i a l Park. The Municipality of Gold River covers approximately 2,000 acres of landj 1,200 acres are used by the industry, down by the i n l e t shore, f o r stacking and processing lumber. An "umbilical" highway connects t h i s s i t e with the townsite, seven and a h a l f miles up the v a l l e y i another appendix, to the north of the town, includes the water r e s e r v o i r . The town l i e s at an elevation of about 600 feet, be-tween the Gold and Heber Rivers, and adjacent to the P r o v i n c i a l Highway leading north to Port Hardy, east to Campbell River (see end of chapter, Map VIII). Formerly, and up to four years a f t e r i t s incorporation, the community was r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d because of road conditions, now improved i n the section eastward. As a geographical and resource d i s t r i c t , the area where Gold River l i e s belongs to the t y p i c a l Coastal Area. The economic base i s represented by a single major a c t i v i t y , harv-esting and processing of wood. Some r e l i e f to the present shallow economic-employment pattern could come about by estab-l i s h i n g better communication l i n k s with the nearby camps and 60 company-towns, so as to strengthen the town's r o l e as a service center. At the present time the highway brings seasonal tour-i s t s , many attracted by the r i c h hunting and f i s h i n g grounds. Gold River's industry, a s i x t y - f i v e m i l l i o n d o l l a r k r a f t m i l l i n operation since June 1965, started with a seven-hundred tons per day production, now closer to the nine-hundred mark. The company centers i t s operations on the Tree Farm License No. 19, which ranges approximately from Tahsis, i n the north, to the south and east f o r over t h i r t y - s i x miles, covering 458,000 acres, h a l f of which i s productive f o r e s t land. In conjunction to t h i s holding, the Tahsis Company has quotas i n the Nootka Public Sustained Y i e l d Unit, l y i n g to the west of the TFL 19. However u n l i k e l y an economic collapse may be, because of the sustained y i e l d management of the resource, a f l u c t u a t i o n l n the wood-products market and l n the labour - management re- , l a t l o n s a f f e c t considerably a community such as Gold River. Another important aspect to be taken into account, i n the l i f e of resource communities, i s the high turnover of popu-l a t i o n . As pointed out by reports on the f o r e s t industry, the unrest and the consequent turnover of personnel has both an economic and a s o c i a l explanation! ... development of new resources i n or near smaller c i t i e s and towns and i n remote t h i n l y populated areas have generated ... more new em-ployment i n t h i s province than has the expansion of secondary and t e r z i a r y industry i n or near the main centers of population ... Frontier areas also a t t r a c t , among others, the r e s t l e s s 6l and d i s s a t i s f i e d elements who have become impatient with the conservative norms and the economy and s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s of the older and more s e t t l e d regions of the country.1 Occupational mobility during 1969 brought the turn-over figure to 69.4 per cent, reduced l n the following year to a 30 per cent l e v e l as the r e s u l t of the economic slow-down i n the province! consequently, i t can be expected to grow and decrease as opportunities grow and decrease In other i n d u s t r i a l s i t e s . 2 I t i s estimated that at present 85 per cent of the working force i s engaged i n basic industry, comprised of m i l l -workers and logging operators, while the remainder i s engaged i n municipal, educational and other service a c t i v i t i e s . The job p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r female and young people are therefore scarce, and whatever openings were available at the beginning have already been f i l l e d . Consequently, the younger population tends to take summer occupations i n the b i g -ger centers, adding considerably to the f l u c t u a t i o n of popu-l a t i o n l i v i n g at any one time i n Gold River. B. Population The present population i s given at a round figure of 2,100, with a percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n i n d i c a t i n g a preponder-ance of the 25-30 age group. Gold River i s a society of young people, with the average age estimated at twenty-seven. I t has been observed that "Most northern towns are young p e o p l e d towns. B i r t h rates are high and the average age low. Young 62 people are often the only ones who'll go n o r t h . T h i s seems the case i n Gold River, where the two school p r i n c i p a l s are both thirty-two, the general p r a c t i t i o n e r twenty-nine and the mayor fo r t y - f o u r . At a c e r t a i n point i n time i n the planning stage of the community, t h i s was o p t i m i s t i c a l l y conceived as a center fo r eleven thousand people. While t h i s figure could be taken as a hopeful future goal, the present one, based on the employ-ment c a p a b i l i t y of the p u l p - m i l l , i s proximate to the 2,494 established as i n i t i a l population (Table I I ) . The ethnic background of the inhabitants i s e s s e n t i -a l l y Canadian, with a great majority (eighty per cent) coming from B r i t i s h Columbia, and most of these from other company and pulp-mill towns. To summarize the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the inhabitants, we may say that the population i s i - rather homogeneously composed of middle c l a s s , young, married couples with two to three children, and - from within the country, a good percentage o r i g i n -a ting from other small resource centers l n B r i t i s h Columbia. The younger people (Pig. 1 ) , a true resource to the town, appear to accept Gold River with great enthusiasm. Espec-i a l l y those between the age of ten and f i f t e e n are conscious of an environment which provides them with personal freedom, f r i e n d l i n e s s , and good schools. The greatest contrast to the homogeneity of the popu-l a t i o n structure i s provided by the natives, many of whom have • m WALK-UP ArT6-IN ' J ' • 33 Ki uiir<& m'rf1 CS- AKSNA • £A«P£H AfT m'E1 45 45 64 come to seek employment at the m i l l . Most of these native fam-i l i e s are l i v i n g by the shores of the Muchalat Inlet and only one family has chosen to Integrate into the greater community (Pig. A2). C. Climate The southern portion of Vancouver Island, and the nearby smaller islands, have the most salubrious climate i n Canada, because of the combined Influence of the P a c i f i c Ocean and the Coastal Mountains. A l l along the West Coast of Vancouver Island there i s the l e a s t f l u c t u a t i o n of temperature, with the greatest differences to be found between the windward and the leeward sides of the Island Mountains. Gold River has the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Outer West Coast Region, and the main features arei a) Temperature - The annual average l i e s between 17° and 20°P., with mean d a i l y readings of 30° i n January and 65° i n J u l y . b) P r e c i p i t a t i o n - The annual r a i n f a l l i n the Gold River area i s averaging 100 inches, with means of 10 inches i n August and 40 inches i n December. Of the t o t a l p r e c i p i t a t i o n , only l e s s than f i v e per cent i s snow, which f a l l s during the months of January and February. Snow depths are v a r i -able depending on the o v e r a l l conditions of the weather, e s p e c i a l l y on the warm wind blowing up the Gold River v a l l e y , even i n wintertime. 66 During the winter of 1966 snow depth was k inches, i n the following winter 1^ inches and i n 1968 i t p i l e d up to 13 feet i n the deeper spots. c) Winds - The p r e v a i l i n g westerly winds are rather strong, the maximum gusts being between 60 and 70 miles per hour. These winds bring moderate temp-eratures from the coast during the winter months, providing f o r minimum snow heights. d) Frost-Free Days - The composite e f f e c t of f r o s t -free days and r a i n f a l l period determine the grow-ing period of an area. The average number of f r o s t - f r e e days i s 200-250, while the growing period has been found to be about 225 days. D. S o c i a l Outline The town i s a t y p i c a l product of the recent e f f o r t s by large corporations to re-think the whole set-up of primary extraction and processing i n the wilderness. By shedding the l a b e l of "company town" and by f o s t e r i n g early incorporation, i t was hoped that the new s o c i a l struoture would r e l i e v e f r u s t r a t i o n s on both sides, would, that i s , allow the industry to concentrate on production and favor the establishment of free community l i f e among the workers. In e f f e c t , the r e -l a t i o n s h i p of community dependence has proved to be Inescapable as long as the industry remains the sole economic and p o l i t i c a l power i n the community. The Instant Town has no poverty, no unemployment 67 problems, i t i s new and v i s i b l y a f f l u e n t i the brand new com-munity has the best of everything, the best schools i n the province, the best houses and the best of municipal services, and yet I t contains f r u s t r a t i o n s , resentment and d i s i l l u s i o n -ment. These f e e l i n g s come to surface as economic i n nature, and concentrate on issues such as the freedom of choice. As expressed by members of the community, "... the 2,500 residents are a group of captive consumers."^ A more moderate view holds that the e s t a b l i s h i n g company has been successful i n many ways, i n the e f f i c i e n c y of the development, i n the provision of adequate services, i n the a l l o c a t i o n of desirable land uses and functions, and that "The company i s nothing but a booster rocket that puts the town into o r b i t . " 6 The l o c a l counoil operated most uneasily during the f i r s t years, since i t s dependency on the company was openly voiced. In 1969 the appointed council was replaced by a l i b e r -a l l y elected representation, thus removing a source of constant f r i c t i o n . Other sources of unhappiness are inherent i n the size and l o c a t i o n factors, and could, with a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , be re-moved by a t t r a c t i n g other industry into the area, by providing f o r greater d i v e r s i t y , choice and s e c u r i t y . With reference to the present s i t u a t i o n , d i v e r s i t y and choice appear to be most needed i n housing when one consid-ers that a l l accommodations are necessarily new, s i m i l a r i n appearance and i n price range. Since Gold River i s carved out 68 of the wilderness and surrounded by a Tree Farm License, no fringe development may occur, and shack buildings are prevented by municipal control. A l l the houses b u i l t by the company appear s i m i l a r , the reason often aducted that to b u i l d one type of house fo r the executive and another f o r the worker would have meant estab l i s h i n g s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n at the very be-ginning of the town's l i f e . E. Physical Elements The decision-making team, the Tahsis Company Ltd.'s executives, the planner Mr. D.K. Naumann and the architects McCarter, Naime and Partners, had the basic objective of cre-ating a pleasant and e f f i c i e n t l y modern settlement f o r the m i l l ' s i n d u s t r i a l pool, primarily a family environment that would a t t r a c t and hold a stable working force, ( l ) Townsitet The townsite consists of two-hundred acres of land formerly held by the Tahsis Company plus six-hundred and twenty purchased from the Province at the agreed price of one hundred d o l l a r s per acre. Due to the p a r t i c u l a r topographical conditions of t h i s part of the i s l a n d , most of the suitable s i t e s within a t h i r t y mile radius from the m i l l , considered to be the maximum desirable f o r commuting reasons, were too small and would have dictated a town of high density. The s i t e on which the town now stands was selected as the only one to offers - short time-distance t r a v e l l i n g between place of work and place of l i v i n g , - proximity to an e x i s t i n g highway route so as to l i n k the s i t e to the i s l a n d communication system, - an amount of r e l a t i v e l y l e v e l ground suitable f o r a community of f i v e thousand with a density of approximately twenty persons per acre. - favorable p o s i t i o n with respect to d i r e c t i o n of p r e v a i l i n g winds so as to minimize smoke p o l l u t i o n . The s i t e , with an average 5 per cent slope southward, i s marked by two h i l l o c k s which r i s e to dominate other i r r e g -u l a r i t i e s of the t e r r a i n . The two r i v e r s , instead, are l e s s noticeable, set as they are deep i n t h e i r beds (Map IX). The o r i g i n a l vegetation consisted of a dense f o r e s t of Hemlocks and Douglas F i r s , as can be r e a d i l y seen i n the remaining patches i n the town and i n the nearby areas. In order to allow landscaping, extensive care was needed to cor-r e c t the a c i d content of the groundi t o p s o i l was used f o r front lawns. (2) Roadsi Streets have been l a i d following, to a great extent, the pre-existing topography of the s i t e , i n such a way that the r e s u l t i n g pattern i s a system of loops scaled accordingly to the importance of the areas serviced (Map X). The main artery, which i s a section of a p r o v i n c i a l highway, has a width of 100 f e e t . Called l o c a l l y Muchalat Drive, i t runs through the core of the town towards the lower m i l l - s i t e . Two secondary loops of an 80 foot width d i s t r i b u t e 70 t r a f f i c into the east and west parts of town, and r e s i d e n t i a l a r t e r i e s of 50 feet feed into the r e s i d e n t i a l areas. The streets have been given names that are reminders of the natural environment, such as Hummingbird Lane, Dogwood Crescent, Trumpeter Drive, or of the c u l t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l background of the area, such as Nootka Drive and Maquinna Crescent. The street plan was designed according to aesthetic and p r a c t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s i - The streets follow to a great extent the topography of the s i t e . Many of the water ponds and permanent water bodies were converted into road area, thus achieving a three-f o l d e f f e c t ! i t eliminated a health and safety hazard, i t kept the vehicular movement at a lower l e v e l , leaving the higher elevations f o r r e s i d e n t i a l use, and gave the houses the enjoy-ment of the view and of good water drainage. - The s t r u c t u r a l organization of the street layout and main thoroughfares r e s t r i c t s vehicular c i r c u l a t i o n within the r e s i d e n t i a l areasi l o t s are serviced by minor crescents intended f o r l o c a l use. - The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the road system arei a continuous black-top pavement, a t o t a l absence of four-way intersections, of service lanes and sidewalks. - A functional hierarchy expressed by the v a r i a t i o n of widths, and, at night, by the pattern of street l i g h t i n g . A few pedestrian paths interconnect areas of the town. The lack of any well-defined pathway appears to c o n f l i c t 71 with the basic assumption, by the a r c h i t e c t s , that "... the center of the town would a t t r a c t people to go walking, since i t i s within a ten minute walk from the most remote spot of the housing development."' The paths more frequently used are those traced by children as they commute from home to school or to the shopping center. Other paths, which have been municipally de-veloped, are those along the Heber River and around some of the sport f a c i l i t i e s . (3) Housingt The housing pool i s comprised of a v a r i e t y of types (Map XI). There are i (a) 218 detached single-family units (b) 108 walk-up apartment units (c) 6k garden apartment units (d) 36 town-house units (e) 22 condominium-apartment uni t s (f) 90 mobile-house accommodations. It may be stated that the present mixture of housing forms i s due to a three-fold influence; the designers, whose e f f o r t s aim at bringing v a r i e t y within the unity of the devel-opment; the employees, who seem to prefer single-family detached houses of the single-storey or storey-and-a-half type; and the company's, whose influence ultimately suggests the solution, o possibly the most economical. (a) Detached single-family units t These constitute kO per cent of the basic r e s i d e n t i a l accommodation provided at the time of the establishment of Gold 72 River. Since then, only two houses have been b u i l t by private buildersf a l l the others being plant and mass produced. Roughly occupying two d i s t i n c t areas, west and east of the Muchalat Drive, the houses are based on f i v e planimetric solutions, v a r i e t y within the type being sought through v a r i -a t i o n of the textures, mostly cedar siding and white stucco. D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n i s further pursued by a steady change i n the road alignment and a v a r i a t i o n i n setbacks, ranging from 22 to 55 f e e t . The houses, which occupy l o t s averaging 8,000 square feet, are set i n groups fronting the crescents, with front lawns used as a major unifying element. The two houses b u i l t p r i v a t e l y soon a f t e r community establishment show the use of more expensive materials, such as stone work, and of more elab-orate landscapingj but because of t h e i r number, the phenomenon has l i t t l e impact on the t o t a l r e s u l t . Nevertheless, i t appears as a sign of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the town, and of pride i n ownership. The houses are mostly p r i v a t e l y owned and the company po l i c y toward s e l l i n g houses, rather than renting them as was done i n the old "company town," i s not only economic or admin-i s t r a t i v e , but also psychological i n nature. By converting an employee-tenant into an employee-owner, many argue, a sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s automatically produced, and, by i t s very nature, pride of possession i s r e f l e c t e d i n a correspondingly healthy attitude toward work i n the plant. This pride and i n -terest i n one's property i s manifest i n many ways, ranging from 73 rock-gardens to a vari e t y of front-lawn objects, down to an almost ostentatious e x h i b i t i o n of cars, boats, motorcycles, etc. (b) Walk-up apartment u n i t s : These units provide f o r a basic d i v e r s i t y i n the hous-ing stock of Gold River, catering to the economic and l i f e s t y l e needs of the younger and of the yet unsettled elements of the community. Set i n the center of the community, i n proximity to the shopping complex, they have c l e a r l y the function of suggest-ing a compact urban center, a quasi-downtown l o c a t i o n . The buildings are two and three storeys high, arranged i n a way so as to divide the s i t e i n i r r e g u l a r l y shaped court-yards which branch o f f from the central area, equipped as a recreational swimming pool-barbeque-sauna f a c i l i t y f o r the use of tenants. Access to the s i t e i s gained by stairways, f o r ped-estrians, and by service roads, f o r automobiles. Parking i s provided at the periphery i n eovered areas. Contrasted with the higher density which gives an urban atmosphere, i s a scal i n g down of the apartments to pro-vide a community dimension. The materials used and the design of features such as steep roofs and wide balconies give the development a human scale. (c) Garden apartmentsi These form a most i n t e r e s t i n g multiple-family house environment, combining a walk-up apartment type with a c l u s t e r of quadruple u n i t s . The term "garden" i s j u s t i f i e d by a 7» communal spaoe r e s u l t i n g from the s p a t i a l organization of the t a l l walk-up structure and the lower thirteen s i m i l a r u n i t s . These are of a r c h i t e c t u r a l significance i n the unity of the development, the sense of enclosure and the precise thematioal v a r i a t i o n they introduce Into the whole of the town image. (d) Town-house unitst Town-house units are set i n rows of ten, close to the road curb, with covered parking f a c i l i t i e s occupying the reduced front-yard space. Located i n two d i s t i n c t areas of the eastern r e s i -d e n t i a l zone, these rather "boxy" dwellings at the entrances act as landmarks to t h i s section of town. (e) Condominium apartmentsi The two bulky three storey buildings at the south edge of town represent an attempt to introduce apartment ownership i n the r e s i d e n t i a l make-up of resource towns. The experimental nature of the buildings lacks however a necessary d e f i n i t i o n of form and l o c a t i o n . People i n Gold River expressed negative r e -sponse to these accommodations by commenting on the lack of i d e n t i t y of the "barracks," and by pointing out the f a c t that these were the, l a s t to be occupied. (f) Mobile housesi Mobile units represent the only low-cost accommodation to be found, at present, i n the town of Gold River. The mobile-home park contains a v a r i e t y of u n i t s , from the simple t r a i l e r to the three-bedroom model. As the Master 75 Plan d i d not i n i t i a l l y forsee a l o c a t i o n f o r them within the greater community, t h i s has developed on separate grounds, some-what removed from the town. The s i t e , averaging l o t s of 40 by 100 feet, Is reached by a gravelled road, and the units are serviced by three black-topped dead-end lanes. {M>) Commerciali Commercial a c t i v i t i e s (Map XII) take place around a communal shopping plaza, where space i s rented out to private entrepreneurs, with the number of firms permitted to carry on the same type of business l i m i t e d to one. The arguments used to j u s t i f y r e s t r i c t i o n of free enterprise i s that t h i s p o l i c y prevents amateur businessmen with l i t t l e c a p i t a l , or transi t o r y investors, from s e t t i n g up poor quality shops. At the present time the commercial complex i s composed of stores, as well as o f f i c e s and the Post O f f i c e . The concept of the scheme was i n i t i a l l y based on the example of " v i l l a g e market," on the type to be found i n towns such as Carmel or Monteray, i n C a l i f o r n i a , the attempt being to have "... potentials f o r r i c h and varied spaces, contrast of character, humanized scale i n buildings and spaces, f l e x i b i l i t y and a d a p t a b i l i t y which i n time w i l l permit an outstanding town o center." 7 Even though the proposal has been d r a s t i c a l l y reduced to the actual carrying capacity of the population, the shopping center has retained the q u a l i t i e s of human scale and a r c h i t e c t -u r a l compatibility with the greater environment. 76 The ho t e l , to the south of the commercial plaza, i s a structure s i m i l a r i n character to the shopping center. Devel-oped on one l e v e l i t has low white walls, and dark gabled roofs covered with cedar shakes. Both the hotel and the shopping center are provided with generous parking area, divided into various terraces following the slope of the t e r r a i n . Future landscaping w i l l eventually break up and screen these areas, now overwhelmingly barren. Where the Muchalat Drive Joins the highway to Campbell River, two service stations form a "fringe commercial" area, thus completing the business a c t i v i t i e s of the town. (5) Recreational t New towns cannot r e l y on the i n s t i t u t i o n s t r a d i t i o n -a l l y responsible f o r organizing leisure-time a c t i v i t i e s , as i n the well-established towns of equal s i z e . Thus, there i s a pioneer atmosphere because of the lack of h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t -ures, Recreation, at the s o c i a l l e v e l , i s impressive because of the number of groups and the amount of a c t i v i t i e s taking place, although many complain that the same individ u a l s are found i n the d i f f e r e n t groups. The community of Gold River i s endowed with a b i l l i a r d - b o w l i n g h a l l , a library-community h a l l , and a recently b u i l t ice-arena. These recreational buildings are poorly de-signed and of i n f e r i o r standard compared to that of other b u i l d -ings. The ice-arena and the community h a l l occupy i s o l a t e d locations, while the b i l l i a r d - b o w l i n g h a l l i s at the borders of the shopping center with which i t forms an a r c h i t e c t u r a l whole 77 (Map XII). Community gatherings are held i n the school gymnasium or i n the smaller community h a l l , depending on the attendance number. The e x i s t i n g f a c i l i t i e s are therefore integrated by the use of the educational structures. Since Gold River i s surrounded by plenty of open space and wild l i f e resources, the town has been planned without s i g n i f i c a n t green areas. However, within the town boundaries one finds Peppercorn Park, a small p i c n i c area along the banks of the Gold River. A steep, unpaved road leads down to t h i s s i t e where the natural f l o r a has been l e f t untouched, i n sharp contrast to the signs of heavy e x p l o i t a t i o n on the opposite side of the r i v e r . Three play areas, within the r e s i d e n t i a l sections, and a sports f i e l d at the core of the town appear to be hardly suitable to s a t i s f y the needs of the younger population. How-ever, the development of a larger sport complex south of the Heber River i s being planned. (6) I n s t i t u t i o n a l ! The concept of "community" i s expressed through i n s t i t u t i o n s such as schools, churches and municipal buildings, since these are the essentials of a self-contained group. The l o c a l church i s a small structure shared by the various denominations, located near the center of the commun-i t y , but somewhat removed (Map XII). At f i r s t glance i t would appear that the church i s a minor i n s t i t u t i o n , since the l o -cation and the a r c h i t e c t u r a l design of the b u i l d i n g have minor 78 relevance. The low white structure of the Public Safety Building, designed to lodge the o f f i c e s of the Magistrate and Court, of the R.C.M.P. and of the F i r e Department, i s being also used as temporary municipal quarters. Fronting the Muchalat Drive, i t s l o c a t i o n i s such that i t a c t u a l l y extends the community's f a c i l -i t y spine to the extreme northern boundary of the s i t e . By f a r the most s i g n i f i c a n t buildings i n Gold River are the two schools which are part of the "Vancouver Island West, School D i s t r i c t No. 84." These represent a heavy invest-ment by the Municipality, the Tahsis Company and the i r o n mine and concentrator at Zeballos, i n the educational role of the town, which i s expected to service the developing area of the central western coast. The elementary school located i n the northern part of town, designed f o r a student population of ^50, i s presently being used by only 350 p u p i l s . The design concept stresses the adap t a b i l i t y and f l e x i b i l i t y of the i n t e r n a l spaces by way of movable p a r t i t i o n s used to create spaces according to need. By f a r the most appealing structure i s the secondary school, where materials and forms are combined i n a handsome bu i l d i n g of c l e a r volumes. One volume contains classrooms and o f f i c e s , l a i d out i n a t r a d i t i o n a l pattern; the other the gym-nasium. The audiovisual means, the laboratories and workshops, the a r t i f i c i a l l y controlled indoor environment, produce a highly speci a l i z e d f a c i l i t y . Conversely, i t s l o c a t i o n on the extreme southern end, combined with the s t r i c t rules which govern i t s 79 use, make i t somewhat detached from the community's l i f e . (7) Service areai Two service areas are found south of the townsite, one f o r l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l and service enterprises, the other used as a municipal garbage disposal (Map XII). At present only one b u i l d i n g , that of the Janitor service, occupies the l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l area. (8) Open landt Building techniques and methods of implementation Involve, i n the creation of an instant town, factors of s t r i c t p r a c t i c a l consideration such as deadlines, costs to the devel-opers, cost to the community, and a l l o c a t i o n of land f o r future uses. E s p e c i a l l y these l a s t two factors suggest the practice of "clearing" the land from undesirable features and unsuitable natural forms, a "clean-sweep" s o l u t i o n . The j u s t i f i c a t i o n generally given f o r such practice i s that any such operation undertaken i n the future would cost the municipality a great more money than i f car r i e d out r i g h t at the s t a r t . In the case of Gold River, the voids r e s u l t i n g within the town layout are of substantial amount, and constitute a physical element i n t h e i r own r i g h t . The shape of t h i s open land has undefined boundaries since I t i s part of an "open town" structure. I t may, therefore, take a variety of configurations at the periphery where i t meets the r e s i d e n t i a l land and at the core where i t i s re l i e v e d by the presence of the town center (Map XIII). A d i s t i n c t i o n can be made between what i s generally 80 c a l l e d open space and what i s Intended here as open land. Open space, at the urban scale, i s any land within the r e s i d e n t i a l area which i s used f o r some recognizable purpose and i s somehow structured f o r use. This can be a p l a y f i e l d , a park, a parking l o t - a l l areas larger than the purely i n c i d e n t a l space which cater to some communal need f o r greater space. Tree land con-s t i t u t e s a class by I t s e l f , since i t provides a v i s i b l e function v i t a l to the community, although i t may not be used as parkland. Conversely, open land i s that which i s used sporadic-a l l y and i s t h i n l y d i s t r i b u t e d . In open land the texture of a town has a minimum of s t r u c t u r a l and v i s u a l meaning. The essence of an open land, i n the context used here, i s i t s char-acter of substantial emptiness, of ground not being acted upon. (9) Tree landt There are many reasons f o r preserving and planting trees within major centers, where density of population com-petes f o r space with natural greenery. The argument proclaimed f o r t h i s sort of return-to-nature a t t i t u d e , to provide hygienic and v i s u a l pleasure, does not generally apply to centers which by t h e i r l o c a t i o n and t h e i r s i z e are constantly i n contact with the greater outdoors. In Gold River, c l e a r i n g the s i t e was not merely a technical procedure to f a c i l i t a t e construction, but equally a matter of r e l i e v i n g the monotony generated by the abundance of natural features i n the Immediate surroundings. I t was argued, by the planner, that to contrast the evergreens, i t was d e s i r -able to landscape the streets and communal areas with deciduous species. There are, however, a number of tree patches which are a relevant feature and therefore form a category of physic-a l value by i t s e l f . Within the natural s i t e boundaries, f l o r a c onsisting of Douglas F i r and Hemlock, although small i n size because of the a c i d i c s o i l content, form a rather thick body of hedgeforms (Map XIV). These accentuate the borders of the town towards the r i v e r s and the highways, and appear as a l i n k between the i n t e r n a l man-made environment and the l a r g e r ex-ter n a l wilderness. Three small patches of trees occupy land toward the center of the town, forming i s o l a t e d motifs of relevance, which contrast the all-pervading openness at the center and re-c a l l the natural countryside. A r t i f i c i a l landscaping has taken place along the town streets and within the parking spaces of the shopping center and the hotel* these trees however are s t i l l too small to be of much s i g n i f i c a n c e . 89 FOOTNOTES ^S.M. Jamieson, The Labour Forcet C u l t u r a l Factors Affect- ing I n d u s t r i a l Relations In B r i t i s h Columbia, Transactions of the Eleventh B.C. Natural Resource Conference, 1958, p. l£. 2 Frank Grabb, D i v i s i o n Manager Tahsis Company, interviewed i n Vancouver, Oct. 19&9* ^Ken Frederick, "The Company Town - E x i t the Landlord," Campus (January, 1970), p. 5» k Neale Adams, "What Happened to Instant Town?" The Van- couver Sun (July 7, 1970), p. 6. •^ The Vancouver Sun (June 10, 1968), p. 68. 6 P a t Carney, " A l l The Best and Uncertainty," The Vancouver  Sun (June 3, 1967), p. 32. "^Morris Beatty, op. o l t . . p. 28. ^Queen's University, op. o l t . . p. l k 0 . ^MacCarter, Nairne & Partners, "Proposed Plan f o r Develop-ment of a C i v i c and Commercial Center f o r Gold River," (mimeo-graphed), unpublished Report, January 31, 1969. 1 0M. Beatty, op. o l t . , p. 9. 90 CHAPTER V FACTUAL ANALYSISi THE EVOLVED TOWN A. Location and Resources Golden Is situated i n the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia, i n the East Kootenay Region, within the Rocky Moun-t a i n Trench, on the shores of the Columbia River where i t meets the Kicking Horse River (see Map XV at end of chapter). The town has long been a stopping point, located as i t i s ju s t west of the continental watershed which divides B r i t i s h Col-umbia from Alberta. By a i r i t i s approximately 350 miles north-east of Vancouver and 120 miles north-west of Calgary, while the clos e s t center of any relevance i s Revelstoke, a community of 8,000 people, 92 miles away by road or r a i l . Set at an elevation of 2,580 feet above sea l e v e l , the town enjoys proximity to the Rocky Mountains, which r i s e abruptly to elevations ranging from 10,000 to 11,000 feet, forming to the east the continuous wall of the Van Home Range. The lower slopes of the Selki r k Mountains which reach the town-s i t e consist of volcanic and sedimentary rock extensively meta-morphic, the source of numerous ores and minerals. Vegetation i n the region consists l a r g e l y of mature fo r e s t s , and to some extent, of productive farmland. The area, the most heavily forested i n the Kootenays, has a varie t y of species, Cedar, Hemlock and Douglas F i r being dominant, though Pines, Spruce and Bi r c h are also represented. Poplars and Willows form the sub-forest e s p e c i a l l y along the water courses. 91 Forest cover thins out at about 5»000 feet and over the 7,000 mark trees give way to some alpine meadows. Agriculture i s ca r r i e d out l o c a l l y on small holdings and products are marketed i n the d i s t r i c t . The area immedi-ately around Golden i s a f e r t i l e a l l u v i a l fan p l a i n , into which the Kicking Horse waters p e r i o d i c a l l y overflow. The greater amount of r a i n f a l l i n the northern part of the Rocky Trench produces a loss i n the soluble nutrients of the surface layers of the s o i l , so that the t e r r a i n i s somewhat a c i d i c . The town, as the center of a small trading area, serves, with i t s twenty-three r e t a i l establishments, the nearby v i l l a g e s of Parson, Donald, and F i e l d , and also some fringe unincorporated communities, a l l within a t h i r t y - f i v e mile radius. Its l o c a t i o n on a major highway junction, backed by railway development, has given the town the function of a d i s -t r i b u t i o n center h i s t o r i c a l l y evolved from the era of r i v e r transportation. Concurrently, tourism has gained momentum with the opening of the Roger Pass Highway, and i s l i k e l y to provide d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n i n the economic base. At present, t r a f f i c i s e s p e c i a l l y heavy during the summer months when motels, hotels and restaurants are busy with scores of t o u r i s t s j t h i s , i n turn, provides summer jobs f o r students from the community. However, t h i s phenomenon i s seasonal i n character, ranging from a high of 15,780 vehicles t r a v e l l i n g westward during the week ending July 13 corresponded to a low of 707 t r a v e l l i n g westward during the week ending January 19, In 1963-1 Tourist t r a f f i c , of a trans-ient nature, has also the e f f e c t of increasing prices seasonally, so that the o v e r a l l economic benefit i s l e v e l l e d o f f . Notwithstanding the above fac t o r s , Golden i s s t i l l a single-resource, single-enterprise community, where the f o r e s t industry, namely the Kicking Horse Forest Products Ltd., occu-2 pies 80 per cent of the working force. The Kinbasket and the Windermere public sustained y i e l d u n i t s , along with the Tree Farm License No. l k form the resource base of the industry, augumented by the harvesting of the Mica Dam area to be cleared by 1976. Following the general i n d u s t r i a l trend toward consol-i d a t i o n and f u l l u t i l i z a t i o n , the l o c a l company has expanded and modernized the sawmill operations, established a plywood and veneer plant, and proposed the construction of a pulp-mill to be located near Golden. The m i l l would be supported by a Pulp Harvesting Area and produce 600 tons of pulp per day, thus gi v i n g employment to 200 or more men, and providing several hundred more jobs i n the woods. The Kicking Horse Forest Products Ltd., an American owned company, has taken over operations established since 1887 by l o c a l entrepreneurs, and successfully s t a b i l i z e d production through better technology and competitive wages. I t appears that these f a c t o r s , plus the absence of l o c a l union represent-ation account f o r an unusual history of continuous performance and avoidance of s t r i k e actions experienced by other m i l l s i n the East Kootenays during the l a s t four years. 93 B. Population Since the Town of Golden has been incorporated only recently, p r i o r to the 1956 Census, figures on population are scarce and available only through scattered sources. These reveal that i n 3 1897 there was a population of about 500 I* 1913 " " " " M M S$3 1920 " « « " » 900^ ,  6 1936 M M M M H •• while the Census shows that i n 1956 the population was l ,2 k 5 1961 " " " 1,776 1966 H " • 2,590 The o v e r a l l pattern indicates a steady increase i n population with a major decrease i n the period between the two wars (Table I I I ) . The trend toward urbanization i n the region i s evident when one compares the 42 per cent population gain by the town of Golden to the 22 per cent increase i n the Golden area, or to the 25 per cent increase i n the E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t Div. 1, Sub. A, between 1956 and 1961. The present population of Golden, estimated at a stable figure of 3,000 people, experiences an annual turnover of approximately 20 per cent of the working force. Despite the predominant Canadian element, around 80 per cent of the population, the town has a d i s t i n c t cosmopol-i t a n f l a v o r , because of the r e l a t i v e l y large number of Swedes of e a r l i e r immigration, of French, I t a l i a n s and Orientals of more recent a r r i v a l . Occupational mobility, being a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the industry, has affected the "old way of l i f e , " and has changed the town's previous semi-rural, s o c i a l make-up. A high i n c i d -ence of seasonal transients has increased thefts and disturb-ances without yet creating a p a r t i c u l a r problem. Instead, what appears to be an urgent issue i s the need to cater to the older population which, somewhat re l u c t a n t l y , has seen t h i s community rapidly changing with the times. F i g . Bl C Climate C l i m a t l c a l conditions are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the macro- and micro-topography of the region. The Columbia River 96 follows the Rocky Mountain Trench up to Boat Encampment, then turns abruptly into the Columbia Mountains, forming a large westward curve. "Big Bend" i s the popular name given to the loop formed by the r i v e r as i t changes i t s d i r e c t i o n from north to south. On the whole, the Big Bend area, which i n -cludes the town of Golden, i s both cooler and wetter than the r e s t of the Kootenays, since i t s northerly p o s i t i o n and the almost impenetrable mass of ridges and peaks makes i t the re-ceiver of P a c i f i c , r ain-carrying winds. However, topography exerts a substantial influence i n changing c l i m a t i c conditions even within short distances. Owing to the b a r r i e r e f f e c t of the p a r a l l e l ranges according to a north-west, south-east d i r e c t i o n , p r e c i p i t a t i o n varies greatly* Revelstoke, f o r example, west of Golden, receives 150 inches of p r e c i p i t a t i o n , one-third of which i s snowj Glacier, located on the western slope of a mountain, experiences an average of k 0 0 inches of snow, while Golden has a lower p r e c i p i t a t i o n by being next to the l a s t great b a r r i e r to a i r movement. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Golden area are* (a) Temperature - The average temperature l i e s between 12° and 63°F., while the mean averages are of -2° i n January and 62° i n August. Absolute values have been registered at a maxi-mum of 1 0 k ° i n the month of August and a minimum of -51° i n January, during the year 1969. Daily excursions average between k 3 ° and 55° with highest points i n the winter months. (b) P r e c i p i t a t i o n - Annual r a i n f a l l around Golden i s an average of 25 inches, with means of 2.88 inches i n January and 97 2.40 l n June. Winter snowfalls are abundant, the normal depths being around 8 f e e t . (c) Winds - During winter months there are frequent inver-sions of temperature produced by concentration of colder winds Into the v a l l e y s , while higher l e v e l s may r e g i s t e r warmer temperatures produced by the free c i r c u l a t i o n of warm P a c i f i c a i r . (d) Frost-free days - The f r o s t - f r e e season begins around the l a s t week of A p r i l , and ends around September, while the growing season has a more l i m i t e d span, from the beginning of June to the beginning of September, a mere 95 days. D. S o c i a l Outline The area has changed from an outpost stopping place over the Rocky Mountains, to a r i v e r and r a i l transportation center, to the present i n d u s t r i a l center. Strong communal t i e s , t y p i c a l of the pioneering stage of community l i f e , have under-gone substantial change toward organized and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . Among the f r a t e r n a l organizations, the most active are the Chamber of Commerce and the Royal Canadian Legion. The f i r s t , engaged i n promoting the l o c a l r e t a i l merchants, has gained l n popularity by successfully a t t r a c t i n g developers on the Trans Canada Highway frontage road (see Appendix). The second provides meeting grounds f o r a substantial number of senior c i t i z e n s , veterans and non-veterans a l i k e . The population enjoys the advantages of l i v i n g i n a 98 vast natural environment, and being a big-game hunting d i s t r i c t , many s o c i a l happenings are related to outdoor l i v i n g . Sports a c t i v i t i e s a t t r a c t many followers, and a rather impressive number of hockey teams have flourished during the l a s t years, sponsored by l o c a l businessmen. The town i s provided with a range of recr e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s , some of recent construction such as the ice-arena and c u r l i n g rink, others dating back to the turn of the century, as the theatre and the community center; a l l , however, b u i l t by communal e f f o r t . Relationships between industry and community have generally been described as s a t i s f a c t o r y , the only complaints being that Impersonal contacts established by the new employer tend to lower the l e v e l of co-operation between management and labor which was a t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l t r a i t of the town. E. Physical Elements Golden apparently owes i t s continuity to an inherent-l y s t r a t e g i c p o s i t i o n within the region, a p o s i t i o n which has allowed i t to grow gradually, to adopt and maintain a r o l e lin k e d to the regional communication system. The r i v e r , the r a i l , and the road have been part of the town's way of l i f e . The a i r p o r t recently developed has added i n t e r e s t as a status symbol f o r the community, (l ) Townsitei The town i s located by the Kicking Horse River, a turbulent stream which during spring thaw tends to overflow 99 across the southern p l a i n and reach the Columbia River, a much wider and calm body of water. Owing to the constant threat posed by floods, the Kicking Horse has been harnessed by p i l e s and cement dikes, the stream narrowed and the overflow channel f i l l e d by earth, allowing land to be reclaimed f o r town use (Map XVI). The townsite consists of 1,372 acres of l e v e l land, part of a lar g e r p l a i n , contained within a v a l l e y running i n a north-west, south-east d i r e c t i o n . The two r i v e r s , which flow over the v a l l e y f l o o r , are therefore important physical e l e -ments of the town form, openly a f f e o t l n g i t s layout. I n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n , f o r instance, i s d i r e c t l y conditioned by the nature of the s o i l s , and then by other factors such as transportation net-work. :1 The s o i l , being a l l u v i a l and r i c h , has been c u l t i v -ated, drained where possible and family s i z e orchards developed, est a b l i s h i n g a pattern of v i s i b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p with the land. The area around Golden had seen s e t t l e r s some time before the a r r i v a l of the railway which marked the establishment of the community. H i s t o r i c a l l y , s i t e s f o r new towns were chosen by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway, f i r s t on the basis of railway convenience, and second upon consideration of r e a l estate value. As reported by T. Adamsi "The business i n s t i n c t of t h i s and other companies n a t u r a l l y leads them to se l e c t the townsites , most u s e f u l to them - although the se l e c t i o n may not be the o best f o r the public i n t e r e s t as a whole. w Townsite development was therefore a major business venture along the po l i c y followed 100 by the developing company l n many other rail-head l o c a t i o n s . (2) Road pattern! The c i r c u l a t i o n pattern l n Golden (Map XVII) i s based on the r i g i d , grid-Iron plan which was devised, as c r i t i c s said, M... to f a c i l i t a t e the operations of speculators i n r e a l estate. The Trans Canada Route sweeps across the side of the mountain, to the north of the town so that from a height of 220 feet one oan grasp a view of the i n t r i c a t e pattern below. High-way No. 95 tangent to Golden North crosses the r i v e r and cuts through Golden South where i t becomes the c e n t r a l artery, or Tenth Avenue East. The g r i d i s l a i d i n s t r i c t orthogonal way according to a north-west, south-east orientation i n the northern section, while the portion south of the r i v e r has a p r e v a i l i n g north-south, east-west d i r e c t i o n . Except f o r Tenth Avenue East, which i s 99 feet wide, a l l other roads have a standard 66 feet width, from property l i n e to property l i n e . Twenty feet servioe lanes, which follow the same pattern of orthoganal design, have been used throughout, except l n the twoilatest developments, even where the g r i d has been unconditionally extended. One subdivision, Instead, has adopted a "loop" layout r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the r e s t of the system. Undertaken only four years ago, i n conjunction with a new water and sewer plant I n s t a l l a t i o n , a paving program i s being s t e a d i l y implemented along with a sidewalk program. Since 101 there i s no single pedestrian area nor conventional shopping oenter secluded from t r a f f i c , casual s o c i a l meetings take place on the s t r e e t . Sidewalks have been a long standing trad-i t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y i n the more ce n t r a l areas, where one can s t i l l f i n d signs of the old wooden sidewalks, or "duckwalks" as they are c o l l o q u i a l l y known. Railway tracks have t y p i c a l l y become an example of a hard-edge boundary between areas and people, when set within a town pattern. This happens to a great extent i n Golden, where the railway, p a r a l l e l l i n g Highway No. 95i outs through the central areas e s t a b l i s h i n g ground-level r a l l c r o s s i n g and deter-mining dead end s i t u a t i o n s . A main issue has been the crossing of these bottleneck points, and the P r o v i n c i a l Government, r e -quested to ameliorate the function of the c i r c u l a t i o n pattern, has b u i l t overpasses at two points of Highway No. 95* one at the entrance from the Trans Canada Highway, the other at the e x i t towards Cranbrook. (3) Housing. The housing (Map XVIII) consists of 473 single de-tached dwellings, 4 row-house u n i t s , 4 apartment buildings containing 83 u n i t s , one duplex, and a large number of mobile u n i t s . Golden i s therefore predominantly a single-family de-velopment where the variety of a r c h i t e c t u r a l expression i s of the greatest order, e s p e c i a l l y i n the older established areas. Although boundaries of growth are not e a s i l y d e f i n -able, due to randomness and turnover of buildings, an accurate analysis would reveal subsequent areas of expansion. An 102 o v e r a l l d i s t i n c t i o n a r i s e s between four areas having c o n s i s t -ent physical t r a i t s . The f i r s t l n the North Golden area, con-tains only a few old and I l l - k e p t residences y i e l d i n g to the expansion of commercial and service b u i l d i n g s . Another area, i n South Golden, appears to span obliquely from the bridge to-ward the old m i l l s i t e . Houses here show homogeneity of agei generally l n good state of maintenance, they e x h i b i t a v a r i e t y of s t y l e s . B u i l t at the beginning of the century, a few la r g e r buildings have a "mansion-house" character and dominate the street scene with a complex display of roofs and chimneys. Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t are those houses showing concepts of volume and d e t a i l c l o s e r to a European stylet pure volumes, geomet-r i c a l emphasis by means of opening and corner d e t a i l s , white stucco g i v i n g greater accent to surfaces r e c a l l In f a c t expres-sions peculiar to the North-European culture, rather than to North-Amerlean. The other two r e s i d e n t i a l areas, having d i s -t i n c t physical t r a i t s , are recent suburban type developments, located on opposite corners of South Golden. The remaining r e s i d e n t i a l area i s l e s s homogeneous because many new houses have f i l l e d vacant l o t s , many old ones have been remodelled or r e b u i l t . Among the many forms and types represented by the older s t y l e , a l o c a l type appears to be d i s c e r n i b l e , where a hipped roof and a compact volume i s combined to a long glazed front-porch. A number of these houses, strung along Ninth Street South, are set close to the sidewalk and screened by natural shrubs and white picket fences. 103 In these older parts of Golden pride of ownership i s shown by a c l e a r demarcation of property and a general d i s t i n c -t i o n between public and private areas. Houses i n these areas show a hierarchy of s o c i a l order, where the large family residences contrast with the smaller cabin-like dwellings, without determining v i s i b l e boun-daries of s o c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . In the two sections recently developed, houses are si m i l a r to the suburban arrangement with bungalows set at a standard distance from the curb, a l l p a r a l l e l to the road. Large front yards - hardly a l o c a l town feature - are a common denominator among these residences. The section c a l l e d "Alex-ander Block," developed i n the f a r eastern section, i s an ex-pansion brought about by the lumber company that b u i l t 57 new homes f o r i t s employees i n the 1960's. The attempt to d i f f e r -entiate t h i s zone from the r e s t of the town has produced a crescent type arrangement noticeably a l i e n to the pattern of the remaining community and to the nature of the t e r r a i n . Mobile units found i n various sections of the town, form a major class of accommodation. Those located i n proxim-i t y to the secondary school are used as l i v i n g quarters by students coming from outside the community, while the others provide low cost housing of temporary nature. ( k) Commerciali Commercial a c t i v i t i e s , r e l a t i n g d i r e c t l y to the l o c a l population (Map XIX), are ca r r i e d out i n two areas, north and south of the Kicking Horse. 104 The area north of the r i v e r s e l l s "convenience goods," such as sporting goods, f u r n i t u r e , clothing, jewellery and household u t i l i t i e s . I t also provides space f o r the v a r i -ous professionals, f o r the Post O f f i c e , two banks, and two barber shops. Hotels are found only i n t h i s part of town, a l l other accommodation being of the motel type. These structures d i s t i n g u i s h the area because of t h e i r number, t h e i r s i t i n g , or t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l character. "Demand" goods are purchased, Instead, i n the new section, south of the r i v e r , where proximity to the r e s i d e n t i a l area favors the sale of groceries. Two supermarket outlets, a number of service stations, and the Government Liquor Store mingle here with r e c r e a t i o n a l buildings and residences. A pop-u l a r enterprise i s George's Cafe, both a coffee shop and a corner grocery store. S t r a t e g i c a l l y located, i t caters equally to the young school children, who f i n d i t along t h e i r route, to the t r a v e l l e r and to the community at large, being the only store which s e l l s primary goods on week-ends. Hotels are l o -cated i n many parts of town: two recently b u i l t i n the south section of Golden, modern and c o l o r f u l provide great contrast to the older b u i l d i n g s . (5) Recreational: Despite the l i m i t e d population, the continued intent to provide adequate recreation i s revealed by the age of some of the buildings devoted to such a c t i v i t y . The Yoho Theatre (Map XIX) i s the oldest, b u i l t i n 1920 when the population was jus t around 900. Located i n South Golden, close to the r i v e r , 105 i t s p o s i t i o n within the town layout i s re l a t e d to the e s t a b l i s h -ment, during r a i l construction times, of a number of "drinking places" along the t r a i l to Craribrook, today Highway No. 95* To-gether with the neighboring community h a l l , the theatre forms a "recreational node" of importance, a l l other f a c i l i t i e s being located at random within the two commercial areas. Three beer parlours, l n the northern center combined with the hotel premises, provide public meeting places, while the l o c a l branch of the Canadian Legion i s opened to members and guests* The bowling a l l e y , also i n North Golden, i s housed i n a small structure facing the r i v e r . A most popular s o c i a l amenity, i t serves several small groups of people, popularity of the game being evident by the number of teams sponsored by l o c a l business and commercial enterprise. B i l l i a r d s are the usual past-time of the younger population, when not engaged i n school or a t h l e t i c programs. The eastern section of South Golden Is developed as a comprehensive educational-recreational complex, by way of outdoor a t h l e t i c and Indoor sport f a c i l i t i e s combined with two school grounds. An lce-arena-curling r i n k has been recently added to the e x i s t i n g swimming pool and b a l l f i e l d , thus com-pounding the rec r e a t i o n a l function of the section. An over-night camping ground i s also found adjoining t h i s part of town. A small public park, found at the very center of the r e s i d e n t i a l area, has a p o s i t i o n , c l a s s i c a l l y that of a town "showpiece," p l a i n l y contrasting with i t s equipment, a few 106 outdoor seats and some playground f a c i l i t i e s f o r c h i l d r e n . (6) I n s t i t u t i o n a l t The municipal h a l l i s a small, inconspicuous green b u i l d i n g , s i t e d on what was once the overflow channel of the Kicking Horse. Along with the Municipal Health C l i n i c , i t occupies a large c i v i c area of which the nearby General Hospital i s a marginal part (Map XIX). The three educational buildings, while not p a r t i c u -l a r l y elaborate i n design, have a close r e l a t i o n s h i p to the performance of the community, i n that they function as the ex-treme poles of a major town artery within the r e s i d e n t i a l area. An extension of the c i v i c f a c i l i t i e s Includes the general h o s p i t a l and the R.C.M.P. buildings, two I n s t i t u t i o n s of long community standing. The former, established as early as 1893, has considerable weight i n determining the status of the town, since, i t services, with a capacity of 50 beds, the whole of the East Kootenays. One of the most i n t e r e s t i n g single buildings i n Golden i s the Masonic Temple, a large two-storey structure on Tenth Avenue East, characterized by the broad roof and the fret-work on the external walls. This temple i s a milestone i n Golden*s history since i t i s one of the buildings relocated from nearby Donald. In addition to i t s function as a congreg-a t i o n a l h a l l , i t has also l e s s obvious use as a l i q u o r store. Churches are located i n South Golden and most of the older ones are house-like i n appearance. Small i n s i z e , b u i l t of the same materials, painted white l i k e most residences, 107 t h e i r presence Is unobtrusive. The new church b u i l d i n g instead are pretentious structures, namely the Lutheran church and the United church ( F i g . 39), both on Ninth Street South. St. Paul's Anglican Church, the f i r s t r e l i g i o u s b u i l d i n g l n the community, i s a small balloon-frame construc-t i o n , ereeted i n 1891. As i t stands today, i t i s an example of exquisite proportions and f i n e craftmanship. Because the church was b u i l t p r i o r to the subdivision of the southern p l a i n , the main entrance i s gained from what has become today a service lane. (7) Service areas and i n d u s t r i a l ! The southern a l l u v i a l areas of Golden have developed int o a service section r e q u i r i n g large space f o r storage and stock yards. Buildings new and old are t h i n l y d i s t r i b u t e d throughout t h i s area (Map XIX). The older enterprises, a trucking company and a construction firm, are housed In aged warehouses, while B.C. Hydro, a dairy plant, and the School Board e x h i b i t modern, functional b u i l d i n g s . Farther south, t h i s service area borders an apparently unregulated garbage and car-dump f i e l d , close to the s i t e of the former sawmill plant. Between Highway No. 95 and the Kootenay Central Hallway tracks, service a c t i v i t i e s occupy a s t r i p of land l e s s desirable f o r r e s i d e n t i a l development. The road s e r v i c i n g these l i g h t I n d u s t r i a l l o t s , rather modest l n appearance, has major buildings on one side, namely the B.C. Telephone, the Canadian Legion, a hobby shop, and, farther north, a church. Basic industry, once dependent on r i v e r transportation 108 was located on the Columbia River shores; now i t has moved to a s i t e along the Canadian P a c i f i c l i n e , where conditions f o r transportation and expansion are more suitable to present needs. Occupying only part of the 600 acres of land set aside within the municipal boundaries f o r I n d u s t r i a l purpose, the saw-mill and plywood plant makes a-c scattered use of land; lumber stacks and incinerators are the main v i s i b l e elements of use, while the plant buildings, i n themselves quite incon-spicuous, are screened from view by l i n e s of poplars. A dyn-amic presence i n the quasi-rural soenery of t h i s industry are the endless f r e i g h t trains c u t t i n g across the p l a i n . Industry reaches town i n a gradual way, through a series of c o n f l i c t i n g areasi i t includes within i t s preclnts smaller r e s i d e n t i a l and commercial pockets, obsolete houses, fringe enterprises, t r a i l e r parks and one Jehovah*s Witness congregational h a l l . (8) Open l a n d i The town has an even but t h i n d i s t r i b u t i o n of struc-tures, creating a uniform and low i n t e n s i t y of use. The problem of i d e n t i f y i n g a c t i v i t i e s upon the l a r g e r and apparently i d l e parcels of land, i s made d i f f i c u l t by the r u r a l background of the community. This involves the f a c t that what appears as an unused s t r e t c h of land, may be Instead a household garden, c u l -tivated only part of the year. Distinguishing uses and a s c r i b -ing them according to one p a r t i c u l a r u t i l i z a t i o n may be debat-able owing to the v a r i e t y of elements one finds gathered l n one spot. I t may be that a group of l o t s s e r v i c i n g a r e t a i l 109 establishment Is used more Intensively as a play area by young students, or i t may be d i f f i c u l t to trace boundaries between a spread-out service area and land a c t u a l l y l y i n g i d l e . The c o n f l i c t may be overcome, to a c e r t a i n degree, when one accepts a concept of "open land" as defined i n the case of Gold River, related, that i s , to the p a r t i c u l a r context of an evolved town. Open land would exhi b i t here a minimum of urban design, would have uncertain use and be of a substantial size greater than the i n c i d e n t a l vacant l o t . Open land (Map XX) i s found at the periphery of the town, and only small amounts within. These are, s t r i c t l y speaking, bare spaces within the network of elements and struc-tures which define and shape the r e s t of the organism. The peripheral open land i s of extensive dimensions and w i l l display a c e r t a i n quantity of trees, sheds, wrecked cars, gravel p i l e s t however, i n r e l a t i o n to the amount of land, the p r e v a i l i n g character i s that of unintensiveness and openness. (9) Tree landt Trees, l i n i n g the borders of private properties toward the right-of-way alignments, are a common physical element throughout the pattern of the g r i d i r o n structure. Their func-t i o n i s that of creating a s t r u c t u r a l screen between private and public areas, and i t requires a communal e f f o r t to o f f s e t and harmonize the t y p i c a l dreariness of the long perspective view down the l i n e a r paths. Interspersed with the size and r i c h green of the Cedars and Douglas F i r s a large v a r i e t y of smaller vegetation, 110 of shrubs, hedgeforms, and front lawn f r u i t - t r e e s , contrast and q u a l i f y the function of f l o r a as boundaries between public and private spaces. Within the l i m i t s of the recently developed land extensive patches of trees s t i l l e x i s t (Map XXI). A substan-t i a l amount of tree-land can be observed along the r a i l - r i g h t -of-way, and along the southern shores of the Kicking Horse River, on land which has been eithe r unsuitable or undesirable f o r r e s i d e n t i a l use. The thickest woodland borders the town to the north, above the Trans Canada Highway, and to the east along the slopes of the deep r i v e r v a l l e y . The species found here are the same which are used f o r l i n i n g streets, Spruce, Cedar and Douglas F i r . Toward the a l l u v i a l fan, which contains the heavy i n d u s t r i a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e s , poplars are predominant i n a scattered formation, mixed with bushes. The l a s t c lass of trees forming a substantial pat-tern are the willows, planted by concerned c i t i z e n s to control earth erosion along the banks of the Kicking Horse River. 118 FOOTNOTES AThe Government of the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, B r i t i s h Columbia Regional Index. V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1966, p. 23. D.P. Ormond, Municipal Clerk-Treasurer of the Town of Golden, interviewed In Golden, Oct. 1970. R.E. Gosnell, The Year Book of B.C.. V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1897. P. 193. Heaton*s Guide to Western Canada, Toronto* Heaton's Agency, 1913. P» 35. •^ A.R. Lower and H.A. Innls, Settlement and the Forest and  Mining F r o n t i e r s . Toronto* MacMlllan Co., 1936, p. 306. 6The Government of the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, Revelstoke and Golden Land Recording Divisions, V i c t o r i a , B.C.t Bureau of P r o v i n c i a l Information, 1936, p. 8. ?The Government of the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, B r i t i s h Columbia Regional Index. V i c t o r i a , B.C., p. 23. a °T. Adams, Rural Planning and Development, Ottawa* Com-mission on Conservation, 1917, P» 63. ^H. Aldrldge, The Case f o r Town Planning. London* The National Housing and Town Planning Council, 1961, p. 109. 119 CHAPTER VI STRUCTURAL AND AESTHETIC ANALYSIS OP THE TOWNS Architecture and Urban Design are a c t i v i t i e s which r e l a t e to the form of c i t i e s . The former r e l a t e s to the con-stituent elements forming the three-dimensional r e a l i t y of the town, the l a t t e r to the r e l a t i o n s h i p of these i n t o one, ex-pressive e n t i t y . Conscious professional urban design attempts to give the environment a harmonious integration among i n d i v -iduals, structures, town and the surrounding landscapei i t s t r i v e s f o r a q u a l i t a t i v e dimension. Professionalism, generally held to be a guarantee against the poorest r e s u l t s , may hinder the flow of imagin-ative solutions by a s i m p l i s t i c a p p l i c a t i o n of design p r i n c i p -l e s . In other instances, professionalism may be confined by the context l n which i t operatesi The three stages of town planning (survey, plan, implementation) involve the a c t i v i t i e s of many kinds of s p e c i a l i s t s , ... who, although engaged i n town planning, are never required to exercise aesthetic s e n s i b i l i t y . 1 With regard to the two towns chosen f o r t h i s study, the preceding chapters have hinted at basic differences l n the approach to form, l n both cases a product of a piece-meal process. The bias l n the introduction to the study could have been expressed as the I n d i v i d u a l i t y and freedom of the evolved town versus the higher degree of order and formal quality afforded by the instant community. This p o s i t i o n opens, 120 however, an extensive area f o r subjective evaluation demanding the support of evidence! our l i m i t e d sample, instead, can only y i e l d s p e c i f i c comparisons. Furthermore, by surveying the two towns and considering t h e i r conditions, i t became evident that b i r t h and evolution, are Intermediate steps l n the general de-velopment of the resource town and s i m i l a r i t i e s can i n f a c t be pointed out as bridging the gap between the instand and the evolved town. The instant and the evolved town are both represen-t a t i v e of the same c u l t u r a l m i l i e u . As communities t h e i r shallow economic and s o c i a l base, t i e d to factors of size com-bined with t h e i r i s o l a t i o n , Is t y p i c a l of non-affluent s o c i e t -i e s . The "fragments of the la r g e r whole of Europe," as the early pioneers are often c a l l e d , had very d i f f e r e n t Incentives than "... the r e s t l e s s and d i s s a t i s f i e d elements who have be-come impatient with the conservative norms and the economy and the s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s of older and more s e t t l e d regions of 2 the country." However a common denominator can be seen i n the quest f o r personal independence and the substantial chal-lenge posed by the untamed environment. Another point l n common i s the f a c t that implemen-ta t i o n of these communities i s based, by d e f i n i t i o n , on the exp l o i t a t i o n of the natural resource r e s u l t i n g i n the dominance of man over nature. When one considers that both towns have been b u i l t through the incentive of private enterprise* that both had a preconceived plan of land usei and that both are being developed according to the "additive" procedure, i t 121 becomes evident that they are b a s i c a l l y v a r i a t i o n s of p a r a l l e l p o l i c i e s . S i m i l a r i t i e s may be pointed out i n the s o c i a l s i g -n i f i cance of the single elements forming the physical community. The r e s i d e n t i a l structures, determining the bulk of land use, are an expression of a " f o l k " cultures i n f a c t , while the oldest houses i n Golden may be said to belong to a pre-i n d u s t r i a l vernacular, those of Gold River can be seen as a "mass-cult" product. Both housing forms are the r e s u l t of group values, the difference being the size of the influencing community. Many cultures and s o c i e t i e s have b u i l d i n g of greater symbolism expressing the nature of c o l l e c t i v i t y . These s t r u c t -ures w i l l stand as "monumental" elements of the human i n s t i t -utions. The l i m i t e d number of monuments i n the towns observed i s not to be taken as wholly determined by poverty, but from a conscious manifestation of the s o c i a l mood. Even the more representative b u i l d i n g show a desire to fuse into one scale, to f i t into an accepted popular v i s i o n . This i s more evident i n Golden, where the unspeciallzed and open-ended nature of buildings Is allowed to s a t i s f y the need f o r communal space by gradual adaptation of the e x i s t i n g structures. Gold River Shows i t s non-monumental nature e s p e c i a l l y i n the scale and morphology of the c e n t r a l area, i n the materials and colors which blend the buildings of non-domestic function with the ad-j o i n i n g housing environment. At t h i s point i n the study, an attempt s h a l l be made to discuss the design structures of Gold River and Golden, the 122 contention being that patterns, even where vaguely defined, can be recognized and the v i s u a l message extracted. Neither of the sample towns are " a r c h i t e c t u r a l environments" l n the sense that European medieval towns or the modern metropoly are. However I t appears from the gathering of the f a c t u a l analysis that environments, where rel a t e d to t h e i r context, have equal weighted importance. A. Town-form The ultimate purpose of town-making i s the creation of a good place to l i v e l n . Town-form Is the perceived qual-i t y contained i n the b u i l d i n g of the human environment as seen against the background of the natural environment. Form may eithe r be a spontaneous "organic" growth or a planned, "rat i o n -a l " product of design. However r e l a t i v e these terms may be, design i s "... a problem-solving a c t i v i t y , a decision-making process, and at times an art-producing procedure."-' Whether or not i t produces a r t , design Implies a q u a l i t a t i v e dimension which Is more than just u t i l i t a r i a n and hygienic. As Benard Berenson wrote» Form must not be confused with shape. Form i s never a shape - that i s to say, a geometrical object looking the same to everybody •.• Form i s that radiance from within, to which a shape attains when i n a given s i t u a t i o n i t r e a l i z e s i t s e l f com-p l e t e l y .4 I t i s l n t h i s sense, as a r e s u l t of the humanizing e f f o r t s and because qua l i t y comes before quantity, that the term "form" may be used. 123 Town-form may be analysed In two d i f f e r e n t manners, both Important i n understanding the town as an en t i t y with aesthetic meaning. The f i r s t type could be c a l l e d the "planner's type" of form, that derived from considerations of basic structure, as determined by the broad patterns of land-scape, b u i l d i n g groups, and c i r c u l a t i o n . The other type i s that of form observed, the three-dimensional evidence experi-enced by people l n every-day l i f e . The analysis involves these two l e v e l s of form, the underlying structure and the v i s u a l impact upon the i n d i v i d u a l . I t seems arduos to account f o r the nature and character of the form one finds i n places where voids are dominant, and natural elements are strong and commanding, whereas man-made structures occur i n an open and loosely-spaced arrangement. Space and the r e s u l t i n g sense of space are here a function of a wider design. The landscape can be seen as taking the place of b u i l d i n g con-f i n e s , and becoming the u n i f y i n g agent among masses i n space. B. Framework f o r Analysis A number of recent studies which may be u s e f u l to t h i s analysis have dealt with analysis of s t r u c t u r a l and v i s u a l form of towns and c i t i e s . A study by S. Williams-^ analyses the character of c i t i e s by considering several categories of three-dimensional forms. These are divided i n t o inherently objective forms, such as the urban s i t e , the texture, defined as "the r e l a t i v e l y uniform mass of buildings, streets, trees, yards of which the 1 2 4 greater part of the c i t y i s composed,** green areas, open  spaces, c i r c u l a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s , and i n d i v i d u a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t a r c h i t e c t u r a l massesi and into categories of perceived forms, such as the panorama, the skyline, the v i s t a and kinesthetic  experience» Prof. Kevin Lynch synthesizes the mental image generated i n perceiving the above relationships i n t o f i v e p r i n c i p a l elements. 6 He discussesi - Paths as "... the structures along which the ob-server customarily, occasionally, or p o t e n t i a l l y moves. They maybe s t r e e t s , walkways, t r a n s i t l i n e s , canals, r a i l r o a d s . " - Edges as "... the l i n e a r elements not used or considered as paths by the observer. They are the boundaries between two phases, l i n e a r breaks i n con t i n u i t y i shores, r a i l r o a d cuts, edges of development, walls." - D i s t r i c t s as "... the medium-to-large sections of the c i t y , conceived as having two-dimensional extent, which the observer mentally enters "inside - of,* and which are recognizable as having some common, i d e n t i f y i n g character." - Nodes as "... points, the strategic spots i n a c i t y i n t o which an observer can enter, and which are the intensive f o c i to and from which he i s t r a v e l l i n g . They may be primarily functions, places of break i n transportation, a crossing or convergence of paths, moments of s h i f t from one structure to another." - Landmarks as "... another type of point-reference, but i n t h i s case the observer does not enter within them, they 125 are external. They are usually a rather simply defined phy-s i c a l objects b u i l d i n g s , signs, store or mountain." The graphics derived from the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the " c o l l e c t i v e image" are to be considered as an ideogram of a pre-existing condition, a graphic notation u s e f u l i n i n d i c a t -ing r elationships of p o s i t i o n , dimension, and quality between elements of the perceived form. One may reverse the process of the formation of the image and consider f i r s t elements of structure, and then vest them with v i s u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . This inversion of the perceptual process can be brought about by considering the o v e r a l l s t r u c t u r a l theme as determined by the organization of the basic primary elements, devised by Lynch, and then examine how they achieve v i s u a l meaning. Another reason f o r comparing the towns on a general l e v e l i s the a n t i t h e t i c a l statement of the two patterns. The formal plan elements, taken at t h e i r nominal l e v e l , c l e a r l y give way to d i f f e r e n t propositionss where Golden derives i t s p a r t i c u l a r configuration from a r e c t i l i n e a r arrangement, Gold River can be regarded as i t s opposite, a purely c u r v i l i n e a r scheme. In order to f a c i l i t a t e a comparative discussion, i t may be u s e f u l to abstract from the p a r t i c u l a r to the more general, and consider, using Lynch*s terminology, town form as derived from the connections between (a) nodes, (b) routes, (c) d i s t r i c t s , and (d) prime volumes. These are, i n synthesis, the elements of a compositional vocabulary which designers may use to conceive the s t r u c t u r a l character, as a counterpart to the perceived character. 126 The v i s u a l and aesthetic a t t r i b u t e s of the above " s k e l e t a l " elements may be analysed with regard to a s p e c i f i c a t t r i b u t e , one which enhances the s t r u c t u r a l performance by giving i t aesthetic relevance. These attributes arei (a) - Nodes, being places of p a r t i c u l a r concentration, f o c a l points generated by and generating an increase of v i s -i b l e a c t i v i t y , demand a higher l e v e l of order. This qu a l i t y can be pursued by dominance of nodes over the surroundings and c l a r i t y of t r a n s i t i o n l i n k i n g them to the broader areas. (b) - Routes, as main l i n e s of flow are the mainstreams through which people c i r c u l a t e . Their s i n g u l a r i t y as p r i n c i p -a l paths of v i s u a l experience i s revealed by the continuity and sequence of the experience. (c) - D i s t r i c t s , as prevalent two dimensional e n t i t i e s , achieve character by weaving together a number of thematic elements which define the function, size and personality of an area, while esta b l i s h i n g i t as a homogeneous part. Homogeneity, understood to be an Insistence upon s i g n i f i c a n t form q u a l i t i e s , may be one aesthetic a t t r i b u t e of a d i s t r i c t . Prime volumes, which are the three-dimensional accent-uation of the whole e n t i t y , may be aesthetic elements l n t h e i r own r i g h t . But where t h e i r mass-function i s combined to s p a t i a l  prominence they become in t e n t i o n a l statements of a h i e r a r c h i c a l organization. C. Perception The image one perceives of the physical r e a l i t y i s 1 an i n t e r f a c i n g of the external objective state of things with the i n t e r n a l subjective manipulation of the "raw" material. Perception Is a compound experience of what a person has, i s or expects to sense. Although we l i v e i n e s s e n t i a l l y a v i s u a l world, i n order to perceive one uses a combination of sense modalities, of sight, hearing, smell, touoh and taste, so as to determine one's p o s i t i o n within the environment. Of great consequence i s the s e l e c t i n g power of sight which allows us e i t h e r to scan over a s i t u a t i o n or to choose among forms. Conversely, sounds and smells can only be experi-enced l n t o t a l i t y , f o r we cannot escape t h e i r impact without avoiding them completely. Visual experience involves the perceptual organ of the eyes. Unlike the eye of a camera, the human eye has two v i s u a l anglesi one of " f i x a t i o n , " approximately of two degrees another of "alertness," embracing i n one sweep a horizontal angle greater than 180 degrees. The combination of the two angles i s an e f f e c t i v e v i s u a l cone of about 5^ degrees, so that one has a s p e c i f i c image within a large f i e l d of general con-sciousness. Apart from being the most d i r e c t way of perceiving, the importance of seeing i s that through sight one has f i r s t knowledge of forms and spaces, colors and textures, and can then transform these in t o abstract symbols which become the basis f o r communication. Thus, one r e c a l l s past images, assoc-ia t e s them with new perceptions and generates new concepts and 128 sensations. Transference of sight Into symbols, writes Leonardo E l o c l , determined the f i r s t " c u l t u r a l revolution,"! Sight i s the most s e n s i t i v e , or rather, the most evident, of human senses. Thus when men t r i e d consciously to express them-selves to one another, they must have t r i e d , before any other, that language which today i s c a l l e d painting. And so i t came about that one man looking at the moon and t r y i n g to refashion i t s form on the wet sand, or dipping his own hand i n color and pressing i t on a stone, or t r y i n g to imitate the form of a running animal, began to t a l k with the others. I t was true that they a l l could see the moon and hands and running animals. But how could any one of them know whether the others saw exactly what he saw? And then -someone comes upon the place where another man has drawn the moon. He looks at the drawing and he sees the moon the way the other saw i t ! He f e e l s l i k e shouting with Joy. Now things are d i f f e r e n t ! f o r one man has smashed the door between himself and another, opened the way to pass to the other! And since that time nothing has changed.7 Perception therefore r e s u l t s from the coordination i n our brain of what Is seen and f e l t i the manipulation of the perception i s t i e d to the problems of thought and subsequent conduct, regulated by laws which have been formulated to ex-p l a i n the meohanism of seeing, thinking and acting. These laws imply that b a s i c a l l y one Idea c a l l s upon another where there i s resemblance, contrast or opposition between the two, or that one idea follows another when past experience has had them associated. The implications of t h i s theory, stated as early as A r i s t o t e l e , are that a f t e r i n i t i a l response, ideas are linked together so that sensations acquire meaning, thus becoming "percepts," l n a sort of mechanical way. Instead more modem views take the p o s i t i o n that the 129 mind operates In a dynamic way, according to a configuration rather than to separate s t i m u l i . Gestalt theory, or example, states that items s i m i l a r l n color, texture and shape, and si m i l a r t r a n s i t i o n s such as sequences between things, tend to generate groups of perception. Perception In motion increases grouping and pattern-making by spurring a flow of impressions, by a continuous v a r i a t i o n of sensory positions, by overlapping d i f f e r e n t items into one pattern. For t h i s reason, the geom-etry of the " f l o o r " on which one moves Is of a central concern i n regarding town form. D. The F i e l d of Towns Before one considers the s p e c i f i c manner with which primary elements of structure give way to a p a r t i c u l a r config-uration of town, i t i s usefu l to examine the " f i e l d " of the town involved. This i s the t e r r i t o r y which ultimately can be assigned as pertaining to the greater community, an outline on the horizontal and v e r t i c a l plane within which structures, spaces and people consistently Interact. In short, the frame-work of town-building a c t i v i t i e s . The Instant town of Gold River i s located i n a narrow v a l l e y funneled toward the confluence of the two r i v e r s . These have beds i n deep, confined ravines, which fdrm hard boundaries to the south of the " f i e l d . " The residences are c l o s e l y con-nected to t h i s p r o f i l e as they follow the bank edge with e x p l i c i t purpose. The north of the f i e l d i s bounded by a d i f -ferent edge, s i m i l a r l y tangiblei the highway from Campbell 130 River to Port Hardy. The natural topography underlines, by a growing slope, the firmness of the boundary northward. So compelling are these l i m i t s , that to reach any land outside the town, one must i n f a c t make a severe trans-i t i o n ! cross a bridge or walk over the highway. The f i e l d of Gold River i s shown i n Map XXII. The evolved town of Golden must be more c l o s e l y ex-amined before one can detect with a degree of certainty the outline of i t s f i e l d . Stretched along the axis of a broad v a l l e y two miles wide, the town i s affected to the north and to the east by abrupt changes i n contours, so that elevations rang-ing two-hundred feet above the plane are e a s i l y perceived bound-a r i e s . The r i v e r and the highway, running p a r a l l e l , determine a c o r r i d o r - l i k e extension. The end boundaries of t h i s corridor appear undetermined since there i s no d e f i n i t e element of closure. An element of containment i s nevertheless present when one considers the l i m i t Imposed on the community by the competitive demand of land by the industry to the west. Marsh and stagnant water bodies characterize the southern portion of the townsitei to the extent that land i s unsuitable f o r development without c o s t l y operations, and at present i s undefined i n use, marked only by i n c i d e n t a l veget-ation, one may consider the town confined southward by a s o f t , yet unyielding, feature. The shape of t h i s f i e l d i s shown l n Map XXIII. 133 E. Nodes Nodes are s t r u c t u r a l focuses within the f i e l d since they function as po l a r i z e r s of a c t i v i t i e s . Depending on the hour, on the day, on the season, the p u l l they exert varies accordingly with the function and space provided. However t h e i r performance may vary, as stable "magnets" of the st r u c t -ure they emphasize physical form along with a c t i v i t y . Gold R i v e n - A pattern c l e a r l y emerges i n the setup of the focuses within the f i e l d of the instant town (Map XXIV). The design manifestly emphasizes a North-South alignment along which people are brought together at highly defined points. The sequence from " S j " (the elementary school), to "B" (the shopping center), to "C" (the hot e l ) , through "D" (ice-arena) and "S2** (the secondary school) may be read as a climax of functional purpose toward the centers s p e c i a l i z e d areas lead-ing to c e n t r a l a c t i v i t y areas. This " s p i n a l " axis i s not simply a main design element, but, through unrestricted play of tensions, has be-come a recognizable channel of pedestrian flow. Undefined and unstructured, the path goes from " S j " to "C" and then, because of the drop i n the t e r r a i n , i t s h i f t s to the paved highway by which "D" and "Sg" are reached. As the one l i n e along which the inhabitants most frequently commute, t h i s path i s d i s t i n c t -l y a major element of s p a t i a l organization, e s p e c i a l l y used by the student population. Important s t r u c t u r a l relationships can be pointed out within the configuration of the node-patterni 13 u - Both ends of the axis are "terminals" of the a c t i v -i t y flow, and of equal purpose as highly s p e c i a l i z e d spacesi - One point, exactly the center of the spine, iden-t i f i e s the shopping center as the focus of the whole towni - The topography reinforces the concept of the central concourse point, since the ground slopes uniformly and the shopping center i s therefore at an average elevation with r e -spect to the " f l o o r " of the towni - The l i n e of vehicular movement appears i n t e n t i o n a l l y divergent from that of pedestrian c i r c u l a t i o n ! - Both recr e a t i o n a l nodes, "C" and "D?" are set j o i n t l y , at a point of confluence of the pedestrian and vehic-u l a r flow j - The node "A," representing the community, i s set apart at the periphery of the f i e l d , i n contrast with i t s symbolic value. In short, one may say that the conceived r e l a t i o n s h i p between f o c a l points of the f i e l d would lead to a c l e a r , e f f e c t -ive and "measurable" whole. Golden! - We must f i r s t of a l l point out the impos-s i b i l i t y of i d e n t i f y i n g , with the same degree of accuracy possible i n Gold River, the physical dimensions of the nodes, since no single area or b u i l d i n g can be taken to t r u l y repre-sent t h e i r essence. P a r t i c u l a r l y the nodes "B," "A" and "D" have s t r u c t u r a l continuity, while "G," " S j " and " S 2 " are Instead i n d i v i d u a l buildings (Map XXV). Dominating the f i e l d , "B" i s a true "mixing-bowl" 135 where commerce, business and recreation give longer time dur-ation to a c t i v i t i e s . MA" i s of central importance because of the magnitude of avai l a b l e municipal servic e s i the City H a l l , the Health C l i n i c , the Community Library, and the General Hospital are a compound s t r u c t u r a l whole. "D," on a main thoroughfare, i s e s s e n t i a l l y a commercial node. These str a t e g i c points are strung along the main channel of movement. Rather than establishing a connection between each other, they r e l a t e through a pattern of flow-pause variatio n s derived from t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n respect to the l i n e of uninterrupted f l u x . In t h i s context, the node "BM can be expected to have the intimacy and character of an enclosed area, removed from t r a f f i c and yet, being set between highway and r i v e r , providing a stimulus to motion. "A" may be said to balance pause and motion, deriving i t s * q u a l i t y from a d r a s t i c angulation and p o s i t i o n at a point of major s t r u c t u r a l trans-i t i o n . "D" creates a continuous tension and sequential stimu-l a t i o n , where pause constantly opposes flow. Other nodes can be recognized and have relevance to the f i e l d of the town, although lacking the broader scope of the previous nodes. These are the ho t e l , at the entrance to the town and the two schools, set deep i n the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s -t r i c t s . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the school-nodes and the commercial node "D" establishes a configuration s i m i l a r to that shown i n Gold River, namely a major, continuous pathway. On t h i s axis " S ^ - 1 ^ " converge a greater portion of the popu-l a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y students. 138 We may summarize the s t r u c t u r a l q u a l i t i e s of the f o c a l points within the f i e l d of Golden as having the follow-ing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i - The central nodes define three e s s e n t i a l points along the main t r a f f i c flow, rather than being d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d . - Their s t r u c t u r a l meaning i s expressed by a stre e t narrative rather than denounced by single b u i l d i n g s . - The two i n s t i t u t i o n a l magnets channel tensions along an extended axis intercepting a c e n t r a l , converging node. The layout obeys no s t r i c t p r i n c i p l e of organization comparable to that observed i n Gold R i v e n the nodal elements determine symmetries and asymmetries i n an i n t r i c a t e and com-posite weave. P. Dominance and Transition of Nodes Small towns such as Gold River and Golden are apt to be seen as nodes within t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . Considered i n respect to s i t e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , towns may be grouped into h i l l towns, v a l l e y towns, p r a i r i e towns, towns by the side of r i v e r s , lakes or sea. Although set at the junction of two r i v e r s , both sample towns are predominantly v a l l e y types, having q u a l i t y of earth rather than of water. The regional hollows which contain them have well defined and v i s i b l e form, while the r i v e r s act as elements of secondary order. Gold River nestles i n one of the many smaller bowl-type v a l l e y s characterizing i t s region (Pig. A3). The highway twists and winds through t a l l mountains, by turbulent r i v e r s 139 and p l a c i d lakes. The sense of space along t h i s route Is a succession of smaller and lar g e r enclaves, experienced i n a continuous v a r i a t i o n of long and short v i s t a s , set at d i f f e r e n t angulation to the l i n e of t r a v e l . Because the town Is the only goal which can be reached by t h i s highway, the town i s l i k e a hub i n an overwhelming wilderness (Pig. A ^ ) . Golden, l i k e many other towns i n the East Kootenays, i s set on the f l o o r of a large c a n a l - l i k e depression (Pig. B 2 ) . Rivers, highway, and r a i l r o a d weave t h e i r way p a r a l l e l to the main d i r e c t i o n of a regional space defined by the towering peaks of the Rockies, on one side, and by the massive benches of the Sel k l r k s , on the other. Thus the t r a v e l l e r i s channeled along a l i n e a r narrative, where the v i s u a l experience i s e s s e n t i a l l y a homogeneous, sequential unfolding of long v i s t a s and short-sweeping panoramas (Pig. B-j). The town i s one of the f o c i along t h i s continuity, a point where elements of flow converge, and depart again toward the next focus. In t h i s homogeneous context, i t establishes a gradient i n r e l a t i o n to the number of smaller and lar g e r centers of the Rocky Trench (Fig. Bk). Town and country may be said to present a "closed" r e l a t i o n s h i p i n the case of Gold River, an "open" c o r r e l a t i o n l n Golden. Other s t r u c t u r a l statements can be observed which corroborate the above meaning. If one considers the lar g e r outlying vegetation, t h i s has a pattern which confirms the closed character of the instant town, e n c i r c l i n g the s i t e i t h i s can be thought of as a man-made hole within the empty wilderness (Fig. A i j a ) . The openness of the evolved town i s W. A A 142 expressed by the convex d e l i m i t a t i o n of the f o r e s t landsi the s i t e r e s u l t s from a widening of open areas along the highway seam (F i g . B ^ a ) . F i n a l l y , when the shape of the open land i s consid-ered, a s i m i l a r pattern a r l s e s i where one shows consistent ce n t r a l voids ( F i g . A ^ ) , the other presents larger gaps at the periphery. The r e s u l t i n g t r a n s i t i o n between b u i l t - u p areas and these blank spaces i s c e n t r i p e t a l i n Gold River, whereas i t becomes c e n t r i f u g a l i n Golden ( F i g . B ^ ) . The physical r e a l i t y endorses the s t r u c t u r a l theme examined. As one travels the i s l a n d highway, Gold River appears suddenly, as a turn i n the road exposes part of the urban texture. The view i s paramountly fooussed on the town nestled between the mountains and the p l a i n , the contrast be-tween town and country being immediately v i s i b l e . The r i v e r , with i t s Iridescent surface, and the road c u t t i n g hard i n t o the mountain slope, act as arrows d i r e c t i n g attention toward the presence of man l n the landscape. A large mountain background gives the scene a s o f t closure and with i t s green hues provides s t r i c t r e l i e f to the white walls and dark roofs of the urban node ( F i g . A5). In place of contrast and vividness, Golden seeks to fuse i t s urban structures into the countryside. I t presents i t s e l f by a gradual i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of land use clues, from compact fo r e s t to pasture and farmland and to peripheral indus-t r i a l area. Golden "fades i n " gradually, and, u n t i l one reaches the highway junction, natural elements y i e l d by slow degrees to 1^ 3 the town's forms. These blend i n texture and color into the horizontal landscape. Horizontality and remoteness are accent-uated by the two gravel h i l l o c k s , which, b u i l t recently as an overpass to the r a i l l i n e , preclude the f i n a l r e a l i z a t i o n of the staged t r a n s i t i o n between the town and the t e r r i t o r y (Pig. B 6 ) . The urban p l o t i s la r g e l y revealed, and subsequent experience conditioned, by the moment of i n i t i a l contact, as one enters the actual boundaries of town. A sign at the gates of Gold R i v e n W E L C O M E to the Municipality of GOLD RIVER BC's Fastest Growing A l l E l e c t r i c a l Community i s an important aesthetic key, i n d i c a t i n g a major concern f o r the environment's design. At t h e i r Junction the two highways meet at sharp anglei one swings upward to the r i g h t , the other dives i n t o the bu i l t - u p area, crosses the s l i g h t l y sloping p l a i n and disappears around a bend. On the p l a i n , a group of low, expanded volumes i s seen as " f l o a t i n g , " connected to the observer by a steep ridge and a l i n e of f i r trees which frame the scene to the l e f t , and by the road surface so large as to dominate completely the otherwise bare foreground to the cl u s t e r of structures. No other section of the town Is v i s i b l e from the i k 5 entrance point with such c l a r i t y , and no other buildings show equal emphasis of sc a l e i i t i s therefore c l e a r l y the center of the development. Because of the stress of sudden exposure, the v i s u a l i n t e r e s t i s reduced by being t o t a l l y revealed ( F i g . A 7 ) . From about 150 feet above i t s f l o o r , the town of Golden appears as an uncoordinated pattern of scattered e l e -ments where buil d i n g s , roads and vegetation act i n a pattern-l e s s condition. As one descends to the l e v e l of the p l a i n , a pattern of p r i n c i p a l volumes "emergesH from the shallow horizon. As one moves along the road the f i n a l t r a n s i t i o n from the out-side to the inside takes place. The town, as a node, i s there-fore revealed step by step. G, The Town Centers Gold R i v e n Shopping, l n small towns, i s often l i t t l e more than a parade of heterogeneous stores. In Gold River commercial outlets define a precinct through which passes most of the town's d a i l y l i f e , from dawn to sundown. Because i t i s the only town enclosure presently a v a i l a b l e , the shopping center i s the main c i v i c feature (Map XXVI). As most people prefer to use t h e i r cars f o r shopping entrance i s normally gained from a large parking area. From an ext e r i o r view the greatest impact i s provided by the strong qua l i t y of the roofs, accentuated through the color and texture of cedar shingles. These roof slopes are i n unison with those of the e n c i r c l i n g mountains, and, giving a sense of protection I K C N D 2 wpppfnc CENTCE. MAP XXVI 147 to the inner area, seem to o f f e r an i n v i t a t i o n to enter (Pig. A Q ) . The s p a t i a l grouping of four low volumes, at r i g h t angles to each other, determines a p l a n l m e t r i c a l l y a r t i c u l a t e d enclosure. The height and width of the major central space creates a q u a l i t y of openness (Fig. A^). From t h i s larger ex-pansion, one i s attracted to the narrower, s t r e e t - l i k e spaces of the shopping center ( F i g . A ^ Q ) , where the greatest v a r i e t y of goods and services i s found. The arrangement of these more intimate spaces, branching o f f from the la r g e r area of conflu-ence, and providing an immediate scope of v i s i o n , Is strength-ened by the number of outlets to which they give access. The correspondence of v i s u a l breaches on opposite sides, gives the mall an almost l i m i t l e s s dimension, extending conceptually to the remote mountain background (Figs. A ^ - A ^ ) * As one i s lead from the parking area in t o that of pedestrian confluence, the design of the shopping area would demand a climax other than that produced by the vast emptiness to which the a l l e y s of the c e n t r a l square lead. Only the three storey volumes of the Golden Apartments are close enough to determine a meaningful v i s u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p ( F i g . A ^ ) • The buildings, linked by covered walk-ways, are a l l the same height so that space becomes framed i n a s t a t i c way. Only by taking sub-level positions does a dynamic qua l i t y r e s u l t ( F i g . A l k ) . The town center i s comprised of the Golden Apartments, which form an urban backdrop to the node, the hotel set at the 1 I » ? • w I f f -4 .» " * 4 i — i -»>7 S 3 MCN^ K/tAE-5 BANK 6 E E A i - K T A T C + lO-6L>EAJJ<CE-7 * OPTOMETK(-ST ft F V A f e M A C y * tstftDC* 10 44AR£>tA)A-C£ 11 f>0«T O ^ I C E 12 r>Er«AE-TMeur -STOKE 14 DR.^- Ci-GAWI KKT 15 O.6AA1M0C7 CCWTEE-'6 6 A R . B . E E , * K ) p m. A II Fl*. A 12 FK. A 13 fid. A 14 151 f r i n g e of the vast open space, the Ice-arena and the church, too f a r and a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y too p l a i n to act as s i g n i f i c a n t elements of the core (Pig. A j ^ ) * Prom the Muchalat Drive the components of the town center can s t i l l be v i s u a l l y compre-hended as forming a homogeneous en t i t y ( F i g . A^g). Goldent The node north of the Kicking Horse River possesses design q u a l i t i e s and s o c i a l functions which endorse i t s prominence as the major gathering place l n town. The space (Map XXVII), a main town road, has a wide cross-dimension which does l i t t l e to enhance i t s precinctual character. Buildings, standing at 60 feet distance from opposite sidewalks, appear as i n d i v i d u a l parts rather than as a u n i f y i n g whole. Great breaches l n the boundaries of the enclosure, also weaken the s p a t i a l dominance of the enclosure. Despite these s p a t i a l flaws one can point out a basic character derived from three s t r u c t u r a l themesi - the very p a r t i c u l a r plan-form of the precinct, - the higher v e r t i c a l closure toward the r i v e r side, - the abutment of the p r i n c i p a l meeting places with a central open space, an almost square-like area. The shopping precinct varies i n width from 60 feet, at the entrance, to 45 feet where i t meets the nearby by-pass, Highway 95. A town piazza i n between makes the t r a n s i t i o n from the larger to the narrower street space, and becomes the climaxing point of the town center. The space i s heightened by the various deflections of the road as concavity follows convexity, thus giving the enclosure a pleasant warped q u a l i t y . 153 Two massive buildings, of early-Golden, mark the access to the town center. Between the opposite walls of the precinct there i s coordination based on differences i n v i s u a l exposure of the l a t e r a l boundaries. A succession of low, angular walls i s counterbalanced by higher fronts on the other side, producing a recession of space on the l e f t and a f i r m d e f i n i t i o n on the r i g h t ( F i g . B^). The area of the town piazza delimited by one and two storey buildings, has an i r r e g u l a r shape (Map XXVII). A sense of Intimate space a r i s e s by contrast with the large open space beyond ( F i g . Bg). The post o f f i c e , among other f a c i l i t i e s , gives the square a v i t a l i t y of i t s owni since l e t t e r s are not delivered, "fetching the mail" i s a s o c i a l i z i n g event, and the post o f f i c e i s a f a v o r i t e meeting place of older people. The dominance of parked cars on the streets i s re-duced, to some extent, by four parking areas at the borders of the center. E s s e n t i a l l y r e s u l t i n g from l e f t - o v e r spaces on commercial s i t e s , they play down the impact generally r e s u l t i n g from larger u t i l i t y areas. The parking next to the Big Bend Hotel i s quite l i k e a balcony on the r i v e r , a spot where one can enjoy a view of the orange l a t t i c e structure connecting the two sides of the town (F i g . B^). The r i v e r i s f i r s t seen from t h i s point and then i t s * presence i s emphasized a l l through the shopping d i s t r i c t by the gentle convexity of the b u i l d i n g s t r i p which follows the bank. As one comes out of the shopping area into the larger open area, the d e f l e c t i o n b u i l d s up an expect-ancy which i s f u l f i l l e d as the bridge comes into view ( F i g . B 1 0 ) . 156 Breaks l n the enclosure, while reducing containment of space, provide f o r i t s extension as the outer townscape i s brought into sight ( F i g . B ^ ) . The general e f f e c t provided i s that of openness« i t Is therefore i n t e r e s t i n g to r e a l i z e to what extent the observer i s directed through the town center by what appears a s k i l l f u l , though tenuous, design. H. Secondary Nodes Other nodes, both l n Gold River and Golden, lack the s p a t i a l dimension and expressive quality seen i n the town centers. The public safety b u i l d i n g i s at present the repre-sentative focus of Gold River. Although i t s a r c h i t e c t u r a l r e-finements make i t one of the outstanding features of the town, i t i s often missed by the t r a v e l l e r because of i t s flanking p o s i t i o n . Fronting the Muchalat Drive, i t s l o c a t i o n provides a b r i e f t r a n s i t i o n a l zone which denies a c l e a r view of the white, stereometric structure ( F i g . A ^ ) . As anchor points i n the townscape, the nodes are here expressed, and revealed, by dominance of scale and quality of a rchitecture. A large empty area sets o f f the elementary school node as a p l a s t i c body i n space, at the periphery of the townsite. The s p a t i a l prevalence of the b u i l d i n g i s heightened by the absolute bareness of the surroundings, so that a sense of remoteness and s t a t i c intercourse arises between the school and the houses peeping down from the h i l l s e n c i r c l i n g the area 158 (Fig . A l g ) . The secondary school i s approached downhill. Seen against the background of natural vegetation, i t appears as a composition of s t r i c t geometrical forms softened by the warm texture of cedar used on i t s outside walls. The s i t e i s d i s -t i n c t i v e , located at the convergence of the r i v e r s , and expres-sive, having a qual i t y of na t u r a l l y enclosed space ( F i g . A ^ ) . If one considers the "freezing" of the b u i l d i n g blocks and the absence of openings i n the volumes as an a r c h i t e c t u r a l equival-ent to the privacy of the s i t e , then the secrecy of the node becomes an i n t e n t i o n a l , aesthetic goal. In Golden, the same type of nodes are Interspersed i n the r e s i d e n t i a l pattern of roads and houses, so that the size of these focuses expands and contracts according to the a c t i v i t y they generate. Physical evidence of boundary d e l i m i t -ation i s explicated by road alignments, and buildings are mainly perceived by side views, never trapping the a x i a l perspective (Figs. B l 2 - B l 3 ) . The representative node shows how a sense of place can be generated by motion i t s e l f . The node i s In f a c t Iden-t i f i e d by the sequential staging of three breaks i n the trans-portation networki the f i r s t i s represented by the narrowing of space through the l a t t i c e work of the bridge; the second, by the expansion of space contained by the buildings which the road i s directed towards; the t h i r d , by the v i o l e n t thrust of the road leftward. As the t r a v e l l e r enters t h i s sequence, motion bu i l d s up to an apex, at which moment a major decision must be 160 made (Pig. B.^)* The experience has great Impact f o r those t r a v e l l i n g by car, and, Interesting to note, I t i s not as v a l i d when the d i r e c t i o n of t r a v e l Is reversed. The commercial node, while partaking of t h i s quality of sweeping motion, as i t i s entered from i t s north end ( F i g . B ^ ) , has an overwhelming road dimension, quite large i n r e -l a t i o n to the buildings l i n i n g i t s perimeter. The street s p l i t s shopping into two sections, which display large buildings set widely apart. An e f f e c t of v i s u a l containment a r i s e s from the two major masses that close the view of the low, extended south-ern horizon ( F i g . B^g). I. Routes Pedestrian paths, streets, r a i l r o a d s are l i n e a r elements which act as evidence of s p a t i a l organization, of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and as conditioners of the c o l l e c t i v e image. Both towns examined exhibit a c l e a r hierarchy i n re-spect to the vehicular network. The c u r v i l i n e a r pattern adopted by the instant town, scaled by degrees of width, has d i f f e r -e n t i a t i o n by way of origin-destination hierarchy. Conversely, the evolved town which has a constant right-of-way allowance, d i f f e r e n t i a t e s by paving only the main roads. Gold River» Whereas i n the evolving context, land values sort out pause-tension relationships between areas, and the alignments i n turn a f f e c t use of land i n a c y c l i c a l manner, the process i n a designed s i t u a t i o n l i k e Gold River i s " a r t i f -i c i a l l y " determined. The pattern chosen (Map XXVIII) determines 163 a hierarchy of uses based on decision points along the channel-ing of a c t i v i t i e s . Two areas have polarized economic e x p l o i t -ation, one determined by the i n t e r s e c t i o n of the highway systems, the other flanking the central thoroughfare. While the highway i n t e r s e c t i o n with two gas stations has inherent s t a b i l i t y , the economic exp l o i t a t i o n of the other has been strengthened by a vast parking area, which acts as a t r a n s i t -ional zone between systems of movements. The design of the road layout also determines a f o c a l center and a system of subordinate centers. The r e l a t i o n s h i p i s however unresolved since no c l e a r r e l a t i o n s h i p a r i s e s , and the flow of tensions merely r e c o i l on themselves without follow-ing an e x p l i c i t order. The pattern i s therefore centered and at the same time freed. While following the topography, i t t r i e s to express a concept of s p a t i a l organization, f l u i d and dynamic. Golden i One of the advantages of a two-directional, r e c t i l i n e a r communication network i s the f i x a t i o n of a simple scheme which although not freezing land use reduces variables to a r e l a t i o n s h i p on or from a p r i n c i p l e l i n e of flow. In Golden, the evolution of land values has brought about a condition of symmetries and asymmetries which are active ingredients i n the strength of the town structure. A main spine has predominance through i t s sinuous q u a l i t y . Opposed to the s t r i c t l i n e a r i t y of the remaining a r t e r i e s , i t acquires addit-i o n a l sharpness (Map XXIX). The monotony of the g r i d i r o n scheme i s r e l i e v e d by the introduction of other thematical v a r i a t i o n s , 165 such as the c u r v i l i n e a r layout inserted at the periphery and serv i c i n g the area c a l l e d the "Alexander Block." This appears, however, i n r e l a t i o n s h i p to the whole, as a disruption of the pursued l i n e a r order. As space e s t a b l i s h i n g opportunities f o r creating a " c o l l e c t i v e image," the road patterns i n Gold River and i n Golden, combined with the v e r t i c a l outline of t h e i r f i e l d s , give way to differences i n s p a t i a l combinations. The curved layout l n the former gives the p o s s i b i l i t y of motion by r i s i n g and f a l l i n g while changing orientation. Combined with the permeability of l a t e r a l boundaries the network suggests f l u i d overlapping of scenes and v i s t a s . Golden, on the other hand, does not have the advantage of dominating viewpoints. Interest of scenes i s therefore determined s o l e l y by juxataposltlon of p a r a l l e l planes, as one changes d i r e c t i o n on the horizontal p l a i n . Of paramount importance i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between highway and town, as i n both regional t r a f f i c i s tangent and secant; but sense of purpose and v i t a l i t y i s greater by the manner l n which through t r a f f i c i s restrained before leaving Golden. J . Continuity and Sequence of Routes Gold River's c u r v i l i n e a r street pattern, combined with the topographical setting, holds the observer l n a con-tinuous v i s u a l experience where expectation i s produced through bodily motion. The observer finds pleasure i n those sections f\6. All H, A n m. hit 172 where d i r e c t i o n a l clues are given by the t e r r a i n going upward or downward; or where a dominant feature can be seen as term-inus to motion. There i s sequence l n some sections of the r e s i d e n t i a l areas where the convexity of the road divides the experience into two s i g n i f i c a n t moments; one which brings the " i n f i n i t y " into focus, by Juxtaposing the dark macadam texture with the sky; the next instant brings a sense of "immediacy" that a r i s e s from stronger contrast between the background of vegetation and the urban forms. In one instance (Pig. A 2 Q ) , the forms have an almost hamlet quality; i n another, these are represented by a r e p e t i t i v e pattern of roofs, the vigorous l i n e s contrasting with the broad surfaces of the road and the mountains (Pig. A 2 ^ ) . Continuity of the roads i n Gold River i s primarily a function of f l o o r texture, of border l i n e s and of l i g h t i n g f i x t u r e s . No d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n these i s provided to mark off the major l i n e s of t r a f f i c from the secondary feeders. Contin-u i t y i s produced by a kinesthetic qu a l i t y when the sense of motion t i e s In with major s t r u c t u r a l anchor points along p r i n c i p a l thoroughfares. As one enters, f o r instance, into the west section of town the road has a broad sweep to the r i g h t (Pig. A 2 2 ) . The church b u i l d i n g accompanies and contains the thrust of motion (Pig. A ^ ) . Once the turn i s made, v i s u a l i n t e r e s t switches from the small church b u i l d i n g to the higher apartment structures, so that the observer i s able to e s t a b l i s h v i s u a l continuity, although s t r u c t u r a l l y the t r a n s i t i o n i s non-climaxing (Fig. A.^). Some roads achieve stronger character 173 by being exposed on slopes eit h e r above (Pig. A 2^) or below (Fi g . A 2g) the average town elevation. Continuity i s maximized where roads are aligned with houses which provide l a t e r a l reference with t h e i r facades ( F i g . A 2 7 ) » though only seldom to the extent of d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g one road from another ( F i g . A 2 g ) . Gold River does not have a pedestrian network. Paths, therefore, r e s u l t i n g from an origin-destination r e l a t i o n s h i p , are formed by frequent routine t r a v e l , rather than by formal structures ( F i g . A 2 ^ ) . Ultimately, one may state that although the road network establishes s i m p l i c i t y of form and h i e r a r c h i c a l organ-i z a t i o n , i t s aesthetic counterpart r e l i e s heavily on the open dominance of the road i t s e l f , and on the sensuous flow of motion. Golden presents two opposite conditions which deter-mine the p a r t i c u l a r character of the streets* one which tends to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the network into a v i s i b l y d i s t i n c t hierarchy, by way of road texture, the other, which produces an amalga-mation by way of the equipotential nature of the g r i d . D i f f e r -e n t i a t i o n r e s u l t s from other elements such as trees and power poles which mark a r t e r i e s running i n an east-west d i r e c t i o n (Fig. B^?)* Though the street scene i s of an undefined and homogeneous character a primary sense of d i r e c t i o n and a qual-i t y of containment i s given by trees i n a perspective view. In those streets where the trees are planted between the road allowance and the property l i n e , there i s a strong sense of 174 fusion between the road and property. A series of elements create the t r a n s i t i o n from the open roadway to the intimate area of private gardens. The street i s seen as space created by string-course physical elements such as t a l l evergreens, a pedestrian s t r i p , fences, and f r u i t trees adorning the front gardens. The perspective view i s e s p e c i a l l y a function of t r e e - l i n e s . These form an o p t i c a l b a r r i e r producing a s p a t i a l volume of p a r t i c u l a r dimensions and q u a l i t y . By e s t a b l i s h i n g a perspective point they create a sense of common purposes by being somewhat o f f a r i g i d alignment, i r r e g u l a r l y spaced, the i d e a l straight form contains a picturesque d i s t o r t i o n . Trees are the u n i f y i n g element of the scene, binding together the house facades and creating a transparent colonnade e f f e c t at eye l e v e l , contrasting the heavy mass e f f e c t at the upper l e v e l ( F i g . Bjg)* Continuity of form i s therefore present although not sharply pursued. Against the background of the g r i d , where the road i s "built-up" by a series of l a t e r a l references, the main street, by contrast, i s c l e a r l y defined. Important sequences charact-erize t r a v e l along t h i s route, where a large curve, a sharp turn and a long straight drive are signaled out by structures which add d i r e c t i o n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n to motion ( F i g . B l Q ) . The street i s perceived i n terms of these s t r u c t u r a l accents, rather than by a continuity of signs ( F i g . B 2 0 ) . The pedestrian network i s secondary to the vehicular one, since, except i n the very core of the town, sidewalks have not yet been implemented, and people therefore t r a v e l mostly on m. e> it the same allovranoe as vehicles ( F i g . B 2 ^ ) . The back lanes are used by childr e n as a play area and provide an alternate route fo r pedestrians. The heavy wood fencing and the u t i l i t y sheds l i n i n g the lanes gives a sense of enclosure unlike any other play space i n town ( F i g . B 2 2 ) . The railway i s a route vaguely marked by pertinent elements, and by noticeable land use features along i t s tracks. This appears to be a useful device to conceal the break r e s u l t -ing from the intersections of roads and r a i l , f o r , while actual continuity of the streets i s precluded, v i s u a l continuity i s unrestricted ( F i g . B 2 3 ) . Where the r a i l becomes adjacent and p a r a l l e l to the main street, transportation becomes an element adding v i t a l i t y to the core area ( F i g . B 2 k ) . Given the p a r t i c -u l a r manner by which the main road and the r a i l are related to one another, the long f r e i g h t t r a i n s have the aesthetic function of v i s u a l l y enclosing the panorama seen j u s t before leaving the town center ( F i g . Bg). Golden has therefore a route system where a standard i n d e f i n i t e l y extendable pattern can be said underlined by factors of l o c a l character. Above a l l continuity and sequence are two q u a l i t i e s which appear to give vividness to the central spine which achieves a c l e a r l y perceivable p r i o r i t y among l i n e s of flow. K. D i s t r i c t s The grouping of structures and spaces into i d e n t i -f i a b l e wholes i s a process which takes place generally through 179 time, as a population ascribes h i s t o r i c a l significance to par-t i c u l a r phases of development, or as a r c h i t e c t u r a l form and continuity becomes so pervasive as to suggest an outstanding i d e n t i t y . General nomenclature such as "downtown," "uptown" and "midtowni r e f e r s to subsequent phases of expansion, while i n respect to l o c a t i o n a l differences there may be a "west end" and an "east end," a "water fro n t " or an "over the tracks" area. Where past events, l o c a t i o n a l differences, and v i s i b l e a c t i v i t i e s are combined with genuine physical differences, area designations r e f e r to a true concept of l o c a l i t y , rather than to an abstract q u a l i t y . Gold Riveri The people of Gold River r e f e r to one area as having p a r t i c u l a r a t t r i b u t e s i . commonly c a l l e d "Section A," i t forms part of a la r g e r r e s i d e n t i a l section to the west of the Muchalat Drive. The physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h i s area are i n every aspect s i m i l a r to that of the remaining section. The sole reason f o r i d e n t i f y i n g i t as a part i n i t s e l f would appear to be h i s t o r i c a l , that i s to say i t s d i s t i n c t i o n as the f i r s t area developed. The persistence, however, i n s i n g l i n g out t h i s section s i x years a f t e r the establishment of the com-munity, suggests perhaps other reasons. The topographical features of the t e r r a i n , i t s l o c a t i o n near the Gold River and the Peppercorn Park, and the continuity of the houses bordering the road, may be more legitimate reasons f o r designating i t as a separate area. The houses on "the H i l l " designate with unmistakable c l a r i t y another d i s t r i c t within the town of Gold River. The 18G prominent contours of the s i t e , the immediacy of the topograph-i c a l feature, a decided slope of the se r v i c i n g roads, combined with the prominence of the houses, serve to accentuate i t s presence i n the landscape. Some d i s t r i c t s achieve d i s t i n c t i o n by way of l o c a t i o n , others because of a substantial physical d i f f e r e n c e . The d i s -t r i c t , f o r instance, formed by row houses and garden apartments, stands out as a r e s i d e n t i a l area of higher density and greater a r c h i t e c t u r a l emphasis. Rather than creating i n t e r e s t by vary-ing each neighboring u n i t and t h e i r s i t i n g , as i n the single r e s i d e n t i a l areas, the device used i s the r e p e t i t i o n of the same un i t so as to form a composition of masses as a v a r i a t i o n within uniformity. The same can be said to occur i n the center of the town, where the Gold Crest Apartments define a d i s t r i c t of pre-v a i l i n g urban spaces, generated by buildings of greater mass, of f i n e r d e t a i l and a more d i s t i n c t character, which dominate the s i t e . A l l other parts of the town are either extensive r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s , a l i k e i n character, or single buildingt the schools, the church, the public safety b u i l d i n g are e d i f i c e s l y i n g within what could be c a l l e d an open-land d i s t r i c t . An exception, owing to relevance of p o s i t i o n , of function, of co-ordinated a r c h i t e c t u r a l scale and of related s t y l e , i s the shopping center-hotel complex which forms a d i s t r i c t of sorts. D i s t r i c t s i n Gold River show uniformity of land use and b u i l d i n g typology. Boundaries are at times established by natural features, namely the two r i v e r s , by man-made features such as the roads and the highway. The most notable boundary 181 i s the quantity of emptiness and i t s pervading q u a l i t y . In summary, one can say that d i s t r i c t s are e s s e n t i a l l y measurable through continued s i m i l a r i t i e s and obvious boundaries. Goldeni Considered i n i t s broadest sense, Golden i s a continuous composition of single standing volumes and of small parcels of open land, arranged according to an i n d e f i n i t e two-dimensional pattern. Where i t appeared possible, i n Gold River, to trace with a degree of certainty the extent of vary-ing d i s t r i c t s and define t h e i r content, i n Golden, d e f i n i t i o n and categorizing may become abstract and ambiguous, e s p e c i a l l y when the attempt to trace boundaries i s made. Successive stages of development have brought about expansion of one d i s -t r i c t at the expense of the neighboring one, with r a d i c a l changes at the cores and only compromising a l t e r a t i o n s where : d i s t r i c t s merge. Two sections are referred to by special designation; the "Alexander Subdivision," a suburban r e s i d e n t i a l type of d i s t r i c t , and "The Old M i l l houses," a c l u s t e r of houses of equal size and appearance, dating back to the times of the Big M i l l on the Columbia. "Downtown" has a d e f i n i t e meaning fo r the inhabitants of Goldeni i t i s an area t i g h t l y contained at i t s borders, considerably homogeneous at the core, with s i n g u l a r i t y of arch-i t e c t u r a l forms, prominently v i s i b l e from the outside. I t i s therefore a strongly humanized precinct. The d i s t r i c t which gravitates around the c i v i c area i s characterized by a variety of large open spaces, but 182 paramountly by Its i n s t i t u t i o n a l purpose. Some of these large spaces are structured i n t o wide v i s t a s such as the spacious s t r e e t - l i k e expansion of the c i v i c area confined at the sides by a row of low buildings; others, such as the hos p i t a l s i t e , have a park-like q u a l i t y , and others s t i l l r e s u l t from the merging with adjacent d i s t r i c t s . The d i s t r i c t presents there-fore an uncertain quality at the center, a f l e x i b i l i t y of def-i n i t i o n at the borders. The area formed by the aligned buildings and parking spaces i n the new commercial section, has continuity and homo-geneity of pattern, consisting of an equal spacing of these two elements on both sides of the wide pavement. Residential d i s t r i c t s generally are si m i l a r i n the ov e r - a l l urban intent since differences depend on a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e t a i l . Intensity of use and housing sty l e s may vary from one block to the next, determining s u b - d i s t r i c t s , which conform however to the whole. Radically d i f f e r e n t i n character are the two r e s i d e n t i a l areas of recent addition, where the vari e t y seen i n the older d i s t r i c t s gives way to the uniformity of sub-urban texture. Perhaps one of the most important d i s t r i c t s within the town, which determines a true s p a t i a l quality and r e f l e c t s the nature of the whole e n t i t y , i s the stretch of r i v e r area immediately adjoining the two commercial d i s t r i c t s . The qu a l i t y of t h i s space i s derived from the semi-transparent l a t e r a l boundaries combined with the depth of view without terminal features. 185 L. Homogeneity of D i s t r i c t s Gold Hlver combines an Internal homogeneity of Its d i s t r i c t s with an external d e l i m i t a t i o n of t h e i r boundaries - two factors which condition i t s v i s u a l outcome and ov e r a l l v i s u a l enjoyment. Internal homogeneity r e s u l t s from an a r c h i t e c t u r a l problem as well as from the urban designi i t s consistency i s i n f a c t derived from the connections between the d e t a i l and volumetric design of the dwellings, from the external spaces that a r i s e when one rela t e s dwellings to one another, from the system of communication and from the landscape e l e -ments used to unite housing groups. These single-detached r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s are comprised of houses modelled on f i v e basic designs, varied by the use of d i f f e r e n t facade solutions. The i d e a l detached house i s , by i t s inherent nature, generally thought to stand i n i t s i n d i v i d u a l landscape, intermingling d i r e c t l y with the natural surroundings. In Gold River emphasis has instead been placed on the overlapping and amalgamation of the small i n d i v i d u a l buildings into a u n i f i e d whole. By vary-ing the setbacks and i n d i v i d u a l orientation of the houses aligned along curved road layouts, va r i e t y within a uniform condition i s maximized. A sense of neighborly environment arises i n the spaces between residences ( F i g . A^Q), where ab-sence of property d e l i m i t a t i o n allows space to flow f r e e l y from one house to another. Observed from l i n e s of t r a v e l , the single-detached r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s show consistency of s p a t i a l q u a l i t y , 186 undifferentiated from one d i s t r i c t to another. Generally speaking they are seen as a c l u s t e r of houses compounded and fused together by topographical changes l n the t e r r a i n . The e f f e c t i s stronger i n those sections where slopes are such as to allow views over the roof pattern of c l u s t e r s (Pig. A ^ ) . The three s i n g l e - r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s , i n f i n a l a n a l y s i s , are homogeneous by the simple device of i d e n t i c a l design objective, and show an e f f o r t to produce a pleasant looking environment f o r suburban l i v i n g ( F i g . k-yz) • Rather than by i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , d i s t r i c t s can be more e a s i l y i d e n t i f i e d from the outside, with reference to the p a r t i c u l a r way each exposes i t s e l f from major points of view. The western d i s t r i c t , as seen from the Muchalat Drive, appears to have boundaries only p a r t i a l l y supported by topo-graphical features (Fig. A^^). By contrast, "the H i l l " has sharp c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s because of the convexity and small size of the d i s t r i c t , which allows i t to stand as a v i s i b l e whole (Fig. A 3 k ) . The eastern section can be considered as one d i s t r i c t structured into two s u b - d i s t r i c t s i one formed by single dwell-ings, the other by multiple u n i t s of various types. The sub-d i s t r i c t s penetrate each other so that overlapping of character i s not l e f t to the s e l e c t i n g power of the eye, but i s structur-a l l y determined. The Garden Apartments e s t a b l i s h a r e l a t i o n s h i p of v i s u a l hierarchy between the d i f f e r e n t mass volumes of the area. The scene acquires a sense of an i n t e r r e l a t e d whole when viewed from the street at higher elevation than the apartments* 189 eaves l i n e . The apartment complex i s a focus not only by dimen-sion and proximity to the road, but through the pronounced con-cavity of i t s s i t e . The horizontal eaves create a r e p e t i t i v e pattern which i s seen to contrast harmoniously with the long horizontal l i n e of the background. The v e r t i c a l form of trees and the small house-volumes mark the boundaries of the d i s t r i c t while providing a a c l e a r closure of the view (Pig. ^35)* When one enters the communal area of the apartments, the concavity of the s i t e conceals the outside environment and the space becomes an intimate enclosure. The sense of c o l l e c t -ive area i s strengthened by the staggered pattern of the b u i l d -ing blocks accompanied by the sloping l i n e of roofs d i r e c t i n g v i s u a l i n t e r e s t toward the center (Fig. • The central space, which could b e n e f i t from a special f l o o r treatment, i s used to i n t e r l a c e , with cement sidewalks, the various r e s i d -ences. Consequently, small private gardens take the place of one large communal area, thus contrasting the q u a l i t y of to-getherness embodied i n the scheme. Unity between the apartment complex and the adjacent detached residences i s sought through a r c h i t e c t u r a l design and planimetric sol u t i o n . The change i n d i r e c t i o n unites i n f a c t the s u b d i s t r i c t s at t h e i r border, while subtlely i n v i t i n g the observer (Pig. A^). Seen from the shopping-center parking area the east-ern section has a strong edge feature where the r e s i d e n t i a l border coincides with an abrupt break l n the topography, rimmed at i t s base by the highway pavement. The screen formed by the tree l i n e i s an e f f e c t i v e device f o r achieving privacy while 192 leaving the two areas to i n t e r a c t (Pig. A^g). A sense of urbanity distinguishes the highest density d i s t r i c t , near the town center, from any other area i n Gold River. Viewed from a distance, the bold scale of the complex creates a c l e a r s p a t i a l expression of the d i s t r i c t . Borders of the d i s t r i c t are formed by parking f a c i l i t i e s which, while pro-vidi n g a proper recession of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y accented v o l -umes, preclude penetration of v i s i o n within the precincts ( F i g . A39). The q u a l i t y of the i n t e r n a l spaces has been intention-a l l y emphasized so to e s t a b l i s h an urban r e l a t i o n s h i p with i t s enclosing elements. By s e t t i n g each b u i l d i n g i n a free, asym-metrical manner i t becomes possible to view a number of b u i l d -ings i n the same instance. Roof p r o f i l e s are seen as diverging l i n e s which open and close the i n t e r n a l space i n many ways, multiplying the perspective e f f e c t s (Fig. A ^ Q ) . The i n t e r n a l central area has an engaging v i s u a l quality ( F i g . A K L ) r e s u l t -ing from a s p e c i f i c pedestrian network which forces the viewer to move at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s as he i s approaching the center (Fi g . A^ 2)» From the swimming pool-barbeque area the view toward the town center i s framed by buildings so that the aes-th e t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between higher density and central l o c a t i o n becomes evident also from the inside ( F i g . A ^ ) . Thus t h i s d i s t r i c t achieves greater homogeneity than any other i n Gold River, while at the same time evoking, as an e n t i t y by i t s e l f , an image of harmonious v a r i e t y . Ultimately one may say that Gold River i s formed by VIC. A 41 196 several d i s t i n c t and homogeneous d i s t r i c t s , although not always v i s u a l l y engaging. By contrast Golden emphasizes amalgamation of i t s various sectionsi mixture of a r c h i t e c t u r a l character and fusion of boundaries, rather than breaks or b a r r i e r s . In the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s the major aesthetic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s the openness of the design. The spaces i n between the houses are generally too large to enable v i s u a l con-t i n u i t y to be established by the structures alone. Each house can therefore be seen as an i s o l a t e d world of i t s own, seeking, i n some instances, dominance over i t s p l o t and the adjoining streets ( F i g . B 2 ^ ) . In other instances, houses are screened at t h e i r fronts and sides by trees and shrubs, almost excluding neighbors and allowing only discrete glimpses of the facades through the gateways ( F i g . B 2 g ) . Generally comprised of medium detached u n i t s , the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s have an assorted scale of houses, ranging from mansion-type structures ( F i g . B 2 7 ) to small cabin-like dwellings. The s u b d i s t r i c t named "the Old M i l l houses" i s com-prised of a s t r i p of houses, a l l small and regularly spaced (F i g . B 2 g ) . set on the same b u i l d i n g l i n e . Given i t s f a i r l y large size the r e p e t i t i o n of the form and the rhythm they estab-l i s h are enough to d i s t i n g u i s h t h i s from any other section of town. The western section of the r e s i d e n t i a l area has a strong quality derived from i t s varied a r c h i t e c t u r a l forms and i t s u n i f y i n g elements. E s p e c i a l l y i n the older blocks, continuity i s achieved by showing pride of ownership, possession and flo*. $26 flu. t>2! M. £31 AO. £23 201 p a r t i c i p a t i o n with the community at large. In many cases, the window-porch, which i s an a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y common t r a i t i n the community, becomes a display area f o r bric-a-brac. Shrubs, f r u i t trees and fences are a l l elements determining v i s u a l t r a n s i t i o n s from the road area to the house area, and from one house to the next (Fig. Bg^)* The eastern section shows a le s s consistent character whereby houses are l e f t to r e l a t e d i r e c t l y among themselves, while toward the road fences are a noticeable feature ( F i g . B ^ Q ) . In the newer developments aesthetic t i e s become les s evident, and houses acquire the more formal q u a l i t y of a suburban area (Fig . B ^ 1 ) . The layout i s modelled on the prototype applied i n Gold River, where the scheme i s more successful i n achieving unity other than by uniformity of b u i l d i n g type and a common bu i l d i n g l i n e . Here the planimetric solution by crescents does not generate v i s u a l grouping. Given the p e r f e c t l y l e v e l ground, houses are seen as strung i n rows, and lack of a unifying land-scape or of a common st r u c t u r a l quality accentuates the e f f e c t of a "tooth and gap" arrangement. Different aesthetic quality can be assigned to the service and i n d u s t r i a l area next to the commercial center, and to those at the periphery of the town. Whereas the f i r s t em-phasizes the boundary e f f e c t of the railway, and has therefore s t r u c t u r a l meaning ( F i g . B ^ ) * t n e others lead to open country by a t r a n s i t i o n d i s s o l v i n g structures into the landscape ( F i g . B 3 3 ) . Transitions between d i s t r i c t s are generally l e f t to 202 land use values, and roads assume i n most cases the function of boundaries. Where trees have a consistent boundary function, as between the c i v i c area and the r e s i d e n t i a l area of mixed character (Pig. B ^ ) , the linkage becomes apparent and harmon-ious. The greatest lack of boundary d e f i n i t i o n i s evident i n those sections of the r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s bordering the peripheral i n d u s t r i a l zones. The view down these road-boundaries i s often cluttered by I n d u s t r i a l volumes, and because of the generally poor t e r r a i n , there i s no vegetation to act either as u n i f i e r or d i v i d e r ( F i g . B ^ ) . Of paramount c l a r i t y and e f f i c a c y i s the boundary qual i t y of the Kicking Horse River. In f a c t as a boundary i t provides a sharp edge on which the whole of the town center leans. The connection between the town-center and the southern d i s t r i c t i s p l a i n l y expressed by s t r u c t u r a l t i e s , i . e . , the two bridges, and by v i s u a l t i e s , . i . e . , the permeability of the b a r r i e r ( F i g . B^g). M. Prime Volumes Prime volumes, as such, tend to emphasize the s t r u c t -u r a l quality of the towns by introducing accentuation of the central space l n Gold River; by r e i n f o r c i n g the importance of f o c a l nodes and routes i n Golden. Gold River t The group of three-storey buildings forming the Gold Crest Apartments dominates, by way of s i z e , s t r u c t u r a l i n t e n s i t y , and l o c a t i o n the core of the development. The land on which they are s i t e d r i s e s sharply some ten feet to 1-205 form a long shelf p a r a l l e l to the shopping center. Opposite the mall, houses aligned on the upper hank of the Muchalat Drive, have dominance of p o s i t i o n over the lower town f l o o r . Also overlooking the town center i s the H i l l , on which stand out with blunt prominence the sharp contours of houses. Prime volumes underline and strengthen the s t r u c t u r a l value of the center. This consideration i s further j u s t i f i e d by the e x i s t -ence of the stand of trees which appears to form a c i r c l e of elements functioning as backdrop to the one f o c a l area i n Gold River. GoldenJ In the town of Golden, the o v e r - a l l homo-geneous height of the buildings, combined with the flatness of the t e r r a i n stresses the shallow horizon of the town. I t i s therefore of considerable i n t e r e s t to point out the prime volumetric facts having more than the p l a i n u t i l i t a r i a n func-t i o n explicated by the few apartment bu i l d i n g s . A number of buildings, relevant because of t h e i r p o s i t i o n within the central area, act either as s t r u c t u r a l con-fines to the m a l l - l i k e space of the older core, or as Isolated features marking points of t r a n s i t i o n along the commercial segment of Highway #95• A l l these volumetric elements can be considered as operating within the same context by e s t a b l i s h i n g a sequence of higher ranking masses along the major l i n e a r element between the two greater f o c a l points of Golden. N. Spatial Prominence of Prime Volumes The one-neighborhood structure of Gold River has an 206 aesthetic equivalent i n the v i s i b i l i t y of the volumetrics (Fig. A^k) e n c i r c l i n g the center. Distances between the volu-metric elements are such as to allow v i s u a l connections to be established from almost every p o s i t i o n within the f i e l d . Top-ography i s the l i m i t i n g factor determining the extent of the area from which these prime volumes can be conceptually t i e d to the central focus. The high v i s i b i l i t y of the H i l l ( F i g . A ^ ) enables one to r e l a t e t h i s feature to the core> i t i s a clue e s p e c i a l l y important i n l i n k i n g the most removed sections of town with the image of the center. Topography also explains the importance acquired by those volumes which appear at the edges of the towns!te (Fig. A^6^ overlooking the southern approach to the center. The steep slope which would otherwise be a v i s u a l b a r r i e r , becomes, through t h e i r mediation, a seam between the two l e v e l s of the townsite. Unobstructed and v i s u a l l y simple to comprehend, the hotel and the condominium apartments have p a r t i c u l a r d i s t i n c -t i o n and therefore are s a l i e n t volumetric elements, coordinated to those characterizing the center. A pattern of prime volumetry emerges i n Golden, and here the re l a t i o n s h i p rather than being s t a t i c , i . e . , determin-ing focuses as i n Gold River, has a dynamic qu a l i t y , i . e . , underlying routes. Related to the major nodal j o i n t s , threaded along l i n e s of communication, t h e i r s ignificance l i e s also i n the human dimension as h i s t o r i c a l testimonies that some of them s t i l l r e t a i n . Seen against the background of les s t y p i f i e d structures they acquire vividness and landmark d i s t i n c t i o n . 208 The s i n g u l a r i t y and i n t e n s i t y of roof characteris-t i c s possessed by the C.P.R. station v i v i f i e s the scene at the entrance to the town. The is o l a t e d p o s i t i o n of the b u i l d i n g makes i t a very noticeable feature, while at the same time providing f o r a v i s u a l connection between the town, l y i n g i n the background, and the major transportation systems (Pig. B ^ ) . A large hotel, of pleasant volumetric proportions, stands i n contrast to the openness of the view downward and has a confusing e f f e c t on the inexperienced t r a v e l l e r , who by miss-ing the d i r e c t i o n a l signs i s lead toward the shores of the Kicking Horse River ( F i g . B^g), consequently bypassing the core. Wood d e t a i l i n g , massiveness, and l o c a t i o n d i s t i n g u i s h the Masonic Temple, which combined with three other larger structures d e l i m i t s , i n v i s u a l terms, the commercial space. Its weight as a paramount v i s u a l anchor i s derived from i t s re l a t i o n s h i p to the perpendicular route system, which i t marks as a major axis (Fig. B ^ Q ) . The i n d u s t r i a l sheds are mass-structures which i n some Instances achieve contexual relevance, such as the Golden Truck Company terminal b u i l d i n g . B u i l t i n the l890*s adjacent to the f i r s t tram l i n e , i t i s impressive f o r i t s geometrical f i n i t e n e s s of form, In contrast to the so f t , hazy background of poplars ( F i g . B k Q ) . FOOTNOTES X F . Gibberd, Town Design. New Yorki Prager Inc., 1959, p. 10. 2 S.M. Jamieson, The Labour Force i Cultural Factors  A f f e c t i n g I n d u s t r i a l Relations l n B.C.. Transactions of the 11th B.C. Natural Resource Conference, 1958, p. l4. 3 ^G. Eckbo, Urban Landscape Design, New Yorki McGraw-H i l l Book Co., 1964, p. 4. B. Berenson, Aesthetics and History of Vis u a l Art, New Yorki Pantheon Books Inc., 1948, p. 65. ^S. Williams, "Urban Aesthetics," The Town Planning  Review, Liverpool, V o l . XXV, 1954-55, PP. 95-113. ^K. Lynch, The Image of the City, Cambridge! The M.I.T. Press, i960, pp. 47-48. 7 L . R l c c l , Anonymous (20th Century), New Yorki G. B r a z i l -l i e r , 1962, p. 130. 211 CHAPTER VII SUMMARY A. Summary of Findings The h i s t o r i c a l analysis showed that the eastern and the western sections of the province each have had a d i f f e r e n t basis f o r development. Resource, climate, and topography have generated l o c a l character, e s p e c i a l l y i n the pattern of s e t t l e -ments. Through time industry and s o c i a l patterns have instead shown a tendency to become uniform throughout the province. A more e f f i c i e n t i n d u s t r i a l production has resulted i n a change i n the evolved town, whose population i s experiencing pressures unknown to the previous inhabitants. The town of Golden must face the need f o r change and adaptation to the technological and s o c i a l climate which produces towns such as Gold River. The evolved town has a pace of i t s own, although the underlying mood i s to modernize the older towns and to make them compet-i t i v e on the same socio-economic basis as the instant town. The phenomenon has been sensed as " d i s s o l u t i o n of the urban settlement," or as a prelude to a society of greater opportun-, i t i e s . 1 I t appears as i f the ultimate r e s u l t of change might be a " f l a t t e n i n g " of the physical character i n each of the systems involved. I t i s the view of t h i s thesis that both should develop t h e i r unique i d e n t i t y , and t h i s can be brought about by a study of t h e i r inherent d i f f e r e n c e s . Planning which attempts to develop f o r more than 212 p l a i n economic reasons, namely comprehensive planning, has taken place i n Canada, and noticeably i n B r i t i s h Columbia, since the turn of the century, but the theories and the men behind them were foreign to Canada, being imported from coun-t r i e s having d i f f e r e n t situations and problems. Their i n f l u -ence has resulted i n the development of a planning conscious-ness, but f a i l e d to develop a design concept, a s t r u c t u r a l and v i s u a l model more pertinent to the Canadian landscape. Most l i k e l y they f a i l e d because of t h e i r temporary engagement and because of the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of most Industries of the time to embark i n a t o t a l rethinking of new towns. The great majority of new towns has therefore adopted design concepts and prototype solutions worked out by other countries and applied here indiscriminately. One of the techniques suggested to produce towns of greater s o c i a l and physical character Is p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the user i n the planning process. This process has inherent l i m i t -ations i n the case of an instant town. Gold River provided l i t t l e chance f o r c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , since the l o c a t i o n , the structures and the regulations are geared to maximum e f f i c -iency and r a p i d i t y of implementation, whereas i n Golden q u a l i t y of s o c i a l l i f e has been heightened by consciousness of sharing i n the l i f e of the place. B i r t h of the community was condit-ioned by large c a p i t a l investments the i n i t i a l town scheme was provided by the developers. Subsequent progress was however the r e s u l t of the coordinated action of single i n d i v i d u a l s , single i n d u s t r i a l expansion an outcome of l o c a l entrepreneurs. 213 I t Is almost wholly on the basis of Individual i n i t i -a t i v e of group organization, r i s k and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y that the main advancements i n the B u i l d i n g of Golden have been made. This i s shown by milestone achievements, such as the b u i l d i n g of the f i r s t bridge over the Kicking Horse River, the r a i s i n g of funds f o r the construction of the h o s p i t a l , and the constant attention paid to educational f a c i l i t i e s . I t i s the claim of t h i s thesis that the s o c i a l characr t e r i s t i c s which apply to Golden are not r e s t r i c t e d to t h i s town alone, but form Instead the basis f o r growth of most evolved towns. The v i r t u e s or f a u l t s of a new development may stem from the f a c t that i t has been designed. This state i s i n t r i n s i c i n i t s condition of instant planned accretion. What the h i s t o r i c a l analysis suggests i s that the s o c i a l and physical patterns gen-erated by the continuous i n t e r a c t i o n of people can be a source of support i n the planning of instant towns of s i m i l a r character. The f a c t u a l analysis indicates that the factors of the two urban settlements, namely work, housing, and community f a c i l i t i e s present noticeable d i f f e r e n c e s i - Working conditions appear to be s u b s t a n t i a l l y more , productive i n the older community, as a r e s u l t of two s p e c i f i c t r a i t s i s a t i s f a c t o r y r e l a t i o n s between labour and management, and greater employment opportunities. Conversely, i n Gold River the r e l a t i o n s h i p appears s t e r i l e and s h a l l l i k e l y remain so u n t i l industry and town become r e l i e v e d of the forced de-pendence • In Golden, where primary industry absorbs eighty per cent of the working force, secondary a c t i v i t i e s are probably one reason f o r better labour-management r e l a t i o n s , since farm-ing, transport Industry, and tourism, though small, provide a degree of choice. - Housing, a chronic problem of resource towns i n terms of construction, v a r i e t y , and p r i c e , has been taken care of i n Gold River, so that r e s i d e n t i a l types appear to s a t i s f y the variety of needs. Housing achieves a good standard of construction and t h i s i s maintained through municipal c o n t r o l . Fringe communities cannot be expected to develop since the towns!te i s t i g h t l y surrounded by the industry's timber hold-ings. As a side e f f e c t , a c t i v i t i e s involving substantial amounts of land, such as breeding of l i v e s t o c k or household farming, are also impossible. By comparison the evolved town i s much more lndepend ent of municipal c o n t r o l . Only very small holdings are owned by the c i t y whose immediate problems are concerned with obtain ing suitable land f o r expansion. Among the s i t e s proposed, a parcel of land above the Trans Canada Highway would create a condition of unrelated spreading of the urban forms. Another paramount difference can be seen l n the ex-tent and pattern of mobile-house development. The town of Golden appears to tol e r a t e , and even to accept, the Inclusion and spread of t r a i l e r courts throughout many sections of town. This p o s i t i o n i s not a stated objectivesobjective of the munic i p a l governmentj i t has some po s i t i v e aspects i l l u s t r a t e d by the consequences arr i v e d at l n Gold River where these units 215 have been confined outside the main body of the town, l n an unfeaturesque grouping. Those who l i v e there a r e . v i s i b l y the lower-Income group of the community. - S o c i a l f a c i l i t i e s such as commercial, educational and r e c r e a t i o n a l appear to be affected i n the amount and qual-i t y of buildings by the time fa c t o r and the size of population. Commercial f a c i l i t i e s have been found to adhere to d i f f e r e n t patterns. In Gold River shopping i s concentrated in t o a shopping area which i s expected to gradually grow with the l o c a l population and merge with the municipal-representative f a c i l i t i e s so that a true town-oenter w i l l gradually come Into being. Golden, instead puts emphasis on the provision of single shops and on the opportunity of window shopping. Schools are one of the most valued asset of the ser- , vice r o l e of the communities. Both towns have invested a con-spicuous amount of e f f o r t i n providing structures capable of regional functioning. In Gold River there i s a degree of physical, as well as psychological, i s o l a t i o n of the schools from the community. In comparison, the evolved town has a much more t r a d i t i o n a l concept of education, and as such the b u i l d -ings tend to be l e s s conspicuous and more an i n t e g r a l part of the townscape. A point which has strong s o c i a l implications Is the lack of r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s with which Gold River was i n i t i a l l y b u i l t . Recreational f a c i l i t i e s have been subsequent-l y b u i l t by the company, as other new towns, such as MacKenzie, have recognized the need to provide recreation, and provisions 216 f o r t h i s Important function are included i n the planning stage. In Golden a l l f a c i l i t i e s f o r recreation have come from the com-munity which has come together to meet i t s recreational needs. The swimming pool, the b a l l park, the ice-arena are a symbol of s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n explicated early i n the l i f e of the group. Commercial entertainment, such as cafes, a b i l l i a r d h a l l and theatre t e s t i f y to the long standing e f f o r t of the people to provide t h e i r own l e i s u r e f a c i l i t i e s , thus strengthening the communal t i e s . Ultimately i t appears that Golden i s i n a more balanced condition which, i t i s suspected, derives from factors of cooperation, as well as from factors of gradual growth. In v i s u a l terms, each town presents a form which can be assessed i n various ways, la r g e l y dependent on c r i t e r i a used of perception. One may possible summarize, according to Prof. 2 Arnheim's categories of Homogeneity, Coordination, Hierarchy and Accident, the degree of order between elements of a pattern. - The pattern of Nodes adopted l n Gold River i s h i e r a r c h i c a l , according to an a x i a l arrangement from north to south. The p r i n c i p l e of organization c l e a r l y provides a struc-ture to set i n motion the Involved process of town-building. The ordering p r i n c i p l e appears to be the establishment of a main center which defines the tension between the elements on a spin a l l i n e . The geometrical relationships of educational f a c i l i t i e s as terminals and shopping mall as center, underline the c l a r i t y of the a x i s . The pattern i n Golden has grown and the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s l e s s a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y structured. Three Nodes, equally 217 Important, Integrate t h e i r functions so that they can be said to be coordinated e n t i t i e s . The nodes are d i s t r i b u t e d with ease on the town-field, so that the r i g i d alignment of the educational buildings appears to be l n a d e f i n i t e contrast, when one considers the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p of topography, nodes and transportation l i n k s , the plan of Golden comes to l i f e . - The pattern of Routes i s based on opposite design forms, the one adopted l n Gold River being a h i e r a r c h i c a l c i r c u l a r crescent plan, while that of Golden i s a coordinate g r i d system. The two systems appear to pursue d i f f e r e n t ob-j e c t i v e s ! the f i r s t to maximize v i s u a l e f f e c t s by bodily, movement and juxtaposition of scene, the second to unify by i n t e r n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s the o v e r - a l l network. Since both sys-tems have consistency of design, i t i s useful to point out the incidence of v a r i a t i o n i n each i d e a l pattern. In Gold River the road structure presents l i t t l e divergence from the stated Intention to follow the contours of the t e r r a i n . As a r e s u l t of lack of opposition to the basic concept, the p o s s i b i l i t y of greater v i s u a l experience i s re-duced. Conversely, i n the evolved town the a t t r a c t i o n of the central thoroughfare i s due l a r g e l y to the sinuosity of i t s design, which puts s l i g h t l y off-balance the concept of l i n e a r -i t y expressed by the g r i d i r o n . - Differences were noticed i n the character of the towns as a r e s u l t of d i s s i m i l a r textural quality of D i s t r i c t s . In Gold River d i s t r i c t s are set up as i s o l a t e d e n t i t i e s r e l a t e d to each other by the road network and surrounded by open land. 218 Each section has Internal homogeneity and c l e a r boundary delim-i t a t i o n as a r e s u l t of an exploded plan-arrangement. Open land i s a confusing experience, as a v i s u a l conditioning where the observer i s not always capable of r e l a t i n g to the various parts of town. The e f f e c t of emptiness and loss of reference are e s p e c i a l l y noticeable at the core of the town. This qu a l i t y of town texture by i n c i d e n t a l areas i s a n t i t h e t i c a l to that of Golden, where the design tends to spread over the whole of the s i t e . Borders between d i s t r i c t s are generally established by roads and i n some cases they become hardly noticeable. At the Inside of the precincts d i s t r i c t s are instead c l e a r l y distinguishable, as a r e s u l t of a r c h i t e c t u r a l s t y l e s , of volumes and landscaping d e t a i l s . One may then say that the/rpattern of d i s t r i c t s l n Golden tends to minimize con-t r a s t and to produce an e f f e c t of coordination. Coordination can be seen i n the use of trees which are employed as unif e r s of street scenery, by confining the l a t e r a l view and by giving, together with power poles and l i n e s , a sense of d i r e c t i o n to the g r i d . - Prime Volumes can be seen to produce d i f f e r e n t v i s u a l e f f e c t s i n the two towns. I t was found that i n Gold River the la r g e r volumes reinforce the concept of a one-neighborhood community. The symbolism of a center i s quite accurate and p r o f i t s from b u i l d i n g volumes, earth forms, tree patches and edges, arranged i n a c i r c l e to emphasize the lower volume of the point of confluence, the shopping center. This i n t e n t i o n a l arrangement could have p r o f i t e d from a more 219 Imaginative use of the H i l l , which appears a d i f f i c u l t s i t e f o r houses. Places of dominant p o s i t i o n almost automatically have Inherent expressive form which may b u i l d i d e n t i t y into function. The houses might have been better on the p l a i n below and a b u i l d i n g complex of i n t e r e s t to the whole of the community would have taken f u l l advantage of s i t e f a c t o r s . The town of Golden reveals a d i f f e r e n t d i s p o s i t i o n . The p r i n c i p l e behind the positioning of the higher volumes Is to minimize c e n t r a l i t y , and to suggest an In d e f i n i t e , modular extension of the pattern. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the form of the town center, the grouping of higher buildings to the side near the r i v e r , and the form of the e n c i r c l i n g mountains appears to be an i n t e n t i o n a l ordering p r i n c i p l e . The center achieves d i s t i n c t i o n as an enclosure opened to the view of the high Rocky peaks while allowing sequential glimpses of the south part of town, on the other side of the r i v e r . The order and complexity of the arrangement of prime volumes i n the two towns d i f f e r s g r e a t l y i l n Gold River we have an i n t e n t i o n a l c e n t r a l i z a t i o n so to produce homogeneity with the o v e r - a l l concept of the town structure} i n Golden we may see coordination of volumes a r t i c u l a t e d along a s p e c i f i c alignment and i n r e l a t i o n s h i p with the natural features of the place• The towns have shown consistent divergency of inten-tions and solutions to the problem of town form. A l l the e l e -ments analysed! Nodes, Routes, D i s t r i c t s , Prime Volumes, seem to have opposite arrangementsi where l n the instant s i t u a t i o n 220 the patterns appear to reinforce the aesthetic concept of a "closed" inner-related system, i n the evolved town elements are arranged to reinforce the "open" structure of a modular system. We must conclude that the towns cannot be compared i n terms of form. The suggestion that derives from the study i s that each town can benefi t from the q u a l i t i e s of the other. It would appear that one area of experimentation should be the study of the factors which make an evolved resource town so much more i n t r i c a t e and human. I t i s our b e l i e f that the evolv-ed town can provide guidance to the p r i n c i p l e s which should stand behind the planning of new communities. One of the most basic contributions of t h i s type of research i s the p o s s i b i l i t y to study the problem from within -rather than as suggested by some authors, by adopting solutions stemming from a l i e n conditions of other countries. "Advocacy urban design" can consist i n the study of form as an outcome of the a c t i v i t y of people f o r the people. Possibly our evolved towns have been considered haphazard r e a l i z a t i o n s , too d u l l or unimaginative to contribute to a formulation of urban aesthet-i c s . Aesthetic standards have been subject to constant change and at present, as H . S . C h u r c h i l l observes i "... we have as yet no good examples of what the new town-scape w i l l be, only indications and trends, such as the highways and free-ways."^ E x i s t i n g communities can become the basis of a broadening basis of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the formation of a new aesthetic. I t i s our b e l i e f that we can learn and b u i l d from what we have, that perhaps what has been learned and applied 221 i n the b u i l d i n g of older communities has u n t i l now been d i s r e -garded, while the new towns have gone to apply preconceived and a l i e n notions, which can only t e n t a t i v e l y reach one of the basic objectives of town b u l l d i n g i the f u l f i l m e n t of town i d e n t i t y . B. Rec ommendat1ons Visual Interest of the evolved town appears to be derived from three relevant f a c t o r s i 1) Adherence between the form of town and the natural  form of the land; 2) Gradual c l e a r i n g of s i t e s as expansion takes place; 3) Clearing controlled by the c i t i z e n s ; 4) Relaxation of zoning regulations to the extent of minimum necessary control; 5) An open plan-arrangement based on the non-subjecting g r i d i r o n scheme. 1. Adherence to s i t e features The one possible aesthetic basis of suburban develop-ment i s the sensible adjustment of houses and other buildings to the form of the pre-existing land. Where single-family houses are a basic volumetric module of town-building, Ingenuity i n the use of the land i s e s s e n t i a l . The opportunity given by features such as h i l l s , r i v e r s and trees must lead to a wise ex p l o i t a t i o n of s i t i n g and grouping*of structures to ei t h e r contrast or harmonize the natural character of the landscape. The s i t e on which Gold River was b u i l t presented i n i t i a l l y hillforms;and waterbodies which a rapid and e f f i c i e n t 222 technology was not prepared to deal with. The designers might have been aware of the f o r c e f u l q u a l i t i e s of the natural en-vironment, but were able only to produce stereotype solutions. D i f f i c u l t s i t e s provide inherent personality t r a i t s , act as a d i s c i p l i n e which stimulates designers to produce the best r e s u l t they are capable of; but these benefits can be cancelled a l t o -gether by unyielding technological pressures. To design from s i t e implies personal involvement so that f u l l advantage may be taken of s i t e character and techniques, such as the creation of v i s t a s , of skylines, and kynesthetic incentives may be used to produce places of true Identity. 2. Gradual c l e a r i n g of s i t e This proposition i s of great concern because notwith-standing the obvious disastrous consequences of bulldozing techniques, the j u s t i f i c a t i o n s behind such procedures make ex-ortatlons to spot c l e a r i n g a l l together vain. The fundamental reason behind a "clear sweep" approach to s i t e c l e a r i n g Is stated as economic, f o r i t i s les s c o s t l y to the community when done at the very s t a r t of the town's implem-entation. Land at the core of the town i s all o c a t e d and cleared of e x i s t i n g natural features. As stated by the Town-Clerk of Gold River, Mr. Paulson, i t may take from ten to twenty years before the town w i l l need to expand i t s present f a c i l i t i e s . As i t i s today, Gold River's core area would c e r t a i n l y appear l e s s desolate and empty had the natural vegetation been retained. Voids such as those l e f t by construction l n Gold River are not to be considered open spaces, but rather as open land, where 223 a l l i s bleak. An all-embracing concept of the r e l a t i o n s h i p  between man and habitat must take i n t o consideration short term  as well as long term needs of a community. The second reason i s said to be the desire to con-t r a s t the overwhelming natural green i n which the town i s estab-l i s h e d with an Internal a r t i f i c i a l f l o r a i n c l u s i v e of many-exotic species. This, which Is l i k e l y a desirable objective, can be c a r r i e d out i n stages, and above a l l , i t may be used con-s t r u c t i v e l y . As stated by a sensitive writer on landscape, Nan Pairbrotheri A negative p o l i c y of not disturbing the old cannot therefore f o r long succeed. We must disturb i t to survive on a vast scale and everywhere. ... But though we have ample land as such we waste i t extravagantly. We are squandering our habitat i n e n t i r e l y new ways f o r which we have no proper land-use pattern, and l i k e a l l our resources we ex-p l o i t and misuse our landscape. For essen-t i a l l y i t i s not resources we lack nor even knowledge, but the v i s i o n to use them con-s t r u c t i v e l y .4 The evolved town has shown a p o s i t i v e use of the old. I t has retained the natural evergreens at the inside of the town, i t has planted a v a r i e t y of other trees within private l o t s , and willows on the bank of the r i v e r , so that types of trees d i s -tinguish d i f f e r e n t functions. In the instant town constructive use of resources can mean d i f f e r e n t things. I t can mean that landscaping procedures should be l e f t to the c i t i z e n s as one of  the most Important ways they may become Involved with the v i s u a l b u i l d i n g of t h e i r town. The t h i r d reason f o r removing trees Is the need to 224 simplify b u i l d i n g operations. From the b i g operator to the small i n d i v i d u a l house b u i l d e r trees are considered a "nuis-ance." On t h i s matter Nan Falrbrother has to sayi Equally important i s the growing concern for the qu a l i t y of our environment. Amenity i s no longer brushed aside at the s l i g h t e s t p r a c t i c a l objection, and i t i s heartening that the higher we go i n the planning h i e r -archy the more seriously amenity i s taken. ... I t i s also the d i r e c t motive of much planning l e g i s l a t i o n , and planning which does not now take amenity seriously i s i n f a c t i n e f f i c i e n t i n a prosperous and there-fore se l e c t i v e society.5 Single trees or i n groups should be considered an amenity and as such regulated against the abuses of p r a c t i c a l consider-ations. Where one considers the stages of complexity the present i n d u s t r i a l new town has developed from, the sort of environmental consciousness depicted above may become necessary f o r the success of resource operations. 3- Control of c l e a r i n g by the c i t i z e n s The natural features e x i s t i n g at present i n Golden are a communal achievement since preservation practices have been constructively bent to underline the character of the p l a i n . I t appears that the natural features of the two l o c a l -i t i e s provide equally agreeable backgrounds f o r the appreci-ation of town form, while the man-determined natural environment i s considerably more pleasant i n the evolved s i t e . I t i s argued by many that an instant town must neces-s a r i l y be b u i l t and then passed on to the inhabitants. These have thus l i t t l e voice i n the physical character of t h e i r en-vironment! they can only b r i n g changes i n the i n d i v i d u a l p l o t 225 of land. An extensive area f o r c i t i z e n involvement l i e s i n -stead i n the moulding and gradually planned implementation of those areas set aside f o r future uses. Control of the amount of changes to be brought in t o the natural environment can be instrumental also i n augmenting a much needed community consciousness. 4 . R e l i e f of zoning The practice of zoning i n the instance of a small resource town has l i t t l e reason f o r being applied i n r i g i d com-partments. I t might be enforced because of preconceived think-ing, or even as a status objective of the municipality, to enforce the image of suburban l i v i n g . Golden proves that order i n arrangement can be achieved through recognition by the c i t i z e n s of communal object-i v e s . The evolved town demonstrates that be easing conventional segregation between functions, i n t e r e s t i n g forms may derive i n the most spontaneous way. The r e l a t i o n s h i p of independence of parts may r e s u l t i n a heightened town-form, while i t s smallness enables development to be reconciled with the best i n t e r e s t of a l l the c i t i z e n s (see Appendix). The r e l i e f of standard zoning regulations can set i n motion a process whose objective would be the creation of s i g -n i f i c a n t v a r i e t y , so that aesthetic s a t i s f a c t i o n may derive from the old r u l e "variety within the o v e r a l l unity." S a f i s f a c t i o n deriving from unity-has an i n s t i n c t i v e basis since i t . provides f o r a sense of security. Conversely a town with no sense of u n i f i e d whole may generate Insecurity i n the inhabitants. 226 Variety on the other hand contributes greatly to t h i s sense of security by r e i n f o r c i n g a sense of place and givi n g i t a pecul-i a r i d e n t i t y . Planning has attempted to create better l i v i n g con-d i t i o n s by i s o l a t i n g a c t i v i t i e s through a p o l i c y of zoning. The r e s u l t i s often the dullness and monotony of many single function c i t y d i s t r i c t s . Instead of r i g i d segregation the attempt can be made to integrate land-use functions so to have what Eugene Raskin c a l l s "... the interweaving of human pat-terns." He goes further to state thatt Considering the hazard of monotony ... the most serious f a u l t i n our zoning laws l i e s i n the f a c t that they permit an en-t i r e area to be devoted to a single use.6 Zoning when applied to a community of 3»GGG people simply sorts out the d i f f e r e n t land-uses l n the various parts of town, r e s u l t i n g i n a crude d i s s e c t i n g of the human patterns, which need instead to be mult i p l i e d and enhanced by s o c i a l intercourse. Thus resource towns can show a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of human p o s s i b i l i t i e s and become places where people can achieve a v i v i d sense of oommunity l i f e . 5« An open plan arrangement I t was found that the evolved town has an "open" s t r u c t u r a l and v i s u a l arrangement as a r e s u l t of the geometric pattern of routes. The significance of the open organization l i e s i n the f a c t that In t h i s context the observer i s able to combine and sel e c t the objects of hi s observation i n a free un-r e s t r i c t e d manner. 227 S t r u c t u r a l l y the g r i d i s an abstraction which l a i d upon the land allows i d e n t i t y of functions to emerge i n the normal process of evolution. Accidents of form can occur as a natural interplay of needs and p o s s i b i l i t i e s , thereby bringing q u a l i t a t i v e changes by adding or subtracting to what already e x i s t s . The arrangement chosen In Gold River has instead f o r c e f u l implications because the overlapping of scenes i s determined by the road network, and the juxtapositioning empha-sized so that the observer i s inherently conditioned. The hierarchy of land uses on the other hand determines l o c a t i o n of functions i n a much more r e s t r i c t i v e way, so that parts are more e a s i l y changed than added to what already e x i s t s . The route network of Gold River appears to follow the mainstream of present planimetric solutions adopted i n most new towns i n the province. The g r i d i s almost automatically d i s -carded as obsolete and old fashioned. Many examples of c i t y b u i l d i n g confute t h i s assumption and prove that the g r i d provides a v a l i d basis f o r q u a l i t a t i v e , growth by natural extension. Qualitative changes can be brought about l n stages of development where reorganization and r e s t r u c -turing can be extended to the whole of the town. Such an ex-ample i s Savannah, where, according to Edmund Bacont The actual impact of the Savannah system of land organization i s both p r a c t i c a l and d e l i g h t f u l . There are e f f i c i e n t streets on the normal g r i d i r o n pattern.7 There i s a need to understand the v i s u a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s 228 of t h i s geometric system where s i m p l i c i t y of scheme requires a greater degree of urban d i s c i p l i n e from town designers. In t h i s sense the evolved towns pose a challenging and v a l i d proposition, while at the same time they are a r i c h storehouse of ideas f o r the new-towns of today. Resource towns i n general have a need to p a r t i c i p a t e In the changes which are taking place i n the Canadian urban scene. I t must be remembered that these towns are as no other new towns of other countries. They are not s a t e l l i t e s to large c i t i e s . More l i k e l y they represent the evolution of the fr o n t -i e r In the Canadian landscape. As such they must cope with problems of insec u r i t y d e r i v i n g from shallow employment, i s o l -ation, and of s o c i a l unbalance. When considered i n t h i s context, one must recognize that the sense of community and pride i n the achievements ex-pressed by the people of Gold River are a measure of remarkable success. In v i s u a l terms, a new town i s a s t a r t i n g point and time i s necessary to mitigate the e f f e c t s of f i e r c e construction. In time, trees w i l l grow and improvements occur quite n a t u r a l l y , as the c i t i z e n s form an attachment to the town. I t may take approximately twenty or t h i r t y years before anyone can attempt to Judge comprehensively the success of a new town. Its c i t i -zens i n the meantime must take i t upon themselves to further the process of town b u i l d i n g , f o r , as Edmund Bacon saysi The b u i l d i n g of c i t i e s i s one of man's greatest achievements. The form of his c i t y always has been and always w i l l be a p i t i l e s s i n dicator of the state of his c i v i l i z a t i o n . This form i s determined by the m u l t i p l i c i t y of decisions made by the people who l i v e i n i t . 8 The a r c h i t e c t ' s main task may be that of f a c i l i t a t -ing these decisions, and at times that of d i r e c t i n g t h e i r formal outcome. FOOTNOTES •"•Dennis Sharp, ed., Planning and Architecture. Londoni Barrie & R o c k l i f f , 196?, p. 59. ''R. Arnheim, Toward a Psychology of A r t . Berkeley 1 Univ-e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1966, pp. 123-135. •^ H.S. C h u r c h i l l , "Urban Est h e t i c s , " Journal of the Amer-ican In s t i t u t e of Ar c h i t e c t s , V o l . XXX, No. 4 (Oct., 1958), p. 24. 4 Nan Fairbrother, New Lives, New Landscapes. New Yorki A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1970, pp. 5-6. ^Ibld., pp. 163-164. 6 Jane Jacobs, The Death and L i f e of Great American C i t i e s , New York1 A Vintage Book, 1961, p. 229. 7E.N. Bacon, Design of C i t i e s . New York. The Viking Press, 1967, P. 207. 8 I b l d . , p. 13. 231 BIBLIOGRAPHY Books ACRE Research and Planning Ltd., Mid Canada Development  Corridor. . .a Concept. Lakehead Univ., 1969. Adams, Thomas. Rural Planning and Development. Ottawa1 Commission on Conservation, 1 9 1 7 . Aldridge, H. The Case f o r Town Planning. London1 The Nat-ional Housing and Town Planning Council, 1961. Arnheim, R. Toward a Psychology of A r t . Berkley: Univ. of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1966. Bacon, E.N. Design of C i t i e s . New Yorki The Viking Press, 1967. Berenson, B. Aesthetics and History of Visual A r t . New Yorki ' Pantheon Books Inc., 1 9 4 8 . Drucker, P. The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. Wash., D.C.I United States Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1951. Eckbo, G. Urban Landscape Design. New Yorki McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1 9 6 4 . Pairbrother, Nan. New Lives. New Landscapes. New Yorki A l f r e d Knopf, 1970. Gibbert, F. Town Design. New Yorki Prager Inc., 1 9 5 9 . Golden Centennial Committee. Golden Memories. Government of the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia. B r i t i s h Colum- b i a Facts and S t a t i s t i c s 1970. V i c t o r i a i Bureau of Economics and S t a t i s t i c s , 1970. . B r i t i s h Columbia Regional Index. V i c t o r i a , 1966. . Revelstoke and Golden Land Recording Di v i s i o n s. Bureau of P r o v i n c i a l Information, 1936. Gosnell, R.E. The Year Book of B.C. V i c t o r i a , 1897. Heaton's Guide to Western Canada. Torontoi Heaton's Agency, 1913. Jacobs, Jane. The Death and L i f e of Great American C i t i e s . New Yorki A Vintage Book, 1961. 232 Jamleson, S.M. The Labour Force: Cultural Factors Affecting  Industrial Relations ln B r i t i s h Columbia. Trans-actions of the 11th B.C. Natural Resource Conference, 1958. Jenks, G. and Baird, G., eds. Meaning In Architecture. Londoni The Cresset Press, 1969« Lower, A.R. and Innis, H.A. Settlement and the Forest and Mining Frontiers. Torontoi MacMlllan Co., 1936. Lynch, K. The Image of the City. Cambridgei The M.I.T. Press, i960. Mitchell, R.B. Metropolitan Planning for Land Use and Trans-portation^ Wash.> U.S. Gov. Printing Office, 1961. Morgan, A.E. The Small Community. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1942. Queen's University, Institute of Local Government. Single Enterprise Communities ln Canada. Kingston1 Queen's University, 1953-Redfield, R. The Small Community. Chicago. University of Chicago Press, i960. Ricci, L. Anonymous (20th Century). New Yorki G. Braziller, 1962. Robinson, I.M. New Industrial Towns on Canada's Resource Frontier. Chicago1 University of Chicago Press, 1962. Sharp, Dennis, ed. Planning and Architecture. London: Barrle & Rockliff, 1967. Taylor, G. Urban Geography. London: Methuen, 1949* Turner, F.J. The Frontier in American History. New York: Holt, Rlnehart & Winston, 1962. Walker, R. The Planning Function ln Urban Government. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. Zucher, P. Town and Square. New York: Columbia University Press, 1959« 233 A r t i c l e s and Per i o d i c a l s "A City i n the Making." B r i t i s h Columbia Business Journal (August-September, 1969)• Adams, Neale. "What Happened to Instant Town." The Vancouver  Sun (July 7. 1970), p. 6. Armstrong, A.H. "Thomas Adams and the Commission on Conserv-ation." Plan Canada, Vol. I, No. I (1969), PP. 14-32. Carney, Pat. " A l l the Best and Uncertainty." The Vancouver  Sun (June 3. 1967). p. 32. C h u r c h i l l , H.S. "Urban Est h e t i c s . " Journal of the American  Insti t u t e of A r c h i t e c t s . Vol. XXX, No. 4 (Oct., 1958), pp. 21-25. Frederick, Ken. "The Company Town - E x i t the Landlord." Campus (January, 1970), p. 5* Grimmer, A.K. "The Development and Operation of a Company-Owned Resource Town." The Engineering Journal, V ol. XWII, No. 5 (May, 193*0, PP. 219-223. Hassard, Kathy. "Utopia no Instant Town." The Vancouver Sun (March 9. 196'7), p. 43. "Industry Builds Kltimati The F i r s t Complete New Town i n North America." A r c h i t e c t u r a l Forum, Vol. 101, No. 1 (July, 1954), pp. 128-147. Pearson, N. "New Towns i n Alberta." Town and Country Plan- ning. Vol. 34, No. 10 (Oct., 1966), pp. 473 -477 . . " E l l i o t Lakei The Best Planned Mining Town." The Canadian A r c h i t e c t . Vol. 3, No. 11 (Nov., 1958), PP. 54-57. Roberts, A. "Design f o r the North." The Canadian A r c h i t e c t , 11th Issue (Nov., 1956), pp. 20-22. Robinson, I.M. "Planning f o r Small Communities i n B r i t i s h Columbia." Community Planning Review. Vol. V, No. 1 (March, 1955). PP. 10-15. Smith, Geddes. "Planning f o r Permanency." The Survey. Vol. LIX, No. 6 (Dec. 15, 1927), PP. 381-382. Williams, S.H. "Urban Aesthetics." The Town Planning Review. Vol. XXV (1954-1955). PP. 95-113. 234 Unpublished Material Beatty, M., et a l . "Project: Gold River, S o c i a l Implications of a Planned Community." Unpublished Student Project, Department of Community and Regional Planning, Univer-s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1969. Gilmour, J.F. "The Forest Industry as a Determinant of S e t t l e -ment i n B r i t i s h Columbia." Unpublished Master's Thesis, Department of Community and Regional Planning, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1955. Lozovsky, N. "Goals and Their Realization i n Planning and Buil d i n g an Instant Town: Gold River." Unpublished Master's Thesis, Department of Architecture, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970. MacCarter, Nairne & Partners. "Proposed Plan f o r Development of a C i v i c and Commercial Center f o r Gold River." (mimeographed), Unpublished Report, Jan. 31, 19&9. Municipality of Gold River. " D i s t r i c t of Gold River, General Information." (Mimeographed), May, 1969. 235 APPENDIX Zoning Map of Gold River The map Is a copy of the zoning ordinance adopted by the municipality l n 1966. I t shows, by comparing I t to the Land Use Map, that only smaller changes have occurred i n the actual layout and that only minor variations have taken place through the s i x years following i n i t i a t i o n . Residential expansion i s planned to take place mainly as multiple-family additions, east and west of the Muchalat Drive, while some single-family l o t s are s t i l l a v ailable i n parts where the t e r r a i n commands higher construction costs. The ultimate figure of 11 ,000 population would neces-s a r i l y mean the creation of another town center and the expan-sion of the r e s i d e n t i a l area toward the s i t e of the present t r a i l e r court. The area forming the present townsite Is c l a s s i f i e d and divided i n t o i - Single Family Residential R.l - Multiple Family Residential R.M.I - Multiple Family Residential R.M.2 - Central Commercial C l - Fringe Commercial C.2 - Public I n s t i t u t i o n a l P.l - Heavy I n d u s t r i a l M.l - Service I n d u s t r i a l M.2 — General Holding G.l ICC f N t ) : | <Sf_RV|OE 4 >Nt>D<3TRIAL. ^ WATER- fctAtRVOie. ^ SERVICE C M LET 0 . o C O M M O N I T Y U4I.I. Fiertr HAUU MUNICIPAL WALL. pcftT opwcc RELIGIOUS 6i_D<?. ® i SCHOOL. - £ L ¥ H . R .c . M . f , -sr. COURT Hoi>6sr c o n n r & c u L , BusiNr&s * UTILITIES. (D SERVICE- STATfOlO SHOP (D&MAND) Q440P (O>0VE-l<ll6NlC&) ® mjEPHom cow. R6<olD€NTIAL SlrtGLC MULTIPLE CAMPSITE PARK C f t A D C D ROAD cteAvcueD eoAt> APARTMCtfT T K A | | _ E E PLAY FIELD PLA7CROUND IT® WET ©IF ©©LIE) i s i r y j BRITISH C O L U M B I A SCALE I* s lOO' LAND USE MAP 238 Permitted uses, standards of construction, signs and notices, minimum s i t e dimensions and coverage, minimum dwelling s i z e , height, setback and separation l i m i t a t i o n s , accessory b u i l d -ings and structures, parking standards and fence regulations determine the p a r t i c u l a r character of each section, along the l i n e s of t r a d i t i o n a l "monopoly planning." Land Use Map of Gold River The Land Use Map i s the r e s u l t of a personal survey i i t provides information on d i s t r i b u t i o n and quantity of a num-ber of observable a c t i v i t i e s taking place upon the land. The function of chart i s to indicate the geographical p o s i t i o n and the extent of each major use, thus integrating the v i s u a l com-ment of the study. I t accounts f o r s i x categories: govern-mental and i n s t i t u t i o n a l , commercial and business, r e s i d e n t i a l . parks and playgrounds, I n d u s t r i a l , tree-land and un-used land. The land use map must be considered with some care, since importance of use i s not necessarily measured by the amount of land occupied. Industry, f o r example, might occupy very large s i t e s at a considerable low density, while uses re-quiring l i t t l e land might be of equal importance and value to the community. Intensity of use, though d i f f i c u l t to assess, needed to be given some i n d i c a t i o n . One way by which t h i s i s proposed i s by two basic e n t i t l e s , land and outlets where outlets indicate a sp e c i a l concentration of uset generally corresponding to a three-dimensional structure, they are grouped according to the categories of the land they serve. 239 Zoning Map of Golden A zoning map has been adopted by the municipality only l a t e l y i n the development and reorganization of the com-munity. P r i o r to 19^9» year l n which a by-law was passed i n council, l o c a t i o n and use of buildings, and use of land was regulated by merit of proposal, holding as guidelines the "promotion of health, safety, convenience and welfare of the publi c . " Land was developed merely according to a subdivision plan, i t s function that to produce a system of parcels which could be bought, sold, developed independently one from the other. Any s t r i c t control over t h i s independence, i t was f e l t , would have discouraged private development and investment i n the community. The pursuit of i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y of action was of maximum consideration. One device set f o r t h i n order to accomplish the maximum f l u i d i t y of conditions was to subdivide land at a minimal twenty-five foot frontage. The subdivision of the land east of the a l l u v i a l canal, now f i l l e d , was carr i e d out during the I9 k0*s when the town was recovering from a period of depression. By f r a c t i o n i n g the land into small parcels, i t was possible to a t t r a c t a greater variety of Investors. The present by-law, rather than an instrument of enforcement, i s a reference f o r proposed uses. This consider-ation i s inherent i n the structure of verbalized and mapped by-law. The town i s divided f o r purpose of land use int o four zones, referred to asi "A" Residential Zones 240 "B" Motel Zones "C" Commercial Zones "D" Ind u s t r i a l Zones and the r e l a t i v e permitted uses are very b r i e f l y outlined. The zoning map, while i n d i c a t i n g the extent of each function, does not regulate i n d e t a i l the l o c a t i o n of type functions within each c l a s s . No attempt i s made to regulate s p e c i f i c a l l y development of apartment b u i l d i n g s . The few ex-i s t i n g ones are located on secondary a r t e r i e s , l n the periph-e r a l areas. The written by-law on the other hand i s just as per-missive, when one considers f o r example the d e f i n i t i o n given of "Auto Camp"i "Auto Camp" s h a l l include a "motel" and a " t r a i l e r camp" and means a group of l i v i n g unity designed primarily f o r the use of the t r a v e l l i n g p u b l i c. which explains how l n Golden a trailer-camp i s often given the status of a motel complex. From the above emerges the Intention of the l o c a l l e g i s l a t u r e to leave an opening f o r various, almost c o n f l i c t i n g conditions to materialize. Land Use Map of Golden The Land Use Map indicates divergencies between i n -tentions and implementations, and i l l u s t r a t e s the degree of f l e x i b i l i t y of a system based on community control rather than on a set of standard codes. Within reasonably wide l i m i t s , the l o c a l planning a u t h o r i t i e s are empowered to determine a p p l i c -ation of uses upon merits. The procedure i s n a t u r a l l y y i e l d -ing to i n t r i c a c y of use, as a r e s u l t of the structure of con-t r o l and the structure of land. Mixture of land use i s e s p e c i a l l y pronounced around the two commercial cores, where public buildings, business buildings, residences and l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l l o t s intermingle f r e e l y . The two cores express a t y p i c a l "tug-of-war" s i t u a t i o n between a c e n t r a l but narrow l o c a t i o n (the older center), and a la r g e r but r e l a t i v e l y undesirable s i t e (the new center). A majority of business establishments i n the North Golden center dates back to the i n i t i a t i o n of the town, and some s t i l l com-bine place of business with place of residence, so that mixture of land use means also mixture of b u i l d i n g uses. GOVERNMtNTAl 4 INSTITUTIONAL COMMUNITY U ALL F I R E HALL HEALTH CEWTEE. HOSP/TAL MUNICIPAL HALL POST OFFICE SCHOOL- GL.&H-SCHOOL- sec. i C O M M E R C I A L , Bl>0lK)ES<£ 4: D T l U T I & S B A N K HOTtL M O T C L -RAILWAY ITATlOtO RECfcEATlOWAL. 5LDQ. INbUSTfctAL LICUT S B R U I C E S T A T I O O mepwojoc C O M p. e'J. © w a r 0)1? HEAVY ( 3 0 D t t I I > I S a r COLUMB IA S C A L t 1" - 4 0 0 ' A / R G S J D E N T I A L S I N G L E M U L T I P L E 1 1 PAKK<=» «f PL.A^CI?O0N« AMP^ITC r '-il PARK A I R F I E L D P A J L U ) A V P A V E D J2.0AD <TRAVJ€LED R.OAO 1 J nam. 

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