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The Literary significance and critical reputation of William Bell Scott's autobiographical notes Crerar, Patricia Jeanne 1971

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THE LITERARY SIGNIFICANCE AND CRITICAL REPUTATION OF WILLIAM BELL SCOTT'S AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NOTES by PATRICIA JEANNE CRERAR B.A. (Honours), University of Victoria, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts in the Department of ENGLISH We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Ap r i l , 1971 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l umbia V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada Date /^Jt*, ABSTRACT As a background figure in the Pre-Raphaelite movement, William Bell Scott suffers from an unattractive reputation largely because of attitudes expressed in his Autobiographical Notes. Chapter One of this thesis examines his l i f e and work, but although a chronological approach i s used, i t i s Scott's wide range of a c t i v i t i e s and friends which is given prominence. In Chapter Two, Scott's Autobiographical Notes i s considered. Scott's lifelong interest in journal writing i s traced as much as is possible, using manuscript material in the Penkill Papers at the University of British Columbia. The chapter then covers the actual editing of the Notes by William Minto, making the point that even before his book was published Scott's potential readers were prejudging the work. Manuscripts in the Penkill Collection provide the Material for these disclosures. The three parts of the third Chapter are concerned with the shaping of Scott's reputation through prejudice and hearsay. The "Rossetti Legend," as i t existed while Scott was writing his Notes and u n t i l the time of their publication, occupies the f i r s t part of the chapter. Next, the controversy which developed after his book met public view is examined. Finally, Scott's reputation i s traced over the eighty years since the publication of his autobiography. The f i n a l chapter opens with a survey of Scott's relationship with Dante Gabriel Rossetti. Most of the attacks made on Scott's Notes were prompted by his treatment of Rossetti. The survey suggests that Scott was both as friendly and as useful to Rossetti as he claims to have been. The second and longer part of the chapter deals with charges made against Scott by William Michael Rossetti in the Memoir volume of his Family Letters. Information in the Penkill Papers proves on one hand that Scott did not fabricate anecdotes, and that he kept back much information which would have been of interest. On the other .hand, this material makes i t obvious that William Michael Rossetti, the authority of whose book rests on his f i l i a l relationship, did not t e l l the entire truth about his brother. Scott's Autobiographical Notes, then, should be seriously re-examined as a reference work on Rossetti and the Pre-Raphaelites. .TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i - i i INTRODUCTION 1-5 CHAPTER ONE i . The Autobiographical Notes of William Bell Scott i i . His Lif e and Work 5-32 CHAPTER TWO i . Scott's Preparation of His Manuscript i i . Editing of the Notes by William Minto 33-47 CHAPTER THREE i . The Rossetti Legend i i . Controversy Over the Notes i i i . Scott's Reputation 48-78 CHAPTER FOUR i . Survey of Scott and Rossetti Relationship i i . Defense of Scott against William Rossetti 75-104 BIBLIOGRAPHY 105-116 INTRODUCTION It i s something of a novelty to present a project concerning a secondary work by a minor figure as a li t e r a r y thesis. The autobiography of William Bell Scott, however, forms a v i t a l link between what actually took place i n the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood and what history has shaped into our understanding of this group of energetic and imaginative painters and poets. Several factors influenced the undertaking of this project. A long standing curiosity about the Pre-Raphaelites was f i r s t stimulated by edi t o r i a l work that I did i n English 501 on some of their letters. The most important circumstance, however, was that in 1963 the U.B.C. Library acquired an extensive collection of manuscript letters and journals found at Penkill Castle in Ayrshire, Scotland. These had been roughly catalogued, but they had not been carefully read, and on the suggestion of Professor Fredeman I began working on letters between William Bell Scott and Alice Boyd, which includes about 620 letters written between 1859 and 1884. In concurrence with the work on manuscripts, I began to read Scott's published work, concentrating on the Autobiographical Notes, and I began to examine other writing by and about the Pre-Raphaelites and their associates. As more material was covered, i t became obvious that there are contradictions in Scott's present-day reputation. Although Scott was known in his own time as both a painter and a poet, to contemporary literary c r i t i c s he i s a figure of scorn, and only the art c r i t i c s seem to have made any attempt to evaluate his contribution to the progress of English culture. Jeremy Maas, in his Victorian Painters, puts Scott i n a reasonable perspective as an influence on the Pre-Raphaelite group. Also contributing to their fervor were the close social and creative relationships formed with leading literary figures, in which William Bell Scott (1811-1890) formed an introductory bridge, reflecting the idea of universality in the arts, which was central to their creed, the 'exquisite, patient, virtuous manipulation' of their work, the early divergence of their aims, in fact the sheer muddle of the thing (p. 125). Among writers on Victorian literature, however, opinion is definitely biased against Scott. From passing reference in a survey work that Scott is "hardly deserving of study", negative comments about Scott range to Lona Packer's book-length thesis that his immoral behaviour led to Christina Rossetti's frustration in l i f e . In each case, whether a writer merely accepts a traditional view of Scott or tries to see him in a new light, the criticism seems to derive from the reputation of his Autobiographical Notes. From my point of view, the books contained nothing offensive. Yet Scott's contemporaries took such a dislike to the book that writers s t i l l , after 80 years, hold the volumes in contempt. Two specific discoveries in this new material are important i f a radical shift in Scott's reputation is to be effected. First, there is nothing in Scott's unpublished letters to support charges that Scott was mean or petty, or that he possessed, eventually an envious disposition. Alice Boyd was Scott's closest confidante and his comments to her about his London friends are frank, precise., and often humorous. Certainly he criticized his acquaintances on occasion, but his crit i c a l observations in this private correspondence are seldom cruel or malicious; nor are they hastily made. Scott's letters to Alice prove that his intimacy with the men he discusses in his Autobiographical Notes was not fabricated; moreover, the disclosures he makes in the Notes comprise only a part of his actual, and often vivid, experience with such men as Dante Gabriel Rossetti, as unpub-lished material reveals. The second discovery of importance to Scott's reputation is related to William Michael Rossetti's Memoir of Dante Gabriel, written in 1895. Because Theodore Watts, although claiming the right to be Rossetti's o f f i c i a l biographer, had not produced a major work on his subject even twelve years after Rossetti's death, William Rossetti, in 1895, himself produced what must be called an o f f i c i a l biography. An exploration of the dubious veracity of the Memoir, even though written by the chief authority on Rossetti's l i f e , i s a major link i n proving that Scott's Notes are a valuable source-book for the period. In simplest terms, one can say that the Memoir seems almost to have been written as a reply to Scott's Autobiographical Notes. In this sense It i s not truly an unbiased account of D.G. Rossetti's l i f e ; the f i l i a l involvement of William, Dante Gabriel Rossetti's brother, constitutes a negative, rather than a positive, influence on the h i s t o r i c a l picture of both Rossetti and Scott. Certainly W.B. Scott was not a major, or even an important, figure in the development of English literature. D.G. Rossetti was, however, and the distortion of his image which his brother's Memoir achieves, gives additional weight to the need for reinterpreting Scott's autobiography in an unprejudiced light. Scott's autobiography was published in 1892, two years after he died. Because of Scott's r e a l i s t i c treatment of Rossetti, and his lack of deference to A.C. Swinburne, the book received very harsh reviews, which in turn prompted a controversy carried on i n the public press (the subject of Chapter 3). At the time, William Rossetti took a minor part in the argument, making only a few objections to details of time, place, or inter-pretation. The Memoir, written three years later- shows,however, that he had been deeply affected by Scott's Notes. Early in the Memoir, William disclaims both Scott's authority, and his own sensitivity to Scott's point of view. As the book progresses, William returns more and more to passages in Scott's book, correcting details, c r i t i c i z i n g attitudes, and f i n a l l y quarrelling outright with some of Scott's interpretations of events. In several instances, William questions in such a way as to insinuate that Scott i s lying. It is not surprising that Scott's Notes have a reputation as an unreliable source. If anyone was directly responsible for creating false impressions about Dante Rossetti, i t was his brother William, and not William Bell Scott. Information about Rossetti's paranoia, his delusions, and his chloral habit, is explicit i n Scott's letters. Yet one does not even need access to these manuscripts to see that William's picture of his brother was seriously distorted on several matters. What i s most significant i s that the Memoir was shaped by William's compulsion to block Scott's exposure of Dante Gabriel, and that because of f i l i a l authority, William's book has gained a following while Scott's Notes have been consigned to the realms of half-truth. In the past, scholars have been content to accept William Rossetti's version as authoritative. The new material on which this thesis i s based proves that such assumptions are ill-founded. The Autobiographical Notes of William Bell Scott deserve to be revalued as a Pre-Raphaelite source-book. CHAPTER ONE William Bell Scott's L i f e and Work The reader who encounters Scott where he is usually found, in the footnotes or appendices to works on the greater artists of the Victorian period, i s generally content to leave him there. As presented in the usual "thumbnail" sketch of a minor figure, Scott appears merely as a series of dates and publications summarized by the traditional note about the nastiness he displays in the Autobiographical Notes.^ Here is Scott i n miniature — the Scott seen, for example, by the editors of the recently published Rossetti letters: William Bell Scott (1811-90) a r t i s t , art c r i t i c , and poet; younger brother to the painter David Scott (1806-49); taught at the Government School of Design in Newcastle on Tyne, 1844-64; became a friend of D.G.R. in 1848; contributed to The Germ; lived near D.G.R. in Chelsea, 1864-82; his posthumous Autobiographical Notes, published in 1882, gave great offence to D.G.R.'s surviving relatives and friends.^ Yet the fact that Scott lived long enough to feel that his l i f e was worth an autobiography, specifying in his w i l l instructions for i t s publication, suggests that a closer look at his l i f e would prove interesting and valuable. While the half dozen lines of a biographical note are an absurd way to mark a man's achievements, Scott's own story of his l i f e i s in many ways an unsatisfactory source of information about him. His refusal to pay close attention to chronological details accounts for much of the book's weakness as autobiography. His decision to let inaccuracies pass was deliberate: "Exact chronology i s of l i t t l e consequence in these notes of mine. The particular powers of memory I do not possess that command dates" (Notes, I, 527). In preparing the manuscript for publication, Scott's editor, aware that the book had h i s t o r i c a l importance, tried to correct the obvious inaccuracies. However he was not totally successful, and mistakes in dating made the book vulnerable to harsh attack soon after i t s publication. The biographical usefulness of the volume i s further impaired by Scott's shift in attitudes towards autobiography at various times in l i f e . In 1854, Scott completed his f i r s t "Autobiographical Journal", consisting of four 3 hundred f o l i o pages. It was probably begun about 1845, when he took his position at Newcastle, a time when his future was " f i r s t v i s i b l y settled by profession and marriage," At the age of forty-three, he decided that his preoccupation with journal writing was foolish, and wrote no more un t i l 1877. In the Preface to the Notes, he explains his intentions in this early attempt at autobiography: I have thought to understand myself better by their means. But i t has not been so, the d i f f i c u l t y i s too great. It i s not impossible to do, but i f we could "see ourselves as others see us" the poetical interest at least i s gone, the record i s worthless. (Notes 1,2). The dominant impression Scott gained from re-reading his early book was that "I must have had a double: a creature personating me, whose writing these documents were ..." When he decided in 1877 to rewrite his reminiscences, he nevertheless intended to incorporate some of his early passages into the text. He restates his new purpose as " A l l I propose, then, in these pages is to describe with some degree of accuracy some of the scenery of my l i f e , and of the lives of my dear and intimate friends" (Notes, I, 5). Scott says he w i l l burn the f i r s t journal. There are a few pages extant, however, which suggest that the early journal was indeed very different from the published Notes. Lona Packer, who had access to some of the remaining journal pages, wrote: "we know from what fragments s t i l l remain of the old journal that he had in places confided to i t s pages emotional experiences of an intimate nature, and these confidences concerned a woman." Professor Packer's thesis that Scott was Christina Rossetti's secret love leads her to suggest that the journal was destroyed because of comments such as Scott's description of love: "a giddy dance of nature round the terminal i d o l , a rabies of-mad incantations and gymnastic lunacy round and round the voracious i d o l . " (p.63) The last chapter in the Notes was written in 1882, the year of Rossetti's death. Scott says "My work has not been Art for Art's sake, but truth for truth's sake ... I shall miss the l i t t l e task I have always fallen back upon as an occupation i n the absence of any other more urgent in this pleasant retirement I enjoy" (Notes II, 318). However, Scott did not really abandon his involvement with autobiography. In the concluding chapter Alice Boyd recounts that for his la s t , invalid years, he was often busy re-writing and interpolating passages in his manuscript. Scott's c r i t i c s , from 1892 u n t i l the present, lik e to characterize him as a bitter and envious old man, writing his book as a chance to make spiteful observations about former friends, expecially Dante Gabriel Rossetti. Certainly there i s evidence that Scott was extremely dissatisfied with the tendency to glorify Rossetti in the years after his death. But i t is also a fact that Scott's Autobiographical Notes were a lifelong interest, and that the main work was done much before Rossetti's death. That the book went through various stages does cause d i f f i c u l t y in knowing Scott through his book. The writer may be the young man of energy in Newcastle and London or his chronological counterpart, "the somnambule." He may be the older man, less ambitious, but wiser and mellowed at his retreat in Scotland, or he may be the invalid heart-attack patient working busily from his bed to change once more the statement of former years. Scott was born September 12, 1811, in Edinburgh, Scotland, the seventh of eight children. The f i r s t four children a l l died in the year when Scott's older brother David was born. A strong recollection for Scott was being called by the name of Lockhart, one of the boys of the earlier family. Scott's father, the best Scottish engraver of his time, had an engraving and printing office near Parliament Square which seemed to the young boy his major interest besides "religion and the state of his pulse." Scott f e l t himself the favorite of his mother in spite of her more obvious affection for the children who died before Scott was born, but he i s blunt about his father's attitude to him: "He never expressed to me anything but indifference; always i l l in health, he never took any notice of me, a fact begetting a repellent feeling on my part" (Notes, I, 29). Scott says very l i t t l e about his brother Robert or sister Helen, but for David Scott, born i n 1806 and the only other member of the family who gained recognition in the arts, he expresses both love and admiration. Scott's Memoir of his older brother was a sign of his honour for David, and was perhaps meant to be read as a companion piece to his own autobiography.^ David began his career as an engraver, with the production of a series of designs for Thomson's "Scottish Melodies." He then took up painting, and by 1830 he had become an Associate of the Scottish Academy. Having achieved "reputation and respectability," he spent two years working in his chosen f i e l d , preparing his Monogram of Man for publication in 1831. In 1832, he went to Italy where he travelled, painted, and wrote, presumably familiarizing himself with the classical works which his brother sees as having so much influence on his painting. William says of David's taste: "The abstract and the heroic were necessary, and [his] delight in any picture, poem or speculation rose in proportion to i t s distance from the scenes and motives of the present" (Notes I, 17). On his return to England, David Scott was further honoured by his contemporaries with his election to the Scottish Academy. In 1842, David entered unsuccessfully the government competition for mural decorations to Westminster Hall. William Bell Scott defends his brother sketches for his subject, which in style repudiated the "careful, bold academi German practice" but which reflected careful study in the medium of fresco. At the next contest held in 1844, David was nearly the only a r t i s t to submit work in the fresco medium. However, his work gained l i t t l e praise, though i t s unfinished treatment provided a source of amusement (Notes I, 168-9). This second failure was extremely discouraging to the a r t i s t and seemed, in his brother's view, to intensify his alienation from "the amenities of the picture-loving public" (Notes I, 216). David then committed his a r t i s t i c l i f e to accomplishing what he f e l t to be important, not what was deemed important by the outside observer. David's early death in 1849 was preceded, in William's estimation, by his death as an a r t i s t . While his personality was impressive and powerful, and his c r i t i c a l sense acute, he was blind to the "modern" position of art: "What he was c r i t i c a l l y weak i n , in relation to art, was in the professional question, the common sense and prudential conduct of his peculiar a b i l i t i e s " (Notes I, 263). He compares his own long l i f e and less spectacular career to David's: Frangas non f l i c t a s was his unacknowledged law. I ... whose nature in many ways is exactly the opposite to a l l that, li v e on s t i l l — t h i r t y years after he ceased to require the advice he never took — with something like my old ambition of self-culture, in which, alas, he, as an example to be avoided, painfully assisted (Notes I, 263). William Bell Scott's l i f e u n t i l 1850, the date of publication of the Memoir, i s marked by a growing output of a r t i s t i c and literary works and an increasing reputation as a person of a r t i s t i c authority. Until 1837, when he moved to London, Scott remained in Edinburgh, where he reluctantly assumed responsibility for the family business. However, he spent some time at study in the Antique Class at The Trustees Gallery. His early poetic endeavours were mainly didactic poems in blank verse, and his "boyish ambitions" were such that he arranged an introduction to Sir Walter Scott, "the greatest Scottish poet of the day." The encounter was disappointing for William Scott, then aged about 17, for the older poet's conversation was "like the gabble of a P h i l i s t i n e " (Notes I, 74). After the age of 20, Scott exhibited his f i r s t picture, a dark forest with a hermit praying, as i l l u s t r a t i o n to some lines from Coleridge's Rime of the Ancient Mariner. He gives the date as 1833-34 and one may assume that the set of etchings of Loch Katrine and the Trossacks, mentioned in the Notes (I, 76), was also published at this time. Another aspect of Scott's early twenties in Edinburgh was a painter's group, the St. Luke's Club. The chairman of the club, Professor John Wilson, was a friend of Scott's uncle, and became William's "poetical advisor." Wilson kept one of Scott's poems, "The Burgher of Limoges," with the assertion that he would try to publish i t in Blackwood's Magazine, where he wrote as "Christopher North". The poem never appeared, but a long "octo-syllabic story" called "Anthony" written at this time did, when remodelled, find i t s way into print (Fortnightly Review, July 1868). Scott notes writing also at this period a "sort of dithyrambic laudation" on Shelley. This was published in Tait's Monthly Magazine in 1831.^ The St. Luke's Club had given Scott a close friend in William Shand, and these two, with several other friends of similar occupation, decided to publish a l i t e r a r y annual. The Edinburgh University Souvenir was published in October 1834; i t contained contributions mainly by Scott and Shand, with a li t e r a r y sketch by David Scott, then in Rome. During this period Scott was incubating his poem The Year of the World. It w a s around this time too that he met Rosabell Bonally, the subject of one of his better poems (dis-cussion follows, p. 13). It has been suggested that with Scott's move to London in 1837, his creative activity underwent a change, with his a r t i s t i c work becoming more important than his l i t e r a r y . ^ In order to support himself in London, Scott etched a series of illu s t r a t i o n s for a volume of poetry identified only as Landscape Lyrics. The process of etching could, Scott f e l t , supplant the currently popular, but rather slow and expensive method of i l l u s t r a t i o n by engraving. While his "painter's etchings" gained attention, they brought him l i t t l e money. His second attempt, a Christmas carol, found a publisher, but brought meager returns, while his third, a series of pictures of the C i v i l War, was never accepted for publication. These failures with etching prompted Scott to take up painting more seriously. At this time in London, landscape painting was losing in popularity to "a new and interesting school of h i s t o r i c a l and, loosely speaking, inventive and i l l u s t r a t i v e painters" (Notes I, 107). Scott mentions a new habit of study which this "school" of painters was acquiring, especially in the fields of architecture and costume, and which he saw manifested in the work of his brother David. Applying himself to the principle of study, Scott produced a picture t i t l e d "The Old English Ballad Singer," which he was able to s e l l to a Mr. Paternoster for a moderate price, thus being able to sustain his existence, i f but modestly. Scott learned that impecuniosity was the a f f l i c t i o n of nearly everyone connected with the arts i n London in the 1830's. Another problem of the London a r t i s t , especially of a younger, arriving man, was the d i f f i c u l t y of getting his works on view. There was at the time one main exhibition gallery for water-colours and o i l paintings, the Academy, and the policy of "keeping-him-down" u n t i l a painter became a member caused much uneasiness among developing a r t i s t s , as well as serious anxiety for the unknown. Another smaller gallery, the British Institute in P a l l Mall, was supported by subscribers, but i t was controlled by the keeper and, rumor had i t , his frame-maker son. It was here that Scott's "Old English Ballad Singer" was exhibited'. Just as Scott had in Edinburgh made acquaintance with a group of young men of lit e r a r y ambition, so in London he became part of a group of young men of a r t i s t i c enthusiasm, among them Richard Dadd, William Powell F r i t h , and Augustus Leopold Egg. He found his fellows in London less than exhilarating i n several ways. One disappointment was their adherence to i l l u s t r a t i n g the popular subjects of the previous two decades rather than exploring the h i s t o r i c a l subjects for which they professed excitement. To Scott's way of thinking, these men were,in addition, too reticent about sharing their professional knowledge or problems. On this latter characteristic Scott elaborates: " i t was a society of r i v a l s ; there were too many for the chances of success, too many for the small amount of fame and fortune to be divided among them" (Notes I, 110). It is significant that Scott uses the word "them" rather than "us". Yet their contact with one another had at i t s core a common need: the necessity of exhibiting their pictures and of undermining the overwhelming power of the Academy. In 1841, Scott was invited to a meeting, chaired by Richard Dadd, which he describes as an example of many such attempts to establish exhibitions or exhibiting societies. The Westminster Hall Competition of 1842 and 1844 did make exhibition by non-Academy men easier, by bringing before the public many capable but unheard-of painters. Scott assesses his early London friendships objectively, suggesting that among these men he never f e l t strong bonds that had existed with his Edinburgh colleagues, for when i t came time for him to leave London he did not find i t hard to abandon the relationships in this c i r c l e . However, he illum-inates his "alienation" further by remembering "At the same time i t i s possible my undefined character as poet, etcher, and even c r i t i c might with some of them have stood in the way of freedom of intercourse" (Notes I, 113). Scott found his most comfortable companions in this f i r s t London period among the li t e r a r y set. He asserts that in the period of his going to London there was l i t t l e interest in popular poetry or minor poets, possibly because the public simply did not consider much contemporary poetry worth mentioning. The great men, Browning and Tennyson, were read and respected, but for poetry of less than epic intent there was l i t t l e interest. Scott says nothing of the poet-laureate Southey or of William Wordsworth who v. . succeeded him in 1843, yet perhaps this suggests no more than a young man's lack of enthusiasm for an old man's poetry. Scott's most valued and respected lit e r a r y acquaintance was Leigh Hunt, at this time a man of about 53 years, l i v i n g frugally but contentedly, and s t i l l concerned with li t e r a r y pursuits as publisher of The Monthly Repository. Through Hunt's friendship, Scott published his poem "Rosabell" i n this magazine in 1838.^ This work, one of / e> • ; the poetry manuscripts he brought with him from Edinburgh, is a dramatic poem in fifteen parts employing varied verse forms. It describes and comments on the corruption of a country g i r l by wicked city l i f e ; following her through her l i f e as a man's mistress, as a prostitute after her abandonment by him, and to her death in a charity hospital. The poem underwent several revisions during Scott's lifetime; the major one was a change of the t i t l e and heroine's name to "Mary Anne." This was suggested by Rossetti on the grounds that the second name was more appropriate and "true to l i f e " for a g i r l of this situation. Another friend of literary rather than a r t i s t i c inclination was G.H. Lewes, who became editor of the Fortnightly Review (1865-66), and later the,'husband''of novelist George E l i o t . Lewes was a young man of twenty-one when Scott met him in London, and the older man could see l i t t l e potential in the younger: "I could not make him out of get a true glimpse of his acquirements, holding by high and pure ways of l i f e and habits of body, which he ignored" (Notes I, 130). Scott, who was nick-named "Duns Scotus" by Lewes, was working on a series of designs in outline which illustrated the progress through l i f e of a self-seeking man. Lewes was very enthusiastic about the f i r s t design Scott showed him, and proposed to write an accompanying piece. Scott, fearing that his designs would become mere i l l u s t r a t i o n s t declined Lewes' offer. When the designs were published i n 1851, as The Journey of Prince Legion, Lewes was writing opera criticism in the Leader. Scott was amazed by Lewes' suggestion that he, and not the "melancholy" Scott had conceived of the central idea for the now-published designs, and had expressed i t in a poem 8 which he found "detestable" in retrospect. Another writer with whom Scott had contact at this time was Carlyle, although this was a much less intimate or amiable relationship than those with Lewes and Leigh Hunt. Scott records that in 1838 he published in an obscure V. magazine an a r t i c l e entitled "More Letters of Oliver Cromwell." He describes the a r t i c l e as a satire on Cromwell's style, and an imitation, done in admiration of Carlyle's writing. Hearing that the a r t i c l e had angered Carlyle, and wishing to propitiate, Scott sent him a lately published volume entitled Hades or the Transit; and the Progress of the Mind. Carlyle, Scott admits, acknowledged the book graciously, but framed i t in what Scott took as an "arrogant formula" which exposed him as a man who took pleasure in informing people he was better and wiser than they. Dr. Samuel Brown, a close friend of David Scott and Carlyle, also was among William's acquaintances of this period, and many times he helped Scott make valuable contacts in the a r t i s t i c world. Scott's reminiscences about the later years of his f i r s t sojourn in London eventually focus on one important event; the Cartoon Competition for the decoration of the Houses of Parliament. He writes of two close friends, Ralph Wornum and Thomas Sibson, with whom he took weekly sketching expeditions. Sibson, who was not formally trained as an a r t i s t but who could draw very accurately by instinct, did not "presume" to enter the contest, but went to Munich to study and do il l u s t r a t i o n s . As a member of the sculptor Patric Park's " c i r c l e " , Scott met Benjamin R. Haydon, an a r t i s t he considers the most " s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t " man he ever encountered. Scott elaborates that Haydon was an egoist in the extreme, having a kind of "vanity, intellectual and personal, which made i t impossible for him to regard any other man as the same species with himself ..." (Notes I, 117). Scott's impression i s based on Haydon's assumption that he would be successful in the "coming event of the art world." At a dinner party where Haydon was expounding his theories, Scott objected and was made a source of rid i c u l e . He "revenged" himself, however, in a sonnet on Haydon published i n Poems by a_ Painter, a revenge which in the Notes he recants.^ The Cartoon Competitions of 1842 and 1843, which awakened the public to the many unrecognized artists at work in London, marked an important step in the a r t i s t i c l i f e of London. They also marked a change i n William Bell Scott's way of l i f e . The failure of his designs in the second competition demonstrated to him the weakness of his position as a professional a r t i s t . Other misfortunes, such as the rejection of two pictures by the Royal Academy and the British Institution, and the failure of the publisher of the Illustrated  Book of Ballads, impelled Scott to accept a post offered him by the Board of Trade, and in 1844 he l e f t London for Newcastle, to take up a mastership there in the government School of Design. Later in the Notes he advances as another reason for his departure his disappointment in the art and poetry of that time (Notes I, 251). His personal reaction to the a r t i s t i c projects considered important had become indifferent to a degree that i t was not worth "working his brain" in such a struggle for popularity. In the opinion of the c r i t i c John Gere, i t was probably his acceptance of a teaching job that kept Scott in the lower ranks of pa i n t e r s . ^ In a sense, then, this decision to leave London could have been the fatal blow for Scott's career as a painter, although even in retrospect Scott does not seem aware of this p o s s i b i l i t y . Another change in his l i f e was his marriage i n 1838 to L e t i t i a Margery Norquay. The move to Newcastle was a change of location and position which anticipated an eventful social and a r t i s t i c period in Scott's l i f e . His occupation at the School was at f i r s t confusing, due to contradictions in intent and policy, and to the influence of manufacturers on their workers, the intended students. Faced with such rules as no drawing of the human figure, no geometry, perspective or mechanical, drawing, and no teaching of anyone intending to enter the Fine Arts professionally, Scott in many cases chose to ignore outright the statements of policy. His connection with the School of Design was satisfying to him, for he saw the school and i t s usefulness develop over the years, and was aware of the influence of such programs on the a r t i s t i c taste of his nation. In 1877, he could say, "the progress of forty years has made so large a difference, we may be said to be becoming practically a nation of a r t i s t s , and as able i n general design for decorative trades as any people in the world" (Notes I, 179). As he had done i n Edinburgh and London before, Scott made friends in Newcastle with men of lit e r a r y and a r t i s t i c a b i l i t y . While his new friends were of lesser importance to the a r t i s t i c world than his London acquaintances had been, he found their hospitality warm and he was encouraged by their interest to resume his work. His position had given him both domestic s t a b i l i t y and connections in the art world, and his creative work flourished i n these conditions. In his early years in Newcastle, Scott attended an anatomy class and, considerably refreshed by his new location, he again took interest in landscape painting. His new surroundings, Scott found, had a fascinating history and he began his Antiquarian Gleanings in the North 12 of England at this time. The book contains drawn and etched examples of furniturej'plate, and church decoration with descriptions by Scott. Publica-tion of Antiquarian Gleanings in 1851 brought praise for the a r t i s t i n his " f i d e l i t y to the original" and a note of recognition to the School which employed hxm. Scott's most important li t e r a r y work of his early years in Newcastle 14 ' was his long poem The Year of the World ; "It was my f i r s t and last important / act of l i t e r a r y enthusiasm, and quite an honest one" (Notes, 1, 235). Scott's youthful enthusiasm for setting the world right by his art is reflected i n this poem of 1846, but at the time of writing the Notes he f e l t the same impulses s t i l l present in him: "an antagonism to any form of art or any dogma that i n no way aids advancement — social, s c i e n t i f i c , a r t i s t i c or religious" (Notes, I, 233). In retrospect, Scott sees his interest i n re-writing and publishing as somewhat obsessive, for he published the poem quickly without reading i t to anyone else. However, his preface to the work does not betray any frenzy but states that "the publication of the poem possesses to the Author something of the interest attaching to the promulgation of a creed as well as that of a work of art."''"'' The publication of this poem and i t s reception by the few who read i t foreshadowed for Scott, the limited success he was to have as a poet. He sees the period as a d i f f i c u l t one for poetic success, calling i t a "time when no sane poetry could meet with attention, when Tennyson scarcely paid, and Browning became unin t e l l i g i b l e " (Notes, I, 254). In an attempt to deal with this lack of interest i n poetry, Scott sent copies of his work to his friends, and to prominent li t e r a r y figures such as Carlyle and Samuel Brown, hoping for their responses.^ Many recipients simply failed to acknowledge the book, presumably agreeing with the opinions of c r i t i c s who conceded that although Scott apparently had some important purpose of mission, the poem was not l i k e l y to attract many prospects. November of 1847 brought Scott a letter from the young Gabriel Rossetti, and i t s immediate message to the older poet was that, "I was, i t seemed, not destined to be wholly unknown at a sufficient distance" (Notes, I, 244). The letter proved to have a lasting importance to Scott, for his reply to i t brought a bundle of manuscripts, containing "Songs of the Art -Catholic." If somewhat puzzled by the intent of the t i t l e , Scott was extremely impressed by the quality of the poetry, and i n Christmas of 1847 he made his f i r s t personal acquaintance with Rossetti, his family and his friends."^ Seeing their work and understanding their enthusiasm caused Scott to regret his leaving London for the more placid intellectual climate of Newcastle, for he calls his f i r s t meeting "the beginning of a new interest of l i f e to me: from them sprang a knowledge of many men and many f i e l d s " (Notes, I, 251). Scott sees his l i f e at this point entering a new phase of growth, the former one ending with the death of his brother David i n 1849 and of his mother in 1850. His mother's death l e f t him with no obligations to the city of his birth and young manhood, and he determined never to return to Edinburgh. At f i r s t his status as the only l i v i n g member of his family f i l l e d him with a sense of old age. This, however, gave way to a feeling of renewal: "I was dead and re-born into a more self-centered and freer existence" (Notes, I, 275). It i s l i k e l y that the success of his Memoir of David Scott  R.S.A., and the publishing of his brother's a r t i s t i c designs, gave him the confidence which effected this revitalization. The period of "new l i f e " began with the publication i n 1850 of the Memoir, followed by the Chorea Sahte V i t i ; or Steps in the Journey of Prince Legion and Antiquarian Gleanings in the North of England, in 1851. A d i f f i c u l t y i n determining Scott's work in these years results from Scott's selectivity of material i n writing the record of his l i f e . He apparently exhibited about twenty pictures between 1838 and 1869, but he mentions few 18 particulars in his Notes. Likewise, he f a i l s to mention his contribution to The Germ, the " o f f i c i a l organ" of the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, and his comments on this publication would lead most readers to assume that although he was asked repeatedly for contributions he refused to contribute. In fact, he published two sonnets in The Germ, one in the issue of March, 1850, entitled "Early Aspirations", and another, "Morning Sleep" in the issue of February, 1850. The concluding lines of the former poem are especially relevant to Scott's view of his l i f e as entering a new phase: No More in Pride to other ears he sings But with a dying charm himself unto: ^ For a sad season; then, to active l i f e he springs. The year 1854 brought another publication, a volume of verse entitled Poems, but more commonly known as Poems by a Painter. Rossetti had offered to prepare an etching as a frontispiece, but never completed the promised picture. As he had done before with Hades and The Year of the World Scott sent copies of the volume to friends and prominent literary figures. This time, Carlyle did not ignore the book, but sent a note advising the poet to stop rhyming and start acting. Scott replied in a suitably perturbed manner, and received in return an apology from Carlyle who has misread the frontispiece as "Poems by a Printer" and had advised the printer accordingly. If Carlyle's response to the book brought disillusionment, other readers were more appreciative. Through his friendship with Samuel Brown, Scott became acquainted with Sir Walter and Lady Trevelyan. The review of Scott's Memoir of his brother which appeared in the Scotsman newspaper was written by Lady Trevelyan, and as interest in him had been shown, Scott sent a copy of Poems (1854) to their home, Wallington Hall. This led to a friendship of many years, which included the commissioning of Scott to decorate a newly-formed courtyard at Wallington. The project, which was arranged and begun by 1856, is a series of eight pictures large enough to contain l i f e - s i z e figures, i l l u s t r a t i n g the history of Northumberland and the border. These pictures were exhibited in the rooms of the Literary Society of Newcastle, in order of their completion. Scott's Wallington commission brought him many new acquaintances and Scott did his part by introducing former acquaintances to the Trevelyans. John Ruskin was introduced to Scott at this time (about 1856) but no friend-ship developed for their natures, Scott found, were "antipathetic" (Notes, II, 8). Around 1857, Scott met A.C. Swinburne, then a "schoolboy" of twenty years. Although the two men had an amiable, i f respectfully distanced relationship while Scott was alive, i t was his report of the f i r s t meeting with Swinburne which precipitated the outcry against his Notes and the subsequent blackening of Scott's name. Scott gave several other men the chance to share in the Trevelyans' patronage. Thomas Woolner, the P.R.B. member whose expedition to Australia was a romantic disappointment, received a much needed commission to sculpt a marble group which would occupy the center of the h a l l . Although Scott says that the sculpture was intended to express or typify a l l the history that he was painting, the finished piece was t i t l e d "Mother and Child". Dante Rossetti received a commission for a water-colour picture, "Mary in the House of John", which was done in 1858. Arthur Hughes was another who benefited professionally by Scott's introduction to Wallington Hall. The most important friendship in Scott's personal l i f e was begun through his connections with Wallington Hall and the Trevelyans. In March, 1859, he met Alice Boyd, a lady of about thirty years who wished to find some new interest in art. Impressed by her "interesting face and voice", Scott says that, "I devoted myself to answering this desire of hers, and from day to day the interest on either side increased" (Notes, II, 57). Alice Boyd's brother was the l a i r d of Penkill Castle i n Ayrshire in Scotland, and Scott was the guest of Alice and her brother Spencer i n the summer of 1860. This was the f i r s t of many long v i s i t s and an eventual permanent residency by Scott. The friendship became such that Alice spent the winter months with Scott and his wife in London, while the Scotts, or often just William, passed the summer months at Penkill with Miss Boyd. Although Scott is never specific in his Notes about the success or failure of his marriage, i t i s clear that he considered Alice Boyd, rather than L e t i t i a , his wife, the loving companion in his l i f e . Scott's v i s i t s and correspondence with. Alice were not, at any rate, interfered with by his marital status. Some of the most interesting and informative letters in the Penkill Papers are part of the extensive correspondence between Scott and Alice. In Scott's letters especially, their close friendships with the Pre-Raphaelite members are disclosed, and a l l the letters between Scott and Alice are especially valuable for their honesty and plainness of expression on personal matters. Before his return to London in 1864, Scott had published some art criticism. As a master in the Government School, he had begun, in 1859, to lecture to his classes of senior students. These lectures, collected under the t i t l e of Half-Hour Lectures on the History and Principles of the Arts, were published in' 1861. That this was Scott's f i r s t publication i n art criticism i s unlikely, for the f i r s t letter from Rossetti mentions a paper on Art in the Monthly Repository (Notes, I, 243). In 1864, Scott moved from Newcastle back to London. With changes in the structure of the Government School imminent, he had resigned his position, a move that he later decided was a mistake. Public meetings and testimonials held in honour of Scott's work in Newcastle give evidence that he had won the general respect of the community. More important to his career, however, are the two commissions for paintings which he received. Sir Walter Trevelyan, apparently pleased by the results of the large paintings, commissioned a series of pictures for the upper spandrels of Wellington Hall. The subject was the ballad of Chevy Chase, "from Earl Percy's going out 20 to the bringing home of the dead". These were placed in 1870. The second commission was made through subscriptions by friends and colleagues, who wished to commemorate Scott's service to the people of Newcastle. Approximately .£200 was given Scott on his departure for London, and he f u l f i l l e d his com-mission in 1865 with a picture entitled "The Building of the New Castle; The Origin of the Town." On establishing himself in London, Scott began to form around him a c i r c l e of friends, contacting many acquaintances of his previous l i f e in London. Of his former c i r c l e of a r t i s t s , Frith and Egg, had become Academy members and Scott found their company generally uninteresting. As a result, the Pre-Raphaelite Brothers and their " s a t e l l i t e s " became Scott's most valued friends. Following his i n i t i a l contact with Rossetti and Hunt in 1847 or 1848, Scott had come to know Woolner, Munro, William Michael Rossetti, Arthur Hughes, M i l l a i s , Morris, and Burne-Jones. In London again he was well equipped with friends who could stimulate both his a r t i s t i c and literary impulses. His next twenty years were his most productive, especially in the f i e l d of art history and criticism. The Half-Hour Lectures of the Newcastle period were revised in 1867 and again in 1874. His poem "Anthony" was published in 1868, in the Fortnightly Review. During the f i r s t years after his return to London, Scott was working on a book about Albert Durer, collecting prints by this a r t i s t and doing etchings of his own to act as i l l u s t r a t i o n s . The book, published in 1869, was intended to provide for the British public an authentic account of Durer*s l i f e and works. In his Preface to the volume, Scott comments that considering Durer's popularity in England, i t i s quite remarkable that "no English book about Albert Durer, no complete translation of his Journal, Letters, and other pieces, no catalogue or c r i t i c a l 21 account of his works, should have yet appeared." By 1882, however, Scott considered his book "antiquated by the rapidly-developing Durer literature in Germany" (Notes, II, 193). The year 1870 began a decade of intensive publishing, commencing with an a r t i c l e in the Fortnightly Review on "Ornamental Art in England." Scott's position i n this a r t i c l e i s that "a higher appreciation and feeling for the beautiful, and for the moral uses of taste, w i l l simplify a l l our application 22 of ornament." His a r t i c l e explains how the Government Schools of Design especially have attempted to do this. In March of this year, he contributed i a note on Ebenezer Jones to Notes and Queries. The following year, 1871, brought two more minor publications, one a report on "Miscellaneous Art" in an o f f i c i a l report on the London International Exhibition of this year. The second was a review in Fraser's Magazine t i t l e d "The Art Season of 1871," in which Scott discussed the possible harm to English art resulting from the influx of French artists into England. Scott's major publication in this year was his book, Gems of French Art, which he described as a picture-book, "a Gallery of Pictures done in small." He attempts to i l l u s t r a t e , by sixteen prints and his comments on them, the state of contemporary French' h i s t o r i c a l and "genre" art which he considers inferior to.English art of the same period. A criticism of English artist s comes through, however, in his discussion of the French a r t i s t s ' capacity for unity of sentiment and colour. He says of the new English painters "the t e r r i b l e , the tragic, or the pathetic seem a l l impossible in presence of the trumpery seductions of bright colours or 23 'charming b i t s ' of colour by way of relieving the sadness of the monotony." The next year, 1872, Scott published three books on art: The Br i t i s h School of Sculpture with twenty engravings and f i f t y woodcuts; Our Br i t i s h Landscape Painters with sixteen engravings, and a book on 24 modern Belgian art similar to the previous volume on French art. In 1873 he brought out Murillo and the Spanish School of Painting, with, fifteen engravings and nineteen woodcuts, and a volume on modern German art. This year also brought the f i r s t of several editions of poetry with a memoir and il l u s t r a t i o n s by Scott. The editions of Keats, and of L e t i t i a Elizabeth Landon in this year, were followed i n 1874 by editions of Byron, Shelley and Coleridge. In this general period, although the dates are uncertain, are two books of pictures with notices of the subject and painter, one oh The  Venetian Painters and one on The Italian Masters-Lesser and Greater. Scott's own a r t i s t i c talent came into the public view again i n 1875 with Poems, illustrated by himself and Alma Tadema. The book was apparently near publication in 1873, but Scott's decision to make i t an illustrated book delayed publication u n t i l 1875 and perhaps also affected the number of buyers. A letter from Rossetti, which Scott dates as 1873, encourages him to publish, saying "such a moment is the very one for such a piece of work as doing justice to your poetical chances once for a l l " (Notes, II, 202). Scott acknowledges his gratitude to Rossetti's interest, and to the encouragement of Swinburne and Morris, in his dedicatory sonnet. Many c r i t i c s , Scott reports ruefully, saw both the dedication and Tadema's etchings, as attempts of the poet to "bolster up [his] now inadequate powers of pleasing" (Notes, II, 204). However, a later assessment, by the writer of the D.N.B. a r t i c l e suggests that this volume "marks Scott's highest point of achievement in 25 Poetry" because many of the sonnets had been anthologized. Scott also published an edition of Shakespeare, and in The Examiner published a review of Letters on Landscape Art. While this period of intensive publishing suggests to an objective observer that Scott had f i n a l l y found his place in the literary world, i t was a discouraging situation to the producer of a l l these works. He had been writing, in his art books, analyses of other men's success, instead of gaining renown for himself. His work on editions of poetry had set him writing memoirs of poets who had gained recognition, while he remained a "pictor ignotus." His own volume when presented to the world brought the admiration of a few loyal friends, but the scornful words of c r i t i c s who accused him of attempting to gain glory through association with men of proven a b i l i t y . Scott dates an assessment of his literary work as taking place before the summer of 1872, but as the books he mentions were published either in this year or later, i t i s l i k e l y the s e l f - c r i t i c i s m took place later. Looking back at the books written in the previous years, he says they were "better than they deserved to be, and only made me feel that I was throwing my time away, and was in danger of looking like a literary hack; so I did no more" (Notes, II, 170). The last five years of the 1870's nevertheless brought more publica-tions, i f at a slower rate. Scott wrote the introduction to a reprint of Albert Altdorfe's The F a l l of Man, published by the Holbein Society in 1876. In the next year he published an edition of Sir Walter Scott's Works, followed by William Blake: Etchings from his Works, in 1878. In 1879, he wrote an a r t i c l e in Fraser's Magazine entitled "A Portfolio of Ancient Engravings," in which Scott leads the reader into the delights of a judiciously assembled collection of engravings. The L i t t l e Masters appeared also in 1879, as one volume in a "Series of Illustrated Biographies of the Great A r t i s t s . " This last book was republished in 1880. Scott's last publication of the art history he had apparently come to scorn was a descrip-tive catalogue designed to i l l u s t r a t e The Art of Engraving on Copper and Wood  from the Florentine Niello Workers of the Fifteenth Century to that of William  Blake. The publications in the next decade are sparse: a volume of poetry, i n 1882, t i t l e d A Poet's Harvest Home, and a book of etchings i l l u s t r a t i n g the Kingis Quair paintings on the staircase at Penkill, published in 1887. If Scott had given up his role as art historian and reviewer, he was s t i l l busy on li t e r a r y projects. Before his death he had prepared for the press a f i n a l volume of twenty poems called Aftermath, but the anxiety of publishing became too great, and Alice Boyd decided against publication at this time. A second edition of A Poet's Harvest Home was published posthumously in 1893, and in this edition the Aftermath appeared. The last decade of Scott's l i f e was also that of the f i n a l rewriting of the Autobiographical  Notes. While 1882 is the date given by Scott as the >last year he worked on the Notes, editor William Minto discloses that even during his years of invalidism at Penkill, Miss Boyd would find Scott re-writing and revising u n t i l late at night. For the three summer months in the year 1865 to 1868, Scott was painting the staircase at Penkill castle with illustrations of the King's Quair, the poem written by James the Fi r s t of Scotland while i n exile. During the winter months of the same years, 1865 to 1868, Scott had a different project, the decoration of the windows of the South Kensington Ceramic Gallery. His purpose was to depict the history of the ceramic arts on the windows. D i f f i c u l t i e s in regulating the intensity of light coming through the windows caused Scott to experiment in several media, and he found a satisfactory solution i n doing the designs in "graffito" on a burnt umber ground. In 1869 Scott received a commission for the staircases and doors of the South Kensington Lecture Theatre, but although he prepared drawings for this work, i t was never carried out. His association with South Kensington brought him, i n 1873, a position as an assistant examiner, which occupied him for a month or longer each summer un t i l 1885. L i t t l e else of Scott's work in the later years of his l i f e i s known. Miss Boyd, in the concluding chapter to the Notes, says that Scott painted a l i t t l e when well enough. As late as September, 1887, he began a picture of Iona, which was unfinished at the time of his death. Exactly how many pictures Scott painted i s hard to ascertain from published sources. The Dictionary of National Biography asserts that Scott exhibited twenty pictures in London between 1838 and 1869, but many cannot be identified for Scott himself says l i t t l e of them. Algernon Graves, in his Dictionary of Artists from 1700 to 1893 l i s t s thirty-one pictures exhibited between 1840 and 1873. Seven were shown at the Royal Academy, nine at the Br i t i s h Institute, four at the Society of British A r t i s t s , and eleven i n various exhibitions such as the Portland Gallery and the Institute of O i l Painters, whatever the details, and they remain d i f f i c u l t to determine, Scott did place his work before the public. Because of the d i f f i c u l t y of determining exactly when, where and what Scott exhibited, i t is nearly impossible to gain an understanding of how his contemporaries viewed his art. Bryan's Dictionary asserts that in Scott's art "the exyuberance of his fancy" is most striking, and goes on to say that,"this, combined with his fine sense of style and his instinct for the picturesque, compensates largely for his somewhat.faulty draughtsman-26 ship and his occasional failings as a colorist." Noting that Scott took much care i n studying details and accessories, the writer of the ar t i c l e adds that i n decorative ornament Scott is at his best, for "here his faculty of invention and his fine taste give him high rank." The conclusion drawn by the biographical writers is an unfortunate one for a "pictor ignotus," as both Bryan's Dictionary and the D.N._B. suggest that Scotts' reputation w i l l ultimately rest on his poetry, not his paintings. Scott never gained popular acclaim for either his a r t i s t i c or poetic undertaking, but from the people who came to know him, he gained respect, for, and interest i n , his work. His contemporaries bought, recommended, and enjoyed, his work. r The value of a survey of Scott's work is not in the tracing of a developing genius. It l i e s rather i n an understanding of the scope of his interests, especially in the knowledge that he was not merely one who discussed and c r i t i c i z e d , but one who acted. He was sympathetic, through experience, with the despair of the ar t i s t and he knew the poet's fear to expose his work to those who are waiting to tear at i t , instead of hoping to enjoy i t . Scott's s k i l l s , we have seen, were many. He was an engraver and etcher, a teacher of art, a painter in o i l and water-colours, and a designer of decoration. He was adept at fresco, and could devise an a r t i s t i c technique where one was needed. His poetry was a life-long involvement, and he took seriously the criticisms and encouragement of other poets, such as Rossetti. As a li t e r a r y historian he was concerned with giving information about subjects he knew were not well known. From boyhood (as his v i s i t to Sir Walter Scott indicates) Scott strove to go beyond himself and his own capacities for enrichment, knowledge, amusement, and new interests. During his long l i f e , he had a wide retinue of acquaintances and friends, people whom he cultivated because they could offer him something which he did not then have, or who came to him because of what he could offer them. Scott lived an active l i f e and his contribution to the lives of others who were, like Scott, the creators, the builders, the thinkers of his time, is an important aspect of his reputation. He was involved in many professions and in each new role he expanded his knowledge of men. It was characteristic of Scott to share his fortune with his acquaintances, and he consistently recommended work he liked to those in a position to advance his artist or poet friends. His Autobiographical Notes show that Scott, through his own actions and his friendships, was a man intensely aware of and involved in the changes taking place in his century. FOOTNOTES CHAPTER 1 William Bell Scott, Autobiographical Notes of the Life of William  Bell Scott, ed. William Minto, 2 Vols. (London: Osgood, 1892). Hereafter cited as Notes. Dante Gabriel Rossetti, Letters of Dante Gabriel Rossetti, ed. Oswald Doughty and J.R. Wahl (Oxford: Clarendon, 1965), I, 33. The Penkill Papers at U.B.C. possesses one of the notebooks Scott used i n writing this journal. On the f l y leaf he has written "William Bell Scott Newcastle-on-Tyne March 1847". Much of the book, is mutilated through pages being ripped i n half, but i n most cases the subject can be followed, even i f the exact meaning i s not clear. ^Lona Mosk Packer, Christina Rossetti (Berkeley: University of California, 1963), p. 63. William Bell Scott, Memoir of David Scott R.S.A. (Edinburgh: Black, 1850). The f i r s t autobiographical journal written by Scott was completed in 1854, i t was therefore probably b,egun or i n progress about the time of his Memoir of David. Many details of family are given i n the Memoir which are not included i n the Notes. ' William Bell Scott, i n the Notes, wrongly gives the year as 1832. Bryan's Dictionary of Painters and Engravers (London: G. B e l l , 1921), V. p. 58. The t i t l e of this poem varies in spelling. In the Notes Scott spells i t "Rosabell," while i n the Monthly Repository i t is spelled "Rosabelle." In Poems by a Painter (1854), the poem was t i t l e d "Maryanne," curvJL there Scott refers to the original t i t l e as "Rosabel." q William Bell Scott t e l l s this story i n Notes, I, 133. The original a r t i c l e by Lewes i s not available for reference. 1 0William Bell Scott, Poems (London: Smith Elder, 1854), 171. The sonnet i s t i t l e d , "On reading Haydon's Autobiography." John Gere and Robin Ironside, eds. The Pre-Raphaelite Painters (London: Phaidon, 1948),p.22. William Bell Scott, "Ornamental Art in England," Fortnightly  Review, Oct. 1, 1870. William Bell Scott, Gems of French Art (London: Routledge, 1871), p. 13. This information i s from the D.N.B. a r t i c l e cited i n note 18. However, a letter from Rossetti of August 1871 (Notes, II, 149), mentions the "Belgian book," suggesting 1871 was the year of publication. References to Leys and Tadema i n the Rossetti letter exclude the "Belgian book" as another t i t l e for Gems of French Art. D.N.B., XVII, 1052. The a r t i c l e i s signed Rfonald] Bfayne]. Bryan's Dictionary, V, 59. CHAPTER TWO Editing of the Notes Two years after William Bell Scott's death, his Autobiographical  Notes were published. They represent a lifelong concern with recording his own a c t i v i t i e s and with commenting on the.lives of other men whose lives touched him. As a young man of sensitive and a r t i s t i c a l l y ambitious nature, Scott probably began in his late teens to record the events i n his l i f e which impressed him. The details of his l i f e in Edinburgh, as preserved i n his Notes, suggest that Scott employed some form of diary or journal, i f only something of the order of an appointment or occasion book. It seems li k e l y from Scott's later recording tendencies that the move to London i n 1837, a long awaited g i f t of freedom, would provide certain stimulus to keep at least a log book or day-diary of special occurrences, and perhaps even a more a r t i s t i c a l l y self-conscious journal of his new l i f e and friends. Scott states in his Notes that in May 1854 he completed his f i r s t Autobiographical  Journal consisting of 400 f o l i o pages, and he suggests that then, at the age of 43, he decided that such a preoccupation was foolish (Notes, I, 2). If the remarks in the Prologue to his Notes do refer primarily to this work, the Journal should have satisfied several purposes. On the objective level i t recorded Scott's experiences, especially those of childhood, and contained notes on the a c t i v i t i e s of other men he had known. Some structuring i s implied by Scott's comment that he tried, in this journal, to make a connected history of the externals of his own career. However, i t was the subjective purpose of the book which was most important to Scott. His hopes for the journal's self-educational value were defeated when he realized that he could learn very l i t t l e about himself from the record he had kept. Scott's exact meaning is d i f f i c u l t to pinpoint, but his sense of frustration, almost to the point of self-disgust, comes out most clearly. The journal f a i l s in i t s educational role, Scott says, because of the d i f f i c u l t y of taking an objective point of view about oneself. Scott may have meant that objectivity i s obtainable, but when the state is reached further problems arise which entrap one more, and make this quest for self-knowledge a l l the more d i f f i c u l t . In abandoning the journal, he says "It is no more a true picture of what we saw, f e l t , enjoyed, suffered, but of mistakes and reasons — the dead elements of the scene" (Notes, I, 2).^" These words, placed at the beginning of his f i n a l book, disclose that Scott meant his readers to under-stand clearly the retrospective nature of his comments on his l i f e and his contact with other men. Scott destroyed his f i r s t journal i n 1877, when he decided to rewrite his reminiscences. He insists that his younger self was "unable to see what was f i t and what was unfit for possible preservation." But who was this "younger s e l f " responsible for such unsuitable jottings? Although Scott may have started his journal as early as his days in Edinburgh, there i s no concrete suggestion of this in the Notes. In his discussion of the book's inception, Scott points to a certain time of l i f e when a man i s l i k e l y to begin an assessment of his past: "when our course i s f i r s t v i s i b l y settled by profession and marriage." For Scott this time occurred about 1844, when he was given a post at Newcastle. The Journal was ended i n 1854, and i f one assumes a short period between Scott's decisions for marriage and a profession, and his beginning of his l i f e ' s record, i t is possible that he wrote the 400 f o l i o pages over a ten year span. The part of his early journal preserved i n the Penkill Papers is dated 1847, but reference i n the f i r s t , mutilated page of the notebook suggests that the account was begun in 1845. Circumstances of Scott's l i f e in the few years following 1850, may illuminate somewhat his reasons for writing and discontinuing his recollec-tions. His contact with the Pre-Raphaelite group he described i n retrospect as "the beginning of a new interest in l i f e . " The record of his l i f e v e r i f i e s that at this time Scott did begin to work with a new vigor, producing the Memoir of his brother David in 1850, and Prince Legion and Antiquarian Gleanings in 1851. The deaths i n 1849 and 1852 respectively of his brother and mother meant a concrete release from family responsibility, and i f Scott's assertion that he f e l t a sense of re-birth seems over-dramatic, 2 the basic situation can be imagined as conducive to change. Scott's abandonment of this journal i n 1854 is most easily explained by the observa-tion that he extended his a c t i v i t i e s and friendships significantly at this time. Poems by a Painter appeared in 1854, and brought with i t a series of connections important to his career and personal l i f e . The Wallington murals, the Trevelyans, and Alice Boyd a l l became major influences on Scott's l i f e i n the late eighteen f i f t i e s . Scott probably l e f t off writing his early journal, not through any immediate sense of self-disgust, but primarily because of the pressure of other work. A far more self-conscious attitude to his recollections is evident in Scott's resumption, in 1877, of his role as journal-writer. Not only from his feelings about his inadequate younger self, but especially from his attitudes to humanity in general does a picture of the writer of the Notes come through. The man who edited out the spontaneous impressions of an earlier age i s a man who could declare that "We live surrounded by so many social conventions, we go about with so many deceptive coverings, that a sincere attempt at self-portaiture in writing i s lik e walking into the street naked ..." He implies a strong awareness of the potential e v i l in his fellow men, in that he speaks of "the devil" as a bond between a l l men: "the touch of nature that makes the whole world kin" (Notes, I, 5). His task in his new auto-biography w i l l be to present r e a l i t i e s , not appearances. Generally these explanatory remarks suggest few p o s s i b i l i t i e s about the l i t t l e understood character of William Bell Scott, who began at age sixty-six to re-write the story of his l i f e , and who continued work on his autobiography as long as he was able. Alice Boyd's comments in the concluding chapter indicate that he was never wholly satisfied with a l l that he had put on paper. This self-consciousness, a concern for the opinion of those who would survive him, i s reflected also in two autobiographical sketches Scott wrote. Both are among the Penkill Papers. In the earliest, probably written about 1880, he describes himself as "foredoomed to follow painting as a profession, though his poetry and the books he has published ... make i t a question, whether the divided interests, and somewhat opposite claims on his attention, evinced by his carrying on writing and painting almost simultaneously, have been in his favour." He describes the Wallington murals as his principal work in painting, and states that The Year of the World was an "exceedingly erudite and allegorical produc-tion which the world at large took l i t t l e notice of." A second, and probably later, memoir in Scott's hand has notations u n t i l 1889 when he was granted an L.L.D. by Aberdeen University. In this version, The Year of the World i s described as "abstruce" while the Wallington paintings are s t i l l his most important work in painting. Paintings and books which he feels are superior are l i s t e d , and the memoir takes on a more personal tone as he describes his architectural work, the addition to Penkill: "Of this latest work Mr. Scott is perhaps more proud than of anything else he has done in the various application of his a b i l i t i e s . " Scott's w i l l , also among the Penkill Papers, is the f i n a l document he l e f t which gives an indication of his attitudes to his autobiographical work. Dated July 2nd 1890, the w i l l requests i n section 10 that Professor W. Minto of Abderdeen University "shall undertake the office of my Literary Executor of revising and preserving the MS entitled the Autobiography of, or some Records of the Life of William Bell Scott l e f t by me, ensuring the Publication of the same, when the proper time arrives." He further specifies that when Minto begins the task, he should be sent Scott's proposed etchings for the book, the original letters quoted in the manuscript, and a legacy ot ^  three hundred pounds. Scott f i n a l l y suggests that perhaps Minto might republish his Poet's Harvest Home with an "Aftermath." Scott's instructions to Minto make i t clear that he intends his manuscript to be published. In anticipation of his death, Scott committed the result of his life-long occupation to the jurisdiction of another man, a man he must have trusted completely on such matters. II Who was William Minto and what was his special knowledge that prompted Scott to choose him as a lit e r a r y executor? In a letter of October 28, 1874, Scott describes to Alice a "new man" who attended a dinner party given by his wife L e t i t i a . William Minto, he says, i s Editor of the Examiner, and has asked Scott i f he would write in that journal. Scott describes him as a "very agreeable and well educated l i t e r a r y man" but goes on to specify that this means "without individual peculiarity and the force of genius." Minto had moved to London from Aberdeen i n 1873, and by 1874 had written for both the Daily News and the Pa l l Mall Gazette. It was as a journalist, then, that Minto f i r s t was known to Scott. If Scott was unimpressed by his new acquaintance's genius, he certainly recognized his value as a "contact" with the literary world i n which he strove to make his mark. Letters in the Penkill Papers affirm that i n the mid-eighties Minto was i n regular contact with Scott. The summer of 1885 brought Minto an invitation to v i s i t Penkill, but circumstances did not allow i t . A year later Minto wrote Scott of a dinner party at which he saw Edmund Gosse (fat and flourishing) as well as Swinburne and Theodore Watts (both in good form). A letter of July 22, 1886, asks Scott for some biographical information to be given the editor of an Aberdeen newspaper. Minto says that he knows a l l Scott's poetry, and his Germ contributions, but knows l i t t l e about his " o f f i c i a l career." The tone of this request i s somewhat coy, and could be an attempt at flattery. Minto does know that Scott i s writing busily, and hopes part of his writing time w i l l be spent composing verse. Manuscript pages in Alice Boyd's hand (PP) disclose that Minto paid long v i s i t s to Scott in his last three years, and that these v i s i t s included many nights when the two men closeted themselves away to work. Early in 1890, Minto decided to publish Scott's latest collection of poems, an Aftermath, on Scott's direc-tion that he should not see i t u n t i l published. Minto arranged the details, but the project was abandoned when Alice Boyd feared that Scott was becoming upset by the activity. The task which Minto undertook in seeing Scott's book through the press i s documented in his 87 letters to Alice Boyd written between October 1890 and October 1892 i n the Penkill Collection (hereafter cited as P.P. for Penkill Papers). On December 21, 1890, Minto wrote to Alice about the terms of Scott's w i l l . Minto was to insure publication of the Notes "when the proper time arrives," and he requests c l a r i f i c a t i o n of this statement. He wonders i f Scott ever specified an interval which should elapse before publication because . "some of his remarks about Ruskin, for instance, he could hardly have contemplated being published during the lifetime of.that i n d i v i -dual." Minto feels that a long interval would be impossible because of "an abdundance of valuable h i s t o r i c a l matter that might be published and would interest tomorrow." Not u n t i l June of 1891 did Minto report work on the manuscript. The letters from this point disclose three areas of information about the. editing of the Notes. Fir s t i s the easily anticipated information about omissions, repressions, and Minto's editorial policies. Second i s the disclosure that Minto became unusually subjective about his edi t o r i a l problems, and maintained a point of view which could be considered damaging to his presentation of Scott's original material. Third i s the fact that other men than-Minto also became personally involved with the manuscript Calthough they had not even seen i t ) and were, as a result, prepared to attack the book even before i t reached the public view. As Minto becomes more involved in the practical work of editing, he i s influenced more and more by personal f r i c t i o n with, men who. for various reasons wished to thwart the publication of Scott's Notes. I n i t i a l l y , the problems he encounters are easily handled by an exercise of his own discre-tion, and his solutions are approved through consultation with Alice Boyd. In the earliest letters, of June 1891, Minto suggests to Alice the correction of a mis-dated Rossetti letter, and they agree on the omission of an episode concerning Mathilde Blind and Joaquin Miller.. Later,, on June 26, he asks advice from Alice on some letters by Rossetti and by Swinburne which Scott has incorporated into his manuscript. Minto finds that "the dear Autobiographer" has made complications by repeated revisions and interpolations in these letters. Minto already expresses worried anticipation at having to get permission to use such documents. Repressions, however, w i l l apparently be few, for in 200 pages of manuscript Minto has found l i t t l e of importance which w i l l have to be kept out. His policy w i l l be to keep back only what might give legitimate offence. The question of l i b e l was f i r s t raised in August 1891, when a friend asked Minto who was to pay the l i b e l costs after the book was pub-lished (P.P. Aug. 1, 1891). Minto subsequently learned that i t was "public opinion" that the book would be libelous, and in refuting the accusers, he began his more subjective involvement. In the spring of 1892, l i b e l charges again became a pos s i b i l i t y after an American reader of the proofs found them dangerous. Minto had Mr. Morse, Scott's l i t e r a r y executor, read the proofs for libelous material and as a result several passages were repressed. Objection was made to a passage about Ruskin and Turner, and Minto questions Alice: "But i f W.B. thought the story important, I could hardly find i t consistent with my edi t o r i a l duty to omit i t ? " (P.P., June 22, 1892). Apparently Alice replied (as she cw'as doubtless supposed to.) that Minto could not endanger himself or the book by courting l i b e l charges. In July, after another lawyer, representing the publisher Mcllvainei had read the manuscript, Minto announced that "The only really important concession .I have made are the Swinburne novel-reading incident at Wallington and the private sketch book of Turner" (P.P., July 9, 1892). Among other changes made or allowed by Minto are the elimination of a passage on Scott's marriage and his wife L e t i t i a , and revisions to references about Rossetti and Elizabeth Siddal, which Scott had apparently taken out of context. Swinburne refused to allow a letter of his to be published, and Minto chose not to publish a letter by Hake about Rossetti. These last two examples are concerned with, the next area of information about Minto's editorial procedures, for they involve his personal identification with his old friend's writing. In the early stages of editing, when Minto was f i r s t approaching Scott's correspondents about using their letters, he was surprised by the reluctance he encountered, and wrote to Alice: "really there i s nothing given by the Hermit, in the case of his friends at least, to which there could by any rational objection." He added, "It i s really out of friendliness that dear old W.B. wished to preserve some memorials of them i n his l i f e " (P.O., July 15, 1891). But less than a month later, Minto had adopted a different point of view on the issue of Scott's public personality, for he wrote Alice, "Really i t would seem as i f the dear Hermit's sarcasm, which never struck me as being i n the least ill-natured has impressed his friends with the idea that he was a most terrible person" (P.P., Aug. 1, 1891). Minto encountered this view of Scott in the course of his attempts to gain permission to publish letters which Scott had incorporated i n his manuscript. Minto's i n i t i a l policy was that he would show the proofs to the people involved before publication, and i f he could not use the letters he would just omit them and rewrite the adjoining passages. The letters of William Holman Hunt, he found, were really the only ones of v i t a l importance to the continuity of the Notes. Experience, and knowledge of the dislike of Scott harboured by some men, caused Minto to change his policy about the letters. An interview with Edmund Gosse, reported to Alice just two days after Minto had said that Scott's friends "at least" could not be reluctant about the book, was one of Minto's enlightening experiences. Gosse, described as "inclined.to be nasty," apparently had heard that the book was to consist mainly of letters. Minto said that Gosse "almost made my blood b o i l to the point of indiscretion by speaking of the old man as having been very severe in his judgment l a t t e r l y . " Although he set Gosse straight as to "the friendly and genial tone, of the reminiscences" he Was s t i l l suspicious that Gosse "means mischief." These encounters caused Minto to resort to a less straightforward ed i t o r i a l policy. He informed Alice (P.P., Sept. 13, 1891) that where consent to publish was d i f f i c u l t to obtain, and the letter important, he would put the passages i n 26 the f i r s t person, as i f Scott were quoting from memory. Theodore Watts, then the companion of Swinburne, was trying, Minto f e l t , to have a "finger in the pie." Swinburne had written to Minto i n July 1891, expressing pleasure that he had been named editor, and allowing some suggested changes in a letter written by him (Swinburne Letters, ed. Lang, V. 6, p. 9). As a result Watts and Minto had an interview which, was described to Alice as "amusing." By October 11, Minto's relationship with the Swinburne household had deteriorated. Swinburne wrote a very stern letter refusing Minto permission to publish his letters, saying that he saw nothing worthy of preservation in those letters Minto had sent (Swinburne  Letters, V. 6, p. 294). The letter suggests that Swinburne is reacting to the rumours about the book for he specifies that i n spite of. his "deep and cordial regard" for Scott, he does not want his letters i n the forthcoming book. Minto responds that Swinburne can "be d d" ands adds that they are well rid of his "early effusions." Other evidence that a l l was not really "cordial" i s Minto's refusal to print a letter by Hake on Rossetti because of some "opportunity" i t would give Theodore Watts. The subtleties of this decision are not explained, but they are perhaps related to Watts' position as a reviewer for the ^thenaeum. While constantly defending Scott's motives, Minto is nevertheless amused by the wavering between solicitousness and indignation shown by those men who fear exposure in the Notes. He clearly enjoys the role of relative omniscience for he expresses to Alice "a certain fun" i n having to handle reminiscences" heUdS' s t i l l suspicious that Gosse "means mischief." These encounters caused Minto to resort to a less straightforward editorial policy. He informed Alice (P.P., Sept. 13, 1891) that where consent to publish was difficult to obtain, and the letter important, he would put the passages in 26 the first person, as i f Scott were quoting from memory. Theodore Watts, then the companion of Swinburne, was trying, Minto felt, to have a "finger in the pie." Swinburne had written to Minto in July 1891, expressing pleasure that he had been named editor, and allowing some suggested changes in a letter written by him (Swinburne Letters, ed. Lang, V. 6, p. 9). As a result Watts and Minto had an interview which- was described to Alice as "amusing." By October 11, Minto's relationship with the Swinburne household had deteriorated. Swinburne wrote a very stern letter refusing Minto permission to publish his letters, saying that h_e saw nothing worthy of preservation in those letters Minto had sent (Swinburne  Letters, V. 6, p. 294). The letter suggests that Swinburne is reacting to the rumours about the book for he specifies that in spite of. his "deep and \ cordial regard" for Scott, he does not want his letters in the forthcoming 'i book. Minto responds that Swinburne can "be d d" ands adds that they are well rid of his "early effusions." Other evidence that a l l was not really "cordial" is Minto's refusal to print a letter by Hake on Rossetti because of some "opportunity" i t would give Theodore Watts. The subtleties of this decision are not explained, but they are perhaps related to Watts' position ' as a reviewer for the .Athenaeum. While constantly defending Scott's motives, Minto is nevertheless amused by the wavering between solicitousness and indignation shown by those men who fear exposure in the Notes. He clearly enjoys the role of relative omniscience for he expresses to Alice "a certain fun" in having to handle such "touchy personalities" as Gosse and Watts. The omniscient role also comes through Minto's assertion that he w i l l show William Rossetti the complimentary remarks made about him, i n order to reassure him about the book, but he adds, "On the other hand I fancy we are not called upon to show W.M.R. before-hand the remarks on his Germ sonnet." The encounters with Watts and Swinburne lead Minto to consider "as a lark." including an epilogue containing replies to requests to publish, for he i s amused that "a great deal of character" comes out in the answers. The publication date of the book was set for November 15, and much earlier in the month Minto was nervously anticipating an unwelcome reception. A letter to Alice on the 2nd, meant to prepare her for the expected blow, also exposes Minto's involvement and suspicious anxiety. Theodore Watts, who was l i k e l y to review the book for the Athenaeum, is one v i l l a i n , "a wretched l i t t l e pettyfogging creature." If he i s not on his good behaviour i n the Athenaeum notice of the Autobiography when i t comes out., I must have a l i t t l e go at him. If only he would sign his name to a deprecatory notice! Then would there would be some ink shed ere set of sun. "Smite them down, Theodore, smite them down." Do you remember his great poem on the Armada? ... Remember we must be prepared for any number of i l l -natured people trying to plant their l i t t l e stings. What does i t matter? Nobody whose opinion i s worth having can read these notes without feeling the charm of a great and lovable personality. (P.P., Nov. 2, 1892), By mid-November Minto had received encouragement from Richard le Gallienne, who planned to review the Notes. But he s t i l l f e l t i t necessary to warn Alice about the "biting and snapping": He had too strong an individuality not to offend some. But ... I have too much faith in the general sense of the B r i t i s h public, even of the average c r i t i c not to feel certain that the reception of the work w i l l be warm and sympathetic. (P.P., Nov, 14, 1892). Even in his anticipation of a quarrel Minto is sure of victory. Re writes that "Those c r i t i c s primed to regard the Notes as ill-natured " w i l l defeat themselves. Criticism w i l l excite readers to look at the books for them-selves, and they w i l l then see the absurdity of the charges: "Thus are the malicious caught in their own snare." (JP.T?. , Nov. 17, 1892). Two subjects of importance emerge from the letters from Minto to Alice during the period of his editorship."* The f i r s t i s that Minto's role as editor was both active and personal. His concluding chapter on Scott is certainly valuable for the chronicling of the last and quite active years of Scott's l i f e . However, his strongest influence on the.public conception of Scott as a man definitely shows through his editing of Scott's original words. For h i s t o r i c a l accuracy, this influence is a positive one, because of his concern with correct dating and accurate transcription, of letters. The Penkill letters do indicate, however, that Minto's involvement with the material, especially that referring to individuals s t i l l alive, interfered with his e d i t o r i a l objectivity about inclusions and omissions. In several instances, Minto's admittedly well-intentioned interest has shaped Scott's manuscript into a document for which Scott could not, technically, be held responsible. These changes are not drastic, and Alice Boyd's acquiescence to them could mean they did not express sentiments unfamiliar to Scott. Yet alterations were made, and often for personal reasons rather than for editorial correctness. The second point of interest i s that the controversy over the Notes was anticipated much before the date of publication. Minto was aware that the books would bring forth various objections, but as editor he con-sidered the h i s t o r i c a l value more important than the wounding of a few egos. It is also clear that certain men. were waiting for the appearance of the Notes as a chance to vent long-repressed h o s t i l i t y against Scott. Swinburne's published letters, for example, show that Minto was not imagining h o s t i l i t y in Swinburne's refusal to have his letters printed. The poet meant the refusal as a warning that anything objectionable in the Notes would be challenged. (Swinburne Letters, Vol, 294) The presence, weeks before the books were published, of two committed and opposing sides may help to explain the intensity, the frequent t r i v i a l i t y , and the damaging nature of the resulting controversy over Scott's autobiography. FOOTNOTES CHAPTER 2 The Autobiographical Journal of 1847, now in the Penkill Papers begins with doubtful sentiments about the usefulness of journal writing. Unfortunately these pages are mutilated enough to make transcription highly conj ectural. 2 Reference to the mutilated journals verifies that Scott's experience of death with David and his mother, was intensely.felt. He also comments on the gratifying success of his Memoir of David. See William Knight's essay on Minto i n Some Nineteenth Century  Scotsmen, 1903. ^William Michael Rossetti caught Minto's use of this technique, but he blamed i t on Scott; "Mr. Scott ... proceeds to quote some words of mine, which (as he puts i t ) I 'said' but I fancy that i n fact I wrote them, in the year 1872." (Memoir I 278). < ~*The many specific references to changes or suppressions in the Notes, which appear in Minto's letters to Alice Boyd, verify the importance of these Penkill Papers to the study of Pre-Raphaelite and Victorian figures. A catalogue of the references w i l l supplement the previous discussion of Minto's influence on the Notes. 1890 Dec. 31 Ruskin \, 1891 June 6 Rossetti; Swinburne July 13 M[athilde] Blind and Joaquin [Miller] R[ossetti] July 15 Morris; Holman Hunt: Rossetti July 21 Swinburne Sept. 2 Rossetti Sept. 3 William M. Rossetti Sept. 13 Rossetti; Dr. Hake; Hueffer; Marzials; Tadema; William Rossetti Oct. 15 Swinburne Oct. 16 Woolner Oct. 26 repressions in general; Rossetti and Mr. Lfeyland] Oct. 30 Holman Hunt Nov. 5 Scott's edition of Burns Dec. 15 sketches of Rossetti and Swinburne Jan. 6 planning the last chapter Jan. 13 Scott's marriage Feb. 3 Rossetti; Swinburne;. Munro; Elizabeth Siddal Feb. 26 omission concerning Alice Boyd March 1 Holman Hunt March 6 details of publishing March 13 Rossetti May 16 Ruskin May 18 Ruskin and M i l l a i s ; Rossetti June 22 Mrs. Scott; Ruskin •• . July 9 agent at Wallington; Mr. Lleyland]? Cat Rossetti's); Swinburne; Turner July 30 Leyland incident CHAPTER THREE Controversy P u b l i c i n t e r e s t i n a forthcoming work i s u s u a l l y a welcome sign of a book's p o t e n t i a l success. In the instance of Scott's Notes, however, c u r i o s i t y took the form of rumor and speculation, c o n t r o l l e d by a few, d e f i n i t e l y prejudiced men whose strength lay i n t h e i r l i t e r a r y professions and contacts. To some degree, t h e i r fear of exposure or r i d i c u l e by the author, a man who knew most of them, was assuaged by taking defensive preparation against the expected attack. Discussion of the book's p o s s i b i l i t i e s caused such tension that when the book did appear i t was apparently read by many f o r i t s negative a t t i t u d e s . Had those men with defensive f e e l i n g s been painters or s c u l p t o r s , t h e i r complaints would have c i r c u l a t e d among a small group of sympathizers. Unfortunately f o r Scott, the men who imagined them-selves h i s v i c t i m s were hig h l y v o c a l , with a ready-made forum i n the journals of t h e i r day. Scott's reputation as a man, an a r t i s t , and an authority on a r t i s t i c and l i t e r a r y subjects has been so molded and blackened by the con-troversy which developed, that w r i t e r s today accept the posthumous p i c t u r e of him without question. Rarely does a modern w r i t e r attempt to discover how Scott was spoken of when a l i v e , or how much p u b l i c adoption of the " R o s s e t t i legend" counted i n the reception of h i s Notes. Oswald Doughty, a modern biographer and e d i t o r of R o s s e t t i , has described the posthumous treatment of R o s s e t t i i n terms of an "absurdly Romantic R o s s e t t i legend," In h i s preface to the recent e d i t i o n of R o s s e t t i L e t t e r s , Doughty accuses Theodore Watts and Thomas H a l l Caine of being "acolytes" i n the d e c l i n i n g years of Dante Rossetti's life."'" Their biographies presented R o s s e t t i as a "darkly brooding, mysterious, mystical poet-recluse, a Byronic hero who was also a Vates Sacer, a Poet-Seer." Elsewhere Doughty describes the "scramble" for biographical priority which resulted i n the work of Caine and Sharp (A Victorian Romantic, pp. 5-6). Caine, who was f i r s t in print, "exploited Rossetti as sensational 'news'," while Sharp "buried him under a mass of verbose adulation." Joseph Knight's study of 1887 was dismissed as unsatisfactory by Rossetti's friends and, Doughty says, William Bell Scott was one of Knight's severest c r i t i c s . Scott's Notes of 1892 are cited, f i n a l l y , as another approach to Rossetti which was found unsatisfactory by his contemporaries because of "bitter comments on Rossetti." Because Doughty, unfortunately, does not give the sources of his conclusions, i t is impossible to verify his suggestion that Scott was one of Knight's harshest c r i t i c s . Yet there are. other sources which support the deduction that Scott made his revisions because of current literature on Rossetti. A brief survey of writing on Rossetti between 1882 and 1890 w i l l give insight into three aspects of this situation: the influence on Scott while writing his revisions, the powerful response met by Scott's Notes, and the resulting effect on his reputation. Thomas Hall Caine, who knew Rossetti only i n the last three year of 2 his l i f e , was the f i r s t to present a book-length work on him. There is l i t t l e in the text to suggest that Caine considered Rossetti "sensational" material, but perhaps Doughty's statement refers to the public attitude, rather than to the intent of the writer. Caine prefaces his book with the declaration that his is not a biographical work, as he would not dare to 3 trespass on Watts' prerogative as an o f f i c i a l biographer. Caine i n i t i a l l y stresses that his intention i n writing the book is to give letters between himself and Rossetti, but later he restates his aim as: "My primary purpose is now ... to afford the best view at my command of Rossetti as a man" (p. 267). With this statement of intent i t i s much easier to align many of Caine's remarks, especially those which seem the stuff of "legends." Caine quotes Canon Dixon's estimation that Rossetti. had "an a r t i s t i c tempera-ment as exquisite as was ever bestowed on.man" (p.. 38).. His personal qualities were fearlessness, kindliness, concentration and self-reliance. It was "impossible to have been more free from captiousness, jealousy, envy, or any other form of pettiness than this truly noble man" (p. 39). Rossetti was "the greatest inventor of abstract beauty,, both in form and colour, that this age, perhaps that the world, has.seen" (p. 38). Caine's book is a v i t a l link in. understanding not..only the Rossetti legend, but especially W.B, Scott's attitudes toward i t . In the controversy over Scott's Notes, an interesting and relevant .article appeared i n The  Daily Chronicle in January, 1893. The writer (signed J.A.N..) owned Scott's copy of Caine's Recollections, and the a r t i c l e i s woven around the marginal comments written in by Scott. The comments are described as s a t i r i c a l and objugatory, with Scott's "contemptuous d i s l i k e " of Hall Caine most evident. To Caine's assertion that Rossetti's bodily sensations "were as naught unless they were sanctified by the concurrence of the soul," Scott responded "nonsense." Assertions about the ethical quality of Rossetti's poetry are marked "preposterous." When Caine is most eulogistic, the writer says, Scott i s most scornful. Specific details, such as Scott's assertion that "Jenny" was written "after reading my 'Rosabell'," leave l i t t l e question that Scott was antagonistic to Hall Caine's approach, and that his reading was prompting him to some retaliatory action. The other important biography of 1882 was written by William Sharp, and although the focus was a study of Rossetti's work, Sharp also became over-effusive about Rossetti. Because Watts adopted Scott as a supporter soon after Rossetti's death, Scott knew of Sharp's book while the writing was under way. While Scott considered Caine's writing about Rossetti a pretentious act after such a short acquaintance, he became quite indignant at the subject chosen by William Sharp: "The Character of DGR's Art and Poetry and i t s influence on English Art and Literature." In Scott's opinion "Gabriel's effect on art was n i l " because only his close friends had seen his paintings. The great public interest in Gabriel i s due, Scott feels, to curiosity about his secretiveness and to a desire to know what has been hidden. Scott hopes that this revelation won't "break up the charm" (P.P., June 12, 1882). These sentiments of early June were revised by early July, after Scott had been visited by Sharp. Sharp had convinced a reluctant Scott that he was not an "imposter like Caine" and he was "in society as much as I am." Scott apparently had arranged a v i s i t with Sharp in order to make him understand Rossetti's intention in printing privately, and the "due im-portance [of] the Penkill period of incubation." Scott showed him the volume of proofs from Penkill, and Sharp diplomatically enquired about the writing of "The Stream's Secret." Also, a v i s i t to Penkill by Sharp was tentatively arranged (P.P., July 3, 1882). While i t appeared to Scott in 1882 that Sharp had adopted his point of view, the published book was to show that Sharp was as eager as Caine to present a g l o r i f i e d picture of Rossetti. In his book, he praises Rossetti for his greatness in "both.the great arts of Poetry and Painting." The stature he attained w i l l appear "more remarkable as i t w i l l gain more recognition in days to come." Like Caine, Sharp becomes extravagant about Rossetti's virtues: "A lofty s p i r i t , a subtle and beautiful i n t e l l e c t , a poet and a r t i s t such as the world does not often see, a generous c r i t i c , and a helpful friend ..." (p. 3). In addition to the books of Sharp and Caine, William E. Fredeman l i s t s a third book by W.E. Tirebuck published in 1882. The book, about Rossetti's work and influence, e l i c i t e d these comments from Scott on July 10th: "Eloquent in i t s own way, and good, yet wholly in the dark about the real character of D.G. However i t is only about his painting, very l i t t l e about his poetry." The periodical articles for the two years after Rossetti's death are another rich source of the Rossetti legend. Perhaps Theodore Watts' articles are most important, as his claim to be o f f i c i a l biographer was upheld by William Michael Rossetti. On June 12, 1882, Scott wrote Alice that Watts had visited " in a state of simmer ... boiling over, about Sharp and Caine having prepared themselves as r i v a l acrobats to write books about D.G.R. ... He says Gabriel on his deathbed begged him to let no one else write a l i f e — to write i t himself i f i t was necessary." Watts reportedly bewailed, 'Rossetti has fallen among Philistines ... and I can't help him!' Watts' short a r t i c l e of 1882, "Mr. D.G. Rossetti," carries one of the dominant themes of the legend: "wonderful as was Rossetti as an a r t i s t and poet, he was s t i l l more wonderful, I think, as a man." Identifying chloral as the cause of Rossetti's reclusiveness, Watts proceeds to j u s t i f y his disclosure by lavish praise: "No man ever lived ... who was so generous as he in sympathizing with other men's work, save only when the cruel fumes of chloral turned him against everything." Frederic Stephens, a former Pre-Raphaelite brother and art c r i t i c for the Athenaeum, appends his own comments to Watts' a r t i c l e . Rossetti's dual a r t i s t i c a b i l i t i e s , w i l l cause him "to stand alone, a genius unique and unparalleled." Edmund Gosse, another young man who visited Rossetti, wrote an a r t i c l e on Rossetti for 53 the Century Magazine which indulges the romantic tendencies of the imagina-tive reader. To Gosse, Rossetti had a striking magnetism: "He was essentially a point of f i r e ... not a person of wide circumference ... but a nucleus of pure imagination that never stirred or shifted, but s c i n t i l l a t e d in a l l directions." In this passage, by one who was "within the pale," the idealization of Rossetti as a kind of artist-priest i s obvious. The function of Gabriel Rossetti, or at least his most obvious function, was "to s i t in isolation, and to have vaguely glimmering s p i r i t s presented to him for complete illumination. 1 1 The most significant of the Rossetti articles published i n 1883 is Theodore Watts' twelve-page a r t i c l e "The Truth about Rossetti."^ Watts opens in reaction against the effects of public curiosity on a man's image and proposes to correct the misconceptions about the meaning of Rossetti's art, his personal character and his influence as a man. Watts f i r s t indulges in some personal Rossetti legend-making. His "brotherly intimacy" with his subject makes i t d i f f i c u l t to describe Rossetti, who was a "character so fascinating, so original, and yet so contradictory." To Watts and other friends of Rossetti, his name was like "a word of music." Never, he asserts, could these friends lose their affection for him: "so i r r e s i s t i b l e was he, so winsome and affectionate, so open of heart ... so generous in his appreciation of other men's work, so free from a l l r i v a l r i e s and jealousies and vulgar greed for fame." Even the flaw in his ideal picture, the grip of the "terrible and unmanning drug," does not d i s i l l u s i o n Watts. He describes spell-bound evenings spent in Rossetti's studio where through the power of Rossetti, Michelangelo and Dante A l i g h i e r i were f e l t by those privileged to be present. Watts did contribute to the excessiveness of the Rossetti legend, but consideration must be given to the tone of comparative reason he employs in his discussions. He does control his impulse to make eulogistic extremes while presenting the r e a l i t i e s of Rossetti's l i f e . In company with Caine and Sharp, Watts does, however, make statements that Scott could not easily accept. Even a cursory reading of Scott's Notes gives evidence that his treat-ment of Rossetti is based on a point of view drastically c r i t i c a l of that taken by Caine, Sharp, and Watts. It has been suggested that Scott was specifically annoyed by Joseph Knight's biography of Rossetti.^ It is most probably in the area of personality evaluation that Scott and Knight would disagree. Knight praises Rossetti as being sustained and resolute when action was forced upon him, and declares that cowardice and selfishness were not among his defects. Scott knew Rossetti well enough to prevent him seeing such a perfect picture. In a letter to Alice of October 1880, he made a perceptive comment about other people's failure to admit Rossetti's selfishness. Watts had been t e l l i n g people that Rossetti had treated Dunn, his servant, very poorly, by letting him go for months without pay. A mutual friend had asked Scott to interfere but he refused, observing, "The idea of D.G. being selfi s h or tyrannical when he i s generous of what he does not value — money, i s what he can't comprehend." Knight writes with conviction about Rossetti's fascination, influence and power over his friends, but where Knight saw a following, Scott saw "a dangerous position to the man whose temperament takes advantage of i t " (Notes, I, 289). Knight's treatment of Rossetti's "Found," the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, and Elizabeth Siddal would certainly have been unsatis-factory to Scott. The catalogue of differences could be continued, but without documented proof that Scott did object to Knight's book, one can only suppose the extent of Scott's disagreement. Of the several works on Dante Gabriel Rossetti published by his brother previous to W.B. Scott's death in 1890, a series of articles in the Art Journal were most l i k e l y to have influenced revisions in the Notes. The 1884 articles in the Art Journal attempt to c l a r i f y conjectures about Rossetti. A straightforward, blunt style is used by William, perhaps as an attempt to underplay the "legend" quality of writing about his brother. Necessary facts are told, but without elaboration or excessive rationalization. William describes the beginning of the relationship between Rossetti and Scott. [They] were naturally, and almost necessarily, drawn together by a specially strong link of common endeavour and aspiration — being both of them poets ... as well as professional painters of a poetical or inventive aim. The word "necessarily," as used by William Michael, would have prompted Scott to discourage such assumptions about his relationship with Gabriel, and his discussion of a "cool" period about 1853 i s an example of such a response. A second passage traceable to Scott's Notes is William's disclaiming the connection between his brother's picture "Found," and Scott's poem "Mary Anne" (or "Rosabell"). Although earlier "a notion had somehow got abroad" that the picture was done as an i l l u s t r a t i o n to the poem, g William relates that he had publicly denied the connection. Scott too had apparently underplayed the matter. However, in his Notes, he encourages the view of a "more or less direct" relationship between the two. Perhaps the details of the Rossetti legend are not as important as the fact that the public concept of Rossetti was not like the real man whom William Bell Scott visited, worked with, listened to, and helped through the forty years of their acquaintance. Scott had a strong sense of his own importance to Rossetti on certain specific occasions, and this was being publicly undermined by an obvious authority, the dead poet's brother. Idealization of Rossetti was firmly established in Scott's potential readers, and there is evidence which shows that Scott was highly motivated against i t . He meant his manuscript to be published and gave i t to William Minto with the knowledge that i t would startle many. What he could not anticipate was the specific antagonism which developed in 1892, and the lasting effect of such criticism on his reputation. II As the previous chapter has shown, the resulting quarrel was anticipated before the book came out. The Autobiographical Notes of the  Li f e of William Bell Scott was published on November 15, 1892. Essentially, the controversy on Scott's Notes was waged among four parties: three on the offensive and one on the defensive. On the offensive were the poet Swinburne (supported by Watts, his secretary), the Rossetti biographer William Sharp, and William Michael Rossetti. William Minto was the chief voice raised in defence of Scott, and the emphasis of his arguments suggests that personal as well as professional pride was at stake.^ The controversy may be traced through contemporary journals from November 1892 u n t i l February, 1893. Alice Boyd kept a scrapbook of reviews of her friend's book (now in the Penkill Collection at U.B.C), which contains approximately forty-two a r t i c l e s . Another four articles have been found, and probably several others exist.''"''' In November, nine articles on Scott's book were published. About five of these were in major London journals, and none was signed by men of literary prominence. Their general tenor is appreciative of the Notes and sympathetic to Scott as a man and a r t i s t , and to his interpretation of his experiences. The Times review of November 17 c r i t i c i z e s Scott's strictures on T.G. Hake because Scott's poetry "was not supremely good" as to give him this c r i t i c a l prerogative. Most introduce Scott as a participant in the Pre-Raphaelite movement, and quite openly recommend his autobiography for details about Dante Gabriel Rossetti. The Times reviewer, f o r example, says the impulse of the Pre-Raphaelite movement had wider e f f e c t s which have "almost reconstructed the a r t and r profoundly modified the l i t e r a t u r e of our time." Again the contemporary reader i s given both i n s i g h t and information about the controversy from the d e t a i l e d and personal l e t t e r s between William Minto and A l i c e Boyd. These l e t t e r s , also part of the P e n k i l l Papers, ch r o n i c l e Minto's part i n and r e a c t i o n to the p u b l i c controversy, and d i s c l o s e h i s concern with the "backstage" p o l i t i c s which d i r e c t e d various p u b l i c d i s p l a y s of c r i t i c i s m . However, at t h i s e a r l y stage, Minto was elated by The Times review, which he found a very respectable beginning, f a i r l y a p p r e c i a t i v e , i f not extravagent, and a good i n d i c a t i o n of keen i n t e r e s t . The l o c a l j o u r n a l s were also gladly received by Minto, from the Birmingham  Gazette ("better than the Times review") to the Glasgow Herald ("excellent"). This l a s t review i s one of the most admiring of Scott f o r h i s own achievements and shows s p e c i f i c appreciation of h i s l i f e and work. The reviewer does object that "the w r i t e r ' s v e r a c i t y i s somewhat r u t h l e s s " and that he sometimes t e l l s too much, but h i s admiration of Scott's book i s genuine and i n no way foreshadows the recriminations against Scott which were to follow. Richard Le Gallienne also wrote an appreciative review of the Notes. He praises Scott's common sense about Pre-Raphaelitism, and advises the reader to consider the book as more than a c o l l e c t i o n of anecdotes about more renowned people, but to understand i t s unique value as a record of Scott's own l i f e . Minto was extremely pleased with the review, and hoped that La Gallienne's view would be more representative of the general reader's v e r d i c t . Of the e a r l y reviews, that i n the Sunday Sun of November 20 i s the most condescending to Scott. In an a r t i c l e of over four pages, two paragraphs concern Scott while the rest of the a r t i c l e i s devoted to R o s s e t t i . Scott i s described as one of the Brotherhood, and h i s w r i t i n g style i s characterized as having "Pre-Raphaelite minuteness." The writer asserts that although Scott was not a rich or fascinating personality, he was a good companion and friend, and he had the sense to know the value of his famous acquaintances. The "tragedy of Rossetti" claims the last four pages of the review. Minto called the review a "poor advertisement" but made no guess as to the author "G" (P.P., Nov. 27, 1892). At this point, Minto showed great interest in what the journals would bring. When Swinburne's f i r s t a r t i c l e was announced, Minto wrote Alice that i t might be fun, for Swinburne was "such an i r r i t a b l e bard — one never knows how he w i l l take things." He suggested that perhaps allusions to the poet's size (which he, as editor, could have eliminated) have "maddened" Swinburne. Minto also told Alice that the reviewing of Hake's Memoirs in the Athenaeum, before any notice of Scott's book, was probably a deliberate slight manoeuvered by Watts. In the same letter of November 27 Minto a n t i c i -pated the attack by Watts which did not come un t i l January, for he warned Alice about "a carefully d i s t i l l e d venom disguised i n irony or perhaps undisguised." ^ December 1 brought Swinburne's notorious a r t i c l e , "The New Terror" (Fortnightly Review, LVII, 830-33) which gave impulse and form to the barrage of attacks and defences that followed. Of the twenty-three articles on Scott's Notes published in December, over ten are directly related to Swinburne's outburst. Among the writers who are not known to have a vested interest in the results, opinion is equally divided for and against Swinburne's opinions of Scott. However, i t was the well-known writers who controlled the controversy over Scott, and the articles of these men (Swinburne, Sharp, Minto and William Rossetti) brought about the now accepted maligning of Scott's reputation. Swinburne's f i r s t a t tack was e n t i t l e d "The New T e r r o r " i n reference to the " h o r r o r " of s u r v i v i n g an autobiographer such as S c o t t . With l u x u r i o u s sarcasm, Swinburne f i n d s i t p i t i f u l that an autobiographer who has m i s -represented "bes lavered or bespat tered or b e l i e d " other men i n h i s work, i s u l t i m a t e l y the one who s u f f e r s most. Y e t , as much as he d i s l i k e s p u t t i n g h i m s e l f before the p u b l i c , i t i s h i s duty to pro tes t and c o r r e c t "posthumous falsehoods and b l u n d e r i n g a b s u r d i t i e s " where he i s a b l e . For h i s own p a r t , he says he i s w i l l i n g to consider the " i n v e n t i o n s " i n the book as innocent of harmful i n t e n t and the product of a s e n i l e mind. The cases of S c o t t ' s b l u n d e r i n g w i t h the d e t a i l s of Swinburne's l i f e are c i t e d : Scott never saw him on a pony; Scott i n s i n u a t e s wrongly that Swinburne had only one success at school and l a s t l y , Scott was absurd to b e l i e v e that Swinburne a c t u a l l y thought the "rainbow" i n S c o t t ' s sonnet r e f e r r e d to h i s h a i r . Thus Swinburne dispenses w i t h "the unhappily i n e v i t a b l e duty of exposing and c h a s t i s i n g such f a l s e -hoods as concern m y s e l f . " The second l i n e of a t t a c k i s one of moral outrage, Minto i s accused of v u l g a r i t y and impertinence f o r a l l o w i n g the exposure of a "deceased e l d e r ' s moral and s p i r i t u a l nakedness . " In Swinburne's o p i n i o n , Scott was never more than a p a r a s i t e on more important and worthy men, and a f t e r a t i r a d e on the impudence of " p o e t a s t e r s , " Swinburne suggests that Scott should have been happy w i t h the l i t t l e n o t i c e he d i d get . F i n a l l y , he s ta tes that he never wished to b e l i e v e that S c o t t , i n l i f e , was sometimes a l e s s high-minded and k i n d l y - n a t u r e d man than he could have been, Minto has exposed t h i s s i d e by " r e l e n t l e s s f i d e l i t y , " and Swinburne can ho longer ignore i t . In c o n c l u s i o n , he defends as s i n c e r e h i s e a r l i e r , admir ing , poem on Scott i n s p i t e of the present a t t a c k . I t i s worse to re fuse to acknowledge an i l l u s i o n , he s a y s , than to th ink b e t t e r of a man than he deserves . A c a r e f u l and o b j e c t i v e a n a l y s i s of Swinburne's case against Scott reveals i t to be e s s e n t i a l l y t r i v i a l . Three minor d e t a i l s , which i n the text are quite openly coloured by Scott's own point of view (his age, p o s i t i o n i n l i f e , and recent i n t r o d u c t i o n to Swinburne) are represented as aberrations, falsehoods, and evidence of moral d e b i l i t y . Swinburne's petulant exaggeration takes the question of Scott's " g u i l t " to the point of r i d i c u l o u s n e s s , but i t leaves i t on the side of o f f e n s i v e accusation through references to Scott's morals and to h i s p o s s i b l e s e n i l i t y . Two days l a t e r , William Sharp published a long review of the Notes i n the Academy. The combination of Sharp's stance as. an intimate of Scott's and the s p e c i f i c accusations he makes, r e s u l t s i n one of the most p o t e n t i a l l y damaging pieces w r i t t e n about Scott at the time. Sharp establishes the c r e d i b i l i t y of h i s l a t e r observations by s t r e s s i n g h i s knowledge of the manuscript and Scott's hopes f o r i t , long before Scott's death. His e a r l y biography of R o s s e t t i gives him a d d i t i o n a l "authority" as a c r i t i c of Scott's memoir. His f i r s t blow i s against Scott's a r t i s t i c s k i l l , and the references to the a c t u a l volumes under d i s c u s s i o n give a sense of r e a l i t y to h i s assess-ment. For example, the i l l u s t r a t i o n s to the Notes "prove" that Scott was an a r t i f i c e r , and a "much l e s s a b l e " a r t i s t that some of his eminent f r i e n d s bel i e v e d . Sharp then sets up three standards f o r judging the Notes which " n a t u r a l l y " a r i s e : i n t e r e s t to the reader, p u r i t y of motive i n the w r i t e r , and d i s c r e e t honesty i n the r e v e l a t i o n s made. As he did with h i s more concrete observations, Sharp i s again manipulating h i s reader through h i s form. He leads the reader to accept that the three questions are r i g h t f u l l y asked, while a c t u a l l y they are devised by Sharp a f t e r h i s argument, and make moral judgments which have no place i n honest and o b j e c t i v e c r i t i c i s m . I t i s Sharp's assumption, f o r example, that scrupulous freedom from g u i l e " b e f i t s a record come to l i g h t from the shadow of the grave." He assumes, where Scott made no pretense of i t , that a man must become t o t a l l y f a i r as old age and death become r e a l i t i e s . Sharp charges that the misstatements made i n the book were intended by the w r i t e r : "each has been c r i t i c a l l y examined, well-weighed, pondered before i t has been wrought to i t s f i n a l shape .. has l a i n f o r years under the a t t e n t i v e ... continuous supervision of the a r t i f i c e r . " Sharp's authority for t h i s charge i s based on h i s a s s e r t i o n that he had seen the manuscript when i t was s t i l l i n Scott's c o n t r o l . The a r t i c l e i s c a r e f u l l y balanced and constructed to appear j u d i c i a l and reasonable; but i t betrays Sharp's i n i t i a l bias that Scott was an " i n f e r i o r " man who did not have the grace to keep to h i s proper place. This bias r e s u l t s i n several misleading suggestions about Scott's a t t i t u d e s , and even Sharp's c l e v e r l y constructed arguments could not guarantee that these accusations would go unchallenged. Minto's "defence" was prepared December fourth and published i n the Academy on the tenth. In the meantime the journals were taking notice of Swinburne's accusations. The P a l l M a l l Gazette of 6 December, published a poem i n parody of Swinburne's attack. Another j o u r n a l , r e f e r r i n g to Swinburne's " s i l l y mood," laments that an undoubtedly great genius can act l i k e a " c o a l -heaver or bargee." Minto's l e t t e r s to A l i c e seem confident. On the t h i r d , he hopes that Sharp's " f o o l i s h " a r t i c l e has not upset her. He c a l l s the attacks " s t u p i d " and suggests that they answer themselves i n t h e i r extravagances. Swinburne, however, has become the " s c u r r i l o u s l i t t l e poet" who has over-reached himself. His l e t t e r of the fourth i s confident of h i s success against "the infatuated Sharp": "How they w i l l swear at poor Sharp for making such an ass of himself i n h i s blunders over Miss Siddal and the R o s s e t t i family, accusing the dear old man of v i l e i nsinuations which e x i s t only i n h i s own m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . " However, Minto i s s t i l l wary of Watts' expected attack and wishes he would soon bring i t f o r t h . Minto's l e t t e r to the Academy makes, through calm l o g i c , a s u c c e s s f u l answer to the previous attacks. He defends h i s author by describing him not as a s a i n t but as a man with a keen sense of the r i d i c u l o u s . As e d i t o r , he i s prepared to apologize f o r pain i n f l i c t e d by h i s carelessness, but he w i l l not accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r misconceptions about what i s r e a l l y i n the text . That Sharp's z e a l on behalf of h i s f r i e n d s has led him int o serious misreadings of the ac t u a l content i s the basis of Minto's defence. He goes through the points r a i s e d by Sharp s y s t e m a t i c a l l y . About the s l u r on E l i z a b e t h Siddal he i s most emphatic; even had Scott w r i t t e n such a thing, he, Minto, would never have p r i n t e d i t . He also defends Scott's statements about f r i e n d s and family n e g l e c t i n g R o s s e t t i , by reference to other passages which a f f i r m that the suggestion was not meant as a s l u r on these people. Watts and Swinburne as they f i g u r e i n Sharp's a r t i c l e , are dismissed. Swinburne, he says, has d i s t o r t e d the t r i v i a l i n t o stupendous and revolutionary offences. Minto concludes h i s a r t i c l e by matching Sharp's appeal to authority by h i s own as s e r t i o n of intimacy with Scott. By t h i s time, however, the idea of a con-troversy had taken hold, and the anonymous w r i t e r s began a l i g n i n g themselves with the p r i n c i p a l contenders. An a r t i c l e i n the Saturday Review of 10 December, f o r example, i s a rather uninspired review, commenting on unnecessary m a t e r i a l , and taking the stand that the book was of most i n t e r e s t when about other men than Scott. At the end of the a r t i c l e , the w r i t e r suddenly employs the Swinburne "theme," saying of the Notes: "Their tendency, with a few exceptions, i s not to d i g n i f y the persons of whom they t r e a t , and there i s no one whom they b e l i t t l e more than the author himself." Minto thought the a r t i c l e was by Gosse: "Very funny and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c — the l i t t l e backbitings p a r t i c u l a r l y . Nobody ' d i g n i f i e d ' indeed! What about W. Morris and Burne -Jones?" (P.P., Dec. 15, 1892). A review of 18 December i n the Weekly Dispatch takes an opposite view to the Saturday Review a r t i c l e . Scott was known and respected by many, but sometimes he throws " p a i n f u l l i g h t " on t h e i r weaknesses. The w r i t e r ' s a t t i t u d e to Swinburne i s c l e a r : "Of Mr. Swinburne he wrote k i n d l y , but, as the l a t t e r ' s f u r i o u s a r t i c l e shows, not i n terms extravagant enough to s a t i s f y the younger poet's inordinate v a n i t y . " Scott i s praised for speaking f r a n k l y , while keeping free from scandal, "of which he must have known much." Although Scott c r i t i c i z e d f r e e l y , says t h i s w r i t e r , he was " c e r t a i n l y not l a c k i n g i n appreciation of the work and worth of others." Both sides of the argument, then, are r e f l e c t e d by the general c r i t i c s . Swinburne, however, was preparing for another foray, and on December 24 h i s second a r t i c l e appeared i n the Academy. Again, h i s s t y l e i s so preposterously excessive as to detract from the seriousness of h i s ideas. Minto i s now the l i v i n g scapegoat f o r the crimes of a dead " p a r a s i t e . " Minto has neglected "the duties and decencies n a t u r a l to a gentleman" i n p r i n t i n g the heinous l i e s which Swinburne had previously exposed. Minto then becomes a " d u l l a r d , " a "born f o o l " and a " d r i v e l l i n g i d i o t , " f o r r e p l y i n g i n the way that he had — presumably by r e f u s i n g to allow Swinburne's biased reading of the Notes to go unchallenged. The denunciation of misconceptions about E l i z a b e t h Siddal i s the only worthwhile thing i n Minto's l e t t e r . From t h i s point Swinburne moves to Scott, and the angle of attack does not now gain Swinburne easy sympathy. The Notes are found to "seethe and reek with equal and i m p a r t i a l impertinence" towards superiors. Scott i s both p o e t i c a l l y and " s o c i a l l y " i n f e r i o r to h i s acquaintances, e s p e c i a l l y to those three to whom he i n s c r i b e d a dedicatory sonnet. Swinburne's epitaph f o r Scott follows: "Here l i e s no envious man! r e s t r a i n s u r p r i s e ; / For i n t h i s grave incarnate Envy l i e s . " Deceptively softening from t h i s attack, Swinburne u l t i m a t e l y hints at the s e n i l i t y of "a f a r from memorable man." The most serious question, he concludes, i s that innocent men should be involved i n "malignity" j u s t because a w r i t e r chose to include them. Minto fs f a i l u r e to gain permission to use each reference to the "Bard" i s an offence "against honour, against courtesy, and against s o c i e t y . " I t i s a p u b l i c v i o l a t i o n of privacy and a p u b l i c p r o s t i t u t i o n of confidence. William Michael r e l u c t a n t l y contributes h i s complaints to t h i s same issue of the Academy. B a s i c a l l y , he objects to much wr i t t e n by Scott about h i s brother Dante which i s "unkind, unhandsome, inaccurate ... and mis-lea d i n g , " but he also suggests corrections to be made i n a new e d i t i o n . F i r s t , William Michael disputes the f a c t that R o s s e t t i was " t e s t i n g " Scott i n h i s request f o r a £ 2 0 0 loan. Second, he questions Scott's knowledge of the Germ before p u b l i c a t i o n . T h i r d , he objects to Scott's c r i t i c i s m of R o s s e t t i f o r pre-arranging reviews of h i s POems (1870). And fourth, William Michael • i denies that he himself became i l l as a r e s u l t of Dante's 1872 nervous break-down, and had to entrust f i n a n c i a l matters to Ford Madox Brown. These p o i n t s , among others, William would have r e v i s e d , and Minto was to assert that i n a new e d i t i o n the changes would be made. However, a v a i l a b l e evidence shows that the fourth p o i n t , William's i l l n e s s over Dante's breakdown, was not untrue. A l e t t e r i n the P e n k i l l C o l l e c t i o n from Scott to A l i c e remarks on C h r i s t i n a and Mrs. Rossetti's r e l i e f that William was getting married, as h i s intense depression of 1872 had s e r i o u s l y alarmed them (P.P., Oct. 30, 1873). The d i a r i e s of Ford Madox Brown are another source which v e r i f i e s that William's 12 i l l n e s s was serious. William Michael, then, was asking that h i s t o r y should record events as he wished them to be known, and not as they a c t u a l l y took place. Of the three reviews which mention the controversy i n l a t e December, none i s swayed by Swinburne's attack on Minto. Nevertheless, Minto submitted another l e t t e r to the Academy of December 31st. Minto had been warned before Swinburne's second letter appeared that i t was "intemperate" and "uncom-plimentary" and he had decided to take no notice of i t , unless Swinburne had l e f t some opening too good to be missed. At this point too, he was s t i l l anticipating a "venomous" attack from Watts (P.P., Dec. 18, 1892). Minto's immediate response to the "irate Bard's s i l l y over-charged foul-mouthed abuse" was that i t was laughable: "he can only make himself ridiculous by such vulgar stuff" (P.P., Dec. 24, 1892). However, he does feel concern for Alice's sensitivity to the accusations, and asserts his distress at "rousing the hornet" i f i t causes her pain. He describes William Micheal's a r t i c l e as "disappointing" because of the t r i v i a l nature of the errors he exposes. Minto allows for the correction about William's anxious illness over Gabriel (which was in fact true), "But the statement about the diplomatising privately I can substantiate. I lighted today upon a letter i n which the expression occurs" (P.P., Dec. 24, 1892). Minto's second reply to Swinburne in many ways repeats his previous stand. Swinburne has s t i l l not made specific charges of sufficient importance. Minto details the circumstances of his requesting Swinburne's permission to print letters, and of being permitted to use the "Memorial Verses," thus answering Swinburne's insinuation of ungentlemanly conduct in Scott's editor. In his reply to William Michael, Minto i s contrite about the inaccuracies, but refuses to allow Scott's motives as hypocrisy and envy. His emphatic argument i s that biographers should be able to c r i t i c i z e as well as glor i f y : "Has i t come to this, that we cannot, on pain of being accused of envious spite, admire a mans' genius in arts or letters without ascribing to him every virtue and physical perfection under heaven?" Minto asserts that although Scott did c r i t i c i z e Rossetti, i t i s not the Notes which give prominence to Gabriel's faults. It i s the "outcry of injudicious friends", who w i l l not allow this balanced view of a beloved man, which has forced these faults into the public notice. In his last letter to Alice i n 1892, Minto is awaiting the results of his latest a r t i c l e . The potential, unrevealed venom of Theodore Watts s t i l l haunts him" "I am i n excellent trim for a scrimmage, i f only Theodore would come out of his hole." Minto asserts that Watts i s the real antagonist, and is only pushing Swinburne forward. He encloses favourable reviews for the Times and Morning Post and is grateful that "the Stockdollagers have not nobbled these great organs or indeed produced any impression on them" (P.P., Dec. 3, 1892). Minto became i l l in early January, and his next letter to Alice i s dated early in February, three weeks after Watts' a r t i c l e had appeared. Previous to Watts' Athenaeum a r t i c l e of January 28, 1893 (No. 3405, 113-5) several other reviews of the Notes were published which i l l u s t r a t e the public's attitude to the controversy. The Bookman reviewer takes Scott's side, laughing at Swinburne's pomposity and decrying his lack of sense of humor. He praises both Minto's assessment of Scott's personality, and his discretion as editor. In the Black and White, the Notes are c r i t i c i z e d for "errors" of taste, but are found valuable for their picture of nineteenth century a r t i s t i c l i f e . In a Daily Chronicle a r t i c l e , previously discussed, the writer admits that although Scott is extremely hostile towards Caine, he shows l i t t l e malice towards Rossetti. The C r i t i c , an American journal, accepts Scott's version at face value with no mention of Swinburne's interest. By contrast, Speed's Literary Notes, a second American publication, carries an a r t i c l e which deals exclusively with the conflict. This c r i t i c ' s sympathies are definitely not with Swinburne, and he traces the antagonism to Sharp, who made war on a dead man, and drew the "high-strung" poet Swinburne along with him. The latter's vituperation has only confirmed for this writer, the truth of Scott's anecdotes. A short notice in Figaro deals bluntly with the Rossetti "mystique" as a factor in the controversy and defends Scott for his r e a l i s t i c treatment. A review entitled "English Bards and Scottish Reviewings" in the Speaker has the tone of one who knew Scott. Scott's regret for never quite having succeeded is acknowledged but so i s his "rare" intimacy with the more important figures of his time. Watts' unsigned Athenaeum a r t i c l e i s by far the most important to the controversy of those printed i n January 1893. His themes were not new. Watts' individual touch is to labor the suggestion that Scott was a complete unknown, unimportant but for his famous friends. Scott's lack of a sense of humour i s scorned as a particularly Scottish t r a i t , and the Notes are represented as readable only by those with a "high sense of duty." Scott's naturally grudging mood, Watts says, led him to state "grotesque untruths" about Rossetti. The real Rossetti, f u l l of humour and geniality, had a large and splendid nature, as his letters show. Finally Watts restates the familiar chorus that Scott i s the one who suffers most from the ill-natured representa-tion i n his autobiography. It i s here that the damaging controversy essentially ends. John Skelton, i n Blackwoods, attempts to incriminate Scott further by his discussion of Rossetti "working the oracle," but a contemporary was quick to suggest that Skelton had proved Scott truthful by printing Rossetti's let t e r s , and had not demonstrated Rossetti's innocence. Minto did not take up any challenge offered by the long-awaited Watts' a r t i c l e . His ill n e s s (which foreshadowed his death on March 1st, 1893) had l e f t him l i t t l e s p i r i t for such combat, and this was intensified by his feeling that Watts had cunningly l e f t him no grounds for reply by remaining anonymous and by avoiding statement of fact. Minto intended to take on Watts in an introductory chapter i f there was, a second edition. On February 4th, he mentioned the Skelton a r t i c l e to Alice, finding the crossed purposes one of the funniest incidents in the controversy. Publisher Mcllwaine had informed Minto that sale was "not brisk" i n spite of a l l the advertising and correspondence. Apparently Minto's hope that the accusations would draw readers to the book was not be be f u l f i l l e d . Although the criticism of Scott's Notes did l i t t l e to increase i t s appeal to buyers, the controversy had a distinct impact in establishing William Bell Scott's long-range reputation. The h i s t o r i c a l picture of Scott has been l i t t l e affected by the statements of those friendly to him, or by the many reviews which praised his l i f e and appreciated his book for what i t contained. This controversy, with a l l i t s pettiness and hearsay, has apparently coloured permanently the judgment of William Bell Scott. Rossetti became a victim of a legend of perfection, but Scott has become a v i l l a i m in a legend of malice and envy. I l l By 1895, the men who created the scandal were sile n t , but their noise had opened two new areas of speculation: that P.ossetti had detractors as well as admirers; and that although one could reject his attitudes, William Bell Scott could not be ignored as an authority on Rossetti. It is not too strong to assert that a l l subsequent literature on Rossetti and the Pre-Raphaelites carries Scott's influence. In c r i t i c i z i n g Scott's choice of anecdotes, William Michael Rossetti and others have only succeeded in bringing them into prominence. Aside from William Michael's books, the literature u n t i l the 1930's allows Scott his due. While they find his scorn regrettable, such writers as Hueffer, M a r i l l i e r , and Benson are interested in the new material in Scott's Notes. Holman Hunt says nothing of the controversy, but praises Scott as "ever-pleasant" and a "good-hearted man of letters." And the Memoirs, Lives, and Letters of such acquaintances as Shields, Woolner, Caine and even Watts, hold no animosity toward Scott. Perhaps this is because William Michael was s t i l l living, and i t was properly his task to correct any misconceptions about his brother. However, i t is also possible that this restraint comes from being close to the subject. A l l these writers had lived through the controversy in f u l l flower some ten years earlier. It is plausible that Swinburne's public reputation, and his proclivity for journalistic quarrels, could have prompted these writers to reserve their opinions of Scott's "parasitic foulness." It could also be conjectured that William Michael had simply worn the subject out hy making no startling proof of Scott's dishonesty. In his Memoir (1895) of Dante Gabriel, William in i t i a l l y treates Scott coolly, but becomes more impassioned as his criticism of Scott spreads from the merely factual to the level of attitudes and opinions. First, he praises Scott for his friendship and defends him as a poet, but suggests that Scott is not always correct in chronological and other details. William's technique, i t seems, is that ignoring Scott's attitudes while correcting his facts will diminish him in stature and eliminate him as an authority. When matters of opinion arise, however, William shifts into the controversy theme that "Scott debases no one but himself by his criticism," a point of view which demands the higher involvement he then begins to give. As his arguments degenerate into mere quibbles about time or place, and are less crucially corrections of essential facts, William loses ground. In several cases, including the ,^ 200 incident, he claims the ability to discredit Scott's version but William Michael does hot himself advance the evidence to refute William Bell Scott's assertions. The main motif i n William's Memoir attitude to Scott's Notes is that although there occur expressions which indicate genuine friendship, there are others which seem "incompatible with anything save a resolute desire to disparage and besmirch" (p. 367). Chloral and love affairs are failings which have a saving "romantic" tinge to them. D i f f i c u l t i e s with money and fear of criticism are failings which William would rather have kept unobtrusive. He admits that throughout his Memoir he has used Scott's book as the lowest degree of writing about Rossetti. He regrets having to stress the misstatement of a "thoughtful" man about his "dearest friends," but feels Sco should have made allowances for Gabriel. His f i n a l attack on Scott i s his j grandest and perhaps his most logically suspect. Scott refused to comment on "the repulsive elements" of Rossetti's last months, and William reacts powerfully to the adjective used. His anger leads him to the rather petulant suggestion that Scott should have said nothing at a l l about things he did not l i k e . The coup de grace i s frustratingly weak. What, he asks, are stories about Rossetti doing in an autobiography of William Bell Scott? The book should be about Scott, not Rossetti. In the next book, Ruskin: Rossetti: Pre-Raphaelitism, published four years later, William Michael uses the editor's prerogative to make less vehement comments about Scott. He exposes him on several subjects by the letters printed. Scott, who c r i t i c i z e d Rossetti for "working the oracle," i s shown as himself worried about public reception of his poetry. Further paranoia i s indicated in a letter about a slight Scott f e l t he had suffered from some o f f i c i a l s . However, William Michael's approach here i s more gentle than in the previous book. He quotes Brown's praise of Scott, and acknowledges his debt to Scott for his own interest in Shelley and Walt Whitman. By 1906, When Some Reminiscences appeared, William had softened from his earliest anger with Scott and was ready to rationalize his " i l l -natured" exposures of Rossetti. William reasserts his affection for Scott and his belief that Scott was both sympathetic and affectionate to Gabriel. But, again, he acknowledges that Scott conceived of some "soreness" toward Gabriel which had a reasonable foundation. He believes that Scott wrote about Gabriel "in a s p i r i t of detraction" for two reasons. F i r s t was his desire to treat a "man of mark" with truth. He continues: "I know ... that Scott considered almost a l l biographies untrustworthy, as ignoring or misrepresenting matters of importance; and he aimed at compassing a contrary result" (p. 60). Second was jealousy, which arose after Rossetti's death when highly laudatory material was published about him. This image of Scott as jealous, u n f u l f i l l e d , and blindly envious persists to the present. In 1928, Scott gained a champion of sorts, when Oswald Doughty 13 published the letters of Rossetti. to his publisher, F.S. E l l i s . A major charge against Scott's treatment of Rossetti was that he exaggerated his friend's sensitivity to criticism and his concern with pre-arranging reviews of forthcoming work. The material Doughty publishes proves that Gabriel did seriously obtain the support of friends before publishing Poems in 1870. Doughty also defends Scott for thinking that his admonition to Rossetti, " l i v e for your poetry," was his contribution to Gabriel's peace of mind in 1869. Doughty allows that Scott "undoubtedly exaggerates" his part in Rossetti's poetic revival, but insists that the Penkill v i s i t was important. Even the waterfall "suicide" incident i s considered plausible by Doughty, although i t was "embroidered by Scott's somewhat romantic imagination." Evelyn Waugh's book on Rossetti contributes another damaging blow to Scott's reputation. Waugh praises Ruskin's influence on Rossetti and asserts, "It i s a lasting testimony to the stupidity and bias of William Bell Scott that he welcomed this decline as 'emancipation' from the oldmaidenly fussiness of Ruskin." Megroz' book on Rossetti (Painter Poet of Heaven on  Earth) published the next year, finds Scott "sarcastic" but acknowledges that the "boldness" of Scott's ideas was a genuine stimulus to Rossetti. A positive contribution by Megroz is his notice of Scott's poem t i t l e d "The Witches Ballad" which, he suggests, outdoes any of Rossetti's poems for a "macabre and dionysian s p i r i t of romance." Fifteen years later, another c r i t i c regrets that Scott is a poet forgotten by the moderns, and describes the same poem as a "miracle of atavism — a vision, as eldritch a- witch's dance as there is record of in our literature" (p. 288):^ Such glimpses of Scott as more than a biographical demon are rare. T. Earle Welby, in The Victorian  Romantics 1850-70 (London: Howe, 1929) represents the unimaginative writers who lack the curiosity to see Scott in depth, and are content to use him as a f o i l for Rossetti. He defends Scott against Swinburne's tirade, and concludes, "Strenuous, unachieving Scott, i f hardly deserving of study, remains above contempt" (p. 29). The 1930's brought several ambitious books on Rossetti which continued to develop and limit the picture of Scott. In The Wife of Rossetti (1932), Violet Hunt treats Scott i n accord with her fanciful and "romantic" treatment of Rossetti. She describes him as dour and carping, an "arrant gossip" apt to "lash his erstwhile competitors in the race with a bitterness they did not r e l i s h . " Scott's marriage puzzles this writer, as does his "hatred" of Fanny Cornforth. Yet, for his treatment of Rosabell Bonally, she calls him the "most cantankerous and chivalrous of men," a paradoxical state which obviously satisfies the romantic excitement necessary to her narrative. Frances Winwar in Poor Splendid Wings (1933) also treats Scott as envious: "so embittered by his failures that he was affronted by the success of his friends." Spitefulness and an unforgiving nature become Scott's main t r a i t s , while his encouragement of Rossetti's poetry in 1869 is described as having a "gruff p r a c t i c a l i t y . " A more satisfactory view of Scott .Is given by Ifor Evans in his discussion of poetry in the late nineteenth century (1933).^ A second edition of the book appeared in 1966, with a considerably changed approach. In the f i r s t edition Scott i s classified as a minor Pre-Raphaelite, whose "sluggish" mind was inspired by Rossetti. Scott's Notes are valuable as a personal record, and for Pre-Raphaelite portraits. However, in his a r t i s t i c work Scott's ambition far outweighed his achievement. Any sparks of genius in Scott's work derive from his contact with Rossetti and the others of his group. In the 1966 edition, Evans i s definitely influenced by Professor Packer's treatment of Scott in her biography of Christina Rossetti. Her approach shows Scott to have been "of greater importance than previously realized." However, Evans does not suggest a new study of Scott himself on the basis of this importance. Janet Camp Troxell's Three Rossettis (1937) is at the core of modern Rossetti literature, but her treatment of Scott goes back to the Memoir of William Michael. Such old issues as Miss Losh, the subject of "Found," and Penkill 1869 are presented as being harshly c r i t i c a l of Scott's personality. Mrs. Troxell asserts that from the time of GUabriel's death, . Scott's letters are f u l l of slighting references to him. The letters she publishes, however, hardly convey the intensity of feeling she suggests, and a sympathetic reader would see them as evident of honesty rather than envy. Although Mrs. Troxell allows that there must have been something "endearing" in Scott's personality, she asserts that the quality i s "utterly lacking when one meets him only through his autobiography or his letters." A sympathetic reader, especially one with a knowledge of the Penkill letters, would disagree. Scott is an important figure in this book, but he is kept within the limits of his traditional stereotype. Both William Gaunt (1942) and Oswald Doughty (1949) accept much of Scott's Notes at face value, although they warn the reader about Scott's repu-tation. Doughty's book, A Victorian Romantic, i s the more important,- and the more generous to Scott, for the writer attempts to f i l l out the f l a t picture of an envious "pictor ignotus" by an understanding of his situation. Teaching art to ambitious Novacastrians was not adequate solace for one who "combined strong l i t e r a r y and a r t i s t i c aspirations with no mean opinion of himself" (p. 52). On a l l of the usual issues (Miss Losh;^£200), Doughty defends Scott, although he finds i t strange that Scott should have written in a derogatory tone about Swinburne. Until Lona Packer's book in 1963, the most thorough discussion of Scott was in Helen Rossetti Angeli's Dante Gabriel Rossetti: His Friends  and Enemies (1949). In Mrs. Angeli's view, Scott i s an enemy disguised as a friend. Each of the old issues i s presented to support the contention that Scott was spiteful and envious, and that he owed much to Rossetti for praise and help given his a r t i s t i c attempts. William Michael's report i s used to n u l l i f y Scott's version of events in Rossetti's l i f e . The essential argument of the chapter on Scott i s that the misunderstanding of Rossetti as morbid, s e l f i s h and ungrateful i s traceable to Scott's picture of him, and was created by Scott when an aging, jealous man, obsessed by his own sense of fail u r e . It seems that Scott's reputation in this century has indeed suffered from becoming a worn-out subject. When his t o r i c a l perspective seems to endow one person with common sense about the issues, the next writer invariably returns to the old, emotionally prejudiced arguments and "facts." Writers on the Pre-Raphaelites have generally made l i t t l e use of unpublished material in their treatment of Scott, preferring the old anecdotes and a t t i t u d e s to new p o s s i b i l i t i e s . A biography of C h r i s t i n a R o s s e t t i , published by Lona Packer i n 1963, promised to c o r r e c t t h i s tendency. The author contends that neither James C o l l i n s o n nor Charles Cayley i n s p i r e d C h r i s t i n a R o s s e t t i ' s more emotional poems. A t h i r d man must have been involved, and Mrs. Packer deduces that i t was William B e l l Scott. Evidence f o r the love a f f a i r i s found i n s i m i l a r i t i e s between the dates of C h r i s t i n a ' s poems and the times when she saw Scott. The bond between them was strong f o r a time, but when Scott met A l i c e Boyd h i s i n t e r e s t i n C h r i s t i n a waned. Her love f o r him endured u n t i l h i s death, but was vanquished by the p u b l i c a t i o n of h i s Notes when C h r i s t i n a (although she had never read h i s book) r e a l i z e d that she had loved an "unworthy" man. William E. Fredeman, i n a review of the book f o r V i c t o r i a n Studies, discounts Lona Packer's t h e s i s s a t i s f a c t o r i l y : "Circumstantial evidence derived p r i m a r i l y from the poetry makes impossible the p r e c i s e documentation of a theory f o r which there i s not a s i n g l e scrap of p o s i t i v e and d i r e c t proof." He supports t h i s contention with evidence from the P e n k i l l C o l l e c t i o n . In s p i t e of the d i s c r e d i t i n g of the t h e s i s . Professor Packer's book has apparently gained a f o l l o w i n g . The theory that Scott was a "demon l o v e r " i n C h r i s t i n a ' s mythology and that he delighted i n maintaining r e l a t i o n s with two women simultaneously has found echoes i n I f o r Evans' reference to "the numerous o u t l e t s h i s amorous nature required." A very recent book (1970), i n which David Sonstroem tags Scott as "an a c t i v e , warm, v i r i l e and energetic man" who "conducted h i s emotional a f f a i r s with a bold and t r u l y r e g a l disregard of conventional a t t i t u d e s and mores'^ has begun to create a new annex to Scott's "legend." Sonstroem's book, R o s s e t t i and the F a i r Lady, does seem to be g i v i n g Scott some of the respect other contemporary w r i t e r s have denied him. \ . At least he credits Scott as a reliable source of information and opinion. Inevitably, the traditional treatment of Scott impinges: "Although Scott was notoriously unkind to his old friend in his evaluation of him, and very bad on dates, his recounting of simple incidents, for a spiteful and disappointed old man, was remarkably fair" (p. 216). The modern tendency to use Scott's more sensational disclosures while derogating the man for making them should, perhaps, be traced to ignorance of the real man. Much closer examination of Scott's relationship with Rossetti is necessary, and will be made possible by the documents in the Penkill Collection. \ \ FOOTNOTES CHAPTER 3 "'"Oswald Doughty and J.R. Wahl, L e t t e r s of Dante G a b r i e l R o s s e t t i (Oxford: Clarendon, 1965-67) I, x i x . I 2 Thomas H a l l Caine, R e c o l l e c t i o n s of Dante G a b r i e l R o s s e t t i (London: Stock, 1882). 3 Theodore Watts claimed that R o s s e t t i had asked him,.among his acquaintances, to be h i s o f f i c i a l biographer. The claim was upheld by William R o s s e t t i (Memoir I, i x ) . ^Theodore Watts, "Mr. D.G. R o s s e t t i , " Athenaeum no. 2842 ( A p r i l 15, 1882). 480-82. ^Edmund Gosse, "Dante G a b r i e l R o s s e t t i , " Century Magazine XXIV (Sept. 1882) 718-725. -Theodore Watts "The Truth about R o s s e t t i , " Nineteenth Century, XIII (March 1883) 404-423. 7 1887). Joseph Knight, L i f e of Dante G a b r i e l R o s s e t t i (London: Scott, William R o s s e t t i , "Notes on R o s s e t t i and His Works," Art Journal, XLVI (May-July 1884) p. 165. The "public statements" r e f e r r e d to by William R o s s e t t i were made i n the Athenaeum of January, 1883. On Jan. 21, William wrote "... the deeply moving b a l l a d of 'Mary Anne', by ... Mr. Scott, does not contain any i n c i d e n t or 'passage' on which t h i s scene or p i c t u r e i s based. On Jan. 27, W.B. Scott wrote that R o s s e t t i , on reading "Mary Anne" (then t i t l e d "Rosabell") o f f e r e d to add an i l l u s t r a t i v e etching to be included i n the forthcoming book. long' a f t e r the book came out, R o s s e t t i d i d do a p i c t u r e on the subject, a water colour e n t i t l e d "The Gate of Memory." However he and Scott did discuss the s i t u a t i o n of the poem, and R o s s e t t i decided to paint a p i c t u r e of the " t e r r i b l e meeting of the old lovers now parted f o r ever." Scott f e l t that although the s i t u a t i o n presented i n "Found" was not a c t u a l l y i n h i s poem, h i s d i s c u s s i o n of i t with R o s s e t t i had l e d to the p a i n t i n g . /' 9 In C h r i s t i n a R o s s e t t i , Lona Packer'quotes a l e t t e r from Frederick George Stephens to W.M. R o s s e t t i (p. 387-8). I think you are i n v a r i a b l y r i g h t about Scott's unhappy book, and I am not sure you know that h i s mixed concern was o r i g i n a l l y f a r more i n j u r i o u s than i t i s now. Scott himself, a good while before h i s death, t o l d me that he intended to t e l l , without reserve or mercy, a l l he knew (or thought he knew) about G. He was resolved, he said to let the world know the 'truth.' I remonstrated in the most stringent manner as to this, and f i n a l l y l e f t him with a remark that whatever he knew (or thought he knew) as to these matters he spoke of, had come to him in the confidence of friendship, and I denounced his purpose as strongly as I could, "^William E. Fredeman gives a brief outline of the controversy in his monograph "A Pre-Raphaelite Gazette: The Penkill Letters of Arthur Hughes to William Bell Scott and Alice Boyd, 1886-97" (Manchester: John Rylands, 1967) p. 41-49. •^These four articles are not among those i n the Scrapbook now i n the Penkill Collection: Anonymous "The Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood" The Nation, Feb. 23, 1893. E.G.J. "A Circle of Famous Artists and Poets" The Dial, Dec. 16, 1893. W. Robertson N i e l l , "William Bell Scott", The Bookman, January, 1893. A.C. Swinburne, "The New Terror" Fortnightly Review, Dec. 1, 1892. p. 273. 12 Ford Madox Hueffer, Ford Madox Brown (London: Longmans, 1896) 13 Oswald Doughty, ed. The Letters of Dante Gabriel Rossetti to his Publisher, F.j>. E l l i s , (London: Scholartis, 1928) 14 Cornelius Weygandt, The Time of Tennyson (New York: Lend: Appleton-Century, 1936). ~^*B. Ifor Evans, English Poetry in the Later Nineteenth Century (London: Methuen, 1933). . "^Lona Mosk Packer, Christina Rossetti (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963). Defense of Scott Based On New Material In Penkill Papers After the f i r s t meeting between Scott and Rossetti in 1847, perhaps at a studio Rossetti shared with Holman Hunt^. there i s no definite record of any personal contact u n t i l 1853.* Other details suggest at least yearly meetings when Scott made his accustomed trips to London. William Michael Rossetti visited Scott at Newcastle i n the summer of 1848, and at this time Scott heard the barest details about the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood. A conversation about Pre-Raphaelite techniques at M i l l a i s ' studio, related by Scott, also suggests his awareness of and his part in the formulation of Pre-Raphaelite principles. Scott also met the sculptor Thomas Woolner about 1850, and expressed doubt as to the success of Woolner's romantic adventure to the gold-fields of Australia. Scott says that he f i r s t knew of the Germ, the PRB periodical, i n 1849 when requests for material began to come his way. The PRB Journal for January 1850 records with enthusiasm the receipt of two sonnets by Scott for the Germ. Although William Michael had paid at least two v i s i t s to Newcastle by 1851, Gabriel's v i s i t of 1853 was probably the f i r s t extended contact between him and Scott. At this time, Scott learned much about his younger friend which contradicted his earlier perceptions of him. About 1853, Scott probably met Rossetti's fiancee. Elizabeth Siddal, but no friendship developed between them. A period of undetermined, length existed in the 1850's when Scott was less affectionate toward Rossetti. During this period both men were busy with their separate careers and social a c t i v i t i e s . Rossetti was occupied not only with Elizabeth Siddal, but also with the patronage of John Ruskin. In addition, he had made several exciting new friends, which included William Morris and Burne-Jones. Scott's connections with the Trevelyans of Wallington Hall began in the mid-fifties, and by the end of the decade Scott had begun his deep and lasting friendship with Alice Boyd. In spite of Scott's suggestion of estrangement, (Notes, I, 317) there are several instances of contact during this time. When Deverell died in 1854, Scott was sensitive to Rossetti's loss, and records in his Notes that Rossetti expressed his affection for Deverell i n trying to s e l l some of his paintings for the benefit of his family. On a lighter subject, Scott records Dante Gabriel's teasing over his poem Journey of Prince Legion. In 1853, Rossetti had excitedly promised an etching to i l l u s t r a t e Scott's forthcoming Poems  by a Painter. However, he had not done the etchings by 1854 and apologized to Scott for his neglect. Rossetti also knew that a Scott picture had been rejected by "the Institution snobs" and defended his friends' "present ideas and later doings" to Thomas Woolner (Letters, I, 174-5). Scott's avowal that he and Rossetti were less close for a period in the f i f t i e s should, however, not be ignored. Rossetti's increasing commitment to Ruskin probably influenced Scott's feelings. In his Notes, Scott emphasizes that he f e l t neither friendship nor conventional respect for Ruskin, either as man or teacher. At this early stage in Rossetti's career, Ruskin was extremely helpful, and even extended his influence to include Elizabeth Siddal. Rossetti's d i f f i c u l t y i n expressing loyalty to two friends who were not compatible can be imagined. However, Rossetti s t i l l praised Scott to such men as Allingham, describing him as "a man something of Browning's order" (Letters, I, 248). In 1856, the meeting between Scott and Ruskin at the Working Man's College took place, and Rossetti acted as a catalyst to the opposing sides of their personalities. Scott evidently f e l t to some degree betrayed by Dante Gabriel's failure to support him. In 1857, Rossetti became friends with Edward Burne-Jones and William Morris, and became involved with the Oxford and Cambridge Magazine. In March, he sent Scott three copies of the magazine which contained poems by him, and in June asked Scott without result to send pictures to the exhibition in Fitzroy Place, held by the "set." The Oxford Union Murals were painted in *\ 1857, and although Scott says he was eventually glad not to have been involved with the fading pictures, his Notes contain a review of the murals which gives highest praise to Rossetti. Scott showed the f i r s t of his Wallington paintings in this year and Gabriel praised i t sincerely, although he found some flaws. The Hogarth Club was formed in 1858, as an attempt to weaken the power of the Royal Academy. Both Scott and Rossetti were members, and Scott laments the early dissolution of the club. Scott's role as a "friend" to the Pre-Raphaelites was strengthened in 1858, when he advised James Leathart of Newcastle to collect the work of the group. The commission for "Found" which Rossetti received from Leathart was due to Scott's influence. The next year, 1859, Scott was pleased to learn that Rossetti had abandoned the practice of stippling the flesh in his paintings. The inadequacy of the technique had been a constant theme in Scott's criticism of Rossetti's work, and Scott f e l t that the change was "of i n f i n i t e importance" in the history of Rossetti's painting. The year 1860 was important to both men, although their personal contact was not a necessary part of the events. Scott paid his f i r s t v i s i t to Penkill Castle, home of Alice Boyd. This Scottish home became increasingly important to Scott's l i f e and work, and on two occasions became a useful sanctuary for Rossetti. The marriage of Rossetti to Elizabeth Siddal was a pivotal event in the course of Gabriel's l i f e . Although Scott was invited, he never did v i s i t the young couple. Nevertheless he became very aware of the effects of the marriage on Rossetti, which suggests that they were in contact during the two years of Rossetti's marriage. Perhaps Scott's London exhibition of his Wallington pictures in 1861 provided the opportunity. Although Scott says nothing i n h i s Notes, William Michael d i s c l o s e s that R o s s e t t i spent three weeks at Christmas, 1862, the year of h i s wife's death, with the Scotts, i n Newcastle. (Memoir, I, 259). While there, he painted a p o r t r a i t of Mrs. Leathart, the wife of the patron Scott had i n t r o -duced to him. The l e t t e r which gives t h i s information also mentions a b i l l due on New Year's Day, for which G a b r i e l gave Scott^26, probably as repayment of a loan. ( L e t t e r s , I I , 464) R o s s e t t i had moved in t o Tudor House, Chelsea, i n mid-October 1862, and h i s l e t t e r s i n d i c a t e that h i s l i f e then was chaotic. He was t r y i n g to s e l l some p i c t u r e s "by Scott," but whether they were by William or David Scott i s not s p e c i f i e d . In h i s Notes, Scott says l i t t l e that i s s p e c i f i c about the seven-year period between the death of E l i z a b e t h , and R o s s e t t i ' s return to poetry i n 1869. In Scott's opinion, G a b r i e l became a d i f f e r e n t person a f t e r h i s wife's death. Scott r e t i r e d from h i s Government post i n 1864, and moved to a house i n Euston Road Chelsea. Proximity to R o s s e t t i made contact with him much e a s i e r , and much deeper. Gabriel's menagerie, h i s i n t e r e s t i n s p i r i t u a l i s m , and h i s reluctance to e x h i b i t became part of Scott's knowledge of him i n the years immediately a f t e r 1864. The presence of Fanny Cornforth as Gabriel's housekeeper d e f i n i t e l y did not have Scott's approval, but n e i t h e r , d i d i t keep him away from h i s i n t e r e s t i n g f r i e n d . He d i d , however, see other d i s t u r b i n g tendencies i n G a b r i e l , such as the "confusion between external r e a l i t i e s and mental impressions," which portended an unhappy future. In 1868, G a b r i e l became depressed because of d i f f i c u l t y with h i s v i s i o n and, through Scott, obtained an i n v i t a t i o n from Miss Boyd to v i s i t P e n k i l l C a s t l e . During the month of J u l y , R o s s e t t i was often on the verge of leaving f o r P e n k i l l , but did not f i n a l l y go u n t i l September 21. The v i s i t i s v i v i d l y chronicled i n Scott's Notes. It became, to Scott, an important stage i n t h e i r f r i e n d s h i p because he was able to comfort and encourage h i s despondent f r i e n d . An e l d e r l y cousin of A l i c e Boyd's, Miss Losh, was also v i s i t i n g P e n k i l l while G a b r i e l was there. She had much sympathy f o r Rossetti's p r a c t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s and, unknown to Scott, she persuaded R o s s e t t i to accept a loan. He received the money a f t e r returning to London. Scott, when he discovered that G a b r i e l had taken a loan, was extremely angry. William R o s s e t t i suggests that Scott never forgave G a b r i e l f o r t h i s trans-a c t i o n . According to h i s own report of the v i s i t , Scott was much more in t e r e s t e d i n Ros s e t t i ' s a r t i s t i c problems than i n h i s money d i f f i c u l t i e s . Impressed by the power of R o s s e t t i reading h i s ea r l y poems, Scott began i n earnest to persuade him to again take up poetry JtIS«i]iu.d. abandoned since h i s 2 wife's death. R o s s e t t i returned to London i n ea r l y November, but when Scott saw him a few weeks l a t e r , he s t i l l had not begun to work. In e a r l y 1869, as the l e t t e r s to A l i c e Boyd i n d i c a t e , R o s s e t t i was depressed many times when Scott v i s i t e d him. He did write A l i c e himself, however, g i v i n g news of Scott which would please her. By mid-August, R o s s e t t i was preparing to leave f o r P e n k i l l again, having got the proofs f o r the " T r i a l books" underway. His v i s i t was e v e n t f u l , as i s w e l l known to students of R o s s e t t i through William Michael's questioning of Scott's account. Scott considered h i s f r i e n d to be i n a strange state of behaviour, and he was drawn in t o several unusual a c t i v i t i e s on h i s account. He also found him very s e l f - c r i t i c a l , and he suggests that t h i s was p a r t l y due to the plan f o r exhuming the manuscripts buried with E l i z a b e t h . In 1870 Scott and G a b r i e l continued to develop t h e i r w r i t e r - c r i t i c arrangement, and t h e i r s o c i a l contact included frequent d i n n e r - p a r t i e s . When about to publ i s h h i s Poems i n t h i s year, R o s s e t t i s o l i c i t e d h i s friends as reviewers of the book. Scott was very much against t h i s p r a c t i c e and said so in his Notes. Yet he rejoiced in 1870 with Rossetti when public recep-tion of the book was good. Also in 1870, Scott bought Bellevue House in Chelsea, close to Rossetti's own Tudor House, and their contact increased significantly. By mid-summer 1871, Rossetti had journeyed to Kelmscott Manor House, the home he rented j o i n t l y with William Morris. He stayed with Jane Morris, her children, and several servants while William Morris was in Iceland, and the period was one of poetic productivity. In the Notes, Scott prints several letters from Rossetti at Kelmscott, a l l very enthusiastic about the poetry Scott has sent him for criticism, and encouraging about the public success of the poems, should Scott decide to publish. Rossetti's last letter from Kelmscott, referring to the coming Contemporary Review a r t i c l e on himself, indicates that he was quite unprepared for the venom of the attack. On the 20th of October, Scott described the a r t i c l e to Alice Boyd as "The most deadly attack on the morality of the set and school that could be penned." A week later he t e l l s that Gabriel was busily making "rhymes" against Buchanan, the author of the a r t i c l e . Scott also knew of the warm relationship between Jane Morris and Gabriel at this time. In 1872, ten years after the death of.Rossetti's wife, Scott saw him involved i n another serious emotional situation which brought a drastic change, in Scott's mind, to Gabriel's way of l i f e . Deep feelings of victimi-zation had developed from the Buchanan a r t i c l e and pamphlet. Rossetti's imagination prevented sleep, and he turned to using chloral as an end to insomnia. The Penkill Letters suggest that his relationship with Jane Morris 3 was also an influence. When Rossetti's paranoia became very severe, William Michael decided to travel with him to Roehampton, to the home of Dr. Hake. Scott, when notified, "acted in a s p i r i t of true friendship," according to William Michael. On the evening of June 9th, Dante Gabriel went into a deep sleep which his friends f i r s t thought was a sign of returning health. Later they discovered that i t was caused by laudanum poisoning, and that Rossetti had consumed a bottle of the same drug which k i l l e d his wife. When he had recovered enough to travel, Rossetti was taken to Perthshire, Scotland, and Scott relieved Madox Brown as a companion to Rossetti at Stobhall for about four weeks u n t i l mid-July. In his published account of this time, Scott omits what he does not know from personal experience, underplays Gabriel's i l l n e s s , and stresses his amazing recovery. Unpublished letters for this period disclose that he knew much which was never given to the public. Scott visited Gabriel at Kelmscott in early December 1872, finding him quite healthy and determined to remain at Kelmscott for a long while. The last extended mention of Rossetti in Scott's Notes suggests that he, l i k e Rossetti's brother William, saw the 1872 breakdown as "a parting of the waters" in Dante Gabriel's l i f e . In early 1874, Rossetti wrote Scott asking for 200 pounds. Scott sent i t , but the money was immediately returned. Scott, rather suspiciously, took the incident as a test of friendship, and obviously thought less of Gabriel after i t . In 1874, Gabriel returned to Chelsea where, Scott declares, he did not move from his house, "never going \ , • even into the street, never seeing anyone." Nearly a l l his friends, Scott suggested, had ceased to see him. William Michael was later to take exception to this statement as a l i t e r a l interpretation. In 1875, Scott published his Poems, containing a dedicatory poem in praise of Swinburne, Morris, and Rossetti. Gabriel replied with a cordial letter containing detailed criticism which showed careful reading. Late in 1875, Gabriel moved to Aldwick Lodge, Sussex,where he remained unt i l June of 1876. He wrote Scott from Sussex, and the content of the letters suggests that they had frequent contact. Rossetti was out of London for most of 1876, going to Broadlands in Hampshire soon after returning from Sussex. L i t t l e significant contact between Rossetti and Scott is evident in available letters from 1876 un t i l 1879. In 1877 Gabriel had an operation for hydrocele, and when Scott v i s i t e d , he found him unusually peaceful. Scott knew, also, that Rossetti was having his walls soundproofed against the "belligerent" noisiness of his musical neighbours. In November, 1879, Rossetti wrote a long letter to Alice Boyd about his own i l l health and Scott's relative well-being. He says that Scott's v i s i t s have been especially cheering to him. In October, Scott visited Gabriel with the purpose of getting from him a testimonial which would support Scott's application for the Edinburgh Chair of Fine Arts. Rossetti did not think the idea a good one, citing Scott's changeable health and dislike of lecturing as reasons. Later i n the year, Scott found Rossetti in better health, interested again in poetry, and confident that the "spies" who preyed upon him had been foiled. Rossetti's published letters for 1880, although containing minor references to Scott, reinforce the idea that the relationship was not especially open at the time. Rossetti i s sensitive of a need to "handle" Scott with care, and he avoids potential f r i c t i o n between Watts and Scott. In October, Scott was visited by Samuel Haydon, alarmed because Gabriel.had confided a conspiracy to him. Haydon wanted Scott to warn William Michael of the situation, but Scott was reluctant,suggesting that his interference might make matters worse. Before Scott l e f t for Penkill i n the summer of 1881 he visited Gabriel, finding him i n a depressed state about his health. Rossetti was taken to Cumberland for a month in the autumn while Scott visited Penkill, and on Scott's return he visited the a i l i n g Rossetti in Chelsea. Two v i s i t s of late October are described in the Penkill Papers. Caine had visited Scott to warn him that Gabriel was quite i l l . Although dubious, Scott called to find Gabriel despondent and coughing badly. He returned the next day and spent part of the time reading some of his own poetry to Dante Gabriel. Scott f e l t that although Gabriel was in a nervous and "shattered" state, there was, nevertheless, a "good deal of a kind of pretence about his quivering hand and continuous cough." He closed his next letter to Alice by saying that "This fr i g h t f u l spectacle of D.G. depresses one" (P.P., Oct. 28, 1881). Again the private letters disclose that Scott under-played, i n his public version, the real concern he f e l t about Gabriel's s t a b i l i t y and mental health. By the end of October, 1881, Scott was facing a personal c r i s i s which was directly tied to his friendship with Rossetti. Scott became increasingly paranoid and guilt-ridden as he f e l t his acquaintances were turning against him. Five years earlier he had written an art i c l e which, apparently for good reason, had been published anonymously. The a r t i c l e (which Scott calls "the infernal a r t i c l e " and "the skeleton in the closet") probably contained criticism of some men connected with the Royal Academy. Scott's usually explic i t letters are vague about the details, but his anxiety i s most clear from the excited, self-involved, despairing tone the letters.convey. His worst fear, however, i s openly stated to Alice: "What am I to do i f ever Gabriel when he finds out about the a r t i c l e , disowns my society, I don't know. You w i l l of course be dragged down with me, alas." Scott was horrified as he anticipated the shame of discovery, and he wrote Alice that he would, i f exposed, winter in Italy and spend the summer at Penkill, never coming to London alone. When Scott f i n a l l y summoned the courage to confront Gabriel, he realized that his fears had been groundless, for i f Gabriel knew of Scott's a r t i c l e he was not inclined to "disown" him. Rossetti moved to Birchington in February 1882, and died there on April 6, 1882. Scott says in his Notes that he did not see him i n the last few months, and did not attend Rossetti's funeral through "indisposition." Alice Boyd's Day Diaries (in the Penkill Collection), disclose that i f he did not see him at Birchington, Scott visited Rossetti many times in London, and saw him even on the day he l e f t for Birchington. In his Notes for the year, Scott f i r s t describes the publication of his A Poet's Harvest Home, and then mentions Gabriel's death. This i s in keeping with Scott's statement that he took less of an interest i n Rossetti's declining years, and reinforces one's knowledge that Scott abhorred the scavengers who clung to Rossetti on his death-bed, in order to make their "memoirs" of him more interesting to the public. In the last eight years l e f t him, Scott put his energy into his poetry, architecture, and the revisions of his Notes. He died at eighty-nine, but two years later he became a v i t a l part of the literary scene, with the posthumous publication of his Autobiographical Notes. II i • i The controversy over the Notes has been discussed, and the effect on Scott's reputation has been traced in the previous chapter. It is evident from the survey of Scott's reputation that most of the negative attitudes towards him are based on William Michael Rossetti's specific I. '\ arguments of a last v i s i t to Rossetti in 1881. To me i t seems Mr. Scott was at some pains to make the scene more repulsive than in fact i t was. But, i f he found the picture a painful one to indicate in narrative, a very obvious question arises — Why did he indicate i t ? He was professing to write 'Autobiographical Notes' and the doings or misdoings of Dante Gabriel Rossetti — apart from the aid which he most constantly and determinately lent to this friend's reputation as poet and painter, among acquaintances and with the public — formed no part of the Autobiography of William Bell Scott. (Memoir, 388-9). William's contention throughout his book is that Scott purposely, with intent to disparage, wrote about his brother i n an unhandsome, unkind fashion. In almost every instance where Scott writes about Rossetti, William Michael takes exception, often with extremely inconclusive results. It is therefore interesting to find in the Penkill Letters from Scott to Alice Boyd, information which proves that William Michael was concealing the truth in suggesting revisions to the Notes. In other cases, the letters, which have the value of being straightforward comments on experience to a trusted friend, demonstrate that Scott's immediate reactions to a situation were very similar to the version published in his Notes. They show that Scott's retrospective view, which has been traditionally characterized as "soured" and "bitter," was not revised from his original statements on most important issues. William Michael, for one, would have his readers believe that the Notes are unreliable because the writer's point of view was changed in his years of il l n e s s after Rossetti died. The third point made obvious in the Penkill Letters i s v i t a l to the restoring of Scott's reputation: Scott had much more material than he used. There i s no evidence that the editor found i t necessary to suppress large or v i t a l passages about Rossetti, although anecdotes about both Ruskin and L e t i t i a Scott were eliminated. Scott obviously used his own discretion in deciding what to print about Rossetti. The Penkill Letters disclose that there was much of sensational value i n Scott's experience of Rossetti. The letters also contain many anecdotes which would have supported Scott's generalizations about his friend's l i f e , had Scott decided to use them. For the sake of discretion, or honour to Dante Gabriel, Scott decided not to include these anecdotes. For the sake of Scott's reputation, this fact should be made known. The most blatant example of William Michael's desire to replace original events with his own version i s his denial of illness resulting from Dante Gabriel's breakdown in 1872. He calls Scott's reference "highly erroneous," and disputes the idea'that F.M. Brown had to take over the business affairs of Rossetti. If Scott was wrong in saying that Gabriel did not know about the sale of his blue china, he was not wrong about William's reaction to the events of 1872. F.M. Brown's diary for the year corroborates Scott's assertion that William became i l l (Hueffer, 273). In addition there i s a letter to Alice from Scott in 1873 (Penkill Papers, Oct. 31), when William Rossetti's engagement to Lucy Brown was announced. Scott had been to see Christina Rossetti and her mother, and together they confided i n Scott how very much alarmed they had been for William ever since Gabriel's i l l n e s s , and that they were truly glad of his relationship with Lucy. They considered that William had been i n a " s p e l l " : "For weeks they said he never uttered a word to any of them." William also disputes the report of Gabriel's v i s i t s to Penkill i n 1868 and 1869. Scott says that in 1868, Gabriel was " i n a depression of mind from the idea that his eyes were f a i l i n g , " implying that the impending blind-ness was an "idea" which caused undue anxiety. William Michael points out that the condition was quite real, even i f caused by "general overstrain and nervous upset." He ends with a statement obviously directed at those looking for other causes to Rossetti's anxiety: "To suggest that a more or less uneasy conscience was at the bottom of i t a l l does not improve the case. This only adds a shadowy insinuation of wrongdoing to a direct imputation of fractious or pusillanimous fancies" (Memoir, I, 270). If Scott were implying other causes to Gabriel's unrest, the unpublished letters to Alice prove that he had much evidence. Certainly the conclusions are his own, but the instances which shaped his point of view undoubtedly took place. The subject is Gabriel's affection for Jane Morris, wife of William Morris. In a letter to Alice dated Thursday the twenty-sixth, 1868, Scott describes a dinner party attended by the Morrises and Gabriel. Janey Morris and Gabriel sat together, and in Scott's opinion Gabriel acted "like a perfect fool i f he wished to conceal his attachment." He made his affections quite obvious by attending to her constantly, and once blundered in attempting to escort her downstairs when i t was not his part to do so. Morris was quite aware of the events, and Scott hopes that Gabriel and Janey w i l l not "go further than they have gone." A letter to Alice after Rossetti's v i s i t , i n November 1868, reaffirms the complication as important to Gabriel's l i f e . Scott relates that Gabriel has not tried painting, nor has he seen a doctor or "the sweet Lucretia Borgia." The continuing paragraphs of this letter make i t clear that Lucretia Borgia i s Scott's name for Jane Morris. Apparently L e t i t i a had been to v i s i t Jane and informed her of Gabriel's return to town. Gabriel himself has not been to see her because "they are being watched." Scott draws his conclusions about Rossetti's state of mind from these rumors and from his conversations with Gabriel: "The disturbance in his health and temper ... [is] caused by an uncontrollable desire for the possession of the said L.B." (P.P., Nov., Monday morning, 1868). If there are inferences of other causes to Gabriel's depressions i n Scott's Notes, they are neither manufactured out of malice, nor without basis in fact. \ The extracts make i t obvious that not only did Scott have reasons for implying other causes to Gabriel's depression, but also that William Michael was attempting to allow only one pos s i b i l i t y for Gabriel's depressed state of mind. William Michael took exception also to Scott's suggestions that on Rossetti's 1869 v i s i t to Penkill, he was depressed and suicidal. He counters Scott's description of Rossetti's "ferocious" look by citing a friendly letter to Shields written at approximately the same time and suggests, "Look here upon this picture, and on this." The letters of Rossetti published by Doughty and Wahl for this year conclusively show that William Michael was again presenting only a part of the situation, while suggesting that i t was whole. These Doughty-Wahl letters surely indicate a more reflective and even melancholy mood than was usual with Rossetti. Certainly Gabriel's letters to his brother are f u l l of the details of proof reading, and their serious tone could be interpreted as no more than evidence of strenuous work. However, certain phrases and topics in letters to other people do suggest that Rossetti was undergoing much sel f - c r i t i c i s m , and was assessing himself and his future with unusual thoroughness. In a short letter to Mrs. Aglaia Coronia he explains his presence at Penkill: "II] have merely ... been shot here as rubbish quite used up" (Letters, II, 717). Several friends had recently died, or had had death i n the family, and this subject i s part of nearly a l l of Rossetti's letters at this time. He writes to Brown of this, adding: "However I am not in a very b r i l l i a n t state of s p i r i t s to think about other people's i l l luck" (Letters, II. p. 719). Again Rossetti's mental involvement with death comes through i n a letter to his mother of the same day as that to Brown. The salutation, "My dearest Mother," i s unusually serious, and the subjects discussed in the letter receive none of the usual playfulness. The letter ends on a discussion of a prospective addition to his house, with the sentiment, "Time may be no longer for one, for anything one knows." (Letters, II, 722). The following day, August 27th, he wrote to Frederic Shields and this letter also contains an unusual amount of self-analysis. Again the subject of other men's griefs is discussed, with Rossetti's comment that "the dreadful tidings ... have furnished us with some sad thoughts and talk." The a r t i c l e on him i n Tinsley's Magazine for September e l i c i t s these comments: I have no cause to complain, since I have a l l I need of an essential kind, and have taken l i t t l e trouble about i t — except always i n the nature of my work — the poetry especially in which I have done no potboiling at any rate. So I am grateful to that art, and nourish against the other that base grudge which we bear those whom we have treated shabbily. He apologizes for " a l l this tirade about myself." Advising his friend to find relaxation from excitement, Rossetti comments about "the matrimonial 4 question" in which Shields was involved. And once more the subject i s brought close to his own, very personal feelings: "though here I know one i s far from being master of the situation according to one's pleasure." Even a cursory reading of these letters impresses one that the usually buoyant and rather carefree letter-writing of Rossetti, in autumn 1869, reflected his subdued s p i r i t s . That William Michael's interpretation i s questionable seems obvious from these extracts. Among other examples of William's attacks on Scott proving base-less, i s his objection to Scott's assigning a "women and flowers" period to Rossetti's art; he especially dislikes Scott's dramatic flourish that these were "the only objects worth painting." This technique of seeming to dispute the subject while having only the power to question the wording, i s used by William throughout the Memoir. Most often i t serves to make much of an otherwise negligible point in Scott's book. About Rossetti's marriage, for example, William Michael raises objections to Scott's account, but concludes by agreeing with Scott. He implies that Scott was exaggerating Gabriel's suicide attempt in 1872, but only succeeds in correcting the practical details while in the main agreeing with Scott. He finds Scott guilty of betrayal for his comments on Rossetti "working the oracle," but can only really quibble over the l i t e r a l meaning of "ready-made under his own eyes." In many cases where he raises objections to Scott, William Michael has been over-scrupulous in defence of his brother. By interpreting "detraction" where none was meant} he has succeeded in bringing forth as memorable many of the less noble qualities of Rossetti's personality. William Michael Rossetti accuses Scott of "a resolute desire to disparage and besmirch" (Memoir, 366), and this description from the authori-tative pen of Rossetti's brother has convinced readers to the present of Scott's real motives. Yet i n another book, William Michael admits that he feels Scott intended only to show an honest picture of a man who was being obscured through public interest (Some Reminiscences I, 60). The Penkill Letters do show that Scott's description of scenes in his Notes differed very l i t t l e from the immediate description of the same scenes in his letters to Alice. But was there a "sour" and "bitter" invalid, scribbling vindictively about Gabriel from his sick bed? Minto occasionally encountered "the dreadful cynical Hermit" at work, in his editing of the Notes, but his letters to Alice betray no real shock at the writing of his friend. William Michael suggest ulterior motives by Scott on several issues. He points out, for example, that while Scott says that Alice, Miss Losh,and he prompted Gabriel to resume poetry, Gabriel had already made efforts to publish i n spring of that year. He implies, therefore, that v. Scott was either lying about his influence, or not as close to Rossetti as he pretended. Scott's letters to William Michael after Gabriel's return from Penkill convey Scott's sincerity about this subject, and prove that William was attributing to Scott's Notes se l f i s h motives which he knew Scott did not, in 1868, hold. On November 30th, Scott asked William, "Don't you think Gabriel's beginning to take an interest in his poetry.a very good thing?" He reports that Gabriel and he had "most serious talks about the chances of his powers of painting — a matter on which I may write or speak to none but you. I tried by every means to make him revive his poetry, but apparently without effect. Now, however, he i s really doing so. Of course one trusts the defective sight i s only temporary• . .. " (Rossetti Papers, p. 372). About December 2nd, Scott again stressed his sincere concern for Gabriel's future: "The short ending to his i l l s , in the worst case, was of course often spoken of by him. But we must not think of the pos s i b i l i t y of that, even under the dire misfortune. I could not strongly dissuade him, but I feel that i t must not be thought of." He finishes his letter with a characteristic thought: "It would be a great thing to get him to be the poet again." The sincere tone of these extracts indicates that Scott was not, i n retrospect, puffing his importance to Gabriel out of proportion. The letters show that in 1868, as well as after Gabriel's death, Scott was sure i n his belief that poetry was Gabriel's forte. The important conclusion to be drawn from these comparisons i s that Scott's retrospective view, popularly characterized as bitter and envious, i s , on a l l essential matters, the same as that expressed in his letters to Alice and others, at the time of the event. Several other examples are extant. For instance, i n his Notes he described the Rossetti brothers' interest in spiritualism i n rather scornful, or at least superior, terms. This attitude i s comparable to that in a letter of October 22, 1865 to Alice, in which Scott describes a seance he had attended with Gabriel and William: "It was simply childish, and lowers my two very dear friends Wm. and D.G. immensely in my judgment." Another example of this correspondence between Scott's published and unpublished version, is his report of Gabriel's intensity over Buchanan's Contemporary Preview a r t i c l e . In his Notes Scott says that the a r t i c l e "was to him lik e a slow poison." In the following months, Scott says he was witness to "one of the greatest geniuses of the age, v i s i b l y breaking down under the paltry i n f l i c t i o n of 'an a r t i c l e ' . " Scott's dating in the Notes i s rightly corrected by William Rossetti, but unpublished letters show that the preoccupation he saw i n Gabriel was not fabricated i n retrospect. In mid-October Scott wrote excitedly to Alice about the a r t i c l e : "Nothing like i t has ever been done in criticism of late years. Gabriel pretends to be rather amused than hurt by i t , and makes rhymes without end on author and publisher. Everyone i s asking who Rob Maitland i s ... but now as you w i l l hear the mystery i s solved" (P.P., Oct, 20, 1871). A week later, Scott reports that this information has given Gabriel new purpose: "He is not only making rhymes against Buchanan, but i s inditing a pamphlet which very possibly he w i l l print despite the dissuasion of everybody." The discrepancy between Scott's published accounts and his description of the events to Alice, to whom he would have no reason to l i e , exist only in a matter of dating, and perhaps i n some extra dramatization for reader interest. The most prominent example of Scott's retrospective view being the same as his immediate point of view was made important by William Michael's outcry against i t in his Memoir. William focuses his argument against Scott writing at a l l of Rossetti, on Scott's description of a v i s i t he paid Rossetti i n late 1881. Scott described Gabriel as being i l l , depressed and asking for absolution by a priest. William anatomizes the passage from the Notes i n which Scott expresses his feeling that Gabriel tried to "wound" him. He concludes, I leave i t to the reader to judge whether the s p i r i t shown in the foregoing extract i s or i s not such as might have been expected from the author with regard to his "dearest of friends" ... who was dead long before the Autobiographical Notes were put in form for publication. Curious indeed are the lurking-places and blind corners in the heart of man. (Memoir, 367). Two letters written by Scott on October 27 and 28 probably describe the v i s i t on which this passage was based and although, no mention i s made of "The Sphinx" or of Gabriel's desire for confession, the description of Rossetti's state of mind and health i s consistent. Scott, who was prompted to v i s i t by Caine's report of Rossetti's d i r e i l l n e s s , suspected a c h l o r a l "attack." There I found him h a l f dressed, twisted up on the sofa and attended by Fanny. At f i r s t I was h o r r i -f i e d , he seemed, emaciated, and worn out, a mere wreck, p e r s p i r i n g and coughing that o l d cough ,.. [with] no r e s u l t and.no apparent cause. He protested that he was dying, that such a success as he had had with both, book and p i c t u r e , was the forerunner of death — I thought of the former time and feared h i s mind was gone again, but gradually a f t e r a long time he became very much b e t t e r . Scott v i s i t e d again the next day and read some of h i s poetry to R o s s e t t i , who wept over i t : "He never before ... expressed himself so strongly about anything, I think." Rossetti's weeping was considered by Scott as symptomatic of more than a p p r e c i a t i o n , and he r e a l i z e s that R o s s e t t i i s i n a "very nervous, shattered s t a t e . " When t a l k turned to Rossetti's poetry, and the success of "The King's Tragedy," Scott says that R o s s e t t i became "almost p a r a l y t i c , s a i d that the w r i t i n g of that had torn h i s v i t a l s out and f a i r l y broke down." T y p i c a l l y , Scott analyzes the r e a c t i o n as "anxiety and deranged s e n s i b i l i t y about the e x h i b i t i o n of h i s p i c t u r e at L i v e r p o o l , and h i s volume coming out at the same moment." Most important, t h i s l e t t e r proves that not only did Scott have encounters with G a b r i e l such as he described i n the Notes, but also that h i s immediate r e a c t i o n to the scene was consistent with h i s r e t r o s p e c t i v e report of i t . William Michael's comments on the passage by Scott suggest a " s p i r i t of d e t r a c t i o n " where very probably none was meant. The main r e v e l a t i o n i n Scott's l e t t e r s to A l i c e which proves that Scott's reputation i s i n need of r e p a i r , i s the f a c t that f o r every d i s c l o s u r e Scott made about R o s s e t t i , he kept much more back. Even the disclosures (the only r e a l l y o r i g i n a l one i s the story of Miss Losh's loan), i t has been shown, have been magnified out of proportion by Scott's d e t r a c t o r s , rather than by the writer himself. On the subject of Gabriel's women, especially Fanny, Scott could become very indignant, but in his Notes he i s always moderate or s i l e n t . His dislike of the effect marriage had on Rossetti i s obvious, but Scott does not, as William Sharp suggested, cast a slur on Elizabeth Siddal's name. He does say, however, that Rossetti's devotion to "women and flowers" i n art had the "paradoxical conclusion" of bringing other ladies beside his original "muse" into his world. This statement of Scott's i s made i n connection with his assertion that for some time i n the 1850's he f e l t a lesser affection for Rossetti. Although Scott's veiled statements identifying Fanny are flimsy evidence for assigning her a role in the cool period, his later comments about her to Alice suggest that indeed this was the case. Of course Rossetti's allegiance to Ruskin must also be allowed as an influence on their relationship at this time. Fanny became Gabriel's housekeeper in 1863, but i f Rossetti's letters for the period are a reliable indication, she did l i t t l e to ease Rossetti's mind of mundane worries. Scott, in his Notes, wryly says that she "must have had some overpowering attractions for him, although I could never see what they were." Later, i n a discussion of spiritualism, Scott probably alludes again to Fanny Cornforth. He describes the medium as "uncultivated and mentally unfurnished as the e v i l genius of D.G.R. already mentioned" (Notes, II, 81). While Scott says nothing of i t i n his Notes, he obviously associated Gabriel's "childish" interest in spiritualism with Fanny's encouragement. After his report of the "table-rapping" incident of 1865 (quoted above, p. 94), he adds a reference to Fanny: "It is a l l that three-waisted creature who makes society there intolerable." Another reference to Fanny occurs i n connection with Scott's infamous v i s i t i n 1881 to the sick Rossetti, previously discussed (above, pp. 95-96 ). During their conversation, Scott heard that Fanny had accompanied R o s s e t t i and Caine to Cumberland. Learning of William Michael's disapproval of the s i t u a t i o n , Scott expressed his.own, st i m u l a t i n g another attack of "shattered nerves" i n G a b r i e l . Fanny's h o t e l had f a i l e d , and she was again dependent on R o s s e t t i for support. Scott a s s e r t s that her presence i s "a renewal of an i n f l i c t i o n one can't r e a l l y bargain f o r . " Scott's treatment of R o s s e t t i ' s a f f a i r with Jane Morris is. likewise d i s c r e e t . That he knew of t h e i r close r e l a t i o n s h i p i s obvious from the l e t t e r s p r e v i o u s l y discussed, but h i s d e s c r i p t i o n i n the Notes of R o s s e t t i ' s stay at Kelmscott suggests nothing unconventional. Scott d i d know, however, of a more unusual over-night v i s i t by Janey to G a b r i e l . On October 23rd, 1871, Scott described a dinner at Morris' which di d not include G a b r i e l and Jane. The reason, he had heard, was that Jane was staying the night at h i s house. Four years l a t e r , hearing that G a b r i e l had q u i t Morris' f i r m , Scott exclaimed: "He had made Morris pay him out of the business the same as Brown and P.O. M a r s h a l l , and has s e t t l e d the money on Janey!!!" Because of l i b e l problems, t h i s information Scott had could probably not have been p r i n t e d . Nevertheless he had many opportunities f o r unambiguous suggestions about Gabriel's r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and, although he discerned Jane's importance to Gabriel's s t a t e of mind, Scott chose not to use h i s knowledge. ' The most important example of Scott's r e s t r a i n t on a v i t a l subject i s evident i n the unpublished material about Rossetti's mental breakdown i n 1872.- When G a b r i e l was taken north to Urrard i n Scotland, he was accompanied by George Hake, Brown and Dunn. Just as they were to leave f o r Stobhall i n Scotland, Brown f e l t i t necessary to return home and Scott was asked to replace him. He j o i n e d the party i n the l a s t week of June probably on the 25th. A packet of 72 l e t t e r s w r i t t e n to and by William B e l l Scott (in the P e n k i l l C o l l e c t i o n ) cover a period from e a r l y June u n t i l autumn of 1872. Many of these l e t t e r s are d i r e c t reports by Scott to h i s trusted f r i e n d A l i c e , and they prove Scott's immediate involvement with Gabriel's breakdown. On June 8th Scott wrote a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of Rossetti's state of mind, for h i s paranoia was manifested i n an intense d e s i r e to leave town. Scott's opinions are s p e c i f i c : At f i r s t h i s disease was wounded egotism and monomania about the pamphlet and i t s author, by and by h i s constant cry was that he could not f i g h t , he had no manhood and would have to die i n shame ... His next delusion, because we a l l saw that he was s u f f e r i n g under delusions, even p h y s i c a l delusions ... was that a conspiracy was formed to crush him. Browning's new book came with an a f f e c t i o n a t e word from Browning i n the f r o n t of i t , and G a b r i e l ... soon began to f i n d a l l u s i o n s to himself i n i t , and then Browning was h i s greatest enemy .. The next step was d e c i s i v e , he declared the walls to be mined and perforated by s p i e s , and that a l l he d i d and s a i d was known to the conspira-t o r s . Scott notes that William Michael had known the seriousness of Gabriel's condition f o r some time. On the counsel of h i s doctors, R o s s e t t i was taken to Roehampton, the home of Dr. Hake. Scott's f i n a l words i n h i s l e t t e r to A l i c e on the matter prove that he had no i n t e n t i o n of exposing h i s f r i e n d : " l e t us hope he w i l l gradually become r i g h t again, and then we w i l l a l l have to be very c a r e f u l of the world knowing anything about i t . " He wrote again Monday morning with news of Gabriel's outburst at some passersby i n Roehampton. There follows a d e s c r i p t i o n of a deep sleep i n t o which G a b r i e l had gone. Scott does not seem disturbed, or perhaps i s t r y i n g not to alarm A l i c e , although he does say that R o s s e t t i women were summoned by William. Perhaps h i s a s s e r t i o n that he f e e l s "so queer and shaky" i s meant as a sign to A l i c e of how deeply he was worried. On June 12th he writes of being the previous evening at Roehampton. G a b r i e l had q u i t e recovered from "the lethargy which a l l the doctors thought was s u f f u s i o n of the b r a i n . " However, a l l i s not well, for now "his delusions are more dreadful than ever." William Michael, Scott records, was "desponding as to the result" for he had the burden of Gabriel's precarious financial situation heavy on his shoulders. On Thursday, June 13th, Scott writes of "a break i n the cloud, which I hope may be the beginning of better times." Two days before, he had visited Roehampton with Dunn, to have a most unhappy discussion with William. His account of his brother was "that of a maniac with so many and such dreadful delusions that there seemed nothing for i t but to send him to an asylum." On the day when the crucial step was to be decided, Brown suggested that he take Gabriel to Cheyne Walk, as an experiment. The attempt seems to have had a good effect, for Scott, on v i s i t i n g that evening, f e l t Rossetti's delusions were less serious. He has highest praise for Brown's independence of view, and for his determination to keep Gabriel away from an asylum. Scott, finding Gabriel improved, hopes that they have a l l been too much excited by "the dreadful a f f a i r . " For i n the next two days Scott is able to describe improvement in Gabriel, evidence of his loyal v i s i t s to Cheyne Walk. A letter of June 17th makes certain Scott's knowledge of, involvement i n , and certainty about Jane Morris' effect on Rossetti's mind. On Friday the 14th, Jane was brought to see Gabriel by "her more than amiable husband," and.the v i s i t threw Rossetti into a "miserable state for a while," as Scott assumed i t would. He says, however, that Gabriel has alluded very l i t t l e to "Mrs. M." during the past two weeks, but seems to "revert to the ancient Fanny" who has been a constant v i s i t o r . Scott t e l l s of a v i s i t he paid Jane the previous Thursday to inform her of Rossetti's illness. He found her "not discomposed by my intelligence which was very p a r t i a l l y indicative of the state of things." This v i s i t was to give peace of mind to Gabriel who, the next morning, took Scott aside to show him a note from Jane, which he had decided was a forgery. She had merely asked him to v i s i t her on his way to the country. Scott reports that Gabriel's seeming lack of concern about Jane "has subsided ... our anticipation and fears, about her rushing out to Roehampton or to Chelsea, and about his derangement being incurred by thinking of her." On the 20th of June, Gabriel, accompanied by Brown, George Hake, and the servant Allan, travelled North to Urrard House, in Perthshire, Scotland. Brown wrote Scott to relieve him, and Scott was to arrive on Tuesday, the 25th, but a letter of July 1st says that he was spending his third day there. At this time, his view was pessimistic, and he was fearful that in the end Brown's idea might not have been best. Rossetti s t i l l suffered the delusion about a conspiracy, although he concealed i t better. Scott specifies that " A l l the birds even on the trees are v i l l a i n s making catcalls." Rossetti was also becoming belligerent about the need for whiskey-induced sleep. When Scott tried to restrain him, "the scene of fury was too painful to have repeated." On the 4th Scott reports his opinion, seconded by George Hake, that Gabriel did not seem more composed. The false mental impressions are more confirmed and Gabriel seems preoccupied: "thinking on them within himself and listening to imaginary sounds." He had confided to Scott, seeking his agreement, that the walls were hollowed and contained people who heard through the holes made for curtain hooks. Scott prepared to leave Stobhall for Penkill by mid-July, and on the 14th, George Hake wrote William that Scott had l e f t . Having done his part, Scott was kept closely informed of Rossetti's gradual, improvement, and the letters continue after the group's next move to Trowan, Crieff. There i s much that is painful and even sensational in these very specific letters of 1872. But i n his Notes, Scott merely says, "his delusions had a fascination, like his personality" (Notes, II, 174). Considering what he did know about Rossetti's mental state, Scott's concentration in his Notes on the effect of Buchanan's a r t i c l e could be interpreted as an attempt to decoy the reader from more l u r i d suppositions about Rossetti's anxieties. ~* In writing of the sad period in their l i v e s , Scott seems purposely to underplay Rossetti's illness by emphasizing his "amazing bodily power of recovery." Furthermore he presents the Stobhall v i s i t as interesting for the architectural information he was able to gather, totally minimizing the more sensational reason for his v i s i t . It is important to note also that Rossetti's delusions continued into later l i f e , and that Scott, as a v i s i t o r to 16 Cheyne Walk, saw proof that Gabriel never quite recovered from feelings of insecurity. Certainly one cannot hope to present Scott as a totally benevolent man whose reputation, by some horrible mistake, has been ruined. He was known to be harsh and cutting to his acquaintances, and he did tend toward an ironic view of l i f e which does not easily tolerate i l l u s i o n s . But i n his Notes he does not mislead the reader. His point of view i s clearly established, as is his disavowal of chronological accuracy. In his sections on Rossetti, Scott does not write as a man with the same intentions as his subject. He is always twenty years older than Rossetti, with that perspective on events working for him. In some passages, Scott i s the survivor, writing about a man who can no longer change. But he i s always writing about himself, and about his perception of Rossetti in his biographical passages. His Notes are reminiscences, not history, and are throughout informed by the consciousness of the writer. This survey has shown that much of the criticism of Scott's writing about Rossetti i s baseless. For this reason, and because Scott's Notes f u l f i l l the purpose for which they are intended, Scott deserves a place of respect among the associates of the Pre-Raphaelites. FOOTNOTES CHAPTER 4 ^William Rossetti's challenge of Scott's chronology has been noted. It occurs in Memoir I, 19. 2 William Rossetti recounts that on the day of Elizabeth's funeral Dante Gabriel "unwitnessed deposited the MSt . in the coffin. He then joined his friends, and informed Madox Brown of what he had done ... Rossetti thus not only renounced any early or definite hopes of poetic fame, which had always been a ruling passion with him, but he also abandoned a project already d i s t i n c t l y formulated and notified." (Memoir I, 225) Of the disinterment of the MS" on 10 October, 1869, William Rossetti says "For some while past some friends had urged Rossetti to recover, the M.S. buried in his wife's coffin, and thus to obtain possession not only of copies of several poems completer than the copies ... which were already in his hands, but also of some compositions of which he retained no example whatever." (Memoir I, 247) 3 W.E. Fredeman, in a recent monograph, discusses the impact of the "Fleshly School of Poetry" on Rossetti's mental health. He finds a direct relationship between the second, pamphlet publication of this piece, and the increase i n Rossetti's paranoia. "Prelude to the Last Decade: Dante Gabriel Rossetti and the Summer of 1892." (Manchester: Bulletin of John Ryland's Library, Vol. 53, Autumn 1970) p. 75-121. 4 In 1874, Shields married his model, Mathilda Booth, who was then aged 16. Ernestine M i l l s , in her Life and Letters of Frederic Shields, (London: Longmans, 1912) p. 165, suggests that Shields was influenced to marry the g i r l through the pressure of propriety-conscious people rather than by his own, strong desire to do so. Rossetti may have been drawing this p a r a l l e l . See Fredeman'smonograph noted above. UNPUBLISHED MATERIAL MANUSCRIPT LETTERS IN THE PENKILL PAPERS, U.B.C. PI 74 l e t t e r s r e f e r r i n g to D.G. Rossetti's i l l n e s s i n c l u d i n g 21 from W.B. Scott to A. Boyd 12 from A. Boyd to W.B. Scott P2-59 ~ P2-84 548 l e t t e r s from William B e l l Scott to A l i c e Boyd P3-73 — P3-82 43 l e t t e r s from A l i c e Boyd to William B e l l Scott P-7 19 l e t t e r s from various correspondents to A. Boyd and W.B. Scott P9-85 89 • - ' 6 l e t t e r s from William Minto to A. Boyd and W.B. Scott P9-90 — 93 112 l e t t e r s from W. Minto to A. Boyd P-.ll 3 l e t t e r s from A. Boyd to W. Minto MANUSCRIPT LETTERS IN ANGELI PAPERS, U.B.C. A - l (Angeli Papers) 63 l e t t e r s concerning D.G. Rossetti's i l l n e s s (mainly w r i t t e n to W.M. R o s s e t t i , 1872) A-112 36 l e t t e r s to D.G. R o s s e t t i from W.B. Scott (29), A. Boyd (6), Miss Losh (1) MANUSCRIPT MATERIAL OTHER THAN LETTERS The Day D i a r i e s of William B e l l Scott. The Day D i a r i e s of A l i c e Boyd. The W i l l of William B e l l Scott 2nd J u l y , 1890 P e n k i l l Castle. "Chronological Memoir of W.B.S." 2 pages. Another memoir headed "W.B.S." 3 pages. "Criticisms cut from Newspapers on my Pictures and Publications Collected occasionally and pasted into this book October 1861 William Bell Scott". A scrapbook of clippings which has entries u n t i l 1882. Mutilated journal which i s a continuation of another begun two years earlier. Fly-leaf reads "William Bell Scott Newcastle-Tyne 1 March 1847". The journal contains entries u n t i l 1854. "Note Book on Passing Incidents 13th August 1878 to Apri l 16th 1879". Pages from the MS of the Autobiographical Notes. "The PRB Journal" kept by William Michael Rossetti 15 May 1849 to 21 August 1849. 1 Scrapbook of Reviews of the Autobiographical Notes kept by William Minto. Smith, K.H., "A Biographical and C r i t i c a l Study of William Bell Scott," Unpub. diss., University of Durham, 1952. Contains a bibliography of Scott's work. CHRONOLOGICAL l i s t of works by William Scott (Parentheses indicate works which cannot be reliably documented) Scott, William B e l l . (Set of etchings of Loch Katrine and the Trossacks 1830?). "To the Memory of Percy Bysshe Shelley" Tait's Edinburgh Magazine. 1831. The Edinburgh University Souvenir.Scott and Shand were chief contributors. Edinburgh: Dunlop, 1835. Hades; or, the Transit: And the Progress of Mind. Two Poems. Edinburgh: Last, 1838. "Rosabell" Monthly Repository, 1838. The Year of the World: A Philosophical Poem on "Redemption from the F a l l . " Edinburgh: Tait, 1846. (Paper on art i n Monthly Repository before 1848. Referred to by Rossetti i n making f i r s t contact.) Memoir of David Scott, R.S.A. Containing His Journals in Italy; Notes on Art, and Other Papers. Edinburgh: Black, 1850. "Morning Sleep," Art and Poetry: Being Thoughts towards Nature [The Germ]. February 1850. "Early Aspirations" Art and Poetry: Being Thoughts towards Nature [The Germ]. March 1850. Antiquarian Gleanings in the North of England, being Examples of Antique Furniture, Plate, Church decorations. London: George Be l l , [1851]. Chorea Sancti V i t i ; or Steps in the^ Journey of Prince Legion. London: George B e l l , 1851. Poems [by a Painter]. London: Smith Elder, 1854. Scott, W.B. Half-Hour Lectures on the History and Practice of the Fine and Ornamental Arts. London: Longmans and Roberts, 1861. i(evised in 1867 and 1874. Mural Paintings. Chevy Chase at Sir W.C. Trevelyan, Bart's Wallington, Northumberland. The King's Quair at Penkill Castle,  Aryshire. Sessional Papers of the Royal Institute of British  Architects, XVII 1867-1868) 31-46 85-93. "Anthony" Fortnightly Review No. xiX N e w Series July 1, 1868. Albert Purer: His Lif e and Works. London: Longmans, Green, 1869. Scott, W, [letter about Ebenezer Jones!] Notes and Queries. 4th Series, V March 1870. "The Art Season of 1871" Fraser's Magazine August 1871. Gems of French Art. London: Routledge, 1871. "Ornamental Art in England." Fortnightly Review, October 1, 1871. "Report on Miscellaneous Art." O f f i c i a l Reports on the Various Sections of the London International Exhibition, 1871. ed. by Lord Houghton. (Modern Belgian Art. 1872?) [DNB] The British School of Sculpture Illustrated by Twenty Engravings ... and F i f t y Woodcuts. London: Virtue, 1872. Our British Landscape Painters from Samuel Scott to David Cox. London: Virtue, 1872. (Book on modern German Art, 1873) [DNB]* Murillo and the Spanish School of Painting. London: Routledge, 1873. The Poetical Works of John Keats. London: Routledge, 1873. The Poetical Works of L e t i t i a Elizabeth Landon. ed. with Memoir and Illustrations. London: Routledge, 1873. 4. The Complete Poetical Works of Lord Byron, with a Memoir. London: Routledge, 1874 The Poetical Works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, ed. with Memoir and Illustrations. London: Routledge, 1874. Scott, W. The Poetical Works of Percy Bysshe Shelley, ed. with Memoir and Illustrations. London: Routledge, 1874. [Review of Letters on Landscape Art by St. John TyrwhittTj The Examiner Jan. 2, 1875. (Edition of Shakespeare's Works,.1875?) [DNB]. [contributor.][ The F a l l of Man by Albert Altdorfe. Facsimile Reprint by the Holbein Society. Introduction by Scott. London, 1876. (Poetical Works of Sir Walter Scott. 1877) [DNB]. William Blake: Etchings from his Works.: London: Chatto and Windus, 1878. ; "A Portfolio of Ancient Engravings." Fraser's Magazine XIX February to March, 1879. — The L i t t l e Masters v x '. i n "Series of Illustrated Biographies of the Great A r t i s t s . " London: Sampson Low, Marston, 1879. 1 \, The Art of Engraving on Copper and Wood from the Florentine Niello Workers of the Fifteenth Century to that of William Blake. (1879?) (Pictures by Venetian Painters. London: Virtue, 187?) (Pictures by the I t a l i a n Masters, Greater and Lesser. London: Virt u e Spalding, 187?), A Poet's Harvest Home: Being One Hundred Short Poems. London: Stock, 1882. /Letter about the relationship of Rossetti's "Found" and Scott's "Rosabell".J Athenaeum Jan. 27, 1883. [Letter on some lines in Newman's hymn "Lead Kindly Light".J Notes and Queries 6th Series, vol. 11, July 17, 1886. Scott, W. Illustrations to the King's Quair of King James 1 of Scotland. Painted on the Staircase of Penkill Castle, Ayrshire, by William  Bell Scott. June 1865 to August 1868. Etched by him in 1885. Edinburgh: Privately printed by T. & A. Constable, 1887. Autobiographical Notes of the Life of William Bell Scott With Notices of His A r t i s t i c and Poetic Circle of Friends, 1830-1882. edited by W. Minto. 2 vols. London: Osgood, 1892. A Poet's Harvest Home: Being One Hundred Short Poems. With an Aftermath of Twenty Short Poems. London: Elkin Mathews, 1893. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CITED Books Angeli, Helen Madox Rossetti. Dante Gabriel Rossetti; His Friends and  Enemies. London: Hamish Hamilton, 1949. Bate, Percy H. The English Pre-Raphaelite Painters Their Associates and  Successors. London: Be l l , 1899. Benson, Arthur, C. Rossetti English men of letters series. London: MacMillan, 1904. Broers, Bernarda. Mysticism i n the Neo-Romantics. "William Bell Scott." Amsterdam: Paris, 1923. Caine, Thomas Hall. My Story. New York: Appleton, 1909. Recollections of Dante Gabriel Rossetti. London: Stock, 1882. Charlesworth, Barbara. Dark passages The Decadent Consciousness in  Victorian Literature. Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin, 1965. Charteris, Evan. Life and Letters of Sir Edmund Gosse. London: Heinemann, 1931. Doughty, Oswald. The Letters of Dante Gabriel Rossetti to his Publisher, F.S. E l l i s . London: Scholartis, 1928. A Victorian Romantic: Dante Gabriel Rossetti. London: Muller, 1949. Evans, B. Ifor. English Poetry i n the Later Nineteenth Century. London: Methuen, 1933. 2nd. ed. 1966. Fredeman, William E. "Christina Rossetti" Review. Victorian Studies VIII, 71-73. Pre-Raphaelitism; A B i b l i o - c r i t i c a l Study. Cambridge: Harvard, 1965. Gaunt, William. The Pre-Raphaelite Tragedy. London: Cape, 1942. Gere, John and Robin Ironside, eds. The Pre-Raphaelite Painters. London: Phaidon, 1948. Hake, Thomas and A. Compton Rickett. The Life and Letters of Theodore  Watts-Dunton. 2 vols. London: Jack, 1916. Hake, Thomas, G. Memoirs of Eighty Years. London: Bentley, 1892. Hueffer, Ford Madox. Ford Madox Brown: A Record of his Life and Work. London: Longmans, 1896. Rossetti: A C r i t i c a l Essay on His Art. London: Longmans, 1896? ' Hunt, Violet. The Wife of Rossetti: Her Life and Death. London: Lane, 1932. Hunt, William Holman. Pre-Raphaelitism and the Pre-Raphaelite Brother-hood . 2 vols. London: MacMillan, 1905-6. Knight, Joseph. Li f e of Dante Gabriel Rossetti. London: Scott, 1887. Knight, William. Some Nineteenth Century Scotsmen. "William Minto." p. 341-350. Edinburgh: Oliphant , 1903. Maas, Jeremy. Victorian Painters. London: Barrie and Rockliff, 1969. M a r i l l i e r , H.C. Dante Gabriel Rossetti. London: Geo. Bell, 1904. Megroz, R.L. Dante Gabriel Rossetti: Painter Poet of Heaven in Earth. London: Faber, 1928. Miles, Alfred, H. ed. The Poets and the Poetry of the Century, vol. IV "William Bell Scott" by Joseph Knight. London: Hutchinson, [1891-1897]. , M i l l s , Ernestine ed. Life and Letters of Frederic J. Shields. London: Longmans, 1912. Packer, Lona Mosk. Christina Rossetti. Berkeley: Univ. of California, 1963. Pedrick, Gale. Li f e with Rossetti, or No Peacocks Allowed. London: Macdonald, 1964. Rhys, Ernest Everyman Remembers. New York: Cosmopolitan, 1931. Rossetti, Dante Gabriel. Letters of Dante Gabriel Rossetti. ed. by Oswald Doughty and J.R. Wahl. 4 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1965-67. Rossetti William Michael. Dante Gabriel Rossetti as Designer and Writer. London: Cassell, 1889. Dante Gabriel Rossetti: His Family Letters with a Memoir. 2 vols. London: E l l i s and Elvey, 1895. "The PRB Journal." Pre-Raphaelite Diaries and Letters. London: Hurst and Blackett, 1900. ed. Rossetti Papers 1862 to 1870. London: Sands, 1903. ed. Ruskin: Rossetti: Pre-Raphaelitism Papers 1854 to 1862. London: Allen, 1899. Rossetti, William Michael. Some Reminiscences. 2 vols. New York: Scribner Sons, 1906. Sharp, William. Dante Gabriel Rossetti: A Record and a Study. London: MacMillan, 1882. Sonstroem, David. Rossetti and the Fair Lady. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan • Univ. Press, 1970. Swinburne, Algernon Charles. The Swinburne Letters, ed. Cecil Lang 6 vols. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1959. Tirebuck, W.E. Dante Gabriel Rossetti, His Work and Influence: Including  a Brief Survey of Present Art Tendencies. London: Stock, 1882. Troxell, Janet Camp. Three Rossettis Unpublished Letters to and from  Dante Gabriel, Christina, William. Cambridge: Harvard, 1937. Waugh, Evelyn. Rossetti: His Life and Work. New York: Dodd and Mead, 1928. Welby, T. Earle. The Victorian Romantics 1850-70. London: Howe, 1929. Weygandt, Cornelius. "The Victorian Minors." The Time of Tennyson London: Appleton-Century, 1936. Winwar, Frances. Poor Splendid Wings [The Rossettis and Their Circle.] Boston: L i t t l e Brown, 1933. Periodical Ar t i c l e s : General Fredeman, William E. "A Pre-Raphaelite Gazette: The Penkill Letters of Arthur Hughes to William Bell Scott and Alice Boyd: 1886-97." Manchester: John Rylands, 1967. "Prelude to the Last Decade: Dante Gabriel Rossetti and the Summer of 1872" Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, vol. 53, Autumn 1970, 75-121. [Part I; Part II w i l l appear in Spring 1971.] The Germ: Thoughts towards Nature in Poetry, Literature, and Art. January to A p r i l 1850. Gosse, Edmund. "Dante Gabriel Rossetti" Century Magazine. XXIV (Sept. 1882) 718-725. Maitland, Thomas. [Robert Buchanan pseud.] "The Fleshly School of Poetry Mr. D.G. Rossetti." Contemporary Review XVIII (Oct. 1871) 334-350. Reprinted in pamphlet form, The Fleshly School o f Poetry  and Other Phenomena of the Day. London: Strahan, 1872. The Oxford and Cambridge Magazine for 1856: Conducted by Members of  the Two Universities, ed. Wm. Fulford. Oxford: Numbers 1-12, Jan.-Dec. 1856. Rossetti, William Michael "Notes on Rossetti and His Works." Art  Journal. XLVI (May-June 1884). Watts, Theodore, "Mr. D.G. Rossetti." Athenaeum.no. 2842 (April 15, 1882) 480-82. "The Truth about Rossetti." Nineteenth Century. XIII (March 1883) 404-423. Periodical Articles Relating to the Controversy Anonymous. Review. London Times. Nov. 17, 1892. "Life History of William Bell Scott." Birmingham Gazette. Nov. 18, 1892. "William Bell Scott." Glasgow Herald. Nov. 21 *92. "Tantaine Animus Caelestis Irae?" PallMall Gazette. Dec. 6, '92. Saturday Review. Dec. 10, 1892. Review Weekly Dispatch. Dec. 18, 1892. "William Bell Scott." Times. Dec. 28, 1892. "William Bell Scott." Morning Post. Dec. 28, 1892. Anonymous " A r t i s t s and Their L i v e s , " Black and White. Jan. 7 '93. "William B e l l Scott." C r i t i c Jan. 14 '93. Review. Speed's L i t e r a r y Notes. Jan. 19 '93. "English Bards and Scots Reviewings." Speaker Jan. 21 '93. "G." "The Tragedy of Genius." Sunday Sun. Nov. 20 '92. Le Gallienne, Richard. "William B e l l Scott." London Star. Nov. 24 '92. Minto, William. Correspondence. Academy. Dec. 3 '92. Correspondence, Academy. Dec. 31 '92. J.A.N. " B e l l Scott and R o s s e t t i . " D a i l y Chronicle. .Jan. 12 '93. (almost c e r t a i n l y John Ashcroft Noble.) R o s s e t t i , William Michael. Correspondence. Academy. Dec. 24 '92. Sharp, William. Review. Academy. Dec. 3 '92. Skelton, John. "Dante R o s s e t t i and Mr. W.B. Scott." Blackwood's; Feb. 1893. Swinburne, A.C. "The New Terror." F o r t n i g h t l y Review Dec. 1 '92. (LVII 830-33). Correspondence. Academy. Dec. 24 '92. Tin t o , D. Review. Figaro. Jan. 19 '93. Watts, Theodore. Review. Athenaeum. Jan. 28 '93. (no. 3405 113-5). RELATED BACKGROUND MATERIAL AND REFERENCE WORKS B[ayne], Rfonald]. "Scott, William B e l l . " Dictionary of National Biography. XVII p. 1052. Bryan's Dictionary of Painters and Engravers. "Scott, William B e l l . " Vol. V p. 58. London: G. Be l l , 1921. Graves, Algernon. Dictionary of Artists from 1700 to 1893. London: Graves, 1895. Hunt, John Dixon. The Pre-Raphaelite Imagination 1848-1900. London: Routledge and Regan Paul, 1968. Hough, Graham. The Last Romantics. London: Duckworth, 1949. Morris, William. The Letters of William Morris, ed. Philip Henderson New York: Longmans, ,. 1950. Packer, Lona Mosk. "Christina Rossetti and Alice Boyd of Penkill Castle. TLS (June 26, 1959) p. 389. Purves, John. "Dante Gabriel Rossetti: Letters to Miss Alice Boyd." Fortnightly Review. (May 1928). Skelton, John. The Table-Talk of Shirley. London: Blackwood, 1895. Welland, D.S.R. The Pre-Raphaelites in Literature and Art. London: Harrap, 1953. 

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